By SAMUEL SMILES. HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS. The Huguenots : their Settlements, Churches, and Industries in England and Ireland. By Samuel Smiles. With an Ap- pendix relating to the Huguenots in America. Crown 8vo, Cloth, $2 GO. THE HUGUENOTS AFTER THE REVOCATION. The Huguenots in France after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes : with a Visit to the country of the Vaudois. By Samuel Smiles. Crown 8vo, Cloth, $2 00. LIFE OF THE STEPHENSONS. The Life of George Stephenson, and of his Son Robert Ste- phenson ; comprising, also, a History of the Invention and In- troduction of the Railway Locomotive. By Samuel Smiles. With Portraits and numerous Illustrations. 8vo, Cloth, $3 00. SELF-HELP. Self-Help ; with Illustrations of Character and Conduct. By Samuel Smiles. i2mo. Cloth, $1 25. CHARACTER. Character. By Samuel Smiles. i2mo. Cloth, $1 50. ROUND THE WORLD. Round the World ; including a Residence in Victoria, and a Journey by Rail across North America. By a Boy. Edited by Samuel Smiles. With Illustrations. i2mo. Cloth, $1 50. Published by HARPER & BROTHERS, New York. Harper & Brothers wi/l send aity of the above works hy mail, postage prepaid, to any part of the United States, on receipt of the price. THE HUGUENOTS IN FRANCE AFTER THE REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES : WITH A VISIT TO THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. BY SAMUEL SMILES, Auxnon OF "the nuGUENOTS : tueie settlements, cnuEcuES, and ixdustbies en england and ireland," " self-help," "chakactee," "life of tue stephensons," etc. "Plus a me f rapper on s'amuse, Tant plus de marteaux ou y use." Tu^odoee de Beze. "They maintained their faith in the noble way of persecution, and served God in the fire, whereas we honour him in the sunshine," SiE TuoiiAS Beowne. NEW YORK: HAEPEE & BROTHEES, PUBLISHEES, FEANKLIN SQUAB E. 18 7 4. \\ .^ ^'^'' -^' ,o; ^ . -^ f^ r n -f/ r. ,; PREFACE. OIX years since, I published a book entitled The ^ Huguenots : their Settlements, Churches, and In- dustries, in England and Ireland. Its object was to give an account of tbe causes wbicb led to tbe large migrations of foreign Protestants from Flanders and France into England, and to describe their effects upon English industry as well as English history. It was necessary to give a brief resume of the his- tory of the Reformation in France down to the dis- persion of the Huguenots, and the suppression of the Protestant religion by Louis XIY. under the terms of the Peyocation of the Edict of Nantes. Under that Act, the profession of Protestantism was proclaimed to be illegal, and subject to the severest penalties. Hence, many of the French Protestants who refused to be *' converted," and had the means of emigrating, were under the necessity of leaving France and endeavouring to find personal freedom and religious liberty elsewhere. The refugees found protection in various countries. The principal portion of the emigrants from Languedoc vi PREFACE. aud tlie south.- eastern proYinces of France crossed tlie frontier into Switzerland, and settled there, or after- wards proceeded into the states of Prussia, Holland, and Denmark, as well as into England and Ireland. The chief number of emigrants from the northern and western seaboard provinces of France, emigrated directly into England, Ireland, America, and the Cape of Good Hope. In my previous work, I en- deavoured to give as accurate a description as was possible of the emigrants who settled in England and Ireland, to which the American editor of the work (the Hon. G. P. Disosway) has added an ac- count of those who settled in the United States of America. But besides the Huguenots who contrived to escape from France during the dragonnades which preceded and the persecutions which followed the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, there was still a very large number of Huguenots remaining in France who had not the means wherewith to fly from their country. These were the poorer people, the peasants, the small farmers, the small manufacturers, many of whom were spoiled of their goods for the very purpose of preventing them from emigrating. They were consequently under the necessity of remaining in their native country, whether they changed their religion by force or not. It is to give an account of these people, as a supple- ment to my former book, that the present work is written. It is impossible to fix precisely the number of the PREFACE. vii Huguenots who left France to avoid the cruelties of Louis Xiy., as well as of those who perforce remained to endure them. It shakes one's faith in history to observe the contradictory statements published with regard to French political or religious facts, even of recent date. A general impression has long prevailecl that there was a Massacre of St. Bartholomew in Paris in the year 1572 ; but even that has recently been denied, or softened down into a mere political squabble. It is not, however, possible to deny the fact that there was a Revocation of the Edict of IN'antes in 1685, though it has been vindicated as a noble act of legislation, worthy even of the reputation and character of Louis the Great. ISTo two writers agree as to the number of French citizens who were driven from their country by the Eevocation. A learned Roman Catholic, Mr. Charles Butler, states that only 50,000 persons " retired" from France ; whereas M. Capefigue, equally opposed to the Reformation, who consulted the population tables of the period (although the intendants made their returns as small as possible in order to avoid the reproach of negligence), calculates the emigration at 230,000 souls, namely, 1,580 ministers, 2,300 elders, 15,000 gentle- men, the remainder consisting almost entirely of traders and artisans. These returns, quoted by M. Capefigue, were made only a few years after the Revocation, although the emigration continued without intermission for many years later. M. Charles Coquerel says that whatever vili PREFACE. liorror may be felt for the Massacre of St. Bartliolomew of 1572, tlie persecutions wHcli preceded and followed tlie Act of Revocation in 1685, *'kept France under a perpetual St. Bartliolomew for about sixty years." Durino" tbat time it is believed tbat more tban 1,000,000 Frencbmen either left the kingdom, or were killed, imprisoned, or sent to the galleys in their eJBPorts to escape. The Intendant of Sainton ge, a King's officer, not likely to exaggerate the number of emigrants, reported in 1698, long before the emigration had ceased, that his province had lost 100,000 Eeformers. Languedoc suffered far more ; whilst Boulainvilliers reports that besides the emigrants who succeeded in making their escape, the province lost not fewer than 100,000 persons by premature death, the sword, strangulation, and the wheel. The number of French emigrants who resorted to England may be inferred from the fact that at the beginning of last century there were not fewer than thirty-five French Protestant churches in London alone, at a time when the population of the metropolis was not one-fourth of what it is now ; while there were other large French .settlements at Canterburj^, Norwich, Southampton, Bristol, Exeter, &c., as well as at Dublin, Lisburn, Portarlington, and other toTVTis in Ireland. Then, with respect to the much larger number of Protestants who remained in France after the Revoca- tion of the Edict of JSTantes, there is the same difference PREFACE. ix of opinion. A deputation of Huguenot pastors and elders, wlio waited upon tlie Due de Noailles in 1682, informed him that there were then 1,800,000 Protestant families in France. Thirty years after that date, Louis XIY. proclaimed that there were no Protestants whatever in France ; that Protestantism had been entirely suppressed, and that any one found professing that faith must be considered as a " relapsed heretic," and sentenced to imprisonment, the galleys, or the other punishments to which Protestants were then subject. After an interval of about seventy-five years, during which Protestantism (though suppressed by the law) contrived to lead a sort of underground life — the Protestants meeting by night, and sometimes by day, in caves, valleys, moors, woods, old quarries, hollow beds of rivers, or, as they themselves called it, ''in the Desert " — they at length contrived to lift their heads into the light of day, and then Pabaut St. Etienne stood up in the Constituent Assembly at Paris, in 1787, and claimed the rights of his Protestant fellow- countrymen — the rights of " 2,000,000 useful citizens." Louis XVI. granted them an Edict of Tolerance, about a hundred years after Louis XIY. had revoked the Edict of Nantes ; but the measure proved too late for the King, and too late for France, which had already been sacrificed to the intolerance of Louis XIY. and his Jesuit advisers. After all the sufferings of France — after the cruelties to which her people have been subjected by X PREFACE. the tyranny of her monarchs and the intolerance of her priests, — it is doubtful whether she has yet learnt wisdom from her experience and trials. France was brought to ruin a century ago by the Jesuits who held the entire education of the country in their hands. They have again recovered their ground, and the Con- greganistes are now what the Jesuits were before. The Sans-Cullotes of 1793 were the pupils of the priests ; so were the Communists of 1871.* M. Edgar Quinet has recently said to his countrymen : *' The Jesuitical and clerical spirit which has sneaked in among you and all your affairs has ruined you. It has corrupted the spring of life ; it has delivered j^ou over to the enemy ... Is this to last for ever ? For heaven's sake spare us at least the sight of a Jesuits' He- public as the coronation of our century." In the midst of these prophecies of ruin, we have M. Yeuillot frankly avowing his Ultramontane policy in the Unircrs. He is quite willing to go back to the old burnings, hangings, and quarterings, to prevent any freedom of opinion about religious matters. "For my part," he says, " I frankly avow my regret not only that John Huss was not burnt sooner, but that Luther was not burnt too. And I regret further that there has not been some prince sufficiently pious and politic to have made a crusade against the Protestants." M. Yeuillot is perhaps entitled to some respect for boldly speaking out what he means and thinks * M. Simiot's speech before the National Assembly, .16th March, 1873 PREFACE, xi Tliere are many amongst ourselves wlio mean the same tiling, without having the courage to say so — who hate the Heformation quite as much as M. Veuillot does, and would like to see the principles of free examination and individual liberty torn up root and branch. With respect to the proposed crusade against Protestantism, it will be seen from the following work what the '* pious and politic" Louis XIY. attempted, and how very inefficient his measures eventually proved in putting down Protestantism, or in extending Catholi- cism. Louis XIY. found it easier to make martyrs than apostates ; and discovered that hanging, banish- ment, the galleys, and the sword were not amongst the most successful of '* converters." The history of the Huguenots during the time of their submergence as an "underground church." is scarcely treated in the general histories of Prance. Courtly writers blot them out of history as Louis XIY. desired to blot them out of France. Most histories of France published in England contain little notice of them. Those who desire to pursue the subject further, will obtain abundant information, more particularly from the following works : — Elie Bkxoit : Hisioire de VEdit de Nantes. Charles Coqueeel : Histoire des Eglises du Desert. Napoleon Peyrat : Histoire des Fasteurs de Desert. Antoine Court : Histoire des Troubles de Cevennes. Edmund Hughes : Histoire de la Restauration du Frotestantisme en France au xviii*. Siecle. A. Bonnemere : Histoire des Camisardes. Adolphe Michel : Louvois et Les Frotestantes. Athanase Coquerel Fils : Les Formats pour La Foi, ^c, ^-c. xii PREFACE. It remains to be added tliat part of this work — yiz., the '' Wars of the Camisards/' and the '' Journey in the Country of the Yaudois " — originally appeared in Good Words. S. S, LoxDON, October, 1873. •^o> ,/,-; CONTENTS. THE HUGUENOTS IN FRANCE AFTER THE REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. CHAPTER I. KEVOCATION OF THE EDICT OP XANTES ... II. EFFECTS OF THE REYOCATIOX — CHURCH IX THE DESERT III. CLAUDE BROUSSON, THE HUGUEXOT ADVOCATE IV. CLAUDE BROUSSOX, PASTOR AXD MARTYR V. OUTBREAK. IN LANGUEDOC VI. INSURRECTIOX OF THE CAMISARDS Vir. EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER . VIII. EXD OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION IX. GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH . X. ANTOIXE COURT .... XI. EEORGANIZATIOX OF THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT XII. THE CHURCH IX IHE DESERT — PAUL RABAUT XIII. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS THE FREXCH REVOLUTIOX PAGE 1 . 12 . 30 . 50 . 75 . 99 . 130 . 166 . 190 . 205 . 218 . 235 . 253 A VISIT TO THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. 1. INTRODUCTORY— EARLY PERSECUTIOXS OF THE VAUDOIS . 287 II. THE VALLEY OF THE ROMANCHE — BRIAX9ON . . . 305 III. VAL LOUISE — HISTORY OF FELIX XEFP .... 324 IV. THE VAUDOIS MOUXTAIN-REFUGE OF DORMILHOUfE . .341 Y. GUILLESTRE AND THE VALLEY OF QUEYRAS . . . .359 VT. THE VALLEY OP THE PELICE — LA TOUR — AXGKOGNA — THE PRA DE TOUR 376 VII. THE GLORIOUS RETURX : AX EPISODE IN THE HISTORY OF THE ITALIAN VAUDOIS 397 THE EFGUENOTS IN FEANCE. I ► CHAPTER I. REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. THE Hevocation of the Edict of Nantes was signed by Louis XIY. of France, on tlie 18th. of October, 1685, and published four days afterwards. Although the Revocation was the personal act of the King, it was nevertheless a popular measure, approved by the Catholic Church of France, and by the great body of the French people. The King had solemnly sworn, at the beginning of his reign, to maintain the tolerating Edict of Henry TV. — the Huguenots being amongst the most industrious, enterprising, and loyal of his subjects. But the advo- cacy of the King's then Catholic mistress, Madame de Maintenon, and of his Jesuit Confessor, Pere la Chaise, overcame his scruples, and the deed of Revocation of the Edict was at length signed and published. The aged Chancellor, Le Tellier, was so overjoyed at the measure, that on affixing the great seal of France to the deed, he exclaimed, in the words of Simeon, " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." 2 THE HUGUENOTS. Three montlis later, tlie great Bossuet, tlie eagle of Meaux, preached the funeral sermon of Le Tellier; in the course of which he testified to the immense joy of the Church at the Revocation of the Edict. " Let us," said he, '' expand our hearts in praises of the piety of Louis. Let our acclamations ascend to heaven, and let us say to this new Constantine, this new Theodosius, this new Marcian, this new Charlemagne, what the thirty- six fathers formerly said in the Council of Chal- cedon : ' You have affirmed the faith, you have extermi- nated the heretics ; it is a work worthy of your reign, whose proper character it is. Thanks to you, heresy is no more. God alone can have worked this marvel. King of heaven, preserve the King of earth : it is the prayer of the Church, it is the prayer of the Bishops? "* Madame de Maintenon also received the praises of the Church. "All good people,'' said the Abbe de Choisy, "the Pope, the bisho23s, and all the clergj^, rejoice at the victory of Madame de Maintenon." Madame enjoyed the surname of Director of the Affairs of the Clergy ; and it was said by the ladies of St. Cyr (an institution founded by her), that " the cardinals and the bishops knew no other way of approaching the King save through her." It is generally believed that her price for obtaining the King's consent to the Act of Revocation, was the withdrawal by the clergy of their opposition to her mar- riage with the King; and that the two were privately united by the Archbishop of Paris at Versailles, a few days after, in the presence of Pere la Chaise and two more witnesses. But Louis XIY. never publicly recognised De Maintenon as his wife — never rescued * Eossuet, " Oraison Funebre du Chancellier Letellier." REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES, 3 her from tlie ignominious position in which she origin- ally stood related to him. People at court all spoke with immense praises of the King's intentions with respect to destroying the Huguenots. *'' KilKng them off" was a matter of badinage with the courtiers. Madame de Maintenon wrote to the Due de JSToailles, " The soldiers are kill- ing numbers of the ftmatics — they hope soon to free Languedoc of them." That picquante letter-writer, Madame de Sevigne, often referred to the Huguenots. She seems to have classed them with criminals or wild beasts. When residing in Low Brittany during a revolt against the Gabelle, a friend wrote to her, "How dull you must be ! " " No," replied Madame de Sevigne, " we are not so dull — hanging is quite a refreshment to one ! They have just taken t^yenty-four or thirty of these men, and are going to throw them off." A few days after the Edict had been revoked, she wrote to her cousin Bussy, at Paris : " You have doubtless seen the Edict by which the King revokes that of Nantes. There is nothing so fine as that which It contains, and never has any King done, or ever will do, a more memorable act." Bussy replied to her : "I immensely admire the conduct of the King in destroj^'ng the Huguenots. The wars which have been waged against them, and the St. Bartholomew, have given some reputation to the sect. His Majesty has gradually undermined it ; and the edict he has just published, maintained by the dragoons and by Bourdaloue,* will soon give them the coup cU grace J^ * BourdalouG had just been sent from tlie Jesuit Churc*)! of St Louis at Paris, to Montpelier, to aid the dragoons in converting the Protestants, and bringing them back to the Church. 2 4 THE HUGUENOTS. In a future" letter to Count Bussy, Madame de Sevigne informed him of '^a dreadfully fcitiguing journey which her son-in-law M. de Grignan had made in the moun- tains of Dauphiny, to pursue and punish the miser- able Huguenots, who issued from their holes, and vanished like ghosts to avoid extermination." De Baville, however, the Lieutenant of Languedoc, kept her in good heart. In one of his letters, he said, '' I have this morning condemned seventy-six of these wretches (Huguenots), and sent them to the galleys." All this was very pleasant to Madame de Sevigne. Madame de Scuderi, also, more moderately rejoiced in the Act of Kevocation. ''The King," she wrote to Bussy, " has worked great marvels against the Huguenots ; and the authority which he has employed to unite them to the Church will be most salutary to themselves and to their children, who will be educated in the purity of the faith ; all this will bring upon him the benedictions of Heaven." Even the French Academy, though originally founded by a Huguenot, publicly approved the deed of lie voca- tion. In a discourse uttered before it, the Abbe Talle- mand exclaimed, when speaking of the Huguenot temple at Charenton, which had just been destroyed by the mob, " Happy ruins, the finest trophy France ever beheld !" La Fontaine described heresy as now "reduced to the last gasp." Thomas Corneille also eulogized the zeal of the King in " throttling the He- formation." Barbier D'Aucourt heedlessly, but truly, compared the emigration of the Protestants '' to the departure of the Israelites from Egj'pt." The Academy afterwards proposed, as the subject of a poem, the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and Fontenelle had the fortune, good or bad, of winning the prize. REVOCA TION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 5 The plillosoplilc La Bruyere contributed a maxim in praise of tlie Revocation. Quinault wrote a poem on the subject ; and Madame Deshoulieres felt inspired to sing " The Destruction of Heresy.'' The Abbe de Ranee spoke of the whole affair as a prodigy : " The Temple of Charenton destroyed, and no exercise of Protestantism within the kingdom ; it is a kind of miracle, such as we had never hoped to have seen in our day." The Revocation was popular Avith the lower class, who went about sacking and pulling down the Pro- testant churches. They also tracked the Huguenots and their pastors, where they found them evading or breaking the Edict of Revocation ; thus earning the praises of the Church and the tines offered by the King for their apprehension. The provosts and sheriffs of Paris represented the popular feeling, by erecting a brazen statue of the King who had rooted out heresy ; and they struck and distributed medals in honour of the great event. The Revocation was also popular with the dragoons. In order to '' convert " the Protestants, the dragoons were unduly billeted upon them. As both officers and soldiers were then very badly paid, they were thereby enabled to live at free quarters. They treated every- thing in the houses they occupied as if it were their own, and an assignment of billets was little less than the con- signment of the premises to the military, to use for their own purposes, during the time they occupied them.* The Revocation was also approved by those who wished to buy land cheap. As the Huguenots were prevented holding their estates unless they conformed to the Catholic religion, and as many estates were * Sir John Eeresby's Travels and Memoirs. 6 THE HUGUENOTS. accordingly confiscated and sold, land sj)eculators, as well as grand seigneurs who wished to increase their estates, were constantly on the look-out for good bar- gains. Even before the Revocation, when the Hugue- nots were selling their land in order to leave the country, Madame de Maintenon wrote to her nephew, for whom she had obtained from the King a grant of 800,000 francs, " I beg of you carefully to use the money you are about to receive. Estates in Poitou may be got for nothing ; the desolation of the Hugue- nots will drive them to sell more. You may easily acquire extensive possessions in Poitou." The Revocation was especially gratifying to the French Catholic Church. The Pope, of course, ap- proved of it. Te Deums were sung at Rome in thanks- giving for the forced conversion of the Huguenots. Pope Innocent XL sent a brief to Louis XIY., in which he promised him the unanimous praises of the Church. *' Amongst all the proofs," said he, " which your Majesty has given of natural piety, not the least brilliant is the zeal, truly worthy of the most Christian King, which has induced you to revoke all the or- dinances issued in favour of the heretics of your kingdom."* The Jesuits were especially" elated by the Revoca- tion. It had been brought about by the intrigues of their party, acting on the King's mind through Madame de Maintenon and Pere la Chaise. It enabled them to fill their schools and nunneries with the children oi Protestants, who were compelled by law to pay for their education by Jesuit priests. To furnish the required accommodation, nearly the whole of the Pro- testant temples that had not been pulled down were * Tope Innocent XL's Letter of November 13lh, 16S5. REVOCA TION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 7 made over to tlie Jesuits, to be converted into monastic schools and nunneries. Even Bossuet, tlie '' last father of the Church/' shared in the spoils of the Huguenots. A few daj's after the Edict had been revoked, Bossuet applied for the materials of the temples of Nauteuil and Morcerf, situated in his diocese ; and his Majesty ordered that they should be granted to him.* j^ow that Protestantism had been put down, and the officers of Louis announced from all parts of the kingdom that the Huguenots were becoming converted by thousands, there was nothing but a clear course before the Jesuits in France. For their religion was now ^vihe favoured religion of the State. It is true there were the Jansenists — declared to be heretical by the Popes, and distinguished for their oppo- sition to the doctrines and moral teaching of the Jesuits — who were suffering from a persecution which then drove some of the members of Port Royal into exile, and eventually destroyed them. But even the Jan- senists approved the persecution of the Protestants. The great Arnault, their most illustrious interpreter, though in exile in the Low Countries, declared that though the means which Louis XIY. had employed had been " rather violent, they had in nowise been unjust." But Protestantism being declared destroyed, and Jansenism being in disgrace, there was virtually no legal religion in France but one — that of the Roman Catholic Church. Atheism, it is true, was tolerated, but then Atheism was not a religion. The Atheists did not, like the Protestants, set up rival churches, or appoint rival ministers, and seek to draw people to their assemblies. The Atheists, though they tacitly ap- proved the religion of the King, had no opposition * " Louvois et les Protestants," par A-dolphe Michel, p. 286, 8 THE HUGUENOTS. to offer to It — only neglect, and perhaps concealed contempt. Hence it followed that the Court and the clergy had far more toleration for Atheism than for either Pro- testantism or Jansenism. It is authentically related that Louis XI Y. on one occasion objected to the appoint- ment of a representative on a foreign mission on account of the person being supposed to be a Jansenist ; but on its being discovered that the nominee was only an Atheist, the objection was at once withdrawn.* At the time of the Ke vocation, when the King and the Catholic Church were resolved to tolerate no religion other than itself, the Church had never seemed so powerful in France. It had a strong hold upon the minds of the people. It was powerful in its leaders and its great preachers ; in fact, France has never, either before or since, exhibited such an array of preaching genius as Bossuet, Bourdaloue, Flcchier, and Massillon. Yet the uncontrolled and enormously increased power conferred upon the French Church at that time, most probably proved its greatest calamity. Less than a hundred years after the Revocation, the Church had lost its influence over the joeople, and was despised. The Deists and Atheists, sprung from the Church's bosom, were in the ascendant ; and Yoltaire, Rousseau, Diderot, and Mirabeau, were regarded as greater men than either Bossuet, Bourdaloue, Flechier, or Massillon. Xot one of the clergy we have named, powerful orators though they were, ever ventured to call in question the cruelties with which the King sought to compel the Protestants to embrace the dogmas of their Church. TLere were no doubt many Ca- tholics who deplored the force practised on the * Quarterly Review. REVOCA TION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 9 Huguenots ; but they were greatly in tlie minority, and had no power to make tlieir opposition felt. Some of them considered it an impious sacrilege to compel the Protestants to take the Catholic sacrament — to force them to accept the host, which Catholics believed to be the veritable body of Christ, but which the Huguenots could only accept as bread, over which some function had been performed by the priests, in whose mira- culous power of conversion they did not believe. Fenelon took this view of the forcible course employed by the Jesuits ; but he was in disgrace as a Jansenist, and what he wrote on the subject remained for a long time unknown, and was only first pub- lished in 1825. The Due de Saint-Simon, also a Jan- senist, took the same view, which he embodied in his '^Memoirs;'' but these were kept secret by his family, and were not published for nearly a century after his death. Thus the Catholic Church remained triumphant. The Revocation was apparently approved by all, ex- cepting the Huguenots. The King was flattered by the perpetual conversions reported to be going on through- out the countr}^ — five thousand persons in one place, ten thousand in another, who had abjured and taken the communion — at once, and sometimes " instantly." " The King," says Saint-Simon, ^' congratulated himself on his power and his piety. He believed himself to have renewed the days of the preaching of the Apostles, and attributed to himself all the honour. The Bishops wrote panegyrics of him ; the Jesuits made the pulpits resound with his praises He swallowed their poison in deep draughts.'* * * " Memoirs of the Duke of Saint-Simon," translated by Bayle St. John, vol. iii. p. 260. 10 THE HUGUENOTS, Louis XIY. lived for thirty years after tlie Edict of Nantes had been revoked. He had therefore the fullest opportunity of observing the results of the policy he had pursued. He died in the hands of the Jesuits, his body covered with relics of the true cross. Madame de Maintenon, the " famous and fatal witch/* as Saint-Simon called her, abandoned him at last ; and the King died, lamented by no one. He had banished, or destroyed, during his reign, about a million of his subjects, and those who remained y^ did not respect him. Many regarded him as a self-con- ceited tyrant, who sought to save his own soul by inflict- ing penance on the backs of others. He loaded his kingdom with debt, and overwhelmed his people with taxes. He destroyed the industry of France, which had been mainly supported by the Huguenots. Towards the end of his life he became generally hated ; and while his heart was conveyed to the Grand Jesuits, his body, which was buried at St. Denis, was hurried to the grave accompanied by the execrations of the people. Yet the Church remained faithful to him to the last. The great Massillon preached his funeral sermon ; though the message was draped in the livery of the Court. *' How far," said he, "■ did Louis XIY. carry his zeal for the Church, that virtue of sovereigns who have received power and the sword only that they may be props of the altar and defenders of its doctrine ! Specious reasons of State ! In vain did you oppose to Louis the timid views of human wisdom, the body of the monarchy enfeebled by the flight of so many citizens, the course of trade slackened, either by the deprivation of their industry, or by the furtive removal of their wealth ! Dano^ers fortifv his zeal. The work of God fears not man. He believes even REVOCA TION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 1 1 that lie strengthens Ms throne by overthrowing that of error. The profane temples are destroyed, the pnlpits of seduction are cast down. The prophets of false- hood are torn from their flocks. At the first blow dealt to it by Louis, heresy falls, disappears, and is reduced either to hide itself in the obscurity whence it issued, or to cross the seas, and to bear with it into foreign lands its false gods, its bitterness, and its rage." * Whatever may have been the temper which the Huguenots displayed when they were driven from France by persecution, they certainly carried with them something far more valuable than rage. They carried with them their virtue, piety, industry, and valour, which proved the source of wealth, spirit, freedom, and character, in all those countries — Hol- land, Prussia, England, and America — in which these noble exiles took refuge. We shall next see whether the Huguenots had any occasion for entertaining the '' rage '^ which the great Massillon attributed to them. * Funeral Oration on Louis XIV. CHAPTEE, 11. EFFECTS OF THE KEVOCATION. THE Revocation struck Avitli civil deatli the entire . Protestant population of France. All the liberty of conscience wliicli they had enjoyed under the Edict of Nantes, was swej^t away by the act of the King. They were dejDrived of every right and privilege ; their social life was destroyed ; their callings were pro- scribed ; their property was liable to be confiscated at any moment ; and they were subjected to mean, detest- able, and outrageous cruelties. From the day of the Bevocation, the relation of Louis XI Y. to his Huguenot subjects was that of the Tyrant and his Yictims. The only resource which remained to the latter was that of flying from their native country ; and an immense number of persons took the opportunity of escaping from France. The Edict of Pevocation proclaimed that the Huguenot subjects of France must thenceforward be of *' the King's religion ;" and the order was promul- gated throughout the kingdom. The Prime Minister, Louvois, wrote to the provincial governors, "His Majesty desires that the severest rigour shall be shown to those who will not conform to His Religion, and those who seek the foolish glory of wishing to be the last, must be pushed to the utmost extremity." EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 13 The Huguenots were forbidden, under the penalty of death, to worship publicly after their own religious forms. They were also forbidden, under the penalty of being sent to the galleys for life, to worship privately in their own homes. If they were overheard singing their favourite psalms, they were liable to fine, imprisonment, or the galleys. They were compelled to hang out flags from their houses on the days of Catholic processions ; but they were forbidden, under a heavy penalty, to look out of their windows when the Corpus Domini was borne along the streets. The Huguenots were rigidly forbidden to instruct their children in their own faith. They were com- manded to send them to the priest to be baptized and brought up in the Roman Catholic faith, under the penalty of five hundred livres fine in each case. The boys were educated in Jesuit schools, the girls in nunneries, the parents being compelled to pay the required exj)enses ; and where the parents were too poor to pay, the children were at once transferred to the general hospitals. A decree of the King, published in December, 1685, ordered that every child oi five years and upwards was to be taken ]3ossession of by the authorities, and removed from its Protestant parents. This decree often j)roved a sentence of death, not only to the child, but to its parents. The whole of the Protestant temples throughout France were subject to demolition. The expelled pastors were compelled to evacuate the country within fifteen days. If, in the meantime, they were found performing their functions, they were liable to be sent to the galleys for life. If they undertook to marry Protestants, the marriages were declared illegal, and the children bastards. If, after the expiry of the 14 THE HUGUENOTS. fifteen days, they were found lingering in France, tlie pastors were then liable to the penalty of death. Protestants could neither be born, nor live, nor die, without state and priestly interference. Protestant sages-femmes were not permitted to exercise their func- tions ; Protestant doctors were prohibited from practis- ing ; Protestant surgeons and apothecaries were sup- pressed; Protestant advocates, notaries, and lawyers were interdicted ; Protestants could not teach, and all their schools, public and private, were put down. Protestants were no longer employed by the Govern- ment in affairs of finance, as collectors of taxes, or even as labourers on the public roads, or in any other office. Even Protestant grocers were forbidden to exercise their calling. There must be no Protestant librarians, booksellers, or printers. There was, indeed, a general raid upon Protestant literature all over France. All Bibles, Testaments, and books of religious instruction, were collected and publicly burnt. ' There were bonfires in almost every town. At Metz, it occupied a whole day to burn the Protestant books which had been seized, handed over to the clergy, and condemned to be destroyed. Protestants were even forbidden to hire out horses, and Protestant grooms were forbidden to give riding lessons. Protestant domestics were forbidden to hire themselves as servants, and Protestant mistresses were forbidden to hire them under heavy penalties. If they engaged Protestant servants, they were liable to be sent to the galleys for life. They were even prevented employing " new converts." Artisans were forbidden to work without certificates that their religion was Catholic. Protestant apprentice- EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 15 slilps were suppressed. Protestant waslierwomen were excluded frora their washing-places on the river. In fact, there was scarcely a degradation that could be invented, or an insult that could be perpetrated, that was not practised upon those poor Huguenots who refused to be of '^ the King's religion." Even when Protestants were about to take refuge in death, their troubles were not over. The priests had the power of forcing their way into the dying man's house, where they presented themselves at his bedside, and offered him conversion and the viaticum. If the dying man refused these, he was liable to be seized after death, dragged from the house, pulled along the streets naked, and buried in a ditch, or thrown upon a dunghill.* For several years before the Eevocation, while the persecutions of the Huguenots had been increasing, many had realised their means, and fled abroad into Switzer- land, Germany, Holland, and England. But after the Revocation, emigration from France was strictly forbidden, under penalty of confiscation of the whole goods and property of the emigrant. Any person found attempting to leave the countrj^ was liable to the seizure of all that belonged to him, and to per- petual imprisonment at the galleys ; one half the amount realised by the sale of the property being paid to the informers, who thus became the most active agents of the Government. The Act also ordered that all landed proprietors who had left France before the * Such was, in fact, the end of a man so distinguished as M. Paul Chenevix, Councillor of the Court of Metz, who dfed in 1686, the year after the Eevocation. Although of the age of eighty, and so illustrious for his learning, his dead hody was dragged along the streets on a hurdle and thrown upon a dunghill. See " Huguenot Refugees and their Descendants," under the name Chenevix. The present Arch- bishop of Dublin is descended from liis brother Philip Chenevix. who settled in England shortly after the PvCvocation. 1 6 THE HUGUENOTS. Revocation, should return within four months, under penalty of confiscation of all their property. Amongst those of the King's subjects who were the most ready to obey his orders were some of the old Huo'uenot noble families, such as the members of the houses of Bouillon, Coligny, Rohan, Tremouille, Sully, and La Force. These great vassals, whom a turbulent feudalism had probably in the first instance induced to embrace Protestantism, were now found ready to change their profession of religion in servile obedience" to the monarch. The lesser nobility were more faithful and consistent. Many of them abandoned their estates and fled across the frontier, rather than live a daily lie to God by for- swearing the religion of their conscience. Others of this class, on whom religion sat more lightly, as the only means of saving their property from confiscation, pretended to be converted to Roman Catholicism ; though, we shall find, that these "new converts," as they were called, were treated with as much suspicion on the one side as they were regarded with contemj)t on the other. There were also the Huguenot manufacturers, mer- chants, and employers of labour, of whom a large number closed their workshops and factories, sold off their goods, converted everything into cash, at what- ever sacrifice, and fled across the frontier into Switzer- land — either settling there, or passing through it on their way to Germany, Holland, or England. It was necessary to stop this emigration, which was rapidly diminishing the population, and steadily im- poverishing the country. It was indeed a terrible thing for Frenchmen to tear themselves away from their country — Frenchmen, who have always clung so EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 17 close to their soil that they have rarely been able to form colonies of emigration elsewhere — it was breaking so many living fibres to leave France, to quit the homes of their fathers, their firesides, their kin, and their race. Yet, in a multitude of cases, they were compelled to tear themselves by the roots out of the France they so loved. Yet it was so very easy for them to remain. The King merely required them to be ''converted/' He held that loyalty required them to be of ''his reli- gion/' On the 19th of Qctober, 1685, the day after he had signed the Act of Eevocation, La Reynee, lieu- tenant of the police of Paris, issued a notice to the Huguenot tradespeople and working-classes, requiring them to be converted instantly. Many of them were terrified, and conformed accordingly. !N'ext day, an- other notice was issued to the Huguenot bourgeois, requiring them to assemble on the following day for the purpose of publicly making a declaration of their conversion. The residt of these measures was to make hypo- crites rather than believers, and they took efiect upon the weakest and least-principled persons. The strongest, most independent, and high-minded of the Huguenots, who would not be hypocrites, resolved passively to resist them, . and if they could not be allowed to exercise freedom of conscience in their own country, they determined to seek it elsewhere. Hence the large increase in the emigration from all parts of France immediately after the Act of Revocation had been proclaimed.* All the roads leading to the frontier * It is believed that 400,000 emigrants left France through reli- gious persecution during the twenty years previous to the Revocation, and that 600,000 escaped during the twenty years after that event. M. Charles Coquerel estimates the number of Protestants in France at that time to have been two millions of men (" Eglises du Desert," i. 497). The number of Protestant pastors was about one thousand — 1 8 THE HUGUENOTS, or the sea-coast streamed with, fugitives. Tliey went in various forms and guises — sometimes in bodies of armed men, at other times in solitary parties, travel- ling at night and sleeping in the woods by day. They went as beggars, travelling merchants, sellers of beads and chaplets, gipsies, soldiers, shepherds, women with their faces dyed and sometimes dressed in men's clothes, and in all manner of disguises. To prevent this extensive emigration, more violent measures were adopted. Every road out of France was posted w^ith guards. The towns, highways, bridges, and ferries, were all watched ; and heavy rewards were promised to those who would stop and bring back the fuo-itives. Many were taken, loaded with irons, and dis- patched by the most public roads through France — as a sight to be seen by other Protestants — to the galleys at Marseilles, Brest, and other ports. As they went along they were subject to every sort of indignity in the towns and villages through which they passed. They were hooted, stoned, spit upon, and loaded with insult. Man}^ others went by sea, in French as well as in foreign ships. Though the sailors of France were pro- hibited the exercise of the reformed religion, under the penalty of fines, corporal punishment, and seizure of the vessels where the worsl^p was allowed, yet many of the emigrants contrived to get away by the help of French ship captains, masters of sloops, fishing-boats, and coast pilots — who most probably sympathized with the views of those who wished to fly their country rather than become hypocrites and forswear their religion. A large number of emigrants, who went of whom six hundred went into exile, one hundred were executed or sent to the galleys, and the rest are supposed to have accepted pensions as '* now converts." EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 19 hurriedly off to sea in little boats, must have been drowned, as tbey were never afterwards beard of. There were also many English ships that appeared off the coast to take the flying Huguenots away by night. They also escaped in foreign ships taking in their cargoes in the western harbours. They got cooped up in casks or wine barraques, with holes for breathing places ; others contrived to get surreptitiously into the hold, and stowed themselves away among the goods. When it became known to the Government that many Protestants were escaping in this w^ay, provision was made to meet the case ; and a Koyal Order was issued that, before any ship was allowed to set sail for a foreign port, the hold should be fumigated with deadly gas, so that any hidden Huguenot who could not other- wise be detected, might thus be suffocated ! * In the meantime, however, numerous efforts were being made to convert the Huguenots. The King, his ministers, the dragoons, the bisho]DS, and clergy used all due diligence. '^ Everybody is now missionary," said the fascinating Madame de Sevigne; " each has his mission — above all the magistrates and governors of provinces, helped hy the dragoons. It is the grandest and finest thing that has ever been imagined and executed." f • The conversions effected by the dragoons were much more sudden than those effected by the priests. Some- times a hundred or more persons Avere converted by a single troop within an hour. In this way Murillac converted thousands of persons in a week. The regi- * We refer to *' The Huguenots : their Settlements, Churehe?, and Industries in England and Ireland," where a great many incidents are given relative to the escape of refugees by land and sea, which need not here be repeated. t Letter to the President de Moulceau, November 24th, 1685. 3 20 THE HUGUENOTS. ment of Aslifeld conyerted tlie whole province of Poltou in a month. De I^oailles was very successful in his conversions. He converted Nismes in twenty-four hours ; the day after he converted Montpellier ; and he promised in a few weeks to deliver all Lower Languedoc from the leprosy of heresy. In one of his dispatches soon after the Revo- cation, he boasted that he had converted 350 nobility and gentry, 54 ministers, and 25,000 individuals of various classes. The quickness of the conversions effected by the dragoons is easily to be accounted for. The principal cause was the free quartering of soldiers in the houses of the Protestants. The soldiers knew what was the object for which they were thus quartered. They lived freely in all ways. They drank, swore, shouted, beat the heretics, insidtcd their women, and subjected them to every imaginable outrage and insult. One of their methods of making converts was borrowed from the persecutions of the Yaudois. It con- sisted in forcing the feet of the intended converts into boots full of boiling grease, or they would hang them up by the feet, sometimes forgetting to cut them down until they were dead. They would also force them to drink water perpetually, or make them sit under a slow dripping upon their heads until they died of madness. Sometimes they placed burning coals in their hands, or used an instrument of torture resembling that known in Scotland as the thumbscrews.* Many of their attempts at conversion were accompanied by details too hideous to be recorded. * Thumbscrews were used in the reign of James 11. Louis and James borrowed from each other the means of converting heretics ; but whether the origin of the thumbscrew be French or Scotch is not known. EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 21 Of those wlio would not be converted, tlie prisons were kept full. They were kept there without the usual allowance of straw, and almost without food. In winter they had no fire, and at night no lamp. Though ill, they had no doctors. Besides the gaoler, their only yisitors were priests and monks, entreating them to make abjuration. Of course many died in prison — feeble women, and aged and infirm men. In the society of obscene criminals, with whom many were imprisoned, they prayed for speedy deliverance by death, and death often came to their help. More agreeable, but still more insulting, methods of conversion were also attempted. Louis tried to bribe the pastors by offering them an increase of annual pay beyond their former stipends. If there were a Pro- testant judge or advocate, Louvois at once endeavoured to bribe him over. For instance, there was a heretical syndic of Strasburg, to whom Louvois wrote, "Will you be converted? I will give you 6,000 livres of pension. — Will you not ? I will dismiss you.'' Of course many of the efforts made to convert the Huguenots proved successful. The orders of the Prime Minister, the free quarters afforded to the dragoons, the preachings and threatenings of the clergy, all contributed to terrify the Protestants. The fear of being sent to the galleys for life — the threat of losing the whole of one's goods and property — the alarm of seeing one's household broken up, the children seized by the priests and sent to the nearest monkery or nunnery for maintenance and education — all these considerations doubtless had their effect in increasing the number of conversions. Persecution is not easy to bear. To have all the public powers and authorities employed against one's 22 THE HUGUENOTS. life, interests, and faith, is wliat few can persistently oppose. And torture, whether it be slow or sudden, is what many persons, by reason of their physical capa- city, have not the power to resist. Even the slow torment of dragoons quartered in the houses of the heretics — their noise and shoutings, their drinking and roistering, the insults and outrages they were allowed to practise — was sufficient to compel many at once to declare themselves to be converted. Indeed, pain is, of all things, one of the most terrible of converters. One of the prisoners condemned to the galleys, when he saw the tortures which the victims about him had to endure by night and by day, said that sufferings such as these were *' enough to make one conform to Buddhism or Mahommedanism as well as to Popery '' ; and doubtless it was force and suffering which converted the Huguenots, far more than love of the King or love of the Pope. By all these means — forcible, threatening, insulting, and bribing — employed for the conversion of the Huguenots, the Catholics boasted that in the space of three months they had received an accession of five hundred thousand new converts to the Church of Pome. But the "new converts '^ did not gain much by their change. They^ were forced to attend mass, but re- mained susj)ected. Even the dragoons who converted them, called them dastards and deniers of their faith. They tried, if they could, to avoid confession, but con- fess they must. There was the fine, confiscation of goods, and imprisonment at the priest's back. Places were set apart for them in the churches, where they were penned up like lepers. A person was stationed at the door with a roll of their names, to which they were obliged to answer. During the ser- EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 23 vice, tlie most prominent among tliem were made to carry tlie lights, tlie holy water, the incense, and such things, which to Huguenots were an abomination. They were also required to partake of the Host, which Protestants regarded as an awful mockery of the glorious Godhead. The Due de Saint-Simon, in his memoirs, after referring to the unmanly cruelties practised by Louis XIY. on the Huguenots, ** without the slightest pre- text or necessity,'' characterizes this forced partici- pation in the Eucharist as sacrilegious and blasphemous folly, notwithstanding that nearly all the bishops lent themselves to the practice. '' From simulated abjura- tion," he says, '^ they [the Huguenots] are dragged to endorse what they do not belieye in, and to receive the divine body of the Saint of saints whilst remaining persuaded that they are only eating bread which they ought to abhor. Such is the general abomination born of flattery and cruelty. From torture to abjuration, and from that to the communion, there were only twenty-four hours' distance ; and the executioners were the conductors of the converts, and their witnesses. Those who in the end appeared to have become recon- ciled, when more at leisure did not fail, by their flight or their behaviour, to contradict their pretended con- version."* Indeed, many of the new converts, finding life in France to be all but intolerable, determined to follow the example of the Huguenots who had already fled, and took the first opportunity of disposing of their goods and leaving the country. One of the first things they did on reaching a foreign soil, was to attend a congre- * "Memoirs of the Duke of Saint- Simon," Bayle St. John's Trans- lation, iii. 259. 24 THE HUGUENOTS. gation of their brethren, and make " reconnaisances," or acknowledgment of tlieir repentance for liaving attended mass and pretended to be converted to tbe Roman Catholic Cburcb.* At one of the sittings of the Tbreadneedle Street Huguenot Cburch. in London, held in May, 1687 — two j^ears after the Ee- vocation — not fewer than 497 members were again received into the Cburcb wbicb, by force, they had pretended to abandon. Not many pastors abjured. A few who yielded in the first instance through terror and stupor, almost invariably returned to their ancient faith. They were ofiered considerable pensions if they would conform and become Catholics. The King promised to augment their income by one-third, and if they became advo- cates or doctors in law, to dispense with their three years' study, and with the right of diploma. At length, most of the pastors had left the country. About seven hundred had gone .into Switzerland, Hol- land, Prussia, England, and elsewhere. A few remained going about to meetings of the peasantrj'', at the daily risk of death ; for every pastor taken was hung. A reward of 5,500 livres was promised to whoever should take a pastor, or cause him to be taken. The punish- ment of death was also pronounced against all persons who should be discovered attending such meetings. Nevertheless, meetings of the Protestants continued to be held, with pastors or without. They were, for the most part, held at night, amidst the ruins of their pulled-down temples. But this exposed them to great danger, for spies were on the alert to inform upon them and have them apprehended. * See "The Huguenots; their Settlements, &c., in England and Ireland," chap. xvi. EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 25 At length tliey selected more sheltered places in re- mote quarters, where they met for prayer and praise, often resorting thither from great distances. They were, however, often surprised, cut to pieces by the dragoons, who hung part of the prisoners on the neighbouring trees, and took the others to prison, from whence they were sent to the galleys, or hung on the nearest pubKc gibbet. Fulcran Key was one of the most celebrated of the early victims. He was a native of JSTismes, twenty- four years old. He had just completed his theological studies ; but there were neither synods to receive him to pastoral ordination, nor temples for him to preach in. The only reward he could earn by proceeding on his mission was death, yet he determined to preach. The first assemblies he joined were in the neighbour- hood of Nismes, where his addresses were interrupted by assaults of the dragoons. The dangers to his co-religionaries were too great in the neighbourhood of this populous town ; and he next went to Castres and the Yaunage ; after which he accepted an in- vitation to proceed into the less populous districts of the Cevennes. He felt the presentiment of death upon him in ac- cepting the invitation ; but he went, leaving behind him a letter to his father, saying that he was willing, if necessary, to give his life for the cause of truth. " Oh ! what happiness it would give me," he said, " if I might be found amongst the number of those whom the Lord has reserved to announce his praise and to die for his cause ! " His apostolate was short but glorious. He went from village to village in the Cevennes, collected the old worshippers together, praj^ed and preached to them. 26 THE HUGUENOTS. encouraging all to suffer in the name of Christ. He remained at this work for about six weeks, when a spy who accompanied him — one whom he had regarded as sincere a Huguenot as himself — informed against him for the royal reward, and delivered him over to the dragoons. Rey was at first thrown into prison at Anduze, when, after a brief examination by the local judge, he was entrvisted to thirty soldiers, to be conveyed to Alais. There he was subjected to further examination, avow- ing that he had preached wherever he had found faith- ful people ready to hear him. At Nismcs, he was told that he had broken the law, in preaching contrary to the King's will. "I obey the law of the King of kings,'' he replied; "it is right that I should obey God rather than man. Do with me what 3'ou will ; I am ready to die." The priests, the judges, and other persons of in- fluence endeavoured to induce him to change his opinions. Promises of great faA^ours were offered him if he would abjure ; and when the intendant Baville informed him of the frightful death before him if he refused, he replied, " My life is not of value to me, pro- vided I gain Christ." He remained firm. He was ordered to be put to the torture. He was still un- shaken. Then he was delivered over to the executioner. *' I am treated," he said, " more mildly than my Saviour." On his way to the place of execution, two monks walked by his side to induce him to relent, and to help him to die. "Let me alone," he said, " you annoy me with your consolations." On coming in sight of the gallows at Beaucaire, he cried, " Courage, courage ! the end of my journey is at EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 27 hand. I see before me tlie ladder wliicli leads to heaven." The monks wished to mount the ladder with him. "Return," said he, *'I have no need of your help. I have assistance enough from God to take the last step of my journey." When he reached the upper platform, he was about, before dying, to make public his con- fession of faith. But the authorities had arranged beforehand that this should be prevented. When he opened his mouth, a roll of military drums muffled his voice. His radiant look and gestures spoke for him. A few minutes more, and he was dead ; and when the paleness of death spread over his face, it still bore the reflex of joy and peace in which he had expired. " There is a veritable martyr," said many even of the Catholics who were witnesses of his death. It was thought that the public hanging of a pastor would put a stop to all further ministrations among the Huguenots. But the sight of the bodies of their brethren hung on the nearest trees, and the heads of their pastors rolling on the scafibld, did not deter them from continuing to hold religious meetings in solitary places, more especially in Languedoc, Yiverais, and the provinces in the south-east of France. Between the year 1686, when Tulcran Rey was hanged at Beaucaire, and the year 1698, when Claude Brousson was hanged at Montpellier, not fewer than seventeen pastors were publicly executed ; namely, three at ]^ismes, two at St. Hippolyte and Marsillargues in the Cevennes, and twelve on the Peyrou at Mont- pellier — the public place on which Protestant Christians in the South of France were then princi- pally executed. There has been some discussion lately as to the 28 THE HUGUENOTS. massacre of the Huguenots about a century before tbis period. It bas been beld tbat tbe St. Eartbolomew Massacre was only a poHtical squabble, begun by tbe Huguenots, in wbicb tbey got tbe worst of it. Tbe number of persons killed on tbe occasion bas been reduced to a very small number. It bas been doubted wbetber tbe Pope bad anything to do witb tbe medal struck at Rome, bearing tbe motto Ugonottorum Stragcs ('* Massacre of tbe Huguenots*'), witb tbe Pope's bead on one side, and an angel on tbe otber j)ursuiug and slaying a band of flying heretics. Whatever may be said of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, there can be no mistake about the per- secutions which preceded and followed the PcYocation of the Edict of Nantes. They were continued for more than half a century, and had the effect of driving from France about a million of the best, most vigorous, and industrious of Frenchmen. In the single pro^-ince of Languedoc, not less than a hundred thousand persons (according to Boulainvillers) were destroyed by prema- ture death, one-tenth of whom perished by fire, strangu- lation, or the wheel. It could not be said that Louis XIV. and the priests were destroying France and tearing its flesh, and that Frenchmen did not know it. The proclamations, edicts and laws published against the Huguenots were known to all Frenchmen. Benoit* gives a list of three hundred and thirty-three issued by Louis XIY. during the ten years subsequent to the Bevocation, and they were continued, as we shall find, during the succeeding reign. " We have," saj^s M. Charles Coquerel, " a horror of * " Histoire de I'Edit de Nantes," par Elie Benoit. EFFECTS OF THE REVOCATION. 29 St. Bartholomew ! Will foreigners believe it, ttiat France observed a code of laws framed in the same infernal spirit, which maintained a perpetual St. Bar- tholomeich day in this country for ahout sixty years ! If they cannot call us the most barbarous of people, their judgment will be well founded in pronouncing us the most inconsistent."* M. De Felice, however, will not believe that the Revocation of the Edict of JS'antes was popular in France. He takes a much more patriotic view of the French peoj^le. He cannot believe them to have been wilfully guilty of the barbarities which the French Government committed upon the Huguenots. It was the King, the priests, and the courtiers only ! But he forgets that these upper barbarians were supported by the soldiers and the people everywhere. He adds, however, that if the Eevocation icere popular, "it would be the most overwhelming accusation against the Church of Eome, that it had thus educated and fashioned France." f There is, however, no doubt whatever that the Jesuits, during the long period that they had the exclusive education of the country in their hands, did thus fashion France ; for, in 1793, the people educated by them treated King, Jesuits, priests, and aristocracy, in precisely the same manner that they had treated the Huguenots about a century before. * ''Histoire des Eglises du DCsert," par XUharles Coquerel, i. 498. t De Felice's "History of the Protes'ants of France," book iii. sect. 17. CHAPTER III. CLAUDE BROUSSON, THE HUGUENOT ADVOCATE. TO give an account in detail of the varieties of cruelty inflicted on the Huguenots, and of the agonies to which they were subjected for many years before and after the passing of the Act of Revocation, would occu]3y too much space, besides being tedious through the mere repetition of like horrors. But in order to condense such an account, we think it will be more interesting if we endeavour to give a brief history of the state of France at that time, in connection with the biography of one of the most celebrated Huguenots of his period, both in his life, his piety, his trials, and his endurance — that of Claude Brousson, the advocate, the pastor, and the martyr of Languedoc. Claude Brousson was born at Nismes in 1647. He was designed by his parents for the profession of the law, and prosecuted his studies at the college of his native town, where he graduated as Doctor of Laws. He commenced his professional career about the time when Louis XIY. began to issue his oppressive edicts against the Huguenots. Protestant advocates were not yet forbidden to practise, but they already laboured under many disabilities. He continued, however, for some ti^me to exercise his profession, with much ability, at CLAUDE B ROUS SON. 31 Castres, Castelnaudry, and Toulouse. He ^yas fre- quently employed in defending Protestant pastors, and in contesting the measures for suppressing their congregations and levelling their churches under exist- ing edicts, some time before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes had been finally resolved upon. Thus, in 1682, he was engaged in disputing the pro- cess instituted against the ministers and elders of the church at Nismes, with the view of obtaining an order for the demolition of the remaining Protestant temjile of that city.* The pretext for suppressing this church was, that a servant girl from the country, being a Catholic, had attended worship and received the sacra- ment from the hands of M. Peyrol, one of the ministers. Brousson defended the case, observing, at the con- clusion of his speech, that the number of Protestants was A^ery great at Nismes ; that the ministers could not be personally acquainted with all the people, and especially with occasional visitors and strangers ; that the ministers were quite unacquainted with the girl, or that she professed the Poman Catholic religion : ^' facts which rendered it probable that she was sent to the temple for the purpose of furnishing an occasion for the prosecution.'' Sentence was for the present suspended. Another process was instituted during the same year * John Locke passed through Nismes about this time. "The Protestants at Nismes," he said, "have now but one temple, the other being pulled down by the King's order about four years since. The Protestants had built themselves an hospital for the sick, but that is taken from them ; a chamber in it is left for the sick, but never used, because the priests trouble them when there. Notwith- standing these discouragements [this was in 1676, before the Revo- cation], I do not find many go over; one of them told me, when I asked them the question, that the Papists did nothing but by force ci by money." — King's Life of Locke, i. 100. 32 THE HUGUENOTS. for the suppression of tlie Protestant cliurcli at Uzes, and another for the demolition of the large Protestant temple at Montpellier. The pretext for destroying the latter was of a singular character. A Protestant pastor, M. Paulet, had been bribed into embracing the Koman Catholic religion, in reward for which he was appointed counsellor to the Presidial Court of Montpellier. But his wife and one of his daughters refused to apostatize with him. The daughter, though onl}?- between ten and eleven years old, was sent to a convent at Teirargues, where, after enduring considerable persecution, she persisted in her steadfastness, and was released after a twelvemonth's confinement. Five years later she was again seized and sent to another convent ; but, continuing immov- able against the entreaties and threats of the abbess and confessor, she was again set at liberty. An apostate priest, however, who had many years before renounced the Protestant faith, and become director and confessor of the nuns at Teirargues, forged two documents ; the one to show that while at the convent, Mdlle. Paulet had consented to embrace the Catholic religion, and the other containing her formal abjuration. It was alleged that her abjuration had been signified to Isaac Dubourdieu, of Montpellier, one of the most distinguished pastors of the French Church ; but that, nevertheless, he had admitted her to the sacrament. This, if true, was contrary to law; upon which the Catholic clergy laid information against the pastor and the young lady before the Parliament of Toulouse, when they obtained sentence of imprisonment against the former, and the penance of amende honor- able against the latter. The demolition of temples was the usual consequenco CLAUDE BROUSSON. 33 of conyictions like these. The Due de Xoailles, lieu- tenant-general of the province, entered the city on the 16th of October, 1682, accompanied by a strong military force ; and at a sitting of the Assembly of the States which shortly followed, the question of demolish- ing the Protestant temple at Montpellier was brought under consideration. Four of the Protestant pastors and several of the elders had before waited upon De Noailles to claim a respite until they should have submitted their cause to the King in Council. The request having been refused, one of the deputa- tion protested against the illegality of the proceedings, and had the temerity to ask his excellency whether he was aware that there were eighteen hundred thousand Protestant families in France ? Upon which the Duke, turning to the officer of his guard, said, " Whilst we wait to see what will become of these eighteen hundred thousand Protestant families, will you please to conduct these gentlemen to the citadel ? ''* The great temple of Montpellier was destroyed im- mediately on receipt of the King's royal mandate. It required the destruction of the place within twenty- four hours ; " but you will give me pleasure," added the King, in a letter to De IN^oailles, ^' if you accomplish it in two.'^ It was, perhaps, scarcely necessary, after the temple had been destroyed, to make any effort to justify these high-handed proceedings. But Mdlle. Paulet, on whose pretended conversion to Catholicism the pro- ceedings had been instituted, was now requested to admit the authenticity of the documents. She was still * When released from prison, Gaultier escaped to Berlin and became minister of a large Protestant congregation there. Isaac Dubourdieu escaped to England, and was appointed one of the ministers of the Savoy Church in London. 34 THE HUGUENOTS. imprisoned in Toulouse ; and although, entreated and threatened by turns to admit their truth, she steadfastly denied their genuineness, and asking for a pen, she wrote under each of them, " I affirm that the above signature was not written by my hand. — Isabeau de Paulet." Of course the documents were forged ; but they had answered their purpose. The Protestant temple of Montpellier lay in ruins, and Isabeau de Paulet was re- committed to prison. On hearing of this incident, Brousson remarked, "This is what is called instituting a process against persons after they have been con- demned " — a sort of " Jedwood justice.'^ The repetition of these cases of persecution — the de- molition of their churches, and the suppression of their worship — led the Protestants of the Cevennes, Yiverais, and Dauphiny to combine for the purpose of endeavour- ing to stem the torrent of injustice. With this object, a meeting of twenty-eight deputies took place in the house of Brousson, at Toulouse, in the month of May, 1683. As the Assembly of the States were about to take steps to demolish the Protestant temple at Mon- tauban and other towns in the south, and as Brousson was the well-known advocate of the persecuted, the deputies were able to meet at his house to conduct their deliberations, without exciting the jealousy of the priests and the vigilance of the police. What the meeting of Protestant deputies recom- mended to their brethren was embodied in a measure, which was afterwards known as "The Project." The chief objects of the project were to exhort the Protestant people to sincere conversion, and the exhibition of the good life which such conversion implies ; constant prayer to the Holy Spirit to enable them to remain steadfast in their profession and in the reading and medi- CLAUDE BROUSSOA-*. 35 tation of the Scriptures ; encouragements to tliem to liold together as congregations for the purpose of united worship ; " submitting themselves unto the common in- structions and to the yoke of Christ, in all places where- soever He shall have established the true discipline, although the edicts of earthly magistrates be contrary thereto." At the same time, Brousson drew up a petition to the Sovereign, humbly requesting him to grant permission to the Huguenots to worship God in peace after their consciences, copies of which were sent to Louvois and the other ministers of State. On this and other peti- tions, Bro;sson observes, "Surely all the world and posterity will be surprised, that so many respectful petitions, so many complaints of injuries, and so manv solid reasons urged for their removal, produced no good result whatever in favour of the Protestants.'^ The members of the churches which had been inter- dicted, and whose temj)les had been demolished, were accordingly invited to assemble in private, in the neigh- bouring fields or woods — -not in public places, nor around the ruins of their ancient temples — for the pur- pose of worshipping God, exciting each other to i^iety by prayer and singing, receiving instruction, and cele- brating the Lord's Supper. Various meetings were accordingly held, in the following month of July, in the Cevennes and Yiverais. At St. Hypolite, where the temple of the Protestants had been destroj-ed, about four thousand persons met in a field near the town, when the minister preached to them from the text — "Pender unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things which are God's." The meeting was conducted with the utmost solemnity ; and a Catholic ]3riest who was -oresent, on giving in- 4 36 THE HUGUENOTS, formation to the Bisliop of Nismes of tlie transaction, admitted tliat the preacher had advanced nothing but what the bishop himself might have spoken. The dragoons were at once sent to St. Hypolite to put an end to these meetings, and to "convert" the Protestants. The town was almost wholl}^ Protestant. The troops were quartered in numbers in every house ; and the people soon became " new converts.'* The losses sustained by the inhabitants of the Cevennes from this forced quartering of the troops upon them — and Anduze, Sauve, St. Germain, Yigan, and Ganges were as full of them as St. Hypolite — may be inferred from the items charged upon the inhabit- ants of St. Hypolite alone * : — To the regiment of Montpezat, for a billet for sixty-five days 50,000 livres. To the three companies of Eed Dragoons, for ninety-five days .... 30,000 „ To three companies of Villeneuve's Dragoons, for thirty days ..... 6,000 „ To three companies of the Blue Dragoons of Languedoc, for three months and nine days 37,000 ,, To a company of Cravates (troopers) for fourteen days ...... 1,400 „ To the transport of three hundred and nine companies of cavalrj' and infantry . . 10,000 „ To provisions for the troops .... 60,000 „ To damage sustained by the destruction done by the soldiers, of furniture, and losses by the seizure of property, &c. . . 50,000 „ Total 244,400 Meetings of the persecuted were also held, under the terms of " The Project, '* in Viverais and Dauphiny. These meetings having been repeated for several weeks, the priests of the respective districts called upon their bishops for help to put down this heretical display. The * Claude Brousson, " Apologie du Projet des 3leform6." CLAUDE BROUSSON, 37 Bishop of Valence (Daniel de Cosmac) accordingly informed them that he had taken the necessary steps, and that he had been apprised that twenty thousand soldiers were now on their march to the South to put down the Protestant movement. On their arrival, the troops were scattered over the country, to watch and suppress any meetings that might be held. The first took place on the 8th of August, at Chateaudouble, a manufacturing village in Drome. The assembly was surprised by a troop of dragoons ; but most of the congregation contrived to escape. Those who were taken were hung upon the nearest trees. Another meeting was held about a fortnight later at Bezaudun, which was attended by many persons from Bourdeaux, a village about half a league distant. While the meeting was at prayer, intelligence was brought that the dragoons had entered Bourdeaux, and that it was a scene of general pillage. The Bourdeaux villagers at once set out for the protection of their families. The troopers met them, and suddenly fell upon them. A few of the villagers were armed, but the principal part defended themselves with stones. Of course they were overpowered ; many were killed by the sword, and those taken prisoners were immediately hanged. A few, who took to flight, sheltered themselves in a barn, where the soldiers found them, set fire to the place, and murdered them as they endeavoured to escape from the flames. One young man was taken prisoner, David Chamier,* son of an advocate, and * The grandfather of this Chamier drew up for Henry IV the celebrated Edict of Nantes. The greater number of the Chamiers Jetti^ ranee. Several were ministers in London and Maryland, U.S. baptam thamier 13 descended from the family. 38 THE HUGUENOTS. related to some of tlie most eminent Protestants in France. He was taken to the neighbouring town of Montelimar, and, after a summary trial, lie was con- demned to be broken to death upon the wheel. The sentence was executed before his father's door ; but the young man bore his frightful tortures with astonishing courage. The contumacious attitude of the Protestants after so many reports had reached Louis XIY. of their entire " conversion,'* induced him to take more active measures for their suppression. He appointed Mar- shal Saint-Ruth commander of the district — a man who was a stranger to mercy, who breathed only car- nage, and who, because of his ferocity, was known as " The Scourge of the Heretics." Daniel de Cosmac, Bishop of Valence, had now the help of Saint-Ruth and his twenty thousand troops. The in- structions Saint-Ruth received from Louvois were these : '^Amnesty has no longer any place for the Yiverais, who continue in rebellion after ha\ing been informed of the King's gracious designs. In one word, you are to cause such a desolation in that country that its ex- ample may restrain all other Huguenots, and may teach them how dangerous it is to rebel against the King." This was a work quite congenial to Saint-Puth* — * Saint-Euth was afterwards, in 1691, sent to Ireland to take the command of the army fighting for James II. against William III. There, Saint-Ruth had soldiers, many of them Huguenots banished from France, to contend with ; and he was accordingly somewhat less successful lh;in in Viverais, where his opponents were mostly peasants and workmen, armed (where armed at all) with stones picked from the roads. Saint-Ruth and his garrison were driven from Athlone, where a Huguenot soldier was the first to mount the breach. The army of William III., though eight thousand fewer in number, followed Saint-Ruth and his Irish army to the field of Aughrim. His host was there drawn up in an almost impregnable position — along the heights of Kilcommeden, with the Castle of Aughrim on his left wing, a deep bog on his right, and another bog of about two CLAUDE BROUSSON, 39 rushing about the country, scourging, slaughtering, laying waste, and suppressing the assemblies — his soldiers rushing upon their victims with cries of ^' Death or the Mass!" Tracking the Protestants in this way was like " a hunt in a great enclosure." When the soldiers found a meeting of the people going on, they shot them down at once, though unarmed. If they were unable to fly, they met death upon their knees. Antoine Court recounts meetings in which as many as between three and four hundred persons, old men, women, and chil- dren, were shot dead on the spot. De Cosmac, the bishop, was yery active in the midst of these massacres. When he went out to convert the people, he first began by sending out Saint-Ruth with the dragoons. Afterwards he himself followed to give instructions for their "conversion," partly through favours, partly by money. "My efforts," he himself admitted, " were not always without success ; yet I must avow that the fear of the dragoons, and of their being quartered in the houses of the heretics, contri- buted much more to their conversion than anything that I did." The same course was followed throughout the Cevennes. It would be a simple record of cruelty to describe in detail the military proceedings there : the dispersion of meetings ; the hanging of persons miles extending along the front, and apparently completely pro- tecting the Irish encampment. Nevertheless, the English and Huguenot army under Ginckle, bravely attacked it, forced the pass to the camp, and routed the army of Saint-Kuth, who himself was killed by a cannon-ball. The principal share of this victory was attributed to the gallant conduct of the three regiments of Huguenot horse, under the command of the Marqiiess de Ruvigny (himself a banished Huguenot nobleman) who, in consequence of his services, was raised to the Irish peerage, under the title of Earl of Galway. 40 THE HUGUENOTS. found attending tliem ; tlie breaking npon the wlieel of the pastors captured, amidst horrible tortures ; the destruction of dwellings and of the household goods which they contained. But let us take the single in- stance of Homel, formerly pastor of the church at Soyon. Homel was taken prisoner, and found guilty of preaching to his flock after his temple had been destroyed. For this ofience he was sentenced to be broken to death uj)on the wheel. To receive this punishment he was conducted to Tournon, in Yiverais, where the Jesuits had a college. He first received forty blows of the iron bar, after which he was left to languish with his bones broken, for forty hours, until he died. During his torments, he said : "I count myself happy that I can die in my Master's service. What ! did my glorious Eedeemer descend from heaAxn and sufier an ignominious death for my salvation, and shall I, to prolong a miserable life, den}^ my blessed Saviour and abandon his people?" While his bones were being broken on the wheel, he said to his wife: "Farewell, once more, my beloved spouse ! Though you witness my bones broken to shivers, yet is my soul filled with in- expressible j oy ." After life was finally extinct, his heart was taken to Chalen^on to be publicly exhibited, and his body was exposed in like manner at Beauchatel. De Noailles, the governor, when referring in one of his dispatches to the heroism displayed by the tortured prisoners, said : " These wretches go to the wheel with the firm assurance of dying martyrs, and ask no other favour than that of dj'ing quickly. They request pardon of the soldiers, but there is not one of them that will ask pardon of the King." To return to Claude Brousson. After his eloquent CLAUDE BROUSSON, 41 defence of tlie Huguenots of Montauban — the result of wliicli, of course, was that the church was ordered to be demolished — and the institution of processes for the demolition of fourteen more Protestant temples, Brousson at last became aware that the furv of the Catholics and the King was not to be satisfied until they had utterly crushed the religion which he served. Brousson was repeatedly ofi'ered the office of counsellor of Parliament, equivalent to the office of judge, if he would prove an apostate ; but the conscience of Brousson was not one that could be bought. He also found that his office of defender of the doomed Huguenots could not be maintained without personal danger, whilst (as events proved) his defence was of no avail to them ; and he resolved, with much regret, to give up his profession for a time, and retire for safet}^ and rest to his native town of JN^ismes. He resided there, however, only about four months. Saint-Puth and De Noailles were now overawing Upper Languedoc with their troops. The Protestants of Nismes had taken no part in ''The Project;" their remaining temple was still open. But they got up a respectful petition to the King, imploring his considera- tion of their case. Poman Catholics and Protestants, they said, had so many interests in common, that the ruin of the one must have the effect of ruining the other, — the flourishing manufactures of tlie province, which were mostly followed by the Protestants, being now rapidly proceeding to ruin. They, therefore, implored his Majesty to grant them permission to prosecute their employments unmolested on account of their religious profession ; and lastly, they conjured the King, by his piety, by his paternal clemency, and by every law of equity, to grant them freedom of religious worship. 42 THE HUGUENOTS. It was of no use. Tlie hearts of tlie King, his clergy, and his ministers, were all hardened against them. A copy of the above petition was presented by two ministers of Msmes and several influential gentle- men of Lower Languedoc to the Duke de Noailles, the governor of the province. He treated the deputation with contempt, and their petition with scorn. Writing to Louvois, the King's prime minister, De !N^oailles said : " Astonished at the effrontery of these wretched persons, I did not hesitate to send them all prisoners to the Citadel of St. Esprit (in the Cevennes), telling them that if there had been ^^etitcH maisons* enough in Languedoc I should not have sent them there." Nismcs was now placed under the same ban as Yivarais, and denounced as ''insurrectionary.'' To quell the pretended revolt, as well as to capture certain persons who were supposed to have been accessory to the framing of the petition, a detachment of four hundred dragoons was ordered into the place. One of those to be apprehended was Claude Brousson. Hundreds of persons knew of his abode in the city, but notwithstanding the public proclamation (which he himself heard from the window of the house where he was staying), and the reward offered for his apprehen- sion, no one attempted to betray him. After remaining in the city for three days, he adopted a disguised dress, passed out of the Crown Gate, and in the course of a few days found a safe retreat in Switzerland. Peyrol and Icard, two of the Protestant ministers whom the dragoons were ordered to apprehend, also escaped into Switzerland, Peyrol settling at * The prisons of Languedoc were already crowded with Protestants, and hundreds had been sent to the galleys at Marseilles. CLAUDE BROUSSON, 43 Lausanne, and Icard becoming tlie minister of a Huguenot cliurch in Holland. But although the ministers had escaped, all the property they had left behind them was confiscated to the Crown. Hideous effigies of them were prepared and hung on gibbets in the market-place of JN^ismes by the public executioner, the magistrates and dragoons attending the sham pro- ceeding with the usual ceremony. At Lausanne, where Claude Brousson settled for a time, he first attempted to occupy himself as a lawj^er ; but this he shortly gave iip to devote himself to the help of the persecuted Huguenots. Like Jurieu and others in Holland, who flooded Europe with accounts of the hideous cruelties of Louis XIY. and his myrmidons the clergy and dragoons, he composed and published a work, addressed to the Homan Catholic party as well as to the Protestants of all countries, entitled, " The State of the Reform Cvd Church of France.'* He afterwards composed a series of letters specially addressed to the Roman Catholic clergy of France. But expostulation was of no use. With each suc- ceeding year the persecution became more bitter, until at length, in 1685, the Edict was revoked. In September of that year Brousson learnt that the Protestant church of his native city had been suppressed, and their temple given over to a society of female converters ; that the wives and daughters of the Protestants who refused to abjure their faith had been seized and imprisoned in nunneries and religious seminaries ; and that three hundred of their husbands and fathers were chained together and sent ofi" in one day for confinement in the galle}' s at Marseilles. The number of Huguenots resorting to Switzerland 44 THE HUGUENOTS. being so great,* and they often came so destitute, that a committee was formed at Lausanne to assist tlie emigrants, and facilitate their settlement in the canton, or enable them to proceed elsewhere. Brousson was from the first an energetic member of this committee. Part of their work was to ^dsit the Protestant states of the north, and find out places to which the emigrants might be forwarded, as well as to collect subscriptions for their conveyance. In N'ovcmber 1685, a month after the Revocation, Brousson and La Porte set out for Berlin with this object. La Porte was one of the ministers of the Cevennes, who had fled before a sentence of death pronounced against him for having been concerned in "The Project." At Berlin they were received very cordially by the Elector of Brandenburg, who had already given great assistance to the Huguenot emigrants, and expressed himself as willing to do all that he could for their protection. Brousson and La Porte here met the Picv. David Ancillon, who had been for thirty- three years pastor at Metz,t and * Within about three weeks no fewer than seventeen thousand five hundred French emigrants passed into Lausanne. Two hundred Protestant ministei's fled to Switzerland, the greater number of whom settled in Lausanne, until they could journey elsewhere. t Ancillon was an eminently learned man. His library was one of the choicest that had ever been collected, and on his expulsion from Metz it was pillaged by the Jesuits. Metz, now part of German Lorraine, was probably not so ferociously dragooned as other places. Yet the inhabitants were under the apprehension that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was about to be repeated upon' them on Christmas Day, 1685, the soldiers of the garrison having been kept under arms all night. The Protestant churches were all pulled down, the ministers were expelled, and many of their people iollowed them into Germany. There were numerous Protestant soldiers in the Metz garrison, and the order of the King was that, like the rest of his subjects, they should become converted. Many of the oflficers resigned and entered the service of William of Orange, and many of the soldiers deserted. The bribe offered for the con- version of privates was as follows : Common soldiers and dragoons, CLAUDE BROUSSON. 45 was now pastor of tlie Elector at Berlin ; Gaultler, banished from Montpellier ; and Abbadie, banished from Sanmur — all ministers of the Huguenot Church there ; with a large number of banished ministers and emigrant Protestants from all the provinces of France. The Elector suggested to Brousson that while at Berlin he should compose a summary account of the condition of the French Protestants, such as should excite the interest and evoke the help of the Protes- tant rulers and people of the northern States. This was done by Brousson, and the volume was published, entitled " Letters of the Protestants of France who have abandoned all for the cause of the Gospel, to other Protestants ; with a particular Letter addressed to Protestant Kings, Electors, Pulers, and Magistrates." The Elector circulated this volume, accompanying it with a letter w^ritten in his name, to all the princes of the Continent professing the Augsburg Confession ; and it was thus mainly owing to the Elector's inter- cession that the Huguenots obtained the privilege of establishing congregations in several of the states of Germany, as well as in Sweden and Denmark. Brousson remained nearly five months at Berlin, after which he departed for Holland to note the progress of the emigration in that country, and there he met a large number of his countrymen. IN'early two hundred and fifty Huguenot ministers had taken refuge in two pistoles per head ; troopers, three pistoles per head. The Protestants of Alsace were dilferently treated. They constituted a majority of the population ; Alsice and Strasburg having only recently been seized by Louis XIV. It was therefore necessary to be cautious in that quarter ; for violence would speedily have raised a revolution in the province which would have driven them over to Germany, whose language they spoke. Louvois could therefore only proceed by bribing ; and he Avas successful in buying over some of the most popular and influential men. 46 THE HUGUENOTS. Holland ; tliete were many mercliants and manuflic- turers who had set up tlieir branches of industry in the country ; and there were many soldiers who had entered the service of William of Orange. While in Holland, Brousson resided ^principally with his brother, a banished Huguenot, who had settled at Amsterdam as a merchant. Having accomplished all that he could for his Husruenot brethren in exile, Brousson returned to Lau- sanne, where he continued his former labours. He bethought him very much of the Protestants still remaining in France, wandering like sheep without shepherds, deprived of guidance, books, and worship — the prey of ravenous wolves, — and it occurred to him whether the Protestant pastors had done right in leaving their flocks, even though by so doing they had secured the safety of their own lives. Accordingly, in 1686, he wrote and published a " Letter to the Pastors of France at present in Protestant States, concerning the Desolation of their own Churches, and their own Exile." In this letter he says : — " If, instead of retiring before your persecutors, you had remained in the country ; if you had taken refuge in forests and caverns ; if you had gone from place to place, risking your lives to instruct and rally the people, until the first shock of the enemy was past ; and had you even courageously exposed yourselves to martyrdom — as in fact those have done who have endeavoured to perform your duties in your absence — perhaps the examples of constancy, or zeal, or of piety you had discovered, might have animated your flocks, revived their courage, and arrested the fury of your enemies." He accordingly exhorted the Protestant ministers who had left France to return to their flocks at all hazards. CLAUDE BROUSSON. 47 This advice, if acted on, was virtually condemning tlie pastors to deatli. Brousson was not a pastor. Would he like to return to France at the daily risk of the rack and the gibbet? The Protestant ministers in exile defended themselves. Benoit, then residing in Ger- many, replied in a " History and Apology for the Re- treat of the Pastors." Another, who did not give his name, treated Brousson' s censure as that of a fanatic, who meddled with matters beyond his vocation. '' You who condemn the pastors for not returning to France at the risk of their lives," said he, " ^chy do you not first return to France yourself?^* Brousson was as brave as his words. He was not a pastor, but he might return to the deserted flocks, and encourage and comfort them. He could no longer be happy in his exile at Lausanne. He heard by night the groans of the prisoners in the Tower of Con- stance, and the noise of the chains borne by the galley slaves at Toulon and Marseilles. He reproached him- self as if it were a crime with the repose which he enjoyed. Life became insupportable to him and he fell ill. His health was even despaired of ; but one day he suddenly rose up and said to his wife, "I must set out ; I will go to console, to relieve, to strengthen my brethren, groaning under their oppressions." His wife threw herself at his feet. " Thou wouldst go to certain death," she said ; " think of me and thy little children." She implored him again and again to remain. He loved his wife and children, but he thought a higher duty called him away from them. When his friends told him that he woidd be taken prisoner and hung, he said, " When God permits his servants to die for the Gospel, they preach louder from the grave than they did during life." He remained 48 THE HUGUENOTS, imsliaken. He would go to the help of the opi^ressed with the love of a brother, the faith of an apostle, and the courage of a martyr. Brousson knew the danger of the office he was about to undertake. There had, as we have seen, been nu- merous attempts made to gather the Protestant people together, and to administer consolation to thorn by public prayers and j^reaching. The persons who con- ducted these services were not regular pastors, but only private members of their former churches. Some of them were very young men, and they were nearly all uneducated as regards clerical instruction. One of the most successful was Isaac Yidal, a lame young man, a mechanic of Colognac, near St. Ilypolite, in the Ceven- nes. His self-imj)oscd ministrations were attended by large numbers of i^eople. He preached for only six months and then died — a natural death, for nearly all who followed him were first tortured and then hung-. AVe have already referred to Fulcran Re}', who preached for about nine months, and was then executed. In the same year were executed Mej^rueis, by trade a woolcarder, and Eocher, who had been a reader in one of the Protestant churches. Emanuel Dalgues, a re- spectable inhabitant of Salle, in the Cevennes, also received the crown of martyrdom. Ever since the Revocation of the Edict, he had proclaimed the Gospel o'er hill and dale, in woods and caverns, to assemblies of the people wherever he could collect them. He was executed in 1687. Three other persons — Gransille, Mercier, and Esclopier — who devoted themselves to preaching, were transported as slaves to America ; and David Mazel, a boy twelve years of age, who had a wonderful memor}-^, and preached sermons -^hich he had learned b}^ heart, was transported, with his father CLA UDE B ROUS SON, 49 and otlier frequenters of tlie assemblies, to the Carribee Islands. At length Bronsson collected about him a number of Huguenots willing to return with him into France, in order to collect the Protestant people together again, to pray with them, and even to preach to them if the opportunity occurred. Erousson's companions were these : Francis Yivens, formerly a schoolmaster in the Cevennes ; Anthony Bertezene, a carpenter, brother of a preacher who had recently been condemned to death ; and seven other persons named Papus, La Pierre, Serein, Dombres, Poutant, Boisson, and M. de Bruc, an aged minister, who had been formerly pastor of one of the churches in the Cevennes. They prepared to enter France in four distinct companies, in the month of July, 1689. CHAPTER lY. CLAUDE BROUSSON, PASTOR AND MARTYR. "DROUSSON left Lausanne on tlie 22nd of July, ac- -^ companied by his dear friend, tlie Rev. M. de Eruc. The other members of the party had preceded them, crossing the frontier at different places. They all arrived in safetj^ at their destination^ which was in the mountain district of the Cevennes. They resorted to the neighbourhood of the Aigoual, the centre of a. very inaccessible region — wild, cold, but full of recesses for hiding and worship. It was also a district surrounded by villages, the inhabitants of which were for the most part Protestant. The party soon became diminished in number. The old pastor, De Bruc, found himself unequal to the fatigue and privations attending the work. He was ill and unable to travel, and was accordingly advised by his companions to quit the service and withdraw from the country. Persecution also destroyed some of them. When it became known that assemblies for religious observances were again on foot, an increased force of soldiers was sent into the district, and a high price was set on the heads of all the j)reacher3 that could be apprehended. The soldiers scoured the country, and, helped by the CLAUDE BROUSSON. 51 paid spies, tliey shortly succeeded in apprehending Boisson and Dombres, at St. Paul's, north of Anduze, in the Cevennes. They were both executed at Nismes, being first subjected to torture on the rack, by which their limbs were entirely dislocated. They were then conveyed to the place of execution, praying and singing psalms on the way, and finished their course with courage and joy. When Brousson first went into the Cevennes, he did not undertake to preach to the people. He was too modest to assume the position of a pastor ; he merely undertook, as occasion required, to read the Scriptures in Protestant families and in small companies, making his remarks and exhortations thereupon. He also transcribed portions of his own meditations on the Scriptures, and gave them away for distribution from hand to hand amongst the j)eople. When it was found that his instructions were much appreciated, and that numbers of people assembled to hear him read and exhort, he was strongly urged to undertake the office of public instructor amongst them, especially as their ministers were being constantly diminished by execution. He had been about five months in the Cevennes, and was detained by a fall of snow on one of the mountains, where his abode was a sheepcote, when the proposal that he should become a j)reacher was first made to him. Yivens was one of those who most strongly supported the appeal made to Brousson. He spent many hours in private prayer, seeking the approval of God- for the course he was about to undertake. Yivens also prayed in the several assemblies that Brousson might be con- firmed, and that God would be pleased to pour upon him his Holy Spirit, and strengthen him so that he 52 THE HUGUENOTS. mi gilt become a faitlifiil and successful labourer in tliis great calling. Brousson at length consented, believing that duty and conscience alike called upon him to give the best of bis help to the oppressed and persecuted Protestants of the mountains. " Brethren," he said to them, when they called upon him to administer to them the Holy Sacra- ment of the Eucharist — " Brethren, I look above you, and hear the most High God calling me through your mouths to this most responsible and sacred office ; and I dare not be disobedient to his heavenly call. By the grace of God I will comply with your pious desires ; dedicate and devote myself to the work of the ministry, and spend the remainder of my life in unwearied pains and endeavours for promoting God's glory, and the consolation of precious souls." Brousson received his call to the ministry in the Cevennes amidst the sound of musketry and grapeshot which spread death among the ranks of his brethren. He was continuously tracked by the spies of the Jesuits, who sought his apprehension and death; and he was hunted from place to place by the troops of the King, who followed him in his wanderings into the most wild and inaccessible places. The perilous character of his new profession was exhibited only a few days after his ordination, by the apprehension of Olivier Souverain at St. Jean de Gardonenque, for preaching the Gospel to the assem- blies. He was at once conducted to Montpellier and executed on the 15th of January, 1690. During the same year, Dumas, another preacher in the Cevennes, was apprehended and fastened by the troopers across a horse in order to be carried to Mont- pellier. His bowels were so injured and his bod\ so CLAUDE BROUSSON. 53 cruslied by this horrible method of conveyance, that Dumas died before he was half way to the customary place of martyrdom. Then followed the execution of David Quoite, a wandering and hunted pastor in the Cevennes for several years. He was broken on the wheel at Mont- pellier, and then hanged. *'The pimishment," said Louvreleuil, his tormentor, '* which broke his bones, did not break his hardened heart : he died in his heresy." After Quoite, M. Bonnemere, a native of the same city, was also tortured and executed in like man- ner on the Peyrou. All these persons were taken, executed, destroyed, or imprisoned, during the first year that Brousson com- menced his perilous ministry in the Cevennes. About the same time three women, who had gone about instructing the families of the destitute Pro- testants, reading the Scriptures and praying with them, were apprehended by Baville, the King's intendant, and punished. Isabeau Redothiere, eighteen years of age, and Marie Lintarde, about a year younger, both the daughters of peasants, were taken before Baville at !N^ismes. "What ! are you one of the preachers, forsooth?" said he to Redothiere. " Sir," she replied, " I have exhorted my brethren to be mindful of their duty towards God, and when occasion ofiered, I have sought God in prayer for them ; and, if your lordship calls that preaching, I have been a preacher." " But," said the Intendant, " you know that the King has forbidden this." *' Yes, my lord," she replied, " I know it very well, but the King of kings, the God of heaven and earth. He hath commanded it." " You deserve death," replied Baville. 54 THE HUGUENOTS. But tlie Intendant awarded her a severer fate. She was condemned to be imprisoned for life in the Tower of Constance, a place echoing with the groans of women, most of whom were in chains, perj)etually imprisoned there for worshipping God according to conscience. Lintarde was in like manner condemned to imprison- ment for life in the castle of Sommieres, and it is believed she died there. JN'othing, however, is known of the time when she died. When a woman was taken and imprisoned in one of the King's torture-houses, she was given up by her friends as lost. A third woman, taken at the same time, was more mercifull}^ dealt with. Anne Montjoj^e was found assisting at one of the secret assemblies. She was solicited in vain to abjure her faith, and being con- demned to death, was publicly executed. Shortly after his ordination, Brousson descended from the Upper Cevennes, where the hunt for Protestants was becoming very hot, into the adjacent valleys and plains. There it was necessary for him to be exceed- ingly cautious. The number of dragoons in Languedoc had been increased so as to enable them regularly to patrol the entire province, and a price had been set upon Brousson's head, which was calculated to quicken their search for the flying pastor. Brousson was usually kept informed by his Hugue- not friends of the direction taken by the dragoons in their patrols, and hasty assemblies were summoned in their absence. The meetings were held in some secret place — some cavern or recess in the rocks. Often they were held at night, when a few lanterns were hurg on the adjacent trees to give light. Sentinels were set in the neighbourhood, and all the adjoining roads were CLAUDE B ROUS SON 55 watcliecl. After the meeting was over the assemblage dispersed in different directions, and Brousson immedi- ately left for another district, travelling mostly by night, so as to avoid detection. In this manner he usually presided at three or four assemblies each week, besides two on the Sabbath day — one early in the morning and another at night. At one of his meetings, held at Boucoiran on the Garden, about half way between Kismes and Anduze, a Protestant nobleman — a oiouveau convertis, who had abjured his religion to retain his estates — was present, and stood near the preacher during the service. One of the Government spies was present, and gave informa- tion. The name of the Protestant nobleman was not known. But the Intendant, to strike terror into others, seized six of the principal landed proprietors in the neio:hbourhood — thouo^h some of them had never attended any of the assemblies since the Pevocation — and sent two of them to the galleys, and the four others to imprisonment for life at Lyons, besides confiscating the estates of the whole to the Crown. Brousson now felt that he was bringing his friends into very great trouble, and, out of consideration for them, he began to think of again leaving France. The dragoons were practising much cruelty on the Protestant population, being quartered in their houses, and at liberty to plunder and extort money to any extent. They were also incessantly on the look out for the assemblies, being often led by mounted priests and spies to places where they had been informed that meetings were about to be held. Their principal ob- ject, besides hanging the persons found attending, was to seize the preachers, more especially Brousson and Yivens, believing that the country would be more effec- 56 THE HUGUENOTS. tually " conyerted," provided they could be seized and got out of the way. Brousson, knowing that he might be seized and taken prisoner at any moment, had long considered whether he ought to resist the attempts made to capture him. He had at first carried a sword, but at length ceased to wear it, being resolved entirely to cast himself on Pro- vidence ; and he also instructed all who resorted to his meetings to come to them unarmed. In this respect Brousson differed from Yivens, who thought it right to resist force by force ; and in the event of any attempt being made to capture him, he considered it expedient to be constantly provided with arms. Yet he had only once occasion to use them, and it was the first and last time. The reward of ten thousand livres being now offered for the apprehension of Brousson and Yivens, or five thousand for either, an active search was made throughout the province. At length the Government found themselves on the track of Yivens. One of his known followers, Yalderon, having been apprehended and put upon the rack, was driven by torture to reveal his place of concealment. A party of soldiers went in pursuit, and found Yivens with three other persons, concealed in a cave in the neighbourhood of Alais. Yivens was engaged in prayer when the soldiers came upon him. His hand was on his gun in a moment. When asked to surrender he replied with a shot, not knowing the number of his opponents. He followed up with two other shots, killing a man each time, and then exposing himself, he was struck by a volley, and fell dead. The three other persons in the cave being in a position to hold the soldiers at defiance for some time, were promised their lives if they would sur- CLA UDE BRO US SON. 5 7 render. They did so, and Tvitli the utter want of truth, lo5^alt3% and manliness that characterized the persecutors, the promise was belied, and the three prisoners were hanged, a few days after, at Alais. Yivens' body was taken to the same place. The Inten- dant sat in judgment upon it, and condemned it to be drawn through the streets upon a hurdle and then burnt to ashes. Brousson was becoming exhausted by the fatigues and privations he had encountered during his two years' wanderings and preachings in the Cevennes ; and he not only desired to give the people a relaxation from their persecution, but to give himself some abso- lutely necessary rest. He accordingly proceeded to Msmes, his birthplace, where many people knew him ; and where, if they betrayed him, they might easily have earned five thousand livres. But so much faith was kept by the Protestants amongst one another, that Brous- son felt that his life was quite as safe amongst his townspeople as it had been during the last two years amoncrst the mountaineers of the Cevennes. It soon became known to the priests, and then to the Intendant, that Brousson was resident in concealment at IS'ismes ; and great efforts were accordingly made for his apprehension. During the search, a letter of Brous- son's was found in the possession of M. Guion, an aged minister, who had returned from Switzerland to resume his ministry, according as he might find it practicable. The result of this discovery was, that Guion was appre- hended, taken before the Intendant, condemned to be executed, and sent to Montpellier, where he gave up his life at seventy years old — the drums beating, as usual, that nobody might hear his last words. The house in which Guion had been taken at Nismes was ordered S8 THE HUGUENOTS, to be razed to the ground, in punisliment of the owner who had given him shelter. After spending about a month at Nismes, Brousson was urged by his friends to quit the city. He accor- dingl}^ succeeded in passing through the gates, and went to resume his former work. His first assembly was held in a commodious place on the Gfardon, between Valence, Brignon, and St. Maurice, about ten miles dis- tant from Nismes. Although he had requested that only the Protestants in the immediate neighbourhood should attend the meeting, so as not to excite the appre- hensions of the authorities, yet a multitude of persons came from Uzes and IS^ismes, augmented by accessions from upwards of thirty villages. The service was com- menced about ten o'clock, and was not completed until midnight. The concourse of persons from all quarters had been so great that the soldiers could not fail to be informed of it. Accordingly they rode towards the place of assemblage late at night, but they did not arrive until the meeting had been dissolved. One troop of soldiers took ambush in a wood through which the worshippers would return on their way back to Uzes. The command had been given to " draw blood from the conventicles.'^ On the approach of the people the soldiers fired, and killed and wounded several. About forty others were taken prisoners. The men were sent to the galleys for life, and the women were thrown into gaol at Carcassone — the Tower of Constance being- then too full of prisoners. After this event, the Government became more anxious in their desire to capture Brousson. They published far and wide their renewed offer of reward for his apprehension. They sent six fresh companies CLAUDE BROUSSON, * 59 of soldiers speciall}^ to track Mm, and examine tlie woods and search tlie caves between Uzes and Alais. But Brousson's friends took care to advise him of the approach of danger, and he sped away to take shelter in another quarter. The soldiers were, however, close upon his heels ; and one morning, in attempting to enter a village for the purpose of drying himself — having been exposed to the winter's rain and cold all night — he suddenly came upon a detachment of soldiers ! He avoided them by taking shelter in a thicket, and while there, he observed another detachment pass in file, close to where he was concealed. The soldiers were divided into four parties, and sent out to search in dif- ferent directions, one of them proceeding to search every house in the village into which Brousson had just been about to enter. The next assembly was held at Sommieres, about eight miles west of ISTismes. The soldiers were too late to disperse the meeting, but they watched some of the people on their return. One of these, an old woman, who had been observed to leave the place, was shot on entering her cottage ; and the soldier, observing that she was attempting to rise, raised the butt end of his gun and brained her on the spot. The hunted pastors of the Cevennes were falling off one by one. Bernard Saint Paul, a yoimg man, who had for some time exercised the office of preacher, was executed in 1692. One of the brothers Du Plans was executed in the same year, having been offered his life if he would conform to the Catholic religion. In the following year Paul Colognac was executed, after being broken to death on the wheel at Masselargais, near to which he had held his last assembly. His arms, thighs, legs, and feet were severally broken with the 6o THE HUGUENOTS. iron bar some hours before the coup de grace, or deatli- blow, was inflicted. Colognac endured bis sufferings with beroic fortitude. He was only twenty-four. He bad commenced to preach at twenty, and laboured at tbe work for only four years. Brousson's health was fast giving ^ay. Ever}^ place that he frequented was closely watched, so that he had often to spend the night under the hollow of a rock, or under the shelter of a wood, exposed to rain and snow, — and sometimes he had even to contend with a wolf for the shelter of a cave. Often he was almost perish- ing for want of food ; and often be found himself nearly ready to die for want of rest. And yet, even in the midst of bis greatest perils, his constant thought was of the people committed to him, and for whose eternal happiness he continued to work. As he could not visit all who Avished to hear him, be wrote out sermons that might be read to them. His friend Henry Poutant, one of those who originally accompanied him from Switzerland and bad not yet been taken prisoner by the soldiers, went about hold- ing meetings for prayer, and reading to the people the sermons prepared for them by Brousson. For the purpose of writing out his sermons, Brous- son carried about with him a small board, which he called his *' Wilderness Table." With this placed upon his knees, he wrote the sermons, for the most part in woods and caves. He copied out seventeen of these sermons, which he sent to Louis XI Y., to show him that what *' he preached in the deserts contained nothing but the pure word of God, and that he only exhorted the people to obey God and to give glory to Him." The sermons were afterwards published at Am- CLA UDE B ROUS SON. 6 1 sterdam, in 1695, under the title of '' Tlie Mystic Manna of tlie Desert." One would have expected that, under the bitter persecutions which Brousson had suffered during so many years, they would have been full of denunciation ; on the contrary, they were only full of love. His words were only burning when he censured his hearers for not remaining faithful to their Church and to their God. At length, the fury of Brousson's enemies so in- creased, and his health was so much impaired, that he again thought of leaving France. His lungs were so much injured by constant exposure to cold, and his voice had become so much impaired, that he could not preach. He also heard that his family, whom he had left at Lausanne, required his assistance. His only son was growing up, and needed education. Perhaps Brous- son had too long neglected those of his own household ; though he had every confidence in the prudence and thoughtfulness of his wife. Accordingly, about the end of 1693, Brousson made arrano^ements for leavino: the Cevennes. He set out in the beginning of December, and arrived at Lausanne about a fortnight later, having been engaged on his extraordinary mission of duty and peril for four years and five months. He was received like one rescued from the dead. His health was so injured, that his wife could scarcely recognise her husband in that wan, wasted, and weatherbeaten creature who stood before her. In fact, he was a perfect wreck. He remained about fifteen months in Switzerland, during which he preached in the Huguenots' church ; wrote out many of his pastoral letters and sermons ; and, when his health had become restored, he again proceeded on his travels into foreign countries. He 02 THE HUGUENOTS. first wsnt into Holland. He had scarely arrived there, when intelligence reached him from Montpellier of the execut'ion, after barbarous torments, of his friend Papus, — one of those who had accompanied him into the Cevennes to j)reach the Gospel some six years before. There were now very few of the original company left. On hearing of the martydom of Papus, Brousson, in a pastoral letter which he addressed to his followers, said : " He must have died some day ; and as he could not have prolonged his life beyond the term appointed, how could his end have been more happy and more glorious ? His constancy, his sweetness of temper, his patience, his humility, his faith, his hope, and his piety, affected even his judges and the false pastors who en- deavoured to seduce him, as also the soldiers and all that witnessed his execution. He could not have preached better than he did by his martyrdom ; and I doubt not that his death will produce abundance of fruit." While in Holland, Brousson took the opportunity of having his sermons and many of his pastoral letters printed at Amsterdam ; after which he proceeded to make a visit to his banished Huguenot friends in England. He also wished to ascertain from personal inquiry the advisability of forwarding an increased number of French emigrants — then resident in Swit- zerland — for settlement in this country. In London, he met many of his friends from the South of France — for there were settled there as ministers, Graverol of Nismes, Satur of Moutauban, four ministers from Montpellier for whom he had pleaded in the courts at Toulouse — the two Dubourdieus and the two Ber- thaus — fathers and sons. There were also La Coux from Castres, Be Joux from Lyons, Roussillon from CLAUDE BROUSSON. 63 MontredoD, Mestayer from St. Quentin, all settled in London as ministers of Huguenot churclies. After staying in England for only about a month, Brousson was suddenly recalled to Holland to assume tlie office to wliicli lie was appointed without solicita- tion, of preacher to the Walloon church at the Hague. Though his office was easy — for he had several col- leagues to assist him in the duties — and the salary was abundant for his purposes, while he was living in the society of his wife and family — Brousson nevertheless very soon began to bo ill at ease. He still thought of the abandoned Huguenots "in the Desert'' ; without teachers, without pastors, without spiritual help of any kind. When he had undertaken the work of the ministry, he had vowed that he would devote his time and talents to the support and help of the afflicted Church ; and now he was living at ease in a foreign country, far removed from those to whom he con- sidered his services belonged. These thoughts were constantly recurring and pressing upon his mind ; and at length he ceased to have any rest or satisfaction in his new position. Accordingly, after only about four months' connec- tion with the Church at the Hague, Brousson decided to relinquish the charge, and to devote himself to the service of the oppressed and afflicted members of his native Church in France. The Dutch Government, however, having been informed of his perilous and self-sacrificing intention, agreed to continue his salary as a pastor of the Walloon Church, and to pay it to his wife, who henceforth abode at the Hague. Brousson determined to enter France from the north, and to visit districts that were entirely new to him. For this purpose he put himself in charge of a guide. 64 THE HUGUENOTS, At that time, while the Protestants were flying from France, as they continued to do for many years, there were numerous persons who acted as guides for those not only flying from, but entering the country. Those who guided Protestant pastors on their concealed visits to Prance, were men of great zeal and courage — known to be faithful and self-denying — and thoroughly acquainted with the country. They knew all the woods, and fords, and caves, and places of natural shelter along the route. They made the itinerary of the mountains and precipices, of the byways and deserts, their study. They also knew of the dwellings of the faithful in the towns and villages where Huguenots might find relief and shelter for the night. They studied the disguises to be assumed, and were prepared with a stock of phrases and answers adapted for every class of inquiries. The guide employed by Brousson was one James Bruman — an old Huguenot merchant, banished at the Revocation, and now employed in escorting Huguenot preachers back to France, and escorting flying Hugue- not men, women, and children from it.* The pastor and his guide started about the end of August, 1695. They proceeded by way of Liege ; and travelling south, they crossed the forest of Ardennes, and entered France near Sedan. Sedan, recently the scene of one of the greatest calamities that has ever befallen France, was, about two centuries ago, a very prosperous place. It was the seat of a great amount of Protestant learning and Pro- testant industry. One of the four principal Huguenot academies of France was situated in that town. It was * Many of these extraordinary escapes are given in the author's " Huguenots : their Settlements, Churches, and Industries, in Eng- land and Ireland." CLAUDE BROUSSON. 65 suppressed in 1681, sliortl}^ before tlie Kevocation, and its professors, Bayle, Abbadie, Basnage, Brazy, and Jurieu, expelled the country. The academy build- ings themselves had been given over to the Jesuits — the sworn enemies of the Huguenots. At the same time, Sedan had been the seat of great woollen manufactures, originally founded by Flemish Protestant families, and for the manufacture of arms, implements of husbandry, and all kinds of steel and iron articles.* At the Revocation, the Protestants packed up their tools and property, suddenly escaped across the frontier, near which they were, and went and established themselves in the Low Countries, where they might pursue their industries in safety. Sedan was ruined, and remained so until our own day, when it has begun to experience a little prosperity from the tourists desirous of seeing the place where the great French Army surrendered. When Brousson visited the place, the remaining Protestants resided chiefly in the suburban villages of Givonne and Daigny. He visited them in their fami- lies, and also held several private meetings, after which he was induced to preach in a secluded place near Sedan at night. This assembl}^, however, was reported to the autho- rities, who immediately proceeded to make search for the heretic preacher. A party of soldiers, informed by the spies, next morning invested the house in which Brousson slept. They first apprehended Bruman, the guide, and thought that in him they had secured the * There were from eighty to ninety establishments for the manu- facture of broadcloth in Sedan, giving employment to more than two thousand persons. These, together with the iron and steel manufactures, were entirely ruined at the Revocation, when the whole of the Protestant mechanics went into exile, and settled for the most part in Holland and England. 66 THE HUGUENOTS. pastor. They next rummaged tlie house, in order to find the preacher's books. But Brousson, hearing them coming in, hid himself behind the door, which, being small, hardly concealed his person. After setting a guard all round the house, ransack- ing every room in it, and turning everything upside down, they left it ; but two of the children, seeing Brousson's feet under the door, one of them ran after the officer of the party, and exclaimed to him, pointing back, " Here, sir, here ! " But the officer, not under- standing what the child meant, went away with his soldiers, and Brousson's life was, for the time, saved. The same evening, Brousson changed his disguise to that of a wool-comber, and carrying a parcel on bis shoulder, he set out on the same evening with another guide. He visited many places in which Protestants were to be found — in Champagne, Picardy, Normandy, Nevernois, and Burgundj'-. He also visited several of his friends in the neighbourhood of Paris. We have not many details of his perils and experi- ences during his journey. But the following passage is extracted from a letter addressed by him to a friend in Holland : " I assure you that in every place through which I passed, I witnessed the poor pcoj^le truly repenting their fault {i.e. of having gone to Mass), weeping daV and night, and imploring the grace and consolations of the Gospel in their distress. Their persecutors daily oppress them, and burden them with taxes and imposts; but the more discerning of the Koman Catholics acknowledge that the cruelties and injustice done towards so many innocent persons, draw down misery and distress upon the kingdom. And truly it is to be apprehended that God will abandon its inhabitants to their wickedness, that he may afterwards CLAUDE BROUSSON. 67 pour down liis most terrible judgments upon that ungrateful and vaunting country, whicli has rejected his truth and despised the day of visitation." During the twelve months that Brousson was occupied with his ]Derilous journey through France, two more of his friends in the Cevennes suffered martyrdom — La Porte on the 7th of February, 1696, and Henri Gruerin on the 22nd of June following. Both were broken alive on the wheel before receiving the coup de grace. Towards the close of the year, Brousson arrived at Basle, from whence he proceeded to visit his friends throughout the cantons of Switzerland, and then he returned to Holland by way of the Ehine, to rejoin his family at the Hague. At that time, the representatives of the Allies were meeting at By s wick the rej)resentatives of Louis XIY., who was desirous of peace. Brousson and the French refugee ministers resident in Holland endeavoured to bring the persecutions of the French Protestants under the notice of the Conference. But Louis XIY. would not brook this interference. He proposed going on dealing with the heretics in his own w^aj^ *' I do not pretend," he said, " to prescribe to William III. rules about his subjects, and I expect the same liberty as to my own." Finding it impossible to obtain redress for his fellow- countrymen under the treaty of Byswick, which was shortly after concluded, Brousson at length prepared to make his third journey into France in the month of August 1697. He set out greatly to the regret of his wife, who feared it might be his last journey, as indeed it proved to be. In a letter which he wrote to console her, from some remote place where he was snowed np about the middle of the following December, he said : 6 68 THE HUGUENOTS, *' 1 cannot at present enter into the details of the work the Lord has given me grace to lahonr in ; but it is the* source of much consolation to a large number of his poor people. It will be expedient that you do not mention where I am, lest I should be traced. It may be that I cannot for some time write to you ; but I walk under the conduct of my God, and I repeat that I would not for millions of money that the Lord should refuse me the grace which renders it imperative for me to labour as I now do in His work."* When the snow had melted sufficiently to enable Brousson to escape from the district of Dauphiny, near the High Alps, where he had been coilcealed, he made his way across the country to the Yiverais, whore he laboured for some time. Here he heard of the martyrdom of the third of the brothers Du Plans, broken on the wheel and executed like the others on the Peyrou at Montpellier. During the next nine months, Brousson laboured in the north-eastern provinces of Languedoc (more par- ticularly in. the Cevennes and Yiverais), Orange, and Dauphiny. He excited so much interest amongst the Protestants, who resorted from a great distance to attend his assemblies, that the spies (who were usually pretended Protestants) soon knew of his presence in the neighbourhood, and information was at once for- warded to the Intendant or his officers. Persecution was growing very bitter about this time. By orders of the bishops the Protestants were led by force to Mass before the dragoons with drawn swords, and the shops of merchants who refused to go to Mass * The following ^^■a3 the portraiture of Brousson, issued to the spies and police : " Brousson is of middle stature, and rather spare, aged forty to forty-two, nose large, complexion dark, hair hlack, hands Well formed." CLAUDE B ROUS SON, 69 regularly were ordered to be closed. Their liouses were also filled with soldiers. " The soldiers or militia," said Brousson to a friend in HoUan-d, ''frequently commit horrible ravages, breaking open the cabinets, removing every article that is saleable, which are often purchased by the priests at insignificant prices ; the rest they burn and break up, after which the soldiers are removed ; and when the sufferers think themselves restored to peace, fresh billets are ordered upon them. Many are consequently induced to go to Mass with weeping and lamentation, but a great number remain inflexible, and others fly the kingdom." When it became known that Brousson, in the course of his journey in gs, had arrived, about the end of August, 1698, in the neighbourhood of Nismes, Baville was greatly mortified ; and he at once ofiered a reward of six hundred louis d'or for his head. Brousson nevertheless entered Nismes, and found refuge amongst his friends. He had, however, the imprudence to post there a petition to the King, signed by his own hand, which had the effect of at once setting the spies upon his track. Leaving the city itself, he took refuge in a house not far from it, whither the spies contrived to trace him, and gave the requisite information to the Intendant. The house was soon after surrounded by soldiers, and was itself entered and completely searched. Brousson's host had only had time to make him descend into a well, which had a niche in the bottom in which he could conceal himself. The soldiers looked down the well a dozen times, but could see nothing. Brousson was not in the house , he was not in the chimneys ; he was not in the outhouses. He must be in the well ! A soldier went down the well to make 'a personal 70 THE HUGUENOTS. examination. He was let down close to the sur- face of the water, and felt all about. There was nothing ! Feeling awfully cold, and wishing to be taken out, he called to his friends, '' There is nothing here, pull me u.p." He was pulled up accordingly, and Brousson was again saved. The country about Nismes being beset with spies to track the Protestants and prevent their meetings, Brousson determined to go westward and visit the scattered people in Bouerge, Pays de Foix, and Bigorre, proceeding as far as Beam, where a remnant of Huguenots still lingered, notwithstanding the repeated dragooning to which the district had been subjected. It was at Oberon that he fell into the hands of a spy, who bore the same name as a Protestant friend to whom his letter was addressed. Information was given to the authorities, and Brousson was arrested. He made no resistance, and answered at once to his name. When the Judas who had betrayed him went to M. Penon, the intendant of the province, to demand the reward set upon Brousson's head, the Intendant replied with indignation, '' Wretch ! don't you blush to look upon the man in whose blood you traffic ? Begone ! I cannot bear your presence ! " Brousson was sent to Pau, where he was imprisoned in the castle of Foix, at one time the centre of the Peformation movement in the South of France — where Calvin had preached, where Jeanne d'Albret had lived, and where Henry lY. had been born. From Pau, Brousson was sent to JMontpellier, escorted by dragoons. At Toulouse the party took passage by the canal of Languedoc, which had then been shortly open. At Somail, during the night, Brousson saw that all the soldiers were asleep. He CLAUDE BROUSSON. 71 had but to step on shore to regain his liberty ; but he had promised to the Intendant of Learn, who had allowed him to go unfettered, that he would not attempt to escape. At Agade there was a detachment of a hundred soldiers, ready to convey the prisoner to Baville, Intendant of Languedoc. He was im- prisoned in the citadel of Montpellier, on the 30th October, 1698. Baville, who knew much of the character of Brous- son — ^his peacefulness, his piety, his self-sacrifice, and his noble magnanimity-: — is said to have observed on one occasion, " I would not for a world have to judge that man.'' And yet the time had now arrived when Brousson was to be judged and condemned by Baville and the Presidial Court. The trial was a farce, because it had been predetermined that Brousson should die. He was charged with preaching in France contrary to the King's prohibition. This he admitted ; but when asked to whom he had administered the Sacrament, he positively refused to disclose, because he was neither a traitor nor informer to accuse his brethren. He was also charged with having conspired to introduce a foreign army into France under the com- mand of Marshal Schomberg. This he declared to be absolutely false, for he had throughout his career been a man of peace, and sought to bring back Christ's followers by peaceful means only. His defence was of no avail. He was condemned to be racked, then to be broken on the wheel, and after- wards to be executed. He received the sentence without a shudder. He was tied on the rack, but when he refused to accuse his brethren he was released from it. xittempts were made by several priests and friars to add him to the number of " new converts," but these 72 THE HUGUENOTS. were altogether fruitless. All tliat remained was to execute him finally on the public place of execution — the Peyrou. The Peyrou is the pride of modern Montpellier. It is the favourite promenade of the place, and is one of the finest in Europe. It consists of a broad platform elevated high above the rest of the town, and command- ing extensive views of the surrounding country. In clear weather, Mont Yentoux, one of the Alpine sum- mits, may be seen across the broad valley of the Phone on the east, and the j^eak of Mont Canizou in the Pja^enees on the west. JSTorthward stretches the moun- tain range of the Cevennes, the bold Pic de Saint- Loup the advanced sentinel of the group ; while in the south the prospect is bounded by the blue line of the Mediterranean. The Peyrou is now pleasantly laid out in terraced walks and shady groves, with gay parterres of flowers — the upper platform being surrounded with a handsome stone balustrade. An equestrian statue of Louis XIY. occupies the centre of the area ; and a triumjphal arch stands at the entrance to the promenade, erected to commemorate the '' glories " of the same monarch, more particularly the Pevocation by him of the Edict of Nantes — one of the entablatures of the arch displaying a hideous figure, intended to represent a Huguenot, lying trampled under foot of the " Most Christian King.'' The Peyrou was thus laid out and ornamented in the reign of his successor, Louis XY., '' the AYell- beloved," during which the same policy for which Louis XIY. was here glorified by an equestrian statue and a triumphal arch continued to be persevered in — of imprisoning, banishing, hanging, or sending to the CLAUDE BROUSSON. 73 gallej's such, of the citizens of France as were not of " the King's religion." But during the reign of Louis XIY. himself, the Peyrou was anything but a pleasure-ground. It was the inflimous place of the city — the place de Greve — a desert, barren, blasted table- land, where sometimes half-a-dozen decaying corpses might be seen swinging from the gibbets on wliich they had been hung. It was specially reserved, because of its infamy, for the execution of heretics against Eome ; and here, accord- ingly, hundreds of Huguenot martyrs — whom power, honour, and wealth failed to bribe or to convert — were called upon to seal their faith with their blood. Brousson was executed at this place on the 4th of November, 1698. It was towards evening, while the sun was slowly sinking behind the western mountains, that an immense multitude assembled on the Peyrou to witness the martyrdom of the devoted pastor. Not fewer than twenty thousand persons were there, includ- ing the principal nobility of the city and province, besides many inhabitants of the adjoining mountain district of the Cevennes, some of whom had come from a great distance to be present. In the centre of the plateau, near where the equestrian statue of the great King now stands, was a scaffold, strongly surrounded by troops to keep off the crowd. Two battalions, drawn up in two lines facing each other, formed an avenue of bayonets between the citadel, near at hand, and the place of execution. A commotion stirred the throng ; and the object of the breathless interest excited shortly appeared in the person of a middle-sized, middle-aged man, spare, grave, and dignified in appearance, dressed in the ordinary 74 THE HUGUENOTS. garb of a pastor, who walked slowly towards the scaffold, engaged in earnest prayer, bis eyes and bands lifted towards beaven. On mounting tbe platform, be stood forward to say a few last words to tbe people, and give to many of bis friends, wbom be knew to be in tbe crowd, bis parting benediction. But bis voice was instantly stifled by tbe roll of twenty drums, wbicb continued to beat a quick marcb until tbe bideous ceremony was over, and tbe martyr, Claude Brousson, bad ceased to live.* Strange are tbe vicissitudes of buman affairs ! Not a hundred years passed after this event, before the great grandson of the monarch, at whose instance Brousson bad laid down his life, appeared upon a scaffold in the Place Louis XIY. in Paris, and implored permission to say his few last words to the people. In vain ! His voice was drowned by the drums of San- terre ! * The only favour which Brousson's judges showed him at death was as regarded the manner of carrying his sentence into execution. He was condemned to he broken alive on the wheel, and then strangled ; whereas by special favour the sentence was commuted into strangulation first and the breaking of his bones afterwards. So that while Brousson's impassive body remained with his per- secutors to be broken, his pure unconquered spirit mounted in triumph towards heaven. CHAPTER y OUTBREAK IN LIXGUEDOC. A LTHOUGH tlie arbitrary measures of tlie King were -^^ felt all over France, they nowhere excited more dismay and consternation tlian in the province of Lan- guedoc. This province had always been inhabited by a spirited and energetic people, born lovers of liberty. They were among the earliest to call in question the despotic authority over mind and conscience claimed by the see of Rome. The country is sown with the ashes of martyrs. Long before the execution of Brousson, the Peyrou at Montpellier had been the Calvary of the South of France. As early as the twelfth century, the Albigenses, who inhabited the district, excited the wrath of the Popes. Simple, sincere believers in the Divine pro- vidence, they rejected Rome, and took their stand upon the individual responsibility of man to God. Count de Foix said to the legate of Innocent III. : " As to my religion, the Pope has nothing to do with it. Every man's conscience must be free. My father has always recommended to me this liberty, and I am content to die for it.'' A crusade was waged against the Albigenses, which lasted for a period of about sixty years. Armies were 76 T'HE HUGUENOTS. concent rate 1 upon Languecloc, and after great slaugliter tlie heretics were supposed to be exterminated. But enough of the people survived to perpetuate the love of liberty in their descendants, who continued to ( xercis3 a degree of indej^endence in matters of religion and politics almost unknown in other parts of France. Languedoc was the principal stronghold of the Hugue- nots in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; and when, in 1685, Louis XIV. revoked the Edict of Nantes, which interdicted freedom of worshij) under penalty of confiscation, banishment, and death, it is not surprising that such a policy should have occasioned widespread consternation, if not hostility and oj^en resistance. At the period of the Eevocation there were^ accord- ing to the Intendant of the province, not fewer than 250,000 Protestants in Languedoc, and these formed the most skilled, industrious, enterprising, and wealthy portion of the communit3\ They were the best farmers, vine-dressers, manufacturers, and traders. The valley of Vaunage, lying to the westward of Nismes, was one of the richest and most highly cultivated parts of France. It contained more than sixty temples, its population being almost exclusively Protestant ; and it was known as " The Little Canaan," abounding as it did in corn, and wine, and oil. The greater part of the commerce of the South of France was conducted by the Protestant merchants of Nismes, of whom the Intendant wrote to the King in 1699, *' If they are still bad Catholics, at any rate they have not ceased to be ver}^ good traders." The Marquis d'Aguesseau bore similar testimony to the intelligent industry of the Huguenot population. "By an unfortunate fatality," said he, "in nearly every OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC, 77 kind of art tlie most skilful workmen, as well as the richest merchants, belong to the pretended reformed religion." The Marquis, who governed Languedoc for many years, was further of opinion that the intelligence of the Protestants was in a great measure due to the in- structions of their pastors. ''It is certain," said he, " that one of the things which holds the Huguenots to their religion is the amount of information which they receive from their instructors, and which it is not thought necessary to give in ours. The Huguenots will be instructed, and it is a general complaint amongst the new converts not to find in our religion the same mental and moral discipline they find in their own." BaviHe, the intendant, made an observation to a similar effect in a confidential communication which he made to the authorities at Paris in 1697, in which he boasted that the Protestants had now all been con- • verted, and that there were 198,483 new converts in Languedoc. " Generally speaking," he said, " the new converts are much better off, being more laborious and industrious than the old Catholics of the province. The new converts must not bo regarded as Catholics ; they almost all preserve in their heart their attach- ment to their former religion. They may confess and communicate as much as you will, because they are menaced and forced to do so by the secular power. But this only leads to sacrilege. To gain them, their hearts must he won. It is there that religion resides, and it can only be solely established by efiecting that conquest." From the number, as well as the wealth and educa- tion, of the Protestants of Languedoc, it is reasonabel 78 THE HUGUENOTS, to suppose that the emigration from this quarter of France should have been very considerable during the persecutions which followed the Kevocation. Of course nearly all the pastors fled, death being their punish- ment if they remained in France. Hence many of the most celebrated French preachers in Holland, Germany, and England were pastors banished from Languedoc. Claude and Saurin both belonged to the province ; and among the London preachers were the Dubourdieus, the Bertheaus, Graverol, and Pegorier. It is also interesting to find how many of the distin- guished Huguenots who settled in England came from Languedoc. The Romillys and Layards came from Mont- pellier ; the Saurins from Nismes ; the Gaussens from Lunel ; and the Bosanquets from Caila ; * besides the Auriols, Arnauds, Pechels, De Beauvoirs, Durands, Portals, Boileaus, D'Albiacs, D'Oliers, Pious, and Vig- noles, all of whom belonged to the Huguenot landed gentry of Languedoc, who fled and sacrificed everything rather than conform to the religion of Louis XIY. When Brousson was executed at Montpellier, it was believed that Protestantism was finally dead. At all events, it was supposed that those of the Protestants who remained, without becoming converted, were at length reduced to utter powerlessness. It was not believed that the smouldering ashes contained any sparks that might yet be fanned into flames. The Huguenot landed proprietors, the principal manufacturers, the best of the artisans, had left for other countries. Pro- testantism was now entirely without leaders. The * There are still Gaussens at St. Mamert, in the deparlment of Gard; and some of the Bosanquet family must have remained on their estates or returned to Protestantism, as we find a Bosanquet of Caila broken alive at Kismes, because of his religion, on the 7lh September, 1702, after which his corpse was publicly exposed on the Montpellier high road. OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 79 very existence of Protestantism in any form was denied by the law ; and it might perhaps reasonably have been expected that, being thus crushed out of sight, it would die. But there still remained another important and vital element — the common people — the peasants, the small farmers, the artisans, and labouring classes — persons of slender means, for the most part too poor to emigrate, and who remained, as it were, rooted to the soil on which they had been born. This was especially the case in the Cevennes, where, in many of the communes, almost the entire inhabitants were Protestants ; in others, they formed a large proportion of the popula- tion ; while in all the larger towns and villages they were very numerous, as well as widely spread over the whole province. The mountainous district of the Cevennes is the most rugged, broken, and elevated region in the South of France. It fills the department of Lozere, as well as the greater part of Gard and Herault. The principal mountain- chain, about a hundred leagues in length, imns from north-east to south-west, and may almost be said to unite the Alps with the Pyrenees. From the centre of France the surface rises with a gradual slope, forming an inclined plane, which reaches its greatest height in the Cevennic chain, several of the summits of which are about five thousand five hundred feet above the sea level. Its connection with the Al23ine ]'ange is, how- ever, broken abruptly by the deep valley of the Rhone, running nearly due north and south. The whole of this mountain district may be regarded as a triangular plateau rising graduall}^ from the north- west, and tilted up at its south-eastern angle. It is /-. 8o THE HUGUENOTS. composed for the most part of granite, overlapped by- strata belonging to tlie Jurassic-system ; and in many places, especially in Auvergne, the granitic rocks have been burst through by volcanoes, long since extinct, which rise like enormous protuberances from the higher parts of the platform. Towards the southern border of the district, the limestone strata overlapping the granite assume a remarkable development, exhibit- ing a series of flat-topped hills bounded by perpen- dicular cliffs some six or eight hundred feet high. " These plateaux," says Mr. Scrope, in his interest- ing account of the geology of Central France, ''are called ' causses ' in the provincial dialect, and they have a singularly drear}' and desert aspect from the monotony of their form and their barren and rocky character. The valleys which separate them are rarely of con- siderable width. Winding, narrow, and all but im- passable clift-like glens predominate, giving to the Cevennes that peculiarly intricate character which en- abled its Protestant inhabitants, in the beginning of the last century, to offer so stubborn and gallant a re- sistance to the atrocious persecutions of Louis XIV." Such being the character of this mountain district — rocky, elevated, and sterile — the people inhabiting it, though exceedingly industrious, are for the most very poor. Sheep-farming is the principal occupation of the people of the hill coimtry ; and in the summer season, when the loAver districts are parched with drought, tens of thousands of sheep may be seen covering the roads leading to the Upper Cevennes, whither they are driven for pasture. There is a comparatively small breadth of arable land in the district. The mountains in many places contain only soil enough to grow junij)er- bushes. There is very little verdure to relieve the eye — few OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 8i turf-clad slopes or earth-coYered ledges to repay tlie tillage of the farmer. Even the mountains of lower elevation are for the most part stony deserts. Chest- nut-trees, it is true, grow luxuriantly in the sheltered places, and occasionally scanty crops of rye on the lower mountain-sides. Mulberry-trees also thrive in the valleys, their leaves being used for the feeding of silkworms, the rearing of which forms one of the prin- cipal industries of the district. Even in the immediate neighbourhood of Nismes — a rich and beautiful town, abounding in Roman remains, which exhibit ample cAadences of its ancient grandeur — the country is arid, stony, and barren-looking, though here the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree, wherever there is soil enough, grow luxuriantly in the open air. Indeed, the country very much resembles in its charac- ter the land of Judea, being rocky, parched, and in many places waste, though in others abounding in corn and wine and oil. In the interior parts of the district the scenery is wild and grand, especially in the valleys lying under the lofty mountain of Lozere. But the rocks and stones are everywhere in the ascendant. A few years ago we visited the district ; and while proceeding in the old-fashioned diligence which runs between Alais and Florae — for the district is altogether beyond the reach of railways — a French contractor, accompanying a band of Italian miners, whom he was taking into the mountains to search for minerals, point- ing to the sterile rocks, exclaimed to us, '' Messieurs, behold the very poorest district in France ! It con- tains nothing but juniper-bushes ! As for its agricul- ture, it produces nothing ; manufactures, nothing ; commerce, nothing! Rien^ rien, rien!" The observation of this French entrepreneur reminds 82 THE HUGUENOTS. us of an anecdote tLat Telford, the Scotch engineer, used to relate of a countryman with reference to his appre- ciation of Scotch mountain beauty. An English artist, enraptured by the scenery of Ben MacDhui, "was ex- patiating on its magnificence, and appealed to the native guide for cdnfirmiation of his news. " I dinna ken aboot the scenery," replied the man, '' but there's plenty o' big rocks and stanes ; an' the kintra's awfu' puir." The same observation might doubtless apply to the Cevennes. Tet, though the people may be poor, they are not miserable or destitute, for they are all well-clad and respectable-looking peasants, and there is not a beggar to be seen in the district. But the one. country, as the other, grows strong and brave men. These barren mountain districts of the Cevennes have bred a race of heroes ; and the men are as simple and kind as they are brave. Hospitality is a characteristic of the people, which never fails to striko the visitor accustomed to the exactions which are so common along the hackneyed tourist routes. As in other parts of France, the peasantry here are laborious almost to excess. Robust and hardy, they are distinguished for their perseverance against the obstacles which nature constantly opposes to them. Out-door industry being suspended in winter, during which they are shut up in their cabins for nearly six months by the ice and snow, they occupy themselves in preparing their wool for manufacture into cloth. The women card, the children spin, the men weave ; and each cottage is a little manufactory of drugget and serge, which is taken to market in spring, and sold in the low-country towns. Such was the industry of the Cevennes nearly two hundred years since, and such it remains to the present day. OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 83 The people are of a contented nature, and bear tlieir poverty with cheerfulness and even dignity. While they partake ot' the ardour and strong temper which characterize the inhabitants of the South of France, they are probably, on the wholc; more grave and staid than Frenchmen generally, and are thought to be more urbane and intelligent ; and though they are un- manageable by force, they are remarkably accessible to kindess and moral suasion. Such, in a few words, are the more prominent charac- teristics of the country and people of the Cevennes. When the popular worship of the mountain district of Languedoc — in which the Protestants constituted the majority of the population — was suppressed, great dis- may fell upon the people ; but they made no signs of resistance to the royal authority. For a time they re- mained comparatively passive, and it was at first thought they were indifferent. Their astonished enemies derisively spoke of them as displaying '' the patience of a Huguenot," — the words having passed into a proverb. But their persecutors did not know the stuflP of which these mountaineers were made. They had seen their temples demolished one after another, and their pastors banished, leaving them " like poor starved sheep look- ing for the pasture of life." Next they heard that such of their pastors as had been apprehended for venturing to minister to them in " the Desert" had been taken to Nismes and Montpellier and hanged. Then they began to feel excited and indignant. For they could not shake off their own belief and embrace another man's, even though that man was their king. If Louis XI Y. had ordered them to believe that two and two make 7 84 THE HUGUENOTS. six, they could not possibly believe, tbougli tbey migbt pretend to do so, that it made any otber number than four. And so it was with the King's order to tbem to profess a faith which they could not bring their minds to believe in. These poor people entertained the conviction that they possessed certain paramount rights as men. Of these they held the right of conscience to be one of the principal. They were willing to give unto CaDsar the things that were Ca3sar's ; but they could not give him those which belonged unto God. And if they were forced to make a choice, then they must rather disobey their King than the King of kings. Though deprived of their leaders and pastors, the dispossessed Huguenots emerged by degrees from their obscurity, and began to recognise each other openl3\ If their temples were destroyed, there remained the woods and fields and moimtain pastures, where they might still meet and worship God, even tbough it were in defiance of the law. Having taken counsel together, they resolved " not to forsake the assembling of them- selves together ; " and they proceeded, in all the Pro- testant districts in the South of France — in Yiverais, Dauphiny, and the Cevennes — to hold meetings of the people, mostly by night, for worship — in woods, in caves, in rocky gorges, and in hollows of the hills. Then began those famous assemblies of "the Desert,'* which were the nightmare of Louvois and the horror of Louis XIV. When it came to the knowledge of the authorities that such meetings were being held, large bodies of troops were sent into the southern provinces, with orders to disperse them and apprehend the ringleaders. These orders were carried out with much barbarity. Amongst OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC, 85 various assemblies wliicli were discovered and attacked in the Cevennes, were those of Auduze and Vigan, where the soldiers fell upon the defenceless people, put the greater number to the sword, and hanged upon the nearest trees those who did not succeed in making their escape. The authorities waited to see the effect of these " vigorous measures ; " but they were egregiously dis- appointed. The meetings in the Desert went on as before, and even increased in number. Then milder means were tried. Other meetings were attacked in like manner, and the people found attending them taken prisoners. They were then threatened with death unless they became converted, and promised to attend Mass. They declared that they preferred death. A passion for martyrdom even seemed to be spreading amongst the infatuated people ! Then the peasantry began secretly to take up arms for their defence. They had thus far been passive in their resistance, and were content to brave death pro- vided they could but worship together. At length they felt themselves driven in their despair to resist force by force — acting, however, in the first place, entirely on the defensive — ''leaving the issue," to use the words of one of their solemn declarations, *' to the providence of God." They began — these poor labourers, herdsmen, and woolcarders — by instituting a common fund for the purpose of helping their distressed brethren in sur- rounding districts. They then invited such as were disposed to join them to form themselves into companies, so as to be prepared to come together and give their assistance as occasion required. When meetings in the Desert were held, it became the duty of these en- 86 THE HUGUENOTS. rolled men to post themselves as sentinels on tlie sur- rounding heights, and give notice of the approach of their enemies. They also constituted a sort of voluntary police for their respective districts, taking notice of the changes of the royal troops, and dispatching informa- tion "by trusty emissaries, intimating the direction of their march. The Intendant, Baville, wrote to Louvois, minister of Louis XIY. during the persecutions, express- ing his surprise and alarm at the apparent evidences of organization amongst the peasantry. " I have just learned," said he in one letter,* '' that last Sunday there was an assembly of nearly four hundred men, many of them armed, at the foot of the mountain of Lozere. I had thought," he added, '^ that the great lesson taught them at Yigan and Anduze w^ould have restored tran- quillity to the Cevennes, at least for a time. But, on the contrary, the severity of the measures heretofore adopted seems only to have had the effect of exasperat- ing and hardening them in their iniquitous courses." As the massacres had failed, the question next arose whether the inhabitants might not be driven into exile, and the country entirely cleared of them. ^' They pre- tend," said Louvois, ^' to meet in * the Desert ; ' why not take them at their word, and make the Cevennes really a Desert ?" But there were difficulties in the w^ay of executing this plan. In the first place, the Protestants of Languedoc w^ere a quarter of a million in number. And, besides, if they were driven out of it, what would become of the industry and the wealth of this great province — what of the King's taxes ? The Duke de Noailles advised that it would be neces- * October 20, 1686. OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 87 sary to proceed witli some caution in the matter. " If his Majesty," he wrote to Baville, '' thinks there is no other remed}'' than changing the whole people of the Cevennes, it would be better to begin by expelling those who are not engaged in commerce, who inhabit inacces- sible mountain districts, where the severity of the climate and the poverty of the soil render them rude and barbarous, as in the case of those people who re- cently met at the foot of the Lozere. Should the King consent to this course, it will be necessary to send here at least four additional battalions of foot to execute his orders.''* An attempt was made to carry out this measure of deportation of the people, but totally failed. With the aid of spies, stimulated by high rewards, numerous meetings in the Desert were fallen upon by the troops, and those who were not hanged were transported — some to Italy, some to Switzerland, and some to America. But transportation had no terrors for the people, and the meetina^s continued to be held as before. Baville then determined to occupy the entire province with troops, and to carry out a general disarmament of of the population. Eight regiments of regular infantry were sent into the Cevennes, and fifty regiments of militia were raised throughout the province, forming together an army of some forty thousand men. Strong military posts were established in the mountains, and new forts and barracks were erected at Alais, Anduze, St. Hypolyte, and Nismes. The mountain- roads being almost impassable, many of them mere mule paths, Baville had more than a hundred new high-roads and branch-roads constructed and made practicable for the passage of troops and transport of cannon. * Noailles to Baville, 29th October, 1686. 88 THE HUGUENOTS. By these means tlie wiiole country became strongly occupied, but still tbe meetings in tbe Desert went on. The peasantry continued to brave all risks — of exile, the galleys, the rack, and the gibbet — and perseyered in their assemblies, until the very ferocity of their persecutors became wearied. The people would not be converted either by the dragoons or the priests who were stationed amongst them. In the dead of the night the}^ would sally forth to their meetings in the hills ; though their mountains were not too steep, their valleys not too secluded, their defiles not too impenetrable to protect them from pursuit and attack, for they were liable at any moment to be fallen upon and put to the sword. The darkness, the dangers, the awe and mystery attending these midnight meetings invested them with an extraordinary degree of interest and even ^xscina- tion. It is not surprising that under such circumstances the devotion of these poor people should have run into fanaticism and superstition. Singing the psalms of Marot by night, under the shadow of echoing rocks, they fancied they heard the sounds of heavenly voices filling the air. At other times they would meet amidst the ruins of their fallen sanctuaries, and mysterious sounds of sobbing and wailing and groaning would seem as if to rise from the tombs of their fathers. Under these distressing circumstances— in the midst of poverty, sufiering, and terror — a sort of religious hysteria suddenly developed itself amongst the people, breaking out and spreading like many other forms of disease, and displaying itself chiefly in the most perse- cuted quarters of Dauphiny, Yiverais, and the Cevennes. The people had lost their pastors ; they had not the OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 89 guidance of sober and intelligent persons ; and they were left merely to pray and to suffer. The terrible raid of the priests against the Protestant books had even deprived most of the Huguenots of their Bibles and psalm-books, so that they were in a great measure left to profit by their own light, such as it was. The disease to which we refer, had often before been experienced, under different forms, amongst uneducated people when afflicted by terror and excitement ; such, for instance, as the Brotherhood of the Flagellants, which followed the attack of the plague in the Middle Ages ; the Dancing Mania, which followed upon the Black Death ; the Child's Pilgrimages, the Convul- sionaires, the Revival epilepsies and swoons, which have so often accompanied fits of religious devotion worked up into frenzy ; these diseases being merely the result of excitement of the senses, which con\ailse the mind and powerfully affect the whole nervous system. The " prophetic malady," as we may call it, which suddenly broke out amongst the poor Huguenots, be- gan with epileptic convulsions. They fell to the ground senseless, foamed at the mouth, sobbed, and eventually revived so far as to be able to speak and '^prophesy," like a mesmerised person in a state of clairvoyance. The disease spread rapidly by the influence of morbid sym- pathy, which, under the peculiar circumstances we have described, exercises an amazing power over human minds. Those who spoke with power were considered '^inspired.'' They prayed and preached extatically, the most inspired of the whole being women, boys, and even children. One of the first '' prophets " who appeared was Isabel Yincent, a young shepherdess of Crest, in Dauphiny, 90 THE HUGUENOTS, wlio could neither read nor write. Her usual speech was the patois of her country, but when she became in- spired she spoke perfectly, and, according to Michslet, with great eloquence. " She chanted," he says, " at first the Commandments, then a psalm, in a low and fascinating voice. She meditated a moment, then began the lamentation of the Church, tortured, exiled, at the galleys, in the dungeons : for all those evils she bLimed our sins onh^, and called all to penitence. Thou, starting anew, she spoke angelically of the Divine goodness." Eoucher, the intcndant of the province, had her apprehended and examined. She would not renounce. '' Tou may take my life," she said, '' but Gfodwill raise up others to speak better things than I have done." She was at last imprisoned at Grenoble, and afterwards in the Tower of Constance. As Isabel Yincent had predicted, many prophets followed in her steps, but thc}^ did not prophesy so divinely as she. They denounced '' Woe, woe " upon their persecutors. They reviled Babylon as the opj^res- sor of the House of Israel. They preached the most violent declamations against Rome, drawn from the most lugubrious of the prophets, and stirred the minds of their hearers into the most furious indignation. The rapidity with which the contagion of convulsive prophesj'ing spread was extraordinary. The adherents were all of the poorer classes, who read nothing but the Bible, and had it nearly by heart. It spread from Dauphiny to Yiverais, and from thence into the Ceven- nes. *' I have seen," said Marshal Yillars, *' things that I could never have believed if they had not passed under my own eyes — an entire' city, in which all the women and girls, without exception, appaared possessed OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 91 by the devil ; tliey quaked and propliesied publiclj^ in the streets."* riottard says there were eight thousand persons- in one province who had inspiration. All were not, how- ever, equally inspired. There were four degrees of ecstasy : first, the being called ; next, the inspiration ; then, the prophesy ; and, lastly, the gift, which was the inspiration in the highest degree. All this may appear ludicrous to some. And yet the school of credulity is a very wide one. Even in these enlightened times in which we live, we hear of tables turning, spelling out words, and " prophesying *' in their own way. There are even philosophers, men of science, and Kterati who believe in spiritualists that rise on sofas and float about in the air, who project themselves suddenly out of one window and enter by another, and do many other remarkable things. And though" our spiritual table-rapping and floating about may seem to be of no possible use, the " prophesying " of the Camisards was all but essential to the existence of the movement in which they were engaged. The population became intensely excited by the pre- valence of this enthusiasm or fanaticism. '' When a Huguenot assembly," says Brueys, " was appointed, even before daybreak, from all the hamlets round, the men, women, boys, girls, and even infants, came in crowds, hurrying from their huts, pierced through the woods, leapt over the rocks, and flew to the place of appointment." f Mere force was of no avail against people who sup- posed themselves to be under supernatural influences. The meetings in the Desert, accordingly, were attended * " Vie du l\rarechal de Villars," i. 12-5. t Brueys, " lli.s.oire du Fanaticisme de Notre Temps." 92 THE HUGUENOTS. witli increased and increasing fascination, and Bayille, wlio had reported to the King the entire pacification and conversion of Languedoc, to his dismay found the whole province bursting with excitement, which a spark at any moment might fire into frenzy. And that spark was shortly afterwards supplied by the archpriest Chayla, director of missions at Pont-de-Montvert. Although it was known that many of the peasantry attended the meetings armed, there had as yet been no open outbreak against the royal authority in the Ceven- nes. At Cheilaret, in the Yivarais, there had been an encounter between the troops and the peasantry ; but the people were speedily dispersed, leaving three hun- dred dead and fifty wounded on the field. The Intendant Baville, after thus pacifying the Yivarais, was proceeding on his way back to Montpellier, escorted by some companies of dragoons and militia, passing through the Cevennes by one of the new roads he had caused to be constructed along the valley of the Tarn, by Pont-de-Montvert to Florae. What was his surprise, on passing through the village of Pont-de- Montvert, to hear the roll of a drum, and'shortly after to perceive a column of rustics, some three or four hundred in number, advancing as if to give him battle. Paville at once drew up his troops and charged the column, which broke and fled into an adjoining wood. Some were killed and others taken prisoners, who were hanged next day at St. Jean-du-Gard. A reward of five hundred louis d'or was advertised for the leader, who was shortly after tracked to his hiding-place in a cavern situated between Anduze and Alais, and was there shot, but not until after he had killed three soldiers with his fusil. After this event persecution was redoubled through- OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 93 out tlie Cevennes. The militia ran night and day after the meetings in the Desert. All persons found attend- ing them, who coidd be captured, were either killed on the spot or hanged. Two companies of militia were quartered in Pont-de-Montvert at the expense of the inhabitants ; and they acted under the direction of the archpriest Du Chayla. This priest, who was a native of the district, had been for some time settled as a missionary in Siam engaged in the conversion of Budd- hists, and on his return to France he was appointed to undertake the conversion of the people of the Cevennes to the fiiith of Rome. The village of Pont-de-Montvert is situated in the hollow of a deep valley formed by the mountain of Lozere on the north, and of Bouges on the south, at the point at which two streams, descending from their respective summits, flow into the Tarn. The village is separated by these streams into three little hamlets, which are joined together by the bridge which gives its name to the place. The addition of " Mont Vert," however, is a misnomer ; for though seated at the foot of a steep mountain, it is not green, but sterile, rocky, and ver- dureless. The village is best reached from Florae, from which it is about twenty miles distant. The valley runs east and west, and is traversed by a toler- ably good road, which at the lower part follows the windings of the Tarn, and higher up rims in and out along the mountain ledges, at every turn presenting new views of the bold, grand, and picturesque scenery which characterizes the wilder parts of the Cevennes. Along this route the old mule-road is still discernible in some places — a difficult, rugged, mountain path, which must have kept the district sealed up during the 94 THE HUGUENOTS, greater part of tlie j^ear, until Baville constructed tlie new road for the purpose of opening up tlie country for the easier passage of troops and munitions of war. A few poor hamlets occur at intervals along the road, sometimes perched on apparently inaccessible rocks, and at the lower part of the valley an occa- sional chateau is to be seen, as at Miral, picturesquely situated on a height. But the country is too poor by nature — the breadth of land in the bottom of the ravine being too narrow and that on the mountain ledges too stony and sterile — ever to have enabled it to maintain a considerable population. On all sides little is to be seen but rock}^ mountain sides, stony and precipitous, with bold mountain peaks extending beyond them far away in the distance. Pont-de-Montvert is the centre of a series of hamlets, the inhabitants of which were in former times almost exclusively Protestant, as they are now ; and where meetings in the Desert were of the most frequent occurrence. Strong detachments of troops were accord- ingly stationed there and at Florae for the purpose of preventing the meetings and overawing the popula- tion. Besides soldiers, the authorities also established missions throughout the Cevennes, and the j^rincipal inspector of these missions was the archpriest Chayla. The house in which he resided at Pont-de-Montvert is still pointed out. It is situated near the north end of the bridge over the Tarn ; but though the lower part of the building remains as it was in his time, the upper portion has been for the most part rebuilt. Chayla was a man of great force of character — zealous, laborious, and indefatigable — but pitiless, re- lentless, and cruel. He had no bowels of compas- sion. He was deaf to all appeals for mercy. With ■ OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 95 him the penalty of non-belief in the faith of Eome was imprisonment, torture, death. Eight Yoimg priests lived with him, whose labours he directed ; and great was his annoyance to find that the people would not attend his ministrations, but continued to flock after their own prophet-preachers in the Desert. Moral means having failed, he next tried physical. He converted the arched cellars of his dwelling into dungeonr, where he shut up those guilty of contumacy ; and day by day he put them to torture. It seems like a satire on religion to say that, in his attempt to convert souls, this vehement missionary made it one of his principal studies to find out what amount of agony the bodies of those who difiered from him would bear short of actual death. He put hot coals into their hands, which they were then made to clench ; wrapped round their fingers cotton steeped in oil, which was then set on fire; besides practising upon them the more ordinary and commonplace tortures. No wonder that the archpriest came to be detested by the inhabitants of Pont-de-Montvert. At length, a number of people in the district, in order to get beyond reach of Chayla's cruelty, deter- mined to emigrate from France and take refuge in Geneva. They assembled one morning secretly, a cavalcade of men and women, and set out under the direction of a guide who knew the mountain paths towards the east. When they had travelled a few hours, they fell into an ambuscade of militia, and were marched back to the archpriest's quarters at Pont-de-Montvert. The women were sent to Mende to be immured in convents, and the men were imprisoned vn the archpriest's dungeons. The parents of some of the captives ran to throw themselves 96 THE HUGUENOTS. at his feet, and implored mercy for tlieir sons ; but Chayla was inexorable. He declared barslily that tbe prisoners must suffer according to the law — that the fugitives must go the galleys, and their guide to the gibbet. On the following Sundaj^ the 23rd of July, 1702, one of the preaching prophets, Pierre Seguier of Magistavols, a hamlet lying to the south of Pont-de- Montvert, preached to an assembly on the neighbour- ing mountain of Bouges ; and there he declared that the Lord had ordered him to take up arms to deliver the captives and exterminate the archpriest of Moloch. Another and another preacher followed in the same strain, the excited assembly encouraging them by their cries, and calling upon them to execute God's vengeance on the persecutors of God's people. That same night Seguier and his companions went round amongst the neighbouring hamlets to summon an assemblage of their sworn followers for the evening of the following day. Tiiey met punctually in the Altefage Wood, and mider the shadow of three gigantic beech trees, the trunks of which were stand- ing but a few years ago, they solemnly swore to deliver their companions and destroy the archpriest. When night fell, a band of fiftj^ determined men marched down the mountain towards the bridge, led by Seguier. Twenty of them were armed with guns and pistols. The rest carried scythes and hatchets. As they approached the village, they sang Marot's version of the seventy- fourth Psalm. The archpriest heard the unwonted sound as they came marching along. Thinking it was a nocturnal as- sembly, he cried to his soldiers, " Run and see what this means." But the doors of the house were already OUTBREAK IN LANGUEDOC. 97 invested by the mountaineers, who shouted out for "The prisoners! the prisoners!" *'Back, Huguenot canaille ! " cried Chayla from the window. But they only shouted the louder for " The prisoners ! " The archpriest then directed the militia to fire, and one of the peasants fell dead. Infuriated, they seized the trunk of a tree, and using it as a battering-ram, at once broke in the door. They next proceeded to force the entrance to the dungeon, in which they succeeded, and called upon the prisoners to come forth. But some of them were so crippled by the tortures to which they had been subjected, that they could not stand. At sight of their sufferings the fury of the assailants increased, and, running up the staircase, they called out for the archpriest. '' Burn the priest and the satellites of Baal ! '' cried their leader ; and heaping together the soldiers* straw beds, the chairs, and other combustibles, they set the whole on fire. Chayla, in the hope of escaping, jumped from a window into the garden, and in the fall broke his leg. The peasants discovered him by the light of the blazing- dwelling. He called for mercy. '^JN^o," said Seguier, "only such mercy as you have shown to others ;" and he struck him the first blow. The others followed. " This for my father," said the next, " whom you racked to death ! " " This for my brother," said another, " whom you sent to the galleys I" " This for my mother, who died of grief ! " This for my sister, my relatives, my friends, in exile, in prison, in misery ! And thus blow followed blow, fifty-two in all, half of which would probably have been mortal, and the detested Chayla lay a bleeding mass at their feet ! Map of the Country of the Cevenneg. CHAPTER VI. IXSURRECTIOX OF THE CAMISARDS. npHE poor peasants, wool-carders, and neatherds of -■- tlie Cevennes, formed only a small and insignifi- cant section of the great body of men who were about the same time engaged in different countries of Europe in vindicating the cause of civil and religious liberty. For this cause, a comi^arative handful of people in the Low Countries, occupying the Dutch United Pro- vinces, had banded themselves together to resist the armies of Spain, then the most powerful monarchy in the world. The struggle had also for some time been in progress in England and Scotland, where it cul- minated in the Revolution of 1688 ; and it was still raging in the Yaudois valleys of Piedmont. The object contended for in all these cases was the same. It was the vindication of human freedom against royal and sacerdotal despotism. It could only have been the direst necessity that drove a poor, scattered, unarmed peasantrj^ such as the people of the Cevennes, to take up arms against so powerful a sovereign as Louis XIY. Their passive resistance had lasted for fifteen long years, during which many of them had seen their kindred racked, hano^ed, or sent to the galleys ; and at length their patience wa: 8 100 THE HUGUENOTS, exhausted, and tlie inevitable outburst took place. Yet tbey were at any moment ready to lay down tlieir arms and return to tlieir allegiance, provided only a reasonable degree of libert}^ of worship were assured to them. This, however, their misguided and bigoted monarch would not tolerate \ for he had sworn that no persons were to be suffered in his dominions save those who were of "the King's religion." The circumstances accompanying the outbreak of the Protestant peasantry in the Cevennes in many respects resembled those which attended the rising of the Scotch Covenanters in 1679. Both were occa- sioned by the persistent attempts of men in power to enforce a particular form of religion at the point of the sword. The resistors of the policy were in both cases Calvinists;* and they were alike indomitable and obstinate ih their assertion of the rights of conscience. They held that religion was a matter between man and his God, and not between man and his sovereign or the Pope. The peasantry in both cases persevered in their * Whether it be that Calvinism is electic as regards races and individuals, or that it has (as is most probably the case) a powerful formative influence upon individual character, certain it is that the Calvinists of all countries have presented the strongest possible re- semblance to each other — the Calvinists of Geneva and Holland, the Huguenots of France, the Covenanters of Scotland, and the Puritans of Old and New England, seeming, as it were, to be but members of the same family. It is curious to speculate on the influence which the religion of Calvin — himself a Frenchman — might have exercised ou the history of France, as well as on the individual character of Frenchmen, had the balance offerees carried the nation bodily over to Protestantism (as was very nearly the case) towards the end of the sixteenth century. Heinrich Heine has expressed the opinion that the western races contain a large proportion of men for whom the moral principle of Judaism has a strong elective afhnity ; and in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Old Testament certainly seems to have exercised a much more powerful influence on the minds of religious reformers than the New. "The Jews," says Heine, " were the Germans of the East, and nowadays the Protestants in German countries (England, Scotland, America, Germany, Holland) are nothing more nor less than ancient Oriental Jews." INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS. loi own form of worship. In Languedoc, tlie moun- taineers of tlie Cevennes lield tlieir assemblies in " Tlie Desert ;'' and in Scotland, the "liill-folk'' of tlie West held their meetings on the mnirs. In the one country as in the other, the monarchs sent out soldiers as their missionaries — Louis XIY. employing the dragoons of LouYois and Baville, and Charles II. those of Claver- liouse and Dalzell. These failing, new instruments of torture were invented for their '' conversion.'' But the people, in both cases, continued alike stubborn in their adherence to their own simple and, as some thought, uncouth form of faith. The French Calvinist peasantry, like the Scotch, were great in their preachers and their prophets. Both devoted themselves with enthusiasm to psalmody, insomuch that "psalm-singers" was their nickname in both countries. The one had their Clement Marot by heart, the other their Sternhold and Hopkins. Hugue- not prisoners in chains sang psalms in their dungeons, galley slaves sang them as they plied at the oar, fugitives in the halting-places of their flight, the con- demned as they marched to the gallows, and the Camisards as they rushed into battle. It was said of the Covenanters that "they lived praying and preach- ing, and they died praying and fighting ; '' and the same might have been said of the Huguenot peasantry of the Cevennes. The immediate cause of the outbreak of the insur- rection in both countries was also similar. In the one case, it was the cruelty of the archpriest C hay la, the inventor of a new machine of torture called " the Squeezers,"* and in the other the cruelty of Arch- * The instrument is thus described by Cavalier, in his " Memoirs of the Wars of the Cevennes," London, 1726 : "This inhuman man i^ 102 THE HUGUENOTS. bishop Sliarpe, the inyentor of that horrible instrument called " the Iron Boot," that excited the fury of the people ; and the murder of the one by Scguier and his band at Pont-de-Montvert, as of the other by Balfour of Burley and his companions on Magus JMuir, proved the signal for a general insurrection of the peasantry in both countries. Both acts were of like atrocity ; but they corresponded in character with the cruelties which had provoked them. Insurrections, like revolu- tions, are not made of rose-water. In such cases, action and reaction are equal ; the violence of the oppressors usually finding its counterpart in the vio- lence of the oppressed. The insurrection of the French peasantry proved by far the most determined and protracted of the two ; arising probably from the more difficult character of the mountain districts which they occupied and the quicker military instincts of the people, as well as because several of their early leaders and organizers were veteran soldiers who had served in many cam- paigns. The Scotch insurgents were suppressed by the English army under the Duke of Monmouth in less than two months after the original outbreak, though their cause eventually triumphed in the Bevolution of 1688; whereas the peasantry of the Cevennes, though deprived of all extraneous help, continued to maintain a heroic struggle for several years, but were under the necessity of at last succumbing to the overpowering military force of Louis XIY., after which the Hugue- had invented a rack (more cruel, if it be possible, than that usually made use of) to torment these poor unfortunate gentlemen and ladies; which was a beam he caused to be split in two, with vices at each end. Every morning he would send for these poor people, in order to examine them, and if they refused to confess what he desired, he caused their legs to be put in the slit of the beam, and there squeezed them till the bones cracked," &c., &c. (p. 3o). INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS. 103 nots of France continued to be stamped out of sight, and apparently out of existence, for nearly a century. In tlie preceding chapter, we left tlie archpriest Chayla a corpse at the feet of his murderers. Several of the soldiers found in the chateau were also killed, as well as the cook and house-steward, who had helped to torture the prisoners. But one of the domestics, and a soldier, who liad treated them with kindness, were, at their intercession, pardoned and set at liberty. The corpses were brought together in the garden, and Seguier and his companions, kneeling round them — a grim and ghastly sight — sang psalms until daybreak, the uncouth harmony ming'Kno^ with the crackling of the flames of the dwelling overhead, and the sullen roar of the river rushing under the neighbouring bridge. "When the grey of morning appeared, the men rose from their knees, emerged from the garden, crossed the bridge, and marched up the main street of the village. The inhabitants had barricaded themselves in their houses, being in a state of great fear lest they should be implicated in the murder of the atchpriest. But Seguier and his followers made no further halt in Pont- de-Montvert, but passed along, still singing psalms, towards the hamlet of Frugeres, a little further up the valley of the Tarn. Seguier has been characterised as "the Danton of the Cevennes.'* This fierce and iron-willed man was of great stature — bony and dark-visaged, without upper teeth, his hair hanging loose over his shoulders — and of a wild and mystic appearance, occasioned probably by the fits of ecstasy to which he was subject, and the wandering life he had for so many years led as a prophet-preacher in the Desert. This terrible man 104 THE HUGUENOTS, liad resolved upon a general massacre of the priests, and lie now threw himself upon Frugeres for the pur- pose of carrying out the enterprise begun by him at Pont-de-Montvert. The cure of the hamlet, who had already heard of Chayla's murder, fled from his house at sound of the approaching psalm- singers, and took refuge in an adjoining rye- field. He was speedily tracked thither, and brought down by a musket-ball ; and a list of twenty of his parishioners, whom he had denounced to the archpriest, was found under his cassock. From Frugeres the prophet and his band marched on to St. Maurice de Yentalong, so called because of the winds which at certain seasons blow so furiously alon2: the narrow yallev in which it is situated ; but the prior of the convent, having been warned of the outbreak, had already mounted his horse and taken to flight. Here Seguier was informed of the approach of a body of militia who were on his trail ; but he avoided them by taking refuge on a neighbouring mountain- side, where he spent the night with his companions in a thicket. ' J^Text morning, at daybreak, he descended the moun- tain, crossed the track of his pursuers, and directed himself upon St. Andre de Lanceze. The whole country was by this time in a state of alarm ; and the cure of the place, being on the outlook, mounted the clock-tower and rang the tocsin. Eut his parishioners having joined the insurgents, the cure was pursued, captured in the belfry, and thrown from its highest window. The insurgents then proceeded to gut the church, pull down the crosses, and destroy all the em- blems of Romanism on which they could lay their hands. INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS. 105 Seguier and his band next liurried across the moun- tains towards the south, having learnt that the cures of the neighbourhood had assembled at St. Germain to assist at the obsequies of the archpriest Chayla, whose body had been brought thither from Pont-de-Montvert on the morning after his murder. When Seguier was informed that the town and country militia were in force in the place, he turned aside and went in another direction. The cures, however, having heard that Seguier was in the neighbourhood, fled panic-stricken, some to the chateau of Portes, others to St. Andre, while a number of them did not halt until they had found shelter within the walls of Alais, some twenty miles distant. Thus four days passed. On the fifth night Seguier appeared before the chateau of Ladeveze, and demanded the arms which had been deposited there at the time of the disarmament of the peasantry. The owner replied by a volley of musketry, which killed and wounded several of the insurgents, at the same time ringing the alarm-bell. Seguier, furious at this resistance, at once burst open the gates, and ordered a general massacre of the household. This accomplished, he ransacked the place of its arms and ammunition, and before leaving set the castle on fire, the flames throwing a lurid glare over the surrounding country. Seguier' s band then descended the mountain on which the chateau is situ- ated, and made for the north in the direction of Cas- sagnas, arriving at the elevated plateau of Font-Morte a little before daybreak. In the meantime, Baville, the intendant of the pro- vince, was hastening to Pont-de-jMontvert to put down the insurrection and avenge the death of the archpriest. The whole country was roused. Troops were dispatched io6 THE HUGUENOTS. in hot liaste from Alais ; the militia were assemLled from all quarters and marched upon the disturbed dis- trict. The force was placed under the orders of Captain Poul, an old soldier of fortune, A\'ho had distin- guished himself in the German wars, and in the recent crusade aorainst the Italian Yaudois. It was because of the individual prowess which Captain Poul had displayed in his last campaign, that, at the peace of Pyswick, Baville requested that he should be attached to the army of Languedoc, and employed in putting down the insurgents of the Cevennes. Captain Poul was hastening with his troops to Florae when, having been informed of the direction in which Seguier and his band had gone, he turned aside at Barre, and after about an hour's march eastward, he came up with them at Font-Morte. They suddenly started up from amongst the broom where they had lain down to sleep, and, firing off their guns upon the advancing host, without offering any further resistance, fled in all directions. Poul and his men spurred after them, cutting down the fugitives. Coming up with Seguier, who was vainly trying to rally his men, Poul took him prisoner with several others, and they were forthwith chained and marched to Florae. As. they proceeded along the road, Poul s^id to Seguier, " Well, wretch ! now I haA'e got you, how do you ex- pect to be treated after the crimes you have com- mitted ? '' *' As I would mj^self have treated you, had I taken you prisoner," was the reply. Seguier stood before his judges calm and fearless. "What is your name?" he was asked. *' Pierre Seguier." "Why do they call you Esprit?" "Be- cause the Spirit of God is in me." "Your abode?" " In the Desert, and shortly in heaven." "Ask pardon INSURRECTION OF THE C AMIS ARE S, 107 of the King ! " " AYe have no other King but the Eternal." " Have you no feeling of remorse for vour crimes?" *' My soul is as a garden full of shady groves and of peaceful fountains." Seguier was condemned to have his hands cut off at the wrist, and be burnt alive at Pont-de-Montvert. Nouvel, another of the prisoners, was broken alive at Ladeveze, and Bonnet, a third, was hanged at St. Andre. They all suffered without flinching. Seguier' s last words, spoken amidst the flames, were, '' Brethren, wait, and hope in the Eternal. The desolate Carmel shall yet revive, and the solitary Lebanon shall blossom as the rose ! " Thus perished the grim, unflinching prophet of Magistavols, the terrible avenger of the cruelties of Chayla, the earliest leader in the insurrec- tion of the Camisards ! It is not exactly known how or when the insurgents were first called Camisards. They called themselves by no other name than " The Children of God " {En- fants de Dieu) ; but their enemies variously nicknamed them '' The Barbels," '' The Vagabonds," '' The As- semblers," "The Psalm-singers," "The Fanatics," and lastly, " The Camisards." This name is said to have been given them because of the common blouse or camisole which they wore — their only uniform. Others say that it arose from their wearing a white shirt, or camise, over their dress, to enable them to distinguish each other in their night attacks ; and that this was not the case, is partly countenanced by the fact that in the course of the insurrection a body of peasant royalists took the field, who designated themselves the " White Camisards," in contradistinction from the others. Others say the word is derived from cam is, signifying a road- runner. But whatever the origin of the word may be, io8 THE HUGUENOTS. tlie Camisards was tlie name most commonly applied to tlie insurgents, and by which they continue to be known in local history. Captain Poul vigorously followed up the blow delivered at Font-Morte. He apprehended all sus- pected persons in the Upper Cevennes, and sent them before the judges at Florae. Unable to capture the insurgents who had escaped, he seized their parents, their relations, and families, and these were condemned to various punishments. But what had become of the insurgents themselves ? Knowing that they had nothing but death to expect, if taken, they hid them- s 3lves in caves known only to the inhabitants of the district, and so secretly that Poul thought the}'" had succeeded in making their escape from France. The Intendant Baville arrived at the same conclusion, and he congratulated himself accordingl}' on the final suppression of the outbreak. Leaving sundry detach- ments of trooj^s posted in the principal villages, he returned to Alais, and invited the fugitive priests at once to return to their respective parishes. After remaining in concealment for several days, the surviving insurgents met one night to consult as to the steps they were to take, with a view to their personal safetj^ They had by this time been joined by several sympathizers, amongst others by three veteran soldiers — Laporte, Esperandieu, and E-astelet — and by young Cavalier, who had just returned from Geneva, where he had been in exile, and was now ready to share in the dangers of his compatriots. The greater number of those present were in favour of bidding a final adieu to France, and escaping across the frontier into Switzerland, considering that the chances of their INSURRECTION OF THE C AMI SARDS. 109 offering any successful resistance to their oppressors, were altogether hopeless. But against this craven course Laporte raised his voice. *' Brethren/' said he, ''why depart into the land of the stranger ? Have we not a country of our own, the country of our fathers ? It is, you say, a country of slavery and death ! Well ! Free it ! and deliver your oppressed brethren. Never say, ' What can we do ? we are few in number, and without arms ! ' The God of armies shall be our strength. Let us sing aloud the psalm of battles, and from the Lozere even to the sea Israel will arise ! As for arms, have we not our hatchets ? These will bring us muskets ! Brethren, there is only one course worthy to be pursued. It is to live for our country ; and, if need be, to die for it. Better die by the sword than by the rack or the gallows ! '^ From this moment, not another word was said of flight. With one voice, the assembly cried to the speaker, "Be our chief ! It is the will of the Eternal ! " " The Eternal be the witness of your promises," replied Laporte ; "I consent to be your chief!" He assumed forthwith the title of " Colonel of the Children of God," and named his camp " The camp of the Eternal !" Laporte belonged to an old Huguenot flmiily of the village of Massoubeyran, near Anduze. They were respectable peasants, some of whom lived by farming and others by trade. Old John Laporte had four sons, of whom the eldest succeeded his father as a small farmer and cattle-breeder, occupying the family dwell- ing at Massoubeyran, still known there as the house of *' Laporte-Roland." It contains a secret retreat, open- ing from a corner of the floor, called the " Cachette do 1 1 THE HUG UENOTS. Roland/' In wLicli tlie celebrated chief of this name, son of the owner, was accustomed to take refuge ; and in this cottage, the old Bible of Holand's father, as well as the halbert of Roland himself, continue to be reli- giously preserved. Two of Laporte's brothers were Protestant ministers. One of them was the last pastor of Collet-de-Deze in the Cevcnnes. Banished because of his faith, he fled from France at the Revocation, joined the army of the Prince of Orange in Holland, and came over with him to England as chaplain of one of the French regiments which landed at Torbay in 1G88. Another brother, also a pastor, remained in the Cevcnnes, preaching to the people in the Desert, though at the daily risk of his life, and after about ten years' labour in this vocation, he was apprehended, taken prisoner to Montpcllier, and strangled on the Peyrou in the year 1696. The fourth brother was the Laporte whom we have just described as undertaking ihe leadership of the hunted insurgents remaining in the Upper Cevcnnes. He had served as a soldier In the King's armies, and at the peace of Ryswick returned to his native village, the year after his elder brother had suffered martyrdom at Montpelller. He settled for a time at Collet-de-Deze, from which his other brother had been expelled, and there he carried on the trade of an Ironworker and blacksmith. He was a great, brown, brawny man, of vehement plet}^, a constant frequenter of the meetings in the Desert, and a mighty psalm-singer — one of those strong, massive, ardent-natured men who so powerfully draw others after them, and in times of revolution exercise a sort of popular royalty amongst the masses. The oppression which had raged so furiously in the district excited his utmost indignation, INSURRECTION OF THE CA3IISARDS. 1 1 1 and wlien lie soiiglit out tTie despairing insurgents in the mountains, and found that they were contemplating flight, he at once gave utterance to the few burning words we have cited, and fixed their determination to strike at least another blow for the liberty of their country and their religion. The same evening on which Laporte assumed the leadership (about the beginning of August, 1702) he made a descent on three Roman Catholic villages in the neighbourhood of the meeting-place, and obtained possession of a small stock of powder and balls. When it became Ivuown that the' insurorents were as"ain draw- ing together, others joined them. Amongst these were~<^ Castonet, a forest-ranger of the Aigoal mountain district in the west, Avho brought with him some twelve recruits from the country near Yebron. Shortly after, there arrived from Yauvert the soldier Catinet, bringing with him twenty more. Next came young Cavalier, from Kibaute, with another band, armed with muskets which they had seized from the prior of St. Martin, with whom they had been deposited. Meanwhile Laporte's nephew, young Roland, was running from village to village in the Yaunage, hold- ing assemblies and rousing the people to come to the help of their distressed brethren in the mountains. Roland was a young man of bright intelligence, gifted with much of the preaching power of his family. His eloquence was of a martial sort, for he had been bred a soldier, and though young, had already fought in many battles. He was everywhere received with open arms in the Yaunage. " My brethren,^' said he, "the cause of God and the deliverance of Israel is at stake. Follow us to the mountains, '^o country is better suited for war — we 1 1 2 THE HUGUENOTS. have the hill-tops for camps, gorges for ambuscades, woods to rally in, caves toliide in, and, in case of flight, secret tracts trodden only by the mountain goat. All the people there are your brethren, who will throw open their cabins to you, and share their bread and milk and the flesh of their sheep with you, while the forests will supply you with chestnuts. And then, what is there to fear ? Did not God nourish his chosen people with manna in the desert ? And docs He not renew his miracles day by day ? Will not his Spirit descend upon his afflicted children? lie con- soles us, lie strengthens us, He calls us to arms. He will cause his angels to march before us ! As for me, I am an old soldier, and will do my duty ! "* These stirring words evoked an enthusiastic response. Numbers of the people thus addressed by Roland declared themselves ready to follow him at once. But instead of taking with him all who were willing to join the standard of the insurgents, he directed them to enrol and organize themselves, and await his speedy return ; selecting for the present only such as were in his opinion likely to make efficient sol- diers, and with these he rejoined his imcle in the mountains. , The number of the insurgents was thus raised to about a hundred and fift}^ — a very small body of men, contemptible in point of numbers compared wdth the overwhelming forces by which they were oj^posed, but all animated by a determined spirit, and commanded by fearless and indomitable leaders. The band was divided into three brigades of fifty each ; Laporte taking the command of the companions of Seguier ; the new-comers * Brueys, " Histoire de Fanatisme ; " Peyrat, " Hifctoire des Pasteurs du Desert." INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS. 113 being divided into two bodies of like number, wbo elected Roland and Castanet as tbeir respective cbiefs. Laporte occupied tbe last days of August in drilling bis troops, and familiarising tbem witb tbe mountain district wbicb was to be tbe scene of tbeir operations. "Wbile tbus engaged, be received an urgent message from tbe Protestant berdsmen of tbe bill-country of Yebron, wbose cattle, sbeep, and goats a band of royalist militia, under Colonel Miral, bad captured, and were driving nortbward towards Florae. Laporte immediately ran to tbeir belp, and posted bimself to intercept tbem at tbe bridge of Tarnon, wbicb tbe}^ must cross. On tbe militia coming up, tbe Camisards fell upon tbem furiously, on wbicb tbey took to fligbt, and tbe cattle were driven back in triumpb to tbe villages. Laporte tben led bis victorious troops towards Collet, tbe village in wbicb bis brotber had been pastor. Tbe temple in wbicb be ministered was still standing — tbe only one in tbe Cevennes tbat bad not been demolisbed, tbe Seigneur of tbe place intending to convert it into a bospital. Collet was at present occupied by a company of fusiliers, commanded by Captain Cabrieres. On nearing tbe place, Laporte wrote to tbis officer, under an assumed name, intimating tbat a religious assembly was to be bold tbat nigbt in a certain wood in tbe neigbbourbood. Tbe captain at once marcbed tbitber witb bis men, on wbicb Laporte entered tbe village, and reopened tbe temple, wbicb bad continued unoccupied since tbe day on wbicb bis brotber bad gone into exile. All tbat nigbt Laporte sang psalms, preached, and praj^ed by turns, solemnly invoking tbe belp of tbe God of battles in this holy war in which he was engaged for tbe liberation of bis country. Shortly before daybreak, Laporte and his 114 THE HUGUENOTS. coinpaiiio2.s retired from the temple, and after setting fire to the Koman Catholic church, and the houses of the consul, the captain, and the cure, he left the village, and proceeded in a northerly direction. That same morning. Captain Poul arrived at the neighbouring valley of St. Germain, for the purpose of superintending tlie demolition of certain Protestant dwellings, and then he heard of Laporte's midnight expedition. He immediately hastened to Collet, assembled all the troops he could muster, and put himself on the track of the Camisards. After a hot march of about two hours in the direction of Coudouloux, Poul discerned Laporte and his band encamped on a lofty height, from the scarped foot of which a sloping grove of chestnuts descended into the wide grassy plain, known as the " Champ Domergue." The chestnut grove had in ancient times been one of the sacred places of the Druids, who celebrated their mysterious lites in its recesses, while the adjoining mountains were said to have been the honoured haunts of certain of the divinities of ancient Gaul. It w^as therefore regarded as a sort of sacred place, and this circumstance was probably not without its influence in rendering it one of the most frequent resorts of the hunted Protestants in their midnight assemblies, as well as because it occupied a central position between the villages of St. Frezal, St. Andeol, Deze, and Yiolas. Laporte had now come hither with his companions to pray, and they were so engaged when the scouts oji the look-out annoimced the approach of the enemy. Poul halted his men to take breath, while Laporte held a little council of war. What was to be done ? Laporte himself was in favour of accepting battle on the spot, while several of his lieutenants advised imme- INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS. 115 diate fliglit into tlie mountains. On the otlier liand, tlie young and impetuous Cavalier, ^\o was there, supported the opinion of his chief, and urged an im- mediate attack ; and an attack was determined on accordingly. The little band descended from their vantaore-g-round on the hill, and came down into the chestnut wood, singing the sixty-eighth Psalm — "Let God arise, let his enemies be scattered." The followincj is the sons: itself, in the words of Marot. When the Huguenots sang it, each soldier became a lion in courage. " Que Dieu se montre seulement Et Ton verra dans un momeut Abandonner la place ; Le camp des ennemies epars, Epouvante de toutes parts, Fuira devant sa face. On verra tout ce camp s'enfuir, Comme Ton voit s'evanouir Une epaisse fumee ; Comme la cire fond au feu, Ainsi des mechants devant DIeu, La force est consumee. L'Eternel est notre recours : Nous obtenons par son secours, Pius d'une deliverance. C'est Lui qui fut notre support, Et qui tient les clefs de la mort, Lui seul en sa puissance. A nous defendre toujours prompt, II frappe le superbe front De la troupe ennemie ; On verra tomber sous ses coups Ceux qui provoquent son courroux Par leur mechante vie. This was the '^ Marseillaise" of the Camisards, their war-song in many battles, sung by them as a pas de charge to the music of Goudimal. Poul, seeing them approach from under cover of the wood, charged them Ti6 THE HUGUENOTS. at once, shouting to his men, " Charge, kill, kill the Barbets!"* But "the Barbets,'' though they were only as one to three of their assailants, bravely held their ground. Those who had muskets kept up a fusilade, whilst a body of scythemen in the centre i^epulsed Poul, who attacked them with the bayonet. Several of these terrible scythemen were, however, slain, and three were taken prisoners. Laporte, finding that he could not drive Poul back, retreated slowly into the wood, keeping up a running fire, and reasccnded the hill, whither Poul durst not follow him. The Poyalist leader was satisfied with remaining master of the hard-fought field, on which many of his soldiers lay dead, together with a captain of militia. The Camisard chiefs then separated, Laporte and his band taking a westerly direction. The Poj^alists, having received considerable reinforcements, hastened from different directions to intercept him, but he slipj^ed through their fingers, and descended to Pont-de-Mont- vert, from whence he threw himself upon the villages situated near the sources of the western Garden. At the same time, to distract the attention of the Ptoyalists, the other Camisard leaders descended, the one towards the south, and the other towards the east, disarming the Poman Catholics, currying off their arms, and spreading consternation wherever they went. Meanwhile, Count Broglie, Captain Poul, Colonel Miral, and the commanders of the soldiers and militia all over the Cevennes, were hunting the Protestants and their families wherever found, j^illaging their houses, driving away their cattle, and burning their * The " Barbets " (or " Water-dogs ") was the nickname by which the Vaudois were called, against whom Poul had formerly beau em- ployed in the Italian valleys. INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS, ii-j huts ; and it was evident tliat tlie war on both, sides was fast drifting into one of reprisal and revenge. Brigands, belonging to neither side, organized them- selves in bodies, and robbed Protestants and Catholics with equal impartiality. One effect of this state of things was rapidly to increase the numbers of the disaffected. The dwellings of many of the Protestants having been destroyed, such of the homeless fugitives as could bear arms fled into the mountains to join the Camisards, whose numbers were thus augmented, notwithstanding the measures taken for their extermination. Laporte was at last tracked by his indefatigable enemy, Captain Poul, who burned to wipe out the dis- grace which he conceived himself to have suffered at Champ-Domergue. Information was conveyed to him that Laporte and his band were in the neighbourhood of Molezon on the western Garden, and that they intended to hold a field-meeting there on Sunday, the 22nd of October. Poul made his dispositions accordingly. Dividing his force into two bodies, he fell upon the insurgents impetuously from two sides, taking them completely by surprise. They hastily put themselves in order of battle, but their muskets, wet with rain, would not fire, and Laporte hastened with his men to seek the shelter of a cliff near at hand. While in the act of springing from one rock to another, he was seen to stagger and fall. He had been shot dead by a musket bullet, and his career was thus brought to a sudden close. His followers at once fled in all directions. Poul cut off Laporte's head, as well as the heads of the other Camisards who had been killed, and sent them in two baskets to Count BrogKe. Next day the heads ii8 THE HUGUENOTS. were exposed on the bridge of Anduze ; tlie day after on tlie castle wall of St. Hj^polite ; after wliicli these ghastly trophies of Poul's yictory were sent to Mont- pellier to be permanently exposed on the Peyrou. Such was the end of Laporte, the second leader of the Camisards. Seguier, the first, had been chief for only six days ; Laporte, the second, for only about two months. Again Baville supposed the pacification of the Cevennes to be complete. lie imagined that Poul, in cutting ofi'Laporte's head, had decapitated the insur- rection. But the Camisard ranks had never been so full as now, swelled as they were b}" the persecutions of the Royalists, who, by demolishing the homes of the peasantry, had in a measure forced them into th e arms of the insurgents. Nor were they ever better supplied with leaders, even though Laporte had fallen. No sooner did his death become known, than the "Children of God" held a solemn assembly in the mountains, at which Poland, Castanet, Salomon, Abraham, and young Cavalier were present ; and after lamenting the death of their chief, they with one accord elected Laporte's nephew, Poland, as his suc- cessor. A few words as to the associates of Poland, whose fiimily and origin have already been described. Andre Castanet of Massavaque, in the L^pper Cevennes, had been a goatherd in his youth, after which he worked at his father's trade of a wool-carder. An avowed Huguenot, he was, shortly after the peace of Pyswick, hunted out of the country because of his attending the meetings in the Desert; but in 1700 he returned to preach and to prophesy, acting also as a forest-ranger in the Aigoal Mountains. Of all the chiefs he was the INSURRECTION OF THE C AMI SARDS. 119 greatest controversialist, and in his capacity of preacher lie distinguished himself from his companions by wear- ing a wig. There must have been something comical in his appearance, for Brueys describes him as a little, squat, bandy-legged man, presenting " the figure of a little bear." But it was an enemy who drew the picture. Next there was Salomon Conderc, also a wool -carder, a native of the hamlet of Mazelrode, south of the mountain of Bouges. For twenty years the Condercs, father and son, had been zealous worshippers in the Desert — Salomon having acted by turns as Bible- reader, precentor, preacher, and prophet. We have already referred to the gift of prophesying. All the leaders of the Camisards were prophets. Elie Marion, in his " Theatre Sacre de Cevennes," thus describes the influence of the prophets on the Camisard War : — *' We were without strength and without counsel," says he ; " but our inspirations were our succour and our support. They elected our leaders, and conducted them ; they were our military discipline. It was they who raised us, even weakness itself, to put a strong bridle upon an army of more than twenty thousand picked soldiers. It was they who banished sorrow from our hearts in the midst of the greatest peril, as well as in the deserts and the mountain fastnesses, when cold and famine oppressed us. Our heaviest crosses were but lightsome burdens, for this intimate communion that Grod allowed us to have with Him bore up and consoled us ; it was our safety and our happiness." Many of the Condercs had suffered for their faith. The archpriest Chayla had persecuted them grievously. One of their sisters was seized by the soldiery and carried off to be immured in a convent at Mende, but 120 THE HUGUENOTS. was rescued on the ^yay by Salomon and liis brother Jacques. Of tbe two, Salomon, though, deformed, had the greatest gift in prophesying, and hence the choice of him as a leader. Abraham Mazel belonged to the same hamlet as Conderc. They were both of the same age — about twenty-five — of the same trade, and they were as inseparable as brothers. They had both been engaged with Seguier's band in the midnight attack on Pont-de- Montvert, and were alike committed to the desperate enterprise they had taken in hand. The tribe of Mazel abounds in the Ceyennes, and thoj^ had already given many martyrs to the cause. Some emigrated to America, some were sent to the galleys ; Oliver Mazel, the preacher, was hanged at Montpellier in 1690, Jacques Mazel was a refugee in London in 1701, and in all the combats of the Cevennes there were Mazels leading as well as following. Nicholas Joan}^ of Genouilliac, was an old soldier, who had seen much service, having been for some time quartermaster of the regiment of Orleans. Among other veterans who served with the Camisards, were Esperandieu and Rastelet, two old sub-officers, and Catinat and Ravenel, two thorough soldiers. Of these Oatinat achieved the greatest notoriety. His proper name was Mauriel — Abdias Mauriel ; but having served as a dragoon under Marshal Catinat in Italy, he conceived such an admiration for that general, and was so constantly eulogizing him, that his comrades gave him the nickname of Catinat, which he continued to bear all through the Camisard war. But the most distinguished of all the Camisard chiefs, next to Roland, was the youthful John Cavalier, peasant boy, baker's apprentice, and eventually INSURRECTION OF THE CAMISARDS. 121 insurgent leader, who, after baffling and repeatedly defeating tlie armies of Louis XI Y., ended his remark- able career as governor of Jersey and major-general in the British service. Cavalier was a native of E-ibaute, a village on the Grardon, a little below Anduze. Ilis parents were persons in humble circumstances, as may be inferred from the fact that when John was of sufficient age he was sent into the mountains to herd cattle, and when a little older he was placed apprentice to a baker at Anduze. His father, though a Protestant at heart, to avoid persecution, pretended to be converted to Romanism, and attended Mass. But his mother, a fervent Calvinist, refused to conform, and diligently trained her sons in her own views. She was a regular attender of meetings in the Desert, to which she also took her children. Cavalier relates that on one occasion, when a very little fellow, he went with her to an assembly which was conducted by Claude Brousson ; and when he afterwards heard that many of the people had been apprehended for attending it, of whom some were hanged and others sent to the galleys, the account so shocked him that he felt he would then have avenged them if he had possessed the power. As the boy grew up, and witnessed the increasing cruelty with which conformity was enforced, he deter- mined to quit the country ; and, accompanied by twelve other young men, he succeeded in reaching Geneva after a toilsome journey of eight days. He had not been at Geneva more than two months, when — heart- sore, solitary, his eyes constantly turned towards his dear Cevennes — he accidentally heard that his father and mother had been thrown into prison because of his 122 THE HUGUENOTS. fliglit — liis father at Carcassoue, and his mother in the dreadful tower of Constance, near Aiguesmortes, one of the most notorious prisons of the Huguenots. He at dnce determined to return, in the hope of being able to get them set at liberty. On his reaching E-ibaute, to his surprise he found them already released, on condition of attending Mass. As his presence in his father's house might only serve to bring fresh trouble upon them — he himself having no intention of con- forming — he went up for refuge into the mountains of the Cevennes. The young Cavalier was present at the midnight meeting on the Bouges, at which it was determined to slay the archpriest Chayla. He implored leave to accompany the band ; but he was declared to be too young for such an enterprise, being a boy of only six- teen, so he was left behind with his friends. Being virtually an outlaw, Cavalier afterwards joined the band of Laporte, under whom he served as lieutenant during his short career. At his death the insurrection assumed larger proportions, and re- cruits flocked apace to the standard of Eoland, Laporte's successor. Harvest-work over, the youths of the Lower Cevennes hastened to join him, armed only with bills and hatchets. The people of the Yaun- age more than fulfilled their promise to Eoland, and sent him five hundred men. Cavalier also brought with him from Eibaute a further number of recruits, and by the end of autumn the Camisards under arms, such as they were, amounted to over a thousand men. Eoland, unable to provide quarters or commissariat for so large a number, divided them into five bodies, and sent them into their respective cantonments (so to speak) for the winter. Eoland himself occupied the INSURRECTION OF THE CAM/SARDS. 123 district known as the Lower Cevennes, comprising tlio Gardonnenque and the mountain district situated between the rivers Yidourle and the western Garden. That part of the Upper Cevennes, which extends between the Anduze branch of the Gardon and the river Tarn, was in like manner occupied by a force commanded by Abraham Mazel and Solomon Conderc, while Andrew Castanet led the people of the western Cevennes, comprising the mountain region of the Aigoal and the Esperou, near the sources of the Gardon d' Anduze and the Tarnon. The rugged moun- tain district of the Lozere, in which the Tarn, the Ceze, and the Alais branch of the Gardon have their origin, was placed under the command of Joany. And, finally, the more open country towards the south, extending from Anduze to the sea-coast, including the districts around Alais, Uzes, Nismes, as well as the populous valley of the Yaunage, was placed under the direction of young Cavalier, though he had scarcely yet completed his seventeenth year. These chiefs were all elected by their followers, who chose them, not because of any military ability they might possess, but entirely because of their ''gifts" as preachers and ''prophets." Though Roland and Joany had been soldiers, they were also preachers, as were Castanet, Abraham, and Salomon ; and young Cavalier had glready given remarkable indications of the pro- phetic gift. Hence, when it became the duty of the band to which he belonged to select a chief, they passed over the old soldiers, Esperandieu, Raslet, Catinat, and Kavenel, and pitched upon the young baker lad of Ribaute, not because he could fight, but because he could preach ; and the old soldiers cheer- fully submitted themselves to his leadership. 124 THE HUGUENOTS. The portrait of this remarkable Camisard chief represents him as a little handsome youth, fair and rudd}^ complexioned, with lively and prominent blue eyes, and a large head, from whence his long fair hair hung floating over his shoulders. His companions recognised in him a suj^posed striking resemblance to the scriptural portrait of David, the famous shepherd of Israel. The Camisard legions, spread as they now were over the entire Cevennes, and embracing Lower Languedoc as far as the sea, were for the most part occupied during the winter of 1702-3 in organizing themselves, obtaining arms, and increasing their forces. The respective dis- tricts which they occupied were so many recruiting- grounds, and by the end of the season they had enrolled nearly three thousand men. They were still, however, very badly armed. Their weapons included fowling-pieces, old matchlocks, muskets taken from the militia, pistols, sabres, scythes, hatchets, billhooks, and even ploughshares. They were very short of powder, and what they had was mostly bought sur- reptitiously from the King's soldiers, or by messengers sent for the purpose to Kismes and Avignon. But Roland, finding that such sources of supply could not be depended upon, resolved to manufacture his own powder. A commissariat was also established, and the most spacious caves in the most sequestered places were sought out and converted into magazines, hospitals, granaries, cellars, arsenals, and powder factories. Thus Mialet, with its extensive caves, was the head- quarters of Ivoland ; Bouquet and the caves at Euzet, of Cavalier ; Cassagnacs and the caves at Magis- tavols, of Salomon ; and so on with the others. Each INSURRECTION OF THE C AMI SARDS. 125 cliief had his respective canton, his granary, his maga- zine, and his arsenal. To each retreat was attached a special body of tradesmen — millers, bakers, shoe- makers, tailors, armourers, and other mechanics ; and each had its special guards and sentinels. "We have already referred to the peculiar geological features of the Cevennes, and to the limestone strata which embraces the whole granitic platform of the southern border almost like a frame. As is almost invariably the case in such formations, large caves, occasioned by the constant dripping of water, are of frequent occur- rence ; and those of the Cevennes, which are in many places of great extent, constituted a peculiar feature in the Camisard insurrection. There is one of such caves in the neighbourhood of the Protestant town of Ganges, on the river Herault, which often served as a refuge for the Huguenots, though it is now scarcely penetrable because of the heavy falls of stone from the roof. This cavern has two entrances, one from the river Herault, the other from the Mendesse, and it extends under the entire mountain, which separates the two rivers. It is still known as the '' Camisards' Grotto." There are numerous others of a like character all over the district ; but as those of Mialet were of special importance — Mialet, " the Metropolis of the Insurrection," being the head- quarters of Koland — it will be sufficient if we briefly describe a visit paid to them in the month of June, 1870. The town of Anduze is the little capital of the Gardonnenque, a district which has always been exclu- sively Protestant. Even at the present day, of the 5,200 inhabitants of Anduze, 4,600 belong to that faith ; and these include the principal proprietors, cul- tivators, and manufacturers of the town and neigh- 1 2 6 THE HUG UENOTS. bourhood. D tiring tlie wars of religion, Andiize was one of tlie Huguenot strongholds. After the death, of Henry IV. the district continued to be held by the Due de Rohan, the ruins of whose castle are still to be seen on the summit of a pyramidal hill on the north of the town. Anduze is jammed in between the precipi- tous mountain of St. Julien, which rises behind it, and the river Garden, along which a modern quay-wall extends, forming a pleasant promenade as well as a barrier against the furious torrents which rush down from the mountains in winter. A little above the town, the river passes through a rocky gorge formed by the rugged grey cliffs of Peyre- male on the one bank and St. Julien on the other. The bare precipitous rocks rise up on either side like two Cyclopean towers, flanking the gateway of the Cevennes. The gorge is so narrow at bottom that there is room only for the river running in its rocky bed below, and a roadway along either bank — that on the eastern side having been partly formed by blasting out the cliff which overhangs it. After crossing the five-arched bridge which spans the Garden, the road proceeds along the eastern bank, up the valley towards Mialet. It being market-day at Anduze, well-clad peasants were flocking into the town, some in their little pony-carts, others with their baskets or bundles of produce, and each had his *' Bon jour, messieurs !" for us as we passed. So long as the road held along the bottom of the valley, passing through the scattered hamlets and villages north of the town, our little springless cart got along cleverly enough. But after we had entered the narrower valley higher up, and the cultivated ground became confined to a little strip along either bank, then the mountain INSURRECTION OF THE C AMI SARDS. 127 barriers seemed to rise in front of us and on all sides, and the road became winding, steep, and difficult. A few miles up the valley, the little hamlet of Massou- beyran, consisting of a group of peasant cottages — one of which was the birthplace of Roland, the Camisard chief — w^as seen on a hill- side to the right ; and about two miles further on, at a bend of the road, wo came in sight of the Tillage" of Mialet, with its whitewashed, ilat-roofed cottages — forming a little group of peasants' houses lying in the hollow of the hills. The principal building in it is the Protestant temple, which continues to be frequented by the inhabitants ; the Anuuaire Pro- testante for 1868-70, stating the Protestant population of the district to be 1,325. Strange to say, the present pastor, M. Seguier, bears the name of the first leader of the Camisard insurrection ; and one of the leading members of the consistory, M. Laporte, is a lineal descendant of the second and third leaders. From its secluded and secure position among the hills, as well as because of its proximity to the great Temelac road constructed by BaAdlle, which passed from Anduze by St. Jean-de-Gard into the Upper Cevennes, Mialet was well situated as the head- quarters of the Camisard chief. But it was principally because of the numerous limestone caves abounding in the locality, which afibrded a ready hiding- place for the inhabitants in the event of the enemies' approach, as well as because they were capable of being adapted for the purpose of magazines, stores, and hospitals, that Mialet became of so much import- ance as the citadel of the insurgents. One of such caverns or grottoes is still to be seen about a mile below Mialet, of extraordinary magnitude. It extends under the hill which rises up on the right-hand side of 128 THE HUGUENOTS. tlie road, and is entered from behind, nearly at the summit. The entrance is narrow and difficult, but the interior is large and spacious, widening out in some places into dome-shaped chambers, with stalactites hang- ing from the roof. The whole extent of this cavern cannot be much less than a quarter of a mile, judging from the time it took to explore it and to return from the furthest point in the interior to the entrance. The existence of this place had been forgotten until a few years ago, when it was rediscovered by a man of Anduzc, who succeeded in entering it, but, being unable to find his way out, he remained there for three days without food, until the alarm was given and his friends came to his rescue and delivered him. Immediately behind the village of Mialet, under the side of the hill, is another large cavern, with other grottoes branching out of it, capable, on an emergency, of accommodating the whole population. This was used by Roland as his principal magazine. But perhaps the most interesting of these caves is the one used as a hospital for the sick and wounded. It is situated about a mile above Mialet, in a limestone cliff' almost overhanging the river. The approach to it is steep and difficult, up a footpatb cut in the face of the rock. At length a little platform is reached, about a hundred feet above the level of the river, behind which is a low wall extending across the entrance to the cavern. This wall is pierced with two openings, intended for two culverins, one of which commanded the road leading down the pass, and the other the road up the valley from the direction of the village. The outer vault is large and roomy, and extends back into a lofty dome- shaped cavern about forty feet high, behind which a long tortuous vault extends for several hundred feet. INSURRECTION OF THE CAiMISARDS. 129 The place is quite cliy, and suiBficiently spacious to accommodate a large number of persons ; and there can be do doubt as to the uses to which it was applied during the wars of the Cevennes. The person who guided us to the cave was an ordinary working man of the Tillage — a]3parently a blacksmith — a well-informed, intelligent person — who left his smithy, opposite the Protestant temple at which our pony-cart drew up, to show us over the place ; and he took pride in relating the traditions which continue to be handed down from father to son relating to the great Camisard war of the Cevennes. CHAPTER VII. EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. ri^HE country round Msmes, which was the scene of J- so many contests between the loyalists and the Camisard insurgents at the beginning of Last century, presents nearly the same aspect as it did then, excepting that it is traversed by railways in several directions. The railway to Montpellier on the west, crosses the fertile valley of the Yaunage, " the little Canaan," still rich in vineyards as of old. That to Alais on the north, proceeds for the most part along the valley of the Garden, the names of the successive stations reminding the passing traveller of the embittered contests of which they were the scenes in former times : Nozieres, Bou- cairan, Ners, Yezenobres, and Alais itself, now a con- siderable manufacturing town, and the centre of an important coal-mining district. The country in the neighbourhood of Nismes is by no means picturesque. Though undulating, it is barren, arid, and stony. The view from the Tour Magne, Avhich is verj^ extensive, is over an apparently skeleton landscape, the bare rocks rising on all sides Avithout any covering of verdure. In summer the grass is parched and brown. There are few trees visible ; and these mostly mulberrv, which, when cropped, have EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 131 a blasted look. Yet, wherever soil exists, in the bottoms, the land is very productive, yielding olives, grapes, and chestnuts in great abundance. As we ascend the valley of the Garden, the country becomes more undulating and better wooded. The villages and formhouses have all an old-fashioned look ; not a modern villa is to be seen. We alight from the train at the Ners station — ]Srers, where Cavalier drove Montrevel's army across the river, and near which, at the village of Martinargues, he comjoletely defeated the Boyalists under Lajonquiere. We went to see the scene of the battle, some three miles to the south-east, pass- ing through a well-tilled country, with the peasants busily at work in the fields. From the high ground behind JN^ers a fine view is obtained of the valley of the Garden, overlooking the junction of its two branches descending by Alais and Anduze, the mountains of the Cevennes rising up in the distance. To the left is the fertile valley of Beaurivage, celebrated in the Pastorals of Florian, who was a native of the district. Descending the hill towards Ners, we were overtaken by an aged peasant of the village, with a scythe over his shoulder, returning from his morning's work. There was the usual polite greeting and exchange of salu- tations — for the French peasant is by nature polite — and a ready opening was afibrded for conversation. It turned out that the old man had been a soldier of the first empire, and fought under Soult in the desperate battle of Toulouse in 1814. He was now nearly eighty, but was still able to do a fair day's work in the fields. Inviting us to enter his dwelling and partake of his hospitality, he went down to his cellar and fetched there- from a jug of light sparkling wine, of which we partook. In answer to an inquiry whether there were any Pro- 10 132 THE HUGUENOTS. testants in tlie neiglibourlioocl, tlie old man rej)lled tliat Ners was " all Protestant." His grandson, liowever, wlio was present, qualified this sweeping statement by tlie remark, 8otto I'OCCj that many of them were ** nothing/' The conversation then turned upon the subject of Cavalier and his exploits, when our entertainer launched out into a description of the battle of Martinargues, in which the Royalists had been " toutes abattus/' Like most of the Protestant peasantry of the Cevennes, he displayed a very familiar acquaintance with the events of the civil war, and spoke with enthusiasm and honest pride of the achievements of the Camisards. We have in previous chapters described the outbreak of the insurrection and its spread throughout the Upper Cevennes ; and we have now rapidly to note its growth and progress to its culmination and fall. While the Camisards were secretly organizing their forces under cover of the woods and caves of the moun- tain districts, the governor of Languedoc was indulging in the hope that the insurrection had expired with the death of Laporte and the dispersion of his band. But, to his immense surprise, the whole country was suddenly covered with insurgents, who seemed as if to spring from the earth in all quarters simultaneously. Mes- sengers brought him intelligence at the same time of risings in the mountains of ih.Q Lozere and the Aigoal, in the neighbourhoods of Anduze and Alais, and even in the open country about Nismes and Calvisson, down almost to the sea-coast. Wherever the churches had been used as garrisons and depositories of arms, they were attacked, stormed, and burnt. Cavalier says he never meddled with any EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER, 133 cliiircli whicli had not been tliiis converted into a '' den of thieves ; '^ but the other leaders were less scrupulous. Salomon and Abraham destroyed all the establishments and insignia of their enemies on which they could lay hands — crosses, churches, and presbyteries. The cure of Saint-Gerinain said of Castanet in the Aigoal that he was "like a raging torrent." Roland and Joany ran from village to village ransacking dwellings, chateaux, churches, and collecting arms. Knowing every foot of the country, they rapidly passed by mountain tracks from one village to another ; suddenly appearing in the least- expected quarters, while the troops in pursuit of them had passed in other directions. Cavalier had even the hardihood to descend upon the low country, and to ransack the Catholic villages in the neighbourhood of Msmes. By turns he fought, preached, and sacked churches. About the middle of November, 1702, he preached at. Aiguevives, a village not far from Calvisson, in theYaunage. Count Broglie, commander of the royal troops, hastened from Nismes to intercept him. But pursuing Cavalier was like pursuing a shadow ; he had already made his escape into the mountains. Broglie assembled the inhabitants of the village in the church, and demanded to be informed who had been present with the Camisard preacher. "All!" was the reply: "we are all guilty." He seized the principal persons of the place and sent them to Baville. Four were hanged, twelve were sent to the galleys, many more were flogged, and a heavy fine was levied on the entire village. Meanwhile, Cavalier had joined Eoland near Mialet, and again descended upon the low country, marching through the villages along the valley of the Yidourle, carrying off arms and devastating churches. Broglie 134- THE HUGUENOTS. sent two strong bodies of troops to intercept tliem ; but tbe light-footed insurgents had already crossed the Gardon. A few days later (December 5tli), tbey were lying concealed in the forest of Yaquieres, in the neighbour- hood of Cavalier's head-quarters at Euzet. Their re- treat having been discovered, a strong force of soldiers and militia was directed upon them, under the com- mand of the Chevalier Montarnaud (who, being a new convert, wished to show his zeal), and Captain Bimard of the IS^ismes militia. They took with them a herdsman of the neighbour- hood for their guide, not knowing that he was a con- federate of the Camisards. Leading the Koyalists into the wood, he guided them along a narrow ravine, and hearing no sound of the insurgents, it was supposed that they were lying asleep in their camp. Suddenly three sentinels on the outlook fired off their pieces. At this signal E-avenel posted himself at the outlet of the defile, and Cavalier and Catinat along its two sides. Raising their war-song, the sixty-eighth psalm, the Camisards furiously charged the enem3\ Captain Bimard fell at the first fire. Montarnaud turned and fled with such of the soldiers and militia as could follow him ; and not many of them succeeded in making their escape from the wood. " After which comjDlete victory," says Cavalier, " we returned to the field of battle to give our hearty thanks to Almighty God for his extraordinary assistance, and afterwards stripped the corpses of the enemy, and secured their arms. We found a purse of one hundred pistoles in Captain Bimard's pocket, which was very acceptable, for we stood in great need thereof, and ex- pended part of it in buying hats, shoes, and stockings EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 135 for those who wanted them, and with the remainder bought six great mule loads of brandy, for our winter's supply, from a merchant who was sending it to be sold at Anduze market/' * On the Sunday following, Cavalier held an assembly for public worship near Monteze on the Gardon, at which about five hundred persons were present. The governor of Alais, being informed of the meeting, resolved to put it down with a strong hand ; and he set out for the purpose at the head of a force of about six hundred horse and foot. A mule accompanied him, laden with ropes with which to bind or hang the rebels. Cavalier had timely information, from scouts posted on the adjoining hills, of the approach of the governor's force, and though the number of fighting men in the Camisard assembly was comparatively small, they resolved to defend themselves. Sending away the women and others not bearing arms, Cavalier posted his little band behind an old en- trenchment on the road along which the governor was approaching, and awaited his attack. The horsemen came on at the charge ; but the Camisards, firing over the top of the entrenchment, emptied more than a dozen saddles, and then leaping forward, saluted them with a general discharge. At this, the horsemen turned and fled, galloping through the foot coming up behind them, and throwing them into complete disorder. The Camisards pulled ofi" their coats, in order the better to pursue the fugitives. The Royalists were in full flight, when they were met by a reinforcement of two hundred men of Marsilly's regiment of foot. But these, too, were suddenly seized by the panic, and turned and fled with the rest, the * ''Memoirs oftlie "Wars of the Cevennes," p. 74. 1 3 6 THE HUG UENOTS. Camisards pursuing tliem for nearly an hour, in the course of which they slew more than a hundred of the enemy. Besides the soldiers' clothes, of which they stripped the dead, the Camisards made prize of two loads of ammunition and a large quantity of arms, which the}" were very much in need of, and also of the ropes with which the governor had intended to hang them. Emholdened by these successes, Cavalier determined on making an attack on the strong castle of Servas, occupying a steep height on the east of the forest of Bouquet. Cavalier detested the governor and garrison of this place because they too closely watched his move- ments, and overlooked his head-quarters, which were in the adjoining forest ; and they had, besides, distinguished themselves by the ferocity with which they attacked and dispersed recent assemblies in the Desert. Cavalier was, however, without the means of directly assaulting the place, and he waited for an opportunity of entering it, if possible, by stratagem. While pass- ing along the road between Alais and Lussan one day, he met a detachment of about forty men of the royal army, whom he at once attacked, killing a number of them, and putting the rest to flight. Among the slain was the commanding officer of the party, in whose pockets was found an order signed by Count Broglie directing all town-majors and consuls to lodge him and his men along their line of march. Cavalier at once determined on making use of this order as a key to open the gates of the castle of Servas. He had twelve of his men dressed up in the clothes of the soldiers who had fallen, and six others in their ordinary Camisard dress bound with ropes as prisoners of war. Cavalier himself donned the uniform of the EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER, 137 fallen officer ; and tliiis disguised and well armed, tlie party moved np the steep ascent to the castle. On reaching the outer gate Cavalier presented the order of Coimt Broglie, and requested admittance for the purpose of keeping his pretended. Camisard prisoners in safe custody for the night. He was at once admitted with his party. The governor showed him round the ram- parts, pointing out the strength of the place, and boasting of the punishments he had inflicted on the rebels. At supper Cavalier's soldiers took care to drop into the room one by one, apparently for orders, and suddenly, on a signal being given, the governor and his attendants were seized and bound. At the same time the guard outside was attacked and overpowered. The outer gates were opened, the Camisards rushed in, the castle was taken, and the garrison put to the sword. Cavalier and his band carried ofi" with them to their magazine at Bouquet all the arms, ammunition, and provisions they could find, and before leaving they set fire to the castle. There must have been a large store of gunpowder in the vaults of the place besides what the Camisards carried away, for they had scarcely pro- ceeded a mile on their return journey when a tremendous explosion took place, shaking the ground like an earth- quake, and turning back, they saw the battlements of the detested Chateau Servas hurled into the air. Shortly after, Roland repeated at Sauve, a little fortified town hung along the side of a rocky hill a few miles to the south of Anduze, the stratagem which Cavalier had employed at Servas, and with like success. He disarmed the inhabitants, and carried off the arms and provisions in the place ; and though he released 138 THE HUGUENOTS. tlie commandant and tlie soldiers wliom lie liad taken prisoners, lie sliot a persecuting priest and a CapucliiD monk, and destroyed all tke insignia of Popery in Sauve. Tkese terrible measures caused a new stampede of tke clergy all over tke Cevennes. The nobles and gentry also left their chateaux, the merchants their shops and warehouses, and took refuge in the fortified towns. Even the bishops of Monde, Uzes, and Alais barricaded and fortified their ej^iscoj^al palaces, and organized a system of defence as if the hordes of Attila had been at their gates. With each fresh success the Camisards increased in daring, and every day the insurrection became more threatening and formidable. It already embraced the whole mountain district of the Cevennes, as well as a considerable extent of the low country between Nismes and Montpellier. The Camisard troops, headed by their chiefs, marched through the villages with drums beating in open day, and were quartered by billet on the inhabitants in like manner as the royal regiments. Roland levied imposts and even tithes throughout his district, and compelled the farmers, at the peril of their lives, to bring their stores of victual to the '^ Camp of the Eternal." In the midst of all, they held their meetings in the Desert, at which the chiefs preached, baptized, and administered the sacrament to their flocks. The constituted authorities seemed paralyzed by the extent of the insurrection, and the suddenness with which it spread. The governor of the province had so repeatedly rejoorted to his royal master the pacification of Languedoc, that when this last and worst outbreak occurred he was ashamed to announce it. The peace of Ryswick had set at liberty a large force of soldiers, who EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 139 had now no other occupation than to ''convert" the Protestants and force them to attend Mass. Ahout five hundred thousand men were now under arms for this purpose — occupied as a sort of police force, very much to their own degradation as soldiers. A large body of this otherwise unoccupied army had been placed under the direction of Baville for the pur- pose of suppressing the rebellion — an army of veteran horse and foot, whose valour had been tried in many hard-fought battles. Surely it was not to be said that this immense force could be baffled and defied by a few thousand peasants, cowherds, and wool- carders, fight- ing for what they ridiculously called their "rights of conscience ! " Baville could not believe it ; and he accordingly determined again to apply himself more vigorously than ever to the suppression of the insurrection, by means of the ample forces placed at his disposal. Again the troops were launched against the insur- gents, and again and again they were baffled in their attempts to overtake and crush them. The soldiers became worn out by forced marches, in running from one place to another to disperse assemblies in the Desert. They were distracted by the number of places in which the rebels made their appearance. Cavalier ran from town to town, making his attacks sometimes late at night, sometimes in the early morning ; but before the troops could come up he had done all the mischief he intended, and was perhaps fifty miles distant on another expedition. If the Royalists divided themselves into small bodies, they were in danger of being overpowered ; 'and if they kept together in large bodies, they moved about with difficulty, and could not overtake the in- surgents, " by reason," said Cavalier, " we could go 140 THE HUGUENOTS. further in three hours than they could in a whole day ; regular troops not being used to march through woods and mountains as we did." At length the truth could not be concealed any longer. The States of Languedoe were summoned to meet at Montpellier, and ther3 the desperate state of affairs was fully revealed. The bishops of the principal dioceses could with difficulty attend the meeting, and were only enabled to do so by the assistance of strong detachments of soldiers — the Camisards being masters of the principal roads. They filled the assembly with their lamentations, and declared that they had been be- trayed by the men in power. At their urgent solicita- tion, thirty-two more companies of Catholic fusiliers and another regiment of dragoons were ordered to be immediately embodied in the district. The governor also called to his aid an additional regiment of dragoons from Rouergue ; a battalion of marines from the ships- of-war lying at Marseilles and Toulon ; a body of Misruelets from Roussillon, accustomed to mountain warfare ; together with a large body of Irish officers and soldiers, part of the Irish Brigade. And how did it happen that the self-exiled Irish patriots were now in the Cevennes, helping the army of Louis XIY. to massacre the Camisards by way of teaching them a better religion ? It happened thus : The banishment of the Huguenots from France, and their appearance under William III. in Ireland to fight at the Boyne and Augrhim, contributed to send the Irish Brigade over to France — though it must be con- fessed that the Irish Brigade fought much better for Louis XIY. than they had ever done for Ireland. After the surrender of Limerick in 1691, the prin- EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 141 cipal number of tlie Irish followers of James II. de- clared their intention of abandoning Ireland and serving their sovereign's ally the King of France. The Irish historians allege that the number of the brigade at first amounted to nearly thirty thousand men.* Though they fought bravely for France, and conducted themselves valiantly in many of her great battles, they were unfortunately put forw^ard to do a great deal of dirty work for Louis XIY. One of the first campaigns they were engaged in was in Savoy, under Catinat, in repressing the Yaudois or Barbets. The Yaudois peasantry were for the most part un- armed, and their only crime was their religion. The regiments of Yiscount Clare and Yiscount Dillon, principally distinguished themselves against the Yau- dois. The war was one of extermination, in which many of the Barbets were killed. Mr. O'Connor states that be- tween the number of the Alpine mountaineers cut off, and the extent of devastation and pillage committed amongst them by the Irish, Catinat's commission was executed with terrible fidelity ; the- memory of which " has rendered their name and nation odious to the Yaudois. Six generations," he remarks, *'have since passed away, but neither time nor subsequent calami- ties have obliterated the impression made by the waste and desolation of this military incursion."! Because of the outrages and destruction committed upon the women and children in the valleys in the absence of their natural defenders, the Yaudois still speak of the Irish as '' the foreign assassins." The Brio:ade havino: thus faithfullv served Louis XIY. * O'Callaghan's "History of the Irish Brigades in the service of France," p. 29. t I')id., p. 180. 142 THE HUGUENOTS. ill Piedmont, were now occupied in the same work in the Cevennes. The historian of the Brigade does not particularise the battles in which they were engaged with the Camisards, but merely announces that " on several occasions, the Irish appear to have distinguished themselves, especially their officers." When Cavalier heard of the vast additional forces about to be thrown into the Cevennes, he sought to effect a diversion by shifting the theatre of war. March- ing down towards the low country with about two hundred men, he went from village to village in the Yaunage, holding assemblies of the people. His where- abouts soon became known to the Royalists, and Captain Bonnafoux, of the Calvisson militia, hearing that Cavalier was preaching one day at the village of St. Comes, hastened to capture him. Bonnafoux had already distinguished himself in the preceding year, by sabring two assemblies surprised by him at Vauvert and Caudiac, and his intention now was to serve Cavalier and his followers in like manner. Galloping up to the place of meeting, the Captain was challenged by the Camisard sentinel ; and his answer was to shoot the man dead with his pistol. The report alarmed the meeting, then occupied in prayer ; but rising from their knees, they at once formed in line and advanced to meet the foe, who turned and fled at their first discharge. Cavalier next went southward to Caudiac, where he waited for an opportunity of surprising Aimargues, and putting to the sword the militia, who had long been the scourge of the Protestants in that quarter. He entered the latter town on a fair day, and walked about amongst the people ; but, finding that his intention was EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 143 known, and tliat his enterprise was not likely to succeed, lie turned aside and resolved upon another course. But first it was necessary that his troops should be suj)plied with powder and ammunition, of which they had run short. So, disguising himself as a merchant, and mounted on a horse with capacious saddlebags, he rode off to Nismes, close at hand, to buy gunpowder. He left his men in charge of his two lieutenants, Ravanel and Catinat, who prophesied to him that during his absence they would fight a battle and win a victory. Count Broglie had been promptly informed by the defeated Captain Bonnafoux that the Camisards were in the neighbourhood ; and he set out in pursuit of them with a strong body of horse and foot. After several days' search amongst the vineyards near Nismes and the heathery hills about Milhaud, Broglie learnt that the Camisards were to be found at Caudiac. But when he reached that place he found the insurgents had already left, and taken a northerly direction. Broglie followed their track, and on the following day came up with them at a place called Mas de Gaffarel, in the Yal de Bane, about three miles west of Nismes. The Royalists consisted of two hundred militia, commanded by the Count and his son, and two troops of dragoons, under Captain la Dourville and the redoubtable Captain Poul. The Camisards had only time to utter a short prayer, and to rise from their knees and advance singing their battle psalm, when Poul and his dragoons were upon them. Their charge was so furious that Pavanel and his men were at first thrown into disorder ; but rallying, and bravely fighting, they held their ground. Captain Poul was brought to the ground by a stone 14+ THE HUGUENOTS. . hurled from a sling by a young Yauvert miller named Samuelet ; Count Broglie himself was wounded by a musket-ball, and many of his dragoons lay stretched on the field. Catinat observing the fall of Poul, rushed forward, cut off his head with a sweep of his sabre, and mounting Poul's horse, almost alone chased the Royalists, now flying in all directions. Broglie did not draw breath until he had reached the secure shelter of the castle of Bernis. While these events were in progress, Cavalier was occupied on his mission of buying gunpowder in Nismes. He v/as passing along the Esplanade — then, as now, a beautiful promenade — when he observed from the excitement of the people, running about hither and thither, that something alarming had occurred. On making inquiry he was told that " the Barbets " were in the immediate neighbourhood, and it was even feared they would enter and sack the city. Shortly after, a trooper was observed galloping towards them at full speed along the Montpellier Boad, without arms or helmet. He was almost out of breath when he came up, and could only exclaim that "All is lost ! Count Broglie and Captain Poul are killed, and the Barbets are pursuing the remainder of the royal troops into the city ! " The gates were at once ordered to be shut and barri- caded ; the generate was beaten ; the troops and militia were mustered ; the j)riests ran about in the streets crying, "We are undone!" Some of the Boman Catholics even took shelter in the houses of the Protest- ants, calling upon them to save their lives. But the night passed, and with it their alarm, for the Cami- sards did not make their appearance. ISText morning a message arrived from Count Broglie, shut up in EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 145 the castle of Bernis, ordering tlie garrison to come to his relief. In the meantime, Cavalier, with the assistance of his friends in Nismes, had obtained the articles of which he was in need, and prepared to set out on his return journey. The governor and his detachment were issuing from the western gate as he left, and he accompanied them part of the way, still disguised as a merchant, and mounted on his horse, with a large portmanteau behind him, and saddle-bags on either side full of gunpowder and ammunition. The Camisard chief mixed with the men, talking with them freely about the Barbets and their doings. When he came to the St. Hypolite road he turned aside ; but they warned him that if he went that way he would certainly fall into the hands of the Barbets, and lose not only his horse and his merchandise, but his life. Cavalier thanked them for their advice, but said he was not afraid of the Barbets, and proceeded on his wa}^, shortly rejoining his troop at the appointed rendezvous. The Camisards crossed the Garden by the bridge of St. JSTicholas, and were proceeding towards their head- quarters at Bouquet, up the left bank of the river, when an attempt was made by the Chevalier de St. Chaj^tes, at the head of the militia of the district, to cut off their retreat. But Ravanel charged them with such fury as to drive the greater part into the Garden, then swollen by a flood, and those who did not escape by swimming were either killed or drowned. Thus the insurrection seemed to grow, notwithstand- ing all the measures taken to repress it. The number of soldiers stationed in the province was from time to time increased ; they were scattered in detachments all over the country, and the Camisards took care to 146 THE HUGUENOTS. give theni but few opportunities of exhibiting tbeir force, and then only when at a comparative disad- vantage. The Royalists, at tbeir wits' end, considered wbat was next to be done in order to tbe pacification of tbe country. Tbe simj)le remedy, tbey knew, was to allow tbese poor simple people to worship in tbeir own way without molestation. Grant them this pri- vilege, and they were at any moment ready to lay down their arms, and resume their ordinary peaceful pursuits. But this was precisely what tbe King would not allow. To do so would be an admission of royal falli- bility which neither he nor his advisers were prepared to make. To enforce conformity on his subjects, Louis XIY. had already driven some half- a -million of the best of them into exile, besides the thousands who had perished on gibbets, in dungeons, or at the galleys. And was he now to confess, by granting liberty of worship to these neatherds, carders, and peasants, tbat the vigorous policy of "the Most Christian King" had been an entire mistake ? It was resolved, therefore, that no such liberty should be granted, and that these peasants, like the rest of the King's subjects, were to be forced, at the sword's point if necessary, to worship God in Im way, and not in theirs. Yiewed in this light, the whole proceeding would appear to be a ludicrous absurdity, but for its revolting impiety and the abominable cruelties with which it was accompanied. Yet the Boyalists even blamed themselves for the mercy which they had hitherto showTL to the Protestant peasantry ; and the more virulent amongst them urged that the whole of the remaining population that would not at once con- form to the Church of Eome, should forthwith be put to the sword ! EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 147 Brigadier Julien, an apostate Protestant, wlio had served under William of Orange in Ireland, and after- wards under tlie Duke of Savoy vsx Piedmont, disap- pointed witli the slowness of his promotion, had taken service under Louis XIY., and was now employed as a partizan chief in the suppression of his former co- religionists in Languedoc. Like all renegades, he was a bitter and furious persecutor ; and in the councils of Baville his voice was always raised for the extremest measures. He would utterly exterminate the insur- gents, and, if necessarj", reduce the country to a desert. " It is not enough," said he, *^ merely to kill those bear- ing arms ; the villages which supply the combatants, and which give them shelter and sustenance, ought to be burnt down : thus only can the insurrection be suppressed." In a military point of view Julien was probably right ; but the savage advice startled even Baville. " Nothing can be easier," said he, " than to destroy the towns and villages ; but this would be to make a desert of one of the finest and most productive districts of Languedoc." Yet Baville himself eventually adoj)ted the very policy which he now condemned. In the first place, however, it was determined to pursue and destroy Cavalier and his band. Eight hundred men, under the Count de Touman, were posted at Uzes ; two battalions of the regiment of Hainault, under Julien, at Anduze ; while Broglie, with a strong body of dragoons and militia, commanded the passes at St. Ambrose. These troops occupied, as it were, the three sides of a triangle, in the centre of which Cavalier was known to be in hiding in the woods of Bouquet. Converging upon him simultaneously, they hoped to surround and destroy him. 11 148 THE HUGUENOTS. But tlie Camisard chief was well advised of their movements. To draw them away from his magazines, Cavalier marched boldly to the north, and slipping through between the advancing forces, he got into Broglie's rear, and set fire to two villages inhabited by Catholics. The three bodies at once directed them- selves upon the burning villages ; but when they reached them Cavalier had made his escape, and was nowhere to be heard of. For four days they hunted the country between the Gardon and the Ceze, beating the woods and exploring the caves ; and then they returned, harassed and A'excd, to their respective quarters. While the Royalists were thus occujned, Cavalier fell upon a convoy of provisions which Colonel Marsilly was leading to the castle of Mendajols, scattered and killed the escort, and carried off the mules and their loads to the magazines at Bouquet. During the whole of the month of January, the Camisards, notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather, were constantly on the move, making their appearance in the most unexpected quarters ; Roland descending from Mialet on Anduze, and rousing Broglie from his slumbers by a midnight fusillade ; Castanet attacking St. Andre, and making a bonfire of the contents of the church ; Joany disarming Genouillac ; and Lafleur terrifying the villages of the Lozere almost to the gates of Mende. Although the winters in the South of France, along the shores of the Mediterranean, are comparatively mild and genial, it is very different in the mountain districts of the interior, where the snow lies thick upon the ground, and the rivers are bound up by frost. Cavalier, in his Memoirs, describes the straits to which his followers were reduced in that inclement season, being '' destitute of houses or beds, victuals, bread, or EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 149 money, and left to struggle with hunger, cold, snow, misery, and poverty." " General Broglie," he continues, " believed and hoped that though he had not been able to destroy us with the sword, yet the insufferable miseries of the winter would do him that good office. Yet God Almighty prevented it through his power, and by unexpeeted means his Proridence ordered the thing so well that at the end of the winter we found ourselves in being, and in a better condition than we expected As for our retiring places, we were used in the night-time to go into hamlets or sheepfolds built in or near the woods, and thought ourselves happy when we lighted upon a stone or piece of timber to make our pillows withal, and a little straw or dry leaves to lie upon in our clothes. We did in this condition sleep as gently and soundly as if we had lain upon a down bed. The weather being extremely cold, we had a great occasion for fire ; but residing mostly in woods, we used to get great quantity of faggots and kindle them, and so sit round about them and warm ourselves. In this manner we spent a quarter of a year, running up and down, sometimes one way and sometimes another, through great forests and upon high moun- tains, in deep snow and upon ice. And notwithstanding the sharpness of the weather, the small stock of our provisions, and the marches and counter-marches we were continually .obliged to make, and which gave us but seldom the opportunity of washing the only shirt we had upon our back, not one amongst us fell sick. One might have perceived in our visage a complexion as fresh as if we had fed upon the most delicious meats, and at the end of the season we found ourselves in a good disposition heartily to commence the following campaign."* The campaign of 1703, the third year of the insur- rection, began unfavourably for the Camisards. The ill-success of Count Broglie as commander of the royal forces in the Cevennes, determined Louis XIY. — from whom the true state of affairs could no longer be con- cealed — to supersede him by Marshal Montrevel, one of the ablest of his generals. The army of Languedoc was again reinforced by ten thousand of the best soldiers of France, drawn from the armies of Germany and Italy. It now consisted of three regiments of dragoons and twenty-four battalions of foot — of the Irish Brigade, the Miguelets, and the Languedoc fusiliers — which, ^yith * Cavalier's " Memoirs of the Wars of the Cevennes," pp. 111—114. 150 THE HUGUENOTS. the local militia, constituted an effective force of not less than sixty thousand men ! Such was the irresistible armj^, commanded by a marshal of France, three lieutenant-generals, three major-generals, and three brigadier-generals, now stationed in Languedoc, to crush the peasant insur- rection. jSTo wonder that the Camisard chiefs were alarmed when the intelligence reached them of this formidable force having been set in motion for their destruction. The first thing they determined upon was to effect a powerful diverson, and to extend, if jDossible, the area of the insurrection. For this purpose, Cavalier, at the head of eight hundred men, accomj^anied by thirty baggage mules, set out in the beginning of February, with the object of raising the Yiverais, the north-eastern quarter of Languedoc,where the Camisards had nume- rous partizans. The snow was lying thick upon the ground when they set out ; but the little army pushed northward, through Hochegude and Barjac. At the town of Yagnas they found their way barred by a body of six hundred militia, under the Count de Roure. These they attacked with great fury and speedily put to flight. But behind the Camisards was a second and much stronger ro3^alist force, eighteen hundred men, under Brigadier Julien, Vvho had hastened up from Lussan upon Cavalier's track, and now hung upon his rear in the forest of Yagnas. Next morning the Camisards accepted battle, fought with their iisual bravery, but having been trapped into an ambuscade, they were overpowered by numbers, and at length broke and fled in disorder, leaving behind them their mules, baggage, seven drums, and a quantity of arms, with some two EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER, 151 liimdrecl dead and wounded. Cavalier himself escaped witli difficultj^, and, after having been given up for lost, reached the rendezvous at Bouquet in a state of com- plete exhaustion, Ravanel and Catinat having preceded him thither with the remains of his broken army. Roland and Cavalier now altered their tactics. They resolved to avoid pitched battles such as that at Yagnas, where they were liable to be crushed at a blow, and to divide their forces into small detachments constantly on the move, harassing the enemy, interrupting their communications, and falling upon detached bodies whenever an opportunity for an attack presented itself. To the surprise of Montrevel, who supposed the Camisards finally crushed at Yagnas, the intelligence suddenly reached him of a multitude of attacks on fortified posts, burning of chateaux and churches, cap- tures of convoys, and defeats of detached bodies of E-oyalists. Joany attacked Genouillac, cut to pieces the militia who defended it, and carried ofi" their arms and ammuni- tion, with other spoils, to the camp at Faux-des-Armes, Shortly after, in one of his incursions, he captured a convoy of forty mules laden with cloth, wine, and pro- visions for Lent ; and, though hotly pursued by a much superior force, he succeeded in making his escape into the mountains. Castanet was not less active in the west — sacking and burning Catholic villages, and putting their in- habitants to the sword by way of reprisal for similar atrocities committed by the Royalists. At the same time, Montrevel pillaged and burned Euzet and St. Jean de Ceirarges, villages inhabited by Protestants ; and there was not a hamlet but was liable at any moment 152 THE HUGUENOTS. to be sacked and destroyed by one or otber of tbe con- tending parties. I^or was Koland idle. Being greatly in want of arms and ammunition, as well as of shoes and clotbes for bis men, be collected a considerable force, and made a descent, for tbe purpose of obtaining tbem, on the rich and populous towns of tbe soutb ; more particularly on tbe manufacturing town of Ganges, wbere tbe Cami- sards bad many friends. Altbougb Boland, to divert tbe attention of Montrevel from Ganges, sent a detacb- ment of bis men into tbe neigbbourbood of IN^ismes to raise tbe alarm tbere, it was not long before a large royalist force was directed against bim. Hearing tbat Montrevel was marcbing upon Ganges, Koland bastily left for tbe nortb, but was overtaken near Pompignan by tbe marsbal at tbe bead of an army of regular borse and foot, including several regiments of local militia, Miguelets, marines, and Irisb. Tbe Royalists were posted in sucb a manner as to surround tbe Camisards, wbo, tbougb tbey fouglit witb tbeir usual impetuosity, and succeeded in breaking tbrougb tbe ranks of tbeir enemies, suffered a beavy loss in dead and wounded. Roland bimself escaped witb diffi- culty, and witb bis broken forces fled tbrougb Durfort to bis strongbold at Mialet. After tbe battle, Marsbal Montrevel returned to Ganges, wbere be levied a fine of ten tbousand livres on tbe Protestant population, giving up tbeir bouses to pillage, and banging a dozen of tbose wbo bad been tbe most prominent in abetting tbe Camisards during tbeir recent visit. At tbe same time, be reported to bead- quarters at Paris tbat be bad entirely destroyed tbe rebels, and tbat Languedoc was now " pacified.'' Mucb to bis surprise, bowever, not many weeks EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 153 elapsed before Cavalier, who liad been laid up by tlie small-pox during Roland's expedition to Ganges, again appeared in tbe field, attacking convoys, entering the villages and carrying off arms, and spreading terror anew to tbe very gates of Nismes. He returned north- wards by the valley of the Rhone, driving before him flocks and herds for the provisioning of his men, and reached his retreat at Bouquet in safety. Shortly after, he issued from it again, and descended upon Ners, where he destroyed a detachment of troops under Colonel de Jarnaud ; next day he crossed the Gardon, and cut up a reinforcement intended for the garrison of Sommieres ; and the day after he was heard of in another place, attacking a convoy, and carrying off arms, ammunition, and provisions. Montrevel was profoundly annoyed at the failure of his efforts thus far to suppress the insurrection. It even seemed to increase and extend with every new measure taken to crush it. A marshal of France, at the head of sixty thousand men, he feared lest he should lose credit with his friends at court unless he were able at once to root out these miserable cowherds and wool- carders who continued to bid defiance to the roj^al authority which he represented ; and he determined to exert himself with renewed vigour to exterminate them root and branch. In this state of irritation the intelligence was one day brought to the marshal while sitting over his wine after dinner at Msmes, that an assembly of Huguenots was engaged in worship in a mill situated on the canal outside the Port-des-Carmes. He at once ordered out a battalion of foot, marched on the mill, and surrounded it. The soldiers burst open the door, and found from two to three hundred women, children, and old men 154 THE HUGUENOTS. engaged in prayer ; and proceeded to put tliem to tlie sword. But the marshal, impatient at the slowness of the butchery, ordered the men to desist and to fire the place. This order was obeyed, and the building, being for the most part of wood, was soon wrapped in flames, from amidst which rose the screams of women and children. All who tried to escape were bayoneted, or driven back into the burning mill. Every soul perished — all excepting a girl, who was rescued by one of Montrevel's servants. But the pitiless marshal ordered both the girl and her deliverer to be put to death. The former was hanged forthwith, but the lackey's life was spared at the intercession of some sisters of mercy accidentally passing the place. In the same savage and relentless spirit, Montrevel proceeded to extirpate the Huguenots wherever found. He caused all suspected persons in twenty-two parishes in the diocese of Nismes to be seized and carried off. The men v/ere transported to North America, and the women and children imj^risoned in the fortresses of Roussillon. But the most ruthless measures were those which were adopted in the Upper Cevennes : there nothing short of devastation would satisfy the marshal. Thirty- two parishes were completely laid waste ; the cattle, grain, and produce which they contained were seized and carried into the towns of refuge garrisoned by the Boyalists — Alais, Anduze, Florae, St. Hypolite, and Nismes — so that nothing should be left calculated to give sustenance to the rebels. Four hvmdred and sixty- six villages and hamlets were reduced to mere heaps of ashes and blackened ruins, and such of their inhabitants as were not slain by the soldiery fled with their families into the wilderness. EXPL OITS OF CA VALTER. 1 5 5 All the principal villages inhabited by tbe Protestants were thus completely destroyed, together with their mills and barns, and every building likely to give them shelter, Mialet was sacked and burnt — Roland, still suffering from his wounds, being unable to strike a blow in defence of his stronghold. St. Julien was also plundered and levelled, and its inhabitants carried cap- tive to Montpellier, where the women and children were imprisoned, and the men sent to the galleys. AYheu Cavalier heard of the determination of Mont- revel to make a desert of the country, he sent word to him that for every Huguenot village destroyed he would destroy two inhabited by the Romanists. Thus the sacking and burning on the one side was immediately followed by increased sacking and burning on the other. The war became one of mutual destruction and exter- mination, and the unfortunate inhabitants on both sides were delivered over to all the horrors of civil war. So far, however, from the Camisards being suppressed, the destruction of the dwellings of the Huguenots only served to swell their numbers, and they descended from their mountains upon the Catholics of the plains in in- creasing force and redoubled fury. Montlezan was utterly destroyed — all but the church, which was strongly barricaded, and resisted Cavalier's attempts to enter it. Aurillac, also, was in like manner sacked and gutted, and the destroying torrent swej^t over all the towns and villages of the Cevennes. Cavalier was so ubiquitous, so daring, and often so successful in his attacks, that of all the Camisard leaders he was held to be the most dangerous, and a high price was accordingly set upon his head by the governor. Hence many attempts were made to betray him. He 156 THE HUGUENOTS. was haunted by spies, some of wliom even succeeded in obtaining admission to bis ranks. More than once the spies were detected — it was pretended through pro- phetic influence — and immediately shot. But on one occasion Cavalier and his whole force narrowly escaped destruction through the betrayal of a pre- tended follower. While the Royalists were carrying destruction through the villages of the Upper Cevennes, Cavalier, Salomon, and Abraham, in order to divert them from their pur- pose, resolved upon another descent into the low country, now comparatively ungarrisoned. "With this object they gathered together some fifteen hundred men, and descended from the mountains by Collet, intending to cross the Garden at Beaurivage. On Sunday, the 29th of April, they halted in the wood of Malaboissiere, a little north of Mialet, for a day's preaching and wor- ship ; and after holding three services, which were largely attended, they directed their steps to the Tower of Belliot, a deserted farmhouse on the south of the present high road between Alais and Anduze. The house had been built on the ruins of a feudal castle, and took its name from one of the old towers still standing. It was surrounded by a dry stone wall, forming a court, the entrance to which was closed by hurdles. On their arrival at this place late at night, the Camisards partook of the supper which had been prepared for them bj^ their purveyor on the occasion — a miller of the neighbourhood, named Guignon — whose fidelity was assured not only by his apparent piety, but by the circumstance that two of his sons belonged to Cavalier's band. No sooner, however, had the Camisards lain down to sleep than the miller, possessed by the demon of gold, EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 157 set out directly for Alais, about three miles distant^, and, reaching the quarters of Montrevel, sold the secret of Cavalier's sleeping-place to the marshal for fifty pieces of gold, and together with it the lives of his own sons and their fifteen hundred companions. The marshal forthwith mustered all the available troops in Alais, consisting of eight regiments of foot (of which one was Irish) and two of dragoons, and set out at once for the Tower of Belliot, taking the pre- caution to set a strict guard upon all the gates, to pre- vent the possibility of any messenger leaving the place to warn Cavalier of his approach. The loyalists crept towards the tower in three bodies, so as to cut ofi" their retreat in every direction. Meanwhile, the Camisards, unapprehensive of danger, lay wrapped in slumber, filling the tower, the barns, the stables, and out- houses. The night was dark, and favoured the Eoyalists' ap- proach. Suddenly, one of their divisions came upon the advanced Camisard sentinels. They fired, but were at once cut down. Those behind fled back to the sleeping camp, and raised the cry of alarm. Cavalier started up, calling his men ''to arms," and, followed by about four hundred, he precipitated himself on the heads of the advancing columns. Driven back, they rallied again, more troops coming up to their suj)port, and again they advanced to the attack. To his dismay, Cavalier found the enemy in over- whelming force, enveloping his whole position. By great efibrts he held them back until some four or five hundred more of his men had joined him, and then he gave way and retired behind a ravine or hollow, pro- bably forming part of the fosse of the ancient chateau. Having there rallied his followers, he recrossed the I58 THE HUGUENOTS. ravine to make anotlier desj^erate effort to relieve the remainder of his troop shut up in tlie tower. A desperate encounter followed, in the midst of whicli two of the royalist columns, mistaking each other for enemies in the darkness, fired into each other and increased the confusion and the carnage. The moon rose on this dreadful scene, and revealed to the Royalists the smallness of the force opposed to them. The struggle was renewed again and again ; Cavalier still seeking to relieve those shut up in the tower, and the Royalists, now concentrated and in force, to surround and destroy him. At length, after the struggle had lasted for about five hours, Cavalier, in order to save the rest of his men, resolved on retiring before daybreak ; and he succeeded in effecting his retreat without being pur- sued by the enemy. The three hundred Camisards who continued shut up in the tower refused to surrender. They trans- formed the ruin into a fortress, barricading every en- trance, and firing from every loophole. When" their ammunition was exp3nded, they hurled stones, joists, and tiles down upon their assailants from the summit of the tower. For four more hours they continued to hold out. Cannon were sent for from Alais, to blow in the doors ; but before they arrived all was over. The place had been set on fire by. hand grenades, and the imprisoned Camisards, singing psalms amidst the flames to their last breath, perished to a man. This victory cost Montrevel dear. He lost some twelve hundred dead and wounded before the fatal Tower of Belliot ; whilst Cavalier's loss was not less than four hundred dead, of whom a hundred and eighteen were found at daybreak along the brink of the EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 159 ravine. One of these was mistaken for tlie body ol Cavalier ; on vi^liicli Montrevel, with characteristic barbarity, ordered the head to be cut oif and sent to Cavalier'' 8 mother for identification ! From the slight glimpses we obtain of the man Montrevel in the course of these deplorable transactions, there seems to have been something ineJffably mean and spiteful in his nature. Thus, on another occasion, in a fit of rage at having been baffled by the young Camisard leader, he dispatched a squadron of dragoons to Eibaute for the express purpose of j)idling down the house in which Cavalier had been born ! A befitting sequel to this sanguinary struggle at the Tower of Belliot was the fate of Guignon, the miller, who had betrayed the sleeping Camisards to Montrevel. His crime was discovered. The gold was found upon him. He was tried, and condemned to death. The Camisards, under arms, assembled to see the sentence carried out. They knelt round the doomed man, while the prophets by turn prayed for his soul, and implored the clemency of the Sovereign Judge. Guignon pro- fessed the utmost contrition, besought the pardon of his brethren, and sought leave to embrace for the last time his two sons — privates in the Camisard ranks.. The two young men, however, refused the proffered embrace with a gesture of apparent disgust ; and they looked on, the sad and stern spectators of the traitor's punishment. Again Montrevel thought he had succeeded in crush- ing the insurrection, and that he had cut off its head with that of the Camisard chief. But his supposed dis- covery of the dead body proved an entire mistake ; and not many days elapsed before Cavalier made his ajDpearance before the gates of Alais, and sent in i-i i6o THE HUGUENOTS, challenge to the governor to come out and fight him. And it is to he observed that by this time a fiercely combative spirit, of fighting for fighting's sake, began to show itself among the Camisards. Thus, Castanet appeared one day before the gates of Meyreuis, where the regiment of Cordes was stationed, and challenged the colonel to come out and. fight him in the open ; but the challenge was declined. On another occasion, Cavalier in like manner challenged the commander of Yic to bring out thirty of his soldiers and fight thirty Camisards. The challenge was accepted, and the battle took place ; they fought until ten men only remained alive on either side, but the Camisards were masters of the field. Montrevel only redoubled his efibrts to exterminate the Camisards. He had no other policy. In the summer of 1703 the Pope (Clement XI.) came to his assistance, issuing a- bull against the rebels as being of *' the execrable race of the ancient Albigenses," and promising " absolute and general remission of sins " to all such as should join the holy militia of Louis XIY. in " exterminating the cursed heretics and miscreants, enemies alike of God and of Caesar.^* . A special force was embodied with this object — the Florentines, or " White Camisards " — distinguished by the white cross which they wore in front of their hats. They were for the most part composed of desperadoes and miscreants, and wen't about pillaging and burning, with so little discrimination between friend and foe, that the Catholics themselves implored the marshal to suppress them. These Florentines were the perpe- trators of such barbarities that Roland determined to raise a body of cavalry to hunt them down ; and with that object, Catinat, the old dragoon, went down to the EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. i6i Camargues — a sort of island-prairies lying between the moutlis of the Rhone — where the Arabs had left a hardy breed of horses ; and there he purchased some two hundred steeds wherewith to mount the Camisard horse, to the command of which Catinat was himself appointed. It is unnecessary to particularise the variety of com- bats, of marchings and countermarchings, which occurred during the progress of the insurrection. Between the contending parties^ the country was reduced to a desert. Tillage ceased, for there was no certainty of the cultivator reaping the crop ; more likely it would be carried off or burnt by the conflict- ing armies. Beggars and vagabonds wandered about robbing and plundering without regard to party or religion ; and social security was entirely at an end. Meanwhile, Montrevel still called for more troops. Of the twenty battalions already entrusted to him, more than one-third had perished ; and still the insurrection was not suppressed. He hoped, however, that the work was now accomplished ; and, looking to the wasted con- dition of the country, that the famine and cold of the winter of 1703-4 would complete the destruction of such of the rebels as still survived. During the winter, however, the Camisard chiefs had not only been able to keep their forces together, but to lay up a considerable store of provisions and ammuni- tion, principally by captures from the enemy ; and in the following spring they were in a position to take the field in even greater force than ever. The}', indeed, opened the campaign by gaining two important victories over the Royalists ; but though they were their greatest, they were also nearly their last. 1 62 THE HUGUENOTS, Tiie battle of IVIartinargues was tlie Cannae of the Camisards. It was fought near the village of that name, not far from Ners, early in the spring of 1704. The campaign had been opened by the Florentines, who, now that they had made a desert of the Upper Cevennes, were burning and ravaging the Protestant Tillages of the plain. Cavalier had put himself on their track, and pursued and punished them so severely, that in their distress they called upon Montrevel to help them, informing him of the whereabouts of the Camisards. A strong roj^alist force of horse and foot was imme- diately sent in pursuit, under the command of Brigadier Lajonquiere. He first marched upon the Protestant village of Lascours, where Cavalier had passed the previous night. The brigadier severely punished the inhabitants for sheltering the Camisards, putting to death four persons, two of them girls, whom he suspected to be Cavalier's j^rophetesses. On the people refusing to indicate the direction in which the Camisards had gone, he gave the village up to plunder, and the soldiers passed several hours ransacking the place, in the course of which they broke open and pillaged the wine-cellars. Meanwhile, Cavalier and his men had proceeded in a northerly direction, along the right bank of the little river Broude, one of the affluents of the Gardon. A messenger from Lascours overtook him, telling him of the outrages committed on the inhabitants of the vil- lage ; and shortly after, the inhabitants of Lascours themselves came up — men, women, and children, who had been driven from their pillaged homes by the royalist soldiery. Cavalier was enraged at the recital of their woes ; and though his force was not one-sixth EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 163 the strengtli of tlie enemy, lie determined to meet their advance and give them battle. Placing the poor people of Lascours in safety, the Camisard leader took np his position on a rising ground at the head of a little valley close to the village of Martinargues. Cavalier himself occupied the centre, his front being covered by a brook running in the hollow of a ravine. Eavanel and Catinat, with a small body of men, were posted along the two sides of the valley, screened by brushwood. The approaching Royalists, seeing before them only the feeble force of Cavalier, looked upon his capture as certain. " See ! " cried Lajonquiere, " at last we have hold of the Barbet^ we have been so long looking for ! '' With his dragoons in the centre, flanked by the grenadiers and foot, the Royalists advanced with confidence to the charge. At the first volley, the Camisards prostrated themselves, and the bullets went .over their heads. Thinking they had fallen before his fusillade, the com- mander ordered his men to cross the ravine and fall upon the remnant with the bayonet. Instantly, how- ever, Cavalier's men started to their feet, and smote the assailants with a deadly volley, bringing down men and horses. At the same moment, the two wings, until then concealed, fired down upon the Royalists and com- pleted their confusion. The Camisards, then raising their battle-psalm, rushed forward and charged the enemy. The grenadiers resisted stoutly, but after a few minutes the entire body — dragoons, grenadiers, marines, and Irish — fled down the valley towards the Gardon, and the greater number of those who were not killed were drowned, Lajonquiere himself escaping with difficulty. 12 164 THE HUGUENOTS. In this battle penslied a colonel, a major, thirty- three captains and lieutenants, and four hundred and fifty men, while Cavalier's loss was only about twenty killed and wounded. A great booty was picked up on the field, of gold, silver, jewels, ornamented swords, magnificent uniforms, scarfs, and clothing, besides horses, as well as the plunder brought from Lascours. The opening of the Lascours wine-cellars proved the ruin of the Eoj^^lists, for many of the men were so drunk that they were unable either to fight or flj". After returning thanks to God on the battle-field, Cavalier conducted the rejoicing people of Lascours back to their village, and j)ro- ceeded to his head-quarters at Bouquet with his booty and his trophies. Another encounter shortly followed at the Bridge of Salindres, about midway between Auduze and St. Jean du Gard, in which Boland inflicted an equally decisive defeat on a force commanded b}" Brigadier Lalande. Informed of the approach of the Ptoyalists, Eoland posted his little army in the narrow, precipitous, and rocky valley, along the bottom of which runs the river Garden. Dividing his men into three bodies, he posted one on the bridge, another in ambuscade at the entrance to the defile, and a third on the summit of the precij)ice overhanging the road. The Eoyalists had scarcely advanced to the attack of the bridge, when the concealed Camisards rushed out and assailed their rear, while those stationed above hurled down rocks and stones, which threw them into complete disorder. They at once broke and fled, rush- ing down to the river, into which they threw them- selves ; and but for Roland's neglect in guarding the EXPLOITS OF CAVALIER. 165 steep footpath leading to tlie ford at the mill, the whole body would have been destroyed. As it was, they suffered heavy loss, the general himself escaping with difficulty, leaving his white-plumed hat behind him in the hands of the Camisards. CHAPTER YIIT. END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. rpHE insurrection in tlie Cevennes had continued for •-■- more than two years, when at length it began to excite serious uneasiness at Versailles. It was felt to be a source of weakness as well as danger to France, then at war with Portugal, England, and Savoy. What increased the alarm of the French Government was the fact that the insurgents were anxiously looking abroad for help, and endeavouring to excite the Protestant governments of the North to strike a blow in their behalf. England and Holland had been especially appealed to. Large numbers of Huguenot soldiers were then serving in the English army ; and it was suggested that if they could effect a landing on the coast of Languedoc, and co-operate with the Camisards, it would at the same time help the cause of religious liberty, and operate as a powerful diversion in favour of the confederate armies, then engaged with the armies of France in the Low Countries and on the Rhine. In order to ascertain the feasibility of the proposed landing, and the condition of the Camisard insurgents, the ministry of Queen Anne sent the Marquis de Mire- mont, a Huguenot refugee in England, on a mission to END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 167 tlie Cevennes ; and lie succeeded in reaching tlie insur- gent camp at St. Felix, wliere lie met Roland and tlie other leaders, and arranged with, them for the descent of a body of Huguenot soldiers on the coast. In the month of September, 1703, the English fleet was descried in the Gulf of Lyons, off Aiguesmortes, making signals, which, however, were not answered. Marshal Montrevel had been warned of the intended invasion ; and, summoning troops from all quarters, he so effectually guarded the coast, that a landing was found impracticable. Though Cavalier was near at hand, he was unable at any point to communicate with the English ships ; and after hang off for a few days, they spread their sails, and the disheartened Camisards saw their intended liberators disappear in the distance. The ministers of Louis XIY. were greatly alarmed by this event. The invasion had been frustrated for the time, but the English fleet might return, and even- tually succeed in effecting a landing. The danger, therefore, had to be provided against, and at once. It became clear, even to Louis XIY. himself, that the system of terror and coercion which had heretofore been exclusively employed against the insurgents, had proved a total failure. It was accordingly determined to employ some other means, if possible, of bringing this dangerous insurrection to an end. In pursuance of this object, Montrevel, to his intense mortification, was recalled, and the celebrated Marshal Yillars, the victor of Hochstadt and FriedKngen, was appointed in his stead, with full powers to undertake and carry out the pacification of Languedoc. Yillars reached Nismes towards the end of August, 1704 ; but before his arrival, Montrevel at last suc- ceeded in settling accounts with Cavalier, and wiped 1 68 THE HUGUENOTS. out many old scores by infiicting upon Hm the severest defeat the Camisard arms had yet received. It was his first victory over Cavalier, and his last. Cavalier's recent successes had made him careless. Having so often overcome the royal troops against great odds, he began to think himself invincible, and to despise his enemy. His success at Martinargues had the efiect of greatly increasing his troops ; and he made a descent upon the low country in the spring of 1704, at the head of about a thousand foot and two himdred horse. Appearing before Bouciran, which he entered without resistance, he demolished the fortifications, and pro- ceeded southwards to St. Genies, which he attacked and took, carrying away horses, mules, and arms. Next day he marched still southward to Caveirac, only about three miles east of Nismes. Montrevel designedly published his intention of taking leave of his government on a certain daj^, and proceeding to Montpellier with only a very slender force — pretending to send the remainder to Beaucaire, in the opposite direction, for the purpose of escorting Yillars, his successor, into the city. His object in doing this was to deceive the Camisard leader, and to draw him into a trap. The intelligence became known to Cavalier, who now watched the Montpellier road, for the purpose of inflict- ing a parting blow upon his often-bafiled enemy. In- stead, however, of Montrevel setting out for Monpellier with a small force, he mustered almost the entire troops belonging to the garrison of JSTismes — over six thousand horse and foot — and determined to overwhelm Cavalier, who lay in his way. Montrevel divided his force into several bodies, and so disposed them as completely to END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 169 suiToimd tlie comparatively small Camisard force, near Lano-lade. The first encounter was mth tlie royalist regiment of Firmarcon, wliicli Cavalier completely routed; but while pursuing them too keenly, the Camisards were assailed in flank by a strong body of foot posted in vineyards along the road, and driven back upon the main body. The Camisards now dis- covered that a still stronger battalion was stationed in their rear ; and, indeed, wherever they turned, they saw the Royalists posted in force. There was no alternative but cutting their way through the enemy ; and Cava- lier, putting himself at the head of his men, led the way, sword in hand. A terrible struggle ensued, and the Camisards at last reached the bridge at Rosni ; but there, too, the Hoyalists were found blocking the road, and crowding the heights on either side. Cavalier, to avoid recogni- tion, threw off his uniform, and assumed the guise of a simple Camisard. Again he sought to force his way through the masses of the enemy. His advance was a series of hand-to-hand fights, extending over some six miles, and the struggle lasted for nearly the entire day. More than a thousand dead strewed the roads, of whom one half were Camisards. The Eoyalists took five drums, sixty-two horses, and four mules laden with provisions, but not one prisoner. When Yillars reached Msmes and heard of this battle, he went to see the field, and expressed his admiration at the skill and valour of the Camisard chief. *' Here is a man," said he, " of no education, without any experience in the art of war, who has con- ducted himself under the most difiicult and delicate circumstances as if he had been a great general. Truly, to fight such a battle were worthy of Caisar ! " 1 70 THE HUGUENOTS. Indeed, tlie conduct of Cavalier in this struggle so impressed Marshal Villars, tliat lie determined, if pos- sible, to gain liim over, together with his brave fol- lowers, to the ranks of the royal army. Yillars was no bigot, but a humane and honourable man, and a thorough soldier. He deplored the continuance of this atrocious war, and proceeded to take immediate steps to bring it, if possible, to a satisfactory conclusion. In the meantime, however, the defeat of the Cami- sards had been followed by other reverses. During the absence of Cavalier in the South, the royalist general Lalande, at the head of five thousand troops, fell upon the joint forces of Holand and Joany at Brenoux, and completely defeated them. The same- general lay in wait for the return of Cavalier with his broken forces, to his retreat near Euzet ; and on his coming up, the Royalists, in overpowering numbers, fell upon the dispirited Camisards, and inflicted upon them another heavy loss. But a greater calamity, if possible, was the discovery and capture of Cavalier's magazines in the caverns near Euzet. The roj'alist soldiers, having observed an old woman frequently leaving the village for the adjoining wood with a full basket and returning with an empty one, suspected her of succouring the rebels,' arrested her, and took her before the general. When questioned at first she would confess nothing ; on which she was ordered forthwith to be hanged. When taken to the gibbet in the market-place, however, the old woman's resolution gave way, and she entreated to be taken back to the general, when she would confess everything. She then acknowledged that she had the care of an hospital in the adjoining wood, and that her daily errands had been thither. She was promised pardon if END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION, iji slie led the soldiers at once to tlie place ; and slie did so, a battalion following at her heels. Advancing into the wood, the old woman led the soldiers to the mouth of a cavern, into which she pointed, and the men entered. The first sight that met their eyes was a number of sick and wounded Camisards lying upon couches along ledges cut in the rock. They were immediately put to death. Enterino- further into the cavern, the soldiers were surprised to find in an inner vault an immense magazine of grain, flour, chestnuts, beans, barrels of wine and brandy ; farther in, stores of drugs, ointment, dressings, and hospital furnishings ; and finally, an arsenal containing a large store of sabres, muskets, pistols, and gunpowder, together with the materials for making it ; all of which the Royalists seized and carried ofi". Lalande, before leaving Euzet, inflicted upon it a terrible punishment. He gave it up to pillage, then burnt it to the ground, and put the inhabitants to the sword — all but the old woman, who was left alone amidst the corpses and ashes of the ruined village. Lalande returned in triumj^h to Alais, some of his soldiers displaying on the points of their bayonets the ears of the slain Camisards. Other reverses followed in quick succession. Salomon was attacked near Pont-de-Montvert, the birthplace of the insurrection, and lost some eight hundred of his men. His magazines at Magistavols were also dis- covered and ransacked, containing, amongst other stores, twenty oxen and a hundred sheep. Thus, in four combats, the Camisards lost nearly half their forces, together with a large part of their arms, ammunition, and provisions. The country occupied by them had been ravaged and reduced to a state of desert, 172 THE HUGUENOTS, and tliere seemed but little prospect of their again being able to make bead against tbeir enemies. The loss of life during tbe last year of tbe insurrec- tion bad been frigbful. Some twenty thousand men bad perished — eight thousand soldiers, four thousand of the Roman Catholic population, and from seven to eight thousand Protestants. Yillars bad no sooner entered upon the functions of his office than be set himself to remedy this dreadful state of things. He was encouraged in his wise inten- tions by the Baron d*Aigalliers, a Protestant nobleman of high standing and great influence, who bad emigrated into En inland at the Pevocation, but bad since returned. This nobleman entertained the ardent desire of recon- ciling the King with bis Protestant subjects ; and be was encouraged by the French Court to endeavour to bring the rebels of the Cevennes to terms. One of tbe first things Yillars did, was to proceed on a journey through the devastated districts; and he could not fail to be horrified at tbe sight of the villages in ruins, the wasted vineyards, the untilled fields, and the deserted homesteads which met bis ej^es on every side. Wherever be went, he gave it out that he was ready to pardon all persons — rebels as well as their chiefs — w^bo should lay down their arms and submit to tbe royal clemency ; but that, if they continued obstinate and refused to submit, he would proceed against them to tbe last extremity. He even ofiered to put arms in tbe bands of such of tbe Protestant population as would co-operate with him in suppressing the insurrection. In the meantime, the defeated Camisards under Poland were reorganizing their forces, and preparing again to take the field. They were unwilling to submit END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION, ijs themselves to tlie professed clemency of Yillars, without some sufficient guarantee that their religious rights — in defence of which they had taken up arms — would be respected. Koland was already establishing new magazines in place of those which had been destroj^ed ; he was again recruiting his brigades from the Protest- ant communes, and many of those who had recovered from their wounds again rallied under his standard. At this juncture, D'Aigalliers suggested to Yillars that a negotiation should be opened directly with the Camisard chiefs to induce them to lay down their arms. Roland refused to listen to any overtures ; but Cavalier was more accessible, and expressed himself willing to negotiate for peace provided his religion was respected and recognised. And Cavalier was right. He saw clearly that longer resistance was futile, that it could only end in increased devastation and destruction ; and he was wise in endeavouring to secure the best possible terms under the circumstances for his suffering co-religionists. Roland, who refused all such overtures, was the more imcompromising and tenacious of purpose ; but Cavalier, notwithstanding his extreme youth, was by far the more practical and politic of the two. There is no doubt also that Cavalier had beg^un to weary of the struggle. He became de2:)ressed and sad, and even after a victory he would kneel down amidst the dead and wounded, and pray to God that He would turn the heart of the Eing to mercy, and help to re- , establish the ancient temples throughout the land. An interview with Cavalier was eventually arranged by Lalande. The brigadier invited him to a conference, guaranteeing him safe conduct, and intimating that if he refused the meeting, he would be regarded as the 174 THE HUGUENOTS. enemy of peace, and held, responsible before God and man for all future bloodshed. Cavalier rej^lied to Lalande's invitation, accepting tbe interview, indicating tbe place and the time of meeting. Catinat, the Camisard general of horse, was the bearer of Cavalier's letter, and he rode on to Alais to deliver it, arrayed in magnificent costume. Lalande was at table when Catinat was shown in to him. Observing the strange uniform and fierce look of the intruder, the brigadier asked who he was. "Catinat!" was the reply. "What," cried Lalande, " are you the Catinat who killed so many people in Beaucaire P " " Yes, it is I," said Catinat, "and I only endeavoured to do my duty." " You are hardy, indeed, to dare to show yourself before me." "I have come," said the Camisard, * ' in good faith, persuaded that you are an honest man, and on the assurance of my brother Cavalier that you would do me no harm. I come to deliA^er you his letter." And so saying, he handed it to the brigadier. Hastily perusing the letter, Lalande said, " Go back to Cavalier, and tell him that in two hours I shall be at the Bridge of Avene with only ten ofiicers and thirty dragoons." The interview took place at the time appointed, on the bridge over the Avene, a few miles south of Alais. Cavalier arrived, attended by three hundred foot and sixty Camisard dragoons. "When the two chiefs recognised each other, they halted their escorts, dis- mounted, and, followed by some officers, proceeded on foot to meet each other. Lalande had brought with him Cavalier's younger brother, who had been for some time a prisoner, and presented him, saying, " The King gives him to you in token of his merciful intentions." The brothers, who END OF THE C AMIS ARE INSURRECTION. 175 had not met since their mother's death, embraced and wept. Cavalier thanked the general ; and then, leaving their officers, the two went on one side, and conferred together alone. " The King," said Lalande, " wishes, in the exercise of his clemency, to terminate this war amongst his sub- jects ; what are your terms and your demands ? " " They consist of three things," replied Cavalier : " liberty of worship ; the deliverance of our brethren who are in prison and at the galleys ; and, if the first condition be refused, then free permission to leave France." " How many persons would wish to leave the kingdom ?" asked Lalande. " Ten thousand of various ages and both sexes." " Ten thousand ! It is impossible ! Leave might possibly be granted for two, but certainly not for ten." *'Then," said Cavalier, "if the King will not allow us to leave the kingdom, he will at least re-establish our ancient edicts and privileges ? " Lalande promised to report the result of the confer- ence to the marshal, though he expressed a doubt whether he could agree to the terms proposed. The brigadier took leave of Cavalier by expressing the desire to be of service to him at any time ; but he made a gross and indelicate mistake in offering his purse to the Camisard chief. "No, no!" said Cavalier, reject- ing it with a look of contempt, " I wish for none of your gold, but only for religious libertj', or, if that be refused, for a safe conduct out of the kingdom." Lalande then asked to be taken up to the Camisard troop, who had been watching the proceedings of their leader with great interest. Coming up to them in the ranks, he said, " Here is a purse of a hundred louis with which to drink the King's health." Their reply was like their leader's, " We want no money, but 176 THE HUGUENOTS, liberty of conscience." "It is not in my power to grant you that/' said the general, "but you will do well to submit to the King's will." " We are ready/' said they, " to obey his orders, proyided he grants our just demands ; but if not, we are prepared to die arms in hand." And thus ended this memorable interview, which lasted for about two hours ; Lalande and his followers returning to Alais, while Cavalier went with his troop in the direction of Yezenobres. Cavalier's enemies say that in the course of his inter- view with Lalande he was offered honours, rewards, and promotion, if he would enter the King's service ; and it is added that Cavalier was temj)ted by these offers, and thereby proved false to his cause and fol- lowers. But it is more probable that Cavalier was siucere in his desire to come to fair terms with the King, observing the impossibility, under the circum- stances, of prolonging the struggle against the royal armies with any reasonable prospect of success. If Cavalier were really bribed by any such promises of promotion, at all events such promises were never fulfilled ; nor did the French monarch reward him in any way for his endeavours to bring the Camisard insurrection to an end. It was characteristic of Koland to hold aloof from these negotiations, and refuse to come to any terms ;^'hatever with " Baal." As if to separate himself jntirely from Cavalier, he withdrew into the Uj)per Cevennes to resume the war. At the very time that Cavalier was holding the conference with the royalist general at the Bridge of the Avene, Roland and Joany, with a body of horse and foot, waylaid the Count de Tournou at the plateau of Font-morte — the place where Seguier, the first Camisard leader, had been END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 177 defeated and captured — and suddenly fell upon the loyalists, putting them to flight. A rich booty fell into the hands of the Camisards, j)art of which consisted of the quarter's rental of the confiscated estate of Saigas, in the possession of the King's collector, Yiala, whom the royalist trooj^s were escorting to St. Jean de Gard. The collector, who had >made himself notorious for his cruelty, was put to death after frightful torment, and his son and nephew were also shot. So far, therefore, as Eoland and his associates were concerned, there appeared to be no intention of surrender or compromise ; and Yillars was under the necessity of prosecuting the war against them to the last extremity. In the meantime, Cavalier was hailed throughout the low country as the pacificator of Languedoc. The people on both sides had become heartily sick of the war, and were glad to be rid of it on any terms that promised peace and security for the future. At the invitation of Marshal Yillars, Cavalier proceeded towards Nismes, and his march from town to town was one continuous ovation. He was eagerly welcomed by the pojDulation ; and his men were hospitably enter- tained by the garrisons of the places through which they passed. Every liberty was allowed him ; and not a day passed without a religious meeting being held, accompunied with public preaching, prajdng, and psalm- singing. At length Cavalier and his little army ap- proached the neighbourhood of Nismes, where his arrival was anticipated with extraordinary interest. The beautiful old city had witnessed many strange sights ; but probably the entry of the young Camisard chief was one of the most remarkable of all. This herd-boy and baker's apprentice of the Cevennes, after 178 THE HUGUENOTS. holding at bay the armies of France for nearly three years, had come to negotiate a treaty of peace with its most famous general. Leaving the greater part of his cayalry and the whole of his infantry at St. Cesaire, a few miles from Nismes, Cavalier rode towards the town attended by eighteen horsemen commanded by Catinat. On approaching the southern gate, he found an immense multitude waiting his arrival. ''He could not have been more royally welcomed," said the priest of St. Germain, *' had he been a king.'' Cavalier rode at the head of his troop gaily attired , for fine dress was one of the weaknesses of the Camisard chiefs. He wore a tight-fitting doeskin coat ornamented with gold lace, scarlet breeches, a muslin cravat, and a large beaver with a white plume ; his long fair hair hanging over his shoulders. Catinat rode by his side on a high-mettled charger, attracting all eyes by his fine figure, his martial air, and his magnificent costume. Cavalier's fiiithful friend, Daniel Billard, rode on his left ; and behind followed his little brother in military uniform, between the Baron d'Aigalliers and Lacombe, the agents for peace. The cavalcade advanced through, the dense crowd, wbich. could with difficulty be kept back, past the Roman Amphitheatre, and along the Rue St. Antoine, to the Garden of the Recollets, a Franciscan convent, nearly oj^posite the elegant Roman temple known as the Maison Caree.* Alighting from his horse at the gate, and stationing his guard there under the charge of Catinat, Cavalier entered the garden, and was con- ducted to Marshal Yillars, with whom was Baville, in- tendant of the province ; Baron Sandricourt, governor * The Xismes Theatre now occupies pjirt of the Jardin des Secollels. , END OF THE C AMI SARD INSURRECTION. 179 of Nismes ; General Lalande, and otlier dignitaries. Cavalier looked such a mere boy, that Yillars at first could scarcely believe that it was the celebrated Camisard chief who stood before him. The marshal, however, advanced several steps, and addressed some complimentary words to Cavalier, to which he respect- fully replied. The conference then began and proceeded, though not without frequent interruptions from Baville, who had so long regarded Cavalier as a. desj^icable rebel, that he could scarcely brook the idea of the King's marshal treating with him on anything like equal terms. But the marshal checked the intendant bj^ reminding him that he had no authority to interfere in a matter which the King had solely entrusted to him- self. Then turning to Cavalier, he asked him to state his conditions for a treaty of peace. Cavalier has set forth in his memoirs the details of the conditions proposed by him, and which he alleges were afterwards duly agreed to and signed by Yillars and Baville, on the 17th of May, 1704, on the part of the King. The first condition was liberty of conscience, with the privilege of holding religious assemblies in country places. This was agreed to, subject to the Protestant temples not being rebuilt. The second — that all Protestants in prison or at the galleys should be set at liberty within six weeks from the date of the treaty — was also agreed to. The third — that all who had left the kingdom on account of their religion should have liberty to return, and be restored to their estates and privileges — was agreed to, subject to their taking the oath of allegiance. The fourth — as to the re- establishment of the parliament of Languedoc on its ancient footing — was promised consideration. The 13 i8o THE HUGUENOTS. fiftli and sixtli — tliat tlie province sliould be free from capitation tax for ten years, and tliat the Protestants should hold Montpellier, Cette, Perpignan, and Aigue- mortes, as cautionary towns — were refused. The seventh — that those inhabitants of the Cevennes whose houses had been burnt during the civil war should pay no imposts for seven years — was granted. And the eighth — that Cavalier should raise a regiment of dragoons to serve the King in Portugal — was also granted. These conditions are said to have been agreed to on the distinct understanding that the insurrection should forthwith cease, and that all persons in arms against the Kins: should lav them down and submit themselves to his majesty's clemency. The terms having been generally agreed to, Cavalier respectfully took his leave of the marshal, and returned to his comrades at the gate. But Catinat and the Camisard guard had disappeared. The conference had lasted two hours, during which Cavalier's general of horse had become tired of waiting, and gone with his companions to refresh himself at the sign of the Golden Cup. On his way thither, he witched the world of Nismes with his noble horsemanship, making his charger bound and prance and curvet, greatly to the delight of the immense crowd that followed him. On the return of the Camisard guard to the Pecollets, Cavalier mounted his horse, and, escorted by them, proceeded to the Hotel de la Poste, where he rested. In the evening, he came out on the Esplanade, and walked freely amidst the crowd, amongst whom were many ladies, eager to see the Camisard hero, and happy if they could but hear him speak, or touch his dress. He then went to visit the mother of Daniel, his END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. i8i favourite prophet, a native of Nismes, wliosc father and brother were both prisoners because of their religion. Returning to the hotel, Cavalier mustered his guard, and set out for Calvisson, followed by hundreds of people, singing together as they passed through the town gate the 133rd Psalm — " Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity ! " Cavalier remained with his compmions at Calvisson for eight days, during which he enjoyed the most perfect freedom of action. He held public religious services daily, at first amidst the ruins of the demolished Protestant temple, and afterwards, when the space was insufficient, in the open plain outside the town walls. People came from all quarters to attend them — from the Yaunage, from Sommieres, from Lunel, from Nismes, and even from Montpellier. As many as forty thousand persons are said to have resorted to the services during Cavalier's sojourn at Calvisson. The plains re- sounded with preaching and psalmody from morning until evening, sometimes until late at night, by torch- light. These meetings were a great cause of offence to the more bigoted of the Roman Catholics, who saw in them the triumph of their enemies. They muttered audibly against the policy of Yillars, who was tolerating if not encouraging heretics — worthy, in their estimation, only of perdition. Flechier, Bishop of JS'ismes, was full of lamentations on the subject, and did not scruple to proclaim that war, with all its horrors, was even more tolerable than such a peace as this. Unhappily, the peace proved only of short duration, and Cavalier's anticipations of unity and brotherly love were not destined to be fulfilled. Whether Roland iS2 THE HUGUENOTS. Tras jealous of the popularit}^ achieved by Cavalier, or suspected treachery on the part of the Koyalists, or whether he still believed in the ability of his followers to conquer religious liberty and compel the re-establish- ment of the ancient edicts by the sword, does not clearly appear. At all events, he refused to be com- mitted in any way by what Cavalier had done ; and when the treatj^ entered into with Yillars was submitted to Roland for approval, he refused to sign it. A quarrel had almost occurred between the chiefs, and hot words passed between them. But Cavalier con- trolled himself, and still hoped to persuade Eoland to adopt a practicable course, and bring the unhappy war to a conclusion. It was at length agreed between them that a further effort should be made to induce Yillars to grant more liberal terms, particularly with respect to the rebuild- ing of the Protestant temples ; and Cavalier consented that Salomon should accompany him to an interview with the marshal, and endeavour to obtain such a modification of the treaty as should meet Roland's views. Accordingly, another meeting shortly after took place in the Garden of the Recollets at Kismes, Cavalier leaving it to Salomon to be the spokesman on the occasion. But Salomon proved as uncompromising as his chief. He stated his ultimatum bluntly and firml}' — re- establishment of the Edict of Kantes, and complete liberty of conscience. On no other terms, he said, would the Camisards lay down their arms. Yillars was courtly and polite as usual, but he was as firm as Salomon. He would adhere to the terms that had been agreed to, but could not comply with the conditions proposed. The discussion lasted for two hours, and at END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 183 length became stormy and threatening on the part of Salomon, on which the marshal turned on his heel and left the apartment. Cavalier's followers had not yet been informed of the conditions of the treaty into which he had entered with Yillars, but they had been led to believe that the Edict w^as to be re-established and liberty of worship restored. Their suspicions had already been roused by the hints thrown out bv Ravanel, who was as obdurate as Roland in his refusal to lay down his arms until the Edict had been re-established. While Cavalier was still at JSfismes, on his second mission to Yillars, accompanied by Salomon, Ravanel, who had been left in charge of the troop at Calvisson, assembled the men, and told them he feared they were being betrayed — that they were to be refused the free exercise of their religion in temples of their own, but were to be required to embark as King's soldiers on shipboard, perhaps to perish at sea. ^' Brethren," said he, " let us cling by our own native land, and live and die for the Eternal." The men enthusiastically ap- plauded the stern resolve of Ravanel, and awaited with increasing impatience the return of the negotiating chief. On Cavalier's return to his men, he found, to his dismay, that instead of being welcomed back with the usual cordiality, they were drawn up in arms under Ravanel, and received him in silence, with angry and scowling looks. He U23braided E-avanel for such a reception, on which the storm immediately burst. " What is the treaty, then," cried Ravanel, '' that thou hast made with this marshal ? " Cavalier, embarrassed, evaded the inquiry ; but Ravanel, encouraged by his men, proceeded to press for the information. " Well," said Cavalier, " it is arranged 'i84 THE HUGUENOTS. that we shall go to serve in Portugal.'' There was at once a violent outburst from the ranks. " Traitor ! coward ! then thou hast sold us ! But we shall have no peace — no peace without our temples." At sound of the loud commotion and shouting, Yincel, the King's commissioner, who remained at Calvisson pending the negotiations, came running up, and the men in their rage would have torn him to pieces, but Cavalier threw himself in their way, exclaiming, *' Back, men ! Do him no harm, kill me instead." His voice, his gesture, arrested the Camisards, and Yincel turned and fled for his life. Ravanel then ordered the generah to be beaten. The men drew up in their ranks, and putting himself at their head, Bavanel marched them out of Calvisson by the northern gate. Cavalier, humiliated and down- cast, followed the troop — their leader no more. He could not part with them thus — the men he had so often led to victory, and who had followed him so devotedly — but hung upon their rear, hoping they would yet relent and return to him as their chief. Catinat, his general of horse, observing Cavalier following the men, turned upon him. *' Whither wouldst thou go, traitor?" cried Catinat. What! Catinat, of all others, to prove unfaithful ? Yet it was so ! Catinat even presented his pistol at his former chief, but he did not fire. Cavalier would not yet turn back. He hung upon the skirts of the column, entreating, supplicating, adjuring the men, by all their former love for him, to turn and follow him. But they sternly marched on, scarcely'- even deigning to answer him. Ravanel en- deavoured to drive him back by reproaches, which at length so irritated Cavalier, that he di^ew his sword, END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 185 and they were about to riisli at eacli other, when one of the prophets ran between them and prevented blood- shed. Cavalier did not desist from following them for several miles, until at length, on reaching St. Esteve, the men were appealed to as to whom they would follow, and they declared themselves for Ravanel. Cavalier made a last appeal to their allegiance, and called out, ''Let those who love me, follow me!'' About forty of his old adherents detatched themselves from the ranks, and followed Cavalier in the direction of Nismes. But the principal hody remained with Kavanel, who, waving his sabre in the air, and shouting, '' Yive I'Epee de rEternel!" turned his men's faces northward and marched on to rejoin Roland in the Upper Cevennes. Cavalier was completely prostrated by the desertion of his followers. He did not know where next to turn. He could not rejoin the Camisard camp nor enter the villages of the Cevennes, and he was ashamed to approach Yillars, lest he should be charged with de- ceiving him. But he sent a letter to the marshal, informing him of the failure of his negotiations, the continued revolt of the Camisards, and their rejection of him as their chief. Yillars, however, was gentle and generous ; he was persuaded that Cavalier had acted loyally and in good faith throughout, and he sent a message by the Baron d'Aigalliers, urgently inviting him to return to Nismes and arrange as to the future. Cavalier accordingly set out forthwith, accom- panied by his brother and the prophet Daniel, and escorted by the ten horsemen and thirty foot who still remained faithful to his person. It is not necessary further to pursue the history of 1 86 THE HUGUENOTS. Cavalier. SafEce it to say tliat, at tlie request of Marslial Yillars, lie proceeded to Paris, wliere lie had an unsatisfactory interview with Louis XIY. ; that fearing an intention on the part of the Eoman Catholic party to make him a prisoner, he fled across the frontier into Switzerland ; that he eventually reached England, and entered the English army, with the rank of Colonel ; that he raised a regiment of refugee Frenchmen, consisting priiici23ally of his Camisard fol- lowers, at the head of whom he fought most valiantly at the battle of Almanza ; that he was afterwards appointed governor of Jersey, and died a major-general in the British service in the year 1740, greatly res- pected by all who knew him. Although Cavalier failed in carrying the treaty into effect, so far as he was concerned, his secession at this juncture proved a deathblow to the insurrection. The remaining Camisard leaders endeavoured in vain to incite that enthusiasm amongst their followers which had so often before led them to victory. The men felt that they were fighting without hope, and as it were with halters round their necks. Many of them began to think that Cavalier had been justified in seeking to secure the best terms practicable ; and they dropped off', by tens and fifties, to join their former leader, whose head-quarters for some time continued to be at Vallabergue, an island in the Rhone a little above Beaucaire. The insurgents were also in a great measure dis- armed by Marshal Yillars, who continued to pursue a policy of clemency, and at the same time of severity. He offered a free pardon to all who surrendered them- selves, but threatened death to all who continued to resist END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 187 tlie royal troops. lu sign of his clemency, he ordered the gibbets wbicli bad for some years stood en per- manence in all the Tillages of the Cevennes, to be removed ; and be went from town to town, urging all well-disposed people, of both religions, to co-operate witb bim in putting an end to tbe dreadful civil war that bad so long desolated tbe province. Moved by tbe marshal's eloquent appeals, the principal towns along the Garden and the Yidourle appointed deputies to proceed in a body to the camp of Roland, and induce him if possible to accept the prof- ferred amnesty. They waited upon him accordingly at his camp of St. Felix and told him their errand. But his answer was to order them at once to leave the place on pain of death. Yillars himself sent messengers to Roland — amongst others the Baron d'Aigalliers — offering to guarantee that no one should be molested on account of his religion, provided he and his men would lay down their arms ; but Roland remained inflexible — nothing short of complete religious liberty would induce him to surrender. Roland and Joany were still at the head of about a thousand men in the Upper Cevennes. Pont-de-Mont- vert was at the time occupied by a body of Miguelets, whom they determined if possible to destroy. Divid- ing their army into three bodies, they proceeded to assail simultaneously the three quarters of which the village is composed. But the commander of the Miguelets, informed of Roland's intention, was prepared to receive him. One of the Camisard wings was at- tacked at the same time in front and rear, thrown into confusion and defeated ; and the other wings were driven back with heavy loss. i88 THE HUGUENOTS. This was Eoland's last battle. About a month later — in August, 1704 — while a body of Camisards occupied the Chateau of Castelnau, not far from Ners, the place was suddenly surounded at night by a body of royalist dragoons. The alarm was raised, and Eoland, half-dressed, threw himself on horseback and fled. He was pursued, overtaken, and brought to a stand in a wood, where, setting his back to a tree he defended himself bravely for a time against overpowering numbers, but was at last shot through the heart by a dragoon, and the Camisard chief lay dead upon the ground. The insurrection did not long survive the death of Iloland. The other chiefs wandered about from place to place with their followers, but they had lost heart and hope, and avoided further encounters with the royal forces. One after another of them surrendered. Castanet and Catinat both laid down their arms, and were allowed to leave France for Switzerland, accom- panied by twenty-two of their men. Joany also surrendered with forty-six of his followers. One by one the other chiefs laid down their arms — all excepting Abraham and Ravanel, who preferred liberty and misery at home to peace and exile abroad. They continued for some time to wander about in the Upper Cevennes, hiding in the woods by day and sleep- ing in caves by night — hunted, deserted, and miserable. And thus at last was Languedoc pacified ; and at the beginning of January, 1705, Marshal Villars returned to \ ersailles to receive the congratulations and honours of the King. Several futile attempts were afterwards made by the banished leaders to rekindle the insurrection from its embers. Catinat and Castanet, wearied of their inaction END OF THE CAMISARD INSURRECTION. 189 at Geneva, stole back across tlie frontiner and rejoined Kavanel in the Cevennes ; but their rashness cost them their lives. They were all captured and condemned to death. Castanet and Salomon were broken alive on the wheel on the Peyrou at Montpellier, and Catinat, Ravanel, with several others, were burnt alive on the Place de la Beaucaire at jN^ismes. The last to perish were Abraham and Joany. The one was shot while holding the royal troops at bay, firing upon them from the roof of a cottage at Mas- de-Couteau ; the other was captured in the moun- tains near the source of the Tarn. He was on his way to prison, tied behind a trooper, like Ptob Poy in Scott's novel, when, suddenly freeing himself from his bonds while crossing the bridge of Pont-de-Montvert, he slid from the horse, and leapt over the parapet into the Tarn. The soldiers at once opened fire upon the fugitive, and he fell, pierced with many balls, and was carried away in the torrent. And thus Pont-de- Montvert, which had seen the beginning, also saw the end of the insurrection. CHAPTER IX. GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. AFTER the deatli of the last of the Camisard leaders, there was no further eflfort at revolt. The Hugue- nots seemed to be entirely put down, and Protestantism completely destroyed. There was no longer any resist- ance nor protest. If there were any Huguenots wh6 had not become Catholics, they remained mute. Force had at last succeeded in stifling them. A profound quiet reigned for a time throughout France. The country had become a circle, closely watched by armed men — by dragoons, infantry, archers, and coastguards — bej'ond which the Hugue- nots could not escaj^e without running the risk of the prison, the galley, or the gibbet. The intendants throughout the kingdom flattered Louis XIY., and Louis XIY. flattered himself, that the Huguenots had either been converted, extirpated, or expelled the kingdom. The King had medals struck, announcing the ^'extinction of heresy. '^ A pro- clamation to this efiect was also published by the King, dated the 8th of March, 1715, declaring the entire con- version of the French Huguenots, and sentencing those who, after that date, relapsed from Catholicsm to Protestantism, to all the penalties of heresy. GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. 191 What, then, had become of the Huguenots ? They were for the moment prostrate, but their life had not gone out of them. Many were no doubt " converted." They had not strength to resist the pains and penalties threatened by the State if they refused. They accord- ingly attended Mass, and assisted in ceremonies which at heart they detested. Though they blushed at their apostasy, they were too much broken down andVeary of oppression and suffering to attempt to be free. But though many Huguenots pretended to be •^converted," the greater number silently refrained. They held their peace and bided their time. Mean- while, however, they were subject to all the annoyances of persecution. Persecution had seized them from the day of their birth, and never relaxed its hold until the day of their death. Every new-born child must be taken to the priest to be baptized. When the children had grown into boys and girls, they must go to school and be educated, also by the priest. If their parents re- fused to send them, the children were forcibly seized, taken away, and brought up in the Jesuit schools and nunneries. And lastly, when grown up into young men and women, they must be married by the priest, or their offspring be declared illegitimate. The Huguenots refused to conform to all this. Nevertheless, it was by no means easy to continue to refuse obeying the priest. The priest was well served with spies, though the principal spy in every parish was himself. There were also numerous other professional spies — besides idlers, mischief-makers, and " good- natured friends." In time of peace, also, soldiers were usually employed in performing the disgraceful duty of acting as spies upon the Huguenots. The Huguenot was ordered to attend Mass under the 192 THE HUGUENOTS. penalty of fine and imprisonment. Supposing he refused, because lie did not believe tliat tbe priest bad tbe miraculous power of converting bread and wine into something tbe very opposite. The priest insisted that he did possess this power, and that he was sujd- ported by the State in demanding that the Huguenot mud come and worship his transubstantiation of bread into flesh and wine into blood." '' I do not believe it," said the Huguenot. '' But I order you to come, for Louis XIY. has proclaimed you to be a converted Catholic, and if you refuse you will be at once subject to all the penalties of heresy." It was certainly very difficult to argue with a priest who had the hangman at his back, or with the King who had his hundred thousand dragoons. And so, perhaps, the threatened Huguenot went to Mass, and pretended to believe all that the priest had said about his miraculous powers. But many resolutely continued to refuse, willing to incur the last and heaviest penalties. Then it came to be seen that Protestantism, although declared defunct by the King's edict, had not in fact expired, but was merely reposing for a time in order to make a fresh start forward. The Huguenots who still re- mained in France, whether as " new converts " or as " obstinate heretics," at length began to emerge from their obscurity. The}^ met together in caves and solitary places — in deep and rocky gorges — in valleys among the mountains — where they prayed together, sang together their songs of David, and took counsel one with another. At length, from private meetings for prayer, re- ligious assemblies began to be held in the Desert, and preachers made their appearance. The spies spread about the country informed the intendants. The GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FALTH. 193 meetings were often surprised by the military. Some- times the soldiers would come upon them suddenly, and fire into the crowd of men, women, and children. On some occasions a hundred persons or more would be killed upon the spot. Of those taken prisoners, the preachers were hanged or broken on the wheel, the women were sent to prison, and the children to nunneries, while the men were sent to be galley-slaves for life.* The persecutions to which Huguenot women and children were exposed caused a sudden enlargement of all the prisons and nunneries in France. Many of the old castles were fitted up as gaols, and even their dungeons were used for the incorrigible heretics. One of the worst of these was the Tour de Constance in the town of Aiguemortes, which is to this day re- membered with horror as the principal dungeon of the Huguenot women. The town of Aiguemortes is situated in the depart- ment of Gard, close to the Mediterranean, whose waters wash into the salt marshes and lagunes by which it is surrounded. It was erected in the thirteenth century for Philip the Bold, and is still interesting as an example of the ancient feudal fortress. The fosse has since been filled up, on account of the malaria pro- duced by the stagnant water which it contained. * In the Viverais and elsewhere they sang the song of the per- secuted Church : — •'Nos fiUes dans les monastferes, Nos prisonniers dans les cachots, Kos martyrs dont le sang se repand a grands flots, Nos confesseurs sur les galeres, Kos malades persecutes, Nos mourants exposes a plus d'une furie, Nos morts traines a la A'oierie, Te disent (6 Dieu !) nos calamiles." 194 THE HUGUENOTS. The place is approached by a long cansewaj raised above the marsh, and the entrance to the tower is spanned by an ancient gatehouse. Jn advance of the tower, to the north, in an angle of the wall, is a single, large round tower, which served as a citadel. It is sixty-six feet in diameter and ninety feet high, sur- mounted by a lighthouse turret of thirty-four feet. It consists of two large vaulted apartments, the staircase from the one to the other being built within the wall itself, which is about eighteen feet thick. The upper chamber is dimly lighted by narrow chinks through the walls. The lowest of the apartments is the dungeon, which is almost without light and air. In the centre of the floor is a hole connected with a reservoir of water below. This Tour de Constance continued to be the principal prison for Huguenot women in France for a period of about a hundred years. It was always horribly un- healthy ; and to be condemned to this dungeon was considered almost as certain though a slower death than to be condemned to the gallows. Sixteen Huguenot women confined there in 1686 died within five months. Most of them were the wives of merchants of Nismes, or of men of property in the district. When the prisoners died ofi", the dungeon was at once filled up again with more victims, and it was rarely, if ever, empty, down to a period within only a few years before the outbreak of the French Revolution. The punishment of the men found attending re- ligious meetings, and taken prisoners by the soldiers, was to be sentenced to the galleys, mostly for life. They were usually collected in large numbers, and sent to the seaports attached together by chains. They were sent openly, sometimes through the entire length GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. 195 of tlie kingdom, by way of a show. The object was to teach the horrible delinquency of professing Protestant- ism ; for it could not be to show the greater beautiful- ness and mercifulness of Catholicism. The punishment of the Chain varied in degree. Sometimes it was more cruel than at other times. This depended upon the drivers of the prisoners. Marteilhe describes the purishment during his conveyance from Havre to Marseilles in the winter of 1712.* The Chain to which he belonged did not reach Marseilles until the 17th January, 1713. The season was bitterlj^ cold ; but that made no difference in the treatment of Huguenot prisoners. The Chain consisted of a file of prisoners, chained one to another in various ways. On this occasion, each pair was fastened by the neck with a thick chain three feet long, in the middle of which was a round ring. After being thus chained, the pairs were placed in file, couple behind couple, when another long thick chain was passed through the rings, thus running along the centre of the gang, and the whole were thus doubly chained together. There were no less than four hundred prisoners in the chain described by Marteilhe. The number had, however, greatly fallen off through deaths by barbarous treatment before it reached Marseilles. It must, however, be added, that the v»^hole gang did not consist of Huguenots, but only a part of it — the Huguenots being distinguished by their red jackets. The rest consisted of murderers, thieves, deserters, and criminals of various sorts. * " Autobiography of a French Protestant condemned to the Galleys because of his Religion." Eotterdam, 1757. (Since reprinted by the Religious Tract Society ) 14 196 THE HUGUENOTS. The difficulty wliicli the prisoners had in marching along the roads was very great ; the weight of chain which each member had to carry being no less than one hundred and fifty pounds. The lodging they had at night was of the worst description. While at Paris, the galley-slaves were quartered in the Chateau de la Tournelle, which was under tJie spiritual direction of the Jesuits. The gaol consisted of a large cellar or dungeon, fitted with huge beams of oak fixed close to the floor. Thick iron collars were attached by iron chains to the beams. The collar being placed round the prisoner's neck, it was closed and riveted upon an anvil with heavy blows of a hammer. Twenty men in pairs were thus chained to each beam. The dungeon was so large that five hundred men could thus be fastened up. They could not sleep lying at full length, nor could they sleep sitting or standing up straight ; the beam to which they were chained being too high in the one case and too low in the other. The torture which they endured, therefore, is scarcely to be described. The prisoners were kept there until a suffi- cient number could be collected to set out in a great chain for Marseilles. When they arrived at the first stage out of Paris, at Charenton, after a heavy day's fatigue, their lodging was no better than before. A stable was found in which they were chained up in such a way that they could with difficulty sit down, and then only on a dung- heap. After they had lain there for a few hours, the prisoners' chains were taken off", and they were turned out into the spacious courtyard of the inn, where they were ordered to strip ofi" their clothes, put them down at their feet, and march over to the other side of the courtyard. GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. i9j Tlie object of this proceeding was to search the pockets of the prisoners, examine their clothes, and find whether they contained any knives, files, or other tools which might be used for cutting the chains. All money and other valuables or necessaries that the clothes con- tained were at the same time taken away. The night was cold and frosty, with a keen north wind blowing ; and after the prisoners had been ex- posed to it for about half an hour, their bodies became so benumbed that they could scarcely move across the yard to where their clothes were lying. Next morning it was found that eighteen of the unfortunates were happily released by death. It is not necessary to describe the tortures endured by the galley-slaves to the end of their journey. One little circumstance may, however, be mentioned. While marching towards the coast, the exhausted Huguenots, weary and worn out by the heaviness of their chains, were accustomed to stretch out their little wooden cups for a drop of water to the inhabit- ants of the villages through which they passed. The women, whom they mostly addressed, answered their entreaties with the bitterest spite. "Away, away!'* they cried, " you are going where you will have water enough ! " "When the gang or chain reached the port at which the prisoners were to be confined, they were drafted on board the difierent galleys. These were for the most part stationed at Toulon, but there were also other galleys in which Huguenots were imprisoned — at Marseilles, Dunkirk, Brest, St. Malo, and Bordeaux. Let us briefly describe the galley of those days. The royal galley was about a hundred and fifty feet long and forty feet broad, and was capable of containing 1 98 THE HUGUENOTS, about five hundred men. It liad fifty benclies for rowers, twenty-five on each. side. Between tliese two rows of benclies was the raised middle gallery, commonly called tbe waist of tlie sbip, four feet bigli and about three or four feet broad. The oars were fifty feet long, of which thirty-seven feet were outside the ship and. thirteen within. Six men worked at each oar, all chained to the same bench. They had to row in unison, otherwise they would be heavily struck by the return rowers both before and behind them. They were under the con- stant command of the comite or galley-slave-driver, who struck all about him with his long whijD in urging them to work. To enable his strokes to tcU^ the men sat naked while they rowed.* Their dress was always insufficient, summer and winter — the lower part of their bodies being covered with a short red jacket and a sort of apron, for their manacles prevented them wearing any other dress. The chain which bound each rower to his bench was fastened to his leg, and was of such a length as to enable his feet to come and go whilst rowing. At night, the galley-slave slept where he sat — on the bench on which he had been rowing all day. There was no room for him to lie down. lie never quitted his bench except for the hosjoital or the grave ; yet some of the Huguenot rowers contrived to live upon their benches for thirty or fortj^ years ! During all these years they toiled in their chains in a hell of foul and disgusting utterance, for they were * Le comite ou chef de chiourme, aide de deux sous-comitcs, allait et veriait sans cesse sur le coursier, frappant les for9ats a coup de nerfs de boeuf, comme un cocher ses chevaux. Pour rendre les coups plus sensible et pour economiser les vetpments, les galeriens etaient nus quand ils ramaient.— Athaxase Coquerel fils. Ze Formats pour la Foi, (34. GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. 199 mixed up witli thieves and the worst of criminals. They ate the bread and drank the waters of bitterness. Thej^ seemed to be forsaken by the world. They had no one to love them, for most had left their families behind them at home, or perhaps in convents or prisons. They lived under the constant threats of their keepers, who lashed them to make them row harder, who lashed them to make them sit up, or lashed them to make them lie down. The Chevalier Langeron, captain of La Palme, of which Marteilhe was at first a rower, used to call the comite to him and say, ''Go and refresh the backs of these Huguenots with a salad of strokes of the whip." For the captain, it seems, '' held the most Jesuitical sentiments," and hated his Huguenot prisoners far worse than his thieves or his murderers. * And yet, at any moment, a word spoken would have made these Huguenots free. The Catholic priests frequently visited the galleys and entreated them to become converted. If " converted," and the Huguenots would only declare that they believed in the miraculous powers of the clergy, their chains would fall away from their limbs at once ; and they would have been restored to the world, to their families, and to liberty ! And who would not have declared themselves '' converted," rather than endure these horrible i^unishments ? Yet by far the greater number of the Huguenots did not. They could not be hypocrites. They would not lie to God. Eather than do this, they had the heroism — some will call it the obstinacy — to remain galley-slaves for life ! Many of the galley-slaves did not survive their torture long. Men of all ages and conditions, accustomed to indoor life, could not bear the exposure to the sun, * " The Autobiography of a French Protestant, 86." 200 THE HUGUENOTS. rain, and snow, wliicli tlie pimisliment of the galley- slave involved. Tlie old men and the young soon succumbed and died. Middle-aged men survived the longest. But there was always a change going on. When the numbers of a galley became thinned by death, there were other Huguenots ready to be sent on board — perhaps waiting in some inland prison until another '* Great Chain " could be made up for the sea- ports, to go on board the galley-ships, to be manacled, tortured, and killed off as before. Such was the treatment of the galley-slaves in time of peace. Eut the galleys were also war-ships. They carried large numbers of armed men on board. Some- times they scoured the Mediterranean, and j)rotccted French merchant- ships against the Sallee rovers. At other times they were engaged in the English channel, attacking Dutch and English ships, sometimes picking up a prize, at other times in actual sea-fight. "VYhen the service required, they were compelled to row incessantly night and day, without rest, save in the last extremity ; and they were treated as if, on the first opportunity, in sight of the encm}^ f^hey would revolt and betray the ship ; hence the}^ were constantly watched by the soldiers on board, and if any commotion appeared amongst them, they were shot down without ceremony, and their bodies thrown into the sea. Loaded cannons were also placed at the end of the benches of rowers, so as to shoot them down in case of necessity. Whenever an enemy's ship came up, the galley-slaves were covered over with a linen screen, so as to prevent them giving signals to the enemy. When an action occurred, they were particularly exposed to danger, for the rowers and their oars were the first to be shot at — just as the boiler or screw of a war- steamer woidd be GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. 201 shot at now — in order to disable the ship. The galley- slaves thus suffered much more from the enemy's shot than the other armed men of the ship. The rowers' benches were often filled wdth dead, before the soldiers and mariners on board had been touched. Marteilhe, while a galley-slave on board La Palme, was engaged in an adventure which had nearly cost him his life. Four French galleys, after cruising along the English coast from Dover to the Downs, got sight of a fleet of thirty-five merchant vessels on their way from the Texel to the Thames, under the protection of one small English frigate. The commanders of the galleys, taking counsel together, determined to attack the frigate (which they thought themselves easily able to master), and so capture the entire English fleet. The captain of the frigate, when he saw the galleys approach him, ordered the merchantmen to crowd sail and make for the Thames, the mouth of which they had nearly reached. He then sailed down upon the galleys, determined to sacrifice his ship if necessary for the safety of his charge. The galleys fired into him, but he returned never a shot. The captain of the galley in which Marteilhe was, said, " Oh, he is coming to surrender ! " The frigate was so near that the French musqueteers were already firing full upon her. All of a sudden the frigate tacked and veered round as if about to fly from the galleys. The Frenchmen called out that the English were cowards in thus trying to avoid the battle. If they did not surrender at once, they would sink the frigate ! The English captain took no notice. The frigate then turned her stern towards the galley, as if to give the Frenchmen an opportunity of boarding her. The French commander ordered the galley at once to run at 202 THE HUGUENOTS. the enemy's stern, and tlie crew to board tlie frigate. The rush was made ; the galley-slaves, urged by blows of the whip, rowing with great force. The galley was suddenly nearing the stern of the frigate, when by a clever stroke of the helm the ship moved to one side, and the galley, missing it, rushed past. All the oars on that side were suddenly broken off, and the galley was placed immediately under the broadside of the enemv. Then began the English part of the game. The French galley was seized with grappling irons and hooked on to the English broadside. The men on board the galley were as exposed as if they had been upon a raft or a bridge. The frigate's guns, which were charged with grapeshot, were discharged full upon them, and a frightful carnage ensued. The English also threw hand grenades, which went down amongst the rowers and killed many. The}" next boarded the galley, and cut to pieces all the armed men they could lay hold of, only sparing the convicts, who could make no attempt at defence. The English captain then threw off the galley, which he had broadsided and disarmed, in order to look after the merchantmen, which some of the other galleys had gone to intercept on their way to the mouth of the Thames. Some of the ships had already been cap- tured; but the commanders of the galleys, seeing their fellow-commodores flj'ing signals of distress, let go their prey, and concentrated their attack upon the frigate. This they surrounded, and after a very hard struggle the frigate was captured, but not until the English captain had ascertained that all the fleet of which he had been in charge had entered the Thames and were safe. GALLEF-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH. 203 In tlie above encounter with, the English, frigate Marteilhe had nearly lost his life. The bench on which he was seated, with five other slaves, was opposite one of the loaded guns of the frigate. He saw that it must be discharged directly upon them. His fellows tried to lie down flat, while Marteilhe himself stood up. He saw the gunner with his lighted match approach the touchhole ; then he lifted up his heart to God ; the next moment he was lying stunned and prostrate in the centre of the galley, as far as the chain would allow him to reach. He was lying across the body of the lieu- tenant, who was killed. A long time passed, during which the fight was still going on, and then Marteilhe came to himself, towards dark. Most of his fellow- slaves were killed. He himself was bleeding from a large open wound on his shoulder, another on his knee, and a third in his stomach. Of the eighteen men around him he was the only one that escaped, with his three wounds. The dead were all thrown into the sea. The men were about to throw Marteilhe after them, but while attempting to release him from his chain, they touched the wound upon his knee, and he groaned heavily. They let him remain where he lay. • Shortly after, he was taken down to the bottom of the hold with the other men, where he long lay amongst the wounded and dying. At length he recovered from his wounds, and was again returned to his bench, to re-enter the horrible life of a galley-slave. There was another mean and unmanly cruelty, con- nected with this galley-slave service, which was prac- tised only upon the Huguenots. If an assassin or other criminal received a wound in the service of the state while engaged in battle, he was at once restored 204 THE HUGUENOTS. to his liberty ; but if a Huguenot was wounded, lie was never released. He was returned to his bench and chained as before ; the wounds he had received being only so many additional tortures to be borne by him in the course of his punishment. Marteilhe, as we have already stated, was disembarked when he had sufficiently recovered, and marched through the entire length of France, enchained with other malefactors. On his arrival at Marseilles, he was placed on board the galley Grand Reale, where ho remained until peace was declared between England and France hj the Treaty of Utrecht.* Queen Anne of England, at the instigation of the Marquis de Eochegade, then made an effort to obtain the liberation of Protestants serving at the galleys; and at length, out of seven hundred and forty-two Huguenots who were then enslaved, a hundred and thirty- six were liberated, of whom Marteilhe was one. He was thus enabled to get rid of his inhuman country- men, and to spend the remainder of his life in Holland and England, where Protestants were free. * "Autobiography of a Fiencli Protestant," 112 — 21. CHAPTER X. ANTOINE COURT. A LMOST at the very time tliat Louis XIY. was -^^ lying on liis deatli-bed at Versailles, a young man conceived tlie idea of re-establishing Protest- antism in France ! Louis XIY. had tried to enter heaven by superstition and cruelty. On his death-bed he began to doubt whether he "had not carried his authority too far."* But the Jesuits tried to make death easy for him, covering his body with relics of the true cross. Yery different was the position of the young man who tried to undo all that Louis XIY., under the influ- ence of his mistress De Maintenon, and his Jesuit con- fessor, Pere la Chase, f had been trying all his life to accomplish. He was an intelligent youth, the son of * Suint-Simon and Dangeau. f Amongst the many satires and epigrams with which Louis XtV. was pursued to the grave, the followiag epitaph may be given : — " Ci gist le mari de Therese De la Montespan le Mignon, L'esclave de la Maintenon, Le valet du pere La Chaise." At the death of Louis XTV., Voltaire, an Sieve of the Jesuits, was appropriately coming into notice. At the age of about twenty he was thrown into the Bastille for having written a satire on Louis XIV., f which the ibllowin'^ is an extract : — 2o6 THE HUGUENOTS. Huguenot parents in Yiverais, of comparatively poor and humble condition. He was, however, full of energy, activity, and a zealous disposition for work. Observing the tendency which Protestantism had, while bereft of its pastors, to run into gloomy forms of fanaticism, Antoine Court conceived the idea of re- viving the j)astorate, and restoring the proscribed Protestant Church of France. It was a bold idea, but the result proved that Antoine Court was justified in entertaining it. Louis XIY. died in August, ITlu. During that very month. Court summoned together a small number of Huguenots to consider his suggestions. The meeting was held at daybreak, in an empty quarry near Nismes, which has already been mentioned in the course of this history. But it may here be necessary to inform the reader of the early life of this enthusiastic young man. Antoine Court was born at Yilleneuve de Berg, in Yiverais, in the year 1696. Pteligious persecution was then at its height ; assemblies were vigorously put down ; and all pastors taken prisoners were hanged on the Peyrou at Montpellicr. Court was onlj^ four years old when his father died, and his mother resolved, if the boy lived, to train him up so that he might conse- crate himself to the service of God. He was still very " J'ai vii sous I'habit d'une femme Un demon nous donner la loi ; Elle saorifia son Dieu, sa foi, son ame. Pour seduire 1' esprit d'un trop credule roi. « « « 4t « ♦ J'ai vu I'hypocrite honore : J'ni vu, c'est dire tout, le jesuite adore : J'ai vu ces maux sous le jfegne luneste D'un prince que jadis la colere celeste Accorda, par vengeance, a nos desirs ardens : J'ai vu ces maux, et je n'ai pas vingt ans." Voltaire denied having written this satire. ANTOINE COURT. 207 3'oung \yliile tlie Camisard war was in progress, but he heard a great deal about it, and yividly remembered all that he heard. Antoine Court, like many Protestant children, was compelled to attend a Jesuit school in his neighbour- hood. Though but a boy he abhorred the Mass. With Protestants the Mass was then the symbol of persecu- tion ; it was identified with the Eevocation of the Edict — the dragonnades, the galleys, the prisons, the nun- neries, the monkeries, and the Jesuits. The Mass was not a matter of knowledge, but of fear, of terror, and of hereditary hatred. At school, the other boys were most bitter against Court, because he was the son of a Huguenot. Every sort of mischief was practised upon him, for little boys are generally among the greatest of persecutors. Court was stoned, worried, railed at, laughed at, spit at. When leaving school, the boys called after him '' He, he ! the eldest son of Calvin ! " They sometimes pursued him with clamour and volleys of stones to the door of his house, collecting in their riotous procession all the other Catholic boys of the place. Sometimes they forced him into church whilst the Mass was being celebrated. In fact, the boy's hatred of the Mass and of Catholicism grew daily more and more vehement. All these persecutions, together with reading some of the books which came under his notice at home, con- firmed his aversion to the Jesuitical school to which he had been sent. At the same time he became desirous of attending the secret assemblies, which he knew were being held in the neighbourhood. One day, when his mother set out to attend one of them, the boy set out to follow her. She discovered him, and demanded whither he was going. ''I follow you. 2o8 THE HUGUENOTS. mother," said he, " and I wish you to permit me to go where you go. I know that you go to pray to God, and will you refuse me the favour of going to do so with you ? " She shed tears at his words, told him of the dausrer of attending the assembly, and strongly exhorted him to secrecy ; but she allowed him to accompany her. He was at that time too little and weak to walk the whole way to the meeting ; but other worshippers com- ing up, they took the boy on their shoulders and carried him along with them. At the age of seventeen. Court began to read the Bible at the assemblies. One day, in a moment of sudden excitement, common enough at secret meetings, he undertook to address the assembly. "What he said was received with much approval, and he was encouraged to go on preaching. He soon became famous among the mountaineers, and was regarded as a young man capable of accomplishing great things. As he grew older, he at length determined to devote his life to preaching and ministering to the forsaken and afflicted Protestants. It was a noble, self-denvinff work, the only earthly reward for which was labour, difficulty, and danger. His mother was in great trouble, for Antoine was her only remaining soji. She did not, however, press him to change his resolution. Court quoted to her the text, ''AYhoever loves father and mother more than me, is not worthy of me." After this, she only saw in her son a victim consecrated, like another Abraham, to the Divine service. After arriving at his decision. Court proceeded to visit the Huguenots in Low Languedoc, passing by Uzes to Nismes, and preaching wherever he could draw assemblies of the people together. His success ANTOINE COURT. 209 during this rapid excursion induced him to visit Dau- phiny. There he met Brunei, another preacher, with knapsack on his back, running from place to place in order to avoid spies, priests, and soldiers. The two were equally full of ardour, and they went together preaching in many places, and duly encouraging each other. From Dauphiny, Court directed his steps to Marseilles, where the royal galleys stationed there contained about three hundred Huguenot galley-slaves. He penetrated these horrible floating prisons, without being detected, and even contrived to organize amongst them a regular system of secret worship. Then he returned to Nismes, and from thence went through the Cevennes and the Viverais, preaching to people who had never met for Protestant worship since the termination of the wars of the Camisards. To elude the spies, who began to make hot search for him, because of the enthusiasm which he excited. Court contrived to be always on the move, and to appear daily in some fresh locality. The constant fatigue which he underwent under- mined his health, and he was compelled to remain for a time inactive at the mineral waters of Euzet. This re- tirement proved useful. He began to think over what might be done to revivify the Protestant religion in Prance. Kemember that he was at that time only nineteen years of age ! It might be thought pre- sumptuous in a youth, comparatively uninstructed, even to dream of such a subject. The instruments of earthly power — King, Pope, bishops, priests, soldiers, and spies — were all arrayed against him. He had nothing to oppose to them but truth, uprightness, conscience, and indefatigable zeal for labour. When Court had last met the few Protestant preachers 210 THE HUGUENOTS. wlio survived in Languedoc, tliey were very undecided about taking up liis scheme. They had met at Kismes to take the sacrament in the house of a friend. There were Bombonnoux (an old Camisard), Crotte, Corteiz, Brunei, and Court, Without coming to any decision, they separated, some going to Switzerland, and others to the South and West of France. It now rested with Court, during his sickness, to study and endeavour to arrange the method of reorganization of the Church. The Huguenots who remained in France were then divided into three classes — the "new converts," who. professed Catholicism while hating it ; the lovers of the ancient Protestant faith, who still clung to it ; and, lastly, the more ignorant, who still clung to prophesying and inspiration. These last had done the Protestant Church much inj ur}^, for the intelligent classes generally regarded them as but mere fanatics. Court found it would be requisite to keep the latter within the leading-strings of spiritual instruction, and to encourage the ''new converts" to return to the church of their fathers by the re-establishment of some efficient pastoral service. lie therefore urged that religious assemblies must be continued, and that discip- line must be established by the appointment of elders, presbyteries, and synods, and also by the training up of a body of young pastors to preach amongst the people, and discipline them according to the rules of the Protestant Church. Nearly thirty years had passed since it had been disorganized by the Pevocation of the Edict of Nantes, so that synods, presbyteries, and the training of preachers had become almost forgotten. The first synod was convened by Court, and held in the abandoned quarry near Nismes, above referred to, in the very same month in which Louis XI Y. breathed ANTOINE COURT. 211 his last. It was a very small beginning. Two or three laymen and a few preachers * were present, the whole meeting numbering only nine persons. The place in which the meeting was held had often before beea used as a secret place of worship by the Huguenots. Ileligious meetings held there had often been dispersed by the dragoons, and there was scarcely a stone in it that had not been splashed by Huguenot blood. And now, after Protestantism had been '^finally suiDprcsed," Antoine Court assembled his first synod to re-establish the proscribed religion ! The first meeting took place on the 21st of August, 1715, at daybreak. After prayer. Court, as moderator, explained his method of reorganization, which was approved. The first elders were appointed from amongst those present. A series of rules and regulations was resolved upon and ordered to be spread over the entire province. The preachers were then charged to go forth, to stir up the people and endeavour to bring back the "new converts.'^ They lost no time in carrying out their mission. The first districts in which they were appointed to work were those of Mende, Alais, Yiviers, Uzes, Msmes, and Montpellier, in Languedoc — districts which, fifteen years before, had been the scenes of the Camisard war. There, in unknown valleys, on hillsides, on the moun- tains, in the midst of hostile towns and villages, the missionaries sought out the huts, the farms, and the dwellings of the scattered, concealed, and half- frightened Huguenots. Amidst the open threats of the magistrates and others in office, and the fear of the still more hateful priests and spies, they went from house to house, and * Edmund Hughes says the preachers were probably Eoiiviere (';r Crotte)> Jean Hue, Jeau A^esson, Etienne Arnaud, and Dorand. 15 212 THE HUGUENOTS. prayed, preadied, advised, and endeavoured to awaken the zeal of their old allies of the " Religion." The preachers were for the most part poor, and some of them were labouring men. They were mostly natives of Languedoc. Jean Ycsson, a cooper by trade, had in his youth been " inspired," and prophesied in his ecstasy. Mazelet, now an elderly man, had formerly been celebrated among the Camisards, and preached with great success before the soldiers of Roland. At forty he was not able to read or write ; but having been forced to fly into Switzerland, he picked up some edu- cation at Geneva, and had studied divinity under a fellow-exile. Bombonnoux had been a brigadier in the troop of Cavalier. After his chief's defection he resolved to continue the war to the end, by preaching, if not by fighting. He had been taken j^risoner and imprisoned at Montpellicr, in 1705. Two of his Camisard friends were first put upon the rack, and then, while still living, thrown upon a pile and burnt to death before his eyes. But the horrible character of the punish- ment did not terrify him. He contrived to escape from prison at Montpellicr, and then went about con- voking assemblies and preaching to the people as before. Besides these, there were Hue, Corteiz, Durand, Arnaud, Brunei, and Rouviere or Crotte, who all went about from place to place, convoking assemblies and preaching. There were also some local preachers, as they might be called — old men who could not move far from home — who worked at their looms or trades, sometimes tilling the ground by day, and preaching at night. Amongst these were Monteil, Guillct, and Bonnard, all more than sixty years of age. ANTOINE COURT. ' 213 Court, because of his youth and energy, seems to have been among the most active of the preachers. One day, near St. Hypolite, a chief centre of the Huguenot population, he convoked an assembly on a mountain side, the largest that had taken place for many years. The priests of the parish gave information to the authorities ; and the governor of Alais offered a re- ward of fifty pistoles to anyone who would apprehend and deliver up to him the young preacher. Troops were sent into the district ; upon which Court descended from the mountains towards the towns of Low Langue- doc, and shortly after he arrived at Nismes. At Nismes, Court first met Jacques Roger, who after- wards proved of great assistance to him in his work. Roger had long been an exile in Wurtemburg. He was originally a native of Boissieres, in Languedoc, and when a young man was compelled to quit France with his parents, who were Huguenots. His heart, how- ever, continued to draw him towards his native country, although it had treated himself and his family so cruelly. As Roger grew older, he determined to return to France, with the object of helping his friends of the "Religion." A plan had occurred to him, like that which Antoine Court w^as now endeavouring to carry into effect. The joy with which Roger encountered Court at Nismes, and learnt his plans, may therefore be conceived. The result was, that Roger undertook to "awaken" the Protestants of Dauphiny, and to en- deavour to accomplish there what Court was already gradually effecting in Languedoc. Roger held his first synod in Dauphiny in August, 1716, at which seven preachers and several elders or anciens assisted. In the meantime Antoine Court again set out to ^^sit 214 THE HUGUENOTS. the clmrclies whicli liad been reconstructed along tlie banks of the Gardon. He bad been suffering from intermittent fever, and started 07i bis journey before be was sufficiently recovered. Having no borse, be walked on foot, mostly by nigbt, along tbe least known by-patbs, stopping bere and tbere upon bis way. At lengtb be became so enfeebled and ill as to be unable to walk further. He tben induced two men to carry bim. By crossing tbeir bands over eacb otber, tbey took bim up between tbem, and carried bim along on tbis improvised cbair. Court found a temporary lodging witb a friend. But no sooner bad be laid bimself down to sleep, tban tbe alarm was raised tbat be must get up and fly. A spy bad been observed watching the bouse. Court rose, put on bis clothes, and though suffering great pain, started afresh. The night was dark and rainy. By turns shivering with cold and in an access of fever, be wandered alone for hours across the countrj^ towards the house of another friend, where be at last found shelter. Such were the common experiences of these wandering, devoted, proscribed, and heroic ministers of tbe Gospel. Their labours were not carried on without encoun- tering other and greater dangers. JX^ow tbat the Protestants were becoming organized, it was not so necessary to incite them to public worshij). They even required to be restrained, so that they might not too suddenly awaken the suspicion or excite tbe opjDosition of the authorities. Thus, at the beginning of 1717, the preacher Yesson held an open assembly near Anduze. It was surprised by the troops ; and seventy- two persons made prisoners, of whom the men were sent to the galleys for life, and the women imprisoned in the. Tour de Constance. Yesson was on this occasion re- ANTOINE COURT, 215 primandecl by the synod, for having exposed his brethren to unnecessary danger. AYhile there was the danger of loss of liberty to the people, there was the danger of loss of life to the pastors who were bold enough to minister to their re- ligious necessities. Etienne Arnaud having preached to an assembly near Alais, was taken prisoner by the soldiers. They took him to Montpellier, where he was judged, condemned, and sent back to Alais to be hanged. This brave young man gave up his life with great courage and resignation. His death caused much sorrow amongst the Protestants, but it had no effect in dissuading the preachers and pastors from the work they had taken in hand. There were many to take the place of Arnaud. Young Betrine offered himself to the synod, and was accepted. Scripture readers were also appointed, to read the Eible at meetings which preachers were not able to attend. There was, however, a great want of Bibles amongst the Protestants. One of the first things done by the young King Louis XY.— the " Well-beloved " of the Jesuits — on his ascending the throne, was to issue a proclamation ordering the seizure of Bibles, Testaments, Psalm-books, and other religious works used by the Protestants. And though so many books had already been seized and burnt in the reign of Louis XIY., immense piles were again collected and given to the flames by the executioners. '' Our need of books is very great," wrote Court to a friend abroad ; and the same statement was repeated in many of his letters. His principal need was of Bibles and Testaments ; for every Huguenot knew the greater part of the Psalms by heart. When a Testament was obtained, it was lent about, and for the most 2i6 THE HUGUENOTS. part learnt off. Tlie labour was divided in this way. One person, sometimes a boy or girl, of good memory, would undertake to learn one or more chap- ters in the Gospels, another a certain number in the Epistles, until at last a large portion of the book was committed to memory, and could be recited at the meetings of the assemblies. And thus also it happened, that the conversation of the people, as well as the sermons of their preachers, gradually assumed a strongly biblical form. Strong appeals were made to foreign Protestants to supply the people with books. The refugees who had settled in Switzerland, Holland, and England sent the Huguenots remaining in France considerable help in this way. They sent many Testaments and Psalm-books, together with catechisms for the young, and many de- votional works written by French divines residing in Holland and England — by Drelincourt, Saurin, Claude and others. These were sent safely across the frontier in bales, put into the hands of colporteurs, and circu- lated amongst the Protestants all over the South of France. The printing press of Geneva was also put in requisition ; and Court had many of his sermons j)rinted there and distributed amongst the people. Until this time. Court had merely acted as a preacher ; and it was now determined to ordain and consecrate him as a pastor. The ceremony, though comparatively unceremonious, was very touching. A larore number of Protestants in the Yaunao^e assembled on the night of the 21st Kovember, 1718, and, after prayer. Court rose and spoke for some time of the responsible duties of the ministry, and of the necessity and advantages of preaching. He thanked God for having xaised up ministers to serve the Church when ANTOINE COURT, 217 so many of her enemies were seeking for her ruin. He finally asked the whole assembly to pray for grace to enable him to fulfil with renewed zeal the duties to which he was about to be called, together with all the virtues needed for success. At these touching words the assembled hearers shed tears. Then Corteiz, the old pastor, drew near to Court, now upon his knees, and placing a Bible upon his head, in the name of Jesus Christ, and with the authority of the synod, gave him power to exercise all the functions of thef ministry. Cries of joy av ere heard on all sides. Then, after further prayer, the assembly broke up in the darkness of the night. The plague which broke out in 1720 helped the progress of the new Church. The Protestants thought the plague had been sent as a punishment for their backsliding. Piety increased, and assemblies in the Desert were more largely attended than before. The intendants ceased to interfere with them, and the soldiers were kept strictly within their cantonments. More preachers were licensed, and more elders were elected. Many new churches were set up through- out Languedoc ; and the department of the Lozere, in the Cevennes, became again almost entirely Pro- testant. Roger and Yilleveyre were almost equally successful in Dauphiny ; and Saintonge, Normandy, and Poitou were also l3eginning to maintain a connec- tion with the Protestant churches of Languedoc. APTEE XL KEORGANIZATIOX OF THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. n^HE organization of the Cliiircli in tlie Desert is one -■- of the most curious things in history. Secret meetings of the Huguenots had long been held in France. They were began several years before the Act of Kevocation Avas proclaimed, when the dragon- nades were on foot, and while the Protestant temples were being demolished by the Government. The Huguenots then arranged to meet and hold their worship in retired places. As the meetings were at first held, for the most part, in Languedoc, and as much of that province, especially in the district of the Cevennes, is really waste and desert land, the meetings were at first called " Assem- blies in the Desert," and for nearly a hundred years they retained that name. When Court began to roorganize the Protestant Church in Erance, shortly after the Camisard war, meetings in the Desert had become almost unknown. There were occasional prayer-meetings, at which chapters of the Bible were read or recited by those Avho re- membered them, and psalms were sung ; but there were few or no meetings at which pastors presded. Court, however, resolved not only to revive the meetings of REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 219 the Cliurcli in tlie Desert, but to reconstitute tlie con- gregations, and restore the system of gOYcrning them according to the methods of the Huguenot Church. The first thing done in reconstituting a congrega- tion, was to appoint certain well-known religious men, as ancicns, or elders. These were very important officers. They formed the church in the first instance ; for where there were no elders, there was no church. They were members of the considoire or presbytery. They looked after the flock, visited them in their families, made collections, named the pastors, and maintained peace, order, and discipline amongst the people. Though first nominated by the pastors, they were elected by the congregation ; and the reason for their election was their known ability, zeal, and piety. The elder was always present at the assemblies, though the minister was absent. He prevented the members from succumbing to temptation and falling away ; he censured scandal ; he kept up the flame of religious zeal, and encouraged the failing and helpless ; he distributed, amongst the poorest the collections made and intrusted to him by the Church. "VVe have said that part of the duty of the elders was to censure scandal amongst the members. If their conduct was not considered becoming the Christian life, they were not visited by the pastors and were not allowed to attend the assemblies, until they had declared their determination to lead a better life. AYhat a punishment for infraction of discipline ! to be de- barred attending an assembly, for being present at which, the pastor, if detected, might be hanged, and the penitent member sent to the galleys for life 1* The elders summoned the assemblies. They gave * C. Coquerel, "Eglise du Desert," i. 105. 2 20 THE HUGUENOTS. tlie word to a few friends, and tliese spread the notice about amongst tlie rest. The news soon became known, and in the course of a day or two, the members of the congregation, though living perhaps in distant villages, would be duly informed of the time and place of the intended meeting. It was usually held at night, — in some secret place — in a cave, a hollow in the woods, a ravine, or an abandoned farmstead. Men, women, and even children were taken thither, after one, two, or sometimes three leagues' walking. The meetings were alwaj^s fidl of danger, for spies were lurking about. Catholic priests were con- stant informers ; and soldiers were never far distant. But besides the difficidties of spies and soldiers, the meetings were often dispersed by the rain in summer, or by the snow in winter. After the Camisard war, and before the appear- ance of Court, these meetings rarely numbered more than a hundred persons. But Court and his fellow- pastors often held meetings at which more than two thousand people were present. On one occasion, not less than four thousand persons attended an assembly in Lower Languedoc. When the meetings were held by day, they were carefully guarded and watched by sentinels on the look-out, especially in those places near which garrisons were stationed. The fleetest of the young men were chosen for this purpose. They watched the garrison exits, and when the soldiers made a sortie, the sentinels communicated by signal from hill to hill, thus giving warning to the meeting to disperse. But the assemblies were mostly held at night ; and even then the sentinels were carefully posted about, but not at so great a distance. REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 221 The chief of the whole organization was the pastor. First, there were the members entitled to church privileges ; next the anciens ; and lastly the pastors. As in Presbyterianism, so in Huguenot Calvinism, its form of government was republican. The organiza- tion was based upon the people who elected their elders ; then upon the elders who selected and recom- mended the pastors ; and lastly upon the whole con- gregation of members, elders, and pastors (represented in synods), who maintained the entire organization of the Church. There were three grades of service in the rank of pastor — first students, next preachers, and lastly pastors. TVonderful that there should have been students of a profession, to follow which was almost equal to a sentence of death ! But there were plenty of young enthusiasts ready to brave martyrdom in the service of the proscribed Church. Sometimes it was even necessary to restrain them in their applications. Court once wrote to Pierre Durand, at a time when the latter was restoring order and organization in Yiverais : " Sound and examine well the persons offer- ing themselves for your approval, before permitting them to enter on this glorious employment. Secure good, vii'tuous men, full of zaal for the cause of truth. It is piety only that inspires nobility and greatness of soul. Piety sustains us under the most extreme dangers, and triumphs over the severest obstacles. The fjood conscience alwavs marches forward with its head erect." AVhen the character of the 3'oung applicants was approved, their studies then proceeded, like everything else connected with the proscribed religion, in secret. The students followed the professor and pastor in his 222 THE HUGUENOTS. wanderings over the country, passing long nights in marcliing, sometimes hiding in caves by day, or sleep- ing under the stars by night, passing from meeting to meeting, always with death looming before them. "I have often pitched my professor's chair," said Court, ''in a torrent underneath a rock. The sky was our roof, and the leafy branches thrown out from the crevices in the rock overhead, were our canopy. There I and my students would remain for about eight days ; it was our hall, our lecture-room, and our study. To make the most of our time, and to practise the students properly, I gave them a text of Scripture to discuss before me — say the first eleven verses of the fifth chapter of Luke. I would afterwards propose to them some point of doctrine, some passage of Scripture, some moral precept, or sometimes I gave them some difficult passages to reconcile. After the whole had stated their views u2)on the question under discussion, I asked the j^oungest if he had anything to state against the arguments advanced ; then the others were asked in turn ; and after they had finished, I stated the views which I considered most just and correct. When the more advanced students Were required to preach, they mounted a particular place, wiiere a pole had been set across some rocks in the ravine, and which for the time served for a pulpit. And when they had delivered them- selves, the others were requested by turns to exj^ress themselves freely upon the subject of the sermon which they had heard." When the proi^osant or probationer was considered sufficiently able to preach, he was sent on a mission to visit the churches. Sometimes he preached the approved sermons of other pastors ; sometimes he preached his own sermons, after they had been ex- REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 223 amined by persons appointed by the synod. After a time, if approved by tlie moderator and a committee of the synod, the propomnt was licensed to preach. His work then resembled that of a pastor ; but he could not yet administer the sacrament. It was only when he had passed the synod, and been appointed by the laying on of hands, that he could exercise the higher pastoral functions. Then, with respect to the maintenance of the pastors and preachers. Court recounts, not without pride, that for the ten years between 1713 and 1723 (excepting the years which he spent at Geneva), he served the Huguenot churches without receiving a farthing. His family and friends saw to the supply of his private wants. With respect to the others, they were sup- ported by collections made at the assemblies ; and, as the people were nearly all poor, the amount collected was very small. On one occasion, three assemblies produced a halfpenny and six half-farthings. But a regular system of collecting moneys was framed by the synods (consisting of a meeting of pastors and elders), and out of the common fund so raised, emolu- ments were assigned, first to those preachers who were married, and afterwards to those who were single. In either case the pay was very small, scarcely sufiicient to keep the wolf from the door. The students for the ministry were at first educated by Court and trained to j)reach, while he was on his dangerous journeys from one assembly in the Desert to another. Nor was the supply of preachers sufiicient to visit the congregations already organized. Court had long determined, so soon as the opportunity offered, of starting a school for the special education of preachers and pastors, so that the work he was engaged in might 2 24 THE HUGUENOTS. be more efficiently carried on. He at first corresponded with influential French refugees in England and Holland with reference to the subject. He wrote to Basnage and Saurin, but they received his propositions coolly. He wrote to William AVake, then Archbishop of Canterbur}^, who promised his assistance. At last Court resolved to proceed into Switzerland, to stir up the French refugees disposed to help him in his labours. Arrived at Geneva, Court sought out M. Pictet, to whom he explained the state of aflairs in France. It had been rumoured amongst the foreign Protestants that fanaticism and *' inspiration " were now in the ascendant among the Protestants of France. Court showed that this was entirely a mistake, and that all which the proscribed Huguenots in France wanted, was a supply of properly educated pastors. The friends of true religion, and the enemies of fanaticism, ought therefore to come to their help and supply them with that of which they stood most in need. If they would find teachers, Court would undertake to supply them with congregations. And Huguenot congregations were rapidly increasing, not only in Languedoc and Dau- phiny, but in Normand}^, Picardy, Poitou, Saintonge, Beam, and the other provinces. At length the subject became matured. It was not found desirable to establish the proposed school at Geneva, that city being closely watched by France, and frequently under the censure of its government for giving shelter to refugee Frenchmen. It was even- tually determined that the college for the education of preachers should begin at Lausanne. It was accordingly commenced in the year 1726, and established under the superintendence of M. Duplan. A committee of refugees called the '' Society of Help REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 225 for tlie Afflicted Faitliful," was formed at Lausanne to collect subscriptions for tlie maintenance of tlie preachers, the pastors, and the seminary. These were in the iirst place received from Huguenots settled in Switzerland, afterwards increased by subscriptions obtained from refugees settled in Holland, Germany, and England. The King of England subscribed five hundred guineas yearly. Duplan was an indefatigable agent. In fourteen years he collected fourteen thousand pounds. By these efibrts the number of students was gradually increased. They came from all parts of France, but chiefly from Languedoc. Between 1726 (the year in which it was started) and 1753, ninety students had passed through the seminary. When the students had passed the range of study appointed by the professors, they returned from Swit- zerland to France to enter upon the work of their lives. They had passed the school for martyrdom, and were ready to j)reach to the assemblies — they had paired their way to the scafibld ! The preachers always went abroad with their lives in their hands. They travelled mostly by night, shunning the open highways, and selecting abandoned routes, often sheep-joaths across the hills, to reach the scene of their next meeting. The trace of their steps is still marked upon the soil of the Cevennes, the people of the country still speaking of the solitary routes taken by their instructors when passing from parish to parish, to preach to their fathers. They were dressed, for disguise, in various ways ; sometimes as peasants, as workmen, or as shepherds. On one occasion. Court and Duplan travelled the country disguised as officers ! The police heard of it, and ordered their immediate arrest, pointing 2 26 THE HUGUENOTS out tlie town and tlie very house wliere tliey were to be taken. But the j)reacliers escaped, and assumed a new dress. When living near Nismes, Court was one day seated under a tree composing a sermon, w^hen a party of soldiers, hearing that he was in the neighbourhood, came within sight. Court climbed up into the tree, where he remained concealed among the branches, and thus contrived to escape their search. On another occasion, he was staying wath a friend, in wiiose house he had slept during the previous night. A detachment of troops suddenly surrounded the house, and the officer knocked loudly at the door. Court made his friend go at once to bed pre- tending to be ill, while he himself cowered down in the narrow space between the bed and the w^all. His wife slowly answ^ered the door, which the soldiers were threatening to blow open. They entered, rum- maged the house, opened all the chests and closets, sounded the walls, examined the sick man's room, and found nothing ! Court himself, as well as the other pastors, worked very hard. On one occasion. Court made a round of visits in Lower Languedoc and in the Cevennes, at first alone, and afterwards accompanied by a young preacher. In the space of two months and a few days he visited thirty-one churches, holding assemblies, preaching, and administering the sacrament, during which he travelled over three hundred miles. The weather did not matter to the pastors — rain nor snow, wind nor storm, never hindered them. They took the road and braved all. Even sickness often failed to stay them. Sickness might weaken but did not overthrow them. REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 227 Tlie spies and police so abounded througtiout the country, and were so active, that they knew all the houses in which the j^reachers might take refuge. A list of these was prepared and placed in the hands of the intendant of the province.* If preachers were found in them, both the shelterers and the sheltered knew what they had to expect. The whole property and goods of the former were confiscated and they were sent to the galleys for life ; and the latter were first tortured by the rack, and then hanged. The houses in which preachers were found were almost invariably burnt down. Notwithstanding the great secrecy with which the whole organization proceeded, j)reachers were fre- quently ap23rehended, assemblies were often surprised, and many persons were imprisoned and sent to the galleys for life. Each village had its chief spy — the priest : and beneath the priest there were a number of other spies — spies for money, spies for cruelty, spies for revenge. Was an assembl}^ of Huguenots about to be held P A sp3^, perhaps a traitor, would make it known. The priest's order was sufficient for the captain of the nearest troop of soldiers to proceed to disperse it. They marched and surrounded the assembly. A sound of volley-firing was heard. The soldiers shot down, hanged, or made prisoners of the unlawful worshippers. Punishments were sudden, and inquiry was never made into them, however brutal. There was the fire for Bibles, Testaments, and psalm-books ; galleys for men ; prisons and convents for women ; and gibbets for preachers. * It has since been published in the " Eulletin de la Societe du Protestantisme Frangiise." 16 228 THE HUGUENOTS. In 1720 a large number of prisoners were captured in the famous old quarry near Kismes, long the seat of secret Protestant worship. But the troops surrounded the meeting suddenly, and the whole were taken. The women were sent for life to the Tour de Constance, and the men, chained in gangs, were sent all through France to La Eochelle, to be imprisoned in the galleys there. The ambassador of England made intercession for the prisoners, and their sentence was commuted into one of perpetual banishment from France. They were accord- ingly transported to New Orleans on the Mississippi, to populate the rising French colony in that quarter of ]S^orth America. Thus crimes abounded, and cruelty when practised upon Huguenots was never investigated. The seizure and violation of women was common. Fathers knew the probable consequence when their daughters were seized. The daughter of a Huguenot was seized at Uzes, in 1733, when the father immediately died of grief. Two sisters were seized at the same place to be " converted," and their immediate relations were thrown into gaol in the meantime. This was a common pro- ceeding. The Tour de Constance was always filling, and kept full. The dying were tortui'ed If they refused the viaticum they were treated as " damned persons." When Jean de Molenes of Cahors died, making a pro- fession of Protestantism, his body was denounced as damned, and it was abandoned without sepulture. A woman who addressed some words of consolation to Joseph Martin when dying was condemned to pay a fine of six thousand livres, and be imprisoned in the castle of Beauregard ; and as for Martin, his memory was declared to be damned for ever. Many such out- REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 229 rages to the living and dead were constantly occurring.* Gaolers were accustomed to earn money by exhibiting tbe corpses of Huguenot women at fairs, inviting those wbo paid for admission, to walk up and '■'■ see tbe corpse of a damned person." f Notwithstanding all these cruelties, Protestantism was making considerable progress, both in Languedoc and Dauphiny. In reorganizing the Church, the whole country had been divided into districts, and preachers and pastors endeavoured to visit the whole of their members with as mach regularity as possible. Thus Languedoc was divided into seven districts, and to each of those a proposant or probationary preacher was ap- pointed. The presbyteries and synods met regularly and secretly in a cave, or the hollow bed of a river, or among the mountains. They cheered each other up, though their progress was usually over the bodies of their dead friends. For any pastor or preacher to be apprehended, was, of course, certain death. Thus, out of thirteen Huguenots who were found worshipping in a private apartment at Montpellier, in 1723, Yesson, the pastor, and Bonicel and Antoine Comte, his assistants, were at once condemned and hanged on the Peyrou, the other ten persons being imprisoned or sent to the galleys for life. Shortly after. Hue, the aged pastor, was taken prisoner in the Cevennes, brought to Montpellier, and hanged in the same place. • A reward of a thousand livres was offered by Bernage, the intendant, for the heads of the remaining preachers, the fatal list com- * Edmund Hughes, *' Histoire de la ilestuaration du Protestant- isme en France." ii. 91. t Benoit, " Edit de Nantes," v. 987. 230 THE HUGUENOTS. prising the names of Court, Cortez, Durand, Rouviere, Bombonnoux, and others. The names of these " others" were not mentioned, not being yet thought worthy of the c^ibbet. ' And yet it was at this time that the Bishop of Alais made an appeal to the government against the tolera- tion shown to the Huguenots ! In 1723, he sent a long memorial to Paris, alleging that Catholicism was suffer- ing a serious injury ; that not only had the " new con- verts '^ withdrawn themselves from the Catholic Church, but that the old Catholics themselves were resort- ing to the Huguenot assemblies ; that sometimes their meetings numbered from three to four thousand per- sons ; that their psalms were sometimes overheard in the surrounding tillages ; that the churches were becoming deserted, the cures in some parishes not being able to find a single Catholic to serve at Mass; that the Protestants had ceased to send their children to school, and were baptized and married without the intervention of the Church. In consequence of these representations, the then Pegent, the Duke of Bourbon, sent down an urgent order to the authorities to carry out the law — to l^revent meetings, under penalty of death to preachers, and imprisonment at the galleys to all who attended them, ordering that the people should be forced to go to church and the children to school, and reviving generally the severe laws against Protestantism issued by Louis XIY. The result was that many of the assemblies were shortly after attacked and dispersed, many persons were made prisoners and sent to the galleys, and many more preachers were apprehended, racked, and hanged. Repeated attempts were made to apprehend Antoine REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH, i^i Court, as being tlie soul of tlie renewed Protestant organization. A heavy reward was offered for Ms head. The spies and police hunted after him in all directions. Houses where he was supposed to be con- cealed were surrounded by soldiers at night, and every hole and corner in them ransacked. Three houses were searched in one night. Court sometimes escaped with great difficult3^ On one occasion he remained con- cealed for more than twenty hours under a heap of manure. His friends endeavoured to persuade him to leave the country until the activity of the search for him had passed. Since the year 1722, Court had undertaken new responsibilities. He had become married, and was now the father of three children. He had married a young Huguenot woman of Uzes. He first met her in her father's house, while he was in hiding from the spies. While he was engaged in his pastoral work his wife and family continued to live at Uzes. Court was never seen in her company, but could only visit his family secretly. The woman was known to be of estimable character, but it gave rise to suspicions that she had three children without a known father. The spies were endeavouring to unravel the secret, tempted by the heavy reward offered for Court's head. One day the new commandant of the town, passing before the door of the house where Court's wife lived, stopped, and, pointing to the house, put some questions to the neighbours. Court was informed of this, and immediately supposed that his house had become known, that his wife and family had been discovered and would be apprehended. He at once made arrange- ments for having them removed to Geneva. They reached that city in safety, in the month of April, 1729. 2 32 THE HUGUENOTS. Shortly after, Court, still wandering and preaching about Languedoc, became seriously ill. He feared for his wife, he feared for his famil}^, and conceived the design of joining them in Switzerland. A few months later, exhausted by his labours and continued illness, he left Languedoc and journeyed by slow stages to Geneva. He was still a young man, only thirty- three ; but he had worked excessively hard during the last dozen years. Since the age of fourteen, in fact, he had evangelized Languedoc. Shortly before Court left France for Switzerland, the preacher, Alexandre Koussel, was, in the year 1728, added to the number of martj'-rs. He was only twenty- six years of age. The occasion on which he was made prisoner was while attending an assembly near Yigan. The whole of the people had departed, and Houssel was the last to leave the meeting. He was taken to Mont- pellier, and imprisoned in the citadel, which had before held so many Huguenot pastors. He was asked to abjure, and offered a handsome bribe if he would become a Catholic. He refused to deny his faith, and was sentenced to die. When Antoine Court went to offer consolation to his mother, she replied, " If my son had given way I should have been greatly distressed ; but as he died with constancy, I thank God for strengthen- ing him to perform this last work in his service." Court did not leave his brethren in France without the expostulations of his friends. They alleged that his affection for his wife and family had cooled his zeal for God's service. Duplan and Cortez expostulated with him ; and the churches of Languedoc, which he himself had established, called upon him to return to his duties amongst them. But Court did not attend to their request. His REORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH. 233 determination was for tlie present unshaken. He had a long arrears of work to do in quiet. He had money to raise for the support of the suffering Church of France, and for the proper maintenance of the college for students, preachers, and pistors. He had to help the refugees, who still continued to leave France for Switzerland, and to write letters and rouse the Pro- testant kingdoms of the north, as Brousson had done before him some thirty years ago. The city of Berne was very generous in its treatment of Court and the Huguenots generally. The Bernish Government allotted Court a pension of five hundred livres a-year — for he was without the means of sup- porting his famil}^ — all his own and his wife's pro- perty having been seized and sequestrated in France. Court preached with great success in the principal towns of Switzerland, more particularly at Berne, and afterwards at Lausanne, where he spent the rest of his day?. Though ho worked there more peacefully, he laboured as continuously as ever in the service of the Huguenot churches. He composed addresses to them ; he educated preachers and pastors for them ; and one of his principal works, while at Lausanne, was to compose a history of the Huguenots in France subsequent to the Revocation of the Edict of JSfantes. What he had done for the reorganization of the Huguenot Church in France may be thus briefly stated. Court had begun his work in 1715, at which time there was no settled congregation in the South of France. The Huguenots were only ministered to by occasional wandering pastors. In 1729, the year in which Court finally left France, there were in Lower Languedoc 29 organized, though secretly governed, churches ; in 234- THE HUGUENOTS. Upper Languecloc, 11 ; in the Cevennes, 18 ; in the .Lozere 12 ; and in Yiverais, 42 churclies. There were now over 200,000 recognised Protestants in Languedoc alone. The ancient discipline had been restored ; 120 churches had been organized ; a seminary for the education of preachers and pastors had been established ; and Protestantism was extending in Dauphiny, Beam, Saintonge,* and other quarters. Such were, in a great measure, the results of the labours of Antoine Court and his assistants during the previous fifteen years. * In 1726, a deputation from Guyennc, Royerguo, and Poitou, appeared before the Languedoc synod, requesting preachers and pastors to be sent to them. The synod agreed to send Maroger as preacher. Betrine (the first of the Lausanne students) and Grail were afterwards sent to join him. Protestantism was also re- awakening in Saintonge and Picardy, and pastors from Languedoc journeyed there to administer the sacrament. Preachers were afterwards sent to join them, to awaken the people, and reorganize tlie congregations. CHAPTER XII. THE CHURCH IX THE DESERT, 1730-62 PALL RABAUT. THE persecutions of the Huguenots increased at one time and relaxed at another. When France was at war, and the soldiers were fighting in Flanders or on the Ehine, the bishops became furious, and complained bitterly to the government of the toleration shown to the Protestants. The reason was that there were no regiments at liberty to pursue the Huguenots and dis- perse their meetings in the Desert. When the soldiers returned from the wars, persecution began again. It usually began with the seizing and burning of books. The book-burning days were considered amongst the great days of fete. One day in June, 1730, the Intendant of Languedoc visited Nismes, escorted by four battalions of troops. On arriving, the principal Catholics were selected, and placed as commissaries to watch the houses of the sus- pected Huguenots. At night, while the inhabitants slept, the troops turned out, and the commissaries pointed out the Huguenot houses to be searched. The inmates were knocked up, the soldiers entered, the houses were rummaged, and all the books that could be found were taken to the Hotel de Yille. 236 THE HUGUENOTS, A few days after a great auto-da-fe was held. The entire Catholic population turned out. There were the four battalions of troops, the gendarmes, the CathoKc priests, and the chief dignitaries ; and in their presence all the Huguenot books were destroyed. They were thrown into a pile on the usual place of execution, and the hangman set fire to this great mass of Bibles, psalm-books, catechisms, and sermons.* The officers laughed, the priests sneered, the multitude cheered. These bonfires were of frequent occurrence in all the towns of Languedoc. But if the priests hated the printed word, still more did they hate the spoken word. They did not like the Bible, but they hated the preachers. Fines, auto- da-fes, condemnation to the galleys, seizures of women and girls, and profanation of the dead, were tolerable punishments, but there was nothing like hanging a preacher. "IN^othing," said Saint -Florentin to the commandant of La Devese, " can produce more impres- sion than hanging a preacher ; and it is very desirable that you should immediately take steps to arrest one of them." The commandant obeyed orders, and apprehended Pierre Durand. He was on his way to baptize the child of one of his congregation, who lived on a farm in Yiverais, An apparent peasant, who seemed to be waiting his approach, offered to conduct him to the farm. Durand followed him. The peasant proved to be a soldier in disguise. He led Durand directly into the midst of his troop. There he was bound and carried off to Montpellier. Durand was executed at the old place — the Peyrou — * E. Hughes, ** Histoire de la Eestauration du Protestantisms en France," ii. 96. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. 237 the soldiers beating their drums to stifle liis voice while he prayed. His corpse was laid beside that of Alexandre Roussel, under the rampart of the fortress of Montpellier. Durand was the last of the preachers in France who had attended the synod of 1715. They had all been executed, excepting only Antoine Court, w^ho was safe in Switzerland. The priests were not so successful with Claris, the preacher, who contrived to escape their clutches. Claris had just reached France on his return from the semi- nary at Lausanne. He had taken shelter for the night with a Protestant friend at Foissac, near Uzes. Scarcely had he fallen asleep, when the soldiers, informed by the spies, entered his chamber, bound him, and marched him off on foot by night, to Alais. He was thrown into gaol, and was afterwards judged and condemned to death. His friends in Alais, however, secretly con- trived to get an iron chisel passed to him in prison. He raised the stone of a chamber which communicated with his dungeon, descended to the ground, and silently leapt the wall. He was saved. Pastors and preachers continued to be tracked and hunted ^^ith renewed ardour in Saintonge, Poitou, Gascony, and Dauphiny. "The Chase," as it was called, was better organized than it had been for twenty years previously. The Catholic clergy, however, con- tinued to complain. The chase, they said, was not productive enough ! The hangings of pastors were too few. The curates of the Cevennes thus addressed the intendants : " You do not perform your duty : you are neither active enough nor pitiless enough ; " * and they requested the government to adopt more vigorous measures. * E. Hughes, ii. 99. Coquerel, *' L'Eglise dans ie Desert," i. 258. 238 THE HUGUENOTS. t Tlie inlendants, who were tlius accused, insisted that they had done their duty. They had hanged all the Ilugiienot preachers that the priests and their spies had discovered and brought to them. They had also offered increased rewards for the preachers' heads. If Protestantism counted so large a number of adherents, they were surely not to blame for that ! Had the priests themselves done their duty ? Thus the intendants and the cures reproached each other by turns. And yet the pastors and preachers had not been spared. They had been hanged without mercy. They knew they were in the peril of constant death. " I have slept fifteen daj's in a meadow," wrote Cortez, the pastor, "and I write this under a tree.'' Morel, the preacher, when attending an assembly, w^as fired at by the soldiers and died of his wounds. Pierre Dortial w^as also taken prisoner when holding an assembly. The host with whom he lived was con- demned to the galleys for life ; the arrondissement in which the assembly had been held was compelled to pay a fine of three thousand livres ; and Dortial him- self was sentenced to be hanged. When the aged preacher was informed of his sentence he exclaimed : " What an honour for me, oh my God ! to have been chosen from so many others to suffer death because of my constancy to the truth." He w^as executed at Nismes, and died with courage. In 1742 France was at war, and the Huguenots en- joyed a certain amount of libert}^ The edicts against them were by no means revoked ; their execution was merely suspended. The provinces were stripped of troops, and the clergy could no longer call upon them to scatter the meetings in the Desert. Hence the assem- blies increased. The people began to think that the THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT .239 commandants of tlie proyinces had. received orders to sliut their eyes, and see nothing of the proceedings of the Huf^uenots. At a meeting held in a valley between Calvisson and Langlade, in Languedoc, no fewer than ten thousand persons openly met for worship. No troops appeared. There was no alarm nor surprise. Everything passed in perfect quiet. In many other places, public worship was celebrated, the sacrament was administered, chil- dren were baptized, and marriages were celebrated in the open day. * The Catholics again urgently complained to the government of the increasing number of Huguenot meetings. The Bishop of Poitiers complained that in certain parishes of his diocese there was not now a single Catholic. Low Poitou contained thirty Protestant churches, divided into tweh^e arrondissements, and each arrondissement contained about seven thousand mem- bers. The Procureur-General of iN^ormandy said, ''All this country is full of Huguenots." But the govern- ment had at present no troops to spare, and the Catholic bishops and clergy must necessarily wait until the war with the English and the Austrians had come to an end. Antoine Court paid a short visit to Languedoc in 1744, to reconcile a difference which had arisen in the Church through the irregular conduct of Pastor Boyer. Court was received with great enthusiasm, and when Boyer was re-established in his position as pastor, after making his submission to the synod, a convocation of * Although, marriages by the pastors had long been declared illegal, they nevertheless married and baptized in the Desert. After 1730, the number of Protestant marriages greatly multiplied, though it was known that the issue of such marriages were declared by the laws of France to be illegal. Many of the Protestants of Dauphiny went across the frontier into Switzerland, principally to Geneva, and were there married. 240. THE HUGUENOTS. Huguenots was held near Sauzet, at wliich tliousands of people were present. Court remained for about a month, in France, preaching almost daily to immense audiences. At Nismes, he preached at the famous place for Huguenot meetings — -in the old quarry, about three miles from the town. There were about twenty thousand persons present, ranged, as in an amphitheatre, along the sides of the quarry. It was a most impressive sight. Peasants and gentlemen mixed together. Even the " beau monde " of Nismes was present. Everybody thought that there was now an end of the persecution.* In the meantime the clergy continued to show signs of increasing irritation. They complained, denounced, and threatened. Various calumnies were invented respecting the Huguenots. The priests of Dauphiny gave out that Koger, the pastor, had read an edict pur- porting to be signed by Louis XV. granting complete toleration to the Huguenots ! The report was entirely without foundation, and Roger indignantly denied that he had read any such edict. But the report reached the ears of the King, then before Ypres with his army ; on Avhich he issued a proclamation announcing that the rumour publicly circulated that it was his intention to tolerate the Huguenots was absolutely false. No sooner had the war terminated, and the army returned to France, than the persecutions recom- menced as hotly as ever. The citizens of Msmes, * Of the preachers about this time (1740-4) the best known wero Morel, Foriel, Mauvillon, VoulauJ, Corteiz, Peyrot, Roux, Gauch, Coste, Dugniere, Blachon, Gabriac, Dejoiirs, Rabaut, Gibert, Mig- nault Desubas, Dubesset, Pradel, JVtorin, DefFerre, Loire, Pradon, — ■with many more. DefFerre restored Protestantism in B rne. Loire (a native of St. Omer, and formerly a Catholic), Viala, Preneuf, and Prudon, were the apostles of Normandy, Rouergue, Guyenne, and Poitou. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. 241 for having recently encouraged the Huguenots and attended Court's great meeting, were heavily fined. All the existing laws for the repression and destruction of Protestantism were enforced. Suspected persons were apprehended and imprisoned without trial. A new "hunt'' was set on foot for preachers. There were now plenty of soldiers at liberty to suppress the meetings in the Desert, and they were ordered into the infested quarters. In a word, persecution was let loose all over France, ^^or was it without the usual results. It was very hot in Dauphiny. There a detachment of horse police, accompanied by regular troops and a hangman, ran through the province early in 1745, spreading terror everywhere. One of their exploits was to seize a sick old Huguenot, drag him from his bed, and force him towards prison. He died upon the road. In February, it was ascertained that the Huguenots met for worship in a certain cavern. The owner of the estate on which the cavern was situated, though unaware of the meetings, was fined a thousand crowns, and im- prisoned for a year in the Castle of Cret. Next month, Louis Ranc, a pastor, was seized at Livron while baptizing an infant, taken to Die, and hanged. He had scarcely breathed his last, when the hangman cut the cord, hewed oft' the head, and made a young Protestant draw the corpse along the streets of Die. In the month of April, 1745, Jacques Poger, the old friend and coadjutor of Court — the apostle of Dauphiny as Court had been of Languedoc — was taken prisoner and conducted to Grenoble. Poger was then eighty years old, worn out with privation and hard work. He was condemned to death. He professed his joy at being 242 THE HUG UENOTS. still able to seal with his blood the truths he had so often proclaimed. On his way to the scaffold, he sang aloud the fifty-first Psalm. He was executed in the Place du Breuil. After he had hung for twenty-four hours, his body was taken down, dragged along the streets of Grenoble, and thrown into the Isere. At Grenoble also, in the same year, seven persons were condemned to the galleys. A young woman was publicly whipped at the same place for attending a Huguenot meeting. Seven students and pastors who could not be found, were hanged in effigy. Four houses were demolished for having served as asjdums for preachers. Fines were levied on all sides, and punishments of various kinds were awarded to many hundred persons. Thus persecution ran riot in Dauphiny in the years 1745 and 1746. In Languedoc it was the same. The prisons and the galleys were always kept full. Dragoons were quartered in the Huguenot villages, and b}^ this means the inhabitants were soon ruined. The soldiers pillaged the houses, destroyed the furniture, tore up the linen, drank all the w^ine, and, when they were in good humour, followed the cattle, swine, and fowl, and killed them off sword in hand. Montauban, an old Huguenot town, was thus ruined in the course of a very few months. One day, in a Languedoc village, a soldier seized a young girl with a foul intention. She cried aloud, and the villagers came to her rescue. The dragoons turned out in a body, and fired upon the people. An old man was shot dead, a number of the villagers were taken prisoners, and, with their hands tied to the horses' tails, were conducted for punishment to Montauban. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. 243 All tlie towns and villages in Upper Languedoc were treated with, the same cruelty. Nismes was fined over and over again. YiA'erais was treated with the usual severity. M. Desubas, the pastor, was taken prisoner there, and conducted to Yernoux. As the soldiers led him through the country to prison, the villagers came out in crowds to see him pass. Many followed the pastor, thinking they might be able to induce the magistrates of Yernoux to liberate him. The villagers were no sooner cooped up in a mass in the chief street of the town, than they were suddenly fired upon by the soldiers. Thirty persons were killed on the spot, more than two hundred were wounded, and many afterwards died of their wounds. Desubas, the pastor, was conducted to Nismes, and from Nismes to Montpellier. While on his way to death, at Montpellier, some of his peasant friends, wbo lived along the road, determined to rescue bim. But when Paul Rabaut heard of the proposed attempt, he ran to the place where the people had assembled and held them back. He was opposed to all resistance to the governing power, and thought it possible, by patience and righteousness, to live down all this horrible persecution. Desubas was judged, and, as usual, condemned to death. Though it w^as winter time, he was led to his punishment almost naked ; his legs uncovered, and only a thin linen vest over his body. Arrived at the gallows, his books and papers wxre burnt before his eyes, and he was then delivered over to the executioner. A Jesuit presented a crucifix for him to kiss, but he turned his head to one side, raised his eyes upwards, and was then hanged. The same persecution prevailed over the greater part 17 24+ THE HUGUENOTS. of France. In Saintonge, Elie Yivien, tlie preacher, was taken prisoner, and hanged at La Rochelle. His body remained for twenty-four hours on the gallows. It was then placed upon a forked gibbet, where it hung until the bones were picked clean by the crows and bleached by the wind and the sun.* The same series of persecutions went on from one year to another. It was a miserable monotony of cruelty. There was hanging for the pastors ; the galleys for men attending meetings in the Desert ; the prisons and convents for women and children. Wherever it was found that persons had been married by the Huguenot pastors, they were haled before the magistrate, fined and imprisoned, and told that they had been merely living in concubinage, and that their children were illegitimate. Sometimes it was thought that the persecutors would relent. France was again engaged in a disastrous war with England and Austria ; and it was feared that England would endeavour to stir up a rebellion amongst the Huguenots. But the pastors met in a general synod, and passed resolutions assuring the government of their loyalty to the King, f and of their devotion to the laws of France ! Their "loyalty" proved of no use. The towns of Languedoc were as heavily fined as before, for attending meetings in the Desert. + Children were, as usual, taken * E. Hughes, "Histoire de la Restauration," &c., ii. 202. t On the 1st of November, 1746, the ministers of Languedoc met in haste, and wrote to the Intendant, Le Nain : *' Monseigneur, nous n'avons aucune connaissance de ces gens qu'on appelle emis- saires, et qu'on dit etre envoyes des pays etrangers pour solliciter les Prott stants a la revolte. Nous avons exhorte, et nous nous proposons d'exliorter encore dans tontes les occasions,no3 troupeaux a la soumis- sion au souverain et a la patience dans les afflictions, et de nous ccarter jamais de la pratique de ce precepte : Craignez Dieu et h'^norez le roi." 1 Tres de Saint-Aiiibroix (Cevennes) se tint un jour une ussemblee. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. 245 away from their parents and placed in Jesuit con- vents. Le Nain apprehended Jean Desjours, and had him hanged at Montpellier, on the ground that he had accompanied the peasants who, as above recited, went into Yernoux after the martyr Desubas. The Catholics would not even allow Protestant corpses to be buried in peace. At I^evaur a well-known Huguenot died. Two of his friends went to dig a grave for him by night ; they were observed by spies and informed against. By dint of money and entreaties, however, the friends succeeded in getting the dead man buried. The populace, stirred up by the "White Peni- tents (monks), opened the grave, took out the corpse, sawed the head from the body, and prepared to commit further outrages, when the police interfered, and buried the body again, in consideration of the large sum that had been paid to the authorities for its interment. The populace were always wild for an exhibition of cruelty. In Provence, a Protestant named Montague died, and was secretly interred. The Catholics having discovered the place where he was buried determined to disinter him. The grave was opened, and the corpse taken out. A cord was attached to the neck, and the body was hauled through the village to the music of a tambourine and flageolet. At every step it was kicked or mauled by the crowd who accompanied it. Under the kicks the corpse burst. The furious brutes then took out the entrails and attached them to poles, going through the village crying, " Who wants preachings ? Who wants preachings ? "* To such a pitch of brutality had the kings of France Survint un detachement. Les femmes et les filles fiirent depouillees, insultees, violees, et quelques hommes furent blesses. — E. Hl'GHEs, llistoire de la Hestauration, ^-c, ii. 212. * Antoine Court, "Memoire Historique," 140. 24b THE HUGUENOTS. and tlieir instigators, the Jesuits — wlio, since the Kevocation of the Edict, had nearly the whole education of the country in their hands — reduced the people ; from whom they were themselves, however, to suffer almost an equal amount of indignity. In the midst of these hangings and cruelties, the bishops again complained bitterly of the tolerance granted to the Huguenots. M. de Montclus, Bishop of Alais, urged '' that the true cause of all the evils that afflict the country was the relaxation of the laws against heresy by the magistrates, that they gave them- selves no trouble to persecute the Protestants, and that their further emigration from the kingdom was no more to be feared than formerly.'' It was, they alleged, a great danger to the country that there should be in it two millions of men allowed to live without church and outside the law.* The afflicted Church at this time had many misfortunes to contend with. In 1748, the noble, self-denying, inde- fatigable Claris died — one of the few Protestant pastors who died in his bed. In 1750, the eloquent young preacher, Francois Benezet,t was taken and hanged at Montpellier. Meetings in the Desert were more vigorously attacked and dispersed, and when sur- rounded by the soldiers, most persons were shot ; the others were taken prisoners. The Huguenot pastors repeatedly addressed Louis XY. and his ministers, appealing to them for j)rotection as loyal subjects. In 1750 they addressed the King in a new memorial, respectfully representing that their meetings for public worship, sacraments, baptisms, * See " Memorial of General Assembly of Clergy to the King," in Collection des pj-och-verhaux, 34o. f-The King granted 480 livres of rev.'ard to the spy who detected Benezet and procured his apprehension by the soldiers. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. 247 and marriages, were matters of conscience. They added : *' Your troops pursue us in tlie deserts as if we were wild beasts; our property is confiscated; our cliildren are torn from us ; we are condemned to tlie galleys ; and altliougli our ministers continually exhort us to discharge our duty as good citizens and faithful subjects, a price is set upon their heads, and when they are taken,- they are cruelly executed." But Louis XV. and his ministers gave no greater heed to this petition than they had done to those which had preceded it. After occasional relays the Catholic persecutions again broke out. In 1752 there was a considerable emigration in consequence of a new intendant haying been appointed to Languedoc. The Catholics called upon him to put in force the powers of the law. JSTew brooms sweep clean. The Intendant proceeded to carry out the law with such ferocity as to excite great terror throughout the province. Meetings were sur- rounded ; prisoners taken and sent to the galleys ; and all the gaols and convents were filled with women and children. The emigration began again. Many hundred per- sons went to Holland ; and a still larger number went to settle with their compatriots as silk and poplin weavers in Dublin. The Intendant of Languedoc tried to stop their flight. The roads were again watched as before. All the outlets from the kingdom were closed by the royalist troops. Many of the intending emi- grants were made prisoners. They were spoiled of everything, robbed of their money, and thro^Ti into gaol. IN^evertheless, another large troop started, passed through Switzerland, and reached Ireland at the end of the year. At the same time, emigration was going on from 248 THE HUGUENOTS, j^ormand}'' and Poitou, where persecution was ccm- pelling tlie people to fly from their own shores and take refuge in England. This religious emigration of 1752 was, however, almost the last which took place from France. Though the persecutions were drawing to an end, they had not yet come to a close. In 1754, the young pastor Tessier (called Lafage), had just returned from Lausanne, where he had been pursuing his studies for three years. He had been tracked by a spy to a certain house, where he had spent the night. Next morning the house was surrounded by soldiers. Tessier tried to escape by getting out of a top window and running along the roofs of the adjoining houses. A soldier saw him escaping and shot at him. He was severely wounded in the arm. He was captured, taken before the Intendant of Languedoc, condemned, and hanged in the course of the same day. Religious meetings also continued to be surrounded, and were treated in the usual brutal manner. For instance, an assembly was held in Lower Languedoc on the 8th of August, 1756, for the purpose of ordaining to the ministry three young men who had arrived from Lausanne, where they had been educated. A number of pastors were present, and as many as from ten to twelve thousand men, women, and children were there from the surrounding country. The congregation was singing a psalm, when a detachment of soldiers ap- proached. The people saw them ; the singing ceased : the pastors urging patience and submission. The soldiers fired; everj?- shot told; and the crowd fled in all directions. The meeting was thus dispersed, leaving the murderers — in other words, the gallant soldiers — masters of the field ; a long track of blood remaining to mark the site on which the prayer-meeting had been htld. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT 249 It is not necessary to recount further cruelties and tortures. Assemblies surrounded and people shot ; preachers seized and hanged ; men sent to the galleys ; women sent to the Tour de Constance ; children carried off to the convents — such was the horrible ministry of torture in France. When Court heard of the re-inflictions of some old form of torture — ''Alas/' said he, '' there is nothing new under the sun. In all times, the storm of persecution has cleansed the thresh- ing-floor of the Lord." And yet, notwithstanding all the bitterness of the persecution, the number of Protestants increased. It is difficidt to determine their numbers. Their apologists said they amounted to three millions ; * their de- tractors that they did not amount to four hundred thousand. The number of itinerant pastors, however, steadily grew. In 1756 there were 48 pastors at work, with 22 probationary preachers and students. In 1763 there were 62 pastors, 35 preachers, and 15 students. Then followed the death of Antoine Court himself in Switzerland — after watching over the education and training of preachers at the Lausanne Seminary. Feel- ing his powers begining to fail, he had left Lausanne, and resided at Timonex. There, assisted by his son Court de Gebelin, Professor of Logic at the College, he conducted an immense correspondence with French Protestants at home and abroad. Court's wife died in 1755, to his irreparable loss. His ''Pachel," during his many years of peril, had been his constant friend and consoler. Unable, after * Eipert de Monclar, procnreur-general, writing in 17o-5, says : " According to the jiiiisprudence of' this kingdom, there are no French Protestants, and yet, according to the truth of facts, there are three millions. These imaginarj- beings fill the towns, provinces, and rural districts, and the capital alone contains sixty thousand of them," 250 THE HUGUENOTS. her death, to live at Timonex, so full of cruel recollec- tions, Court returned to Lausanne. He did not long survive his wife's death. While engaged in writing the history of the Keformed Church of France, he was taken ill. His history of the Camisards was sent to press, and he Kved to revise the first proof- sheets. But he did not survive to see the book pub- lished. He died on the 15th June, 1760, in the sixty- fourth year of his age. From the time of Court's death — indeed from the time that Court left France to settle at Lausanne — Paul Rabaut continued to be looked upon as the leader and director of the proscribed Huguenot Church. Rabaut originally belonged to Bedarieux in Languedoc. He was a great friend of Pradel's. Babaut served the Church at Nismes, and Pradel at Uzes. Both spent two 3'ears at Lausanne in 1744-5. Court entertained the highest affection for Babaut, and regarded him as his successor. And indeed he nobly continued the work which Court had begun. Besides being zealous, studious, and pious, Babaut was firm, active, shrewd, and gentle. He stood strongly upon moral force. Once, when th3 Huguenots had become more than usually provoked by the persecutions practised on them, the}^ determined to appear armed at the assemblies. Babaut peremptorily forbade it. If they persevered, he would forsake their meetings. He pre- vailed, and they came armed only with their Bibles. The directness of Babaut's character, the nobility of his sentiments, the austerity of his life, and his heroic courage, evidently destined him us the head of the work which Court had begun. Aiitoine Court ! Paul Babaut ! The one restored Protestantism in France, the other rooted and established it. THE CHURCH IN THE DESERT. 251 Eabaut's entliusiasm may be gathered from the following extract of a letter which he wrote to a friend at Geneva : " "When I fix my attention upon the divine fire with which, I will not say Jesus Christ and the Apostles, but the Reformed and their imme- diate successors, burned for the salvation of souls, it seems to me that, in comparison with them, we are ice. Their immense works astound me, and at the same time cover me with confusion. What would I not give to resemble them in everything laudable ! " Rabaut had the same privations, perils, and diffi- culties to undergo as the rest of the pastors in the Desert. He had to assume all sorts of names and dis- guises while he travelled throuo^h the countrv, in order to preach at the appointed places. He w^ent by the names of M. Paul, M. Denis, M. Pastourel, and M. Theophile ; and he travelled under the disguises of a common labourer, a trader, a journeyman, and a baker. He was condemned to death, as a pastor who preached in defiance of the law ; but his disguises were so well prepared, and the people for whom he ministered were so faithful to him, that the priests and other spies never succeeded in apprehending him. Singularly enough, he was in all other respects in favour of the recognition of legal authority, and strongly urged his brethren never to adopt any means whatever of forcibly resisting the King's orders. Many of the military commanders were becoming disgusted with the despicable and cowardly business which the priests called upon them to do. Thus, on one occasion, a number of Protestants had assembled at the house of Paul Rabaut at Nismes, and, while they were on their knees, the door was suddenly burst open, when a man, muffled up, presented himself, and throwing 252 THE HUGUENOTS. open his cloak, discovered tlie military commandant of the town. ''My friends/' he said, "you haye Paul Rabaut with you ; in a quarter of an hour I shall be here with my soldiers, accompanied by Father , who has just laid the information against you." When the soldiers arrived, headed by the commandant and the father, of course no Paul Pabaut w^as to be found. "For more than thirty years," says one of Paul Pabaut's biographers, "caverns and huts, whence he was unearthed like a wild animal, were his only habita- tion. For a long time he dwelt in a safe hiding-place that one of his faithful guides had provided for him, under a pile of stones and thorn-bushes. It was dis- covered at length by a shepherd, and such w^as the wretchedness of his condition, that, when he was forced to abandon the place, he still regretted this retreat, which was more fit for savage beasts than men." Yet this hut of piled stones was for some time the centre of Protestant afKiirs in France. All the faith- ful instinctively turned to Pabaut when assailed by fresh difficulties and persecutions, and acted on his advice. He obtained the respect even of the Catho- lics themselves, because it was known that he was a friend of peace, and opposed to all risings and rebel- lions amongst his people. Once he had the courage to present a petition to the Marquis de Paulmy, Minister of War, when changing horses at a post-house between Kismes and Montpellier. Pabaut introduced himself by name, and the Marquis knew that it was the proscribed pastor who stood before him. He might have arrested and hanged Pabaut on the spot ; but, impressed by the noble bear- ing of the pastor, he accepted the petition, and promised to lay it before the king. CHAPTER XIII. EXD OF THE PERSECUTIONS THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. IN the year 1762, tlie execution of an unknown Pro- testant at Toulouse made an extraordinary noise in Europe. Protestant pastors liad so often been exe- cuted, that the punishment had ceased to be a novelty. Sometimes they were simply hanged ; at other times they were racked, and then hanged ; and lastly, they were racked, had their larger bones broken, and were then hanged. Yet none of the various tortures practised on the Protestant pastors had up to that time excited any particular sensation in Prance itself, and still less in Europe. Cruelty against French Huguenots was so common a thing in those days, that few persons who were of any other religion, or of no religion at all, cared any- thing about it. The Protestants were altogether outside the law. When a Protestant meeting was discovered and surrounded, and men, women, and children were at once shot down, no one could call the murderers in question, because the meetings were illegal. The persons taken prisoners at the meetings were brought before the magistrates and sentenced to punishments even worse than death. They might be sent to the galleys, to spend the remainder of theii 254 THE HUGUENOTS. , lives amongst thieves, murderers, and assassins. Women and cliildren found at sucli meetings might also be sentenced to be imprisoned in the Tour de Constance. There were even cases of boj^s of twelve years old having been sent to the galleys for life, because of having accompanied their parents to '* the Preaching. ''* The same cruelties were at that time practised upon the common people generally, whether they were Huguenots or not. The poor creatures, whose only pleasure con- sisted in sometimes hunting a Protestant, were so badly off in some districts of France that they even fed upon grass. The most distressed districts in France were those in which the bishops and clergy were the prin- cipal owners of land. They were the last to abandon slavery, which continued upon their estates until after the Revolution. All these abominations had grown up in France, because the people had begun to lose the sense of individual liberty. Louis XIY. had in his time pro- hibited the people from being of any religion different from his own. '^ His Majesty," said his Prime Minister Louvois, " will not suffer any person to remain in his kingdom who shall not be of his religion." And Louis XV. continued the delusion. The whole of the tyrannical edicts and ordinances of Louis XIY. con- tinued to be maintained. It was not that Louis XIY. and Louis XY. were kings of any virtue or religion. Both were men of ex- ceedingly immoral habits. We have elsewhere described Louis XIY., but Louis XY., the Well-beloved, was per- haps .the greatest profligate of the two. Madame de Pompadour, when she ceased to be his mistress, became * Athanase Coquerel, " Les Forcats pour la Foi," 91. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS- 53 his procuress. This infcimous woman had the command of the state purse, and she contrived to build for the sovereign a harem, called the Parc-aux-Cerfs, in the park of YersailleSj which cost the country at least a ho.??dred millions of francs.* The number of young girls taken from Paris to this place excited great public dis- content ; and though morals generally were not very high at that time, the debauchery and intemperance of the King (for he was almost constantly drunk) f con- tributed to alienate the nation, and to foster those feelings of hatred which broke forth without restraint in the ensuing reign. In the midst of all this public disregard for virtue, a spirit of ribaldry and disregard for the sanctions of re- ligion had long been making its appearance in the literature of the time. The highest speculations which can occupy the attention of man were touched with a recklessness and power, a brilliancy of touch and a bitterness of satire, which forced the sceptical pro- ductions of the day upon the notice of all who studied, read, or delighted in literature ; — for those were the * " Madame de Pompadour decouvrit que Louis XV. pourraifc lui- meme s'amuser a faire reducation de ces jeunes malheureuses. De petites filles de neuf a douze ans, lorsqu'elles avaient attire les regards de la police par leurbeaute, etaient enlevees a leurs meres par plusieurs artifices, conduites a Versailles, et retenues dans les parties les plus elevees et les plus inaccessibles des petits appartements du roi Le nombre des malheureuses qui passerent successive- ment a Parc-aux-Cerfs est immense ; a leur sortie elles etaient mariees a des hommes vils ou credules ausquels elles apportaient une bonne dot. Quelques unes conservaient un traitement fort considerable." " Les depenses du Parc-aux-Cerfs, dit Lacratelle, se payaient arec des acquits du comptant. II est difiicile de les evaluer ; mais il ne peut y avoir aucune exageration a afiirmer qu'elles coulerent plus de 100 millions a I'Etat. Dans quelques libelles on les porte jusqu'a un milliard." — Sismondi, Histoire de Franc^aise, Brussels, 1844, xx. 153-4. The account given by Sismondi of the debauches of this persecutor of the Huguenots is very full. It is not given in the *' Old Court Life of France," recentl}' written by a lady. t Sismondi, xx. 157. 256 THE HUGUENOTS, days of Yoltaire, Eousseau, Condorcet, and the great men of ^' The Encyclopaedia.'' While the King indulged in his vicious pleasures, and went reeking from his debaucheries to obtain ab- solution from his confessors, the persecution of the Protestants went on as before. Nor was it until public opinion (such as it was) was brought to bear upon the hideous incongruity that religious persecutions were at once brought summarily to an end. The last executions of Huguenots in France because of their Protestantism occurred in 1762. Francis Pochette, a young pastor, twenty-six years old, was laid up by sickness at Montauban. He recovered sufficiently to proceed to the waters of St. Antonin for the recovery of his health, when he was seized, together with his two guides or bearers, by the burgess guard of the town of Caussade. The three brothers Grenier endeavoured to intercede for them ; but the mayor of Caussade, proud of his capture, sent the whole of the prisoners to gaol. They were tried by the judges of Toulouse on the 18th of February. Pochette was condemned to be hung in his shirt, his head and feet uncovered, with a paper pinned on his shirt before and behind, with the words written thereon — ^^ Ministre de la religion pre- tcndiie reformecy The three brothers Grenier, who interfered on behalf of Pochette, were ordered to have their heads taken off' for resisting the secular power ; and the two guides, who were bearing the sick Pochette to St. Antonin for the benefit of the waters, were sent to the galleys for life. Barbarous punishments such as these were so common when Protestants were the offenders, that the decision of the judges did not excite any particular sensation. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 257 It was only when Jean Galas was shortly after executed at Toulouse that an extraordinary sensation was pro- duced — and that not because Galas was a Protestant, but because his punishment came under the notice of Vol- taire, who exposed the inhuman cruelty to France, Europe, and the world at large. The reason why Protestant executions terminated with the death of Galas was as follows : — The family of Jean Galas resided at Toulouse, then one of the most bigoted cities in France. Toulouse swarmed with priests and monks, more Spanish than French in their leanings. They were great in relics, proces- sions, and confraternities. While " mealy-mouthed " Gatholics in other quarters were becoming some- what ashamed of the murders perpetrated during the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and were even dis- posed to deny them, the more outspoken Gatholics of Toulouse were even proud of the feat, and publicly celebrated the great southern Massacre of St. Bartholomew which took place in 1562. The procession then held was one of the finest church commemorations in the south ; it was followed by bishoj)s, clergy, and the people of the neighbourhood, in immense numbers. Galas was an old man of sixty-four, and reduced to great weakness by a paralytic complaint. He and his family were all Protestants excepting one son, who had become a Gatholic. Another of the sons, however, a man of ill- regulated life, dissolute, and involved in pecuniary difficulties, committed suicide by hanging himself in an outhouse. On this, the brotherhood of AVliite Penitents stirred up a great fury against the Protestant family in the minds of the populace. The monks alleged that Jean 258 THE HUGUENOTS. Calas Iiad murdered his son because lie wished to become a Catholic. They gave out that it was a practice of the Protestants to keep an executioner to murder their children who washed to abjure the reformed faith, and that one of the objects of the meetings w^hich they held in the Desert, was to elect this executioner. The "White Penitents celebrated mass for the suicide's soul ; they exhibited his figure with a palm branch in his hand, and treated him as a mart3'r. The public mind became inflamed. A fanatical judge, called David, took up the case, and ordered Calas and his whole family to be sent to prison. Calas was tried by the court of Toulouse. They tortured the whole family to compel them to confess the murder ;* but they did not confess. The court Avished to burn the mother, but they ended by condemning the paral3'tic father to be broken alive on the w^heel.f The parlia- ment of Toulouse confirmed the atrocious sentence, and the old man perished in torments, declaring to the last his entire innocence. The rest of the family were discharged, although if there had been any truth in the charge for which Jean Calas was racked to death, * Sismondi, xx. 328. t To be broken alive on the wheel was one of the most horrible of tortures, a bequest from ages of violence and barbarism. It was preserved in France mainly for the punishment of Protestants. The prisoner wasextended on a St. Andrew's cross, with eight notches cut on it — one below each arm between the elbow and wrist, another between each elbow and the shoulders, one under each thigh, and one under each leg. The executioner, armed with a heavy triangular bar of iron, gave a heavy blow on each of these eight places, and broke the bone. Another blow was given in the pit of the stomach. The mangled victim was lifted, from the cross and stretched on a small wheel placed vertically at one of the ends of the cross, his back on the upper part of the wheel, his head and feet hanging down. There the tortured creature hung until he died. Some lingered five or six hours, others much longer. This horrible method of torture waa only abolished at the French Eevolution in 1700. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 259 tbey must necessarily have been his accomplices, and equally liable to punishment. The ruined family left Toulouse and made for Geneva, then the head-quarters of Protestants from the South of France. And here it was that the murder of Jean Galas and the misfortunes of the Galas family came under the notice of Yoltuire, then living at Fernev, near Geneva. In the midst of the persecutions of the Protestants a great many changes had been going on in France. Although the clergy had for more than a century the sole control of the religious education of the people, the people had not become religious. They had become very ignorant and very fanatical. The upper classes were anything but religious ; they were given up for the most part to frivolity and libertinage. The ex- amples of their kings had been freely followed. Though ready to do honour to the court religion, the higher classes did not believe in it. The press was very free for the publication of licentious and immoral books, but not for Protestant Bibles. A great work was, however, in course of publication, under the editorship of D'Alem- bert and Diderot, to which Voltaire, Pousseau, and others contributed, entitled " The Encj^clopoedia." It was a description of the entire circle of human know- ledge ; but the dominant idea which pervaded it was the utter subversion of religion. The abuses of the Ghurch, its tj'ranny and cruelt}^, the ignorance and helplessness in which it kept the people, the frivolity and unbelief of the clergy them- selves, had already condemned it in the minds of the nation. The writers in " The Encyclopaedia " merely gave expression to their views, and the publication of its successive numbers was received with rapture. In 26o THE HUGUENOTS. the midst -of tlie free publication of obscene books, tbere bad also appeared, before the execution of Galas, tbe Marquis de Mirabeau's *' Ami de Hommes," Rousseau's ^' Emile," tbe " Contrat Sociale," witb other works, denying religion of all kinds, and pointing to the general downfall, which was now fast approaching. When the Galas family took refuge in Geneva, "Voltaire soon heard of their story. It was communi- cated to him by M. de Yegobre, a French refugee. After he had related it, Yoltaire said, '* This is a horrible story. What has become of the family ? " " They arrived in Geneva only three days ago." *' In Geneva ! *' said Yoltaire ; '^ then let me see them at once." Madame Galas soon arrived, told him the whole facts of the case, and convinced Yoltaire of the entire innocence of the famil3^ Yoltaire was no friend of the Huguenots. He be- lieved the Huguenot spirit to be a republican spirit. In his '' Siecle de Louis XI Y.," when treating of the Revocation of the Edict of Xantes, he affirmed that the Reformed were the enemies of the State ; and though he depicted feelingly the cruelties they had suifered, he also stated clearly that he thought they had deserved them. Yoltaire probably owed his hatred of the Protestants to the Jesuits, by whom he was educated. He was brought up at the Jesuit Gollege of Louis le Grand, the chief persecutor of the Huguenots. Yoltaire also owed much of the looseness of his prin- ciples to his godfather, the Abbe Ghateauneuf, grand- prior of Yendome, the Abbe de Ghalieu, and others, who educated him in an utter contempt for the doctrines they were appointed and paid to teach. It was when but a mere youth that Father Lejay, one of Yoltaire's END OF THE PERSECUTIONS, 261 instructors, predicted that lie would yet be tlie Cory- phceus of Deism in France. JN^or was Yoltaire better pleased with, tbe Swiss Calvin- ists. He encountered some of tbe most pedantic of tbem wbile residing at Lausanne and Geneva.* At tbe latter place, be covered witb sarcasm tbe "twenty-four peri- wigs" — tbe Protestant council of tbe cit3^ Tbey would not allow bim to set up a tbeatre in Greneva, so lie determined to set up one bimself at La Cbatelaine, about a mile off, but beyond tbe Genevese frontier. His object, be professed, was "to corrupt tbe pedantic city." Tbe tbeatre is still standing, tbougb it is now used only as a bayloft. Tbe box is preserved from wbicb. Yoltaire cbeered tbe performance of his own and other plays. But though Yoltaire hated Protestantism like every other religion, he also hated injustice. It was because of this that he took up the case of the Galas family, so soon as he had become satisfied of their innocence. But what a difficulty he had to encounter in endeavour- ing to upset the decision of the judges, and the con- demnation of Galas by the parliament of Toulouse. Moreover, he had to reverse their decision against a dead man, and that man a detested Huguenot. Nevertheless Yoltaire took up the case. He wrote letters to his friends in all parts of France. He wrote to the sovereigns of Europe. He published letters in the newspapers. He addressed the Duke de Ghoiseul, the King's Secretary of State. He appealed to philo- * While Voltaire lived at Lausanne, one of the baillies (the chiet magistrates of the city) said to him : '* Monsieur de Voltaire, they say that you have, written against the good God : it is very wrong, but I hope He will pardon you But, Monsieur de Voltaire, take very good care not to write against their excellencies of Berne, our sovereign lords, for be assured that they will never forgive you." 262 THE HUGUENOTS. sophers, to men of letters, to ladies of the court, and even to priests and bishops, denouncing the sentence pronounced against Galas, — the most iniquitous, he said, that any court professing to act in the name of justice had ever pronounced. Ferney was visited by many foreignei'S, from Germany, America, England, and Eussia ; as well as by numerous persons of influence in France. To all these he spoke vehemently of Galas and his sentence. He gave himself no rest until he had inflamed the minds of all men against the horrible injustice. At length, the case of Galas became kno-^^Ti all over France, and in fact all over Europe. The press of Paris rang with it. In the boudoirs and salons, Galas was the subject of conversation. In the streets, men meeting each other would ask, *' Have you heard of Galas?'"' The dead man had already become a hero and a martvr I An important point was next reached. It was decided that the case of Galas should be remitted to a special court of judges appointed to consider the whole matter. Yoltaire himself proceeded to get up the case. He prepared and revised the memorials, he revised all the pleadings of the advocates, transforming them into brief, conclusive arguments, sparkling wdth wit, reason, and eloquence. The re^^sion of the process commenced. The people held their breaths while it proceeded. At length, in the spring of 1766 — four years after Galas had been broken to death on the wheel — four years after Yoltaire had undertaken to have the unjust decision of the Toulouse magistrates and parliament reversed, the court of judges, after going completely over the evidence, pronounced the judgment to have been entirely unfounded! END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 263 Tlie decree was accordingly reversed. Jean Galas was declared to liave been innocent. The man was, how- ever, dead. But in order to compensate his family, the ministry granted 36,000 francs to Calas's widow, on the express recommendation of the court which re- versed the abominable sentence.* The French people never forgot Voltaire's efforts in this cause. Notwithstanding all his offences against morals and religion, Voltaire on this occasion acted on his best impulses. Many years after, in 1778, he visited Paris, where he was received with immense enthusiasm. He was followed in the streets wherever he went. One day when passing along the Pont Royal, some person asked, ''Who is that man the crowd is following ?'' "Ne savez vous pas," answered a common woman, "que c'est le sauveur de Galas!" Voltaire was more touched with this simple tribute to his fame than with all the adoration of the Parisians. It was soon found, however, that there were many persons still suffering in France from the cruelty of priests and judges ; and one of these occurred shortly after the death of Galas. One of the ordinary practices of the Gatholics was to seize the children of Protestants and carry them off to some nunnery to be educated at the expense of their parents. The priests of Toulouse had obtained a lettre de cachet to take away the daughter of a Protestant named Sirven, to compel her to change her religion. She was accordingly seized and carried off to a nunnery. She manifested such reluctance to embrace Gatholicism, and she was treated with such cruelty, that she fled from the convent in the night, and fell into a well, where she was found drowned. * It may be added that, after the reversal of the sentence, David, the judge who had first condemned Galas, went insane, and died in a madhouse. 264 THE HUGUENOTS. The prejudices of tlie Catholic bigots being very mucli excited about this time by the case of Galas, blamed the family of Sirven (in the same manner as they had done that of Galas) with murdering their daughter. Foreseeing that they would be apprehended if they remained, the whole family left the city, and set out for Geneva. After they left, Sirven was in fact sentenced to death par contiimace. It was about the middle of winter when they set out, and Sirven's wife died of cold on the way, amidst the snows of the Jura. On his arrival at Geneva, Sirven stated his case to Yoltaire, who took it up as he had done that of Galas. He exerted himself as before. Advocates of the highest rank offered to conduct Sirven's case ; for public opinion had already made considerable progress. Sirven was advised to return to Toulouse, and offer himself as a prisoner. He did so. The case was tried with the same results as before ; the advocates, acting under Voltaire's instructions and with his help, succeeded in obtaining the judges' unanimous decision that Sirven was innocent of the crime for which he had already been sentenced to death. After this, there were no further executions of Pro- testants in France. But what became of the Huguenots at the galleys, who still continued to endure a punish- ment from day to day, even worse than death itself? * * The Hiiguenots sometimes owed their release from the galleys to money payments made by Protestants (but this was done secretly), the price of a galley-slave being about a thousand crowns; sometimes they owed it to the influence of Protestant princes ; but never to the voluntary mercy of the Catholics. In 1742, while France was at war with England, and Prussia was quietly looking on, Antoine Qourt made an appeal to Frederick the Great, and at his interven- tion with Louis XV. thirty galley-slaves were liberated. The Margrave of Bayreuth, Culmbach and his wife, the sister of the Great Frederick, afterwards visited the galleys at Toulon, and suc- ceeded in obtaining the liberation of several galley-slaves. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 265 Altliougli they Avere often cut off by fever, starvation, and exposure, many of tliem contrived to live on to a considerable age. After the trials of Galas and Sirven, the punishment of the gallej^s was evidently drawing to an end. Only two persons were sent to the galleys during the year in which Pastor Kochette was hanged. But a circumstance came to light respecting one of the galley-slaves who had been liberated in that very year (1762), which had the effect of eventually putting an end to the cruelty. The punishment was not, however, abolished by Christian feeling, or by greater humanity on the part of the Catholics ; nor was it abolished through the ministers of justice, and still less by the order of the King. It was put an end to by the Stage ! As Yoltaire, the Deist, terminated the hanging of Pro- testants, so did Fenouillot, the player, put an end to their serving as galley-slaves. The termination of this latter punishment has a curious history attached to it. It happened that a Huguenot meeting for worship was held in the neighbourhood of Msmes, on the first day of January, 1756. The place of meeting was called the Lecque,* situated immediately north of the Tour Magne, from which the greater part of the city has been built. It was a favourable place for holding- meetings ; but it was not so favourable for those who wished to escape. The assembly had scarcely been constituted by prayer, when the alarm was given that the soldiers were upon them ! The people fled on all sides. The youngest and most agile made their escape by climbing the surrounding rocks. Amongst these, Jean Fabre, a young silk merchant * This secret meeting-place of the Huguenots is well known from the engraved picture oi Buze. 266 THE HUGUENOTS. of Nismes, was already beyond reacli of danger, wlien lie lieard that his father had been made a prisoner. The old man, who was seventy -eight, could not climb as the others had done, and the soldiers had taken him and were leading him away. The son, who knew that his father would be sentenced to the galleys for life, immediately determined, if possible, to rescue him from this horrible fate. He returned to the group of soldiers who had his father in charge, and asked them to take him prisoner in his place. On their refusal, he seized his father and drew him from their grasp, insisting upon them taking himself instead. The sergeant in command at first refused to adopt this strange sub- stitution ; but, conquered at last by the tears and prayers of the son, he liberated the aged man and accepted Jean Fabre as his prisoner. Jean Fabre was first imprisoned at Nismes, where he was prevented seeing any of his friends, including a cer- tain young lady to whom he was about shortly to be married. lie was then transferred to Montpellier to be judged; where, of course, he was condemned, as he expected, to be sent to the galleys for life. With this dreadful prospect before him, of separation from all that he loved — from his father, for whom he was about to suffer so much ; from his betrothed, who gave up all hope of ever seeing him again — and having no prospect of being relieved from his horrible destiny, his spirits failed, and he became seriouslj'' ill. But his youth and Christian resignation came to his aid, and he finally recovered. The Protestants of Nismes, . and indeed of all Languedoc, were greatly moved by the fate of Jean Fabre. The heroism of his devotion to his parent soon became known, and the name of the volunteer convict END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 267 was in every nioutL. The Due de Mirepoix, then gover- nor of the province, endeavoured to turn the popular feeling to some account. He offered pardon to Fabre and Turgis (who had been taken prisoner with him) provided Paul Ilabaut, the chief pastor of the Desert, a hard-working and indefatigable man, would leave France and reside abroad. But neither Fabre, nor Rabaut, nor the Huguenots generally, had any confi- dence in the mercy of the Catholics, and the proposal w^as coldly declined. Fabre was next sent to Toulon under a strong escort of cavalry. He was there registered in the class of conA'icts ; his hair was cut close ; he was clothed in the ignominious dress of the galley-slave, and placed in a galley among murderers and criminals, where he was chained to one of the worst. The dinner consisted of a , porridge of cooked beans and black bread. At first he could not touch it, and preferred to suffer hunger. A friend of Fabre, who was informed of his starvation, sent him some food more savoury and digestible ; but his stomach was in such a state that he coidd not eat even that. At length he became accustomed to the situation, though the place was a sort of hell, in which he was surrounded by criminals in rags, dirt, and vermin, and, worst of all, distinguished for their abominable vileness of speech. He was shortly after se'zed with a serious illness, when he was sent to the hospital, where he found many Huguenot convicts imprisoned, like himself, because of their religion.* Repeated applications were made to Saint-Florentin, the Secretary of State, by Fabre's relatives, friends, * Letter of Jean Falre, in Alhanass Cocoaerel 8 " Forcals pour la Foi," 201 3 268 THE HUGUENOTS. and fellow Protestants for his liberation, but without result. After lie bad been imprisoned for some years, a circumstance happened which more than anything else exasperated his sufferings. The young lady to whom he was eugaged had an offer of marriage made to her by a desirable person, which her friends were anxious that she should accept. Her father had been struck by paralysis, and was poor and unable to main- tain himself as well as his daughter. He urged that she should give up Fabre, now hopelessly imprisoned for life, and accept her new lover. Fabre himself was consulted on the subject ; his con- science was appealed to, and how did he decide ? It was only after the bitterest struggle, that he determined on liberating his betrothed. He saw no prospect of his release, and why should he sacrifice her ? Let her no longer be bound up with his fearful fate, but be happy with another if she could. The young lady yielded, though not without great misgivings. The day for her marriage with her new lover was fixed ; but, at the last moment, she relented. Her faithfulness and love for the heroic galley-slave had never been shaken, and she resolved to remain constant to him, to remain unmarried if need be, or to wait for his liberation until death ! It is probable that her noble decision determined Fabre and Fabre's friends to make a renewed effort for his liberation. At last, after having been more than six years a galley-slave, he bethought him of a method of obtaining at least a temporary liberty. He proposed — without appealing to Saint-Florentin, who was the bitter enemy of the Protestants — to get his case made known to the Due de Choiseul, Minister of Marine. This nobleman was a just man, and it had been in a END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 269 great measure througli liis influence that the j udgment of Galas had been reconsidered and reversed. Fabre, while on the rowers' bench, had often met with a M. Johannot, a French Protestant, settled at Frankfort-on-Maine, to whom he stated his case. It may be mentioned that Huguenot refugees, on their visits to France, often visited the Protestant prisoners at the galleys, relieved their wants, and made inter- cession for them with the outside world. It may also be incidentally mentioned that this M. Johannot was the ancestor of two well-known painters and designers, Alfred and Tony, who have been the illustrators of some of our finest artistic works. Johannot made the case of Fabre known to some French officers whom he met at Frankfort, interested them greatly in his noble character and self-sacrifice, and the result was that before long Fabre obtained, directly from the Due de Choiseul, leave of absence from the position of galley-slave. The annoyance of Saint-Florentin, Minister of State, was so well-known, that Fabre, on his liberation, was induced to conceal himself. Nor could he yet marry his promised wife, as he had not been discharged, but was only on leave of absence; and Saint-Florentin obstinately refused to re- verse the sentence that had been pronounced against him. In the meantime, Fabre's name was becoming cele- brated. He had no idea, while privately settled at Ganges as a silk stocking maker, that great peoj)le in France were interesting themselves about his fate. The Duchesse de Grammont, sister of the Due de Choiseul, had, heard about him from her brother ; and the Prince de Beauvau, governor of Languedoc, the Duchesse de Yilleroy, and many other distinguished personages, were celebrating his heroism. 270 THE HUGUENOTS. Inquiry was made of the sergeant who had originally apprehended Fabre, npon his offering himself in exchange for his father (long since dead), and the sergeant confirmed the truth of the noble and generous act. At the same time, M. Alison, first consul at Msmes, confirmed the statement by three witnesses, in presence of the secretary of the Prince de Beauvau. The result was, that Jean Fabre was completely exonerated from the charge on account of which he had been sent to the galleys. He was now a free man, and at last married the young lady who had loved him so long and so devotedly. One day, to his extreme surprise, Fabre received from the Due de Choiseul a packet containing a drama, in which he found his own history related in verse, by Fenouillot de Falbaire. It was entitled '' The Honest Criminal." Fabre had never been a criminal, except in worshipping God according to his conscience, though that had for nearly a hundred years been pro- nounced a crime by the law of France. The piece, which was of no great merit as a tragedy, was at first played before the Duchesse de Yilleroy and her friends, with great applause Mdlle. Clairon playing the principal female part. Saint-Florentin prohibited the playing of the piece in public, protesting to the last against the work and the author. Voltaire played it at Ferney, and Queen Marie Antoinette had it played in her presence at Yersailles. It was not until 1789 that the piece was played in the theatres of Paris, when it had a considerable success. We do not find that any Protestants were sent to be galley-slaves after 1762, the year that Galas was executed. A reaction against this barbarous method of treating men for differences of opinion seems to have END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 271 set in ; or, perhaps, it was because most men were ceasing to belieye in the miraculous powers of the priests, for which the Protestants had so long been hanged and made galley-slaves. After the liberation of Fabre in 1762, other galley- slaves were liberated from time to time. Thus, in the same 3''ear, Jean Albiges and Jean Barran were liberated after eight years of convict life. They had been con- demned for assisting at Protestant assemblies. Next year, ITaurice was liberated ; he had been condemned for life for the same reason. While Yoltaire had been engaged in the case of Galas he asked the Due de Choiseul for the liberation of a galley-slave. The man for whom he interceded, had been a convict twenty years for attending a Protestant meeting. Of course, Yoltaire cared nothing for his religion, believing Catholicism and Protestantism to be, only two forms of the same superstition. The name of this galley-slave was Claude Chaumont. Like nearly all the other convicts he was a working man — a little dark-faced shoemaker. Some Protestant friends he had at Geneva interceded with Yoltaire for his liberation. On Chaumont's release in 1764, he waited upon his deliverer to thank him. " What ! " said Yoltaire, on first seeing him, " my poor little bit of a man, have they put you in the galleys ? What could they have done with you ? The idea of sending a little creature to the galley-chain, for no other crime than that of praying to God in bad French ! ^' * Yoltaire ended by handing the impoverished fellow a sum of money to set him up in the world agaiu, when he left the house the happiest of men. We may briefly mention a few of the last of the * "Yoltaire et les Genevois," par J. Guberel, 7i-j. 272 THE HUGUENOTS. galley-slaves. Daniel Bic and Jean Cabdie, liberated in 1764, for attending religious meetings. Both, were condemned for life, and had been at the galley-chain for ten years. Jean Pierre Espinas, an attorney, of St. Felix de Chateauneuf, in Yiverais, who had been condemned for life for having given shelter to a pastor, was released in 1765, at the age of sixty-seven, after being chained at the galleys for twenty- five years. Jean Raj^mond, of Fangeres, the father of six chil- dren, who had been a galley-slave for thirteen years, was liberated in 1767. Alexandre Chambon, a labourer, more than eighty years old, condemned for life in 1741, for attending a religious meeting, was released in 1769, on the entreaty of Yoltaire, after being a galley-slave for twenty-eight years. His friends had forgotten him, and on his release he was utterly destitute and miserable.* In 1772, three galley-slaves were liberated from their chains. Andre Guisard, a labourer, aged eighty-two, Jean Roque, and Louis Tregon, of the same class, all condemned for life for attending religious meetings. They had all been confined at the chain for twenty years. The two last galley-slaves were liberated in 1775, during the first year of the reign of Louis XYL, and close upon the outbreak of the French Revolution. They had been quite forgotten, until Court de Gebclin, son of Antoine Court, discovered them. When he applied for their release to M. de Boyne, Minister of Marine, he answered that there were no more Pro- testant convicts at the galleys ; at least, he believed so. * " Lettres inedites des Yoltaire," publiees par Athanase Coqueiel fils, 24?. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 273 Shortly after, Turgot succeeded Boyne, and application was made to him. He answered that there was no need to recommend such objects to him for liberation, as they were liberated already. On the two old men being told they were released, they burst into tears ; but were almost afraid of return- ing to the world which no longer knew them. One of them was Antoine Rialle, a tailor of Aoste, in Dau- phin y, who had been condemned by the parliament of Grenoble to the galleys for life " for contravening the edicts of the King concerning religion." He was seventy-eight years old, and had been a galley-slave for thirty years. The other, Paul Achard, had been a shoemaker of Chatillon, also in Dauphiny. He was condemned to be a galley-slave for life by the parliament of Grenoble, for having given shelter to a pastor. x4.chard had also been confined at the galleys for thirty years. It is not known when the last Huguenot women were liberated from the Tour de Constance, at Aiguesmorts. It would probably be about the time when the last Huguenots were liberated from the galleys. An affect- ing picture has been left by an officer who visited the prison at the release of the last prisoners. " I accompanied," he says, " the Prince de Beauveau (the intendant of Languedoc under Louis XYI.) in a sur- vey Avhich he made of the coast. Arriving at Aigues- morts, at the gate of the Tour de Constance, we found at the entrance the principal keeper, who conducted us by dark steps through a great gate, which opened with an ominous noise, and over which was inscribed a motto from Dante — ' Lasciate ogni speranza voi che'ntrate.' *' Words fail me to describe the horror with which we regarded a scene to which we were so unaccustomed — 274 THE HUGUENOTS. a frightful and affecting picture, in which the interest was heightened by disgust. We beheld a large circular apartment, deprived of air and of light, in which fourteen females still languished in misery. It was with difficulty that the Prince smothered his emo- tion ; and doubtless it was the first time that these unfortunate creatures had there witnessed compassion depicted upon a human countenance ; I still seem to behold the affecting apparition. They fell at our feet, bathed in tears, and speechless, until, emboldened by our expressions of sympathy, they recounted to us their sufferings. Alas ! all their crime consisted in having been attached to the same religion as Henry lY. The youngest of these martyrs was more than fifty years old. She was but eight when first imprisoned for having accompanied her mother to hear a religious service, and her punishment had continued until now ! " * After the liberation of the last of the galley-slaves there were no further apprehensions nor punishments of Protestants. The priests had lost their power ; and the secular authority no longer obej^ed their behests. The nation had ceased to believe in theih ; in some places they were laughed at ; in others they were de- tested. They owed this partly to their cruelty and intolerance, partly to their luxury and self-indulgence amidst the poverty of the people, and partly to the sarcasms of the philosophers, who had become more powerful in Prance than themselves. *' It is not enough," said Yoltaire, *' that we prove intolerance to be horrible ; we must also prove to the French that it is ridiculous." In looking back at the sufferings of the Huguenots remainino: in France since the Revocation of the Edict * Froissard, ** Nismes et ses En\irons," ii. 217. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. i-js of Nantes ; at the purity, self-denial, honesty, and in- dustry of their lives ; at the devotion with Avhich they adhered to religious duty and the worship of God ; we cannot fail to regard them — labourers and peasants though they were — as amongst the truest, greatest, and worthiest heroes of their age. When society in France was falling to pieces ; when its men and women were ceasing to believe in themselves and in. each other ; when the religion of the State had become a mass of abuse, consistent only in its cruelty ; when the de- bauchery of its kings* had descended through the aristocracy to the people, until the whole mass was becoming thoroughly corrupt ; these poor Huguenots seem to have been the only constant and true men, the only men holding to a great idea, for which they were willing to die — for they were always ready for martyr- dom by the rack, the gibbet, or the galleys, rather than forsake the worship) of God freely and according to conscience. But their persecution was now in a great measure at * Such was the dissoluteness of the manners of the court, that no less than- 500,000,000 francs of the public debt, or £20,000,000 sterling, had been incurred for expenses too ignominious to bear the light, or even to be named in the .public accounts. It appears from an authentic document, quoted in Soulavie's history, that in the sixteen months immediately preceding the death of Louis XV., Madame du Barry (originally a courtezan,) had drawn from the royal treasury no less than 2,450,000 francs, or equal to about £200,000 of our present money. [" Histoire de la Decadence de la Monarchic Franqaise," par Soulavie I'Aine, iii. 330.] "La corruption," says Lacretelle, '* entrait dans les plus paisibles menages, dans les families les plus obscures. Elle [Madame du Barri] etait savamment et long- temps combinee par ceux qui servaient les debauches de Louis. Des emissaires etaient employees a seduire des filles qui n'etaient point encore nubiles, a conibattre dans de jeunes femmes des principes de pudeur et de fidelile. Amant de grade, il livrait u la prostitution publique celles de ses sujettes qu'il avait prematurement corrompues. II souifrait que les eni'ans de ses infames plaisirs partageassent la destinee obscure ct dangereuse de ceux qu'uu pere n'avoue point." Lacretelle, Kistoiro ch France pendant le xviii Siede, iii. 171-173. 19 276 THE HUGUENOTS. an end. It is true tlie Protestants were not recognised, but tliey nevertheless lield tlieir worship openly, and were not interfered with. When Louis XYI. succeeded to the throne in 1774, on the administration of the oath for the extermination of heretics denounced by the Church, the Archbishop of Toulouse said to him : '' It is reserved for you to strike the final blow against Calvinism in your dominions. Command the dis- persion of the schismatic assemblies of the Protestants, exclude the sectarians, without distinction, from all ofRces of the public administration, and you will insure among your subjects the imity of the true Christian reliaion.^ No attention was paid to this and similar appeals for the restoration of intolerance. On the contrary, an \V Edict of Toleration was issued by Louis XYI. in 1787, which, though granting a legal existence to the Pro- testants, nevertheless set forth that " The Catholic, Apostolic, and Ptoman religion alone shall continue to enjoy the right of public worship in our realm." Opinion, however, moved very fast in those days. The Declaration of Pights of 1789 overthrew the barriers which debarred the admission of Protestants to public offices. On the question of tolerance, Pabaut Saint-Etienne, son of Paul Pabaut, who sat in the National Assembl}^ for Nismes, insisted on the freedom of the Protestants to worship God after their accustomed forms. He said he represented a consti- tuency of 360,000, of whom 120,000 were Protestants. The penal laws against the worship of the Peformed, he said, had never been formally abolished. He (daimed the rights of Frenchmen for two millions of useful citizens. It was not toleration he asked for, it was Ubcrtyr END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 277 " Toleration ! " he exclaimed ; *' sufferance ! pardon ! clemency ! ideas supremely unjust towards the Protest- ants, so long as it is true that difference of religion, that difference of opinion, is not a crime ! Toleration ! I demand that toleration should be proscribed in its turn, and deemed an iniquitous word, dealing with us as citizens worthy of pity, as criminals to whom pardon is to be granted ! '' * The motion before the House was adopted with a modification, and all Frenchmen, without distinction of religious opinions, were declared admissible to all offices and employments. Four months later, on the 15th March, 1790, Habant Saint-Etienne him- self, son of the long proscribed j)astor of the Desert, was nominated President of the Constituent As- sembly, succeeding to the chair of the Abbe Montes- quieu. He did not, however, occupy the position long. In the struggles of the Convention he took part with the Girondists, and refused to vote for the death of Louis XYI. He maintained an obstinate struo^o-le against the violence of the Mountain. His arrest was decreed ; he was dragged before the revolutionary tribunal, and condemned to be executed within twenty-four hours. The horrors of the French Revolution hide the doings of Protestantism and Catholicism alike for several years, until Buonaparte came into power. He recognised Catholicism as the established religion, and paid for the maintenance of the bishops and priests. He also protected Protestantism, the members of which were entitled to all the benefits secured to the other Chris- * "History of the rrotestaiit3 of France," by G. de Felice, book V. sect. i. 278 THE HUGUENOTS. tian communions, " witli the exception of pecuniary subvention." The comparative liberty which the Protestants of France had enjoyed under the Hepublic and the Empire seemed to be in some peril at the restoration of the Bourbons. The more bigoted Roman Catholics of the South hailed their return as the precursors of renewed persecution : and they raised the cry of " Un Dieu, un Eoi, une Foi." The Protestant mayor of Nismes was publicly in- sulted, and compelled to resign his office. The mob assembled in the streets and sang ferocious songs, threatening to " make black puddings of the blood of the Calvinists' children."* Another St. Bartholomew was even threatened ; the Protestants began to con- ceal themselves, and many fled for refuge to the Upper Ceyennes. Houses were sacked, their inmates outraged, and in many cases murdered. The same scenes occurred in most of the towns and villages of the department of Gard ; and the authorities seemed to be powerless to prevent them. The Protestants at length began to take up arms for their defence ; the peasantry of the Cevennes brought from their secret places the rusty arms which their fathers had wielded more than a century before ; and another Camisard war seemed imminent. In the meantime, the subject of the renewed Protest- ant persecutions in the South of France was, in May, 1816, brought under the notice of the British House of Commons by Sir Samuel Pomilly — himself the de- scendant of a Languedoc Huguenot — in a powerful * See the Eev. Mark "SVilks's *' History of the Persecutions endured by the Protestants of the South of France, 1814, ISlo 1816." Longmans, 1821. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS, 279 speecli ; and altliougli tlie motion was opposed by the Go\ eminent, tliere can be little doubt that tlie discus- sion produced its due effect ; for tbe Bourbon Govern- ment, itself becoming alarmed, shortly after adopted vigorous measures, and the persecution was brought to an end. Since that time the Protestants of France have re- mained comparatively unmolested. Evidences have not been wanting to show that the persecuting spirit of the priest-party has not become extinct. While the author was in France in 1870, to visit the scenes of the wars of the Camisards, he observed from the paj^ers that a French deputy had recently brought a case before the Assembly, in which a Catholic cure of Yille- d'Avray refused burial in the public cemetery to the corpse of a 3'oung English lady, because she was a Protestant, and remitted it to the place allotted for criminals and suicides. The body accordingly lay for eighteen days in the cabin of the gravedigger, until it could be transported to the cemetery of Sevres, where it was finally interred. But the people of France, as well as the government, have become too indifferent about religion generally, to persecute any one on its account. The nation is pro- bably even now suffering for its indifference, and the spectacle is a sad one. It is only the old, old story. The sins of the fathers are being visited on the children. Louis XIY. and the French nation of his time sowed the wind, and their descendants at the E/Cvolution reaped the Avhirlwind. And who knows how much of the sufferings of France during the last few years may have been due to the ferocious intolerance, the abandon- ment to vicious pleasures, the thirst for dominion, and the hunger for "glory," which above all others charac- 28o THE HUGUENOTS. terized the reign of tliat monarcli wIlo is in history miscalled " the Great ?" It will have been noted that the chief scenes of the revival of Protestantism described in the preceding pages occurred in Langnedoc and the South of France, where the chief strength of the Huguenots alwaj^s lay. The Camisard civil war which happened there, was not without its influence. The resolute spirit which it had evoked survived. The people were purified by suffer- ing, and though they did not conquer civil liberty, they continued to live strong, hardy, virtuous lives. When Protestantism w^as at length able to lift up its head after so long a period of persecution, it was found that, during its long submergence, it had lost neither in numbers, in moral or intellectual vigour, nor in industrial power. To this day the Protestants of Languedoc cherish the memory of their wanderings and worshippings in the Desert ; and they still occasionally hold their meetings in the old frequented places. Not far from Nismes are several of these ancient meeting-places of the persecuted, to which we have above referred. One of them is about two miles from the cit}^ in the bed of a mountain torrent. The worshippers arranged themselves along the slopes of the narrow valley, the pastor preaching to to them from the grassy level in the hollow, while sentinels posted on the adjoining heights gave warning of the approach of the enemy. Another favourite place of meeting was the hollow of an ancient quarry called the Echo, from which the Pomans had excavated much of the stone used in the building of the city. The con- gregation seated themselves around the craggy sides, the preacher's pulpit being placed in the narrow pass leading into the quarry. Notwithstanding all the END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 2S1 vigilance of tlie sentinels, many joersons of botli sexes and various ages were often dragged from the Echo to imprisonment or death. Even after the persecutions had ceased, these meeting-places continued to be fre- quented by the Protestants of Msmes, and they were sometimes attended by five or six thousand persons, and on sacrament days by even double that number. Although the Protestants of Languedoc for the most part belong to the National Reformed Church, the in- dependent character of the people has led them to embrace Protestantism in other forms. Thus, the Evan- gelical Church is especially strong in the South, whilst the Evangelical Methodists number more congregations and worshippers in Languedoc than in all the rest of France. There are also in the Cevennes several con- gregations of Moravian Brethren. But perhaps one of the most curious and interesting issues of the Camisard war is the branch of the Society of Friends still exist- ing in Languedoc — the only representatives of that body in France, or indeed on the European continent. When the Protestant peasants of the Cevennes took up arms and determined to resist force by force, there were several influential men amongst them who kept back and refused to join them. They held that the Gospel they professed did not warrant them in taking up arms and fighting, even against the enemies who plundered and persecuted them. And when they saw the excesses into which the Cam.isards were led by the war of retaliation on which they had entered, they were the more confirmed in their view that the attitude which the rebels had assumed, was inconsistent with the Christian religion. After the war had ceased, these people continued to associate together, maintaining a faithful testimony 282 THE HUGUENOTS. against war, refusing to take oatlis, and recognising silent worship, without dependence on human acquire- ments. They were not aware of the existence of a similar body in England and America until the period of the French Kevolution, when some intercourse began to take place between them. In 1807, Stephen Grellct, an American Friend, of French origin, visited Languedoc, and held many re- ligious meetings in the towns and villages of the Lower Cevennes, which were not only attended by the Friends of Congenies, St. Hypolitc, Ganges, St. Gllles, Fontanes, Yauvert, Quissac, and other places in the neighbour- hood of Nismes, but by the inhabitants at large, Roman Catholics as well as Protestants. At that time, as now, Congenies was regarded as the centre of the district principally inhabited by the Friends, and there they possess a large and commodious meeting-house, built for the purpose of worship. At the time of Stej^hen Grellet's visit, he especially mentioned Louis Majolier as "a father and a pillar" amongst the little flock.* And itmaj^ not be unworthy to note that the daughter of the same Louis Majolier is at the present time one of the most acceptable female preachers of the Society of Friends in England. It may also be mentioned, in passing, that there still exist amongst the Yosges mountains the remnants of an ancient sect — the Anabaptists of Munster — who hold views in many respects similar to those of the Friends. Amongst other things, they testify against war as unchristian, and refuse imder any circumstances to carry arms. Eather than do so, they have at different times suffered imprisonment, persecution, and even death. The republic of 1793 respected their * "Life of S'.ephea Grellet," third edition. London, 1870. END OF THE PERSECUTIONS. 283 scruples, and did not require the Anabaptists to fight in the ranks, but employed them as pioneers and drivers, while JN'apoleon made them look after the wounded on the field of battle, and attend to the waggon train and ambulances.* And we understand that they continue to be similarly employed down to the present time. It forms no part of our subject to discuss the present state of the French Protestant Church. It has lost no part of its activity during the recent political changes. Although its clergy had for some time been supported by the State, they had not met in public synod until June, 1872, after an interval of more than two hundred years. During that period many things had become changed. Ptationalism had invaded Evangelicalism. Without a synod, or a settled faith, the Protestant churches were only so many separate congregations, often representing merely individual interests. In fact, the old Huguenot Church required reorganization; and great results are expected from the proceedings adopted at the recently held synod of the French Pro- testant Church, t With respect to the French Catholic Church, its relative position to the Protestants remains the same as before. But it has no longer the power to persecute. The Gallican Church has been replaced by the Ultra- montane Church, but its impulses are no kindlier, though it has become '' InfalKble." The principal movement of the Catholic priests of late years has been to get up appearances of the Virgin. * Michel, "Les Anabaptistes des Vosges." Paris, 1862 t The best account of the proceedings at this synod^is given in hlackivood s Magazine for January, 1873. 284 THE HUGUENOTS. Tlie Tirgin appears, nsuallj^, to a clilld or two, and pilgrimages are immediately got up to the scene of lier yisit. By getting up religious moyements of tbis kind, tlie priests and their followers believe that France will yet be helped towards the Revanche, which she is said to long for. But pilgrimages will not make men ; and if Franco wishes to be free, she will have to adopt some other methods. Bismarck will never be put down by pil- grimages. It was a sad saying of Father Hyacinthe at Geneva, that ''France is bound to two influences — • Superstition and Irreligion." A VISIT TO THE cothsttey of the yaudois. A VISIT TO THE COUNTEY OF THE VAUDOIS. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY. "Pi AUPHINY is one of the least visited of all the pro- ■^ vinces of France. It occupies a remote corner of the empire, lying completely out of the track of ordinary tourists. No great road passes through it into Italy, the Piedmontese frontier of which it adjoins; and the annual streams of English and American travellers accordingly enter that kingdom by other routes. Even to Frenchmen, who travel little in their own country and still less in. others, Dauphiny is very little known ; and M. Joanne, who has written an excellent Itinerary of. the South of France, almost takes the credit of having discovered it. Yet Dauphiny is a province full of interest. Its scenery almost vies with that of Switzerland in gran- deur, beauty, and wildness. The great mountain masses of the Alps do not end in Savoy, but extend through the south-eastern parts of France, *almost to the mouths 288 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. of the Rlione. Packed closer together than in most parts of Switzerland, the mountains of Dauphiny are furrowed by deep valleys, each with its rapid stream or torrent at bottom, in some places overhimg by pre- cipitous rocks, in others hemmed in by green hills, over which are seen the distant snowy peaks and glaciers of the loftier mountain ranges. Of these, Mont Pelvoux — whose double pyramid can be seen from Lyons on a clear day, a hundred miles off — and the Aiguille du Midi, are among the larger masses, rising to a height little short of Mont Blanc itself. From the ramparts of Grenoble the panoramic view is of wonderful beauty and grandeur, extending along the vallevs of the Isere and the Drac, and across that of the Romanche. The massive heads of the Grand Chartreuse mountains bound the prospect to the north ; and the summits of the snow-clad Dauphiny Alps on the south and east present a combination of bold valley and mountain scenery, the like of which is not to be seen in France, if in Europe. But it is not the scenery, or the geology, or the flora of the province, however marvellous these may be, that constitutes the chief interest for the traveller through these Dauphiny valleys, so much as the human en- durance, suffering, and faithfulness of the people who have lived in them in past times, and of which so many interesting remnants still survive. For Dauphiny forms a principal part of the country of the ancient Yaudois or AYaldenses — literally, the people inhabiting the Vaiix, or valleys — who for nearly seven hundred years bore the heavy brunt of Papal persecution, and are now, after all their sufferings, free to worship God according to the dictates of their conscience. EARLY CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES. 289 Tlie coimtrv of tlie Yaiidois is not confined, as is generally supposed, to the valleys of Piedmont, but extends over the greater part of Dauphiny and Pro- vence. From the main ridge of the Cottian Alps, which divide France from Italy, great mountain spurs are thrown out, which run westward as well as eastward, and enclose narrow strips of pasturage, cultivable land, and green shelves on the mountain sides, where a poor, virtuous, and hard-working race have long contrived to earn a scanty subsistence, amidst trials and difficulties of no ordinary kind, — the greatest of which, strange to say, have arisen from the pure and simple character of the religion they professed. The tradition which exists among them is, that the early Christian missionaries, when travelling from Italy into Gaul by the Poman road passing over Mont Genevre, taught the Gospel in its primitive form to the people of the adjoining districts. It is even surmised that St. Pavil journeyed from Pome into Spain by that route, and may himself have imparted to the people of the valleys their first Christian instruction. The Italian and Gallic provinces in that quarter were cer- tainly Christianized in the second century at the latest, and it is known that the early missionaries were in the habit of making frequent journeys from the provinces to Pome. Wherefore it is reasonable to suppose that the people of the valleys would receive occasional visits from the wayfaring teachers who travelled by the mountain passes in the immediate neighbourhood of their dwellings. As years rolled on, and the Church at Pome became rich and allied itself with the secular power, it gradually departed more and more from its primitive condition,* * The ancient Vaudois had a saying, known in other countries — 290 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. until at length it was scarcely to be recognised from the Paganism which it had superseded. The heathen gods were rej)laced by canonised mortals ; Yenus and Cupid by the Virgin and Child ; Lares and Penates by images and crucifixes ; while incense, flowers, tapers, and showy dresses came to be regarded as essential parts of the ceremonial of the new religion as they had been of the old. Madonnas winked and bled again, as the statues of Juno and Pompey had done before ; and stones and relics worked miracles as in the time of the Augurs. Attempts were made by some of the early bishops to stem this tide of innovation. Thus, in the fourth century, Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and Philastrius, Bishop of Brescia, acknowledging no authority on earth as superior to that of the Bible, protested against the introduction of images in churches, which they held to be a return to Paganism. Four centuries later, Claude, Bishop of Turin, advanced like views, and ojjposed with energy the worship of images, which he regarded as absolute idolatr3\ In the meanwhile, the simple Taudois, shut up in their almost inaccessible vallej^s, and knowing nothing of these innovations, con- tinued to adhere to their original primitive form of worship ; and it clearly appears, from a passage in the writings of St. Ambrose, that, in his time, the super- stitions which prevailed elsewhere had not at all ex- tended into the mountainous regions of his diocese. The Taudois Church was never, in the ordinary sense of the word, a ''Peformed" Church, simply because it had not become corrupted, and did not stand "Eeligion brought forth wealth, and the daughter devoured the mother;" and another of like meaning, but less known — "When the bishops' croziers became golden, the bishops themselves became wooden." THE VAUDOIS '' UNREFORMEDr 291 in need of '^reformation." It was not tlie Yaudois who left the Church, but the Roman Church that left them in search of idols. Adhering to their primitive faith, they never recognised the paramount authority of the Pope ; they never worshipped images, nor used incense, nor observed Mass ; and when, in the course of time, these corruptions became known to them, and they found that the Western Church had ceased to be Catholic, and become merely Roman, they openly separated from it, as being no longer in conformity with the principles of the Gospel as inculcated in the Bible and delivered to them by their fathers. Their ancient manuscripts, still extant, attest to the purity of their doctrines. They are written, like the Nobla Levcon, in the Romance or Provencal — the earliest of the modern classical languages, the language of the troubadours — though now only spoken as a patois in Dauphiny, Piedmont, Sardinia, the north of Spain, and the Balearic Isles.* If the age counts for anything, the Yaudois are justified in their claim to be considered one of the oldest churches in Europe. Long before the conquest of England by the Normans, before the time of Wallace and Bruce in Scotland, before England had planted its foot in Ireland, the Yaudois Church existed. Their remoteness, their poverty, and their comparative un- importance as a people, for a long time protected them from interference ; and for centuries they remained unnoticed by Rome. But as the Western Church ex- tended its power, it became insatiable for uniformity. It would not tolerate the independence which charac- terized the early churches, but aimed at subjecting them to the exclusive authority of Rome. * Sismondi, " Litterature du Midi de I'Europe," i. lo9. 20 292 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. The Yaudois, however, persisted in repudiating the doctrines and formularies of the Pope. When argu- ment failed, the Church called the secular arm to its aid, and then began a series of persecutions, extending over several centuries, which, for brutality and ferocity, are probably unexampled in history. To crush this unoffending but faithful people, Rome employed her most irrefragable arguments — the curses of Lucius and the horrible cruelties of InnoCent — and the "Yicar of Christ" bathed the banner of the Cross in a carnage from which the wolves of Eomulus and the eagles of CsDsar would have turned with loathing. Long before the period of the Reformation, the Vaudois vallej^s were ravaged by fire and sword because of the alleged heresy of the people. Luther was not born until 1483 ; whereas nearly four centuries before, the Yaudois were stigmatized as heretics by Rome. As early as 1096, we find Pope Urban 11. describing Yal Louise, one of the Dauphiny valleys — then called Yallis Gyrontana, from the torrent of Gyr, which flows through it — as "infested with heresy." In 1179, hot persecution raged all over Dauphiny, extending to the Albigeois of the South of France, as far as Lyons and Toulouse ; one of the first martja's being Pierre Waldo, or Waldensis,* of Lyons, who was executed for heresy by the Archbishop of Lyons in 1180. Of one of the early persecutions, an ancient writer says : " In the year 1243, Pope Innocent II. ordered the Bishop of Metz rigorously to prosecute the Yaudois, especially because they read the sacred books in the * It has been surmised by some writers that the Waldenses derived tlieir name from this martyr; but being known as "heretics" lon^ before his time, it is more probable that they gave the name to him than that he did to them. THE EARLY PERSECUTIONS, 293 vulgar tongue."* From time to time, new persecu- tions were ordered, and conducted with ever-increasing ferocity— tlie scourge, the brand, and the sword being employed by turns. In 1486, while Luther was still in his cradle. Pope Innocent YIII. issued a bull of extermination against the Yaudois, summoning all true Catholics to the holy crusade, promising free par- don to all manner of criminals who should take part in it, and concluding with the promise of the remission of sins to every one who should slay a heretic. f The consequence was, the assemblage of an immense horde of brigands, who were let loose on the valleys of Dau- phiny and Piedmont, which they ravaged and pillaged, in company with eighteen thousand regular troops,' .jointly furnished by the French king and the Duke of Savoy. Sometimes the valleys were under the authority of the kings of France, sometimes under that of the dukes of Savoy, whose armies alternately overran them ; but change of masters and change of popes made little difference to the Yaudois. It sometimes, however, happened, that the persecution waxed hotter on one side of the Cottian Alps, while it temporarily relaxed on the other ; and on such occasions the French and Italian Yaudois were accustomed to cross the mountain passes, and take refuge in each others' valleys. But when, as in the above case, the kings, soldiers, and brigands, on both sides, simultaneously plied the brand and the sword, the times were very troublous indeed for these poor hunted people. They had then no alternative but to climb up the mountains into the V *!!?'''''? ^i^-^f' "H'stoire G^nerale des EgHses Evangeliques des Vallees de Piedmont, ou Vaudoises." Leyde, 1669. Pait ii 330 t Leger, li. 8-20. 2 94 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. least accessible places, or liide themselves away in dens and caverns with their families, until their enemies had departed. But they were often tracked to their hiding- places by their persecutors, and suffocated, strangled, or shot — men, women, and children. Hence there is scarcely a hiding-place along the mountain-sides of Dauphiny but has some tradition connected with it re- lating to these dreadful times. In one, so many women and children were suffocated j in another, so many perished of cold and hunger ; in a third, so many were ruthlessly put to the sword. If these caves of Dauphiny had voices, what deeds of horror they could tell ! "What is known as the Easter massacre of 1655 made an unusual sensation in Europe, but especially in England, principally through the attitude which Oliver Cromwell assumed in the matter. Persecution had followed persecution for nearly four hundred years, and still the Vaudois were neither converted nor extirpated. The dukes of Savoy during all that time pursued a uniform course of treachery and cruelty towards this portion of their subjects. Sometimes the Yaudois, pressed by their persecutors, turned upon them, and drove them ignominiously out of their valleys. Then the reigning dukes would refrain for a time ; and, probably needing their help in one or other of the wars in which they were constantly engaged, would promise them protection and privileges. But such promises were invariably broken ; and at some moment when the Yaudois were thrown off their guard by his pretended graciousness, the duke for the time being would suddenly pounce upon them and carry fire and sword through their valleys. Indeed, the dukes of Savoy seem to have been about CELEBRATION OF EASTER, 1655. 295 the most wrong-headed line of despots that ever cursed a people by their rule. Their mania was soldiering, though they were oftener beaten than victorious. They were thrashed out of Dauphiny by France, thrashed out of Geneva by the citizens, thrashed out of the valleys by their own peasantry ; and still they went on raising a.rmies, making war, and massa- cring their Yaudois subjects. Being devoted servants of the Pope, in 1655 they concurred with him in the establishment of a branch of the society De Propaganda Fide at Turin, which extended over the whole of Pied- mont, for the avowed purpose of extirpating the heretics. On Palm Sunday, the beginning of "^Holy Week, the society commenced active proceedings. The army of Savoy advanced suddenly upon La Tour, and were let loose upon the people. A general massacre began, accompanied with shocking brutalities, and con- tinued for more than a week. In many hamlets not a cottage was left standing, and such of the people as had not been able to fly into the upper valleys were in- discriminately put to the sword. And thus was Easter celebrated. The noise of this dreadful deed rang through Europe, and excited a general feeling of horror, especially in England. Cromwell, then at the height of his power, offered the fugitive Yaudois an asylum in Ireland ; but the distance which lay between was too great, and the Yaudois asked him to help them in some other way. Forthwith, he addressed letters, written by his secre- tary, John Milton,* to the principal European powers, calling upon them to join him in putting a stop to these nin^r- "^^^ ""^ ^^'' ^'"^^ ^^""^ ^^'^*°'' wrote his noble sonnet, begin- "Avenge, Lord, Thy slaughter'd saints, whose bones iiie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold," &c. 296 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. liorrid barbarities committed upon an unoffending people. Cromwell did more. He sent tlie exiles £2,000 out of his own purse ; appointed a day of humiliation and a general collection all over England, by which some £38,000 were raised ; and dispatched Sir Samuel Morland as his plenipotentiary to expostulate in person with the Duke of Savoy. Moreover, a treaty was on the eve of being signed with France ; and Cromwell refused to complete it until Cardinal Mazarin had undertaken to assist him in getting right done to the people of the valleys. These energetic measures had their effect. The Yaudois who survived the massacre were permitted to return to their devastated homes, under the terms of the treaty known as the " Patents of Grace," which was only observed, however, so long as Cromwell lived. At the Restoration, Charles II. seized the public fund collected for the relief of the Yaudois, and refused to remit the annuity arising from the interest thereon which Cromwell had assigned to them, declaring that he would not pay the debts of a usurper ! After that time, the interest felt in the Yaudois was very much of a traditional character. Little was known as to their actual condition, or whether the descendants of the primitive Yaudois Church continued to exist or not. Though English travellers — amongst others, Addison, Smollett, and Sterne — passed through the country in the course of last century, they took no note of the people of the valleys. And this state of general ignorance as to the district continued down to within about the last fifty years, when quite a new interest was imparted to the subject through the labours and researches of the late Dr. Gilly, Prebendary of Durham. DR. GILLY. 297 It happened that that gentleman was present at a meeting of the Society for Promoting Christian Know- ledge, in the year 1820, when a very touching letter was read to the board, signed " Frederick Peyrani, minister of Pramol," requesting the assistance of the society in supplying books to the Yaudois churches of Piedmont, who were described as maintaining a very hard struggle with poverty and oppression. Dr. Gilly was greatly interested by the reading of this letter. Indeed, the subject of it so strongly arrested his atten- tion, that he says it " took complete possession of him.'' He proceeded to make search for information about the Yaudois, but could find very little that was definite or satisfactory respecting them. Then it was that he formed the determination of visiting the valleys and ascertaining the actual condition of the people in person. His visit was made in 1823, and in the course of the following year Dr. Grilly published the result in his " Narrative of an Excursion to the Mountains of Piedmont." The book excited much interest, not only in England, but in other countries ; and a move- ment was shortly after set on foot for the relief and assistance of the Yaudois. A committee was formed, and a fund was raised — to which the Emperor of Russia and the Kings of Prussia and Holland contributed — with the object, in the first place, of erecting a hospital for the sick and infirm Yaudois at La Tour, in the valley of Luzern. It turned out that the money raised was not only sufficient for this purpose, but also to provide schools and a college for the education of pastors, which were shortly after erected at the same place. In 1829, Dr. Gilly made a second visit to the Pied- 298 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. inontese valleys, partly in order to ascertain how far the aid tlius rendered to tlie poor Yaudois had proved effectual, and also to judge in what way certain further sums placed at his disposal might best be employed for their benefit.* It was in the course of his second visit that Dr. Gilly became aware of the fact that the Yaudois were not confined to the valleys of Piedmont, but that numerous traces of them were also to be found on the French side of the Alps, in Dauphiny and Pro- vence. He accordingly extended his journey across the Col de la Croix into France, and cursorily visited the old Yaudois district of Yal Fressiniere and Yal Queyras, of which an account will be given in the following chapters. It was while on this journey that Dr. Gilly became acquainted with the self-denying labours of the good Felix Neff among those poor out- lying Christians, with whose life and character he was so fascinated that he afterwards wrote and published the memoir of Neff, so well known to English readers. Since that time occasional efforts have been made in aid of the French Yaudois, though those on the Italian side have heretofore commanded by far the larger share of interest. There have been several reasons for this. In the first place, the French valleys are much less accessible ; the roads through some of the most interest- ing valleys are so bad that they can only be travelled on foot, being scarcely practicable qyqi\ for mules. There is no good hotel accommodation in the district, only auherges, and these of an indifferent character. The people are also more scattered, and even poorer than they are on the Italian side of the Alps. Then the climate is much more severe, from the greater eleva- * Dr. Gilly's narrative of his second visit to the yalleys was pub- lisl ed iu 1831. under the title of " Waldensian "Researches." INFLUENCE OF PERSONAL EXAMPLE. 290 tion of tlie sites of most of tlie Yaudois yillages ; so tliat when pastors were induced to settle there, the cold, and sterility, and want of domestic accommoda- tion, soon drove them away. It was to the rigour of the climate that Felix Neff was eventually compelled to succumb. Yet much has been done of late years for the ameli- oration of the French Yaudois ; and among the most zealous workers in their behalf have been the Rev. Mr. Freemantle, rector of Claydon, Bucks, and Mr. Edward Milsom, the well-known merchant of Lyons. It was in the year 1851 that the Rev. Mr. Freemantle first visited the Yaudois of Dauphiny. His attention was drawn to the subject while editing the memoir of a young English clergyman, the Rev. Spencer Thornton, who had taken Felix JSTefi" for his model ; and he was thereby induced to visit the scene of Neff's labours, and to institute a movement on behalf of the people of the French valleys, which has issued in the erection of schools, churches, and pastors' dwellings in several of the most destitute places. It is curious and interesting to trace the influence of personal example on human life and action. As the example of Oberlin in the Ban de la Roche inspired Felix ^qW to action, so the life of Felix Kefi" inspired that of Spencer Thornton, and eventually led Mr. Freemantle to enter upon the work of extending evangelization among the Yaudois. In like manner, a young French pastor, M. Bost, also influenced by the life and labours of JN'eff', visited the valleys some years since, and wrote a book on the subject, the perusal of which induced Mr. Milsom to lend a hand to the work which the young Genevese missionary had begun. And thus good example goes on ever propagating ^- 300 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. itself; and tliougli tlie tombstone may record ^' Hie jacet'' over tlie crumbling dust of the departed, bis spirit still lives and works tbrougb otber minds — stimulates tbem to action, and inspires tbem witb bope — ''allures to brigbter worlds, and leads tbe way." A few words as to tbe origin of tbese fragmentary papers. In cbalking out a summer boliday trip, one likes to get quite away from tbe ordinary round of daily life and business. Half tbe benefits of sucb a trip consists in getting out of tbe old ruts, and breatbing fresb air amidst new surroundings. But tbis is very difiicult if you follow tbe ordinary tourist's track. London goes witb you and elbows you on your way, accompanied by swarms of commissionaires, guides, and beggars. You encounter London people on tbe Rigbi, on tbe Wengern Alp, and especially at Cbamouni. Tbink of being asked, as I once was on entering tbe PaviKon at Montanvert, after crossing tbe Mer de Glace from tbe Mauvais Pas, " Pray, can you tell me wbat was tbe price of Brigbton stock wben you left town ?'' Tbere is no risk of sucb rencontres in Daupbiny, wbose valleys remain in almost as primitive a state as tbey were bundreds of years ago. Accordingly, wben my friend Mr. Milsom, above mentioned, invited me to accompany bim in one of bis periodical visits to tbe country of tbe Yaudois, I embraced tbe opportunity witb pleasure. I was cautioned beforeband as to tbe inferior accommodation provided for travellers tbrougb tbe district. Tourists being unknown tbere, tbe route is not padded and cusbioned as it is on all tbe beaten continental rounds. Englisb is not spoken ; Bass's TOUR IN FRANCE. 301 pale ale lias not yet penetrated into Daupliiny ; nor do you encounter London tourists carrying tlieir tin baths about witb tbem as you do in Switzerland. Only an occasional negotiant comes up from Gap or Grenoble, seeking orders in tbe villages, for whom tbe ordinary auberges suffice. Where the roads are practicable, an old-fashioned diligence may occasionally be seen plodding along, freighted with villagers bound for some local market ; but the roads are, for the most part, as silent as the desert. Such being the case, the traveller in the valleys must be prepared to '' rough it" a little. I was directed to bring with me only a light knapsack, a pair of stout hob-nailed shoes, a large stock of patience, and a small parcel of insect powder. The knapsack and the shoes I found exceedingly useful, indeed indispensable ; but I had very little occasion to draw upon either my stock of patience or insect powder. The French are a tidy people, and though their beds, stuffed with maize chaff, may be hard, they are tolerably clean. The food provided in the auberges is doubtless very different from what one is accustomed to at home ; but with the help of cheerfulness and a good digestion that difficulty too may be got over. Indeed, among the things that most strikes a tra- veller through France, as characteristic of the people, is the skill with which persons of even the poorest classes prepare and serve up food. The French women are careful economists and excellent cooks. Nothino- is o wasted. The pot aa feu is always kept simmering on the hob, and, with the help of a hunch of bread, a good meal may at any time be made from it. Even in the humblest auberge, in the least frequented district, the 302 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. dinner served up is of a quality such as can very rarely be liad in any Englisli public-house, or even in most of our country inns. Cooking seems to be one of the lost arts of England, if indeed it ever j)0ssessed it ; and our people are in the habit, through want of knowledge, of probably leading more food than would sustain many another nation. But in the great system of National Education that is to be, no one dreams of including as a branch of it skill in the preparation and economy in the use of human food. There is another thing that the traveller through France may always depend upon, and that is civility. The politeness of even the French poor to each other is charming. They respect themselves, and they respect each other. I have seen in France what I have not yet seen in England — young working men walking out their aged mothers arm in arm in the evening, to hear the band play in the "Place," or to take a turn on the public promenade. But the French are equally polite to strangers. A stranger lady may travel all through the rural districts of France, and never encounter a rude look ; a stranger gentleman, and never receive a rude word. That the French are a self-respecting people is also evinced by the fact that they are a sober l^eople. ])runkenness is scarcely known in France ; and one may travel all through it and never witness the degrading sight of a drunken man. The French are also honest and thrifty, and exceed- ingly hard-working. The industry of the people is unceasing. Indeed it is excessive ; for they work Sunday and Saturday. Sunday has long ceased to be a Sabbath in France. There is no day of rest there. Before the Revolution, the saints' days which the Church ordered to be observed so encroached upon the FRENCH SUNDAY WORK. 303 hours required for labour, tliat in course of time Sunday became an ordinary working day. And wben the Revolution abolished saints'* days and Sabbath days alike, Sunday work became an established practice. "What the so-called friends of the working classes are aiming at in England, has already been effected in France. The public museums and picture-galleries are open on Sunday. But you look for the working people there in vain. They are at work in the factories, whose chimneys are smoking as usual ; or building houses, or working in the fields, or they are engaged in the various departments of labour. The government works all go on as usual on Sundays. The railway trains run pre- cisely as on week days. In short, the Sunday is secularised, or regarded but as a partial holiday.* As you pass through the country on Sundays, as on week-days, you see the people toiling in the fields. And as dusk draws on, the dark figures may be seen * I find the following under the signature of "An Operative Bricklayer," in the Times oi the 30th July, 1867: "I found there were a great number of men in Paris that worked on the buildings ■who were not residents of the city. The bricklayers are called limousins ; they come from the old province Le Limousin, where they keep their home, and many of them are landowners. They work in Paris in the summer time ; they come up in large numbers, hire a, place in Paris, and live together, and by so doing they live cheap. In the winter time, when they cannot work on the buildings, they go back home again and take their savings, and stop there until the spring, which is far better than it is in London ; when the men cannot work they are hanging about the streets. It was with regret that I saw so many working on the Sunday desecrating the Sabbath. I inquired why they worked on Sunday ; thej^ told me it w^as to make up the time they lose through wet and other causes. I saw some working with only their trousers and shoes on, with a belt round their waist to keep their trousers up. Their naked back was exposed to the sun, and was as brown as if it had been dyed, and shone as if it had been varnished. I asked if they had any hard-working hearty old men. They answered me "No ; the men were completely worn out by the time they reached forty years." That was a clear proof that they work against the laws of nature. I thought to myself — Glory be to you, Englishmen, you know the Fourth Commandment ; you know the value of the seventh day, the day of rest !" 304 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. moving about so long as there is light to see by. It is tbe peasants working tbe land, and it is their own. Sucb is tbe "magical influence of property," said Arthur Young, when he observed the same thing. It is to be feared, however, that the French peasantry are afflicted with the disease which Sir Walter Scott called the '* earth-hunger;" and there is danger of the gravel getting into their souls. Anyhow, their con- tinuous devotion to bodily labour, without a seventh day's rest, cannot fail to exercise a deteriorating effect upon their physical as well as their moral condition ; and this we believe it is which gives to the men, and especially to the women of the country, the look of a prematurely old and overworked race. CHAPTER II. THE VALLEY OF THE ROMANCHE — BRIANCOX. THE route from Grenoble to tlie frontier fortress of Briancon lies for tlie most part up the valley of the Romanche, which presents a variety of wild and beautiful scenery. In summer the river is confined within comparatively narrow limits ; but in autumn and spring it is often a furious torrent, flooding the low- lying lands, and forcing for itself new channels. The mountain heights which bound it, being composed for the most part of schist, mica slate, and talcose slate, large masses become detached in winter — split off" by the freezing of the water behind them — when they descend, on the coming of thaw, in terrible avalanches of stone and mud. Sometimes the masses are such as to dam up the river and form temporary lakes, until the accumulation of force behind bursts the barrier, and a furious flood rushes down the valley. By one of such floods, which occurred a few centuries since, through the bursting of the lake of St. Laurent in the valley of the Romanche, a large part of Grenoble was swept away, and many of the inhabitants were drowned. The valley of the Romanche is no sooner entered, a few miles above Grenoble, than the mountains begin 3o6 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. to close, tlie scenery becomes wilder, and tlie fury of the torrent is evinced by the masses of debris strewed along its bed. Shortly after passing the picturesque defile called L'Etroit, where the river rushes through a deep cleft in the rocks, the valley opens out again, and we shortly come in sight of the ancient town of Yizille — the most prominent building in which is the chateau of the famous Due de Lesdiguieres, gover- nor of the province in the reign of Henry IV., and Constable of France in that of Louis XIII. Wherever you go in Dauphiny, you come upon the footmarks of this great soldier. At Grenoble there is the Constable's palace, now the Prefecture ; and the beautiful grounds adjoining it, laid out by himself, are now the public gardens of the town. Between Grenoble and Yizille there is the old road constructed by him, still known as " Le chemin du Connetable.'* At St. Bonnet, in the valley of the Drac, formerly an almost exclusively Protestant town, known as *'the Geneva of the High Alps," you are shown the house in which the Constable was born ; and a little lower down the same valley, in the commune of Glaizil, on a hill over- looking the Drac, stand the ruins of the family castle, where the Constable wiis buried. The people of the commune were in the practice of carrying away the bones from the family vault, believing them to possess some virtue as relics, until the prefect of the High Alps ordered it to be walled up to prevent the entire removal of the skeletons. In the early part of his career, Lesdiguieres was one of the most trusted chiefs of Henry of Navarre, often leading his Huguenot soldiers to victory ; capturing town after town, and eventually securing possession of DUC DE LESDIGUIERES. 307 tlie entire province of Daupliiny, of wliich. Henry ap- pointed him governor. In tliat capacity lie carried out many important public works — made roads, built bridges, erected fourteen fortresses, and enlarged and beautified bis palace at Grenoble and bis cbateau at Yizille. He enjoyed great popidarity during bis life, and was known tbrougbout bis province as ''King of tbe Mountains.'' But be did not continue stauncb eitber to bis party or bis faitb. As in tbe case of many of tbe aristocratic leaders of those times, Lesdiguieres' religion was only skin deep. It was but a party emblem — a flag to fight under, not a faith to live by. So, when ambition tempted him, and the Constable's baton dangled before his eyes, it cost the old soldier but little compunction to abandon the cause which he bad so brilliantly served in his youth. To secure the prize which be so coveted, be made public abjuration of bis faith in the church of St. Andrew's at Grenoble in 1622, in the presence of the Marquis de Crequi, the minister of Louis XIII., who, immediately after Lesdi- guieres' first mass, presented him with the Constable's baton. But tbe Lesdiguieres family has long since passed away, and left no traces. At the Revolution, tbe Constable's tomb was burst open, and his coffin torn up. His monument was afterwards removed to Gap, which, when a Huguenot, be had stormed and ravaged. His cbateau at Yizille passed through different hands, until in 1775 it came into the possession of the Perier family, to which the celebrated Casimir Perier belonged. The great Gothic hall of the cbateau has witnessed many strange scenes. In 1023, shortly after bis investment as Constable, Lesdiguieres entertained Louis XIII. and his court there, while on his journey into Italy, in the 21 3o8 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. course of wliicli lie so grievously ravaged the Yaudois villages. In 1788, the Estates of Dauphiny met there, and prepared the first bold remonstrance against aristocratic privileges, and in favour of popular repre- sentation, which, in a measure, proved the commence- ment of the great devolution. And there too, in 1822, Pelix KefF preached to large congregations, who were so anxious and attentive that he always after spoke of the place as his " dear Yizille ; " and now, to wind up the vicissitudes of the great hall, it is used as a place for the printing of Bandana handkerchiefs ! When IS^eff made his flying visits to Yizille, he was temporarily stationed at Mens, which was the scene of his first labours in Dauphiny. The place lies not far from Yizille, away among the mountains towards the south. During the wars of religion, and more especially after the He vocation of the Edict of Nantes, Mens became a place of refuge fur the Protestants, who still form about one-half of its jiopulation. Although, during the long dark period of religious persecution which followed the Revocation, the Protestants of Mens and the neighbouring villages did not dare to show themselves, and worshipped, if at all, only in their dwellings, in secret, or in ''the Desert," no sooner did the Revolution set them at liberty than they formed themselves again into churches, and appointed pastors ; and it was to serve them temporarily in that capacity that Felix JN^eff first went amongst them, and laboured there and at Yizille with such good effect. Kot far from Mens is a place which has made much more noise in the world — no other than La Salette, the scene of the latest Roman ''miracle." La Salette is LA SALETTE. 309 one of tlie side-valleys of the large valley of tlie Drac, wliicli joins tlie Romanclie a few miles above Grenoble. There is no village of La Salette, but a commune, which is somewhat appropriately called La Salette- Fallavaux, the latter word being hovo. fallax rallis, or " the lying valley.'' About twenty-seven years ago, on the 19th of September, 1846, two children belonging to the hamlet of Abladens — the one a girl of fourteen, the other a boy of twelve years old — came down from the lofty pasturage of Mont Gargas, where they had been herding cattle, and told the following strange story, They had seen the Virgin Mary descend from heaven with a crucifix suspended from her neck by a gold chain, and a ham- mer and pincers suspended from the chain, but without any visible support. The figure sat down upon a large stone, and wept so piteously as shortly to fill a large pool with her tears. When the story was noised abroad, people came from all quarters, and went up the mountain to see where the Yirgin had sat. The stone was soon broken ofi" in chips and carried away as relics, but the fountain filled with the tears is still there, tasting very much like ordinary spring water. Two priests of Grenoble, disgusted at what they believed to be an imposition, accused a young person of the neighbourhood, one Mdlle. de Lamerliere, as being the real author of the pretended miracle, on which she commenced an action against them for defamation of character. She brought the celebrated advocate Jules Favre from Paris to plead her cause, but the verdict was given in favour of the two priests. The " miracle "was an imposture ! Notwithstanding this circumstance, the miracle came 310 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. to be generally believed in tbe neiglibourliood. Tlie number of persons who resorted to tbe place with money in tbeir pockets steadily increased. The question was then taken up by tbe local priests, wbo voucbed for the authenticity of tbe miracle seen by tbe two children. The miracle was next accepted by Rome.* A church was built on the spot by means of the contributions of the visitors — L'Eglise de la Salette — and thither pilgrims annually resort in great numbers, the more devout climbing the hill, from station to station, on their knees. As many as four thousand persons of both sexes, and of various ages, have been known to climb tlie hill in one day — on the anniversary of the appear- ance of the apparition — notwithstanding the extreme steepness and difficulties of the ascent. - As a pendant to this story, another may be given of an entirely different character, relating to the inhabit- ants of another commune in the same valley, about midway between La Salette and Grenoble. In 1860, while the discussion about the miracle at La Salette was still in progress, the inhabitants of Kotre-Dame-de- * An authorised account was prepared by Cardinal "Wiseman for English readers, entitled " JManual of the Association of our Lady of Keconciliation of La Salette," and published as a tract by Burns, 17, Portman Street, in 1853. Since I passed through the country in 1869, the Germans have invaded France, the surrender has occurred at Sedan, the Commune has been defeated at Paris, but Our Lady of La Salette is greater than ever. A temple of enormous dimensions has risen in her honour ; the pilgrims number over 100,000 j-early, and the sale of the -water from the Holy Well, said to have sprung from the Virgin's tears, realises more than. £12,000. Since the success of La Salette, the Virgin has been making repeated appear- ances in France. Her last appearance was in a part of Alsace which is strictly Catholic. The Virgin appeared, as usual, to a boy of the mature age of six, " dressed in black, floating in the air, her hands bound with chains," — a pretty strong religio-political hint. AVhen a party of the oth Bavarian Cavalry was posted in Bettweiler, the Virgin ceased to make her appearance. PROTESTANTISM A T COMIERS. 3 1 1 Comiers, dissatisfied with, tlie conduct of tlieir cure, invited M. Fermaud, pastor of the Protestant church at Grenoble, to come over and preach to them, as they were desirous of embracing Protestantism. The pastor, supposing that they were influenced by merely tempo- rary irritation against their cure, cautioned the deputa- tion that waited upon him as to the gravity of their decision in such a matter, and asked them to reflect further upon it. For several years M. Fermaud continued to maintain the same attitude, until, in 1865, a formal petition was delivered to him by the mayor of the place, signed by forty-three heads of families, and by nine out of the ten members of the council of the commune, urorinsr him to send them over a minister of the evano-elical religion. Even then he hesitated, and recommended the memorialists to appeal to the bishop of the diocese for redress of the wrongs of which he knew they com- plained, but in vain, until at length, in the beginning of 1868, with the sanction of the consistory of Grenoble, a minister was sent over to Comiers to perform the first acts of Protestant worship, including baptism and marriage ; and it was not until October in the same year that Pastor Fermaud himself went thither to administer the sacrament to the new church. The service was conducted in the public hall of the commune, and was attended by a large number of per- sons belonging to the town and neighbourhood. The local clergy tried in vain to check the movement. Quite recently, when the cure entered one of the schools to inscribe the names of the children who were to attend their first mass, out of fifteen of the proper age eleven answered to the interrogatory of the priest, "Monsieur, nous sommes Protestantes." The move- 3 '2 777^ COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. ment has also extended into ttie neiglibouring com- munes, helped by tlie zeal of tlie new converts, one of wliom is known in tlie neiglibourliood as '' Pere la Bible/' and it is possible that before long it may even extend to La Salette itself. The route from Yizille up the valley of the Romanche continues hemmed in by rugged mountains, in some places almost overhanging the river. At Sechilienne it opens out sufficiently to afford space for a terraced garden, amidst which stands a handsome chateau, flanked by two massive towers, commanding a beautiful prospect down the valley. The abundant water which rushes down from the mountain behind is partly col- lected in a reservoir, and employed to feed a jet cVeaii which rises in a lofty column under the castle windows. Further up, the valley again contracts, until the Gorge de Loirct is passed. The road then crosses to the left bank, and used to be continued along it, but the terrible torrent of 1868 washed it away for miles, and it has not j'et been reconstructed. Temporary bridges enable the route to be pursued by the old road on the right bank, and after passing through several hamlets of little interest, we arrive at length at the cultivated plain hemmed in by lofty mountains, in the midst of which Bourg d'Oisans lies seated. This little plain was formerly occupied by the lake of St. Laurent, formed by the barrier of rocks and debris which had tumbled down from the flank of the Petite Youdene, a precipitous mountain escarpment overhanging the river. At this place^ the strata are laid completely bare, and may be read like a book. For some distance along the valley they exhibit the most extraordinarv contortions and dislocations, im- BOURG D'OISANS, o':> pressing the mind with the enormous natural forces that must have been at work to occasion such tremen- dous upheavings and disruptions. Elie de Beaumont, the French geologist, who has carefully examined the district, says that at the Montague d'Oisans he found the granite in some places resting upon the limestone, cutting through the Calcareous beds, rising like a wall and lapping over them. On arriving at Bourg d'Oisans, we put uj) at the Hotel de Milan close by the bridge ; but though digni- fied mth the name of hotel, it is only a common road- side inn. Still, it is tolerably clean, and in summer the want of carpets is not missed. The people were civil and attentive, their bread wholesome, their pottage and bouilli good — being sach fare as the people of the locality contrive, to live and thrive upon. The accom- modation of the place is, indeed, quite equal to the demand ; for very few travellers accustomed to a better style of living pass that way. When the landlady was asked if many tourists had passed this year, she replied, " Tourists ! We rarely see such travellers here. You are the first this season, and perhaps you may be the last." Yet these valleys are well worthy of a visit, and an influx of tourists would doubtless have the same effect that it has already had in Switzerland and elsewhere, of greatly improving the hotel accommodation through- out the district. There are many domestic arrange- ments, costing very little money, but greatly ministering to cleanliness and comfort, which might very readily be provided. But the people themselves are indifferent to them, and they need the requisite stimulus of '' pressure from without." One of the most prominent defects — common to all the inns cf Dauphiny — having been 314 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. brouglit under tlie notice of tlie landlad}^, slie replied, " C'est vrai, monsieur ; mais — il laisse quelque chose a desirer ! '' How neatly evaded ! The very defect was itself an advantage ! What would life be — what would hotels be — if there were not " something left to be desired ! " The view from the inn at the bridge is really charm- ing. The little river which runs down the valley, and becomes lost in the distance, is finally fringed with trees — alder, birch, and chestnut. Ridge upon ridge of mountain rises up behind on the right hand and the left, the lower clothed with patches of green larch, and the ui:)per with dark pine. Above all are ranges of jagged and grey rocks, shooting up in many places into loft}^ peaks. The setting sun, shining across the face of the mountain opposite, brings out the p;rominent masses in bold relief, while the vallev beneath hovers between light and shadow, changing almost from one second to another as the sun goes down. In the cool of the evening, we walked through the fields across the plain, to see the torrent, visible from the village, which rushes from the rocky gorge on the mountain-side to join its waters to the Romanche. All along the valleys, water abounds — sometimes bounding from the heights, in jets, in rivulets, in masses, leaping from rock to rock, and reaching the ground only in white clouds of spray, or, as in the case of the little river which flows along- side the inn at the bridge, bursting directly from the ground in a continuous spring ; these waterfalls, and streams, and springs being fed all the year through by the immense glaciers that fill the hollows of the moun- tains on either side the valley. Though the scenery of Bourg d'Oisans is not, as its eulogists allege, equal to that of Switzerland, it will at GORGE OF FRENEF. 515 least stand a comparison with tliat of SaA'oy. Its moun- tains are more precipitous and abrupt, its peaks more jagged, and its aspect more savage and wild. The scenery of Mont Pelvoux, w^hich is best approached from Bourg d'Oisans, is especially grand and sublime, though of a wild and desolate character. The road from Bourg d'Oisans to Briancon also presents some magnificent scenery ; and there is one part of it that is not perhaps surpassed even by the famous Yia Mala leading up to the Spliigen. It is about three miles above Bourg d'Oisans, from which we started early next morning. There the road leaves the plain and enters the wild gorge of Freney, climbing by a steep road up the Rampe des Commieres. The view from the height when gained is really superb, commanding an extremely bold and picturesque valley, hemmed in by mountains. The ledges on the hill-sides spread oat in some places so as to aiford sufficient breadths for cultivation ; occasional hamlets appear amidst the fields and pine-woods ; and far up, between you and the sky, an occasional church spire peeps up, indicating still loftier settlements, though how the people contrive to climb up to those heights is a wonder to the spectator who views them from below. The route follows the profile of the mountain, winding in and out along its rugged face, scarped and blasted so as to form the road. At one place it passes along a gallery about six hundred feet in length, cut through a precipitous rock overhanging the river, which dashes, roaring and foaming, more than a thousand feet below, through the rocky abyss of the Gorge! de I'ln- fernet. Perhaps there is nothing to be seen in Switzer- land finer of its kind than the succession of charming landscapes which meet the eye in descending this pass. 3i6 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. Beyond the village of Freney we enter another defile, so narrow that in places there is room only for the river and the road ; and in winter the river sometimes plays sad havoc with the .engineer's constructions. Above this gorge, the Romanche is joined by the Ferrand, an impetuous torrent which comes down from the glaciers of the Grand Rousses. Immediately over their point of confluence, seated on a lofty promontory, is the village of Mizoen — a place which, because of the outlook it commands, as well as because of its natural strength, was one of the places in which the Yaudois were accustomed to take refuge in the times of the per- secutions. Further on, we pass through another gallery in the rock, then across the little green valley of Cham- bon to Le Dauphin, after which the scenery becomes wilder, the valley — here called the Combe de Malaval (the "Cursed Valley") — rocky and sterile, the only feature to enliven it being the Cascade de la Pisse, which falls from a height of over six hundred feet, first in one jet, then becomes split by a projecting rock into two, and finally reaches the ground in a shower of spray. Shortly after we pass another cascade, that of the Eiftort, which also joins the Eomanche, and marks the boundary between the department of the Iscre and that of the Ilautes xilpes, which we now enter. More waterfalls — the Sau de la Pucelle, which falls from a height of some two hundred and fifty feet, re- sembling the Staubbach — besides rivulets without number, running down the mountain-sides like silver threads ; imtil we arrive at La Grave, a village about five thousand feet above the sea-level, directly opposite the grand glaciers of Tabuchet, Pacave, and Yallon, which almost overhang the Roman che, descending from the steep slopes of the gigantic Aiguille du Midi, the COL DE LAUTERET. 317 higliest mountain in the Frencli A1]3S, — being over 13,200 feet above the level of the sea. After resting some two hours at La Grave, we pro- ceeded by the two tunnels under the hamlet of Yente- long — one of which is 650 and the other 1,800 feet long — to the village of Yillard d'Arene, which, though some five thousand feet above the level of the sea, is so surrounded by lofty mountains that for months together the sun never shines on it. From thence a gradual ascent leads up to the summit of the Col de Lauteret, which di\ides the valley of the Eo- manche from that of the Guisanne. The pastures along the mountain- side are of the richest verdure ; and so many rare and beautiful plants are found growing there that ]\1. Ptousillon has described it as a "very botanical Eden.'' Here Jean Jacques Rous- seau delighted to herborize, and here the celebrated botanist Mathonnet, originally a customs officer, born at the haggard village of Yillard d'Arene, which we have just passed, cultivated his taste for natural history, and laid the foundations of his European reputation. The variety of temperature which exists along the mountain-side, from the bottom to the summit, its ex- posure to the full rays of the sun in some places, and its sheltered aspect in others, facilitate the growth of an extraordinary variety of beautiful plants and wild flowers. In the low grounds meridianal plants flourish ; on the middle slopes those of genial climates ; while on the summit are found specimens of the flora of Lap- land and Greenland. Thus almost every variet}^ of flowers is represented in this brilliant natural garden — orchids, cruciferoe, leguminse, rosaceoe, caryophylla?, lilies of various kinds, saxifrages, anemones, ranun- ^ culuses, swertia, primula, and varieties of the sedum. 3i8 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. some of which are peculiar to this mountain, and are elsewhere unknown. After passing the Hospice near the summit of the Col, the valley of the Guisanne comes in sight, showing a line of bare and rugged mountains on the right hand and on the left, with a narrow strip of land in the bottom, in many parts strewn with stones carried down by the avalanches from the cliffs above. Shortly we come in sight of the distant ramparts of Briancon, ap- parently closing in the valley, the snow- clad peak of Monte Viso rising in the distimce. Halfway between the Col and Briancon we pass through the village of Monestier, where, being a saint's day, the bulk of the population are in the street, holding festival. The place was originally a Roman station, and the peoj^le still give indications of their origin, being extremely swarthy, black-haired, and large-eyed, evidently much more Italian than French. But though the villagers of Monestier were taking holidaj^, no one can reproach them with idleness. Never was there a more hard-working peo2:)le than the peasantry of these valleys. Every little patch of ground that the plough or spade can be got into is turned to account. The piles of stone and rock collected by the sides of the fields testify to the industry of the people in clearing the soil for culture. And their farming is carried on in the face of difficulties and discouragements of no ordinary character, for sometimes the soil of man}" of the little farms will be swept avv' ay in a night by an avalanche of snow in winter or of stones in spring. The wrecks of fields are visible all along the valley, especially at its upper part. Lower down it widens, and affords greater room for culture ; the sides of the mountains become better wooded ; and, as we approach BRIANCON. 310 the fortress of Briancon, with its battlements seem- ingly piled one over the other up the mountain-sides, the landscape becomes exceedingly bold and picturesque. When passing the village of Yilleneuve la Salle, a few miles from Briancon, we were pointed to a spot on the opposite mountain-side, over the pathway leading to the Col de TEchuada, where a cavern was discovered a few years since, which, upon examination, was found to contain a considerable quantity of human bones. It was one of the caves in which the hunted Yaudois were accustomed to take refuge during the persecutions ; and it continued to be called by the peasantry '' La Boche armee" — the name being thus perpetuated, though the circumstances in which it originated had been forgotten. The fortress of Briancon, which we entered by a narrow winding roadway round the western rampart, is the frontier fortress which guards the pass from Italy into France by the road over Mont Genevre. It must always have been a strong place by nature, overlooking as it does the valley of the Durance on the one hand, and the mountain road from Italy on the other, while the river Clairee, running in a deep defile, cuts it oif from the hiorh "rround to the south and east. The highest part of the town is the citadel, or Fort du Chateau, built upon a peak of rock on the site of the ancient castle. It was doubtless the nucleus round which the early town became clustered, until it filled the lower plateau to the verge of the walls and battle- ments. There being no room for the town to expand, the houses are closely packed together and squeezed up, as it were, so as to occupy the smallest possible space. The streets are narrow, dark, gloomy, and steep, being altogether impassable for carriages. The liveliest sight 320 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. in the place is a stream of pure water, that rushes down an open conduit in the middle of the principal street, which is exceedingly steep and narrow. The town is sacrificed to the fortifications, which dominate every- where. With the increasing range and power of cannon, they have been extended in all directions, until they occupy the flanks of the adjoining moimtains and many of their summits, so that the original castle now forms but a comparatively insignificant part of the fortress. The most important part of the poj)ulation is the soldiery — the red-trousered missionaries of " civili- sation," according to the gospel of Louis Kapoleon, published a short time before our visit. Other missionaries, are, however, at work in the town and nei^rhbourhood ; and both at Briancon and Yil- leneuve Protestant stations have been recently estab- lished, imder the auspices of the Protestant Society' of Lyons. In former times, the population of Briancon included a large number of Protestants. In the year 1575, three years after the massacre of St. Bartholomew, they were so numerous and wealthy as to be able to build a handsome temple, almost alongside the cathedral, and it still stands there in the street called Pue du Temple, with the motto over the entrance, in old French, *' Cerches et vos troveres." But at the Pevo- cation of the Edict of Nantes, the temple was seized by the King and converted into a granary, and the Protestants of the place were either executed, banished, or forced to conform to the Papal religion. Since then the voice of Protestantism has been mute in Briancon until within the last few years, during which a mission has been in operation. Some of the leading persons in the town have embraced the Peform faith, amongst others the professor of literature in the public college ; PROTESTANTISM IN FRANCE. ii\ but lie had no sooner ticknowledged to the authorities the fact of his conversion, than he was dismissed from his office, though he has since been appointed to a more important profession at Nice. The number of members is, however, as yet very small, and the mission has to contend with limited means, and to carry on its opera- tions in the face of many obstructions and difficulties. What are the prospects of the extension of Pro- testantism in France P Various answers have been given to the question. Some think that the prevailing dissensions among French Protestants interpose a serious barrier in the way of progress. Others, more hopeful, think, that these divisions are only the indi- cations of renewed life and vigour, of the friction of mind with mind, which evinces earnestness, and cannot fail to lead to increased activity and effi^rt. The obser- vations of a young Protestant pastor on this point are worth repeating. "Protestantism," said he, " is based on individualism : it recognises the free action of the human mind ; and so long as the mind acts freely there will be controversy. The end of controversy is death. True, there is much incredulity abroad ; but the in- credulity is occasioned by the incredibilities of Popery. Let the ground once be cleared by free inquiry, and our Church will rise up amidst the ruins of superstition and unbelief, for man must have religion ; only it must be consistent with reason on the one hand, and with Divine revelation on the other. I for one do not fear the fullest and freest inquiry, having the most perfect con- fidence in the triumph of the truth." It is alleged by others that the bald form in which Protestantism is for the most part presented abroad, is not conformable with the '^ genius " of the men of Celtic 32 2 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS, and Latin race. However this may be, it is too gene- rail}^ tlie case that wliere Frenchmen, like Italians and Spaniards, throw off Roman Catholicism, they do not stop at rejecting its superstitions, but reject religion itself. They find no intermediate standpoint in Pro- testantism, but fly off into the void of utter unbelief. The same tendency characterizes them in politics. They seem to oscillate between Ca^sarism and Red Repub- licanism ; aiming not at reform so much as revolution. They are averse to any via media. When they have tried constitutionalism, they have broken down. So it has been with Protestantism, the constitutionalism of Christianity. The Huguenots at one time constituted a great power in France ; but despotism in politics and religion proved too strong for them, and they were persecuted, banished, and stamped for a time out of existence, or at least out of sight. Protestantism was more successful in Germany. Was it because it was more conformable to the " genius '' of its people ? When the Germans " protested " against the prevailing corruptions in the Church, they did not seek to destroy it, but to reform it. They "stood upon the old ways," and sought to make them broader, straighter, and purer. They have pursued the same course in politics. Cooler and less impulsive than their Galilean neighbours, they have avoided revolutions, but are constantly seeking reforms. Of this course England itself furnishes a notable example. It is certainly a remarkable fact, that the stronghold of Protestantism in France was recently to be found among the population of Germanic origin seated along the valley of the Rhine; whereas in the western districts Protestantism is split up by the two irre- concilable parties of Evangelicals and Rationalists. PROTESTANTISM IN FRANCE. 323 At the same time it slioiild be boi^ne in mind that Alsace did not become part of France until the year .1715, and that the Lutherans of that province were never exposed to the ferocious persecutions to which the Evangelical Protestants of Old France were sub- jected, before as well as after the Revocation of the Edict of x^ antes. In Languedoc, in Dauphiny, and in the southern provinces generally, men and women who professed Protestantism were liable to be hanged or sent to the galleys, down to nearly the end of the last century. A Protestant pastor who exercised his vocation did so at the dailj'- peril of his life. Nothing in the shape of a Protestant congregation was permitted to exist, and if Protestants worshipped together, it was in secret, in caves, in woods, among the hills, or in the *' Desert." Yet Protestantism nevertheless contrived to exist through this long dark period of persecution, and even to increase. And when at length it became tolerated, towards the close of the last century, the numbers of its adherents appeared surprising to those who had imagined it to be altogether extinct. Indeed, looking at the persistent efforts made by Louis XIY. to exterminate the Huguenots, and to the fact that many hundred thousand of the best of them emigrated into foreign countries, while an equal number are supposed to have perished in prison, on the scaffold, at the galleys, and in their attempts to escape, it may almost be regarded as matter of wonder that the Eglise Peformee — the Church of the old Huguenots — should at the present day number about a thousand congrega- tions, besides the five hundred Lutheran cono^resrations of Alsatia ; and that the Protestants of France should amount, in the whole, to about two millions of souls. 22 CHAPTER III. YAL LOUISE HISTORY OF FELIX NEFF. OOME eiglit miles soutli of Briancon, on the road ^ to Fort Daupliin, a little river called the Gyronde comes down from tlie glaciers of Mont Pelvoiix, and falls into tlie Durance nearly opposite the Yillage of La Bessie. This river flows through. Yal Louise, the entrance into which can be discerned towards the north- west. Near the junction of the rivers, the ruins of an embattled wall, with entrenchments, are observed ex- tending across the valley of the Durance, a little below the narrow pass called the " Pertuis-Rostan,'* evidently designed to close it against an army advancing from the south. The country people still call these ruins the "Walls of the Yaudois;"* and according to tradi- tion a great Yaudois battle was fought there ; but of any such battle history makes no mention. Indeed, so far as can be ascertained, the Yaudois of Dauphiny rarely if ever fought battles. The}" were too few in number, too much scattered among the * A gap in the mountain-wall to the left, nearly over Li Bessie, is still known as " La Porte de Hannibal," through whicli, it is con- jectured, that general led his army. But opinion, which is much divided as to the route he took, is more generally in favour of his marching up the Isere, and passing into Italy by the Little St. Bernard. VAL LOUISE. 325 mountains, and too poor and ill-armed, to be able to contend against the masses of disciplined soldiery fliat were occasionally cent into tbe yalleys. All tbat tliey did was to watcli, from tlieir mountain look-outs, their enemies' approach, and hide themselves in caA'cs ; or flee up to the foot of the glaciers till they had passed by. The attitude of the French Yaudois was thus for the most part passive ; and they very rarely, like the Italian Yaudois, ofiered any determined or organized resistance to persecution. Hence they have no such h eroic story to tell of battles and sieges and victories. Their heroism was displayed in patience, steadfastness, and long-suffering, rather than in resisting force by force ; and they were usually ready to endure death in its most frightfid forms rather than prove false to their faith. The ancient people of these valleys formed part of the flock of the Archbishop of Embrun. But history exhibits him as a very cruel shepherd. Thus, in 1335, there appears this remarkable entry in the accounts current of the bailly of Embrun : " Item, for perse- cuting the Yaudois, eight sols and thirty deniers of gold," as if the persecution of the Yaudois had become a regular department of the public service. What was done with the Yaudois when they were seized and tried at Embrun further appears from the records of the diocese. In 1348, twelve of the inhabitants of Yal Louise were strangled at Embrun by the public execu- tioner ; and in 1393, a hundred and fifty inhabitants of the same valley were burned alive at the same place by order of the Inquisitor Borelli. But the most fatal of all the events that befell the inhabitants of Yal Louise was that which occurred about a century later, in 1488, when nearly the whole of the remaining popu- 326 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. lation of the valley were destroyed in a cavern near tlie foot of Mont Pelvoux. This dreadful massacre was perpetrated by a French, armj^, under the direction of Albert Catanee, the papal legate. The army had been sent into Piedmont with the object of subjugating or destroying the Yaudois on the Italian side of the Alps, but had returned dis- comfited to Briancon, unable to effect their object. The legate then determined to take his revenge bj^ an assault upon the helpless and unarmed French Yaudois, and suddenly directed his soldiers upon the valle^^s of Fressinieres and Louise. The inhabitants of the latter valley, surprised, and unable to resist an army of some twenty thousand men, abandoned their dwellings, and made for the mountains with all haste, accompanied by their families, and driving their flocks before them. On tlie slope of Mont Pelvoux, about a third of the way up, there was formerly a great cavern, on the combe of Capescure, called La Balme-Chapelle — though now nearly worn away by the disintegration of the mountain- side — in which the poor hunted people contrived to find shelter. They built up the ap^^roaches to the cavern, filled the entrance with rocks, and considered themselves to be safe. But their confidence proved fatal to them. The Count La Palud, who was in com- mand of the troops, seeing that it was impossible to force the entrance, sent his men up the mountain pro- vided with ropes ; and fixing them so that they should hang over the mouth of the cavern, a number of the soldiers slid down in fidl equipment, landing on the ledge right in front of the concealed Yaudois. Seized with a sudden panic, and being unarmed, many of them precipitated themselves over the rocks and were killed. The soldiers slaughtered all whom they could reach, VAL LOUISE. i"- 1 after whicli they proceeded to lieap up wood at the cavern mouth which they set on fire, and thus suffo- cated the remainder. Perrin says four hundred chiklren were afterwards found in the cavern, stifled, in the arms of their dead mothers, and that not fewer than three thousand persons were thus ruthlessly destroyed. The little property of the slaughtered peasants was ordered by the Pope's legate to be divided amongst the vagabonds who had carried out his savage orders. The population having been thus exterminated, the district was settled anew some years later, in the reign of Louis XIL, who gave his name to the valley ; and a number of "good and true Catholics," including many goitres and idiots,* occupied the dwellings and pos- sessed the lands of the slaughtered Yaudois. There is an old saying that " the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church," but assuredly it does not apply to Yal Louise, where the primitive Christian Church has been completely extinguished. There were other valleys in the same neighbour- hood, whither we are now wending, where the perse-, cution, though equally ferocious, proved less destructive ; the inhabitants succeeding in making their escape into comparatively inaccessible places in the mountaisn before they could be put to the sword. For instance, in Yal Fressiniere — also opening into the valley of the Durance a little lower down than Yal Louise — the Yaudois Church has never ceased to exist, and to this day the majority of the inhabitants belong to it. From the earliest times the people of the valley were dis- tinguished for their " heresy ; " and as early as the * It has been noted that these unfortunates abound most in the villages occupied by the new settlers. Thus, of the population of the village of St. Crepin, in the valley of the Durance, not fewer than one-tenth are deaf and dumb, with a large proportion of idiots. 31 8 777^ COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. fourteentli century eightj^ persons of Fressinieres and the neighbouring valley of Argentieres, — willing to be martyrs rather than apostates, — were burnt at Embrun because of their religion. In the following century (1483) we find ninety-nine informations laid before John Lord Archbishop cf Embrun against supposed heretics of Yal Fressinieres. The suspected were ordered to wear a cross upon their dress, before and behind, and not to appear at church without dis2)laying such crosses. But it further appears from the records, that, instead of wearing the crosses, most of the persons £0 informed against fled into the mountains and hid themselves away in caves for the space of five years. The next steps taken by the Archbishop are de- scribed in a Latin manuscript,* of which the folloAving is a translation : — " Also, that in consequence of the above, the monk Francis Splireti, of the order of Mendicants, Professor in Theolof?)', was deputed in the quality of Inquisitor of the said valleys ; and that in the year 1489, on the 1st of Januar}-, knowing that those of Freyssinier had relapsed into infamous heresy, and had not obeyed their orders, nor carried the cross on their dress, but on the contrary had received their ex- communicated and banished brethren without delivering them over to the Church, sent to them new citation, to which not having appeared, an adjournment of their condemnation as hardened heretics, when their goods would be confiscated, and themselves handed over to the secular power, was made to the 28th of June; but they remaining more obstinate than ever, so much so that no hope remains of bring- ing them back, all persons were forbidden to hold any communication whatsoever with them without permission of the Church, and it was ordered by tlie Procureur Fiscal that the aforesaid Inquisitor do pro- ceed, without further notice, to the execution of his office." What lihe execution of the Inquisitor's office meant, is, alas ! but too well known. Bonds and imprison- ment, scourgings and burnings at Embrun. The poor people appealed to the Kiug of France for help against * This was one of the MSS. deposited by Samuel Morland (Oliver Cromwell's ambassador to Piedmont) at Cambiidge in 16l;8, and is quoted Ly Jean Leger in his History of the Yaudois Churches. VAL FRESSINIFRES. 329 tlieir persecutors, but in vain. In 1498 the inhabitants of Fressinieres appeared by a procurator at Paris, on the occasion of the new sovereign, Louis XII., ascend- ing the throne. But as the King was then seeking the favour of a divorce from his wife, Anne of Brittanj^ from Pops Alexander VI., he turned a deaf ear to their petition for mercy. On the contrary, Louis con- firmed all the decisions of the clergy, and in return for the divorce which he obtained, he granted to the Pope's son, the infamous Coosar Borgia, that very part of Dauphiny inhabited by the Yaudois, together with the title of Duke of Yalentinois. They had appealed, as it were, to the tiger for mercy, and they were referred to the vulture. The persecution of the people of the valleys thus suffered no relaxation, and all that remained for them was flight into the mountains, to places where they were most likely to remain unmolested. Hence they fled up to the very edge of the glaciers, and formed their settlements at almost the farthest limits of vegetation. There the barrenness of the soil, the in- hospitalit}^ of the climate, and the comparative in- accessibility of their villages, proved their security. Of them it might be truly said, that they " wandered about in sheep-skins and goat-skins ; being destitute, afflicted, tormented (of whom the world was not worthy) ; they wandered in deserts and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth." Yet the character of these poor peasants was altogether irreproachable. Even Louis XII. said of them, " Would to God that I were as good a Christian as the worst of these people ! " The wonder is that, in the face of their long- continued persecutions, extending over so many centuries, any remnant of the original population of the valleys 330 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. sliould liave been preserved. Long after the time of Louis XII. and Cicsar Borgia, the French historian, De Thou (writing in 1556), thus describes the people of Val Fressinieres : ''JS^otwithstandlng their squalid- ness, it is surprising that they are very far from being uncultivated in their morals. They almost all under- stand Latin, and are able to write fairly enough. They understand also as much of French as will enable them to read the Bible and to sing psalms ; nor would you easily find a boy among them who, if he were questioned as to the religious opinions which they hold in common with the Waldenses, would not be able to give from memory a reasonable account of them." * After the promulgation of the Edict of ISTantes, the Yaudois enjoyed a brief respite from their sufferings. They then erected temples, appointed ministers, and worshipped openly. This, however, only lasted for a short time, and when the Edict was revoked, and per- secution began again, in the reign of Louis XIY., their worship was suppressed wherever practicable. But though the Yaudois terajjles were pulled down and their ministers banished, the Roman Catholics failed to obtain a footing in the valley. Some of the pas- tors continued to brave the fury of the persecutors, and wandered about from place to place among the scattered flocks, ministering to them at the peril of their lives. Rewards were offered for their appre- hension, and a sort of " Hue and Cry " was issued by the police, describing their age, and height, and features, as if they had been veritable criminals. And when they were apprehended they were invariably hanged. As late as 1767 the parliament of Grenoble * De Thou's History, book xxvii. HISTORY OF FELIX NEFF. 331 condemned their pastor Berenger to death for con- tinuing to preach to congregations in the '' Desert.'^ This religious destitution of the Yaudois continued to exist until a comparatively recent period. The people were without cither pastors or teachers, and religion had become a tradition with them rather than an active living faith. Still, though poor and destitute, they held to their traditional belief, and refused to conform to the dominant religion. And so thej^ con- tinued until within the last forty years, when the fact of the existence, of these remnants of the ancient Yaudois in the valleys of the High Alps came to the knowledge of Felix JSTeff, and he determined to go to their help and devote himself to their service. One would scarcely expect to find the apostle of the High Alps in the parson of a young Swiss soldier of artillerj^ Yet so it was. In his boyhood, Neff read Plutarch, which filled his mind with admiration of the deeds of the great men of old. While passing through the soldier phase of his career the *' Memoirs of Oberlin" accidentally came under his notice, the perusal of which gave quite a new direction to his life. Becoming impressed by religion, his ambition now was to be a missionary. Leaving the army,- in which he had reached the rank of sergeant at nineteen, he proceeded to prepare himself for the ministry, and after studying for a time, and passing his preliminary examinations, he was, in conformity with the custom of the Geneva Church, employed on probation as a lay hel^^er in parochial work. In this capacity Neff first went to Mens, in the department of Isere, where he officiated in the absence of the regular pastor, as well as occa- sionally at Yizilie, for a period of about two years. 332 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. It was while residing at Mens that the young mis- sionary first heard of the existence of the scattered communities of primitive Christians on the High Alps, descendants of the ancient Yaudois ; and his mind became inflamed with the desire of doine: for them what Oberlin had done for the poor Protestants of the Ban de la Eoche. '' I am always dreaminfj of the Iliorh Alps/' he wrote to a friend, "and I would rather be stationed there than imder the beautiful sky of Languedoc." But it was first necessary that he should receive ordination for the ministry ; and accordingly in 1823, when in his twenty-fifth year, he left Mens with that object. . lie did not, however, seek ordination by the National Church of Geneva, which, in his opinion, had in a great measure ceased to hold Evangelical truth ; but he came over to London, at the invitation of Mr. Cook and Mr. Wilks, two Congregational ministers, by whom he was duly ordained a minister in the Inde- pendent Chapel, Poultry. Shortly after his return to France, NefP, much to his own satisfaction, was invited as pastor to the very dis- trict in which he so much desired to minister — the most destitute in the High Alps. Before setting out he wrote in his journal, " To-morrow, with the blessing of God, I mean to push for the Alps by the sombre and picturesque valley of L'Oisan.'^ After a few days, the young pastor was in the scene of his future labours ; and he proceeded to explore hamlet after hamlet in search of the widely-scattered flock committed to his charge, and to arrange his plans for the working of his extensive parish. But it was more than a parish, for it embraced several of the most extensive, rugged, and mountainous HISTORY OF FELIX NEFF. 3 3 3 aiTondissements of tlie High. Alps. Though, the whole number of people iu his charge did not amount to more than six or seven hundred, they lived at great distances from each other, the churches to which he ministered being in some cases as much as eighty miles apart, separated by gorges and mountain-passes, for the most part impassable in winter. Neff's district extended in one direction from Yars to Briancon, and in another from Champsaur in the valle}^ of the Drac to San Yeran on the slope of Monte Yiso, close to the Italian frontier. His residence was fixed at La Chalp, above Queyras, but as he rarely slept more than three nights in one place, he very seldom enjoyed its seclusion. The labour which Neff imposed upon himself was immense ; and it was especially in the poorest and most destitute districts that he worked the hardest. He dis- regarded alike the summer's heat and the winter's cold. His first visit to Dormilhouse, in Yal Fressinieres, was made in January, when the mountain-paths were blocked with ice and snow ; but, assembKng the young men of the village, he went out with them armed with hatchets, and cut steps in the ice to enable the worship- pers from the lower hamlets to climb up to service in the village church. The people who first came to hear him preach at Yiolens brought wisps of straw with them, which they lighted to guide them through the snow, while others, who had a greater distance to walk, brought pine torches. Nothing daunted, the valiant soldier, furnished with a stout stafi" and shod with heavy-nailed shoes, covered with linen socks to prevent slipping on the snow, would set out with his wallet on his back across the Col d'Orcieres in winter, in the track of the Ivnx and the chamois, with the snow and sleet beating 33+ THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. against Ms face, to visit his people on ttie other side of the mountain. His patience, his perseverance, his sweetness of temper, were unfailing. '' Ah ! " said one unbelieving Thomas of Yal Fressinieres in his mountain patois, " you have come among us like a woman who attempts to kindle a fire with green wood ; she exhausts her breath in blowing it to keep the little flame alive, but the moment she quits it, it is instantly extin- guished." Neff nevertheless laboured on with hope, and neither discouragement nor obstruction slackened his efforts. And such labours could not fail of their effect. lie succeeded in inspiring the simple mountaineers with his own zeal, he evoked their love, and excited their enthusiastic admiration. When he returned to Dormil- house after a brief absence, the whole village would turn out and come down the mountain to meet and embrace him. '' The rocks, the cascades, nay, the very glaciers," he WTotc to a friend, *' all seemed animated, and presented a smiling aspect ; the savage country became agreeable and dear to me from the moment its inhabitants were my brethren." Unresting and indefatigable, JS^eff* was always at w^ork. He exhorted the people in hovels, held schools in barns in which he taught the children, and cate- chised them in stables. His hand was in every good work. He taught the people to sing, he taught them to read, he taught them to pray. To be able to speak to them familiarly, he learnt their native patois, and laboured at it like a schoolbcy. He worked as a mis- sionary among savages. The poor mountaineers had been so long destitute of instruction, that everything had as it were to be begun with them from the begin- ning Sharing in their hovels and stables, with their HISTORY OF FELIX NEFF. 335 squalor and smoke, he taught them how to improve them by adding chimneys and windows, and showed how warmth might be obtained more healthfully than by- huddling together in winter-time with the cattle. He taught them manners, and especially greater respect for women, inculcating the lesson by his own gentle- ness and tender deference. Out of doors, he showed how they might till the ground to greater advantage, and introduced an improved culture of the potato, which more than doubled the production. Observing how the pastures of Dormilhouse were scorched by the summer sun, he urged the adoption of a system of irrigation. The villagers were at first most obstinate in their oppo- sition to his plans ; but he persevered, laid out a canal, and succeeded at last in enlisting a body of workmen, whom he led out, pickaxe in hand, himself taking a foremost part in the work ; and at last the waters were let into the canal amidst joy and triumph. At Yiolens he helj^ed to build and finish the chapel, himself doing mason-work, smith- work, and carpenter- work by turns. At Dormilhouse a school was needed, and he showed the villagers how to build one ; preparing the design, and taking part in the erection, until it was finished and ready for use. In short, he turned his hand to everything — nothing was too high or too low for this noble citizen of two worlds. At length a serious accident almost entirely disabled him. While on one of his mountain journeys, he was making a detour amongst a mass of rocky debris, to avoid the dangers of an avalanche, when he had the misfortune to fall and severely sprain his knee. He became laid up for a time, and when able to move, he set out for his mother's home at Geneva, in the hope of recovering health and strength ; for his digestive powers were also by this 336 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. tlmo seriously injured. When he went away, tlie people of the valleys felt as if they should never see him more ; and their sorrow at his departure was heart-rending. After trying the baths of Plombieres without effect, he proceeded onwards to Geneva, which he reached only to die ; and thus this good and noble soldier — one of the bravest of earth's heroes — passed away to his eternal reward at the early age of thirty- one. The valley of Frcssinieres — the principle scene of Neff's labours — ^joins the valley of the Durance nearly opposite the little hamlet of La lloche. There we leave the high road from Briancon to Fort Dauphin, and crossing the river by a timber bridge, ascend the steep mountain-side by a mule path, in order to reach the entrance to the valley of Frcssinieres, the level of which is high above that of the Durance. Xot many years since, the higher valley could only be a2:)proached from this point by a very difficult mountain-path amidst rocks and stones, called the Ladder, or Pas de rEchelle. It was dangerous at all times, and quite impassable in winter. The mule-path which has lately been made, though steep, is comparatively easy. What the old path was, and what were the discom- forts of travelling through this district in J^eff's time, may be appreciated on a perusal of the narrative of the young pastor Bost, who in 1840 determined to make a sort of pilgrimage to the scenes of his friend's labours some seventeen years before. M. Bost, however, rather exaggerates the difficulties and discomforts of the valleys than otherwise. He saw no beauty nor grandeur in the scenery, only " horrible mountains in a state of dissolution " and constantly ready to fall upon the heads PARSONA GE AT PAL ONS. 3 3 7 of passing travellers. He had no eyes for tKe picturesque thougli gloomy lake of La Roche, but saw only the miserable hamlet itself. He slept in the dismal little inn, as doubtless Neff had often done before, and was horrified by the multitudinous companions that shared his bed ; and, tumbling out, he spent the rest of the night on the floor. The food was still worse — cold cafe noir, and bread eighteen months old, soaked in water before it could be eaten. His breakfast that morning made him ill for a week. Then his mounting up the Pas de I'Echelle, which he did not climb '' with- out profound emotion," was a great trouble to him. Of all this we find not a word in the journals or letters of l^eff, whose early life as a soldier had perhaps better inured him to " roughing it " than the more tender bringing-up of Pastor Best. As we rounded the shoulder of the hill, almost directly overlookino^ the ancient Poman town of Pama in the valley of the Durance underneath, we shortly came in sight of the little hamlet of Palons, a group of " peasants' nests," overhung by rocks, with the one good house in it, the comfortable parsonage of the Pro- testant pastor, situated at the very entrance to the valley. Although the peasants' houses which consti- tute the hamlet of Palons are still very poor and miserable, the place has been greatly improved since Nefi''s time, by the erection of the parsonage. It was found that the pastors who were successively appointed to minister to the poor congregations in the valley very soon became unfitted for their work by the hardships to which they were exposed ; and being without any suitable domestic accommodation, one after another of them resigned their charge. To remedy this defect, a movement was begun in 338 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. 1852 by the Rev. Mr. Freemantle, rector of Clay don, Bucks, assisted by the Foreign Aid Society and a few private friends, with, the object of providing pastors' dwellings, as well as chapels when req[uired, in the more destitute places. The movement has already been attended with considerable success ; and among its first results was the erection in 1857 of the comfortable parsonage of Palons, the large lower room of which also serves the purpose of a chapel. The present in- cumbent is M. Charpiot, of venerable and patriarchal aspect, whose white hairs are a crown of glory — a man beloved by his extensive flock, for his parish embraces the whole valley, about twelve miles in extent, includ- ing the four villages of Eibes, Yiolens, Minsals, and Dormilhouse ; other pastors having been appointed of late years to the more distant stations included in the original widely- scattered charge of Felix ISTeff. The situation of the parsonage and adjoining grounds at Palons is charmingly picturesque. It stands at the entrance to the defile which leads into Yal Fres- sinieres, having a background of bold rocks enclosing a mountain plateau known as the " Camp of Catinat," a notorious persecutor of the Yaudois. In front of the parsonage extends a green field planted with walnut and other trees, part of which is walled off as the burying-ground of the hamlet. Alongside, in a deep rocky gully, runs the torrent of the Biasse, leaping from rock to rock on its way to the valley of the Durance, f\ir below. This fall, or cataract, is not in- appropriately named the " Goufiburan,'^ or roaring gulf; and its sullen roar is heard all through the night in the adjoining parsonage. The whole height of the fall, as it tumbles from rock to rock, is about four hundred and fifty feet ; and about half-way down, VAL LOUISE. 339 'the water shoots into a deep, dark cavern, where it becomes completely lost to sight. The inhabitants of the hamlet are a poor hard-work- ing people, pursuing their industry after very primitive methods. Part of the Biasse, as it issues from the defile, is turned aside here and there to drive little fulling-mills of the rudest construction, where the people '^waulk'^ the cloth of their own making. In the adjoining narrow fields overhanging the GoufFouran, where the ploughs are at work, the oxen are yoked to them in the old Roman fashion, the pull being by a bar fixed across the animals' foreheads. In the neighbourhood of Palons, as at various other places in the valle}^ there are numerous caverns which served by turns in early times as hiding-places and as churches, and which were not unfrequently consecrated by the Yaudois with their blood. One of these is still known as the ''Glesia,'' or ''Eglise," Its opening is on the crest of a frightful precipice, but its diameter has of late years been considerably reduced by the dis- integration of the adjoining rock. !N'efF once took Captain Cotton up to see it, and chanted the Te Dcuni in the rude temple with great emotion. Palons is, perhaps, the most genial and fertile spot in the valley ; it looks like a little oasis in the desert. Indeed, ^N^efi" thought the soil of the place too rich for the growth of piety. "Palons," said he in his journal, " is more fertile than the rest of the vallej^, and even produces wine : the consequence is, that there is less piety here.'' Neff even entertained the theory that the poorer the people the greater was their humility and fervour, and the less their selfishness and spiritual pride. Thus, he considered ''the fertility of the commune of Champsaur, and its proximity to the high road and to 23 340 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. Gap, great stumbling-blocks " The loftiest, coldest, and most barren spots — such as San Yeran and Dormil- house — were, in his opinion, by far the most promising. Of the former he said, "It is the highest, and conse- quently the most pious, village in the ralley of Queyras ; '* and of the inhabitants of the latter he said, *' From the first moment of my arrival I took them to my heart, and I ardently desired to be unto them even as another OberlLn/" CHAPTER IV. THE YAUDOIS MOUNTAIX-REFUGE OF DORMILHOUSE. rriHE Yalley of Fressinieres could never have main- -L tained a large population. Though about twelve miles in extent, it contains a very small proportion of arable land — only a narrow strip, of varying width, lying in the bottom, with occasional little patches of cul- tivated ground along the mountain-sides, where the soil has settled on the ledges, the fields seeming in many cases to hang over precipices. At the upper end of the valley, the mountains come down so close to the river Biasse that no space is left for cultivation, and the slopes are so rocky and abrupt as to be unavailable even for pasturage, excepting of goats. Yet the valley seems never to have been without a population, more or less numerous according to the rigour of the religious persecutions which prevailed in the neighbourhood. Its comparative inaccessibility, its inhospitable climate, and its sterility, combined to render it one of the most secure refuges of the Yaudois in the Middle Ages. It could neither be easily entered by an armed force, nor permanently occupied by them. The scouts on the hills overlooking the Durance could always see their enemies approach, and the inhabit- ants were enabled to take refuge in caves in the mount- 342 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. ain-sides, or flee to tlie uppar parts of tlie valley, before the soldiers could clamber up tbe steep Pas de I'Ecbelle, and reach the barricaded defile through which the Biasse rushes down the rocky gorge of the GoufFouran. When the invaders succeeded in penetrating this barrier, they usually found the hamlets deserted and the people fled. They could then only wreak their vengeance on the fields, which they laid waste, and on the dwellings, which they burned ; and when the " brigands " had at length done their worst and departed, the poor people crept back to their ruined homes to pray, amidst their ashes, for strength to enable them to bear the heavy afflictions which they were thus called upon to sufier for conscience' sake. The villages in the lower part of the valley were thus repeatedly ravaged and destroyed. But far up, at its extremest point, a difficult footpath led, across the face almost of a precipice, which the persecutors never ventured to scale, to the hamlet of Dormilhouse, seated on a few ledges of rock on a lofty mountain-side, five thousand feet above the level of the sea ; and this place, which was for centuries a mountain fastness of the l^ersecuted, remains a Yaudois settlement to this day. An excursion to this interesting mountain hamlet having been arranged, our little party of five persons set out for the place on the morning of the 1st of July, under the guidance of Pastor Charpiot. Though the morning was fine and warm, yet, as the place of our destination was situated well up amongst the clouds, we were warned to provide ourselves with umbrellas and waterproofs, nor did the provision proA'e in vain. We were also warned that there was an utter want of accom- modation for visitors at Dormilhouse, for which we must be prepared. The words scratched on the window VAL FRESSINIERES. 343 of the Norwegian inn miglit indeed apply to it : '' Here tlie stranger may find very good entertainment — pro- vided he bring it icith him /" We accordingly carried our entertainment witli us, in the form of a store of blankets, bread, chocolate, and other articles, which, with the traveller's knapsacks, were slung across the back of a donkey. After entering the defile, an open part of the valley was passed, amidst which the little river, at present occupying very narrow limits, meandered ; but it was obvious from the width of the channel and the debris widely strewn about, that in winter it is a roaring tor- rent. A little way up we met an old man coming down driving a loaded donkey, with whom one of our party, recognising him as an old acquaintance, entered into conversation. In answer to an inquiry made as to the progress of the good cause in the valley, the old man replied very despondingly. " There was,'' he said, '' a great lack of faith, of zeal, of earnestness, amongst the rising generation. They were too fond of pleasures, too apt to be led away by the fleeting vanities of this world." It was only the old story — the complaint of the aged against the young. When this old peasant was a boy, his elders doubtless thought and said the same of him. The generation growing old always think the generation still young in a state of degene- racy. So it was forty years since, when Felix Neff was amongst them, and so it will be fort}'' years hence. One day 1:^0^ met an old man near Mens, who recounted to him the story of the persecutions w^hich his parents and himself had endured, and he added : " In those times there was more zeal than there is now ; my father and mother used to cross mountains and forests by night, in the worst weather, at the risk of their lives, to be 344 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. present at divine service performed in secret ; but now we are grown lazy : religious freedom is tlie death- blow to piety." An hour's walking brought us to the principal hamlet of the commune, formerly called Fressinieres, but now known as Les Ribes, occupying a wooded height on the left bank of the river. The population is partly Koman Catholic and partly Protestant. The Boman Catholics have a church here, the last in the valley, the two other places of worship higher up being Protestant. The principal person of Les Kibes is M. Baridon, son of the Joseph Baridon, receiver of the commune, so often mentioned with such affection in the journal of Neff. He is the only person in the valley whose position and education give him a claim to the title of ''Monsieur;" and his house contains the only decent apartment in the Yal Pressinieres where pastors and visitors could be lodged previous to the erection, by Mr. Preemantle, of the pleasant little parsonage at Palons. This apartment in the Baridons' house JN^eff used to call the " Prophet's Chamber." Half an hour higher up the valley we reached the hamlet of Yiolens, where all the inhabitants are Pro- testants. It was at this place that Neff helped to build and finish the church, for which he designed the seats and pulpit, and which he opened and dedicated on the 29th of August, 1824, the year before, he finally left the neighbourhood. Yiolens is a poor hamlet situated at the bottom of a deep glen, or rocky abyss, called La Combe ; the narrow valleys of Dauphiny, like those of Devon, being usually called combes, doubtless from the same original Celtic word cum, signifying a hollow or dingle. A little above Yiolens the valley contracts almost to VAL FRESSINIERES. 345 a ravine, until we reacli tlie miserable hamlet of Minsals, so sKut in by steep crags that for nine montbs of the year it never sees the sun, and durino- several months in winter it Kes buried in snow. The hamlet consists for the most part of hovels of mud and stone, without windows or chimneys, being little better than stables ; indeed, in winter time, for the sake of warmth, the poor people share them with their cattle. How they contrive to scrape a living out of the patches of soil rescued from the rocks, or hung upon the pre- cipices on the mountain- side, is a wonder. One of the horrors of this valley consists in the con- stant state of disintegration of the adjoining rocks, which, being of a slaty formation, frequently break away in large masses, and are hurled into the lower grounds. This, together with the fall of avalanches in winter, makes the valley a most perilous place to live in. A little above Minsals, only a few years since, a tremendous fall of rock and mud swept over nearly the whole of the cultivated ground, since which many of the peasantry have had to remove elsewhere. AYhat before was a well-tilled meadow, is now only a desolate waste, covered with rocks and debris. Another of the horrors of the place is its liability to floods, which come rushing down from the mountains,^ and often work sad havoc. Sometimes a fall of rocks from the cliffs above dams up the bed of the river, when a lake accumulates behind the barrier until it bursts, and the torrent swoops down the vallej^, washing away fields, and bridges, and mills, and hovels. Even the stouter-built dwelling of M. Baridon at Les Kibes was nearly carried away by one of such in- undations twelve years ago. It stands about a hundred yards from the mountain- stream which comes down 346 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. from the Pic de la Sea. One day in summer a storm burst over tlie mountain, and the stream at once became s\\'ollen to a torrent. The inmates of the dwelling thought the house must eventually be washed away, and gave themselves up to prayer. The flood, bearing with it rolling rocks, came nearer and nearer, until it reached a few old walnut trees on a line with the torrent. A rock of some thirty feet square tumbled against one of the trees, which staggered and bent, but held fast and stopped the rock. The debris at once rolled upon it into a bank, the course of the torrent was turned, and the dwelling and its inmates were saved. Another incident, illustrative of the perils of dail}' life in Yal Fressinieres, was related to me by Mr. Milsom while passing the scene of one of the mud and rock avalanches so common in the valley. Etienne Baridon, a member of the same Les Ribes family, an intelligent young man, disabled for ordinary work by lameness and deformitj^ occupied himself in teaching the children in the Protestant school at Yiolens, whither he walked daily, accompanied by the pupils from Les Eibes. One da}-, a heavy thunderstorm burst over the valley, and sent down an avalanche of mud, debris, and boulders, which rolled quite across the valley and extended to the river. The news of the circumstance reached Etienne when in school at Yiolens ; the road to Les Pibes was closed ; and he was accordingly urged to stay over the night with the children. But thinking of the anxiety of their parents, he determined to guide them back over the fall of rocks if possible. Arrived at the place, he found the mass still on the move, rolling slowly down in a ridge of from ten to twenty feet high, towards the river. Sup- ported by a stout staff, the lame Baridon took first one DORMILHOUSE. 347 cliild and tlien another upon liis liump-back, and con- trived to carry tliem across in safety ; but wliile making bis last journey witb the last child, his foot slipped and his leg got badl}^ crushed among the still-rolling stones. He was, however, able to extricate himself, and reached Les Itibes in safety with all the children. " This Etienne," concluded Mr. Milsom, "was really a noble fellow, and his poor deformed body covered the soul of a hero." At length, after a journey of about ten miles up this valley of the shadow of death, along which the poor persecuted Yaudois were so often hunted, we reached an apparent cul-de-sac amongst the mountains, beyond which further progress seemed impracticable. Pre- cipitous rocks, with their slopes of debris at foot, closed in the valley all round, excepting only the narrow gullet by which we had come ; but, following the foot2:)ath, a way up the mountain-side gradually disclosed itself — a zigzag np the face of what seemed to be a sheer pre- cipice — and this we were told was the road to Dormil- house. The zigzag path is known as the Tourniquet. The ascent is long, steep, and fatiguing. As we passed up, we observed that the j)i'ecipice contained many narrow ledges upon which soil has settled, or to which it has been carried. Some of these are very narrow, only a few yards in extent, but wherever there is room for a spade to turn, the little patches bear marks of cultiva- tion ; and these are the fields of the people of Dormil- house ! Far up the mountain, the footpath crosses in front of a lofty cascade — La Pisse du Dormilhouse — which leaps from the summit of the precipice, and sometimes dashes over the roadway itself. Looking down into the valley from this point, we see the Biasse meander- 348 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. ing like a tliread in the hollow of the mountains, becoming lost to sight in the rayine near Minsals. We have now ascended to a great height, and the air feels cold and raw. When we left Palons, the sun was shining brightly, and its heat was almost oppressive, but now the temperature feels wintry. On ovir way up, rain began to fall ; as we ascended the Tourniquet the rain became changed to sleet ; and at length, on reach- ing the summit of the rising ground from which we first discerned the hamlet of Dormilhouse, on the first day of July, the snow was falling heavily, and all the neighbouring mountains were clothed in the garb of winter. This, then, is the famous mountain fastness of the Yaudois — their last and loftiest and least accessible retreat when hunted from their settlements in the lower valleys hundreds of years ago. Driven from rock to rock, from Alp to Alp, they clambered up on to this lofty mountain-ledge, five thousand feet high, and made good their settlement, though at the daily peril of their lives. It was a place of refuge, a fortress and citadel of the faithful, where they continued to worship God according to conscience during the long dark ages of persecution and tyranny. The dangers and terrors of the situation are indeed so great, that it never could have been chosen even for a hiding-place, much less for a permanent abode, but from the direst necessity. "What the poor people suffered while esta- blishing themselves on these barren mountain heights no one can tell, but they contrived at length to make the place their home, and to become inured to their hard life, until it became almost a second nature to them. The hamlet of Dormilhouse is said to have existed DORMILHOUSE. 349 for nearly six liundred years, during whicli tlie religion of its inhabitants has remained the same. It has been alleged that the people are the descendants of a colony of refugee Lombards ; but M. Muston, and ethers well able to judge, after careful inquiry on the spot, have come to the conclusion that they bear all the marks of being genuine descendants of the ancient Yaudois. In features, dress, habits, names, language, and religious doctrine, they have an almost perfect identity with the Yaudois of Piedmont at the present day. Dormilhouse consists of about forty cottages, in- habited by some two hundred persons. The cottages are perched *'like eagles' nests,'' one tier ranging over another on the rocky ledges of a steep mountain-side. There is very little soil capable of cultivation in the neighbourhood, but the villagers seek out little patches in the valley below and on the mountain shelves, from which they contrive to grow a little grain for home use. The place is so elevated and so exposed, that in some seasons even rye will not ripen at Dormilhouse, while the pasturages are in many places inaccessible to cattle, and scarcely safe for sheep. The principal food of the people is goats' milk and unsifted rye, vi^ich they bake into cakes in the autumn, and these cakes last them the whole year — the grain, if left unbaked, being aj)t to grow mouldy and spoil in so damp an atmosphere. Besides, fuel is so scarce that it is necessary to exercise the greatest economy in its use, every stick burnt in the village having to be brought from a distance of some twelve miles, on the backs of donkeys, by the steep mountain-path leading up to the hamlet. Hence, also, the imsavoury means which they are under the necessity of adopting to economize warmth in the winter, by stabling the cattle 350 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. witli themselves in the cottages. The huts are for the most part wretched constructions of stone and mud, from which fresh air, comfort, and cleanliness seem to be entirely excluded. Excepting that the people are for the most part comfortably dressed, in clothing of coarse wool, which they dress and weave themselves, their domestic accommodation and manner of living are centuries behind the age ; and were a stranger suddenly to be set down in the village, he could with difficulty be made to believe that he was in the land of civilised Frenchmen. The place is dreary, stern, and desolate-looking even in summer. Thus, we entered it with the snow falling on the 1st of July ! Few of the balmy airs of the sweet South of France breathe here. In the hollow of the mountains the heat may be like that of an oven ; but here, far up on the heights, though the air may be fresh and invigorating at times, when the wind blows it often rises to a hurricane. Here the summer comes late and departs early. While flowers are blooming in the valleys, not a bud or blade of corn is to be seen at Dormilhouse. At the season when vegetation is else- where at its richest, the dominant features of the land- scape are barrenness and desolation. The very shapes of the mountains are rugged, harsh, and repulsive. Right over against the hamlet, separated from it by a deep gully, rises up the grim, bare Gramusac, as black as a wall, but along the ledges of which, the hunters of Dormilhouse, who are very daring and skilful, do not fear to stalk the chamois. But if the place is thus stern and even ajjpalling in summer, what must it be in winter ? There is scarcely a habitation in the village that is not exposed to the danger of being carried away by avalanches or falling DORMILHOUSE. 351 rocks. The approach to the mountain is closed by ice and snow, while the rocks are all tapestried with icicles. The tourmente, or snow whirlwind, occasionally swoops np the valley, tears the roofs from the huts, and scatters them in destruction. Here is a passage from ^N'eif's journal, yividly de- scriptive of winter life at Dormilhouse : — "The weather has been rigorous in the extreme; the falls of snow are very frequent, and when it becomes a little milder, a general thaw takes place, and our hymns are often sung amid the roar of the avalanches, which, gliding along the smooth face of the glacier, hurl themselves from precipice to precipice, like vast cataracts of silver." Writing in January, he says : — ""We have been buried in four feet of snow since of 1st of Xovem- •ber. At tliis very moment a terrible blast is whirling the snow in thick blinding clouds. Travelling is exceedingly difficult and even dangerous among these valleys, particularly in the neighbourhood of Dormilhouse, by reason of the numerous avalanches falling every- where One Sunday evening our scholars and many of the Dormilhouse people, when returing home after the sermon at Violens, narrowly escaped an avalanche. It rolled through a narrow defile between two groups of persons : a few seconds sooner or later, and it would have plunged the flower of our youth into the depths of an unfathomable gorge In fact, there are very few habitations in these parts which are not liable to be swept away, for there is not a spot in the narrow corner of the valley which can be considered abso- lutely safe. But terrible as their situation is, they owe to it their re- ligion, and perhaps their physical existence. If their country had been more secure and more accessible, they would have been extermi- nated like the inhabitants of Val Louise." Such is the interesting though desolate mountain ham- let to the service of whose hardy inhabitants the brave Felix Neff devoted himself during the greater part of his brief missionary career. It was characteristic of him to prefer to serve them because their destitution was greater than that which existed in any other quarter of his extensive parish ; and he turned from the grand mountain scenery of Arvieux and his con^fortable cottage at La Chalp, to spend his winters in the dismal hovels and amidst the barren wastes of Dormilhouse. 352 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. When Neff first went amongst them, the people were in a state of almost total spiritual destitution. They had not had any pastor stationed amongst them for nearly a hundred and fifty years. During all that time they had been without schools of any kind, and generation after generation had grown up and passed away in ignorance. Yet with all the inborn tenacity of their race, they had throughout refused to conform to the dominant religion. They belonged to the Yaudois Church, and repudiated Romanism. There was probably a Protestant church existing at Dormilhouse previous to the Revocation, as is shown by the existence of an ancient Yaudois church-bell, which was hid away imtil of late years, when it was dug up and hung in the belfry of the j^resent church. In 1745, the Roman Catholics endeavoured to effect a settlement in the place, and then erected the existing church, with a residence for the cure. But the people, though they were on the best of terms with the cure, refused to enter his church. During the twenty years that he ministered there, it is said the sole congrega- tion consisted of his domestic servant, who assisted him at mass. The story is still told of the cure bringing up from Les Ribes a large bag of apples — an impossible crop at Dormilhouse — by way of tempting the children to come to him and receive instruction. But they went only so long as the apples lasted, and when they were gone the children disappeared. The cure complained that during the whole time he had been in the place he had not been able to get a single person to cross himself. So, finding he was not likely to be of any use there, he petitioned his bishop to be allowed to leave ; on which, his request being complied with, the church was closed. DORMILHOUSE. 353 This continued until the period of the French Revo- lution, when religious toleration became recognised. The Dormilhouse people then took possession of the church. They found in it several dusty images, the basin for the holy water, the altar candlesticks, and other furniture, just as the cure had left them many years before ; and they are still preserved as curiosities. The new occupants of the church whitewashed the j)ictures, took down the crosses, dug up the ol d Yaudois bell and hung it up in the belfry, and rang the villagers together to celebrate the old worship again. But they were still in want of a regular minister until the period when Felix Neff settled amongst them. A zealous young preacher, Henry Laget, had before then paid them a few visits, and been warmly welcomed ; and when, in his last address, he told them they would see his face no more, ''it seemed," said a peasant who re- lated the incident to Neff, " as if a gust of wind had extinguished the torch which was to light us in our passage by night across the precipice.'' And even JSTeff's ministry, as we have above seen, only lasted for the short space of about three years. Some years after the death of Neff, another attempt was made by the Roman CathoKcs to establish a mission at Dormilhouse. A priest went up from Les Ribes, accompanied by a sister of mercy from Gap — "the pearl of the diocese," she was called — who hired a room for the purpose of commencing a school. To give eclat to their enterprise, the Archbishop of Embrun himself went up, clothed in a purj)le dress, riding a white horse, and accompanied by a party of men bear- ing a great red cross, which he caused to be set up at the entrance to the village. But when the archbishop appeared, not a single inhabitant went out to meet 354 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. him ; they had all assembled in the church to hold a prayer-meeting, and it lasted during the whole period of his visit. All that he accomplished was to set up the great red cross, after which he went down the Tourniquet again : and shortly after, the priest and the sister of mercy, finding they could not obtain a footing, also left the Tillage. Somehow or other, the red cross which had been set up mysteriously dis- appeared, but how it had been disposed of no one would ever reveal. It was lately proposed to commemorate the event of the archbishop's visit by the erection of an obelisk on the spot where he had set up the red cross ; and a tablet, with a suitable inscription, was provided for it by the Rev. Mr. Frcemantle, of Claydon. But when he was told that the site was exposed to the full force of the avalanches descending from the U23per part of the mountain in winter, and would speedily be swept away, the project of the memorial pillar was abandoned, and the tablet was inserted, instead, in the front wall of the village church, where it reads as follows : — A LA GLOIKE DE DIEU DONT DE LES TEMl'S AXCIEXS ET A TKAVERP LE MAKTTK DE LEUltS PEKES A MAIXTEXU A DOKMILHOrSE LA FOI DOXNE AUX SAINTS ET LA COXXAlSSANCE DE LA PAROLE LES HABITANTS ONT ELEVE CETTE PIERKE MDCCCLXIV. Having thus described the village and its history, a few words remain to be added as to the visit of our little party of travellers from Palons. On reaching the elevated point at which the archbishop had set up the red cross, the whole of the huts lay before us, and a DORMILHOUSE. 355 little way down tlie mountain-side we discerned the village cliurch, distinguished by its little belfry. Leaving on our right the Swiss-looking chalet with overhanging roof, in which NefF used to lodge with the Baridon-Yerdure family while at Dormilhouse, and now known as " Felix Xcffs house," we made our way down a steep and stony footpath towards the school- house adjoining the church, in front of which we found the large ash trees, shading both church and school, which Neff himself had planted. Arrived at the school- house, we there found shelter and accommodation for the night. The schoolroom, fitted with its forms and desks, was our parlour, and our bedrooms, furnished with the blankets we had brought with us, were in the little chambers adjoining. At eight in the evening the church bell rang for service — the summoning bell. The peoj)le had been expecting the visit, and turned out in full force, so that at nine o'clock, when the last bell rang, the cliurch was found filled to the door. Every seat was occupied — by men on one side, and by women on the other. The service was conducted by Mr. Milsom, the mis- sionary visitor from Lyons, who opened with prayer, then gave out the twenty-third Psalm, which was sung to an accompaniment on the harmonium ; then another prayer, followed by the reading of a chapter in the New Testament, was wound up by an address, in which the speaker urged the people to their continu- ance in well-doing. In the course of his remarks he said : ''Be not discouraged because the results of your labours may appear but small. AVork on and faint not, and God will give the spiritual increase. Pastors, teachers, and colporteurs are too often ready to despond, because the fruit does not seem to ripen while they are 24 356 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS, watcliing it. But the best fruit grows slowly. Think how the Apostles laboured. They were all poor men, but men of brave hearts ; and they passed away to their rest long before the seed which they planted grew np and ripened to perfection. Work on then in patience and hope, and be assured that God will at length help you." Mr. Milsom's address was followed by another from the pastor, and then by a final prayer and hymn, after which the service was concluded, and the villagers dispersed to their respective homes a little after ten o'clock. The snow had ceased falling, but the sky was still overcast, and the night felt cold and raw, like February rather than July. The wonder is, that this community of Dormilhouse should cling to their mountain ej'rie so long after the necessity for their living above the clouds has ceased ; but it is their home, and they have come to love it, and are satisfied to live and die there. Hather than live elsewhere, they will walk, as some of them do, twelve miles in the early morning, to their work down in the valley of the Durance, and twelve miles home again, in the evenings, to their j^erch on the rocks at Dormil- house. They are even proud of their mountain home, and would not change it for the most smiling vineyard of the plains. They are like a little mountain clan — all Baridons, or Michels, or Orcieres, or Bertholons, or Arnoudd — proud of their descent from the ancient Yaudois. It is their boast that a Roman Catholic does nofc live among them. Once, when a young shepherd came np from the valley to pasture his flock in the mountains, he fell in love with a maiden of the village, and proposed to marry her. " Yes," was the RETURN TO PALONS 357 answer, with tliis condition, tliat lie joined the Yaudois Church. And he assented, married the girl, and set- tled for life at Dormilhouse.* The next morning broke clear and bright overhead. The Sim shone along the rugged face of the Gramusac right over against the hamlet, bringing out its bolder prominences. Far below, the fleecy clouds were still rolling themselves up the mountain -sides, or gradually dis]Dersing as the sun caught them on their emerging from the valley below. The view was bold and striking, displaying the grandeur of the scenery of Dormilhouse in one of its best aspects. Setting out on the return journey to Palons, we descended the face of the mountain on w^hich Dormil- house stands, by a steep footpath right in front of it, down towards the falls of the Biasse. Looking* back, the whole village appeared above us, cottage over cottage, and ledge over ledge, with its stern back- ground of rocky mountain. Immediately under the village, in a hollow between two shoulders of rock, the cascade of the Biasse leaps down into the valley. The highest leap falls in a jet of about a hundred feet, and the lower, divided into two by a projecting ledge, breaks into a shower of spray which falls about a hundred and fifty feet more into the abyss below. Even in Switzerland this fall would * Since the date of our visit, we learn that a sad accident — strik- ingly illustrative of the perils of village life at Dormilhouse — has befallen this young shepherd, by name Jean Joseph Lagier. One day in October, 1869, -while engaged in gathering wood near the brink of the precipice overhanging Minsals, he accidently fell over and waa killed on the spot, leaving behind him a widow and a large family. He was a person of such excellent character and conduct, that he had been selected as colporteur for the neighbourhood. 358 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS, be considered a fine object ; but in this out-of-tbe-way place, it is rarely seen except by the villagers, who have water and cascades more than enough. We were told on the spot, that some eighty years since an avalanche shot down the mountain immediately on to the plateau on which we stood, carrying with it nearly half the village of Dormilhouse ; and every year the avalanches shoot down at the same place, which is strewn with the boulders and debris that extend far down into the valley. At the bottom of the Tourniquet we joined M. Charpiot, accompanying the donkey laden with the blankets and knapsacks, and proceeded with him on our way down the valley towards his hospitable parsonage at Palons. CHAPTER V. GUILLESTRE AND THE VALLEY OF QUEYRAS. TX7E left Palons on a sharp, briglit morning in July, ' ^ with the prospect of a fine clay before ns, though there had been a fall of snow in the night, which whitened the tops of the neighbouring hills. Follow- ing the road along the heights on the right bank of the Biasse, and passing the hamlet of Chancellas, another favourite station of jN^eff's, a rapid descent led us down into the valley of the Durance, which we crossed a little above the village of St. Crepin, with the strong fortress of Mont Dauphin before us a few miles lower down the valley. This remote corner in the mountains was the scene of much fighting in early times between the Roman Catholics and the Huguenots, and afterwards between the French and the Piedmontese. It was in this neighbourhood that Lesdiguieres first gave evidence of his sldll and valour as a soldier. The massacre of St. Bartholomew at Paris in 1572 had been followed by like massacres in various parts of France, especially in the south. The Roman Catholics of Dauphiny, deem- ing the opportunity favourable for the extirpation of the heretical Yaudois, dispatched the military com- mandant of Embrun against the inhabitants of Yal 360 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. Fressinieres at tlie head of an army of twelve liundred men. Lesdiguieres, then scarce twenty-four yeors old, being informed of their march, hastily assembled a Huguenot force in the valley of the Drac, and, crossing the Col d'Orcieres from Champsaur into the valley of the Durance, he suddenly fell upon the enemy at St. Crepin, routed them, and drove them down the valley to Embrun. Twelve years later, during the wars of the League, Lesdiguieres distinguished himself in the same neighbourhood, capturing Embrun, Guillestre, and Chateau Queyras, in the valley of the Guil, thereby securing the entire province for his royal master, Henry of Navarre. The strong fortress of Mont Dauphin, at the junction of the Guil with the Durance, was not constructed until a century later. Yictor-Amadeus II., when invading tlic province with a Picdmontese armj^ at sight of the plateau commanding the entrance of both valleys, exclaimed, " There is a pass to fortif3\" The hint was not neglected by the French general, Catinat, under whose directions the great engineer, Yauban, traced the plan of the present fortifications. It is a very strong place, comj^letely commanding the vallej^ of the Durance, while it is regarded as the key of the passage into Italy by the Guil and the Col de la Croix. Guillestre is a small old-fashioned town, situated on the lowest slope of the pine-clad mountain, the Tete de Quigoulet^ at the junction of the Eioubel and the Chagne, rivulets in summer but torrents in winter, which join the Guil a little below the town. Guillestre was in ancient times a strong place, and had for its lords the Archbishops of Embrun, the ancient perse- cutors of the Yaudois. The castle of the archbishop, GUILLESTRE. 361 flanked by six towers, occupied a commanding site immediately overlooking the town ; but at the French. Revolution of 1789, the first thing which the arch- bishop's flock did was to pull his castle in pieces, leaving not one stone upon another ; and, strange to say, the only walled enclosure now within its pre- cincts is the little burying-ground of the Guillestre Protestants. One memorable stone has, however, been preserved, the stone trough in which the peasants were required to measure the tribute of grain paj-able by them to their reverend seigneurs. It is still to be seen laid against a wall in an open space in front of the church. It happened that the fair of Guillestre, which is held every two months, was afoot at the time of our visit. It is frequented by the people of the adjoining valleys, of which Guillestre is the centre, as well as by Pied- montese from beyond the Italian frontier. On the principal day of the fair we found the streets filled with peasants buying and selling beasts. They were apparently of many races. Amongst them were many well-grown men, some with rings in their ears — horse- dealers from Piedmont, we were told ; but the greater number were little, dark, thin, and poorly-fed peasants. Some of them, dark-eyed and tawny- skinned, looked like Arabs, possibly descendants of the Saracens who once occupied the province. There were one or two groups of gipsies, diflering from all else ; but the district is too poor to be much frequented by people of that race. The animals brought for sale showed the limited resources of the neighbourhood. One hill- woman came along dragging two goats in milk ; another led a sheep and a goat ; a third a donkey in foal ; a fourth a cow in 362 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. milk ; and so on. Tlie largest lot consisted of about forty lambs, of various sizes and breeds, wbicb had been driven down from tbe cool air of tbe mountains, and, gasping with, heat, were cooling their heads against the shady side of a stone wall. There were several lots of pigs, of a bad but probably hardy sort — mostly black, round-backed, long-legged, and long- eared. In selling the animals, there was the usual chaffering, in shrill j^atois, at the top of the voice — the seller of some poor scraggy beast extolling its merits, the intending buyer running it down as a " miserable bossu," &c., and disputing every point raised in its behalf, until the contest of words rose to such a height — men, women, and even children, on both sides, taking pait in it — that the bystander would have thought it impossible they could separate without a fight. But matters always came to a peaceable conclusion, for the French are by no means a quarrelsome people. There were also various other sorts of produce offered for sale — wool, undressed sheepskins, sticks for firewood, onions and vegetable produce, and considerable quanti- ties of honeycomb ; while the sellers of scythes, whet- stones, caps, and articles of dress, seemed to meet with a ready sale for their wares, arranged on stalls in the open space in front of the church. Altogether, the queer collection of beasts and their drivers, who were to be seen drinking together greedily and promiscuously from the fountains in the market-place ; the steep streets, crowded with lean goats and cows and pigs, and their buyers and sellers ; the braj^ing of donkeys and the shrieking of chafferers, with here and there a goitred dwarf of hideous aspect, presented a picture of an Alpine mountain fair, which, once seen, is not readily forgotten. GUILLESTRE. 363 There is a similar fair lield at tlie village of La Bessie, before mentioned, a little higher up the Durance, on the road to Briancon ; but it is held only once a year, at the end of October, when the inhabit- ants of Dormilhouse come down in a body to lay in their stock of necessaries for the winter. *' There then arrives,'^ says M. Albert, " a caravan of about the most singular character that can be imagined. It consists of nearly the w^hole population of the mountain hamlet, who resort thither to supply themselves with the articles required for family use during the winter, such as leather, lint, salt, and oil. These poor mountaineers are provided with very little money, and, to procure the necessary commodities, they have recourse to barter, the most ancient and primi- tive method of conducting trade. Hence they bring with them rye, barley, pigs, lambs, chamois skins and horns, and the produce of their knitting during the past year, to exchange for the required articles, with which they set out homeward, laden as they had come." The same circumstances which have concurred in making Guillestre the seat of the principal fair of the valleys, led Felix Keff to regard it as an important centre of missionary operations amongst the Yaudois. In nearly all the mountain villages in its neighbour- hood descendants of the ancient Yaudois are to be found, sometimes in the most remote and inaccessible places, whither they had fled in the times of the perse- cutions. Thus at Yars, a mountain hamlet up the torrent Kioubel, about nine miles from Guillestre, there is a little Christian community, which, though under the necessity of long concealing their faith, 364 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS never ceased to be Yaudois in spirit.* Then, np the valley of the Guil, and in the lateral valleys which join it, there are, in some places close to the mountain barrier which divides France from Italy, other villages and hamlets, such as Arvieux, San Yeran, Fongilarde, &c., the inhabitants of which, though they concealed their faith subsequent to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, never conformed to Roman Catholicism, but took the earliest opportunity of declaring themselves openly so soon as the dark period of persecution had passed by. The people of these scattered and distant hamlets were, however, too poor to supply themselves with religious instructors, and they long remained in a state of spiritual destitution. Felix I^eff's labours were too short, and scattered over too extensive a field, to pro- duce much permanent effect. Besides, they were principally confined to the village of Dormilhouse, which, as being the most destitute, had, he thought, the greatest claim upon his help ; and at his death comparatively little had been done or attempted in the Guillestre district. But he left behind him what was worth more than any endowment of monej^, a noble example, which still lives, and inspires the labourers who have come after him. * The "well-known Alpine missionary, J. L. Rostan, of whom an interesting biography has recently been published by the Rev. A. J. French, for the Wesleyan Conference, was a native of Vars. He was one of the favourite pupils of Felix Neff, with whom he resided at Dormilhouse in 1825-7 ; NefF saying of him : ''Among the best of m}-- pupils, as regards spiritual things and secular too, is Jean Eostan, of Vars : he is probablj' destined for the ministry ; such at least is my hope." Neff bequeathed to him the charge of his parish during his temporary absence, but he never returned ; and shortlj'^ after, Rostan left, to pursue his studies at jNfontauban. He joined the Methodist Church, settled and ministered for a time in La Vaunage and the Cevennes, afterwards labouring as a missionary in the High Alps, and eventually settled as minister of the church at Lisieux, Jersey, in charge of which he died, July, 1859. GUILLESTRE. 365 It was not until within the last twenty years that a few Yaudois families of Guillestre began to meet together for religious purposes, which they did at first in the upper chamber of an inn. There the Rev. Mr. Freemantle found them when paying his first visit to the valleys in 18-51. He was rejoiced to see the zeal of the people, holding to their faith in the face of con- siderable opposition and opprobrium ; and he exerted himself to raise the requisite funds amongst his friends in England to provide the Guillestre Yaudois with a place of worship of their own. His efforts were attended with success ; and in 1854 a comfortable parsonage, with a commodious room for public worship, was purchased for their use. A fund was also provided for the maintenance of a settled ministry ; a pastor was appointed ; and in 1857 a congregation of from forty to seventy persons attended worship every Sunday. Mr. Freemantle, in a communication with which he has favoured us, says : " Our object has not been to make an aggression upon the Eoman Catholics, but to strengthen the hands and establish the faith of the Yaudois. And in so doing we have found, not un- fi^equently, that when an interest has been excited among the Roman Catholic population of the district, there has been some family or hereditary connection with ancestors who were independent of the see of RomCj and such haA^e again joined themselves to the faith of their fathers." The new movement was not, however, allowed to proceed without great opposition. The " Momiers," or mummers^ — the modern nickname of the Yaudois — were denounced by the cure of the place, and the people were cautioned, as they valued their souls' safety, against giving any countenance to their proceedings. 366 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. Tlie cure tvas doubtless seriously impressed by tbe gravity of the situation ; and to protect the parish against the assaults of the evil one, be bad a large num- ber of crosses erected upon tbe heights overlooking the town. On one occasion he had a bad dream, in which he beheld the valley filled with a vast assembly come to be judged ; and on the site of the judgment- seat which he saw in his dream, he set up, on the summit of the Come Chauve, a large tin cross hearted with wood. We were standing in the garden in front of the parsonage at Guillestre late in the evening, when M. Schell, the pastor, pointing up to the height, said, " There you see it now ; that is the cure's erection." The valley below lay in deep shadow, while the cross upon the summit brightly reflected the last rays of the setting sun. The cure, finding that the " Momiers" did not cease to exist, next adopted the expedient of preaching them down. On the occasion of the Fete Napoleon, 1862, when the Rev. Mr. Freemantle visited Guillestre for the purpose of being present at the Yaudois services on Sunday, the 10th of August, the cure preached a special sermon to his congregation at early morning mass, telling them that an Englishman had come into the town with millions of francs to buy up the souls of Guillestre, and warning them to abstain from such men. The people were immediately filled with curiosity to know what it was that this stranger had come all the way from England to do, backed by ''millions of francs." Many of them did not as yet know that there was such a thing as a Yaudois church in Guillestre ; but now that they did know, they were desirous of ascer- taining something about the doctrines taught there. The consequence was, that a crowd of people — amongst GUILLESTRE. 367 ■whom were some of the highest authorities in the town, the registrar, the douaniers, the chief of a neighbounng commune, and persons of all classes — assembled at noon to hear M. de Faje, the Protestant pastor, who preached to them an excellent sermon under the trees of the parsonage orchard, while a still larger number attended in the afternoon. When the cure heard of the conduct of his flock he was greatly annoyed. " What did you hear from the heretics ?'' he asked of one of the delinquents. '' I heard your sermon in the morning, and a sermon upon charity in the afternoon,'* was the reply. Great were the surprise and excitement in Guillestre when it became known that the principal sergeant of gendarmerie — the very embodiment of law and order in the place — had gone over and joined the " Momiers" with his wife and flimily. M. Laugier was quite a model gendarme. He was a man of excellent character, steady, sensible, and patient, a diligent self-improver, a reader of books, a botanist, and a bit of a geologist. He knew all the rare mountain plants, and had a collection of those that would bear transplantation, in his garden at the back of the town, Xo man was more respected in Guillestre than the sergeant. His long and faithful service entitled him to the medaille miiitaire, and it would have been awarded to him, but for the circum- stance which came to light, and which he did not seek to conceal, that he had joined the Protestant connexion. Not only was the medal withheld, but influence was used to get him sent away from the place ; and he was packed ofi" to a station in the mountains at Chateau Queyras. Though this banishment from Guillestre was intended as a pmiisbment, it only served to bring out the sterling 368 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. qualities of the sergeant, and to ensure li.s eventual reward. It so happened that the station at Chateau Queyras commanded the approaches into an extensive range of mountain pasturage. Although not required specially to attend to their safety, our sergeant had nevertheless carefully noted the flocks and herds as they Trent up the valleys in the spring. When winter approached, they were all brought down again from the mountains for safety. The winter of that year set in early and severely. The sergeant, making his observations on the flocks as they passed down the valley, noted that one large flock of about three thousand sheep had not yet made its ap- pearance. The mountains were now covered with snow, and he apprehended that the sheep and their shepherds had been storm-stayed. Summoning to his assistance a body of men, he set out at their head in search of the lost flock. After a long, laborious, and dangerous journey — for the snow by this time lay deep in the hollows of the hills — he succeeded in discovering the shepherds and the sheep, almost reduced to their last gasp — the sheep, for want of food, actually gnawing each other's tails. With great difficulty the whole were extricated from their perilous position, and brought down the mountains in safety. No representation was made to head-quarters by the authorities of Guillestre of the conduct of the Protestant sergeant in the matter ; but when the shepherds got down to Gap, they were so full of the sergeant's praises, and of his bravery in rescuing them and their flock from certain death, that a paragraph descriptive of the afllxir was inserted in the local papers, and was eventually copied into the Parisian journals. Then it was that an inquiry was made into his conduct, and the GUILLESTRE CHURCH AND SCHOOL. 369 result was so satisfactory tliat the sergeant was at once decorated not only with the medaille militaire, but with the medaille de sauvetage — a still higher honour ; and, shortly after, he was allowed to retire from the service on full pay. He then returned to his home and family at Guillestre, Avhere he now officiates as Regent of the Yaudois church, reading fhe prayers and conducting the service in the absence of the stated minister. We spent a Sunday in the comfortable parsonage at Guillestre. There was divine service in the temple at half-past ten a.m., conducted by the regular pastor, M. Schell, and instruction and catechizing of the children in the afternoon. The pastor's regular work consists of two services at Guillestre and Yars on alternate Sundays, with Sunday-school and singing lesson ; and on week days he gives religious instruction in the Guillestre school. The missionary's wife is a true " helpmeet,'' and having been trained as a deaconess at Strasbourg, she regularly visits the poor, occasionally assisting them with medical advice. Another important part of the work at Guillestre is the girls' school, for which suitable premises have been taken ; and it is conducted by an excellent female teacher. Here not only the usual branches of education are taught, but domestic industry of different kinds. Through the instrumentality of Mr. Milsom, gloA^e- sewing has been taught to the girls, and it is hoped that by this and similar efforts this branch of home manufacture may become introduced in the High Alps, and furnish profitable employment to many poor per- sons during their long and dreary winter. By the aid of a special fund, a few girl boarders, belonging to scattered Protestant families who have no 370 THE COUNTRY OF THE VAUDOIS. otlier means for the education of their cliildren, are also received at tlie scliool. The girls seem to be extremely well taken care of, and the house, "vrhich we went over, is a very pattern of cleanliness and comfort. The route from Guillestre into Italy lies up the valley of the Guil, througii one of the wildest and deepest gorges, or rather chasms, to be found in Europe. Brockedon says it is "■ one of the finest in the Alps." M. Bost compares it to the Moutier-Grand-Yal, in the canton of Berne, but says it is much wilder. He even calls it frightful, which it is not, except in rainy weather, when the rocks occasionally fall from overhead. At such times people avoid travelling through the gorge. M. Bost also likens it to the Yia Mala, though here the road, at the narrowest and most precipitous parts, runs in the hottom of the gorge, in a ledge cut in the rock, there being room only for the river and the road. It is only of late years that the roa#• '#^ I > 4 Harper ^ Brothers' Valuable and Interesting Works. ALCOCK'S JAPAN. 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Bellows. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $3 50. BRODHEAD'S HISTORY OF NEW YORK. History of the State of New York. By John Romeyn Broduead. 1C00-1G91. 2 vols. Svo, Cloth, $3 00 per vol. BROUGHAM'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY. Life and Times of Henry, Lord Brougham. Written by Himself. In Three Volumes. 12mo, Cloth, $2 00 per vol. ■RULWER'S PROSE WORKS. IMiscellaneons Prose Works of Edward Bul- wer, Lord Lytton. 2 vols., 12mo, Cloth, $3 50. 7305CC ap-0Q-ac 001 Da BW5846 .S64 The Huguenots in France after the Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 1 1012 00031 7349