THE HISTOEY OE INDIA. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/historyofindiaas03elli THE HISTORY OF INDIA, AS TOLD BY ITS OWN HISTORIANS. THE MUHAMMADAN PERIOD. EDITED FROM THE POSTHUMOUS PAPERS OF THE LATE SIR H. M. ELLIOT, K.C.B., EAST INDIA COMPANY’S BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE. BY PROFESSOR JOHN DOWSON, M.R.A.S., STAFF COLLEGE, SANDHURST. YOL. III. LONDON : TRURNER AND CO., 8 and 60, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1871. [All rights reserved.] STEPHEN AUSTIN & SONS PRINTERS, HERTFORD. P E E F A C E. This third volume carries the history of India on from the death of ISTasiru-d din, in 1260 a.d., to the inroad of Timur the Tatar, in 1398 a.d. It comprises some matter relating to periods not included within these dates ; but on the other hand, it is deficient in the history of the reigns intervening between the death of Firoz Shah and the irruption of Timur. This portion remains to be supplied, in the succeeding volume, from works of a somewhat later date. The period here traversed is not a very long one, but it is illustrated by works of more than usual interest and importance. Of the first five works included in the present volume, three were noticed in the old volume pub- lished by Sir H. Elliot himself. The other two, the Tdrikh-i Wassaf and the Tarikh-i ’ Alai of Amir Khusru, are now first made accessible to English readers. Part of the History of Wassaf has appeared in a German translation, from the pen of Hammer- Purgstall, but the portions relating to India are now published for the first time. The Tarikh-i ’ Alai is more of a poem than a history, but it bears the cele- brated name of Amir Khusru, and it enters into de- b VI PREFACE. tails which the student of history cannot pass over, however diligently and cautiously he may weigh and sift them. Far different from these are the two Tarikhs bear- ing the title F'lroz-ShahL Sir H. Elliot was strongly impressed with the value of these histories, and his design was to publish a full translation of both. For the translation of the work of Ziau-d din Barni, he had enlisted the services of an eminent member of the Bengal Civil Service; for that of Shams-i Siraj’s history, he trusted to a munsM. Advancement in the service, and the increasing cares of office, arrested the translation of Barm’s work, and the munshVs partial translation of that of Shams-i Siraj proved to be en- tirely useless. Thus there was a complete deficiency of these two important works. Determined to prevent the publication from coming to a standstill, the Editor took in hand the translation of Shams-i Siraj’s work, and caused renewed inquiries to be made in India for that of Barni. He completed the former, and still no promise was received of the latter; so he again set to work, and he had all but completed the translation of Barni, when Sir H. Elliot’s friend, loyal to his promise, transmitted from India the translations of two reigns, made by friends in whom he had confi- dence. Unfortunately they arrived too late. The annals of these particular reigns had already been com- pleted; so, without any undue partiality for his own PREFACE. Vll work, the Editor declined using them ; for a trans- lation by one hand seemed preferable to one made up of the work of three different persons. Barm’s work approaches more nearly to the Euro- pean idea of a history than any one which has yet come under notice. Narrow-minded and bigoted, like Muhammadans in general, he yet has a care for matters besides the interests of his religion and the warlike exploits of the sovereign representatives of his faith. He freely criticizes the actions and characters of the kings and great men of the time, dealing out his praises and censures in no uncertain terms. His style has been criticized as being occasionally tarnished by Hindi idioms, and this is no doubt true, not only of him, but of other historians who wrote in Persian, but whose native language was Hindi. Persian was familiar to them, still it was a foreign language, and their writings could hardly fail of receiving a tinge from the more ready and familiar expressions of their mother-tongue. To Europeans this blemish is of no importance, few can detect it in the original, and it entirely disappears in translation. As a vigorous plain- spoken writer, he may unhesitatingly be indicated as the one most acceptable to a general reader, one whose pages may be read without that feeling of weariness and oppression which the writings of his fellows too com- monly produce. The Editor’s translation adheres strictly to the text, without being literal ; for, as the author has Ylll PREFACE. no pretensions to beauty of style or felicity of diction, a clear representation of his meaning is of more import- ance than an exact reproduction of his words. So the object aimed at has been to make the translation an accurate but a free and readable version of the origi- nal text.1 Shams-i Siraj, the author of the other Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, is a writer of a very different character. A painstaking and laborious chronicler, he enters into details of little moment to the general reader, but of importance to the historian and archaeologist. Valuable as a recorder of facts and details, he is not an author who will be read for the interest of his narrative, or the excellence of his style. The short but interesting work of the Sultan Firoz Shah, almost as rare in India as in Europe, is now first brought to notice. The Editor has made the translation from a unique copy belonging to Mr. E. Thomas. Timur’s irruption into India is fully represented by the extracts from his own memoirs, and from the work of his panegyrist, Sharafu-d din Yazdi ; but there is more matter in store upon this period from other writers. 1 Lest this statement should excite a feeling of misgiving as to the licence taken with the Text, the Editor refers to Nos. IV., 1869, and I., 1870, of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in which a literal translation of the history of ’Alau-d din’s reign has been published since the present translation has been in print. PREFACE. IX In the Appendix there is a careful and exhaustive analysis by Sir H. Elliot of several of the poetical works of Amir Khusru, from which he has culled all the passages which, in his judgment, have an historical bearing. He has performed the same office for a far inferior poet, Badr Chach. The two succeeding articles are the work of the Editor. The first is taken from an article in the Notices et Ex traits des MSS. ; the other from the Travels of Ibn Batuta. The former is but little known, and in India is almost inaccessible. Both these works were published in Erench. They afford many curious and interesting illustrations of the period covered by this volume ; so to bring them to the knowledge of the many Indian readers who are conversant with our own tongue, copious extracts, trans- lated into English, have been here introduced. The following is a statement of the various articles in this volume, with the names of their respective authors, and to this the reader is referred if he desires to ascertain the authority for any article or passage. It will be seen that somewhat more than two-thirds of the contents have been supplied by the Editor, and this has made it undesirable to keep up throughout the use of the brackets [ ] to mark the Editor’s addi- tions. Where this table shows a translation to have been made by the Editor, the whole of it, notes and all, are to be considered his, and no brackets are used. Sir H. M. Elliot had made preparation, more or less, X PREFACE. for all the bibliographical notices: in these, and in those translations which the table shows to have been made by Sir H. Elliot, or by his coadjutors, the brackets indicate the Editor’s additions. X. — Jami’u-t Tawarikh — A munsM revised by Editor. XI. — Tarikh-i Wassaf — Part by Sir H. M. Elliot and part by a munsM, revised by bim. XII. — Tarikh-i Binakiti — A few lines by Editor. XIII. — Tarikh-i Guzida — Bevised by Editor. XIV. —1 Tarikh-i ’Alai.— Sir H. M. Elliot. XV. — Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziau-d din Bami — Editor. XVI. — Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Shams-i Siraj — Editor. XVII. — Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi. — Editor. XVIII. — Malfuzat-i Timuri — Page 394 to 421 by Mr. C. E. Chapman, B.C.S. ; page 422 to 477 by Editor. XIX. — Zafar-nama — Editor. APPENDIX. A. — Poems of Amir Khusru — Sir H. M. Elliot. B. — Poems of Badr Chach — Sir H. M. Elliot. C. — Masaliku-1 Absar — Editor. D. — Travels of Ibn Batuta. — Editor. E. — Notes on the Tarikh-i Firoz Shahi — Editor. The Editor much regrets the length of time which the printing of this Volume has occupied. The delay has, in some degree, arisen from causes over which he had no control, but principally from his having had to supply so large a portion of the matter from his own pen. When the extent of this is taken into considera- tion, the time engaged may not appear excessive. CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill PAGE X. Jami’u-t Tawdrikh, of Kasliidu-din 1 XI. Tazjiyatu-l Amsar wa Tajriyatu-l A'sar, of ’Abdu-llali, Wassaf 24 XU. Tarikh-i Bindkiti, of Falchru-d din, Binakiti - - 55 XHI. Tarikh-i Guzida, of Hamdu-lla, Mustaufi - - - - 60 XIV. Tdrikh-i ’Alai; or, Khazdinu-l Futuh, of Amir Khusru 67 XV. Tdrikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziau-d din, Barni ... 93 XVI. Tarikh-i Firoz Shdhi, of Shams-i Siraj, ’Afif ... 269 XVII. j Futuhat-i Firoz Shahi, of Sultan Firoz Shall - - - 374 XVIII. Malfuzat-i Timuri, or Tuzak-i Timuri: The Autobio- graphy of Timur 389 XIX. Zafar-nama, of Sharafu-d din, Tazdi 478 APPENDIX. A. — Poems of Amik Khtjsrij 523 1. Kiranu-s Sa’dain 524 2. Ghurratu-l kamal ; Miftahu-l futuh 534 3. ’AsMka 544 4. Nuh Sipihr - -557 5. Fjdz-i Khusruwi 566 B. — Kasaid, of Badr Chach 567 C. — Masaliku-l Absar fi Mamdliku-l Amsar, of Shahabu-d din Abu-1 Abbas Ahmad 573 D. — Travels of Ibn Batuta 58 5 E. — Note to the Translation of the Tdrikh-i Firoz Shahi, of Ziau-d din Bami 620 ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. Page 121, five lines from bottom, omit “ (Pilibhit).” „ 146, omit the note : “ Jhain must be TTjj&in.” „ 158, Gold Stars. See note of Sir "Walter Elliot in Thomas’s Coins of the Pathan Sultans, new edition, page 169. „ 303, para. 3, line 11, omit the word “ silver.” „ 311, line 16, to the word “ Toraband,” add a note, “ Possibly this is a pun on the words Tera banda , ‘ thy slave.’ ” „ 400, line 4, for “ 1408,” read “ 1398.” „ 421, to the word “ Eudanah,” add a note, “ See note in page 488.” „ 427, to the word “ Sarshti,” add “ Sirsah.” „ 430, to note 1, add, “ This is Firoz Shih’s bridge.” „ 468, line 7, to “jins (specie),” add a note, “ See note in Appendix, p. 626.” HISTORIANS OF INDIA. x. JA'MPU-T TAWXRfKH OF RASHI'DU-D DIN. The Jami’u-t-Taw arikh Rashidi was completed in a.h. 710 — a.d. 1310. The author Fazlu-llah Rashid, or Rashidu-d din ibn Tmadu-d daula Abu-1 Khair ibn Muwafiku-d daula,1 was born in a.h. 645 — a.d. 1247, in the city of Iiamadan.2 His practice of the medical art brought him into notice at the court of the Mongol Sultans of Persia. He passed part of his life in the service of Abaka Khan, the Tartar king of Persia, and one of the descendants of Hulaku Khan. At a subsequent period, Ghazan Khan, who was a friend to literature and the sciences, and who appreciated the merits of Rasludu-d din at their proper value, appointed him to the post of Wazir in a.h. 697 — a.d. 1297, in conjunction with Sa’du-d din. Rashidu-d din was maintained in his office by Uljaitu, surnamed Khuda-banda, the brother and successor of Ghazan Khan, and wras treated by him with great consideration and rewarded with the utmost liberality. The author himself 1 [D’Ohsson says that he was also called Rashidu-d daulat and Rashidu-1 hakk wau-d din. Hist, des Mongols xxxiii.] 2 [The biographical portion of this article is, for the most part, taken from Mr. Morley’s Notice of the Author, in Yol. YI. of the Journal of the R. As. Soc.] ft VOL. III. 1 2 RASHIDU-D DIN. admits that no sovereign ever lavished upon a subject such enormous sums as he had received from Uljaitu Khan. Rashidu-d din and his successive colleagues did not manage to conduct the administration with unanimity ; but this seems to have arisen less from any infirmity of our author’s temper than from the envy and malice which actuated his enemies. In his first rupture with Sa’du-d din he was compelled, in self-defence, to denounce him, and to cause him to be put to death. ’Ali Shah Jabalan, a person of low origin, who had managed by his talents and intrigues to raise himself into consideration, was appointed Sa’du-d din’s successor at Rashidu-d din’s request, but with him he had shortly so serious a misunderstanding, that the Sultan was compelled to divide their jurisdiction, assigning the care of the Western provinces to ’Ali Shah, and the Eastern to Rashidu-d din. Notwithstanding this arrangement, the two Wazirs continued at enmity, and shortly after the death of Uljaitu, who was suc- ceeded by his son Abu Sa’id, ’All Shah so far succeeded in pre- judicing the Sultan against the old minister1 that he was, after many years’ faithful service, removed from the Wazarat in a.h. 717 — a.d. 1317. A short time afterwards he was recalled, in order to remedy the mal-administration which was occasioned by his absence, but it was not long before he again lost favour at court, and was accused of causing the death of his patron Uljaitu Khan. It was charged against him that he had recommended a purgative medicine to be administered to the deceased chief, in opposition to the advice of another physician, and that under its effects the king had expired. Rashidu-d din was condemned to death, and his family were, after the usual Asiatic fashion, in- volved in his destruction. His son Ibrahim, the chief butler> who was only sixteen years old, and by whose hands the potion was said to have been given to the chief, was put to death before the eyes of his parent, who was immediately afterwards cloven in 1 Mod. Univ. Hist., iv. 401. JAMI’U-T TAWA'EfKH. 3 twain by the executioner. Rashidu-d din was 73 years1 old when he died, and his death occurred in a.h. 718 — a.d. 1318. His head was borne through the streets of Tabriz, and pro- claimed by the public crier as the head of a Jew, his children and relatives had their property confiscated, and the Rab’a Rash- id!, a suburb which he had built at an enormous expense, was given up to pillage, His eldest son, Ghiyasu-d din, was sub- sequently raised to the same dignities as his father, and met with an equally tragical death. “ The body of the murdered Wazir was buried near the mosque which he had constructed in Tabriz, but it was not destined to repose quietly in its last asylum. Nearly a century after his death, the government of Tabriz, together with that of the whole province of Azarbaijan, was given by Timur Lang to his son Miran Shah. The young prince, naturally of a mild disposition, had become partially deranged, in consequence of an injury of the head occasioned by a fall from his horse, and one day, during a temporary access of madness, he caused the bones of Rashidu-d din to be exhumed, and they were finally deposited in the ceme- tery of the Jews, — a renewal of the insult offered by his enemies during his life and at the time of his death, in order to render his’name odious amongst Musulmans.” 2 “Almost all those who had conspired to ruin Rashidu-d din perished in the course of the following year. ’All Shah, the one most deserving of punishment, alone survived to enjoy the fruits of his crime. He continued by his address to maintain his high honours and the favour of his master for the space of six years, when he died, being the only Wazir, since the establishment of the Mongol monarchy, who had not met with a violent death.” 1 This is the age assigned by M. Quatremere {Coll. Orientate, Tom. I. p. xliv.) hut these must have been lunar years, if he was bom in a.d. 1247. — Hammer- Purgstall says, Kashidu-d din was 80 years old when he died. ( Geschichte der Ilchane, Vol. ii. p. 260.) Hhji Khalfa gives 717 as the year of his death, but Sadik has it right. 2 [“ This calumny was probably grounded upon the particular attention he had paid to the history and customs of the Jews.’’ Morley.] 4 RASHrDU-D DIN. Rashidu-d din was endowed with a wonderful degree of ability and industry. “ Few men, even of those who have devoted their lives to research, could hope to attain the knowledge acquired by him ; and when we recollect that from his youth upwards he was involved in the intrigues and tumults of the court, and that he bore the principal weight of the administration of an immense empire under three successive Sultans, we cannot but feel the highest respect for his talents. Besides medicine, together with those sciences which are immediately connected with it, he had cultivated with success agriculture, architecture, and metaphysics, and had rendered himself conversant with the most abstruse points of Musulman controversy and doctrine. He was also an accomplished linguist, being acquainted with the Persian, Arabic, Mongolian, Turkish, and Hebrew languages, and, as it seems from his works, with the Chinese also. Amongst his great natural powers, we may reckon as the most important, the talent of writing with extreme facility ; this is attested by the volu- minous extent of his works, and by a passage in one of his writings, in which he asserts that he composed three of his greatest works, viz. : the Kitabu-t tauzihat, the Miftahu-t tafas'ir, and the Risalatu-s Sultaniat, in the short space of eleven months, and this not by giving up his whole time to his literary labours, but in the midst of the cares of government, and without reckoning numerous other treatises on various intricate subjects, which were written by him during the same period,” such as a book on Rural Economy, and works on Theology, Medicine, and Musulm&n Theology. “It was not till somewhat late in life that Rashidu-d din turned his thoughts to authorship, and until his master, Ghazan Khan, ordered him to compose a history of the Mongols, he had not ventured to commit the results of his learning and meditations to the judgment of the world.” This history occupies the first volume of the Jdmi’u-t-Tauarikh, and has received the highest commendations from European scholars. “ The work was on the point of completion when Ghazan Khan JAMI’U-T TAWABIKH. 5 died, a.h. 703 — a.d. 1303. Uljaitu Khan, liis successor, not only approved of the plan which our author had followed, and the manner in which he had executed bis task, but enjoined him to complete it, and to add thereto a general account of all the people known to the Mongols, and a description of all the countries of the "lobe. Rashidu-d din undertook this laborious work, and a few years sufficed for its accomplishment, for we find that in a.h. 710 — a.d. 1310, the entire history was written, bound, and deposited in the mosque constructed by the author at Tabriz. It is true that the author of the Tdrikh-i Wassaf affirms, that Rashidu-d din continued his work till a.h. 712, but this, probably, only applies to that portion of it which gives the history of Uljaitu. Haidar Razi, in his General History, says, that the portion relating to India was completed in a.h. 703, the period when our author received orders to commence his re- searches.” Still it is evident that he copied from Wassaf, who wrote upon his Indian history down to 710 a.h. The entire work, when completed, received from its author the title of Jami’u-t Tawarikh, or “Collection of Histories,” a very appropriate name, for it is not a general consecutive history, but consists of several independent works, arranged and bound up together in different order according to the fancy of the copyist. Thus the first volume is often considered as a history by it- self, and as such is called the Tdrikh-i Ghazani , after the Prince by whose orders it was composed, and to whom it was dedicated. [The value of the Jami'u-t Tawarikh is unquestionable, hut Rashidu-d din must be ranked as a compiler, or copyist, rather than among historians. He borrows by wholesale from his pre- decessors, appropriating their productions, with all their errors, and without any critical examination or judgment of his own. It is to his credit, however, that he fairly and openly acknow- ledges the sources from which he has borrowed ; and he occasion- ally makes additions which may be his own, or which may have been derived from other unknown sources. For the geographical 6 RASHrDU-D DIN. account of India1 he is avowedly indebted to Biruni, though he adds some passages in continuation.2 In his account of the Ghaznivides “ he follows 'Utbi implicitly as far as the Yamini extends, taking out not only the facts, but giving a literal translation even to the images and similes.” He makes no attempt to improve or supplement that work, his account of the Ghazni- vides closes wThere that closes, and so he omits all notice of the famous expedition to Somnat.3 The Tdrikli-i Jahan-Kusha has also been laid under contribution. D’Ohsson finds that he often copied it word for word, but he adds, “the history of the Wazir Rashid is the most complete, and that in which the best order and method prevail ; his style also has that noble simplicity suitable to historical writings.”4 Wassafi, a contemporary of Rashidu-d din, is another of those from whom he copied ; and further investigation will probably reveal more of the sources of the Jami’u-t Tawarikh .5] It seems to have been doubted whether the JamVu-t Tawarikh was originally written in Arabic or Persian. Most authors who have mentioned the work consider it to have been written in Persian, and translated, under the author’s direction, into Arabic;6 but it is certain that no Persian copies were very generally avail- able in Akbar’s time, for ’Abdu-1 Kadir BadaunI states, under the transactions of a.h. 1000, that he was directed by the Emperor to translate the Jdmi’u-t Tawarikh from Arabic into 1 [Vol. I. p. 44.] 2 [Vol. I. p. 67.] 3 [See Yol. II. p. 430 ; Jour. R. A. S. New Series, Vol. III. p. 426]. 4 [D’Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, I. xlii. and 235.] 5 [David’s Turkish Grammar, p. iii.] 6 [M. Quartremere concurs, and adds, “ Mais ce qu’il y a de sur, ct que l’auteur atteste de la maniere la plus formelle, au moment ou il deposa dans la grande mosquee construit par lui a Tabriz une collection complete de ses ouvrages, il fit traduirc en arabe ce qui avait ete primitivement ecrit en persan et, en persan ce qui etait redige en langue arabe. — Ainsi les deux redactions ont ete executees par l’auteur lui-meme, ou, au moins, sous sa direction — Par consequent elles se trouvent egalement authen- tiques.” — Jour, des Sav. Sep. 1850. A further and decisive argument may be drawn from the fact previously noticed, that proper names are occasionally met with in the Arabic version, in which a Persian preposition before a name, or a numeral immedi- ately after it, is taken as being part and parcel of the name itself. — See Vol. I. p. 62.] JAMI’U-T TAWARtKH. 7 Persian. It does not exactly appear from the text whether this was an abridgment or a translation, but the portion which was completed by ’Abdu-1 Kadir is distinctly said to have been trans- lated from the Arabic. It is curious that an interlinear trans- lation of a part of the history, executed under the orders of Colonel Francklin, and presented by him to the Royal Asiatic Society, should also bear the name of ’Abdu-1 Kadir, who thus appears to have executed a second time what his namesake had done before him more than 250 years ago. A portion of the Tdr'ikli-i Ghdzani has been admirably trans- lated by M. Quatremere in the first volume of the Collection Orientale, and we are indebted to him for a full account of our author’s biography and his literary merits. M. Erdmann pro- mised an edition of the complete text of the Jdmi 1 [which has never appeared, but he has given a short extract therefrom upon “ Barkiarok’s Regierung ” in the Zeitschrift des Deutschen Mor- genldndischen Gesellschaft (vol. IX. 800)]. The following account of the contents of the entire Jami’u-t Tawar'ikh , is taken from a notice in Arabic, by Rashidu-d din himself, prefixed to a MS. of his theological works, in the Royal Library at Paris. “ The book called the Jdmi'u-t Tawarikh , comprises four volumes, the first of which contains a preface, an account of the origin of the nations of the Turks, the number of their tribes, and an account of the Kings, Khans, Amirs, and great men who have sprung from each tribe ; also of the ancestors of Changiz Khan, the history of that monarch’s actions, and of his children and descendants, who have occupied the throne down to the time of Uljaitu Sultan. To the life of each prince is added his genealogy, an account of his character, and of his wives and children, a notice of the Khalifas, Kings, Sultans, and Atabaks, who were contemporary with him, and a history of the remark- able events that occurred during his reism. o a 1 Journal Asiatique, 2nd Series, Tom. I. p. 322. [The work has been trans- lated into Russian, and a “Tatar translation” has also been made— Zeitschrif B. M. G. YI. 125— IX. 800.] 8 RASHIDU-D DfN. “ Tlie second volume contains an introduction and a history of the life of Uljaitu from the time of his birth to the present day ; to this portion of the second volume will be added a supplement, comprising an account of the daily actions of this prince, written by me, and afterwards continued by the court historians. This second volume also contains a concise history of the Prophets, Sultans, and Kings of the universe, from the days of Adam to the present time, together with a detailed account of many people, of whom historians have, till now, given little or no description. All that I have said respecting them I have taken from their own books, and from the mouths of the learned men of each nation ; it also gives the history of the People of the Book, viz., the Jews and the Christians, and the histories of the Sultans and most celebrated Princes of each country ; also an account of the Ismailis, and many curious and instructive particulars. “ The third volume gives, after the preface, a detailed account of the descent of the Prophets, Kings, Khalifas, the Arab tribes, the companions of the Prophet Muhammad, etc., from the time of Adam to the end of the dynasty of the Bam ’Abbas ; the genealogy of the ancestors of Muhammad, and of the tribes descended from them ; the series of Prophets who have appeared amongst the Bani Israil, the Kings of the latter, and an enumer- ation of their different tribes ; the genealogies of the Kaisers and others of the Christian princes, with their names and the number of years of their respective reigns. All these details have been faithfully extracted from the chronicles of these people, and arranged in systematic order. “ The fourth volume comprises a preface and a circumstantial account of the limits of each of the seven climates, the division and extent of the vast countries of the globe, the geographical position and description of the greater part of the cities, seas-, lakes, valleys, and mountains, with their longitudes and latitudes. In writing this portion of our work, we have not been satisfied merely with extracts from the most esteemed geographical works, but we have, besides, made inquiries from the most learned men, JAMI’U-T TAWARfKH. 9 and those who have themselves visited the countries described ; we have inserted in our relation, particulars obtained from the learned men of Hind, Chin, Machin, the countries of the Franks, etc., and others which have been faithfully extracted from works written in the lano-ua^es of those different countries.” This is the account given by our author himself of his work ; it must, however, be remarked, that in the preface to the Tarikh-1 Ghdzani and in many other passages, he speaks of three volumes only, writing, under the head of the second, the matters which here form the contents of the second and third. The easiest way of accounting for this contradiction is to suppose that he sub- sequently divided this second volume into two portions, on account of its great bulk and disproportion in size to the others. In the preface to the Tar'ikli-i Ghdzani the work is divided, as mentioned above, into three volumes, according to the following distribution : — The contents of the first volume are the same as 2,’iven in the preceding description, and it is dedicated to Gliazan Khan. It comprises two books and several sections. The second volume contains the history of Uljaitu Sultan (to whom it was dedicated), from his birth to the time when our author wrote ; this forms the first division of the volume. The second division comprises two parts, the first of which is again sub-divided into two sections. The first section contains an abridged history of all the Prophets, Khalifas, and of the different races of men, to the year of the Flight, 700. The second section comprises a detailed chronicle of all the inhabitants of the earth, according to their races, extracted from their various writings, and from the mouths of natives of the different coun- tries. The second part is filled with the remaining portion of the history of Uljaitu, “ the Sultan of Islam,” as he is styled, and was destined to be continued in chronological order to the time of his death. “ The historians who are, or may be, servants of the court, will take care to write this, and add it as a supplement to this second volume.” 10 EASHTDU-D DTN. The third volume comprises the description of the Geographical charts, and the various routes from one place to another, taken from the sources already mentioned. “ The author has, as far as was in his power, multiplied and verified his researches from all that was previously known on the subject in this country, whether described in books or drawn in charts. To this he has added all that, during this fortunate epoch, the philosophers and wise men of Hind, Clan, Machin, Farang, and other countries have written, and has entered it all in this third volume, after having fully ascertained its authority.” The extended notice which is here given to Rashidu-d din and the J ami’u-t- Tatcarikh, is not only due to his merits and to the curious sources of his information on Indian subjects, but to the interest which was excited some years ago by the discovery, under very peculiar circumstances, of a large portion of the work which, up to that time, was supposed to be lost. A full account of this curious discovery is o-iven in the sixth €/ O volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Mr. W. Morley, while engaged in making a catalogue of the Society’s MSS., met with an imperfect Arabic MS., which proved to be a portion of the Jami’u-t Tawankh. It was written in a beautiful and very old Naskln hand, with many pictures very creditably executed. He addressed a letter to the Society, giving an account of his discovery, and before the letter was published Professor Forbes accidentally fell in with a much larger portion of the same MS., comprising one half the original volume, of which the Society’s fragment formed about one-fifth. The two fragments proved to be parts of the same original, and were thus brought together after many years, perhaps centuries, of separation. This larger portion of the MS. of the Jami’u-t Tawarikh belonged to Colonel John Baillie, an eminent- orientalist. Shortly after his death, his MSS. and books were prepared for trans- mission to the family seat in Inverness-shire, but before they were actually despatched Professor Forbes obtained a sight of them. He there picked out a fine large historical MS. on the back of which JAMI’U-T TAWARIKH. 11 was written, in a distinct Persian hand, “ Tarikh-i Tabari ,” and as if this were not sufficient, there was a note written in Persian, on a blank page, folio 154, of which the following is a literal translation. “ The name of this book is The Tdrikh-i Tabari , (the History or Chronicle of Tabari), the author’s autograph. The whole number of leaves, when complete, amounted to 303 ; now, however, some one has stolen and carried off one half of it, or about 150 leaves. It was written by the author’s own hand, in the year of the Hijra 706 (a.d. 1306-7.”) This description of the MS. as being the work of Tabari was, from the date alone, very suspicious and unsatisfactory, and Professor Forbes, in his enquiries, was eventually led to examine the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, when the two MSS. proved to be indubitably portions of one and the same book. These discoveries were communicated to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and a request was made that the Society would interest itself in searching for manuscripts of the work. A circular was in consequence issued to many of the native chiefs and literati of India, but no satisfactory reply was received. Upon that occasion I pointed out to the Society that the work was probably in their own library, for that an anonymous volume purporting to con- tain precisely the same matter, was brought by Sir J. Malcolm from Persia, and presented to the College of Fort William, as appeared from a notice at the end of Stewart’s Catalogue of Tipu Sultan’s Library. The work was searched for and discovered, in consequence of this information, among those which were trans- ferred from the College to the Asiatic Society.1 It was not till some years afterwards that I had the satis- faction of reading the superb French publication, entitled Col- lection Orientate, in the preface to the first volume of which I found that the very same enquiry had been suggested by M. Quatremere, in the following passage : “ au nombre des MSS. apportes de Perse par le Major Malcolm et offerts par lui au College du Fort William, je trouve un ouvrage ayant pour titre 1 See Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Yol. X. p. 934. 12 RASHrDU-D DTN. Djami-altawarikh-kadim. Ce livre ferait-il partie du travail de Rashideldin ? (Test ce que je n’ai pu verifier.”1 Had this enquiry then attracted the attention of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, it would have resulted in an earlier discovery of the missing volume ; but when at last it was drawn forth from their library, it had become of comparatively little importance, for, in the mean time, a manuscript of the Persian original had been found in the library of the East India House, of which a full description was shortly after given by Mr. Morley in the seventh volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, from which the following extract is taken : — “ The MS. in question is of a large folio size, and contains in all 1189 pages ; but as numerous spaces have been left for the insertion of paintings, the actual volume of the work is not equal to its apparent extent ; the character is a small and tolerably clear Nast’alik ; the transcriber was evidently both careless and ignorant, and the text abounds with errors, — this is particularly conspicuous in the spelling of the names of places and individuals, the same name being frequently written in two or three different ways in the same page ; many considerable omissions also occur in the body of the work, the original from which our MS. was transcribed being, in all probability, damaged or defective in those parts. “ The JamVu-t Taicarikli consists of a collection of histories (as its name imports), each distinct from the other and complete in itself. Those contained in our M S. occur in the following order : — “ I. A general history of Persia and Arabia, from the earliest times to the fall of the Khilafat ; this history comprises a preface and two sections. The preface contains an account of Adam and his children, of Null and his posterity, of the reign of Kai umars, the first of the kings of Fars, and of the tribes of the Arabs, to the time of the prophet Muhammad. This preface mentions that the history was composed in the year of the Flight 700, from various traditional and written authorities. 1 Vie et les ouvrages de Rashideldin , secondc partie, p. lxxxv. JAMI’U-T TAWA'RrKH. 13 “'Section 1 contains a history of the kings of Fars, and of the events that occurred in their respective reigns ; also accounts of the prophets from the time of Kaiumars until that of Yazdajird, the last of the kings of ’Ajam. “ Section 2 contains a copious and detailed history of the prophet Muhammad and his Khalifas to the time of A1 Mustasim bi-llah. This history, which in our MS. comprises 364 pages, was transcribed in the month of Shawwal, in the year of the Flight 1081. It is contained entire in the MS. of Colonel Baillie, with the absence of forty-six leaves, seven of which are, however, to be found in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society. “ II. A concise history of the Sultan Mahmud Subuktigin, the Ghaznivides, the Samanides, the Buwaihides, and some others, to the time of Abu-1 Fath Maudud bin Mas’ud, and the year of his death, viz., the 547th of the Flight. This history comprises fifty-six pages, and was transcribed in the month Zi’l hijja, and the 1031st year of the Flight. This is also in Colonel Baillie’s MS., of which it forms the third portion. “III. A history of the Saljuki kings and of the Atabaks, to the time of Tughril bin Muhammad bin Malik Shah, the last of the Saljiiks, who was slain in the year of Flight 589. It com- prises forty-two pages. “ To this history is added a supplement, composed by Abu Hamid Ibn Ibrahim, in the year of the Flight 599 ; it contains an account of the fall of the Saljuks, and the history of the kings of Khwarizm, to the time of Jalalu-d din, the last of that dynasty. This supplement comprises twenty-five pages, and apparently formed part of the original Jami’u-t Tawartjjkh , as Professor Forbes mentions two leaves existing at the end of Colonel Baillie’s MS., which are occupied with the history of Khwarizm. “ IV. A history of Ugliuz, and of the other Sultans and Kings of the Turks ; it comprises twenty-two pages. At the end it is stated that this history is to be followed by that of the Khans of Chin and Machin. “V. A history of Khita, and of the Kings of Chin and 14 RASHFDU-D DfN. Machin, to the time of the conquest by the Mongols. It com- prises forty-six pages. At the end it is stated that this history is to be succeeded by that of the Bam Israil. The concluding- part of this account of Khita is contained in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society. “ VI. A history of the children of Israel, comprising forty- eight pages. At the end it is stated that this history is to be followed by that of the Franks, and the date of transcription is said to be the month Safar, in the year of the Flight 1082. The first portion of this history occurs in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society. “ VI I. A history of the Franks, from the creation of Adam to the time when the author wrote, viz., 705th year of the Flight, giving a short account of the various Emperors and Popes, amounting to little more than a list of mis-spelt names. It comprises 122 pages, and bears the date of Rabi’u-l-awwal, in the year of the Flight 1082. “VIII. A history of the Sultans of Hind and of the Hindus. It comprises 58 pages. This history exists in the MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, supplying the lacuna in that M.S, where about six pages are wanting. “ IX. A treatise on metempsychosis, extracted from the Tauzi- hdt-i Rashidi by Rashidu-d din. This treatise comprises 12 pages. The date of transcription is Rabf u-l-awwal, in the 1082 year of the Flight ; the name of the scribe is also here given, viz., Tahir Ibn A1 Baki Alayi. “ X. The general preface and contents of the whole volume, headed, ‘ This is the book of the collection of histories.’ This preface comprises eight pages. It has been published, with a translation by M. Quatremere, in the first volume of the Col- lection Orientate. “XI. The first volume of the JamVu-l Taicarikh , entitled the Tdrikh-i Ghazdni, and containing an account of the Turks and Mongols to the time of Uljaitu Khuda-banda, who reigned when the author completed his work. This history comprises 386 JXMFU-T TAWARIKH. 15 pages, and was transcribed in the mouth Sha’ban, and the year of the Flight 1082.” By comparing this table of contents with the one above given by Rashidu-d din himself, it will be seen that the India-House Manuscript does not contain the entire work ; the parts deficient being the first division of the second volume, containing the life of Uljaitu Sultan, with the supplementary journal, and the whole of the third volume, containing the geography. It is, however, very probable that the last volume was never written, for we nowhere find any mention amongst Eastern authors of Rashidu-d din as a writer on geography ; and what gives greater colour to this probability is that he intersperses some of his narratives with geographical details, which, in many instances, might be considered to supersede the necessity of any further notice in a separate volume. This may be observed in the case of the Geography of India, his account of which has been printed in Yol. I. of this work. In that brief account he exhausts all that was then known to the Western Asiatics of the geography of India, and he could therefore merely have repeated in the third, what he had already given in the second volume.1 It does not appear that these successive discoveries of the JamVu-t Tawdr'ikh in English collections have been followed by others on the Continent of Europe. None have been announced from Paris, or Leyden, and two passages in the preface to the Geschichte der Goldenen Horde (p. xv. and xxi.) show that, up to 1840, no copy had been discovered in Germany.2 Mr. Morley perhaps attached a little too much importance to his discovery, for he entertained the same opinion as M. Quatre- mere, that the second portion of the Jami’u-t Tawdr'ikh was 1 [M. Quatremere, in reply to this opinion, argues in favour of Rashidu-d din having written the volume on Geography, and says, “ On peut done conclure, avec certitude, que le traite de geographie se trouvait compris parmis les nombreux ouvrages composes par l’auteur.” — J. des Sav. Sep. 1850.] 2 [A letter of Dr. Dorn’s in 1852 announced the discovery of the “third part of Rashidu-d din’s History” in the Caucasus, but nothing further is known of it. — Zeitschrift, D. M. G. vi. 406.] 16 EASHFDU-D DfN. altogether lost. To him is certainly due the credit of having rescued it from oblivion, but the work is by no means so much unknown as they had been led to suppose. Not only do Mirk- hond and the author of the Kimya-i Saaclat , notice it, as ob- served by Professor Forbes, but Sadik Isfahan! quotes it under the article “ Machin ” in his Tahkiku-l Troth, Muslihu-d din-al- Lari quotes it in his Mir-atu-l Adicar, Hamdulla Mustauf! in his Tdr'ikli-i Guzida, Tahir in the Rauzatu-t Tallinn , Ahmad-al- Ghaffari in his Nigaristan , and Haidar Razi confesses to have ex- tracted from it no less than 40,000 lines, if bait may be so trans- lated, when referring to an historical work in prose. In the library of the British Museum there is a very valuable copy of the Persian original (No. 7623, Addit.) written by different transcribers as early as a.d. 1314, four years before the author’s death. This copy was noticed by Dr. Bernhard Dorn in the preface to his “ History of the Afghans before the appearance of the articles above mentioned. It is supposed to have belonged to Uljaitu Khan, and to have come subsequently into the possession of Shah Rukh, the son of Timur. It would indeed have been surprising had the work been so little known as is supposed, for we are informed in the Tdrikh-i Wassaf and Rauzatu-s Safa , that the author expended no less than 60,000 dinars in the transcription and binding of his own waitings. Every precaution was taken by him to secure his labours from destruction, and considerable revenues were set aside for the purpose of copying and disseminating them, both in Arabic and Persian, throughout the most considerable cities of the Muham- madan world. I know of no copy in India, except the Asiatic Society’s volume, which will shortly receive more particular notice ; but an exceedingly valuable portion of the Persian version, com- prising the account of India, exists in the Royal Library at Lucknow, under the wrong title of Tdrikh-i Subuktiyin. It includes portions of three different books, for it begins with the history of Mahmud Subuktigin and the dynasty of the JAMI’U-T TAWARIKH. 17 Ghaznivides, and contains the history of the Kings of Khwarizm, the Saljukians, the Buwaihides, and part of the history of the Khalifs. It is embellished with paintings which are beyond the average degree of Asiatic merit, and the text is written in a clear naskh character, comprising one hundred and five folios, with thirty-five lines to a page. It would be useful for the purpose of collation, although in many parts it is written very incorrectly, especially in the names of places, where accuracy is particularly desirable. I know of two copies of the Tarikh-i Ghazani , but they contain no portion which has not already been made familiar to the public by the French edition of M. Quatremere noticed above.1 In inquiries after -this work care must be taken not to con- found the Jdmi’u-r Rashidi with the Tarikh-i Rashidi , which is common in Hindustan, and derives its name of Rashidi chiefly (though other reasons are assigned) from being dedicated to the reigning Khan of the Mughals, ’Abdu-r-Kashid Ivhan, by its author, Mxrza Haidar Dughlat Gurgan. It contains nothing re- specting the History of India. There is also a Turkish work of the name of Jamiu-t Tawdrikh , of which there is an account in Yon Hammer’s Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs (Yol. ix. p. 180), and which the same author quotes as one of his authorities in his Geschichte der Assassinen. It was composed a.d. 1574, and is said to be compiled chiefly from the Nizamu-t Tawdrikh of Baizawi, and Bahjatu-t Tawdrikh of Shukru-lla. There is also an Arabic History, which, from similarity of name, may be mistaken for it, the Mukhtasar Tdmi’u-t Tawdrikh, by Ibnu-1- Wardi, a valuable general History from 1097 to 1543 a.d. 1 Compare Fundgruben des Orients , Yol. Y. pp. 265-272. Journal des Savants , 1838, pp. 501-514. Klaproth, Mem. Tom. I. p. 393. Yon Hammer, Geschichte der schonen Redekiinste Fersiens, pp. 12, 242. Dr. Bernhard Dorn, Mist, of the Afghans , p. xv. Wilken, Mist. Ghaznevidarum, p. xii. Journal of the Asiatic Society Bengal, Vol. IX. p. 1131; Yol. X. p. 934. Sadik Jsfahani, p. 45. Journal Asiatique, 2nd Series, Toih. I. p. 322; 3rd Series, No. 36, pp. 571-589. Collection Orientals, Yol. I. pp. 1-175. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. YI. pp. 11-41 ; Vol. YII. pp. 267-272. Geschichte der Mcliane , Yol. II. pp. 150, 219, 243, 259-262. H. Abel Remusat, Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, Tom. I. pp. 138-441. Rampoldi, IX. 484. Mod. Univ. Mist. III. 334. Haj. Ehalfa II. 509-511. Klaproth in Schmidt and Joh. Actorum erud Supplementa Tom. IX. 200. D’Herbelot, v. “ Giame.” vol. in. 2 18 EASHTDU-D DrN. I will now proceed to describe the volume in the Asiatic Society’s library, premising that it was copied a.h. 1098, and is written in a clear nasta’lik character : — I. A history of the Saljuki kings, to the last of the dynasty, Abu Talib Tughril, son of Arslan. This extends to p. 44, where a continuation by Abu Hamid Muhammad, son of Ibrahim, com- mences, comprising also the history of the Sultans of Khwarizm, extending from pp. 44 to 64. II. A history of Ughuz and the Turks. From pp. 65 to 77. The epigraph states that it is followed by a history of China. III. A history of the khans and kings of Chin and Machin, and of the capital called Khita. The portraits in this book almost all represent the kings with two tails below their caps. At the end it is stated that this chapter is followed by an account of the Bani Israil. This history extends from pp. 78 to 114. IY. A history of the children of Israil, said to be succeeded by a history of the Franks and Kaisers. From pp. 115 to 156. Y. This book is divided into two chapters and several sections. Chapter 1st. Adam and his descendants. — Nuh and his de- scendants.— Ibrahim and his descendants to the Virgin Mary. — Moses. — The kings of Persia. — The Greeks. — The Arabs. — Muhammad. — The Mughals. — The Khalifas to the close of the © ’Abbaside dynasty. Chapter 2nd. On the belief of Christians. — The country of Armenia. — The country, seas, and islands of the Franks. — The birth of the Messiah. — The Emperors of Rum. — The Popes and Kaisers, with fancy portraits intended to represent each of these two last. The proper sequence is interrupted by some mistake of the binder, but the whole of this unconnected book extends from pp. 157 to 467. VI. A history of Sultan Mahmud Subuktigin. — The Gliazni- vides, Samanides, and Buwailiides. The subdivisions of this book are as follows : — Respecting the victory of Bust. — The victory of Kuzdar. — JA'MI’U-T TAWA'RrKH. 19 Account of Sistan. — Regarding Kabus and Fakhru-d daula. — Concerning the restoration of Fakhru-d daula to his government, and his friendship with Hisamu-d daula Tash. — Respecting Abu-1 Hasan, son of Simhur, and his administration in Khu- rasan, to the time of his death, and the succession of his son Abu ’AH. — Regarding Faik, and his condition after his defeat at Marv. — Retirement of Nuh, son of Mansur, from Bokhara, and the arrival of Bughra Khan at Bokhara. — Regarding Abu-1 Kasim, son of Simhur and brother of Abu ’All, and his condition after his separation from his brother. — The Amiru-1 Miimimn A1 Kadir Bi-llah confers a robe of honour on Sultan Yaminu-d Daula. — The return of ’Abdu-l Malik. — Abu Ibrahim Isma’il and the occurrences between him, Tlak Khan, and Amir Nasr, son of Nasiru-d din. — Regarding the Samani Amirs, and the occurrences of their reigns. — Relating to the friendship and enmity between Nasiru-d din Subuktigin, and Ivhalaf, son of Ahmad, and the assumption of the reins of government by the Sultan. — Respecting Shamsu-1 Ma’ali Kabus, and his return to his country. The friendship and subsequent enmity between the Sultan and Tlak Khan. — Relating to the sacred war of Bhatiyah. — Respecting the capture of the fort of Bhim. — Regarding the family of the khalif A1 Kadir Bi-llah, and his government. — His attachment to the Sultan and Bahau-d Daula, son of ’Azdu-d Daula. — An account of Bahau-d Daula.— Respecting the affair at Nardin. — Relating- to the sacred war of Grhor. — Regarding the traitors after their return from Mawarau-n Nahr. — Relating to the retirement of Bughra Khan from Bokhara, and the return of Nuh, son of Mansur, to his home. — Respecting the Afghans. — Amir Nasru-d din, son of Nasiru-d din Subuktigin. — The reign ~ © © of Muhammad, son of Mahmud. — The reign of Abu-1 Fath Maudud, son of Mas’ud, son of Mahmud. From pp. 468 to 523. VII. On Hind and Sind and Shakmuni, divided into the following chapters and sections : — Chapter 1st. On eras and revolutions. — The measurement of the earth. — On the four jugs. — The hills and waters of Hind. 20 RASHrDU-D Drx. — On its countries, cities, and towns. — On the islands. — The Sultans of Dehli. — The birth of llasdeo, and the kings of India preceding Mahmud. — On Kashmir, its hills, waters, and cities. — An account of the kings of the Trita jug. — The kings of the Dwapar jug. — The kings of the Kal jug. Chapter 2nd. An account of the prophets of the Hindus, of whom there are six of the highest class, Shakmuni being the sixth. — On the birth of Shakmuni. — On the properties and signs of a perfect man. — On the character, conduct, and sayings of Shakmuni. — On the austerities of Shakmuni, and his incorpora- tion with the divine essence. — Further proceedings of Shakmuni. — On his appearance in various forms. — On the knowledge of certain prayers addressed to God. — On the different degrees of metempsychosis, and the number of hells. — How a man can become a god. — How a man can escape from the form of a beast. — How a man can escape from the form of another man. — On the difference between men and angels. — On the questions put to Shakmuni by the angels. — On the information given by Shak- muni respecting another prophet. — On the rewards of paradise and the punishments of hell, and the injunctions and prohibitions of Shakmuni. — On the establishment of his religion in Hind and Kashmir. — On the death of Shakmuni, and the events which followed. From pp. 524 to 572. VIII. An essay in refutation of the doctrine of transmigra- tion, extracted from the Tauzihat-i Rashidi. From pp. 572 to 581. Size — Large folio, containing 581 pages, of 30 lines to a page. It appears, therefore, that this volume comprises the same matter as the East India House i\IS., with the exception of the Tar'ikh-i G/idzani, of which that MS. contains the first portion. The arrangement, however, of the several books is very different, as will be evident to any one who feels disposed to compare them. [The portion of the JamV which relates to the geography of India has been printed in Vol. I. of this work (page 42) ; and that which describes the conflict of Jalalu-d din Khwarizm Shah with Changiz Khan, upon the banks of the Indus, will be found JAMI’U-T TAWARUKH. 21 in the Appendix to Yol. II. (page 550). The following extract is taken from the commencement of the history of the Ghaznivides (Chap. II. MS. E. I. L. Chap. IY. MS. As. Soc. of Bengal).] EXTRACT. It has been before mentioned in the history of Ughuz, son of Dib Y awaghui,1 that his. sons and descendants were all kings in succession down to the time of the mission of the chief of the apostles and seal of the prophets — Muhammad, the chosen, (may God bless him and his descendants !) Tughril ruled in the city of Marv for twenty years, and after his death Tukak sat in his place; he reigned seven years, and was contemporary with the companions of the prophet. When he died, Dukuz Yawaghui was raised to the throne and reigned twelve entire years. After his death, Saman (or the noble born) was exalted to the sovereignty in the country of Mawarau-n nahr, and he it is wdiom the Taziks (Turks) call Saman Jada, since he was the ancestor of all the Samanians. After him the sovereignty was given to Ughum Yawaghui. He was succeeded by Kukam Yawaghui, who was a mere boy near the age of puberty. The nobles managed the administration of the kingdom and the appointment of its governors. All at once an enemy, by name Farashib,2 brought an army from all parts of the country against him, and oppressed both Turks and Arabs.3 After some hard fighting the army of 1 UgMz was the son of Kara Khan, son of Dib Yawaghui, son of Uljai, son of Yafit. Dib Yawaghui u m the history of Ughuz is called Dib Bawaku Khan, and it is stated that Dib signifies a throne and magnificence, and Bawakh a chief of the grandees. It is almost impossible to fix the orthography of the names of the earlier Mongols, as they are spelt differently in the various portions of each MS. where they occur. The reading Yawaghui is favoured by the majority of the read- ings, but the name occurs with ten or a dozen different spellings. [This uncertainty of spelling has already been remarked upon (Yol. II. p. 266). The forms of one well- known name are so numerous and various, from “ Altamsh” to “ Ilitmish,” that they are scarcely to be identified, except by the initiated.] 2 [Sometimes written Karhshib.] 3 [The meaning of this is not obvious. i ijZ • 22 RASHI'DU-D DfX. Kukam Y awaghui was overcome and put to flight. The enemy plundered his house and took his infant brother a prisoner and endeavoured to capture I/ljai. The forces of Kukam Yawaghui again collected and recovered strength. With a feeling of honour and pride they all, men, women, and children, pursued Farashib. They slew and scattered his followers, and, returning victorious and triumphant, occupied themselves in managing the affairs of their government. After a few years the infant brother of Kukam, whom they called Sarang, and who was kept in abject captivity, when he attained the age of manhood, sent to his brother Kukam and asked him to despatch an army for his succour. Ivukam Yawaghui sent a thousand brave men of war and warriors against Farashib. When the two armies confronted each other, Sarang went over and joined his brother’s army. A great conflict ensued. At last the battle ceased, and both parties retired to their respective camps. Sarang related his whole story before his brother, and said the enemy had given him the office of Sarhang 1 and porter. Kukam Yawaghui said : “ Let this treatment here recoil upon him.2 ” Kukam ruled twenty years, when he died suddenly. Sarang kept his brother in a coffin in his house for a whole year, and pretended that he was lying sick. He himself managed and carried on the affairs of government. After the lapse of a year the nobles assembled and told Sarang that he should show his brother to them if living, and if dead he should no longer conceal the fact, but seat himself upon the throne. Sarang wept and confessed that his brother had been dead a year past, but as he had numerous enemies, he had kept his death concealed. After this he brought out the corpse of his brother and buried it. He then mounted the throne and ruled for ten years. 1 Ls J t The word sarhang must here hear its baser meaning of “ serjeant, footsoldier, guardsman,” and is probably connected with the name Sarang, which indeed is written “ Sarhang” in one instance.] JAMI’U-T TAWARfEH. 23 When he died his son 1 Subuktigin was named king. He was a Turk, in whom the signs of generosity and courage were apparent, and whose actions and sayings gave proofs of his future prosperity. He was a descendant of Dfb Yawaghui, who belonged to the house of TJghuz.2 In the reign of Mansur bin Null Samanf, during the chamber- lainship of Abu Is’hak, Alptigin was appointed commander of the army of Khurasan, and the management of all the affairs (of that country), and the control of all the servants, officers, and troops were entrusted to his care. Afterwards he was sent to Gfiazna, and the government of that place was conferred on him. When Abu Is’hak came to Ghazna, after a short time he died, and as there was no one of his family fitted for the sovereignty, all the nobles3 assembled and, with one accord and by the general voice, con- sented to the chiefship and sovereignty of Nasiru-d din Su- buktigfn. 2 [In both MSS. — E. I. L. and B. M. — Di'b is here called the grandson of Ughuz, but at the beginning of this extract he is called the father, and he was in fact the grandfather of Ughhz, lJj*) V ' -o J j\ [ Jy 3 Ham-Tcunan, compeers. 24 XI. TAZJIYATU-L AMSXR WA TAJRIYATU-L ASXR OF ’ABDU-LLAH, WASSAF.1 [The author of this history, ’Abdu-llah, son of Fazlu-llah, of Shiraz, is commonly known by his literary name Wassaf, the Pa- negyrist. The title which he has given to his work, “ A Ramble through the Regions and the Passing of Ages,” is quite in keeping with its florid style. Different readings of the title are common, and, for simplicity’s sake, the work is often called Tarikh-i Wassaf. The date of the work, as given in the preface, is the last day of Sha’ban 699 (March 1300), and the first four volumes were pub- lished about that time, for Rashidu-d din borrowed from them, as has been already stated. But Wassaf subsequently resumed his labours, and, adding another volume to his history, brought the work down to the year 728 (1328 a.d.) Raslndu-d din, the wazir of Uljaitu and author of the Jami’u-t Tawarikh, was, as we have seen, more of a compiler than an author, but he had a just appreciation of those from whom he had borrowed, and was ready to acknowledge and requite his obligations. He extended his patronage to ’Abdu-llah, the author of the history before us, and under his auspices the author presented his work to the Sultan TTljditii on the 24 Muharram 1 [Sir H. Elliot, having lost his Biographical Notice of Wassaf, has left only a few notes which come in at the end of this article. The editor has drawn the first part of the article in great part from D’Ohsson.] TAZJITATU-L AMSA'R. 25 712 (June, 1312). This introduction had been long desired by ’Abdu-llah, and when he obtained it he recited an ode on the succession of the Sultan, and another in praise of his city of Sultaniya. These productions were so full of metaphors that the sovereign was many times obliged to ask for explanations, but in the end he was so gratified that he conferred on the writer a robe of honour and the title “ Wassdfu-l Hazrat, Panegyrist of his Majesty.” In one of his chapters the writer dilates upon this incident with much self-complacency. This work takes up the history at the point where the Jahdn Kushd closes, and was designed as a continuation of that work, of which W assaf expresses the highest opinion, and on which he expends a laboured panegyric. The facts recorded in the work the author professes to have gathered from the oral accounts of trustworthy persons. The history opens with the death of Mangii Khan and the accession of Kublai Khan. In the third and fourth volumes it gives some notices of India, from which the following extracts are taken. The fourth volume closes with a summary retrospect of the reigns of Ohanglz Khan and his immediate successors. The fifth volume, subsequently written, is principally occupied with the reign of Abu Sa’id. As a history of the Mongol dynasty the work is held in the highest estimation. There is not much in the work directly relating to India, and the extracts which follow this give all that is of importance in respect of that country. D’Ohsson has made great use of this work in his History of the Mongols, in which he often refers to it and quotes it. Hammer-Purgstall made it the object of his especial attention, and has noticed it in several of his writings. He says “ the history of Wassaf, so far as regards style, holds the same position in Persian as the Makamat of Hariri in Arabic, being an unapproachable model of rhetoric, and also, in the opinion of the Persians of historic art.” He describes and dilates upon its difficulties, but is enthusiastic upon its merits as a literary com- 26 WASSAF. position, rating it above Hariri, “because Wassaf has decked the highly- embellished pages of his historical narrative with the choicest flowers of Arabic and Persian poetry, and has worked with equal labour and accuracy on the limited subject of geo- graphy and in the wide field of history.” Sir H. Elliot, while admitting the style of Wassaf to be highly elaborated, considers Hammer’s description of it to be rather overdrawn.] He says Hammer, in his notice of Aibak’s reign, makes Wassaf to exceed the Taju-l Ma-asir in ornateness, but this is not possible. In the extracts which follow, and which do not amount to one- fortieth part of Wassaf, there is more real matter on India than in a far greater extent of the Taj , though the latter work is specially devoted to that country. Wassaf’s reflections and opinions are judicious and appropriate, as where he speaks of ’Alau-d din slaying the ambassadors. He was partial to introducing Arabic words and phrases into his history ; indeed some whole chapters are written in Arabic. The extract, for instance, which is given below, respecting the con- quest of Somnat, is in Arabic, avowedly in imitation of ’Utbi. The first extract respecting Java has the Arabic words in italics in order to show their prevalence in his ordinary style. Some of the extracts are literal and some are abstract translations, with the omission of all superfluous words ; but Wassaf is so full of useful historical matter that, after divesting his volume of all redundancies we should reduce them to only half their size, whereas, were the Taju-l Ma-asir subjected to a similar process, not more than one-hundredtli part of it would remain. [An edition of Wassaf in lithograph, with a vocabulary of difficult words, was published at Bombay in 1853, and in 1856 Hammer-Purgstall published the first book of the text with a German translation, most beautifully printed in the Imperial printing office at Vienna. The further publication of the work has been interrupted by the death of the veteran and hard- working orientalist. [In Sir H. Elliot’s library there is only the 4th book of TAZJIYATU-L AMSA'R. 27 Wassaf, and some loose leaves containing the text of the ex- tracts printed below, very badly copied. The work is not rare in Europe, for several libraries contain copies.] 1 2 EXTRACTS.3 Conquest of the Island of Mul Java? Among the easy conquests during the time of the reign of Kublai Khan was that of the island of Mul Java, one of the countries of Hind, in the months of the year 691 h. Having appointed “ a leader of an army who was a seeker of battle,” he despatched him 'with extreme splendour and immense preparations “ upon ships traversing the leaves of the sea.” When the men of the expedition had brought their ships to anchor at the shore of their desire, they brought under the bondage of their acquisi- tion, through fear of the attach of their swords, an island which could scarcely be called an island, as it was no less than two hundred parasangs long and one hundred and twenty broad. The ruler of that country, Sri Ram, intended to pay his respects to his majesty with offerings and humble representations, but predestined death did not grant him the power of moving 1 See Hammer-Purgstall, Geschiclite der scheme Redekiinste Persiens. Ges. des Osmanischen Reichs. Pie Ldndeverwaltung unter dem Chalifate. Ilchane II. passim and Goldene Horde , Index. Nouveau Jour. Asiat. XII. 1838. Ouseley, Persian Poets, p. 230. Fundgruben des Or. I. 113, VI. 274. Diez, Penkwiirdigkeiten I. 272. Nouv. Mel. As. I. 437. Rampoldi, Annali, 1849, p. 48. 2 [All these extracts from TV asshf were either translated or very extensively cor- rected by Sir H. Elliot himself.] 3 D’Ohsson ( Histoire des Mongols, II. 464) does not enter this expedition in his text, hut mentions it only in a note. But from other authorities he gives an account of a naval expedition in 1293, against Tehe-po or Koua-oua, which he thinks may probably refer to the Isle of Java. The “ Kawisprache” applied to the language of Java gave this supposition great probability, hut Wasshf and Rashidu-d din both ascribe the expedition to 1292. The testimony of Marco Polo (Edinburgh Ed. p. 278), that “ on account of the long and difficult navigation, the great Khan never could acquire dominion over Java ” is of no value, because, as he left China in 1291, he must have reached the island before the expedition sailed for it. Mills considers the island to have been Borneo. — History of Muhammedanism, p. 212. See Col. Yule’s Cathay, p. 518. 28 'WASSAF. from that place. Afterwards his son came to the foot of the sublime throne and acquired abundant good fortune by the be- stowal of favours and kindnesses without stint ; and his majesty, after fixing an annual tribute in gold and the pearls of that country, confirmed him in the possession of it. The true account of that country is, that it is a portion of the portions of the ocean full of accumulated curiosities and abundant wealth , with plenty of all kinds of treasures and precious jewels, and charming products of ingenuity, and honourable gifts of merchan- dise, displaying the contrivances of the incomparable one. That country and all around it is fragrant with the odours of aloe-wood and cloves, and plains and precincts are vocal with the notes of parrots, saying, “ I am a garden, the shrubs of which are envied by the freshness of the garden of Paradise,” etc., and so forth. * * * # * Eulogium upon the Countries of Hind. India, according to the concurrent opinion of all waiters, is the most agreeable abode on the earth, and the most pleasant quarter of the world. Its dust is purer than air, and its air purer than purity itself ; its delightful plains resemble the garden of Paradise, and the particles of its earth are like rubies and corals.1 Some commentators upon the Kuran, in the explanation of the account of Adam — (Peace be to him !) — have stated, that when our first father, having received the order to “ go down,” was about to descend from the gardens pleasant to the soul and delightful to the eye, to the wretched world below, the all- embracing grace of God made some of the mountains of the 1 This opening sentence is the same as the one which commences the account of India in the rare Geographical work, called Bahru-l bulddn. It is a translation of the Asdru-l bildd of Zakariya Kazwlni, with a few alterations and additions, of which this is one. Another passage is taken from Wass&f’s Chapter on the history of Dehli. [See Yol. I. of this work, p. 94.]. TAZJIYATU-L AMSAR. 29 Isle of Ceylon to be the place of his descent.1 This land is distinguished from all parts of the globe by its extreme temper- ateness, and by the purity of its water and air. If he had fallen at once from the best to the worst, the change would have caused the annihilation of his health and the destruction of his limbs. Indeed, the charms of the country and the softness of the air, together with the variety of its wTealth, precious metals, stones, and other abundant productions, are beyond description. The leaves, the bark, and the exudations of the trees, the grass, and the woods of that country are cloves, spikenard, aloe-wood, sandal, camphor, and the fragrant wood of Mandal. "White amber is the dreo-s of its sea, and its indio-o and red Bakham wood are cosmetics and rouge for the face ; the thorns and wormwoods of its fields are regulators of the source of life, and are useful electuaries in the art of healing for the throes of adverse fortune ; its icy water is a ball of miimiya for the frac- tures of the world ; and the benefits of its commerce display the peculiarities of alchemy ; the hedges of its fields refresh the heart like the influence of the stars ; and the margins and edges of its regions are bed-fellows of loveliness ; its myrobalans impart the blackness of youthful hair ; and its peppercorns put the mole of the face of beauty on the fire of envy ; its rubies and cor- nelians are like the lips and cheeks of charming girls ; its light- shedding recesses are all mines of coined gold ; and its treasuries and depositories are like oceans full of polished gems ; its trees are in continual freshness and verdure ; and the zephyrs of its air are pure and odoriferous ; the various birds of its boughs are sweet-singing parrots ; and the pheasants of its gardens are all like graceful peacocks, — “If it is asserted that Paradise is in India, Be not surprised because Paradise itself is not comparable to it.” 1 The Oriental tradition runs, that when our first parents were cast out of Paradise, Adam descended in Ceylon, Eve at Jidda, the peacock in Hiridhstan, the serpent at Ispahan, and Iblis at Multan, or, according to some, Sistan. Respecting the print of Adam’s foot, and its veneration equally by Buddhists and Musulmans, see Reinaud’s Geo. d’ Aboulfeda, Trad. Franc. Tom. II. p. 88. 30 WASSAF. If any one suppose that these selected epithets exceed all bounds, and think the author indulges in exaggeration and hy- perbole, let him, after a deep reflection on this matter, ask his own heart whether, since the days of Adam till the present, from East to West or from North to South, there has ever been a country, to which people export gold, silver, commodities, and curi- osities, and from which, in exchange, they bring away only thorns, dregs, dust, pebbles, and various aromatic roots, and from which money has never been sent to any place for the purchase of goods. If, by the will of God, he still deems my narrative to be over- charged with hyperbole, still he must admit these praises to be deservedly and justly applied. With all its diverse qualities and properties, it is reported that the extent of that territory is equal to the breadth of heaven. Before proceeding further in this matter, I am anxious to give an account of the seven climates, and of the shape of the habit- able part of the earth, the measure of the surface of which having been ascertained by geometrical demonstration and the figures of Euclid, has been recorded in the books of that philo- sopher. Although it has no great connection with this book, yet my desire is that my readers may be acquainted with the extent of these regions and the countries of that inhabited quarter of the world. The whole surface of the planisphere of the earth is divided into four equal parts by the intersection of two great circles, one proceeding east and one west, and the other the meridian, which crosses it at right angles. Two of the quarters lie to the north, one eastern, the other western ; and two to the south, one eastern, and one -western. Of these four quarters the north-eastern quarter is habitable, and contains the climates ; and even within this quarter the high northern latitude, on account of extreme cold, is not habitable by animals, and the southern hemi-planisphere is also not habitable on account of excessive heat. The area of the whole globe (sea and land) is 132,416,400 mils, and the area of the habitable part is 8,143,300 parasangs, which is equal to 24,429,900 mils.1 1 This is again subdivided in the text into yards, into digits, and into barleycorns. TAZJITATU-L AMSAR. 31 1 It is related by sufficient informants, experienced travellers, who have long fixed their staff in the country of Hind and raised the standards of enquiry and research, that the length, breadth, and the number of its most celebrated provinces are as follows : — Malibar, from the borders of Klior2 to the country of Kulam, is about 300 parasangs ; that Bula,3 from the beginning of Kambayat to the borders of Malibar, is more than 400 parasangs ; that Sawalik contains 125,000 cities and villages ; and Malwa 1,893,000 towns and villages. And it may be about thirty years previous to my laying the foundation of this book that the king of Malwa died, and dissension arose between his son and minister. After long hostilities and much slaughter, each of them acquired possession of a part of that country. In conse- quence of these disturbances, every year incursions are made into it from most parts of Hind, much property and wealth, and captives, and fine linen (kirbds) are carried off, and as yet no change (for the better) has taken place. Gujarat, which is commonly called Kambayat, contains 70,000 villages and towns, all populous, and the people abound in wealth and luxuries. In the course of the four seasons of the year seventy different species of beautiful flowers grow within that province. “ The purity of its air is so great that if the picture of an animal is drawn with the pen, it is life-like. And it is another matter of wonder that many plants and herbs are found wild and uncultivated there. You may always see the ground full of tulips even in the winter season. The air is healthy and the earth picturesque, neither too warm nor too cool, but in perpetual spring.” The winter cultivation is brought about only through the moistness of dew, called bdrasi. When that harvest is over they begin summer cultivation, which is dependent upon the influence of the rain. The vineyards in this country bring forth blue grapes twice a year ; and the strength of the soil is so great 1 Compare Raslifdu-d din’s account in Yol. I. p, 67.] 3 [See an article by Col. Yule, to appear in the Jour. R.A.S. New Series, Yol. IY.] 3 [This name is so transcribed by Sir H. Elliot. In bis Persian extracts tbe line in wbicb tbe name occurs bas been subsequently added in pencil ; tbe name there reads “ Dewal.”] 32 WASSA'F. that the cotton plants spread their branches like willows and plane trees, and yield produce for several years successively. Had the author full leisure to express fully the circumstances of that country, and to ascertain them from trustworthy men and historians, and to devote a long period of his life to explain them, still he would not be able to record even a portion of the marvels and excellences of that country. ***** Ma’bar extends in length from Kulam to Nilawar (Nellore), nearly three hundred parasangs along the sea-coast, and in the language of that country the king is called Dewar, which signifies the Lord of Empire. The curiosities of Chin and Machin, and the beautiful products of Hind and Sind, laden on large ships (which they call junks), sailing like mountains with the wings of the winds on the surface of the water, are always arriving there. The wealth of the Isles of the Persian Gulf in particular, and in part the beauty and adornment of other countries, from ’Irak and Khurasan as far as Rum and Europe, are derived from Ma’bar, which is so situated as to be the key of Hind.1 A few years since the Dewar was Sundar Pandi,2 who had three brothers, each of whom established himself in independence in some different country. The eminent prince, the margrave ( marzbdn ) of Hind, Takiu-d din ’Abdu-r Rahman, son of Mu- hammadu-t Tibi, whose virtues and accomplishments have for a long time been the theme of praise and admiration among the chief inhabitants of that beautiful country, was the Dewar’s deputy, minister, and adviser, and was a man of sound judgment. Fitan, Mali Fitan and Kabil3 were made over to his possession, 1 [See Col. Yule’s Cathay , pp. 218-19.] 2 Sundar, or Sundara, was a common name among the Pandya Dynasty. The name originally belonged to a king of the north, who vanquished and wedded a princess of the family. Sundara is said to have been Siva in human form, and the tutelary deity of Madura is still Sundareswara, the linga erected by Sundara. See tVilson’s Mackenzie Collection , p. lxxvi. and Jour. R.A.S. Yol. 111. p. 199. 3 [See Col. Yule in J. R. A. S., New Series, Yol. IV.] TAZJIYATU-L AMSAE. 33 for he is still worthy ( kabil ) of having the Kliutba read in his name, and, notwithstanding these high dignities, is not worthy of seditions ( fitna ). It was a matter of agreement that Maliku-1 Islam Jamalu-d din and the merchants should embark every year from the island of Kais and land at Ma’bar 1,400 horses of his own breed, and of such generous origin that, in comparison with them the most celebrated horses of antiquity, such as the Eukhs of Eustam, etc., should be as worthless as the horse of the chess-board. It was also agreed that he should embark as many as he could procure from all the isles of Persia, such as Katif, Lahsa, Bahrein, Hurmuz and Kulhatu. The price of each horse was fixed from of old at 220 dinars of red gold, on this condition, that if any horses should sustain any injury during the voyage, or should happen to die, the value of them should be paid from the royal treasury. It is related by authentic writers, that in the reign of Atabak Abu Bakr, 10,000 horses were annually ex- ported from these places to Ma’bar, Kambayat, and other ports in their neighbourhood, and the sum total of their value amounted to 2,200,000 dinars, which was paid out of the overflowing revenues of the estates and endowments belonging to the Hindu temples, and from the tax upon courtezans attached to them, and no charge was incurred by the public treasury. It is a strange thing that when those horses arrive there, instead of giving them raw barley they give them roasted barley and grain dressed with butter, and boiled cow’s milk to drink. Who gives sugar to an owl or crow ? Or who feeds a parrot with a carcase ? A crow should he fed with a dead body, And a parrot with candy and sugar. Who loads jewels on the hack of an ass ? Or who would approve of giving dressed almonds to a cow ? They bind them for forty days in a stable with ropes and pegs, in order that they may get fat ; and afterwards, without taking measures for training, and without stirrups and other appurten- ances of riding, the Indian soldiers ride upon them like demons. vol. in. 3 34 WASSAF. They are equal to Burak in celerity, and are employed either in war or exercise. In a short time the most strong, swift, fresh, and active horses become weak, slow, useless, and stupid. In short, they all become wretched and good for nothing. In this climate these powerful horses which fly swiftly without a whip (for whips are required for horses, especially if they are to go any distance), should they happen to cover, become exceedingly weak and altogether worn out and unfit for riding. There is, therefore, a constant necessity of getting new horses annually, and, consequently, the merchants of Muhammadan countries brino- them to Ma’bar.1 Their loss is not without its attendant © advantage, for it is a providential ordinance of God that the western should continue in want of eastern products, and the eastern world of western products, and that the north should with labour procure the goods of the south, and the south be furnished in like manner with commodities brought in ships from the north. Consequently, the means of easy communication are always kept up between these different quarters, as the social nature of human beings necessarily requires and profits by. Thou wert called a man because thou wert endowed with love. In the months of the year 692 H. the above-mentioned Dewar, the ruler of Ma’bar, died, and left behind him much wealth and treasure. It is related by Maliku-1 Islam Jamalu-d din, that out of that treasure 7,000 oxen, laden with precious stones, 1 These curious facts regarding the horse trade of Ma’bar are in striking accordance with the statements of Marco Polo, who visited that coast about twenty years before this was written. He says : “ In this country no horses are reared, and hence the greater part of the revenue is employed in obtaining them from foreign regions. The merchants of Curmos, of Quisci, of Dufar, of Soer, and of Aden, whose pro- vinces contain many steeds of fine quality, purchase, embark, and bring them to the king and his four princely brothers, selling them for 500 sagi of gold, worth more than 100 marcs of silver. I assure you this monarch buys annually more than 2,000, but by the end of the year they are all dead, from wanting the medicine necessary to keep them in health. The merchants who import them want this to happen, and are careful, therefore, not to introduce the cure.” — Travels, Murray’s Ed. p. 296. The Editor adds: “Count Boni (p. 172) has found in Tavernier and the Lettres Edifiantes, that frequent medicine and peculiar care are requisite to keep them in health.” See also Marsden. TAZJTYATU-L AHSAR. 35 and pure gold and silver, fell to the share of the brother who suc- ceeded him. Malik-i a’zam Takiu-d din continued prime minister as before, and, in fact, ruler of that kingdom, and his glory and magnificence were raised a thousand times higher.1 Notwithstanding the immense wealth acquired by trade, he gave orders that whatever commodities and goods were imported from the remotest parts of China and Hind into Ma’bar, his agents and factors should be allowed the first selection, until which no one else was allowed to purchase. When he had selected his goods he despatched them on his own ships, or delivered them to merchants and ship owners to carry to the island of Kais. There also it was not permitted to any merchant to con- tract a bargain until the factors of Maliku-1 Islam had selected what they required, and after that the merchants were allowed to buy whatever was suited to the wants of Ma’bar. The remnants were exported on ships and beasts of burden to the isles of the sea, and the countries of the east and west, and with the prices obtained by their sale such goods were purchased as were suitable for the home market ; and the trade was so managed that the produce of the remotest China was consumed in the farthest west. No one has seen the like of it in the world. Nobility arises from danger, for tbe interest is ten in forty ; If merchants dread risk they can derive no profit. As the eminent dignity and great power of Malik-i a’zam Takiu-d din, and Maliku-1 Islam, and Jamalu-d din were cele- brated in most parts of Hind to even a greater extent than in Ma’bar, the rulers of distant countries have cultivated and been strengthened by their friendship, and continually kept up a cor- respondence with them, expressing their solicitations and desires. The correspondence, in Arabic, between Jamalu-d din and Sultan ’Ali bin Huzabbaru-d din Muwaiyid, will show the consideration in which he was held by contemporary princes. ***** [See Col. Yule, Cathay , p. 218, 219, and Jour . R. A. S. (New Series), Yol. IV.] 36 WASSAF. Brief history of the Sultans of Dehli. From Book III. of the MS. Dehli is one of the southern countries, and in honour and in position is like the heart within the body, its provinces being placed around like the limbs and extremities. Its inhabitants are all Musulmans, and ready for the prosecution of holy war. Its soil is odoriferous, its air temperate, its water pure, its gardens charming, and its plains spacious. Its disciplined armies exceed the number of 300,000 men. The following are the most celebrated cities and tracts which lie between Khurasan and Hindustan, according to the testimony of eye-witnesses. After crossing the Panjab, or five rivers, namely, Sind, Jelam, the river of Loll a war, Satlut1 and Biyah, there are Banian of the Jud Hills, Sodra, Jalandhar, the Kokar country, Multan, Uchh, Jasi, Sarsuti, Kaithal, Sanain, Tabar- liindh,2 Banadri, Samana, Hajnir, Kahram and Nagor. On travelling from Dehli to the province of Hind you proceed in this wise — ’Iwaz (Oudh), Badaim, Karra Manikpur, Behar, Silhet, Lakhnauti. Each of these places comprises several sub- ordinate villages, and there are strong forts and towns and other inhabited spots, which cannot be noticed in this narrative on account of their great number.3 In the year 512 h. (1118 a.d.) Bahrain Shah, a descendant of Mahmud Subuktigin, became Sultan of Ghaznin, and after some time ’Alau-d din Husain bin Hasan, the first king of the Ghorians, attacked him and took his country, and seated his nephew on the throne of Ghaznin, after which he again returned to Dehli. 1 [In the margin “ Satluj the Sutlej.] 2 [Sarhindh — see note in Yol. II. p. 200, 302.] 3 Some names of places have been omitted as being doubtful. The author’s knowledge of the geography of Upper India is very imperfect. From the rivers of the Panjab he omits the Chinab, and transposes the order of some of the others. He is not more fortunate in the former history of Hindustan, which differs so very much from all other authors, as to inspire little confidence, except, perhaps, in those passages where the proceedings of the Mughals are mentioned. TAZJIYATU-L AMSAR. 37 When Bahram Shah saw his hereditary country freed from the lions of Ghor, he again rose in arms and took the nephew of ’Alau-d din prisoner, and disgraced him by seating him on a cow and parading him round the walls of Ghaznin. When ’Alau-d din heard this intelligence, he a^ain marched to repel him, hut before his arrival Bahram Shah had died, having received the order of God, and his son Khusru had placed the royal crown upon his head, but not being able to oppose ’Alau-d din, he fled towards the country of Hind. ’Alau-d din plundered and massacred in Ghaznin, and after depopulating the country he took up his abode at Dehli. Khusru Shah died in the year 555 h. (1160 a.d.) and the dynasty of the Ghaznivides became extinct. ’Alau-d din Husain appointed (to the government of Ghaznin) his nephews, the sons of Sam, son of Hasan, namely Ghiyasu-d din Abu-1 fath Muhammad and Shahabu-d din Abu-1 Muzaffar. When Sultan Ghiyasu-d din died, the government devolved alone upon Sultan Shahabu-d din Ghori, who was slain by some Hindu devotees in the year 602 H. (1205 a.d.) As he had no son, Kutbu-d din Aibak, his slave, succeeded him, and several important holy wars were undertaken by him. When he died, leaving no male child, a slave, by name Altamsh, as- cended the throne under the name of Shamsu-d din. He also engaged in many holy wars and conquests. He reigned for a long time in splendour and prosperity. When he died he left two sons and one daughter, namely, Jalalu-d din, Nasiru-d din, and Raziya. His slaves, Ulugh Khan, Katlagh Khan, Sankez Khan, Aibak Khitai, Nur Beg, and Murad Beg ’Ajami, forgot their gratitude to their old master, attacked Jalalu-d din, and aspired to independence. Jal&lu-d din fled in the year 651 h. (1253 a.d.), and sought the protection of Mangu Kaan. Katlagh Khan and Sankez Khan, taking alarm at Ulugh Khan’s proceedings, also followed Jalalu-d din to the same court, upon which Ulugh Khan placed the virtuous Sultan Raziya, the sister of Jalalu-d din, upon the throne, and himself became administrator, guide, counsellor, and ruler. 38 WASSAF. Mangu Kaan treated Jalalu-d din with great kindness, and ordered Sail Bahadur to afford all the assistance which the Mughal army on the border was able to render ; to escort him to his hereditary country, and cleanse his garden from the rubbish of the enmity of the slaves, who had realized the proverb of “ flies have become rulers.” Jalalu-d din returned, accompanied by Sail Bahadur and his army, and reached as far as Hajnir (Ajmir) on the borders of Delili, but beyond that they were not able to advance, and, there- fore, retreated. Jalalu-d din then took possession of the hills and the passes which led to them and Sodra, which were then in the occupation of the Mughals, and was there compelled to content himself with a small portion of the whole. After some time, Ulugh Khan slew Sultan Raziya, and his son-in-law Nasiru-d din assumed the crown. After two or three years, during which Nasiru-d din held the name of king, while all substantial power was wielded by Ulugh Khan, he per- fidiously cut off his son-in-law. When Ulugh Khan had cleared the country of his opponents, he himself placed his foot upon the throne, and assumed the title of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din. He took possession of the treasures, and brought the army into sub- jection to his orders. He flattered himself that the whole world of disobedience would be repressed during his time, and that the country would find security under his protection ; but suddenly death, the exposer of ambushes, attacked him and gave a reply to all the schemes which he had contemplated against others, for the arrow of destruction was discharged at him from the hand of one whose power cannot be resisted. His death occurred in the year 686 h. (1287 a.d.) He was succeeded by his grandson, Mu’ijzu-d din Kai-kobad, the son of Buglira Khan. Meanwhile Hulaku Khan issued an order to Famlak,1 who was the ruler of Sind, to bring Nasiru-d din, the son (of Ghiyasu-d din) into his presence; and on his 1 [So written in Sir H. Elliot’s extract from Wassaf, but the real name is “ Karlagh.”] TAZJIYATU-L AMSAE. 39 arrival, Shamsu-d din Kart and Prince Barghandi trumped up some accusation against him, and exposed the impurity of his conduct with such exaggeration, that he, as well as some of his chiefs and adherents, were brought to capital punishment under the law. On receiving this intelligence, Malik Firoz, who was governor of Khilj on the part of Nasiru-d din, alarmed by his suspicions, went to Delili, and entered into the service of Kai-kobad, whom he found in occupation of the throne, and endeavoured to ingratiate himself in his favour by the performance of many useful services. As many signs of wisdom and courage were observed in him, die was appointed to the government of Multan, which is on the frontier of the kingdom, in order that he might preclude the possibility of any invasion by the Mughals. After he had been employed for some time, he was, according to the usual practice of the envious and inimical, accused of entering into a truce with the Mughals. In consequence of this he was recalled from his government, but refused to return, as he was apprehensive of the Sultan’s anger. Notwithstanding the frequent orders he received he made ex- cuses and delayed his return. The Wazir became angry at his dilatoriness and opposition, and by orders of the Sultan, inarched with a few followers towards Multan to enforce his attendance. They met each other on the road, and as the Wazir addressed to him several harsh enquiries respecting the reason of his delay, Malik Firoz answered his insolence by the tongue of his sharp sword, and slew the Wazir. He then hastened to the capital of the kingdom. The royal servants were alarmed at his approach’ and the Sultan himself was disabled by sickness. The opportunity was favourable for Malik Firoz, so he entered the royal apart- ments and slew the king. This happened on the night preceding the eighth of Shawwal 689 h. (October, 1290 a.d.). In order to gratify the people, and silence the opposition of the army, he placed nominally upon the throne an infant son of the late king, by name Shamsu-d din Kaiomars, and thus satisfied 40 WASSAF. the army ; but a few days afterwards he sent the son to follow the father, and Malik Firoz ascended an inauspicious throne on Friday, 25th Zi’l hijja (December) of the same year. He sufficiently pro- vided for the defence of the frontier, and married his brother’s son, ’Alau-d din Muhammad, whom he had himself brought up, to one of the princesses, and bestowed upon him the government of Oudli and Badaun. There ’Alau-d din remained for a long time, and, by degrees, collected a large army. It was reported to him that the Eai of Hind, whose capital was Deogir, had immense treasures in money and jewels, and he therefore conceived an in- tense desire of securing them for himself, as well as of conquering the country. He appointed spies to ascertain when the Eai’s army was engaged in warfare, and then he advanced and took the country without the means which other kings think necessary for conquest. The prudent Eai, in order to save his life, gave his daughter to the Sultan, and made over to him his treasures and jewels. ’Alau-d din Muhammad, having laden all the beasts he could procure with his spoils, and giving thanks to God, returned to his own province. When Malik Firoz heard of this, he sent an envoy to communicate the expression of his pleasure and con- gratulations at the victory, and invited him to the presence. These invitations were frequently repeated, and as often declined, till a suspicion of his rebellion arose, and induced Malik Firoz to advance against him with an army. When ’Alau-d din learnt his uncle’s intentions, he began to entertain evil designs, and went with a few personal attendants to have an interview with him at Dehli ; and the two parties met on the banks of the Jumna. Malik Firoz, abandoning the course which prudence dictated, and relying upon the terror which his frontier and power inspired, as well as the natural affection which he supposed his nephew to entertain towards him, crossed the river with only five attendants, and went to the camp of ’Alau-d din. When news was received of the approach of Malik Firoz, TAZJITATIJ-L AMSAR. 41 ’Alau-d din advanced to receive him ; and when he neared the river he went bare-footed, and, as usual, kissed the earth in the presence of his uncle, assuming a deportment of humility instead of his previous opposition, and behaving towards him as a son does towards a father. They then sat down and held a con- versation together, and after a time Malik Firoz took Sultan ’Alau-d din’s hand and invited him to come to his camp. When they reached the bank of the river Malik Firoz wished to enter the boat first, ’Alau-d din following him. Two of ’Alau-d din’s servants, Ikhtiyaru-d din and Mahmud Salim, went behind him and waited their opportunity. As Malik Firoz had placed one foot on the boat, and was about to lift the other upon it, Ikhtiyaru-d din struck at him with a sword and wounded his hand. Malik Firoz, in alarm, tried to throw himself into the boat, but Mahmud Salim came up and dealt him such a blow that his head fell into the water and his trunk into the boat. This happened on the 18th Ramazan 695 h. (June 1296 a.d.). The period of his reign was nearly six years. When the army of Malik Firoz witnessed these transactions from the opposite bank, they were greatly excited, and to appease them ’Alau-d din distributed gold amongst the nobles and officers and thus gained their goodwill. Everyone felt himself com- pelled to proffer his allegiance, so they all returned to Delhi in company with him, and in the month of Zi-1 ka’da 695 h. he arrived at the palace. The garrison of the fort refused to open the gates, upon which ’Alau-d din placed bags filled with gold in his mangonels and discharged them into the fort, which had the effect of persuad- ing them to abandon their resistance. Two sons of Malik Firoz, Kadar Khan and Arkali Khan, who were at Multan, were brought to Dehli and deprived of their eyes. So it is, that in this world the wise are depressed and the unworthy raised to honour and prosperity. Sultan ’Alau-d din then ascended the throne in perfect security, and protected all the provinces of the empire by his great power. 42 "WASSAF. Towards the beginning of his reign, Prince Katlagh Kliwaja, son of Dua,1 advanced with a large army, like drops of rain, towards Dehli, in order to conquer, massacre, and plunder. Sultan ’Alau-d din advanced against him at the head of a large army for the purpose of carrying on a holy war, actuated by pure faith, sincere intentions, the hope of resurrection, and the determination to bring destruction on the infidels. Without placing his troops in array, he attacked the enemy, and put many to the sword ; and the remnant, in sorrow, loss, and dis- appointment, returned to their native country. Pardon go with them ! The rest of the transactions of ’Alau-d din’s reign shall be recorded in their proper place for the information of my readers. Praise be to God, who hath poured his blessings upon the good, and from whose worship advantages are derived ! ****** The Conquest of Somnat.2 From Book IV. of the MS. When Sultan ’Alau-d din, the Sultan of Dehli, was well established in the centre of his dominion, and had cut off the heads of his enemies and slain them, and had imparted rest to his subjects from the fountain of his kindness and justice, the vein of the zeal of religion beat high for the subjection of in- fidelity and destruction of idols, and in the month of Zi’l-liijja 1 Duh, or TCia, of the Chagliatai branch in Turkistan and Transoxiana, was a celebrated rival of Kublai. He died in 1306. He had several sons, who are spoken of in Mongol history. Among the best known are Gunjuk, who died in 1308 ; Guehek, who died in 1321 ; and Tarmashirin, who died in 1330. See D’Ohsson. Histoire des Mongols, Vol. II. p. 520. 2 [This does not mean the temple of Somnat, but as Ziau-d din Bami explains, “ an idol to which the Brahmans gave the name of Somnat, after the victory of Mahmud, and his destruction of their idol Manat ” (Text 251). Guzerat was over- run and Nahrwala was taken in this expedition, but there is no special mention of the temple or town of Somnat. ] TAZJTYATU-L AMSAR. 43 698 h. (1298 A d.) his brother Malik Mu’izzu-d din 1 and Nusrat Khan, the chief pillar of the state and the leader of his armies, a generous and intelligent warrior, were sent to Kambayat, the most celebrated of the cities of Hind in population and wealth. Its air is pure, its water clear, and the circumjacent country beautiful and charming both in scenery and buildings. With a view to holy war, and not for the lust of conquest, he enlisted under their banners about 14,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, which, in their language, are called dakk 2 They went by daily marches through the hills, from stage to stage, and when they arrived at their destination at early dawn they surrounded Kambayat, and the idolaters were awakened from their sleepy state of carelessness and were taken by surprise, not knowing where to go, and mothers forgot their children and dropped them from their embrace. The Muhammadan forces began to “ kill and slaughter on the right and on the left unmercifully, throughout the impure land, for the sake of Islam,” and blood flowed in torrents. They plundered gold and silver to an extent greater than can be conceived, and an immense number of brilliant precious stones, such as pearls, diamonds, rubies, and emeralds, etc., as well as a great variety of cloths, both silk and cotton, stamped, embroidered, and coloured. They took captive a great number of handsome and elegant maidens, amounting to 20,000, and children of both sexes, “more than the pen can enumerate,” and thirteen enormous elephants, whose motions would put the earth in tremor.” In short, the Muhammadan army brought the country to utter ruin, and destroyed the lives of the inhabitants, and plundered the cities, and captured their offspring, so that many temples were deserted and the idols were broken and trodden under foot, the largest of which was one called Somnat, fixed upon stone, polished like a 1 [In the translation of Firishta he is called “Aluf Khan,” but this is an erroneous transcription of his title “Ulugh Khan,” or “Great Khan,” the same title as was previously borne by Ghiyasu-d din Balban. The texts of Firishta and Bami both read “Ulugh Khan.”] 2 This, probably, means dag, “ a pace,” just as we say 20,000 foot. 44 WASSAF. mirror, of charming shape and admirable workmanship. It stood seven yards high. Its position was such as if it was about to move, and its expression such as if it was about to speak. If the introducer of idolatry were to look on it he would become enamoured of its beauty. The infidels objected to people going near it. Its head was adorned with a crown set with gold and rubies and pearls and other precious stones, so that it was im- possible for the eyes to trace the redness of the gold on account of the excessive lustre of the jewels, and a necklace of large shining pearls, like the belt of Orion, depended from the shoulder towards the side of the body. The Muhammadan soldiers plundered all those jewels and rapidly set themselves to demolish the idol. The surviving in- fidels were deeply affected with grief, and they engaged “ to pay a thousand thousand pieces of gold ” as a ransom for the idol, but they were indignantly rejected, and the idol was destroyed, and “ its limbs, which were anointed with ambergris and per- fumed, were cut off. The fragments were conveyed to Dehli, and the entrance of the Jami1 Masjid was paved with them, that people might remember and talk of this brilliant victory.” “ Praise be to God, the Lord of the worlds. Amen ! ” After some time, among the ruins of the temples, a most beautiful jaspei’-coloured stone was discovered, on which one of the merchants had designed some beautiful figures of fighting men and other ornamental figures of globes, lamps, etc., and on the margin of it were sculptured verses from the liuran. This stone was sent as an offering to the shrine of the pole of saints, Shaikh Murshid Abu Is’liak Ibrahim bin Shahriar. At that time they were building a lofty octagonal dome to the tomb. The stone was placed at the right of the entrance. “At this time, that is, in the year 707 h. (1307 a.d.), ’Alau-d din is the acknowledged Sultan of this country. On all its borders there are infidels, whom it is his duty to attack in the prosecution of a holy war, and return laden with countless booty.” TAZJIYATU-L AMSA'R. 45 An Account of some Contemporary Princes. When Sultan U'ljaitu was fully established upon the throne, Shaikliu-1 Islam Jamalu-d din, towards the close of the year 703 h. (1303 a.d.), came to the court of the Protector of the world, and was received with distinguished honours and kindness. He was nominated to the government of Fars, but declined the appointment, and returned to his independent principality of Kais. In the beginning of this year, the Malik-i ’Azam, Margrave of Hind, Takiu-d din ’Abdu-r rahmanu-t Tibi, who was endowed with great power and dignity, departed from the country of Hind to the passage ( ma’bar ) of corruption.1 The king of Ma’bar was anxious to obtain his property aud wealth, but Malik Mu’azzam Siraju-d din, son of the deceased, having secured his goodwill by the payment of two hundred thousand dinars, not only obtained the wealth, but the rank also of his father. Embassy to China. Malik Mu’azzam Fakhru-d din Ahmad and Buka Elcln were, by order of the just king, Ghazan, appointed, in the year 697 h., as ambassadors to Timur Kaan,2 with presents of cloths, jewels, costly garments, and hunting leopards, worthy of his royal ac- ceptance, and ten tumans (one hundred thousand pieces) of gold were given to him from the chief treasury, to be employed as capital in trade. Fakhru-d din laid in a supply of necessaries for his voyage by ships and junks, and laded them with his own merchandize and immense jewels and pearls, and other com- modities suited to Timur Khan’s country, belonging to his friends and relations, and to Shaikh-1 Islam Jamalu-d din. He was 1 At the close of the sentence the author contradicts himself, and ascribes this event to the year 702 h. 2 Mention is made of this interesting embassy by D’Ohsson ( Histoire des Mongols, Tom. IY. p. 320), but there is no allusion to the voyage by sea, nor to the character- istic reception of the ambassadors. 46 WASSA'F. accompanied on the voyage by an army of expert archers, Turki ancl Persian. The actual distance of the voyage was much augmented by the constant dangers to which their lives and property were exposed on the sea. When, at last, they arrived at the port of the Chinese frontier they were conducted stage by stage, by the deputies and officers of that country according to the Kaani. in- stitutes, were furnished with supplies and tents, and were not troubled for the payment of any duties. In this manner they reached the Urdu, or Imperial Camp, at Taidu, near Khanbaligh. The Khan was at that time indisposed, but the four principal ministers and other nobles 1 were present in the assembly and sat beyond the royal carpet on golden seats, with great pomp and dignity. Buka, on his first introduction, considered a salam sufficient, and did not kneel down, to which want of respect they raised objections. Buka, who was a shrewd and eloquent Turk, replied, “ It is the royal order, that until I behold the blessed countenance of the Khan, the very abstract of the book of pros- perity, I should not look upon any pillars of the state or nobles of his majesty.” They were then admitted to a personal inter- view, and presented the rarities entrusted to them, which were most graciously received. The merchandize also was brought forward and approved. The Khan then presented a cup of wine with his royal hand, and issued orders that the am- bassadors, during their stay, should be furnished with residences, food, clothes, and servants appropriate to the four seasons ; and forty-five horses were placed at their disposal. * The ambassadors remained four years in China and were dis- missed with honour, and a daughter of one of the nobles was bestowed upon Fakhru-d din. A friendly reply was written to Gliazan Khan, and presents were sent in return, together with some valuable silk stuffs, which had fallen to the share of Hulaku Khan, but had remained in China since the time of 1 The titles of these high dignitaries will be found in D’Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, Tom. IV. p. 637. TAZJIYATU-L AMSA'R. 47 Mangu Khan. An ambassador took charge of them on a separate junk, and he was commissioned to deliver expressions of friendship and regard. Malik Fakhru-d din departed, much gratified at his reception, accompanied by the embassies and twenty-three junks, and other vessels laden with valuable property. The ambassador of the Khan died on the voyage * * * and when they were only two days distant from Ma’bar, Malik Fakhru-d din also died. # * * His tomb is in Ma’bar, near that of his uncle. His death occurred towards the close of the year of 704 H.1 (1305 A.D.). * * * In the middle of the year 705 H. Shaikhu-1 Islam Jamalu-d din was summoned from the principality of Kais to the capital of Shiraz, the government of which place was conferred upon him. He accepted the office in obedience to the command, although he was ill at the time. * * * He died in the year 706 H. (1306 a.d.) to the great regret of the inhabitants of Shiraz, who raised a handsome tomb over his remains, and composed an elegy upon his death. * * * The author also, in consideration of certain obligations conferred upon him by the deceased, gave vent to his feelings in the following poem. The History of Sultan ’Aldu-d dm (continued) . When Sultan ’Alau-d din had fully established himself in the empire of Dehli, and his conquests and holy wars had proclaimed him universally as the greatest champion of the Muhammadan religion, it happened, that in the year 708, ’’All Beg Gurgan, with an army consisting of three tumans, marched to Hindu- stan, and pitched his camp in the vicinity of Twaz (Oudli) and Badaun, expecting to make an easy conquest of that country. The Sultan despatched his general Hazar-Dinari, who was 1 This does not coincide with the fact that they remained only four years in China. 48 WASSAF. called Malik Kafur,1 with 80,000 formidable and veteran cavalry to expel them ; and when the army of Islam was within the distance of a day’s journey from the enemy, it made suddenly a night attack on their camp, which was left quite unguarded, and the greater part of the Mughal armies received their retribution (’iivaz) from the empire of Dehli, where they met with the silent tomb of entire annihilation. Having surrounded the remnant on the field of battle they deprived them of their arms,” and ’All Beg and other officers of the Mughals were carried captive to Dehli. “ Sultan ’Alau-d din gave orders that the sword of menace and the declaration of unity should be offered to them ; when, as they they could not help themselves, they placed their heads on the line of Islam,” and repeated the profession of the Muhammadan creed. * * * “ ’Alau-d din honoured and gave preferment to ’Ali Beg, and made him one of his nobles, and the Mughal army was provided for amongst the armies of Islam. After the battle an order was issued by ’Alau-d din to gather together the heads of those who had been slain. This matter was specially made over to the Hindus. On counting them after they were thrown at the feet of the holy warrior they were found to amount to 60,000, and, as was done with the Nigudari 2 Mughals, a pillar was constructed of these heads before the Badaun gate, in order that it might be a warning and spectacle to future gene- rations. The good tidings of this happy conquest were published throughout all the countries and provinces both of the faithful and the idolatrous. 1 All the copies I have consulted give this name as Nabu or Niu ; probably the former may have been a corruption of N aib, which was his true designation. [In the text of Firishta he is called ‘‘Malik Naib Kafur Hazar-dmari.” The latter title is said to have been derived from his having been originally purchased for 1000 dinars. See Briggs’ Trans. Yol. I. 365.] 2 Nigudar, a younger son of Chagatai, after his disgrace, established himself with his vassals and followers in Sistan, and committed ravages upon the neighbouring provinces. His followers were called “ Nigudari,” or “ Karaunass.” TAZJITATU-L AMSAR. 49 Conquest of Telingana. In the year 709 (1309 a.d.), — the year arrived in prosperity and the time was propitious, — the lofty mind of the king greatly inclined towards the conquest of the whole of Hindustan, and the subjection of the infidels. Previous to this, Malwa had been con- quered; he, therefore despatched Malik Nabu, Zafar Khan, and Nanak Hindi,1 with an army consisting of one hundred thousand horse and foot, — Oh thou for -whom there is an army that obtains victory, — to conquer the province of Telingana. When they arrived on its frontier, the Rai of that province adopted a prudent reso- lution, submitted to the Muhammadans, and agreed to pay an annual tribute and receive the royal collectors, and that populous territory, replete with every kind of wealth — As the cheek of your friend full of excellence, In which are all desires you are in search of, — containing more than 30,000 tracts of country, was added to the Muhammadan empire. It is related that 6,000 kharwars, or loads, of gold were despatched to Dehli, — Much yellow gold was in the large sacks, — and in consequence of the abundance of diamonds obtained by plunder, they became so cheap that, one weighing a miskal, could be purchased for three dinars. The Conquest of Dur Samundar. The royal army marched from this place towards the country of Dur Samun. Rai Pandya offered opposition, and begged the assistance of an army from Ma’bar. At that time enmity pre- vailed between the two brothers, Sundar Pandi and Tira Pandi, 1 The reading is doubtful. One copy has Khanka Mandi, and Firishta has Khwaja Hajf. As Amir Khusrh speaks prominently of the Hindus who ac- companied this expedition, there is no improbability in the reading adopted in the text. VOL. III. 4 50 WASSA'F. after the murder of their father. The latter sent to his assistance an army of horse and foot. Subsequently, the Rai, turning to the right rank, declined a contest, and, having proffered his sub- mission, he was left in possession of his country without the necessity of fighting. He delivered up to Malik Kafur the country of ’Arikanna, as a proof of his allegiance, and treasure beyond what imagination can conceive, together with 55 large elephants, which were worthy of carrying the great and for- tunate heroes of the time, so that the country was restored to him, and, instead of shell-blowing, pyrolatry, and idol-worship, the true faith and the five daily prayers were established. On account of these transactions the fame of the first holy wars which opened Hind under Mahmud Subuktigin was erased from the page of history. At the present time the imperial army consists of 475,000 Muhammadan disciplined holy warriors, whose names are re- corded by the imperial muster-master, and whose pay and rations are entered in the regulations of the deputy-victualler. They are most obedient to the orders they receive, and are prepared to sacrifice their lives for the especial sake of their religion. Four hundred war elephants * * * are kept in the royal stables, and forty swift camels * * * are employed to convey daily reports, with the greatest expedition, from and to the distant provinces of the empire. * * * Invasion of Ma’ bar. In the month of Rajab of the year 710 H. (1310 a.d.) the ap- pointed leaders, accompanied by a select army, were dispatched to conquer Ma’bar, and some of the towns were obtained through the animosity which has lately arisen between the two brothers ; when at last a large army, attended by numerous elephants of war, was sent out to oppose the Muhammadans. Malik Nabu, who thought himself a very Saturn, was obliged to retreat, and bring back his army. TAZJITATU-L AMSA'E. 51 TJljaitu Sultan sends an Embassy to , Alau-d din. About that period the king of the world, U'ljaitu 1 Sultan, — May his empire last for ever! — sent two ambassadors, named Khaluya and Muhammad Shah, to the court of Dehli, with a royal mandate to the following purport, that as the rulers of that quarter, both in the reign of the Emperor Changiz Khan, the conqueror of the world, and the most generous U'ktai Khan, had tendered their friendship and homage, and, through the language of the ambassadors, had occasionally offered their sentiments of goodwill, it is, therefore, strange that, since the imperial throne has been adorned by our auspicious accession, and the sun of the kingdom of Islam has shed its light over the world, Sultan ’Alau-d din has never opened the road of ancient friendship by means of an ambassador to our regal court, nor sent a message conveying tidings of himself or congratulations to us ; it is, therefore, expected that he will henceforth be willing to apply him- self to strengthen the foundations of regard and free intercourse. In connection with this embassy it was also intimated that the Emperor asked in marriage one of the Princesses from behind the veil of the kingdom of Dehli.2 Sultan ’Alau-d din, notwithstanding all his bravery and con- quests, and abundant treasures and obedient armies, combining in himself all personal accomplishments and worldly advantages, was a tyrant, and never used to hesitate at slaughter, burning, restricting the privileges of the army, or reducing the allowances of his servants, and was quite overcome by his disposition to- wards temerity and oppression. As a proof of this he ordered 1 It signifies “fortunate” in the Mongol language. 2 On similar occasions the like delicacy of expression is observed. Thus, when the daughter of Atabak Sa’d of Shiraz was bestowed upon Sultan Jalalu-d din, ’Atau-1 mulk Juwaini says, in the second volume of the Jahan Kushd : (JJLc A. Zi f \VA AiLc j — “ j~. i - * 1 -"'i, 3 52 WASSA'F. the ambassadors to be imprisoned, and several1 of their attendants to be trodden under the feet of elephants, and thus he submerged the jewel of his good fame ; for to bring trouble on an ambassador is, under every system of religious faith, altogether opposed to the principles of law, social observance, and common sense. With respect to law, an ambassador receives his credentials without even the suspicion of criminality; with respect to social observance, the oppressor and the oppressed, friend and foe, peace and war, are all equally in need of embassies and communications : with respect to common sense, it is abundantly evident that the killing of one man, or even ten, entails no infirmity or injury on a kingdom. Inasmuch, therefore, as ’Alau-d din, free to do as he chose, was guilty of a deed from which danger might have resulted, and without any cause exhibited his enmity, he must be considered to have acted contrary to what a peaceful policy and sound prudence dictated. Continuation of the history of the Kings of Ma’bar. Kales Dewar, the ruler of Ma’bar, enjoyed a highly prosperous life, extending to forty and odd years, during which time neither any foreign enemy entered his country, nor any severe malady confined him to bed. His coffers were replete with wealth, inas- much that in the treasury of the city of Mardi there were 1,200 crores of gold deposited, every crore being equal to a thousand2 laks, and every lak to one hundred thousand dinars. Besides this there was an accumulation of precious stones, such as pearls, rubies, turquoises, and emeralds, — more than is in the power of language to express. (Here follows a long string of reflections upon the instability of worldly wealth and grandeur.) This fortunate and happy sovereign had two sons, the elder 1 One copy reads eighteen. 2 Properly only a hundred, if the reading of “ crore ” he correct ; hut the copies I have consulted read kuze, which might be meant to imply an earthen vessel, or some capacious receptacle calculated to contain a hundred laks. TAZJIYATU-L AMSAR. 53 named Sundar Pandi, who was legitimate, his mother being joined to the Dewar by lawful marriage, and the younger named Tira Pandi, was illegitimate, his mother being one of the mis- tresses who continually attended the king in his banquet of pleasure ; for it was customary with the rulers of that country that, when the daily affairs of the administration were over, and the crowds that attended the court had gone to their respective homes, a thousand beautiful courtezans used to attend the king in his pleasure. They used to perform the several duties pre- scribed to each of them ; some were appointed as chamberlains, some as interpreters, some as cup-bearers, and day and night both the sexes kept promiscuous intercourse together ; and it was usual for the king to invite to his bed that girl upon whom the lot should happen to fall. I have mentioned this in illustration of their customs. As Tira Pandi was remarkable for his shrewdness and intre- pidity, the ruler nominated him as his successor. His brother Sundar Pandi, being enraged at this supercession, killed his father, in a moment of rashness and undutifulness, towards the close of the year 709 h. (1310 a.d.), and placed the crown on his head in the city of Mardi.1 He induced the troops who were there to support his interests, and conveyed some of the royal treasures which were deposited there to the city of Mankul,2 and he him- self accompanied, marching on, attended in royal pomp, with the elephants, horses, and treasures. Upon this his brother Tira Pandi, being resolved on avenging his father’s blood, followed to give him battle, and on the margin of a lake which, in their language, they call Talachi, the opponents came to action. Both the brothers, each ignorant of the fate of the other, fled away ; but Tira Pandi being unfortunate ( tira bakht ), and having been wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy, and seven elephant- loads of gold also fell to the lot of the army of Sundar Pandi. It is a saying of philosophers, that ingratitude will, sooner or later, meet its punishment, and this was proved in the sequel, for 1 [Madura P] 2 [Namkul ?] 54 WASSA'F. Manar Barmul, the son of the daughter of Kales Dewar, who espoused the cause of Tira Pandi, being at that time at Karam- hatti, near Kalul,1 sent him assistance, both in men and money, which was attended with a most fortunate result. Sundar Pandi had taken possession of the kingdom, and the army and the treasure were his own ; but, as in every religion and faith, evil deeds produce a life of insecurity, a matter which it is unneces- sary to expatiate upon, he, notwithstanding all his treasures and the goodwill of the army, was far from being happy and prosperous, entertaining crude notions, and never awaking from his dream of pride, and at last he met with the chastisement due to his ingratitude, for in the middle of the year 710 (1310 a.d.) Tira Pandi, having collected an army, advanced to oppose him, and Sundar Pandi, trembling and alarmed, fled from his native country, and took refuge under the protection of ’Alau-d din, of Dehli, and Tira Pandi became firmly established in his hereditary kingdom. While I was engaged in writing this passage, one of my friends said to me : “ The kings of Hind are celebrated for their pene- tration and wisdom ; why then did Kales Dewar, during his life- time, nominate his younger and illegitimate son as his successor; to the rejection of the elder, who was of pure blood, by which he introduced distraction into a kingdom which had been adorned like a bride.” 1 [Karur ?] 55 XII. TARrKH-I BINA'KITI' OF FAKHRU-D DTN, BINAKITI. This is the same work as is called Bina-Gety by Mr. James Fraser, in his “ Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts and Bina-i- Gety by General Briggs, in his translation of the Preface of Firishta, which would seem to imply that the title was considered by them to bear the meaning of “ History of the Foundation of the World.” It certainly is so understood by native transcribers, for I have seen no copy of Firishta, not even the lithograph edition, in which it is not so written, and it has been so trans- lated by some Continental scholars. Its correct name at full length is “ Rauzat uluu-l Albab fi Tawar'ikhu-l Akabir wa-ul Ansab,” “the garden of the learned in the histories of great men and genealogies.” It is chiefly an abridgment, as the author himself states, of the Jami’u-t Tawar'ikh of Rashidu-d din, and was compiled only seven years after that work, in a.h. 717 (a.d. 1317), by Abu-Sulaiman Daud, bin Abu-1 Fazl, bin Muhammad Fakhr1 Binakiti. He is commonly called Fakhru-d din Binakiti from his having been born at Binakit, or Finakit, a town in Transoxiana, afterwards called Shahrukhia. He copies Rashidu-d din closely, without, however, adopting his arrange- ment, and dedicates his work to Sult&n Abu Sa’id, the ninth Mongol king of Persia. The author was a poet as well as an historian, and was 1 This is the name he gives in his own Preface. European Orientalists generally call him Fakhru-d din. [Morley cites several variations in the name and genealogy.] 56 BINAKITT. appointed by Sultan Ghazan, poet laureate of bis Court. Till the discovery of the lost portions of the Jami'u-t Taicarikh, Binakiti’s work ranked very high both in Europe and Asia, but it must now take its place as a mere abridgment, and can be con- sidered of no value as an original composition. Several good copies of the work exist in European libraries, as in the Rich collection, Nos. 7626, 7627, of the British Museum ; in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society ; in the Leyden library ; and in Hammer-Purgstairs private collection. The work is not common in India. The best copy I know is in the possession of a native gentleman at Lucknow. The 8th Book of this work is already known to the European public, though ascribed to a different author. In the year 1677, Andreas Miiller published at Berlin a small work in Persian, with a Latin translation, under the title of Abdallee Beidarcei Historia Sinensis , ascribing the original to the Nizdmu-t Tawa- rikli of Baizawi. It was reprinted by his son in 1689, and Brunet1 tells us that Stephen Weston published fifty copies of an English translation in 1820. M. Quatremere had the ingenuity to guess, for several reasons which he states in detail, that this was in reality an extract from the History of Binakiti, and not from Baizawi ; and by comparing the passage he has given from Muller’s printed work with Binakiti, of which a copy was not available to M. Quatremere, it proves to be verbatim the 2nd Chapter of the 8th Book of Binakiti ; and as the same result has been obtained by comparing it with the copy in the British Museum, there can no longer be any doubt on this point, and the Historia Sinensis must henceforth be attributed to Binakiti. CONTENTS. Book I. — The Genealogy and History of the Prophets and Patriarchs from the time of Adam to Abraham, comprising a period of 4838 years. (The use of the word Ausiya shows the writer to be a Shi’a Muhammadan ;) — Trom p. 2 to 25. 1 sub voce Abdalla. TA'ErKH-I BINAKITT. 57 Book II. — The kings of Persia, from Kaiumars to Yazdajird, together with the celebrated Prophets and Philosophers who were their contemporaries; 4322 years ; — from p. 25 to 59. Book III. — History of Muhammad ; the four first Khalifs ; twelve Imams, and later Khalifs, down to Mustasim bi-llah, the last of the ’Abbasides ; 626 years ; — from p. 60 to 186. Book IY. — The Sultans and kings w'ho, in the time of the ’Abbaside Khalifs, rose to power in the kingdom of Tran, includ- ing the dynasties of Saffarians, Samanians, Grhaznivides, Buwai- liides Saljukians, Khwarizmians and the kings of the Forest or Heretics (Assassins) ; 400 years ; — from p. 186 to 208. Book V — The history of the Jews, their Kings and Prophets, from Moses to Mutina (Zedekiah, see 2 Kings xxiv. 17), who was slain by Bakhtnassar ; 941 years ; — from p. 208 to 230. Book YI. — The history of the Christians and Franks; the descent of the Yirgin Mary from David ; the kings of the Franks, the Caesars, and Popes ; 1337 years ; — from p. 231 to 260. Book VII. — The Hindus ; an account of the country and kings of India from Basdeo to ’Alau-d din, and an account of Shakmum ; 1200 years ; — from p. 260 to 281. Book VIII. — History of Khita. The government lasted, according to local historians, 42,875 years ; — from p. 281 to 299. Book IX. — History of the Mughals ; the origin of Changiz Khan, and his conquest of Persia, etc., with an account of his sons and successors ; 101 years ; — from p. 299 to 402. Size. — Small Folio, containing 402 pages, of 21 lines. A fuller detail is given in the Vienna Year-book for 1835 by Hammer-Purgstall, who states that our author composed his work in a.h. 718, not 717, though the latter date is expressly mentioned, not only in the Preface, but in other parts of the work. The same author gives the year of his death as a.h. 730 (1329 a.d.), and reads his name Binakati. [Morley also has given a full notice of the work in his Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society.] It will be observed that the seventh Book is devoted to India. 58 BINAKITT. Throughout the whole of it Bindkiti follows Rashidu-d din im- plicitly, copying him even with all his errors, just as Rashidu-d din follows Biriini. Nothing shows more completely the igno- rance of the western Asiatics with respect to the state of India since Mahmud’s time than to find these two authors, 300 years afterwards, mentioning that Bari is the capital of the province of Kanauj, of which the kings are the most potent in India, and that Thanesar is in the Duab. All this is taken from Abu Rihan, as may be seen by referring to the extracts in the first volume. It is needless to translate any passage from this work, but it may be as well to mention, as the Calcutta copy of Rashidi, as well as that of the India House, is deficient in that respect,1 that the succession of the Kabul kings, who preceded the Grhaznivides, occurs in nearly the same order as in M. Reinaud’s edition of Biruni, and with nearly the same names, but the last of the Turk dynasty, whom M. Reinaud calls Laktouzeman, appears here under the more probable shape of Katoran, or Katorman, “king of the Katores,”2 3 It is worthy of remark that the present chief of Chitral is called Shah Kator, and claims descent from the Macedonians. Kalar, the first of the Brahman dynasty, is omitted by Binakiti. Anandpal is converted into Anda- pal, and the nearest approach to M. Reinaud’s doubtful name of Nardanjanpala (correctly perhaps Niranjanpal) is Tasdar 3 1 [The British Museum MS., and the Arabic MS. of the Royal Asiatic Society have passages upon the subject obviously derived from Birdni. See Thomas’ Prinsep, I. 315.] 2 [See Vol. II. p. 404.] 3 Compare Morley’s Cat. p. 25. Hammer-Purgstall’s Handschriften , p. 194. Recueil des Voyages , Tom. II. p. 369. Fundgruben des Orients, Tom. III. p. 330. Gesch. der Ilchane, Yol. II. p. 267. Coll. Or. Tom. I. pp. lxxxv. — ci. 424. Jahrbiicher, No. 69. Am. Blatt, p. 33, and No. 73, p. 26. Gesch. d. schon. Bed. Pers. p. 241. Elphinstone, Kingdom of Cabul, App. C. p. 619. Burnes’ Bokhara, Yol. II. p. 209. Journ. B. A. S. Vol. IX. p. 194. C. Ritter, Krd. von As. Vol. Y. p. 207. Gemdldesaal der Lebensb. Vol. IV. p. 35. Zenker, Bibliotheca Or. 857, 858. Gesch. d. G. Horde, pp. xxxi. 343. Jenisch, Hist, priorum Begum Persarum. p. 142. TAMKH-I BINAKITF. 59 EXTRACT. [The following is translated from a MS. in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society : — “After (him) Aijun became king; after him Rank, who was the last of the Katorman kings ; after him Brahma Samand became king ; after him Kamlu ; after him Jaipal ; after him Andah pal ; and after him Tadar Jaipal,1 who was killed 412 Hijri (1021 a.d.) * ^ j Aj 60 XIII. TA'RI'KH-I GUZI'DA. OF HAMDU-LLA MUSTAUFT. This work was composed in a.h. 730 (1329) by Hamdu-lla bin Abu Bakr bin Hamd bin Nasr Mustaufi 1 Kazwini, and was dedicated to the minister Ghiyasu-d din, the son of Rasliidu-d din, to both of whom our author had been secretary. It ranks among the best general histories of the East. Reinaud used it for his Mem. sur VInde. Hammer-Purg-stall calls it in different passages of his works the best, the most faithful, and the most brilliant of all the histories which were composed about that period. He remarks that it contains much matter not found elsewhere, and concurs in the praise bestowed upon it by Haji Khalfa, that implicit confidence is to be placed in its asser- tions. It is a pity, therefore, that the work is in so abridged a form as to be more useful for its dates than for its details of facts. The authors of the Universal History frequently quote it under the name of “ Tarik Cozidih.” Eleven years after the completion of this history, the author composed his celebrated work on Geography and Natural History, entitled Nuzhatu-l Kulub, “ the delight of hearts,” which is in high repute with oriental scholars.2 1 “ President of the Exchequer.” Com. le Brim says the Mustaufi is chief of the Chamber of Accounts of the Lordships which particularly belong to his Majesty. Price (II. 360) calls him controller or auditor of the Exchequer. In the case of our author the title appears to be a family designation, derived from actual occupation of the office by an ancestor. The title Kazwini is derived from his native town Kazwin. 2 [See Keinaud’s Aboulfeda Int. civ.] TARFKH-I GUZfDA. 61 The author states that he had undertaken to write in verse an universal history from the time of Muhammad, and had already written five or six thousand lines, and hoped to complete it in seventy-five thousand ; but being anxious to bring out a work in prose also, in order that he might have the satisfaction of pre- senting it as soon as possible to his excellent patron Ghiyasu-d din, whose praises extend throughout two pages, he compiled the present work under the name of Tarikh-i Guzida. “ Selected History,” having abstracted it from twenty four different works, of which he gives the names, and amongst them, the history of Tabari, the Kamilu-t Tawarikh of Ibnu-1 Asir Jazari, the Niza- mu-t Tawarikh of Baizawi, the Zubdatu-t Tawarikh of Jamalu-d din Kashi, and the Jahdn-kushai of Juwaini. Besides these twenty -four, he quotes occasionally several other valuable works, many of which are now quite unknown. In its turn the Tarikh-i Guzida has been used by later writers. The Habibu-s Siyar quotes largely from it. The Tarikh-i Guzida contains a Preface, six Books, and an Appendix. The only Books useful for the illustration of Indian history are the third and fourth, in which are comprised the account of the early attempts of the Arabs on the Indian frontier and the history of the Ghaznivide and Ghorian monarchs. [A portion of the work, comprising the history of the Saljukian dynasty, has been translated by M. Defremery, and published in the Journal Asiatique ; 1 and another portion, relating to the city of Kazwin, has also been translated by the same writer.2] CONTENTS. The Preface contains an account of the creation of the world ; from p. 1 to p. 8. Book I. — An account of the Patriarchs, Prophets, and Philo- sophers ; in two sections and two subsections ; — from p. 8 to 67. Book II. — The Peshdadians, Kaianians, Ashkanians (Arsacidae 1 [Vols. XI., XII., XIII. Quat., Serie.] 2 [lb. 5 Serie. Tome X.] 62 HAMDU-LLA MUSTAUFI'. and Muluk-i Tawaif) and Sassanians ; in four sections ; — from p. 68 to 109. Book III. — Muhammad, the Khalifas and Imams : in an introduction and six sections ; — from p. 109 to 311. Book IY. — The eastern monarchies, from the beginning of Muhammadanism to a.h. 730 (a.d. 1329) ; in twelve sections and several subsections, devoted to the following Dynasties : — Bani Lais Saffar, Samanians, Ghaznivides, Ghorians, Buwaihides or Dyalima, Saljukians, Khwarizmians, Atabaks (2 sections), Ismailians, Karakhitais, and Mughals ; — from p. 311 to 477. Book Y. — The Saints and Elders of the Muhammadan faith, Philosophers and Poets ; in six sections ; — from p. 477 to 557. Book VI. — An account of the author’s native place, Kazwin, and its celebrated characters ; in eight sections ; — from p. 557 to 603. The Appendix contains Genealogical Trees of Prophets, Princes, Philosophers and others ; — from p. 603 to 618. Size. — 8vo. containing 618 pages of 14 lines. This history, though often quoted by oriental writers, is rare in India. The best copy I know is in the library of the Bengal Asiatic Society, No. 493, but it is unfortunately defective both in the beginning and end. Yar ’Ali Khan, chief native Judge of Jaunpur, has a good copy, and there is one also in the king of Lucknow’s library. Robert Oust, Esq. (B.C.S.), has an admir- able copy, written in 864 a.h. In Europe the most celebrated are those of Stockholm, Paris, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, Hammer-Purgstall, and Sir W. Ouseley.1 M. Quatre- mere also possessed two copies. A work in so abridged a form can scarcely be expected to 1 See Haji Khalfa, IY. 176, YI. 7. Wiener Jahrbb. No. lxix. p. 10, and Anzgbl. p. 31. Briggs’ Ferishta , Vol. I. p. 1. Fundgr. d. Or. Vol. III. p. 331. Gesch. der Gold. Horde, pp. xvi. xxii. Coll. Or. Tom. I. p. liv. Gesch. der Ilchane, Vol. II. pp. 268, 320. Gesch. d. Sch. Fed. Pers. p. 12. Journ. Asiatique, III. Ser. Tom. I. p. 581. M. Petis de la Croix, Hist, de Genghiz Can, p. 541. D’Herbelot, Bibl. Or. Art. Tarikh Ehozideh. Biog. Univ. v. Kazwyny. Bampoldi, ix. 322. Gemdldesaal Pref. xi. Ouseley’s Jehanara, p. xi. Price, Mahom. Hist. I. 464, II. 638, 672. Shajrat al Atrak, 303. Gildemeister, p. 2. Journ. des Sav., 1851, p. 47. TAHrKH-1 GUZIDA. 63 present .any passages worthy of extract, but the following are selected as comprising a few anecdotes which have escaped the notice of some more ponderous chroniclers : — Sultan Mahmud. “ The exploits of the Sultan Mahmud are more conspicuous than the sun, and his exertions in the cause of religon surpass all description and eulogy. The Tar'ikh Tamini , Makamat Abu Nasr Miskati , and the volumes of Abu-1 Fazl Baihaki, testify to his achievements.1 “ He was a friend to learned men and poets, on whom he bestowed munificent presents, insomuch that every year he ex- pended upon them more than 400,000 dinars. His features were very ugly. One day, regarding his own face in a mirror, he became thoughtful and depressed. His Wazir inquired as to the cause of his sorrow, to which he replied, ‘ It is generally under- stood that the sight of kings adds vigour to the eye, but the form with which I am endowed is enough to strike the beholder blind.’ The Wazir replied, ‘ Scarcely one man in a million looks on your face, but the qualities of your miud shed their influence on every one. Study, therefore, to maintain an unimpeachable character, that you may be the beloved of all hearts.’ Amlnu-d- daula Mahmud was pleased with this admonition, and he paid so much attention to the cultivation of his mental endowments, that he surpassed all other kings in that respect.2 “ In the first year of his accession to the throne a mine of gold was discovered in Sistan, in the shape of a tree, and the 1 [See supra, Vol. II. pp. 430, 433.] 2 This anecdote is given in the Gemdldesaal d. Lebensb., hut Firishta merely says Mahmud was marked with the small-pox. In the reign of Mas' (id, that historian ascribes a statement to the Guzida which is at variance with the MSS. I have con- sulted. He says that, according to the Guzida , Mas’ud reigned nine years and nine months, whereas the Guzida distinctly says that monarch reigned thirteen years. It may he as well to mention here that Briggs, in his translation of Firishta, has, by some oversight, entered the History of Ilamdu-lla Hustaufi and the Tdrikh-i Guzida, as two different works. 64 HAMDU-LLA MUSTAUFT. lower the miners dug the richer and purer it became, till one of the veins attained the circumference of three yards. It dis- appeared in the time of Sultan Mas’ud, on the occurrence of an earthquake. ***** In the month of Muharram of the year 293 he made war upon Jaipal, in Hindustan, and made him prisoner. He spared his life, but exacted tribute. It is a rule among the Hindus that a king who has been twice made prisoner by Musulmans ought no longer to reign, and that his fault can only be purged by fire. Jaipal, therefore, made the kingdom over to his son, and burnt himself. In this war Yaminu-d-daula Mahmud obtained the title of Ghazi. “ In the year 394, he set out on an expedition to Sistan against Khalaf,1 the son of Ahmad, because Khalaf, on returning from his pilgrimage, had appointed his son Tahir as his successor, he himself having retired from the world and devoted himself to the worship of God. But he repented this step, and put his son to death by treachery. Yaminu-d-daula, in oi’der to avenge this perfidy, attacked Khalaf, who took shelter in the fort of Tak. Yaminu-d-daula Mahmud besieged the fort and took it. Khalaf came out in safety, and when he entered the presence of Mah- mud he addressed him as ‘ Sultan.’ Yaminu-d-daula Mahmud, being pleased with this title, freely pardoned Khalaf, and rein- stated him in the government of Sistan. From that period he assumed the title of Sultan. Khalaf, son of Ahmad, after a while, rebelled against Sultan Mahmud, and sought the pro- tection of Tlak Khan. Sultan Mahmud, on hearing this, de- throned him from Sistan, and sent him to the fort of Juzjan where he remained till the day of his death. “ Sultan Mahmud, having conquered Bhatiya and Multan as far as the frontiers of Kashmir, made peace with I'lak Khan, who some time after broke faith with him, and advanced to battle 1 See Jenisch, Hist. Peg. Pers. p. 46. TA'RrKH-I GUZrDA. 65 against him ; but he was defeated, and took to flight. Many beautiful youths fell into the hands of the Zawuliyans, who were delighted with their prisoners. I'lak Khan then sought the assistance of the Ghuzz and the Turks of Chin, the descendants of Afrasiyab, but was again defeated in an action at the gates of Balkh, and took a second time to flight. He again made peace with the Sultan, and went to reside in Mawarau-n-nahr. “ Sultan Mahmud then made war with Nawasa (the grandson of) the ruler of Multan ; conquered that country ; converted the people to Islam ; put to death the ruler of Multan, and entrusted the government of that country to another chief. “ Sultan Mahmud now went to fight with the Ghorians, who were infidels at that time. Suri, their chief, was killed in this war, and his son was taken prisoner ; but dreading the Sultan’s vengeance, he killed himself by sucking poison which he had kept under the stone of his ring. The country of Ghor was annexed to that of the Sultan, and the population thereof con- verted to Islam. He now attacked the fort of Bhim, where was a temple of the Hindus. He was victorious, and obtained much wealth, including about a hundred idols of gold and silver. One of the golden images, which weighed a million miskals , the Sultan appropriated to the decoration of the Mosque of Ghazni, so that the ornaments of the doors were of gold instead of iron. “ The rulers of Ghurjistan were at this time called Shar, and Abu Nasr was Shar of the Ghurjis. He was at enmity with Sultan Mahmud, who sent an army against him, and having taken him prisoner, the Sultan concluded peace with him, and purchased his possessions. From that time he remained in the service of the Sultan to the day of his death. “ The ruler of Mardain,1 having likewise rebelled against the Sultan, withheld the payment of tribute. The Sultan deputed Abu Sa’id Tai, with an army, to make war with him, and he himself followed afterwards, and a battle ensuing, the chief of 1 Other authorities usually say Nhrdin or Nardain. [See Yol. II. pp. 450, 452, 465.] VOL. III. 5 66 HAMDU-LLA MUSTAUFf. Mardain took refuge in a fort. The Sultan destroyed its walls by means of elephants, and thus gained possession of the fort. In a house there were found some inscriptions on a stone, giving the date of the erection of the fort, which they carried so far back as 40,000 years. Upon this all were convinced of the folly of the idolaters ; as, from the creation of Adam, the age of the world did not (as it is generally understood) reach 7,000 years ; nor is it probable, according to the opinion of the learned, that a building could remain in a state of repair so long ; but as their ignorance is carried to such a degree that they worship idols instead of the Supreme Being, it is not improbable that they really did entertain such a belief.” 67 X1Y. TA'RTKH-I ’ALAr. OR KHAZA rNU-L FUTl/H, OF AMIR KHUSRl/. The history which goes by both these names is a work in prose, by Mir Khusru, who died in 1325 a.d. It contains an interest- ing account of the first years of the reign of Sultan ’Alau-d din Khilji (whom he also styles Muhammad Shah Sultan), from his accession to the throne in 695 h. (1296 a.d.) to his con- quest of Ma’bar at the close of 710 h. (1310 a.d.) It is most probably the same work as that which is quoted by some of the general historians, under the name of Tar'ikh ’ Alau-d din Khilji ; but, if so, it has not been closely examined, for several facts of interest have escaped the compilers. It will be observed that this small work contains much infor- mation on the subject to which it relates. The mode of war- fare of that period, especially, receives illustrations such as can be obtained from no other work. The style in which it is com- posed is for the most part difficult, as the whole is constructed of a series of fanciful analogies, in the same manner as the pre- face to the Bakiya Nakiya and the Tjdz-i Khusruvi of the same author, and the Odes of Badar-chachi, and the treatises of MirzA Katil and several other works, in which fancy is predominant over sense. Every portion is devoted to a selection of words con- nected with one particular subject. For instance, among the 68 AMXB. KHUSR17. passages translated below, one portion, p. 69, is composed of words derived from architecture ; another, p. 71, is derived from words descriptive of the powers and anatomy of the hand ; an- other, at p. 73, is composed of words used in the game of chess. I have not thought it necessary to adhere closely to the similes in every part. Those which are used in the passages noted above are of themselves sufficiently tedious in translation, though cer- tainly ingenious in the original. It may easily be conceived that a work so composed contains much that is forced, trivial, and unnatural ; but we can forgive that for the solid information we are occasionally able to extract from it. Indeed, these puns, riddles, and analogies, are even valuable on one account, for the author rarely mentions a date which is not comprised in a sentence containing some kind of enigma, so that we can easily ascertain the correctness of a date, if we have reason to doubt the correctness of the numerals. The following are instances : — “ When the boat of the moon’s crescent entered the stream of clouds ( abr )” — of which the initial letter being alif, or one, the first day of the month is signified. Again, “ When the computation of the month Ramazan had reached that stage, that the first period of the fast (syam) had departed, and the last had not yet arrived ” — that is, that eleven days of the month had elapsed. Meaning, that by rejecting the first and last letters of syam , only yd remains, of which the numerical value is eleven. The Khazainu-1 Futuh contains many Hindi words, shewing how partial the author was to that language compared with his Muhammadan contemporaries. Thus we have Kath-yarh, pard- han, basith, mar-a-mar, and others. The work is not written in chronological order, but, as in the case of the Mughal invasion, the author has grouped together the series of events which oc- curred over several years in one particular part of the empire.1 1 The work is rare, and, being in prose, is not contained in the Kulydt or complete (poetical) works of the author. The MS. used is an 8vo. of 188 pages, 15 lines to a page. [Mr. Thomas has a copy, and there is also a copy at King’s College, Cam- bridge, Jour. K.A.S. Vol. III. p. 115, Ar.