O PRINCETON, N. J. '^^ \ Presented by Mr. Samuel Agnew of Philadelphia, Pa. BX 9070 .M232 1850 c.l ! M' Parian, Patrick. ! A vindication of the Churcl; of Scotland Wi YINDICATION CHURCH OF SCOTLAND: OCCASIONED BY THE DUKE OF ARGYLL'S "ESSAY ON THE ECCLESLA.STICAL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND." BY THE LATE PATRICK'j^'FARLAN, D.D., GREENOCK. LONDON: JAMES NISBET & CO., BERNERS STREET. 1850. GLASGOW: RTED BY S. AND T. DUNN, M, Prince's Square. / "pEIITCETOIl THKOLOGICii PREFACE BY THE EDITOR. The Editor thinks it unnecessary to say anything of the motives which influenced the Author to prepare the present pubUcation, or of the object he had in view in answering the Essay of the Noble Duke, since these are sufficiently stated in the Introductory Chapter of the work itself. The importance of a right under- standing of the proper relations between the Church and the State can scarcely be over-estimated. These relations, however indifferent they may seem to those who have not duly considered them, have given rise from the beginning — as under the Roman emperors and Charles V. — to some of the most mournful exhibi- tions of oppression and cruelty on the part of states, and of ambition, arrogancy, and earthliness on the part of so-called churches, which the world has wit- nessed. The place and authority of each, and the right aspect of the one toward the other, need to be well considered and clearly defined, so as to secure the full efficiency and uncurtailed benefit of both ; at a time especially when all the power for good belonging to each and to both united is urgently required, first of IV rREFACK. all, by the extreme extension and multiplication of all the developments and interests of society ^vhich are taking place in the present day, and next, by the prodigious activity which now characterises every principle of action, whether good or evil, whether in the Church or in the State. The Author regarded the one and the other of these great institutions as having an independent existence given to it by the Great Framer of both, and as under the regulation of special laws which he, the only Supreme, enacted to make them move harmoniously towards the highest good. He viewed their action as indejDendent, each free from the other's control, each bound to maintain its own rights and liberties, the one recognising and loving the other, and rendering to it the service which itsj^ro- per province and power enable it to yield. He wished the State to estahlish the Church in its liberty, aiding it with temporal means and protection, and the Church to estahliah the State, by owning aod obeying it, and by training the people in rehgion, virtue, and loyalty. In a word, he maintained that subordination of the one to the other proves injurious to both, while, by their unimpeded movements in their own respective spheres, their harmonious and beneficent co-operation is secured; and he endeavoured to prove, as against the Noble Duke, that this was the doctrine held and contended for by the Church of Scotland from the time of the Reformation. The whole question of religion, and of its relations to and influence upon civil society, is now undergoing riiEFACE. V in all quarters both a j^mctical and theoretical investi- gation. It is indeed forcing itself on the attention of all thoughtful men, whether belonging to the Church or the State, and is plainly not to be settled or adjusted by prejudice, or worldly interests, or power. It comes to all with something like a sovereign authority, de- manding a fair and thorough investigation of its claims. It is surely no slighting of it, and nothing unbefitting either the grandeur of the question itself, or the advan- tage of that society of men which it addresses, to inquire what lights past history throws on this subject — what were the principles which our forefathers adopted, and what the results to which the working out of these principles, true or false, right or wrong, did actually lead ? The Church of Scotland, small in geographical extent indeed, and perhaps on that ac- count sometimes superciliously disregarded by the students of church history, has been all along redolent of this question, and has in no age of its existence been wanting in men of high intellect and heroic temper ; while, at the same time, the national intelli- gence and happiness have borne witness, somewhat un- equivocally, to the practical sagacity and patriotic spirit of the founders of this Church. It may, after all, be true, that they very nearly, if not altogether, appre- hended the great truth which lies at the foundation of this whole subject. This much, at least, we may affirm, that they set themselves to the task of discover- ing it with as intense a mind, as free a spirit, and with as much superiority to the fear of the world, as it is VI TREFACE. possible for any now to do. The Noble Duke and our Author both look into the i^rincijDles of these men, and present them to the pubHc according to the views which they entertain of them. Let intelligent readers judge between the honourable oj^ponents. E. 0. Rothesay, Jan. 7, 1850. CONTENTS. Page Sketch of the Author, ..... ix Introduction, ...... 1 CHAPTER I. statement of the doctrine of the church of SCOTLAND ON the subject of the spiritual jurisdiction THE FIRST REFORMERS AND THEIR IMMEDIATE SUCCESSORS AGREED ON THIS SUBJECT — PROOFS FROM HISTORY IN OP- POSITION TO THE ASSERTIONS OF THE DUKE OF ARGYLL — ERRONEOUS OPINION OF THE REFORMERS REGARDING THE DUTY OF THE CIVIL MAGISTRATE TOWARDS IDOLATERS, AND OTHERS — REFORjMERS NOT PERSECUTORS — VINDICATED FROM THE CHARGE OF BIGOTRY AND FANATICISM, . H CHAPTER II. THE DUKE OF ARGYLL'S OPINIONS RESPECTING THE TRUE THEORY OF A CHRISTIAN CHURCH THE SAME WITH DR ARNOLD'S — BRIEF STATEMENT OF DR ARNOLD'S OPINIONS ON THIS SUBJECT THE CHRISTIAN COMMONWEALTH THEORY IMPRACTICABLE — DR A.'S LATER IMPRESSIONS REGARDING IT — THE PLAN PROPOSED ADMITTED BY THE ESSAYIST TO BE IMPRACTICABLE IN THE PRESENT STATE OF RELIGIOUS OPINIONS A PARTIAL COINCIDENCE OF CHURCH AND STATE INADMISSIBLE ON DR A.'S PRINCIPLE VIRTUAL ASSUMP- TION BY THE DUKE OF ANOTHER PRINCIPLE ESSENTIALLY DIFFERENT HIS GRACSTs VIEWS OF THE RIGHT OF SELF- GOVERN3IENT — HE CONCEDES AN UNDEFINED POWER OF LIMITATION TO THE CIVIL MAGISTRATE — DENIES THAT THE church's RIGHT IS FOUNDED IN SCRIPTURE — ^VINDICATION OF THE FIRST SCOTTISH REFORMERS ON THIS HEAD, . 58 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. Page STATEMENT OF THE QUESTION REGARDING THE EXCLUSIVE SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION — THE STATE HAS NO RIGHT TO INTERFERE WITH THE RELIGIOUS CONVICTIONS OF INDIVI- DUALS — CHURCHES OUGHT TO BE EQUALLY FREE SCRIP- TLTIE ARGUMENT — NATURE AND END OF CHRISTIANITY — INEVITABLE INFERENCE — PROOFS FROM SCRIPTURE OF THE EXCLUSIVE SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION — OLD TESTAMENT — PS. ii. AND Ixii. NEW TESTAMENT — MATT. xxii. 17, AND JOHN x\Tii. 36, 37 — 3IATT. xxviii. 18-20 — eph. iv. 8, etc. — MATT. x^n. 13-19 — matt. xA-iii. 15, illustrated by john XX. 23 — SUM OF the ARGL'^IENT, . . . 81 CHAPTER lY. the doctrine of CHRIST'S HEADSHIP NOT A MERE QUESTION OF CHURCH GOVERNMENT — IT IS OF NO SECONDARY IM- PORTANCE EVEN TO PRIVATE CHRISTIANS — THERE IS NO PORTION OF THE REVEALED WILL OF GOD LTflMPORTANT — THE DOCTRINE IN QUESTION IS NO HIDDEN MYSTERY — THE SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION PRINCIPLE IS FUNDAJIENTAL CHRISTIANITY OBTAINED AN ASCENDANCY IN THE WORLD UNDER THE SHADE OF THIS PRINCIPLE, . . 126 SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. It may be interesting to the reader of the following pages to be informed, that the highly esteemed author ■was called away from this world when he had con- ducted through the press all but the last half-sheet. A perusal of what he has written cannot fail to convince any one that he well understood, held very dear, and could admirably explain and defend, the whole subject of which he here treats. His work is a vivid picture at once of his zeal for divine truth, his critical know- ledge of the scriptures, his intimate acquaintance with sound theology, and his lively apprehension of the grand principles and laws of the true church of Christ ; while it displays his characteristic clearness of under- standing, powers of reasoning, cultivated taste, correct style, and christian and gentleman-like bearing. Though he owned no authority in religion or in the constitution and government of the church but that of Jesus Christ, its Creator and Lord, he yet cherished a high respect for his fellow-men, and habitually rendered to all orders the honour which, according to the law of his Lord, he held to be their due. During his whole public life, to its very close, he was ever b X SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. found ready as -^ell as able to vindicate, in tbe most becoming manner, the often misrepresented, maligned, and injured independence and glory of the kingdom of God. He may truly be said to have died as he had lived, loving and upholding, both by word and deed, the honour of the King of kings, and the order which he would have established in the church and in the world. Descended from a long line of highly respectable ancestors — some of them distinguished in the ministry — he was blessed with what might be called a hereditary public spirit, and grew up in circumstances well fitted to develop and enlighten it. He was born and wholly educated in the city of Edinburgh, his father being one of its ministers. He thus, from his earliest years, enjoyed the very best means both of a literary and religious training, which the grace of God led him very diligently to improve. The most distinguished divines of his day honoured him with their friendship, and stimulated his ardent mind to successful study of all the branches of knowledge appropriate to his chosen profession. He breathed an atmosphere which gave health and vigour to all his intellectual and moral powers, and remarkably fitted him for the active ser- vices to which Providence afterwards called him. He was born in 1781, ordained to the ministry in his twenty-fifth year, and was successively pastor of Kip- pen, Polmont, and of St John's, and St Enoch's, in the city of Glasgow, and, last of all, in the town of Greenock, where he died, after a few days' illness, on the 13th of SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. XI November, 1849, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. In all those stations he was distinguished among his fellows by ability, fidelity, and high and general excel- lence in all the parts of personal character, official duty and public service. It was on this account, indeed, that he was so often promoted to more important places during the course of his life. It was this which pointed him out as a fit successor to the celebrated Dr Chalmers in the church of St John's, Glasgow, and to the late Sir Michael Shaw Stewart as most worthy to under- take the important charge of the West Parish, Greenock, and to enjoy there the best living in the Church of Scot- land. It was this also which led to his being called to fill the Moderator's chair in the General Assembly, first of the Established Church in 1834, and after- wards of the Free Church in 1845. His first speech in the General Assembly, shortly after his appointment to Kippen, made a deep impres- sion on all who heard it, and led the church to form those high expectations of him, which were amply realised during his life. He had, on that occasion, spoken, necessarily without preparation, and yet with such promptitude, judgment, clearness, order, fluency, and elegance, as amazed every one, and drew forth many congratulations from his friends, and, among the rest, from the venerable and justly-distinguished Dr Robert Balfour of Glasgow, who coming up to him as he left the Assembly House, said to him, ' My dear young friend, take good care of that gift of speaking so readily and well which God has given you. You will Xll SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. tempted to trust to it. Be sure always to write your sermons carefully, and take warning by me. I found out too soon that I could get on without writ- ing, and now I cannot write when I would.' He took the warning, and during his whole life was remark- able for his care in the composition of his discourses, though he never lost his early talent for elegant ex- temporaneous speaking. His whole life presented a very striking consistency of conduct with principles, of deeds with professions, of steadfastness with ardour, and of undeviating recti- tude with many public temptations to swerve. He loved the Church of Scotland, its principles, consti- tution, and history, with a most intelligent and al- most passionate fondness. He contended nobly yet tem^oerately for its rights and liberties, against the encroachments made on them by courts of law, and by the rude hand of mere worldly power; and when these at last prevailed in the outward conflict, he still held calmly and firmly what he had ever held as truth and right, and therefore, with his mother church in his heart, he left the bond church to cherish her in the free ; thus at last giving proof that he 'counted all things but loss for the excellency of Christ Jesus his Lord, for whom he sufiered the loss of all things, and did count them but dung that he might win Christ, and be found in him, not having his own righteousness, which is of the law, but that which is through the faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God by faith ; that he might know him, and the SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. XUl power of his resurrection, and the fellowship of his sufferings, heing made conformable unto his death ; if by any means he might attain unto the resurrection of the dead/ In one so far advanced in life, of so calm and clear a judgment, so free from the tendency of being carried away by joassionate or enthusiastic feelings, and so full of courage as not to be afraid to express his dif- ference of opinion even from chief friends and as- sociates, it was very touching to witness, (and all might have witnessed it in his countenance,) the exceeding happiness he enjoyed in his ow^n soul, and in all his work after the Disruption of the church. Before that event he passed days and nights of greatest anxiety, almost overwhelmed with the sense of responsibility which lay on the church and himself. In one day he j)assed, as it were, from this darkness into light and joy. The happiness of his spirit made everything appear bright to him, and when any one spoke to him of the great sacrifices he had made, he would say, ' I do not feel that I have made any sacrifice ; my wants are all abundantly supplied, and I am so happy in my work.' Thus he realised the promise of ' receiving manifold more now in this pre- sent time.' It is much to be regretted that one so well qualified in every respect for high authorship did not leave be- hind him more to instruct and edify another genera- tion. The cause of this regret, however, is to be found in the remarkably constant activity of his public life, XIV SKETCH OF THE AUTHOE. and his most exemplary discharge of all his pastoral and official duties. With the exception of a few fugitive sermons and pamphlets, a series of letters on the church controversy, which are of high excellence, and which made a deep impression at the time, a very interesting correspondence with the Duke of Suther- land on the suhject of granting sites for churches and schools, alike honourable to both parties, and which engendered a high mutual esteem and confidence on both sides, and more than all, a beautiful sketch of the life of his beloved friend and successor in St John's, Glasgow, the late Dr Thomas Brown, prefixed to a posthumous volume of that holy man's ser- mons, in which it seems difficult which to admire the most, the described or the describer, we know of nothing more which he gave to the press till this work of his last days. We have spoken of his deep interest in his native land and church. It is but justice, however, to his memory and labours to record his extraordinary con- cern for the progress of the kingdom of Christ in other lands, and especially on the continent of Euroj)e, over which he had travelled, and where he made many friends, with whom, till the close of his life, he maintained frequent and profitable correspondence. In private life he was distinguished by the cordiality, strength, and steadfastness of his friendships, by atten- tion to innumerable instances of kindly remembrances of friends, by remarkable sympathy with, and services rendered to the sick, the poor, the fatherless, the SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. XV widow, and orphan — many of whom were observed weeping in the train of his funeral procession — and by the charms of his deportment in his family circle, consisting of two daughters, and a son who but lately left the paternal roof to enter on the ministry else- where. His young grandson, by his daughter, widow of the late Mr Melville, minister of Falkirk, was an object of his fondest affection and hopes. The visible happiness that reigned in his house might easily be traced to his pervading mind and wise superintendence, he having been left a widower by his beloved wife, a daughter of the late venerable Mr Clason, minister of Logie, when their offspring were but infants. Her death, which was singularly happy and triumphant, greatly influenced the whole of his after life, being often recalled by him as a means of stirring up his faith and hope to lively exercise. The remembrance of his own trials and consolations at that time, pecu- liarly fitted him for comforting those who were in any trouble, and made him ever a most acceptable visitor in the dwellings of the dying and bereaved. *The memory of the just is blessed.' 'Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord.' This was emphatically true of his Uteral death-bed. During the few days he lay there, his spirit and words were full of the rest and hopes of heavenly glory, on which he spoke of being immediately to enter. He breathed his last, repeating the brightest and most cheering promises of God. The church and the world suffer grievous loss by XVI SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR, the deaths of men of the author's character, attain- ments, and labours, as both have been benefited by their having Hved such hves. Both need such truly heroic examj^les of the power of the gospel, raised by Providence to places in which they cannot fail to be seen and admired. The departed author now forms one of that portion of the heavenly galaxy to which his country has been honoured to contribute in the century now passing, so abundant already in dark and bright spots, in omens of evil and of good, in efforts for overthrowing, and in influences for upholding the cause and kingdom of God. INTRODUCTION. It must be gratifying to Scotsmen to have a -well- written book from the pen of a Scottish Peer. Using the uncomplimentary language which the Duke of Argyll has — we think with less justice — applied to another body of men; the Peers of the realm of the present day 'are not generally remarkable for extensive learning.' With the best opportunities for the acquisition of knowledge, their youth is spent in the idleness, and, too often, the dissipation of a college life; and their manhood in the frivolous amuse- ments and perpetual whirl of fashionable society. A noble lord, devoted to scientific or literary pursuits, or even moderately well acquainted with the history, and politics, and institutions of his country, is a vara avis in terris. There is little to reward the labour neces- sary to such acquisitions; and the feeling of responsi- bility is in most cases too feeble to overcome the temptations of the steeple-chase, and the race-course, and the gaming-table. The Duke of Argyll is an honourable exception to these remarks. In early life he appears to have been I INTRODUCTION. conscious of his mental powers, and to have felt the laudable ambition of improving them for his own grati- fication and the good of his country. He kept aloof from the frivolous pursuits of too many of his rank and prospects: he stored his mind with useful knowledge; and very soon afforded the pleasing indications of superior talents and a manly independent spirit, worthy of the heir-apparent of the house and titles of Argyll. Before he had completed his twentieth year, he had written and published his * Letters to the Peers,' in de- fence of the Church of Scotland, which were not less distinguished by the ease and chasteness of their style, than by the boldness and force of argument with which, on legal and constitutional grounds, he maintained the justice of our claims, in opposition to the courts of law, and ill-informed statesmen, and a no less ill-informed and an unthinking aristocracy. He now appears as an author a second time ; and, whatever may be the opinion which the different parties whose history and principles he professes to elucidate may entertain of his peculiar views and sentiments, and of the arguments by which they are enforced, every candid man must admit that he has given new proof of his talents ; and, as an author, has not, at least, diminished his well-earned reputation. We hail the appearance of this work on another ground. Though entitled, 'An Essay on the Eccle- siastical History of Scotland,' it is virtually an essay on the theory of a christian church, and the connection which ought to subsist between it and the civil govern- INTRODUCTION. ment. Judging from the speeches and actings of our leading statesmen of all parties during the last twenty years, they have been at no pains to arrive at sound principles and conclusions on that most important subject. Naturally unwilling to discuss in parliament questions purely theological, they have repudiated the obligation lying on the civil government to judge which is the only true religious belief, and which the form of church government best fitted to promote the religious education and moral imj^rovement of the people. They do not seem to acknowledge, or have never contem- plated, the wide and eternal distinction between truth and error, and the difierent and opposite effects of these on the moral and social condition of mankind. History and observation, the great teachers of political wisdom, have spoken to them in vain. In three of the pro- vinces of Ireland, they beheld a hideous system of superstition and mental tyranny, degrading, and crush- ing, and pauperising the greater part of its population ; the fourth, under the influence of a purer faith, pro- sperous and happy: and not contented with putting the Romanists on a footing of perfect equality with their fellow-subjects in resjDect of civil rights — as jus- tice and sound policy required — they have adopted measures which can have no other effect than that of prolonging the reign of error and turbulence in that unhappy country. In the same island they found an Established Church, which, some time ago, they had it in their power to reform, and render efficient as a missionary church to a benighted and ignorant people, ^ INTRODrCTION. and they allowed it to remain, with all its imperfections and abuses, and in all its impotence, a reproach to those who hold the lawfulness and utihty of the con- nection between Church and State. On the other hand, in Scotland another Church Establishment, emi- nent for its purity and efficiency, has been broken up, because a British parliament, under the leading of a so-called conservative government, refused to inquire into the foundation of certain rights and privileges which that church had enjoyed and used for centuries, but which the civil courts, by a novel interpretation of an unconstitutional act of parhament, had taken away. While these political blunders — to the last of which the principal actor is reported to have pleaded guilty — are being committed, it is matter of congratulation that one member of parliament, high in rank, and destined, we trust, to exert a beneficial influence in the delibera- tions of the Upper House, has directed his attention to what must be regarded as the vital and fundamental part of the subject to which we have referred. We are very far from thinking that the Duke of Argyll enter- tains a sound or well-matured opinion on the main question which he professes to discuss. On the con- trary, we deeply regret that he has not observed the Horatian rule* so far as to suj^press the publication of his volume, if not till the ninth year after it was com- posed, at least till the lapse of the half of that period. But we willingly entertain the hope that the present * Nonum prematnr in annum. INTRODUCTION. 5 volume is only the commencement of inquiries by the noble Duke, which, with more accurate research, and more profound consideration, may issue in juster con- clusions, and be of real and lasting benefit to his coun- try. Meanwhile he has set a good example to others. He has not thought it unworthy of him to study the first principles of ecclesiastical polity; other statesmen may follow in the same field : and the time may come when sound christian principle, instead of a miserable expediency, shall guard the spiritual interests of the British dominions. The Essay, like the 'Letters to the Peers,' is charac- terised by perfect independence of thought and opinion. The author not only refuses to call any man master, but, like Dr Arnold, whom he seems to have taken for his model, undervalues the labours, and rejects the conclusions of all who have gone before him, and reso- lutely determines to elaborate everything for himself The consequences of this determination are : Jirsit — that he has fallen into some of the crude and erroneous notions of that great and amiable man; and, secondly — that he involves in one indiscriminate condemnation men and things of every class and character. He spares neither friend nor foe. Episcopalian and Pres- byterian — the Scottish Establishment and the Free Church of Scotland — the Spottiswood Society and Mr Gray's Catechism — all come, more or less, under the rod of his castigation. Some may be inclined to ac- cuse him of fool-hardiness in thus exposing himself to the assaults of so many adversaries; and it must, we b INTRODUCTION. think, be admitted that there are those whose hostility he has needlessly provoked. Candid and reflecting men, however, will augur favourably from this fearless spirit. They will fondly cherish the belief that they see in the Duke of Argyll one who will not be biassed by the opinions of the dead or the living; by the preju- dices of political partisanship, or by ambitious views and the desire of place; but, like another noble lord, one of the brightest living ornaments of the British peerage, will pursue his own course free and unfet- tered; and, with a judgment matured by years, and reading, and exj^erience, will one day compel the assent of the legislature to wiser maxims, and better rules of state policy than it has been the lot of past generations to witness. Already has the Duke manifested this in- dependence in the discussions which have taken place, and the votes he has given in the House of Lords, and in the exercise of his own rights, and the management of his own affairs. Is it too much to expect that when a careful examination shall have altered or modified the principles which he now holds, and shall have given greater weight to his opinions in the estimation of his fellow- citizens, he will discover the same manly inde- pendence, and will exert a growing influence on the deliberations of the senate, and the thinking portion of the community? Much as we admire the spirit to which we have re- ferred, we have no very sanguine expectation of any favourable change in his Grace's opinions with regard to the Free Church of Scotland. The feeling towards INTRODUCTION. that body with which the Essay is written, almost en- tirely precludes the hope of any such change. It is a historical disquisition, in which the author traces the ecclesiastical history of Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, dividing it into six periods of un- equal duration, as follows: — 1st, from 1560 to 1584. 2d, 1584 " 1592. 3d, 1592 '* 1603. 4th, 1603 " 1638. 5th, 1638 " 1660. 6th, 1660 " 1688. Its declared object is, 'to give a comjorehensive sketch of the principles and tendencies of the Scottish Refor- mation; to distinguish those which are primary and essential from those which, being the growth of acci- dental circumstances, are local in their origin, and as local in their meaning; and especially to point out the value of the former in the existing controversies of the christian church' — 'to redeem the history of Presby- tery from the prejudice which some of its traditions have cast upon it, in the eyes of impartial j udges, — to extricate the great principles on which its system was deeply founded from the inflated language and provin- cial dogmas in which they have been too long misre- presented ;' and to give ' the plain and true reading of a plain and true story.'* The noble author is avowedly and from conviction a Presbyterian, and, we rejoice to add, a decided enemy to Scottish Prelacy and Enghsh * Fref'dce passim. 8 INTRODUCTION. Tractarianism. The Essay, as he himself informs us, was originally intended as a review of a book, entitled, 'Presbytery Examined,' by Bishop Sage, of the Scot- tish Episcopal Church; a book written about 150 years ago, and lately republished by the Spottiswood Society. A portion of the Essay, therefore, is occupied in showing that, since the Reformation, Episcopacy has had no real existence in Scotland, as the form of church government of the people of that country. But it is not, as its title would lead the reader to expect, on the conflicting claims of Presbytery and Episcopacy. Bishop Sage and his book, and the Spottiswood So- ciety are scarcely noticed ; and Presbytery in itself is very inadequately explained and vindicated. It is manifestly the chief object of the author to note what he alleges were the different and opposite opinions of the Fathers of the Reformation in Scotland with regard to the connection which ought to subsist between the Church and the State, and to announce his own very peculiar, and, to us, obscure conceptions on this sub- ject. Turning away from Bishop Sage, with whom he had entered the lists on the title-page, he challenges the Established Church, of which he is a member, and pro- claims war against one of the leading doctrines of its Confession, and the formula in which it is expressed. All the while, however, his quarrel is with the Free Church; and, with reference to its distinctive opinions, he tells his readers, in the somewhat enigmatical para- graph of the Preface, quoted in the preceding page, that it is his object to distinguish those principles and INTRODUCTION. 9 tendencies of the Scottish Eeformation which are pri- mary and essential, from those which are the grow^th of accidental circumstances; that is, as we find on perusing the book, to show^ that the doctrine of the exclusive spiritual jurisdiction was not held by Knox, but only by those who followed him — that it was broached and maintained by them more in conse- quence of the circumstances and events of the times > than from a conviction of its scriptural authority — and that, in point of fact, it has no foundation in the w^ord of God. Bishop Sage claims John Knox as a favourer of Episcopacy, because he recommended the appoint- ment of superintendents; the Duke of Argyll claims him on equally slender grounds as a favourer of Eras- tianism. In a historical disquisition, the accuracy and dispas- sionateness of the historian are indispensable. We are sorry to say that the Duke has shown himself sadly deficient in both. We do not allude to his observations on the Scotch Episcopal Church ; that part of the work we leave entirely to the Spottiswood Society. We refer to inaccuracies in the statement of facts and opinions, of which some proofs have been given by Mr Gray of Perth, in his 'Letter to the Duke of Argyll,' and others w411 be adduced in the following pages; and to the angry, and sometimes contemptuous, tone m which he speaks of the men, and the principles, and the writings, of the Free Church of Scotland. What would any one think of the historian who, professing to write the history of the Church of Scotland in Co- a2 10 INTRODUCTION. venanting times, should speak thus of the noble, and intrepid, and learned, and truly christian men who in 1638 withstood the tyranny of Archbishop Laud and the first Charles? ^We know that the men of those days themselves — especially those connected with Scottish Presbytery — argued with themselves pain- fully on a subject on which they were led to a decision, however much they may have been deceived, neither by the suggestions of conscience nor by the rules of logic, but by the stern necessities of circumstances and of passion :'* Or — w^ho should sj)eak in the following terms of upwards of 500 men, who, a few years ago, renounced their status in society, and their emoluments as ministers, or expectant ministers, of an EstabHshed Church ? ' In our times, when a church, or a party in a church, either becomes dissatisfied with its exist- ing constitution, or are offended by changes introduced * Essay, p. 138, 1st Ed.; p. 134, 2d Ed. The author probably refers to Mr Robert Baillie, who, in questions of any difficulty, appears to have been slow in coming to a decided opinion ; and on that, and, at least, one other occasion, stood for some time alone among his brethren. There is no evidence, so far as we know, that either he or his brethren, in the judgment to which they ultimately came, were guided by < the stem necessities of circumstance and of passion.* The Duke's observations have reference to the conduct of the Scotch in taking arms against Charles I. We think it can be shown that, with one exceptiou, they acted then, as in the preceding century, strictly on the de- fensive; it was with the utmost reluctance that they appeared in arms against their sovereign. If any one will take the trouble of reading their published apology for the expedition into England in 1640 — to which we have alluded as an exception — he will find that it involved a very nice ques- tion in casuistry ; and of this he will be convinced, that — however erroneous the determination at which they arrived — it was not dictated either by the ' necessities of circumstances' or by 'passion.' INTRODUCTION. 11 from within, or from without, the ready, and, as we think, the too ready and immediate resource, is sepa- ration — the institution of a new rehgious society or sect."* What should we say of the historian whose works w^ere interspersed with such passages as these, but that he was warped by prejudices so strong as to disquahfy him for the task of forming a calm and sound judgment of the men and the principles whose history he professed to elucidate? The disqualification to which we have referred has its root in another, which we most earnestly wish and pray may one day be removed. Hayley was incapable of writing correctly, and with success, a life of the poet Cowper; and Southey, of John Wesley; and Principal Robertson, a history of the Re- formation; because these distinguished men did not un- derstand, or, understanding, did not sympathise with, the religious opinions and feelings of the persons whose life and character they sought to delineate. We are compelled to say, that, for a similar reason, the Duke of Argyll is not, in our judgment, qualified to give a just or accurate account of the principles and opinions of the Presbyterians of the Church of Scotland. We do not entertain a doubt of his j^rofound respect for Chris- tianity ; we are persuaded that he believes it to be divine, and that his profession of Christianity is sincere. Bat we do entertain serious doubts of his having looked into the subject-matter of Christianity with the profound and solemn attention necessary to his apprehending * Essay, p. 67, 1st Ed. ; p. 66, 2d Ed. 12 INTRODUCTION. the vast importance of a pure faith— a faith founded on a sound interi^retation of the word of God.* He seems to have forgotten that the reformation from Popery originated in the discovery, and cordial hehef, of great scripture truths, which the Church of Rome had carefully concealed, and wickedly corrupted; and. that our Reformers held the doctrine of the Headship— in other words, of the supreme authority of Christ's word in matters spiritual— not only on its own account, and for the honour of their divine Master, hut as a great first principle in Christianity, and the only safe- guard to the profession of truths which they felt to be the life of their souls. Theirs was not a contest for power, but for truth, or, as they called it, ' the evan- gel;' and for sound princijole in the relation between Church and State, as subservient to truth. It is this which furnishes the only key to the conduct of the Protestant Reformers on the Continent and in Britain, without a perception and due appreciation of which, no historian can do them justice. If it had been rightly apprehended by the author of the Essay, he would have shown more respect to our persecuted forefathers than to describe them, in the first page of his work, as ' the men who sung psalms among the hills with the sword in the one hand and the bible in the other.' * Like Southey, who, in all probability, read his prayer book more fre- quently than his bible, the Duke of Argyll does not always recognise a bible phrase when he meets with it ; for, describing the change which took place in the mind of Alexander Henderson, under the preaching of the celebrated Bruce, he says, ' Henderson left the church a changed, or, as he himself termed it, in the language of his day, a " converted'' man.' INTRODUCTION. 13 With these introductory remarks, from some of which, if we could, we should have gladly abstained, we proceed to a more minute examination of the work under review, in the confident expectation of being able to vindicate the Church of Scotland from the mis- representations — unintentional, we firmly beheve — which the work contains. In fulfilling this painful, but not very arduous, task, we shall endeavour, in the first place, to show that there was no opposition, but, on the contrary, a perfect agreement, between Knox and Melville, respecting the province of the civil magistrate in matters of religion; secondly, to ascer- tain and disprove the pecuhar views of the Duke upon this subject; and, lastly, to state the scriptural authority for the principles of church government held, and almost unanimously professed, by the Established Church before the Disruption, and still held as the distinctive principles of the Free Church of Scotland. STATEMENT OF THE DOCTRINE OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTL.\ND ON THE SUBJECT OF THE SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION — THE FIRST REFORMERS AND THEIR IMMEDIATE SUCCESSORS AGREED ON THIS SUBJECT PROOFS FROM HISTORY IN OPPOSITION TO THE ASSERTIONS OF THE DUKE OF ARGYLL — ERRONEOUS OPINION OF THE REFORMERS REGARDING THE DUTY OF THE CIVIL MAGISTRATE TOWARDS IDOLATERS, AND OTHERS — REFORMERS NOT PERSECUTORS — VINDICATED FRO:m the CHARGE OF BIGOTRY JlSD FANATICISM. From the vague terms in which the author of the Essay writes of the princij)les of the Church of Scot- land, those who have read the Essay only may be led to suppose that we hold that the separation between the civil government and the church is absolute,* and that the magistrate has no duty to perform in matters of religion. It is necessary, therefore, before entering on the first part of our vindication, to state distinctly what are the principles which our church has always main- tained on this head. They are declared in the Westminster Confession of Faith in the following words : — ' The Lord Jesus, as King and Head of his church, * Essay— Ap. p. 316, Note G, 1st Ed. ; p. 356, 2d Ed. DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. 15 hath therein aj^pointed a government, in the hand of church-officers, distinct from the civil magistrate.' * ' The civil magistrate may not assume to himself the administration of the word and sacraments, or the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; yet he hath authority, and it is his duty, to take order that unity and peace be preserved in the church — that the truth of God be kept pure and entire — that all blas- phemies and heresies be suppressed — all corruptions and abuses in worship and discipline prevented, or reformed, and all the ordinances of God duly settled, administered, and observed. For the better e£fecting whereof, he hath power to call Synods — to be present at them, and to j^rovide that whatsoever is transacted in them, be according to the mind of God.' f ' For the better government and further edification of the church, there ought to be such assemblies as are commonly called Synods or Councils. ' As magistrates may lawfully call a Synod of mini- sters, and other fit persons, to consult and advise with about matters of religion ; so, if magistrates be open enemies to the church, the ministers of Christ, of themselves, by virtue of their office, or they, with other fit persons, upon delegation from their churches, may meet together in such assemblies.' J The circumstances in which the civil magistrate is called to exercise his authority in matters of religion, as thus set forth, are stated in the Act of Assembly, * Westminster Confession of Faith, c. sxx. s. 1. f Ibid, c. xxiii. s. 3. + Ibid., c. xxxi. s. 1,2. 16 DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. J 047, approving the Westminster Confession : 'It is declared that the Assembly understandeth some parts of the second article of the thirty-first chapter only of kirks not settled, or constituted in point of govern- ment; and that, although in such kirks a synod of ministers and other fit persons may be called by the magistrate's authority and nomination, without any other call, to consult and advise with, about matters of religion ; and although hkewise the ministers of Christ, without delegation from their churches, may, of them- selves, and by virtue of their office, meet together synodically in such kirks not yet constituted ; yet neither of these ought to be done in kirks constituted and settled ; it being always free to the magistrate to advise with synods of ministers and ruling elders, meeting upon delegation from their churches, either ordinarily, or being indicted by his authority, occa- sionally, andj)?'o re nata ; it being also free to assem- ble together synodically, as well j)ro re juita as at the ordinary times, upon delegation from the churches, by the intrinsical power received from Christ, as often as it is necessary for the good of the church so to assemble, in case the magistrate, to the detriment of the church, withhold or deny his consent, the necessity of occa- sional assemblies being first remonstrate unto him by humble suj)plication.' So clearly has the Church of Scotland described the circumstances in the state of religion and of the church, in which the civil magis- trate, by his own authority alone, may call Synods to consult and advise about matters of religion ; and so DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. 17 great was her earnestness that, while the distinction between the civil and the spiritual jurisdiction was sacredly observed, there should be a mutual co-opera- tion for the preservation of the truth, the reformation of corruptions and abuses in worship and disciphne, and the due administration of the ordinances of God. ' The powers (civil and ecclesiastical) which God hath ordained, and the liberty (spiritual liberty) which Christ hath purchased, are not intended by God to destroy, but mutually to uphold and preserve one another.' * The duty of the civil magistrate in matters of reli- gion, declared in the passages of the Westminster Confession now quoted, has been frequently defined in the single sentence : He has power circa sacra, but not in sacris. He may, he ought to be occuj)ied about things sacred, but not in things sacred. He may not prescribe what shall be the faith of his sub- jects, and command and enforce submission by the strong hand of power : For ' God alone,' saith our Confession, ^ is Lord of the conscience, and hath set us free from the doctrines and commandments of men, which are in anything contrary to his word, or beside it, in matters of faith or worship. 'f But he may, and he ought to make provision for the preaching of the word, and ' the godly up-bringing ' of the people. He may not authoritatively determine in controversies of faith, and cases of conscience, or set down rules and directions for the public worship of God, and the government of the church; for this belongs to Synods * Westminster Confession of Faith, c. xx. s. 4. f Ibid., c. xx. s. 2. 1 8 DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. and Councils, who, as they may err, and have erred, are not to be made the rule of faith or practice ; but are to be submitted to only for their agreement with the word. * But he may, and he ought to withdraw his countenance and encouragement from a church which has become notoriously corrupt in principle and practice; and, in his own province, and in the exercise of his office, he may, and ought to provide for the quiet and undisturbed observance of the ordinances of religion, and may fortify the jurisdiction and adminis- tration of the church. Such is the doctrine of the Church of Scotland on this subject — a doctrine practically denied, but not yet professedly abjured by the Established Church ; and held in all its integrity by the Free Church of Scotland. It has its basis in one great scripture principle — the supremacy of Christ in his church, 'over his own house' — the essential and perpetual distinction between the secular and the spiritual, be- tween the ' power of the sword,' and ' the power of the keys.' The Church of Scotland declares the duty of the civil magistrate, in matters of religion, to consist in what is purely secular — in the calling of Synods and Councils for the rectification of existing errors, and in the protection and encouragement of true religion. Acting thus, he is ' the minister of God for good.' The church welcomes him as such ; does not refuse, but seeks his aid. To give that aid is his duty to God, whose minister he is, and his duty to the people * Westminster Confession of Faith, c. xsxi., s. 3, 4. THE FREE CHURCH. 19 over whom he rules ; for a greater benefit, even in a temporal point of view, cannot be conferred on any people, than the dissemination and encouragement of pure and undefiled rehgion. But she repudiates his interference in matters spiritual. She believes it to be contrary to the word of God, and injurious to the best interests of the State ; and that the peace and wellbeing of a nation can be successfully promoted, only when the civil and the spiritual powers confine themselves strictly, each to the limits of its own juris- diction. The Free Church of Scotland did not become what is improperly termed Voluntary, when she dissolved her connection with the State. She continued to hold the Establishment princix^le. By no public act has she indicated that she has receded from it a single hau'-breadth. And we beheve that her ministers and people, perceiving the importance of that principle in the presently-existing struggle against the desecration of the Sabbath, adhere to it more firmly than ever. In opposition to the no-establishment men, we hold that the State has, or ought to have, a conscience, — in other words, that the civil magistrate, as such, is not only entitled, but is bound to judge for himself what is false, and what is true, in matters of rehgion, that he may discountenance the former, and give to the latter his encouragement and support. When we assert this, we suppose him to be the professedly christian ruler of a professedly christian country, and therefore to believe that Christianity is divine, and 20 OPIJflONS OF KNOX AND that every man may learn from it what is the truth of God — that the bible is a revelation from heaven. And we hold that it is as much his duty, in his official capacity, to ascertain this from the word of God, as it is his duty, and the duty of the humblest of the sub- jects, to make this most important of all discoveries, with a view to the salvation of their immortal souls. As the minister of God unto the people for good, he is bound to make this discovery, and to act accordingly. If he err, the right of the Church to act independently of his opinion and his will remains. She asserts her own liberty, and waits for better times, when Church and State shall harmonise, and both shall work to- gether for the glory of God, and the real good of mankind. We repeat, therefore, that neither does the Estab- lished Church nor the Free Church of Scotland main- tain, or profess to maintain, the absolute separation between civil power and church power ; and that the latter cheerfully gives obedience to the former ' doitig that which appertains to his charge.' How far the sentiments of the men of the present day differ from those of the first Reformers, will be shown in a subse- quent part of this work. We have said that the author of the Essay affirms that there was an essential difiPerence between the opinions — perhaps we express his Grace's idea more correctly when we say, the policy of Knox and Mel- ville — regarding the power of the civil magistrate in matters of religion. He affirms that the former ad- THE FIRST SCOTTISH REFORMERS. 21 mitted, not only that it is the ' right and duty of the civil magistrate to exercise his own judgment on the affairs of the christian church/ but that he possesses a ' spiritual authority' in matters of religion,* whilst this is expressly denied by Melville and his contemporaries. The Duke asserts this to be a historical fact, and ad- duces the evidence by which he thinks it is estabhshed. With all deference to his Grace, we shall state our reasons for coming to an opposite conclusion. In the first place, he rests his assertion on the fol- lowing and similar j)assages in an Address, by Knox, to the Nobihty and Estates of Scotland, printed at Geneva in the year 1558: * The ordering and refor- mation of religion, with the" instruction of subjects, doth especially appertain to the civil magistrate.' He places the chief stress of the argument on the term ' ordering^ which, he thinks, must imply the exercise of powder and authority by the civil magistrate in the determination of matters spiritual. The connection in w^hich the w^ord stands does not, in our o^^inion, war- rant such an interpretation. The document from which the words are taken is entitled, ' The Appellation ( appeal) of John Knox from the cruel and most unjust sentence pronounced against him by the false hishoppes and clergie of Scot- land, with his sup)plication and exhortation to the nohilitie, estates, and commonaltie of the same realme.' In his absence on the Continent the popish bishops had passed sentence of death against him; and, not * Essay, p. 39, 1st Ed.; 38, 39, 2d Ed. 22 KNOX AND THE FIRST REFORMERS being able to reach himself, they burned him in effigy at the Cross of Edinburgh. He felt a just resentment at this gross iniquity, and appealed for protection for himself and his brethren in Scotland, to the Scottish Parliament. But his chief object in printing and publishing the Apj)ellation was to represent to his countrymen, and especially to the Supreme Council of the State, the necessity of uprooting, by the strong hand of power, a system so thoroughly corrupt, and so unfriendly to the best interests of the country, as the Church of Kome. With this view, in his Letter to the Queen-Regent, republished, with additions, in the same year as the Appellation, he offers himself as the accuser of the bishops and their apostate church, on these two conditions : that the question should be judged by Parliament, the bishojDS, as parties, being denied the right of voting, and that the standard or rule of judgment should be the word of God. And, confident of success in so bold an enterprise, he invites the Queen-Regent, and the nobility, and the estates of Scotland to judge between him and his adversaries; and, if they found he made good his charges against the Papacy, to proceed, as in duty bound, to ' the or- dering and reformation of religion,' by doing what the civil power alone can do, namely, disestablishing Po- pery, and giving its countenance and encouragement to pure, scriptural Christianity. The whole tenor of the Appellation shows this, and this only, to be the meaning of the Reformer in the words quoted by the Duke. We venture to affirm that VINDICATED. 23 there is not, in that remarkable and well-pondered Address, one sentence to which, by fair interpretation, another and different meaning can be affixed. The paragraph from which the quotation is made, is alone sufficient to determine the sense in which the words are to be understood. It runs as follows: — 'Of the jDremises, it is evident that to lawful powers is given the sword for punishment of malefactors, for maintenance of innocents, and for the profit and utility of their subjects. Now, let us consider whether the reformation of religion fallen in decay, and punish- ment of false teachers, do appertain to the civil magis- trate and nobility of any realm. I am not ignorant that Satan of old time, for the maintenance of his darkness, hath obtained of the blind world two chief points : Former (first) , he hath persuaded to princes, rulers, and magistrates, that the feeding of Christ's flock appertaineth nothing to their charge ; but that it is rejected upon the bishops, and estate ecclesiastical. And, secondarily, that the reformation of reHgion, be it never so corrupt, and the punishment of such as be sworn soldiers, in their kingdom, are exempted from all civil power, and are reserved to themselves and their own cognition. But that no offender can justly be exempted from punishment, and that the ordering and reformation of religion, with the instruction of subjects, doth especially appertain to the civil magis- trate, shall God's perfect ordinance, his plain word, and the facts and examples of those that of God are highly praised, most evidently declare.' He then pro- 24 VINDICATION OF KNOX. ceeds, in proof and illustration of the doctrine thus stated, to refer to the examples of Moses and the kings of Israel and Judah, cases certainly not parallel with those of kings under a merely human government, yet proving nothing more, so far as matters purely spiritual were handled by them, than that, acting ministerially for God, Moses communicated to the priests the will of God concerning the ritual observances of the law; whilst the kings — Jehoshaphatfor example — acting in the same capacity, gave instructions to the priests and Levites for the ordering and reformation of religion, when it had fallen into decay and become corrupt; and when, by their authority alone could idolatry be rooted out, and the purity of divine worship restored. Make the supposition that the Queen-Eegent and Estates of Scotland had, at the solicitation of Knox, done that, which was actually done two years afterwards — that, without going beyond the province of the civil magis- trate, they had repudiated Eomanism, and declared the Protestant religion to be the religion of Scotland, in what more appropriate terms could this have been described than that they had effected 'the ordering and reforma- tion of religion?' This, at least, we are entitled to assert, that unless it can be proved from other passages of the same document, or from the history of the Ee- formation in Scotland, that, by 'ordering,' Knox meant to concede to the civil magistrate the power of autho- ritatively deciding in matters of faith, or worship, or church discipline, the mere use of that word does not warrant such a conclusion. THE FIRST REFOKMERS VINDICATED. 25 The Duke does refer to history in support of his assertion. This is the second of his proofs. He refers first of all to the fact that in the Confession of Faith, approved by Parliament in 1560, it is declared that to civil rulers belongs the 'purgation and maintenance' of religion, ^Yords, says his Grace, which 'directly im- ply that an idea of spiritual responsibility, and there- fore of spiritual authority, was attached to the civil magistrate,* and perfectly agree with the words "order- ing and reformation" in the Letters (Appellation) from Geneva.' Then, in the same paragraph, he adds, that when the First Book of Discipline was framed, in com- pliance with a charge from the Council of State, 'it sets forth to that body, and ''offers to their wisdoms," the judgment of the Reformers on "the common order and uniformity" — that it "adjured them neither to admit anything which God's word did not approve, nor re- ject anything which it enjoined;" for they would not bind the Council to their judgments farther than they were able to "prove by God's plain scriptures." ' Passing by the illogical statement that ' spiritual re- sponsibility' imphes 'spiritual authority,' we have only to observe, on the first part of this proof from history, in addition to the remarks which have just been made on the corresponding passage in the Appellation, that the meaning in both passages is precisely the same. In the Confession of Faith the power of the magistrate, in the purgation and maintenance of religion, is sup- ported by the same scripture examples by which Knox, * Ess^y, p. 39 ; p. 38, 2d Ed. B 26 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. in the Appellation, pleads for the exercise of his autho- rity in the ' ordering and reformation of religion.' *To kings, princes, rulers, and magistrates,' says the Con- fession, 'we affirm that chiefly and maist principally the reformation and purgation of religion apperteanes ; so that not only they are appointed for civil policey, hot for mantenance of the trew religioun, and for suppressing of idolatry and superstition quhatsomever, as in David, Josaphat,' &c.* What Knox had expressed two years before as his own opinion, is thus declared to be the rehgious belief of the Protestant Church of Scotland; but with this remarkable proviso — a proviso which, strange to tell, the Duke has not overlooked — the magistrate ' doing that thing which apperteanes to his charge.' These words his Grace quotes in corrobora- tion of his argument ; but he does this on the assump- tion that he has interpreted correctly the words, 're- formation and purgation of religion;' and that these, in the sense which he affixes to them, are things per- taining to the office of the civil magistrate. If his in- terpretation be incorrect, the words referred to give no additional strength to his Grace's argument. To us it appears perfectly clear that the clause is expressly intended to qualify the preceding statements regarding the duty of the civil magistrate in the suppression of idolatry and superstition. ' Kings, princes,' &c., says the Confession, ' are appointed for maintenance of the true religion, . . . as in David, Jehoshaphat, and others highly commended for their zeal. And, therefore, * Confession of Faith, (1560) Art. xxiv. OPINIONS OF THE FIRST REFORMERS. 27 we confess and avow, that such as resist the supreme power, doing that which apperteanes to his charge, do resist God's ordinance, and therefore cannot be guilt- less.' The qualifying clause could not have been omitted but at the risk of conveying the sentiment that the civil magistrate had absolute power in matters spiritual. The first Scottish Keformers knew, and clearly apprehended, the distinction between the civil and spiritual powers. On one side they stretched the power of the civil ruler by much too far ; we mean in the execution of what pertained to 'his charge/ by the infliction of capital punishment on idolaters. On the other, where God and conscience stood supreme, and where, therefore, the civil touches on the spiritual, the line of demarcation was clearly defined. The civil ruler had his duty to perform about the church, but no rule or authority in the church. It was his duty to disestablish a church which had become totally corrupt in faith and practice, and oppressive in its administration. It was no less his duty to maintain and fortify a church which, to his judgment, proved itself from scripture to be a section of the true catholic church — ' the church of the living God.' With regard to the second part of the historic proof in support of the Duke's assertion — that part, namely, in which he refers to the language of the Eeformers in presenting the First Book of Discipline to the Council of State — it appears to us that, instead of confirming his Grace's opinion, it leads to a conclusion directly opposite. 28 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JcRISDICTION. The Reformers were sane men : and, whatever his Grace or the world may think of them, they were reasonable men. They had obtained the sanction of Parliament to the Confession of Faith, in which the doctrine of the Protestant Church, now established, was declared. In addition to this, they desired — and here the Council of State coincided with them — to have the sanction of Parhament, in like manner, to a form of ecclesiastical j^olity or church government. In prosecuting this object, they did not regard the members of the Council as automatons — they did not imagine that they had only to present to them a certain number of propositions, and demand their assent to them. They knew that they had to deal with rational and intelligent beings, whose understanding must be convinced ere they could attain the object which they had in view. They did not think themselves infallible ; therefore they would not bind the Council to their judgments, farther than they ' were able to prove by God's plain scriptures.' But they were not sceptics in Christianity. They believed the bible to be a reve- lation, a clear discovery of the will of God to the learned and the unlearned. In the language of Knox to the unhappy Queen Mary, when she said to him, ' You interpret the scriptures in one way, and they (the Romish priests) in another' — they said to every one, ' You shall believe God, who plainly speaketh in his word ; and farther than the word teacheth you, you shall believe neither the one nor the other. The word of God is plain in itself; and, if there appear OPINIONS OF THE FIRST REFORMERS. 29 any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, who is never contrary to himself, explains the same more clearly in other places, so that there can remain no doubt, but unto such as are obstinately ignorant/ After careful consideration and inquiry, they believed that they had ascertained the mind of the Spirit regarding the government of the church. They of- fered to prove this ; and, speaking as to wise men, they invited the Council to judge what they said, that, if convinced of its truth, they might recommend to Parliament to give its sanction to the scheme of eccle- siastical polity which they, the Keformers, proposed. Accordingly, after they had declared that they had no desire to bind the Council to their judgments, &c., they add, ' So we most humbly crave of you, even as you will answer in God's presence, before whom both ye and we must appear to render account of all our actions, that ye repudiate nothing for pleasure and affection of men, which ye are not able to improve (disprove) by God's written and revealed word.'* In all this there is no mingling of the civil and the spiritual powers, no merging of the one in the other. On the contrary, throughout the whole transaction, they are, of purpose, kept separate and distinct. The right of the Council of State to judge whether the Book of Discipline laid down such a form of church government, as it was their duty, and the duty of Par- liament to sanction, is conceded to the fullest extent. * Kow's Historie of the Kirk, p. 16 ; Wodrow Ed, 30 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. But the Council is not invited to join with the church as one body; nor do the Eeformers express a wish that either the Council or Parliament should assume or exercise any power or jurisdiction not purely secular. We admit that, before presenting the Book of Disci- pline to the Council, they earnestly strove to obtain the approbation and concurrence of the Protestant nobility, members of the church. But they were alone in preparing the document. Neither the nobihty, as a body, nor the Council of State, exercised or craved any portion of spiritual authority. Precisely the same course was followed on occasion of presenting the First Book of Discipline, which had been followed in presenting to Parliament the Confession of Faith. The one was presented to the Council of State, the other to Parliament, in order to their exercising their judgment upon them, and giving to them the sanction of the State, if they should be found agreeable to the word of God, and beneficial to the Church. It is not surprising that the Duke prefaces the reasonings on which we have been commenting, with these words : ' It is probable that Knox and his coadjutors, in framing this sentence' — the sentence where the words ' maintenance ' and ' purgation * occur — ' had no other idea before them than that of impressing on the legis- lature of Scotland the duty of giving legal sanction to the doctrines, and legal force to the anathemas which they had pronounced to be indisputably founded on the word of God.' We appeal to the candid reader, whether it be not only probable, but indubitably cer- SECOND BOOK OP DISOIPLI>fE. 3 I tain, that they meant nothing else — that they had no other object in view.* The last and chief ground on which the author of the Essay rests his assertion that the first Eeformers and their immediate successors differed, in some degree, in their opinions respecting the spiritual jurisdiction, is the fact, that the distinction between the civil and spiritual powers is more clearly brought out in the Second Book of Discipline, drawn up by Andrew Mel- ville and his contemporaries in 1578. The author tells us that, 'in the summer and autumn of 1560, the first Scotch Reformers were an enthusiastic and hopeful company. They trusted that Christ's law, as their own ardent dispositions had interpreted it, was to be adopted and engrossed in man's law ; and thus, that Scotland was to become, under an opened gospel, as one of the "kingdoms of God, and of his Christ." But before the first year of the established Reformation had expired, they had already, in some degree, discovered their mistake. The Council would not ratify the book. The State thus suggested that it was, indeed, separate from the Church. The latter had no recourse but to * We find this remarkable passage in Knox's Historie. Referring to Sir James Sandilands' mission to France to obtain from the Queen the ratifications of the Act of Parhament approving of the Confession of Faith, and other Acts regarding the Protestant religion, Knox says, ' How the said Lord St John (Sir James Sandilands) was entreated, we list not to re- hearse ; but alvvays no ratification brought he to us. But that we little regarded, or yet do regard ; for all that we did was rather to show our dutiful obedience, than to beg of them any strength to our religion, which from God has full power, and needeth not the suffrage of man.' — Historie, p. 255. 32 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. fall back upon her instinctive sense of the diflference of her province, and of her independence in it ; and that public sanction which the Council refused, the General Assembly gave.' He then proceeds to say, that ' the course of eighteen years still farther taught the Reformers, by many a lesson of hard experience, that the time had not yet come when the ideas of 1560 could be realised. . . . The Second Book of Discipline is, accordingly, in many respects, a very different production from the first. That which is but incidentally mentioned, and not at all pursued, in the one, becomes the dominant pervading idea of the other. . . . We hear of the " Power of the Keys" as distinguished from the *' Tower of the Sword." We hear of the former being a direct com- mission from Christ himself to them unto whom the spiritual government of the church, by lawful calling, is committed; and we even hear of that power being held by them as the " true successors of the apostles." ... It was not that in reading the bible, and reconstructing the Christian Society in conformity with its account, these principles had at once struck the first Reformers, — it was not that they had seen them to be enjoined by the word of God, else they would have been as prominent in the First as in the Second Book. It was that they were enjoined by the facts — the melancholy facts — of the world's condition. . . . The framers of the First Book were not impressed with it from the bible; but the framers of the Second Book had been deeply impressed with it from the world. KNOX AND MELVILLE AGREED. 33 The corruptions of a bad civil government — its es- trangement from, and opposition to, the ecclesiastical opinions of its people ; this had taught them the dis- tinction/ * These astounding paragraphs, containing more transgressions against historical accuracy than we have space or leisure to demonstrate, cannot be accounted for on any otlier supposition than that the author is so enamoured of the fanciful and impracticable theory of Dr Arnold, that he imagines he sees that theory to have been dimly perceived and anticipated by Knox and his own ancestors; and is displeased at finding so hopeful a beginning in 1560 counter- worked and de- molished by the men of 1578. It is true that the Second Book of Discipline is a more matured and thoroughly digested composition than the First ; f and it is no less true, that the difficulties with which the Keformers of that age had to contend, especially on the subject of discipline — first, with Queen Mary, and, afterwards, with the counsellors of the young King James — did forcibly suggest to them the necessity of declaring more expressly in the Second Book of Dis- cipline than they had done in the First, what they regarded as the only sound principles on the subject of the spiritual jurisdiction. But v»'e do most explicitly dissent from the statement of the author of the Essay * Essay, pp. 42, 3, 4, 1st Ed. ; pp. 41, 2, 3, 2d Ed. t Calderwood informs us, that ' the penners wished tlie posteritie, if God granted them occasion and hbertie, to estabhsh a more perfyte diseipUne.' — Hktory, vol. ii., p. 50 ; Wodrow Ed. b2 34 CIVIL AND SPIKITUAL JURISDICTION. — that only ' the elements' of these principles existed in the minds of Knox and the first Eeformers — that it was reserved for Melville and his coadjutors to refer these to ' some basis of abstract princij)le ;' and that, for the first time, they sought that basis in the bible. We hold, on the contrary, that, on this important point, the Reformers of 1560 and 1578 were entirely agreed — that both rested their belief on scripture — and that the opinions of the latter did not go, in the least degree, beyond those of the former period. Our readers do not need to be informed that the supreme authority of scripture — which, as we shall show in a subsequent chapter, is a principle almost identical with the headship or supremacy of Christ — was the ground on which WycMiffe, and Luther, and other Reformers, overthrew the claims of the Papacy, and the false doctrine and numberless superstitious observances of the Church of Rome. The Continental Reformers, in reconstructing and building up the true apostolical church, applied that great principle with more or less severity. Luther was contented with striving to remove what was corrupt in the so-called christian church. On the other hand, Zuingle, Calvin, and others adopted the higher and purer principle of setting aside the whole anti-christian system, and of allowing nothing but what was expressly warranted and enjoined by the word of God. The one class amended, and, to do them justice, attempted thoroughly to amend, the fabric of the church ; the other re-formed it on what they conscientiously believed to be the true EFFECTS OF ERRONEOUS OPINIONS. 35 scripture model. Neither class, however, was suffi- ciently careful to draw the line of demarcation between the office of the civil magistrate, and the spiritual juris- diction. The Reformers of the Continent were, indeed, * enthusiastic and hopeful' companies. They hailed the Protestant princes and magistrates as 'nursing fathers' of the true church in the face of the most formidable opposition which the world ever saw. From them they apprehended no evil — they hoped for all that was fa- vourable to the maintenance and progress of pure Chris- tianity. Therefore, they did not guard so jealously as they ought to have done against the assumption of an authority to which the civil magistrate had no claim, either on the ground of scripture, or sound reason, or expediency. Soon they had reason to repent of their remissness. Its iojurious consequences in Germany are well known to the reader of ecclesiastical history. In Geneva the senate absolved certain persons who had been excluded from the Lord's Table by a sentence of the church courts ; and Calvin, for refusing to submit to the decree, was sentenced to banishment. In Eng- land, Henry VIII. had deposed the Pope from his supremacy in that country; aud, sitting down in his room, exercised his usurped authority with a rigour, the mischievous effects of which are felt at the present hour. It was after these events that Knox returned to his native country, and witnessed the triumph of the Eefor- mation. He returned with more than the 'elements' of the spiritual jurisdiction-principle in his mind. 36 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. He returned, as ^Ye shall show, with the most clear and decided opinion, grounded on scripture, that Church and State — the civil and the spiritual jurisdictions — were separate and distinct; and that it was as incom- petent for the sovereign to interfere with the liberty of the subject in matters of faith and worship, and with the exercise of discipline by the church, as it was for the church courts to intermeddle with the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. This fundamental principle appears so frequently influencing and guiding the conduct of Knox during the whole of his remarkable career, that we find it diffi- cult to make a selection of our proofs. We give the following, premising that we concur in the definition of* the Church,' by the author of the Essay. We un- derstand by that j^hrase — unless where it is otherwise declared — the ministers and peojDle of Scotland pro- fessing the Protestant rehgion. We are informed by Dr M'Crie, that, as early as the year 1547, Knox taught in his first sermons in St Andrews, that no mortal man could be the head of the church. . . . That in religion men are bound to regulate themselves by divine laws, and that the sacra- ments ought to be administered exactly according to the institution and 'example of Christ.'* After this, and before going to Geneva, he preached with great acceptance in England, was appointed one of the chaplains of Edward VI., and had the offer of a benefice, vhich he refused, assigning as one of the * M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i., p. 103, 2d Ed. CLEAR AND DECIDED VIEWS OF KNOX, 37 chief reasons of his refusal ' that many things at that time were worthy of reformation in the ministers of England, without the reformation whereof no minister did, or could, discharge his conscience before God ; for no ministers in England had authority to separate the lepers from the heal — i.e., the whole and sound, says Mr Strype, that is, they had not the full power of ex- communication — which was, he said, a chief point of his office.'* It cannot be doubted that this was one of his chief reasons for refusing the offer of a bishopric in England, which was afterwards made to him; of Avhich the author of the Essay says, in language which we shall not characterise, that his 'scruples, if needless, were at least sincere/ The truth is, that Knox would not have officiated in the Church of England at all, had he not, at the period to which we refer, entertained the expectation — an expectation warranted by the opinions of some of the most eminent men then in that church — that it might be reformed after the scripture model, and delivered from the thraldom to the State, f and that * D. Buchanan's Life of Knox, pp. 11, 12, prefixed to fol. ed. of Knox's Historie. t This we think a sufficient answer to the assertion in p. 146 of the Essay, that ' until Prelacy became the fanatic enemy of Presbytery, the latter bore towards it no hostility, no narrow prejudice— even no strong ob- jection.' That the first Scottish Reformers maintained a friendly inter- course—we may add, intercommunion — with their Protestant brethren in England, is a most gratifying evidence of their freedom from 'hostility' and 'narrow prejudice' towards Episcopalians— a most gratifying proof of their christian charity. But it affords no evidence of their having ' no strong objection' to Episcopacy. Because the great and good Oliver Cromwell, while prosecuting the war against Scotland, wrote in the kindest terms of the Scotch as ' the Lord's people,' are we entitled to infer that Cromwell had no strong objections to Presbytery ? 38 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. he might be helpful in the accomplishment of so im- portant an object. So clear and decided, even at that time, were his conscientious convictions that the Church, in respect of faith, and worship, and government, must be free from the interference of the State. In perfect harmony with these facts is his language in the first petition presented by the Protestants of Scotland to the Queen-Eegent in 1558, to which he refers in the following terms in 1566, when, wearied almost to exhaustion by his contentions with Queen Mary and her councillors on the question of the spiritual jurisdiction: — 'For all others,' (other Pro- testant churches) ' how sincere that ever the doctrine be, quhilk by some is taucht, retein in their kirks, and in the ministers thereof, sum fot^steppes of Antichryst and dreggis of Papistry. Bot we (all praise to God alone) have nothing within our kirks, that ever flowed from that Man of Sinne. And this we acknowlege to be the strenth given to us of God ; becaus we estemed not ourselves wyse in our own eyes, bot understanding our own wisdome to be bot mere foolischnes befoir the Lord our God, layed it asyde, and followed onely that which we fand approved by himself. In this point culd never our enemies cans us to faynt. For our First Petition was, That the revered face of the pri- mitive and Apostolech Kirk sould he reduced (brought back) agene to the eyis and knawlege of men. And in that poynt we say, our God hath strenthened us till that the work was finisched, and that the world may sie.'* * Knox's Historie, p. 282. CLEAR AND DECIDED VIEWS OF KNOX. 39 If it be alleged that the passage now quoted is irrele- vant, because it may be a principle of the primitive church that the church may be merged in, or may be subject in some respects to the civil power, the same objection cannot be made to the following from Knox's Letter to the Queen-Eegent in 1558: — ' As Satan by craft hath corrupted the most holy ordinances of Goddes precepts, I meane, of the first table; in the place of the spirituall honoring of God, introducing mennes' dreams, inventions, and fantasies ; so hath he, abusing the weakness of man, corrupted this precept of the second table, touching the honour which is due to parentes, under whom are compre- hended princes and teachers. For now the devill hath so blinded the senses of many, that they cannot, or at least will not learne what appertaineth to God, and what to Cesar. But, because the Spirite of God hath said, honour the king, therefore, whatsoever they com- mande, be it right or wrong, must be obeyed. But hevie shall the judgment be which shall apprehend such blasphemers of Goddes majestic, who dare be so bold as to affirme that God hath commanded any crea- ture to be obeyed against himselfe.'* The well-known reply of Knox to Secretary Lething- toun is alone sufficient to show that he understood, and held most decidedly, the church's freedom from the civil jurisdiction. Referring to the meetings of the General Assemblies, Lethingtoun said: — 'The question is. Whether the Queue allowes sick conventiouns ? It * Knox's Historie, p. 418. 40 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. was answered^ That if the libertie of the kirke stude, or sould stand iipoun the Queue's allowance or dis- allowance, -we are assured, not onely to lack Assemblies, bot also to lack the libertie of the publick preiching of the Evangel : that afl&rmative was mocked, and the contrary affirmed. Weill, said the other, tyme will try the treuth: But to my former words this I will add, Tak from us the fredome of Assemblies, and takfrom us the Evangell : for, without Assemblies, how sail gude ordsour and unity in doctrine be kea/pit 1 ' * We might quote many similar passages from the writings of Knox. Again and again he speaks of Christ as the head, the only head of the church. He reasons in favour of the church's exclusive jurisdiction in matters spiritual from the examples of Daniel and bis companions in Babylon, and of the apostles ; and never fails to kindle into the highest fervour of his bold and manly eloquence when the Queen, or any of her councillors, question the spiritual power and liberty of the church. But, perhaps, we may make a stronger impression on the author of the Essay, and its readers, wlien we inform them that the sentiments of Knox on this subject were those also of some of the most en- liglitened and distinguished Protestant leaders of that period. Lord James Stuart, afterwards the Regent Murray, was accused, in a threatening letter from the King of France, husband of Mary, of being the head, and one of the principal nourishers of tumults and seditions in * Knox's Historie, p. 295. OPINIONS OF THE FROTESTANT LEADERS. 41 Scotland, to which accusation Lord James rephed in a letter dated 12th Aug., 1559, in the following terms: — 'My conscience persuadis me in thir proceidings to have done nothing against God, nor the dewtiefall ohe- dience towards your Hienesse and the Queine's Grace, my Souverane, utherwayis it sould have bein to repent, and also amended, according to your Majestie's expec- tatioun of me : But your Hienes being trewly informed, and perswaded that the thing quhilk we have done makis for the Advancement of Godis glorie (as it dois indeed) without ony derogatioun to your Majestie's dew obedience, we doubt not but your Majestic sail be weill contented with our proceidings, quhilk being grounded upon the commandifient of the Eternall God, we dar not leif the sam unaccomplischt, oulie wisching and desyring your Majestic did know the sam, and Truthe thereof, as it is perswadit to our consciences, and all them that ar trewle instructed in the Eternal word of our God, upoun quhome we cast our cair for all dan- geris that may follow the accomplischement of his eter- nall will, and to quhome we commend your Hienes, beseikand Him to illuminat your hairt with the Evan- gell of his eternall truthe, to know your Majestie's dewtie towards us, your poor subjectis, Godis chosen pepell, and quhat ye aucht to crave justlie of thame agane : for then we could have no occasioun to feir your Majestie's wrathe and indignatioun, nor your Hienes suspicioun in our inobedience. The same God have your Majestic in his eternall saifgaird.'* * Knox's Historie, p. 157. 42 CIVIL AND SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. A similar sentiment was expressed by the Laird of Londie, when, in the General Assembly, 1564, perhaps with needless jealousy, he complained that some of the Protestant noblemen, depending on the court, had with- drawn with some of the ministers to conclude things which were not previously proposed in the Assembly, and remarked that that appeared to him * to be a thing very prejudicial to the liberty of the church.' Still more express is the language of Erskine of Dun to the Regent Morton in 1571 : — 'There is a spirituall jurisdictioun and power which God hath givin unto his kirk and to those who beare office therein; and there is a temporal power givin of God to kings and civill magistrats. Both the pmvers are of God, and most agreing to the fortifeing one of another, if they be right used. But when the corruptioun of man en- tereth in, confounding the offices, usurping to himself what he pleaseth, nothing regarding the good order appointed of God, then confusioun followeth in all estats A greater offence or contempt of God can no prince doe, than to sett up by his authoritie men in spirituall offices, as to creat bishops and pas- tors of the kirk; for so to doe is to conclude no kirk of God to be; for the kirk cannot be, without it have the owne proper jurisdictioun and libertie, with the ministratioun of such offices as God hath appointed.' * In what, then, consisted the difference between the compilers of the First and Second Books of Disciphne, on the subject of the spiritual jurisdiction? In the more * Calderwood, vol. iii., pp. 158, 159; Wodrow Ed. KNOX AND HIS SUCCESSORS AGREED. 48 frequent mention of the subject by the latter, says the Duke. Surely his Grace does not mean to say, that there is anything like argument in this. If it can be proved that the distinction between the civil and spiritual powers was held by both — and we think that cannot be denied — the more frequent mention of it at a later period does not go to prove, as the author of the Essay has affirmed, that ' a definite separation be- tween civil and spiritual power had not yet acquired shape or consistence' in the minds of the first Ke- formers. But his Grace adds, that, in the Second Book, the distinction is drawn between the * Power of the Keys' and the 'Power of the Sword;' and that we heaj of the former being a direct commission from Christ himself ' to them unto whom the spiritual go- vernment of the church, by lawful calling, is com- mitted.' And what less than this did Knox's craving the sanction of the Scottish ParHament to the First Book imply ? For he craved that the church should have the power of governing which the book described; and he craved it on this ground, that he and his fellows asked nothing more than ' they were able to prove by God's plain scriptures.' Last and worst of all : his Grace says : — ' We even hear' (in the Second Book) of ' the spiritual government of the church being held by them as the true successors of the apostles.' This he mentions as the very acme of spiritual and priestly presumption. What will the readers of the Essay think when we have quoted to them the following pas- sage from a letter written by John Knox in 1559 to 44 SPIRITUAL JURISDICTION. certain of the nobility of Scotland, who appeared at that time to be growing lukewarm in the cause of the Reformation ? — ' Ye may perhaps contemne and despyis the excom- munication of the kirk (now by God's michtie power erected among us) as a thing of na force ; but yet dout we nothing bot that our kirk, and the trew ministers of the same, have the sam j^ower quhilk our Maister, Christ Jesus, granted to his apostles in these words: QuJiose synes ye sail forgive, sail he forgiven ; and quhose synes ye retein sail he reteined : and that becaus they preiche, and we beleve, the sam doctrine quhilk is conteined in his most blessit word.'* We have extended our observations on this subject to what some of our readers may consider an undue length. As Scottish Protestants, we felt that the author of the Essay has done injustice to the fathers of the Reformation on this head, and that his remarks lead the reader to suppose that the claim of the Free Church to the exclusive spiritual jurisdiction has not always been made to rest on scripture grounds, but has been the result of a gradual rise in the church's demands, suggested by the circumstances in which she was placed, and the attempts of the civil power to under- mine or abridge her authority. As Free Churchmen, we do not rest our belief of the exclusive spiritual jurisdiction — for with us it is a matter of religious belief — on the opinions of men, however eminent. * Knox's Historic, p. 133. ERRONEOUS BELIEF OF THE REFORMERS. 45 But it is most gratifying to be able to show, as we think we have done, that the views of the first Re- formers and their immediate successors were precisely the same. If it were necessary, it might with equal clearness be proved that no change of sentiment had taken place in the 17th century : And we appeal with confidence to the statements and authorities in the commencement of this chapter for the j^erfect agree- ment of the belief of the Church of Scotland now with that of our fathers of the first and second Reformation — we mean of 1560 and 1638. It is necessary, however, before closing this chapter, to advert to one most important particular, in which Scottish Protestants of later times, we rejoice to say, differ from these great and good men. To this we alluded in general terms in some of the preceding re- marks. The difference of opinion does not affect the essential distinction between the civil and sj)iritual jurisdiction, but respects the duty of the civil magis- trate. They held that it was the duty of the civil ma- gistrate to punish with death idolatry, and certain other transgressions of the moral law.* * We do not know to whom the author of the Essay refers, when he says at p. 22 that ' Presbyterian writers are not always incUned to mention this, fact;' and, among other inaccuracies into which he has fallen — we doubt not from the haste with which he has consulted his authorities — he says : ' Even the learned and judicious biographer of Knox, Dr Thomas M'Crie, omits the distinct mention of this fact, under the phrase " certain penalties." But this is weakn