COLLECTION OF PURITAN AND ENGLISH THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE f LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY ittTh J" . i j A. //; : i tt« & ~ - V 4- THE TRUE HISTORY COUNCILS Enlarged and Defended, Againftthe Deceits of a pretended Vindicator of the Pri- mitive Church,but infl^ed oftheTympanite&Tyran- ny of fome Prelates many hundred years after Chrift. With a Detection of the falfe Hiftory of Edward Lcrd Bifhop ofCorke and Roffe in Ireland. And a Specimen of the way by which tfiis Generation confuteth their Adverfaries in federal Inftances. And a Preface abbreviating much of Ludolphus's Hifto- ry of Halajfu. Written : j fhew their dangerous Errour, who think that a gene- ral Council^ or Coiledge of Bifhops, is a fupream Governour of all the Chrlftian World, with power of Univerfal Legifla- tion, Judgment and Execution, and that Chrifts Laws with- out their Univerfal Laws,are not fufficient for the Churches Uni- ty and Concord. By R I C HARD V B A X T E R, a Lover of Truth, Love, and Peace, and a Hater of Lyings Malignity, and. Terfecuticn. To which is added by another Hand, a Defence of a Book, En- tituled, No Evidence for Diocefan Churches. Wherein what is further produced out of Scripture, and ancient Authors, for Diocefan Churches, is difcuffed. I London Printed for Tho. ?artyurft, at the Bible and Three Crowns, at the lower end of Cbeapfide, near Mmta Chappel. 1 63 2. &S ?SK V? **K ?*K JwS SK ?*>* V* »f £$ ?*s aR • «S • "* * ks %S &5 *-** &* *<** *<** ?W MS SK &k S« ♦»• ^^^ ^ili X^^ri i*1 *$» 4$» «$» «^> «^» «^» To the Pious and Peaceable Proteftant-Cdnform- ing Minifters, who are againft our Subje<%ion to a Foreign Jurifdidtion. The- notice of the : Reafbn of this Book, with a Breviate of Ludol pirns Habaffian Hiftory, V- Reverend Brethren 3 WHen after the ejfeffs of our calamitous di vifions , the rejoycing Hat ion fuppofed they had been united, in our King new- ly reflored (by a General and Army which had been fighting againft himjnvited&flrengthned by the City }3 many other sJ3 an Aft of Oblivion feerned to have prepared for future amity ; fome little thought that men were about going further from each other than they were before : Bu t the Malady was evident to fuch of us as were called to attempt a Cure, and neither the Caufes nor the Prognofticks hard to be known. A cer- tain and cheap Remedy was obvious ; but no Tleas, no c Petitions i could get nan to accept it. The Symptomes then threatnedfar worfe thanyet hath come to pafs,God being more merciful to us than mijiaken men. We were then judged criminal forforefeemg and foretelling what Fruit the Seed then [own would bring forth : And fine e then the Sowers fay the Foretellers are the caufe of all. We quickly fiw y that inftead of hoping for any Concord \ and healing of the Bones which then were broken, it A 2 would lhe rreiace, would become our Care and too hard work, to endeavour to fr event a greater breach. Though we thought Two Thoufandfuch Minifters as were filenced would be mift y when others thought it a blefftng to be rid of them, we then pared, andfome hoped, that no [mall number more would follow them. It was not you that caft fuch out \ nor is it you that wifljthe continuance and incre a fe oftheCaufes. We agree with you in all points of the Chriftian Reformed Religi- on : and concerning the evil of all the fins which we fear by Conforming to commit, though we agree not of the meaning of thofe Oaths, Tromifes^rojefftons, and^Pra- Bices, which are the matter feared. We live in unfeign- ed Love and Communion with thofe that love Truth, Ho- lme fs and Teace, notwithftanding fuch differences as thefe. God hath not laid our Salvation or Communion upon cur agreeing about the meaning of every word or Sentence in the Bible , much lefs on our agreeing of the fenfe of every word in all the Laws and Canons of men* Two things we earnefily re que ft of you , for the fake of the Chriftian Religion, this trembling Nation, and your own and others Souls, i. That you will in your c PariJJj Relations ferioufty ufe your beft endeavours to •promote true Godlinefs and Brotherly Love, and to heal the fad Divifions of the Churches : We believe that, it muft be much by the Parochial Minifters and Affem- blies y that Piety and Troteftant Verity muft be kepi up : And what we may not do, we pray that you may do it who are allowed. 2. That you will join with us again/} all Foreign Jurifdi&ion, Ecclefufiicalor Civil. The Tarty which we dread I have given you fome ac- count of in my Reply to Mr. Dodwell. By their Fruits you may know them. 1. They are fuch as labour to mike our Breaches wider, ly rendring thofe that they differt from The Preface. from odious , which commonly is by falfe accusations; They call out for Execution by the Sword againft thoft that dare not do as.they do, and cry, Goon , abate no- thing; they are famous Schifmaticks, rebellious: They might eafily have learnt this Language, without flaying long in the Vniverfities, and without all the Brtmftone Books that teach it them. ' An invifible Tutor can foon teach it them without Book. He that hateth his Bro- ther is a murtherer, and hath not eternal Life abiding in him. 2. They are for an univerfal humane Govern- ment, with power of Legiflation and Judgment over the whole Chriftian World. How to call it they are not yet agreed 9 whether Ariffocratical, or Monarchical r or mixt. Some of them fay that it is in the Collegium Epif- eoporum, governing per Literas formatas, for fear left if they fay, It ism Councils, they J}jould]>refently be con- futed by the copious Evidence which we produce againft them. Andyet they may well think that men will ask them {When did all the Bifhops on Earth make Laws for all the Chriftian World, orpafs Sentences on Offen- ders without ever meeting together ? And how came they to know each others minds ? and which way the major Vote went ? And what, and where are thofe Laws which we mufl all be governed by, which neither God nor Councils made ? The Canons were all made by Councils. If you fay that I describe men fo mad, as that lmujl be thought to wrong them r I now. only ask you, whether our Cafe be not difmal when fuch ?ne-n as you call mad, have power to bring us and keep us in our T)ivificns ; or to do much towards it without much contradiction! But others who know that fuch palpable darknefs will not ferve their caufe, do openly jay, that it is General Councils which are the Legiflative and judging Govern nours The Preface. nours to the whole Church on Earth, as one Political Body. For they know that we have no other Laws be- (ides Gods and theirs, pretended to be made for all the World. But when the Cafes opened by me in the Second part of my Key for Catholicks, and elfe where, dofdence them, this Fort alfo is deferted by them. Even Albert. Pighius hath rendred it ridiculous, i. Jf this be the i I fp eci jy ifl & or unifying Head, or fumma Poteftas of the Universal Church, then it is not monarchical but Arifto- - cratical. i. Then the Church is no Church, when for hundreds of Fears there are no General Councils, an effen- tial part being wanting. And they that own but the 4 or 6 firfi General Councils, make the Church no Church, or to have been without its eJfentiatingGovemmentthefe Thousand Fears. And by what proof , be fides their incre* dibleWvrd, can they tell the Church, that they are fub- j elf to the fix firfi General Councils, and yet not to the [event h, eighth, ninth, oranyfince^ 3. I have oft (^a* gainFt Johnfon, and elfewhere,') proved that there ne- ver was an universal Council of all the Churches, but on- ly of part of thofe in the Roman Empire ; Were there no prooj but from the recorded Names of the Callers of Coun- cils , and all the Subscribers , it is unanswerable. 4. Who knows not that the Church is now divided into about Twelve SeBs, all condemning one another^ And \\ that they are under the Tower of various ^Princes, and many Enemies to Chriftiamty , who will never agree to give them leave to travel to General Councils^ And who (hall call them, or hew long time will ycu give the Bijheps of Antiocb, Alexandria, the Jacobites, Abaffines, IMcftorians, Armenians, Mufcovites, and all the reft, to learn fo much of each others Languages, as to debate in- telligibly matters cf fuch moment, as Laws for all the World mufl be. Fwenty more fuch abfurdities , make this The Preface. this Ariflocracy over all the World, as wad' a conceit as that for ement tone d: And when we know already what the Christian Parties hold, and that the [aid Jacobites, Neftorians, Armenians, CircafTians, Mengrelians,Greeks, Mufcovites, &c. are jar more than either Protefratits or Tariffs, do we not know that in Councils if they have free Votes they will judge accordingly againft both. But this Jort of men are well aware, that the Church is always, but Councils are rare, and it's, at leaft , uncertain whether ever there will be more; and the Ar- ticles of the Church of England fiy, They may not be called without the Will of Princes,- and the Church is now under fo many contrary Trinces as are never like to agree hrr-etc. And they knew that fome body muft call them, and fame body muft pre fide y &c. Therefore they are fori ed \ o fpeak out y and fay, that the Pope is St.Pf- frftSucceflbr, the prime Patriarch, and prmcipiumVni- tatst, and muft call Councils, and asPrefident moderate and difference the lawful from the unlawful .• And that in the Intervals of Councils he as Patriarch is to govern at leaft the !VeIi y and that every Diocefane being ex Of- ficio, the Reprefenter of hisDiocefs, and every Metro- politane of his Province, and every Patriarch of his Pa- triarchate, what thefe do all the Bifliops on Earth do, Andfo the Riddle of a Collegium Paftorum is opened, end all comet h but to this, that the Italians are Papifts, who would have the Tope rule Arbitrarily, as above Councils; but the French are no Tapifts , who would have the Tope rule only by the Canons or Church Tarlia- ments, and to be fingulis Major, at univerfis Minor, This is the true Reformation of Church-Government , in which the Engliffj Jhould (by them) agree. And now you know what 1 am warning you to beware of We are for atwi$tf§ cwjmfficr of the civil Tower The Preface. nnd the Ecclefiaftical, and for Christian Kingdoms, and Churches, fofar national as to he ruled and protected by Christian 'Kings, in the great ejt Love and Concord that can be will obtained: And for Councils nee effary to fuch ends: But we are. not for fetting up a Foreign Jurifdi- I {lion over King and Kingdom, Church and Souls, upon ■ the fa If e claim ofuncapable Z) fur per s. One of your felves in a [mail Book called, The whole Duty of Nations, and another, Dr. Ifaac Barrow againft Papal and all Foreign Jurifdi&ion, {ptblijhed by 2>. Tillotfon) have (poken our thoughts fo fully, as that we only intreatyou to take thofe for ourfenje, and concurr with us therein for our common Teace and Safety. We reverence all Councils fo far as they have done good-, we are even for the Advice and Concord efign being to o- ver- extol Councils called General, and to hide their Mis- carriages, and fo by f life Hiftory to deceive their credu- lous -parly who cannot have while, to fearch after the truth, I took it to be my "Duty to tell fuch men the truth out of the moft credible Hiftorians, especially out of the Councils themfelves as written by our great eft Adverfa- vies ; that they may truly know what fuch Bifljops and Councils have done. Among others this, exafferaied a Writer^ (by fame called Mr. Morrice,) who would make men believe that I have wronged Councils and Bi (hops, and The Prefaced and falfified Hiftory; and divers other accusation* he brings, to which I have tendered you mine Answer. I have heard men reverence the Englifti Synods, who yet thought that the 5th 9 6th,7th, %th Excommunicating Canons and the late Engines to cafl out 2000 Minifters, f roved them fuch to England as I will not denominate. I have heard men reverence the prefent Miniftry andV- mverjities, who yet have fad, that they fear more hurt from the worfer part of them to England, than theyjhould do from an Army of Foreign Enemies whom we might reft/I. I write much, and in great weakness and hafte^ and have not time for due perufal : And my judgment isra- ther to do it when I think it neceffary, oilcan, than not at all. And Mr. M. would make Jm Reader* believe ; when he hath found a word of Theodorets haftily mifta- ken, and Calami tranflated Quils, and fuch matter for a few triflmgcavils, that he hath vindicated the Coun- cils and Bifhops, and proved me afalfe Hiftorian. Andean we have a harder cenfure of General Councils than his own Reverend Lords and Tatronspafs upon . them, who tell us that there is but fix of all the multi- tude to be owned. If all the reft are to be rejected, I think the faults ofthofejfix may be made known, againft their jDefigns who would bring us under a Foreign JurifditJi- on, by thi art of over-magnifying General Ccnncils. I confefs theje men have great advantage againft all that fuch as I can fay ,' for they have got a fort of Fol- lowers who will take their words, and are far from ha- ving will or wit impartially themselves to read the Hi- flories and try the cafe ; but will {wear that we are all Rogues and Schematic ks, and unfit to be fuffered- And they have got young Reverend Priefts, who can cry, away with them, execute the Laws ; being confeious how much [a] lefi The Preface. lefs able they are to confute us, than the Gaoler is : But this h but a "Dream : The morning is near, when we f jail all aw ike. Terhapf you remember the jeaftingfory with which Sagitarius begins the Trejace to his Me- tafbyficksx Indeed the hyflerical fufocating Vapours do 07' dm inly (o work^ that in a place vf T erjumes or fweet- nefs the Worn eh v faint and fwoun away as dead; andCa- ■ y or AjfdFoetida, called Stercus Diaboli, or fuch like (link^rrviveth them like a Cordial And worfe vapours affeEt the men we {peak of: Motions of Love they can- not bear; but reviling and fal[e accufivg Books and Speeches are Food and Medicine to them. One of my chief Ccntr over fie s with Mr. M, is about, the Acts and Effects of the Councils of Ephefus andCvX- cedon, about the Nejlorian and Eutychian and Mono- th elite Cont r over fie s. That the ijfue was mofi dolefulTDi- vijions of the Chrifian World, unhealed to this day , is pafl the denial of fober men. Whether this was long of the Bijhop- and Councils is the que f ion. I have fully proved that Neftorius, Cyril, and Dioi'corns were all of the fame Faith and differed but in wording the fame fenje : And if fo, judge how much the World is beholden toihefe Councils of'Bi/hops .• But this Mr. M. takethfor afalje Report. Becaufe it is our mofi important difference, I will here give the Reader an account op the Effect of fhefe Cam- cils even to our times, in the great Empire c/Haballia, out of the much praifed Uiflory fl/Job Ludolphus. Lib.;, c. 8. In order to declare the Religion of the Ha- baflines he frfl declareth the Succefs of the Council of Calcedon, thus,-- [ Damnatus Diofcoms Patriarcha Alexandrinus tanquam Eutychis Dcfenfor & Hasrefiar- eha, verheribus quoaue mul&atus Sc in cxilium eje&us fair, alio Patriarcha Catholico in locum ejus iuffe&o--- Atrox / The Preface, Atrox exinde in Ecclefia Alexandrina Schifma, czdc & fanguine continuatum, in caufa fait, ut non folum mul- to maxima pars Ecclefise Alexand. a reliqua Ecclefia Catholica avelleretur, fed&iEgjptus ipfa, attritis in* colarum viribus.in Saracenorumpoteflatem veniret; qui difcordia Chriftianorum, utrofque opprefTerunt ,• ut exi- guum, proh dolor ! veftigium Chi iftianas Religionis nunc in JEgy pto fuperfit.Hsec atque alia talia Scriptores noftri. And the /ofs 0/Egypt and the South, fo firengthened the Enemies of ChrifHanity, that this breach let in^De- flruEiion to the whole Chriffian Empire : But the lofs of the whole Empire and Introduction oj Mahomet anifm, in the Eyes of our fiery Canoneers, is no dijljonour tothefe Councils: It is but Jaywg, It was all long ofDiofcorus, and the Hereticks : And were not thefe Hereticks alfo Tr elates andTrelaticafo But he procedeth, [" But the ^Ethiopians thus re- c< port it, that Diofcorm and his SuccefTors, and their <; followers did greatly complain of the Injury done " them ; for he neither followed Eutyches, nor ever de- M nied or confounded the Divinity or Humanity really " exiftinginChrift,but only was unwilling to acknowlcdg " the word [Narure] to be common to the Divinftyand 11 Humanity of Chriit; anJ only avoided this, leftcon- il trary to the mind of the Catholick Church, and the " Decrees of the General Council at Ephefits, two per- 41 fons of Chrift (hould be afferted : For that would fol- "low, if we admit Two Natures, and two Wills in " Chrift. And the word [cpu'ens] [Nature'] fignifyingfom- u what born or created, no way fitteth the Divinity: * Nor can the mind conceive of two Wills, in two Na- years ago. If you had feen the Fields of blood in Habaffia, would it not have inclined you to my Opi- nion again ft Mr. M. Or if he had feen it y would it %ot have changed his mindl I doubt it would not , becaufe the Silencmgs andCalamities in England no more move fuch men ; and becaufe they ftill call for Execution a- gainft thofe that obey not all their 'Oaths and ' Ceremonies^ and will abate nothnig,what ever it maycoft theLand.by the firengthening of them that are for ov./Divifion:And becaufe the 11 coy ears experience hath not yet been enough to make them fee the faultinefs of fuch Bijhtts^i) Councils, nay, becauf thy yet take not all Gods Laws in Nature and Scripture j or Sufficient to Rule the Catholic k Church in Religion^ without the Laws of thefe fame Councils, which hive h id fuch effects : But fome Bijho^s and Clegy-Mtn yet fiand to it , thit All mult be taken as Schifmaticks who obey not thefe fame Counci^Decrecs, 04 the Laws of the Universal Church. A"d if Ludolphus and the Aballines can fay fo much agunfi htercticatmg thofe callt d Eutychians, much more m iy be (aid for the Neitorians, to prove that the Contro* ve>-\y w is but verb il. There U m Biblioth. Par. To. 6. p. 1 3 1. the Mifh qua utun- The Preface. utuntur antiqui Chriftiani Epifcopatus Angamallenfis in Montanis Mallabarici Regni apud Indos Oricntalcs, o mendata & ab erroribus blafphemiifque Neftorianomm expurgata per Alexium Menefium Archiepifcopum Goa- num an. 1599. I had rather have had it with all its Err ours , that voe might have truly known how much is genuine. But it being one of the mo ft Scriptural, rati^ onal, and well compofed Liturgies of all there publiflj- ed: It would make one think, 1. That thefe Neftorians were not fo bad a people as their Anathematifers would haw made the world believe them. i. That the Banifh- ment of the Neftorians and Eutychians accidentally pre* ved a great means of theChurches enlargement beyond the bounds of the Romane Empire, whither they were ba- nifhed: And this is plain in current Hiftory. I have given you wis account ofmyDefign in both the Books, (The Hiftory of Councils, with its Vindication. and the following Treat ife.) I add an Anfwer to a Lord Si/hop of Cbrke and Rofle, who hath written mary Hi- ftorical Untruths by his credulity, believing falfe Re- porters. As to his and others Reprehenjion ofmyjloarp unpeaceable words, my. Cafe is hard; My own Confer- ence at once forbids tnetojuftifie my Stile orTaffion ; and alfo tells me that if making odious Gods fervants, fi- lencing and perfecting faithful Minifters, and Perjury, jhould prove as great a guilt and danger ofT>eJtruc~iion to the Land, as is feared y I cannot jaftifie my long Silence^ nor that I ufe no more plainness and fervency in calling the guilty to Repent. [c] THE The CONTENTS. I. A Specimen of the Way by which this Generation confuteth XJL their Adversaries m fever al Inftances* II. In the General Part : § i. Hard for young men to know what Teachers or Hiftory to § 7. temping Reafons for Papacy. § 8. Evident atainft tt. § 9. The Steps by which Bijhops afcended to Papacy. & J § 1 ^ . The different Opinions of Popery in the Englffh $ .18 TheCafe cf F ac~l decerned, what Judgment I fettled in about Church-Power. ' 6 jmuam lime F ° Y " hAt MU M ' ^^ m0U Withf ° WUCh di fP U «f»" * §22. Inftances of above an Hundred Councils, beSdes Particu- lar B.Jhops, all be fore An. xoyo. ./ whom I appeal to the Con fci TcVi Mer Me "> wbether the > have ^*t£$4 General hfiances of the greater Schifmsfince then bj popl/h Bps. Some gvejl.ons put to Mr. M. and feme Seafonsto abate hisd,f. pleaju'e. ■> j r ^2L aUteBo ° kofthemor79fmyLi ^ *• pw'vtb § 24. Whether I be guilt, of falling H.fiory. rl « e P p art ' cu,ar y Anfwer t0 Mr. MS Vindication; B^ P L T d h co R u e nt " niBeflltt of *> **H °f «* **& •/ c2ctca%y%Zp k » tdl * th < **>* <•* CouncUs r^ l ' ?J, M , r - M '* Imb,fir > toJhew m < } ° b ° Earned. Ch. 4. Whether! va.nl, name Htforians which /never read Ch. y. Ofmyufe ofTranflations, and following Binniui. Ch. 6. H„ charge of my o^n mifiranfiatims andmtfiakcs. Ch. 7. Hufalfe Suppofition that I am only for a Church of one Congregation. ' i J *£»' > 8 ' ??/# '/'?&'*- ** Iam a ^ iK fi Dioccfanes, Vihcnti s only tie tit fpecees. * t^ns 9 ' A>Ui th ' n Iam,t T " de P endent > *»*)« plead for Fresbj- of?UHl'r H ' Sf f! fr 4 **''™ thM l »*% the Bt M s ^e caufe oj all Hertpts and Sckifms, • Cb* i • The Contents. Ch. xT 9 And that I mention all the Bijhops Faults and none of their Goodnefs. Ch, 12. His Accufation of Spite, Malice, and Railing examin- ed, Dr. Burnet fatisfied, Cb.13. HisSuppofition that I fpeab^againft aliBi/hops Councils, Ch. 14. Some mens Credit about ancient Hiftory, tried by their Hifhry of this Age, Twenty Inflances of the Hiftory of cur times* My own experience of it. Whether I hate compliance with Superi- ours 3 or to preach by Licence. Ch. 15*. Mr, M's Magifierial author ifing or reletting what Hi- ftorians hepleafes. His Accufation of Socrates aadSozomcne,and valuing Valefius, Sirmond, &c. Ch. 16. His Obfervation on my Notes of credible and incredi- ble Hiftory. His Inftances of my Railing particularly confidered. Whether the word [Her eucat'mg] be railing or caufelcfs. An In- stance of Fifty five ofBp. St. Philaftrius'j accufed Henfies, by which I dt fire any fob >er man to judge. Other Inftances. Whether St. The- ophiIus 5 or Socrates and Sozomene were the Criminals, Even Pe/?hieft't- ons to him. Whether the Diocefane.P**^ (as Mr, Dodwel^) who nullifie our Sacraments^ are Hcreticks^if the Re-baptifers were fitch. The old qu, was not of Rebaptifing Hereticks^ but of fuch as Here- tickj hadbaptifed. Of the Donatifts and many Councils, Ofeur Liturgy's Rule to find Eafter-day. What the Novatians held. Pe- tavius*«^ Albafpineus Testimony of them. His quarrels about Epi- phanius, t he Arians, the Audians divers Synods. Antioch. Of the Circumcellians.Opcacus of the Donatifts as Brethren. His Ex- -cufe of the Bifhops. Ch. 19. Of the ifl General Council at C. P. Whether Bijhops followed Emperours, Their ufage of Greg. Nazianz. . Of the Prif- cillianift$,r&79* Your very Affe&ionate Servant, Richard AUefiry. II. In the Preface tor the* Life of Dr. Htylin are thefe Words. Mr. Baxter may he f leafed to call to mind, what: wot done t& ont Major Jennings,'/* lafiWar^ in that Bight that- wo* ktweenLyndfcl and Lorg- ford*, in tbt County of Salop ; where the Kings Party, having unfortu- nately the worfi of the Bays thtfoer Man was firift almefi naked, and left for m ♦ fcr dead in the Field: Bit Air. Baxter, and om Lieutenant Hfirdmar, f rf&tff their Wallajtmong thewomded and dead Bodies, perceived feme Life left tn the Major, ahdHurdn&n run him through the Body in cold Blor A/r. Baxter all the. while looking on, and taking off with his own Hand, the Kings Picture from about his Neckj telling him, as he was fwiming in bit Gear, That he was a Pcpifo Rogue, and that was his Crucifix : Which Pi- cture was keft by Mr. Baxter for many Tears, till it was got from him (but not without much difficulty) by one Mr. Somerfiild, who then lived r Sir Thomas Rous, andgenercufly reslored it to the poor man, now 'alive at Wick near Perfhore in Worcefterfhire, although at the Fight fuppo- fedtobe dead: being, after the Wounds given him, dragdupanddovonr.hr Field by the mercilefs Souldiers; Mr. Baxter approving of thz inhujr.ar.i- ty, by feeding his Eyes with fo bloody, and fo barbarous a Spectacle. I Thomas Jennings, Sttbfcribeto the truth of this Narrative abovemr-- tioned ; andhave hereunto put my Hand and Seal thisfecend Day c/MarcJ? 1682. Thomas Jennings. Signed and Sealed, March 2. 1682. in the Pre fence of John Clark, Minister of Wick, Thomas Dacke. Publijhed by George Vernon, Minister. The like was before Publilhed by Roger U Strange. Anfw. I do not think Major Jennings knowingly made this Lye, but was directed by feme bodies Report, and my fending him the Med.d. I do folemnly proteft, 1 . That, to my Knowledge, I never faw Ma- jor Jennings: 2. That I never faw Man wound, hurt, flrip, or touch him : 3 . That I never fpake a word to him, much lefs any word here affirmed : 4. T h2t I neither took the Picture from about his Neck, nor faw whodid it : 5. That I was not in theField,when it was done : 6. That I walked not among any wounded or dead y nor heard of any kild.but the" one Man before-me tioncd. 7. That the Pi&ure was never got from me with difficulty. But that this is the Truth: The Parliament had a few Men in Longford Houfe, and' the King at Lynd- fet, about a Mile and a half a-funder -, who ufed oft to sk'frmifti, and dare each other in the Fields between: My Innocent Father being Prifoner at 'Lyndfel, and I beihg at Longford, rcfolved not to go thence till he was delivered. Ifawthe Souldiersgo out, as they oft did, and in another Field difcernedthem to meet and Fight : I \:r ,v noty that they had feen Jennings -, but, being in the Houfe, a Soul- dier fhewed a tmalVMiktl of Guilt Silver, bigger than a Shilling; at d tokbus, That he wounded Jennings, and took' his Coat, afctt 1 toofrthat Medhi from about his Neck : I bought it of him for 18 J. no one offering hnfmore. And fome Years after (the firft : time that 1 I heard . (6) I heard where he w^, freely defired Mr. Somerfieldto give it him from me, that had never feen him -, fuppofing it was a mark of Honour, which might be ufefui to him. And now all thefe Lies, are all the Thanks that ever I had. III. The Obfervator,N. 96. faith, [T or. Wlio faith, t hey (the Presby- terians) brought in theKmgi>e fides your fdf ? Wh. y*/r.Hunt, the Author of the Conformists Plea, Air. Baxter and who not ? Tor. Prethee ask^Mr. Baxter, If he knows who it was, that went with five or fix more of his own Cloth and Char after, to General Monk, upon his coming up to London, *tf 1659 ; and finding a great deal of Company with him, told his Excellency, That he found his time was precious, and fo would not trouble him with- many Words : But as they were of great weight, fo he hoped, they would make an anfwerable Jmprcjfwn on him : I hear a Report, Sir, (faith he) that you have fome thoughts of calling backjhe King ; but it is my^ Senfe, ' and the Senfe of thefe Gentlemen herewith me, that it is a thing you ought not to do on any termes : For Prophannefs is fo infepar able from the Royal Party, that if ever you bring the King backjhe Power of G odlinefs willmoJi certainly depart from this Land. Anfw. Dr. Afanton f and whether any other, I remember not) went once with me to General Monkj, and it was to congratulate him ; but with this requeft, That he would take care, that Debauchery and Con- tempt of Religion might not be let loofe, upon any mens pretence of being for the King, as it already began with fome to be. But there was not one word by me fpoken, (or by any one, to my remembrance) againft his calling backjhe King, nor any of the reft hereadjoyned -, but as to me, it is a meer Fidion. And the AT^wasfofenfibleofthefame that I faid, that he fent oyer a Proclamation againft fuch Men, as while they caMed them- felves the Kmgs Party, did live in Debauchery and Prophannefs ; wkich Proclamation fo rejoyced them that were after Nonconformists, that they read it publickly in the Churches. Such grofs Falfhoods as thefe, are part of the Evil deprecated. As to his Queftion, Whether the Presbyterians brought in the King f Who can affirm or deny any thing of equivocal Words ? A Pfesbyte- ri.wis, who thefe Men will call fuch. They that in the Face of the World deny the Publick Afts of Three Kingdoms, in the Age they were done in, no wonder if they multiply the groiTeft Lies of fuch as I. The Parties that reftored the King, were thefe-, 1. Ther Excluded Members of the Ung Parliament^ the Minifters that were iince * [ (7) fince filenced ; and the fruflrated endeavours of the Scotch A; , Sir George Booth, Sir Thomas Middleton, joyning with fomeofthe Kings Souldiers, prepared Mens minds to it. 2 General Atonkty anid his Army, who were Fighting againit the King a little before, repreP O omvcels Army. • 3. The Long- Parliament Members reftored, agreed todilTolve themfeives, and fee up a Council to call home the King: 4. Sir Thomas Allen, Lord Mayor, and the Aldermen, invited General MonV^'wito the City, who joyning with him, turned the Scales. 5 . The City Minifters (called. Presbytena?is) perfwaded the Lord May- or to this, and wrote to Mctiks Colonels (called Presbyterians) to be fortheTung: (fpeciallyMr. Afr, by Mr. Calamys Couniel.) 6. The Lord Alazarine, Lord Broghil, and others of the fame Party in Ire- land, contributed their help ; and Colonel Badges, with others, lur- prizedD/^//tf'Caftle. 7. Many of the Old Parliament Men openly* provoked Gen Monkj, and fecretly perfwaded and treated with him r to bring in the King (whom the Earl of Angle fiy, the Earl of Shaftf- bury, and others yet living, can Name to you.) 8. The Parliament called by General Mor\, (by agreement with the Lo-ng-Parliament,) accounted mollly of the fame Party, Voted the Kings Return : Which no doubt alfo, the Old Ro.yalifb molt earnefily dehYed, and en- deavoured. Thisisthe Hiflorical Truth -, which if in this Age, Men will deny, I will bear any lies that they fliall fay or fwear of me. Now, either the f ore f aid Armies, Parliament men, Mi?;is~hers, &C. were Presbyterians, or not. If they were not *, then, I. Say no more, that it was Presbyterians that rat fed War agJtinft the King ; but that it was the Epifiof.il Men, if thefe were fuch. 2. Why then have you cal- led them Presbyterians fo long, and do fo ftill ? But if they were Prtf- byterians, then it was fitch that Reftored the King. But alas, how con- temptible, yea, how 7 odious is Truth grown to this Generation ! IV. There is yet a more Famous Hiftorian, than any of thefe, though unnamed ; who pretending to militate after Dr. Stilling fleet, as in a 2d. Part againsl Separatton,takcs on him to give you theHifto- ry of my Life. Partly making it my Reproach, that when 1 grew to llnderitanding, I reinembred how many Drunken or Ignorant Ren- ders had been my Teachers : Partly raking up retraced and oblite- rated Paifages of Old Writings *, while at once they perfwade me to Reviews and Retractations : Partly heaping up abundance of down right FaMhoods : Partly clipping Sentences, and leaving out the (8) the part that fliouU, *nake them underftood,and turning true Words, by perverfion, into Falfhoods : And partly by mixing this known Truth, [That I was on the Parliaments fide, and openly declared it, ,] But when at the uew Models I faw that they changed their Caufe, I changed my Pra&ioe, & was from the Day that I went into the Army, a.refolved Qppofer of all that they did,to the Changing of the Govern- ?r:m, & their Vfurpation:, & was fent among them to that end } which was immediately after Nafeby Fight : And continued openly disown- ing the llfurpation, and the Means thatfet it up. And though I was Preaching and Writing againlt the feidllfurpers, when an Army was Fighting for them, a^aipft the King, and the King knew how to for- give and Honour them, that did fo much to his Refloration , yet are, the Accufers fo far from forgiving thofe that never perfonally hurt a Man, that they forbear not multiplying falfe Accufations -, yea, and accufing thofe Minilters, and private Men that never had to do with Wars: Yea, the feme Men that then wrote again ft me for the Chan- gers andUfurpers, have fince been the fierce Accufers of us, thatop- pofed them. And if thefe Men be unfatisfyed ofmy prefent Judgment, I have no hope of giving them Satisfaction, if all will not do it, which I have largely written in my Second Tie a for Peace, for Loyalty, and againft Rebellion; and all my Confutation of Head's Politicks, in the Lalt Part ofmy Chriftian Dirt fiery ', with much more. . But. this Book mull have ( if any) a Peculiar Anfwer. V. Lately, when I taught my Hearers, That we muft not make the World believe, that we are under greater Sufferings, than we are, nor be unthankful for onr Peace, and that we muft when any hurt us, hove and for ~ give them, and fee that we fail not of our Duty to them ; but not for fake the owning, andjittt defending by Scripture-Evidence the Truth oppo fed. They Printed, that I Bid the People Reftsl, and not ft and ft til, and dye like Bogs. And 1. was put tbe next Day to appeal to many Hundred Hear- ers, who all, knew, that the Accufation was molt impudent Lies* This is our prefent Cafe, VI. The Players, 1 hope, exped no Anfwer to their Part. LonoLony Printed for R. Javeway, in jQueeas-Hedd-dl/ej, in Pater-'Nofter- R on>, 1682. CO The General Tart containing the Dejign and Sum of this and the former SooA, that it may be under -flood Tbbat it is that Mr. Morrice defendetb, and oppofetb ; and what it is that I maintain or blame y and by what Evi- dence. i § i.TF Have been thefe forty years much troubled with the temptation to wonder, why God fuffers moft of the World to lie drown'd in Ignorance, Infidelity and Sen- fuality, and the Church of Profeffed Chriftians to live in fo great Scandal, Contention, Divifion, and for the greater number, in a Militant Enmity againft the Word, Will, Way, and Servants of Chrift, while in Baptifm they are Lifted under him. But of late fince Experience tells me of the marvelous Diverfity of Humane Interefts and Apprehenfions, and the deep Enmity of the Flefhly Mind to Spiritual things, I admire the Wifdom and Providence of God, that there is fo much Order,and Peace, and Love in the World of Mankind as there is : And that all men live not as in a continual War. And I perceive that if God had not preferved by Common Grace fome remnants of Moral Honefty in the World, and had not alfo fanctified a peculiar People, whole New Nature is LOVE, the Sons of Men would have been far worfe than Bears and Wolves to one another $ and a man would have fled with greater fear from the fight of another man, than from a Snake or Tyger. But God hath not left himfelf without witnefs, in his Works, and daily Provider ces, and in the Confcicnces of thofe who have not finned them- felves into Brutes or Devils. And hence it is that there is fome B Govern- (2) Government and Order in the World, and that fin is afhamed of its proper name, and even they that live in Pride, Govetoufnefs, Ambition, Lying, Perfecution, ch\ cannot endure to hear the name of that which they can endure to keep and praclife^ and cannot endure to forfake. § 2. And indeed it is a great Credit to Hotiefly and Piety, to Truth, and Love, and Peace, and fufiice, that the deadliest Ene- mies of them are ambitious of their Names ; and though they will damn their Souls rather than be fuch 5 they will challenge and draw upon any man that denieth them to be fuch. And I muft profefs, that I fetch hence a great confirmation of the Immortality of Souls, and a Future Life of Retribution, For if there were not a very great difference between Moral Good and Evil, whatfhould make all the world, even the worft of men, be lb defirous to be accounted Good, and fo impatient of being thought and called naught, and as they deferve. And if the difference be fo vaft here, muft there not needs be a Go- vernour of the World that hath made fuch a difference by his Laws and Providence, and who will make a greater difference hereafter, when the End and Judgment cometh. § 3. Among other Gaufes of Humane Pravity and Confufion, one is the exceeding difficulty that young men mefct with, in the communication of fo much Knowledge as they muft necef- farily receive from others. Knowledge is not born with them : It is but the power and capacity of ir, and not the atl in which an Infant excels a Dog. And how (hall they have it but by Objects and Communication ? And Oljects tell them not things paft, the Knowledge of which is necefiary to make them underftand things prefent, and to come; and without which it is not pof- fible to be wife. And God teacheth not Men now by Angels fent from Heaven, but by Men that were taught themfelves be- fore 5 and by his Spirit bleffing mens endeavours. And when I have faid {by Man\ how bad.how fad a creature have I named ? Alas ! David's hafte Pfal. 1 16, was not erroneous paffionj nor Paul's words, Rom. 3. a flander, when they called all men Lyers, that is untrufty 5 and fo little do men know that muft teach others, and fomuch doth all corruption incline them to love flat- tering LieSj and to take flefhly Intereft, the World, and the De- vil for their Teachers, and to hate the Light, becaufe itdifgra- ceth their hearts and deeds, and fo much goeth to make a man wife., wife, that ic muft be a wonder of merciful Providence that fnaii help young men to Teachers that fhall not be their Deceivers. There were ever comparatively few that were truly wife and trufty, and thefe ufually defpifed in the World. § 4. And bow fhould young men know who thefe are ? This is the grand difficulty that maketh the Errour of the World fa uncurable. It requireth much wifdom to know who is wife, and to be truftedj who can well difcern and value that Know- ledge in another, which he is a granger to himfelf ? Experience tells us, that young unexperienced men do commonly receive that man's Opinions, 1. Who hath by nearnefs, or fbme acci- dent the greateft advantage in their efteem and love : 2. Or his that fpeaks moft for their flefhly Intereft, and for that which they would have to be true : 3. Or his that hath the laft wordl It cannot be expected that they judge of any thing, beyond the advantage of their fenfes, and the Netitia communes y accord- ing to Evidence of Truth, which muft be received by long and ferious ftudy, and by willing honeft minds, and by the help of an* tecedent Verities. § 5:. In this therefore Divine free Elettion is very manifeft $ As in giving the Gofpel to fbme Nations in the World, when moft others never have it, fo in giving fome young perfonsthe bieffing of good Education, and Teachers, and chufing for them that were unable to chufe well for themfe Ives 5 as alfo in blef- fing the fame helps to one, which are defpifed by another. And verily when I have been long ftalled with the difficulties about Election and Differencing Grace, undeniable Experience hath been my chief Conviction. If the Gofpel be true, the common world- ly flefhly fort 5 that areforChrift but by Tradition, Law andCu* ftotiij and are religious for worldly ends, and no farther than the Intereft of the Flefh and World will give them leave, have no true Saving Grace at all. And the reft that ferioufly believe and feek a better Life, and live above flefhly worldly Interefts, are in moft places few, and made the fcorn and hatred of the reft. And if de fatto, God do fanctifie only a peculiar People, who can deny his differencing Will and Grace ? § 6. I was my felf in my Childhood ignorant what Teachers among fuch diverfity I fhould prefer. And firft God had fuch a witnels in my Confcience, that Virtue and Holinefs were better than Vice and Sw> that it made me think that the fort of B 2 Teachers (4) Teachers who Traded meerly for the World, and never fpake a ferious word of Heaven, nor differed from fober Heathens, but in Opinion j yea, that endeavoured to make ferious Godlinefc ro feem but Hypocrifie, were not like to be the wifeft and moft rrufty men. And yet how to judge among the ferious, which were right, was long too hard for me, § 7. When I came to confider ofthe Divifions of the Chriftian World.and heard the Fapifts pretend to Catholicifm, and call all others Schifmaticks or Hereticks,it fometime feemed a plaufiblc Opinion, that the greateft Power and Dignity of the Clergy, was the Intereft of Cbriftianity : By Ricbes,Honour and Power, they may protect the Godly, and keep Religion from Contempt a- mong the worldly fort of men, or from oppreffun at the leaft. 2. And I faw that in all Ages and Countries of the World, Hiftorians tell us how rare a thing, a wife and holy Prince hath beeiij and how commonly by Wealth and Greatnefs they have been bred up in that Senfuality and Pride, which hath made them the Capital Enemies to ferious Piety 5 if not the Perfecu- tors of it. 3. 1 thought with my felt if fuch godly Chriftians, as much va- lue the Intereft of Religion had lived in fuch times and places, where Rulers were Perfecutors of the Truth, how glad would they have been to have had the Power of Church-matters put into the hands of their Chofen Paftors, what would they have defired more ? 4. And I read that till Riches and honours were annexed ro the Office, the People had ftill the Choice of their own Paftors, and therefore could not chufe but wifh their Eftates and Lives, and all, as well as their Religion, to be as much as might be in their hands. And fo no doubt when the Bifhopsw r ere advanced to great Diocefles, and Power, it was by thedefire ofthe moft Religious Chriftians, who valued moft the Intereft ofthe Church. j. And I could not but obferve, that though Cbrift gave his Apoftles no Power ofthe Sword, he fet them above other Mini- ilers, not only in Miraculous Gifts, and Infallible teftifying and recording his Commands and works, but in fome fort of over- fighr, which feemeth a thing appointed for Continuance as well as preaching. 6. And I thought that if Church Grandure were the Intereft of Religion and Unity the ftrength of the Church, it lookt very plaufibly (5) plaufibly to reafon, that as Bifhops were over Presbyter?, fo iherefhould be fome over Bifhops ; and that National Churches (hou'd by fuch Government be hindered from Schifm and Here- fie as well as Parochial. And that Diocefans and Metropolitans Power mould be derived from a Superiour as well as Presbyters-. And tbat w hen poor Subjects dare not reprove a Prince, fome that are above fearing his Power may. 7. And when I read the Popes Claim,I thought it feemed not improbable, that Petrus primus, and pafce oves meas, andfuper banc Petram were not fpoken in vain And thefe though:* pleaded thus for Church-Grandeur in Prelates and Popes. § 8. On the other fide., I faw 1. ThatChrift faid, HisKing- com was not of this world, and comes net u*m J^/lnfo**, with obfervablePomp. And that when they ftrove who fbould be greateft, he reproved them, and Concluded [w >it b you it ft all not t>efo~j and that the moft ferviceable is to be accounted thegreateftj that Peter himfelf accordingly defcribeth their office, 1 Pet. e. 2. I find that Chrift appointed them another fort of work to do, even- to -Preach the Gofnel # to all Nations through all (freights, difficulties and furferings, and to baptize, and teach Chriftians to obferve the Lawsof Chrift. And that as he never put the 5word into their hand, fo an official declaring and ap- plying hU Word to voluntary Difciples was all their Office, as ordinary Paftorsto be continued. 3. I find that Chrift fent them out by two and two,as if it had been done on forefight, that men would erect a Church- Monar- chy : And tbat no Scripture tells us of any divifion of the Church into Diocefles, where ore Apoftle was a Monarch 5 or had Power above the reft,or was his Peculiar Province: Nor tbat the twelve fettled twelve fuch, or any as the feats of their Succeffors. 4. 1 find not that ever any one ApoftleexercjTed Government over tbe reft : Nor that ever Chrift gave the reft any Command or Direction to obey any one $ Nor tbat ever the Contending or Schifmatical fort of Chriftians were directed to end their ftrife, by taking any one for the Head who muft determine all their Controverfies : And that they that faid [/ am of Cephas'} are reproved with the reft. And tbat all are called Mem- bers of the Body, and only Chrift the Head. And if it had been his will that One Vniverfal Head ox Power fhould have been let up as the Princlpium, or Center of Unity, it is a matter of fo great . yaence,that it is net to be believed thftt GUrh: .ave plainly commanded it. - f. 1 find that Chrift bath himfeifdone the work, for which HumMH Govtmmtnt (by Pope or Councils) ispretendc He hath made and caufed his a- pottles (peculiarly qualified fbr it J to record llniverfal ChurcU- l,2v. | even ai many u are UnivertaKy r.ecellary : And if lb, I cannot but think, I c hath done it better than Man can dOi 2. And that to add more unneceffarily mult needs be a c and burden to the Church; ;. A d that i: nmft be an ufurping the I ver of Chrift : For if chert be no other llniverfal there is no other that hath Authority to make Uni* veria! Law*. Therefore this is Trealbn againit Chrilt, and a making Man a Yice-Chritt, 6. I found chat there is not Co much as a X.iturAl Capacity in any one, or many, for an llniverfal Government: Church- Government being of fuch a nature as maketh it far more im- partible, than for one Monarch or Ariftocracy to Govern all the :h : And to do it by a trujy General Council, or by the Dif- futed Fifhops of all the World is further from poiFibility than to do it bv a Pope. 7. I torch t the Councils pretended to be General,to fee whe- ther they had made any better Laws than ChriiVs, or made any defirab'e addition. And I found 1. That while they were not wholly Papifts, they never pretended to make Canons for any Chrhtians, but only thofe in the acw.i» Empire. 2. And that it had been much happier for the Churches if they had made no more Laws than Chriir had made them, for holy Doctrine, Wor- fhip, and Church Difcipline, and had only as Teachers expound- ed and applied the Laws of Chrift. 8. I confidered the Prclent State of the Church llniverfal, and I find it inch as no Party of Chriftians in the World doth own. The Pope pleadeth for an llniverfal Soveraignty, and all his Clergy do the fame $ fome faying it is in Councils, fome in the Pope, and moft in both together, or Councils approved by the Pope : And Proteltanrs, Greeks, Neftorians, Jacobites, and almoft all other Chriitians in the World, accufe this Rcmtn Church and Claim. The Papifts condemn the reft: The Creeks, Arminians, and aft* moft all the reft accufe each other, 9. * (?) 9. I confidered what Popery is, that is. Clergy -Power in \:s height, and what it hath done in the World. And I found i. A wolul defcription of the lives of multitudes of Popes, recorded by their own moft credited Hiftorians. And x, I found multi- tudes of vicious Canons obtruded by them as Laws on the Uni- vcrfal Church. 3. I found moft doleful Hiftories of the Wars and Rebellions that they have caufed from Age to Age. 4. I found that they have corrupted the Doctrine of Chrift in abun- dance of particulars. 5. And that they have lockt up the Sa- cred Scriptures from the Vulgar, as they have not done their Canons. 6. And that they have turned God's Spiritual Wor- ship into a multitude of Superfluous Riies, and fcenical Cere- monies and Shews. 7. And that they have turned Spiritual Charch-Difcipline into a fecular fort of Tyranny. 8. And that they have moft fchifmatically unchurched the reft of the Church- es, becaufe they are not Subjects of the Pope. 9. And that they have branded the foundeft Churches with the name of Here- t '^ks,while they are the grand Herefie of the World. 1 o. And that they have been and are the greateft Silencers of found Preach- ers, and hinderers of true Piety and Reformation in the Church. 11. And that they have wofully vitiated the People that are their Subjects, fo that cdious wickednefs fed by Ignorance, a- bounds among them 5 and it is their Votaries that are called Re- I'.gf'otu, and a few Canonized perfons Saints ; as if Religion and Sanctity were rarities, or any could be faved without them. 12. Laftly, I find that they have lived upon Blood,like Leeches, and have been the cruelleft Perfecutors of holy men, on pre- tence of killing Hereticks: And that it is this to which they truft. 10. I took not this notice of them upon meer prejudice, but have read, I chink, as many Papifts Books, as Proteftants, or any other againft them. Nor have I taken it upon dark Scripture Prophecies, fufpecting my uoderftanding of them: But 1. The matter of fact from themfelves-: 2. Againft their Papal Supre- macy from fuch Arguments as are fully collected by Dr. Barrow. 3. Againft their heinous Church- corruptions, from fuch Moral Evidence as Dr.H. Moore hath fully gathered in his Mjfiery of Iniquity. 4, Againft their pretences of Tradition and Antiquity, I fetcht my Arguments from the Hiftories and Authors which they themfelves alledge, and efpecially their Councils, with the Fathers Writings. § 9. Seeing (8) § 9" Seeing the Church in this fad Condition, and the Papal part lb greatly vitiated, I confidered how long it had fo been. And I round that the Pope and his Bifhops grew not up like a Mufhroom in aday$ but had been long in thriving to maturity: And I met with no man that could jufr tell what Year or what Age the difeafe or tumor did begin. Bifhop Bromball thinks if i they will abate their laft 400 years Innovations, we may have hope of agreeing with them. Bifhop Gunning will own no General Councils,but the ftti\ fixj fome will receive eights fomebut four. Mr, Momce here goeth no further in his defence of them, what- ever he think. Some begin Popery with Leo the great, fome with Gregorys SuccelTour. But it is moft certain that it was firft an Embrio, and next an Infant and fo grew up from Childhood to maturity bydegrees.And the firft Church-corruption was not that which we now call Popery. And it is as certain that the tu- mor did neither begin nor grow up in the Bifhop of Rome alone, but in other Bifhops, who grew up withhim,& were his ftrength and Councils, and he their Head. § 10. It is known when the Greeks and Romans began moft notably to ftrive which mould be greateft, and how the divifion increafed, and when and how it came to an anathematizing or excommunicating each other. § 1 1. It's notorious that it was from the Councils of Calcedon, and Ephefus, that the great feparated bodies of Neftorians and Etttycbians (now called facohites) that pofiefs the Eafi and South, were broken off with NeftoriM and Diofcorus i and fo continue to this day. § n. I confidered who were the Chief Authors of all thefe lamentable Schifms, and Church- corruptions in the feveral Ages when they rofe, and who continue them to this day: And I found that many Princes were much to be blamed, and the Peo- ple not Innocent, no not the Religious Monks. But the Bifhops that had the main Church-power, by abufmg it, were with their Clergy the principal Caufes,and foare to this dayp The breaches might yet be healed in Eaft, Weft, and South, were it not for them. § 13. Finding this in Hiftory of undoubted Truth, I next confidered what was the Caufethat the Bifhops and their Clergy fhould become fuch Church-corrupters and Dividers, and ftill continue the Churches miferies, And (9) And I found as followcth, i. That none are ab;c to do fo much hurt as thofe that have the greateft Parts, Poiverjr.urcft and Truft. None kill fo many (except SouldiersJ as thofe Fhyli- cians who are entrufted to heal and fave them. If five hundred neighbours miftake a man's Difeafe, whom he never trufted, it hurts him not : But an unskilful Nurfe or Parent may kill a lick Childjand an unskilful or unfaithfulPhyfician may kill multitudes. 2. And there goeth fo much to make a man a skilful, faithful Paftor, as that fuch are rare. A% a Phyfician is like to kill his Patient, if he miftake but fomc one thing in his Difeafe, or fome Ingredient in his Medicine, though he were right in all the reft: So if a Guide of Souls were excellent h all other things what work one Opinion, yea or unskilful word may make , not only the cafe of the Nejlcri.ani 9 E*t)chians, Monot Elites, 8rp< tell us,., but even the ftriferhat arofe in the Church about Hjpjhtfismd Ferfina, which had almoft hereticated ferom himfelf, for all hi? skill in the Languages : And the cafe of the Greeks and Latines about [F/7/o^}j and abundar.ee fuch* 3. And Frtde is the Heart of the Old Man 5 firft living, and laft dying. And grea^Power, great Parts, and great Efts em do feed it, iftrueGracedo not mortifie it. Knowledge purfeth up$ and efpecially when men live among the ignorant and unlearned, and are but half Learned themfelves, and are thought by the people and themfelves, to be much wifer than they are: Inter aoecos lujcus Rex. 4. And Selftjhnefs is the very fum of all positive iniquity: And* Pride and Selfiffinefs make men ciefirous to be the Idols of the World, and to feem as Gods knowing good and evil, and to have their will of all that they have to do with. 5". And the ftrongeft temptations ufe to caufe the greateft fins. . § 14. Thefe Generals prefuppofed, it is moft clear, i.Thac the remnant of thefe fins', even in Chrift's Apoftles, fet them on ftriving whofhould be greateft, and made James dXidJohn defire preheminence, and alfo to have called for Fire from Heavenjand made them after Chrift's. Refurrection, hope that he would have reftored the Earthly Kingdom unto Ifrad. And it put Paul to vindicate his Apoftlefliip againft many that difparaged him 5 As it made Dietrepks, who loved to have the preheminence, to caft out the Brethren, and fpeak evil of John ; It gave Peter oc- cafionto warn the Bi(hops not to Lord it over Cod's Heritage, Q but. (10) to be Examples to the Flocl^, overfeeing them net by- cort- ftrainr, but willingly. 2. Even in good men this fault, though not in a reigning de- cree, did live more in others afterwards, that had nor that mea- sure of the Spirit as the Apoftles had to overcome it. And if even in Paul's daies he had none like-minded to Timdthj^ho na- turally cared for the good of all; for all (too muchj fought their own, and not the things that are Jefus Chrift's, as Demas forfook him for fome worldly Interelt -, what wonder is ir if af- terward Pride and Worldlinefs grew greater, and Herefies and • Strifes increafed. 3. Yet while Chriftianity was a fuffering and laborious State, the Paftors of the Churches were commonly the beft men, thac had more Knowledge, Holinefs and Love than others, and the Churches profpered under the Crofs : They that fpared not their labours, but imitated the pattern fet by Panl, Atts 20. did not ftrive who fhould have the largeft Diocefs, and undertake that which they could not do, but they ftrove to do as much as they were able, and to increafe and edifle the Flock. 4. But when extraordinary Gifts abated* and acquired Ones became more neceflary 3 and few Philofophers turned Chriftians, able Taking Preachers or Orators grew fewer, and thofe few that were eminent in knowledge and Speech were juftly pre- ferred before the relr. And ufually fome one man had the chief hand in converting men, and gathering a Church in each parti- cular Town, and then he rightfully was taken for their Paftor : And it being found that the publick and private care of Souls re- quired in each Church, where were fit men-, mo re than one Pa- ftor j \ It was not meet that more fhould be brought to him that 8 was there before, without his approbation and confentj but that 4 he were to the juniors as a Father; And becaufe the relt were u- fually below him in Gifts and Worth, it was thought but meet that they fhould do what they did by his confent : And alfo to avoid Divifions, to which they were over-prone, it was Judged fit that one fhould have the preheminence, and a negative, and partly ruling Vote. 5. The Churches, which in the beginning had thefe Bifhops and Fellow- Presbyters, were fingle Congregations : And fhortly they grew to be more than could meet together in fome few great Cities % Perfecution hindering them from very large Af- lemblies, (II) . femblies, beftties their want of large capacious Temples. Dr. Hammond thinks that there is no evidence, that in Scripture- time there were any other Presbyters than Bifoops, and conse- quently aBifhop had but one Congregation, unlefs he went one hour to one, and another to another, which was not their life. But doubtiefs in this he is miilaken, as the many Speakeis as Corinth (hew. 6. TheGreatnefc of the Roman Empire was prepared by God to be then an exceeding great furtherance of the Gofpel : For under the fame Civil Laws and Power?, where one or two Lan- guages were underftood by moil, Chriftians had the far greater* advantage for Communication. Want of forreign Languages is now our great hinderance from Preaching the Gofpel to ether Nations of the World : And the Confufion at Babel was an un- fpeakable Judgment. But as Ships, yea Navies, can fail on the Ocean, when final! Barks or Boats only can pafs on Rivers 5 fo the vaftnefs of the Reman Empire was a great help to thcChurch, by Communication , Language and AccefTes : But efpecialiy when the Emperour became Chriftian, the advantage was ex- ceeding great : Whereas now the Greatnefs of the Tttrkjjh, Tar* tarian fklxdoftan Empire, are great Impediments to the Gofpel 5 becaufe the Barbarians are more cruel Enemies than the Civil Romans (notwithstanding the ten Perfections) were; and their oppofition is the moreextenfive by the extent of their Domi- nions $. and the Chriftian Churches having now more fcandalized the Infidels by their corruptions. While they were not corrupt- ed by worldly power and wealth* the great holinefs of the Churches convinced the fober part of the Empire. Albafyintus fhews us clearly that their ftri&nefs was fo great, that they en- dured no notable fcandalous fin among them 5 yea and came ve- ry near to the Novatians in their Discipline : And that it was not for greater ftridtnefs that the Novatians were condemned, but for denying the Power of the Church to abfolve men peni- tent that finned afcer Baptifm. And their Canons (new it. And it is certain,, that Chriftians obeying ?aul t avoided the Heathen Judicatures as much as might be, and cenfured thofe that did not, and ended their Differences by the way of Arbitration, and took the Bifhop with the Confent of bis Clergy to be an Au- thorized Arbitrator 5 and thus the affairs of all the Chriftians being caft upon him, - and lie having no power to force any C 2 ma.v c 1l \ (12) man, but only to govern Volunteers, theBimops were con- (trained to make their Rules of Difcipline fo much the ftri&er, that all that would not renounce Chriftianity, and Church- Communion, might be brought to Obedience to efcape Excom- munication. 7. God having made the Great Yowr and Extent of the Ro- man Empire, fo great a means for the propagation of Chriftiani- tv, the Chriitians thought that the Greater they grew them- felves, the more it would tend to the Churches deliverance,, from contempt and perfecution : And their advancement lay in "that advancement of the Bifhops, which private men could not expect, fave only by fubfequent participation. Hereupon the Bifhops, by the Peoples content, endeavoured to form the Go- \ vernment of the Church within the- Empire, into a conformity to the Government of the Empire: And they contrived that thofe Cities whofe Govemonrs had the chief Civil Power,their Biflhops mould have anfwerable Church-Power; the Glory of the Empire drawing them for Teeming Intereft, into imitation. 8. From the like Principles they defired greatly the enlarge- ment of the Churches of which they were Overfeers : And whereas Chriflhad made fingle Churches like Schools, and eve- ry ftated Worfhipping Church, was alfo a Governed Church, as every School hath its School-Mafters, one, or more, by degrees thefe Churches were by degeneration quite altered into other things : Firft, They were like a Parochial Church, which add- eth Chappels: They thought not fo contemptibly of tbePaftoral work as we do, but found enough, as is laid, for many men in a Church of a few hundred or thoufand fouls .• And when by Per- fecution, or Numbers, or Diftance, tbey could not all meet or- dinarily in one place, they appointed them to meet. under feve- ral Presbyters, in feveral places, but without appropriating a particular Presbyter to each AfTembly. 2. After they appropriated them to their diftincl: charges, and diftinguifhed a ftated Worfhipping company from a Govern- ed Church, the Bifhopand his Confiftory ruling all in common ; and the People tyed to communicate only at the Bifhops Altar, and elfewhere to be but Hearers and Worfhippcrs. 3. After that they fetup Altars u-p and down for Monuments and Memorials of Nkrtyrs^nd then in the Presbyters Chappefsj yet fo that the People were at Eafic\ WhibftntMr, ana the Na- tsvtty, tivity, to communicate with the Eifhop in the Mother Church or Cathedral. 4. Then when Country-Village? diftarrt had a great irxreafe of Uhriftians, they allowed Country-Bifhops, Chore pifcopos, (pro- ved by Petaviusxo be true Bifhops; if they were nor,Presbyters ordained.) But they muft be fubjeel: to the City Bifhop. f. Afrer this they decreed that very little Cities ihould have no Bifnope, ne vHtfcai nomsn Bpifcopi ; whenas before that every City had a Bifhop and Elders,that had Chriftians enow : And every Town, like our Corporations, or Market-Towns, were called Cities: *BA/<4jd not'fignific only fuch as we now call Cities diftinft from fuch Towns ; were they no bigger than Cenchrea, Majufna* and fuch others clofe to greater Cities, they had Bifhops. Yea every Church was to have their Elders, (and confequently Bifhops,faith Dr. Hammond) where ever it was, by the Rule of the Holy Ghoft, Acts 14.23. And God never faid, Let there be .no Churches but in Cities : Elfe when an Emperour would put down all the Cities, or many, he fhould put down as many Churches. 6. After this they fet upPatriarks as before they had doneMe- tropolitans: And ir was three that they firft fet up (but no where out of the Empire: J And the Papifts find in thelnftitu- tion the myftery of Trinity in Unity : For they could not find any where Twelve Seats SuccefFors to the Twelve Apoftles $ and fo they feigned, that Veter being the Center of Unity, The Tri- nity flowed from him. 1. He as Bifhop erected the Antiocht- ai Patriarchate. 2. By St. Mar^hh Difciple, the Alexandri- an. And 3. By his final Epifcopacy the Roman, faith foh.Dar- tis t de ftatu Ecckf. tempore Apvftolt % pag. 23, 24, \Jmitatur Ecclsfa D um ut trinum in Per fonts & unum in effentU, quatenus fcilicef una dr eadem Ec clef a eft multiplex ratione locorum-, nam diftrihutio prima ( & generalis omnium Ecclefarum fait in tres Pa- triarcbat:is s Romanzm, Alexander mum, & Antiscienum y ut unum eptpcr tres Ami ft it es Saccrdotium ad Trinitatis in far cut una eft atque individua poteftas ut rette interpret atur S)mmachus Pap. ad Eonwm--- Dicendum eft quod ficut in Trinitate una exiftente ef- fcxtui, tamen perfna d'.ffsrentes exiftunt^ it a Ecclefa una eft effen- ti.i y licet plnres particuUres ex if ant : Et fcui omnes Trim tat is pcrfina ortginem fumznt d Patre y qui eft ortgp Fili: y & met que Sp. Santti) it a Ecclefa ortgo eft Roth ana aliarum.] 7. After 7. At the fame time ihey began to defcribe Churches or Bi- fhops Provinces by the Meafures of Land, which before were defcribed by the Perfons of Volunteers, inhabiting near each other, faith the aforefaid Dartis p. 128. Et fane din duravit Hit mo: tanquam Apoftolicus in Ecclejiis^ at non effent alii termini EpifcQpatUi qttam muhitudo tor am quos ad fide m convert ijf cm & baptiz-a/fent, which he proveth out of the Canons. 8. Rome being the imperial Seat, the Bifhop of Rome was neareft the Emperour and fiibordinate Rulers, and (b mo ft capa- ble to make Friends for Chriftians under any Accusations and Perfecution?* by which advantage all Chriftians through the Empire needing and being glad of fuch help, did willingly give the Primacy to the Romane Fatriark. 9. The Emperor Confi amine turning Chriftian, and taking them for his fureft Souldiers, refolved to raife them as high as he well could, for the intereft of Chriftianity and his own, and thereby to work down the Heathens by degrees, and according* ly gave them chief Countenance , and chief Power 5 and their Bifhops being their chief men, it muft be done by exalting them. He made them the authorized Judges of -all Chriftians that de- fired it, even in criminal cafes. He yet gave not the Bifhops the power of the Sword 5 but if any Chriftians had committed For* nication, Adultery, Perjury., yea Murder, the Bifhop was to pu- nifh them by Pennance and Sufpenfion from the Sacrament : Befides which,Chriftians had the chief Preferments as they were capable of in the Armies and Civil Government: So that they triumphed over their late Perfecutors, AndnowHonour,Power and Wealth, were moft on the Chriftians fide, but efpecialLy the Biftiops. 10. Worldly Intereft being now on the Churches fide 5 much of the World by fuch Motives crowded into the Churchy and no man can imagine that it could be otherwife, who confiders which way the Vulgar go, and how apt to be of the Prince's mind, and how much nature inclineth to flcfhly Intereft: Who had nor rather be kept from the Sacrament and Communion for a crime, till be profefs Repentance, than to be hanged or ba- nifhed, or ruined for it ? But cfpecially the Temptation was ftrongeft to the Biftiops, ' whofe baits were the moft alluring: And ever fince then they that moft \ovttiYealthpowr nn&Honoitr (that is, the worft, molt woridly 0>) vtorldly men) have been the moft eager defirers and teekers of Bifhopricks: And while humble holy men mutt rather be fought to, fuch earneft feekers are like to be the ordinary finders and poffeffors. ii. But yet three things kept up for fome tirme a confide- rabte number of godly Bifhops in theChurches, which with the humble Presbyters, kept up the Intereft of found and practical Religion. i. Thofe that had been tryed worthy men before Conftan* tines converfion, and the Bifhop's exaltation, kept their Integri- ty in the main j though in the Nicene Council their conten- tious Libels (hewed that we are more beholden to Conftantine than to them, that they fell not into fuch ftrifeas their Saccef- fors did. Good men may be carryed too far in Pride and Strife, but they will not be mattered by them, and turn againft the Power of Godlinefs. 2. The People and Inferiour Clergy had the choice of their Bifhops : And fo (though they oft had tumults, as in popular Elections it will be) yet the worft ambitious men were long kept out, and the beft oft chofen, till the People and Presbyters themfelves were corrupted. 3. And divers good Emperours arofe that took fome care to promote the beft : But alas ! this had fad and frequent inter- ruptions. 12, For the Arlans poffeft Conftantine hrmfelf with hard thoughts of Atbanaftm and his Adherents : And it could not be expected that Julian fhould countenance the beft, when Conftan- tim and VaUm had done fo much againft them, and got moft of all the Churches headed by Arian Bifhops 5 to fay nothing yet of after times. 13. But now iW6 things became matter of Contention a~ mong the Bifhops and their Clergy, and increafed the ftrife from time to time. The firft and chief was the Old Caufe great- ly ftrengthened, *#'&, Whojhould be greateft t Who fhould have the largeft, fatteft, and moft Ruling Diocefs and Seat ? The other was, Wbofloottld be taken for the moft Orthodox , and wbofe Explications of the Faith Jhould be taken for the foundeft ; efpe- cially about the defcription of the Per fin and immanent atts of Chrift ? Or briefly, 1. Jurifdiftion and Greatnefs : 2. Wifdom and hard words. 14. Now (i6) 14. Now alfo Conftantinople contended with Rome, and being the Seat of the Empire which they judged to be the true Rea- Ton of Church-preheminence, they rtfirft modeftly took rbefe- cond place: And now the Trinity of Patriarchs was turned to ftvejertifalem being made the fifth. At all this Rome grudged. if. All this while the old Difcipline of the Church was tole- rably kept up; i.Becaufe though much of the world had got ir- to the Church., yet a very great part were tenacious of their HeathenifhCuftoms, and prejudiced againft Chriftians by their Contentions, (odioufly defcribed by Am. Marcellinus, and many others, and prejudiced againft Confi amine for his Son Crifpus and Sopaters death, &C. and againft Conftantiw for the Murder ©f^- lian'i Relations; and being taken with the plaufible parrs of p-i- Han, and with the great Learning and highly extolled Lives of Tlotinus ) VorphyriuS) fambhcbut, lALdefitis, Mavcimu^ VrcereJiM, LibaniuSy ChrjfanthiKs, and fuch others, defcribed by Emiaptu*) &C, fo that except Rome and Alexandria for 100 years/an j fbme few of the very great Churches for 400, the Churches were no greater than one Bifhop and his ConfefTus, might tolerably go- vern by the Keys. 2. And all this while all the Presbyters were Church-Governours as well as the Bifhop, though he was their Chief, and all Excommunications were to be done by joint con- fent; And fo many Church-Governours may do more than one. 16. Tben Councils called General, having bytbe Emperours Grant, and the Clergies Defire and Confent,the Supreme Church- Power, it was in thefe Councils that the Pride, Ambition and Domination of all the worldly Prelates that were too foon got in, didexercife itfelfas the valour and wit of Souldiers in a field of War: And as 1. The good men yet among them ; 2. And the Articles of Faith yet retained by them, did caufe them to do much good againft fome Herefies and £>iforders,fo the Pride afid Turbulency, yea ignorance of the reft, caufed them to become theoccafions of the doleful Schifms, and Herefies^ and Enmity of Chriftians againft each other, which continue to this day un- healed. 17. Thefe hurtfal Contentions in Councils at flrft prevailed but little, and that at Nice did much more good (I think) than harm : And after at Qwjrant : a little more hurt was done, and lunch good: And thofe that followed did worfe and worfe, till the proud worldly Spirit contracted Malignity, and fo much prevailed, (17) ^prevailed, that for a thoufard years at leaft the Bifhops with their Prelatical Clergy and their Councils have been the grand Corruption and Plague of the Church j which many of the moft Learned Expofitors of the Revelation^ take to be the Image of the Beajt 5 and Dr. H. Moore calls it a Heathemjb Chriftiamty 9 which they have made their Religion. 1 ' ~*~ 1 8. In their progreft to all this, as the Diocefles firft g*ew up from our Parochial Magnitude towards that of the prefer.c Dio* cefan, lb the very Paftoral Power of all the reft of the Presby- ters, was by degrees taken away, fo far as that they had no contenting power in Ordinations or Excommunications, unlefs the Bifhop would chufe a few for his Council : fo that the proper power of the King's was confined to one Bifhop over many hundred Parifhesj and fo Difcipline became an impoflible thing, fave as it ferved the Bifhops againft fome that theydif- liked : And fo the Church which was as the Garden of Chrifr, became like the Commons, and good and bad were little diffe- renced in Communion. 19. Yet becaufe the Power muft ftill be ufeful to the Bifhops ends, as he fees caufe, fome fhadow of the old exercife muft be kept up : But the Bifhop having not leifure for the tenth part of the labour which this very fhauow required, Lay- men are made his Chancellours to decree Excommunications and Abfolutions, and to Govern by the Church Keys ; like a fecular Court : And CommiflaYies, Officials, Surrogates, and other hard names and things, are fet up inftead of the Presbyters and their Antient Office. 20. By this time the Antient Species of the Churches was a!- teredr and whereas it was long held, that a Church and Bifhop were Corre!ates,and there were no more Churches than Bifhops, cow many hundred or a thoufand Parifhes are become no Churches,but parts of one Diocefan Church,which is the lowefr, and manv fcore or hundred of the old fort of Bifhops, all caft out andfwallowed up by one. Juft as if a thoufand, or fome hundred Schools fhould have but one Governing Schoolmafter, and be but one School, but each part have an Ufher to read to the Boyes, and tell the one Schoolmafter as a Monitor what they did amifs $ but might correct none, nor put them out. 21. 'By this time they began to live on blood $ and even as they fweiled in the beginning > cruelty grew up equally with D Pride ; Pride : For Reafon and Scripture were not on^their fide, nor would juftifie their Caufe and them, and therefore violence mult do it : They defired not the bare title of Power, but the exercife of it,to promote the Ifliies of their Wit and Will. They began with rafh filencing, ejecting anddepofing Difltnters, and thence to anathematizing them, and thence to banifhing, till at laft it grew up to tormenting in the Inquifuion, and burning them. 2x. And whereas (rotwithftanding the petty Herefies among Chriftians too earlyj the glory of the Antient perfecuted Chri- stians was their entire Love and Concord, and the fhame of the Philofophers was their difcordjit came to that pafs,that where- as a Herefie of old did ftart up among a few for a fm all time, like our Ranters and Quakers, who fhame Religion no more than Bedlams fhame Reafon : Now the great Continents of theEartfc have been the Seats of the millions of thofe called Hereticks and Schifmaticks by each other, about 1400 or 13 00 years. Ea- fdius in Prapar. & Dcmonftr. copioufly fhevveth that the Philo- fophers were 'all confounded in diffention (and yet did not per- fecute each other) but that the Chriftians were all of One Reli- gion, cleaving to one Sacred Word ofGod : Of which alfo fee Rajm t Breganitim in Theol. Gent, de Cogn. Dei, Euar. $. cap. 8» To be Lovers of good men,was the character of the old Bifhops: To be dividers, and haters, and flanderers,and fi!encer*,and per- secutors, and murderers of them, grew up with corrupters Pride. 23. And with thefe did gradually grow up corruptions of Doctrine, even while they pretended a burning Zeal sgainft He- refie j and corruption of God's publick Worfhip,. till it grew up to all the Mafs and Roman Impurities. 24. And to fecure all this againft Reformation, ridiculous Legends, and falfification of Churcr>Hifrory, made it hard for posterity what to believe, or whom. § 1 j. Being thus farfure of the matter of fad, by what de- grees Prelacy grew up to the height, that it hath now attained in the World abroad, I confidered what men thought of it now at home (I am fpeaking yet but of matter of faCty) and I found great diverfity in mens thoughts of it. 1. As to the Reman heightj found that the Church of England ifmce the Reformation till A.BX^'s time took thePope to be the Anti- 09) Antichrift; It was in thrir Church- books : Many other Bifhops, as well as Bifhop Downam, have written for it : W-hat Bifhop Morton. and Hall, and Abbot, and abundance fuch have written againft Popery I need not name. 2. I found chat then the ftream began to turn/ and the name of Antichrift was -put out, and our Reconciliation with Rome wjs taken to be a hopeful work, and actually endeavoured (which by their converfion all good men defire.) 3. I found thac many among us of greateft reverence and riamejiad laid down fuch tearms as thefe, Ct [That the Catho- " lick Church is one Vifible Society under one humane Govern- " ing Soveraignty : That this Univerfal Soveraign hath power of "Univerfal Legislation and Judgment: That the Colledge of " Bifhops through all the World, are this one Supreme Univer- " fal Soveraign : That they exercife it in GenerafcCouncils when c ' they (it: That every Bifhop is by Office the Reprefentative " of his Diocefan Church } and thefe Bifhops may, or muft have " Metropolitans and Patriarchs 5 and by thefe Patriarchs and u Metropolitans /w liter as format as, and their Nuntii theVm- c< verfal Supreme Colledge may exercife their Power over all the * c World : And what they do thus, the Church or Colledge doth, "in the intervals of General Councils: That the Pope of " Rome is to be acknowledged the Trincipium Vnitatis to this « f Univerfal Church and Colledge of Bifhops, and the Ordinary " Prefident of General Councils ex Officio. That Councils called *t without the Prefident who hath the fole power, are unlawful " AfTemblies, and punifhable Routs. That the approbation of " the Prefident, (if not of the moft of the Patriarchs; is the " note by which an authoriz'd obliging 'Council is to be known c from others. That the Pope "is to be obeyed accordingly as " Prime Patriarch, Vrincipium Vnitatis, Prefident of General "Councils, and Patriarch of the Weft. That all that will not Cf unite with the Church of Rome on thefe teafms, are Schifma* " ticks, and fo to be accounted and ufed. That thofe that thus " unite with the Church of Rome, are no Papifts : But a Papift " is only one that holdeth all to be ;uft and good thac is done ^ by Popes, or at leaft one that is for the Pope's Abfolute f Power of Governing above Canon- Laws and Church-Parlia- t ments or Councils. And that if they will but abate their Jaft c< 4 00 years Inaavations, or at leaft not impofe them on others, D z "we (to) •? we may unite with the Church of Rome, though they claim ■f as Peter's SuccefTors, the Univerfal Supremacy at lea ft to be " exercifed according to the Canons of Councils. And that it ff is not the Chureh of Rome, but the Court of Rome, which at " prefent we may not unite with. That the Church of Rome is c< a true Church, and hath had an uninterrupted SucceiTion, and " its Sacraments true Sacraments :But none of thofe Proteftanc u Churches are true Churches, that have notDiocefan fiifhopsj " nor any of their Paftors true Minifters of Chrift, who have not n Diocefan Epifcopal Ordination ; nor any that have fuch,unfefs " it hath as fuch been conveyed down from the Apoftles by un- * c interrupted SucceiTion by fuch Diocefans. That fuch men have "no true Sacraments, God not owning what is done by any not Cc fo ordained : That therefore they have noCovenant-promife " of 3 or right to Pardon and Salvation, becaufe fuch right is cf given onJy by the Sacrament : That therefore all fuch Pre-- " teftants Sacraments are but nullities, and a prophanation of Cc holy things: And that the Holy Ghoft being the Inftituter of u thefe (acred things,it is the fin againft the Holy Ghoft to under- " take and exercife theMiniftry,&: celebrate Sacraments without c ' fuch uninterrupted fuccefllve Ordination. That an Ordained "Minifter, hath no more power than was intended him by his *' Ordainers : That in fuch Presbyterians, or Epifcopal Churches, iC which have their power from theOrdainers,and (o far for want " of Succeflion,are nullities 5 it is fafe for men (as e.g. in France) " to be rather of the Roman Church than theirs. § 16. And as I found this Doctrine in the afcendent in Eng- land^ fo I met with fuch as were for ufing Proteftants according- ly, even for the filencing of them by thoufands, if they would not fwear^ profeft, promife, and do all that And for ufing the People accordingly. And abating neither big* nor little, an Oath or a Ceremony to unite or fave them. And I lived in an Age where thefe things were no idle fpeculations. § 17. Being thus far fure of the Matter of FacT, I ftudied as tfeil as I was able to kuow which of theie waies was right : And I faw that either Popery that is, the Popes univerfal Headfhip or GoverjHnemr Is of Divine Inftirution, or elfs it is a heinous 11- furpation, and foimeth a fore of Church which is not on any pre- tence of Concord to be owned. And as to the flrft I hdve faid before and irj many Books what I have to fay againft it 3 which is (2Ij is all fummed up in Doftor Iz.. Barrow, and Doctor H. Moire , and largely told the world by Cb*mi$r s Stdscl, Wbitakjsf > J9Vfel i Vfber, Morton, Wh'ite % C'nlltngtyirt h^CrakenthoYne , and abundance more. And I thought it ftrange if either Papacy, or that Tym- panite of the Clergy which tended to it, were of God 3 that the Eerfons fhould be ordinarily fo bad,, and it fhould introduce fo great mifchief' in doctrine, worfhip and practice over the Chri- ftian world,and bring the Church into fucli a divided and pollut- ed (rate, and that as the Clergy f.velled the Body mould pine away, and the Spirit ofholinefs and Love be turned into the Skeliecon of Ceremony and Formality, and into hatred, cruelty, and tearing and tormenting pains. § 1 8. Upon ail fuch thoughts I concluded in thefe refolurionsj i* That I muft not accufe any Office made by God, for mens abufe of it. 2. Nor mult I accufe the good for the faults of the bad. 3. Nor Confound the Office it felf, with its difeafe, and the accidental Tympanite. 4, Nor aggravate humane infirmities in good men, as if they were the crimes of malignant Enemies. 5fc Much lefs lay any of the blame on Chriftianity cr Piety, when nothing in the world is fo much againft all thefe Evils, nor would they have been fo far limited, reftrained or refilled, had it not been for that Chriftianity arid Piety that was kept up a- gainft it $,nor is there any other cure of it. It is not by Religion* , bat for want of more true and ferious Religion, that all thefe mif- chiefs have fo lamentably prevailed. § 19. 1 therefore refolving to avoid extreams, concluded thusj 1. That it is moft certain that Chrift is the only Head of the Church. 2. And that as fuch he himfelf did make univerfal Laws, and will be the final univerfal Judge, and there is no other that bath univerfal Legiflative and Judicial Power but he. 3. As fuch he inftituted necefTary Church-Officers ; firfr, ex- traordinary ones to be his Inftruments in Legitimation, as Mofes was to the Jews, giving them his Spirit extraordinarily for that ufe", to bring all that he taught them to their remembrance, and guide them to deliver and record all his Commands: And or- dinary Minifters fas the Priefts and Levites to the Jews) to teach and apply thefe Commands, or univerfal Laws, to the end of the World 3 but not to add, diminifh or alter them. 4. That the formal Eflence of this continued Sacred Mlniftry confifteth ccnfiiteth in a derived Fewer and uj ligation lft iubofdination to Chrift as Prophet, Pried and King, to Teach, to Guide the Churches in holy Worfhip, and to Rule them by the Paftoral Power, which maketh them Ministerial Judges ofmens capacity for Church-Communion $ but they have as fuch no forcing power of the 5 word. f. That there are two forts of thefe Min'fters accidentally dUtinguifhed: i. Such as are only ordained to the Miniftry in "general, and not fpecially related to any one particular Church more than other • whofe work is to do their beft to Teach In- fidels, and baptize them, and gather Churches, and occafionally to Officiate orderly in fuch Churches where they come as need their help. 2. Thofe that have moreover an additional call to be the ftated Paftors,Overfeers. or Gu'des of particular Churches as fixed Officers ofChrift. All which have the three forefaid EC- fentials of the Office, to Teach, Worfhip and Rule. 6. T*hat the Office of thefe men is to be performed by them- felves, and no Lay-man may do any Effential part of them by their deligation, and therefore ( as in Phyficians, Tutors, &C.) necefTary Perfonal abilities are as effential as the neceffary difpo* fit 10 materia is adreceptionem alicuj m ■forma. And ex qnovis ligno no n fit mercuriw. 7. That it is very much,and great, and moft important work, which thefc Minifters have to do. To Preach God's Word un* xlerftandingly, faithfully, conftantly, fervently 5 torefolvethe doubtful, to reprove the fcandalous* to perfuade the obftinate, to confute gainfayers^ to comfort the fad, and ftrengthenthe weak, particularly as there is occafion. To vifit thefick, Cate- chize, Baptize, befides all ads of publick Government There- fore one man cannot poffibly do all this for too great a number of fouls, but great Congregations mud have many Minifters : A~d fb they had in the Primitive Church, where the moft able Speakers preacht ufually in publick, and the reft did more of the perfonal and more private work. 8. And whereas it was very early that moft fingle Churches had one that had a preheminence amongft the reft (not as of another Office, but as a Prefident in a Colledge of Philofbphers, Phyficians or Divine Students, to be a Governour over thofe of his own profeftion, by moderate Guidance,) and it is not un- meet, that when one worthy Teacher hath guttered a Church, and and brought up younger Chriftians to Minifterial abilities, that they when they are ordained fhould take him for their Father, I will never gainfay fuch an Epifcopacy in Tingle Churches ( that is, focieties of Chriftians combined for perfonal Communion in Doctrine^ Worfhip and Holy living under fuch Paitors as afore- faid.) 9. And becaufe I find that the Apoftles and Evangelifts had a Minifterial care of many Churches to teach, reprove, exhort the Paftors and People; And though the Apoftles extraordinary power and work cea(ed,yet tyarch-Ovcrfight as well as Preach- ing being an ordinary continued work; and when I find Chrift Inch inftiruted fome Teachers over many Churches, I dare noc fdy that he hath repealed this till I can prove it. And the nature of the thing tells us, that if fome grave holy men have the care of coun felling and warning and reproving the Minifters of many Churches who are below them in parts and worth; It may d > much good and can do no harm . to the Churches, while they have no power of force or tyranny, Therefore I refolved never to fpeak or do any thing againft fuch Biftiops of Bimops, though Diocefan. §. 20. Thus far I have oft declared my felffor Epifcopacy: But finding in all the aforefaid Hiftory, how the Church came to fhe woful State that it hath been in thefe 1200 years, and what it furlereth by the Bimops and their Cergy in almoft all parts- of the Chriftian World j and that even the Englijh Diocefans can endure no more Parochial Paftoral Difcipline than they do* (I mean fuch as Bticer in Ssripr. Anglic, preft fo vehemently on King Edw. and the B;fhopsj and that they cannot contentedly hold their Lordfhips, Wealth and Honours, without filencing and ruining Twothoufand fuch, as I, or better ; and ufing many thoufands of godly Chriftians as they do 5 and finding that I and- (bch others are accufed as being difobedient to them — and for not fwearing,and covenanting*never to endeavour any alte- ration of their prefent Ciurch-Governmertr, and ail excommu- nicate by the Canon that fay there is any thing in it (even from the Archdeacon downward to [the refl in Office ] repugnant to tfo Word ofGody I took it at laft to be my duty to give the* Reafons of my diffent in a full Treatife of Epifcopacy. And becaufe I perceived young men and ftrangers to for- mer timeSj deceived by the general noife, How Anttint and "Vnivsrfitl Epifcopacy hath been-, as if all that is called Epifcopacy were but one and rhe fame thing; or as if .ve were againft the Primitive Epifcopacy j therefore I fuddenly (ard too b*?iti!y for want of time,) beftowed a few weeks in fumming up the Heads of the Hiftory of Bifhops ard Councils, out of a tew Hutorians which were moft common, nexr. at hand^ and of molt credit with thofe whole faults I opened :That it might be truly known Hurv much the tumifisd degenerate fort of Prelacy had canfed the Divifions and Calamities of the Church, § 21. For this Mr. M^rrice fasia me faith) and many more are lb greatly offended with me, and fay of me herein what they do. And on pretence of Vindicating the Primitive Church which untruly implyeth that I who vindicated it againft corrupters did oppofe it,! hedefendeth the corruptions and finful mifcarriages and difeafesof the Prelates : And this he doth, i. By ftriving to make me contemptible as unlearned^ as if that would excufe the fins which I rehearfe and lament:He findeth in one place through myihafte and heed Ie(hefs,a word ofTheodorer mifplaced, and the word [Calami"] tranflated JguMs, which he thinks (hould be Reeds $ and one or two more fachj as if he prevaricated, and had a defign to extol the Book,which he Mi ds no more and grea- ter fault in, than he really hath done. And he proveth it Iikelj that I never faw the Hiftories that ftood by me near twenty years, becaufe the Printer put a Comma between \Marquarduf] and [Freherw] (I think there are a dozen Comma's mifplaced in my whole Book ->) when he himfelf faith of his own Book {The faults that have efcaped are almofi infinite .] But of thefe things more anon* 2. He loudly and frequently chatgeth me with malicious fal- fifying Hiftory 5 and when he comcth to the proof, I have {hewed you who the falfifier i?. 3. The grrat thing I amaccufed of, is making the Bifhops more the c ufes of Herefie^Schlfm and Violence,than they were : And of th t 1 havefaid nothing, bur what 1 chi rrk I have fully proved. And let the Reauer ;u gebv this following Catalogue. Domineering Pride hath been had cured them. And what tiranny Diotrephes ufed through love of Preheminence. U. If the doubtful ftories otSimon Magus be true., his tumor was more than Papal ; And Epiphanim makes Mcnander, Satur- mlw, Baftlides, to be but his Off-fpring. The Original of the 2Vt- colaitans and Gnoftickj (who Epiphamus faith, had enfnared him- felfonce ) is utterly uncertain; Carpocras, Cerinthus, Ebion^a- lenunusy Secundtts, Ptolomaus, were all but Birds of the fame Gnoftickj Neft, a crazed fort of men that mingled Chnftianity, Platonifm, and Magical Imaginations 5 and what they were themfelves, is not kno^vn : Such was Marcus, Colarbafus, He- racleo/ty the Oph:ta t the Cainites, the Sethians, Cerdo\ Martion was a Bifhop's Son caft out for vice 5 and Lucim> Apelles and Severn* his Off-fpring, the Heads of their little Sefts 9 whether Bifhops or not, is unknown. What kind of Hereticks Tertullian, Tatianus, and Origen were, and how many faults as foul Lallan- n'/^and many not numbered with Hereticks havens well known : And among all thefe in thofe early daies, till there were Popes and Diocefans (fuch as now) in the world, none fuch could be Hereticks. III. Many Councils contended about the time of Eafter, and ViEior with one part of Bifhops, excommunicated Polycrates and the Arian Bifhops 5 while, as Socrates and Socmen tell us, the Churches that left it indifferent had peace. IV. A Council of the belt Bifhops at Carthage decreed Re- baptizing. V. A Council of the Bifhops of Cappadocia.Ciliciafialatia^c^ \ at Iconittm, for Rebaptizing thofe Baptized by Hereticks : And yf- Stephen Bifhop of Rome excommunicated them all. VI. A Council at Synadis, and divers others decreed the fame Rebaptiz'ng. VII. Divers more African Councils of good Bifhops with Cyprian, decree the fame, whom Stephen Bifhop of Rome con- demned. VIII. Divers Bifhops are faid to be Sabellian Hereticks. IX. Paulus Samofatenus Bifhop of Antioch was a Heretick.! X. The Council of Bifhops at Cirtain Numidia under Secun- dum Mr. M. calls worfe than I do. XI. A Carthage Council of 70 Bifhops An. 306. fet up the Donatifts Schism, ftriving for the preheminence. who fhould be Bifhop of Carthage, E XII. An. (x6) XII. An. 308. Another Donatifts Council had 270 Bifhops. Many more Councils they had. XIII. The firft General Council at Nice wehonour,and affent to its Creed: But thank Confiantine for burning all their Lrbels, and keeping peace by his p-refence and fpeech. XIV. The Schii'm made by MeUtin* and Peter, Bithops,is well known. XV. The Here(ieofv4n'//.f (a Presbyter that would have been a Prelate ) quickly infefted Eafebms Nicomed. if not Efffebim Cafarvnjis, and divers other Bifhops. XVI. Epiphanies faitb 3 that Audius was driven to his Herefie by being Jong abufed, beaten, and at laft excommunicated for reproving the Bifhops and Pfiefts for their Covetoufhefs^ Luxu- ry, and other fins: And fo he became a Bifhop himfelf. XVII. EvJebiHs Nicom. made Bifhop ofConftantinople fwhom you tell us VaUfins thinks was no Heretick) hired a Whore at ^intiocb, to father her Child on Eufiarhius the Bifhop there, and got more Bifhops to depofe him, and the Emperour to banifh him. XVIII. A Council of Bifhops at 7y;'eun;uflly condemn and per- fecute Athanapus. XIX. Three Bifhops (faith Mr. M. overcome with too much Wine and perfuafion) ordained Novatian falfly Bifhop of Rome (before this aforementioned.) XX. A Council at ^emjakm An. 335. tryed and approved Arim Faith, and reftored him. XXL A Council at Constantinople condemned Marcellus Ancj- ranus, and Athanafins, and juftified Arius. XXII. A Council of near 100 Bifhops at Antiocb, 36 being Arians 9 depofed At b ana fins. XXIII. Another Council ixAntioch make a new Creed with. OUt [ouaxnQ- ,1 XXIV. A Council of 576 Bifhops at Sard.ca^ decree Appeals to Rome, which Anguftin and the African Bifhops were againfr. XXV. The Semi-Arian Bifhops went to Pbilippopolis^nd con- demned fuch as the other at Sardica had abfolved, but call out [ooca^©-] as not fcriptural, and caft dreadful accufationson Atba- nafiw, Paulas C. P. and Marc e Has. XXVI. An, 3 yo. A Council at Milan received Vrfacius and Valens^ Arians. XXVII. Stephen (17) XXVII. Stephen an Arian Bifhop hired a Whore to go in to Bifhop Euphrates-, and this Enphratas after turned Photinian. XXVIII. An. 3 5* 3. A Council at -^r/n condemn Athanafius. XXIX. ^w. 35?. A General Council at Mihn of above 3 as Wcftern Bifhops (though the Eaftern that were moft Arian could not come,) where Athanafixs was condemned, and communion with the Arums fublcribed. XXX. An, 356. A Council at Byterris condemned and ba- mmed HUarv, and condemned them as Separatifts or Schifma- ticks that renounced the Arian Communion. XXXI. A General Council at Sirmium of 300 Weftern Bifhops befides the Eaftern, made three different Creeds, condemned Athanafws, left out the word [Subftance] made P. Liber itts^nd old Ofius fubfcribe againft Athanajms. XXXII. The Oriental Bifhops at Aneyra were only for £ opufafftt ] and not [ ofioiaiQ- ] and wilh Macedonia againft the Godhead of the Holy Ghoft. XXXIII. A General Council 400 Bifhops met at Ariminum } of whom moft at firft were Orthodox; but after when the Em- perour interpofed,fubfcribed to the Arian Party. XXXIV.The reft fate at Selettcia^nd were moreOrthodox,but divided into Acacians, who were for leaving out [Subftancc] and Semi- Arians, who were for [LikeSubftancei] Sulp, Severus tells ui 3 that many Bifhops quieted their Confidences by [[ubjcribing in their own fenfe'} and fo deceived the Avians that thought they had won them. XXXV. A Council at C> P. made a Ninth Creed, leaving out ISubftance and Hypoftafis, The Semi-Arians for this banifhed the Authors. XXXVI. A Council at Antioch caft out Mdetitts, and made a Tenth Creed, worfe than the reft. XXXVII. fulian Re igning, A 'thanafius calls a Council ztAlex* tndria, which had almoft divided Eaft and Weft about the names \_Hypoftafis and Perfona {] but that fbme wife men per- fuaded them that the words were both of the fame fignificationj which yet was hardly entertained afterward. XXXVIII. A Council at Antioch of Semi-Arians Petitioned ?o- vianus to caft out the Acacians 5 till they knew his mind,and then the Arian Bifhops turned Orthodox. XXXIX. At a Synod mTyana Euftath.Sebafl. denied [^i«©-] and the Godhead of the Holy Ghoft* E a XL, An XL. An Arian Council of Bifhops in Carta under Valens : And another at Singeduni in Mifia % XLI. Damafus in a Roman Council condemneth Sifinnius for Conventicles : For at the Election in the Church they fought for thefe two: And Damafus his Party one day left 137 dead bodies behind them, and got the better. XLII. Falensby cruelty fet up Arian Bifhops in a great part * oftheEafr. XLIII. The firft General Council at C. P. is commonly called the Second General, when yet that at SardUa , Ar'tminum , Sirmium , Milan, were General alfo.: They were many good men, and did good : But how they ufed Nauan^en to the great grief of the Church of C. P. and how Naz.ianz.en defcrib- eth them, I defire the Reader to take from his own words., and not from mine, or Mr. M. XLIV. The Council at Cafar jiugufla did that which made Martin feparate from them and all their Councils after to M\% death. XLV. A Council at C. P. fet up Flavian at Antioch y and a Council at Rome were for Paulinas : The former advance C. P. and ferufalem. XLVI. Many Schifmatical Councils of Donatifl Bifhops fol- lowed. XLVII. For Theophslus cafe I refer you to Socrates and Svxjir mene. XLVIII. Epiphanim his Schifmatical ufage ofChryfoftomis un- excufable. XLIX. Andfo xsTheophilus profecution of him, and a Synod of Bifhops caftinghim our, and Cyril* s refitting the reftoring of his name when dead, and reviling the foannites that kept fepa- rated Meetings for his fake. L. The Diofpolitan Council abfolved Pelagius. Divers Car- thage Councils condemned him. P. Innocent condemned him* Zofimus once abfolved him,, and condemned his accufers. The Bifhops caft out for Simony, I will not number here. LI. The Contentions between Boniface jand Eulalius, and o« thers after them to get the Bifhoprick of Rome, are fo many as I will not number them. And the ftriving of three Bifhops fuc- ceffively againft the African Fathers for the Roman fuper-emi- v nence and Appeals to Rome, are commonly known, LII. One C*5» LIL (Jnc of Bifhop Boniface's Decrees is, That £A r a Btjfbop /ball be brought before any fudge, Civil or Military either for anj Civil or Criminal Cauje.~\ Llir.Whac the firft General Council at Ephefw did intheOufe ofNefiorias I have fully opened: Derodons Evidence is undeniable, that Neftorius was Orthodox as to the Matter, though he mif- took as to words, in thinking that Mary fhould no't be called Tb: Mother of God, but ofChrift who is God, ( which Luther alfo fhews.) Yet fince that Councils anathematizing him, a great body of Chnftians in many Eaftern Kingdoms, to this day are a party hereticated by the reft. Is not fuch an effect of 1200 years con-r tinuance, a witnefs of the failing of that Council? LIV. TheBiftiops of C. P. and Alexandria ft riving which fhould be greateft, a Council at C P. decided it forC. P. where Thsodoret was for Alexandria, and fell under difpleafare. LV, Leo M. Bifnop of Rome, claims the title of Head of the Catholick^C hutch. LVI. Two Councils at C. P. one againft Emyches and the other for him. LVII. The fecond Gouncil at Ephefm is fo heavily accufed by Mr. M. and fuch others, that I need not accufe it more. FU- iiianus of C. P.. was there hurt to death. Yet Bellarmin confef- feth it wanted nothing of a true General Council but the Popes approbation. LVIII. A Council at Alexandria under Diofcorns excommn- cateth Leo. LIX. What the Council of Calcedon hath done I have ihewed: Inftead of reconciling the > Neftorian and £/#/^V2« Controverfics / by a skillful explication of their ambiguous unfit words, they^yL Anathematized both and banimedDi^TV^.And ever fince to this day, the Eutjcbians and Neftorians are feparated DhTenters. LX. Ac Alex and. the Bifaops party that the Council was for (ProteriM6)ax\& Timothy whom Diofcorm party werefor,fb raged, that they murdered Proteriw, and.dragg'd his carkafs'in the ftreets,and bit his ftefh : Avd each party ftill accufed the other. . LXf. Pulcheria (Theodojiw's Sifter and Martian's Wife ) be- ing for the Council, and Eudocia Theodofuii's Widdow for Diofcc- r/^, they animated the feveral Parties of Bifhops and Monks : Ani in Palefiine fuvenalB'iihop of ferufalem was expelled, Severianu* Bifhop of Schnhopolis killed, &c. LXIL Lu* l}0) LXII. Leo the Emperour commanding obedience tp the Cat- cedm Council, at Alexandr ;<*and Am loch the Armies of contend- ing Bifhops were in continual war, calling each other Neftorians and Eutjcmnns 5 one Bifhop banifhed by the Emperour, the con- trary Bifhop murdered by the people, and cart into the River % the next getting the better again, ehr. LXIIF. In Martiarh and Leo's daies mcft Bifhops fubfcribed to the Council. When Bafilifcm ufurped, and was againft the Council, faith Nicepb. three Patriarchs, and Hvc hundred Bifhops renounced it, molt before having damned its adverfaries. Btfi- lifius recanteth his Commands, and commandeth all to be for the Council, and the Bifhops obey him, fave thofe of A fa, Zcno recovereth the Empire, and is for the Council, and the Afian Bifhops turn for it , and fay they fubfcribed to 5^///r«/atfirft for fear. Zeno feeing it impoflible otherwife to make Peace, leaveth all indifferent whether they will fubferibe the Council or nor. Then the War grew hotter between the Bifhops and their Armies againft each other, fpecially the Patriarchs 5 all be- ing in Confufion , at Alexand. Antioch and C. P. and no Em- perour wife enough to quiet them. LXlV. Anaftafipts a peaceable man, made Emperour, leaveth all te th'nk of the Council as they will : Then the B (hops fall into three Parties 5 fome for every word in the Council 5 fome anathematizing it, and fome for the indifferency : The Eaft one way, the Weft another, and LybU another; yea each Country divided among themfelves : Saith Niccph. So great confufion And blindnefs of mind befell the whole World. The Emperour falls upon the impeaceable of both fides : At his own place C. P. the Sedition of the People overcame him, for their Council Bifhop, which tarred the Emperour more againft the Council, and that Bifhop and the reft. LXV. At Amioch the Armies of two Bifhops fought it out, and theCouncil Party getting the better, killed fo many Monks, as to fave the labour of burying thtm, they caft their bodies in- to the River: And after another Party of them made as great a (laughter. For this blood the Emperour banifh'd FUvianus the CouncilBifhop:This was called Perfecution./Vf.^tf.beingdead, tie Bifhops of Alex, Egypt and Lybia, fell all into pieces among themfelves,and had feparate Meetings : The reft of theEaftfepa- rated from the Weft, becaufe the Weft refufed Communion with them, f?0 them unJefs they would anathematize Neftcrius, Eutjch-s, Di- cfcorus, Moggus, and Acacius : And yec faith NUeph. J$*iger- mani Diofcori & Ew y >cbst it feB at ores jnere, ad max imam pauat li- tem redattifstnt .Note ihziFlavian theCouncilBifhop for fear with his Fello v Bifhops frhreatned by Bifhop Xenaits) fubferibed an Anathema againft Theodore^ Theodorite, Ibas, as Neftorians: The IfdHrian Bifhops yield to anathematize the Council. Sevsrm a fierce Enemy of the Neftorians made Patriirch at Antioch, for- ced many Bifhops to renounce the Council 5 and many ro fly. The Ifamriz* Biih)ps repent and condemn Severm : Tne Empe- rour commanded out two Bifhops for condemning their Pa- triarch : The People defend them, and force the Emperour to defift, becaufe he would fhed no blood for Bifhops. HeLas Bifhop of Jerufalcm 9 Qvi all the Bifhops in f'uch confufion, that he would communicate with none of them, but the Bifhop of C. P. The Monks at Jerttfalem proclaim Anathema to all that equal not the jour Councils to the four Evavgelifts, and write to the Emperour that they vconld make good the conflicl to blood, and went about to engage men to the Council : The Emperour commanded the Bifhop to reform this: He refufeth. The Emperour fendeth Souldiers to compel them, and the Bifhops and Monks forcibly caft theTn out of the Church. He fent Olympic with a ftronger band, who cifl out the Bifhop: The next Bifhops and more Souldiers had yet more conflicts after this, and the SouIJiers driven away by force. LXVI. Fdix of Rome, with 77 Bifhops, excommunicate Aca* ciftsof C. P. f with a \^Nanquam Anaihematis vincutis exnendui) and their own two Bilhops that obeyed the Emperour in com- municating. The Schifm between Laurent ins and Symmachvs, came to blood-fhed, when five or fix Councils laboured to heal it. Symmachns excemmunicatetb the Emperour and Bifhop of C. P. as communicating with Heretick* 5 but not an Arian King then at Rome. LXVII. A Council of 80 Bifhops at Sidon anathematize the Council of CtlcedoHj. The ft riving Parties keep upftill in great Bodies, and the Met- rites (as they call thofe that obeyed Kings and the Council) have one Patriarch at Damafius, the Emychian Jacobites one at Mefopotamia, the Maronites one at M. Libanus, all called Pa- triarchs ofAntioch) (and the Remans make a fourth of the fame tide) (30 title) and the NeftoYians have their Patriarch at Muz.nl. Of the many Herefies or Seels that rofe up from the intem- perate opposition to Nefforias, and the woful ruines they made in the Eaft after the Calcedon Councils, and all caufed by Pride and Profperity, and wantonnefs of Wit, and ftopt only by the Conqueft of the Saracens and Arabians, and how orthodox now in their Captivity and Poverty they all are, even the Jacobites, the Neftorians, the Armenians, the Cophti, the Abeffmes^ the Indians, and the Maronites, fee the notable words of Brurwrod Enquir.p. i8o, i8i 3 182, 183. As alfo how the Verfim King was a great caufe of the fpreading of the Nefiorians through his Dominions, LXVIIL The Eaft and Weft were divided in fufi'irh Reign 5 on the Qjeftion, whether the names of two Orthodox dead Bifhops fhould be reftored into the Dypticks, even Euphemius and Ma- cedonius, whom the Pope had damned as communicating with Hereticks 5 the Bifhops of the Eaft being for k 9 and the Weft a- gainftit. LXIX. fuftin turning theftreamfor the Calced. Council, the Bifhops in a Council at ferufalem, and another at Tyre are for it, and condemn Sevems. And a Roman Council condemneth the three dead Bifhops of C. P. Acacius, Euphemius and Macedo* Yiius. LXX. So far were the Bifhops yet from Peace, that Jufliniatt being Emperour, headed the Council Party, and his Wife the ad- verfe Party. About 30000 they fay were then killed inCsP; at an Infur- rection. LXXI. A mifchievous Schifm for the Bifhoprick at Rome, be- tween Boniface 2. and Diofcorus and Agapetus after Boniface* LXXII. In fuftinians time a Controverfie arofe, whether we may fay [One of the Trinity was crucified? ] Hormifda Bifhop of Rome CM No. The Nefiorians took hold of this and faid, \Jhsn we may not fay Mary was Mother to one of the Trinity."] Jujtinian fent for a Council about it to Pope fobm He and his Bifhops concluded contrary to Hormifda, that we may fay [One of the Trinity was crucified."] And fay Baronius and Binius [_Ita mutatis hoftibus arma mutari neceffe fuitT] Faith changeth as occafions change. Reader, if chou feeft not here how Bifhops have bro- ken the Church in pieces , Irauftnottell thee, left Mr. M. be angry. I in. V I Intreat the Reader to fee what I faid, Hift. p. i J 2. of the Conference of Hypatius and. the Eutychians. LXXIII. A Council at C. P. calls their Bifhop Patriarch* Oecumenicus, and condemn divers Bifhops, as doth a Council ac ftfufalem, LXXIV. At Rojne the Arian King made Silverius Bifhop,' and others chofe VigUius that murdered him. VigUius excom- municated Mcnna or C. P. which fuflim'an revenged. LXXV. A new Controverfie is ltaced whether thrifts body was corruptible: The denyers had Gainas A. Bifhop 5 The affir- mers had Thecdofius ; The firft were called Phantafiafta, the o- ther Corrupt icol#. Moft were for Gainas, but the Soldiers for Theodofmr. They fought many daies, and the Soldiers killed ma- ny, and many of them were kiHed, and the Women withftones from the top of the houfes, and the Soldiers with fire, continued the war: And thedivifion continued in Liberatus's daies: fufti- nian was fo zealous for the Council ofCalcedon, that he murder- ed thoufands (as they fay ) in Egypt, and yet dyed a reputed Heretick himfeif, being for the Corrupt UoU, and Evagrius faith, when he had fet the whole world in tumult, he was damned him- feif. But God beft knoweth that. LXXVf . A Council at Barcelona Decree that Priefts muft cut their beards, but not fhave them. LXXVII. By the Cheat of an Eatycbian Bifhop fuftinian was perfuaded that the condemning of fome Writings of Theodora Afopfueft, Theodorite and Ikas 9 would reconcile the Bifhops: He calls a General Council at C. P. to that end (ufually called the jth)His Letters are read opening the doleful divifions, that the Churches had no Communion with one another, &c. The three Bifhops writings are read : Theodorite charged by this Ge- neral Council with that fait Epiftle againftdead Cyril, and a like Speech at Antioch, and none vindicated him : Binitts and Mr. Morice and others fay the Letter is forged : I know not 5 But the Tria Capitula are condemned. And now this General Council hath made a new dividing fnare. Many that were for the Calce- don Council feared this was a condemning of what they did in receiving Theodorite^ &c. The Adverfaries were never the more fatisfyed j but faith B mitts himfeif [ The end-was not obtained, but a moft grievous mifchief added to the Church— The whole Catholic^ Church was torn by Schifm, and worJe,the Emperourftir^dup Per- F jecution, '[edition, depofed or banijhed P,V\g\\\US: But left the Eaft Jhould allforfakethe Weft, he recanted and conferred to the Council. Doth cither the work, or the effect commend this General Council? LXXVIII. A Council of ferujalem fave one Bifhop, prefently received this Decree. LXXIX. A Weftern Council at AquiUia condemn this fth General Council atC. P.and (faith Binim)feparatedfrom the whole CatholickChurch(even from Rome) for an hundred years tz'l Sergius reconciled them. J^Were the Weitern Bifhops or the Pope then the Weftern Church ? -So many feparated, that Vigiiins being dead, there could but two Bifhops (and a Presbyter ) be got to or Jain Pelagius his SuccefTor. But the Emperour and his Pope perfecute the Bifhops, and the Schifm feemed defperate. LXXX. Another Council at C. P. An. 5:87. decree that John Bifhop of C. P. be called The Vniverfal Bi/Jjop 5 which greatly in- creafed the Churches divifions. LXXXI. King Gumhram called a Council at Mafcon An. 589. finding all things grow worfe and worfe, & all long of the Bifhops ©nly, faith Binivu, LXXXII. Even Great Gregory called a Synod againft the dif. fenting Bifhops, and they not obeying hisfummons,the Bifhop ofAquileia was ruined ( the Weftern Head) Sabinian that fuc- ceeded Gregory would have had his Books burnt. Boniface the third got Phocas the Murderer to declare Rome the Chief Bifhops Seat (He to whom Greg, had fung L&tentur coe'i, & ex- tiket terra^Scc.) LXXXIII. Next rofe up the Monothelite Controverfie. Cyrus. Bifhop of Alexand. to end the Controverfies aforementioned., was told that to ufe the word [Dei virilis operatio & voluntas} would unite them alJ,which paft as fattsfatlion in a Council at A- lexand. 1\ Honorius perfuaded them to filence [One~\ and [Tir*?.] But this Counfel was rejected., and now whether Chrift had [One or Two Wills and Operations^ became as defide^ the new- War of the Bifhops through the world. Some were for [One] and fome for [Twoj as if [Will and Operation, and One or Tw~]- were words that had but one fignification; When every Novice in Philofophy muft grant that Chrift's Will and Operation in fome /enfe, was bur One, and in other fenfes Tiv Synod is condemned \and what they f aid of Two Wills with Chrifi y and two Operations, and all retraced by the Decree and Subfcription efvery many Oriental Bifhops, that were in one moment turned from being Catholick to be Monothehtes\ But do they forget the 100 Year, that even the Weft made a head againft-the ? th Council and the Pope. XC. Next all the World is fet together by the Ears about Images, for which the Pope rebelled againft and rejected the Emperour for Charles Maxteloi France. Ajid FopeZachary bid Boniface call a Council to eject the Af- (kllQizti Antipodes* XCI. It U7) CXI. Ffl a General Council at C.T. 338 Bifhops condemn- ed the worfhipping of Images^ and fwear men not to adore therm, and derrroyed reliques, &c. and decreed, that Chrift's Body is not flefh in Heaven: Bat the Pope and Weftern B (hops of his Party, condemn this Council. XCll. The C7r^Bifhops condemn the RomanB\(hov$ for add- U wg [F///^] to the Creed, and fo another occafion ofSchifmis 1 raifed> XCIII. The Schifms in Italy zvARcme itfeif now grew fo great and the Effect's in Blood and Confufions fo difmal , that I mult not number them one by one. XCIV. Conji amine and Let Ijkkri Emperours, being dead, a (Woman Irene, and her Infant Son are for Images, and call a ue- ncral Council for them at Nice, where Tharafws Bifhop of C P. got the B.fhopsto carry it for Images and Reliques, and the Chief Bifhops that had condemned them before, nowcryed/w- cavimus, and condemned thefe that were againft adoration of Images, &c. If Mr. Morrice call me an Enemy to Repentance for reciting this, I cannot help ir. XCV. Yet more Schifm : Two Bifhops, F'celix and EV.pandus, fay, Tluti Chrift as the eternal Word was Gods natural Son l but as Man he was but his adopted Son : (thinking that duo fundaments. y viz. Generati* tterna, & temporalis, duas faciunt Relations, fili- ationis in uia perfona. ] But Councils condemned them as mak- v ing two Sons. And the great Council at Franhjord condemning the fecond Council of Nice, and Image-worfhip, condemn alio thefe two Bifhops, 1, For faying Chrifi was God's AdcptedSon j 2. And that bj Grace j 3 . And that he was a Servant. Is any of. this falfe 5 not excluding a higher title ? The Council concludeth that Cbrifl was not a Servant fubjetl-- ed to God bj penal fervitude: Sure it was part of his fuffering for our fins, to be in the form of a Servant, Phil. 2.7. XCVI. Binius faith the FUioqt was added to the Creed by the Spanijh and French Bifhops without the Pope. XCVII. One Council at C. P. reftored him that married the Emperour adulteroufly to another wife: And another condemn- ed Theod. Studita and Plato, for being againft it. XCVIIL The moft excellent Emperour Ludov. Piuswu fo> zealous to reform the Bifhops, that they hated him, and in a Council at Compendium (Compeigne) moft perfidioufly depofed hid* Dim, ana aicer oaieiy aouieci mm, even witnout me rope. XCIX. As to pleafe his Son Lothariw, they depofed the Fa- ther 5 fo when he was beaten by his Brethren, they after in a Council at Aquifgrane {Aken) depofed Lotharias t accufing him as they did his Father* C. At c. P. a Council was called by the power of another Woman Theodora and the Bifhops that had under divers Empe- rours condemned Image- worfhip, now turn to it again, and ana- thematize on a fudden the oppofers. CI. The Bifhops own Lotharios Adulterous marriage with Waldtada. CII. The Councils that fet up and pull'd down Ignatius and Tintim at C. P. and the woful ftir that they made as Emperours changed, were lamentable. GUI. Many contrary Councils were between the French Bifhops that were for Lotharius divorce and the Pope. CIV. Bafd the Emperour writes to the Pope to pardon all his Bifhops, or e!fe they fhould be without, becaufe all had mifcar- ried, and turned with the times. CV. A General Council at Conft. called by the Paplfts, Ujs Eighth General Come //, condemned Photitts again, and-fetup /g- . natiuS) and the Changers crytd, peccavimus^ and make extreme Decrees for Images (But they well condemn Subscribing to be true to their Patriarchs and Bifhops-,) but decree that all Princes and Subjects worfhip the Bifhops, who mult not fall down to them. Other horrid Elevations of Prelates above Princes they decreed — faying, A Bifhop, though it be mamfefi that he is defti-, tute of all Firtue of Religion, jet ts aPafior $ and the Sheep muft not refift the Shepherd. CVI. A dangerous Rent between Rome andC. P. what Bifhop fhould have the Bulgarians. CVIL A Council at JVLtz. called Prtdatorium, gave the King-. dom : to Car. Calv. unjuftly. CVIIL A Council at Pavia falfly make Charles Emperour. CIX. Another (Pontigonsnfe) confirmed it 5 (the Pope: chim- ing the Power.) CX. A Roman Council unjnftly made Lndov. 3. Emperour. CXI. A General Council at C. P. again fet Mp-Pbotius, and call out IFUiofa] CXII. The*Roman adlions for and againft P. Formofus, are odious to allfober Chriftians Ears, CXIII. A \ (19) CXIII. A Council at Sojfons confirm the A. Bifhoprick of" Rhemss to a Child of five years old, Son to the E. of Aqmtane, Divers other Councils do and undo about the fame Caufe. CXIV. TheHiilory of the Bifhops of Rome and their Councils from hence forward is fo lamentable that even the mofl: flattering Papift Hiftorians mention them with deteftation. So that I limit not fray to name many particulars. CXV. An. 1049. A Roman Council wis fain topardoo Simo- niacal Bifhops and Pried?, became the Cy was, that elfe none would be left to officiate. CXVI. Beirg come into rhe Rowan fmfe, I will pafs above an hundred more of the Councils of this woful fort of B mops, left Mr. Mrrrice think that I fuppofe him to vindicate them, or not to abhor them. Only remembering my Reader ofafew General or notable things : vfc. I. The multitude of Schifm% and long vacancies at Rone $ and the horrid incapacity of very many Popes, which prove an in- terrupted fucce.Tion. II.The horrid wars that long infefted Italy by the Popes means.. III. The difmal wars with many Emperours, and the Bifhops and Councils half on one fide and half on the other. IV. TheC^uncil that called the Emperours and others Prin- ces power of inverting Bifhops, the Henri ci a nHercfie,. and ; judg'd the Bifhops that had been for it to-be dig'd out of their graves and burnt. V. The Subjecting and debating of all Chriftian Princes, mak- ing them but as the Body, and the Moon, and the Bifhops, to be as the foul and the fun. Efpecially the General Lateran Council which decreed Tranfubftantiation, and all to be Hereticks that denied it ; And oblige all temporal Lords to exterminate all fucU Hereticks on pain of Excommunication, depofition & damnation. VI. The Councils ofConflance and Bafils that were for Refor- mation how falQyand cruelly they dealt with ///wand Jerome and rejected the four great requefts of the Bohemians, and fixed their pollutions. VII. The Councils of Florence, and that of "Trent, ,which had more Learned men, who yet more obftinately managed the En- mity to Reformation. VIII. The p re fen r State of the Univerfal Church throughout;- the World as it is divided into Papifts, Pr weft [ants, Greek*, Mof- covitesy (4o) -covites, Georgians, with the Circajfians and Mengrelians, Ame~ nlans 9 Neftorians, Jacobites, Copbtts, Abafinet, Maronites, Aiel- chites\ And what thoughts thefe have of one another. And I would deiire Mr. Momce to tell us, i. Whether he believes not verily that all thefe Inftances prove that the Bifhops have been the chief caufe 3 and that by Ambition, Pride and Worldlinefs ? 2. Whether it be not the Bifhops that in the Roman and other Parties now, are the greateft hi nderers of Reformation, and of Concord ? and it would not be foon done were it not through them ? *. Where it is that he will (top in his Vindication of the Bifhops and their Councils, and go no further ? and by what co- gent reafon? 4. Whether he thought he had well defended the Church- Tyranny which I accufed ? i. By vindicating the firft Ages, and others whom I praifed,and accufed nCt^i, And by letting fall his Vindication (favea few confequent quibbles) at the fourth Ge- neral Council; which was in 451. Andfo feems to vindicate the Bifhops and Councils but for the fpace of iyo years of the time that I mentioned their degeneration? 5. Whether if the Bifhops had been willing when they had the King's Commiffion to make neceflary alteration, or were but to this day willing to prefer things neceflary before things hurt- ful or indifferent, we might not live in happy and holy Love and Peace in England ? 6. Whether he can blame a man that believes in Chrift, for lamenting the doleful corruption and divifion of the Chriftian world, and for enquiring of, and lamenting the finful caufes.. 7. If that Church Prelacy which they juftly call the beft in all the world can endure no more Parifh Difcipline than we have* nor can endure fuch a Miniftry as are filenced by hundreds or thoufands ("than whom no Nation on Earth abroad that I can hear of hath better) can you blame us for fufpecYmg that fome- what is amifs with them, and more with others r 8. I hope ycu w4il.y & tamen vocal ur Vnitts Vxo- ris mar it us, & cam habet tantum unum Epifcopatvm s tamen inter- dnm habet centum^ due cat as, qningentas Varcchias, ant etiam flares, & vocatur tamen Sponfus unim Ecclejia —Hi .non font digami- —Tarn infwlfas & inept ifjimas n&<>iasrecipit mens humana\. it a permittente Deo cum a vet bo difccHimxs, & omnia limatius & fxbtilitis fcrtitamar .qitam ipfe vnlt nos fi*AN&k] Whether you re- verence Lifar any more than Calvin I .know not. 1 1* To conclude this matter, two things I defire you, or at leaft the Reader to confider, 1. Whether it be not a dreadful thing for a man to make the Church corrupting, dividifrg and confounding fin?, to be all his own by defending or exculing them, on a falfe pretence of Vin- dicating the Primitive Church Government, which was contra- ry to them ? 2. Whether you rruft to Truth and Evidence, or to Intereft and depraved Judgments, if you ttiink men fhall believe that you have confuted all this undoubted Hiftory, and the prefent experience of ail the woful Chriftian World, by a general Cry thitX write falily and malicioufly, or by faying that I. am un- learned, or that I trufted to a Tranflation, or Binnius, or that Mmifis miftook the year, (things that I. will not turn over my Book& (43) Books to try,) or that I mifplaced or mifunderftood a word of Iheodorite, or miftranflated CaUmi, or fuch like. Such Believers of you are guilty of their own deceit. § 22. There is lately publifhed by a namefcfs Prelatifr, to fhew the World what Spirit he. is of, a Book pretending by the defcription of my Life from J640. till 1681. to prove me one of the worft men alive. To that I will now fay but thefe few words. 1. That let them take me to be as bad as they will, fo they would have fo me mercy on their own and others Souls,and the Church of God. 2. That it's no wonder that we differ about Antient Times and Hiftory, and prefent Impofitions, when the main difference in our Times is, who are godly, yea tolerable Chriftians, and who are intolerable Rogues 5 and thofe that fas before God) by long and intimate acquaintance^ judge to be the moft ferious, confcionable, humble, holy MinifterS and People that were ever known to me, are the Perfons that the Prelatifts profecute, fi~ lence,and cry out againft as the moft intolerable wicked Ene- mies of Piety, Truth and Peace. What is it that is the root of this ? 3. That this forefaid Book is one continued Calumny,un wor- thy of an Anfwer, partly-making my duty my fin fas that I di£ liked the many drunken Readers that were the Teachers of my Youth, &c.) and partly perverting fcraps of fentences 5 and partly reciting one revoked Book,, and a few retraced fentences of another, when Augttftin is commended for retracing far more, and filling it with a multitude of moft grofs untruths,of his own fiftion. • 4. That as to his and Mr. Mortice and others talk of the Wars I fay." 1. That I never thought the Parliament blameleft. 2. That yet on Bilfo>f$ grounds I was in my Judgment, and Speech, and A&ion, comparatively for them while they made their CommilTi ons to Effex for King and Parliament. 3. That from N^sby Fight I wholly laboured to have drawn off their Souldiers from Errour, and Rebellion, and Ufurpationj in which I did and fuffered more than multitudes of my Ac* cufers. 4* That I never went fo far againft the Power of the King as G z R. Hooker (44) R. Hooker whom I have long ago confuted. 5. That I never (truck or hurt man in the, wars. 6. That I will confent to be filenced and imprifoned if they will but give tkofe Minifters leave to preach Chrifts Gofpel that never had to do with wars (unlefs for the King.) 7. That when our beginning Concord had reftored the King, the 5<7xh» difl ratling fins cj the Clergy ', when worldly grandeur cor* ruptedthem, is not a TJijhoymr/hig, but a Honouring of the Primitive Church. And to vindicate thofe fins is no Vindicat ion of the Primitive Church. § CHAP, I, The Reafon and Dcfign of my Hifiory of Bifoops and Councils.. i.TH E Y that know the men with whom I have to do, and A the Caufe which 1 have in Controverfie with them, will eafily underftand my purpofe.. The Perfons with whom I am to deal, are fuch as bold, i. That a General Council of Bifhops or the Col ledge of Bifho'ps Governing per Litems format as out of Council, are the Supreme Governing Power over the Univerfal Church o % n Earth, having the Power of Univerfal Legiflation an*d Judgment-.. 2. That among thefe the Pope is juftly the Patriarch of the Weft, and the Principitimunitatis to the whole, and the ordinary Prefident in fuch Councils. And fay fome, It belongs only to the Prefident'to call them, and they are but rebellious Routs thataf- (emble without a ;uli call. 3. That there is no concord to be had but in the Obedience to< this Univerfal Governing Church. But all Perfons and all Nati- onal Churches are Schifmaticks who live not in fuch Subje- ction and obedience. 4. that fuch as the Diocefah Epifcopacy which is over one loweft Church containing hundreds or multitudes of Parifhes and Altars without any other Bifhop but the faid Diocefan is that Epifcopacy which all muft be fub/ett to 3 while it is fubkclr. to the Univerfal fupreme. 5. That every Chriftian muft hold fubjecYive Communion with the Bifhop of the place where he liveth: And fay fome^ (4«) Draft not praftife contrary to his Commands, nor appeal for fuch practice to Scripture or to God. 6. That if this fupreme Power filence theDiccefans, or thefe Diocetens filence all the Minilters in City or Country, they muft Ceafe their Miniftry andforftke the Flock*. 7. And fay divers of them, They are no true Churche*, or Minilters, that have not ordination from fuch Diocefans, yea by an uninterrupted fuccdfion from the Apoftles : And for want of this the Forein reformed Churches are no true Churches, but the Church of Rome is. Much more of this Nature I have already tranfcribedf and confuted ) out of A. Biftiop BrombaII,Dr. Heylins Life of A. Bi- fhop Laud, Mr Tb$mdiki t Mr Dod-well and divers others. § 2. The firft thing then in my intention is to (hew that the Reman Grandeur which is thought to be the Glory of the Church on Earth, and the*neceflary means of its Unity, fafety and true profperity,hath proved dean contrary, even the means ofCburch corruption in Doftrine, Worfhip, Discipline monly (hew the vanity off he Papifts demand,who ask us who was the man,and which was the year, as if the world had gone to bed in fimple Chriftianity, and awaked Papifts thenext morr.'rg.Whercas it is moft evident in all Church hiftory that theCIergy^eaving the Chriftian Purity,Sim- p)icity and Love, did climb the Ldder ftepby ftep till they amen- ded to the Papal height. And it's a meer dream of them that think it was the Bp- of Rome alone that thus afcended,and not the Army that made him their General : As'the boat nfeth with the waters, fo did the Pope with the attending Clergy : Others ftrove for fuperiority as he ftrove for Supremacy :The ftrife began an.org Chrii'ts Apoftles who fhouldbe greateft, and who fhould, fir next him in his Kingdom } And though Chrift then fupprcit it by his Word and Spirit, and the fufrerings of the Church took down thofe afpiring thoughts, as foon as Cwftwtine had fet tbem the Ladder (49) Ladder, what fcrambling was there who fiiould climb higheft. Yea Confl ant inople ftrove for the Supremacy h(c]f. § 3. And I rhe rather mentioned this becaufe I found fome late learned Expofitors of the Revelations, taking this* inordinrte af- cenr, for the promifed glory and felicitvof the Church on Earths and taking it for the fulfilling of many ofthofe prophecies and promifes which fome applyed to the Millennium, and fome to the heavenly (rate. And doubrlefs H.lddrand and his adherents had (ucli thought*, and did believe that their rule over Emper- ours 3 Kings and Kingdoms, by the Power of the Keyset the Kingdom of heaven, was the true Glory of the Church, and rhe Reign of Chrift, and that all the honour W2s indeed given to Chrift as King of the Church, which was thus given to the Pope and the Church-Parliaments of Bifhcps. C-.itnpa,:. Del doth but fpeak the thoughts of greater Clergy men when he ?p- plyeth the forefaid Texts to prove that the Popes Univcrfal Mo- narchy is the true Ivn-dcm of Chrift on Earth, to v.hicli all Monarcbs and Men muft ftoop. And Nature is fo apt to entertain fuch thoughts, efpecially in the Clergy, who think of it as their own profperky and glory, that it is no wonder, if as J^w;***, and his Fifth Monarchy men, did itch to be getting up under the name of the Reign of Chrift, and Co did John of Lejdcn and his Company at Mu*jjkr\ fo the Fifth Monarchy C'ergy men, who can afpire more [ lauflbly, do long to be climbing,' and are very reconcilable to Papal Great- nefs; and where* Popery is become a diftafied name 3 they nev thelefs defire their fh:re in the Power, Honour and Wealth, and under pretence of Peace and Concord among all Chriftians, and reftcrirg the Church to its Unity and Strength, they ftrive for much of the famethinf, and think it enough ro avoid the n?.me : And the Pope mail be but I itis, and the Prefi- cknt of the Clergy or Councils, Get but the poor trick of cal- ling nothing Popery but the Pope's Arbitrary abfolute Power, and do but tiebim to Ru'e by the Content and L Parliament?, tfm fe, let up the French Cluirch-Governnoit, and then they arc no Paptfis. Do net the French Proteftants de'erve all their fufferings then for calling the CHorefi or Bifhops there Papifts, and (eparating from I vernment ? § 9. And it was not the L-aft of my Motives to try, were it polfible to cure their Lcve- kill; lit, who think that all H are (5°) are Enemies to Unity and Peace, who are not for Obedience to this Univerfal or Superlative Prelacy,and to fave us all from that confufion and calamity, which this Opinion is carrying on, while the Patrons of it think that all arc to be profecuted, filenced, ruined as Rebellious Enemies to the Ruling Church, who do not fub)e& themfelves to fuch a Prelacy $ and that we muft or can have no Chriftian Church- Concord, but by Obedience to the Univerfal Church, as Bifhop Gunning hath over and over told me, that is, to the Univerfal Colledge of their fort of Bimops : Yea not only the Papifts, but thele Bifhops among us, to this purpofe repeat and apply P/W.72.1 i. Yea all Kings fhall fall down before hrm : All Nations (hall ferve him. Or Ifa. <~o. 12. For the Nation and Kingdom that will not fcrve thee Jhali penjh: Tea thofe Nations JJoail be utterly vcafted } '] which Bifhop Gunning applyeth to the Epifcopal Univerfal-Govern- ing Colledge. Thefe are terrible threatnings, as they fhew the principles and purpofes of men, however they miftake the mind of God. Few parts of Europe have had more long and cruel Wars, than Italy it felf, where thefe Principles have obtained : But the blood ofthoufands of fincere Chriftians hath been a Sacrifice to thefe Principles in the Clergy. When we read in Jefuires,Fryers and Prelates, found Chriftians called Hereticks, and all fuch He- reticks called, mortal, odious, wicked, pernicious, intollerable Enemies to the Church, whom all good men are bound to en- deavour to root out and deftroy ; when we hear our neigh- bour Papifts fay, It is no more (in to kill an Hcretick^tban a Dog : And when we hear and read our Clergy calling out to Magi- ftrates for yet more Execution upon m^ for not obeying them sgainft that which we undoubtedly take for the Law of God 5 and the nearer any man is to the Papifts, ufually the more he is for our deftrucYion, and for their way of cruelty, I thought it time to try if it were poflible. if not to fave the Land from this confuting fire, yet at leaft to fave fome Souls who elfe were like to be tempted to malignant Enmity to the beft and trueft Chriftians, and to perifh-for ever by this deceit. How many honeft paffages are in Mr. Thomdikt which mew rhat it was not any worldly j'ntereft of his own that moved himj but yet the Power of this Errour [ Of a, Church that xvasVm- verfillj One hj One Ruling Colledge or Council of Vrelates^ of which (50 which the Tope was the rightful Prejidcntfoc."] which muft be ac- knowledged by all Nations and Perfons, that will have Chriftian Communion and not be condemned Schifmaticks, prevailed with him to theexclufion of all DifTenters, and confining his Commu- nion to thofe only who owned and obeyed This Vniverfal Go- verning Church. § 6. And as long as this Opinion prevaileth,efpecially in men of Power and Reverence who take other mens belief and obe- dience for their unqueftionable right, where can we think hatred and Perfecution will ftop. Will not they (till think that they that kill or filenceor imprifon or banifh us,, do God fetvice, and that the Magiftrate that doth not punifh us deferveth puniQV ment from God, if not alfo from the Church. And they that are moil: for Seldom preaching, and can difpenfe with our Minifte- rial labour therein, will not be indifferent as to the filencing, im- prifoningor deftroying us. § 7. Whether we have any reafon to refufefwearing orfub- fcribing to them, and never to endeavour any alteration of their Government as it is in England, I have fincerely endeavoured to (hew in my Treatife of Epifcopacy. And if Chriftian Conco.rd and Communion be fo hard and narrow a thing, as that no men are Capable of it who are not of a higher form than I, as to un- derftanding, impartiality and wiliingnefs to know theTruth, the Church andChriftianity are things beyond my capacity and reach: But I doubt not but ic is humane errour that would dwindle it into fo fmall a SeeX § 8. Alas what Perfons for Knowledge and Life can they bear with in their Communion, who cjunotbear with fuch as they fi'er.ce and ruinein this Land ! And the Papilte can receive even thofe that know notChrift if they do but profefs o&edience to the Clergy-Chr-c*\ Lathers words are harm, but I will re- cite xhtm a; Co-idh:: P**t 3. Pag 2QI. Si monZr-ivsrint mihi unum aliqttem ex 4 mzhttudine q;ti pejjit aqxare umm 4/- pha'vitarium in all qua erudita Schola, ant in fuwma dotlrlulm*fius, Hot toman, Hottinger^ Morney^ (hall lee the faults of Bifhops opened before this day. § 3. The pious and moderate* Papiftt themfdves report and lament them : Such as Clemangis, Vdagius Alvarus, MtranduU, Feru>, fof.^cofla, Lud, Vives, Gcrjon, Ersfmus, an J many other fuch. § 4. The antient Godly Bifhops are they who for the moft pare part have been freeft in reprehending the vices of the reft* e ^cially Greg. Naz.ianz.en, and Chryfoftom, and many antient godly Presbyters have been as free_, as Gildas, Ifidore-Petufiota, Sal- vian, Snip. Severn*, Bernard. § f. And if I have wronged the Bifhops or Popes in this Abridgment, their ownHiftorians,yea their chief flatterers have wronged them. One Pope angered Platir.aby imprifoning him : Yet if he be partial it is for the Clergy, and not agairift them. But who will believe that Binning Baronius 9 Crab, Gencbra d Bellarmine^ Petavtas, and fuch others have fpoken too hardly of them. There is no one man that I took fo much from as BinniUs: And what mould move him to name fo many of the mifcarriages of the Councils, but the neceflity of reciting the A els ofthe Councils hiftorically as he found them ? § 6. The Sacred Scriptures record the Crimes of the befi: men in all the Ages of which they write, even Adams ^ Noes, Lots, Aarons, Davids, Solomons, Heztk^ahs, fofiabs, Peters, all the ApoftJe* 3 dv. And it was not done out of fpite or malice y but as a nectffary warning to us all. § 7. The fa 1 (hood of Hiftory is an intolerable abufe of man- kind : To know nothing done before our times 3 : s to {hut up man- kind in a -dungeon $ and falfe Hiftory is worfe than none. And it may be falfe and deceitful in defeft as well as excefs. He that fhould record all that was good in the Popes, and omit all the reft, would be a dangerous deceiver of the world, and do more than hath been done to make all Chriftians Papifts. Yen tell us your felves, that he that fhould write the Hiftory of Crcmivell, e. g. or of any Setft that you are againft, and mould' leave out all their faults, would be taken for a falfe Hiftorian. § 8. They that write the Hiftory of mens Lives, do ufe to record their Parentage, Birth and Education :' And fomuft he that will truly write the HiHory of Gburch-Tyranny, Perfec- tion and Schifrn. Thcf end is not well underftood without the beginning. Who is it that heareth how many Ages the Chri- ftian world hath been divided into Papifts, Greek?? facobius,Ne- fiorians, A'hlcbites,&c, and that feeth what work the Papacy msde, but will ask how all this came to pals f Did the man thntdied of Gluttony, fwallow all at onemcrfel ? or rather one bit after another f And when the Clergy have ven- tured on one merry Cup, or one pleafant mcrfel in excefs, it's eaf:e: 154) eafie to make them believe that one,and one 5 and one Cup mores one 3 and one, and one bit more, is no more unlawful than the firft. Tvinvipii) ubfta % is the Rule of Safety. If Papifts intending the recovery of England to the Pope fhould fay [ rc La us but firft get them under the Oaths ^Covenants u wd Practices which we will call Conformity^ and fo caft out mo ft c that daft not fn^ and by th s engage them as two Armies in con- *? trarj Inter eft to fight agairft each other , and it will be an eafie " waiter to bring \ 'he fiv allow. \g Tarty to go further by degree s 3 and , Spamjh and Italia?: ,than I am. CHAP. IV. ■ Of his Accufation, that I vainly name Hiflorians which I never f aw or re. id. § i.T Muftprofefs that it never was my purpofe to tell the X world how many Hiftorians I have read $ nor to abridge all that I have read i And thofe that I have moft read I have there made no mention of* as not being for my intended end : .And multitudes that ftood by me, I never opened to the writing of this hiftory, my defign being chiefly againft the Papifts and thofe Proteftants who moft efteem their writings, and had rather unite with the French Papift Church, than with us Nonconfor- ming : Therefore when I was part the firft 400 or 5*00 years, it was the greateft and moft flattering Popifh hiftorians that I abriged, as ad hominem being Jikeft not to be denyed. I toM the reader that I made not ufe of Lutfar the Magde- 6tirgenfes, nor the Collections ofGoldaftw, Marquardns Frehertts, Reaberus, Fifloriiu^fkc. ] And the Printer having put a Comma between Marquardu* and Frehcrm^ he Conje&ures that I took him for two men 3 becaufe I added not the Chriftian names cfths reft : And he concludes that Twhoever this mifia^e belongs to, it's ■plain that M'.R. had but little acquaintance, with thofe CoUetlions.'} For I nam? fome of the Authors therein. Anf Seeing thefe things are thought juft matter for our ac- cufers turn,- I will crave the Readers patience with fuch little tilings while I tell him the truth. It is about 25: years fince I read the German Hiftory in the Colleftions of Freherns, Renbe- rm wAP/forim, and about 30 years firxe I read the Golleftions of 4>f Goldaftm : The Magdelwgenfes ^Ofunder ^Sleidav^ or any fuch Proteftants I thought vain to alledge to Papifts. About feven or eight years ago as I remember, I was accufed for Preach- ing, and Fined by Sir Thomas Davis ; and the Warrant was fent by him to Sir Edm. Bury Godfrey ro levy it on me by Diftrefs : I had no way to avoid it but bona fide , to make away all that I had : Among the reft I made away my Library, only borrowing part of it for my ufe. I purpofed to have given it almoft all to Cambridge in New- England : But Mr. Knowles f yet living) wliD knew their Library,tc!d me that Sir Kenclme D'gby had already given them the Fathers 5 Ccuncils and Schoolmen, but it was Hi- itory and Commentators which they wanted. Whereupon I fent themfome of my Commentator?, and fome Hif.orians among which were Frcberus, Reuberus and Ti florins Collections, and Nauclevus^ Sibellicus, Thuanus^ Jof. Sczhger de Emendat, Temp. &c j B : t Gddafrtis I kept by me ( as borrowed ) and many more which I could not fpare * ard the Fathers and Councils and Schoolmen I was ftopt from fending. Now whether I was unacquainted with thole that partly ftand yet army Elbow, and which I had read fo long 2go, muft depend on the Credit of my Memory • snd I confefs my Memory \% of late grown weak, but not fo weak as to think that Marquardfts Fsefcrtts was roc one man, ard a Palatinate Councillor, though it be names that I moft forger ; why I gave not the Cbriften names of Rcubtrtu and PtftvriKs, whether becaufe I for gat them, or becaufe I mind- ed not fo fm all a thing, rot dreaming what would be inferred from ir, [remember nor. But when I wrote that abridgment, I made ufe of none that I thought the Papifts would except a- gainft ; For the firft apes I pothered what I remembredout of the Fathers, and out of Evftbiu*, Socrates, Soz^omen^ Evagriw, Theodoret, the Tr ipa? t tr e ^N ' ,c?fhor w, Lihcrat w , Brev. l r i€zor Vtic. Beda,and fuch others as are by them received: Be fides which I principally followed and E< i orfrzed Binning and Qrab, and part- ly Baron Hi , wish Fia;i;.^ i Oxughrizs Bantir.ius^ Stella, Vet alius > and others of their own. And i 'rtfolvrd I would not ib much as open Goldjiftiss, Or any Proteftant Collector, that thev might not e.xcrpt againit their Credit, aud rejelBa~ Itf by Erafmus, Amcrbachius % &c.) and not to trull much to new Editions, as coming through untrufty hands. (59) 3. l&Valefius a man of fo much credit with you ? Do you be- lieve what he faith oiGrotim as being in judgment for the Pa- pa! Church, and only in prudence delaying his yifible Communion with them, that be might draw in many with him ? ( rale fin Orat.de Petavio: ) If he lye in this, and the fuccefs otPetaviws on GrotwS) why fhould he be more trufted than others ?If not, I need not tell you what to think of thofe Bifhops and Drs.who profefs to be of the fame mind and Church as Grotius j nor again to tell you who they be. 4. My defign led me not to make ufe of Criticks, but only to tell the world 3 what the Papifts themfelves confefs, fuchas I have throughout cited. § 2. As for my ufing Hanmers Tranfiation of Eufeb'ius and Socrates, my cafe was as before described: Vak ft 'us I had not : Grineus I made ufe of heretofore. But fince I was by conftraint deprived both of my books and money to buy more, when I wrote that Abridgment I bad only Hanmers Tranfiation left me. And if that fort of men that forced me to give away my book?, to keep them from heing diftreinedon 3 will make ufe of this to prove me ignorant of them, the matter is very final! to me. If you fay, I fhould not then have written, I anfwer, could they fohave filenced us in the Pulpir, they had more anfwercd theirown judgment than mine. I had no ufe for Criticks, nor for any thing in Eufebius and Socrates that depends on the credit of the Tranflator. § 3. As to his oft noting that in Tranflations., and fometime in Chronology I err by following Binmus^ I anfwer, had I written a full Church Hiftory, I fhould better have examined him and others. But I lay no ftrefs of my caufe of any oiEinnius hisTran- flations, nor will I undertake for any Hiftorian that I cite: My bufineVs was but to tell thofe that believe Binn'mszx\<\ BaroniHs % and fuch other, what they fay. Nor do I yet intend to beftow any time., in examining whether he wrong Binmus or not, it be- ing nothing to my caufe nor me, whether he miftook a year, or the meaning of a word of the Authors- whom heciteth. § 4. He faith I ufe an old uncorreYt Edition of Binmus 1 606. < An[. It is thar which is in mod common ufe, entituled, Rtagru- ta^ AucIa^ notis l/tufirata, dedicated to the Pope, and to C^Ba- ronius, ejus monim fcripta, qtiivetercm itUm i m€ndofam > mutilim & confufan ccmpilAt^j-.em mlUe locis iil*ftravit,fw. And me;hinks he thit thus begins his Errata of his own Book [H>ave efcapedare almjft infinite :] mould not for one fd}fc Com,na of the Printers, have paffld the forefaid cenfure of me. But doth not this Learned Hiftorian know,, how ordinarily the greateft of them do charge one another with manifold Errcursi *nd of far greater moment than thefe fore mentioned. How few Hiftorians do not this ? Yea what bitter cenfures doth he pafs hkn r elf on no lower Hiftorians than Socxates and Sozomen f h would be tedious to give you the Inftances that every fuch Book afTordetb. I fee he value th Lalbe the Jefuite. How oft doth he accufe Hiftorians of Errour, Ignorance, Malice, &c. e.g. de sfnaftajio Biblioth. fo eminent a Writer of the Popes Lives, yet £ Err at Pofiim & fiqni alii enm Anaflafio Vresbjtero, & c. ] And even 1(6i) even of that famous Hiftory of the Popes,, [_Onnphrius Punm- nifif, Gerb. Pojfias, & plenque alii nitimam cenfent effe *b An#- ftapo fcriptam y Nicoiai I. Papa Vttam 3 & a Gululmo S.R.E, Bib* liotbecario additas fttiffe Hadr. 2. & Stepb. 6. P. Pitas : Verum Cafdinalis Barouifts its fefrdgatftr eidemque auclo r i omnes til At afcnbit $ fum qaoqac qui a Damafo Papa t &c.^ Here the greatcft Hiftoruns differ about one of the molt noted Hittories. Of Augttftiti 's- Works (To. 1, p. 129.) he rells you that BclUr- mine tells us not what Edition he ufed : But it's certain he ufed not the AntwerpyOT VUminian Edition, which was the belt., and the Original of all the reft.] T 7 . 132. Rivet and Ptrkjns are derided for difowning lone' Epiftfcf. P. 1 3 f . Erafmi, Riveti fimiliumqwe ridctxr a doclis cenfxra (viz.. de lib. Cfinrinetj.) Antf I profefs my (elf Jefs skilful in fuch matters than Efafmus, Et ibid. Erafmus & He fins Juliana opus ' illtid tr -buer evident ur % Pamtluts tanq^im incerti Author is aliegat : Nos cum Livanien*- ftbus BcllarmiKo, alufqne Catbohcis siugufiim effe cenjemus, nee trie a Rivet 1 dftcrrent, V. 136. Qiaft. Vet % & Novi Te/t. non- fitnt Auguflini tit facile tmncsconfentixbt ; Jj)jdamv+s jub ejus nomine citato reperiantar ab £pi [caput Ltttetia Par if An. 824. Con$r egat is & quibufdxm alas. Of Aufomus the Poet, p. 171. he faith, [_£>*am falfa fmt qua de eo fc'ipfic Jo. Tritbtmms qu'ivts vel ex tpfa lellione innlliget. Of AiAMHAB* p. 173. \J^x Trithemit encomia h&c dnbio proad omni oi>litcranda: [J§Jj« metro Virgilium i Cicercnem profa aqttat, ne dicamfhpsrat : J Sunt cnim falfijftma iis qtti gufittm aliquem la>- tinitatis babent. Of Beda 3 p 184. See what he faith of Will Malmsburj^ Mat,. Wcftminft. f^i'jfixs and Baroniw. Of B.etbitit, p. 204. Hi.norim Augnftod. — ubt falfo narrat Medio la n 1 intt rft ttttm fuiffi - - - P. 217. Piura adverfts Lemclavium 3 primnm eorum editor ent' dtcUmavit Jac. Billius (de Cdfario.') DeCljuAioScote,p.zl8. Tbo. Dempftertis mtilta pro more fm indigefta tffudii— De Gerfone^p. 565'. E'rat pofl Pcfftvinum Maraccius qui Joan, htinc Monacham or Amis cce!efti—*JJerri~_—Idtm quoqtte ex Patro~ loqo eradendnm, & Sec. (6i) '"See what he faith dejulto Africano, that the Annot at tones eruditijf. in Eufeb. Ecclef. Hift. — Opinioni nofira in plerifque ad~ vet{antm\] I fuppofe he means that Olefins which I wanted. And de fuftino MaxttScaligerum erraffe, &c.~] Et p. 8^3 . (/«- figne mendttm ex Trithemio 9 Gefnero y Simlero^ Sexte } Fojfevino, Bdlarmino, Mira?o, aliifque propagatum--) To. 2. p. 361. Smaragdos duos in mum conftidermt, Trithe- mitis, Sixtus Sencnfis, Pojfevinus, Bellarminus^ Mir&ui aliiqut pkjfim — ] Abundance fuch charges tell us how much greater Errours are charged on thegreateft Hiftorians, than Mr. Morrice chargeth on me, with the leaft (hew of probability. How many fcore of Hiftorians doth Blondell cite, who he thinks have falfly told us of a Pope Joan ? What abundance of faults would Caufabon have found in Baro- titis, if he had lived to go through him as he began ? And I pro- ftfs my (elf much more ignorant in Hiftory than Baronius. It would be tedious to number all the grofc Errours that ■Vojfius cite th de fcript or. Gr p. 290,291,292. De Vfuardo^p. 29 j. com. Gualterium & Baromum, Wicelium^p. 29 6. & cap. 32. deTwpino contra Trithe- mium & altos. Et cap. $$.de Walafr, Strab. Tritthenius vehemen- ter errat—Et Laur. Surihrn Bellarmin. in Cat ah CT alios non- nullos in err or em induxit. Vid. & qua de Atmoino, p. 308, 309. habet t & contra Vejfe- < vinum,p. 3 10. & contra alios, 311. Et contra Baronium, Brest- Hum. &c. 5 1 2. Et de Haimone cap. 3 5*. contra itritthenitim, & de Rabano Ad aura, p. 215. Et de Landnlph. Sagace contra Ctf.Or- landium. De Anajtaf.c. 3 $'./>. 319. De Hincmaro contra Tritthc- nium^CxiG.p. 320. But I muit not tire the Reader: Multitudes of fuch Inftances this one Author gives us : And how few Histo- rians charge not others wkh Errours (b much greater,and more than Mr. M. with any Truth accufeth me of. § 3. As to his notes on my Titles of fbme Councils, it's paft my memory, whether it was my carelefnefs, or (as I think) the Printer's Errour^to put [a Council at Aranfxcan^Toletan Regien[s t for Concilium Aranficar.um t Toletanum i Rhegienfe.~\ If it was my a6r 5 i forgot that I had firft put the Subltantivc in Englifb. But he may oft find the fame names ufed to his mind : And fure it is [io falsification of the.Hiitory. § 4 But J ' § 4, But he hatha far greater charge againft me, that I 'did not apprehend the mind of the Council at Tours ; why f> ? The words are [_Nos veto Jiquos Lex perimi j bet 9 fi cupiunt audire pr&conem, vdumus ut convert ant ur ad v it aw : Nam perimendi font oris gladio & communione privandi fi relitla fibi feniorum deer eta obfervare noluerint, &c. Here he faith the meaning is, [The Ec- cleliaftical Laws do punifh fuch with perpetual Excommunica- tions, yet this Council thought fit to mitigate ir,£h\] The Que- ftion is. Whether [\J§>*/*j Lex perimi jubet, fignifie Dtatb, or Ex- communication ?] 1 take it to be Death, and that the Council faith [Though by the Law fuch are to Die, if they will hear the Preacher, we will have them converted to Life i But fb that if they will not be feparated, the Church Sword of Excommunica- tion (hall cut them off inftead of Death. ]My Reafons why [Lex pe- rimi ;«^r]fignifiethDeatb 5 are from the exprefs foregoing words,. \_£hna etiam Lex Romana confiituit, ut autcunqae Jacratam Deo Virginem vel Vidnam fortajfe rapuerit, fi poftea eis de conjuntlione convenerit, capitis fententiaferiantur. ltemfiquis^ non dicam ra- pere } f:d attentare matrimonii conjungendi caufa % Jacram Virgmem aufus fuerir, capitis fententia feriatur. Cum etiam in Chrcnicis babeatur de rirqinibus G ent ilium -tempore y qunal Communion fhould be frequent in Gods publick worfhip. Nor fo few as fhouU not fully employ more Minifters.of Chrift than one. Burto thei>e/>gofa Church, L^ . Ion, y l oniy require mat tne una 01 tneir Aiiociaujon De rerjonai Com- munion as diftincT: from diftant Communion by Letters and dele- gates. And by [ Communion ] I mean not only the Sacrament. § 2. It is in vain therefore to anfwer a book that goeth on fuch falfe fuppofitions, and a man that will facedown the world that I plead for that which I never owned, and fo frequently dis- claim. CHAP. VII L Of b'loth bind all the particular perfbns to concur with the Synods in all things that terd to the Peace and Edification of the Church, or are not againft ir. And more than fo, if the general Vifitors or B'fhops that take care of ma- ny Churches, do by God's Word direc\, inftrucl, reprove, ad- monifh the particular Bifhops and Churches they ought with reverence to hear them and obey them. And if Independents really are for all this, why do thefe Accufers reprefent them odioufly, as if it were no fuch matter, but they were meerly for Church-Democracy ? Either you are not to believed in what you fay of them, ©r of me. § 6. I know we have men that fay, that on pretence of ac- knowledging all this Epifcopacy, I pur down all, becaufe I take from them the power of the Sword, and leave all to defpife them if they plcafe. Ar<£ This indeed is the power that under the name of Epifccpacy now too msny mean. Bifhop Biijon knew no Power bqt Magiftrates by the Sword, and Minifters -by the Word. But why name I one man ? It is the common Opi- nion of Protectants, and moft fober Papifts, that BiOiops as fuch have no power of force en Body or Purfe. But we deny not the forcing Power of the Magiftrate. 3. Ratwc heartily wi(h that they would keep it in their cwn band?, and never ufe it to force unwilling men into the Church, or to Church Communion; high Priviledges which no unwilling perfon hath any right to. This is my Independency,- K z CHAP. (6%) CHAP. X. Of his Accufation, That I make the Bifhops the Authors of all Hertfes and Schifms , as diftintt. from Presbyters 3 Monks and People. § i.T^His alfo runs throughout his Book 5 and muft fuch A Books be aniwercd or believed ? I never denyed the guilt and concurrence of others with them. I only fay, That as Bifhops were the Chief, Co they had the chief hand, as far as I can yet learn, in Herefies and. Schifms, fince they came to their height of Power,, and fpecially in thofe grand Herefies and Schifms, which have broken, and keep the Churches in thofe great Se&s and Parties, which in Eaft and Weft it cor.fi fteth of to this day. I never doubted or denyed but that 1. The He- refies that were raifed before the Church had any Patriarchs, or the turgent fort of Bifhops, were certainly raifed without them. 2. And afterward fometime a Presbyter began a He- refie. 3. And the Bifhops were but as the Generals of the Arrny in all theChurch Civil Wars. But I never denyed but the Prelatical Priefts, Monks, and multitude were their obfequious Army. § 2. Mr. M. faith, That thofe Bifhops that were Herericks, were moftly fucb, or inclined to it before. Anfvr. 1. Was there then a good Succeffion of Ordination , when the World groan- ed to find, it felf Arian ? Were all thefe Avians before their Confecration ? Anfw. 2. Were they not all Prelatical Presbyters that afpi<- red to be Bifhops, and fo as they fay had a Pope or Bifhop in their bellies. I never thought that Prelatical Priefts that flu- died Preferment, and longed to be Bifhops, had no hand in Herefies nor Schifms, no- more than that the Roman Clergy are innocent herein, and the fault is in the Pope alone. What a deal then of this man's Book is loft and worfe, on fuch fuppo- fitions i CHAP. XI. (6 9 ) CHAP. XL Of his confident Accufation, that f mention all the faults of t-:f Bifhops, and none of their Goodneft^ or Good Deeds. § i.TPHis a! Co is a chief part of the Warp or Stamen of his Book. In bis Preface he frith, ["This Hifiory of " Bifaops is nothing elfe but an Account of all the faults that Bifkupt " have committed m the fev:ral Ages of the Church, without Any. " Mention of their Good Aftions, of their P/ety and Severity of lt their Lives 5 of their Zeal for the Faith t &cf] Anfiv. 1. Whether this Fundamental Acculation be true or falfe, lee the Reader who loveth Truth fre 1 . in the very h:fo Chapt. from § 41. to the end. 2. Through all the Book where I oft praife good Bifhops, good Councels, and g;ood Canons, and good Books and Deed?. 3. In the two laft Chap- ters of the Book, written purpofely to hinder an ill ufe of the Biftiops faults. In tbetirlt Chapter [" Very many of the Bfoops themfelveswere- " humble , hoi/, faithful men, that grieved for the mifc carriages of "the rcfl : Though fuch excellent perfons as Gregory of Neoat- <: farea, Greg. NazJanz*. Greg. N/ffcn, Bafil, Chryfjjtom, Augit- " fline, Hillary, Profper, Fulgent iua^fke. were not very common,. u no doubt but there were many that wrote nor Books, nor f* came Co much into the notice of the World, but avoided con-- * c tention3 and factious ftirs, that quietly and honeftly conduct- ed the Flocks in the waies of Piety, Love, and Juftice. And u fome of ihem (as Sr. Martin) feparated from the Councils and tr Communion of the prevailing turbulent fort of the Prelates,. *'to figmfie the difwung oj 'their fins .] Of the Ahtients before the world crowded into the Church, 1 never trade qu eft ion ; Such as Clemens^ Folycarp, Ignatius Jre- nxuf,and then ft. Kow oft I have praifed holy Cyprian, and the African Bifhops and Councils, he fometime confefletb. 1 What I fay cf Atticus, Proclus, and other peaceable Biftiops, you may fee/?. 17. and very oft. Yea of the Bifhops of many Sect?i much oithe Albigenfesp&.p* 17, 1 8» Yea- (70) Yea of the good that was done by the very worldly fort p. 18, 19, 20. Yea of the Papifts Bifhops that were pious />. 20. § 46. And § 47. I vindicate the excellency of the Sacred Office. And § 53, 5*3, 5-9, 60. I plead for Epifcopacy ic fe!f in the jufti- fiable fpecies of ft: § 2. But perhaps he will fay, that at leaftl fay more of their faults than thcir.virtues: I anfvver, of fuch good Bifhops as Cyprian, Baft, Greg. Naz.ianz~en 3 Chryfoftom, Attinfkin, Hillary, Martin^ &c. I fpeak of their virtues and nothing at all ('that I remember) of their faults. Of fuch zsTheophilus, and Cyril Alex- andria 2iT\gs, Foxes or Toad?j h vvoufd concern none but thofe of you that ufe to fay, I had rather be a Papift than a Puritane, or Presbyterian ; -or thofe that renounce Communion with us, and own it with the Church of Rome -, who arc, alas, too many. Such Language as Labbcs, P'oh 1.P.819. is of thefvreeter fort, viz.. <: J^ijqtsis cs [aim is «tUA (73) u tm 4MMv,s t Omncs illico Calviniftas^ Luther anos^ SUkinianos u u4nabaptiflas y Jimilefyue generis humani peftes, Cacod&mor.um st tnftar e.vecrabere, This is but what we daily hear: But while we hear it in a Language Co very like from the Papifts, and the Pulpits and Prefs, and Roger Le Strange is become the Church's Advocate and Mouth, it will harden them that did ill joyn to- gether Popery and Prelacy in their rejections. Honeft Thuanus is amiable and honourable for Speaking well of all that deferved ir,without partiality: But GerhVofius is pur. to defend his Father-in-law Junius againit his unjnft cenfure. In- dcedjunius was a man of Eminent peaceablenefs and moderation, (I would Armlnius and he had been the utmoft profecutors of thatControverfie, notwithftanding Dr. Tmjfes undervaluing his skill in School Divinity) And few men were more unlike Thua- nus his ill Character than Junius :But Dr Manton hath told me that he hath been fully informed that it was not Junius that Thua- nus meant but anetber that dyed that year(" which Junius did not} and that by fome ill chance a wrong name was put in Contrary to Thuanus intent. § 2. Dr. Bumet is a man whom I much value and honour, and pleadeth much for peace and moderation, and therefore much the more amiable to me : I thank him for his reproof of me to my face jbutbecaufe hegoeth on to vend it as ;uft behind my back,, where I cannot anfwer him, I tnuft do it here. He faith that [ / began and that with unchriftian t pr choking language tgainft the Con- forwifts in my frft Plea for peace, which caufed all the fucceeding t hcats7\ jinf. 1. 1 have to him and oft in print appealed to humanity and common fence whether one that was feventeen years filenr,<3: communicated in the Parifh Churches, and under fcorns, and ejecYion,imprifonment & mulcts did peaceably continue Commu- nion with them without reply orfelF defence, and never wrote againft them, till they had long called out to him to give thern an account of the reafons of his Nonconformity, and then durft not provoke them by a difpute, but barely named the matters- which we /udge unlawful, profefllng not to be the Accufer of Gonformifts, but only to anfwer the Call of Parliament- men,, Bifhops, and others that urged us, and threatned us if we would not tell them what we (tuck at 5 and made this the Juftirlcation of their profccution of many hundred men: I fay, whether fuch a L man K7A) man tffed a Call to fpeak ? When the King Licenfed us, I bad before briefly defended our Preaching as Licenfed : But being thus fummoned by our Profecutors andSuperiours, I told them what we judged unlawful 5 and was this a beginning of the Flame ? Was Seventeen years Poverty,, Prohibkioi and Profe- cution, and all this Importunity,, no provocation or call to fpeak ? Did this begin? If he were in the Houfe of Cor recti on,and were beaten but Seventeen years, or Seven years, to confefs the Caufe for which he fuffere'd, and at laft confeffed it, and one fhould fay, This was the beginning of the ftrife 5 Would he take this for a good Hiftorian ? And it he bad written Hiftory, would this report advance the credit of it ? § 3. But the fecond thing accufed,isthe unchriftian Language ofthacBook. Anfo. Doth a genera) Accufation fignifie more ill of the accufcr, or of the accufed, if it be not proved by par- ticular Inftances ? I urged him to name the unchriftian words, and I remember but two Inftances he gave me. The firft is, that I ufe the word [untruths'] againft my Accu- fers. And 1. I think the Reader will very rarely find that word in that Book. 2. Is this fo harm as the common charge of Lying, ufed even by the moft Learned fuber Conformifts ? 3 . J thought it had been a modeft word : What /hall a man fay when fuch Volumes of Slander are published againft him and others, as tends to preach all their Neighbours into hatred and perfecution of them ? Alas! Doth ,it increafe our crime to fay, It is untrue i How (hall we then anfwer for our felves at any Bar ? Is it tollerable voluminoufly to tell the World down-right falmoods of us ? and is it railing for us to fay, [Thej are untrue f] What's this but like him that run a man thorow in wrath with his Sword 3 and indi&ed him for crying,oh ? This is the Church Juftice even of our moderate Hiftorians. § 4. But he fairly I fhould not call it[a/rf//£»W 3 or untruth^ but a miftakj. Anjw* This is a {harper word 5 for it fignifieth tne fault of the mittaker ufually j whereas by fpeaking de objetto^ that it is falfe, I leave it to others how far the reporter is to be blamed. But fure moft Logical imputations are Railing?, if the words \jalfxm~] and [fallaci*] be fiich. § 5-. About a month or fix weeks ago the Obfervator, the Churches Advocate published, That [" a Captain of Horfe of *' the King**, had the fortune to be diftnountcd, wounded and "ftn'pr, (75) cr ftript, and ai'ChapIain (naming me before) cut from about his cc neck a Medal, which the King had given him, and thcSouJ- Cf diers fpared in the heat of blood] I fent him word how falfc this was : I never faw the man in my life that I know of} much lefs ever medled with him : But was in a Houfe where a Soul- dier brought a fmall filver-guilt Medal,about the bignefs of a big Shilling, and faid, he took it from about the neck of one Captain Jennings, whofe Life he fpared; He offered it to fale 5 and no one offering him more, I gave him eighteen pence for it in 1643. as I remember : And about 16481 hearing where Captain fen* nings was, fuppofing it might be of great ufe to him, I fent ic him as a gift by one Mr. Sommerfield.'] And this flander is all the thanks I had. The Church-Advocate wrote me back, that he had it formally attefted. I craved as a favour of him to tell me if Captain Jennings be living, how I might write to him. Heanfwers me, that one was out of the way that he muft firft fpeak with, and I mould (hortly hear from him. The next I heard was as a fecond part of Dr. StilUngfleet, the forefaid Book full of cruel falmood, taken from my having been for the Parliament, and from many diftorted words of mine : Now when this Book renders me worfe than a Jew, or Heathen, and unfit to live, fome I fear will tell abroad that I am a Traitor, for faying, that [/r is flandtrous or untrue, ~\ § 6. His fecond Inftancewas thefe words of mine [ cc Pardon Theodofius junior , Anaftafim Fhilifpicus^ fftftinian, Irene, &c. to fulfill their own miftaken wills, how honeft foever the men might (79) : might be. Much lefs am I for fuch work as the Council at Lateran fnbfnnoc. 3 made,no nor that at Florence* § 3 And I take it for anj^ft of great Prudence in this my ac- cufer, while he is vindicating BiftiopsCouncils,to go no further than the four firfl: General, when it is many hundred that I have mentioned. And is it not really an intimated accufation of them to vindicate fo few of above 400. And thofe fuch as for their faith we all own. And yet a man would think by the ftrein of his ftyle and lan- guage that it were at leaft the greater part of Conncils that he were pleading for. I fay ftillas Bifhop Bilfon and other Prote- ftants : Well ordered found Councils we owe great refpecl: and honour to, for Counfelj ftrength and Concord, but fu 'bj etl 1 on and Obedience, faith he, if? Owe Taem none, (fave as we are bid, be all fubject one to another, and ferve one another in Love.) § 4. And now I leave any impartial man to judge what an- fwer luch a book deferved, which goeth upon all thefe foremen- tioned untrue fuppofitions. CHAP. XIV. Some mens Credit about anient Church Htjiorj^ may be conj eft ti- red at by their Reports of the Hiflory of the twe and place that W2 live in, § i.T^Y their Hiftory of late and prefent things we may con- J3 jefture at the Creditof not Mr. Mu but others of the Clergy-accufers and Profecutors of their Brethren. Almoftall that I remember that write againft me, agree in fuch mifreport- ing matters of facl, yea the rnoft publick, of the perfons, place and time, which our fenfes have given us notice of, that we muft believe them with as great difficulty as we muft believe Tranfubftantiation, even in oppofirion to all our fenfes and ex- perience. And whether thoie men be fit Vindicaters of the Bifhops and Councils above a Thoufand years ago ('which are blamed by the Hiftorians of th.e.irown Age, and by their own Confeffions, and by their rnoft fervent Defenders)' who noto- rioufly mifreport the perfons, and acYions of their own Place and Age, I think it is not hard to judge. I will (So) I wM ktftence in Twenty particulars of pnblick notice 5 for thofc againft particular perfons, even my feff, are not to be numbred. I. It is now commonly taken for true, that the prefent Non- conformifts, who gave in their Defires for Concord 1660. are of the fame Judgment as thofe called Nonconformifts hereto- fore, and whatever can be raked up out of Chrift. Goodman^ Knox^ Kilby, or is reported by Bancroft^ is partly chargeable on them, when as their propofed Defires yet (hew the world that they never made any motion againft many things by thofe aforefaid fcrup!ed 3 in Do&rine, Worihip, and Ceremony. And it is commonly fuppofed by them, that the prefent Con- formity is but the fame as the Old, and the Cafe no harder to us : And this notwithstanding all the ftill vifible Afts and Alte- rations, and Additions, which atteft the contrary to all the world. II. In moft of their Inve&ives the prefent Nonconformifts- are argued againft, as if they had been in the Civil War againft the King j or had been guilty of it more than the Conformifts* And that War is made a Reafon of their Silencing 3 whereas fo few of them bad any hand in it, that I have many times told them,that if they will Silence none but thofe that they can prove guilty of any War, or Rebellion, or Sedition ? the reft of us will give rbem a thoofand Thanks, though we fuffer our felvcs. Few of the prefent Nonconfor mifts were then in the Miniftry, and of thofe few that were, few now living meddled with War. III. They are fo confident that the Parliament and Army that began the War in England, were Nonconformifts, yea Presbyte- rians, and not of the Church of England^ that Mr Minkleyfc here Mr. Motrice y make a renouncing of their Senfes or Underftand- ings necefTary to the believing of it. And yet they might as well tell us, that they were all Turks or Papifts. Are not a Par- liament and an Army things publick enough to be known in the fame Age ? When we name to them the Chief Lords and Commons, and Chief Commanders, yet (and lately) living^ who are known ftill to live in their own Communion 5 and when we challenge them to name Three Presbyterians that were then in the Houfe of Lords, or the Houfe of Commons $ or many thac Were at firft Commanders in the Army* and we name them the Men that then Commanded,, who were commonly knowrv to (80 to be Conformifts of the Church of England. And if they will not believe their prefent practice and profeilion they may yet go to them and be Satisfied from their own mouths what were their former Principles. I have told them of a moft credible Member of that Parliament yet living,who hath oft profeft to me that he knew but one Presbyterian in the Houfe of Commons when the war began,and I have named that one man to thereto try if they can name another. I expert not that they fhould believe me, or fuch other concerning thofe whom we knew: But they may be- lieve the men themfelves yet living 5 & their moft familiar Friends. Yea the Records of many foregoing Parliaments, withL*^'* Life written by Dr. HeylinfuWy Iheweth them that the d infer- ence arofe i. About the tear of Popery, ( and Arminianifmz.% they thought tending towards it ) 2. About Property, Loan- mony 3 Knight-mony and afcer Ship-mony,cVc. 3. About Impri- sonment of members and other Gentlemen.And thefe were ftilf the quarrel. But faith Mr, M, How then Jh all we believe our fenfes. Jtnf See Reader, whether his moft confident Errours about paft things be any wonder. He is not fo fure of what he faith of the old Prelates, or the Ne$orians t Etujohians, &c. as he is that he muft believe his Senfes: And his very fenfes tell him that a Parliament, even Lords, Commons, and an Army, many of whom are yet living^ were of another opinion in Religion than ever they were then acquainted with., and which was known to very few in Eng- land till afterward. And this contrary to their Prafeflion and pra- ctice and the fenfes of their acquaintance. Lords are Perfbns effo publick notice that they may eafilyyetbe informed of the living and the dead: In the Army the Chief Commanders were the E. otEJfex, the E. of Bedford ( yet living ) Sxtfohn Merrick^ the E.of Pet erborough^ Dolbisre, the E.' of Stamford, the Lord Hafiings (E.of Huntington) the Lord Rochford (E, of Do- ver) the Lord Fielding (Ex»{ Denbigh) ihe Lord Mtndevile (E 9 of Mane heft er ) the Lord Roberts ( now Earl of Radnor and Pre- fldent of his Majefties Council ) the Lord St. Johns, (killed at Keinton Fight.,) Only the Lord Saj y and Lord Brooke were known Independents $ and whether the Lord Wharton (yet living) was then for Biftiops or againft them I know notj but all the reft were of the Church of England, And fo were the other Collonels, SlrHenyC'joMej, the bee Lord Hollis,CQlWUl.B*mpficld 9 Col. M 77;*. Tho. Grantham, Col. 7 ho. Ballard, C. Sir William Pairjax, U>1: Charles Effex, Col. Lord Willoughby of Pa'ham, Co). Sir FTift Wi&r, Col. £ that entred into a Solemn Leagne and Covenant againft Epifcopacy, and for Reforming the Church after the Presbyterian Platform, and fet up Presbytery by fo many Ordinances ?] Anfw. Diftingue temporais none of this Hiftorians Principles. How long after the War begun was this Petition at Oxford^ this Covenant, and thefe Ordinances ? He proveth them Pref. V " byterians byterians at firft when they knew not what it was, becaufe they were for Presbytery a year or two after: Negatur Sequela. The Scots taught afterwards the Aflembly,and them that which they never knew before, 2.And all thefe Petitions & Ordinances (hew- ed not what they preferred as beft,but what they preferred be- fore expefted ruine. The I flue proved this, an&Heyl'm confeffeth it, and faith, They, never fct up Presbytery in any one place /which yet is not true, though they did not force it.) 3. Do you not know now living, thofe Epifcopal Conforming whorefufc no part of your Conformity, and are much againft Presbytery, who fince the Difcovery of the Papifts Plot, are fo much afraid of Popery, and Co confident that too many of the Clergy are prepared for ir, that a little more would turn them from you, though they love Presbytery as little as they love your felves. la a word, The Old Clergy and the Parliament Men agreed. The New Clergy in Bifhop Land's time diftafted them:& the Scots Presbyterians helping them in their ft rait?, partly turned fome of them, and partly impofed on them impleading conditions. But faith be, {The Eraftians and Independents were at firft in* tonfidsruble, and acted jo) ntly with the Presbyterians^ &C.~] "Ak[\\\ Thus is Hiftory delivered to the deluded World! Nei- ther Independency nor Presbytery were underftood by many till the War was begun. The Scots- CommifTioners by degrees acquainted them with Presbytery, and Mr. Bur ton's Protection Frotefted, and the live Dilfenters with Independency : Two or three Independents were m the Houfe of Lords^ and fome few in the Houfe of Commons : It was Epifcopal-men that made tp the ma n Body : Thefe were of two forts .-The one fort thought Epifcopacy of Divine Inftituticn, but not Chancellors, Deans and Chapters, Arch- Deacons, Officials^ &c The other fort thought that Epifcopacy, nor rampant, was the belt Govern- ment fare humano^ But that the Magiftrate being Chief, might fet it up, or take it down, as he fee molt for the common good* Thefe were called by fome Eraftians : And that thefe at firft were inconfiderable, is Hiftory written in defpight of Evidence. Let any man 1. Read what Parliaments formerly faid 5 2. And what many EngUfo Divines wrote for the Jiu humanum againft the fty Divinnm -, and what Teftfmony Frin hath given of it 5 3.. And YihatDr. St Mngfltet hath produced for it in his Irenicon^ 4, And Vou; 4. And how commonly it was owned by Conformifts then in Conference 5 ^. And how commonly the Lawyers were for the Humane Right ; 6. Yea and the Civilians themfelvesj and then let him take this Hiftorian's word, if he tell Pofterity that the Parliament and Army, were not Englijlo men. IV. Thefe Hiftorians candidly tell the world, that the Non- conformifts, who offered their Defires for Concord 166©. were Presbyterians, and fo are molt of the Nonconformifts now. Whereas they never made one motion for Presbytery, for Lay- Elders, for Ruling ClafTes or Afiemblies, nor againfl: Epifcopacy 5 but only offered the Paper called A. Bifhop VJhtr's Reduction of Epifcopacy to the Primitive Form ; wherein neither A. Bi- fliops, nor Bifhops, nor Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons 5 were taken down, or any of their Revenues, Lordfhips,or Parliament- Power. This is Presbytery with thefe Hiftorians. V. They make the world believe that the main Body of the Conformifts, are fuch as differed for the King, or complied not with the Directory and Times of Ufurpation : Whereas u's pub- Jickly notorious, thatthere are, about 9000 Parifh-Churches in £#g/W,befides many hundred Cnappels,6Vmany Churches that had more than one Minifter. And almoit all thefe complied with the Times or Directory, as the Nonconformifts did : And of all thefe, it was buta-bout xooo that Conformed not} fo that 7000 or 8000 of them that had kept in, did on a fudden turn Confor- mifts. And divers that had been in Arms for the Parliament: Yea, fome that had written for the Engagement when I wrote againftit; yea fome that had fpoken or written tantum now Juftification of the Killing of the King. And of thole that ;oyn- ed with us in our Propofals for Concord, Dr. Worthy and Dr. Reignolds were made Bifhops, and divers others d:d Conform. VI. Thefe Hiftorians would make the world believe that the Prtfl-nt Church, and fuch as they, did more than the Parliamen- tarian?, and Presbyterians, and Nonconformifts, to reftore the King 5 when it is notorioufly known, how oft their Attempts were defeated, and what the Scots Army under Hamilton under- went, to fay nothing of the next ; and of the Lord Delamo>e's Attempt, and what the Reftored Parliament did: Butfurelam, that the Old Parliament Souldiers, and Presbyterian Comman- ders andSouldien in General Monkj> Army, with thofe in Er.g- /Wand Ireland that joyned with him, and Sir Thomas AlUn Lord Lord Mayor, with the Londoners, at the perfuafion of the Pref byterian Minifters, drawing Genera! Monk to joyn with them, did the main work, which the Council and Parliament after fi- nifhed. When moft of thefe men that will not endure the ob- livion of Difcord*, nor the Reconciling and Union of the King's Subjects, do but itart up to revile others, and blow the Goals again, and reap the fruit of other mens labours, that defire but to live in Peace. VII. That there are able worthy men that Conform, we are far from denying} and we earneftly defire their Concord, and the fucctfs of their Labour, and I hope love them as our felves. Buc whereas the Hiftory of this Parcy doth proclaim how much better and abler Minifters than the Noncon- formifts are generally put into their Places, that are no Novices or Ignorant Youths, no Drunkards, nor fcandalous, but mofe la* borious, skilful Labourers, I will fay nothing, but lee the Countries judge. VIII. And whether it be true that there is no need of the Nonconformists Miniftry, but the Churches are fufficiently fup- plied without them, both as to the number and quality of their Teachers, I have in my Apology enquired 5 and with godly men it's eafily judged. IX. And whether it be true, that it was only for the Kings or Bifliops caufe that the Parliament put out-all, or moft of them that were heretofore removed, I leave to the WitnefTes and Articles againft them. I am fure I and my neighbour Mi- nifters petitioned that none that were tolerable pious Minifters, might be put out for being for the King or Bifliops. X. It is commonly now recorded and reported that the Pref- byterians and thofe that now conform not put down Catechi- zing, and turned the Creed, Lords prayer and Decalogue out of the Church- Service. Whereas f iffome few Independents did any of this, ic is more than I know, but) in all our Countrey, and where I cam^ I remember no Churches that did not ufe the Creed openly at their baptizing any, and the Decalogue fre- quently read out of Exod. 20. or Dent. 5. and the Lords prayer frequently; as we did conftantly„ Buc fome thought that we were not bound to ufe it every time they prayed. And the Di- rectory commendeth all thefe to them. And all our Countrey agreed not only to Catechize publickly, but to take larger time on tm tlie week daies to Catechize every family. X I. Thefe Hiftorians fay that I and fuch others take the things which we conform not to,tobe but inconveniences and not fmsj And that we keep the Nation in Schifme while we confefs the things to be but Indifferent And our writingsarevifible in which we profeft the contrary, and laboured by many arguments to prove it and protefted that we would conform if we took them ot to be fins. And we gave in a Catalogue of what wejudged to be fins : And this before the New Conformity was impofed : And fincerhefierceft difpleafure is againft us for telling them what we account Sin, and how great : When many years together our Rulers and the People were told that we confeflcd them indif- ferent and refufed them but to avoid offending our followers. XII. We frequently hear from them that we oppofe Epifco- pacy becaufe we cannot be Bifhops our felves : When its known that nothing could more put men out of all fuch hopes than the Presbyterians Endeavours that both their power and wealth fhould be taken down : And he that hath any defires of a Bifhop- rick fhould fure be for the keeping of them up. And the fame men reprove us for refufing Bifhopricks and Deanries, and fay we did it to pleafe the People. XIV. The new Hiftorians would make us believe that the Reformed Church of England before Bi (hop Lauds time, were of their mind that now call themfelves Bifhops and Doctors of the Church of England, in holding as they do, that there is an Uni- verfal humane Soveraignty with Legiflative and Judicial power over all the Churches on earth : and that this is in Councilor an Univerfal Colledge of Bifhops 5 of which the Pope may beal- Jovved to be president, and Principium V nit at is ^ &c. and that he muft be obeyed as Patriarch of the Weft 5 and fo we muft be under a forreign JurifdicYion. Whereas it is notorioufly known that before Bifhop Lauds time the doctrine of this Church was quite Contrary, as may be feenat large in the Apology, the Ar- ticles of Religion, the writings of the Bifhops and Doctors j Yea they writ copioufly to prove that the Pope is Antichrift, and put it into their Liturgy. And Dr. Hey tin tells us that theReafon why Bifhop Laud got it out was, ( that it might not offend the Papifts and hinder our reconciliation with them} And the Oath of Supre- macy fweareth us againft all forreign JurifdicYion. XV. The fame Hiftorians would make us believe that thefe mens (»9) mens doctrine is now the doctrine of the Churcb of EngUki or agreeable to it. Whereas the Oath of Allegiance is ft ill in force, and foare the Homilies, and the Articles of Religion and the Laws and Canons for the Kings Supremacy againftall forreign JurifJiction.And there is no change made whichalloweth of their doctrine: And the Church doctrine muft be known by its pub- lick writings, and not by the opinions cf new rifenmen. X V I. The new Hiftdrians make the Nonconforming Mini- Iters to be men grofly ignoranr,preach;ngfa!fe doctrine,of wicked principles and lives, and not fit to be futfered out of Gaols. And yet thefe 19. or 20. years how few of them have been convict ofanyfalfe doctrine ? And I have not heard of four in England that have ever been convict fmce they were caft our, of being once drunk, or fornicating, cheating, (wearing, or any ' immo- rality, unleft preaching and net fwearing. Subscribing, &C be fuch, nor for falfe doctrine. XVII. The new H'ftorians have made thoufands believe that the doctrine or opinions cfthe Nonconforming is for fedition and rebellion ^ Arra that it is for this that they refufe to renounce tt.e obligation of the Covenant as to all men befides themfelves and that they refufe to fubferibe that it is not lawful on any pre- tence wbatfoever to rakeArmsagainft any CommifTioned by the King. Whereas we have at large in a fecond Plea for peace opened our judgments about Loyalty and obedience, ana none of them will tell us what they would have more, nor where oar profeftion is too fhort or fruity. Nor have they convict any of my acquaintance of preaching any 'difloya! doctrine. X V 1 1 i. Yea they have by writing, preaching and talking made multitudes believe that the Non conform ilts or Presbyte- rians have been long hatch ; i:g a rebellion againft the King, and have a Plot to take down Monarchy under pretence of oppofir.g Popery. And how far thefe Hiftorians are to be b else ved 3 true Froteftanrs by this time partly underftand. X I X. Yea thefe Hiftoria^s have made multitudes believe thit the Parliaments that have been difblved here of lare years have been defigning tcr change the Government of Church ami (late, under pretence of? . As if that Parliament that did that for them and a gain ft us which- is done, and made all the Acts which are foT the Renunciation of the Covenant, and for all the Dedaratioms/Subfcriptions and Practices Impofcd, and {'or Fining us 20/. and 40 /. a Sermon, and laying us in Ga^ c , N h«d bad been for Nonconformifts, and againft Epifcopacy* and they that made the Militia Act, and fuch other had been againft the Kingjor his Prerogative : Or the other following had not been of the lame Religion. X X. But theboldeft part of their Hiftory ,is their defcription of the two forts of the People in England, thofe that are for the prefent Nonconformifts, and thofe that a,re againft them. Thofe that are againft them, they account the molt Religious, Tempe- rate, Cbaft, Loyal, Credible, and in a word, the beft people through the Land (Tor of our Rulers I am not fpeaking.) And thofe that are for the Nonconforming Minifters, they defame as the moft proud 5 hypocritical, treacherous, difloyal, covetous > falfe, and in a word, the worft people in the Land ; or as Fovclis faith, the worft of all mankind, and unfit to live in humane Socie- ty. How Jong will it be ere the fober people of this Land be- lieve this Character ? One would think that the quality of the common Inhabitants of the Land mould not be aControverfie > or unknown thing. All that I will fay to this Hiftory, js, to tell the Reader the utmoft of my obfervation and experience from my Youth up, concerning thefe two forts of men. Where I was bred before 1640. (which was in divers places) I knew not one Presbyterian Clergy- man,nor Lay 3 and but three or four Nonconforming Minifters. Nay till Mr. Ball wrote for the Liturgy and againft Can, and Allen^ &e. and till Mr. Bur- ton Publifhed his Proteftation protefted, I never thought what Presbytery or Independency were, nor ever fpake with a man that feemed to know it : And that was in 1641. when the War was brewing. In the place where rfirft lived, and the Country about, the People were of two forts : The generality feemed to mind nothing ferioufly but the body and the world: They went to Church and would anfwer the Parfon in Refponds and thence go to dinner, and then to play : They never prayed in their families,but fome of them going to bed,would fay over the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, & fome of them the Hail Mary : All the year long,.not a ferious word of holy things, or the Life to come, that I could hear of, proceeded from them. They read not the Scripture 5 norany good Book orCatcchifm.Few of them could read, or had a Biblc:They were of two ranks$ the greater part were good Husbands as they called them, and favoured of nothing but their bufinefs or Intereft in the World $ the reft were Drunkards : Jvloft were Swearers, but not equally : Both fort* (90 forts feemed utter ftrangers to any mote of Religion than I have named ; and loved not to hear any ferious talk of God, or Du- ty, or Sin, or the Gofpel., or Judgment, or the Life to come : But fome more hated it than others: The other fort were fuch as had their Conferences awakened to fome regard of God and their Everlafting State 5 and according to the various meafures of their underftanding, did fpeak and live as ferious in the Chriftian Faith, and would much enquire what was Duty, 'and what was Sin, and how to pleafe God> and to make fure of Sal- vation 5 and made this their Bufinefs and Intereft, as the reft did the world. They read the Scripture, and fuch Books as The Pratlice of Piety ; and Deut'j Plain Man's Path Way ; and Dod on the Commandment s y d>cc. They ufed to pray in their Fa- milies, and alone -, fome on the Book, and fome without : They would not Swear, nor Cur fe, nor take God's Name lightly: They feared all known fin : They would go to the next Parifh- Church to hear a Sermon when they had none at their own j would read the Scripture on the Lord's Day, when others were playing ::Thefe were^where I lived, about the number of two or three Families in twentyjand thefe by the reft were called Puri- tanes, and derided as Hypocrites and Precifians,that would take on them to be Holy : And efpecially if they told any one of his Swearing, Drunkennef?, or Ungodlinefs., they were made the common fcorn. Yet not one of many of them ever fcrupled Conformity to Bifhops Liturgy or Ceremonies, and it was god- ly Conformable Minifters that they went from home to hear : And thefe M ; nifters being the ableft Preachers, and of more fe- rious Piety, were alfo the Objeds of the Vulgar Obloquy as Puritanes and Precifians themfelves j and accordingly fpoke a- gainft by many of their Tribe, and envyed for being preferred by godly men. This being the Condition of the Vulgar where I was, when I came into the acquaintance of many Perfons of Honour and Power, and reputed Learning, I found the fame ferioufnefs in Religion in fome few before defcribed, and the fame daily fcorn of that fort of men in others, but differently cloathed : For thefe would ta'k more bitterly, but yet with a greater fhew of rea- fon agair.il: the other, than the ignorant Country People did: And they would fometime t:uk of fome Opinions in Religion, and fome of them would ufe fome of the Common- Prayer in N z their their Houfes, and fame of them would fwear, but feldom, and fmall Oaths, and lived foberly and civilly $ but ferious talk of God or Godlinefs, or that which tended to fearth and reform the Heart and Life, and ferioufly prepare for the Life to come,. or to awaken Souls to a care of their State and Salvation, they would at leaft be very weary to hear, if not deride as Puritani- cal. Mr. Robert: Bolton a Conforming hath fully opened all this Of both (brts in his Difeourfe of Trite Happincfs, and Dirrftions for walking mth God: And how the- name Puritan? wis then if fed. This being the Fundamental Divifion where I came, fomeof thefc that were called Puritanes and Hypocrites, for not being Hypocrites, but ferious in the Religion they proftffed, would fometimesget together, and_as Drunkards and Sporters would meet to drink and play, they would (in fbme very- few places, where there were many of them)meet afterSermonon tbeLord's Daies to Repeat the Conforming Mlniiiers Sermon, and fing a Pfilm, and Pray. For this, and forgoing from their own Pa- riih-Churches, they were firft envied by the Readers, and dry Teachers, whom they fometime went from, and next profeoraf- tedHnefr, and the vi- cious Rabble to be as their Army, to fupprefs trueconfciencious Obedience to God, and care of mens Silvatjjn. And the cer.- fured Clergy and Officers took erj< crs to be Suhifin- ticks 3 and Enemies to the Ciurch, unfit to be endured, and fit- to be protecuted with reproach and pi rt 5 lb that Puritanes took it to be bur the com .hat ilnee C\i/Vs daies hath been in the world, between the S Woman's Seed: And when the ceflors, Official-', Apparitors, &:. 'Jer fuch a repute, it was eafie to believe what fh .u' i be fti'J agamft their Office. And the more the Bidiops thought to cure this bypuniftrmenr, the more they increafed th'e Opinion; ttiat they were perfecn- ting Enemies or Godiinefs, and theCaptiti \t Pfopharie. And when fuch fmful Beginnings had prepared men, the C Contentions arifing, thofe called Puritanes, moiily were againlt that fide which they faw the Bifhops and their Neighbour Ene- mies for : And they were for the Parliament the rather, becatife they teemed defirous to Reform the Bifhops, and Pveftore the Liberty of thofewhom they profecuted for the manner of their terving God. Yet they defired, where-ever I was, to have lived peaceably at home : But the Drunk irds and Rabble that former- ly hated them, when they Caw the War beginning,grew inraged;. and if a man did but Pray, and Sing a Pfalm in his houte, they would cry [Dow* with tkt Roundheads'] (a word then new made for them,) and put them in fear of linden violence, and after- wards brought the King's Souldiers to plunder them of their goods, and they were fain to run into holes to hide their per- sons {Martin Crufixt in his Turco-Gr&cia defcribeth much the like Cite of his Father. ) And when their Goods were gone, and their Lives in continual danger ^ they were forced to fly for Food and Shelter : To go among thole til at hated them, they durlt nor, when they could nordwell among fuch at home. And thus thoufandj rod into the Parliaments Garrifons, and having- bo thing there to livr-upon, became Souldfer?; (94) We had an honeft-very Old ^rminian (Mr. Nayler) in Coven* f// 5 that was againft the Parliaments Caufe 5 and he would fay f {The King hath the befi Caufe, and the Parliament the befi Men."} And that he wondred how ic came to pafs, that the generality of fober Religious men, (hould be all in the wrong, and the molt Irreligious and Prophane, and Debauched be in the right.] But he knew but the Vulgar, and not the Grandees, who no doubt were many of them men of very laudable accomplifhments. And as the feud of the Bifhops and their Officers and Curates againft the aforefaid exercifes of Religion occafioned this fad Di- vifion 3 fo did the fenfe of this in the minds of thofe called Pu- ritanes continue too long. Many a time have Ifeen abundance in great Perplexity, faying [We believed them that profefled that they took not Arms againft the King, but to execute the Law on Delinquents and defend themfelves and the Kingdom from them : We abhor the Regicides and Ufurpers : We would reftore the King, if we were ftronger than the Army. And yet we are in doubt how far we (hould actively contribute to our own calamity: For though the King deferve more than we can do, we doubt not but the Bifhops will increafe our Burdens and make greater havock in the Church than heretofore] And many fate ft ill on this account, and as far as ever I could diP cern, next the Power of the Army, the fear of the Bifhops was the chief delay of the Kings return. I knew not all England; but according to the Extent of my ac- quaintance, I have truly told you the quality of thofe then called Puritans and of their Common adverfaries. And on which fide now proportionably are moll of the moft undemanding, fober, charitable, confcionable^ and ferioufly re- ligious Perfons, and on which moft of the contrary fnot fpeak- ing of any Magiftrates ) I think it neither my work, nor our New Hiftorians to tell :For people that live among their neighbours, will believe their fenfes and experience, what ever either he or I ftiall fay. And I am well afifured that this argument ( which I think was not found ) [ We cannot believe that God witt fuffer the Generality of the Religions to be deceived in Jo great a cafe t and the ?nofi of the debauched ignorant haters of feriom GedLnefs to be in theright^"] did prevail with very many that could not try the Caufe by the Laws and conftitution of the Kingdom. § 2. lfl fhould recite the particular unjufi reports of mul- titudes titudes of thefe Writers it would be tirefome and Joathicme : Yea all the miftakes of this Eminent Hiftorian are too many ro be named : But I will here name one which feems at once to fmite and fmiJe. Pag. 217. ["There is a temper which Mr. B. it acquainted " with that^ is not to be prevailed on, either by threats or promifes Qt from ths Magtfirate - 3 and feems to hate nothmgfo much as compii- Cc ance with Superiors : Thtre are fame that fcorn to preach by the * c Licence of the Government^ and place the Kingdom ofChrifi purely " in oppofnon to Law and Magiftrrtes. 2 Anfw, Note the credibility of this Hiftorian. 1. Doth their accufation of my flattering the Ufurpers (whom I more openly difowned thanmoit of his Fraternity) agree with this? 2. Did my Jong and earned Petitioning to be accepted but in a poor Curates place, though I Preachc for nothing, yea if it were but in fome ignorant obfcure Village, and only to preach over the Catechifm^gree with this? 3. Doth my large profeflion of Subje&ion in my Second Plea for Peace not yet blamed by them herein agree with this ? 4. I willingly took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and an Oath to be true to the King as his Chaplain in ordinary, and had this any fuchfignification f 5. Did my begging in vain a Licenfe from Bifhop Morley y and craving and obtaining one of Bifhop Sheldon fign\dc this ? 6. .But th e fmile is that one would think by thefe words, I might have preached by the Governours Licenfe and would not. And is that true? Did I not preach by the Kings Licenfe, and the C'ergy blame me for it? And as for the Bifhops Licenfe I do profefs that it's yet in force, and I do preach by it. If I mi- stake it is not my refufing it. If he intimate as he feems, that by the Bifhops Licenfe I might have had leave to preach in the Parifh Churches,it's now too late:But I would I had known how to get it. I confefs one Summer in the Countrey about z$ miles off, I did venture upon the Credit of my Licenfe fac u4merfham, Chejham 3 Rickmerfworthj&c.) But it was too pleafing work to me to becontinued:One Church mSouthwarl^l was once Jet into, but no more in or near London. I once craved leave of the moderate Bifhop that now is, that without putting down the meeting where I was in that great Parifh of Sr. Martin's, I might preach fometime there and once a day at the Chappcl which! builr 5 which the Parifh Incumbent ufeth, and that he would quiet the Juitices to that end, and thought I hid had his confenr : But the Conftables and other Officers it- ' - fi om that day about a quarter of a year together every Loro'i Day at the door of the former place of Affemblv, to have apprehended me by the Juftices warrant if I had gone. And never could I hear of a man in London that was willing I fhould come into his Pulpit j but the be ft have refufed it. Nor did I much defire it here : For it is not to preach to them that have no need that is my requeft j but to fuch as cannot come into the Parifh Church or otherwlfe truely need our help. Once I did try to have got leave two miles out of the City to have preachta Kinfwomans Funerall Sermon on the right of my Licenfe : But the Minifter faid, He muft firft ask the Bifhcp, and then denyed me. Reader, thefe ave the Hiftorians that Charge me with mif- report of ancient Hiftory, vifible in the mo ft partial Authors on "the other fide: Judge of them by their Report of the Hifto- ry of our Place and Age. CHAP. XV. \Mr£ the Author, did not fvffer muck by this Editl^ being befriended by ths Emperour, who had an efteem for their Bifhop of Q. P. upon the account of his Hohmfs7\ And may not an Orthodox man confefs the Piety of others ? § 3. But Mr. M. \i Co Migifterial as to fay, Fag, 312. The ftory tf/Theophilus, and the Monks 0/Nitria, no reafonable man can believe^ as it is related by Socrates and Sozomen, without loving a malicious Lie.'] So that Socra*es and Sozomen either be- lieved not themfelves 3 or cKc Loved a malicious Lie, And Page 3 19 he faith^ [Theftory of TheophiJus his charging lfidore with double Letters, th it whoever was Conqutrour^ he might apply himfelfto him in his name , is of the fame pierce with the reft of Socrates his flo-y concerning that Bijhop; and in all pro- bability an invention of one of the Monies o/Nitria,] It feems this Hift'orian believeih Old H;ftorians,as the matters feem probable or improbable to himfelf. And Co we may take him for the Univerfai Expofitor of Hiftory : It is not the Old Hiftorians that we muft believe, but his Conjectures. And thus he deals with divers others. § 4, For my part I profefs, that before I had any Engagement in thete Controverfies, fince I firft read them, I took Socrates and Socmen to be two of the moft credible Hiftorians that the Church had till their Times 3 and of many an A^e after them. I (aid of them, as I ufe to do of Thttantts, A man may trace the footfteps of Knowledge, and impartial honefty, and foof Vera- city in their very ftyJe. And there are few of the judicious Cenfurers of Hiftorians, but def tell us of far more uncertainties in£;i/f£/'^,and after in Nicephorvs^nd moft that followed,(as far as I am acquainted with fuch Cenfurers) than in thefe two. And if their Hiftory be (haken, our lofs will not be fmall. And I doubt not but the Anathematizing and Condemning Spirit bath done hurt, which hath made Eufebius an undoubted Arian, and Theo- doret s firft a Neftorian, and after at the fifth General Council condemned fome of his Writings, and impofed it on the whole Chriftian World to condemn them, though many never heard of them (99) them, and that made Rttffintts (and Chryfoftom) Origimfts, and Origen a Heretick, condemned alfo by a General Council, and Socrates, and Soz»omen, Novatians, Eplphanim an ignorant cre- dulous Fabler, Snlpitius Sevcrus^znd Beda, two pious credulous Reporters of many feigned Miracles^ and one a Millenary, Ni- cephorus a Fabler, Anaftafius BMfall of Falfhoods, PbH*jfri#j an ignorant Erroneous Hereticator,C^///^«^j a Semi- Pelagian, Cajfics dor I Chronic, eft farrago temnlentia in quit 0;:upbrius Pan. Per] nunqaam cum Eiffebio convenit intuit Vofftys, &c. I fay, Though it be no wrong to the Church to take. them for fallible, and fuch as have miftakesf which the Englijh Articles fay even of General Council*)yetit wrongfully fhaketh al] our belief of ChurchHifto- ry to call their Credit in matters of faft into queftion for their Erroursor opinions fake_,w i thou t good Evidence that either they were ignorant, mif-informed or wilfully lied.Buc ifthe Natrntians were more ftrift & precife than others, it's rather.like that they were more and not lefs credible than others, and made more or notleft confeience of a lye* Certainly that which the reft named are charged with is fomewhat more as toHiftorical Credit than to be Novatians : So that if thefe men had been Nova'Sans, I mould yet fay by the Complexion of their Hiftory that I hey are two of our moil ufeful and credible Church- Hiftorians. § 5. Bat when it ferveth his turn he can gather out of Sozo- imn that even in Conft amines time, Conft ant inople was [Altoge- ther a Cbriftian City'] Becaufe he mentioned! the great Enlarge- ment of it -, and great encreafe of Chriftianity : When as no man that lived could be a fitter judge of the number of Chrifti- ans in bis time than Chyfftom: And he that confidered that there and every where Conftantine left all the Jews and Heathens nneompelled to be Chriftians, yea and ufed them commonly in places of dignity and Government in City, Provinces and Armies, and that they continued in fuch power under many Emperours after him, will hastily believe that in Conftamine 9 s time C. P. had half or a quarter fo many Chriftians as were in the time of^r- aadim and Chryfoftom-, And yet then Chryfoftom corjeftureth the Chriftians to be an hundred thoufand, and all the City poor half as many, but the Jews and Heathens not to be numbrcd. Sec him one All 4. Horn, it; When he is making the moil of their eftate and numbers., faith he [ I pray yon tell me : How great a number of all fats ofmsnhath ojir C'ty ? How many Chriftians ' O 2 m$ • (100) will you that there be (That is will you grant, or do you think there be ?) Will you that there be Si^^veU^, an hundred thoufand ? But bow great is the Number offews and Ethnickj . ? How many pounds of Gold have been gathered ? for Myriads . ? ) And how great is the Number of the Poor f (that is,of the whole City ?) I do not think, they are above fifty thoufand (C&mmelbi. hath put an hundred thoufand, as Erafmus Tranflation, Huppofe by the Errour of the Prefs.) Now if there was in Chryfofloms daies but an hun- dred thoufand (which many fay is not near fo many as there be in two Parilhes here, Martins and Stepney) it is not like that in Cox/lam ine*$ Time they were half fo many at moft. And yet I am far from thinking that there was then no more than ufually met in an Atfembly, or could fo meet. § 6. The Jefuites, Valtfius and Sirmondus^ I am no fit per- fon to cenfure, But lam notfatisfied why their Credit mould go as far with me as it doth with him : I have before fpoke of Vale fiush Recording Grotius as one that defigned to bring many with him into the Roman Church. And Grotius himfelf faith, That many of the EngUJh Bifhops were of his mind, as Bifliop Bromhall, and many Doctors by defending him (eem to be: And yet when I wrote my Chrtfiian Concord^nd Tve Grotian Religion, how many cenfiired me as a Slanderer, for faying le(s than Va- lefius doth* Yet I am falfe with this Hiftorian, and Valefius is a credible Jefuite. And he vouchfafethto tell us the Judgment of Valefius , that Eufebius Nicomed. was no Arian % pa g. 3 32. where, he faith [Eu- febius of Nicomedia was no Heretic^in the judgment of Valefius : But if be were, be was not an Heretic^, becaufe he did not begin the Arch-Herefie^ but followed Arius.] What the meaning is of the latter words I know not [ If he were (an Heretick^) he was not anHeretickJ] I conjecture it is one of the almofl Infinite Errata's of the Printer: (But he fuppofeth iny Printer's to be mine own :) But that Eufebius Niccmed. ihould be no Heretick, whom all the ftream of credible Hifto- rians make to be that Arch-Heretick (I fay not the firft) who corrupted Conftar.tme his Court and Son, which introduced the prevalency of Ananifm to the almoft Ruine of the Orthodox Church, is a thing which he that believeth Valtfius in, muft pre- fer the Credit of one Jefuite that lived above a thoufand years after, before the whole current of the beft Hiftorians of the fame* (tot) fame, and many following Ages. And did I ever fo difcredic the whole ftream of Church-Hiftorians, as on the word of one Jefuite, to bring them under the fufpicion of fuch a Lie ? But I confefs I am more inclined to believe a Jefuite, and a Prela- tift, when they excufe any man of Herefie, than when they ac- cuse him. § 7. In the Preface he tells us that[ c< Had 1 consulted SirmondV> " Edition of the French Councils I mufi have wanted fveral Alle- " gat ions for theCongregationalway t which are nothing elfe hut Corrupt * readings of the ancient Canons of the Gallican Church, Nor can we Q 'fufpett Sirmond as too great a favourer of Dioce fan B flops «fince it " is wellkfoxn how he is charged by the Abbjt of S.Qyrzn under the " name of Petrus Aurelius.^cr having falfifizda Canon in the Cou-iclt te of Orange to the prejudice of ths Epifcopal Order] fefuites care tQ as little for Bijhups as our P rote fl ant Dijf enters can do.~] Anfw. I doubt not but Sirmond was a very Learned nian,and had not the Conform ids diverted me or all Church-maintenance, I had been like to have bought bis French Councils. In the mean time, that notice which others before him gave of the A&sand Canons of Councils, fufficed to my furniture, fully to prove the Caufe I maintained: But I confefs his pretended reafon no whit in- duceth me to give more credit to a Jefuite than to another man. Though Albafpineus was a Bifhop, there is fo much Judg- ment and Honefty appears in his Observations, that I would fooner believe him about Epifcopacyi than a Jefuite that you fay is againft it. But it's as \ncrediWe to me, a* the reft ofhis fpurious Hlfto- ry, that the fefcites care as In tie for Bijhops as our Trot eft ant Dif /enters can do, Sure many of thofe called Presbyterians and In- dependents, would havenoneatalK If this be true, then i.The Jefuites would have no Bifhops of Rome> though they be his fworn Servants. 2. Then they would have no Bifhops to be fubject co the Pope. 5. Then they would have all particular Churches to be without Bifhops,, or to be unchurcht. 4. Then they would have Ordination without Bifhops. c.Then they think not that an uninterrupted Succeflion of Epifcopal O dination is neceflary to Church or Mfoiftry. 6. Then they think that Bi- fhops (hotrld not confirm, 7. Then they are againft the Coun- cils of Bifhops, General or Provincial. 8. And againft Diocefans Government of the Par ifli Priefts. And yet is a Jefuite a Papift ? Wonderful ! Wonderful ! that they will venture their Lives in endeavours for the Church of Ai i»* , ard that they write fo much of and for Bifcops Councils, and yet are quite againft them. But if really this be fo, you that take me for incredible, who am againft but the Corruption of Epifcopyey, do allow me to take S. ; rmondus and Valefius^ and the reft of the Jefuites for in- credible, who areas much againft the very Office as our Dif- fenters can be ? But what will not fome Hiftorians confidently fay? CHAP. XVI. Mr. M'-f . Obfer vat ions on my Notes of credible and incredible Hiftory, Examined, § i. I. "p> Ecaufe I fuppofe that common found Senfes are to be Xj trufted : He i. Infers that I was afleep^ & thought that I faw all that I relate 5 that is, He that faith he muft be- lieve fenfe, implies that he feeth all that he reporteth : I am one of the unlearned, and this Logick is too hard for me: Let it be his own. ^. He concludes, That we mufl not believe our fenfes, if they were not Presbyterians but Epifc opal that begm the lats War ('in England:) As if he had feen not only the Parliament (Lords and Commons) then, and the Army then (forty years ago al- moft) but had feen their Religion, or heard or read them then fo prcfefs it : Whereas I cannot learn yet whether he was then born, or of capable underftanding, and hath neither fente nor reafon for what be faith. The Cafe that we are in is very fad, when both fides fay they have the Evidence of Senfe it felfa- gainft each other ; what hope then of Reconciliation ? They that are yet living, that were Lords, Commons, ana 1 Comman- der?, fay their internal Senfe and Self-knowledge told them, that they were no Presbyterians, butEpifcopal $ and their daily convert told them, that their Companions were moftly of the fame Religion and Mind. But Young Men that never conver- ged with them, know them all better, and that infallibly by ftcfe icfclf. § 2. § 2. II. Becaufe I fay,the Hiftory of the Gofpel i* certainly credible 5 it is ground enough to fay, That All is not. Gcfpel that J write ; as if I had faid it i?. § 3. III. Becaufe I h\\P>ophcts were fure of their Revelation fit faith. It may be AJr.B. beat da Bene fcnpffii : As if 1 had pre- tended to be a Prophet. § 4. IV. I faid that Hiftory is certain even by Natural Evidence, when it is the common Agreement of all men of moft contrary Interefts, &c. in a matter of fact and fenfe to all that knew it. To which he fairh {The Superiority cf Etfivps ov: r / r.sbyters is acknowledged by C -it holiest, and Schifinaticks and Hcretickj> * :en °f very contrary minds, dif pi fit ions and inter efts; and jet this ChurcL- Htflory would have us believe the contrary a Anfw. This is our' credible H llorL n. 1. He doth not tell us in what Ages it W3sfo acknowledged j when thofe who doubt*of the matter of fad, doubt but fome of 1 00, fome of 1 50, or 200 years: Doth any doubt whether it be fo now ? 2 He tells us not either what Species of B ; (hops the qneftion is of,\nor what Species of Presbyters, nor wh. t the Superiority was. 3. H:* fpeaks without dHtinction or Exception^ and fo muft be underftood to fay that this Church hiftory would have us to be- lieve that even Prefdent Bifoops Ejufiem Ordinis had de facto no Superiority at all over Presbyters in the fame Churches and of the fame order with r^w^which is an untruth fo g'rofsas is no Credit to our Hsftorian. I have named both morethan one ranckofBi- (hops whofe Superiority de fure I deny nor : & Popes, Patriarchs^ Primates 5 Diocefans who depofed the Biftiops offingle Churches, whofe Superiority de fatto I fully enough affirm, in the ages and degrees in which they did afcend. It he fry that he meant it \_Even frcm the Apofles time^nd that offuchDiocefans as have [cores or hundreds of true Churches andAl- ta s without their particular Bifhops, or any Presbyters that were # Ejufdem Ordinis with the Bifkops, and were Epifcopi Gregis, and that hadfuch Power of the Keys over their flocks, as curs have not : or that had fo many fetch Affcmblies thai were no true Churches; j if he will be proved a Hiftorian worthy Credit., Let him give us any proof that all men defcribed by him agreed defalto that there was fo long, fuch a fuperioriry of fuch Bifliops. But thefe men u°4; men deride diftinguifhing, and banifh Loglck, that is Reafon, from their Hiftory. § 5*. V The next Evidence, of certainty which I mentioned, was from [continued Exiftent vifible Effects which prove their Cattfes.^ And here th»s undiltinguifhing Hiitorian is at it again. The Supe- riority vf B.'fhops over presbyters is proved by the Laws andCufloms of ' all Chm<; ties. This hath the fame anfwer, which I will not re- pear. Either it falfly reporteth my denyal, or it falfl v affirmeth that all Churches in all ages have left us vifible Etfectsof the forefaid fpecie*. And I would he would help us that are ignorant therein with (i>ch Hutory and Evidence from the beginmg of- the Churches in Scotland, and in the Southern and EalternCoun- treis that were without the Empire. § 6. VI. I fard, that Hiftory is credible which fpeaketh confemingly againft the known intereft of the authors:and there- fore I named few teftimonies of the fins ftf Popes and Councils but of thofe that are their moit Zealous Friends.To this he faith that my Characters of ancient Bifhopsare taken from their pro- feffed Enemies, [^a& my account of Athanafiuf^ ThcophyUs, Cyril, and divers others.] Jtnfii. Myaccountof^^^^isalmoftal^ifnotall in his pralfe 3 and is not an enemies teitimonv therevalid. If I menti- on the difpleafure of Conftantine againft frm it is no»- any Chara- tfler of him, but ofCenftantwe the Agent : Nor dd I think Con- fiantitiepr Ettfebitu C&far: meet to be numbred wrltb his Enemies; why did he not inftance in fome words of mine ? As to Theophylm and Cyril, I do not believe that he can prove that Socrates and Socmen, and the Hiftorians that Concur with them, were their Enemies. And if in reciting the Acts of the Councils I recite their Enemies words, fo doth SuripL^Nicho- linw, Binnius, B&roniw and all juft writers of thofe ads. And I do not find that Chryfeftom himfr If, or I fid re Telufiot a hed any Enmity to them, nor Pope Innocent neither. Ot the reft before. § 7. VII. The next degree of credibility that I mentioned is that whrb dependeth on the Veracity and fitnefs of the re- porter. Of ' hi:h I named nine things requifite. Here he fuppofethme one that is unfit; and particluarly faith [Whether any hath railed vpnh greater in temperance ,and lejs provo^ cation ] An[. 1. I am not the Author of the Hiftory of the men- tioned Councils or Popes or Biflhops, but the Tranfcriber. Lee me me be as bad asyou 5 or any of your tribe have made me, that proveth not that Socrates. So^omen, The odor it e, Nicepborus, &€. or Bmnim, Baronius,&c. have mifreported what they write. If I have mifreported thefc authors in any material point, prove ic and I will foon retraft it. As for my railing, I expecl: that title from all fuch whofe faults I name, and call them to repentance : He that calls men to Re- pent, calleth themfinners,and that is Railing be it never fo grear. His tirit inltanced railing is Pag, 19. [ A jew turbulent Prelates Terfecute good 0^0 ] He faith thus I call the prefenr Bifhops of the Church of England i Doth he mean All or fome ? If All he is an untrue Hiitorian : He may fee many named before my Apo- logy whom I except : And if I have named two I have annexed the proof. The next is Pag. 46, [ filencingdeftroying Prelates J Anf. Are there none fuch? Were not about 2000 here filenced ? Do we not continue fo and impoverifhed almoft 20 years? Have none perifhed in prifons or with want ? Do men call out for the exe- cution of the Law 3 and plead for our Silencing as a good work, and take it for railing to have it named ? Doth not Confcicnce recoil inthefe men when in Pulpits, prels and Conference they maintain it to be a good work, and tell the world how finful a thing it is for rulers to fuffer us out of Gaols ? What, are you now afhamed of your meritorious works ? Sure they are fcant good if it be railing to name them. You will not fay I rail, if I call you Preachers. And why do you fay fo r if I call you Silencers, if that be as good ? The next railing is Pag. 73 [ // all the proud, Contentious, am- bitious, hereticating part ofth' B flops, had been of this Chriftiatt mind (to endure each other in frnal! to! lerable Differences) What, fins) Scandal and Jhame , what Crimes, confufion and mifenes had the Chnftian world efcapsd?] And is this railing ? Hath the Cari- ftian world had no fuch Bifhops thefe 1000 years ? Have not whole Kingdoms been forbidden all Gods Publick worfhip by ,fuch, even France and England among the reft? Is it railing to teil for what litcle things they not only Silenced men^ but burn- ed and murdered many thoufands ? Were they not proud am- bitious Prelates that depofed and abufed Lud. Pim^ and thofe that in Council decreed the digging all the dead Bifhops out of their graves to be bunt as Herccicks, who were for the Etn- P perours perours power oflnveititures? Do I rail it I lay thatureg.j. was Proud and ambitious when he threatened the Prince ofCaUris with the lofsofhis dominions, unlefs he made his Bifhop fhave his beard ? Do not Jew el ^ and all Proteftant writers fay worfe than this of Papift Bifhops? Is there any fuch thing as pride filen- cing, burning, 6cc. If yea, muft it never be known, reproved, re- pented of and (b forgiven to the penitent? And if \ea, than how fha.ll it be known without proper names? By what name fhould I have called Silencing but its own and fo of the reit? Gods power over Conference is marvellous that fin cannot endure its own name. • The next railing is the word [ Heretic Ming. J And how could I have known if he had not told me that this word is railing ? Did not the Bifhops take it for a great fervice of God., and is ic railing to name it ? It's true I ufed one word inltead of a Sen- tence for brevity, to fignifie the Bifhops culpable overdoing in proclaiming men Hereticks. He that doth not believe that they did not well, nor do not to this day in Cutting off from the Church of Chriit all thofe whole Countreys of Chriftians called Neforians i Jacobites, Mekhites and the McnotkeliteswA many fuch I cannot fave him from himfelf who will own all fuch fin and contract the guilt of it. Hath /iot Bifhop Epiphanies made us more Hereticks than he needed. ? Hath not Bifhop P^/^W^, made many more than the Devil himfelf made?Left this pafs for railing once more I will name fbme of them. I. His lit h fort of Hereticks are thofe that k e pt Eafter-dayrf* a wrong time ( as oar Brittains and Scots did. ^. The Millenaries are the nth (fuch as many of the ant tent fa* thers, and our Mr. Mede, Dr. Twifs, &c.) 3. The ijih Offered Bread and Cheefe at the oblation. 4. The 28; hp 'fit Nc» Wine in New Veffels in the Church. 5. The 29th Put their fingers on their months for Silence. 6. Th? loih Thought that all Prophets ended not with Chrifi. 7. The 3 ^d went without f:ooes. 8. The Novatians are the ^^th. 9. Tve ^\th thought the Ep ifile to the Hebrews was not writ' tcn'oy ?m\,butby Barnabas or Clemens ? and the Epiftle to Laodi- cea by Luke. 10. The ^zth are the Orthodox Miletians t hat Communicated With the Orthodox andfome Arians too. 11. The (\07) 1 1. The 46th doubted of the diver fny of Heavens. 1 2. The ^"jth being ignorant that there is another Common Earth invifible, which is the Matrix of all things, do tkin\ to at there is no ■ Earth but this one. 13. The 48/i/j thought that wat.r was the common matter, and Was alwaies, and not made with the Earth. 1 4. The 49-6 Hercfie denyed that the foul was made before the body, and 1 he body after joy ned to it : and believed that Godi making them Male and Female ftrft was to be under fiood of the bodily Stxes: Whereat (faith he) it was the Soul that was made Mai: and Fe- male, jind the Soul was made the Sixth day and the body the Jth. 15. The ^oth Hercfie thought that not only Grace, but alfo the Soul it f elf was by God breathed into man, 6. The 5' \ft is Or\gcn$(that thought our Souls were firfi celefiial Intellecls, before incorporate (as Mr, Glanvile and many now.) 17. The ^id thought that brutes had fome reafon ( as Mr, ChambreJ 18. The Herefie thought that the Levitical Feafls were late- rally to be under ftood> not knowing that it was the 8 Feafls of the Church that were meant. 46. The (io 9 ) a6. The 90 Here fie preferred Aquila'j Tr an flat ion before the Septuagint. 47. The 91 preferred a Iran/tat ion of thirty men Before the Sep- ta.ig>nt. 48. The 92 preferred another Tradition of fix men before it. 49. Another Herefic preferred the Trahflation 0/Iheodotion and Symmachus before it. 50. Tbt 94 Here/is preferred the Scriptures found in a Vlffel af- ter the Captivity before it. j I. Tht^G^J ou^jt that Melchizedeck had to Father or Mo- ther, not looping that it's/po^n of him as Uarningthat which his Father and Mother never taught him. j2. The 97 hold that the Prophet Zachariah of Fafts, is to be properly under flood 5 when as it is but tor the fur Fajis of the Church, viz. for Chr iftmas, Eafter, Epiphany, and Pentccoft. 53. 7*^98 H-rcfte holdeth, that SJomon's great number of Wives and Concubines^ is literally to be underflood $ whireas it is meant but of diver fi'.y of Gifts in the Chare b. 54. The 10'©. Her cfie thm+ht that the Me offering Cord in Zj- charv, was to be under ft oodoj meafuring Jerufalcm literally wh^re- as it meant the choice of Believer j. $$. The 10 r Her cfie not under fiandi^g the Myfiical Senfe of the Cherubim and Seraphim, in Ifaiab, are tfoubUd about 1 ., and m doubt ( And here he Myftically teRsyouthc MyfticalSe.-fe.) 56 The la ft Here fie thought that one of the Cherubims came to Ifaidh, and with a Coaltouaoed his Lips, and that it was an Argil or Ammal with Fire-, whereas it is the Two Tefiaments, and the Fire of God's Grace, y To thefe you may add if you pleafe the Here fie of holding Afttb- ; podes, dttermmed by Pope Zachary 3 by the Mediation of the holy Bifioop Boniface, / thinly an Englifh man. And of what peril it is for Christians to eat Jaye-s^ and Rookj t and Badgers, a.d Hares y i ana Wood horfes: And La*d mull not be eaten before it is dryed \ in the Smoa^ or boded on the Fire : Or if it be eaten unboiled, it \fnuft not be till af er Eafter : And there ma ft be three great Lamps ft m a fecret place ufthe Church, after the fimditude of the Taber- nacle ^ which m;ijt be kept burning 3 and at Baptifm others lighted by them. Reader, remember 1. That Philafirius as well as Epipbanitu, wasaBifliopj 2. Yea and a Saint 5 whereas very few Bifhops of of all the Councils had the honour to be Sainted, The-.eiore if you fay that all trefe were noi Anathematized bv Cotf^ci'ss I anfvver, i. All rhefe are Regiiiicd as Heieticks, 2. nd they held (as Mr. Dodwtlf and his Compary here do) that he that comaiunicatedi with Hereticks, is to be judged a ' . Here-rick. 3. And that Hereticks are no pars of the Church. Aid forget not above all the Henrician Horefie, which deter- mineth noc only our King, but many Papift Princes to be Here- ticks, for claiming Invcftiture*. And now Reader, I unfeignedly hate uncharitablenefs, and therefore deny no good that wasin fuch Bifhops: Buf I muft no more be indifferent between Good ar.d Evil, than between Hea- ven and Hdl $ nor may I judge Chrift a Railer, for faying to hi? prime Apoflle, [Get thee behind me Satan, thou art an offence unto mejkcj] It the name oi[Hereticators~] that i?,too rafh pro- nouncing men Hereticks be railing,I will give thee no Character, . cenfureor name of the aforefaid pra&ice/or lean devife no name which may not be called Railing. But judge of it and call it what you fee caufe. And again, if you fay, Thefeare not the Decrees of Councils, Ianfwer, Thefe are but Flea-bitings to the wounds that the Church bath received from Councils, by Anathematizing. The next Inftance of Railing in thefe words, which he half repeateth [Either credible Socrates and others were grefs Lyars 9 or this Patriarch and St. was a downright Knave. ] An[ t He him- felt is [q far from denying this, that he makes Socrates and £0- tLomen not only Lyars, but Lovers of a Lie j for what tl ey fay of Sr. Theofbilns : And who is it then that is the Railer ? Read theSiorv. The next Inftance i?,/>.9f. that I call Bifhops the [Firebrands of the World^] slnf. The words are thefe [/ take them to be the Firebrands of the World, and unworthy the regard ofjober men, who fretendto kpow mens Judgments better than them[dves y and allow not tuens own deliberate prcfejfions to be the not tee of their Faith.2 Fthey will fay, that you are Hereticks in heart, though your Tongue and Life profefs found Dodrine, what means hath arry man to clear himfelf againft fuch, and keep from their Inqui- fition Puicks or Flames? Is this Railing? 1 The next Inftance is the Word [Self-conceited Bifoops~] P. 98. Hiving mentioned the many Logical Niceties neceflary to de- cide ( m) cide the Queftion between the Neftoriant, Epttychians % and the Orthodox, I faid \_Is it not p;tj 'hit fuci^ife^ionsJhenlA be rai- ded about the Perfon of CM{v i by felf conceited Bijhops, ani m«de neceff^ry to Salvation, and the World fet on fire a : d divided by tbemf\ Reader, remember the Divltioti mid'- by ic cdntrnuefh ro this day, to the Separation and Condemn,^*. >n of a great part of the Chriftian World! And is the name [ft If- conceit eg] in de- ferring thecaufe of this a railing? Ho v much worie ra-lers arc they that will call a Drunkard a Drunkard, or a Fur iicator a Fornicator ? Read the fidder words of Ludviphns. The WC&if4tlin£\% [mercilefs, furies B'fbops, pag 196.] Anf. There is no fuch word: When I find wbe-e it is I (h*ll fee the occafion of it. Italy, Piedmont^ Ireland^ &c. have tried thac there have been fuch. The laft is pag. 183. [ The Qonfoundcrs of Church; s. ] Anf. f thought I hid merited of them by my impartiality and lenity : As after I commend the Wifdom cV peaceablenefs of Pope Hono- nus, ( though a Genera' Council even for that made him an H?re- tick,)f » i here jultly commend the Wifdom and Peaceablenefs of Pope Vigilipts^ who advifed the Council to leave dead men to God (Theod. Mpf. Thtodoftte jn J lbis~] and not damn them when God hath judged them already, and jet not to admit any of their wrong opi- nions'] I Uy [This was the *igb% way : If they vad all dealt as wife- ly and Coriflianhke , Councils had not been the Confound"?* of the 0\u-ch:r.~\ Is this railing? At Ui\ they forced Pope Vigdius to fubferibe to chem, and it Co confounded the Churches, that a great part of Italy itfelf forfook the Church of Rome for ir, and fet up another head agiinft the Pope an ioo Year*. Was not this confufiofi? And muft it not be known? Reader, as far as I understand them, the Paraphrafe of thefe mens words, is [If we kindle a fire in the Church, name it nor 3 much lefs call any to quench it: or elfe wc'H fav it's you thac kindle it: fay not you are excommunicate or filenced when you are, though it be by Tboufands :• elfe we will prove that von are railers : If we lay you in Gaols and take all vou have-, do not fay, yon hurt us, much lefs you wrong us : take not on vou to know or feel when you are hurt : elfe we will have an Adion of railing a?,ainir you. § 8 That which followeth I anfwered before : But afrer he finds a notable piece of my ignorance. The Pope inviting the King King of Denmark^ to conquer a Province of Heretick^ I know not who they were unlefs they were the -Waldenfes: Well gueft % faith Mr. M. Waldo was in ii6d, 80 Years after. Anf, This will ferve for men willing to be deceived. It wa,s the Perfons and Religion, and not the name that I fpoke of. Dorh not he know that Rainenus himfelf faith, that thofe Perfons (called Al- bigenfes, Watdenfes, and other fuch names) profelled that their way of Religion was Apoftolical, and they derived it down from SUvefters, hat is Confiantmes time ? If I did not guefs well I wrong no Bt (hops by i t: and i confeffed my Ignorance that I knew not whom the Pope meant : And why did not this callent Hiftorian tell us who they were ? § 9. Next he hath met with my Ignorance for faving Vienna near France^ which is in the Borders of France, A / 1. Is that any (lander of Bifhops or Councils ? 2 Truly I had many a time read in Councils, that Vienna was in France, and had not forgot it ; if Ferrarius and Cbenu had not alfo told it me ; And whether it was the fault of the Printer, or of my Hand, or my Ad.mory, that put near for in, 1 leave it freely to his Judgment, fori ie- member it not. And if the manner of Binnius naming it made me call Ordo Prophet arum in Gelafms a Book, it's no wrong to Epifcopacy. CHAP. XVII. His Ccnfhrc of my Dsjign > and Church-Principles^ confidered. § 1. AS to this his firft Chapter I have before fliewed bow jfjL falfly he reporctth mv defign. He faith he never jaw any thing which more nfletleth on Religion : Lucian and Julian have left nothing half fo fcandalous tn all their Libels againft Chri- ftiavs, as this Chare > -Hiftory has r*ked up : Here is nothing to he feenm his Bjo^ km the Ava?ic", Ignorance, Mifiakes and furious Contentions of the Gov emu fits of the Qhurcb. Anf How faife that is rhe Rradcr mav fee in aU the begin- ning, the two Chapters in.the end, and much in the midit, which are written contrarily to obviate fuch fahe thoughts 2 Is the afcendent fort of Prelates that were growing up tomaturiry till Gregory (IIJ) Gregory the Seventh's daies, the whole Church of God t Are there no other Chriftians ? Is all that is written againft ihe Pope andfuch Afcendents, written againft Chriftianity ? Did Cbiift fpeak againft Chriftianity, when he reproved them for ftriving who mould be greateft ? or Peter, when he counfelled them, as i Pet.$* And Paul when he (aid, / have no man' like minded ; for they all feek^t heir own things^ and not the things that are Jefos Chrift's t Or when he faid, Demas hath forfaken me^ &c ? Or fohn, when he faiJ, Diotrephes loved to have the preheminence ? Or all thofe Councils of Bifhops which condemned each other, far deeplier than I judge any of them ? What have I faid of Fact cr Canons, which Binnius and their other Flatterers fay not ? Was it not there extant to the fight of all? And that I Recorded not all their Virtue?, i. The Hiftory of Councils faith little of them. 2. Muft no man (hew the hurt of Drtinkennefs, Gluttony, &c. and fo of Ambition and Church- corruption, unlefs he will write fo Voluminous a Hiftory, as to contain alfo all the good done by all the perfbns whom he blameth ? I have oft faid, that I wondered that inftead of fo greedy gathering up all the fcraps of Councils, the Papifts did not burn them all, as they have done many better Books which made againft them. §2.1 was about to anfwer all his firft Chapter, but I find it fo ufelefs a work, that I (hall eafe my felfand the Reader of that labour. 1. He takes on him to anfver a Piece of a Difpu- tation written about 23 years ago, whereas I have lately writ- ten a Treat ife of Epifcopacy, with fuller proof of the fame things, which he nameth, and takes on him to anfwer fome pare of it, andanfwers not: Till he, or fome other, fhew me the miftakes of that, let them talk on for me in their little Vdi^ rations. 2. Moft that is confiderable which he faith, is anfwered al- ready in that Book : As his fiction that Vnum Altare in Igna- tius, figniiieth not an ordinary Communion Table,^. And much more out of Ignatius ^ and many more is added, which he faith nothing to. 3. I have before (hewed that he goeth on falfe Suppofition?, that I am only for a Bifhop of a fingle Congregation, or againft a-!!, snd many fiich* when yet he himfclf coufeftcch the con- CL trary, trary, yea dtndeta me tor making iwelve torts of biinops, and being for fuch as no Party is like to be pleafed.with. 4 The contradi&ions and miftakes are fo many as would tire the Reader to perufe an anfwer to them. And when he hath all done with the numbring of Churches, (o ver-paffing the full proof of the Primitive Form of them which I gave as before) he confeffeth that even his great efteemed Jefajte Falefins, [klieves that the City Church wjs but One even in Alexandria, and in Dionyfius'j time^, 64. And while/?. 6j. he makes Petavius and Falefius Co much to differ, as to gather their contrary Opinions .from the fame words, and confequently one of them at Jeaft underftood them not, I that profefs my felf not comparable to either of them, fpecially Petavitts, in fuch things, am taken for a falfifier, if I mifunderftand a word that concerneth not the matter of the Hiftory. This therefore being not about Ghurch-Hiftory fo much as againft my Opinion of the Antient Government, when he hath anfwered the forefaid Treatife of Epifcopacy, if I live not, fome one may reply, if he deal no better than in this. CHAP. XVIII. Of his Second Chapter. § i,T)Ag. 78. He would have men believe that itisDif- X cipline againft real Herefie, that I find fo much fault with, and afcribe all mifchief to — *dnfw. Utterly contrary to my moft open ProfefTion: It is only making thofe things to feem Herefie that are none (either Truth, or meer difference of words, or fmall miftakes,) or cu- ring Herefies by rafh Anathema's, without neceffary precedent means of Conviction, or by Banifhment or Blood. § 2] Is this it that you defend the Church for, and we op- pole it for ? When we would have none in our Churches whom we know nor, and that have not perfonally 3 if at Age, profeft underftandingly their Faith. And what is the Difcipline that you exercife onHcreticks? It's enough that you know them nor. . ("5) not, and Co never trouble them. Your Talk and Pamphlets tru- ly complain what f warms of Hobbift$,Sadduces 5 Infidels,Atheifts, are among us : Do they not all live in the Parifhes and Diocefles? Doth the Bifhop know them? Are any of them Excommuni- cated ? I could never learn yet how to know who are Mem- bers of your Churches: Is it all that dwell in the Parifhes? Then all thefe aforefaid, with Jews and Papifts, are in it : And then why are ten parts of fome Parifhes futfered without Dif- cipline to (hun the Parifh Church-Communion ? Is it all that hear you ? Then i. Ten parts in fome Parifhes,and two or three, or half in others are not of your Church, and hear you nor, and many Nonconformifts hear you. 2. And any Infidel may hear. Bare hearing was never made a Efficient note of a Church- Member. 3. And how can you tell who all be that hear you in an uncertain crowd ? 4. And why doth not your Difcipline meddle with conftant Non-Communicants ? 3. Is it only all that Communicate with you? i.Thefeareyet fewer, and fo the far greateft part of many or moft Parities here are let alone to be no Church numbers at all, when they have been long Baptized, and no c«nfure by difcipline paft on them. 2. How know you your ftated Communicants, when any ftranger may come unqueftioned ? The truth is, it is Parifh dif- cipline which you will not endure. No wonder if you named it IJfacbars burden. Bucer tn firip, Anglic, and all the Noncon- formifts after him \op% ftrove'for it in vain. It is the hated thing. Were it poffible to prevail with you for this, we fiiould have little difagreement about Cburch Government. But the Popes that ha^e been the greateft enemies of ir, have yet glo- ried in a Difcipline to fet up their power over Princes and Peo- ples, and to have their own wills, and tread down all that are againft them. § 2. To extenuate AnathematitJingX^ Co very Common with Council?) 'ie tells us P. Si. that [ 4f Let - him be Anathema im- "ports no more than that we declare our abhorrence of fnch doctrine s^ Cc and will have nothing Common with thofe that prof efs them. 2 Anf. 1. w'e may declare our abhorrence of every known fin and Errour, in fuch as muft notbe anathematized. 2. By (no- thing,) I fuppofe you mean not [ not the fame King, Conntrey^ Earth ) Air i &c,~\ but [not the fame Church/he fame Chriftjan C m- mtaion, familiar itj % love, &v~\ Whether you mean [ not the CLz fame (n 6) fame God, drift, &C. ] I know not But do you think the Ana- thematizing Bifhopsfounreafon.ble, as to renounce all Chriftian Communion with men and not tell why ? Or to give no better Reafon than [ We abhor their dotlrineQ How few Churches or! men have nothing worthy to be abhorred,that is 3 No Errour or iiri ? And mult we renounce Communion with all the Chriftian world ? No, they were not fb bad : You ufe them hardlier than I, They -took them to be no true Chriftians, as wanting fome- what of that faith which is neceffary toSalvation,andE(Tential to a Chriftian, and fb to have made themfelves no Church-Mem- bers, and therefore are to be fentenced & avoided accordingly. And how ordinarily do they expound [ Let him be Anathema'] that is[ Cm off from Chrift ?] Not only HUdebrand fo expounds it often, but many before him: Whereupon they commonly a- gree that an Anathematized Heretickis none of the Church, nor can be faved without repentance. And indeed to renounce all Communion with Chrifts true members not Cut off from the Church, is a greater fin than I charge on them. Though familiarity and fpecially Communion may be fufpended D while clfjay of repentance makes the Cafe of a finner doubtful. § 3. Pag. 8x He begins himfelf with blaming Bifhop Vitlor^ M for Endangering the Peace of the whole Church upon fo light occa- cc [ton. Valefius is ofopinionjhat it was bat by letters of accusation. Anfo. I think it could be but by Letters of Accufation, Re- nunciation, and perfuading others to renounce them. For Bifbops were not then come up to their Commanding Power over one another. But doth not Mr. A/'s. here rail upon a Bimop, in faying the fame of him that I did, if my words were Railing ? Thus you fhall have him all along confeffing much of that faultinefs by them, which he takes the mention of by me to be fo bad. § 4, He nairieth many Council!, which he faith I pafs lightly over j then fure I fay no harm of them. He thinks ft is becaufe I could not, as if he knew it were my will. A.nd fo I am never blamelefs. § j. But he hath a notable Controverfie againft Baronltts^ who thought Novawshid been a Bimop (fuch Errours as Ba- rotitis was guilty of by Ignorance, are excufable in one fo far below him in Hiftory as lam.,) But I congratulate Mr. MX. difcovery,. S- (117) difcovery, that be was but a Presbyter: But all confefs that he Ordained Fehcifpmus Deacon : And here is a Presbyter Ordain- ing: But it was irregularly! Let it be fo: He faith, that he ought not to have Ordained, but with Cyprian, or by his per- million. I grant ir. But 1. If Cyprian's permiffion would ferve, then it was not a work alien to a Presbyter : If a permitted Presbyter may Ordain, a Bfliop's Ordination is not necefiary ad effe Officii ; and fa that which is a diforder is no Nullity. 2. And it feems by Novates Ad, that the Nectflity of Epifcopal Or- dination was not univerfally received. And I have not yet met with any that make it more neceflary ad ejfe Presbyteratus quam J)iaconatus. § 6. Next he mentions another Carthage Council, where one V ilt or dead, is condemned for making a Prieft Guardian of his Child, and fo entangling him in worldly Affairs. And he tells you, that all that I can fay againft this, is the rigour of the Sentence 5 but he difTemlileth, and takes no notice that I men- tion it in praife of the Biftiops of thofe Times, w # ho were fo much againft Clergy-mens medling with Secular Affairs : What odious Puritanifm, would this have been with us ? What I cite in praife, our Hiftorian cannot underftand. § 7. And that you may need no Confuter of much of his Ac- cufation of me but himfelf, who fo oft faith, I fay nothing of B (hops and Councils, but of their faults, <3v. he here faith as folio wet h. £" After this he giv:s a fioort Account of Councils called on the u SubjtH of Reb apt nation of Heretickj : And here^ to do him rights * : he is jnfp enough in his Remarkj : The generality of the World t{ iv as for Re baptising Heretickj i And conjidering what manner "of mm the fir ft Heretickj were, it is probable thy hadTro u dition as well as Reafon on their fide. However •, Mr, Baxter w endeavours fairly to excufe thefe Differences, and f peaks of the " Bfoops with honour and refpeft, allowing them to be men ofemi- u nent Piety and Worth. Had he ufed the fame Candour towards Ci others, Sec. Anfw. 1. If this be true, a great deal contradictory is untrue. 2. He greatly mifreporteth the Controverfie : It was not whether Hereticks (hould be Rebaptiz^ but thofe that were Baptised by Hereticks, and taken into their Churches. IfaHe^ .reticle had been Baptized when found by a found Minifter, and after after turned to Herefie, he was to be reftored by Repentance without Rebaptizingj and I think they all agreed in thL«. But I imagine this was but a lapfe of his memory in Writing. 3. But the Queftion is 3 Whether theBifhops, whofe faults I mention, were of equal Worth and Innocency with thofe whom I honour and praife? Let the proof fhew. I would he would freely tell us 3 d>. i. Whether he think at this day the generality ofBifhops fin Italy % Spain, France, Ger- maty, Poland, the Greek, Church, Mofcoiy, Armenia^ ^n'^, &c.) are (o commendable, as not to be notably blamed ? J^ 2. If not/ When was it that he thinks they ceafed to be generally lb commendable? Was it in H+ldebrancPs Time, or any time be* fore? 4L 3- Can you believe that the generality turn from good to bad juft in one Age? Or rather that they degenerated by degrees? If they were moftly bad in a thoufand,or nine hundred, or eight hundred, can you think that they were not drawing to- wards it and near as bad a little before 5 ^4. What was it think you in which the Corruption of the Clergy didconfift ? Was ic rot rooft in a proud,domineering worldly Spiritfls it not that that you blame the Popes for?Was not their Afcent theirCorruption? Sure you all agree of that ^.. J. And did the Papacy Spring up in a year? Did not Leo begin to arrogate, and others afrer him( to fay nothing now.of thofe before him ) rife higher and higher by degrees as Children grow up to manhood, till in Greg. 7. it came to Maturity ? I know no Proteftant thatdenyeth this? J$K m 6, And can you or any fober man think that in fo ma- ny hundred years it was only the Bifhop of Rome that was fick of this difeafe, and that all or moft of the other Bifhops were Free ? Were they not commonly for afcending with them : Did not they in the Eaftftrive to be greateft ? And theBifhops of the Weft drive to rife with, and by the Pope ? Were they not, and are they not as his Army ? And did he prevail agair.ft the Pri- mitive Purity and Simplicity without them ? Did not his Coun- cils, and Prelates, as his Armies,do his greateft works? Yea, have they not oft out-done him, and over-topt him in Mifchief (as in the depofing of Ludov. Vim againft his will ? fay good Hifto- rians.) Tell us then at what Age ;uft we may begin to difpraife the Bifhops. And from that time forward, will you not be as great a Railer as I, and fcandalize Chriftianity more than Lucian or luliml § 3. But flip) § 8. But I fomewhat marvel that he is again at it ( reciting Dionyfwss words which he thinks I miftook for Eufcbivis ) That he does Hot condemn the rebapti&ing of Herettickj which was a Tradition of fo great antiquity. I judge more Candidly of him than ^ doth of me: Though he fooft repeat it^I will not believe that he knew not, that it was not the baptizing of Hereticks as fuch, that was the queftion: but only ofthofe that were baptized by Hereticks. Yet Iconfefs Eufebins phrafmg ir, might tempt one to think fo that had not read Cyprian and others upon the que- ftions. But when Eufebius and Dionyfius mention [rcbaptiz.in£ He- retickf]thty mean only thofe that were by Hereticks baptifm en- tered into the Societies and Trofeffion c£ Hereticks. If the worft Heretick, yea or Apoftate, had been baptized, by the orthodox, Cyprian and all thf reft were agreed againft Rebaptizing fuch when they repented. This Dionyfias telling Xyfiits Rom. of an ancient Minifter that was greatly troubled in Confcience that he had beenfalfly Bapti&edby an Heretick ( being himfelfno Here- tick ) and doubted whether he fhould not be Reb3ptized, yec faith, He told him he durft not/Rebaptize him that had fo long been in the Church and Communicated^but bid him go on Com- fortably in Communion ( Much like a forementioned cafe puc to me, by forne that never were Baptized 3 but in our undifciplin- ed Parifh Churches had been without knowledge or queition admitted long to Communion, whether yet they fhould be Baptized at all : And Diony finis Reafons againft it I cannot an* fwer. § 9. And here I may take notice how our new Church-meo, ( fuch as Thorndikf} Mr, Dodwell and all their partners ) who nul • 1 -fie facraments delivered by one that hathnot Canonical Or- dination by a Bifhop of uninterrupted Succefiion from the A- poftles 3 do make themfelves Hereticks in the fenfe of the Roman Church which they allow : For 1. Baptifm is the firft and moft neceflary Sacrament in their own .opinion. Yea Anfiin and too many of old, but fpecially too many now, take it to be neceffary to Salvation $ 2, If therefore Baptifm be a nullity all that are Baptized in England^ Scotland and all the Proteftant Churches by fuch as had no fuch Ordaincrs, muft be Baptized again or be damned. 3. If they fay, They may be faved without it, then 1. they confefs Mr. Dodwelis Doctrine to be falfe, that faith none have a Covenant right to Salvation,who have it not by a Sacra* ment (120) tnent from fuch hands. 2* And they renounce the Dodlrine *f the Neceility of Baptifm to Salvation. But if they are for Re- baptising all fuch Proteftant Countries, as necellary to Salvation-, they are uncharitable that do not fpeak it out. § 10. He paffeth by Bifhop Stephens Excommunicating all the Oriental Bifhops of Cappadocia, Cilicia, Galatta, and Repro- bating their Synods, for Rebaptization : Doth he think that even then fome Bifhops did not rife too faft ? § u. The man that is fo angry with me for telling of the faults of Bifhops and Councils, is pag, 87. angry with me for fiot faying worfeagainft Semndm his Council of Bifhops at Cirta\ and fajlth, I have not done right to the Catholick Church : I perceive the queftion is not, whether I may Rail at Bifhops,but what Bifhops they be that I muft Rail at. As for the Council at Simejfa, I believed the being of it no more than he doth: And when I am but naming the common Catalogue, he might pardon my modefty for faying that the be- ing of it is a Controverfie. § iz. Of the Council of IlUberis he faith but contraftedly the fame that I do, that It hath many good Canons^ and fome that need A favourable Interpretation, and is very fever e in fome cafes. This meafure of juft praife and difpraife D is pra&ifed by him that is condemning it in me. § 13. As to his Controverfie, whether Bifhops, of fuch as flrove to be Bifhops, were the very firft movers of the Dona- tifts Controverfie, who fhould be Bifhop, it's not worth the turning over one Book to fearch, as to my bufmefs. § 14. Next he that accufeth me of Railing at Bifhops, accu- feth me for faying (from fome good Authors) that a Bifhop of Carthage, Donatus^ was a good man, who he faith was bad. It's little to me whether he were good or bad. §15-. Next henoteth that I Err with Binnias and Baronius as to the year of a Carthage Council. I undertook not to ju- ftifte all the Chronology or Hiftory that I tranferibe : Whether Optatus, or Binnius and Baronius hit on the juft year, little care I. • § 16. I praifed a DonatiJFs Council of 270 Bifhops at C^r- thage for Moderation, agreeing te communicate with penitent JYaditors, without Rebaptizing them, and fo doing for 40 years. 4>. What was thefe mens Herefie * V" He r He faith, This lookj Uker a piece o] Fobcythan Moderation^ for it had no tendency topeace % but toftrengthen the Scbifm.~] Anf. Who knows how to pleafe men ? When they exclaim againft Separation if men Communicate with them, they judge it but Policy, that hath no tendency to peace. 2. And who is it now that mod raileth atBifliops ? I am confuted for praifing the moderation of 270 of them, and he is their cenfurer even when they Jo well, and their moderation with him is but Policy. E- ven as they fay, of me, that I conftantly Communicate with their Parifh Churches to undermine them \ Near or far off, all's one with this fort of men, if you ftickat any thing that they bid you fay or do. But he will not believe that this Council of Orthodox mode- rate Donatifts were fo many as ^7o, " Because 1. we h*ve only the < e Authority for it 0/Tychonius a Donatift,2. It's improbable after €( Conftantine'j ftipfrejfionof them that Schifmjhcald fo [uddenly "fpread. 3. Left it jhould prove the Chinches to be too Small'. Tet (t he [aith > Thefe Schifmatickj fet up Churches in every City and " Village^ Anf. 1. It's faid I'ychonim confeffeth this Council, becaufe the later Donatifts would fain have buryed the memory of it: But that it depends only on the Credit of Tjcbomus, I think depends only on your Credit : 2. Augttftine that reports it 5 honoureth this T)chonins y and reciteth an Expofition of his of the Angels of the Churches, fo^.2.and 3. which I fuppofe difpleafeth you more than his Donatifm. 3. It feems you would have believed fome ftranger that knew it not 5 rather than zDonatift that fpeaketh againft the will andintereft of his party. 4. It rather feems that the Donatifts were the greater number of Chriftians there be- fore Conftantine 7 s time, and like the Papifts therefore counted themfelves the CathoJicks and the others the Schifmaticks. Conftantines Prohibition did not fupprefs them. 5. Therefore the numeroufnefs of their Bifhopsand fmallnefs of Churches, rather fheweth what was -tbe"ftaceof the Churches before worldly greatnefs fwelled them to that difea(e,which was the Embrio or infancy ofPopery. § 17. Whether the Donatifts be like thePapifisor the Se- parates ( much fefs to the Nonconform: fts) if the Reader will but perufe what I have faid and what Mr.'Af, hath (aid, 1 am content that he judge without more words. R § 18. He § i8. He pafleth by divers Councils becaufe he could not fay that I blame them: And he paffeth by Conftantineh^ piftle to Alexander and Aritts 9 which raileth at them more than I do ( inhisfence*) As to the Council of Laodicea, it is not two or three fuch words as his that will make an impartiarman believe that the Churches were like our Diocejfes, when every Convert before baptifrn was to fay his Catechifm to the Bilhops or his Presby- ters: Or that the Command that Presbyters go ftill with the Bi- (hop intotneChurch,and not before him, do net both imply that they were both together in every Church, But he will have it confined to the Cathedral 5 And when I fay 5 There were long no Churches but Cathedrals, he faith he will net differ with me whether they (hall be called Churches or Chappels. But the difference is de re : Thej 7 fay themfelves that ABifbop and a Church were then Relatives : And when they have put down many hundred Churches under the Diocefanfcr- footh they wiHgratifie us by giving us leave to call them Church- |es. As if they put down an. hnndred to one of the Cities and Corporations, and then give us leave, to call them Corporati- ons when they are none. Ye: blufh they not to make the world believe that they are that Epifcopal party ( who put down a thoufand Cluirches and Bifhopsin fome one Dlocefs ) and lam againft Bifhops,. Yea when they have not the front to deny but that every Ci- ty then had a Bifhop( that had Chriflians, ) and that our Cor- porations are fuch as they called Cities, Yet when we plead but at leafr, if they will have no Chorepfcopi, they willreftorea Church and Bifhop with his Presbyters to every fuch City with its adjacent Villages, hatred., fcorn and derifion goeth for a Con- futation of us j Though we do it but to make true difcipline a pofTible thing 5 Which they call IJfacharh burden, and abhor ir^ and then fay, It is pofTible and pradifed. § 19. As to the Roman Council which he believeth not, he might perceive that I believed at lead their antiquity as little as he : But the Canons arefo like thole of following Councils that fuch it's like were fometime made. And whereas I noted that their condemning them that wrong timed Eafter 5 would fall on the Subfcribers to our EngliJhlA- turgy, where 2000 are Silenced for not Subfcribing, the man had (ill) had no better anfwers to give, than thefe r. That I JhohU have [aid the Almanac^ Makers. As if he would have had men believe that Fal(hood,that it was the Almanack Makers and not oar Liturgy changers that were deceived. 2. ( nulla abjolutione data qua infpsm venia il- ium ctigerct, 2 And he adds, that many that cannot deny his proofs, proofs, yet will not believe that ever fuch a Difcipline was ufed. But this was in the three Firft Ages : After, when Profperity and Wealth ticed the ungodly into Bifhops Seats, and into the Church, the Cafe was altered, and as he (hews, Oh fir v. 6. the Cafe was fo altered to the loofe extreme, that Criminals wer£ admitted toties quoties. And in his Notes on Tertullian he fheweth, that this was a difference between the Orthodox and the Hereticks, that the Orthodox did din multfimjue deltberare quos in focietatem ejufdem Ecclefix, i & corporis recipere debeant',but the Hereticks were ready to take all that came. Yet I fuppofe not near fo loofe as thofe Diocefan and Parochial Churches that know not who comes 5 . but without queftion take all that will but come to the Rails and kneel : And when by the magnitude of Diocefs and other means, they have fecured themfelves a- gainft the trouble and poffibility of Paftoral Difcipline,the Prieft wipes off all guilt with a word, and faith, If they were Atheifts, Hobbifts, Sidduces, Whoremongers, common Blafphemers, Drunkards, it's no fault of mine, I kno v it not 5 and no won-: der 5 when he knoweth not who in the Parifh are his Flock. Thzt Eufebins himfelf and others named by Vetavim milrook the Novatians is no wonder to thofe who read the volumes of palpable Falfnood written againft theNonconformifts in this pre- sent age,and hear witneffes at the bar fwear thofe Plots and Con- spiracies & Treafons againft men, from which grave and confeio- nable Juries quit them. But me thinks when Mr. M had (aid that Socrates is an Hifto- rian of good Credit and acquainted with them ] he much forgot his own ends when he recited thefe words as his [ Some took part with Novatian, and others with Cornelius; according to their Jevcral inclinations and Coxrfe of life : The loofer and more licenti- ous fort Favouring the moft indulgent difciplinejbe other of more au- fiere lives inclining mo ft to the Novatian feveritj.^ Good ftilJ, I now fee that the Novatians indeed were Puritanes, though E- pifcopal, and I accufe not our accufers of any fuch Herefie. But I confefs that I (lull believe a Novatian Hiftorian, who being fo ltrift againft fin mull: be ftricl; againft a Lie, rather than thofe that Scorn fuch Puritanifm 3 and deride the Perfon that cannot fwallow a bigger Pi'!. And when Mr. M % labours to (hew out of Socrates that it was was not only Idplatry that they cenfured, he labours in vain : It was the beginning of their Schifm that I mentioned, and not Socrates his Age. As to the judgment of the Council of £//'£*nx and all the three Firft Ages., I have told you whet AWafpine faith before. If you can confute him, do $ I am not engaged to defend him* but I believe him. v § 16. I conclude this and the former Chapter with this Counfel to the Scorners of Puritanes : Never truft to your Titles and Order, how good foevcr 5 without a careful holy obedience to the Supreme Law-giver, either for Concord on Earth, or Salvation in Heaven. True Parifh-Reformation is the way to fatjsfie- godly perfons better than either Violence or Separation. But if you ftill obftinately rtfift Parifh Difcipline and Reforma- tio^ you muft have Toleration of fuch as will not confent to your Corruption, or dCe perfecute the beft to your own mine. Theophilus Parocbialis hath faid more for Parifh Order againft the Regulars, and Priviledged, than you have done againft the Se- parating. And yet the Confraternity of the Oratorians fet up in every Parifh, was the beft way he could devife to recover the ftate of lapfed Parifhes: As the priviledging of Fryars was the Pope's laft Remedy inftead of Reforming his corrupted Church. CHAP. XIX. Of the Council of Nice andfome following. § i.npHis Hiftorian having put himfelf into a military pofture J feemeth to conceit that every word proceeds from an Enemy. And firft he feigneth me to make Conftantine judge that [/A* B'Jheps and Councils were of little ufe ] when I had no fuch word or thought, but the contrary. § 2. Next he himfelf confefleth that which Iblamethofe Bi- fliops for 5 Even thofe Libels which they Contcntioufly offered againft one another $ to have raifed Quarrels inftead oWeace, and which Conftantine caft altogether into the fire without read- ing them. And when he confefleth what I fay, is heuotaRai- ler at the Bifhops as much as I in that f As (lip) As to his excufe that [ It is no wonder confidering their great dijfentions in Religion, &c.] I cafily grant it : But in this excufe he faith yet more againft them. § 3. Becaufe I faid that Atbanafius differing fromConftan- tine about the reception of Arivtt his repentance [ Cattfed much Calamity *] he feigneth melieinoufiy to accufe Atbanafim which I intended not : Even a juft action may £Cazfe Calamity 3*9 Ch. ill faith his Gofpcl would bring divifion. All his labour in jultifyir.g Atbanafins fighteth but with a fpectre of his own ima- gination. Andyetlam inclined to think that ifan Hypocrite Aria* had been connived at to pleafe fuch an Emperor, the death of Arias would have left the Church quieter than it clidjthough he here thinks greater rigour had been fafer : And I think mul- titudes of Sadduces, Infidels and debaucht Perfons in one of our Dioceffes, yea or Parifhes, is worfe than one Ax ins while Hy- pocrite retrained him from Venting his opinion. § .{, And here he that dreamed I accufed AthanapttSi really accufeth Conft amine as impofcd on bj a Counterfeit Repentance and rc&o .r.dnxry to opportunities of doing mifcbuf and being againft the means \Xi2Xmight have ended that fatal mifebjef, But I confefs Conftantme was no Bifhcp, and therefore this is not an ^.ccujation of Bifhops or a railing at them. § 5. Next when I had fully opened the Cafe of the Metetians cut of Epipbanius on pretence ofabbreviating,he leaves oat that which he likes nor, and tells us how the Nonconformifts have advantaged the Papifts : If I thought the man believed himfelf I would try to undeceive him; In the mean time Idefire him to think again which party moft befriends the Papifts 5 (c They u that are for a reconciliation with them on thefe terms, that " there may be acknowledged an Univerfal fupreme human Cf Power over all the Church on Earth, and the Fope to be V " cipiuw Vnitatis and Patriarch of the Weft,and he fhall abate us C{ the laft 400 years Impofitions, and all be accounted Schifma- » "ticks that unite not into this Church 3 and that all the . i [Neqws die at me in: or fi derate cos fratres appcIUr?, qui ta . J$j:mvis& ilk nan ncger.t CT omnibus notumfir, quod nos od'.o babea-tt^ & I fl", ~y nobmt fe dtdfr aires nofiros ; tamsn nos : d timir: Dei nan / mus—funt igitur ;ra: dnbio frrtrjes ..-' : Quaxe nemo miretur eos mi appsttart frarrts, q.ii ;n,i pojfi tfft fratrcs, Obj. But the Circumceliians were worfe than the reft, Anfa. They were of the fame Religion, but the unruly fu- rious part in their practice : And Opt a: us faith, Though they would rail in words ifcd mum q'uidem vix ihveuimus cum qui . isctu.ui;r :] And fj goes on to cjII "Par- And it's worth the confiieration how much ifpine inc irnitj 5 note firft, & inObfervat. 3. And they were Orthodox tierce Prelatifts, doing all this To.' the preheminencc of their Biihopj. And what if fame Pre- Uttfts »ft barbarous ViiUins th.n isd Christianity. Augustine faith, They made a Water of (bme Salt or fharp thing, and caftin mens Eyes in the night in the ftreets : No man can think that this barbarous action was done by the molt, or any but Tome furious fools: They fay that they would wound themfelves to bring hatred on the Cacholick*, as if they had done if, or drove them to it : He that knoweth what Self love i?, will believe that this was the cafe but of a few; and an eafier wrong than fome that abhor them do to their Brethren. And muft we needs Rail indeed a- gainft fuch numbers of hurtful Prelatifts . ? What if any'rude per- (ons of your Church fhould be Whoremongers, Drunkards, Blafphemers,, and feek the Imprifonment of their Brethren, yea their Defamation and Blood by Perjury, fhould the Church be for their fakes fo called, as you call them? I fpeak them no fairer than Optatus did. § 14. When/?. j7« I commend the many good Canons of the •African Councils, and the faithfulnefs of the Biftiop?, he noteth none none 01 tuis, .pecame it pruvctn uic umruiu 01 uis iormer Ac- cufations. And when I name twenty five or twenty fix more Councils of Bifliops, fome General, and fome lefs, which were for Arianifm, or a compliance with them, he defendeth none of them., but ex- cufeth them, and faith, that [_they vpere not much to the honour of the Church': Tet the evil Edith and Conferences of them are ra~ th:r to be charged on the Arian Emperour, than ths Bifhops.~\ Anfrv. i. This is the fame man that elfewhere fo overdoes me in accufing the Brians. 2. The Emperour was Erroneous, but faid to be otherwife very commendable. And is it not more culpable for Bifliops to Err in the Myfteries of Divinity^ than a Lay- man ? And for many hundred to Err, than for On? Alan ? And do you think that the B.fliops Erring did not more to feduce the Flocks, than the Ernperour's f But he fditb, that \Jf many fell in the DayofTryal t thsy are Ystbtr to be pitied, than infulted over, for we have all the fame infirmities 9 &c. Anfx. 1 wrote in pity of them and the Church, without any infulting purpofe. If any now to avoid lying in Prifhn, and ftar-* ving their Families, by Famine, mould furrender their Conferen- ces to finful Subfcriptions after a Siege of Nineteen years, Ifhall pity theirs and not infult over them. Nay, if I fpeak of thofe that lay the Siege, and call out for mfrre Execution, I do it not infultingly, but with a grieved heart for the Church and them. •But when I largely recited Hillary's words of them, he faith, [The Account is very fad~\ (and what faid I more?) But, faith he, yet fuch as Jhevps rather the Calamity, than the Fault of the £ifiops.-] Anfw. Nay then, no doubt, it's no fault to Conform. Hillary then, and all that kept their ground, were in a great fault for fo heavily accufing them. And fo the World turned Arians in (hew (as Hiercm and Hillary fpeak) is much acquit, and the Nonconforming are the faulty Railers for accufing them. It had been enough to fay, It was no Crime ; but to fay, no Fault , is too gentlegfor the fame man that fo t taJkt of Perjured Arians before. § I j» Yet becaufe he is forced to confefs that it wnmofi by far of all the Bifliops, even in Councils ( he of Rome not ex- cepted) cepted) that thus fell, he muft fhew how it offended him to be' forced to ir, by telling the world how contentious I have been againsl all forts and Seds (the (iritis faHe, and he knows it I think, and thelatter is true formally of a Seel as fitch-, even his own Seel.) And fomc judge me fuch a stranger to Peace^ as to need a Moderator to hand between me and the Contradictions of my own Bookj7\ Anfw Yes, the Bifhops Advocate Roger L' Estrange , where norhing but grofs ignorance, or malice, or negligence, could have found Contradictions, were the whole places perufed. And where I am fure my felf, that there is nonej I have fomewhat elfe to do than to write m:>re, to (hew the Calumnies of fuch Readers. Who moft feeks Peace, you, or thofe that you prole- cute I One would think it fhould not be hard to know if men be willing. CHAP. XX. Of the first- General Conned at Conftantinople. His Cap. 4. § i.fTE begins with accufmg me of imitating the Devil* il Doth fob ferae God for naught \ becaufe I fay that [the n why tbelieft was freer from the Afian Her ej7e> than the £.-i:l t was not as the Papi:ts fay, that Chrisl prayed for Peter, that his Faith rmjhi not fai'^ bat bicatife the Emperours in the West were Orthodox^ and thofe in iBs Eaft Arians : And the Bifhops much followed the Emperours will.] Wh.it, faith he, can- be more unc'hri$li.>u> Anfw. 1. I never faid that this was the Only Caufe. 2. I proved that this Priv Hedge of Rome was not the mean- ing of Chrift's Prayer. 3. Is not this the fame man that even now kid the fall of far more Bifhops, even moft in the World, on the Emperour, as overcoming them by force and fraud ? 4. Doth not God himfelf keep men ufually from ftrong temptations, when he will deliver them from fin? 5*. Were not the Eaftern Bifhops, and the Weftern, of the fame mold and temper ? And if the Eaftern followed the Empe- rours, roiirs, had not the Weftern been in danger if they had the like temptation ? 6. Doth not Bafil that fent to them for help, complain of them a« proud, and no better than their Brethren ? 7. Did not Marcellmus ft I) to Idolatry, and Liberies to fub- fcribe againft Atbanafius with the Arians . ? 8. Did not the Weft actually fall to Arianifm when tempted for the molt part ? Judge by the great Council at Milans^ and by HilUrfs complaints . 9. Hajh Rome and the Weft flood fafter to the Truth fince then I What ! all the Popes who are by Councils charged with Her.efie or Infidelity, and all wickednefs, and thofe many whofe Lives even 'by fiaronins and Genebrard^xe fo odioufly defcribed ? h the Weft at this day tree from Popery and its fruits ? 10. Do you think in your confcience that if we had not here aProteftant King, but a Papift, many of the Clergy would not be Papifts . ? Why then are they fo in France, Spjin, Italy, Po- land, cVc? And why did the moft of them turn in Qj. Mary's daies ? 1 do not infult, but lament the Churches Cafe, which ever (ince Wealth and Honour, and too much Power corrupted it, have had Bifho^s far more worldly, and iefs faithful than they were the fir it three hundred years. Though I ftill fay that ever fince, God hath in all times raifed fome ferious Be- lievers that have kept up ferious Piety in the Church : And as L doubt not but there are fo many fuch among the Canfor- mifts^asis our great joy, Co I hope that, though foully blot- ted with Superftition and Errour, there are many fuch among the Papifts themfelvcs. § 2. Yet he faith, / do the Bijhopi Right again j» it bout thinks ing of doing them Jaftice, < while I tdl hew many were murdered. Apfw. .£v, Doth he Know my thoughts l 2. It's true I in- tended not to do any other Juftice; than to praife Chrift's Martyrs and Confeflbrs, while I lament the Cafe of -Perfecu- tors and Revolters? Is. the praife of Confeflbrs any honour to the Hereticks ? But perhaps he means, { right the Order ofBifhops. Anfw. Did 1 ever fay or think that there were no Bifhops that kept the Faith ? Do I fay All fell, when I fay Moft fell ? The Man fpeaks as his imagined Intereft leads him, and fo interpreted my vvcHt ! s to his own fenfe, not as written. And if that be the right h}7) right way 3 I think he will grant that there were more Martyrs and Sufferers under Valens^ ConfiantiUs y Hvnnerictis, and Genfett- cut, in the Eaft^ and in slfnck> by far, than were when their Tryal came in all the Weft that is now fubjeft to the Pope. And what moved the man to dream that when I fo defcribe and praife their conftancy in Suffering, I did it as at unawares ? That the greater pertiof the Bifhops of the Empire were Ari- ans, I will not offer by Teftimony to prove, when it is fo com- monly by Fathers, Hiitorians, by Papifts and Proteftants agreed on. How many of them were Bifhops before, and how many but Presbyters or Deacons, Tie not pretend to number. The turning of multitudes all agree on. The Conftancy of many he falfly intimateth that I deny, and faith, / injurioufly reprefent them y and cannot tell a word wherein that Crime is found. § 3. Naming the things that were done by the Council at Constantinople , I mention both the fetting up, and after the put- ~ ting down of Gregory \ & left any Caviller fhould carp at the wqjrd [patting down] I prefently open particularly what it W3S that they did toward it 5 that refolving on his depofition,they caufed him 5 though unwilling.rather to give it up,thanftay till they caft him out. This great Hiftorian had no more manlike an Excep- tion here, than to fay, rhat againft all Hiftory, and againft my own Explication, I fay that [They Depo/ed him."] I faid [They put him down] in the manner, and as far as I explained. § 4. While he here himfelf accufeth the Times then of 'Gene- ral Corruption, and the Church of Divifions^ adding, [What Age hath been fo happy as not to labour under thofe Evils f] he accufeth me of making mifufe of Gregorys words, to reprefent the Coun- cil in an odious manner. Anfw. Ic is 'o reprefent the worfer part in a lamentable man- ner, as far as Gregory did, and no further. And as to bis quar- rel at my citation, I fhall fay no more 5 but if the Reader will but read Gregory's own wor i§ 5 I will igly leave all that Caufe to his Judgmem : if h e will not, my words cannot inform him. Yet he himfelf faith [He doth indeed in fever at places find fault with this Council] And can you forgive him ? I think I find no more than he di w But for this you find fault with him [He did refent the Injury (AnJ was it an Injury?) and did not bear the deprivation of his Bijhoprick^ wtihjJte fame genero fit y he propofed, which made him a little more Jharp than was decent in his repre- T fentation Cent at Ian of the BiJhops—lVhat wonder if [harp ened with difcontent, he exclaim with font eve hat too great a fafftori against the admini- fir at ion cfthe Chstrch which he had been forced to quit ] Anf Ail will beconfeft anon^ when I have been accufed for faying it be- fore him : That's his way. Bat it was not for leaving a high and fat Bifhoprick that he was grieved, but for being feparated from the Peopfe th.it he bad partly ferved in their lower ftate, and partly won from Herefie, and who came about him with tears increasing him not to forfake them. And though it were more, than generojity to fet light by the Hononr and Wealth, it is trea chery to fet light by Souls : And they changed to their great loft. He refigned much to quiet the.PeopIe left they (hould do as they did for Chryfojtom after him. It is no new thing for the Major vote of the Gergy to Envy thofe few that are better and more efteemed than themftl ves, nor yet for the Godly People to be loth to leave fuch paflors. $ 5. He faith [//# cenfure of Councils that he knew none of them that have any happy End , was not the fault of the expedient, but of the men"] Anf. And what did lever fay more. Ic is his cuftom when he hath ftormed at me, to fay in Effedt the fame that he ftormed at. Some Papifts would perfuade men, thatit was only Avian Councils that he meant, but moft Protectants that Write ^bout Councils againft them, do cite & vindicate thefe words of Gregory : And the impartial Pa pills confefs that it was the Coun- cils alfo of the Catholicks that there and elfe where he fpake of. § 6. In the. Cafe of Meletius, and Panlinus, two Bifhops in a Cicy,and the Cafe of Lucifer CaUritanus made a Heretick for feparatingfromlapfed Arians, he faith over the fame that I do$ that good men cannot rightly underhand one another^ andfo it ever katdsbejn, and ii y s the Effecl of humane frailty and not Epifcopacy. l3»*t|l.thislagree. Buti. If humane frailty make Bifhops (well in pride and ambition, and domineering, it hath far worft Effects than in other men : ^. And Bifhops are bound to exccll their flocks in Piety, humility, Selfdenyal, peaceablenefs, as well as in knowledge. If thePhyficians of this city (hould prove unskil- ful, and yet confident where they err 5 it is not qu arena s Phy- sicians that they are fuch : But if it be qui Phyficians that are fuch, they may kill thoufands, (while the fame faults in all their neigh- bours may kill few or none. If your Intereft made you no: (mart and angry without caufe, you would not cavil againft fuch plain truth. § 7. About §7. About the Prifcillianifts he faith [I all along obferveto-s Rule, to be very favourable to all Heretic kj and Schifmatickj be they never [0 much tn \h J . wrongs and to fall on the Orthjdox piny *nd improve every mifej/nage of theirs into a mighty crimed] Anf. If all along this accufation be falfe, then all a long your Hiftory ferveth (uch a life. But in France, Spain, Italy, he is fa- vourable to Hereticks that takes not the orthodox for fuch, or that is not for racking and burning them. And in England he is favourable to Schifrru ticks that taketh not the greateft lovers of Piety and peace for fuch,andthe Church Tearers for Church- Healers : As Mr.Dodwell phrafeth it, tb*y areSchifmaticks that fuffer themfelves to be excommunicate ( for unfinful things in the Bifhops account, and heinous fin in theirs 5 and fo that are not fo ripe in Knowledge, as to know all the unfinful things to befuch which may be impofed. § 8. What would this enemy of railing hare had me faid more than I did of the Prifcillianifts ? viv. that they were Gno- flicks and AJanicbees? Was not that bad Enough. No, I favour themftill ? And what f&y I more of the Bifhops and the whole caufe, than Sulpitius Severn* the fulleft and molt knowing De- fcriber faith ? Why doth he not accufe him for the fame de- fcription ? Yea and their Mr. Ri. Hooker who in the Preface to his Eccl. Vol. faith- of Ithacius the like ? Yea Ba^oniushhm- felfconfenteth ? Where I fay that to the death Martin feparated from the fynuds o< thefe Bifhops (I faid not from all Bifhops in the world) he faith, he renounced only the Ccmmnnion of Itha- cius his F*rty % andtbat others did as well as he. Reader, it will be thy folly to take either his word or mine, what an Author faith 3 when we differ, without looking into the Book it felf. Read Sulpitius Severn* $ I will tranferibe fome words., left he fay, I miftranfiate them. enai u minime CHpidus, utendi parciffimm (Was it a crime to fay fo cc much good ot him. 5 ) But proud of his Learning, fetup a He- " refie, and two Bifhops Infiantius and Salvianus ioyned with u him, and made him a Bifhop— At Cdfar Augufla one Synod " was gatheted ag&hrft him. The Story 1 before recited. Next 11 a Synod at Burde^ux tryeth them. Saith Sulpitius [ is Ac we a T 2 c ' quidem (i4°) 11 qtiidem fententia eft, mihi tarn reos quam accufatores difpLcere] tC Certe Ithacium nihil penfi t nihil f anil i habuijfe definio : fttit enim r< audax t loquax, impudens 3 fumptuofus, ventri & guU plurimum ;>/# 5 as too Puritanical and fevere ? Is not my Language of moft of the Bifhops fofc in com- parifon of his? Yet he was fo early as to live in that which you now call the moft flourifhing Time of the Church. Sir, I hate Difcord, and love Peace $ but I never look that the En- mity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed, or Cain and Abel^ mould be ended $ or that the holy Title of Bifhops and Priefts mould reconcile ungodly men to Saints. Sir, England knoweth, that though fome factious perfons have done other- wife, the main Body of thofe that your Law doth Silence, Ruine and Revile, have a high elteem of fuch Bifhops as have been ferioufly godly 5 fuch as were many in Antient and late Times : And deride itas long as you will, the ferioufly religious People in England are they that are moft againft Church-Ty- ranny, and which Party moft of the debauched and prophane are of> hathlongbeen known. § ?. But § 9. But the Reader (hall further hear how little you are to be trufted. Saith Sul. in Vita, A/an. [_^pud Nemaufwm Epifco- porum Synodus habebatur ad quam quidem ire neltierat— -(There's another Synod.) Et pag. 584. InAfon. Pat. [ cC Maximus Imperator alids vir iens y cum revertens in viam mceftus ingemifce- u ret 5 fe vel ad horam noxia communioni ejfe permixtum-fub- et fedit i caufam dolor is & fatli accufante & defendente cogitations ct pervolvens, aft it it ei repent Angelus j Merit inquit Marline f compungeris, fed aliter ex ire nequifti ; Repara virtutem : re fume cc Confiantiain j ne jam non periculum gloria, fed falutis incur- " reris. Itaque ab illo tempore [at is cavit, cum ilia Ithaciana Q< partis communione mifceri. C&terum cum quofdam ex inergu- tc menis^ tardius quam folebat^ & gratia minore curabat, fabinde Allen, Lord Mayor, to draw him in . ? To be plain with you Sir ^though you call It Railing) Men of . your Faculty kindled the Fire, and fet the Nation together by the Ears, and when fad experience broifghtTheTn to repentance and to defire unity and peace, and thofe that had fought for the Parliament had reftored the King, this evil Spirit, envveth the Kingdom the benefit of this concord, and would fain bre.ik us again into contending Parties, and will not let King and Kingdom have peace, while God giveth us peace from all foreign enemies. Do we need any other notice what a Contentious C!ergy have ftill been, than the woful experience of what they are. If you would have had G. Monk, and his Army, and all fuch that joyned with him deftroyed or excommunicate for what they had done., why did you notfpeak out at firft, but when we would all fain ' have peace and concord thus twenty years after caft your Wild- fire (i44) fire you warn the Prefent Duke of 'Albemarle to expett to be ac laft called to account for his original fin. § 11. But his paflion makes him fay he knows not what, P. i4x [" I need not call Mr. B. to rcmemberance who compared Cf Cromwel to Davidznd his Son to Solomon 5 But this has tran- . 2. Do not Councils, and all Church-Hiftory tell us how many Councils of Hereticks there have been that were Bifhops ? J^ 3. If any Presbyter broke from his Bifhop to lee up a Herelie, was it not one that foughr to be a Bifhop? Or did they not make prefently him or fome other their Bifhop and Head f Herefie or Popery had made but fmall progrefs/had it not been for Bifhops. § 15. When I commend the Novations Canon, which al- lowed all men Liberty for the Time of Eafter, as better than burning men as Hereticks,he takes it fox an Immoderate Tranfpon that I fay \j'as loud as I can [peak* If all the Proud, Ambitious, tC Herniating part of the Bi/kops had bsen of this mind, O what "fitly what fcatrdal, and what foam z , whit cruelties, confufions and Ct miferies bad the Chrifiian world efcapid?] That is, had they letc fuch Indifferent things as Inditferent. And is this againft Moderation ? I would fuch Zeal of God's Houfe had more eaten me up : Dare you deny but that this courfe would have faved the Lives of all thofe thoufands oiAl- bigenfes, Waldenfes, and Bohemians that the Papifts killed : And the death and torment of multitudes by the Inquiikion ? And the burning of our Smithfield Martyrs : And it's like moft of the Wars between the Old Popes and Emperours about Inveftitures ? And the blood of many thoufandmore. And it would have fa- ved more Nations than ours from the Tearing and Diviiion of Churches by the Eje&ing and Silencing of hundreds or thoufands of their Paftors, as the cafe of the Germans Interim, and other V fuch «nch actions prove. And is it immoderate iranjport to witn all this Blood, Schifm, Hatred and Coiiuiion, and weakning and (haming of the Church had been prevented at the rate of ToU- rating Indifferent things: No wonder if you had rather Eng- land [\\\\ furfered what it doth, and is in danger of by Schifm, than fach things Indifferent (hall be tolerated : It is not for no- thing that Chriftand Paul repeat, that fome have Eyes and fee lot , Ears and hear not, &C. § 1 6. And here he again would make his Reader think it's true, that the Nonconforming pretend that their Silencing is for not keeping E after Day at the due Time ; as if this man that liveth among us did not know,that i* is the avoiding of deliberate Lying by fubfcrtbing to a known untruth, which is the thing that theyrefufe; and they mention it only as an appurtenance of the Impofition ad homines, that it would bind them to two dif- ferent times. Whether, as he faitb, our difeafe be a wantonmfs fed by con- cejfion, and we are moft violent when we know not what we would kjive, thofe men are no credible Judges that for feventeen years would not endure us to fpeak out our Cafe ; and when before we debated part of ir,wou!d not vouchfafe to anfwer us jand at hft when we tell it them, do butaccufe us with a (harper ftorm, inftead of giving any thing that a man can cdll an Anfwer that ever knew the Cafe, e.g; to our Pleas for Peace, and my Trea- t ife of Epifcopacy. § 17. He cdnfefTeth that I praile the African Bithops as the belt in the world, though it contradict his former charge. As to the Magnitude of Diocefles, when he hath anfwered my Treat, of Epifcopacy, fome body may be edified by him. I agree with him that Good men will do much Good in a great Diocefs. But 1. Worldly Bifhops are;fo far bad : And worldly Wealth and Honour will ever be moft: fought by the moft worldly men : And ufually he thatfeeks (hall find- -Ergo —And 2, A good mm cannot do Impoflibilities : The belt cannot do the work of many hundred. Forty two years ago fome wifht for theReftoring of Confef- fion. Theophilus Parochialis brings copious Reafons and Orders of Princes, Popes and Prelates, that all fhould confefstothe Parifh- Prieft. If you had fet this up here, how many men inuft have gone C47) gone to it in the Parifhes of St. Martin, Giles Cripplegate, Step- ney 3 &c ? But how much greater work hath Dr. Hammond, and Old Councils, cut out for him that will be the fole Bifhop of many hundred Pariihes ? I have named it eliewhere. And, if any man of confideration think I have not proved againft Mr. Dodwell, that Bifhops Government is not like a King's, who may make what Officers under him he pleafe, but depends'more as a Phyfician's or School-matter's onPerfonal Abi- lity^ I will now add but this Queftion to him [Why is it that Monarchy may be hereditary \ and a Child or Infant may be King] but an Infant may not be Bifhops nor any one not qualified with Ef- fential Ability? I have at large told you how ftiarply Baromus and Binnim condemn that odious Nullity of making a Child (by his Father's Power) A. 'Bifhop of Rhcmes. If I heard twenty men fay and fwear that one man is fufficient to be the only Matter of many hundred Schools, or Phyficiart to many hundred Hofpitai^or that one Carpenter or Mafon may alone build and rear all the Houfes in the City after the Fire, cr one man be the fole Matter of an hundred thoufand Families 5 what can I fay to hirrr, but that he never tryed or knows the work ? § 18. When I note that the Donattfts took themfelves for the Catholicks, and the Adverfaries for «Schifinaticks, be- caufe they were the greater number, he very honeftly faith ■ that Multitude may render a Sett formidable, tut it's no Argu- ment of Right. Very true -, nor Secular Power neither. But what better Ar- gument have the Papitts 3 and many others that talk againft Schifm? § 19. He thinks the Donatifls Bijhops Churches were not fo [mall as our Partjhes. Anfw. Not as forne : Bur if, as I faid before, Confiantinople in the height of all itVGIory in Chryfo- fiomh daies 3 had but icoooo Chriftians, as many as three Lon- ^<7«- Parifhes have, judge then what the Donatifis had. § 20. His double quarrel with Bmnim and Barcnius, let who will mind. What I gathered out of thofe and other Canons of the fmalnefs of Churches then, I have" elfewhere made good.- His Reviling Accufations o{ Envy to their Wealth, deferveth no Anfwer. § 1 1. He comes to St. Th:cpbilus$ Cafe, of which we fpake V z before. 1*4* J ^re. The Monks that reported e\ril of bim, were^ it may be t faith he., downright Knaves, The Reviling is blamelefs when ap- plied to fuch. Doubilefs they were ignorant raft Zealots: But one that reads what the Egyptian Monks were in Anthonys uaies, and after, and what Miracles and Holinefs, Sulpitius Seve- rn* reporteth of thern^ and why Bafil retired into his Monaftery, &c. may conjecture that they had much lefs worldlincfs than the Bi(fiops,an:J not greater fault?. § 22. I think it not defirable or pleafant work to vindicate the credit of Socrates and Socmen accufing Theophilus : But if his Conjectures in this cafe may ferve againft exprefs Hiftory of fuch men, and fo near, let him leave other Hiftories as Joofe to our Conjecture?. Poftbum/anus Narrative in Sulpitiw, is but of one piece of theTragedy.He thinks it-improbable that Origen fhould be accufed for making God Incorporeal -, and fuch Con- jectures are his Confutation of Hiftory : But Ongen had two fort of Accufers -, theBi(hops 5 fuchas Theophilm and Epipkanius had worfe charges againft him : But the Anthropomorphtte Monks were they that brought that Charge againft him (that God had no face, hands, eyes.) And Theophihu before them cryed down Origen in general, to fave his life, by deceiving them, that they nvght think he did it on the fame account as they did. This is Socrates his Report of the Cife. He faith, that the Impudent Mutinous Monks were not afcamed to tell all the world, that all th.it were againfl them were Anthropo* phites, An[w\ It was other Monks that I here talk not of, that he means : It was thefe Monks that were Anthropomorphites them- it Ives, and would have killed Theophihu for not being fb 3 till he faid to them, Methinkj I fee your faces as the Face of God : And the name of the Face of God did quiet them. Hienm was a Party againft Chrjftfiom ; it was for not palling that Sentence on Origen, that Epiphamus would by mafterly Ufurpation have Impcfed on him, that Chryfoftom was by him accufed. § 23. Could any Sobriety excufe that man Epiphanlu.^ that would come to the Imperial City, and there purpoftly intrude into the Cathedral of one of the beft Bifhcps in the world, for Parts and Piety 5 and there play the Bifhop over an A. Bifliop in his own Church, and feek to fet all the Auditory in a flame at the time of Publick Worihip, and require him to fay that of Origen, Orlgen, which he there without any Authority impofed on biirji I know not what is Pride, Ufurpation, Turbulency, if not Malig- nity, if this be not. But at laft he faith, ['5 / do net intend to excufo Theophilus in " this particular : (Thank, Pope Innocent) He did certain!/ pro - Cc fecute his Rrfentment too far : But he was not the only mm : " Epiphanius, a per Con of great Holinefs j Hierom, aid fever al <: oth.r pj'rfons renowned for their Piety ^ wen concerned in the-per- cl Jecution of this Great man, as well as he : And to fay the truth, c> this J* tksit weaknefs ; for that Severity which gives men gene- a rally a Reparation of Holinefs, though it mortife fame irregular " heats, yet is apt to difpofe men to p?evijl:nefsf\ But true Holinefs ever fincerely iovcth holy men, and fpeciaf- ly fuch as are publick Bleffings to the Church i And though [ cenfure not their main State, your Holy Perfccutors of the brfc of ChrinVs Servants, will never by Chrift be judged fmalJ Offen- ders. Alas ! it's too true that Theophilus was not alone : A Coun- cil ofBiihops were the Perfccutors. And it's hard to think thar they loved Chryfoftom as chemfelve?. When the forememioned Council at Conft amino pie had turned out Naz.ianz.en^ even the great magnifiers of General Council*, Baromm and Bmnius, thus reproach them, that they drove away a holy excellent man, that a man was fet up in his fie ad that was no Cbnftian; that it was thi Epifcopi Nundinarii that did it, the Oriental Bi/h<.ps firft leaving them, aid going away with Gregory. And if -he Ai*yor Vote of that General Council were Ep-fcopi Nundinarii, what: Chyfsljm's Perfccutors were may be conic ;; dslivtri it, friend or fee. 2 A* d5°) Cc therefore there is no great credit to be given them in thefe C( Relations, as manifeftly efpoufing the Caufe and Quarrel of u the Novatians.~\ str.fw. i. Juft as Thuanpu or Erafmus cfpoufed the Caufe of the Proteftants by Truth and Peace, when others hated and be- lied them. 2. Methinks the man revileth me very gently in companion of Socrates and $oz,omen 3 xhe two mod impartial and credible of all our Antient Church- Hiftorians ( with Tbeo- dorot.) But who can wonder that he imitateth that which he defendeth. § 4. But he faith, [It may be the Novatians deferred it--* and its not unlikely that they were very trouble Com and [edit ious.~] Anfw. W$ not uh likely now that others will fay it was fo. But mark Reader which of thefe Hiftorians is mod credible [Socra- tes and Sozomen lived with thofe that knew the things and per- sons : They have told us Truth in the reft of their Hiftories : If they had been Novatians.Mx.M. faith, They believed finning after Baptifm had no pardon or abfolution : And were they not like then to (ear fuch Lying and falfe Accufing a? paints a Saint like the Devi] or Anrichrift.] On the other fide [Mr./*/. liveth above a thoufand years after them ; He is one of the Party that take it to be not only lawful, but a duty to fay and fwear all that is impofed now,which I will not here defcribe :How truly he writes theHiftory of his own Age, even of Parliament and Wars, and living perfons, I have told you. He faith no more againft the Hiftorians credit here, but [it may be~] and [it's not wlikely] and [thy were Novatians, SchHina ticks, Alexandrians.] Even fo theirCountermine^and^manyConformiftSjthat lave many years reported us to be Rajfing a War againft the King, bad their [May-be'i] and [Its not unlikely'] and [they are Scbifma- tickj'j to prove it : And others foon role up and fwore it. And when fome lament their Perjury, it flops not the reft. But fome have fuch Free-will, that they can believe whom they lift. § 5". Socrates, faith he, makes it part of his charge that he took on him the Government of temporal Affairs. This was not the ZJ fur pat ion of the Bijtcop, but the Indulgence of the Emperour: And he flievvs the Churches need of it. jinfw. That which he is charged with is, that he -was the fir ft Ihjivp that him fe If u fed the Sword. And I. Do you think i-hit io great a Patriarchate & Diocefs would not find a confeio- nable (i)3) nable Paftor work enough, without joyning with it the Magi- ftrates Office? 2. Was not the Church greatly changed even fo early from what it was a little before in the daies of Martin and Snlfitim^ when even Ithaciu* durft not own being fo much as a feeker to the Magiftrate to draw the Sword againft grofs Hereticks j and the belt Bifhops denied Communion with them that fought it : And now a Biftiop himfelf becomes the ftriker not of grofs Hereticks, but fuch as peaceable Bifhops bore with. I remember not to have read that Cyril had any CommifTion for the Sword from the Emperour : Others then had not : But I deny it not. § 6. He faith, that elfewhere I fay [Ifhallnot dijhonour fhch t nor difobey thim!\ Anfa. I fay and do fo : If a Bifhop will take another Calling from the King's Grant, when he hath underta- ken already 40 times more work as a Diocefan than he can do, He honour and obey him as a Magiftrate : But I would be loth to ftand before God under the guilt of his undertaking and omifllons. § 7. As to all the reft of the Hiftory about fjril's Execu- tions, and the wounding of Ortftes the Governour, I leave ic between the Credit of Mr. M. and Socrates. : And he very much fufpetls the Story of Cyril V making a Martyr of him that was exe- cuted for it : I leave all to the Reader's Judgment. I think I may tranferibe Socrates without flandering Cyril. Here his fpleen rifing, faith [There are men in the world that honour fuch as Martyrs for murdering a King."] -Anfxv. You may fmell what he infinuates : I think he witt not fay, that he ever did more againft them than thofe that they call Presbyterians have done. We Wrote and Preacht againft them when he did not. I know not the Presbyterian living to my remembrance, that was not againft the Murder of the King , and Prin, whom the Bifhops had cropt and itigmatized for be- ing againft them, as an Eraftian, was the hotrelt in the Par- liament, for the Execution of the King's Judges : But I knew di- vers Conformifts that have written or fpoken to juftifie or ex- cufe that Fa<5t. § 8. As for the Murder of Hypatia y l\twt him to bis fcuffle with Socrates and Damafciusjn which I interefsnot my felf. § 9. I thank Pope Innsctnt Mr, M. durft not deny CyrU\ X faulty faults, in his hnmity to tne memory oi wryjoiron* $ ami yet ne calls my reciting the matter of Fac*t a reproach. He i3 conftrain- f d to confefs [ Cc That the Quarrel was it feems hereditary to hint u (fo is Original Sin) and he didprofecme it beyond all equity or u decency anainft the memory of a dead man : This was a faulted * and he that is without any, or without any particular animoftty y tC fpscially if he be in any eminent place, Let him caft the fir ft ftone.~\ Anfw. Thanks to Confcience : We feel your Animofities: But is not this man a Railing Accufer of Cyril, if I am fuch ? What faith he lefs in the main ? Yea he now renews his Accufation of his Predecelfor, faying, It was hereditary. To profecute malice againft the very name of a holy extraordinary Bifhop, beyond all equity and decency— what will Chriftianity or Humanity call it ? But Faction faith,/* was a f suit, and he that is without anjjkc. Thus talkt Eli to his Sons: So one may fay, To Silence 2oco Minifters, or to hate the belt men, and feek their ruine, is a fault, aPrelatica! peccadillo; and (b was Bonner's ufage of the Martyrs 5 and let him that is without any caft the firft (tone. And Sr. John faith, He that hateth his Brother is a murderer, and. none fuch hath Eternal Life abiding in him; and that as Cain, he is of the Evil One, the Devil. And I believe him. § 10. But he faith, / irjxrioufly charge h : m with calling Alex^ ander a boldfaced man^ when Atticus was the fir ft Author of that- word. Avfw. Atticni mentioned Akxandcr^'c.orfidtnxjrue and ne- ceffary Counfelj Cyril contradicting ir, calls the man, A man of a confident face or mouth. If another Bifhop fa id the firft words- before him, do I wrong him % faying he faid tht fi>coxd? O tender men! His urging* ; the keeping up the names of fuch as NcchariHs and Arfacius; and calling out Ch ryf-ftcmw, is lb like our Canons about Readers and Nonconform^?, and our Cano- neers defcriptions of their Gauntry Parfon?, and the Furitanes, . that i wonder not that you defend him, § 1 1. But he faith, that lis a little ur.chrtftian to. blaft his memory with the faults which he corretled in his life-time.'] Anfw. 1. It's neceflary to tell that truth which blafteth the Reputation of fuch fin as was growing up towards Papacy. ^«/. 2. Then Chrift was unchriftian to tell the Jews of their very fathers murders of the Prophets, while they difclaimed ir, and built their Sepulchres, Mat. 23. And then it was unchriftian in the C'5)) tbe Holy Ghoft, to blaft the memory of Adam % Noe, Lot.David Solomon, Peter, yea or Manaffeh, with fins repented of. 3.Hiftory muft fpeak truth about things repented of$ or elfe it will but deceive the world. 4. The Honour of God, andGoodnefs, and Truth, muft be preferred before our own Honour. Repentance, if true, will moft freely confefs a mans own fin, and moft fully fhameit. § 12. Whether all his far-fetch t Conjectures that Cyril re- pented, be true or no, is nothing to me. I will hope he did, though I nerer faw it proved : The very laft Sentence of Death might do it. His retortion is, [/ know no man deeper engaged in the Contentions of the Church (than I) The writing of his Eighty Bookj Being but lik- fo many pitcht Battels he has fovgbt, and mop commonly in the da y k^ t when he was ■ hardly able to difc over friend from foe .] Anfw. It's too true, that being all written for Peace, the Enemies of Peace have fought againft them. Ntmis dm habi- tavit t anima me a inter ofores pari*. But pro caput Lector is, &c t All men take not the words of fuch as he for Oracles. How much I have written and done for Peace, lee others read and judge. I long laboured and begg'd for Peace in vain with fuch as he defendetb. And it's admirable if this pittFlefs Enemy of Sects and Errours can be for all the Seels and Errours that I have written againft. Have I in the dark taken for foes by Er- rour the Atheifts, the Infidels, the Sadduce<«, the Hobbifts, the Quakers, the Ranters, the Papifts, rhe Socinians, the Libertines called Antinomians, the Anabaptiits, the Separatifts, and Sects as Sects l Be of good comfort ail : Thefe Prelatifts that accufe us for too dark and (harp Writings againft you, feem to tell you that they will more hate perfecuting or diftretfing you - 9 Yes when they agree with themfelves. His Prayer that I may have a more honorable opinion of Re- pentance he calls me to fpeak to in the End. § 13, Whether good Ifidore Telupota were a man [«wr; * : eafy to take any impreffions, and upon falfe information char get h u Cyril with profecttting his private qnarrclls with Nefrorius " under pretence of \,eal for tie faith ]I leave all men to believe our Accufer as they fee caufe. And the fame I fay of that which is fo great a Gontroverfie among the Critical HiftorianSjWhetber Thcodorets Epiftle to fob. Ant, againft Cyril be Counterfeit, or X 2 were (i 5 6) were written on a falfe rumour of Cyrils death. Their 5-th Ge- neral Council hath ir. Baronius and Bmnius fay, fome Eutychian knave hath corrupted the Acts of that Council. Muft Council* be the Laws of all the world, and hath the Church and Tradi- tion kept them no better, that we know not when we have them truly f Leave us then to the univerfal Laws of God. § 14. He faith truly that [ the Council of Ephefus was chiefly direfted by the authority ©/"Cyril ] Anf And fo was that at Trent by the authority of the Pope And when he hath confuted the credible Hiftory wich tells us of the womens and Courtiers ha- tred of Neftorius, and proved that the Emperour and Pal- cberia the Emprefs were but one, I will grant that the authority . 0} the Court dtretled not Cyril ; and that then and now Bifhops neither were nor are directed by the Civil powers. § if . When I fpake againft Ne florin* his cruelty to Sectaries he asketh [ What Hereticaters were hotter than the Trefbyterians in 1646. The Inquifition is not more fever e than their ordinance a- gainfl Herefes, which they deflredjhould be made felony and pun fo- ld by death &c.l ; Anf. Reader Judge of the mans Credit at to ancient Hiftory ftill by his truth about the Prefent age. 1. The Inquifltion he faith, is not more fever e. Do I need to anfwer this to any man of 50 years of age. ? It's Capable of no anfwer but what he will call by fome name defer ved by his own. x. I can find no fuch ordinance: He faith It was offered ? Is that all ? And by whom I Was it the body of thePresbterians,or who? 3. What were the Herefies named by them? Were they not down right BJafphemy? 4. Who arvd how many were ever either tormented or put to death for Herefie, from 1641 till 1660: I remember not one, fave that fames Nay A?r was imprifoned and whipt, and had his Tongue bored for blafphemous Perfonating Ghrift, and that not by the Presbyterians. 5. Why are they fo ordinarily reproached by the Prelatifts for tolerating all Sects here in England ? 6. What ifall this had been true ? What is it to me or any of my mind ? I never had a hand in perfceuting one man, to my remembrance. How few can you name of all the Nonconfor- ming now in England, that had any hand in the Severities you mention ? U57; mention ? I know not four in England, that I remember. And what's this to us any more than to you ? 7. And was it well done, or ill ? If well, why do you liken them to the Inquifition ? Are you for it f If ill, why do you plead for it in others ? Imitate it not if you diflike it. For my part, as lam againft all Seds as fuch, I am much more againft the cruelty of any. I (tick no more at the clif- gracing the Presbyterians fins, than yours : And I am readier to difgrace my own than either, if I can know tbem. I wouM cherifh Errours no more than you j but I. would not ruine or imprifon even fuch of your (elves as have too many. Herefie muft have its proper cure. I thank God I'had once an Ortho- dox agreeing Flock. But again I fay, the Presbyterians were too impatient with Diffenters ; and it's better have variety of Fifti in the Pond, than by the Pikes to reduce them tofpecial unity, § 16. He faith that Ncftorius conf?au:ntially denyedtbe God- Head of Chrift.p. 192. Next he hath found a contradiction in my words, that the Emperor was weary of tbisftir: And yet that [■ Cyril did it to pleafe the Court ] Thefe critical men can make their two hands enemies to each other. How came he waking to dream that this was a contradiction, when Hiftorians tell us that the Women and Courtiers hated boinChryfo flame 2nd iW/rV rSus ? He implyeth that the Emperor 2nd the Court were all one, or of one mind. But I am not bound to believe him, no more than of many other Emperours whofe Wives kept up one party and they another. And I pray you why mould we be confident that Theodofitis 2. himfelf called an Eutycbian by the heretica- ting Bi(hops,was notagainft Neftorms when he- called that Coun- cil^ at firft Condemned both him andC)n'/,and after him alo n e. ? I did but recite the Hiftorians words, and was that forgetfulnefs ? § 17. His many words about this controverfie with Nefiori- us are the mod unworthy of any anfwer of all his Books : fome- time he faith as I, as p. 193 [ It bad been happy for the Clnrch if the myjteries of our Religion had never been curieufly difputed 7 fometime he confefifeth 1 bat Neftorius fpake the fame thing with Cyril 3 t bat Chrift had two natures iff one Perfon : ibid. And that be expreffeth himfelf one would thinly very orthodoxly, p. 202. But the Heretic}^ diffembled and hid his fence. And fo this man after above 1 000 years knew the mans mind to be contraiy to his words : whereas it's palpable to him that readeth the Hiftories, that the (i6o) (pake as i ^ft as Nsftonus. He oft confefleth ( for he can- not deny it ) [that be doth frequently own but one nature ] p. 197. and 198. [ that there is but one nature of the wrd incarnate ] fo p. 2oi # &c But C)n7 meant well, that is, by Nature he meant Perfon. And was not this Eutychian Speech as improper as 2\fa/?0- riu's is ? Is the nature and iV/o» to be confounded . ? Did the Fathers fpeak thus? If Nature put for Perfon be pardonable, why is it not pardonable to prefer a denomination a propnetate vel forma, to another ? And thus you make Cyril to differ from the Eutychians, in their different meanings while they ufed the fame words. If I had laid that Chrift had but one Nature I fhould have had a cenfure otherwife me?.'»jred. And though this man feem to deny it, [ have cited many of his words in which he faith [ Duas natu- \ unitas afferimus : poft unionem vera tanquam ademptajam in duas diftinfttone, unam effc credimusfilii naturam, tanquam unius fed inhuman & incarnati & ad face f Nihil injufti facimus dicentes^ ex duabns naturis fatlum ejfe concur fum in unit at em : Toft unionem vero non dijtin- guimus naturas ab invicem. But I have cited enough before. The fum and truth is, to judge no one but my felf, I muft be blind by ignorance or partiality if I be not paft doubt, 1. That unskilful explication was their difference. 2. That Cyrils words were Eutychian. 3. That Neftorius words were orthodox in the main, but not fufficiently yielding to a tolerable phrafc. 4. That they both meant the fame thing. 5. That all their war was managed, 1. For want of diftinguifhing fully the Abftraft [ Dei- tatem ] and the Concrete [^Deurn^ 2. For want of diftinguifhing [ Qui Deus ] from [ Qua DeusJ and a ftricl; formal expreffion from a morelaxe that's tolerable. And 3. For want of diftingui- fhing [ divifeon 2 from [ difiintlion ] of natures. 4. For want of explaining the various forts and ferfes of [Vnity] and [Plurali- ty.^ I cannot but know this to be true, though Mr. M. fcorn me for in. What [ / that under ft and not the language they wrote in to pre- tend to kpow better than the Council Q Anf 1. So fay the Papiits : what? will you pretend to know more ttian the Church and Councils ? If it be implicite faith that they are bringing us to, let them tell us which Councils we muft fo believe when they condemn each other ? 2. I thought I could make fhift tounder- itand their language, though I be no critick in it : But if he know me 06t) rue better, I ftrive not for the reputation of Learning ; not only Baronius and Binnivu, and all the reft that he nameth that had no skill in Greek, but mod: of the Schoolmen, feemto me with- out ir, far more Learned than he. I can tell him of Lads whofe Learning I admire not, that (hall vie with him in Languages Oriental and Occidental, and give him odds 3 And when he fcorns Derodons diftinctions, telling us it's making two bad Groats by flit- ting a Sixpence, Sec. I leave him to glory in hit Confufion: But I fufpeft the Fox that fpeaks cgainft Tails is like enough to want one himfelf. But when he hath (hewed in all this Hiftory"of Neftorius , Cyril, and the Council, little but that partiality which can talk confidently to the ignorant for any caufe, without any (hew of confuting Derodons purification of Neftorius^ or my Conciliati- on, his craft or paffion attempts to divert the Reader by the art of the times, and as if it muft ftop our Mouths from lament- ing the fin of Hereticators, and mifery of the Church thereby, he tells us how men in thefe times call themPapifts that are none. Anf If it be ill done, why condemn you your (elf by de- fending thofe that did the like I If it was well done in Bifliops Councils, why not in them? 2. But what's this tome, if it be not me that he means? If it be, 1. If you will read but the Jaft part of my CathoL Theolog. judge of the mans front. 2. It is none but tho(e that are for a humane Soveraignty over all the Church on Earth that we judge Papifts : And if you judge them not fucb, we will thank you to tell us what a Papift is in your own fenfe. § 18. His (aying^. 22J. that [fohn Comes that gives a fad ac- count of the Council is much\o be fufpefted, 8fC doth but tell us that he would have your belief of Hiftory guided by the Intc- reft of his Caufe* § 19. As to his fcorn againft my tranflating the words [tkt Scriptnrc and Sacred] which mean that imperial Scripture, I did think a litteral Tranflation could not have been judged a mifun- derftanding or miftranflation : Why may they not be called in Englifj what they are called in Greek) And he had aftrong ima* gination if he thought that Haunters Tranflation ofEufebi^&c* afforded me fuch materials as theft* § 20. His conclufionof fome that fcorn to preach by the HA eence of the Government I before mentioned* The Truth and Y minifterial minifterial Honefty of it, is much like as if Tfaoufands fhould petition the Eifhop, that their Tick families may have licenfed Phyficians, and he rejeð all their Petitions, and prevaileth with the Parliament to do the like: At laft the King pittieth them, and licenfeth~the Phyficians, and theBifhop and his Cler- gy are offended, and get it revoked, and the Phyficians praftife at their peril without licenfe: And our credible Hiftorian fhould record it, that they fcorned to praftife as licenfed by the Govern- ment, even while ftill they make all the Friends they can to the Clergy to be licenfed, and arc not able to prevail. But the ages that knew ncft them and us, that arejo come, may poflibly be- lieve thefe men as they believe their Predecefibrs. §2i. To conclude, Reader, if now thou have any fenfe of Chriftian Intereft, Unity and Love, judge of the whole cafe im- partially, and begin with notorious matter of fad:. i. We find at this day a great Body of Chriftians, called Ne- ftorians, inhabiting the Countries of Babylon, ^Jfjria, Mesopo- tamia^ Parthia, and Media , yea, fpread Northerly to Cat ay a^ arid Southerly to India-, abundance of them even in Tartar] , faith Partus Vcnet* See Brienvood p. 139. And we find that they •are by the Weftern Churches, if not the Greekj^ called Here- ticks, and at the eafieft Schifma ticks. And yet as thofe very Friars that have lived among them fay, they are commonly free from any fuch Opinions as are charged on them, but only ho- nour the name of Neftorins, and condemned the Councils that condemned him. This Mr. M. nor no Prelate will deny that re- taineth humanity. 7. We find that this woful fraftion hath continued about one Thoufandtwo Hundred and thirty Years. 3. We are put to enquire what was and is the caufe 5 and we find that on both fides it is the Bifhops and their Clergy that now continue it, and it was Patriarchs and their Bifhops that ac firft caufedit, 4. We enquire how they did it: And Mr. Morrice confefleth that it began in a difpute between the two Patriarchs (whether the Virgin Mary was to be called The Mother of God, or rather The Mother of Refits Chrifi who is God and Man : and that on this occafion Cyril charged Neftontts , as making Chriit to be two Perfons, and he himlelf (aid Chrift incarnate had but one Na- ture, but had m more skill in fpeaking, thaji by one Nature to mean (163) mean one Ferfon, ( though Derodon labour to prove that he meant worfe,) that Ncftorius profefled two Natures in one Per- fon. And Mr. M. faith, Nefxorius when he fpake well meant iU 5 and Cyril when he fpake ill meant well. And upon this a Gene- ral Council itfelf is firft divided about them, even to blows : and after by the importunity of C]!r*P$ party, Neftorius is banifhed, and the Bifhops divided, fome for one, and fome for another to this day. Another Council is called at Calcedon, and conftrmeth the Condemnation , and the Neflorian Bifhops condemn that . Council, and for many Ages the Bifhops were divided alfo about that, one pare condemning it, and the other fubferibing to it , and honouring it. Judge now what thefe Bifhops have done to Chriftian Religion and the Church of Chrifr, and continue to do: And if you dare join with our Canoneers in making the guilt your own, by juftifyingfuch difmal workj the further you go, the more of it you have to jaftitie_, till your Souls have guilt and load enough. HoneftDr. Moore charged with Neftorianifm, is fain to ac- cufe Neftorius out of his Enemies words to clear himfelf. That he owned not a [VhyficaL Vnjon of Natures^ is an ambiguous, un- fafe word: APhyfical Union feems to fignifie one &fw which is not to be faid. He never denied a perfonal or Hypoftatical Uni* on. And if he had fas he did not) oppofed the word ffypofiafs, fo did Hterom that was no Heretick, and many more for a long time. I fuppofe Mr. M. is not more zealous againft Neftorianifm than the Hereticating Church of Rome Is: And how great they really thought the NeftorianHerctie, the ftory which I mention of P. Hormifda tells you, which I will repeat. [Therearofea controverfie whether it might be faid that [ One of the Trinity was crucified^ Pope Hormijda faid [AV] becaufe they that were for it were fufpefted to be Eutjcbians: The Nefiorians laid hold on this, and faid, [Then we may not fay that Mary was the Parent of one of the Trinity .] This was a hard cafe : fnflinian fent to Pope fohn about it. His infallibility and Hormifdas were contrary : he and his Council fay that we may fay, that [^One of the Trinity was crucified.] Hereupon Baronius and Binnius give us a ufefuf note, £/ta mutatis hofiihs arma mutari neceffe fuit-2 What fhould the World do if we had not had fuch a Judge of Contro- verfies, I hope Mr. M. will not be fo heretical, or fchifmatica!, Y 2 » as to fay that either of thefe Popes erred againft an Article of Faith: But will rather recant his Accufation of Neftorius, and number this with Things Indifferent , which the Church hath power to change at her pleafure. CHAP. XXII. Of the Council o/Ephefus 2d. §i.npHatour Hiftorian may juftifie the Dividers he make* -L himfelfa Party, and by downright miftake againft both faith, r. ThttNeftorius fellinto Blafphemy^ denying Chrift to he true God. 2. And that Eutyches denied Chrift to be true Man.} This is our Reformer of Hiftory 5 when both of them profeffed Cbrift to be true God,, and true man. I doubt not but the Man can write another Book to juftifie this 5 for what is it thatfome cannot talk for ? Yea, he is at it again, p. 230. that Eutyches held Chrift not to be true Man. § 2. He confeffeth again that Cyril affirmeth but one Nature^ and meant but one Pqrfon^ and that Eutyches ukd the fame words, but faith, fure they cannot be fo mad as to fall out fo violently when they fay the fame thing & words.. Flavian could not be fo foolijh or fo wickedfiiQ.Anf I juftifie not the words of Eutyches orC;n/j but if lhave great reafon to believe, that as he confeffeth Cyril fo grofsas to ufe ) Anf. Therefore it is that the Nonconformifts have 20 or 19 years fo earneftfy beg'd for leave to preach in pubiick con- fecrated places to promifcuous Aflemblies, that they might be out of fufpicion, but could never obtain it of this fort of Ma- tters. Ex ore tuo-— Thus they that caft the ftone at others off find it hitthemfelves. Mr. Edwards Gangrena is here commend- ed to thofe that are for Toleration. As if all differences were equally intolerable or tolerable: And he that faith [Tolerate not thofe that preach Blafphemy or intolerable errour ,] faid no worfc than he that faith {Silence Two Thousand Preachers, unlefs the? Will Profefs, Promife, and Swear, and do all that is (oft defer ibed) impofed on them. § 5. In his Narrative he is no more tender of the honour of Bifhops it feerns than I am, nor fo much of Emperours; for when he had faid the Emperour [ -was too much addicted to this hind of Vermine ( Eunuchs ) and Jhews his bitternefs againfl Flavian^ he faith that the Letters which called this Council fagge ft ed Efficiently what it was to do, and that their bufnefs was to condemn a Bijhop the Emperour did not care for, though without any juft ground, nay, for Lis konefty* I deny none of this : Bur were the Bifhops of the Catholick Church in a good cafe then,thar,when they knew before that they. were called to fuch a work as thi*,would meet in a General Coun- cil and do it ? No -, he accufeth them himfelf, I need not do it. The Emperour, he faith, fyew how to choofe Bifhops, fand yet his Summons was general to all to come,,) and the Prefdent, if half be true that i* faid of him y (and if that be a doubt, how cre- dible are your Hiftorians I) was one of the moft wicked, profligate Wretches in the Worldf] yet he was one of the Patriarchs, and aH the Council Bifhops, and till they met, were not thusaccuftd* You lee the man is a far greater railer than I even againft Bi- fhops : But it is but againft thole that are againft his Intereft and fide. § 6. He defcribes thofe Bifhops as u(W£ violence, forgetting that it is it his Party trufteth to continually : juft with the front as Baronius and Binnius, and many other Papifts, juftifie Martin for being againft putting Hereticks to death, and condemn hhdr citis^ while their Kingdom is upheld by that which they con* demn, and worfe, even the burning of true Chriftians as Here- ticks, and it's Heretical with them to imitate Martin^ juft as ttiofe. thole Matth. 23. Your fathers killed the Prophets, and you build their Sepulchers, and fay if we had lived in the days of our Fathers, we would nor, &c. § 7. But in the paflfage I find our Hiftorian in a more charita- ble mood to this Ephefine Council of Bifhops than his Brethren, [How badfoever Diofcorus and this Cornell were, yet they are m my judgment to be looked en rather as favourers of Here fe than Hereticks % they followed the meaning I believe as well as the Words of Cyril.] Anf And now I may hope lam Orthodox and Cha- ritable when I have no lefs than his Judgment to juftifie mine. And Anatolipu juftifieth us both. § 8. But^Sir, now you are in a good Mood., will you confider, 1. Whether thofe Bifhops and Councils that fet the Chriftian World in that Flame that burnetii dreadfully to this day, after above 1200 Years, were not guilty at leaft of a peccadillo or venial fin, 2. Whether they are imitable. 3. Whether this General Council had a fupream Legiflative and Judicial power over all the Church on Earth, which all muft obey and none muft appeal from. No : faith Bifhop Gunning^It was a meeting of violent Robbers* Anf $ But it was a General Council: which it feems then may be fucb. CHAP. XXIII. Of the 4th General Council at Calcedon, § i.TTE begins his Chapter comically, and notably derideth XjL me for faying Fulcheria was the fame that before at Bphefm had fet the Bifhops againft Neftoritts. Is this fo ridicu- lous ? It's well known that Hiftorians make her very powerful with her Brother: frffchofehis Wife Eudocia, ("They were long of two minds.) It's no wonder that (he that got him con- demned at Ephefus, got the the fame further done at Calcedon, when (he was Emprefs her felf, having made Martian Empe- rour, and her nominal Husband, ('for they were not conjugally to know each other.) Is there any thing in this that deferveth the ftage ? Though Theodofws be reproactrtd by Popifo Hiftorians as (16?) as an Eutychian., or a favourer of them, if credible honeft So- crates may be believed, there have been few fuch Princes in the World, (for Piety, his Houfe was a Church ; for Patience, ne- ver feen angry; for GompaiTion, would never let a man die for Treafon againft himfelf.) But his Sifter (a Woman eminent for Wit and Piety) was thought to govern him very much, & fpe- cially in the feverities againft Neftorius. Evagrius who bitterly reproacheth Neftorius, tells us offome writings of his that fell into his hand, in which he faith, that the Emperour was his friend, and would not. fign his banifhment, and laies the cruel- ties that he underwent on his Officer : and confidering the cafe of a fuffering man, I fee nothing unfeemly in the Letter to him, which Evagrius chargeth with contempt. § 2. My wifh for the Churches Peace, that the unskilful words of 'Neftorius and Eutyches had beenfi]enced by neglect/a- ther than the flame blown up by honouring them with two Ge- neral Councils difputation , doth with this Gentleman deferve this Replication, [He cannot be more violent and outragious, more bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable, than he is under that negletl which himfelf prefcribeth for the cure/] Anf If this, be a true accufer, he can prove what he faith : It's eafie to (ay this of any man: But if a man that hath a cholerick Sto- mack (hall fwear that there was Aloes in his Phyfick, his word is no proof. Thefe are the men into whofe hands we are by Gods permiffion falln, while wearecaft our, judged tofilence, prifons, cV beggary, if we do but repeat the words of the Laws and Canons, and in 17 Years time when moft that they turned out are dead, if the reft at their own urgent demand do but tell them what they judge unlawful, and anfiverthofe thataccufe them, they are outragious, violent, bitter, and malicious* As if one that wounds me ihould fue me for faying , Tou hurt me. It's violence and an unpeaceablenefs to feel, but none at all in them to ftrike or to deftroy t We will give you many thanks if you will hurt us no more than we do you. §3,1 faid that one skilful healing man that could explicate am-> biguous rvords,and perfuade men to Love and Peace y t ill they under* flood each other, had more befriended Truth, Piety, and the Church, than the hereticating Councils did.[\ And why, faith he, may not that skilful manjhew his skill in Councils, as well as elfe where ? Anf % Who denieth it? But the queftion is, how he (hall be heard heard and prevail? I told you that here One man in one fentence did fo t by differencing between mental dijlingui/bing and divi- ding ; even Bafil of Sekucia, faying, \Cognofcimus duas naturas % non dividimus} neque divifas> neque confufas dicimtts.'] This was true and plain enough, to have ended all the quarrel : But who laid hold on it, or did improve it? What the better was Naz*i- anzen for fpeaking well in the Council at Constantinople} Or Chryfoftome for any thing he could fay to the Bifliops for himfelf ? I hope few of all that great number of Councils that wcredrian, Semiarian s Eutychian, Monothelites, for Images, &c. were fo bad as to have never a Bifhop among them that could or would fpeak right : But did they prevail t In the very Council at Trent were more good Speeches than did prevail 5 and if Luther, Me- lanchthon, Zmnglius f and fuch others, had not done more good fingly by Writing and Preaching, than Vudithim could do at Trent % or any of them at JVormes, or Ratisbone, &c. there had been little done. What good did Pbilpot do in the Convocation? Some fay one Paphnutim turned the Inclination of the firft Nicene Council for good 5 But that hearing temper was too fhort or rare. § 4. Next he tells us, that [in many late Difputes offuftifica* tion, &c. we find not that any of thefe healing men were able to re* concile Parties any more than the Councils of old.'} Anfw. 1. If that were true, it's alfo true, that they have not made fo great and many Parties as Councils did. We have not caft the world into f fo many Nations offaccbites, Neftorians, and other Se&s. Anfw. 2. Through God's mercy it is much better than fuch Hiftorians would make men believe. Dr. Heylin tells us what work the Arminian Controverfie made between Bifhop Laud's Party, and the Parliaments and Abbots Party, as if it had fet us all by the Ears. It is not fo now: One of your Brethren late- ly tells us, how that Controverfie is quieted : What Contention do you hear of among the Nonconformities about it t No man hath fo much as writ a line, that I know of, againft my Concilia- tion in my CathoL Theology. How little ftir doth the Anthcmian Controverfie make ? If one or two men do vent their difplea- fiire about any of thefe, we negleft it, and it is prefently for- gotten. I hear fometime that called Arminianifm hotly preach- ed in the Parifh Churches : It provokcth not me, and Ltake no notice notice 01 ir. l ^rareiy; near lome preaca againir tne smmmans : I take no notice of ir, and there it dies : Whereas if one fhould write Challenges and Accufations to the Preacher?, we might make work enough for all the Country. I never yet met with many fucb, but if you make not a War of it, and engage them by oppofition, they grow weary themfelves, and grow into un- obferv'd neglect or contempt. Moft of the fpreading Errours and Contentions among us have come by the Bellows of too ftrcng or imprudent Oppofition or Difputes. I hear of no con- fiderable Doctrinal Strivings among all the Nonconforming now in England. One Ignorant Uncalled Fellow is lately crept into London, and wrote proud Challenges for Antinomianifm,and none anfwered him, and he is contemned, and hath no Second that I hear of. § j. Though he fay {he ?V weary, yet he must not pafs by, that when I mention Socrates his moft high praife of Theodofius (living under him J and the miracles which he faith God wrought for him j I fay, if this be true^ God owned his Moderation by Mira* cles, notwithstanding his favouring the Eutychians, more than he did any ways of violence.] And here the man hath found me in Contradiction, and faith, {Thofe miracles could not countenance the Eutychian caufe that was after. 2. That the Eutychians were the moft violent men. Such Contradictions he and VEfirange find in my Writings. Anf Bur, 1. Is it true that I faid thofe miracles countenanced the Eutychian Caufe? I faid only that God owned the Moderati- on (not the Eutychian Opinion) of a man called an Eutychian by theHereticators,notwithftandinghis favouring the Eutycbians.He was a man that ftudied the reconciliation of the contending Bi- fhops 3 and was moderate towards all, but perfuaded that the major Vote of the Bifhops being againft Neftoriut, and for Cyril, and Diofcorus, it tended to peace to take that fide. His Mode- ration was the fame before the ftir with Eutyches as after. I on- ly faid that God by miracles owned that mans moderation who is charged with after favouring the Eutychians. 2. And what I fpake of Moderation oppofiteto violence, in way of fupprefling Hereticks, he feigneth me to fpeak it as oppofite to violence in the Perfonsfupprejfed: I (pake of Violence in the Prince as agent, and he feigneth me to fpeak of Violence in the parties that he dealt with. He may find matter at this rate Z ro to write greater Volums againft any man. I'read of none of the Herefies then contended about, Neftorian or Eutychian, but the accufed Bifhops were violent for them: But though they were all violent, yet if the queftion were, whether the Emperour fhould life violence or Moderation againft them, I may fay, that Godowneth more the way of Moderation. § 6. P. 246. he faith \At Ephefus Euftathius wask^kt to death, and all thofe that durfl defend him were threatned to be ferved in like manner J] Anf Of this before: His memory failed him: It was not JLpifiathitis but Flavian us. 2. Yet he after excufeth Di» cfiorus from Herefiej more Bifhops than were Hereticks were violent. § 7. As to his Reflection, [ fc It may be he think* the Empe* * r roar took^ a particular Delight in that kind of cruelty, and that "he had rather one fhould be kjckt to death, than that he fiould be Ci hanged or beheaded ; which would not be much to the credit of his cC Moderation : And to fay the truth , his Letter to Valentinian ee difcovers a ftrange kind of Spirit 5 for there he jufiifies the pro- Ce ceedings of the Eutychians at Ephefus, andfaies that all things cc were carried on with much freedom and pe'- feci Truth, and Flavi- an found guilty of Innovating in Religion. This is but an illfgn " that Mr. B. is a hater of falfe Hiftory, when he lets this pafs un- (( reproved. Anf. 1. Had I reproved fuch an Emperour, I mighthave ex- pected that fome of you would have publifhed me an Enemy to Kings. Anf 2. Rather Sir., you and I fhould hence gather, that all men muft have pardon and forbearance, and that for want of that, the names of Neftorians, Jacobites, Melchites, Greeks, Papifts 5 Proteftants , Lutheranes , Calvinifts , Prelatifts , and Presbyterians, &c. have almoft fwailowed up the Name, much more the Love of Chriftians. Anf. 3. May it not confift with modefty and the hatred of falfe Hiftorj, to believe the high praifts of this Emperour, pub- lifhed by one that knew him in fo pious and credible words as Socrates fpeaks 5 as I before told you, giving him f to mej a more credible Canonization than the Pope could have done, as a man of eminent holihefs, wonderful Clemency, that would not let a Traitor go out of the Gates towards the place of Executions and when hs was moved to any Execution, anfwered, he had rather , were 071) were he able, reft are the Dead to Life: excelling all the Clergy in meeknefs, and never fetn angrj. May not I who am branded for a railer by meek Prelatifts, be tolerated to think charitably of fuch an Emperour, and to wifh that the world had many more fuch. Anf. 4. Judges are taken for unjuft if they will not hear both fides fpeak. And why (Tiould not I regard the words of fuch an Empercur, as well as of one halfthe Bifhops againft the other? Anf 5 . Surely Modefty requireth me to think that the Em- perour was much more capable of knowing the truth of theafts of his own Subjects 3 when his Servants prefent gave him an account of them, than I am 1200 Years after: And fo good & man would not willingly lye. Anf. 6. Therefore my own Conclufion is , God is true and all men areLyars, that is, untrufty : and that Eudocia and his Courtiers had much power with him for Diofeorus againft Flavi- mjisPulcheria had againft Nefiorius 5 but that it was the Peace and Concord of the Bifhops which he moft ftudied^and thought that it lay in going with the major part.And I believe things were bad on both fides, and worfe than die Emperour thought with the Eutychian Bifhops, and worfe than others fay with their Adver- fariesj and that the Emperour, though fallible, wis as Socrates faitb, beyond all the Clergie. But here I fee that I am blamed for not railing againft a meek and pious Emperour, and as a Railer for lamenting the fins of the Clergie. § 8. About the Council of Calcedon he accufeth me in gene- ral, as [difingenioufly mincing the ABs, and fifing all the foulpUj fojfible. Eafilyfaid: And what's the proof ? Why, %. Leave out that they were violently beaten to it. Anf. The Reader may fee that this is falfe : I mention it oft; pag. io 1. [The Bifhops anfwered^ that they did it againft their Wills, being under fear : Condemnation and banifhment was threat- ned 9 Sonldiers were there with Clubs and Swords.2 Shall I believe this man againft fuch as Socrates, of things done 1200 Years ago, that will face me down with fuch untruths about my own yet Vifible Writings ? i. But is it falfiiood to omit what is (aid in fuch and fo many Volumns? May not the Reader there fee it.* DoIcontradicVit? Z z Muft Muft I write many Folio's or nothing? I refer all Readers to the Ads. § 9. But he faith, [/r would go near to excufe their Compliance with a merciful Man."} Anf. I confefstuch are not fo bad as the Clergy-men, that wifl fin for meer Preferment,and will write againft,and revile, nd call for Execution on thofe that will not do as they. But if Noncon*- formifts after 19 years Ejection and Reproach, and Sufferings by more than Threats, fhould at laft fiirrenjer to hemou* fin, can he think it would excufe their Compliance, when Chrift faith, Lttk^. 14 33. He that f or fake th not all that he hath cannot be wyDifcipki It he think Martyrdom a work of Supererogation,he is dangeroufly miftaken. And he that to day thinks Threatning and Danger an Excufe for hi* fin, may to morrow think Poverty, and the next day thedefire of Preferment an excufe. § 10. Diofcor wand the Eutychians holding clofe to the Council ofiWs*,as fufficient, as a Teft of the Orthodox,to which nothing was to be added, in reciting this he hath found my Ignorance in tranflating [rctraBat~] by [retratt.~] Is not the Englifh word of the fame fence with the Latine ? If not, and I be ignorant in Englifh too, what wrong is that to any Bifhop ? ■ § 11. When he had charged Nonfence and Confufion on that which he underftood nor, and mentioned Fu(ik DoriL giving the Lye to Eutyches, he conftfleth that the thing was true. § 12. P. 25*3. He faith, When tin giddy rabble of Monies with Swords andftaves, like Bedlams broke loofe^ run Upon thtm— I fhould rather pity them than infult. Anf If the Hiftory be an infulting, his own credited Hiftori- ans infult. by recording it. If noting it as a fault be infulting,then a .motion to Repentance is infukii,g, and if he would have us pity them for their fin, and not only for their fuffering 5 that is in- fulting too : But to own their fin, and draw men to imitate\them, Ihall be none of my Compaffion. He minds me of Peters Denial, and the Difeiples forfaking Chrift. Alas ! he is not a man that is not fenfible of Humane frailty? But is it not therefore to be blamed? Why doth Scrip- ture mention ir, but that we may avoid the like f Is it to tempt others to the like? Did Chrift infult when he faid. to Peter, Get thee behind me Satan, &C. § i3« He next falk into his familiar ftrain , to carry that ex Cathedra V7V Cathedra, by fentence, which he cannot do by proof, and faith, [When I venture on Obfervations it*s an even lay that I am out. ] Anf. That is, I am out of the way of his Magiftry , Precon- ceipt and Intereft. It is my Conciliatory words that the peaceable man is an- gry at, viz,. [That this doUffti y Contentions y Anathematizing , and ruining of each other f was about the Jenfe of ambiguous words, and they were both af one mmd in the matter and knew it not.~\ He cannot but confefs , that my judgment of them is lofter than theirs that hereticate each other. And Derodon hath fully proved that this Council when they condemned Neftorius, were of his Judgment in the whole matter, and faid but the fame as he. § 14. As to his telling me, that Eutyches denied Chrift to be truly and properly man, I will no more believe him, than if he had faid Cyril did Co. § 15. But he faith, the Monothelites were the genuine Difci- ples of Eutyches. They were of his mind in that Confcquence : And fuch another Controverfie it was. And how much greater crrour againft our Belief of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft , have I proved e. g. to be, , in your Dr. Sherkks Book 5 And yet I hope he meant better than he fpake. § 16. P. 25 j. He confefleth of one Party what I faid, viz,. [" O/Diofcorus and Flavian, / am apt to believe they were much * * of the fame Opinion as to the point m c ontr over fie % and kyw it iC well enough $ which was the only caufe why Diofcorus with his K-ns, Doctor vel Magister y & for mas loquendi quibus ipfe uteretur tantum recipi- endas effe in Ecclefia, non alias. Et tali faftu armatus adorieba- tur ilium articulum. Maria est mater Dei, aut genetrix Dei; Ibi viciffim Epifcopos in adverfa parte invemt perinde inflatos 9 quibus vehemenier difplicebat Nestor li faftus, inprimis Cyr ilium Alexan- drinum: quia tunc nulluserat August inus aut Ambrofius.---p. 189. Nmc manifestum est, quod Neftorius ut homo impru dens & vamffi- ma perfuaftone addutlus, loquatur quidem bono z.clo de Christ o : fed + ex (177) ix mera infcitia non intelligat quid& quomodo loquatur.-» p. 19^ Non est Neftorii error cjnod Christum credit tantum effe purum ho- minem, nee in duas perfonas earn dirimi; fied duas naturas Dttim & hominem tn u%a perfiona uniri fatetur : fed communicat tonem tdio- matum non vult concedere. Objiciat autem hie aliqujs^ Nestor mm infidtofe confeffum effe, quod Christ us Deus fit & una perfona, Refip. Jguod non: Tarn ingeniofus enim & industnus nonfuit, fedferio it a judicavit. — Ad loic acceffit aliorum Eptfeoporum tnfolentia, qui non cogitaverunt quomodo fiananda effent taua vuUera, fed mult 9 magis trritandis & refricandis caufam dederunt. Vide c tier a. P. 202. De Concil. Calcedon, Adeo indulgebant fantti Patres mututs odiis & diffenftombus ut alter non facile vellet alteri cedere — fliewing the uncerrainty of the Hiftories of tbis Council, and the Lies of the Papifts not to be trufted. fam dtvina qua rat lo- ne ego ero falvandus, qui nee ipfum Concilium ajfequor , he c caufam Concilii fiatisperfipicio. p. 205". JS>uod Eut)chesnon tantum unam in Christ naturam effe ft at Hat , oftendunt Papist arum Verba 9 qui dicunt Eutychen concejfijfe in Chrifto duas naturas 9 v\z. Divinitatem & Humanitatem, qua d Divinitate eft aJfumpta—Sed quid Euty- ches voluerit quod poftea in Chrifto tantum Divina natura manfie- rit, defer t a humana^ tbi prorfus funt muti j & re nondum certo cogni- td dicunt, ftatuiffe Eutychen quod in Chrifto dua natura, & tamen non dua fed una natura fit : It a poftea hiftoria fiunt incerta & ob- ficura , ut nemo poffit inteRigere quid Eutyches fienfierit, aut quid Pontificia hiftoria fie ntiant. Amittimus hifce ambagibm concilium una cum caufts propter quas convocatum eft.— -Ego me as conjectural recitabo : ft rem ajfequor, bene 5 ft non, non propterea labefaclabitur fidesChriftiana.Eutychis opinio(ficut&Neftorii)errat circa idiom at a, quamvis alio modo. Neftorius non vult idiom at a humanitatistribu- ere Dtvinitati in Chrifto:— Contra Eutjches non vult idiomata di- vinitatis tribuere humanitati,etiamft& tp fie fir miter & mordicus re- tineat Chriftum effe verum Deum & hominem, Vt fi dicer em in Cone tone public a, Verbum filium Dei effe conditorem Coeli & Terra aqualem Patri ab aterno — -Et hoc Verbum, ilium ftlium Dei effe verum hominem : Hoc concedit mihi Eutyches nihil dubitans. fam fiporro die am, Jguod Me homo Chriftus fit conditor cceli & terra, hoc offendit Eutychen , qui put at prorjus effe abfurdum dicer e, Homo crcat coelum & terrain. — P. 210. Ibi vides quod idiomata fact Li cccaftone homines non pramonitos offendant & petfurbent. Hie erat fiubijemcndum tener is Confident lis fr at erna % amsca & fialutari admo- A a tutione nit tone, nee fuperbiffimi err antes akjiciendieffent. Viinam met pt- dicio non respondeat event us: fed vereor profeclo aliquot b&reticos in novijfimo die fieri judices 5 & illos ipfosEptfcopos Penes quos fuitju- dicandipo:eftas 3 m aternum damnatos,niDeus eft mirabilisd? incom- prehehjiinlts in fttisjudiciis\nifi quodfeimvu cum effepropitium humi- libus & injenfijfimum fttperbi*. Et pr&fertim in Concilia & Ecclcfiis nihil erat agendum z*elo vel invidia , vel fuperbia, quia Deus non pot eft ferre. § 20. Readers," you fee what tedious work fome men caa make us: Many are fcandalized, as if we gave them falfe Hifto* ry, if we do not thus confute them ; and if we do, we tire our felves and you. If I fhould cite you many more thus to confute his falftiood, that never per fon before meoppofed that Faftion, you would be weary of it. § 21. Yet now my hand is in, you (hall fee further bow much Luther was for the fame that I have written. [J^#/ volet poterit mterius legere acla Ccnalii, privata opera. Ego ad tadium & nau- feam ujq\ legi ifta-, ejufmodi Chaos aremoniarum & confujionum eft ibi^ ut videatur recle judicajfe Greg.Naz*. qui Synodis eruditiori- bus & fedatioribus inter fuit, — & fcrtbit [Sic affetlus fumfi die en- da eft Veritas, Ht malivo omnes Epifcopoyum eonventus vitare, quia\ nulims Synodrfincm vidi bonum, am qui magis toller et mala quam augerst. Nam cupiditas contentions & principatus^ & amulatio vincmt rationem. ZJt profeclo miror quod propter hac verba non du~ dwn earn excommunicavernnt ut atroaffimum hareticum. Sed quid jit quod dicit in Synodis Epifcopos certaffe ambiticne, Jupsrbia, phomteU, habes in hac Synodo clanffimnm exemplum. £>£od au~ tern art urn fit quod hie dicit fe nullius Synodi vid'.ffe finem bonum , docent nos hiftoria: Nam Ariana h&efis jocus fuit ante Nic&num Concilium pra ilia eonfufione quam ipfi poft Concilium excitavernnt , (that was not long of the SynodJ Talis etiam fmt Macedomci & Neftorimi Concilii K Nam ilia pars qua eft condemnata co fuit conjunEHor, ut tali fpecie Concordia & unit at is fuas prafttgias pin- gerent quafi nulli jufta rati one damnari poffent. Submde excitarunt major a certamina contra Concilia qua ipfi non recle intelLgebant,—- P. 247. Illud pojfum facillime probare- quod mifer ille Paftor in Hippcne S, uiuguftinus plus docuit quam omnia Concilia — Die am & qniddam amplius : Majus Lumen accedit Doclrina Chriftian& ex Catechifmo puertfi quam ex omnibus Conciliu^ Crocitis, Mat, Martinius % Conr. Bergi- pis, foh. Bergins, Blondel, Daile, and above all, Le Blank's have for ought I hear, half ended the controverfie. And having my felf written one Book (CathoL Theologie) for Reconciliation, I have not to this day bad a word of Contradiction, but the Coa- fent of very many. And as 1 before noted, Is not even in Lon- don where other differences might exafperate, yet this Contro- verfie almoftlaid to fleep ? But if our At minions will but get as fevere Laws and Canons made againft them that are not of their Opinions, as be againft them that dare not conforrri to the Dio- cefane Model and the reft, they (hall quickly fee this quarrel re- vived. The Articles of the Church of England determine not thefe Controverfies, and that is our Peace. Put in but one de- termining Article againft either fide, and it will break us more in pieces. Doth not our own Cafe and Experience then confute thofe over-doing Councils ? § 34. His next Inftance is that of the Wcftmmfter AfTembly,— So far from reconciling the People , that after this thy were di* {trailed ftratted into innumerable Schifms ? Never was there fo lament abl* a face of things , never facts variety of Herefe[ y and fuch Wan- tonnefs, and Extravagancy , in blafphemmg God under pretence of Religion and Confcience: And this is the State whither the fame manner of men are driving again, Anf..\. I fay again I knew fo many of that AfTembly, asthat I do noc think that the Chriftian World had ever an Afiembly of more able and truly pious Clergy-Men, thefe 1300 Years at Jeaft. But thefe Upftarts that knew them not can tell us any thing that Faction hath taught them to believe concerning them and others. The Parliament was by feeming necelTity drawn to gratifie the Scots : The Affembly, though Conformifts, all , fave Eight or Nine , were as fenfible as the Nonconformiits of the mifchiefs of filencing worthy Minifters, and forbidding After- noon Sermons, and fuch like 5 and they were as much againft Arminianifm and Popery as the Church of England was in A.Bp. Abbat's days, and as much as he againft the Doctrine of Main- waring and Sibthorp: And the Parliament abfolurely reftrained them from debating any thing but what they propofed to them 5 (b that they that were for the Primitive Epifcopacy had no li- berty to debatje it, or fpeak for it, but on the by. But when the Covenant was offered them againft Prelacy, they were about to enter a Proteftation againft it, and were ftopt only by limiting the renunciation to the Englifh frame defcribed in an explicato- ry Parenthefis. But for my part I think them much to be bla- med, that they did not , though againft that prohibition, re- folve to propofe fuch moderate healing terms to the Parliament as were agreeable to their judgments, or at leaft have teftifled againft the limiting of Church Concord to fuch narrow termes, as muft exclude fuch men as were for the Englifh Epifcopacy : They mighceafily have Known, that the number of fuch in Eng- land was fo grear, as that an excluding Law mull needs be an Engine of great Divifion 5 and that Conqueft .will not change mens Judgment*. And as I dot.: not but the five Diffenring Independents were greatly to blame, r making fuch a ftir for leave to gather their Churches, when nothing was impofed en them which they could accufe$ So J daabt not but the Afiembly were to be blamed formaking a greater nolle againft errours than they had caufe for. Their defire of Concord 3 which was good itfeJf, did raife B b them (ISO) them to too great Expectations of it, and too great impatience of little differences* They publifhed their Teftimony againft the errours of the times, in which they took in Dr. Hammond, and made many differerces worfe than they were , too like the old Hereticators. And they wanted that skill to compofe their differences with the Independents, as was needful to that end, and might have been attained. And will the faults of that Affem- bly jultitiethe far greater faults of others?" But 2. This fort of Hiftorians do much more differ from us about the matters of Fad, which our Eyes have dayly feen, yea,, about our own Thoughts and Minds, than about the Hiftory of the an- cient Church. The cafe was very far different from that which he defcribetb. Mr. Lawfon, a Conforming faith, [There was ne- ver better Preaching, Piety encouraged and encreafed, &c> than at that time. In all the Counties where I was acquainted, there were many young Orthodox faithful Preachers, that gave them- felves wholly to do good , for one that was ten Years before, and not any confiderable number noted for any immorality : We were in the County where I lived almoft all of one mind 3 for Epifcopal, Presbyterians and Independents uniting in that which they agreed in, and leaving all to Liberty in the reft, we lived in conftant Brotherly Love and Peace without DiiTention. I ne- ver knew of any of a divers Religion in all the County , fave at she end, in one or two corners about Twenty Quakers: And near me were about Twenty otherwife Orthodox, that denied Infant- Baptifm, (and perhaps as many more in the whole Coun- ty,) and Two or Three ignorant Socinians. In the next County i heard not of fo many Heterodox: Never did I fee, before or fince,fo much Love and Concord among Minifters, and all reli- gious People^ nor read of any Age that had fo much for 1300, Years. And whereas the common cry is, Oh, but they wtre all Rebels againft the King ! lhave named abundance of the Mi- nifters in mine Apology to Dr. Good, (who being Epifcopal was a Guide in our Meetings, and after fo accufed the Nonconforming and challenged him to name one of them that ever meddled with Wars. I knew none in ail the County that was in any Army fave the King's, Pave Mr. Hopkim of Eve/ham (dead) and my felf, and one that is a Conforming and one Independent (dead.) But it's true 3 that they were then fo fet upon Parifh Refor- mation and Concord, that they were more troubled at any one that W7) that did turn Quaker, oragainft Infant Baptifm, thanfomein- different Perfons are at Multitudes. And Iwasonethatdifputed moft againft them, and wrote againft fome diftant Antinomians, moftly Souldiers 5 But our Difputes fatisfied and confirmed all our Neighbours more than Prifons would have done. We punifh- ed none of them, and none of our People there turned to them. But Iconfefs we were commonly too little fenfible, how much hurtful Violence hindereth Concord, more than loving forbear- ance of tolerable differences. As too many were how much for Peace they fbould have abated of the Zeal for their private Opi- nions, which they thought to be better than they were. We were much like the days that followed the Apoftles, which had fbme troublefome Sectaries, but the main Body of Chriftians did cleave together in Love, till fuccefs had puft up a rebellious Army to make themfelves Rulers , to the Gonfufion of chem- felves and others. § 3j. At laft mentioning the common Diffentions of the Churches, he feems to refolve the Queftion, What then mufi be done f But he puts us off only with the Negative Anfwer 5 that Xjhe Rule, u e. of our Uniformity is not to be altered. And why ? *[We have no ajfttrance that we fh all find afiy Conformity to it more than we have now^\ Anf. ImuftnotcaJJ this Anfwer as it defer veth. i. You were about dealing otherwife with the Papifts : Dr. Heylm tells us how much they were to have altered for Con- cord : Mr. Thorndikj threatens the Land, if you alter not the Oath of Supremacy for them: The name of the Pope and And- Chrift bath been expunged for them 3 yet you faid not, We know not that they will come any nearer us. 2. By thefe meaflires a Rag or a Ceremony (hould never be abated for the Peace and Concord of any Church or Kingdom : You may ft'tll fay we are not furethat this will ferve thcin. The Pope may fay fo, where he refufeth to abate the (having of the Priefts Beard?, or the leaft of his Impofitions ; yea he knows •that would nor ferve.' They faid fo to the Bohemians four De- mands : They concluded fo at fir ft againft Luther. This very Ar- gument harh kept them from all Reformation. 3. Can you find nothing inyonrlmpofitions that in the nature of the thing; is worthy to be. altered? If not, you have more or lefs Wifdom thanBiflhop Morton, and the reft of the Church B b 2 Doctors, Do&Qrs who at iVeftminjler motioned fo many Alterations. If one (hould bur then move you to correct your knawn falfe Rule For finding Eafttrdaj, or to give Parents leave to be the firft Promifers for their own Children, and Godfathers but theirfe- conds, or not to deny Cbriftendom and Communion for that or a Ceremony : No, come on it what will, nothing muft be al- tered, left men ask more. And yet you preach againft Clergy Infallibility, (or fubfcribe at leaft. ) 4. Bur if you are fo much againft altering, why did you alter to our greater fuifering, and add as much more (yea five times morej to the former Task and Burden? You can no doubt fay fomewhat for all this. j. And when it is the fame things that the old Nonconformifts ftill asked, and we fince 1660 asktyetlefs, what reafon bad you to raife that fufpicion that we will not be fatisfied with what we ask. ? Have we given you any caufe ? If you mean that per- haps there be fome (till that may be unfatisfied , will you deny Peace to fo many that beg it of you, becaufe others will not accept it on their Terms i Or will you never agree with a- ny left fome difagreement (hould arife hereafter. Some Travellers were aflaulted by the high way by a Cap- tain of Sbuldiers, who took all their Money, Swordsand Hotter* and fwore he would kill them if they would not take an Oath to conceal him : One took the Oath to fave his Life, another fcrupledit: They begg'd his Mercy to reftore fo much as would bring them home: He askt them what would fcrisfie them: One would have his Horfe, another his Sword, another part of his Money. He told them , Ten are a Company of Rone a, that can neither agree what to ask^> nor give me affurance if Tgive yon this you will ask no more. I compare not the Authority but the Reafons of the Denial. § 36. But feeing no abatement of their Canons, &c. mu:r be granted^ what is it that muft caufe our Concord? He would not tell you; but it's difcernible what's left : It muft be no Concord but what Punilhment can procure : And whar punifhment ? Sharpe r than is yet tried 5 for that hath not done it: Such Concord as Tmullian nameth, Solitudwem faciunt & pacem vocant : The Concord in Spain is worfe than the Amfterdam toleration. Again I remember the great Fifh-Pond mentioned by Judge Hale, that had multitudes of Fifli and fries and at laft two final!- fffisJJ Pikes put in 5 when the Pond wa9 drawn there was never a Fifh but the two Tyrants (as he calls them) grown to a huge bignefs. The fear leaft Popery and Prelacy mould be the two Pikes, tempted men irregularly to covenant againft them. To have fuch variety as Rocb, Dace, Piercb, Tench, Carp ; made it a Schifmatical Pondj The two Pikes were againft Schifm and Toleration, and for ending the Divifion by reducing all to unity of Species. § 37. As to his Qneftion ofQu. Elizabeths days, the Intima- tion may feduce the ignorant, but none eife. 1. If he know not that it was the Subfcription required in the Canon?, (chat nothing in the Books is contrary to the Word of God, fcrupled, which broke the Peace and Concord of England, he is unfit by his Igr norar.ee to be an Informer of others. I have known many that would have yielded to come into the Conforming Church, if that one \vcrd bad been but forborn: For when any practice a~ gainft their Confciences about baptizing, Communion, or Bu- rials had filn in their way, they would have filently fhifted it off, or been from home, and have ventured toanfwer it, fo they could but confcionably have got in. But our Ganoneers are for all or nothing, 2. He is lure no Englifti Clergy-man, if he know not how much is laid on us, that was not known in the days of Qu. E//- zateth. Is it to inform men, or deceive tbem, that he nukes the difference to be between 36 and 39 Articles , and faith nothing of all the new Covenants, Declaration?, Oaths, Subscriptions, Doctrine and Practices ? § 38. Many make ufe pi Mr. Edwards Gangrena, and the Lon- don Minifteri Teftimony againft erroars, to prove the Kerefies and Confufions of the late times. No doubt all fin is odiocsr But few men living are more competent Witnefles of thofe things than I. The Errours that fprung up were much mere tenderly refented then than now. You now have many called Wits and Perfons of Quality, who at a Club difpute againft the Pi ovidence of God, the immortality of the soul, and a future Life 5 and there is neither Church- Admonition, Excommunication, nor any great matter made of.it , but they are Members of the Church of England, thepureft Church in all the World : Whereas in thofe licentious times,if one Souldier had fpoken fuch a Word, it would have rung out through the Land, and perhaps his Tongue would have have been bored with an hot Iron, It was the errours of the proud rebellious Soldiers that made moft of the noife, that had no confiderable number of Minifters left with them. I had a hand in Mr. Edwards Book thus: An Affembly of Minifters after Nafeby Fight fent me into the Army to try if I could reduce them. Dayly difputing with them, a few proud felfconceited Fellows vented fome grofs words. At Amerjham a few Coun- try Sectaries had fet up a Meeting in Dr. Crook* Church, to dis- pute and deceive the People : A few of Major Bethel's Troop (that afterwards turned Levellers and were ruined) joined with them : I met them, and almoft all day difputed againft them, and fhamedthem, and they met there no more. I gathered up all the grofs words which they uttered and wrote them in a Let- ter to Francis Tyton, and after I found them cited inMr.Edwards Gangrena. And what's the abfurd Speeches of a fewjgnorant Souldiers, -that aredead with them, to thcHerefies and Schifms that thefe 1000 or 1200 Years continue in all the RomarrCom- munion, and they fay in all the reft of theChriftian World. One cheating Papiftas a converted Jew got into an Anabaptifts Meet- ing, one Maxwell a Scot, and all England rung of it. But when Bidiops have made and keep France, Spain, Italy, 6Vc. in the fame Errours, Dr. Hejlin^ and Bp. Bromhall, and fuch others ., took them for fuch, with whom a Coalition on the terms by them defcribed was very defirable. CHAP. XXIV. His yth Chapter considered. % i.np H E Man had not the courage to defend the furgent A Prelacy in its Manhood and Maturity, but only in its Infant and Juvenile State 5 nor to defend the many hundred Councils which I mentioned after the Council of Calcedon, in which either his Modefty or Cauteloufnefs comes fhort of his Rd. Fathers, who fome of them own the fix flrft General Coun- cils, and fome of them eight, and fome would unite with the Church of Rome, if they will abate bat the laft 400 Years addi- tions, §2. In §2. In his Gleanings in this 7th Chap, he over, and over, and over perfuadeth hisReader,thac I make or affirm that [the Bps. were the caufe of all the Herefies in the world, and of alHhe Here- fies, Schifms, and Evils that have afflicled the Church \ And hath thisHiftorwn any proof of this ? Or is it the melancholy fiction of his Brain f Yes 5 this is his proof contrary to my manifold Inftances, becaufe I fay in one age > [We have a ftrange thing, a Herefie raifed by me that was no Bifhop: which I have anf.vered, before. To be then ftrange, and never to be at ail ; are nor words of the fame fenfe? But his Anfwers throughout do mind me of Seneca's Words* that a man that is fore complains (or cries Oh) when he doth but think you touch him. § j. He thus himfeJf accufeth the Biihops, p. 2-6. [There have keen wicked men and wicked Bifoopj in all times7\ And p, 277: fcThat feme Bi/hops have 'abufed their Authority and Office, and been the caufe of Herefie and Schifm cannot be denied^ But yec \_He hath (hewed fufficiently^ that mofl of my particular Accufati- ons are void of all truth and Ingenuity. ] Anf. Or el(c thofe words are fo. § 4. He faith All EtcUfiaftical Writers agree, that Simon Mn- gus was Author of the fir ft Herefie in Chriftian Religion^ Anfi All confefs that Judas was before him : And if it be a Herefie to buy the Spirit for Money, it is a Herefie to fell Chrift for Mo- ney. Butlccnfefsibme tell us of his after pranks at Rome y . and imitating Icarus, at Peters Prayers : If you would fee why Dr. More takes this for a toyifh Legend, fee his Myftery of Iniqui- ty, Lib. 2. C. 19. § 6, 7. p. 447, 448. § f. P. 286, 287. Baronim firit, and Vhilaftrim after, are made guiiry of Forgery and difregardable Hiftory y fo that I may well bear fome of his Cenfures. § 6. P. 290. To confute me effectually he faith much what the fame which is much of the fum of all my Book : And yec it's falfe and malicious in me, and true and charitable in him: viz.i [Praifing the firft 300 years, (when the Bifhops were fuch as we offer to fubmit to : ) he adds [ The following Ages were not fo happy; . but as Chrift ians generally degenerated fo did the B if. ops 1 00 [\ Anfi What ! Before the Council of N/« / That's a fad Con- fcflion. I was ready to fay as a Roman Etnperour faid to a flat- terer 3 that ftill faid all that he faid, [Die alind aliquid m duo fi- mtsj . -musf\ But his next words allay it, [But yet notfo much as cur An- ther would make it appear. ] As the Dominicans and Oratorians mufl fay feme falfhood of Calvine, left they be thought Calvi- nifts. And yet he addetb 3 [The beginning of the qth Century was very unhappy to the Church, for Terfecution Without , and Herefe and Schifm within. Meletius an Egyytian began a Schifm J forfook the Communion of the Church, &c. Next the Donatifts, Arians, 5rc] Anf. It feems that the Emperours Conftantim and Valens were without the Churchy and yet the Arian Pr lefts and Bifoops were within it. When he defineth the Church we may underftand this. But is it not this 4th Century that is made the Churches more fiouriming ftate by others ? § 7. Even the great Hiftorianof Herefies, Epiphanins, is faid p. 492. to be [unaccountably miftaken in fever al things relating to that Hiftory.\ And 293. hath [a ft range unaccountable miftake in diver fe other things relating to that matter.^] If I had at any time erred with fuch a Bifhop and Father 3 I might have bdi excufaWe for reciting his Hiftory. § 8. Pa£. 29^, He opens the very Heart Gf his Parties Prin- ciples, and faith, [ The Church is never diftracled more by aty ■ thing than Projecls of Moderation. ] Anf Experience proveth that you fpeak your Heart. The words are no wilful Lye which agree with a mans Mind, be they never fo falfe as difagreeable to the matter. No man was more of that Opinion than Hildebrdnd^ that would nor yield fhe Em- perours the Inveftiture 5 nor as I before faid, abate the Prince of Calans the (having of his Bifhops Beard to fave his Kingdom. Vitlor began with that Opinion too foon, but his Succeflbrs have thefeThoufand Years been as much for it as you can wifh. 2. But to whom is it that you intend this? Sure not to all : Was Bifhop Laud of that mind toward the Papifts if Dr. Hcylin fay true ? Was Grotim of that mind toward them \ Was Arch- Bifhop Bromhatt, Forbes, Bez.iar i Thorndike (and many more fachj of that mind ? No: Tie excufe you , that you meant not them and their Projecls of Moderation-. Nor I believe neither Caffander's, Erafmus's, Wicelius's, Sancla Clara's f Leander^s 3 dec. But towards fuch as I am, you have been as firm to that Prin- ciple as any one of our Enemies could wifli. In 1660, 1661. it was Ow Was moft effe&ually improved ; and you have attained much of the fruits then foretold : and ever fince have been unmoveably and prevailingly true to it. 3. But this miketh (ome men the Diftratlerj of the Church, if not the greateft, which truly I have better thoughts of: Suck as futtius , Par&iu , Amjraldm 5 Le Blank? , Davenant, Ward, VJher^ Hold/worth, Morton, Hall, &c. And lately when we were preparing for the Kings Return, Bp. Brownrig, and after his death Dr. Gawden, Dr. Gulfton, Dr. Allen, Dr. Bernard^ and diverfe fuch did offer themfelves to a Treaty for Moderation : And fince then Dr. Wilkjns, Dr. Burton, Dr. TiUotfon, and in di. ebm iilis Dr. Stillingfieet have been guilty of this crime, of di- ftratting the Church by projetls of Moderation : But I can name the Bps. that were not guilty of it. To abate or forfake theneceffary pofnts of Faith and Practice on pretence of Moderation, is to deftroy Chriftianity on pre- tence of Humanity or Peace. But to make Laws that men (hall preach with Horns on their Heads , to fignifie the Victory of Truth, and to ruine all that will not keep thefe Laws (much more if men fhould command worfe ) and to fay a Project for Moderation would diftract the Church, would be as far from Wifdom as it is from Moderation : And fome Prelates have done as bad as this. § 9. He confeffeth/?. 296. that by force and Fraud [the whole World in a manner was turned Arian.~\ And did I ever lay worfe of the Bifhops than this ? § 10. He maketh Aerius to fpeak againft Bifhops becaufe he could not be a Bifhop, fo that he was of a Prelatical Judgment and Spirit, and calleth him [JThe Cartwright of the times,"] by which if he mean that Cartwright would have been a Bifhop, it doth but tell us that hedeferveth little belief in hisHifto- § ir. He is a moft lingular Hiftorian , p, 303. in telling us, that after the Monothelites in following Ages of the Church the Devil ft art ed up but few Herejics till theje Ages,— Swenkjeldians, Anabaptifts, ore. By this I perceive he believeth neither Papifts nor Proteftants: For the Papifts name many Herefies fince, and the Proteftants fay that Popery is but a Conipofition of many Herefies , and name us many that coicur'd thereto. C c § 12. He U94) § 12. He there giveth me this ferious Admonition, [ It is a much greater wonder that any man that makes Conscience of what he faith, Jl:ould againfi ail truth of Hiftory , and again ft his own knowledge, charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World : that a per [on that feems Jo Jen fib ie of approaching Judgment, as fre- quently to put himfelf in mind of it—-Jhouldyet advance fo malici- ous and groundlefs an Accufation, There is no dallying with the all- feeing God— What Plea /hall be made for whole Booths full of Ca- lumny and Detraction, &c] jinf. This is not the Ieaft acceptable paffage to me in his Book ; Hove the man the better for Teeming ferious in the belief of Judgment; and I hope his Warning (hall make me fearch my Heart with fome more iealQufie and care. He feems here to be- lieve himfelf 3 but being my felf far more concerned than he is to know how far I am guilty ©f what I am accufed, as far as I can know my Heart and Writings, Tie tell the Reader what to judge of his words and me. 1. That I charge the Bifhops with all the Herejies in the World, never was in my mind 3 nor can I find it in any of my Writings : Yet this he very oftrepeateth : And fhould a man fo often write a falfhood about a thing viflble, and never cite the place where I fay it, and this while he is. thus ferioufly mentioning Calumny an4 Judgment, 2. Can he make men believe at once that I do perfuade men that Bifhops or Diocefanes came not up till about i jo years af- ter Chrift, and yet that I make them the Authors of the Here- fies that were in thofe times ? Non entis non efi aclio : Could Bi- fhops be Hereticks when there were no Bifhops? 3. If I had charged the Bijhops with all the Herejies, it follow- eth not that I had charged no one elfe with them, and made the Bifhops the fole Authors , and acquit People, Priefts, and Princes , why then doth he name many Monks and Priefts that were He- reticks f Or Emperours that promoted them, as if this croffed what I fay f Did he think that I excluded the Army if I blame the General, or the Prelatical Priefts when I blame the Prelates ? If I took the Bifhops of England to be the chief caufe of our Church-Schifms , and Calamities, doth it follow that I acquit fuchas you, and all the Clergy like you ? 4. That I have done this [againfi allTrmh of Hifiory'] which I tsarrfcribed out of the Councils and Hiftorians rnoft partial for the higheft Prclacie , is either a great untruth, and Unproved by him, or 1 know not what I read or write. j. That I do this againft my own Knowledge I am certain is an untruth. * 6. That my Accufations are malicious I zmeertain is untruth, as being able to fay that I fpeak in pitty to the Church, and to fave Souls from deceit, and malice no man ; but pray-vith the Liturgy 5 that God will forgive our Enemies, Ferfecutors a And Slanderers , and turn their Hearts, 7. That I have brought any Groundlefs Accusation I muft take for an untruth 5 till my Grounds produced are better confu- ted. 8. Much more that I write whole Books full of Calumny and Detraction, All thefe and more untruths being heapt up with the mention of Death and Judgment, tells us whither Fattion and Prepof- fcflion may carry men. 2. But what is the truth I (hall again briefly tell the Readers i. About 2000 of fuch Minifters as I confidently take for the moft fpiritual , and confcionable and devoted to God and the good of Souls are filenced, and in Law imprifoned and ruined; and all the People of their mind are iffofatlo (if they confefs it) excommunicated, befides their other penalties. I accufe not the Law but mention only the matter of Fa& , which the K, once cornmiflioned Bps. to have prevented. 2. The Kingdom is dolefully divided, and alas, the (ad con-; fequents are not to be named. 3. Befides all our Penalties the Bifhops accufe us as thecaufts of all, and as wilful Schifmaticks, and call for the Execution of the Laws againft us. 4. We fay, we dare not do that 5 which when ever they will give us leave, we are ready to give our reafons why we take it for heinous fin againft God, and tending to the ruine of the Church : nor dare we forfake our Miniftry while the Churches necefTities are to us paft doubt. 5. We beg of them but to abate us fome needlefs Oaths, and Covenants, and Profeffions, and a few things called indifferent by the Impofers, that we may all live in Chriftian Love and Peace , and we offer them as unqueftionable fecurity for our Pcaceablenefs, Loyalty, and Orthodoxnefs, as the faid Oaths, Proraifcs,or Profeffions can be. C c 2 6. They 6. They tell us, Nothing is to be abated us, and we ntufi ceafe f>reaching,t he Rule mufi not be altered-, we will do more harm in the > Church than out ; Projecls for Moderation moft difiratl the Church 5 . There is no Concord or Liberty to be expected, but by our total obe- dience to the Bijhops-, It is obeying the Church, yea the Vniverfal Church of Bijhops, that is the only way to Concord, 7. To confute this Suppofition, which is the root of our Ca- lamities, I tranfcribe out of Hiftory and the Ads of Councils, how great a hand in the Schifms, and Herefies, and Confufions. of.Chriftians, thofe Bifhops have had, who have fwelled upa- bove the primitive, fpecies, by vaft DiocefTes , Wealth , andv claim of Government over other Churches and Biftiops 5 and that it is notorious that this Grandeur and exorbitant power of Bi- fhops, fingly or in Councils, hath been fo far from keeping the, Church from. Schifms, that it hath been one of the greateft caufes of the Schifms of moft Ages, fince fuch a fort of Prelacy fprung up 3 and that Popery came not up in a day, but rofe from, thai Juniority to its prefent Maturity, This was my work, § 1 3. He truly tells you, that the Original of ailmif chiefs k the Lufis that war in our Members^ and not this or that Order of Men^ When the World had a good Pope, if God would blefs.that. Order of men, fome think he might do more good than any other man. But he hath toucht the Core of the Churches, Mala- dy. Verily, the grand Strife is between the ity/kand Spirit, ths feed of the Serpent and of the Woman: And if Patriarchs and Di- ocefans were but as much fet on the promoting of a holy and heavenly Life, as thofe Minifters are whom they filence and im- prifon, they, might do. muchgood, though .the largenefs oftheif Diocefs render them uncapabfe of performing the 40th part of a true Bifliops Work, No doubt but Bifhop Mall, and Potter , and Vfher, &c. did much good, by fuch preaching* writing, and good living, as others ufe that are no Bifhops. But will fire burn without fewel ? And will it not burn ifcom- buftible fewel be contiguous f Do not the Lufts that war in our Members live, upon tha,c food which we, are forbidden to pro- vide ? Do you think that the £#/?' of the Flefti doth not more defire Riches than Poverty., Honour than a low Eftate, Domi- nation over others, to have our Will on all, than humble Sub* jeftion ? Where the Carkafs is there will the Eagles be gather- ed 097) td. Do -not you your felf fay , that the Bifheps and Church' grew more corrupt after the third Century? Do you be- lieve that when a Bifhops Power was made equal to a great Lords, or more, and all his Pomp and Riches anfwerahle, that the Luft of the Flefh would not more greedily defire ir, than it would defire a meer mediocrity ? Or that a worldly proud man would not feek more for Lordfhip and Grearnefs, than a Sjnefiw, and fuch others as you fay fled from it ? If the poor retired Monks were as bad as you make them, what wonder if great Lordly Bifhops were much worfe ? Will not the fire of Luft grow greater as the fewel is greater ? I am fatisfied that Riches and Power well ufed, may greatly ferve the. Intereft of Religion : But two things muft be confi- dered. i. That the greatefl Power and Wealth being far more defired by carnal Worldlings, (that is, by bad men) than by mortified heavenly minded men, the more men defire them, the more eagerly they will feek them by Friends, Flattery 3 or any means : and therefore the liker they are.to attain them , except when the choofers are fome refolved godly men. And ib which way can a Succefllon of the worft men be avoided ? But a mediocri- ty that doth not to the Flefh overweigh the labours and diffi-. culties of the facred Office, will encourage the good, and not much tempt the bad : Or if good men will be never Co bounti- ful to pious ufes, their bounty and Church-Lands may better maintain Labourers enough for the work, than be made a fnare to one. 2. And that Power which depopulated and deftroys its end,, is unlawful in its very ftate, as well as in its ufe. The Power of one man to be folePhyfician to the City, and to have none but Apothecaries under him $ or of one man to be the only School- Mafter in the County, and have none but Ufhers under him, is rather to be called Deftruttion than Power. It is Bifhops cafting aut Power that I am againft, that is, the neceflary Power of the Keys in the Parifh Minifters, or putting down neceflary Bifhops 5 and alfo a Power to filence Cb:i ft s faithful Minifters, and deprive Souls of the neceflary means, by impofing things, needlefs in themfelves, and finful in the receiver, that after his.. beft fearch believes them fuch. Seeing then that we are agreed, that it is the Lnfi that war- ret hr retkinmeny that is the corrupter of the Church, let burthe face of the whole Romane Clergy thefe iooo Years at leaft tell us, whether it be not the fuelling of the Power and Wealth of Bi- (hops, that hath caufcd fo long a Succeflion of a worldly, luftfuf, tyranical Clergy. § 14. And he truly faith, [p. 306. that the generality of men when they have gained Wealth and Honour , are commonly willing to fecure the enjoyment ofthofe Pojfeffions, by letting things run in their ordinary courfe. ( The Spanrfh Proverb is , The World if a Carryon, and they are Dogs that love it t and they will fnarle at any that would take it from them, and if it lie in the Ditch, Dogs rather than Men will gather about it : and its pitty fuch men fhould by fuch a Bait be tempted into the facred Chair.) And he truly adds, that Repulfe and Difappointment will end fuch mens Patience. For really as the man is, fuch are his defires : It is not only turgent Prelacy but a Prelatical Spirit that troublerh the Church : And If Novatianus or Arius would fain be a Prelate, it is in his heart} and no wonder if he be a Schifmatick } Trahit fua quemque vo- luptas. Appetite is the Spring of Adion. All the Popes Clergy are much of his mind 5 for they participate of his worldly Inter- eft, and depend on him, and therefore participate of the Papal Spirit. The Intereft of the General and Army are conjunft. § 15. And its true that he faith, that the Btjhops Intereft oh- ligeth him to maintain Peace andVnity. And fo no doubt from that fenfe of Intereft it is endeavoured, in Italy, Spain, France 9 Germany, &c. when a ftrong man armed keeps his houfe, the things which hepoffefTeth are in Peace. But whether therefore the People did ill that forfook the Bifliops and followed Lu- ther j or are all bound to cleave to the Bifhops Unity 3 is the doubt. § 16. Whether it be true, p. 310 that very few if anyone were Bijhops when they turned Hereticks, I have enquired in the Pre- face; though if they afcended from Herefie to Prelacy it's all one to me. But by this I conjefture that he taketh fewer for Hereticks than others do, and that he pretends acquaintance with their minds, in that antecedent part of their Lives which no Hiftory mentionetb. I confefs I think that for the moft part men are Papifts before they are Popes or Papift BiC >ps: And yet I think that it is firft the defire of Papal and Prelatical Gran deur* (*99) deur 9 and next the Exercife of it, which is the cau(e of SchiCm and Perfecution. § 17. I verily believe as he doth, that Platonick Philofophy, and a willingncfsto win the Heathens by compliance, had a great hand in corrupting many Do£trines j and not only Monk* but others of the moft religious Chriftians, had a great hand in ma- ny of the ancient Superftltions, efpecially thofe that tended to the over-honouring of their Martyrs, and too much advance- raentof their Bifhops, when they came newly from under the Perfecution of the Heathens. But it came not to be univerfal, nor the Engine of great Corruption and cruelty, till theBifhop* turned all into a Law. Who could make any of all this neceffa- ry, but Pope, Prelates, or Princes, who pretended a Legifla- tive Power hereto ? Even Luther and MelanBhon were indifFe- rent to diverfe Ceremonies, fo they were made to be indiffe- rently ufed. But when they are made neceflary by a Law (fpe- daily more neceflary to a Minifter than his Mmillry, and to a private Cbriftian, than his Church Communion, who doth more vehemently condemn them than they ? § 18. That Pafchafiu* Radbertns was the firft that broached the Doctrine of Tranfubftantijitio&^ is a doubtful exprcftion. Ei- ther he meaneth the Name or only the Thing under another Name. If the latter, he will do more'than Edm. Albertinus, or Bg. Confius have done, if he prove it: If it be the name that he meaneth, I think (by my Memory, for I will not for that go read him all over) that he will not find the name in RaSertw? nor any where before Stephana Eduenfis, about 130 years after him: and that all that he can truly fay, is but as Bellarmme doth, £Hic Author primus fait qui ferio. & copiose fcripfit de veri- tate Corporis & Sanguinis Domini in Euchariflia contra Bertra- mum Prefbyterum, § 19. That the Bifhops charged by me with theje Corrupt ions , vpere the only Oppofers of them that we find in antiquity , as we may- fee in the Canons of Africk and Spain,] is a faying very near kin to much of his Hiftory: I confefs that fo few Presbyters in comparifon of Bifhops were publick Actors," whofe Judgments were nctified N to the World, that ft'sno wonder (after Gonftan- tine's time) if there be more proofs of their words and deeds than of other mens: But there are a great number of excellent men here flandered againft the credit of all Church-Hiftory, and their (loo) -their own Writings yet in our hands. Would it be worth tte Readers Price and Labour, I could fwell my Book with the proof that what he fpeaketh is untrue. Did he think that I could not prore that Juftin Martyr, sithenagoras, Tatianw, lertulli- an $ Clemens AUxandrinm, Origene, Arnobim, Latlantim^ Ma- carius, Mat emus Pirmkus i Ephrem Syr us, Fauflinus, Hierome, Ruffinus, Prudent ins, Sulpitius Severus, Sedulius , Mammertus y Cajfimus, Ftncent. Lirinenjis, Socrates^ Soz.omcv 9 Ifodore Pelkfi- ota y &c. did fomething in opposition to fome Church- Corrup- tions ? Though fome of them promoted fome others : Yea_, An- tonie and abundance of Monks that furthered fome, oppofed others no lefs dangerous: Though many of them may be accu- sed as BelUrmine doth Sulpit. Severus^ for faying, Ecclefiam au- yo non firuifed deftrui. Judge oftimepaft by what we fee; Is it only the Bifhops that are againft the Popes Church-Corrupting Ufurpation in Italy , Spain tFrance^&c, Is it 00/7 the Bifhops that are againft the Mafs Corruptions, and againft all their corrupt Do&rines of Indul- gences, Purgatory, Images, &c. and againft all their Ceremo- nies, and prophanc abufe of holy things ? Was it only the Bi- fhops at Confiance and Bafil^ that were againft fupprefling the Bohemian and Moravian Reformation ? In the end ofLydius up- on Prateolus you may read a Letter fubfcribed by fo great a number of Lords and great men , for John Hhs, and Hierome , and the Reformation, which yetprevailed not with the Bifhops, as will tell you who was then the greateft Oppofers of Church- Corruption,, And I think Princes and Drs. oppofed it more than Bps. in Luther's time. Is it onJy the Bifhops that have oppofed warping towards Rome for Church-Unity t Have none but Bi- fhops been againft corrupting the Churches, by filencing good Minifters and ordaining bad ones f The things that are, have been, I confefs our difference is great on the cafe, what is to be accounted Church-Corruption. For that whfch in one Country go- eth for Corruption, in another (yea the famej goeth for Church- Glory, Strength^and Beauty $ Our main difference is about what's good, and what's bad; what's Virtue* and what's Vice. § 20. He next comes to Sedition , and askerh [What Reign have they diftur bed here with their Sedition?"] And becaufe he knoweth that I can refer him to the large Volume of tbfir Trea- sons written by Prin y and abroad to the many Volumes in Gol~ daftus, (lOl) daft us, and the many Hiftories of the Wars of Popes and Coun- cils againft Emperours,] he prevents all my Proof with a down- right Untruth, that [ " If a man be not blind he may fee that my u Hiftory is only defined against Trot eft ant Bifioops under a general €t name. An/ Was it not enou gh fo grofly to write this Untruth of me 3 but he muft alfo reproach all the Readers as blind that will noc judge falfly of what they read? Doth he know my meaning bet- ter than my felfi* He knoweth that I plead for the Primitive Epifcopacy, and that I profefs to intend this Hiftory moft to difc cover the Rife, Growth, and Maturity of the Popifh deftrurtive fort of Prelacy. Readers, can you believe this man, that I wrote the cale of the Bifhops before and under Popery , and of the Popes, and of above Five hundred Councils, and all thefe be- fore the name of a Proteftant Bifhop was known in the World, and as he faith, gathered their faults, and a'l this only againit the Proteftant Bifhops, and not againft Popes or Prelates, or any of the Councils that I named? Perhaps he would tempt me to refer him to the Hiftory of Bifhop L ana's Tri a!, or ro what Bifhcp Abbot, George and Ro- bert, Bifhop Hall and others faid againft him: Or to tell him of A. Bp. Williams Arm s for the Parliament But thefe are not Sub- jects fit for our Debates. § 21. P. 3 18. When I fay, that where Prelacy with the Pa- pijts is at the higheft, Princes are at the low eft. Ke asketb, Is it the Bifroop or the Pap ft that is here to blame ? \ Is this the effect of their Order ? Anf. 1. I thought the Pope of Rome and the Bifhop of Rome had been the fame. 2. But this Corrector of Hiftory taking Untruths not only into the Completion, but the Stamina and Scope of his Book, among all the reft fuppofeth me to (peak againft 4 Bifhop as a Bifloop , when I have troubled hi in with my repeating fo often that I am for Bfkcps, and that it is not the Office but the tumor, and that tumor that maketh another /pedes which 1 oppofe. Doth he not think that the Popes Bi- /hoprickis faulty (yea, as a corrupt /pedes?) And as it is more tumid than the Patriarchs, is not the Patriarchs inore tumid than the Metropolitans , and that than the Diocefanes ? And if Dr. Hammond were not deceived , who thought that there were no /fated worshipping Ajfsmbliesm Scripture times without a prefent P d Bijhofa (20Z) ip , is not the fole Bijhop of a Thoufand or a Hundred fuch \ts different from a Bifhop of One only t And if many Ca- nons fp^k truly, that fay a Bifhop fhould be in every City that hath a Church, and every great Town like our Corporations and Market Towns was called a City, doth not a Bifhop of one Ci- ty, and a Bifhop of 50, or 40, or 10, differ fo far, that a man may be againft one without being againft the other? Doth he Ipeak againft Patriarchs that fpeaks againft the Pope ? Or againft Diocefanes that fpeaks againft Patriarchs ? Or againft the Primi- tive Bifhops that fpeaks only againft fuch Diocefanes as put them all down, and all their Churches, and almoft all true Difcipline of fuch Churches, like Erafiians. §22. P. 319. 322. His Charge on Socrates and Sc&cmene (fha- king thecredit of Church-Hiftory ) as writing that [which no reasonable man can believe as it is related by them, without loving a malicious Lye 7\ I fpake to before : If fuch Hiftorians believed not what they write or loved a maliciom Lye$ alas, whom fhall we believe ? Is he better than they ? And his note that Valefins judged Ettfebius Nicomed no Here- ticket I before noted. But I will follow that cafe no further, left he fhould draw me to feem to charge the ancient Bifhops with fedition, whom I ne- ver intended fo to charge 5 but only to defire thofe that can ex- cufe the Language e. g. of Gregory the great to Phocas, of Am- brofe to Ettgenius, of the Bifhops to Muximm , and many fuch like, not implacably to reproach and hunt thaft that did no more or not fo much. §23. His full Stomach difchargeth itfelf againft me three times over with one charge, P. 3 14, 320, 352. [Oliver Crom- well and his Son, the David and Abfalom of Mr % B.] And [ He compares the mofi barbarous villain in the World to King David, in his Epiftle to his Son* Anf. Reader if there be no fuch word in any of my Writings, after all thefe Accufadons of this man and many fuch other, I mull leave it to thy felf how thou wilt name thefe men, their Hiftory, and their dealings j for if I name them they will fay I rail. Yea , what if this very man fit's eafie to know why and whence) doth even here, p* 352. &c. reprint the very Epiftle which he thus accufetli! and cite no fuch word, to tell us that he he knew there was no fuch word there, and yet thus affirmeth it, what will you call this ? The words cited by himfeif are thefe, [ " Many obferve that cC you have been ftrangly kept from participating in any of our late €S bloody Contentions, that God might make you a Healer of our Had I [aid " Breaches, and employ yott in that Temple Work^ % which David ™b& ktbh « c himfeif might not be honoured with, though it was in his mind, be- J^ P ub ~ g * caufe he hadjhed blood abundantly, and made great Wars. I Chr.^ their chief 22.7,8.] Dr's Elegy Is here ever a word of Oliver? Is he here called David* Did u P on Oliver I not purpofely fay, I David himfeif ] and cite the Text, left g^ any fhould feign the fame that he doth ? Any man may fee that t \ Krs ) w ^ he hath nothing to fay, but to accufemy Thoughts,, and fufpcCtjhouldihave that I had fuch a meaning. And who made him acquainted with he , ard / mj i Thoughts that were never uttered ? Or made him a Judge of ftSS/ them ? If bis and other mens thoughts may be thus by conjecture fiattoJo- accufed, no Enemy need to want matter of Accufation. liver, while It'* like he will appeal to my Confcience whether it were not J °? m Jj &f m my thought f And 1. By what authority will hefo dof 2. But^*£>^ I will fhrive my felf to him this once. It is fo long fince, that fattioJtmr truly I remember not what was in my Thoughts, any fur- malice hath ther than my words exprefs: But I well remember my for- &>* the hax- mer Heltons, and what was then my judgment of Oliver ^* and his Anions, and I ufe not to fpeak againit my judgment. Many knew that he being acquainted the firft day that I went into the Army, f which was after Nafeby Fight) that I was fenc by an AffcmbJy of Divines, to try whether I could turn the Sol- diers againft his fubverting Dcfigns, (then firft difcovered to me,) he would never once fpeak to me while I was in the Ar- my; and that ever after I was driven away, I openly in Pulpit, Prefs and Conference difowned, and warned men to difown his A&ions againft King and Parliament, and his Ufurpation ; and that I wrote againft the Engagement; And therefore I do not think that ever I meant to call him David, and I am fure I ne- ver did it. But they fay old Men can fee better afar off than near at hand 5 and fo all thefe notorious Untruths about vifible prefent things, may yet confift with fuch mens credibility about things faid and done 1300 Years ago. § X4- And now I am here, I muftnot pafs by his friendly Ad- monition, p, 3J7, after his reciting my Epiftles, [" If I were as D d 2 " worthy (2 04) u worth) to advife Air. B. a$ he was to adv'tft Cromwell, / would u fay. It were much more advisable for a Chnftian, fpecially for ct one that thinks he is fo near his eternal State , to repent ar>d cry " peccavimus, than to ft and on fuftifaation of the fail, &c. ] Anf i. It was ufual for men to choofe their own ConiefTours: But it being the Cuftom of the times for Paftors and ConfefTors to be forced on Dilfenters, I will fubmit now to your way though my former ConfefFions and my Communion with you have been turned to Reproach and Scorn. i. I do daily beg earneftly of God, to let none of my fins be unknown to me, and taken for no fin 3 and be unrepented of; and that he would forgive that which I would fain know,, and do not. 2. I do not repent of owning Oliver's Aclions againft King and Parliament, or his Ufurpation; for Inever.^owned them , nor the Actions of them that fct up his son. 3 . I do not repent that I loved the Peace of the Church, and thatldefired the Governour, though a Ufurper, (hould do good and not evil. / 4. I do not repent that feeing the Armies Rebellions andCor?- fufions, I ftirred up Rulers and People to take heed of favouring fo great Sin. j. But I do now by experience of other ways perceive that I was fometimes too eager in aggravating mens Errours 3 and re- pent that I ufed not more forbearance of fomc of my Accufati- ons of fome of them. 6. I did think that Richard Cromwell was an Ufurper : But when we had been twelve Years at leaft without a rightful Gc- vernour, I then thought as T'homas White, albs BUcklow\ the moderate Papifh, wrote, that the Land could not fubfifr in Soci- ety without fome Government, and that No-Government is worfe to the People than a Vfurpedone: And that it is fomtime lawful to ftibmit and -ufe an Ufurper, when it is not lawful to approve his Entrance. And wherein I was deceived I am willing to be better informed. 7. But I do unfeignedly repent that I wrote thofe two Epiftles , though it was to put a man on to do good, whom I never [aw ^ nor ever had the leaft to do with. 8. And I do more repent of the caufe of all, viz. that I ap- pointed God a time, and limited his Providence; and thought that (10)) that becattfe (o many Armies and Endeavours bad failed Twelve or Fourteen Years \ that had attempted the refrorirg of the King, therefore there was no probability of accomplifhir.g it : I do not repent that I was not a Propher, to know before what God would do $ for it was not in my power 5 nor do I repent that I preached Chrifts Gbfpcl under Ufurpers j but I repent that I waited not Gods time, and did not better confidcr that want of humane Power is no hinderance to Omnipotency, and nothing is difficult to him. 9. I was drawn too far by Mr. Harringtons Scorn, and the diflike of Sir Henry FanSs Attempts for a Common- Wealth, to meddle with matters of Government, and to write my Politi- cal Aphorifms, called,, A Holy Common-Wealth: kvA I do un- ftignedly repent that ever I wrote and publifned it, and had not more confined my fclf to the matters proper to my Calling, and Jet thole meddle with forms of Government who were titter for ir. Ail thcfe 5 befides what's formerly faid to Mr. Bagjlja\v> I de- clare my unfeigned Repentance of. And though it pleaferh you to feign me a Schifmatick, and hater of Repentance, ( for (peak- ing againftthe fault- that needed it) I fhall thank you to be a real helper of me in f) neceflary a work as Repentance i?. An J that I may do the like by you, I (hall now only require you wich this Advice , that before you write nexr 5 you wift fet before your Eyes the Ninth Commandment, Thm.Jhalt not bear fa Ifs Witnefs againft thy Neighbour : And that when you fay your Prayers, you would be ferious when you fay , Lord have ALrcy upon us, and encline our hearts to keep this Law. § if. A Roman Zeal tells us, that FacTion and Schifm, when animated by worIdIyInrereft,and grown up to a malignant hatred of the things and perfonsthat are averfe to it, is hardly bound- ed, but is thriving up towards deftructivc Perfecution, as fuel- ling Prelacy did towards the Papacy and the Incjuifition. It is not one or two Fifties that will fatisfie the ftomach of a Pike: Nor is it the llandering or ruining of one or two men, or filen- cingof one or two of the Minifters of Chrift, that will fatisfie a malignant Spirir. One Meal will not make a lean Man fat. Whe- ther there be a Legion in thofe that would deftroy a Legion of Chrifts Servants, or one have Co much Power I know not - x but the effects tell us whop manner of Spirit they are of. But let the Papifts pafs. § %6 t . §26. When I read ^.33 7, and 398, 359. and fuch paffages, it makes me think of them that cried , [ His Blood be on us t and our Children,"] together with our Judge's words, [ In as much as jou did it or did it not to one of the leaft of thefe my Brethren, you did it or did it not to me.] P. 337. he faith, [ " There is great " reafon to value the peaceable Reft ^nation of the Nonconformifts, c c when we confider by what V fur pat ion and Violence they were brought " in, and what a number of worthy learned Minifters were turned " out to make vacancies for thefe men, who were to inftrutl the Peo- u pie in new Myfteries of Religion^ which their old Paftors had not " the Confcience or Ability to teach them, that is, of the lawfulnefs " of Rebellion.-- And p. 3j8, &c. There were many of thofe Mini- ii certain by the word of God that they arc undoubtedly faved. We fay nor that the Law binds us to any of the evil which wc fear : But we dare not take Oaths and Promifes which we un- derftand nor. Abundance I pretermit. E c He He is extreamly cenforious if he think that Mr. R. Hooker, Bp. Bilfon^ Bp. Grindaly A. Bp. £. ^^r, Bp. p*w*/, 6cc. would have been Conformifts had they been now- alive. X. He faith, [They chofe rather to leave their Livings.^ Anf They chofe not to conform, but fubmitted only to leave their Livings ; Eligere efi agere. They were paffive in this, they re- fufed to conform as fuppofed by them a heinous Sin^ but they chofe not to be filenced orcaft out ; but they chofe to endure it . when the Bifhops chofe it for them. X I. He faith, that fobs Bifhops could not help it any other- wife than as they were Al embers of Parliament. Anf. i. 1 confefs Scripture ufeth the like Phrafe , Can the Leopard change his Spots, sec. or they that are acctiftomed to do evil learn to do well? And Rom. 8, 6, J. The carnal mind is enmi- *.y again ft God, for it is not fttljetJ to his Law, nor can le.~\ I will not hereitoo much contradict him, 2. But is it nothing that they could have done in Parliament, had they been willing? 3. Is it unlawful for us to know if he know it not, or derry it, how much the Bifhops and Clergy did with the Parliament- Men ? 4. He (hould at leaft have Itayed till Dr. Bates, Dr. facomb, and I are dead, who wrote and difputed with the Bifhops by the Kings Commiffion, before he bad talkt at this rate to the World. Did not the King make his Declaration about Ecclefiaftical Af- fairs ? And did he not under the broad Seal commiffion thofc Bifhops and Doclorsto treat with us for the making ft.ch altera- tions as were neceffary to tender Confciences t Did they not main- tain that« and hundreds of fuch I might name. The moft malicious are fain to talk of one Knox, or one Goodman, or one Junius Brutus, (that is, Hubert us Languetus Mclantthons friend) or fomewhat in Bu- chanan, not the tenth part fo much as k commonly faid by the JPapfts, wich whom our A.Bp. Bromhall and his Companions fo much plead for Concord. 4. Doth not Al. Cope 3 and Sandys, and Patefon in the Image oj both Churches, and lately the nomi- nal Bellamy in his Philanax Anglicus, and many more iucb, fay all the fame of theBilhops and Church of England, and all that they deride *%{Prot eft ants of Sincerity"] as guilty of far more re- bellious Principles and Practices, than evjer you can prove by the meer Nonconformifts old or new ? And is it enough to accufe ? E e 2 " XIV. He XIV. He faith, The.) wotud preach but they would net conform tethe eft Abli fl:ed Religion. An], i. But why mould they be forbidden to preach (which was good and they were devoted to? ) If a man will not do ail that you would have him to do, fhajl he do nothing f 2. What was that which he calleth the hftabUJhed Relighn? It was the Ceremonies, atrd Subfcription, that there is nothing in the Liturgy contrary to theWera of God.~] And was this a Crime worthy the forbidding men to preach 'the Gofpel? Or why fhould the Souls ofThoufandsof the Innocent People be fo hea- vily punifhed for another mans omiflion , even becaufe the Teachers fear Conformity. 3. But ftill we fee what thefe mens Religion is: Had their ReligioLbeen the Scripture, or any Doctrine or Woifhip com- mon to the Chriftian or Proteftar.t Churches, the old Noncon- formifts willingly confented to it. But here they (hew that their. Ceremonies and proper Liturgy forms are their Religion. But then 1. Why do Dr. Barges and all that plead for your Cere- monies and Invention, build all on this, that you make them not any parts of Worfhip or Religion, ( which they confefs man may not invent) but meer accidents ? 2. How old then \$your Religion} Your Liturgy was made fince Luther began his Refor- mation. 3. It feems then that you are not of the fame Religi- on with the Protectants that have none of your Ceremonies, Li- turgy or Subscriptions. 4. Is not then your Church of a Angu- lar Religion from all the World, and confequenr'y a lingular Church ? And is it the whole Catholick Church then , or a Schifmatical Church ? I confefs that you (hew more evidently than by fuch words, that your felf made Rules and Circumftances are your Religion : For 1. You make Conformity to them to be de fatlo more neceffary than our Preaching the Gofpel, or our Church Com- munion or any publick Church Worfhip of God. 2. And you excommunicate by your Rule or Canon every Member of Chrift in England, that doth but think and fay 3 that any thing of your Impofition, Liturgy, Ceremonies, or Govern- ment are finful. 3. And yet when you have done you call all your I mpofmons things indifferent. 4. And thereby you declare that your Religion in part is a thing indifferent. 5-. And no Man or Woman fhall be of your Church that cannot know all the in* different dtjferm things in tne vvqyla wmcn may oc impoiea on rue m, ro be Indifferent and not Unlawful; when you knew for you know not whom you- dwell amongj that we have much adoe to get one half your Church to know things necrffarj, 6. The Papifts that put a greater necefFity on their Inventions will deride you for an Indifferent Religion. There was a poorPuritane Nonconformift that feared Lying, ^that went about the Streets with Ink to fell, and was wont tru~ ly to cry, ^JTerj good In k^, very good I n^'] b'ut once his Ink a little milcarried, and he durft not call it \Jfery goodf]bi\t cried, Pretty' good Ink^, Pretty good lr\^ and no body woulj buy ot him 5 and he loft his Ink. And if you cry up [An indifferent Re- ligionf] whatever you have for numbers, you will have for qua- lity but an Indifferent Churchy ( fave our Rulers. ) XV. But he adds, [Many of them weald preach again ft it And their Governours too. ] *dr,f. i. You tempt them towards it. If I askfne Butcher [Is yo:tr Meat fweet? ] and he fay it is indifferent , I am excusa- ble if I think it (links. 2. They judge by the effects: They thought that when an indifferent thing cafteth cur a necelfary thing, it become-s naught. 3. But yet your Accufation is un- faithful : Why did you not fay then, that it was not for Non- conformity that men were caft our, but for preaching again ft your Religion? Who were thofe? Was it proved? If lb, what was that to the reft ? Dj you punifh many learned moderate men for the fault of a few others that they were not concerned wirh ? You now al ledge Mr. Hilderfham, Ball, Bradjhaw, Bdine t Knew- /tabs, and abundance fuch , for being againft Separatitm, and perfuading men to come to the Common- Prayer, (and many of them to kneel at the Sacrament,) and yet when you plead for their Silencing, even other mens words may ferve againft them. XVI. To conclude, in all he layeth thecaufecf their filence on themftlves for not conforming, and vet will not teiius whar we fhould do to help it. Would they have us Conform while we judge it as finful as I have mentioned in my firft lica for Peace? Noj they profefs the contrary. Would they have 11$ believe all to be lawful ? We cannot : Our Judgments are not at cur Command : What would they have us do to change? Worldly Litereftmaks us too willing! Weftudy as hard as they ! We we earnettiy Deg uocis illumination to lave us trom krrour We read all that they write to convince us : And the more we read, ftudy, and pray, the more heinous the Sin of Conformity feems to fome. I askt Bp. Morlly the fame queftion when he for- bad my preaching, before the ejeftibg Act; and he bid me read Bilfon and Hooker : I told him that was not now to do : and in both of them I found the Principles which are made the caufe of my Silencing, my grcateft Crimes, and in one of them wor(e» He then told me, IfGodwould net give me his Grace he could not help it'. And yet moft of thefe men are againft fatal, repro- . b&ting, nt'cejfttating Decrees. The imposing Papifts ufe men Worfe : Of whom will you par- don a Fable. A Bee and a FLe were catcht together in a Spiders Web : The Spider when they were tired with ftriving, claimed them both for her Food, as a punifhment for breaking into and troubling her Web : And againft the Bee (he pleaded that (he was a hurt- ful Militant Animal, that had a Sting; and egainft the Flic that fhe was noifome and good for nothing. The Bee anfwered that her nullifying Nature and work was profitable, and Nature had armed ber with a Sting to defend it. And theFIie faid, asdic- did little good fo (he did little harm, and could make her felt no better than Nature had made her. And as to the Crime al- ledged againft them, they both faid, that the Net was made by a venomous Animal, (pun out of the Air and the Venom of Iter own Bowels, made for no ufe but to catch and deftroy the In- nocent, and they came not into it by malice, but by ignorance and miftake, and that it was more againft their Will than againft the Spiders, for they contrived not to fall into it ; but (he con- trived to catch them $ and that it was not to break the Net that they ftrove, but to fave their Lives. The Mafter of the Houfe overheard the Debate , but refolved to fee how the Spider would judge, which was quickly done without more words ; flic took thern for Malefactors, and killed them both, The Ma- fter of the Houlc Co dill iked the Judgment, that he ordered that for the time to come, 1. The Bees (hould be fafely hived and cherifhed. 2. And the Flies, if not very noifome, (hould be tolerated. 3. And all Spiders Webs fwept down. I need to give you no more of the Expedition of it, than by the Spider I mean the Papal noxious Canon-makers, and that by the (M5) the Net I mean their unneceffury and enfiariag Urwi and which are made to catch and deftroy good menyand are the • to on the other fide 5 and as Dr. Mainwaring, Sibtborp, &;c. on one fide, and-Mr. Ri. Hooker and fuch on the other fide differed. An4 if my proof be confutable I will not hereafter undertake to prove that Englijh is the language of England, But my Bargain muit be thus limited. 1. I will not under- take that from the beginning there was no one Papift on the Kings fide, or no one Presbyterian on the Parliaments: I could i;ever yet learn of more than one in the Houfe of Commons, and a very few Independent?, but I cannot prove that there was no more. 2. You muft not put me upon fearching mens hearts: I un- ci tt take not to prove what any mans heart in England was $ but what their Profeffion was, and what Church they joined with in Communion. 3. And you muft not equivocate in the ufe of the name [Prcs- f iau t ] or \Nonoonformift , ] and tell me that you take fome A. Bps. and Bps. and fuch Divines as Ri, Hooker ^ and Bilfon, and Bp. Downame, the Pillars of Epifcopacy and Conformity, for Presbyterians. And if it may be I would beg that of you, that you will not take the long Parliament for Presbyterians and Nonconform! ft?, ) made the Arts of Uniformity, the Corporation Aft, the Mi (if 6) Militia Aft, and thofe againft conventicles, and for banifhrnent from Corporations^ &c. Notwithftanding their high Votes about the Succeffion and Jealoufies of Popery, and that which they faid and did hereupon : For I confefs if it be fuch Nonconform- ifts or Presbyterians as thofe that you mean, Fie give you the better. And I muft alfo defire that you call not the next Parlia- ment, which confifted moft of the fame Men, Presbyterians or Nonconformiftsj nor the other fince them? Or at leaft that hereafter before we difpute we may better agree of the mean- ing of our terms. And I declare to the Reader, that nothing in all this Book is intended againft the Primitive Church-Government or Epifcopa- cy, nor againft the good Bifhops, Clergy, Councils, or Canons, which were many 5 nor againft King, Parliament, Magiftracy, the Laws, or Liturgy, or Church Communion ; nor againft our peaceable and patient fubmifllon where we dare not practically obey : But only againft the difeafes and degeneracy or* Bifhops, Clergy, Council?, and Canons, ana thofe dividing practices, by which they have for 1200 Years and more been tearing the Chriitian World into the Seels of which it now confifteth j and againft the whole afcendent Change from the Primitive Epifco- pacy to Papal maturity: and againft .our fwearing, Subfcribing, declaring, covenanting, profefling , and pra&ifing , where we ■underftard not the Impofers fenfe, and are unwilling by our pri- vate Interpretations to deceive them, and where we are per- liiaded that it w r ould be heinous fin to u?, not meddling with the cafe of Lawmakers or Conformifts, who have no fuch fears^ but think all good. Chryfcfi.me (before cited) in Aft, 1. Horn. 3. p. (mihi) 472. fpeaketh harder than I ever did : £K**A&«vAi}*s Sec. which Eraf~ Was tranflaterh, FNon termre d>co^ fed ut affect w fum & fentio ; ~Non arbitrcr inter Sacer dotes multos efje qui fiirui fiant, Jed mult f hues quip+remt. His reafon is the lame which fome give why they think molt Fhyficians kill more than they cure, becaufe there is fo much Wifdom, Goodnef?, Watch fulnefs, and Dili- gence required to their Callings which few of them have. Luther is much (harper than! ever was, when he faith, \Hi- tronjmus & alii Patres vixerunt in temper all Sncceffione Ecclef£ t expert es Crsecii & per fecui io>:i s. Epifcopi enim jim inm cceperant -crefecfe r j affgert cpikfts, exifiimathne & 'gloria in rnnndo : Et pie- (xi 7) rique etiam tyrannidem exercebant in populum cui prterant, utte- ftatur hifioria Ecclefiaftica : Fauci feciebant fit a Officio^ 6Vc. Loc. Com. 4. Oafli p. 79, 80. Et Cap. 17. p.-j 8. de Synodis. In pofterUribu* Conciliis nnnquam de fid*, fed femper de opinionibus & qu&ftionibus dtfputatum ('after the firfty ut mibi Conciliorum nomen pens tarn fufpellum & invi- fitm fit, qxam nomen Libcn arbitrii. What MeLm&bon though.; of the Papal defign of magnifying Councils, and pleading the neceflity of uninterrupted Succeffi- on ofEpifcopal Ordination, fee in his Epiftles, efpecially of the Conference at Ratisbone. Dr. Henry Moore in his Mjftery of Iniquity faith, p. 1 32. 1 [ Ct That Principle tends to the ruining of Faith, which fup- u pofeth that without right Succeffion of Bifhops and Priefts, Cs there is no true Church, and therefore no true Faith: and " that this Succeffion may be interrupted by the Mifordination u or Mifconfecration of a Prieft or Bifho'p, the Perfons thus or- " dained being Atheifts or Jews, or ordained by them that are ecf As if a man could not feel in his own Conference whe- cc ther he believed or not the truths of holy Scripture, without " he werefirft affured that he was a Member of that Church, Cc that had an uninterrupted lawful Succeffion of the Priefthood Qt from the ApoftJes times till now. Perhaps Epifcopim and CurcelUus will be more regarded. Read that notable Preface of CurcelUus to Epifcopim Works, p. 12, 1 3. [ Refp. Experisntiam docere nullas unquAm Controver- fias de Religione inter Cbriftianos exortas autloritatc fynodali fx- liciter terminatas fu ffe---& certiorem mtiltopAcis viam effe Next he fhews how little good even the Nicene Council did , and how much worfe things were after : Hnrome faying, that the whole World was Arian, And Conflantius reproaching Libe- Yius for being with one man againft all the World : The Vulgar D icier turn bt'mg y Omne Concilium pmt Be Hum. Whence he ga- thers that Councils , fuch as the World hath hitherto had, non effe idoneum componendis Rehgionis d'ffidiis R;medium : Et quam- diu illud ufufpabitur perpetuus in EccltftA & Republica turbos fo- re. Epifcopii & pr&cipuorum emicuit fides & animi mtgnitudo , quod nepremiffo quidem folutionis ejufdem quo an'eA fruebantur Jli~ pendii, inducipo^usrint ut fe adfilentium quod imptrabaxm fervA?,- F f dum w V «.v,j,, vue ««i« ***•*» ^ ia ^yv^w,^ v^aj. ^^ t p # ^ D# in main* taining that the Magiftrate hath no Authority to forbid facrcd AfTcmblies to tolerable Diflfenters, and that Minifters and Peo- ple forbidden them muft hold on to the death, that I will not recite the words, but defirehis Admirers to read them. An (a?) cffia cs* cS-n §£u cX-a caa ffSrf. cffi^J . *?** s§« c#3 5#s s^j B2fr ci* ^C&€^f^C^cfoc^C&JlC^ ^ Account to Edward Lord (Bijliop of Cork andRotte in Ireland, of tbefuccefs of his Cenfure of Richard Baxter in England : Detecting his manifold Mn* truths in matter ofFacl. § 1. rTIO give my Chara&er of you whom I know not, as you do of me, is none of my work : But t.Your B Stile alloweth me to fay, that by it you feem to me to be a man ofConfcience/earingGod. 2.And yet your Matter aflureth me, that you (peak abundance of Un- truths confidently ; I fuppofe, partly by not knowing the per- fons and things of which you fpeak; and partly by thinking that you ought to believe the falfe Reporters, with whom you are better acquainted. § 2. The ftrait which you caft us into is unavoidable : Either we muft feem to own all the falfe Accufations brought againft its, which will hurt others far more than usj or elfe we muft de- ny and contradict them, and that will pafs for an intolerable ad- dition to our guilt, and we fhall be fuppofed fuch intemperate, fierce abufive Perfons as you defcribe me, while you think We give you the Lye, or make you Slanderers. But we cannot cure your Mifrefentments, but muft be content to bear your Cen- fures, while we call you not Lyanr, but only acquaint you with the truth, § 3. For my own part my final Judgment is fo near, and lam confcious of fo much evil in my fe\f, that I have no reafonto be hafty in my own Vindication, but much reafon to take all hints 'and helps for deeper fearch, and will not juftifie my Stile. And God knows I am afraid left felfifhnefs or partiality (hould hinder F f z mc me from finding out my fin: and I dayly and earned !y beg of God to make it known to me , that I may not be impenitent : But either Prejudice, Converfe, or fomwhatcli> 3 maketb a ve- ry great difference between your Judgment and mine, of Good and Evil : And I cannot help it : If I err it is not for want of willingnefs ro fee my Errour, and openly retract it; ncr for want of an ordinary Diligence to know the Truth. The Sum of our difference, as far as I can underft'and you, is in tbefe particulars. • I. Whether there be no fin impofed by the Laws or Canorvs on Minifters and People here ? I I. Whether it was well done by the Bifhops and other Cler- gy-Men to do what they did to caufe thofe Laws, which filenced the whole Miniftry of England, unlefs they would conform to all things fo impofed in the^ft of Uniformity j and actually fi- lenced about 2000, and made thofe other Laws againft their Preaching to more than Four, and againft coming within Five Miles of Corporations, and fuch others, as adjudge Nonconfor- ming to Gaols and Ruine j and whether the Clergy do well ftill to urge the Execution of thofe Laws, and are guiltlefs of the doleful Divifions of this Land, and danger of itsRelapfe to Po- pery? II L Whether it be unpeaceable for a Nonconformift after 17 years filent fuffering, to tell his Superiors why he dare not con- form,, when he is by them importuned to it? And to write a Confutation of a multitude of Volumns of falfe Accufations hroughtto juftifie the Executions ? §4. If you think you have proved all thofe Impofitions fin- lefs which I have mentioned in my firft Plea for Peace 3 I think you might as well havefhortfy faid, [We Bijkop art of fo much Wifdbm and Authority, that you muft hold them lawful^ became we Jay fo<2 And muftall be ruined that would not be fo convinced ? But if any of thofe Impofitions prove to be fin^ and fo great fin as we cannot chufe but think they are., is it a greater fault to. name them (when importuned^ than to impofe them? And a greater fault to feel, and fay we feel, than to ftrike or wound men I If we had taken it to be our Duty to have called thofe Cler- gy-Men to Repentance , which we think are ignorantly undo- ing therafelves and the Land 3 how fhould we do it without naming naming their Sin ? Yea, and the greatnefs of it ? And if we think it our Duty to deprecate our Deftru&ion, and beg of you to fpare our Lives or Conferences, how can we do it without telling what we fuffer? If it be well done of you, and be bo per- fection, but your Duty for the Churches good, (as no doubt the Executioners think) the Hrilory is your praife, and ycu need not extenuate the Fad: Valiant Souldiers glory in the multi- tudes they kill: Had you filenced the other 7000 that conform- ed, when you filenced but 2000, your Viclory had been the more famous. Some think thofe that are here againft your ways, are not half the Land 5 were it murdering of one man, that ano- ther is judged for, it were not unpeaceablenefs to fay, that he deferveth to be hanged : But the judge deferveth praife if he condemn an hundred fuch. But when thofe men who fhould be the tendered Peace^ makers, and skilfulleft therein, dial) be the men that bring fuch a Land as this into the Cafe that we are in, and will not be intreated., nor by any Experience be perfuaded toconfent to its Relief, I know not how to (hew mercy to the Land or them, bet by perfuading them to repent. Anil if all fin were made a matter of Controverfie, and many learned men were for it, this would not alter the Cafe with me. If I may compare great things with fmall, who finned more ? The Irifh- for murdering iooooo 3 or Sir John Temple, Dr. Henry Jones, the E.of Or*7,for recording and reporting what they did?Was it the fin of the Savoyards and others to kill and mine the Prqteftanrs in Piedmont f Or of Perrin, and Sir Sam.Mo or eland to write the ftp- ry I Did Thuanuj, Davilah, &c. fin in recording the French Maflacre? Or the French in doing it. ? Is it the French Prote- ftants now that are criminal for defcribing and complaining of their Sufferings ? Was John Foxe the Malefactor for writing the Sufferings of the Proteftants under a lawful Queen? This day came out (Mar. 10.) a Narrative from Bnftol how they are crowded in the Gaol on the cold ground, dx Is the Report the Crime t Do you find a Juftification in humane nature of fuch terms as thefe, [You jhall fuffer whatever we will inflitl on you , but fljJtl not tell any that you are hurt, or who did it, or why ? J § y. I have told the World fo often over and over, that it is not ail the Conformifts, no nor all the Bifhops that I impute our Sufferings to, that I muft fuppofe you to underftand it, fpeciaJly when the Prefatory Epiftle of the Book which you fall upon . tells \LLL) -tells it you of many Bifhops by name; Therefore when />. 68. you fay 5 £ / apply to you more than once, i Thef. 2. I j. they pleafe not God, &c. ] and add, [ / believe in my Conference he is miftaken.l Either by [to t§i] you mean, all theuConformifts or Bifhops, and that is not true, as the words tell you : Or you mean, [Vs that procured or own, and execute the aforefaid filencing, fflifting ABsi ] which your words feem to mean. Aritf then I do but fay, Oh I What may temptation bring even good mens Judgment to ? Is the filencing of 2000, the affli&ing of many times more of the Laity, the Jealoufies, Diftra&ions, and Dan- gers of this Land 5 fo fmall a matter, or fo good, that God is not difpleafed with it t And can you myour Conscience own what the Bifhops did towards it ? No wonder then if Ceremonies be cal- led things Indifferent. Certainly this cannot be Indifferent ? Ic is a moft meritorious or excellent work, or elfe a heinoiu Crime : It is either fuch a Cure as the cutting off a Cancerous Breaft, or elfe if it be a fin, it muft be as great as contributing to the endanger- ing of as many fcore Thoufand Souls as 2000 Miniftcfs were likely to have helpt to fave, and to the corrupting of the Church* and the Introduction of Popery, And few Chriftians think that Nathan finned by unpeaceablenefs more than David by Murder and Adultery, though but once 3 or Samuel more than Saul-, or the Prophet that reproved him more than Jeroboam ; or Chrift Mattk z$. more than the Pharifees ? yea 3 or than Peter, Mat, 16. when he faid , Get behind me Satan , thou favour efi not the things that be of God-, or Paul more than Peter, Gal 2. or than the Jewifh Teachers, whom he called the Concifion & Dogs ; or John than Diotrephes, &c. Guilt is tender, and they that think God is of their Mind when he is filenr, PfaL 50.21. will think men fhould be fo too; And man dare not bid defiance to God, and openly proclaim a War agaisift him, and therefore hath no way to fin in peace, but by a conceited bringing the Mind and Law of God to his. What fin is there that Learned Men father not on God: And then they muft bepraifed ancj not reproved , and then it's worle than un- peaceable to aggravate that which they fay God ownetb 5 fucft men as I, would think it fcarce crediblegthat the Spanijh Inquifi- tion, the French MafTacre, the Powder- Plot, the Murder of 200000 in Ireland, the Perjuring of a Nation, the filencing of Thoufands of faithful Minifters 3 fhould have one word of Jufti- fication (223) fication ever rpoken for it. But we are miftaken: No doubt men can write learned Volumes to defend any of thefe $ and if one do but fay, They pleafe not God, men may be found that can fay, £/ believe in my Confidence that yon are mifiaken, and fipeal^ un- peaceably: God is pleafed with it all7\ Sure the day of Judgment will be much to juftifie God himftlf, who is thus flandered as the Friend of every mans Sin. What wonder is it if there be nume- rous Religions in the World, when every felfifh man maketha God and a Religion of his own, fitted to his Intereft and Mind ? But when all men center onely in one God , and bring th^ir Minds to his, and not conceitedly his to theirs, we may yet be One. And if we could make men know, that Godis net forthtm, and accepteth not of a Sacrifice of Innocent Blood, however men think that they do him good Service, yet they would not have this known : It's long fince unhumbled Sinners turned Chorch- Confefiion into Auricular 5 If 'Saul do fay at laft, / have finned, he would vet be honoured before the People. But the time is near when thofe that honour God he will honour, and thofe that de- fpife him (hall be lightly efteemed. Few men living can eafier bear with others for different forms and Ceremonies than 1$ but I take not the filencing and ruining of 2030 Minifters for Ceremonies/were that the worftof ir) to be a Ceremony. § 6. Pag,. 69. You fay, We are not all of one mind yet: A fad- word'from a Bifhop. Do you think that any two Men on Earth are of one mind in all things? Were thofe agreed whom Paul perfuadetb, Rom. 14. to receive each other, but not to doubtful Difputations, and not to judge or defipifi each other, (much lefs to filence, imprifon, and deftroy.) We are agreed in all that is conftitutive of Chriftianity 3 and agreed that all Chriftians fhould Jove others as themfelves , and do as they would be done by. I confefs if you have fuch eminent Self-denial, as to be wil- jing, if ever you differ from the publick Impoficions, about the lawfulnefs of any one thing, to be not only caft out of your Lord- fhip and Bifhoprick, but to be filenced, imprifoned and deftroy- ed, I cannot accufe you of Partiality but of Err our. I have known too many Conformifts who needed no Bilhop to filence them, (they never preached. ) But that will not juftifle their defires that others be filenced. I have ("4) I have eft enough told you in how many thing* the Cotl- for milts are difagreed: I now fay the Bifhops rhemfelves are not agreed of the very Species of the Church of England: To fay nothing of their difagreement of the Conftitutive, national Head or Governor j they are not agreeJ 5 whether it be only apart of an miverfal, humane, political Church, fzbjett to an univerfal hu- mane ftipretm Power, who hath the right of Leg; flit ion and judg- ment over 1 hsm 3 or whether it be a compleat national Church of it fe!f y a part only of the univerfal as Headed by Chrift, but not as by Man, or as humane Politie 5 having no foreign Governour* Monarchical or Ariftocraticaf, (Tope or Council.^ Overdoing is illdoing and undoi g. He that would make fuch a Law of Goncord, as that none fhall live out of Prifon who arc not of the fame Age, Complexion, Appetite, and Opinion, would depofe the King, by leaving him no Subjects. Thelnquifition is fet up in Love of Unity: But we know that we fhall differ while we know but in part: Only the perfect World hath per- fect Goncord. I greatly rejoice in that Concord which is a- mong all that truly love God. They love one another, and agree in all that is neceffary to Salvation : The Church of the Con- formifts is all agreed for Croffing and the Surplice , and for the Jmpofed Oaths,FrofeJfions and Covenants: Oh that all our Parifhi- oners who plead for the Church were agreed that the Gofpel is true, and that Chrift is not a Deceiver, and that Man dyeth not as Dogs, but hath a Life of future Retribution. §7. 1\ 69. Asking, [Were not almoft all the Weftminfter A[~ fembly Ep if copal Conformable men when they came thither?'] He can fay, [ No 3 not in their hearts, as appeared by their fruits, ]J And he cites fome words of thefenfe of the Parliament,^. i%. 1643. Anf % 1, See here a Bifhop that knew the hearts of hundreds of men, whom he never faw, to be contrary to their Profeillon and conftant Practice. 2. And he can prove by their reporting the Parliaments words what was thefe Minifters own Judgment. 3. And he can prove by thofe words in fun. 1643. what wa* their Judgment a Year or two before, and is fure that the Scots Arguments did not change them. 4. And he can prove that thofe are noEpifcopalConformifrswho are for the ancient Epifcopacy only (defcribcd by Bifhop Vjherf) and and take the Englifh frame to be only lawful, but not unalter- able, or beft. And if really he do take him to be no Epifcopd Conformift, who is for enduring any way but their own, it is he and not I that gave them fo bad a Character : It is he and not I that intimateth, that thofe moderate Conformifts who had ra- ther Church-Government were reformed, than fuch Confufion made by filencing and hunting Chriftians, are at the Heart no Epifcopa) 'Conformifts: Their Hearts I confefs much differ from the Silencers and Hunters. § 8. He maketh me a falfe Hiftorian for fixing the War on the Eraftian Party in Varliamtnt. Anf Did I lay it only on the Eraftiansf Have I not undeniably proved that the War here be- gan between two Epifcopal Parties ? Of which one part were of A. Bp. Abbots, Mr. Hookers, and the generality of the Bi- fhops and Parliaments mind, and the other of Bp. Lauds, Sib- thorps 3 Mayntvarings , Heyhns , A. Bp. Bromhalls , Sec. mind: And the firft fort fome of them thought Epifcopacy fure Divtno -, but the Englifh Frame not unreformable : And the other fort thought it was but fure humano, and thefe were called by fome Eraftians. Let him give me leave to produce my Hiftorical proofs, even to fingle men by name, that the EngUJh War be- gan between thefe two Parties, and I defie all his falfe Contra- diction : Only fuppofing, i. That I fpeak not of the King, nor of the War in Ireland or Scotland. 2. That I grant that the Nonconformifts were moft for the Parliament, and the Papifts moft againft them. But when I have faid fo much to Mr. Hinkley already to prove this, did this Lord Bifhop think to be believed without confu- ting it ? § 9. But it tranfeendeth all bounds of Hiftorical credibility, that he anfwereth this by faying, [He and all his Abettors muft know the Catalogues of that Parliament, and I htat Affembly are ft ill in our hands, the Copies of their Speeches, and journals of their Fotes, &c. ] Anf They are fo to the Shame of fuch Hiftorians. You have many of them in Whit he kj Memorials 5 1 knew fo great a number my felf of the Parliament, Affembly, and Army, as makes me piety the Ignorant World, which is abulcd by fuch Hiftorian? as yon and yours. § 10. As for your affuring me that joh Icok^ nnd day to aufver- for all joh fay, it minds me of the words of your Dr. slflu G g CI (126) Chaplain to the Duke of Ormond, who (as going to the Bar o f God) undertakes to prove, that it is through Vnde and Covetoufnefs that we conform not. The Inquifitors alfo believe a day of Judg- ment. And what is it that fome men do not confidently afcribe to the moft holy God ? §n. Your praifes of me are above my defert : I am worfe than you are aware of: But mens fins againftChriits Church and Servants in England, Scotland, and Ireland are never the lefs for that. § 12. You fhew us that you are deceived before you deceive: You do but lead others into the way of falfhood which you were led into your felf, when you fay 3 1 am \_faid to have afferted 9 that a man might live without any aclual Sm.~\ A Lord Bifhop (Morley p. 13.) told it you, and you a Lord Bifhop tell it others, and thus the poor World hath been long ufed 5 fo that of fuch Hiftorians men at laft may grow to take it for a valid Confe- quence, {It is written by them : Ergo it is incredible."] I tell you firft in general, that I have ieen few Books in all my Life, which in fo few Sheets have fo many Falihoods ^matters of Faftdone before many., as that Letter of Bifhop Morleft^ which upon your Provocation I would manifeft, by Printing my Anlwer to iiirn 3 were it not for the charges of the Prefs. 2, And as to your Inftance, the cafe was this ; Dr, Lany im- pertinently talkt of our being juflified only by the All of Faith, and not the Habit : Iaskt him whether wc are un/uftified in our fleepf which led us further, and occafioned me to fay to fome Objection of his, that men were not always doing moral Afls good or evil : and thence^ {that a man is not always acluady finning 3 viz. In amans fleep, he may live Jometimes and not aBually fin-, as alfo tn an Apoplexy and other lofs of Re aj on.~] Hence the cre- dible Bifhop Morley printed that I faid, A man may live without any aclual Sin: Yea, and fuch other Reafons are given for his forbidding me to preach the Gofpel. And now another pious L. ftp. going to anfwer it at Judgment, publifheth it as from him. O what a World is this, and by what hands are we can: down ? Is my Affertion falfe or doubtful ? Dr. Bates and Dr. facombc who were prefent are yet both living. By fuch men and means is the Church as it is : Arife O Lord and fave it from them. § 13. You tell me, as Bp. Morley, of being the top of a f aft i- cu of my own making, neither Epifcapal, Presbyterian, Indepen- dent dene, or trajttan. uinj. so, to oe agamii an faction is to be the top of a Faction : I am neither anArian 5 nor a Sabellian,nor an Apollinarian, nor a Macedonian, nor a Neitorian, or Eutychian, or Monothelite, or a Papift, &c. Conclude ergo I am the top of a new Herefie, and filence and imprifon me for it, and your Di- ocefane Conformity will be paft all fufpicion ("even at the heart.) But you will one day know 5 that to be againft all Faction, and yet to bear with the Infirmities of the weak, and love all Chriftians as fticb, is a way that had a better Author. § 14. P. 73,74. As to your extolled Friend a Nonconformfl; who you fay, told you that [ / am not able to bear being gainfaid in any thing, for want of Academic^ DifpHtes> 6Vc. ^4nf 1. Was your great Friend (o excellent a man, and was it a good work to filence him, with which in your Confcience you think God ispleafed? 2. Now you name him not, he cannot contradict you: Mr. Bagjhavo faid'fbmthing like it of Mr. Herle, Prolocutor of the Aflemblie , which his Acquaintance contradict. 3. Ijuftifie not my Patience; it is too little: But verily if you had filenced me alone, and Gods Church and Thoufands of Souls had been fpared, I think you had never heard me twice com- plain. Judge you whether I can endure to be gafnfaid, when I think there are Forty Books written againft me by Infidels, So- cinians, Papifts, Prelatifts, Quakers, Seekers, Antinomians, Anabaptifts, Sabbatarians, Separatifts, and fome Presbyterians, Independents, Eraftians, Politicians, &c. which for the far great- eft part I never anfwered, though fome of them written by Pre- latifts and Papifts have fpoken fire and Sword : Nor to my Re- membrance did any or all thefe Books by troubling me ever break one hour of my fleep, nor ever grieve mefo much as my own fin and pain (which yet was never extream) have grieved tne one day. Alas Sir! How light a thing is the contradiction or reproach of man who U fpeaking and dying almoft at once? § 15. P. 7j. As to my Political Aphorifms I have oft told you I wifh they had never been written : But all in them is not wrong which Bifhops are againft. The firft paffage challenged by your Bifhop Morlej is , My calling a pretence to unlimited Mo- narchy by the name of Tyranny ^ adding niy reafon, becaufe they are limited by God who is over all, Minifters were never under Turks thought worthy of punifliment for fuch an Affertion: But Bi- G g 2 fhop mop Money is no lurk. It Monarchs be not limited by God, they may command all their Subjects to deny God,or btafpheme him, to take Perjury, Murder, and Adultery, for Duties: and they are unwife if ever they will be fick^ die , or come to Judgment. § 1 6. You fay, [ Cc / was told by a Reverend Prelate, that at " the Conference at the Savoy, Mr. Baxter being demanded what " would [at isfie him, replied, All or Nothing : On this I refletled Cl on what that grave Divine told me."] Anf. Alas good man! if for all other your hiftorical notices you are fain into fuch hands, what a mafs of Untruths is in your Brain ? But why will you difhonour Reverend Prelates fo much as to father them on fuch . ? I never heard the queftion put [What will fat ts fie you ^ nor any fuch anfweras All or Nothing: When the King commifFioned us to treat of fuch Alterations as were neceffary to tender Conferences, the Bifhops, i. Would not treat till we would give them in writing all that we blamed in the Liturgy, and all the Alterations we would have, and all the addi- tional Forms we defired. 2. When thusconftrained_, we offered thefe on fuppofition, that on Debate much of it would be de- nied us 3 or altered $ but they would not vouchfafe us any De- bate on what we offered 5 nor a word againft our additional Forms, Reply, or Petition for Peace, jw To the laft hour they maintain- ed, that No alteration at all was neceffary to tender Conferences J\ And fo they ended, and the Convocation doubled and trebled our Burden, and the Bifhops in Parliament together. Once B\(hop^CouJtns defired us to lay by Inconveniences^ and name only wha't we took for downright Sin, I gave him a Paper defcribing Eight fuch \ We did but begin to debate one of them, (Cafking fuch from the Communion of Ch'ifis Church that dare not take the Sacrament kneeling, though they bemifiaken) and our time ended. Dr. Pierce undertook to prove it a Mercy to them to deny ' them the Sacramentj and he made a motion to me, that. he and I might go about the Land to preach men into fatisfa.cYion and Conformity : I asked him how I could do that when they intended to filence me f For though I fcrupled not kneeling at the Sacrament, if they made any one Sin the condition of my Miniftry, I mould be filenced, though they abated all the rein It may. be. this went for S^All or Nothing.^ And I am forry that the the Bilhops be not ot tne lame mind : bt. fames was, tnat ttud» He that breahth one is guijty of all : And Chrift was, who faid, Me that breaketh one. of the leaft of thefc commands, and t sachet h men fo, /ball be called leaft it} the Kingdom of God. So that it was not All Inconveniences, but All flat Sins that we craved in vain to have been exempted from : Much lets was it the Eftablijhment of all that we propofed to have been treat* ed of, openly profefTing our felves ready to alter any thing amifs or needlefs upon treaty., and fuppofing there would be many fuch words: But they would not touch our offered additions , . nor entertain any treaty about them. And now pitty your (elf who have been drawn to believe fuch Reverend Prelates as you fay, and pitty -fuch as your Writings will deceive. § 17. That you take it to be contrary to a Chriftian temper to be fenfible of the Sufferings of the Church, and to name and defcribethefin that caufeth them, and that but in a neceffitated Apology for the Sufferers^ is no wonder, the Reafons and your Anfwer I gave you before § 4. and 5*. I think ir no breach of Peace with Perfecutors or Silencers, to tell them what they do$ efpecially when the Sufferers are feigned to deferve ic all $ and not to fin and that deliberately, is made a fin deserving. all that we fuffer and the Nation by ir. § 18. But />. 77. tells us yet more whence your Errours come, even by believing falfe Reports., and then reporting whae you believe. You fay , [ Some People have talked of a Combina* tion orVaii amongft tbemfelves, that except they might have their own Will throughout , they would make the World know whata.breac& ■they could make* and how confiderable they were. ] Anf. 1. Do you not think that Rogers^ Bradford, Vhilpt % and the reft, did fo in Qui. Maries days, and that ic was they that made the Breach by being burnt? What is it that fuch Hi- ftorians may not fay ? So Luther was taught by the DevU^Bucer was killed by the Devil, fo was QecUmpadiw, Calvin was a frig- matized Sodomite, and what not: And even the rn oft publick things are yet uncertain before our Eyes : Godfrey killed him- felf: The Papifts had.no Plot: The Presbyterians have a PIqe sgainftthe King: The Nonconforming filenced themfelves: An I did not the Citizens of London barn their own Houfes ?• When you that area Bifhop cite other great Bifhops for fuch things as ysu do, may it not come in time to oe trie taitto $j tnt Lbur*^ and thence to be necejfary to all. 2. EJut how do ycu think all thefe that werefcattered aH over England, and knew not one another by name or Dwelling, fhould fo confederate ? 3. Do but think of it as a man. There were Nine orTenThou- fand Minifters that had conformed to the Parliaments way in pofleflion: They were all to conform or be caft out. The Book and Ad of Uniformity came not out of thePrefs till about that very day Aug* 24. Neither Conformifts, nor ( afterj Nonconforming could fee it, but thofe in or near London : What time was theif to tell them all over England in one day ? How knew we who would conform and who would not 3 when NineThoufand were equally in PoiTeffion ? If we had written to them all, would not One Thoufand of our Letters have detected it? Or at leaft fome of thofe that conformed, with whom we prevailed not? 4. What was it that moved them all to this Confederacy? To fufferRuine in the World? To make tbemfelves confiderable you fay, andjhew what a Breach they could make . ? And for what ? Vnlefs they might have alt their own Wills ? And what was their Will f Was it to be Lord Bifhops ? Or domineer over any ? Or to get great Benefices . ? I think no high- way Robbers do any Villanies meerly to fhew what mifchief they can do, much left ruine themfelves to fhew that they can do Mifchief by Suffering. Some fuch thing is faid of fome odd Circumcellians that they killed themfelves «to make others thought their Perfecutors: But Perfecution was more hated then than now. Did the former Life and Do&rine of thefe Two Thoufand men fignifie a Spirit fo much worfe than the reft ? 5. And do you think that the other Seven Thoufand or Eight Thoufand that conformed did confederate beforehand to con- form ? How could they do it who declared AfTent and Content to every thing contained and prefcribed in and by the Book which they never faw, unleft they confederated at a venture, to do whatever was impofed . ? And if Seven Thoufand could agree without confederating, why not Two Thoufand ? I could not then have my Poft Letters pafs without Interception: And it's a wonder that no Letter of this Confederacy was taken. And Tie tell (not you, but thofe that believe me ) how far We were from it. When we were all caft out and fome new mo- tion tion was made for our fervice, one weak man moved here, that- we might draw up a contenting Judgment to how much we could yield, that we might not differ. Ianfwcred that it was not our bufinefs to make a Faction, or to ftrengthen a Party 5 nor were we all of one judgment about every Ceremony, and therefore no man muft go againft his judgment for a Combination with the reft : If they would abate but fo much as any one mansCon- fcience would be fatisfied in, that one man muft ferve the Church accordingly. And if any were taken in,, the reft would rejoyce.] This Anfwer filenced that motion, and I never heard any move it more : And I am fully affured there was never fuch a Com- bination. But with this exception : How far any thought the Covenant bound them againft our Prelacy I cannot tell, Thofe that I con- vers'd with faid, it bound them to no more than they were bound to before. But I confefs we did all confederate in our Baptifm, againft willful fin: And I know of no other Confedera- cies bue thefe : which indeed was enough to make all men for- bear what they judged to be finful. § 19, You add, £" But jet it is not fair to over-reckon know-- " ingly, and in ordinary courfe Two Hundred in the fum, as Mr. u Baxter and others do, p. ly^ 210. thereby to fwell the ac- " count to the greater odium, by complaining roundly Two Thou- " fand : This I muft conclude to be done knowingly , for femtimes " he only mentions One Thou fand Eight Hundred^ p. iy i ? Src. ] Anf I am perfuaded that it is not knowingly that you fpeak fo much befides the truth ; but for want of knowing what and whom you talk of. I never medled with gathering the number, Mr, Calamy did, and (hewed us a Lift of 1800, upon which I long mentioned no more, and feldom faw him afterward : But Mr. Ennis who was more with him, afTuring me that they had after an account of at leaft 200 more, who were omitted; L fometime to fpeak the leaft mention the 1800, and fometime fay about 2000, and by his laft account that was the leaft. Yet with a Lord Blfhop that knoweth nothing of all this, I fyomng- ly over-reckon : But if God be pleafed with their filencing^ why do- you take this ill ? § 20. The next and great Accufation is my extenuating theB;~ Jhops Clemency, and aggravating our Sufferings, and that againft tny Qonfcience I impute to the BijKops that bloodinefs which they ne- VCY- C»Yfl iwr intended but abhcr. -And he will not believe what I fay oftht death of any by Imprisonment or want. An[, The good Lady that pittied the Beggars when (he came in out of the Froft and Snow, when (he had warmed her felf, chid them away, and fa id., k was warm enough. I could name •you thofe in London, that travelled out of the North in great want, and took up with fuch cold Lodgings here in great want of all things, that they were paft cure before their mifery was known. How many poor Quakers have dyed in Priforfmany know : It's like you never heard of the death of Mr. Field, a worthy Minifter, in the Gate-heufe-, nor of Mr. Thompfon in the noifome Prifon at Briftol, nor of Reverend Mr. Hughes of Pli- mouth's Death, caufed by his Prifon ficknefs $ perhaps you ne- ' ver read the Life, Sufferings, and Deaih of excellent fofeph Al- len of Taunton : I will not be the gatherer of a larger Catalogue, But I believe fome others will. But thefeyou know not of, § 2i< The words in my Book which I fpeak argumentatively, (hewing clearly whither their caufe will lead them, if they truft to bring us to Unity by force, you unworthily feign that I fpeak ^as accufing the Bifhops Inclinations. My Argument was', If you think by violence to eff eft your ends, it ma ft be either by changing mfns judgments, or by forcing them as Hypocrites to go againft 1 heir judgment s 9 or elfe by utter deftroying them till there are no Diffenters: But none of theft three ways will do it : Ergo Violence will not do it. 1. I prove that force will not change their Judgments. 2. I prove they are fuch men as will rather fuffer death than fin againfr their Confciences 5 and fo lefs Sufferings which cure not do but exafperate the Difeafe. 3. I prove that if, when lefs doth no good, you would deftroy them, that would notdo your work but crofs it. And doth this fignifie that I charge the Bifhops with bloody purpofes? They openly tell us that it's pu- iad tin formerly of IVeedon, * very poor in London, to tell you of pneitbt y 0Ur impartiality; though he loft one Arm in the Kings Army^ rf'tbtif ** e ^ ac ^ noc a ^ a ^ atec ^ ^im * n J^nricJ^Gaol for preaching. ; § 12. As to his repeating all my mention of their dealings, and my blaming the Bifhops at the Savoy for our pre Tent dhrifi- ons, and my aggravating the evils which Violence will produce if they truft to that way, I judge it all nectifary to be fpoken; Unknown fin will not be repented of nor forborn 5 nor unknown danger prevented 5 nor the unknown needs of the Peoples Souls relieved. He asketh, Is this the way to be at Teace with m ? I anfwer, There is no other way : What Peace can we have with them that think they are bound to filence us, and keep us fix Months in Gaol for every Sermon, and fo on for the next, and for the nextf Or to pay 40 /. a Sermon, and to banifh us five Miles from Corporations, andmuft not be told of any fuch thing? He was not unpeaceable that (aid, He that feeth his Brother have need and fhutteth up the Bowels of Companion from him, how dwel- leth the Love of God in him? Nor for faying, He that hateth his Brother is a Murtherer: Nor Chrift for telling us how he will judge them that did not relieve and vifit him in his little ones 3 and how he will ufe him that beat his Fellow-Servants. It is with you and not with your fins that we would have peace. Not only MaJfoniusan& Platina, but even Genebrard, and Baro- nim fpeak far fharplier of the faults of many Popes themfelves, and all Hiftoriansof their Prelates, and yet are taken to be peaceable men. Either thofe that I mentioned will repent here or hereafter, and then will fay far worfe of themfelves than I do , And may I not foretel it them, when it is but in neceffnated deprecation of the miferiesof fhe Land ? § 23. One of their Champions wrote that he was not bound to deny his own Liberty, becaufe ot hers would pievijloly take fcandal at it. I (hewed the finfulnefs of that Conclufion, and that a mans Liberty often lay in as fmall a matter as a game at Chefs, a Pipe of Tobacco, or a Cup of Sack: andmoft fcanda! is taken by pievifh perfons : and yet even a pievifh mans Soul is not to be fet as light by as fuch things. Chrift and Paul made more of Scandal : And this very arguing of mine is numbred with my unpeaceable difrempered words. 5 24. As to his talk abcuc our Controverfies of paffages in Conform'**/ Conformity, be confefTeth that he hath not ,read my Plea for feace^ in which I have partly opened them: And much lefs what I have (aid fince of them to divers others; and I confels I have neither mind or leifure to fay all over again in Print, up- on the occafions of fuch words as hi?, which have been oft an- fwered. §25. I named the Martyr-Bifhops Hooper, Ridley, &c. as Nonconformifts to the Laws of their Persecutors, to fhew that fuch Sufferers leave a fweeter name than their Per- fecutors 5 and he feigneth me to have made them Nonconfor- mifts to our Laws, and faith, [Ingenuity and Chriftian Veracity would blujh to own this Art.] Thus It ill falfe Hiftory is that which aflaulteth us. But I humbly ask his Lordfhip, 1. Whether he think that Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were more for Conformity than fewel, Bil[on, and Hooker, and Abbot ? And 2. Whether he will fo far reproach thefe men as to fay, that fewel, Bilfon, and Hooker would have conformed by approving that which they moft exprelly wrote againft l I have oft enough tranferibed their words. § 26. To fhew that iince my expulfion I drew not the People of Kiderminfter from the Bifhops, I faid that I [never fine ~e came near them , tor except very rarely fent them one Line; which he pretends I contradict, by faying, 1 fent them all the Books I wrote. One might have found hiflorical errours enough in his words without a Rack or Quibble. 1. Sure Books are fomwhatrare- lier written than Letters. 2. An ordinary Wit would have un- derftood that I fpoke of one Line of Manufcript, or one Letter, and not of Printed Books, I delivered them to Mr Simmons, or their Neighbours to fend them without Letters. And few of thofe Books were written before this Apology. § 27. As a Self-contrad idler he faith of me, [omtime I am againft all Subfcribing, as P. 60, 113. ccc. and fometimes not. An[ Still untruth! P. 60. The words are [If men were not driven fo much to [nbferibe and [wear as they are at this day. ] Reader, is it true that this is againft All Subscribing ? Pag. 113. The words are, [// we had learned the tricky *f f peaking, writing, a\d [wearing m univerfal terms, and meaning not wwerfally but. particularly, as many do , we could [ay, or fit b- fcribe, orfwear as jar as you defire us.~\ And [ Take off the penalty H'h 2 oj jut>jcrit?wg, aeaartng. crojjwg, occ. wnaj gooa aotfi juojcrwing a Sentence which he believeth not ? ] Is this againfi Ml Subfcri- bing ? § 28. Whether to profefs our tendemefs of other mens Re- putation, and yet to name the nature and aggravations of the fin which we fear our felves , when we are importuned to it, be contradictory, let the impartial judge. §29. P. ?\ Hf faith, as my judgment, [To fubfcribe andde- dare, that it is not lawful on any pretence vphatjoever to tal^e Arms againfi the King, or that an Unlawful Oath cannot bind men to un- lawful ABions, is Per jury, fome of the great efi that Hellfuggefieth."] *Anf, Not one true word ? I believe all this to be as he faith r Both in my firft and fecond Plea for Peace, I have largly told him what it is, and what it is not which I own 5 but he hath feen neither, and yet feigneth me to fay or hold what I have fo oft renounced. § 30. P. 94. He might have known how oft in Print I have retracted the Book called, "the Holy Common-Wealthy wifhing the Reader to take it as Non-fcriptum: Yet he faith, [ as far as is generally known I have not done it. ] And how ihould I make it generally known more than by oft Printing it ? § 31. P. 95-. He pittieth me for calling the Author of the friendly Debate, the Debate maker ': And I piety England for fuch pittiers. § 32. P. 96. Whereas the Convocation hath impofed on all Minifters a Profeflion of undoubted certainty of the Salvation of dying baptised Infants, without excepting thofe of Atheifts or Infidels, I ask whether all the young, unfiudiedfort of Minifters have arrived at this certainty any more than I 3 and how they came by it? and crave their Communication of the afcertain- ing Evidence. And what doth his Lordfhip but pretend that I call the Convocation thefc young, unfiudied men, as if they had made this Rubrick for none but themfelves? § 33. And he hath found another fault which exceedeth all, and that is, the Title and Dedication of my Methods Theologid, where I fay, that I dedicate it not to the Jlothful, hafiy^ tired Settaries, &c. but tofiudiom, ingenious, humble ^fkz. young men, as being the perfons that are above all others born, difpofed, conje" craieiio Truth, Holin?fs z and the Churches Pence, &c] Exceed- ing bad! Will Will you hear the proof that this is exceffive Pride? i. Book, in the fi-ront indirectly and fitly calls the Reader, Jlothpd, r. foolijh, 6Vc. Anf Is this true f i. It is only thofe that I would not have to be the Readers. Yea, 2. Only thofe that I fay it is not dedicated to. And do you think there are none fuch in the world f Will not his forefaid Debater, and Dr, Parker, and Dr. Sherlock^, and abun - dance more , tell you that the Nonconforming are many of themfucb, and will you now deny it? If not, ami bound to de- dicate my Book to fuch ? By what Obligation ? But he faiuh fo volmninom and tmboft a Title will deter the Readers. But do you not know the Dedication from the Title, on* ly becaufe it is printed on the Title Page ? Is that unufua! ? But the odious Arrogance followeth, [Could any thing eafily be faid with more (appearance 0/) Arrogance; in the very Tit Is Page toojhan that hisBookjs above all others of the fame Subject ,(/ know not how otherwife to interpret his fupra omnes, viz.. Metho- dus Theologia? Chriftiana?,] &c. framed, difpofed and hallowed to the propagation and growth of Helinefs, to the Peace and Ho* nour of the Churchy I will now for ever acquit him of hypocritical Modefiy. Anf I defire Mr. Morrice to compare this Ld. Bp's Tranfia- tion with that overfight of 'The odor et's words which he fafteneth on in me. What if I had faid that this Bifhop knoweth not how to interpret a plain Latine Sentence,, as he faith it of himfelf7 That which I moft exprefly fay of pious, ingenious Youth, he feign- eth me to fay of my Boot*. Reader^ look on the Book and judge whether Methedus, the Nominative Cafe fingular, agree with nat&, difpofiu, confecratA 9 the Dative Cafe., when ^uvsntuiii Parti fiudiofe, feduU, with many other Datives, went before it: There are no lefs than Twelve Adjectives joined to Parti in the Dative Cafe, and yet he conftrueth the three laft a agree- ing with the very firft Title-name in the Nominative Cafe. And is this the way to make me lament my want of his Academical Education? Is it any wonder if thefe men prove us Liars aud proud, and if they fentence usfcr leffer Crimes ? Yea, here he concludeth that I write [fo puvifoly % fj v. r> onfly and unconftantly to my j elf, fo blindly^ as if willfully blihdan i not penitent of my own guilt, and fo arrogantly, and difdampdly i &c. ] You have heard the proof, ^•54. Pag. 99. He provethmy unpeaceabUnefs from the Pe- ru :on for Peace, and Additions to the Liturgy : The Crime here IF, \Thtttt not one Office, no not one Prayer of the old Liturgy, and is l'tiled A Reformation of the Liturgy, and little more than a Di- rectory. An[. O miferable World! What cure is there for thy De- ceits ? This good man talks as he hath heard, and lb all goes on. But 1. he knoweth not it feems what Title our Copy had, but judgeth by that which fome body printed. 2. It feems he knoweth not that this Draught was only offer- ed to debate_, expecting abundance of Alterations : We openly declared that it was done on fuppofition of obliterating and al- tering all that they had any juft exception againft, were it but as needlefs. And for the claufes, [Thefe or the like words! we pro- felr, that we expected an Obliteration of them, but had rather theBiihops did the impofing part, if it muft be done, than we. 3-He knew not it feems that ours we re offered but as additional Forms, that fuch of them as both fides agreed on, might be mixt as Alias's with the old Liturgy. And doth his Lordfhip then exclaim with reafon, that [Net one Office^ not one Prayer of the old was in, when all (after correction) was to be in 3 and none left out. Oh what is Hiftoryl and what men are its corrupters ? And (that his work may be homogenealj p. 100, 101. having recited my Commendation of their Liturgy as better than any in the Bibhoth. Patrum, he addeth'as an Accufation, [Yet /\ 2 19. he complains of fuch failings in i> 3 that IT IS A WORSHIP which we cannot in faith be affured God accepteth.~\ Reader, This is one of the leffer fort of deceiving Accufarions. I (aid that (among greater fins which we fear in our Conformi- ty) we fear leaft by AfTent and Confent to all things contained and prefcribed. &c> we fhould be guilty of juftifying all the failings in that worfhip, and alfo of offering to God aWorflnp that we cannot in faith be affured that he accepteth. This Lord fo word- eth it, that the Reader who perufeth not my words would ve- rily think that I had frid this of the Liturgy in the fubftance of Worfhip there prefcribed , which I faid only as to the things xrhich we dare not conform to : And I explained it by faying, \\Ve dare no: juftijie the bjl Prayer we pat up to God in all things.'} E.g. To dedicate Infants to God without their Parents exprelt Dedication , or confent , or their promife co educate them as Chrifti- V]9) jChriftians, and this upon the falfe covenanting of Godfather*: 'that never owned them> nor ever mean to educate them as promifed, ('as is known byconftant experience, neither they nor the Parents intending any fuch truft in the undertakers) and ro dedicate them by the facramental Sign of theCrofs, or a badge of Chriftianity, and to refufe all that will not be thus baptifed, This we fear is a worfhip that God will not accept. But is this therefore faid of the fubftance of the Liturgy ? And if the Lord Bp. be wifer or bolder than we, and be be- yond all fuch fears, mould he not fuflfer Fools gladly, feeing he himfelf is wife ? And if he like not our fearing an Oath, Subfcrip- tion, Declaration, Covenant, or Practice, which he thinks to be true and good, and we think to be falfe and evil, why may he not endure our timorouihefs while he may rufh on himfelf and venture j mould he not rather pitty us, while ScP**/ faith, He that donbteth is damned if he eat, becavfe becateth not in Faith. § 3y. P. ic8. He queftions whether their communion be my- practice: and p. no. givethme two friendly Councils, i. To perufe my Books, and retract what's amifs. 2. To tell the World now my fober Thoughts, what I could and would do were I to begin the World again. I heartily thank him for bis Counfel, for it is good and honeft, But alas,, what a thing is it to write of things which men know not! 1. Heknowethnot that I have retracted much already $ partly bydifowning, and partly by large Obliterations : Of the flrft fort are my Aphor. of Juftification, and my Voht. Aphorifms (though not all that's in them.J Of the 2d he may fee many and iarge Obliterations in my Saints Reft t my Key for Catbohclrs, &c e . 2. He feemeth not to know what bloody Books^ to prove me one of the worft men living, their Church Advocates have writ- ten againft me, fetcht mainly from thefe retracted Books and Words. Nor how they that commend Augu^ine^ reproach me as mutable for thofe Retractations. 3. It feemeth he knoweth not that I have already performed hisfecond Advice, in my Cvre for Church- Divifions, my Sec Plea for Peace , (about Government) Ye3, Bifhop Alorley before the King , Lords, and B mops at Worcejhr- bottfe, fpeaking of Ceremonies and Forms, caufed my Dif put at ions of Charcb-Gc- verntnent, produced and faid, No man hath written better than Mr. Baxter, (as if it v/erc .jgainft my feif) And indoctrinate, :.ithoL fhetl. and Methcd-a Tbeot. and Cbriflian DireFtoryhiVtcxpref- led my maturcit, calmeit thoughts. But hcthatconnfcls rr.e to it^nows not that it is already done. And more for Reviling and Retractation I would do, ifneceifity did not divert me, even the want of time and itrength. § 36. P. 1 1 y. You fay. {That Reverend and great man Bp. Morley tells ut \_tbe generality of None on j arming Divines Jbewedthemfelves unwilling to en- ter on Difpute, andfeemed to like much better another way, tending to an amicable and fair compliance, which was wholly fruftrated by-—— a cer . tain perfons furious eagernefs to engage in a Deputation.] This was it feems thefnfe of both fides at that time.] Anf. How far from Truth ? It was the fenfe and Refolution of the reconciling Party, called by them Presbyterians: We all defired no- thing but an amicable Treaty— We were promifed by they fhouli meet us half way. When we met, Bifliop Sheldon declared the Agree- ment of his Party, that till we had brought in all our Exceptions agatnfl the Liturgies, aisd our additional Forms , they would hot treat with us. IVIr. Calamy, Mr. Claris, and others, would have taken that as a final Refu- ial, and meddled no more, left Difpute mould do more harm than good : I was againftfuch an untimely end , and faid, They will report that we had nothing tofiy : It's better let the cafe befeen in writing, than fo breal^ off. The reft wrote the Exceptions about the Liturgies ; ibme Agent of the Bifhops anfwered them without the leaft conceflion for alteration at all. I wrote a f{eply, and the Additional Forms, and a Petition to the Bifiops, and they would treat of never aoneofthem: But at the end, put us to dif- pute to prove any Alteration necefjary, they maintaining that none at all was neceffary to the ca/e of tender Confciences. (Of which before.) §37. I had thought to have proceeded, but truly the work which the Bifliop maketh me is lb unpleafant, almoft all about the truth or Falihood of notorious matter of Fa<5t, that I have more Patience to bear his Accufations ( whatever his learned Friend faid of my impatience) than to follow him any further at this rate. But whereas he faith, that \_fome will thinly that many things in his Boof^want truth.'] I am one of thofe, and leave it to the Readers Judgment whether they judge not tru- ly : And whereas he lays fo muchftrefs on Bp. Morley's words, if any Printer (hall beat the charge of Printing it, I purpofe while he and the Witneeflsare yet alive, to publiflj the Anfwcr to his Letter, which 1 caft by to avoid Difplcaiure. And if they will ftill be deceived, let them be deceived. I cannot help it. It is no wonder that hethat is defcribed, JoL 8. 44. mould carry on his Kingdom accordingly in the World : But muft his Dial be let -on the Steeple of Chrifts Church, and have a confecrated Finger for its Index ? O lamentable Cafe ! FINIS. DIOCESAN CHURCHES NOT Yet Difcovered in the Primitive Times. O R A Defence of the Anfwer to Dr. Stilling- fleets Allegations out of Antiquity for fuch Churches. j Againfl the Exceptions offered in the Preface to a late Treatife called a Vindication of the Pri- mitive Church. WHERE What is further produced out of Scripture and Antient Authors for Diocefan Churches is alfb Difcuffed* . Lift, Vin ; », : L OZX.D JsQ, Printed for Thomas ^Parkhhrfl at the Bible and three Crowns at the lower end o£ Cheap-fide near ^Piercers Chappel 1682. / •' ■p > %tutt ' JL Age 59.1. 4. r. Sirmond. p. 6*7. 1. 35. r. to. p. t<5. r. Euodius. p. 80. 1. ii»r. oqaro- rum. p.8£.l. itf.r.Congtegations. p 87. 1.27.r. Bifhops. p. 9$. 1. 7. r Jlcnv-mms, p. ult. I. 9. r. tefs. befides mif-acceming fome Greek words, and other mif- pointings; THE. PREFACE Iflenters are accnjed of Schifm by fome of this Churchy both thefe and the other are branded not only as Schifmaticks, but as Hereticks by the Papifts ; who upon this account judge its unworthy to live y and had actually dejhoyed both together, if God in Mercy had not difco- verd their devilifh Plot. The difcovery gave them fome interruption, and put them upon an af- ter-game 3 to retrieve what had mifcarryed. And this was fo to divide m, as that our (elves fbould help them in their defign to mine us all, when they had lefs hopes to do it alone. In pur fiance hereof fuch influence they have had upon too many, as to raife in them a greater aver fat ion to DifTenters than to Papifts. Thefe the Conlpirators count their own, and thinly they may well do fo, fince A 6. thpv The Preface. they are too ready to concurre with them in then defign to exterminate thofe, who are true Prote- ftants in every point, and differ no more from this Church than thofe in France do, who by the fame Counfeh are at this time in extreme danger to he utterly extirpated. Others are fo far f re- tailed with as to mafy ufe of one of the fiarpejl weapons they have again]} diffenting Proteflants, and that is the charge fl/ochifme, lately renewed and re-inforced. In thefe hard circumflances, while we do what we can againfl the common Enemy, we are put to ward off the blows offuch as (notwithstanding fomeprefent diflemperj we will count our Friends. Amoiigft other expedients, fujficient to fecureusa- gainfl this attaque, it was thought not unufeful, to anjwer the allegations out of Antiquity, concern- ing two pints, wherein only Hoe Antients were made nfe of to our 'prejudice, vi^. i. FtfrDioce- fan Churches, and then ily. Againfl the Electi- on of Bifhops by the people in the primitive times. Something was performed and publifloedin reference to both thefe in a kite difcourfe. One half of of which, where the latter is dijcujjed, concerning the popular Eledions of Bifliops^ hath yet faffed without any exception that I can fee or hear of; yet this alone is enough to defend us againfl the of or ef aid charge : For thofe who will not makg the primitive Church Schifmatical, mutt not condemn any as Schifmaticks for declining fetch Biftiops as that Church would not own. Agamfl the former fart of the Difeourfe, con- cerning Diocefan Churches., feme exception hath been made, but very little ; a late Author in his Preface to a Treatife of another Subjeli, hath touch- ed about 5 pages in 40. butfo as he hath done them no more harm, than another, who to fend one fault therein, runs himfelfinto two or three, about a* d that there is no evidence in them, at to thepurpofe they are alledgedfor* Injhorty I find nothing in this Author, ,or any other before him, which mayfatisfe a judkiom and impartial man, that in the two nr&AgesofChri* Hianity any Bijhop had more than one particular Church or Congregation for his proper charge ; v. And who will queftion, but the many Presbyters in the Church of Carthage were for future increafe both in City and Country £ So that herein the cafe is not diffe- rent h And the defign of that number of Officers might partly be for other Congregations, (Epifeopal Churches, though n6t Dioce(an) to furnilh them with Officers. This is apparent afterwards in the praftice of the Jtfri- canChurches, who when a new Church was erefted, (up- plyed it with aBifhop or other AfEftants from places bet- ter ftored with Officers \ And it is exemplyfied particu- larly (as we (hall fee hereafter) in the provifibn which St. Auflin made for Fuflala. c He (ayes further, the multitude of Presbyters belong- £ ing to one Congregational Church, might be occafi- c on'd by the uncertain abode of mod of the Apo flies * and their Commijjtvners, who are the Principal, if not * the»onlyOrdainers of Presbyters mentioned in Scrip- * ture. But (3 ) But herein he does but guels, and had no reafon to be pofitive, unlefi the Apojiles and their Commijjiomrs^ (as ha calls them,) had been then the only Ordainers, which he will not venture to affirm, knowing what evi- dence there is againft it. 'Laftly, he (ayes, if this opinion of TSijhop Downham c had any certain ground in Antiquity, we (hould pro- 'bably hear of it with both eares, and we (hould have 'it recommended upon antienter Authority than his. This of BiJIwp Dovpnham hath certain ground in the beft antiquity, if the^cmTefiament befuch 5 v where it is plain there were many Presbyters in diverfe Chur- ches, (uchas are not yet, nor ever will be proved to be Diocefatt. To\\\zto{y\(jizianzen^ he (ayes, c it hath received 'its anfweiv and adds, he that cannot an(wer it to him- 'fel£ from the great difference between the condition of 'the Church in Cyprian^ and in J^azianzeris time, hath 'a fond nefs for the Argument. This is the an(wer it received, T*ag. 51. and this dif- ference was thus expreffed a little before 3 ' But that any e Church fixt and fetled, having its Bifhop alwayes pre- c fent, (hould multiply Presbyters beyond Ineccjfity, in the ^circumftances of the Primitive Chriftians before Con- 'Jiantwe, is altogether incredible 5 for the neceflary ex- c pences of the Church were very great, the poor nu- 'merous, the generality of Chriftians not of the Rich- 'eft, and the Eftates they had being at the difcretionof 'their enemies, and mind with perpetual perfecution, &c He fayes, multiplying Presbyters beyond mccjfity^ and without neceJJIty^ while he alters my words (b as to change the fenfe, he difputes againft himfel^ not me 5 But this looking more like an Argument than anything before, I ihall take a little more notice of it. t . Is not all this applicable to the Churches in the Apojiles times, B 2 when wnen it cannot oe aenyea rresvyiers were muitipiyea beyond what we count neceffary ? The poor numerous, the generality of ChrilJians not of the Tfychejl, afid the EJiates they had beingat the difcretion of their enemies, and mind with perpetual perfection. Further, the Church before ConBantine and Carthage particularly , fuppofing thefe to be its circumftances, might have many Presbyters without any great charge : For i ft. the Church Stock was referved only for thofe in want, r&i JtotMoit, as is determin d in one of the Canon* b)can. 4. which pals for jipoftolic&l, fb) and the lame decreed in c} can. 25. the (ynod at jintioch. (c) ^ntbrofe even in the 4th. Age, will have none to have a ftipend wha hath other revenues, Qui fidct exercet militiam, agelli fki fru3ibus y fi habet, debet ejfe contentus 5 Jinon habet, Stipendiorum ft- d) ogki L. 1. orumfruUu. (d) And Chryjbftomtdh us that in Eleftions, • * 5, thofeof the Competitors that had Eftates did carry it, becaufe the Church would need to be at no charge in maintaining of fiich, ** & /lo/ro tfh&m c* ?w t« owKhtm'** 1) ve factrd. *p#Aw 2ly. When they had no Eftates, andtheC^rrA tiLSaviu* could not maintain them, they were ta provide for tbemfelves by fome honeft imployment. The Council of Elvira allows all forts of Clergy men to drive a trade, for their living, provided they did it only in the Pro- : ) Can. 19. vince where they lived, (f) and in the 4th. Council of Carthage it is ordered, that the Clergy, though they be learned in the word of God, flail get theirlivingbya trade. cm. $11 (gj and in the next Canon that they flail get food and rayment by a Trade or Husbandry, with this provifo, that it be not a prejudice to their Office* Our ^Author (ayes in* *) Va&* 154. deed, (h) that this is contrary to theufage of all other Chur- ches 5 how true this is may be (een by the Canon before cited. He fayesalfb, that this is forbidden by the ^d. Council of Carthage 5 but neither is this fo, that Canon adds but another rcftri&ion, viz. that they get not their liviug* by (5 ) by an employment that is fordid or difljonejt, where the (j) can. i 5 . in Latine and Greek both agree in it. gly. The Church Cod * l6 < was to allow none of them, no not Bif/jops more than*e- ce/Jary>even zitetConftantims time. That Canon call'd the ApoJilesyZnd the other Antioch forecited, exprefs this in the lame words, the Bifljop may have of the Church Stock what is neeedfitll, if he be necejjitous, rd , but a good diftance from the City, (70 Furlongs by Land,) and 3 may pais for many, when it was a rare thing for any City to have more than one. The heft Authors, as they fometimes exprefs^er^ few by none, and a generality by all- fo they exprels tffore than ordinary by many 5 and twoo* three fuch Churches in one City were more than ordinary at that time, when one City in an Hundred had not two Churches, and one in a Thouland had not three Churches, that could be ftyled **Wfc ^//that Conjiantine built here were fuch, both Eujebius his more, and Sozo- mens many, are laid, by them to be very great, i&yw* But no confiderable Author that I meet with in that Age, or fome Hundreds of years after, names more than two very great Churches ere&ed by ConBantine in that Ci- ty. And if companion be made, thece is no Hijiorian of thole times, to be more regarded in matters which concern C. *P , than Socrates who tells us, that he was born and educated in C. P. , and continued there ("as an advocate ) when he wrote his Hiftory. But if we (hould luppofe that Sozomen intended more than 3 or 4 Churches, or that the Emperour built no more than was requilite, and only conlulted convenien- cy, anddefignd not State or Magnificence, (which yet our Author a little after layes he did 5 and we know no- thing is more ordinary than for great Cities to have more Churches than are needful : it was lb in London before the Fire, and the retrenching of their number fince fhews it :) yet this will be lb far from proving sAlexan- der's Church in C. 7\ to be Diocejan, that it will not prove it greater than fome fingle Congregations: for there were 12 Churches in Alexandria, when yet the Church in (9) in that City adhereing to .Athanafius confifted of no , % more than are in fome one of our Parifhes. For which ftch Evidence has been brought, as is not yet, nor I think, can be defaced. c Npr can we imagine that two c Churches, much lefs one, could fuffice all the Chrifti- c ans in C. T. when the City of Heliopolk being convert- ed to Chriftianity required more, and Conftantine c built feveral for them, **xM9**t o ml**t. The word plurally exprefled is much improved by our ^iitthor, he makes out of it diverfe Churches^ and all tkefe Churches^ when yet all tkcfe were but one Church, as Socrates himfclf makes it plain a little before/ 5 for isoc. i.i.c.iB. having related how Conftantine ordered a Church to be built near the O^at Mambre^ he adds, that he order- ed another Church ("not Churches ) to be ereclcd at Helio- polis, M&v UMwieut y47*titdsa&ivcu. And to put it pad doubt, Eufehius whom the Emperour employ 'd about thofe ftru&ures, and from whom in all likelihood So- crates had the Relation, gives an account but of one Church there founded by the Emperour^ which he calls l7x»?luK7iigMG4uttoiolat0f, and that it was furnifhed with a ml.$.c.$6.t>f ^Btfrjop^ 'Vresbyters and Deacons. So that the Bifhop of lM Con i iiint - Heliopolk had but one Church for his Diocefs, which our [Author fhould not be fb loath to own, fince it can- not be proved that at this time one Bilhop in an hundred, had more. Valefius (whom our Author much relies on) in his VSj>ies upon this place, is fo far from thinking that Con- « fiantine built more Churches in Heliopolis^x. he judges this one at prefent was not neceffary for it, the Town haviug then no Chriftians in it : and affigns this as the reafon why Eufebhis fpeaks of it as a thing unufual, that it fhould have a Bifhop appointed, and a Church built in it. His words are, Fortajfe hoc novum & inauditum ftiijfe intelligit^ &c. He may think, this new and unheard C of, C to J of, that a Church fiwuld he built in -a City, where as yet there were no Chriflians but all were alike idolaters. Therefore thk Church was built at Heliopolis, not for that there* was any nccejfity of it, but rather in hope that he might invite all the Citizens to the profejficn of the Clyrifiian Religion. So that the Bilhop here had none for his Diocefe but one iniib^Mvk. Church, and that empty, there being then no Chrifti- ?^' °' 58 ' ans in ^at one Parifh 3 which yet was all he had to make him a Diocefan. The better to confute Theodoret, whofaies (Tor they are his words, not mine ) that Alexander with all the ^Brethren met together, he endeavours to (hew the (Vote of that Church about the latter end of Conjlantine, Sec. this he does here and after by an undue Application of feme paffagesin Sozomen. For the account which that Hijlorian gives of that City is not confined to Conftan- tines time, but reaches beyond it, ay, and beyond Ju- lians too, which appears, as by other paffages, fo by his mentioning the heathen Temples in the time of that Emperour. And with refpeft to the time after Con- Jlantine muft that expreffion be underftood, which makes C. C P. to exceed Rome, not only in Torches, but in the number of inhabitants, otherwife it will be apparent- ly falfe. For when Chryfijlome was Bifhop there, about 70 years after (when it is like the number of the Inha- bitants were doubled, it cannot be queftioned but they were far more numerous) he who beft could do it, rec- n in ab. mm. kons the Chriftians then to be an 100000 n 5 our Au- 1 i.pag.6^ tkor will have us look upon the Jews and Heathen there to be inconfiderable but let us count them another icoooo. Yet both put together will fall incomparably {port of the number in old Rome, which by the compu- o m Ma'gnit. tation of Lipjius was at leaft two millions p. And in Rom. nb. 3.C.3. Confiantines time new Rome was as far fhort of the old as (-II) as to its greatnefs in circuit, for whereas Hcrodian de- clares that Severus quite demolifhed ^Byzantium for tid- ing with ^Qger, and reducing it to the if ate of a Village fetbjetfed it to Perinthus, *"V« ^W ntoivtion J8&* *Adn p, ? lib. 2.. p. 62. we cannot in reafon fuppofe it to be extraordinarily fpacious 5 yet as Zofimus reports, all the inlargement which Contiantine gave it, was but the addition of 1 5 Furlongs, *»<#•'* ^m^V^'^. Now (uppofe it was 30 q//^. 2. ;. 62. or 40 Furlongs in com pais before fand fo larger than one City in an hundred) yet this addition will leave it lefs than Alexandria^ which, as Jofephu* defcribes it, was 80 Furlongs, that is,ten miles in circumference r, yet A- rpeBeih Jud. lexandriawas four times lels than'Z^We, forby Vopifeuas ll0 ' 2 * caf ' l6% account, in Aureliaris time, not long before Confiantine^ the walls were made by him near 50 miles in circuit. So it will be in comparifon of Confiantinople when firft built, rather like a V^ation than a City^ as ^iriftotle fa id of the Other Babylon, %X H myyesiVkS pahhov ?$»* i-dhsm j. s Pol. lit.$.c.2. If then we will have this paflage ofSozomen to have any appearance of truth,itmuft be extended far beyond Conjlantinesume, when, as Zofimus tells us, many of the flicceeding Emperours were ftill drawing multitudes of People to thatCky,fothat it was afterwards encompafled with walls far larger, wd*a» rfo^^ than thofe ofConJian- tine t. And in an Oration of77?e^7/ri^itismade a que- t lib. 2. p. 6$. ftion whether Tkeodofius junior did not add more to C.P. than Confiantine did to Byzantium. c Many of the Jews and almoft all the Heathen were | c converted and became Christians. The expreffion of Sozomen does not hinder but as the 'main body of the Jews remained, fo the numbers of the Heathen might be confiderable. Tcrtnliian fpeaks of Citizens in his time as if they were almoji all christians^ C 2 pa J C " J> u Apol. c. 37. y en ± otnnes elves chrijliani u 5 yet no inftance can be gi- ven of any one City where the Chriftians were the major part of the Inhabitants .• thofe that take his words in a ftrie opinion, the Novatians had of that Bifhop. He does not fay the other Heretic ks were altogether extirpated. He does not confefs that the Novatians fffircd the fame meafure with ethers every where, no, nor any where elfe, it is the ^Montanifs that he fayes this of. He dares to affirm they had a Conventicle or more, for he affirms they had an eminent Bifhop in C. 'P. and were not only numerous therebefore the Edidt, but continued fo after. The Gentle- wan was in too much hafle here, as himfelf will per- ceive, by obferving how much his account differs from the Hiftorians. At laft he comes to that paflage tff Theodorct which occafioned all thefe lines, but Theodorct affirms they •were were no more than could meet in one Church, and that they did a&ually do fo, c I anfwer, fayes he, th.it Theodoret * does not-fay fo, and the paffage cited does not con- c elude it. I did not fay Theodoret affirms they were no more, than could meet in one Church, but he (ayes the fame in effect, viz. that all the Brethren ajjembled with Alexander. His words are, Alexander, the church rejoycing, held an Af- femhly with all the 'Hrethren, prajing and greatly glorify- ing God. The words are plain, and the fenfe, I take them in, is open in the face of them. Nor do I believe that any difinterefted perfbn would put any other fenfe upon them than this-, that the generality ofChrijlians of which the Church at Conftaminople confijied, ajjembled together with their TZ/fiop Alexander, to praife God joy- fully for their deliverance by the death of Arius. But he will not have the words taken in a general fenfe, but will fuppofe them taken with refpeli to that particular Congre- gation^ in which Arius was to be reconciled. Yet this fup- pofition hath no ground either in the words, or in the contexture of the Difcourfe, or any where elfe that I know of, or our ^Author either } for if he had, we fhould have heard it with both ears, as he fpeaks elfe- where. He will not have all the Brethren, to be all the Believers at C. P. yet he knows that Brethren and Be- lievers are Synonymous terms both in Scripture and an? • cient Authors. vAnd thofe were the Believers or Bre- thren of the Church of C. T 3 . which had occafion to re- jovce, and that was the whole Church there .* as for ■attVJs*, render'd Z)niver(i, Ido not take it jw- all and every one of the Chriftians there } for in all AfTemblies,of great Churches efpecially, mwy are alwayes abfent. He had dealt more fairly with Theodoret, if by all he would have underftood the generality of Chriftians adhereing ta Alexander at C. P. or the greateft part of them, and about • r to about fuch an abatement of the full import of the word, there had been no need to contend , but his reftraint of it to a particular Congregation agrees not with the words, nor the occafion of them, nor hath any fupport tUewhere. Nor is that better which follows, unlefs you will fay that with all the Brethren, does not Jignifie their perfonal pre fence, hut only their unanimity. This looks more like a fhift than a plain anfwer, and therefore he was well advifed in not venturing to own it. c Theodoret could not think that all theBeleivers of C. c P. could come together to the Bifhop's Church, for he c cites a Letter of Conjiantines a little after, where he * gives an account of the great increafc of that Church. In the City that is caWd by my name by the Providence of God \ an infinite multitude of^Pcople have joined them/elves lo the Churchy and all things there wonderfully increasing, it feems very requifite that more Churches flwu Id be built 5 nnderflanding therefore hereby what I have refolved to do, I though fit to order you to provide 50 'Bibles fairly and le- gibly written. He does not fay an infinite multitude, the words of the Letter are vhwv n$Sos 9 that there was a very great multitude pf Chriftians is not denied, nor that he intend- ed to build more Churches 3 but this confirms what is fig- nified before, that thefe very many Churches were not yet built, but only in defign, and that with a profpect of Chriftians there (till increafing. And the Bibles, if they were intended only for C. P. might be for the future Churches, not the prefent only. His Conclufion is, c where Chriftians were fb multi- plied that it was neceffary to build more Churches, c and to make fuch provifions for the multitude of their c Affcmblies, it could not be that they fhould all make e but one Congregation. He He (hould have concluded that which is denied, o- ther wife all he hath premifed will be infignificant, and to no purpofe : it is granted that all the Chriftians at C.P. did make more than one Congregation, and for their conveniency met atother times in feverai Churches. That which is denied is, that the main Body or genera- lity of Chriftians there could not meet in one Aflembly, or did not lb meet at this time with their Biftiop Alex- under, as to this he hath proved nothing, and therefore did well to conclude nothing againft that which is affir- med to be the plain import of Theodora's expreliion. And it may be fuppofed that Tkeodoret, if he had not exprefled it, might well thinks (though the contrary be iuggefted ) that as great multitudes , as Conffaxtines Letters fignified, might meet together at. the Biftiop's Church 5 for himfelfdeclares what a vaft Congregation he preached to at dntioch, having an Auditory of many Myriads f. I will not ask him what Uttfebius could thinks f Ep. 8 $. when he tells us the Chriftians had mwh*< Zfofwai"}**, djfemblies confining of ^Myriads g. Nor what Socrates g ^-8. Cap. u thought, when he tells us long after, of C. P. that the whole City became one ^ijjembly, and meeting in an Or a- tory, continued there all day h, ''okvtkxk rf&lKKKmdt.iyknTihUb.'j.cap.ii. h o t4 ivwsico w'Q/ufyQt 9 <&c. But I would have him tell me how he underftands that paffage of Chryfoftcmc^ %w TpJh /. vVhat is the import of thefe words ? Do they i mm. 8$. h fignify that ten ^Myriads were affembled in one place Mat - Tm - z -h to hear Chryfoftome? Iffo, there will be no queftion 52p * but that the generality of Chriftians might meet in one - Church with Alexander in Confiantines Reign $ for that then, (about 70 years before J there was any thing near fo many Chriftians as an 100000 , adhereing to one Bifhop in this City, cannot with any reafon be iroagin- D ed. C i8J- ed. Or does he mean only, that there were fo many ^Myriads of Chriftians contained in that City.c (hops (I faid in epiphanius § time) it cannot be denied. c But that is not the thing Epiphanius fpeaks ofj but that ; before the Eleftion of Theonas againft Athanafius , * there were never two oppofite Bifhops as in other 4 Churches. But this doth neither agree with the one nor defend the other 5 it agrees not with Epiphanius, but makes him contradict himfel£ for he tells us there were two . oppofite Biftiops at Alexandria before Theonas was cho- fen. . fen. For this was not till Alexanders death,but he (ayes Tijlus was made Bifhop there by the .Avians while o Her. Sv.yum. Alexander was living 0. And he could not be ignorant I'huantt. ofwhat Sufebius declares />, that upon the divifion in /. 3. ap. 4. ' Egypt occasioned by Arius,\n every City, ns but an Ufurper. But this fignifiesas much *o my purpofe as I need 5 for the Donatifis having aBiftioprickin Hippo, St. ^Aufiin s muft needs be diminiftied thereby, and altogether as much leffened, as if they had not been Ufurpers. And they were counted no otherwife TJfurpcrs, but (b that if the Donatitf Biftiop had been reconciled 3 by a Decree of the African Church he was to continue in his Bifhop- there, as a rightful Toffejfcur, and there would have been ftill two Diocefles (fuch as they were ) in one Town. He would have us believe Aufiin as if he declared, that he was not the Bifhop of the Town only 3 but his words are, Ut modum dijpenfationjf nte<#. 37?. finds £pifcopos twtfros x. He may have many more in- x pag. 571, fiances hereof in that Epiftle. If there was (b many Bifhops in Hippo or in that Region, as the Clergy call Spjjcopos nojlros, he muft grant many more Bifhops in that Region than 1 need defire. So that this l?hrafe however it be underftood, is a medium unhappily cho- (en : if it be taken in my fenfe it is impertinent and can conclude nothing for him 5 if it be taken in his ownfenfi^ it will conclude direftly againft him. He paffes to Alexandria, and to pag. 32. Theinjlance of Mareotis hefayes little to, fo our Author, I might think it enough, where there was fo little occafion. "He infinuates asifc^/rfra?/7.r might not have number " enough of Chriftians tp have a Bithop, but this Atha- " nafius does fufficienriy {hew to be a groundlefs con- jetture. I had no intention or occafion to fignifie that Mareo- tis had not Chriftians enough to have a Bifhop, I knew that it both had many Chriftians, and a Bifhop alfb, and named him too 5 and therefore the groundleftconjt- Sure may be fixed fomewhere elfe. cc And even before Athanafius, the generality of the " People there were Chriftians. How long before ? Dionyfius in the latter part of the third Age declares it 2?w^w«VU?£r 5 quite destitute of Christians y, and the gaining the generality there, to yzuftb t tfj,c.i\\ the Faith, required fbme confiderable time, and it is F 2 like Car) like proceeded not far, till Chriftianity generally pre- vailed. Befides Ifchyras, 1 had mentioned Dracontius^ both Bifhops in the Territory of Alexandria fas Agathawmon z4pol,2.p.6i2. alio was&) of Dracontius he takes notice, and (ayes, pojfibly he was a Chorcpijccpus. But a Chorepifcopus is elfewhere with him a D/ ^ *, and here he (ayes that he did accept a TSiJJwprick. Now the(e put together will go near to make a Dioce- fan Bilhop. But then if there were two or three Bifhops in the Diocefs of Alexandria, befides Athanafms^ they will (carce be fo much as half Diocefons. He (ayes Athanafius prejj'd'kimto accept it. If (b this great Perfon was no more unwilling to have another Bifhop in his Dioccfi and in a Countrcy place too, than AitUin was to have one at Fujfala, He fayes further this was an extraordinary cafe, though what was extraordi- nary in it I cannot imagine j to prove any thing there mentioned to be fo, will be an hard task. "And allowing this man a Countrey Bifhoprick, " that of Alexandria would be a great deal too bigg for " the Congregational meafunci And fo it might be, and yet be no Diocefin Church 5 if that will (atisfie him which is too big for thofe meafures^ he (eems content to drop his caufe, and may leave it in the hands of ^Presbyterians. And he is in the more danger, becaufe he (eems not apprehenfive of it, but counts it enough if he thinks a Church is any where found larger than one Congregation. I had given inftances of feveral Towns that had Bi- fhops, and were but two or three or four &c. miles diftant one from another this he denies not : but asks what does this conclude? might not thofe Diocejfcs be yet much larger than one Congregation $ (37) I might conclude that thefe were juft fuch Diocefies as our Countrey Parifhes are 5 and had fuch Congrega- tions as thofe Parifh Churches have. And fome of them in time might have provifion fas fome of ours have J for more Congregations than one. And if our modem DioccJJes were of this proportion, they would be much more conformable to the antient Modells. " Suppofe the chief Congregations of Holland had " each a Bifhop, yet I conceive they would be Dioce- " fans,though thofe Cities lie veryclofe together. He might have laid the fcene at home, where we are better acquainted, and fuppofed this of our Countrey Towns 5 or of both the cf.iefi and lejjer Towns in Hol- land 5 if he had defigned what would be moft paraUel. But to take it as it is formed, though thofe Cities lay not further diftant, and had each of them a Bifhop, yet if their Churches were governed in common by Bifhop and Presbyters, as the antient Churches were 5 they would not be Diocefan, but more like the Model of the Churches and Government which Holland hath at pre- fent. cc And now after all this, though we have feveral in- " fiances out o(Egjrpt, how near Cities were together "in fome parts, yet upon the whole account the Dk> " ceffti do appear to be large enough, from the num- "berofthem. He would have us think where Cities arey& near toge- ther (as I had (hewed) yet becaufe of their number the Dioceflcs might be large enough. But where they were fonear together, they could not be large enough to make any thing like the modern Dioceffes, no, no? larger than our Countrey Parishes if they had Bifhops in them. And the Ancients thought themfelves obliged by the Apojlles rule to have a Bifhop, not only in fome but in every City, ftmJimvZfti'inHJSv % fayes Chrjifi-* Home* C 38 ) b in i rim. tfome^ $ ><$ * y &* v *»'*" '®^»>»«v«W £, and Thecphilutt ex- How, ii. preffes ^w^r by ^' t^^, without exception of the fmallnefs of the place or its nearnefs to others. The reafon diverfe Cities had none, was the want, or the inconfiderable number of Chriftians in them. No- thing but this hindered any City from having a Bifnop in the four firft Ages 5 though the greateft part of their Cities ( as may be made manifeft ) were no greater than our Market-Towns or fairer Villages. And upon this account many Cities might want Biftiops, and it may be did fo, in Egypt particularly 5 Heathenifae pre- vailing in many places there, even in Jhhamfyus his time 5 for which I could produce fufficient evidence 5 but will not now digrefs (b far. Afterwards the affe&a,- tion ofgreatnefs in fome, was the occafion of new mea- sures 5 and orders were made that Towns which had no Bifhops before (hould have none after : though the reafon why they had none before was gone 5 and thole places had as many or more Chriftians in them, than mod Epifcopal Cities had of old. " For in Athanafms his time there were not an hun- cAthan.Apol.2. " dred Bifhops in all Egypt, Lybia and Teniapolk c. I was a little furprized to read this, and fee dthana- fius cited for it. For I knew that lAthanafim reckons 95 Bifhops from Egypt befides himfelf, at the Council of Sardica^ and others from Africa, wherein Ljlia and T^entapolis are ufually included $ and it was never known that a major part or a third of the Bifhops in a Countrey, did come to a Council at fuch a diftance as Egypt - u was from Sardka. It is fcarce credible that A- th0^Ljms would fo far contradict himfelf, as to fay there were not fb many Bifhops in all thofe three Countreys, when he had fignifyed there were many more in one of them. Some miftake I thought there muft be, and con- futing the place I found it not intirely reprefented. There (39) There is this Claufe (immediately following the words he cites ) left out, «<^«* r*™* »(**< w 77 * 70 , vonc of tkefe ac- cufed mc whereby it appears that the meaning of the whole paffage is this, thervwas an hundred BiJJjopsin the Diocefs of 'Egypt who appeared not againfi him y or that favoured him. But thofe who favoured ytrim (whom he calls Hufebians) and ^Melethis^ to fay nothing of Co- luthus (for into fo many parties was that Countrey then divided) are not taken into the reckoning 3 otherwife it would have amounted to many more than an hundred. Sozomen (ayes the Bifhops there, who took Arius his part were many, ^aao/ w Zhtn-nw d, and in Atkanafius dLib.i. f.14. there is an account of many ^MeletUn Bifhops by name e 5 and in Spiphanius it is laid, that in every Re- e^;»/. 2.^.5 14. gion through which <5Mcletius paffed, and /// every place where he came he made Biflwps f (Ep, far. 6d. The next thing he takes notice of is the defence of Mr. Baxter's Allegation out of At ban 'aft W, to (hew, that all the Chrijlians 0/ Alexandria (M. TJ's words are, the main body of the Chriftians in Alexandria ) could meet in one Church, cc It is to be confefTed that the expreffions of that cc Father feem to favour him, yjx* '**f\at \C^m and that " the Church did ™U A?^/ hold all, &c. I am made more confident by all that is faid to the contrary, that the evidence is really fuch, as will need no favonr, if it can meet with Juftice. " Now fuppofe that all the Chriftians in Alexandria^ " the Catholicks at leaftwife, could meet together in " that great Church, yet all the Diocefs could not. All that was undertaken to be proved by the paffage in queftion, was, that the mam body of Christians in Alexandria adhereing toAthanajius could, and did meet in that one Church. If this be granted nothing is de- nied that he intended to prove. As for a Diccefm the Countrey, k 40 J Countrey, if he will (hew us what, or where it was, and that it had no other Bijhcpin 7/, he will do fomething that may be confidered } yet nothing at all againft what this Teftimony was maJe ufe of to evince. He (ayes 2dly, " Suppofe this great great Church "could receive all the multitude, yet if that multitude " was too great for Perfonal Communion it is infignifi- "cant. Upon this feppofition it might be too great for an or- dinary meeting in the Congregational way, yet not big enough for a Diocefan Church. But the fuppcfition is groundlefs and contradifts Athanafius who (ayes they had Perfonal Communion, they all prayed together, and did not only meet within the Walls, but concurred in the worjhip, and/aid. Amen. He (ayes 3dly, " Before the Church of Alexandria "met in diftinft Congregations, but we are told that " thofe places were very finally port and fir ait places. All thefe five one, I faid, which he ought not to have omitted. And they were Cofmal/, becaufe thofe who were wont to meet in them feverally, fo as to fill them, could all meet in one Church, and did fo as Athanafius declares. " But that they were (uch Chappels or Churches, as "fome of our Parifhes in England have as great a num- w ber as Alexandria, is hardly credible. I know not how thofe places could be well expreffed with more diminution than Athanafius hath done it, he (ayes they were not only Jlrait and [mall, but the very fmalleSl. If he will make it appear that our Churches or Chappels are Ie(s than thofe that were C&xfr*™, I (hall underftand that which I could never before, that fomething is lej? than that which is kali of all. But he will prove they were not (b fmall, becaufe firft the Church 0/ Alexandria was very numerous from the begin- ning (40 tilng. Why it fhould be counted fo very numerous from the beginning, I know no reafon, but the miftake of an Hiflorian who will have a Se& of the Jem (which was numerous in or about Alexandria) to be Chriftians. " And if they met all in one place it muft confequent- "ly be very large. The ground of the confequence is removed, Vaky>is his own Author (ayes they had but one Church to meet in, in Dionyfius hk time, almoft 3 Ages from the begin- ning^. If that one was large, yet it is not like that it gpsg. 64. flood till jithanafrus his time \ after fo many Edicts for demoliftiing of all Chriftian Churches, and a fevere Execution of them in Diocletian s Perfecution. " Nor is it likely they (hould divide till they were " grown too numerous for the biggeft Meeting-place " they could conveniently have. It is as likely as that ^Athanafws {peaks truth, in a matter which he perfectly knew 3 he tells us they did divide, and yet were not too numerous for one great Church, in which they met conveniently too 5 yea, bet- ter than when difperfed in thofe little places, as he fayes and proves, w*° Ci\mv nv, &c. 2dly, He (ayes, cc Though before the Umpire was con- " verted they might be confined to litde places, and " forced to meet Severally 5 yet zfevConfiantine became " Chriftian, it is not likely that the Alexandrians would " content themfel ves with fmall andjirait Chappels. Nor did they content themfelves with thofe little ones, for befides this built in Athanajius his time, there was one greater than thofe finall ones finifhed in Alex- anders time, where the body of Catholicks aflembled with Alexander, the other places being too ftrait, m&roPTw tLMavTWTi'mat l) this is that one I excepted, when I (aid (after Athanajius) that the reft, alljave one, were exceeding frnaU. But is it any proof that thefe were not G very (40 very imall which Athanajius represents as fiich, becaufe there was one (exprefly excepted from that number J (bmething larger ? As for what he adds, that then every ordinary City, built very great and magnificent Cathedrals, it is eafily faid, but will never be proved. " 3dly, Some of thefe Churches had been built with a a defign of receiving as many as well could have per- " fonal Communion in Worfhip together. Neither will this hold, unlefs fome of thofe Churches could have received all, which had l?erfonal Communi- on with tAthanafim in this greateft Church 5 which he denies, and makes ufe of to Coxjlantius as a plea why he madeufe of the great ejl. " As Theonas is laid by Athanafius to have built a " Church bigger than any of thofe they had before. Where Theonas is (aid by sAthanafius to have built a Church, &c. I find not, nor does he direft us where it may be found, I fuppofe for very good Reafon. In- deed Athanafius in this Apology (peaks of a Church called Theonas fit's like in memory of a former Bifhop of that place) where he (ayes the multitude of Catholicks met with ^Alexander, *wmyww£tf **£*>$&& 5 in like Circum- ftances, as a greater multitude affembled with himfelf in the new Church, which was greater, and pleads Alex- anders example in defence of what he did. But Theonas could not build this Church, for he was dead many vears before, being Predeceffour to 'Peter whom Achil- tuttdom *' * as and Akxander fucceeded h. L ic, 2. " And yet this and all the reft were but few and ftrait a in comparifon of the great multitude of Catholicks " that were in Alexandria. I expe&ed another Conclusion, but if this be all, he might have fpared the premiffes } for one part of it we affert,. the other we need not deny, only adding with Athanafiu*, that the greateji Church was capable M*&» &*P*i °f receiving this great multitude* But f 43) But here he fticks,and will wriggle a little more," But " I conceive, (ayes he, after all this, that the expreffi- " ons of Athanafius do not conclude that all the Chrifti- u ans in Alexandria were met in this great Church. That rf//and every one did come, was never imagined. It is but the main body of the Catholicks that M.jB. in- tends, as our Author obferves a little before. " For the tumultuous manner in which they came to cc their Bifhop to demand a general Affembly, makes it " probable that not only Women and Children, would " be glad to abfent thcmfelves, but many more^ either " apprehenfive of the effefl: of this tumultuous proceedings " or of the danger of fuch a crowd. The Women he will not admit , but was it ever known that fuch a great and folemn Affembly for Wor- fhip confiited only of Men ? Were not the. Women in Communion with Athanajiuss Chriftians, that they muft be left out, when he (ayes all the Catholicks met.*? Can all be truly (aid to affemble when the farr greater part QVomen^ Children and his many more) were abfent £ Are not the Women in the 'Primitive Church often noted for fuch Zeal for the Worftlip of Chrift, as made them contemn far greater dangers, than here they had any caufe to be apprehenfive of . where they could not meet but *$ *aM* 9wv%^ and fo prefers their affembling together in the great Church as better. c As for the Tumults (which might have been conceal- ed in a Vindication of the primitive Church) if there was any thing tumultuous, it was over when Athanafius had complyed with their defires to meet in the great Church. And (6 no apprehenfion of danger left to women, or any elfe, upon this account. " And even thofe that did affemble there were too " many for one Congregation, and was an aflembly " more for Solemnity and Oftentation than for Perfonal " Communion in Worfhip, and the proper ends of a " religious Aflembly. Here he runs as crofs, to the great Athanafius and the account which he gives of this Aflembly as if he had ftudied it, debafing that as more for Oftentation than for ^Perfonal Communion in Worihip, and the proper ends of a Religious Kffembly, which Athanafius highly com- mends both for the more defirable communion which the Chriftians had there mWorfiip, and for the greater ef- ficacy of it as to the proper ends of a T^eligions Sjjembly. k ^*/.2.M3i. Let any one view the paflages £and judge. He ftts * 52, forth the harmony, and concurrence of the multitude in worfnpwith one voice. He preferrs it before their afjem- blies, when dijperjed in little places, and not only be- caufe the unanimity of the multitude was herein more ap- parent, but becaufe God would fooner hear them, *™ *} i*.y$m © 0205 tmKxei. For if, iayes he, according to our Saviour s promife, where two full agree concerning any thing it pall he done for them by my Father, &c. how prevalent will be the one voice of Jo ?7umerous a people, ajj Ambled to- gether and faying kmen to God? and more to that pur- pofe, by which we may perceive, htkanafus being Judge, how true is it that this Aflembly was more for Svlemnity r 45 ) Solemnity and OJlentation , than for Terjonal Commu- nion in Worflrip and the proper ends of a Religious Ajfem- bly. And thus much to let us fee through the Arts ufed to cloud a clear paffage alledged out of Athanafius 5 if M. B. hid betaken himfelf to fuch little devijes, in like Circumftanccs } our Author would have taken the Li- berty to tell him, th it he was driven to hard Shifts. Before we leave Alexandria I am to take notice of what is faid by our Author^ to part of a Letter writ by a Friend to M. 15. concerning this City and the num- ber of Chriftians therein in Conftantiits his time. The Writer of it obferves a grofi abufe put upon him in the Vindicators Anfwer to it, and defires his defence may be here inferted. It contains an argument to confirm what was concluded from that paflfage in Athanafws here infilled on, that the Cathoiicks then could meet in one place. After that paffage and to this purpofe M/B. introduced it, as is very apparent /. This our Author 1 church Hiff. leems to obfcrve when he begins with it 5 he adds^ (ayes * ag% 9% IO ' he, to this oj Athanafius fthe very paflage mentioned J another argument given him by a learned Friend m. And m Pag. 58, after he hath done with it ;/, becaufe *JH. B. has endea- n Pag. 6$. vowed to reprefent the Church of Alexandria^ inconfidera- ble even in Conftantius his dayes, &c. And yet, how it comes to pais I know not, it is quite out of his thoughts while he is examining it. He was fo hafly for confuting, that he ftaiesnot to take notice what hj was to confute, though the intent of it be mjft plain and obvious, both by the occafion and words of the Letter : But Forces that fenfeonit, and makes that the defign of it} which I was far from thinking, would ever come into any mans Fancy, when he was awake. The words of the Letter are thefe 5 The City 0/ Alexandria, fayes Strabo, is like a Soldiers Cloak^ &c. and by computation about ten miles in compafi a %d. or ^th. part of this no as taken up with publicly C40 fublick buildings, Temples and Ifoyal 'Palaces $ thus is two miles and an half or three and a quarter taken up. He anfwers," I will not fay this learned friend hath impofed " on M.jB. but there is a very great miftake betwixt them. But the miftake is his own, and fuch a one, as I won- der how he could fall into it. He takes it for granted, that the Argument is brought to prove what Chriftians Alexandria had in Strabos time. Here is not the leaft occafion given for this, unlefs the citing of Strabo (hew- ing the dimenfions of that City .• but ^Primate Vfocr is quoted too, on the lame account $ and fo as much rea- fon to fancy the defign was to fhew what Chriftians A- lexandria had in the 'Primates time. Jerome, Epipha- nius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen are alfo cited there } why could not thefe as well lead him to the right Age, which their words plainly point at, without the leaft glance at any Age before, as Strabo alone (cited with- out any relpedi: to the time when he writ ) fo far miP lead him ? Nay, the 4th. age is exprefly mentioned in the Letter $ and the numeroufhefs of the VH^ovatians and Brians in ^Alexandria at the time intended , is infilled on 5 could he think any man fo ftupid, that had but the leaft acquaintance with thofe things, as to fpeak of Brians, and ^(ovatians in Strabos time ? But it may be, though I would hope better, our Examiner was too inclinable to fix an abfurd thing upon the Wri- ter of 'the Letter 3 that he might be excufed, from giving a better anfwer when it was not ready. But let us hear what he (ayes to it 5 yet what can be expe&ed to be (aid by one who makes his own dream the Foundation of his Difcourfe . was much leflened within a little while after % " Strabo by an infurre&ion of the Alexandrians againft " them. I fuppofe he means by that (laughter of them which - Jofephus mentions?, where 500c o were deft royed} but %%*[£ }*~ u what were thefe to the vaft number of Jews in Egypt, which Thilo r fayes amounted to no lefi than a mil-n^t. u lion? CAim > " The civil Wars afterwards under Trajan and his " Succeflbr had almoft extirpated them. It was in 'ValeBine where thefe Tragedies were afted, and was (b far from extinguifhing them in Sgypt or A- lexandria, that thereby, in all probability 5 their num- bers were there increafed 5 for being diverted of about 1 000 Towns and Garrifons by Severus (Adrians Gene- ral) as Dion reports, and forbidden all acce(s to Jeru- falem as drilio Tclleus in Sufebius f, this made other f£*M* CA h 6 ' places more defireable, thofe particularly where they might have good entertainment as they were wont to have at Alexandria, and what Dion Chryfoiiome (ayes, confirms it. But all this which he (ayes, if there were truth in it, is impertinent 5 for the Letter is not concerned what Jews were there near Strabo or Adrians time, but in H the C5o) the fourth Age. Yet this is all that he hath to (ay to the reft of the Letter, befides the publifhing and repeating of his own miftake, and upon no other ground making himfelffport with the Writer of it. Thus he begins, by the fame rule he might havedijpojed cfall at once, and concluded out ofStrabos divifion of the Town, that there was not one Chriftian in it : and repeats it thrice in the fame Page, ^(j> matter what number of Jews or Heathens it had in StraboV dayes , it is kindly done to provide for Chrijlians before they were in beings furely Strabo, who makes the diftribution, never intended the Chriftian s one foot of ground in all that division, and this learned Friend might have fpared his little Town cf8 or IO Furlongs, which hefo liberally beftows upon the r Bifoop ^/Alexandria, before our Saviour was born , and he tp^.^.94. is at it again feveral times in the following difcourfe t. How defirable a thing is it to have M. T?. and his Friend render'd ridiculous/ when rather than it (hall not be done, our Examiner will publifh his own indi£ cretion fo many times over to effeft it. But I will for- bear any fharper refleftions upon this Author, for taking him to be an ingenuous Perfon, I may expeft he will be icvereupon himfel£ whenhedifcernshiserrour^ which 1 doubt not but he will fee clearly by once more reading that Letter. Next he would difprove M. T3 sreprefentation of the Church of Alexandria in Conftantiuss time, by giving a view of that Churches greatnefs from the firft Founda- u Pag. 61. tion of it n 5 which becaufe it may concern ihtLctter du- ly underload, I (hall take fome notice of it very briefly. But there is fomething interpofed, between this and the Letter, which requires fome obfervance 5 there we may have an inftance of this Gentleman's jfeverity upon M. J5. and how reafonable it is 5 " His remark, (ayes he, " upon two Bifhops living quietly in Alexandria is fo * difeige- C*0 " difingenuous a fuggeftion, that he hath reafon to be " afliam'd of it,' But what is therein this fo difingenuous andjhamefitl} Does not Epiphanius fay this, 'and our Examiner ac- knowledge it b i Ay, but M. B. means that there were b pag. io 7 . not only two Bifhops, but their diftinci Churches in this City. Well, and does not oipiphanim give him futfici- ground for it .& fim^ made up of thofe banifhed with him, and others from feveral parts of Egypt, at Cephro, a Village in Ly- bia, a diftmct Province 5 fhould prove that he had a Diocefan Church ifi Alexandria, to any, but thofe who are very inclinable to believe it without proof Nor will others underftand that D/^//;/j-.if. j n t j ie next p ara g ra ph our Examiner argues for the great numbers of Chriftians at Alexandria , from the multitude of Martyrs at Thebes. " Under the Persecution of Diocletian what numbers cc of Chriftians might be at Alexandria, may be judged 1 Pag. 64. « by t jj e mu i t i tuc i e of Martyrs that fuffered at Thebes i, "&c. But here he miftakes £ufebins, who gives an account not of the Martyrs which were *» ©«&«*, in the City Thebes, but *? ©«&»«<&-, the province Thebak : which W3s half ofthat large Kingdom,according to the antient divifion of it into the upper and lower Sgypt. The Supc- riour Sgypt was Thebak, the inferiour was called fome- times the Delta, fometimes Egypt in a reftrained fenfe, and this divifion in thefe terms we have \r\Eufebius(\.o go k cap. 6. no further)a little before ^, *? enCa,iJk >&T 'A/y^w, where he begins his account of the Martyrs in this Countrey. Now if the Chriftians in that Provice of large extent, and comprifing very many Cities may be concluded to be very numerous from the multitudes of Martyrs which fuffered there 5 yet nothing at all can be inferred for any numbers to his purpofe in the City Thebes, by which he would conclude their numeroufnefs in Alexandria. But if M. t ~B. had miftaken one City forfb large a Countrey with multitudes of Cities in it, and made that miftake the ground of his reafoning , it is like our Examiner would have expoled him for it in his Preface, as he does forfbme leffer matters. i Fag. $5. In the following Paragraph /, there is a groundlefs fiippofition, that the divifion of Alexandria into Varices was antienter than Arms, there being no mention of it by r 55 j by any antient Author : as alfo an accusation of Peta- vius as miftaking £piphatiius his words, without any Stm. of Septra- caufe that I can difcern in thofe words, though he tio *P- 2 * • (ayes, it is plain there. That which he (ayes is plain, the learned Dean of "'Paul's could not difcern, but un- derftood Spiphanius as Tetavius and others did before him. Thefe I took to be preliminaries and expe&ed his Argument, but found it not, unlets it be couched in the firft words. " The Divifion of Alexandria between feveral Pres- " byters, as it were into fo many Parifhes, &c. But this fignifies nothing for his purpofe, if thofe in Alexandria thus divided could all meet in one place, as Athanafius declares they did 5 and that fo plainly that any one will judge fo, whofe intereft is not too hard for his judgment. Valefius Cwho had no byafs unlefi what might lead him the other way^) underftood it as I do 5 and exprefles it in thefe words. ( deciding the matter fo long infifted on, againft our Author) ^After- wards in the times 0/ Athanafius, when there were more Churches halt by diverfe HSifhops of Alexandria, the Citi- zens affembkd in fever al Churches fiver ally and in parcels^ as Athanafius/y ej- in his Apology to Conftantius } but on the great Feftivals^ Rafter and T^entecoji^ no particular affemblics were held, fed univerfi in majorem Ecclefiam conveniebant, ut ibidem teftatur Athanafius, but all of them affembled together in the great Church as Athanafius teflifies. So that there can be no pretence that the Church in Alexandria was Diocefan at this time, unlefs thofe who could meet together in one place might make fuch a Church. Yet this was then the greateft Church in the Empire fave that at T(ome r) and what he adds makes that at Rome very unlike Juch Diocefan Churches, as are now aflerted. u Vakiius t 5^ J " Valefius inferrs from the fame paffage of Pope Inro- cc cent's Epiftle to Dccentius, which 'Vetavius brings to " prove the contrary, that though there were feveral " Titles or Churches in Rome then, and had been long " before, yet none of them was as yet appropriated to " any Presbyter, but they were ferved in common as cc great Cities in Holland and fome other reformed cc Countreys , that have feveral Churches and Mini- " fters, &c. The Advocates for thefe Churches, who affign the bounds of a Diocefs with moft Moderation, will have it to comprize a City with a Territory belonging to it 5 but there was no Church in the Territory which belonged •to the Bithop of Rome, he had none but within the City, as hinocentius declares in the cited Epiftle, where- as now the greateft City with a Territory larger than fome antient Province is counted little enough for a Diocefi. Further it is now judged to be no Diocefs which comprifes not very many Churches with Presby- ters appropriated to them $ but he tells us none of the Churches in Rome were appropriated to any Presbyter, but they were ferved in common. How ? as greater Cities in Holland and fome other reformed Countreys, and then they were ruled in common as thefe Cities are.. The Government of many Churches is not there, nor was of old, ever entrufted in one hand 5 and thus the Biftiop of Ttyme was no more a Diocefan than the Pres- byters of that City. He concludes m with two AfTertions which will neither of them hold good. The firft that it is evident out of Athanafius how the Bifljop of that City had from the beginning feveral fixed Congregations under him. This is fo far. from being evident in kthanafws, that he hath not one word which fo much as intimates that the Bifhop of Alexandria from the beginning had any fuch Congregations under him. » The C57) The other is that thofe of ^Mareotes tnuft he Juppofcd to receize the faith almoli as early m Alexandria. How true this is we may underftand by Dionyfius Biftiop of Alexandria towards the latter end of the third Age, who declares that then iMarectes was *f »f*©- «*«Av qurii) 7mv tr^ it was fo far from having any n Eufeb. t. 7. true Chriftians in it, that it had none of our Authors c - lu oldchrijlians, i. e. virtuous, good men 0. Nor is it like- °'* 6o ' ly that the faith was there generally received till many years after 5 and therefore not almoft fo early as Alex- andria, unlefs the diftance of above 200 years will con- fift with his almofi. For Alexandria received the Faith by the preaching of Mai\, who arrived there, (ayes Sujehius, in the 2d. of Claudius /?, others in the 3d. of P cbr§ *' Eh f tb - Caligula q. But in the time of Dionyfius it dotH not ap- q chron. Aitx. £ear that Mareotes had fo many Chriftians, as Biftiop Ifchyras his Church there confifted o£ though thofe were but (even, * ***» W\* w »w^»r %%v r. But enough r ^&a». jpok of Alexandria, though our Author is far from bringing a-w-^s- enough to prove it even in the 4th. age a Diocejan Church. He may be excufed for doing his utmoft to this purpofe D confideringtheconfequence of it,for if this Church was not nowfo numerous zstobzDiocefanjt will be in vain to expeft a difcovery of any fuch Churches in the whole Chriftian World in thofe times 5 for this is ac- knowledged to be the greateftCity and Church in the Roman Smpire nextto Rome. So that there cannot be fo fair a pretence for any other inferiour to this, fiich as JeritJalem,Carthage,Antioch,&c.m\ich\efs for ordinary Ci- ties, which were 10 times lefs confiderable than fomeof the former, as may be collected from what Chryfejiome fayes of one of them «^^ wfosa* vivimf vA-nv v bjj £?*4<# 3 that it was able to maintain the poor of ten Cities/ fa Mat. hoik. So far the Writer of the Letter. Let me now return ^' to our Authors "Preface 5 To (hew that the Chriftians I in ( 53 ) in Alexandria adhereing to ^thanaflus were not Co ex- ceeding numerous as is pretended, * and not to be com- pared with the Chriftians now in London, I had (aid, that the greatefl part of the Inhabitants of that City were at this time Heathens or Jews 5 ofthofe who paffed for Chri- u P&. 34« fiians, it is like Athanafius had the leffer flure u, the No- vatians and other SeUs, the Meletians efpecially, and the Arians, did probably exceed his flocks in numbers, it may be the Arians there were more numerous. This laft claufe f which appears by theexpreffion, I was not pofitivein^) he alone fixes on, and would difprove it by a paffage out of \Athanafm. But the Greek is fal(e printed, and and the (enfe defe&ive for want of fbme word, and fo no Judgment can be well paffed thereon, unlefs I (aw it 5 and where to (ee it he gives no diredion. My con* cern therein is not (b great as to fearch for it through (b voluminous an Author. It willferve my turn well e- nough, if the Jfrians were but very numerous, or as w Uk. 1. CT4: sozomen expreffes them, «t*Aiyw &'& *S *** w, which cannot be denied, though they alone were not more numerous. The laft thing he would take notice of, is the Dioce(s of Theodoret, but this is remitted to the Dean 0/ Paul's, yet one thing he fayes he cannot omit 5 though fome may think that he had better have paffed it (as he had many other things) 5 than being (b much in hafte, to flip at almoft every line, as he does in thofe ft w which concern it. Iftheje 800 Churches, not 80 as this Gentleman reckons them ("it was not he but the ^Printer that (b reckoned them, as the Errata fhewj belonged to him as Metropo- litan, and they were all Spifcopal Churches (I never met with any before, that took them for Spifcapal Churches, and how he (hould fall into this miftake I cannot ima- gine 3 I will not believe that he creates it, to make himfelf v/ork) this poor Tfegion of Cyrus would have more Tlijljops C 59 ) Biflwps than all Africa (not Co neither, for by the f&& fercnce at Carthage, and the abbreviation of it by St. An- Jlin, much more to be relyed on, than the ^Qtitia publifhed by S(mond, which is neither confident with others, nor with it fel£ Africa had many more Biftiops than 800) notwithfianding they were more numerous there than in any part of the World befides. Nor will this pafs for true with thofe, who take" his own account concern- ing their numbers in Africa (which he reckons but \66 Vhdit*t»n taking in thofe of the Schifmaticks too 3 about 66 for each Province one with another, counting them as he does Jeven :) and the account which others give of their numbers, in the antient T(oman Province, the King- dom 0/ Naples, the IJland Crete, Ireland, to fay nothing of \Armenia, and other parts of the World. That which follows, is I fuppofe, inftead of an An- fwer to the other part of my difcourje concerning the po- pular ele&ion of Bifhops, which this Gentleman was as much concerned to take notice of, as of the few pat fages he hath touched in the former part 9 why he did not I will not enquire further, but fatisfie my felf with what is obvious 5 efpecially fince he tells us he intends a difcourfe of fuch a Subjeft. If in this defigned work he Satisfies roe, that it was not the general pra&ice of the antient Church, for the ^People to concur in the choice of their Bishops, he will do me a greater difpleafure, than the confutation of what I have writ, or any other that I can fear he intends me 5 by taking me off from further Conversation with antient Authors, as perfons by whofe Writings we can clearly know nothing. For if that point be not clear in Antiquity. I can never expeft to find any thing there that is fo. I intended to conclude this difcourfe here, without giving the Reader further trouble 5 but considering there are mifapprehenfions about the Subjefl: in que- I 2 ftion (6o.) ilion,thofe being taken by diverfe, for Diocefin Churches which indeed are not fuch, and arguments ufed to prove themfb which are not competent for that pur- pofe, f of which there are many inftances, as elfewhere lb particularly in the latter end of this Authors dip courfe ) : I thought it requifite for the rectifying of thefe miftakes, and to (hew the infufficiency or impcr- tinency of fuch reafbnings, to give an account what mediums cannot in reafon be efteemed, to afford com- petent proof of Diocefin churches. In general, Thofe who will fitisfy us that any Churches, in the firft Ages of Chriftianity, wereD/^- fin, fhould prove them to be fuch Diocefin s as ours are, as large or near as large} otherwife what they offer, will fcarce appear to be pertinent. For the rife of this debate is the queftion between us, whether the Bifhops of thefe times be fuch as thofe in the primitive Church. This we deny, becaufe modern Bifhops will have another fort of churches or Diocefes, than were known in the beft Ages. Not that we rejeft all Diocefes or Diocefin Churches, for both **d?'*"* and toeUnw are ufed by the Antients for fuch Churches as we allow. It is thofe of a later Model, that we approve not, as vaftly differ- ing from the antient Epifeopal Churches. The modern Diocefes, and Churches thence denominated are ex- ceeding great and extenfive, confifting of many feores, or many hundred particular Churches, whereas for the three firft Ages we cannot find 3 Bifhops that had two particular Churches in his Diocefs, nor in the 4th. one in 50 (if I may not fay one in a hundred) that had more. So that the difference is exceeding great, and more confiderable in the confequence thereof which I had rather give an account of in the words of the very learned D. St. than mine own. Diocefes generally, fayes he, in the primitive, and tlaftcrn Churches were veryfmall and (6i) and little, as far more convenient for this end of 1 1 em in the Government of the Church under the Bifiops charge x, x imf.n*. and elfewhere, Difiipline, (ayes he, was then a great deal more flriff, Preaching more diligent, Men more ap- pre hen five of the weight of their Fund ion, than for any to undertake fitch a care and charge of Souls, that it was im- pojfiblefor them even to k$ow, objerve or watch over, Jo as to give an account for them y,Men that were imployed in the y p a g. 332. Church then did not cor?fult for their eafe and honour, and thought it not enough for them to fit fill, and lid others ziV *-333- worl[z. St.Auftin fpeaking of the 3rofe- Ijtes which had come from feveral Rations of all Quarters of the World. Thus alfo Mr. ZMead d, for the word &i*Exercit.i* ^twxSVtk, faith he, which 1 tranjlate fejourning rather '* than dwelling (for Jo I understand it, that they were not proper dwellers, but fuch as came tdworjhip at Jerufalem from thofe far Countreys, at the Feafi of the Pajfeover and Pentecoji, and Jo had been continuing there feme good time) it is true that in the ufual Greeks, onuo and ^twxa* fignffy a durable ntanfwn, hut with the Hellenifls in whofi Dialed; the Scripture Jpeafyth, they are ujed indifferently forafiayofajhorter or longer time, that is, for tofojourn as well as to dwell, as theje two examples out of the Septu- agint will tnak$ manifefi, Gen. 27. 44. 1 Kings 17.20. there w™*&v is tofojourn only. In a word °*m* and x&nma anjwer to the Hebrew Verb 1>W which Jignifies any flay or remaining in a place. Grotius faith it anfwers the He- brew word which is render d not only by wmmv but mauny, & c . adding, therefore it is not laid only of them who had fixed their habitation, but of thofe who were come to the City for the celebrating of the ^Paffeover or Ten- tecofi, fiaying there fen a while. The beft and moft lear- ned Expositors generally take it fo in this place, as de- noting, not fettled Inhabitants, but fuch as redded there only for a time. Indeed when this Author would have the Scripture fay all thefe firange Rations were inhabi- tants 0/Jerufalenij he makes it fpeak things inconfiftent. K For I 00 J an occafional recourfe of ftranger?, who inhabit remote parts or fbrreign Countreys. If there had been more Chriftians in the Church of Jerufalem than could meet in one place, that would be no Evidence that it was a Diocefan Church, whereas i An. 2: 44. the whole is (aid in the Alls to meet in one place /. He 6. 2. &c. f^h nothing to fay againft this which is confiderable, m Pag. 441. but that the all \ may denote only thofc that wereprefent m, and fo the fenfe will be, all that were in one place, were in one place, if this can pleafe himfelfj I think it will fatisfie none el(e. Let Dr. Hammond decide this bufi- nefs, for in fuch a caufe we may admit a Party to be n Anfwtr to L. Umpire *, What follows, faith he, of the paucity of Tie* Miniftirs. pag. fevers, and their meeting in one place, is willingly grant- ed by us. What they fay of the point of time, Ads 2. 41. that believers were Jo numerous, that they could not conve- niently meet in one place, thk is contrary to the evidence of the Text, which faith exprefly ver. 44. that all the believers were &* riwri, which in the laji ^Paragraph they interpret- cd meeting in one and the fame place : the like might be faid of the ether places, Adts 4. 3. and 5. 14. for certainly as yet, though the number of Believers increafed, yet they wen not distributed into fever al Congregations \ pp. 44a. 443. Concerning the difperfion, ^ftfs8.i. he tells us, " Though they are all (aid to be fcattered befides the " Apoftles, yet it cannot be underftood of all the Be- " leivers. No, but of the generality of them, all that could commodioufly fly as ftrangers might do. Nor muft it be confined to all the Officers only, the generality of Ex- pofitorsare mifreprefented if this be made their fenfe, nor doth it appear that £ujebius (b underftood it, ^nreJ is ufed in Scripture and other Writers, and Eufebius him- fclf, to denote Believers and not Officers only. As for the (69 ) the time of the difperfion (though I need not infift on it) probably it was nearer this great Pentecojl than fome would have it. On the firft day of the week in the morning were the three thoufand converted, the next or ( as fome tell us ) the fame day afternoon, at the ninth hour p, the number of the Converts was increafed p d. l. to five thousand. While this Sermon was preaching the Apoftles are apprehended and committed to Cu- ftody till the next morning. Another, it is like the day after, they are imprifoned, but enlarged by an Angel in the night, chap. 5. In or near that week were the feven Deacons chofen, prefently after the Di- fciples were thus increafed and the Apoftles imprifoned and difmiffed. The expreffion fignifies it, chap. 6. 1, It is not k ^«<, in thofe daies which may admit a lati- tude and fome good diftance of time, but & wW^ in thefe dayes, which denotes the time inftant , or that which immediately enfiies, without the interpofiire of any (uch diftance. And fo the phrafe is ufed by St. " Ijtkg both in the Gofpel and in the A&s. It is Dr. " Hammond's obfervation upon Luk. 1.39. The phrafe « c* Twj worth preferving, and fo are loft ("as thofe of Tapias and Hegiftppus are for the fame reafon) this may prove one inftance of thofe many Errours. That which (eems to be the fenfe of his words is more fully expreflfed by one who goes under the name of Clemens too r, James r l.i.Kuognk. the Lord's Brother was *Vrince of~BiJJjops, and by his E- pifcopal Authority commanded all the Apoflles, and fo the former Clemens in Ruffinus calls him the TSifiop of the Apoflles f. If he means fuch a Bifhop as ours ( and chW. 1.2.C.2, otherwise his meaning will not ferve our Authors pur- pofe) then the Apoflles were but the Vicars or Curates of James. This is bad enough if James was an Apoftle y the abfurdeft Papift will fcarce aferibe as much to Teeter. But if he was not an Apoftle, it is yet more intolerable. If our Author can believe his own WitneG, fome may admire, but I thiak few will follow him. Let us hear Hegefippus f not quite fo antient as this Gentleman makes him, fince he was alive in the Reign ofCommodus') he (ayes, James ruled that Church wn& ™v *fm&K»t % If we take this as it is render 'd in Jerome after the Apoflles^ it is not only againft Grammar, but without Truth, and makes James to be Bifhop when he was dead, for he was martyred about the 4th. of ZftQro, and all the Apoflles but the other James furviv- ed him. But if the meaning be that he ruled that Church with the ^ojlles, it (peaks him no more the Bifhop ofjerujakm than the reft of the Apoftles, who were not fixed or topical Bifhops, but Oecumenical Of- ficers of an extraordinary Office and Power ancl accord- ingly ;is James defcribed. One antient Author (ayes that he no lefs than Peter did &tT&7r1w -wt qdl^k *t>*. J%w oxw. The feme divine Author (ayes, ufffs 6. 7. ™*rft fXt&y a \ great Company ofthePrieJis were converted, and will this Gentleman hence conclude that there were Priefts enough converted to make a Diocefe? He hath no ground from Scripture to think otherwife o£Tfyme ("that we may take in all his Scripture inftan- ces together ) however he would perfwade us that there were feveral Congregations there in the Apo- ftles times. Let us fee how. " By the multitude of " Salutations in the end of that Epiftle he makes appear "the numbers of Chriftians in that City. Salute *Prtp ^ cilia and Manila with the Church that is in their cc houfe. The Dean of T>auh will have this Church in their houfe to be but a Family, this Author will have it to be a Congregation, a$ if it might be either to ferve a turn. I think it was fuch a Congregation as removed with *Aqiiila from one Countrey to another, for this Church which was in their houfe at Ephefus before, (1 Cor 16.) is faid to be in their houfe at Ttyme, Rom. 16. that is, there werefome of the Church which belonged to their y Family, C 78) Family. It is a queftion whether there was now at Ttyme any one Congregation fuch as our Author intends, Grotius i thinks it probable there was none at all. But let us fuppofe this to be a Congregation, where finds he his feveral others ? why where another perfon would fcarce dream of any ? " It is not improbable, faith he, " that feveral that are mentioned with all the Saints that " aye with them, may be the Officers of feveral Congre- gations, f*£- 457- 458. But it is manifeft that in the Apoftle's times one Con- gregation had many Officers, how then can feveral Of- ficers be a good Medium to prove feveral Congregati- ons I The antient Authors which count thofe Officers (mentioned Rom. 16.) do make them Tliffjops ("and fome except not V^arcijjus nor Trijca, i. e. Vrifcilla^ tho' her Husband alfb hath an Epifcopal Chair affigned him) Now if they were not Bifhops at Rome but other places, they are alledged to no purpofe 5 if they were Bifhops at 7(ome, there will be very many Bifhops in that one Church (it may be more than Vrifcillas Con- gregation confifted of) which rather than our Author will grant, I fuppofe he will quit his plurality of Con- gregations here. Indeed what he adds next doth no waies favour them, and this number was afterwards in- cc creafed confiderably by the coming of Paul, who con- cc verted fbmeof the Jews, and afterwards received all " that came, whether Jew's or Gentiles, and preached " to them the Kingdom of God for the fpace of two " whole years, no man forbidding him, fag. 458. Vanl preached at Rome in his hired houfefor two years, all this while he received all that came to him 5 there is no queftion but that all the Chriftians there did come to hear this moil: eminent Apoftle .• fb that it feems from firft to laft there were no more Chriftians at Rome than a private Houfe could receive. He (79) He would prove what he intends from JQros Per- "fecution, who is faid to have put an infinite multitude "of Chriftians to death upon pretence that they had " fired Rome, pag. 458. Tacitus fpeaks of the Chrifti- " ans as guilty, and fa yes they confeffed the Crime, and " detefted many others. Now thofe who fuffered, either confeffed that they fired Tfyme and then they were no Chriftians 5 or they did not confefs it, and then he wrongs them intolera- bly, and defer ves no credit. But our Author toexcufe him (againft the fenfe of fuch who beft underftand him, Lipjius particularly , befides 'Baronius and others ) fayes, they confeffed not that they burnt T(ome, but that they were Chriftians. Whereas the inquiry being con- cerning the burning of Tfome, the queftion was not whether they were Chriftians, but whether they fired the City, ofthislaft T^cita/ fpeaks, and will be fo un- derftood by thofe who think he (peaks pertinently. But for truth in thofe accounts he gives of Chriftians^ it is no more to be expe&ed than from other Heathen Authors of thofe Ages, with whom it is cuftomary on that fubjtdifplendide mentiri. Some other inftances here- of we have in this report of 'Tacitus, which I fuppofe our Author will fearce offer to excufe, as when the Chriftian Religion is called £xitiabilts Juperjiiti&, and when the Chriftians are faid per Jiagitia invifos vulgi fiiffe. But fuppofe he fpeaks truth, what is it he fayes ? Nero put an infinite multitude of them to death, but ingens rmltitudo, which are his words, may be far lefs than an infinite multitude. Two or three hundred may pafs for n great multitude, and extraordinarily great, when that which is (poke of them is extraordinary. The Martyrs burnt in Queen £Marys dayes were a great multitude j and few may be accounted very many, to fufier (8o ) fuffer in fuch a manner, as thefc did by JQrds Cruel- ty, Ferarum tergis conteSi ut laniatu canum interirent, ant crucibus ajfixi, aut flammandi, atqtie ubi defecijjct dies in ufum noUurni luminis uterentur, in the words of T&ci- tits. To this he adds the general account which Hufebius gives of the (uccefs of the Chriftian faith immediately after the firfl difcovery of it, that prefently in all Cities and Villages Churches abounding with innumerable multi- tudes were ajfembled^ Sec. p< and ano- m Lik$.a$. ther antient Author (ayes there were innumerable Bifljops nub.j.c.i$. j n ^4jyi ca ^ w hich yet this Gentleman can eafily county and tells us that Schifinaticks and all were but 466 0. opag. 131; M.T3. may allow him what he falls fhort in this rec- koning, which is more than hal£ and may grant there were many more hundreds of Chriftians in Rome than any of thefe innumerable! come to, and yet make good what he ftppofes. The great liberality of the Roman Church is offered as no fmall argument of its greatnefs, theyfent to a great many Churches^ releiving thofe that were in want, and fending necejjaries to fuch as were condemned to the Zftiines^ thus in Severu/s time,, and in the time of Dionyfus the Provinces tf/Syria with Arabia were thereby relieved eve- ry one, pag.ft. M. 1?. need not doubt, but fbme one Parifh near him might do what is equivalent to this , if the an- tient Charity were revived, which opened the hearts of Chriftians in thofe times further than their Purfcs could well extend. But the words are odly ftretched, for they did not relieve every one in all thofe places,but fuch as were in great want, and thofe particularly who were condemned to to the £Mines } and Iimim muft denote as // were the al- fufficiency of 'the T(oman Churchy which fome would fay is, as it were Blajphemy, but our Author meant better, the proper import of the w r ord is no more than Jlipem conferre. He alledges two paflages in fzujebius p, the farmer P rag. 54. concerns not T(ome more than any other place in the Empire, the import of it is this, not that every foul of every fort, but that many of all forts were lead to the Chriftian Religion, if ™w 4»w be ftretched to every foul Suftbius is made to fpeak what is in a manner no- toriously falfe, and monftroufly extravagant. The later which concerns T^ome does but fignify, that more of Good quality for Riches and Birth with their Families and Relatives came over for Salvation q. Thefe he will have q lib. 5. c.21. to be of the Nobility, but thofe were counted noble who defended from fuch as had been Magiftrates in Cities or free Towns. How this can make that Church near fo great as our Author would have it, or greater than M. B. fuppofes, I don 1 1 underftand. What he fubjoyns is very furprizing and muft foem && 5* ftrange to thofe who are acquainted with the ftate of Church in thofe times, that the Chrijiians were the Letter half of the Roman Empire, that they were the major part every where, but in Rome more eminently. This hath no good warrant from antient Authors, no, not from Ter- tullian, though he. writ many years after Commodus. He like an Oratour draws fomething bigger than the life (as our Author fayes of ^Qizianzen, pag. 137.) and muft have allowance on this account by thofe who will not be injurious to him. In that very Age wherein Commodus reigned, it is (aid the Chrijiians were Jo often jlaughtered that few could be found in Rome who profeffed the name ofChriJi r. And near 150 years after, when r Plain* vit* Conjlantine had reigned near 20 years in Rome the gene- X ^ L M 2 rality rality of the Inhabitants (hewed fuch difaffe&ion to Chriftianity, as that is given for one reafon why he (7*/iw*s,Hi,l transferred the (cat of the Empire to Byzantium f. Li.f.61. j_j e runs b e y 0nc i ]vi # B's bounds towards the middle of the third Century, and tells us the great eft part 0/ Alex- ander Severus his Family were Christians. And (b they might be, and yet no more Chriftians in Tfyme for that, if they were Chriftians before they came in- to his family, which is more likely than that they were converted in it. However many more fuch Ad- . ditions will not increafe that Church beyond M. B's Meafures, nor make it near (6 numerous as that Parilh to which Whitehall belongs. v«g. 55. What he next offers neither concerns Rome, being . general expreffions,nor M. T5. referring to the Ages af- ter thofe which he is concerned fbr,whether by &*&&£§«{ ®n and yet no rea- Amiofaj. ■ ton to think that Town was comparable for Circuit and Populoufhels, either to Rome or Alexandria. If I fhould fay that in Optatus there were not fo many Churches, but the number miftaken by the Tranfcribers , this would be as good an anfvver as that of our Author, who will have the 12 or 14 years of Athanafu/s his Eanifti- ment in £piphaniu* not to be fo many moneths, and that years are put inftead of moneths by the miftake of the Copies, pag. 113, Or that other about the number of Bilhops in the Council at \Aniicch, where he will have go in diverfe Authors to be a miftake of the Tranfcri- bers for, 90 (or 97 or 99. ;/) Onuphrius muft have 11/^,123,134. liked fuch an Anfwer to this of Optatns, who tho' he "*' mc was as much concerned for the greatnefs of the Roman £$£ Church Church as any, and no Ids inquifitive into the antient ftate of it, yet delivers it as a thing manifeft and cer- tain, that Rome had but 28 Titles, and this number notcompleated till the fifth Age. But there's no need to infift on any thing of this nature, it is not fo material how many Churches there was, as when there was fo many, and about the time he will have l&lendd to mi- ftake, and M. B. to follow him therein 5 he had been nibbling at Blondell a little before upon a fmall occafion and with as little reafon, as might be fhew'd, if it were fit to follow one in his Vagaries. Let us fee whether here he doth not follow Palejius in his miftake, who will have Optatus to fpeak of the Churches at Rome in the time of Diocletian sT^erJecutiot;, tempore perfecntionk Diocletiani w. But Optatus {peaks of thofe Churches when extant and capable of receiving Congregation^as is plain by his words 5 but what Churches were at Rome or other places, in the very beginning of that Perfec- tion, were all quite demolifhed, and that in one day, fayes Theodoret x, or the T^afchal dajes, as fiufebiusy 5 and there's no probability they could rebuild them while the Perfecution lafted, or that fo many could be 7. c. 49. raifed in lefs than many years after. ^Qcephorus fpeaks but of 14 Churches at Conjtantinople in the reign of The* odofius junior, nor meet I with any Author that gives an account of more, yet this was about an hundred years after Byzantium was re-edifyed, and both Con* fiantine and the fucceeding Emperours endeavoured to make that City as populous as could be,andfurnifhed it with Churches anfwerable to the numbers of the Inha- bitants. . So that there's no likelihood there could be 40 Churches in Rome at any time nearer Dioclefians than Optatus s. But to help this our Author tells us out of Optatus, that (87 ) that there were three Donatifis Bifhops at Rome fiicce£ fively before ^Macrobins^ who was Contemporary with Optatns, and that the firft of them was Victor GarbienJIs, and he will have Opt at us to (peak of the State of Rome (the 40 Churches there J not as it was in his own time, but in that of this Victor^ when this was, he fayes, is not eafietofix. fag. 56. Yet this is certain, it cannot be in the time of 'Diode- (iaris Terfecntion, for the Schifme of the Donatifis did not break out till ZMajorinus was ordained ( who was the firft Bifhop of the Faftion made in Africa or elfe- where) and this was fometime after the Persecution was there ended, as Optatns and Valefins after him, and o- thers declare % 5 and (bmetime muft be allowed after zveScbif.Vo- this for the Donatiffs fettling in T{ome, and fiich an in- nau c *^ 3 ' creafe of them there as to need a Bifhop. TSaronins makes this Victor to be Bifhop in Silvejlers time, which might be long enough after Dioclejiaris Perfecution, for he lived till 335. All which our Author hath to alledge for the more early date of Victors Bifhoprick, is that there were two or three Donatift BiQio^s between Victor and Optatns 5 but this will fcarce ferve bis turn. For there were four Biftiops of Rome in the former part of that very age wherein we are now concerned, who held not the Chair ten years among them, Marcel/us, Eufebins, ZMclchi&des and ZMarcns. But we may allow the three Donatift Bifhopfat Rome near ten years a piece from the time of Optatns, 378 (as both Blondel and Valerius agree) and yet Victor Garbienfis may not be Bi- fhop till Anno 350 and fo nearer to Optatns his time, than Dioclefians. 2dly, It is no proof of Diocefan Churches that thofc who belong to it, do occafionally divide themfelvcs into diftindt Meetings, A large Church, and fome- times (88) times a fmall Congregation may have occafion to divide and meet in parcels for their convenience or iecurity. Particularly in time of Perfecution, that they may afc femble with more fafety, and be the better concealed from thofe who would difturb or apprehend them. The people that belonged to Cyprian did meet all together on feveral occafions, as is apparent in his fifties 5 yet when Perfecution was hot, he thought it advifable, caute non glomeratim nee per multitudinem ftmul jurtlam^ I np. 5. conveniendum /, they durft not in fome parts «* *a *tv*&*. m So* l,i.M iKMwtz^ j n t h e beginning of Conjiant tee's Reign nt. Damajus, the fuppofed Author of the Popes fiver, (ayes, Suariftus Titnlos *Vresbyterk druifit^ divided the Titles in Rome to the Tresbyters, and" by Titles fome will have us to underftand Pmijh Churches. But it is incredible that the Chriftians in Trojans time when Euarijlits was Bifhop, could ereft any ftru&ures in form of Churches, or had any diftinguilhable from other houfo, fo as the Heathen might take notice of them, as ufed or defigned for the religious exercifes of Chrifti- ans. Who can imagine that when it was death for any one to be known to be a Chriftian, they fhovild fre- quent any known places for Chriftian Worfhip . resbyters in it, this I have made evident before, and made it good againfl: our \Authors excepti- P?^, 5 j2, ons. But he brings a new inftancep, and will have E- dejja to have been a Diocefan Church becaufe of the nu- merous Clergy, the Clergy , fayes he, of the City of E- deffa was above 200 perfons^ not reckoning that of the Countrey within his Diocefe, and this was a Diocefan Tii- J/jop topurpoje. He did well not to reckon that of the Countrey in his Diocefe : unlefs he had kown that fomething of the Countrey was within his Diocefe. It was not unufual for the Bifhops charge to be confined to a Town or City qmocenuEp. Rome it felf is an inftance of it ^, Cum omnes £cclefi they prove the Bifhop o£Ed?Jfa to have been a Diocefan to purpofe, let us on the by a little examine them 5 thefe he gives in fummarily, This was a Diocefan Ttifljop to pur- pofe^ who befides a large Diocefe^ had excommunicating Archdeacons^ and a great revenue. I find nothing alledged to (hew he had a large Dio- cefe or any at all, but this, the City of Battina was in the Dioceje ^Edefla, for Ibas is accufed of having endeavour- ed tomake one John Bifhop ofit 7 8cc. Battina (9i ) Battina had a Bifhop of its o Wn, how rfacn can it be faid to be in the Dioccfe oCEdcjffa, unlefs Province and Diocefe be confounded i SdeJ/a was the ^Metropolis of ^Mefopotatnia, the Bifhop of it was the third ^Metropo- litan in the patriarchate of ytntioch, as they are ordered in the antient V^otitia. The Bifhop of r Battina was one of the many Suffragans belonging to that Metropo- litan. How then comes the Diocefe of£dejffa to be any wayes large upon this account f Is the Diocefe of Can- terbury one foot the larger, becaufe there is a Bifhop of Peterborough in that Province $ Thefe things are not eafily apprehended nor can be well digefted. 2dly, The greatnef of his Tfevenue is no more appa- rent, there is nothing to prove it but the riches of that Churchy and its great Revenues, and hereof our Author gives us no clear account, no value of the V^Qimifmata^ nor is there any Evidence in the Council for the Man- vors he fpeaks of but only the jelling offome wood in a certain place there named.But where there was aDiocefw and Archdeacons , decorum required there fhould be Mannors and vaft Revenues for the Bifhop. Nor do I quarrel with it, only this breaks the fquares a little, and difturbs the correspondence between thofe and our times '•> that if the Revenues of that Church had a- mounted to ten times more, yet the Bifhop would Jcarce have been one jot the richer for it. This will not ieern ftrange to any, who take notice of the antient Orders, concerning the revenues of an Epifcopal Church. The Bifhop was to have nothing thereof if he could main- tain himfelf otherwife. When he was neceflitous, no- thing was allowed him for himfelf but necejfaries, food c Cdn . Anuoch. and raiment f He was to pur chafe nothing while he c.25. lived, nor to leave any thing got by his Bifhoprick i^^/3m?i when he died, to his Relatives or others, but only to e. dt Epifc.Novl the Church that maintained him U The Bifhop of '3 , -?- l 3- Cw ft N 2 2^4^*^* (92 ) •Sdeffa, or any other in thefe Circumftanees, muft be a poor Drocefan, and one in a good Englifo Rettery or Vi* car/dge, is in a fairer way to be rich, than any in the antient Bifhopricks, fo ordered. And if Riches or Revenues be good Arguments to prove a Dwcefan, one of our Vicars may be a better Diocefan than the Bifhop of £de[fi. It is true there is fome intimation from T{ome, that the Bifliop (hould have the 4th. part of the Churches revenues, but there's no appearance of fuch a dijlribu- tion, till after the time of the four firft general Coun- cils 5 nor in any Countrey but Italy till an hundred years after : Nor did it ever obtain ("that I can dilcover after fome inquiry) in the Greeks Churches. 3. The other proof that Ibas was a Diocefan, viz* becaufe fo had excommunicating Archdeacons, our Author would make good by telling us, that one of his Arch- deacons excommunicated Maras. Now this though it prove not what it is alledged for, may prove more than he likes. An Archdeacon in the antient Church (though he be another thing now) was not fo much as a Presbyter, he was but in the lower Order of Deacons, though chief amongft them, and chofen by them, as u Ep. ad Eva- Jerome fignifies u, Diaconi eligunt deje quern indufirium gnnm. noverint, & Archidiaconum vocant, the Deacons chufe from amongft themfelves one whom they know to be indu- firiom, and call kirn Archdeacon. Now if a Deacon had the power to excommunicate, there can be no doubt but the Presbyters had it,, being of a Superiour Order and Power. And excommunication being counted the higheft a& of Jurifdi&ion, it cannot be queftioned but the other afts thereof belonged to them 5 and fo the Presbyters having all the Jurifdiftion of Biflwps ( all the power of Government^ what did they want of being Bifhops but the honour of prefiding in their Aflemblies? j And C 93 ) And if they were no farther from being Bifhoos, they will go near to be as much Diocefan, and fo x\WGentle~ man may chufe, whether he will have all of both forts to be Diocefans, or none of either. 4-ly, It is no Argument to prove a Diocefan Church to fhew that it confifts of (lich who live at a good di- ftance one from another. Dionyfus had a great Con- gregation at Cephro, a Village in Lybia, but thofe which made up this Church were of another Countrey, coming partly from .Alexandria , partly from other parts of £&yPU as Eufebitts (hews us, yet none ever efteemed that to be a Diocefan Church. In Juflin ^Martyrs time thofe that were in the Countrey, and thofe that were in the City, when thofe were no more than made one Congregation, met together in one place, W^^-w 7rfae<; x} £yf*s u%vov]ov &$7vcIvtv ow&.JJm 9 the Meeting con- lifted of fiich as lived at a good diftance, but none will imagine it to be a Diocefan Church, but thofe who will have a fingle Congregation to be fuch a Church. All the Chriftians in City and Countrcy , fays Dr. Downham % if they had been affembkd together •, would have made but a fmall Congregation. . vo. w Defence Li. Our Authour would prove the largenefs of ^Bafth e -W' 6 ?' Diocefs by the diftance between Crfjarea and Safma. *. xpag. 54^,547 He makes much of it and takes the pains to meaflire the diftance between thefe Towns, or rather, as he (ays , to mak^fome guefs at it out of an Itenerary and Putinge/sTa* bles^ yet tells us the diftance muft be as great at leaft as between Hippo and Fujfala, that fo Si. IBaJil's Diocefs may be as great at leaft as that of St Auftins. I think they will prove much alike , for as I have (hew'd that Aujlins Diocefs was not one foot larger for Fuffala^ fo it will appear that St. Haft's had not the leaft enlarge- ment upon the account ofSafma. That he might not be out in his meafures nor have loft all his labour, two x thing? C 94 J> things (hould firft have been cleared, neither of which is (or Aiink can be proved 5 ift, That Safima was in Bafil's Diocefe, for if it was but only in his Province ^ how far fbever it was from Capijls might think it a good argument, that Africa was part of the Roman Province, becaufe Leo Bifhop of Rome gives advife, how Biftiops fhould be there con- ftituted. e cibid. x Next he brings in the chore-pifcopi in order to his de- fign, and tells us / they were ' Countrey Biflwps, and f ?ig% ** ' c their Church confided of many Congregations , and c thofe at a good diftance one from another, and alfo * that Come of them had the infpe&ion of a large Ter- c ritory, no left it is like than the County of Fuffala. But not a word for proof of this, fave Bafih men- tioning a Chor-epifcopusT^Tww^^e^/^re/ 5 Where- as if he had been the Biftiop of two or three Villages, this might be enough to (atisfie the import of that ex- preffion. Yet he knows there is fome one Countrey Parifh, that hath ten times as many, or more Villages in it, but never pretended to be a Diocefin Church, and that fuch a pretence would be now counted ridi- culous. He adds, that which, if it were true, wouldgo near to dethrone thefe Countrey Tiifhops^ (for Tiajil fpeaks of them, as having their Thrones in Villages^ and ren- der them lefs than antient Presbyters, for all their large Territory, and there being Diocejans. c But yet thefe were but the Deputies or Surrogates of l the City Biftiops in point of jurifdi&ion , for they * were to do nothing of moment without their Biftiop. O 2 If li this be ib, it would be left wonder that the Pope will have Bifaops to be but his fubftitutes , and that fome Bifhops will have the Paftors of Parochial Chur- ches to be but their Vicars or Curates. I hope our Au- thor intends better, however it is well that fuch odd Hypothcfcs have no better fupport than that which is add- ed, for fayes he, they were to do nothing of moment with- out their Bifjop 3 this is his argument, and he is not alone in urging it. Let us lee whether it will not do the Bifhops (for whole advancement it is defigned) as much differvice, as it can do the Chorepifcopi , or Presbyters 3 diverting them of that which is counted more neceflary and advantageous to them, than a large Diocefe. The Provincial Bifhops were obliged to do nothing, l^Hv vrgtv/lav Zhx H ?* v ^X A *S &*&&*& '&***»**% without the Tiijloop of the ^Metropolis, this the fynod at 4#tioch decrees, according to an antient Canon of the g can. 9. can. Fathers, g By this argument we muft conclude, that *iLMUv. m ' t ^ ie Bi fa°P s in a Province were but the Deputies and can. 13. Surrogates of the Metropolitan. And it may proceed proportionably againft the ^Metropolitans with refpeft to the y H?*W or primates } and alio to their prejudice in reference to the Patriarchs. It will go near to de- ftroy thcTSiJIiops likewife, if we follow it downwards. In the antient Church the Bifhops were to do nothing of moment, without the Presbyters, this the moft judicious and Learned ^JJcrters of Epifcopacy acknowledge 5 h b. snfon, h Nay further, in the beft Ages of the Church, the nwnbai] b!' 73?fop s WW *° ** nothing without the people, that is, mil, m! without their prefer.ee and confent. This is moft evi- *%£? B ' dent in Cyprians tzpijllcs, and is acknowledged by fuch i nit defence Trelatifts as are otherwile reserved enough. * Now of Dr. st. Pag. by t h 18 A r g Um ent we may conclude that Bifhops were but the Deputies or Surrogates of the Presbyters 5 or which will be counted mpxp intolerable, that Bifhops had had their jurifdittion from the people by Deputation and Vicarage. It may be this Gentleman will not like his argument (b well, when he fees what improvement it is capable o£ yet in purfuance of it he adds, c Tiafil c is (b refolute upon his prerogative, that he will not en- c dure they Ihould ordain, as much as the inferiour c Clergy, without his contents and if they do, let c them know, ((ayes he) that whofoever is admitted c without our content (hall be reputed but a Layman. I fuppofe the 'Prerogative for which he will have Ba- fil (b refolute , is a Negative in ordinations upon the Countrey Bifhops * but this cannot be concluded from the words cited. For the Council of 5\jVe gives the Metropolitan a power, as to ordinations in the fame words, k declaring that if a Bifhop be ordained by the kc«. 6. Provincials, yty yww> without the judgment of the Me- tropolitan^ the great Council will have him accounted no Tiifiop 5 and yet the Metropolitan had no Negative up- on the Provincials in Ordinations, for the Game Council determines, that in ordinations plurality of Votes Jhall prevail, which is utterly inconfiftent with any ones Ne- gative vcice. What then is the import of Tiafirs *V<6 yvetyw} take it in the words of a very Learned and Ju- dicious Dr. of this Church, it is indeed there faid, that none fiould be wdained %*wyvvy.M without the opinion of the ^Metropolitan, but that doth not import a Negative voice in him, but that the tranfaUion Jlwuld not pafs in his abfence, or without this knowledge, advice and fuffr age, &C ' ' . - IBmoTvoftbe 5. it is no proof of a Diocefan Church, to (hew that ? W S s*?rtm~ a Town, befides the Clergy or Officers in it, had fome Ch Pag ' * 14 ' Presbyters or Congregations in the Countrey belong- ing to it. The inftances which fignifie no more, or not fo much, are produced as fufficient arguments to prove C Ic2 ) prove there were fuch Churches. As that of Gaim Diddenfis T^resbjter, fuppofed (with what ground I examine not) to have been a Countrey Presbyter be- n vindication* longing to Carthage, and under Cyprian, m And that I, 504. f p e ij x f^id to do the Office of a Presbyter, under DeciMvs another Presbyter 5 a thing unheard of in thofe times, but let us take it as we find it, and upon the very (lender reafon alledged againft Goulartius (who is of another Judgment) believe, that he was a Prieft 1 Pag. $06. in fome Village belonging to Caldoniui his Diocefe. n ;o7# And that order for the Presbyters from their Churches, > con. 4. can. io repair to their proper ^Bifiop for Chrijm'm Africa, in >$. Spain, p and in France, q To thefe are added, for > Toi. 1. cap. f urt h er evidences, the Churches ( (aid without ground \Vafcon.Can.^ to be many,) belonging to Hippo Di^ritorum - AHb the Church of Thyana , belonging to Alypius Bifhop of Tagella, which without reafon, we muft take to be a confiderable City, r and the City Milevis becaufe Pag- 5*7' Petilian (ayes Tunca belonged to it once, though now it had a Bifhop of its own 5 and by our Authors Art of computation , Towns , Villages and Cities muft be- long to Milevis, upon the (ble account of Tunca, (bme- Pag. $28. ** mG appertaining to it, /and thefe with Fuffala, (of which before) are the chief inftances to prove that Africa had very large Diocefes not inferionr to thofe of ours, in extent of Territory, t Befides in the Council of Neoaefarea Countrey presbyters are diftinguifhed from others 5 u and that of ^intioch provides that h an. a' Countrey presbyters fall not give Canonical £ piffles, w and allows the Bifhop to order his own Church, and the \St* 9 ' ?ag% G° !t} rt re y places depending on it. x And Epiphanius fpeaks of a Church belonging to his charge, which we muft underftand to be his Diocefe, though in the fP*i> s$r paffage cited, it is twice called his province, y in fine, Jerome fpeakes of (bme baptized by Presbyters or Dea- cons Pag. 516 j Can. 1 3 h C. K CA c 103 ; cons in Hamlets, Co/Iks, and Tlaces remote from tic BiJJjop. Thefe and fuch like are ufed as good arguments for Diocefan churches, whereas there are diverfe Towns in England, which befides the Officers in them, have ma- vy Congregations and Presbyters in Villages belonging to them, and contained within the Pariih 5 and yet our Author and thofe of his perfwafion would think Dioccfans quite ruined , if they were reduced , and confined to the meafures of thofe Parifh Churches, and left no bigger than fome of our Vicarages and Parfona- ges, though fuch as Mr. Hooker affirms to be as Urge a* fomeantient Bifiop >ricks 5 he might havefaid moji, there being not one in many greater or fo large. I yet fee no ground in antiquity, nor can expeft to have it proved, that the larger fort of ordinary Biihopricks in the fourth age, and fometkne after, were of more ex- tent than two fuch Vicarages would be, if united. Yet a Bifhop of fuch a Djftrift in our times would be counted fo far from having a competent Diocefe, that he would fcarce efcape from being (corned as an Italian Epifcopellus. But his greateft argument, (in comparifon of which his other Allegations, he tells us, are but accidental hints, z. ) which he raoft infifts on, and offers many z Pag. 508; times over 5 fo that it makes a great part of his diP courfe on this fubjeft. a It is drawn from the number * Pa e- *° 8, *° ofBifljops in Councils, by which he would evince the $& pig. 55$ largenefs of antient Diocefts, when it no way proves u * 62t Diocefan Churches of any fize. He proceeds upon this fuppofition that there were great numbers of Chrijiians in all parts and Cities, bin the firtf age: ^nd that the b Pag. 530. Bipjops were fewer in former times than afterwards. The former part of his Hypothecs, if he underftands the num- bers of Chr'tftians to be any thing comparable to what thev ( 104 ) they were after Confiantine, when Bifhops were much multiplied 5 (as he muft underftand it, if he expedt any fervice from it) wants proo£ and he offers none but (bme paffages in Tertullian, (trained far beyond what i$ agreeable to other aniknt Authors, of which before. Let me add that V^Qtzianzen comparing the numbers of Chriftiansin former times, withthofe in Julian's Reign, (ays, they .were not many in former Perfecutions, ("Chri- ftianity had not reached many, 8*" W wjaaw,J no, not in that of Dioclefian, 8cc. ( though they were at that time, farr more numerous, thm'mTertulliaris age) but c ont. 3. t h at Chriftianity was found only in a few 5# MpU c The ether part which needs no proo£ fince it is granted, (and may be without any advantage to himj he at- tempts to prove largely and induftrioufly 5 but by fuch a medium as makes that which is granted to be quefti- onable, fuch a one which as it is ordered may conclude backward, and prove the contrary to what he defigns. That this may be manifeft, let it be obferved, that he will have us take an account of the number of Bi(hops in the Church by their appearing in Councils, more or M-$&Valentia, Arragon, had not (b manye. In France the Council at Valence had 2 1 Bilhops in the fourth Age, but C'ios ) but thofe following them, in that and the after ages had ftill fewer, viz. That ofTtyz, Orange, the third of Aries, that at Angers, that at h ours, and Vennes and another at Aries. For General Councils, the firft at &(ice had 318 Bifhops in the beginning of the fourth Age, thatat Ephefas above an hundred yearsafter, had but two hundred, that at C. 7*. in the latter end of the fourth Age had but one hundred and fifty Bi- ftiops. So that if we take account how many Bifhops there were of old, as he would have us, by their numbers in Councils, there will be more before the middle of the third Age, than in the beginning of the fourth 5 more in the beginning of the fourth than in fome part of the fifth 3 and more in the beginning of the fifth, than in fome part of the (ixth $ quite contrary to the Hypothe- cs on which he proceeds. Whether by his argument he would lead us to think Diocejes did wax and wane fo odly,as it makes Bifhops to be more or fewer,I cannot tell. However fince he grants that in the fourth and fifth Ages Diocefes were very finally and crumbled into t pa?. $$2, fmall pieces g, (and fo nothing like oursj .* there's nogw $*<*' expe&ation he can find any larger, if any thing near fo great, in any former age : unlets they can be larger when incomparably fewer Chriftians belonged to thefe Bifhops 3 which will be no lefs a paradox than the for- mer. For it cannot but be thought ftrange, that the Bilhops Diocefe fhould be greater when his flock was undeniably far lefs. And they feem not to be Chriftian Tliffjopricks, whofe measures muft be taken by num- bers of Aires rather than of Souls 3 or by multitudes of Heathens rather than Chriftians. He denies not, that the generality ofBi]hops,for a long while after the Apoftles, had hut one Congregation to Go- ?*£* 7*- vfrnk What then $ fays he, If all the Bskmrs in and P about about a City would hardly make a Congregation, that is td be afcribed to the condition ofthofe times. Diocefes with him, werelargeft in the firft times 3 but Bifhops being ftill multiplyed, they became lefi and lefs, and fo were very fmall and crumbled into very little pieces in the fourth and fifth Ages. This is the tendency of his dif- courfe all along. Thus Diocefes mud be langeft, when a Bifhop had but one Congregation $ but in after ages when he had more Congregations under his infpe&ion Diocefes were very fmall If he will ftand to this, our differences may be eafily compromized. Let him and thole of his perfwafion, be content with the Diocefes in the firft ages, when he counts them largeft ; and we (hall never trouble any to reduce them to the meafures of the fourth and fifth ages, when in his account they were lb lamentably little , and crumbled fo very fmall. The particulars premifed contain enough to (atisfie all, that I have yet feen alledged out of Antiquity for Diocefati Churches, fo that no more is needful, yet let me add another, which will (hew there is a medium be- tween Congregational and Diocefan Churches. So that if fbme Churches (hould be (hewed out of the ^Antients exceeding the Congregational meafures ("as feme there were in the times of the four firft General Councils^) yet it cannot thence be immediately inferred that they were Diocefan, fince they may prove a third fort of Churches, and fuch as will as little pleaie thofe of this Gentleman's perfwafion as Congregational. 6. It's no argument for a Diacejan Church, that there *vere feveral fixed Churches, with their proper Presby- ters in a City or its Territory } fo long as thefe Chur- chcs,how many fbever were governed in common by the Bifhop and Presbyters in fuch a Precinft. For though few inftances can be given of fuch Churches, in or be* r «oy) belonging to a City in the 4th. Age 5 yet wherever they were extant in that , or the following Age, in things of common concern to thofc Churches, they were ordered in common by a Presbytery, that is, the Bi- Ihop with the Presbyters of that Precinft. Jerome de- clares it de jure, they ought to be governed in common , in comrmni debere licclefiam regere. h h in Titus ti And Felix 3 Bifbop of 7{ome, ("than whom no Bi- fliop was higher, or more abfolute in thofe timesj de- clares it de faiio^ when he fpeaks of the Presbyters of that Church, as %Mw nsr Ip* ?fo d7n&\tKQv d^far, ruling that Church withbim. It is the lame word that the go- verning of Churches by other Bifhops, is exprefled by $ Ww ?£p &btxfirw 0/ t*s my!; fiZmv tKKtofa y*? i^rliii ^K^mim^^horiMVy ? han ' m ' 4 2 » and the Presbyters fellow ^Minijlers with him, and ojfid&KLib.Q joint Administrators in the Government. They are E P- 260. ftyled ntAmipttit* p fellow T^aftors, they did not then P^-^M' dream that a Bifhop was file Tajior of many Char>- Qm% 7 ' ches. They are alio called *^f<£r*/, which is no lefs than m&tmii q for the Presbyters had their Thrones with qjgnatradTrai the Bilhop. So Nazianzen fpeaks of Bajil when or- « cbrrfofi.Tom^ dained Presbyter, as promoted twit &faw ~to the Sacred 7 ' Hom '^' there was fill one Ecclefiafiical z inn. Pag. Senate, which ruled all the feveral Congregations ~of thofi 354,35 ' Cities in common, of which the feveral Presbyters of the Congregations were Members, and in which the BiJIwp aUed as the Prefldent of the Senate, fir the better Govern- ing the affairs of the Churchy 8cc Let me add, when the Churches were (b multiplyed in City and Territory, as that it was requifite to divide them into Parishes, and conftitute feveral Churches 5 the Biftiop was riot the proper Ttyler or Pajior of the whole Precinft, and the Churches in k r or of any Church, bx&one. TheParilhes or Churches were di- vided among Presbyters and Bilhop, they had their fe- veral diftihft cures and charges 5 the Bilhops peculiar charge was the Ecclejia principalis, the chief Parifh or Church fo called, or **&wtuA x*9i this is all evi- dent by a Canon of the Council of Carthage a, Rur- J*Jg**W fitm plactiH ut nemini fit faculty reliCta principal* Cathe- dra, ad aliquant Hcclefiam in Dioceji conjlitutamfe aon- ferre, vel in re propria, dintius qnam opart et conBitutnm, cur am vel frequent attonem prapri£ Cathedra negligerc. Of this Church or Parifti he was the proper Paftor or Ru- ler, called there ^©" fcfcflb and elfewherei «««* ^8^^ bc *»-S*' in contradiftin&ion toother parts of the Precinft, called here Diocefes } and the people of it are called "**& *<*& by the ancient Canoniji c, his proper flocks or people, his czm.mhc. own fpecial charge. This was the particular Churcb under his perfonal Government, but he was not Ruler of the Precinft, or any other Churches in it, five only in common, and in conjunttion with the other Pres- byters s who jointly took cognizance of what in his Church or theirs, was of greater or more general con- fequence, and concerned the whole, and gave order in, it by common confent* And while this was the form of Government, if there had been as many Churches there, thus affociated 5 as Opt at us in the fourth age (ays there was at T(ome, or for more, they could not make a Diocejan Church, un<- lefsa Diocejan and a Presbyterian Church be all one. For this is plainly a 'Presbyterian Church, the antient 'Presbyteries differing from the modern but in a matter of (mailer moment. In thofe their T'rejident being fixed and conftant, in thefe commonly though not al- ways circular. The Presbyteries in Scotland compri- sed feme twelve, feme twenty, fome more Churches^ them r no) their Moderators were at firft, and for fome years, rfr- iam»M$h c ^ ar ^ King James afterwards, Anno 1606 d, would have them to be confiant, and fo it was ordered 5 yet when they were fixed, no man ever counted the(e Presbyteries to be Diocefan Churches. The Church of Geneva confifts of twenty four Parifhes, governed in common by a Presbytery with a Moderator, who is fometimes changed, fbmetimes continued for Life. Calvin was Prefdent while he lived, yet that of Geneva is not wont to be taken for a Diocefan Church. Nor were thofe antient Churches fuch, while they were governed, not by one Biftiop, but by a Senate of Pres- byters where he prejlded 5 as in the Council of Conftan- tinople all things in the Province are (aid, to be governed, not by the ^Metropolitan , but by the Provincial Sy- ican.i.SocL node. 5. up. 8. Finally, the Presbyters are in the antient Church ac- knowledged to have had the power of the k§ys, both as to the miniftration of the Word and Sacraments, and the exercife of Government andctnfures. This power they exercifed either jointly in conjunction with the Biftiop and Senate of Presbyters 3 or diftin&ly in the particu- lar Churches whereof they had the charge. The for- mer power concerning the Word and Sacraments is not queftioned-j nor is there any ground to queftion,the lat- ter jf fame werenot fwayedmore by the praftice of their own times, than the principles and declarations of the antients. Chryfojlom afcribes to Presbyters , not only tk(k denotes jurifdidtion or prefidentiam cum pote- fiate, and is as Hejychiu* renders ir,' *»$yw* is plain in Chryfoflome himfelf} he tells us the ApoftleTWhad 4 i\x^m atv&M?w^ to wave all of like nature infifted on Matth ' by others 3 Jufliniun in the 6th. Age fignifies plainly, that not only BiJJiops, but 'Presbyters might Excommu- nicate Offenders, in his Conjiitutions he forbids Bifhops and 'Presbyters to exclude any from Communion, till fitch cauje was declared, for which the Canons appointed it to be done, **<» '6 roU tii n c ixw $ irfvrfyM&ti dm^d'o^, *po$ifar w* n '*}!&< xoivwicu, &c. and will have the fentence of Excommunication refcinded, which u>as pajfed by Tiif/jops p Novtl. 123. or 'Presbyters without cauje. p In theCWe both Bifhops Cr "• and Clergy are forbid to Excommunicate in certain ca- fes, and then mentions the cafes for which they tnuft not, i a> a U q uk 3 9, Sec. though they had been accuHomed to it. q 2. Tit. de Epifc: Now while Presbyters had this power there could be no Diocejan churches, whether they exercifed it in common, as was (hewed before, ox particularly in their feveral Churches, as will now be made apparent , For by virtue of thefe powers the Presbyters were really Bifhops, though they had not alwayes the Title, yea, they are called Bifhops, as a Learned 'Prelatili obferves, by the antienteft Authors, Clemens, Ignatius, TertuUian^ r Tbornd. Prim, r and have frequently the Names and Titles which fome 7^74! Pae ' would appropriate to Bifhops, and which the Fathers ufe to exprefs the Office of Bifhops by, ^aw™ T>r defined by a Learned Civilian to be *t*™ * b Go'thofrld. in **5i£f) b the fir ft Presbyter, fo the Presbyter was a fe- uiu conc i Bifhop & #Myi< S&ok, as ^(azianzen. As the r Bifl)op was fumrnu* facer dos, in the ftyle o£Tertu//ian and others, that is, cheif Presbyter, fo the Presbyter was BiJIwp a degree lower 5 not that he had left pafloral power, but becaufe he wanted that degree of dignity or preeminence, for which the other was ftyled chief. As the T?r<£ter Urbanus was called £Maximtts, yet he had (H3) had no more Power than the other, Trttorum idem erat collegium, eadem potejlas c, but only fome more privi- c Bedim lib. 3, ledge and dignity, dignitate cceteros anteibat propterea *■ 6t maximus dicebatur d, and the *SX av •awwf*©'* at Athens d Fed. in verb. was 1? rat or maximus, yet all the reft were pares potejla- ma i ou et e 5 TSiJIwpr and Presbyters had idem mimSterium as cibid. Jerome, eadem Ordinatio, as Hilary f, they were of the f & 1 Tim. 3. fame Order and Office, had the fame power, the power of the Keys, all that which the Scripture makes effential to a TSifiop. While it was thus, there couldbe no Dio* cefin Churches, that is, no Churches confiding of many Congregations which had but one Bipop only. vf* *&* *fi* *$* . %?* *%* %** POSTSCRIPT. A Late Writer prefumes he has detected a notable miftake in the Author, of No Evidence for Diocefan Churches (afc cribed to one who owns it not) about wv°t, which I fuppofe he would have Tranflated Ten TJ?oufands definitely j but ahere it is rendred indefinitely thoufands, as we are wont to exprefs a great many, when the precife number is not known. Thofe who underftand the Language, and have obferved theft/eofthe Word,will be farr from counting this a fault : and thole who view the paflage will count it intolerable, to render it as that Gentleman would have it. That of Atticns Bifliop of C (P. may fetisfie any concerning the import and ule of the word, who fending mony for the releifof the poor at Mice to CaUiopim, he thus writes. Writes, '«/u*$w twite ** tw toa.« 7!uvwt*9 A7&; *^? #f &* where he tells him that by wW he underftands a multitude whole number he did not exactly know, thus (i. e. indefinitely ) is the word moft frequently ufed by Greek Writers, and particularly by Eufebim the Author of the paflage cited. So he tells us, Nero killed his Mother 7 his (Brothers, his Wife , **! **am* p^fa* of her Kindred : And Timotbeus of Ga^a^ , ,he lays, indured -w** £**«**. Many more might be added, where the word is not rendred by the beft Translators (Vdefius particularly) ten thoufand ; but ftill indefinitly imwnkrabi- ksorinfiniti, orjexcenti, &c Nor have I met with one inftance ( though poffibly there may be fome) in him where it is ufed to ex- prefs ten thoufand precifely. Howe\er it had been an unpardonable in* jury to Eu/ebius, to have rendred it fo in this place 3 as if he would have deluded the World with a moft palpable untruth, which both he, and all men acquainted with the ftate of the Church in thofe times, know to be lb. For this make him lay that ten thoufand Bi- fhops Poft-fcrip. fliops met in Cancel at Antloch in the third Age ; when as he never knew a Synod of fix hundred Bifhops in the fourth Age, while he lived j though then Bifhops were farr more numerous, and had all encouragement to meet in greateft numbers. This makes him fignifie , that ten thoufand Bifhops af- fembled in the skirts of the Eafi part of the Empire : When as their was not near fo ma- ny (this Gentleman is concerned to maintain there was not one thoufand) in the whole Chri- ftian World. This is more than enough to Chew that there is fufficient warrant to Translate w«/, Ihoufands more than once ; though that it is in that difcourfe (which he ftiles a little Pam- phlet) (b tranflated more then once, is ano- ther of his miftakes. And a third (all in two lines) is that the Author grounds his Argu* ment on it. Whereas thofe that view the paffage, and the occafion of it, will fee it had been more for his advantage to have tranfla* ted it ten thoufands. He that can allow him- felf to write at this rate, may eafily be volu* minous, and look too big to be defpiled, as a writer of little Pamphlets. The Vojl-fcrip. Tioe Letter mentioned pag. 45. being commune cated to me by M. B. that part of it *tobich concerns Alexandria is here added, that it may appear how much it is miftaken, and l>owfarr from ketw an- fwered. For Alexandria it was the greatefl: City in the Empire next to <%ome,uiw $ r iw % p»nW * &•„' fays Jofephus de bello Judaic lib. 5 .cult. And Ept- phanius gives an account of many Churches in it affigned to feveral Presbyters, Yi^. befides Ctfarea finished by Athanafius, that of Dionyji* us, Theonat, Vterw, Serapion, Terfeas , Vizta, Mundidius , Annianus , (Baucal ?/Ve«% rlvS 9»vtw\) For if fays he according to our Savi- viours promife , where two fhall agree as touching any thing,it fhall be done for them of my Father, &c. How prevalent will be the one voice of fo numerous a People affem- bled together and faying Jmen to God? Who therefore would not wonder,who would not count it a happinefs, to lee fo great a People met together in one place ? And how did the people rejoice to behold one another,where- as formerly they aflembled in feveral places ? Hereby it is evident -hat in the middle of the fourth Age, ail the Chriftians at Jlexan- R dria* Poft-fcript. dria which were wonc at other times to meet in ieveral aflemblies, were no more than one Church might and did contain, fo as they could all join at once in the Worfhip of God and concurre in one Amen. He tells 'jirn alio that Alexander his Prede- ceflTor,(who died An. 325 )did as much as he in likecircumftances, Yi^. aflembled the whole multitude in one Church before it was dedica- ted, fteg. 532. • This feems clear enough, but being capa- ble of another kind of proof which may be no lefs fatisfa&oty, let me add that alfo. This City was by Strabo his defcription of it, xa*H&- a/fc ^ tfuu, like a Soldiers Coat, whole length at either fide was almoft 30 Furlongs, its breadth at either end 7 or 8 Furlongs, Geogr. lib. \y. /w£. 546. fo the whole compafs will be lefs than ten Miles. A third or fourth part of this was taken up with publick Buildings, Temples, and Royal Palaces, %x H t ^^^^^K #a« /xefQ-. ibid, two Miles and half or three and a quarter is thus diipoled of. I take this to be that Region of the City which Epiphanius calls Gt*w*> (where he tells us, was the famous Library of Ftolomeus Thiladelphus) and (peaks of Pojl-firif>t. of it in his time as dedicate of Inhabitants, ¥pjK# 7r/yCV bfzti^r de Wonder. & menfur, n. 9.^.1 66 A great part of the City was a/ftgned to the Tews 7naM&< *$»&&> p*i* A*tjG* txJ £<3r« t«tJ. So Strabo indefinitely, as fojpflm quotes him. Antiquit. Jud. L 14. c. \ 2. Others tells us more punctu- ally, their fhare was two of the five divifions (Upers Annals Latin, pag. 859.) Though many of them had their habitation in the other di- vifions, yet they had two fifth parts entire to themielves, and this is (I fiippofe) the ™3-u& which Jofephus faith , the SucceiTors of Alexander fee apart for them ^MW *f»e«w, hello Jud. I. 2. cap. 2 \ . Thus we lee already how 6 or 7 miles of the 1 o were taken up. The greateft part of the Citizens (as at G(pme and other- Cities) in the beginning of the 4th. Age were Heathens. Other wife Antonius wrong'd the City, who, in Atbanafius's time,is brought in thus exclaiming by Jerom. Vit. Waul. p. 24 j. V& tibi Alexandria qu ^:^ (So^pm.Hift.l. i.e. 14.) and if we may judge of the followers by their leaders, no lefs than half. For whereas there were I 9 Presbyters and Deacons in that Church (Tbt I, Hift. I. 4. c. 23.) (12 was the number of thei t r Presbyters by their Ancient Conftitution, as appears by EutycbitiSy and 7 theij Deacons, as at %;«e, and elfewhere) 6 Presbyters with Jrius y and j Deacons fell off from the Catholicks. So%pm. Hift. I. \. c. 14. But let the Arians be much fewer, yet will not the proportion of the Catholick Bifhops Diocefe in this City, be more than that of a fmall Town, one of 8 or 1 2 Furlongsin compafs. And Co the num- bers of the Chriftians upon this account, will be no more than might well meet for Wor* fliip in one place. FINIS. READE R THB /?^ Epiftle is now written upon the fight of Jugulum Caufae : The other with the fa Tropofttions was written about a year and half ago, upon the fight of Papa ultrajectinus, k?c. and the Panenefis contra i£dificatores Imperii inlmperio : jfndthe defign of all is, to fi?ew how little or nothing at all thefober mode* rate Vroteflants , called Epif copal, Presbyterian y Independent, and Political or Erajlian are dij agreed in all this bufinefs, whiljl I name you near a hun* dred Tropofitwns in which they commonly confent : Tloat Princes and all Magijlrates may fee y tl^t they haye no caufe to be offended at the Chriftian and Proteftant Do&rine, or to judge the true Re- ligion of any of thefe parties, as fuch, to be contrary to their inter eft • when in njery truth they are in that all one : (But that *amonz all Setts and (parties, there will be ftillfome injudicious , intern* per ate and unpeaceahle men • especially thofe whofe Interefl: in the world is Great, and cannot be up* held, without encroaching on the rights of others : j{$ Great Trees mujl have much room, and fuffer A z nothing ■ nothing to profper under them 9 but Weeds and Bry* ars. And it is to tell politicians^ that the tritef&a* floral Tower ( being a Tower to labour and fuf-. fer in patient felf-denyal for the Church of Qhnjl and the Jouls of men ) is paft all doubt of Chrifli anointment : jini to dimimjh that-Tower, ts but todiminijh our obligation to labour and[\i(- fer, and to gratife our floth and flejhly intereft. (But to duninifl? that Secular Church*power which Clergie men claim as of ViYme tfijght, is but for Princes to be Princes ^whether the Clergie mil or no. Jnd as to the Learned Author, Dr. Lud.Moli- nxus, my meaning is tofecond him in awakening Magijlrates to reaffume their proper pouter , and to leave it tnnoQergie mens hands y of what party foever : (But as to his reflections on the Trotejlants 0ifcipline y lovingly to chide him for making the difference feem wider than it is y and to %E(J)N* CILE the four (parties, while I diftinBly open the common DoSlrine of them all, excepting the rigid Opinions of fome inter effed or intemperate indu and fo they will do y till the Time of the Chur- ches fuller Reformation, and of the Coalition of the Chri- ftian world is come* I'know you may think that as Interefl blindeth them, fo this great detection of the Invafion of their Intercfi is the way to bring them to the truth. For who will have a Co-partner with him in his Kingdom, that may choofe > Who had not rather Rule alone, than divide his Kingdom with the Pope? Undoubtedly they give away more of their own Intereft hereby, than you have opened ? When they deliver part of their power to one, who by an ap- proved C3) proved General Council of their own, which is the Religion of their Party, Later. fub Innoc.3. Can. 2..$. may depofe Temporal Read the Declaration againft the Lords, ( though no Proteftants ,? ath * #&»!* b > * * f <* *• '« ^ , v V .,. Popes diPofiiwKirg«,^M5, 17,27 4? • .thtmfelves ) that will *i* exter- R / ad H J tm * s Fr ? nce .Gal. cap. 7. and wii/jfe t/M/e ffcil afe//y Tranfub- his fcw*« ftta , pg. 87, s>7> ? 8 - \tantiation out of thdr Domini- Read uithrUgton and B*v/# againft Mf, and. may abfilve their fub- *Jg** G .'W" S . *?V - /? f? t *x r 1 • hj r j An <* BtlLirvnn aeainft Barclay C $>. jecls from their fidelity, and may yi dm Sm ,^ lm admf. [ctl. A^llcli 6. ght their Countryes unto others, cap. 4/fca. 14. & ca\6. feci. 22. 14. When their molt Learned, Re- A\er.t*j, Mor. far. uL 8 c i$.Dom. nowned , applauded Doctors Banm U Viom.n q.iz. art. 2. A*- teach, that the Pope rnay ex- ft»R; L%?(%*&fC& communicate Kings, and that an p p e may depofe all Kings when there excommunicated King is no is reafonable caufe for it. ] See the King, and he that killeth him, Jefuhs Morals, and Myftery or Jcfuitifin, killeth not a King. When the **? And left any fay, that this is but the Dodtrine of the Jefuits, remember that Perron was another kind of man, and the famous Per verter of King Henry the fourth. And I will cite here the words of one more of a multitude, even one that wrote fo long ago, as to be numbred with the Fathers in Bibliotb. Patr.%o. \.p.^\^. and & Roman • Cardinal Bertrard Card. & Epif. Eduenf. de Orig. & ufit Jurifd. §h. 4.. [ Rcfpondeo & dico . quod Potcjtas Spiritual'^ debet dominari omni human* Creatura per rationes Hofti- enfis— Item quia Jcfus Cbrijius filius Dei dum fuit in hoc mundo, &etiam ab.dterno natural'n dominus fuit, & de jure naturali in Imperatores & quofcunque alios depofttionvs fententlts ferre potuijfet, & damnation**, & quafcunque ali- as : Vtpote in per fonts quas creaverat, & donis naturalibus & gratuito donaverat, & etiam confervabat. Et tadem ratione 63* etiam ejus Vicarius potejh Nam non videtur difcretus "Domi- as being perfons that he had created and endowed with Natural Gifts, and freely, and alfo preferved ; And by the fame reafon bis Vicar can do it : For the Lord feemeth mt C5) not to have been difcrcet ( that I may fpeal^ with reverence to him ) unlefs he bad left behind him one fitch Vicar, who could do all thcfe things* And in Matthew thU bit Vicar was Peter : And the fame mull be faid of the fucccffors of Peter, feeing the fame abfurdity would follow , if after the death of 'Peter he had left humane nature created by bimfelf without the Regiment of neper fon. ] Do you think this is not plain dealing enough, if men are willing to underhand ? I know that there were Emperours and Princes that ftrugled hard, before they futfered themfelves to be thus fubjeded i And thcfe Emperours had Lawyers, Statefmen and Divines that took their parts i as all the Treatifes in Goldaftus his three Volumes de Monarch, and his In$. Confiit. Sex Bel/arm. dcPontif.Ro. li. 5. c. 1. && ihew. But ftill thole that fded & 7 .&8. he faith, ft is the cemmon with the Pope fpake contrary, as judgement of all Catholick Divines , the .argumentations of thofe that the Pope r^ejlntudu huh at t> 1 l r j i_ a u i_ lufc i>idmtlly a cert an Pomr, .rid that Books behdes the Authors whom th , hkhcfi ]r f rtmpmU . which c.e. he they . oppofe, do (hew. And, f a i t h, y ju(l fwh ovtr Pructs, as the foul alas, Occham, and Marfilw Pa- hath over the. body 5 or festive appetite: tavinus, and Widdrington and ^d that thus he may change l^mrdoms, aU t, , 11 1* r- take them from one, aid gwe to another, as Barclay came all too late. For t} f cbkf spiritual Prince, if it be but ne- all that Secular Power which was ceffary to the fafcty of fouls. Yea, he faith, cloaked with the name of£c- that it is w lawful for Chriftians to to- clefiafiical and Spiritual, was be- *»f < « *v.ty /o great a part of their Kingdoms to a Forreigner, yea, to one that claimetb a% ( by bimfelf or by his moft famous Writers ) and by hti Councils claimetb a power to depofe them '•> They that with their orvn Nobles and other Sub'yetls, are fo jealous of their Prerogatives, would never fo far depofe thcmfelvcs, if they did but hpow what they do : And there- fore when Popijh Princes underjland the matter, they willfiakc off the yoke, and reajfume their right* Anfw. It's true, that Proteftant Princes and States have done fo \ And the true meaning of our Oixh of Suprema- cy is the fame with your main defign : And though fome have (tumbled at thofe words, that the King is Supream Governour in all Caufes Ecclefiafiical, the meaning is only ( as hath been oft publickly declared ) that he a the Su- pream Civil or Coa&ive Governour by the Sword, in all Caufes Ecclefiaftical, fo far as they fall under that Coa&ive or Co- ercive Government. And hereby the King doth but reafc fume the Royal Power over the Clergy and .the affairs of Religion, which the Pope had ufurped under the. name of EcclejiafiicaL For its well known- what was called EccU • fiajiical Power in England in the times of Popexy:fo that this much of the Vail is removed long ago among all Proteftants. And if you perufe but Bifhop BUfons excellent Tract of Chriflian Subjeclion, and Bifhop Andrews his tortura Torti ( to pals by all others ) you will fee that this Cafe is bet* ter opened, than I for my part am able to open it. And it is feldom heard of ( for all the induftry and (ubtilty of Home ) that any Prince or State doth Voluntarily turn Pa- pift, that is once delivered from the Yoke, and that ever again parteth with his power when he hath recovered k. But yet that even this Argument from Notorious Interefi, doth not recover the Liberty of Countreys fubject to the Pope, you will the lefs wonder, if you confider thefe three things. i. That the Papal Intereft hath got fuch rooting in their Subjects minds, that it is not in their power to reafTume their right. TheClergy are fo numerous, fubtile, ubiqui- tary and potent, and the people fo commonly deceived, and fo tenacious oi ancient Cufioms , that to make this Change, (?) Change, might caft all into a flame : And they think it bet- ter to lofe part, than all. And no doubt but the examples of Henry the third, and Henry the fourth of France, make fome think, that if they difpleafe the Pope and his Confe- derates, they have not fufficitnt fecurity for their lives. 2. And Princes ftand ufually on fuch terms of danger or jealoufie from one another, that they are fain to keep fuch a Peace at home, left they expofe themfelves to a greater mifchief from abroad. And they are broken by the Papal fubtilty,efpecially in Germany and Italy 'into fuch Fra&ions, and petty Principalities, that few of them are ftrong enough to defend themfelves againit the Confederates of the Pope ( when potent Emperours heretofore could not do it. J And many of them, efpecially the.Houfe of Auftria, do take this Copartnerfhip of the Pope, to be a great part of their ftrength : And as anciently many Emperours were forced to choofe their Gtfars and Copartners, when the defence of the Empire was too hard for themfelves alone \ fo di- vers Princes are glad to make ufe of the Papal intereft and power for their own fecurity \ though upon terms that elfc would never be fubmitted to. And in fome Countreysthe Rebellious difpofit ion of the Subje&s driveth them to accept of this dear remedy \ and they choofe rather to ftrengthen themfelves by a Copart- ner, than to ftoop to the wills of their infer iours. For here you muft take notice, that the pretence of a Jus divinum and of Spirituality^ and the Intercji of Chrtft, and of the fafety of their fouls, doth make this kind of fervi- tude much lefs difhonourable, than it is to be overtopt by a neighbour Prince, or to be curbed by their fubjedls. For what dishonour is it for a man to be fubjedt. to his Maker and Redeemer? Nay, what greater honour can there be? And the Koman Clergy have ufed themfelves to Canonize thofe Princes that have been molt zealous for their Gran- dure, and to raife the fame and praifes of fuch, as have raifed that which they call the Church, that the very am- bition of the Clergies Praifes, doth do much to tempt fome to a tame acceptance of a Copartner, who pretendeth to be the Vicar of Chrift : When this fervitude goeth for B 2 fan&ity lanctity, ana carnetn not witn it ine reproacn or other forts of fervitude. 3. And it greatly furthereth their fuccefs, that the Popes Agents are commonly bred up in Learning, and fo are m2de able to over-wit the Laity => And that it is their great ddign, to gratihe the Lulls of Princes, by indulging their voluptuous fenfual lives, that fo they may fpend their dayes in fuch things, as will never advance their underftandings to an ability to difcern the cheats of their Copartners : And they detdtably cherim the Ignorance of the Common Laity, that they may be the titter to be led and mattered by them i even as men keep women from Learning and great attainments, left they (hould be the more uncapable of fub- je&ion. And thus as Satan leadeth men to Hell, fo the Papal Uiurper bringeth the Laity into their power, by their own confent^ by fuch pleafmg baits, as make their fervitude eafie to them* And it is not your telling them of their intercft , that will prevail againlt all thefe temptations. They that will lofe Heaven, and their falvation by fuch cheats, may lofe half of their earthly Dominions by them, as long as the other half fufrlceth to fatisrie their concu- pifcence, and to maintain their honour and plealure in the world. The Roman Ufurpation confifteth of two parts. i.The Ufurpation of fuch a Pajloral Power as they have no right to. 2. The Ufurpation of a great part of the Magiftrates power, fometime dintily, and fometimes indirectly in or- dine ad fpiritualia '•> and conftantly by the cheat of the falfe name of Church pawer, put upon the Magiftrates part of Church Government, as if it were the Clergies part. I. The Ufurpation of a Paftoral power which belongefrh not to them, is the chief part of their Iniquity. And it conlifteth in thefe, among other particulars. 1. In the impious, and arrogant claim of anUniverfal PaftorfiSip over all the world. The Roman Prelate muft be the Teacher of all the world, the High Prieft of all the world, and the Spiritual Ruler of all the world * which be- caufe he cannot do by himfelf, he muft do by others, as far as Ipe can to uphold his ufurpation. He muft be the Law- giver (9) giver and the Judge of all the world, even at the Anti- podes, and where he hath no acquaintance nor accefs. 2. By this he undertaketh to be a Bifhop in other mens Dioccfles, and to rule in all matters, where he hath no more power, than any Pallor hath in another Paftoral Charge. 3. And by this he undertaketh to be the Spiritual Father and Governour of all the Kings and Rulers of the Chriflian world, and fo to have the power of excommunicating them when hethinketh there iscaufe, and to brand them as uncapable of Chriftian communion with their own Sub- jects j or with any other Chriftians. 4. By this he ulurpeth authority of impofing what Pa- ftors he pleafe ( even fuch as will carry on hisintereft ) up- on all the Churches in the world,and depriving both Princes and people of their juft liberty of choice. 5. By this alfo he ufurpeth the power of depofing what Bifliops or Paftors he pleafe, and depriving the people of their necelTary helps, and faithfulleft Teachers. Yea, of putting whole Nations under Interdicts of ferving and ho- nouring God in Church-ailcmblies •, commanding all Pa- ftors tofnut up the Church doors, and forbidding them to perfom their office, and to preach Chrifts Gofpel, or admi- nifter his holy Sacraments. 6. By this he fendeth forth his Miffionaries, and fetteth up Societies of Jefuits and Fryers to do his work, and com- mandeth all Princes and people to receive and counte- nance them. 7. By this, he layeth claim to a right of maintenance for Himfelf and his Miilionaries in all parts of the world, in the nameof Chriit, who hath faid, that the labourer is worthy of his hire. 8. By this he granteth Difpenfations, Pardons, Indul- gences, commanded! praying to Saints and Angels , and praying for the Dead, as being in Purgatory, and by this he fetteth up his whok new frame of felf-devi fed Worlhip and Religion. Now I call not all this an Ufurpauon of Magiftracy, fo far as he ufeth no Corporal force > and threatneth no penalty but encommumcation and damna- B 3 lion*- Oio) tion. For every true Paftor with his own flock hath the Power of Guiding them by delivering Chrilts Dodtrine and Precepts , and commanding obedience as ' his Servant or EmbifTadour in his Name, and of denouncing his judge- ments, and of judging obligingly who are fit to be taken into the Church by Baptifm, and who to be caft out as Impenitent by excommunication in his own particular Charge or Society. And if the Pope ufurp a power of doing all thisand more, as an Univerfal Pallor only, this is an Utilisation of a Church Fower^ and not of a Magijiracy. And indeed if you will acquit him from the guilt of the Myfrerie of Iniquity any further than he invadeth Magi- ftracy it felf, you will do him a great deal ot wrong: For he is the Vicarius Chrifti, and the Vice-Chrijl more notably by his Spiritual Vfurpation of a power proper to Chrifi bimftlfi or at lead of a power that Chriit never gave him. II. His fetting up a KI N GD O M, and invading the MAGISTRACY is done I. Dire&ly, II. Indire&ly and Confequentially. 1. Dire&ly* i. By holding a Secular Jurifdi&ion, as the King of Rome, where he exercifeth the Supream Civil 'Pow- er, acknowledging no Superiour Civil Governouri either as to the Legislation or Execution, in all the parts of his cwn Dominions. 2. By his laying claim to many Kingdoms as his own ( among which England is one , as pretended to be deli- vered to him by King John ) and fuppoling that the Kings do hold them as under him, and by his Grant. 3. By laying claim to the Temporal or Corporal Go- vernment of all the world ( fay fome } or of all the Chri- ftian world ( fay others ) : Of which you may-fee-a multi- tude of Volumes written in the defence of his pretenti- ons: In particular all thofe aforefaid were of this fubject, Which all Goldajiuf his Collected Treatifes, for the Right of Princes do confute. I gave you Cardinal Bertrands words before. And though fome of their Clergy who live under Prin- ces that axe not willing to refign their Crowns, dodifclaim the f II) *hc Popes dirett Title to the Univerfal Civil Soveraignty, yet he himfelf difclaimeth it not, nor condemneth the Books as fuch, that have been written to defend it. In the Jefuits Morals the laft Chapter hath this Title £ 'that the Jefuits teach, that the Church cannot command jpiritual and internal aelkns > Ibat its Lapps and guidance are humane -> and that it is itfelfonly a Political Body~\ Where the J anfeniji chargeth them with destroying the Church from its foundation, and making it altogether external, humane and Politick ■> and that which needeth only Politick Ver- tues for its Government, and the excrcife of its principal offices, and that they make its Laws but humane and po- litick, which oblige only to things external : and charge eth them as Cyprian did the Novatians, §>uod Ecclefiam hnmanam factum ] So that if heaccufe them juftly , here is no room for any fubterfuge : It is not the Spiritual and Temporal power that he makes them claim, but the Tem- poral or External only : But what / doth the J anfeniji him- felf therefore difclaim all Temporal Power in the Churchy or is he juft to Kings ? Judge but by pag. 3S8. where he boafteth of Laymans Confelfion of the Truth, that [ Ecc/e- fiaftic\ power is injiituted immediately from God, and the Ci- vil power comes immediately from men :■ And that Civil power regards properly and diredly wealth and peace temporal only : ~] And he adds [_ For the Civil power regards the out- ward order and Civil tranquility almes and prefcribes none hut outward and humane means to attaift this end, ] Which is all falfe, and moft injurious to Kings h whom this mode* rate J 'anfeniji would hereby fet as far below every Prie^ in real dignity and amiabknefs to the Subjeds as a Humane Creature is below a Divine, and the intereft of ^the body is below that of the foul. Whereas indeed God is the im- mediate Original of Civil and Church power , though irr both the Perfons are defigned by the means of men* And both have God himfelf for their ultimate end, and the Common Good of the Society for their Common End 3 which ever confifteth moft in fpiritual felicity, referring to Eternal. Though the Magiftrates weapon be the Sword* and thePaftoisonly*heWord,by which all this is brought *opa&« ladeeA^ Indeed it is not poffible that the Papacy in its prefent State can be detended by any man how moderate foever, without Injury to Princes and States, whofe Power the Pope hath fo notoriously invaded and ufurped : For how can they defend him, that ufurpeth the. Power of Kings, or ufurpeth a falfe Power over Kings, and not be injurious to them that the Ufurper injureth ? But it is motf wonderful to me, that when W. Barclay de- fendeth the right of Monarchs in fuch a Kingdom as France that hath power and will to hold fait its own, he fliould complain as if he undertook a Caufe which mod were again ft him in, and in which he expected to be won- dered at for his Angularity. 4. By their Inquifition, and by their Decreeing Corpo- ral Penalties in their Councils, and Decreeing the depofition of Princes, and the giving away their Dominions toothers, as in the two fore-cited Councils , Roman* fob. Greg. 7. & Later an. fab Innvc.3. In a word, by all that they do in their Ufurped Legiflation, Judgement and Execution, by the Sword, or a forcing Power as in themfelves. II. But the more fuccefsful Ufurpation of the Power and Rights of Princes is IndireUly, and as Bellarmin defendeth it, in or dine ad Jpiritualia v. By ufing their Ecclefiaftical Ufurp- ed power upon mens Consciences, in fuch a way as (hall overtop the Magiitrates power of the Sword : when they decree that all are Hereticks that believe their fenfes, and deny Tranfubftantiation, and that all fuch Hereticks mail be banilhed or burnt > the Clergy is not to do this them- felves, but to deliver them over to the Secular Power: The Pope and Clergy do but charge it on their Confciences in the name of Chrift. And if Princes obey them not, or Temporal Lords will not burn or banifh all fuch Hereticfy for believing fenfe, the Pope is not to touch their bodies, fyut to excommunicate them. And if they will not yet obey the Pope, when they are excommunicate, the Pope , Good man, will not draw a Sword againft them, but only ufe the Spiritual Sword, by giving their Dominions to others , which is but byword of mouth y he doth but declare fuch a Temporal Lord to be difpoffeft of his Title, and require another another to take his Lands, and let his great Divines pub- lifh that an Excommunicate King is no King, and that to kill him, is not to kill a King : And if Princes will defend themfelves by Arms, the Pope will not fend his Clergy in Arms againft them, but only by the Spiritual Sword, or Word, command other Princes, States and people to arm themfelves againft their Emperours, Kings and Governours, and to defend thofe to whom he hath given their Domi- nions. How oftthefe Games have been ferioufly acted, the German Hiftories lamentably tell us : and Guicciardines Italian, and the Englijb, French and others are not wholly filent. So if the Clergy be exempt from paying Taxes, from Secular Judgements, if their Lands and Eftates be not un- der the Power of Kings, if they fet up Courts of Judica- ture with Offices like a Civil Court, if they aiTume to themfelves the fole judgement of Hereticks, and Schifma- ticks, and Apoftates, and alfo of Teftaments of the dead, and of Caufes of Adultery and Fornication, of lawful or unlawful degrees of Marriage, and of Divorce, if the Pope lay Taxes on the Ciergy that are Subje&s in all Princes Dominions, if he difpofe of Buildings, Tythes, Glebes, Monaftcries, Lands, Almshoufes,Colledges, and abundance fuch like h all this is not by the Sword, but by perfwading Kings and States that they are bound in Confcience to promote all this, and obey the Pope as their Ghoftly Fa- ther herein: And that if they be ftricken with the Thunder- bolt of Excommunication, they are in a ftate of damnation, and if they fo dye,are undone tor ever : And by perfwading other Princes and people, that the Arms taken up againft fuch Princes at the Popes Command ( according to the fore- faid Councils ) are meritorious, and (hall procure their falvation. And if Princes and people will believe all this, and will be deceived, and will voluntarily fubjedt themfelvej, to fuch an Ufurper, who can help it ? Though it excufc not the Pope, yet they have little reafon to complain, that they lofe that power which they voluntarily give away, and that the Pope (hall exercife that power which they C give give him. And fo much to your Caufe againft the Pa- pacy. II. But in your Epiftle to Mr. Jreshjn and feveral others, vou lay much of the like charge upon the Ret or me d Churches, and you take our great Reforming Divines* to have kept up the Myiterie ot Iniquity in their Difcipline. Concerning which give me leave to deal freely with you,- and to tell you, that I am perfwaded that your meaning is iincere and good, and that it is an usurpation or devifed imitation of Secular Government by the Clergy which- you condemn-, and that too great a part of the Proteftant Clergy have given you forne occaiion tor thefe complaints; But that really you deal not accurately in the Controveriie, and Jccuratenejs is the thing you want. You do not here cx- aclly defcribe the true difference between the feveral powers where you/iciw.to defcribe them \ you leave out -much that mould be faid. It is a more diftinct way of handling this point, that muft decide the Controveriie. To which end I have laid you down an hundred Proportions, on occaiion of your former Writings fent me. And as you fay in Epijh ad P. Rujfelium, p. 248. that in this you would believe one Phyficion, one Cexe, Goddard, Lower , Ridglcy, &c. ( Though! have rcafon to think that the firft and laft of thefe. are more of my mind about Church. Government than of yours ) before a thoufand Aupi\\ines y Hieroms, Gregories, yea, JmeJJf, Vavenant, Vlhcrf^VaVces; fo my opinion is, that ufually all men are wifefi in their own Profeffion. And though I am natural- ly (omewhat unapt to take more than needs I mult up- on tr nil from any ( fince I have had great experience of humane ignorance. and vanity) yet I had rather take a Phyficions judgement in Phyiick, and a Lawyers in points of Law, and a Souldiers in Military matters, and a Divines in Theology , than any ot their judgements about the matters ot an aliene Protellion, Not but that now and then a man may arile, that (hall know more on the. by, than others that make it the ftudy of their lives : But that is not ufual. And that one man would- have been yet wijh'y in thofc things if he had befn of that Prcfefiion. For 'For furely ceteris paribus, he that beftoweth twenty years, or thirty, or forty, or threefcorc in the Study ot Divinity alone, with its fubfervicnt helps, is liker to underftand it, than he that allowcth it, but now and then a fpare hour, in the midft of other diverting Studies. For my part, if J follow not one thing only when I am upon it, but di- vide my thoughts among things heterogencal, I cannot pierce deep into any great difficulties, nor make any thing of diftradted Studies j neque quicquam rede fit, quod fit prtoccupato animo. God doth not ufe to give wifdom now by the way of Miracles \ but they that fetk^ molt, are likeft to find. And therefore pardon me for telling you, that though I am deftrvedly a great honourer of the Phylicions you name, yet I fet more by the Judgement of one VJher, one Vavenant, one Jewell, one Dalldw, one Blondel, one Ca- mero, one Le Blan^ one Petrus Molinaut in matters of The- ology, than of abundance of Lawyers and Phyficions. And of one Lawyer and Phyticion in matters of their Profeili- on, than of many Divines. Being (till of Pembles mind, that one clear eye can fee further than a Council of pur- blind ones. And as to the matter of Partiality of which you fufpecf. Divines, it is not without caufe as to all that party who feek for Richer, Eafe and Hmours, or Domination and Pre- ferments and Prebemrnency in the world : But fuch as that St. Martin whom you mention out of Severn* , who fo ve- hemently oppofed the Itbacian Violence,* and Maximur his uiiiig J/*? •* m^^lm yoh twte e*H the Sword againft the Pnfcilianijh his ^^ / had mn a m p m SainL ' are as impartial as you. Cer- tainly if Chriftianity be what we all profefs to take it for, it will make that man befi who is moil a Chriftian : And he that is befi will be moft impartially and felt-denyingly faithful to Ghrilt, and will prefer Chrifts honour incompa- rably before his own. And he is like to be moft a Chri- stian, who doth fincerely give up himfelf to the clofeit ftudy of it all his dayes. Deny this, and your fufpieions will fall upon Chriftianity itfelf. Cut- yet I will allow you to be moderately fufpicious C 2 where 1 where you lee tnat mere is any great bait of carnal interejt to tempt men : A Fopedome, a Cardinaljhip, ( I muft name no more) may make the Roman Heathen fay, I will turn Chriltian, if you will make me Bifhop of Rome y &c. But will you fufpecl: that a good man, yea, and all fuch good men, (hould be Partial where they put themfelves on the greateft felf-denyal ? Where they have no profit, no pre- ferment, no man-pleaiing, no worldly honour to invite them ? Yea, where it is like to diminifh their gain, to hin- der them from preferment, to make them hated by moi\ on whom their difcipline is exercifed ? If a few out of a pang of Fa£f ious or Phanatick zeal, may caft themfelves on fuch a felf-denying life, it is not like that this will be the ordinary Cafe, of Learned, fober, godly men. If it be, with whom (hall the ignorant truft the conduct of their fouls, that will not make merchandize of them ? Would yon be partial and falfe to the Tiuth ofChrift your felfi if you were the Paitor of a Church } Is the Office fo malignant to infed all that undertake it } If it be, how can our Religion be good ? If not, why (hould you think that others will not be as juft and impartial as you would be ? Do you conlider what excellent perfons in all refpe&s for Wifdom, and Piety, and Integrity, were Melancbthon, Bk~ choltzer, Sohnius, Kimedontius, Olevian, Vrftnus, Zanchius> Partus^ and thofe Englifh men you named , and many hundreds more -, who more unlikely through Ignorance or partiality to betray the truth ? But they fay, that Intereft will not lye. Do you not know that an able Preacher, may better by many degrees eonfult his own Eafe, his Profit, and his worldly honours by Preaching only , than by this troublefome ungrateful work of Difcipline ? I am confident that you and I do take one another for true plain dealing honeft men, and therefore can believe each other. And if you will believe me, I did, in my Paftoral Charge ( in thofe times when I was thought tolerable in the Sacred Office ) for about ten yeais ( of the twenty that I had leave to preachy) exercife fome Difcipline upon fbme particular offendors, according to the common judgement of Proceftant Divines j And it was (*7) was fomuch to my labour, to my expcnce of time, to the grievous difpleafure of thofcthat fell under it, and requi- red fo much felf-denyal, that when I confulted with flcfh and blood , if I might but have fbrborn it, and only preached, and given the Sacraments to all that came, f fhould have thought my ftlf fo greatly disburdened, as would have made my life to be fenfually pleafant : fo that, though I had not any maintenance of my own, I think I could gladly have given up all that I received for my Mi- ni ftry, and made what other (hift I could for food and ray- ment, fo I might but have been freed from the trouble of this particular Difcipline : I fpeak only what it was to flefh and blood, and not what it was to faith, which faith God cannot be ferved too dearly. Till Ifpcak this to one that hath tryed the thing I talk of, I (hall take it for granted, that my words are not half underilood. If you fay, Why then did you not forbear a work fo ungrateful > I now only anfwer, Why doth not the Judge and Sheriff forbear hanging Murderers and Thieves : The reft of my Anfwer you (hall have anon. Though my following Proportions feem full enough in opening the difference between the two Powers ^ yet 1 will here alio briefly tell you, i. Somewhat of the nature of Church Tower : 2. Somewhat of the certain Truth that Jefus Chrift did inftitute it : 3. Somewhat of the Neceflity of it fub rat tone mcdii ad finem, 1. For the rirft, take thefe few things together, and you may clearly fee what power we claim. i.OurOffke for the Original of it, is as immediately from Chrift as that of Magiftrates , and is not made by Kings or any Monarchs. Therefore we hold it as imme- diately from Chrift. 2. lor the Matter of it, it is only to expound and ap- ply the Word of God, both commonly in Sermons, and particularly to each mans feveral Cafe, as Phyficions look to the Cure of individuals : And alfo to exercife the Keys of the Church or Kingdom of Chrift i that is, 1.T0 be the ordinary Judges who is to be taken in by Baptifm j 2. And alfo who is to bepublickly admoaiifhed as fcanda- C 3 lous, ^ 10 ) lous, in our particular Charge: 3. And alfo who is to be abfolved aspr.itent: 4. And who is to be declared un- meet for Church- communion, as obftinately impenitent, and to be forbidden Communion with the Church, and the Church with him , and confequently denyed the privi- ledges of the Church, and figns of Communion in the Lords Supper, which it bclongeth to the Pallor to deliver only to the capable, and by the peoples Familiarity and brotherly Society, which tViey are obliged to deny them. And this Sentence of the Pallor, if it fhould proceed on lniikke, doth not make the mans Cafe the worfe before 1 God \ but yet ( till the Church have (ought its due reme- dy againil miilaking Pallors ) it remaineth fo far valid, as that none againit it may obtrude himfclf on the Commu- nion of that Church. For, I pray you telf me, if flato, or Zeno miitake in their judgement of a Difciple whom they refufe, or any Free Schoolmalter in judging of the in- capacity of a Scholar, (hall others fo misjudged intrude in- to their Schools , and make themftlves their Scholars againli their wills ? Or ihall he whom by mif-information you refufe or rejedfc from your family or fervice, become your hou(hold fervant indefpight of you? 3. And. as to the Inllruments and manner of exercHing our OrBce, we . profeiTedly difclaim all pretentions to any power of the Sword, or of corporal penalty, that is co- a&ive or coercive. You contefs this once your felf. We claim no power but by the Word^ either generally preach- ed, or particularly applyed to the cafe of thole that are of our charge. No other power of "Excommunication do we claim : If men will defpite our Minifterial inftrudtions, reproofs and cenfures, we: have done with them. Shall they force themfelves into our familiarity or communion in fpightof us ? Your Epift* 54. ad Mettagerium openeth the matter fo fairly, that we little differ from it. If you Gy that Presbyterians and Epifcopal fet up Courts, Judica- tories, with Officers like Civil Courts: I anfwer, 1. The more pomp and likenefs to the Magiftrates coercive way, the worfe I like it* 2. But how (hall men be heard, if they be not cited ? How ihall fuch things be Juftly and Regu- larly, ( 19) Jarlv tran faded, if there benota known Twt and Pkke, and if Accusers and Witncflls be 'not fummoned ? Are not fuch regular proceedings necelTary even in Cafes of meer arbitration ? If this be all, here is no more Sword, no more force, than in a Pulpit. And how doth Excommunica- tion ( that is, declaring an Impenitent pcrfon unfit for Church Communion by Chrilts Laws, and binding him over to the great day ) I fay how doth this touch mens bodies or ejTates, or work any otherwife than a Pulpir- Sermon on the confeiencious Volunteers ? 3. And if horn- ing, or Writs dc TLxciwimitnizjio Capiendo, or imprifonmenr, or burning men as HLreticks follow this, all this is the Ma- gistrates own doing > If it be wtl, praile him for it. If it be ill, blame him tor it. If Rulers will make fuch Liw>, and if they mil fo far be Executioners of the Oergies De- crees, who can hinder them? If it be againlt their right* it is their own act, who-gtve.(b much of their right away. ' If you fay, that Clergy m:n are too blame that urge them to it ■-> you (lull not calily think worfe of their Co doing, thaa I do: It is greatly againlt our wills that the Sword lo clofely folio wet h Excommunication. I think it is the ef- fect of Carnal Clergy mens bale conceit of their own- Sa- cred Ofiice, as if it were a Leaden unpowerful S.vord which Chriit hath put into their hands, and Excommuni- cation were invalid, when the Sword forceth not the impe- nitent to dilfcmble Repentance and Submillion. When great worldly baits have enticed worldly, men -into the. Sacred Office, as to a worldly preferment and Trade, they will judge accordingly and manage it like themfelves (which is and hath been the Churches Pell) We would beg on our knees of Kings and MagiltraKs, if it would prevail, to leave Church Cenfures to our Lords intended* uiej and valeant quantum valcrc pffunth arid to keep* fcheir Sword out of Chureh-mens hands, and to puniih men in their own Courts for every crime that defcrveth it * but not qitatemts excommunicate, or meerly becauie the Clergy hath judged them unmeet for Church Communion. He that taketh Excommunication alone for no puniflament, is not fit to be in the Communion of the Church, and therefore (2o; therefore mould not be driven for fear of a Prifon to that which he hath no right to. So that you muft not charge the ads of Princes, nor of ambitious Cardinals, &c. neither en Cil: ?>?, Ff£j, or any fuch as them. And as to Lay-Elders, ox Lay Chancellors, I am no more for them than you arc, that is, as the Magiftrates Officers, or as the Churches Sub-Officers circa ftcra & non infacrU ; But fure thofe of them who are introduced on a mijhahgn conceit of Divine rights and do no more than the Pallors do, are no llfurpers of Coercive power. You fee by the late Ads of King and Parliament in Scotland, that all External Church power is declared to be in the King : And what would you have more? No doubt the meaning is not, All power about external things : For the Sacraments of Baptifm and the Lords Supper, and the perfons baptized, &c. are external objeds : Nor can it be all power that is exercifed by the external parts of the body. For the Tongue of the Preacher, and the Hand of the Baptizer, as well as the Ear of the Hearer is an external part. But in thefe two fenfes it is true, and commonly con- fented to, by all that I remember of my acquaintance that are Chriftians. u That all the power of the 'Sm rd, or of forcing by Mulds or bodily punifhments, as diiVind from the power of the Word, that worketh diredly upon the foul alone ( by the fenles ) is in the King, and not in any of the Clergy, though it be about the matters of Religion. 2. And that all power in Church matters and Religion, Ex- trinfecal to the Fjfioral Office as inftituted by Chriit, is of right the Kings, and his inferiour Magiftrates. And what would yoti or any man have more ? 4. And as to the exercife of our Office, we all confefs ( except the Papifts ) that we are refponfible to the King and Magiftrates, for our faults, yea, for our injurious mal- adminiftration. And that though the King be not the Chief Paftor, nor hath the power of the Keys which Chriit gave to his Minifters, yet he is the Ruler of all Churches and Paftors by the Sword, as well as of all Phyficions. And is not all this enough to fatisfie you, that we claim no part of the Magiftrates Office t As (21) As you fay, our power is but Ferfaaftve. U is buf, By the Word\.\\ is but on the Confcicnce i It is under theMa- gillrates coercive Government : And foit is like a PhynVi- ons or a Tutors in a Colledgc. But that I pray you leave net out i. That it is not under.fhe Magiliratcs, as to the derivation of the office or pjwer, that is, It is no office which the Magifirate made or may unmade : 2. That it is as imme- diately of Divine Inuitution as the Magiftrates. And there- tore in your iimilitude you mull fuppofe your rnyilcion and Tutor to have a Commiffion from God. 3. That God hath dtferihed our office, and limited the Magijlrates office, fo that he hath no power frpm God to hinder the Mi- nijxry. 4. But if he doit injurioufly we mult not retift, but patiently iurTer for obeying God. So much of the na- ture of the office. II. Now that it is certain that God hath committed to Pallors, fuch a Government of his Church by the Word, as t<5 ftated commiifioned Officers, becaufe I have pall by the proofs in my following Proportions, I will addibme here. Supposing what Dr. Hammond hath faid of the Power of the Keyes, and that no man with common (enfe can take the Power of the Keyes, for any thing lefs than a power of Church Government, or Authoritative Guidance, and fo a Power of receiving in and putting out as there is caufe -, It is plain in that Chrifl firft reciteth his own Commiffion and Power, Mattb. 28. itt, 19, 20. and thence dateth the Commiffion of his Apoftles, as it was to endure to the end of the age or world. Seei/j22.22. ScRcr. 3.7. & 1. 18. compared with Mattb*i6.i$. Sc John 20* 23. The word Fresbyter and Biffiop can lignifie no leis : as A3s 4. 8, &c. compared with Ails 14. 23.^ 15. 2,4, 6, 22> 23. &i6.$. 6^20. 17, 28. TttM 1. 5. James 5. 14. 1 Pet. 5. i.Rcv. 4.4,6^. And nothing lefs can be meant by 1 Tim. 5. 17. The El- dcrs that Rule well arc worthy of double honour, &c» Heb.13. 17.24. Obey tbcm that Jiaye the Rule over you, for they watch, &c. 1 ThelT. 5. 12, 13. Know tbcm that labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonijh you, 1 Tim. 5. 1,4, 5. If a mandefire the office of a Bijb p, he dcfiretb D a z" ' * C22) J izorkj— ^Onc that Ridetb recti bis ownhoufe, hav- ing hvs children in fubjefiion* —For if a man know not how to rule his own houfe, bow Jh all he takg care of the Church of God* So 7*7. i. 7, &c. 1 Per. 5. 1, 2 : 3, 4. Many other 1 pais by. And tor the adt of excommumcstion^ or excluding un- meet perfons from ChrljHan Church CnnmmnM, it would be tedious* to (land to vindicate all thofe plain Texts from any mens exceptions, 1 Cor. ^.pertotum* Ttitws 3.10. 2 John 10, 11. 2 7heff, 3. 6, 14. Rev. 2. 14, 15, 20. But while 1 am writing this, I remember that I have long ago written a fmall Book called Vnivcrfal Concord, in which I have defcribed all the Pajtoral Office and IVorhj, If you can v prove it lefs than I have there named in any one point, you will fo far eafe us, and take nothing from us at all that gratirieth our flefh : If you can deny none of that, we are agreed. And in the Preface to the fame Book I hav$ given you twelve Reafons of the great ufe of Church Dis- cipline i which (hall fave me the labour of the third point which I intended next to fpeak to •■> fave only that I will briefly ask you, III. Would you have any difference made between the Chriftian Church and the Pagan and Infidel world > If not If you would, it muft be fuch a difference as Chrift hath appointed us to make ? And doth our Baptifmal Cove- nant contain no promife and profeffion of godlinefs and obedience, as well as of Belief > and fo of Repentance and a better life ? 2. Who would you have to be Judge in this matter ? Shall every one be Judge himfelf > Then all Pagans, Murde- rers, Blafphemers may come in and turn Religion and the Church into a fcorn. If any muft judge, you would not fare fet the Magiflrates or people fuch a task ( on pain of damnation ) to leave their Calling, to try and judge of the qualifications of expectants or Church-members. 3. Whom do you think Cbrifi committed this bufmefs to ? Who were the Judges of the Capacity of perfons to be bap- tized, or the defert of perfons to be rejected > Viotrophes could not have rejected Chriftians injurioufly 3 if he had not not then had fome Governing power. 4. Hath not all Chrifts Church exercifed- Puch .a Difci- pline as I have defcribed fince the ApoiUes days till now ? (faving the corruption of it by ill additions, or carnal negledhj And hath all this Church been from the begin- ning under a falfe Government in the main ? Or is not Re - formation a righter way than extirpating 01 'D/fcipliue as well as ofVofirine andlforfhip / 5- Is it not the rvicl^dncfs of Chrijti.ms that is the chief hardening of 7Wrly and other Infidels againit Chriltianity > And would they not encreafe this pollution that would have the mo/1 vicious to be equally received with the belt t 6. Is not Faith for H*linefs> and did not Chriit come to purine a peculiar people, and reftore us to the Image of God } And if for want of Difcipline Saints and Swine be equally Church-members, and partakers of holy things, is that agreeable to this deGgn of our Redeemer ? 7. If Oeconomical Government and School Government and Colledge Government be no wrong to Kings, neither is the Church Government which Chriit hath inftituted. I do not fay all this to intimate that you fay the contrary. But becauie your Charge on Luther^ Calvin and other Pro- tectants fheweth that you do fure miitake them : And to tell you that I joyn with you in difowning the KING- DOM and Magiftracy of the Mock-Church of Rome; and of all that will imitate them $ But that I take the Enmity to and grojfe neghtt. of true Cburch-Uifcipline, to be one of Satans principal fer vices that is done him upon earth, a^ainft true Godlineis. D 2 Th •f s AA&£AAAAAAAA$AAAAAAAAAA4'«&& The Churches and the Magiftrates Power ftated in matters of Religion • In an hundred Propofitions , which al- moft all fober Proteftant Teach- ers are agreed in. A Reconciliation of the fober EpifcopaL, Presbyterians, Independents and Eraftians. To my vtry Learned^ fin cere and worthy Friend Lu- dovicus Molinx'us Dr. of Phyftck^ ( The Author of many Treatifes on this fubje3 t ) Dear Sir, PON the perufal of your Writings which you fent me, the love of the Church , and of 'truth and Feace and you, doth command me to tell you as followeth j I. That I make no queftion, but that the Pride of the Clergy ( with their Co- vetoufnels ) hath for above twelve hundred years been a greater plague to the Churches throughout the Chriitian woild, than all the cruelties of the Laity : And that the fenflefs forgetting the matter and manner of Chrifts decifion of his Apoltlcs Controvettie, Which of them Jhould be the greateft, hath divided the Eaft and Weft, and corrupted and kept down Religion \ whileft that the lives of the Prelates bave perfwaded the obfemrs, thai they Hill took it for a more f25) more important Qjeftion, Winch of thcrrrfhould be the great - eft ? than, Whether they or their people jhould be faved* And it hath ever been a matter or eaiie remarquc, that there have been feldom any dangerous Schifms on one fide, or any cruel F executions on the other iide, which the Clergy have not been the principal caufes or : And that the Laity would be more quiet, if the Clergy did not delude them, orexafperate them j And that even the more mrftaken and violent fort of Magiftmtes, would have fome ■ moderation in their Perfections, it the Clergy did not make them be * licve, that a burning killing Zeal is the mark of a good Chriftian,and is the fame that in Tit. 7.. 14.1s called a zeal of good worlds; and that to deftroy the bodies of men truly fear- ing God, is the way to (ave their own fouls, or their Do- minions at leafrs when indeed, the zeal orChriits com- manding, is a zealous Love to one another, and a zealous doing good to others, and the VtriHjh zeal t as St. James diitinguifheth it, James 2. 15, 16, 17. ) is an envious, ha- ting, hurting zeal. 2. That in all this the Laity are not innocent, but mult thank themfelves fer the evil that befalleth them 5 and that on two notable accounts : 1. Becaufe they have ordi- narily the choofwg of the dignified and beneficed Churchmen, and they have but fuch as they choofe themfelves : They think it is their mfdvm as well as piety ) to make the Ho- nour and Profit fo great, as (hall be a very Jhong bait to Pride and Covet oujhefs : And when they have fo done, the Froudeji and moll Covetous will certainly be the Setters •> and that with as much cratt and diligence, as an ambitious mind can ufe their parts to : And he that feel^eth ( by him- ftlf and friends ) islikeftto rind : And the mere humble and heavenly any one is, and confequently moft honeft, and tit to be aPaftor of the Church, the further he will be from the Seekers way ! So that except it be where the world hath Rulers fo wife and ltrangcly pious, as to (Irk out the wor- thy who feek not for themfelves, its eaiie to prognofticate what kind ofPaitorsthe Church will have : And verily they that choofe them, are the unfitted to complain of them. Whereas if the Churches maintenance were fuch, D 3 as as might but prevent the difcouragements of fuch as feek the Minil'try for the workj fake and for the love of fouls, that fo Students might not make it a Trade for wealth, but a fclf denying dedication of themfelves to God, the Churches would be accordingly provided \ And they that intend the faming of 'fid s, would be the Candidates, ( by their own and their Parents dedication J as now they that intend a c lrade to live and ferve the ftcjh by ( in an honourable way ) are too great a part of them. Or men might be further re- warded ex poji facto for their Merits, without being tempt- ed to Ihidy pr'mcipaHy for that reward. And if we will needs have carnal men, let us not wonder if they live car- nally. And it the carnal mind be enmity to God, and neither is nor can be fubjeel to his Law, Rom. 8- 6, 7. we may ea- sily prognofticaK how Cbrijls enemies will do his wot\ y and guide his Church, and whether their wills and rvayes will be fuch as the confcionable can conform to. 3. And the Laity are unexcufable, becaufe it is they (\n all thofe Countreys where Popery and Church -tyranny pre- vailed ) who put their Sword into the Clergies hands, and give away their own authority, and fet up men to vie with them, and to overrop them: of which more anon. 3. I grant you alfo, that in all fuch Countreys as afore- faid ( where Popery and Church-tyranny prevaileth J the name of Ecclcfajlical Courts and Vifcipline, is applyed to that mungrel power, which is neither Fifth nor Flefh;, and that the true Spiritual Power fet up by Chrift, is corrupted and turned into a fecular thing, or by cenfuijon, a third fort arifen out of both. And that Popim Princes are woful- ly abufed by this deceit: while that the reverence of the name of the Church and Church-Government, doth perfwade them to ruine the Church indeed , and to fet up their Subjeds to be the Governours of themfelves, and to give away their own power to their fervants, and then to ftoop to the power which they have given. 4. And I grant you, that all this mifchief would much be cured, it Magiitrates would keep the Sword to them- felves, and ufe it only according to the judgement of their proper Courts i and would leave the Power of the Church Keyes r*7) Keycs to the Paftors, & vakant quantum vslere puffunt > and let it be thought penalty enough tor an excommuni- cate perfon qua talis to be excommunicate : And not to take him to be a penitent, or worthy of the Communion of the Church, that had rather be there than in a Gaol. There be wi(er wayes of bringing men to Repentance and to the Communion of the Church, than by faying [Choofc this or the Goal : You are worthy to be in the Church, if you had but rather be in it than in a Prifon. ] Chrift laid, [ Forfar a% or ye cannot be my Vifciples 5 1 And fome fay, j_ Be Chrifts Difciples, or forlake all : The Church will re- ceive you, if you will but accept her communion rather than imprifonment or beggary. ] A kind Church indeed / ot which more anon. 5. But notwithstanding all thefe conceilions, I muft fur- ther tell you, that it is the Paftors of the Churches that mult keep up the intereft of Chriftianity in the world , and that as the bad ones are the greateft plagues, fo the good ones arc the greateft bleflings of the earth i even the fair and lights of the world : And none but the enemies of Chrift are their enemies, ( as fuch. ) And as the Miniftry hath grown better or worfe, fo hath Chriftianity either rifen or fallen, in all times and places of the Church on earth. ( Of which fee Two Sheets which I have written for the Miniftery, againft the Seeders and Malignants long ago.) 6. And though the Carnal Clergy afore defcribed, de- ferve all the inve&ives in your Books, and their Ufurpati- ons, and turning Church Difcipline into a fecular thing, do call aloud for a juft detection and rebuke 5 and it would be the happinefs of the world, if the eyes of all Chriftian Princes and Rulers, were opened in this point *, yet I muft tell you, that I believe moft fober, pious Proteftant Divines are really agreed in the main things that you defire and intend ;> And that both you and fome of your adverfaries both do amifs, to make the difference feem wider than in- deed it is : And that making Verbal differences feem real, and fmall ones feem great, is an ill employment v when a fewdrtinftionsmi clearer explications, would make both fides ficUs fee, that they arc almoji of one mind. Therefore all that I fhall do in this buiinefs is, to lay down my own judgement, and I think the judgement ot all the p'ous and (objr part, of the Epifcopjl, Presbyterian, Independents and EraUans ( or Politicians ) in certain briet Proportions , which (hall carry their own evidence pait all contradiction ot Learned and Coniiderate Chriftians. Frop. i, T^He work of the Gofpel-Miniftry is not a X work of rnecr Charity and Liberty, but an Of- fice-wcrkj. Authority, Keafon and Love, are its principles, Matih. 28. 19, 2C, Titus 1. 5. Ads 14. 23. 2. This Office is injlituted by Chriji himfclf, and by the Holy Ghoft, Ibid. Ads 20. 28, &c. 3 It was instituted fot great and nccejfary ends, that the Mini 111 y might be Chrifis Agents, Mcjfengers, Stewards, &c. for the furthering the arfairs of his Spiritual Kingdom, and mens falvation in the world, 1 Cor. 4. 1, 2. 1 Jim. 3. 1, 2, 3, &c. Ads 20. 28. 1 Tbejf. 5. 12, 13. Heb. 13. 17. 4. It was fir ft put into the hands of Apojiles chofen by Chrift himfclf j who were to be the Gatherers, Ediiiers and Guides of his Church, and to be its foundation built on Chrift, and the tranfmitters of the Gofpel, and a ftated Miniftry to the following Ages. 5. Though the extraordinary part of their work ceaftd with them, the ordinary part continueth after them, with a Miniftry which is to continue to the end of the world Eph. 4. ii\&c. 6. This Office was in time before a Chriftian Magi{irate, and mull be the fame where there is any fuch, and where there is none, Matth. 28. 20. Eph. 4. 12, 14, 16, &c. 7. It conlifteth in an Authority conjunct with an Obliga- tion to do their proper work. 8. ThisMinifterial Office is fubordinate to Chrift in the three parts of his Office, Prophetical, Prieftly, Kingly f as they arc commonly diftinguifhed ) or, in 'teaching, Wor- (bipping God, and Governing his flocks, John 20. 21. Matth. 28 1.9,2c. 1 G/r.4.1,2. 1 Tiw. 3. 2,3,6a:. & 5.17. Ads d.4. ? . n (29) p. It is cflential to the Office to have all thefe in Divine Authority, but not in Excrcife, nor in the Civil Liberty of exercifing them (^whichmay be hindered) Ails 5. i8,&:c. 10. The Office is to be judged of by Gods InjUtution y and not by the Ordaincrs wills intention, or contrary cxpref- fions i if the effencc of the Office be delivered in general words. 11. Chrift made thefe Officers the Key-bearers of his Churches, that is, the Rulers or Guides, who have authority under him over Church communion, to judge what mem- bers (hall be taken in, and who (haH be put out, Mat.16.1p, Heb. 13. 17, 24. 1 iheff. 5. 12, 13. 12. The tirlt and great ad of this Key-bearing power ( never denyed them from Chrifts time to this dayj is the power of Baptizing and of judging who (hall be admitted by Baptifm into the Church or number of vifible Chriftians, Mat. 28. ip,20. Adtsi. + i. & 8. 12, 13,38. 13. This power is not arbitrary but Mitrijterial, regulated by Chrilis univerfal Laws > which defcribeth every mans Title to admittance •, which is [_ his own ( or Parents if an Infants ) understanding, voluntary, ferious Profejjion of Con- fent to the Baptifmal Covenant. ] A3s 2. 38. & 8. 12. & 10. 47, 48. Mar. \6. 16. Matth. 28. 20. 14. If oneMinifter refufe fuch Confenters, others mull admit him : And if many (hould agree utterly to tyrannize, both Magistrates by juft Laws may corredt them, and the people defert them, for better Guides: 1 Kings 2-2-7. 2 John 10, 11. Mat. 7. 1 5. & 16. 6. 1 5. The Churches Communion and Sacraments are not to be common to' all the world. Other wife the Church were no Church, as confuting of Heathens,Inridels andall,that would come even purpofely to pollute and fcorn the holy Myite- ries, 1 Cor. 10. \6. 2 Cor. 6. 14. AUs 2.^], Sec. 16. It is necelTary therefore that fome men be the Judges who are fit, and who (hall be admitted. EHe there can be no difference. Of this fee my Treatife oi Confirmation. 17. Everyman is not to be the fole publick Judge for himjclf: For then there would be Hill no difference, nor the Myfteries kept from common fcorns, E ig.The (30) 18. The Magiftrate is not made the firfl and proper Judge: For then he muft make a Calling of it, and attend upon this very thing, to try the baptized and the admitted j which is no (mall work. For he that judgeth, muft rirft try the Cafe, and that with the diligence which the weight of it requireth, Acfs 8. 3J : ip. The People axe not to be the ordinary Judges: for elfe they muft all leave their Callings to attend baptizings, and fuch works as thefe i, and muft do that which moft of them are unfit to do : And Chrift hath put all out of doubt, by putting the Keys into the Paftois hands, and commanding their ftudy and attending to this work, and calling them the Rulers, Guides, Paftors,Fathers, Stewards, Overfeers, &c. and commanding the people to obey them with fubmiffion j and telling ( not the people or Magi- ftrates ) but thePaftors of the great and dreadful account that they muft give, Heb. 13. 17. Mattb. 24. 45, 4^, 47. 1 Cor. 4. 1, 2. 2 Tim* 4. 1, 2. & 1 7*m. 4. 15, 16. 20. He that will lay this work upon people or Magi- ftrates, is their cruel enemy •, and brings on them a moft heavy burden, and confequently makes it their duty to prepare and ftudy for it, and to avoid all otber buftnefs that hindereth it j and would lay them under the terrors of a moft tremendous reckoning unto God. 21. Seeing it is a truft that muft be committed to fome or §tber, common reafon tells us, that it is better in their hands that Chrift hath put it in by Office, and who fpend their lives in preparation for it, than in theirs that neither have the preparations nor the Office, 1 Con $.16. & 2 Cor. 5.19,20. 1 Cor. 4. 1,2. 22. It is the great end ofChrifts coming into the world to deftroy the works of the Devil, and to purifre to himfelf a peculiar people zealous of good works, and to fave his people from their fins, and to vindicate the Holinefs of God : And the world is fo apt to judge of Chrifts dodhine by his followers, that the Holinefs and Concord ofChriftians is one ofChrifts great appointed means, for his own and his Fathers glory in the world : That as Gods greatnefs (hineth forth in the frame of nature, fo might his Holinefs in the Cburch : C30 Church: And the Enemies of Holhufs are condemned by their Creeds when they profefs to believe the Holy Catbo- lic\Church^ and the Communion 0} Saint r. And Rome it fv.lt doth own the name and pretence ot Holintfs. 23. Travellers well know, that the great hinderanee of the Converfion of Infidels and Heathens, Turks, Perlians, Indians, Tartarians, &c. is the wicked lives of the profef- fed ChriiVians that are next them ■■> when they fee that Chriltiansare more falfe, and cruel, and drunken, and beaft- ly, and divided, &^c. than themfelves. 24. Thofe therefore that would have the Church lye common ( without Chriits Difcipline J) to all the moJt prophane and wicked that will come in, and have commu- nion with it, are indeed Antichrifiian, even open enemies to the Church, to holinefs, and to the faving of the Infidel and Heathen world , 1 Cor. 5. d, 11, 12, 13. 1 Pet. 2. 9. Tit. 2. 14. 25. The Devil hath fought in all Ages as fubtilly and di- ligently againlt the holy Difcipline of Chrift, as againft the Christian Dodhine. 26. True Difcipline doth fo wonderfully difpleafe the guilty, and lofe mens love, and efpecially the Richer fort, and all mens carnal intereft and nature inclineth them fo much to man-pleaiing and flattery , that Minifters have abundance more need to be driven to the exercife of Difci- pline, than rejhaincd from k -■> except it be the corrupt and carnal Difcipline which the Pqpifh and tyrannizing Clergy do exercife, where the Magiltrate himfelf upholdeth them in Grandure, and lendeth them his Sword. Let Difci- pline be but fuch as Chrift appointed, and (land of it felt, and then it is but few that will have any more caufe, to be retrained from it, than from too much preaching : Though (till I yield, that there muft be limits for the wilful and the indifcreet, 1 Cor. 5. 3 John 9. 27. The true Difcipline of Cliriit hath been acknowledged to be his Ordinance , in all the Churches almolt in the world, fince the Apoltles dayestill now i fave that fas you open it ) fince Conjhntines time it hath been much cor- rupted by the mixture of the fecular torce, and the Em- E 2 perours pcrours lending his Church-power to the Bimops and Cottn- cils. 28. Government hath two parts : Antecedent to mens falls-, which is Legiflation ^ and Confcquent, which is Judge- ment and Execution. Chrifi is the only Lawgiver of Vni- vcrfal Laws to the univerfal Church \ and the Author of his own Do&rine, and the fubltantials of his Worfhip : But yet there are many undetermined circumftances , which may and muft be antecedently determined, fome by each Tajior'-i fome by a confent of Paftors, and fome by Magi- ftrates ( if they plcafe ). I will name you twenty lately named elfewhere •, 1. What day ( befides the Lords day ) and what hour, the Church (hall meet. 2. How long the Prayers, Reading and Sermons fhall be. 3. When and how often publick Fafts and Thanksgivings be. 4. What place the Church (hall meet in. 5. Of the Form, Ornaments, Seats, &c. of the Temples. 6. The place and form of the Pulpit. 7. The fuh)eU of the prefent Sermon , and the Chapter to be read. 8. The Method of the Sermon, c?. The Words of Sermons and Prayers. ic. Of ufmg or not ufmg Bookj and Sermon Notes for memory. 1 1. What Iranflation of Scripture to ufe. 12. And what Verfion and Meeter of the Pfalms. 13. And what tune to ilng in. 14. What form ofCatccbifm to ufe. 1 5. Of decent Habits, cfpecially in publick Worfhip. 16. By what fro} ejjing fign' to teftirie our confent to the Churches Conftflion of faith: Whether by fpeaijng, or lifting up the hand, oxfianding up. 17. Of decent Geftures in* the ads of publick Worfoip. 18. Of Font, Table, Cups, Cloathes , and other Utenfils. 19. Making new Officers for thefe actions circa facta , as Door-keepers, Clarks, Churchwardens, &c. 20. Judging wteany private man (hall fpea]^ in the Church, and whin he (hall be filent> and fuch other Orders neceflary to peace and Edification, 1 Cor. 14. 28, 29. 33. 26,40. 29. Moji of thefe (hould be left to every Paftors judge- ment ■-> fome may be determined "by the Magiftrate i but yet fome are fitted for the Concordant determination of Con- fociated Churches, in a Synod, or by confent. But none of them by any neighbour Paftor ( that like the Pope) ufurp- eth 03) tth authority over other Churches. Nor (hould anyftand- ing Laws at all, be made oHuch things where there is ni needs efpecially where the cafe is mutable, and it belongcth to the Pallors function to determine it, as occafion faveth. 2 r iim* 2. 15. Mat. 24. 45. 30. Whether the fe Antecedent Veterminatims of Concor- dant Taftors in a Synod, (hall be called Lars, or Canons, or Decrees, is but lis de nomine : And alio whether this power be called Legiflitive, or JurifditlieH. And who will trou- ble the Church unneceffarily about words and names ? But yet I think they may be belt called Canons or Agreements ; And I wifh that high Titles be laid aiide, left it encourage the ufurping Spirit, that afpireth after too high things. 31. Grotiut de Imperii Jummamm pjtcfiatum circa fa era hath faid Co much and Co well of all this Controverfie, that it is a fhame to us all that we need any more, and a (name to me to trouble the world after him,with Writings on that fubjeel, fo far Jefs ufefuU and to anyone, to cloud that which he hath clearly and judicioufly Itated s were it not that renewed occafions require it. 32. Paftors have not only the charge of right ordering the Ajfemblies, but alfo of helping and overfeeing all the individuals of their charge •, And to help them in the perfi- nal application of the Scriptures to themfelves, and to re- folve their particular Doubts and Cafes of Confcience i and to reprove, ad monith and comfort the individuals as there is need. As a Phyficion is not only to read a Phyfick Le- cture to his Hofpital, but to Govern each Patient in order to his Cure. 33. Ordination is & rei & ordintf gratia an zde of Of- fice, by which the Minifterial Office and Power is Minifte- rially delivered by way of Inveftiture and Solemnization, as a houfe is delivered by a Key, and a parcel of Land by a Turf and Twig, by the hand of a Servant appointed there- unto. Or as our Church ftate is delivered to us by Bap- tifm by the like inveftiture. Though yet it is Gid diretHy y who giveth the Power, and that fecondarily by his fervant thus inveftctb us in it \ though not without the previous Call which is neceffary thereunto. . E 3 34. Ordi- . C3+) 3^. Ordination is not an idle Ceremony which the Or- dainer mull perform upon the judgement of ethers (Prince or people ) without his own cognizance of the perfon, or againft his Conicience : But be that muft ordain, muft firjl judge the perfon fit to be ordained \ and thefetore muft al- io try his 'fitnefs, i Tim* 5. 22. 35. So much of the Antecedent power of the Mini- ftry ; in which it is to be noted, that Ordination and Bap- tifm are efficient ails, like Generation in nature, under God the firjl efficient, as ex §juo omnia, and as they are ordinvs gratia, are the beginning of Government alfo. And Go- vernment is an Ordering adr, as under God the fu p ream Go- zernour, in per §htem omnia* And Sacramental entertain- ment with Chriits body and blood in Church Communion, is A elm Amoris, a final adr, of friendfhip, under God as the final Caufe, adgjhem omnia. 35» The fubfequent part of the Paftoral Government, is by uting the members of the Church in the exercife of the Palioral Office, according to their feveral deferts; which is by a General, and particular application of the Word of God to their Confcicnces, and guiding them in circum- ibnecs, and judging of adfions and perfons according to that Word, in order to the good of fouls, and the prefer- vation of the Church and truth, Ads 20. 28. Heb* 13. 17. 37. When the whole Church falleth into notorious tin, the Paiiors muft reprove them, and call them to repentance : And if they apoftatize forfake them , as ceafing to be a Church. 38. When a fmglc member falleth into notorious fcand al \ the Paftor muft admonifh him, and call him to repentance : and if he remain impenitent and obftinate after due admo- nition, and publick exhortation and patience, he muft [ as Chriits Steward of his W T ord and Family, pronounce him a perfon unht for Church communion , and require or command him in the name of Chrift to forbear it, and the Church to forbear his communion, declaring him alfo un- pardoned by Chrift till he repent, and binding him over to his judgement. J So that Excommunication is a Sen- tence of the perfen as uncapable of Church communion according f«9 according to Chrifts Laws, and a fore-judging him as. un- pardoned and condemnable by Chrifts judgement, unkfs he repent, and a command to the tinner to torbear the com- munion and priviledgesof the Church, and to the Church to avoid him, i Cor. 5. Titus 3. 10, &c 39. If the tinner repent, the Paftor is Chrifts Officer, in his name to pronounce him pardoned, if his repentance be fincere ; and the Guide of the Church to require them to re- ceive him again into their communion, 2 Cor* 2.7,10, 1 r. Gal. 6 1, 2, 3. 40. Becaufe Magiftrates and people f as aforefaid ) can- „ not attend fo great a work as this, without the neglect of their particular Callings, and are not to be (uppofed fo fit as the Pallor, and becaufe God hath made it the work of his Office, the people are to reft in his judgement about the titnefs and Title of thofe that have the publick Church communion with them, ( though they are the Judges and Choofers of their Domeftick and private familiars : ) And they muft not feparate from them that a*e thus- regularly admitted. 41. Yet when the Paftors by mai-adminiftration, give them juft caufe, the flock may feek their due remedy : of which more anon. 42. This power is ejfentially in the Minijicr'ul Office ; and therefore is in every jingle Paftor, and not only in fome few, or in the abler fort, or only in a Synod, Mat. id. ip. 43. When a Church hath but one Pafior he muft exercife it alone ( with due coniideration and advice. ) But when a Church hath many Paftors, they muft exercife it ( and all Church guidance ) in a way of Concord, and avoid all dif- fentions among, themfelvts, Ephef 4. 3, 4, 5. 1 Cer. 1. 10. ■ John 17.21,22. 44. Therefore in fuch a cafe a particular Paftor may be obliged oft to fufpend fome fuch a6ts, becaufe the Major Vote of his. Syn-Presbyters are againit it ; Not that they are his Gbovernours for the Majority of Vote , but becaufe the Laws of Concord require the Minor part to fubmit to the Major. 45. The fame is the reafon why in Elections, Confents and and other a<£b belonging to the flock, the Major Vote lhould carry it in things lawful i not becaufe the people have any true Church Government \ but becaufe they are ob- liged to Vnity and Concur d\ And in that cafe, the Law of Nature calleth the Minor part to fubmit to the Major, left there never (hould be any Concord had. 46. And the fame is the reafon why in Synods and Coun- cils, the Major Vote of the Bilhops mult prevail, in lawful things not forbidden of God. 47. If any Pallor in the world pragmatically thruft him- felt into another mans charge, and pretend himfelf to be the Ruler of his neighbour Churches and Pallors, and at- tempt to cxercile authority over them, he is to be flight- ed as an Ufurper, and a dilturber of the order and peace of the Churches of Chrift, 3 John p, ic. 48. Yet every Paltor is an Officer and Miniller of Chrift ( as to the unconverted world to call them, fo ) to the uni- verfal Church to exercile his Office in it where ever he hath an 'orderly call] And if he teach, or adminiiter Sacra- ments or Uifiipline^ upon fuch a particular call, in a neigh- bour Church pro tempore, he doth it as an Officer of Chrift ( and their Pafior pro tempore ) and not as a Lay-man : As a licenfed Phylicion medicateth another Phylicion, or ano- thers'Hofpital, when called to it, not only as -a neighbour that is unlieenfed, but as a licenfed Phylicion. So Timothy^ Ap'h, Silis, and others did. 45?. Therefore neighbour Pallors muft have fo much care of other Churches as toadmonifhthem againft the infection of any Hereiie or Scandal, which they fee them in apparent danger of -, whether by heretical wicked Pallors, or others. 50 All neighbour Churches Capable of correfpondence, are bound to hold a fpecial concord among themfelves^ for the advantage of the Gofpel by their Unity, orforthecon- veriion of the Infidel world, and for the prefervation of the feveral Churches from danger , by Hkrcfie or difcord, Jills 15. John 17. 21, 22. Eph. 4. 3,<5. 5 :. He that is excommunicated jultly in one Church (hould not be received by the reft till he repent : Therefore the neighbour Clinches may do well , to acquaint eaCh other whom C37) whom they have excommunicated, when there is caufe. 52. This correfpondence is to be kept by Meffengers, Let- ters^ or Synods. 53. Whether fuch Synods be jiated, or occafional, and whether the Piefident fhall be £1 ill the fame or changed, with fuch other circumftances, are things not determined in Scripture , but left to the determination of humane prudence, as the cafe fliall require, for the end intended, 54. Though the Major part in thefe Synods, be not the proper Governours of the Minor, yet the Paftors there af- fernbled are (till the Gove moms of the flockj, and they arc alfo bound to Concord in things lawful among themfelves. Therefore their Decrees about fuch things, are Obligatory to the People rationc authoritat'u, and they are obligatory to one another ( I mean the Paft/rs) ratione concordi* : And this is the true ftateof the binding power of Synods. 55. Though the ufual phrafe of [ binding the Cop fi- eme ~] be unapt, ( Confcience being an ad of fcience ; and it is not to tyiow that by the obligation now in queftion we are bound to primarily ) yet as to the fenfe intended, it is certain, that the Commands of Parents, Magiftrates and Paftors, in their proper places, do all truly bind the / But it is only by a fecondary obligation, from a derived power \ as God bindeth it by a primary obligation by the primitive power* He that hath no power of obliging, hath no power of Governing. And he that obligeth not the foul and will, obligeth not the man at all, by any Moral obligation ; The body alone or immediately is bound by Cords and Chains, but not by Commands and Laws : He that may not bind the foul by a Command, hath no commanding authority, Col. 3. 20, 22. Epb. 6. 1. fit. 3. 1. H«b* 13 17, 24. & 11. 8. 56. Therefore the diftin&ion of Internal and External Government, and of the forum interim & exterius, need- eth better explication, than is ufed by moft , or elfe it will be worfe than ufelefs. The true difference of the Govern- ment Civil and Ecclefiaftical is to be fetcht , ab objetto, & fine proximo & modi regendi. But as it meaneth that which F is (>* ) is Inttinfecal or Extrinfecal to the Paftoral Office, it is of great ufe. And as it differenceth Government by the Sword, from that which worketh only on the mind. ^-7. The Came God who inftituted the Office of the Ma- aiiVrate, did alio immediately inliitute the Office of the Mi- niltry : And therefore as to the Foundation they are co- ordinate ', and neither of them derived from the pofTeflbrs of the other. 58 As to the Work and End, the Magiftratcs work and the Minifters have each a preheminency in their own kiuds. 5$>. Magiftrates, Mfnifters and Parents may all command the tame thing, and all their Commands be obligatory •, As to learn aCatechifme, to obferve the Lords Day,e^c. 6c It is not lawful for Pallors to Excommunicate cither Kings^ or their chief Magijlr ate s , or their orrn P irents ( uwlefs perhaps in ibme rare cafe ) by any publick for- mal or dilhonouring Excommunication. Becaufe the great Command in Nature [ Honour thy Father and Mother \ Ho- nour the King "] lyeth lower than the pofitive Command of Excommunication *, and is antecedent to it : And as affir- matives bifid notfemper&adfempcr, fo alfo they give place to Natural Larrs^ and not Naturals ( ordinarily) to them. And thcKulers Honour is of more publick ufe and neceifity, than excommunication in that particular acl is. But an Vfurping Tyrant, who may be depofed, and difhonowed^ may be excommunicated. 61. Much lels may a (trange Pallor, to whom the Magi- strate never committed the care of his foul , prefume to excommunicate him who is none of his charge : And therefore the Pope and his Prelates excommunicating Kings and Rulers, feemeth to me, to be nothing but a pro- claiming open Holtility againlt them. 62* Paftors have no Power over any but Cwfcntcrs : Nor can they ufe the Sword, or have any Coaclive power at all '■> that is, any power to touch a i.rans body or eft ate : but only to work upon his Confcience 4 , and Ins Church- reputa- tion. The torcing power bdongeth only to Parents, and Magi- ($9) Magiflrates, and not to Miniliers as fuch at all, Lukj 22- 25, 26, 27. 1 Tefn 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. 2 Dr. 10.4. 63. The timilitude of a Fhyficions purrer^ (if you will but fuppofe him to have a Hofpital of Volunteers, and his oftSce to be of Divine inftitution ) \ or of a Philofophers or Tu- tors ( on the like fit ff option ) over adult Dilciples, may much* explicate the Church power. No wile Phyliciori will take any into his Hofpital and Cure, upon unfotede- hruclive terms, which the Patient or Magiftrate (hall im- pofe j but will fay, [ It is my fun&ion to Rule you, as to Medicine for your Cure ', Take what I give you, and life your (elf upon it as I adviie you, or elfe take your couiie j •you are no Patient for me j nor (lull be in my Holpital : I will not (irrkG you, nor fine and imprifon you i bur [ will be none of your Pbyficion, ( or faith the Tutor, I will be none of your Teacher J nor (hall you be any part of my Hufpital, ( School ) or charge. ] Only (till remember here the Divine inliitution of the Minijiry and D if if line, and the regulation of it by Gods Laws, that it be not ar- bitrarily uled. 64. The undoing of the Church of Chriit ( in thofe Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevail ) hath long been by the Magi urates annexing their executions to the fentence of the Church fas it is called ) and becoming the meer Executioners of the judgement of , other men. No Magiftrate fhould be debafed, 10 as to be made the Churches Executioner. If the Magiftrate will punifti a man, it mud not be meerly quatenus excommunicate ', that is, as puniflied already \ but for the fault for which he was excommunicate. And if fo, then he muft try and judge him for that fault at his own barr, and not punilh him unheard , becaufe the Church hath fentenced him : And if Rulers would more leave the Church to the exer- cife of its proper power , and let excommunication do what it can of it felf, ( unlefs the nature of the crime re- quire a diltintft Secular judgement and punifhment J it would do much to heal all the diviiions and perturbati- ons in the Chriftian world. For which courfe I have thefe Rjrafons following to urge. F2 Kit (40) i. It is a great contempt and reproach to Chrifts infti- tution of discipline, to tell the world, that it is a power- lets uncffcdhial thing of it felt, unlefs the Secular Sword do enforce it. Such Paftors vilitie their own power alfo, which is (o ufelefs. 2. It is a corrupting of Chrifls difcipline, and deflroying the ufe of it : For it cannot be known now , what the Keycs do of thcmfelves , when the Sword goeth with them : No man knoweth when Repentance profcfTed is credibly real and moved by divine Motives ■•, and when it is diflanbled for avoiding of the Secular punimment. 5. It muit leave the Paftors confeience unfatisried in his adminiftrations ■■, and bind him to abufe Chrift '■> when he mu(t fay to men, £lf you had but rather fay that you re- pent, than lye in a Gaol, I abfolve you, and give you the Sacraments, and pronounce you pardoned by Chrift. 1 Who can ad m miller on thefe terms ? 4. It is a dangerous deluding of the Tinners foul, that fecmeth intimated by this way. 5. It is a wilful corrupting and confounding of the Church ', when men (hall be forced to be its members, though they be Infidels, Heathens, or rnoft impious, if they had but ra~ ther fay they are Chriftians than lye in Gaol. And by this means it is, that no man can know, who are really of the Church of Rome, or of any tyrannical Church, but only who had rather fay they are of the Church, than be undone: which any Inridel and Atheift will foon do. There- tore let not Rome boaft of the number of her members which are unknown. 6. It is a changing of Chrifls terms of Covenant, Chrifli- amty, Communion and Ahfolution : when Chrift faith, [ He that from his heart believeth and rcpenteth, and forfaktth the flefh and the world for me, Jhall he my Difciple and he pardoned \ and he that credibly profeffeth thus much , Jhall be taksn into the Church ( which are truly Chrifts terms ) now cometh the Church-tyrant and faith f He that will fiy, that he believeth and repenteth rather than he wiUforfafo the flcjh and the world, and mil choofe the Church before a Gaul , Jhall be pardoned , and have communion with the Church, T40 Churchy or at lead have the feals of pardon to delude him. 7. By this means the Church is moftly conftkuted, in fuch Countreys, of the groffeft wicked hypocrites : And it is made a (corn to Infidels and Heathens, and their con- verfion hindered thereby, when they fee that Chriitians are worfe than they. 8. And by this means thefe hypocrites mine the Church it felf C as an enemies Souldiers in an Army ) : And no- minal Chriftians and Paftors, that are heartily enemies to Chrii'lt, do him more wrong, and caufe more divillons and mines in the Church, than they could have done, if they had ftaid without. p. It deftroyeth moft of the hopes of the fuccefs of thofe Paftorfy as to the converting and faving of rnjfifns fouls: Becaufe when the Magistrate is made but their ex- ecutioner , the people take all their furferings as from them : And they will bear that from a Magiftrate, which they will not bear from a MimjUr, whofe Office is to Rule them by Keafon and by Love : And fo fuch Paftors are ufu- ally feared and bated by the people, whereby they are diiabled to do them that faying goad , which can be done on none againft his will, 1 Cor. 8. 13. & p, 22. 1 Tim* 4. 16* 10. And hereby a Church-tyranny is fet and kept up in the world, by which perfections and divisions have been maintained for many hundred years \ and the Minilters of Ch rift have been forbidden to preach his Gofpel , to the unfpeakable injury of fouls \ and the lives of many hun- dred thoulands, have been a Sacrifice, to the Pride, and Avarice, and Cruelty of the Clergy \ to the great diihonour of the Chriftian Name. n. And hereby Princes have had a power fet over them, to the diminution of their proper power, and part of their dominion fubjugated to others, under the falfename of EcclefiajHcal Authority ■> yea, and their own (landing made troublefome and unfafe, and multitudes dethroned* and Wars railed againft them by the Clergies pretended power, or inftigationj of which all the Wars between the F 3 German ucrman t.iiipt,iuui& anu iiil it apdiiuc* die iuii pruor, record- ed in all the Hiflories collected by Frcberus^Ruberus^nd Pi- ftoriuj? in Sabbtliicm^ Nauckrus^ and multitudes of other Hiltorians j and our Englijh Hiitories, by Ingnlpbw, Mat- tbcjv farti^ Hoveden, &<£ And the Italian by Gxicciardine and many others : Nay, what Countrey is there, where the Papal and Tyrannical Clergy have not overtopt or trou- bled the State. 12. And when all this is done, they would deceive the Princes themfelves into a Conjbtt^ and fo into the guilt of their own disturbance, and their peoples mifery : And cift all the odium upon them, and (ay, we do but deliver you into the hands of the Secular Power, it is they that do the execution on you : when yet a General Council ( the Rule of their Religion ) Later, fob Innoc. 3. Can. 2,3.. depoleth fuch Temporal Lords that will not do foch exe- cution. 65. He that defiretb the Communion of the Church, doth take it for a grievous punilhmerit to be cait out of it. And he that doth not deftre it, is unfit for ir. Therefore he that cannot feel the penalty of an Excommunication alone ( but only of a Muldt or Prifon ) may be rit enough for further punimment, but is unfit for the Communion of the Church. 66. Yet is the Magiftrate the Prote&or of the Church, a Keeper of her Peace and Priviledges and of both Ta- bles ••> and muft ufe his power to promote Religion. 6y. To which end he may prudently by moderate means conltrain fome that negledr their own folvation to hear Gods Word, and confer with fuch as can initrud them, and ufe thofe means, which God hath made univerfally ne- ceifary, to bring the ignorant to knowledge > and may re- drain them from adtual open fin, and from fcorn and oppofition of the means that mould convert them, and from hindering. others from the means of falvation, and from open feducing them from God, or Chriftianity, or from a godly, righteous, or fober life : In all this, mode- rate penalties may be uied i and men may be thus far con- tained, and retrained : But not conftraioed to profefs that which which they do not believe, nor to take the priviledgcs which God forbiddeth them to take. So that there are fitter means left, tor the Magistrate to help the Church 68. The Ring and Magiftrates have ear am ani for the fault of ano- G ther. ther. As if a man that hath a family of an hundred per- fons, were forbidden to give them bread to fave their lives, becaufe he was drunk, or fwore an Oith, which might be punifhed on himfelf alone. 8?. The Magillrate may excommunicate in hit rvay,is well 35 the P ijlorj do in theirs* That is, the Magiitrate may as a- penalty for a crime, lay Subjects under a note of infamy, and Outlaw them, and command all men to avoid famili- arity with them *, ( And this as bad Snbjccls^ whether they be Church-members or not. ) And he may as a Keeper of the Churches Priviledges and Peace ( till forfeited; reitraiu all excommunicate perfons from forcing themfelves into the Communion of the Church which did excommunicate them, • po. So contentious are Pallors oft times, and fo' necefTary is the Magi itr at es Office to the publick peace, that every Ghurck (hould be under the eye of fome Juftices of the Peace, or Cenfors appointed by force to lilence intruding Bawlers and Railers, and to reftrain Minifters from making it their publick work, unpeaceably to traduce and revile their Brethren, and represent diflenters as odious to the flock. And if fuch Magi (hates had kept the Churches Order and Peace according to their Office^ it had prevented abundance of the Papal Usurpations, which were the fruit of Magiftrates negle&s. pi. Lay Chancellors excreting the Spiritual Power of she Keyes ( though they (hould pro forma uie the (tale of an Ordinaries pronunciation ) is fuch a fort of Church Govern- ment, as I will never fwear that in my place and Calling I will not at any time endeavour to alter by lawful means, p2. The Parents are put in the fourth Commandment, tather than the Magiitrate or Paftor, becaufe their authority is the moft plenary Image of the Divine Authority in thefe refpe&s. i . Their Authority is not by Contract, but by Nature. 2. It is the primary radical power. 3. It is ifcoft univerfally necefTary to mankind. 4. And it reprt- fenteth Gods Government. 1 . In that it is founded in Genera- iion> as Gods in Creation. 2 . Becaufe thence aiifeth 1 . The fullejl Image of his Dominion, in the Parents fitVejl Propriay m his Child. 2. Of his fapientfol Rule, in the Parents (5o- vvnment vernmem ( as in pretence ) 3. Of his Love which Parents are allowed to exceed all other Rulers in : Therefore God calls himfelf Our Father. 93' J^What if the Magiftrate, Minilter, and Parents have oppoiite Commands > Which of them is to be obeyed ? c. g. The Magiftrate bids you meet in one place for publick Worfhip ^ the Bifhop in another,and the Parent in a third } The Magiftrate bids you Learn one Catechifm and no others the Bifhop another, and not that> and the Parents a third. The Magiftrate bids you (land, the Paftor bids you kneel, the Parents bid you fit. The Magiftrate bids you pray by one form, the Bifhop by another, and the Pa- rents by a third or none. The Magiftrate commandeth one tranflation of the Scripture, and the Bifhop another. The Bimop commandeth you to ufe a Ceremony, or to keep a holy day, and your Parents forbid it you > In fuch calcs which muft you conform to and obey ? Anfo* When I am defired, and promifed by thofe concerned in it, that it will be well taken, I will anfwer fuch kind of queftions as thefe. But till then I will hold my tongue, that I may hold my peace. P4. No contrary commands of Church-men ( as they arc called ) - y nor any of our own Vows or Covenants, can excufe us from obedience to the Higher Powers, in lawful things, which God hath authorized them to command '•> that is, which are belonging to their place of Government to regu- late. Though if the queftion be but, e. g. What Medi- cine and Dofe (hall be given to a Patient, or by what Me- dium a Philofopher (hall demonftrate *, or what Subjed: and what Method and Words a Paftor {hall ufe for the prefent edification of his flock ? or how a Surgeon (hall open a Vein, or a Pilot guide his Ship, &c. the Artift may be obey- ed before an Emperour, ( by him that careth for his life,or his underftanding \ But yet as all thefe are under the Go- vernment of the King, fo he may give them general Laws 9 efpecially to reftrain them from notorious hurtfulnefs. Sir, If all thefe Propofitions be enow for the Concord of fi- ber Chrijiians in thefe matters, I hope neither you, njr I, nor any lover of the Church and Peace, fljall need to ufe much G 2 Jbarpnefi maxima munch mala. K 4° ) Jbarpneft again ft the Opinion of fitch diffenters. But if they be not, I irtorv not when tve Jhall have concird. And yet that you may fee that I am not over follicitous of my Peace, I mil makf up the number with thefe lefs pleafing Propofitions. P5- B.caule Corruptio optimi\ eft peflima, Magiftrates and Miniftcrs are of all men ( ufually ) either the greateft Blef- fings or the greateft Burdens of mankind on earth. Saith Campanella, ( Metaph. ) ^FitentU j ^Tyrannis > *S Sapient U ^Corruptio^li^ Hxrefis >maxima i C Amjrif S • Hypocrifu.J fe ( though indeed he might as well have named more. ) As Tyranny is in the greateft part of the whole world, (which is Heathen, Infidel and Popifh ) the principal Fin, which hindereth the Golpel and Kingdom ^oj Chrift, forbiddeth the preaching of the Word of life for mens falvation ( And therefore a fin which no Chriftian Magiftrate or Preacher, fhould think of, but with great abhorrence, and none by any palliation (hould befriend it ) > Co Prudent and Good Princes are under God the Pillars of the worfd '•> For they are the Chief Officers of God, to (hew forth his Power \ Wifi dom and Goodnefs^ Truth and Holinefs, Juftice and Mercy, in their Government j And by their Laws to promote the obedience of bit Law* And to encourage the Preachers and Pra&icers of Godlinefs, Sobriety and Righteoufnefs > And to defend them againft the Malignity of thofe that would filence, opprefs and perfecute them on earth i And by their examples and punifhments, to bring all ungodlinefi, intemperance and injuftice unto fhame. None therefore that poiTefs fo great a mercy, (hould undervalue it , or be un- thankful. 96. Wife Rulers will watch the Plots of fuch enemies, as would ufe them as the Devil would have ufed Chrift , who carried him to the Pinnacle of the Temple, in hope to have feen his fall the greater : who would have them with He- rod arrogate the praife of God unto themfelves, or with Pharaoh or Nebuchadnezzar to difdain to be under the So- vereignty of their Maker ? and afcribe to them the Divine Prerogatives *, (*9) Prerogatives i And would make it fecm their honour to have Po&er to dothegreateft mifchief, that the pretence and claim may make them odious,and fo may debilitate and undermine them. That like a draught or cold water to one in a Pleurifie/they may kill them by pleaiing them. 27. It is an unchrift ian carnal craft for the Proteftant Clergy of feveral Opinions, to lay falfe charges on one another, as being enemies to the Civil Government, when realiy their ftrrnciples therein are all the fame •, Or to make the differences of Stalefmen and Lawyers, to betaken for differences in Religion : purpofely to make one another ( and their Religion ) odious, and to ftrengthen them- selves by the errors and paffions of Princes j till at laft they have tempted the world to think as bad of all and of Reli- gion it felf, as they have faid of one another, and by un- dermining others fall themfelves. 98. But yet that Patty who really make a Religion of the Dodrine of Rebellion, are tobedifowned by all that will be true to God and to his Omcers:In my Sermon to the Parliament the day before they Voted the Reftoration of the King, I fai3 fomewhat of the difference of the Proteftant and Popifh Religion, in this point. And a Papift Gentleman rirft wrote an InvecTive againft me, as if I had given no proof of what I faid > And feveral perfons of unknown names wrote Letters to me to urge and challenge me to prove it : Blindly or wilfully overlooking the undeniable proof which I had there laid down, from one of their Ge- neral Councils, viz* *the Decrees of approved General Councils are the Papifts Religion t 'the Decrees of approved General Councils are for the Popes depofing 'temporal Lords, if they exterminate not fuch as deny Tranfitbftantiation, and giving their Dominions to others : Ergo, the Popijh Religion U for the Popes depofing 'temporal Lords in that cafe y and giving their Dominions' to others. The Major is not queftioned. The Minor, (befides the ConciU Rom.fub Greg. 7. which determineth that the Pope may depofc Emperours ) I there proved from the exprefs words of Condi* Later an* fub Innoc. jt C*».J. which ut- tercth tereth it at large. And if any Protcftant do fwith Dr. Tai- lor, Dr. Gunwng, 2nd Dr. Vierfin) doubt of the authority of thofe Canons, thats nothing to the Papilte who jultirie it as an approved Council,and vindicate it, as you may find with copioufncfs and conrider.ce, in the printed Anfwcr to the hit named Dodlors. " What impudency then is it in thefe men to challenge me to prove, and yet overlook my proof? 9£. CHRISTIANITY according to the Scripture and primitive Simplicity, in Votlrine, Worfhip, Government and life, doth conliitute a CHRISTIAN, and aChriftian Church, The making of humane additions and mutable ad- juntls to Teem things nccejfary , doth conftitute a SECT. ( And alas how (mall a part of the Chriftian world, is not entangled in fome fuch Sett. ) To be united to all ChrifU- ans, in the bond of Cbrijiianity, is to be a Catholic^'- To trouble the Churches peace by driving to fet up one Sett ox Faftion, and fupprefsthe reft, is to be a Schifmatic]^ and Seftary. So then if fome will by a fuperftitious unfcriptural rigour of Difcipline, make every Pallors power arbitrary ( or the peoples, which is worfe ) in judging of mens inward holi- nefs, and will lay by the Scripture Title, which is ( a fiber Trofieffion-ofi the Baptifimal Covenant ) and think by this Ihidt- nefs to advance the honour of their party, as to purity , They will but endlefly run into divilions : And by fetting themfelves at a greater diftance, from common Chriltians, than God alloweth them, provoke him to caft on them fome greater fhame. And if any others will make their unneceffary firms of Sy- nods, and other adjuntls, to feem (0 neceifaxy, as to enter mto Leagues and Covenants to make them the terms of the Churches ,Unity,God will not own fuch terms nor ways j nor will they be durable,while the ground is mutable. And if in the Countreys where Popery and Church-tyranny prevail, any other more lofty fj&ion, (hall perfwade the. peo- ple that there muft be no King any longer than their domi- nation is upheld ^ and (hall feek to twill the corruptions, grandure or mutable adjuncts of their fiunUion, by Oaths, in- to the very Conjiitution of the State * Like the Trent Oath, fwearing C**3 (wearing the Subjects to obey the Church, yea, putting the Church before the State, and fwearing them, not at any time (though commanded by the King J to endeavour any altera- tion in that Church- Government s no nor to confent to any\ that Co the lubjects may be as fill bound to them, as they are by the Oath of fidelity to their Kings \ It is time infuch a cafe to pray £ God five the King ~J and to write oil our cloors [ Lord have mercy en ui. 1 And a true fubjedi in fuch cafes, when it comes to/wearing, muft learn Seneca's LeiTon, £ No man more efteemeth venue, than he that for the love of it can let go the reputation of it j ] And muft be content to be called Difloyal, difobedient,faUious, that he may not befo } nor betray hit Soul, hti Prince, arid hvs pofterity. ioc. But to put my felf out of the reach of any rational fufpicion, befides what is faid,I profefs, that lafcrihe all that Power to Kings, which is given them by any 'text of Scripture, or acknowledged by any Council General or Provincial, or by any publicl^authentickjConfeflion of any Chrijlian Church, ei- ther Protcjiant, Greeks or Popifh, that ever I yet f aw. And if this be not enough as to matter of Religion, ( leaving the Cafes of Law to Lawyers ) I can give you no more. Obje for the wrath tf come upon them to the uttermofi. Aits I 5 2 J A&s 20# 24. But none ofthefe things move me y neither count I my life dear unto my felf fo that I might finijh my courfe with joy , and the Minijlry which I have received^ 6cc. 1 Cor. 4. 17, 18. For cur light afflidion which U but for a moment, worksth for m a far more exceeding eternal weight of glory : While we look^ not at the things which arefeeujbut at the things which are notfeen : For the things which are feen art temfe- tal > hut the things which arc mtfeen y are eternal. Sept* 21. 1669* Addition : CV) Addition : Of the Power of Kings and Bi- (hops out of Bifhop Bilfon and Andrews. LEft you (hould wrong the fober Epiicopal Divines, fo as to think that they claim as jure Vivino, and as Paitoral, any Coercive forcing power, but only an authoritative per- lwading power, and that of the Keyes of the Church, I will tranferibe fome of the words of that Learned, Judicious Bifhop Bilfon in his 7r<*#. of Cbriftian Subjeftion > By which you will fee, that all forcing power claimed by them , is only Magiftratical, as they are the Kings Officers, and not from Chrift. Note alfo that constantly he diftinguifheth the Magistrates power from the Paftors, by the [ Sword ] as the inftru- ment of execution, which even about Ecclefiaftical mat- ters is proper to the Magiftrate ; As the power of the Word and Sacraments, or Keyes of the Church, is the Paftors : And thefe are the (horteft,plaineft, and leaft ambiguous terms ; and more clear than [_ Internal, Ecclefiaftical and Civil ] which have all much obfeurity and ambiguity. Pag. 238. Prince s only be Governour s in things andCaufes Ecclefiaftical, that if, with the Sword Bijhops be no Go- vernour s in thofi things with the Sword. "] Pag. 240. Wecon- fcjl Princes to be Supream Governours, Supream bear- ers of the Sword We give Princes no power to devife or invent new Religions^ to alter or change Sacraments, to decide or debate doubts of faith, to dijlurb or infringe the Canons of the Church* But of thefe two laft I muft tell you, what we Puritans ( as they call us ) hold 1. That the King may and muft decide doubts of faith , in order to execution by the Sword ( as, who (hall be banifhed or imprifoned as a Teacher of Herefie) 2. And that Canons circa facra not take- ing the Paftors proper work out of his hand may be made by the Magiftrate even if he pleafe without the Prelates ; H And (54>> And if Piftors make Canons, they are but in order to their proper way of execution. Pag. 2 52. A/vl if Princes Jball not bear the Sword, .in things andCaufts Ecdhjiajiical, yen hnuft tell us who ft? all— Strict by Gads Law the Prieji may not meddle with the Sward, the con- fcquent is inevitable, that Frinces alone are Gods Minijicrs, bearing the Sword, to reward and revenge good and evil in all things and caufes, be they Temporal^ Spiritual or Ecclcfujii- cal : unlefs yon tbinl^tbat dij orders and abufes Ecclefiafti- cal fhould be freely permitted' Page 2 56. Ibis then vs the Supream power of Princes, which we teach lhat they be Gcds Miniftcrs in their own Dominions, bearing the Sword, freely to permit and publicity defend that which God eommanJetb- • • So may they with juft force remove whatfo- ever is 'erroneous , vicious y and fuperjiitious within their Lands, and with external loffes and corporal pains reprcft the broachers and abetters of Herefes and all impieties-* from which fubjedion to Princes, no man within their Realms^ . Monk^, Priefi, Preacher or Prelate U exempted : And without . their Realms no mortal man bath any- power from Cbrijl ju- dicially .to depofe them '■> much lefs to invade them in open field, leaji of all to warrant their Subjecls to rebell againfi them* Ibefe be the things which we contend for > and not whether Princes be Cbrijis Mafiers^ or the functions to preach, bap- tize, impofe bands, and forgive fins, muji be derived from the Princes power and Laws \ or the ApojUes might enter to convert Countreys, %vttbout Caefars delegations > Ihefebejejls andjhifts of yours* Page 261. 7i Bijhops fpeakjng the Word of God, Princes m well as others muji yield obedience : But if Bijhops pafs their Commiffion, and fpeak^ befides the Word of God, what they lift, both Prince andpeople may defpife them* Page 258. BuWord is Irutlr: and therefore your Bi- fhops cannot be Judges ef the Word ofCbrift, but they mnft be Judges of Cbrijl bimf elf that fpeakftb by his Word, which is no fmall prefumption* My Sheep hear my voice— ~ *lhey be no Judges of his voice. Page 2 5^. V y oH ta ks judging for difccrning,> the People niHjt be difcermrs and Judges of that which is taught— Page f55) Page 271. Ph. If General Councils might err, the Church might err*- — — Th* As though none were of or in the Church, but only Bijhops ! Or all the Bijhops of Chriftendome without exception, were everprefent at any Council t Or the greater part of thofe that are preftnt might not ftrike the flroke without the reft—* Seepag. 350, 351,352. Etfeq. that only Magiftratet may touch body or goods* Page ^58. ihe Watchmen and Shepheards that ferve Chrifi in hU Church, have their kjnd of Regiments diftincl from the temporal Power and State : But that Regiment of theirs v* by Cou>fel and perfwafton , not by terror or Compulsion h and reacheth neither to the goods, nor to the bodies of any men—* Page 366. As for your Epifcopal Tower over Princes, if that be it you feei^ for, and not to takg their Kingdoms from them, I told you, If they breal^ the Law of God, you may reprove them : If they hear you not , you may leave them in their fins, and [hut Heaven again}} them* If they fall to open He- re fie or wilful impiety, you may refufe to communicate with them in prayers and other divine duties \ yea, you muft ra- ther yield your lives with fubmijjion into their hands , than deliver them the Word and Sacraments , otherwife than God bath appointed. 1 ' ( Say you fo *, I promife you Sir, if Kings muft be dealt fo ftri&ly with, though it coft you your lives, I will be a Non-conformift a little longer, though it coft me my live- lihood, rather than give Baptifm, the Lords Supper, Ab- solution., and the juftifying alTertions at Burials, as com- monly as I muft do, if I conform. ) P. 525. Tajhrs have their kjnd of CorreUion even over Princes : but fuch as by Gods Law, may ft and with the Pa- ftors Vocation '•> and tend to the Princes falvation : and that ex- ceeded not the Word and Sacraments : Other CorreUion over any private man Paftors have nones much leftover Princes*--* Princes may force their Subjetts by the Temporal S word.— ~ Bijhops may not force their flacky with any corporal or external violence* Pag. yiG.Chryfoftom faith For of all men Chri- ftian ( Bijhops). may leajt corrcft the faults of men by force : Judges that are without the Church may compell—Buf H 2 here. he re ( iti the Church ) we may not offer any violence, but only perfivadc. We have not fo great authority given us by the Laws as to reprefs offenders : And if it were lawful for us fo to do, we have no ufe of any fucb violent power* for that Chri'l crowneth them which abfiain from fin, not of a forced, but of a willing mind Hilary teacheth the fame Leflbir, If this violence were ufed for the true faith, the do- Urine ofBiJhops would be againftit. God needeth no forced fervice : He required no contained confefton : I cannot receive any man but him that k willing <^J I cannot give ear, but to him that intreateth. I cannot fign, (that is, baptize any but him that (gladly) profeffetb. So Ori^en For all the crimes which God would have revenged, he would have them nvenged not by the Bijhops and Rulers of the Church, but by the Judges of the world Bijhops by venue §f their Callings cannot command ethers, or authorize violence or arms.— Pag. 541 , Parliaments have beenkspt by- the King and his Barons, the Clergy wholly excluded > and yd their ARs and Statutes good. And when the Bijhops were prefent, their Voices from the Conquefito tbtf day, were never Negative. By Gods Law you have nothing to do with ntakjng Laws for Kingdoms and Commonwealths : Tou may teach, ymmay not command. Perfwafion is your part : Compulfion is the Princes. Page 245. Far better St. Ambrofe faith \_lftheEmperour as\ for tribute, we deny it not : 'the Lands of the Church fay "tribute 1 If he affell the Lands themfelves, he bath power to takg them : no man among us is any let to him. the alms ef the people is enough for the poor. Let them never procure us envy for our Lands : let them takf them if they pleafe : I do not give them to the Emperonr % but I do not deny them* So far Bilfon. All this we allow : And if all this be the concurrent judgement of all forts of fober Proteftants , called Epis- copal or Presbyterians, what rcafon hath any Eraftian upon the account of the Magiftrates intereftto quarrel with them. If any praUife not according to thefe principles, let them hear of it# Indeed C57) Indeed in point of convenience we greatly differ from feme men: That is, i. Whether it be convenient for the King to make Church-men Magiftrate j, or not? 2. And whether it be convenient immediately to back their Ex- communications, with the Sword i And for the Migiftratc to be the Clergies Executioner, or to imprifon men eo no- mine^ becaufe excommunicate and not repenting. 3. And whether it be convenient to make the fame Court called Ecclefiaftical, fo mixt of Faftoral and Secular Power united, in one Chancellor f who is no Pallor, but a Lay man ) or in a Bi(hop, as that in and by it, the Magiftrates, and the Spiritual Government fhall be either confounded , or Co twilled as tobeundifcernable, or become one tertiunu But for this, as we love not to be too forward in teach- ing Magiftrates what is convenient, ( though many of the ancient Fathers have done it plainly , and fpoken againft the Magistracy of Priefts v and Cyril of Alexandria is brand- ed by Socrates and others with fome infamy , as the rirft Bilhop thatufed Coercive power J •, fo you have more caufe to fay what you have to fay in this, to the Magiftrate him- felf y than to the Bifhofs or Presbyteries : For if the MagN firate tvill needs make Priefts his Officers , and put his Sword intofuch hands, as have enough to do in their proper work , Or if he will puni(h men with the S-vord^ becaufe they are punifhed already by excommunication, or becaufe they repent not, left excommunication alone (hould prove unerlecftuaU quarrel not for his a&ions with other men : It is his own doing » and it is himfelf that you blame, when you blame thefe things : Say not that Prelates or Presbyteries takg the Magiftrates power from bim h but fay the truth, that the Magiftrate giveth it them,, and mil have it fo to be.. (Though Iexcufe none that urge him to it, or voluntarily alTume his Power. ) Bifhop Andrews alfo faith -Tortur torti p- 383. [ Cohi* beat Regem Viaconus, ft cum indignm fit, idq\ palam con* ftet> accedat tamen ad Sacramentum : Cobibeat & medizus, fi ad noxium quid vei infalubre manum admoveat : Cohl- beat & Equifax ft inter equitandum adigat Equum per te- cum prtrnptum, vel faUbrofm, cut fubfit fericulum. Eti- 11 H 3 * amrc ( 5* ) amnt medics? Etiamxe Equifoni fuo fubjectus Kex ? Sed de Majori poteftate loquitur : fed ea ad rem noxiam procul arcendam : qua in re CbaritaW fempcr Poteftas eft maxima. Here you fee what Church Government is in Bilhop Andrews fenfe, and how far the Biftiops hold the King him- fetf to be retainable even by a Deacon i And yet but ( I think ) according to your own fenfe, I pray you judge then whether the. Bimops and you differ as far as you ima- gine ^ and whether the Courts and Church power which offendeth you, be not fet up by Kings themfelves, who make the Bilhops their Officers therein. To which add what Bilfon proveth that Patriarchs, Metropolitans and Archbiihops Dignities are the gift of Princes, and not the inftitution of Chrift, and then you will fee more, that it is the Princes own doing. I add to the like purpofe more out of Bilfon pag. 313. £ We grant, th:y muft rather huzard their lives, than baptize Princes which believe not, or diftribute the Lords myfteries to them that repent not, but give wilful and open fignifcatim of iniquity, &c. ] This is Church Government, which none can contradict. This is it that Chryfoflom fo often profeffeth alfo* as that he would rather let his own blood be (bed, than give the blood of Chrift to the unworthy. And Bcda Hijt. Ecclefl. 2. cap. 5. telkth us, that Melt* ins Bilhop of London ( with Jujlus ) was banimed by the heirs of King Sabareth, becaufe he would not give them the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which they would needs have before they were baptized. ( And by the way, if Bimops fay that Kings muft be ufed thus, the Non-conformifts are not fuch intolerable Schif- maticks, as fome now reprefent them , for defiring, that every Presbyter may not be compelled againft his Con- fcience to give the Sacrament to the bafeft of the people that are ignorant what Chrift or Chriftianity is, and to them that are not willing to receive it, but are forced to take it againft their wills for fear of a Prifon j nor to bap- tize the Children of fuch Parents as know not what bap- tifm is, or as are profefled Infidels, having not fo much as ) (59) as ChrifUan Adopters* but only Ceremonious perfons called God-fathers and God-mothers. ) Tapirius Msjfonus in vita Leonti j. reciteth his words of thcMigiltrates banifhing the Man tehees, and addeth [E* hac ret gejle narratione perfpioHum ell Komams Epifeopos rclegsre tunc nsn potuiffe, nee in exilium reos tmttere, nil ho~ die factum J fed eos tantum cenfnra cocrcere, & poena ecclefi- ajiica mulftarc* I add no more, fuppoimg t/-a lalmoft all fober Epifco- pal, Presbyterians, Independer and Eraftians are agreed in all the ririt ninety four Proportions, ( if not all ) that are here aiTerted', and thai all thofe may fuffice to fignine their Concord, and promote their Reconciliation , if Inte- reli ( miftaken ) and PalTion ( mif-guided ) did not much more than difference of judgement in thefe matters , to caufe their alienation. And as I have written this to vindicate both the Power of Kings, and the Office of Paftors from any mens unju/t fufpicions or accufations, who look only on one fide •-> and to (hew that thefe Offices are no more contrary than He ud and Heart, than Light and Heat : fo I do require the Rea- der to put no fenfe upon any thing here written, which is injurious to the Government of Magiftrates or Paftors, or contrary to the Laws : For all fuch fenfes I do hereby de- claim. FI&CIS. 11 up. ^ I i g 'W if ■ mm I ^^ k.'i!