BX 7795 .P4 D68 Draper, B. H. The life of William Penn 1 W I L L I A M^fi J* TO WHICH IS ADDED HIS RELATING TO THE CONDUCT OF HUMAN LIFE. BOURNE HALL DRAPER. " Good Men are all of a oburch, and eretj " one knows wbo must be at the bead of it." Maxims, LONDON: WILLIAM DARTON AND SON HOLBORN HILL. INDEX. Page. A7nbition ^ Apparel • • • Art and Project Avarice Balance Bearing Capacity Caution 167.190 Censoriousness Charity 154,267 Clean Hands '-^"l Conversation 1^8 II CompUicency 172 Country Life 181 Conformist 261 Detraction . 187 Dispatch 201 Disappointment 151 Discipline 155 EdMcation 144 Eloquence 170 Envy 238 Fidelity 177 Food 245 Formality »49 Friendship 165—6, 244 Frugality 155 God 250 Government 194 Happiness 183 iii Hazard 186 Ignorance 143 Indifference 206 Indmtry 156, 183 Inconaideration 151 Impartiality 2M Interest 172 Inquiry 1T3 Juttice 171, 251 Jealouty ....... ISO, 252 Knowledge 174 Luxury 150 Life 230 Marriage 159, 162 Master 178 Moderation 187 Moralist, the 225 Murmuring 152 IV PaS«. Neutrality 206 Obedience to Parents 175 Obligation 2<52 Ostentation 208 Partiality 246 Party 207 Passim 188 Patience 203 Posterity 180 Popularity 193 Pride 147 Privacy 193, 200 Praise 241 Promising 177 Property 257 Private Life 200 Public Life 200 Qualifications 201 P.St. Refining on others* Interests .... 266 Religion 210 Reparation 167 Respect 185 Right Timing 173 Rule of Judging 247 Secrecy 171 Servants 179, 254 'Shifts 172 Speech 243 State 254 Temper 170 Temperance 1 56 Thought 235 Trick 188 Truth 171 Vain Man 259 Virtue 208 vi mse Man Wit World's Man World, pursuit of the 255 THE LIFE OF WILLIAM PENN. oi^o William Penn was .descended from an ancient family, which, for several centuries, had resided at the village of Penn in Buckinghamshire. His father was Admiral Sir William Penn ; he married Margaret, the daughter of John Jasper, a merchant of Rotterdam. Their son, William, was born in London, in the parish of St. Catlierinc, October 14th, Km. He received the first rudiments of his education at Chigwell in Essex. Here, according to his own account, while alone in his chamber, being only eleven years of age, he was suddenly surprised with such a sense of the divine glory, that he had the strongest conviction of the being of a God, B 2 and that the soul of man was capable of enjoying communion with him. When twelve years of age, his fatiier kept a private tutor for him in his own house ; and at fifteen he was entered a gentleman commoner at Christ Church, Oxford. Here he became ac- quainted with the admirable John Locke. ' The religious impressions which he had received in so extraordinary a manner at Chigweil, were never erased from his memory, or heart. Whilst a student at Oxford, they were considerably strengthened by the preaching of Thomas Loe, a leading adherent of the Society of Friends. With some other young men, who had imbibed the same religious sentiments, he was accustomed to meet for divine worship ; which gave great offence to the dean of the college ; and they were all fined for their non-conformity to the established church. His father was much displeased with him on account of the peculiar views of divine truth which he had embraced ; for he had begun to change his habits, and to withdraw from the fashionable world, in which he had moved. The Admiral thonght his son's prospects in life were utterly ruined ; and as he could not prevail on him to 3 alter his course, he absolutely turned him out of doors. His mother, however, a most amiable woman, interceded for him, and he was forgiven. But his father,' wishing to correct his too great plainness of manners, determined to send him to the con- tinent for a season. He hoped that the gaiety of life, so universal in France, might alter the increasing gravity of his mind ; he accordingly went to Paris. An anecdote is recorded of him whilst here, which is very honourable to his prin- ciples and feelings. Being attacked one evening in the street, by a person who drew his sword on him, he wrenched the weapon out of his hand, but spared the life of his antagonist, when he was evidently left dependent on his mercy. At Saumur he pursued his studies under Amy- rault, a celebrated Protestant divine. Whilst at Turin, on his way to Italy, a letter reached him from his father, intreating him to come home, and take charge of the family, as he was about to com- mand the fleet against Holland. And on the return of William to England in 1664, that he might gain an acquaintance with the laws of his own country, he became a student at Lincoln's Inn ; which B 2 4 he quitted, when the plague raged in London, in 1665. The Admiral was pleased that his son, as he hoped would be the case, brought with him from the continent, manners less serious than those which he had taken with him from home. Still he was far too grave to give him anmingled plea- sure. He, accordingly, sent him to visit the court of the Duke of Ormond, who was one of his friends, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Every thing which he saw there confirmed him in the truth of his religious sentiments, and in his deter- mination to lead a serious life. " He considered the court," says Clark son, " with its pomp and vanity, its parade and ceremonies, as a direct nursery for vice ; and as to its rontine of pleasures, it became to him only a routine of disgust." His father now determined to give him the management of his estates in Ireland, thinking that as he would be far from his English con- nexions, and have much business on his hands, that he would grow more indifferent to his religi- ous views. Here he managed tilings most entirely to the satisfaction of his kind father. Whilst, hDwever, on a vi--it at Cork, he again heard 5 Thomas Loe, on the faith which overcomes the world, and on the faith which the world over- comes; the discourse was exceedingly suitable to his ciKumstances, and he determined from that hour to unite himself to the Society of Friends. He soon found that the path he had chosen was one of self-denial and loss; for in 1667, he was arrested with many others, for being at public worship, and committed to prison : but was soon released by an order from the Duke of Ormond. As he had now decidedly chosen the people with whom he intended to act, his father was greatly alarmed and offended. He sent for him to return immediately from Ireland. "And here," says his first biographer, " my pen is diffident of its ability to describe the most pathetic and moving contest which took place between his father and him ; his father actuated by natural love, principally aiming at his son's temporal honour ; he, guided by a divine impulse, having ciiiefly in view his own eternal welfare; his father, grieved to see the well-accomplished son of his hopes, now ripe for worldly promotion, voluntarily turning his back upon it ; he, no less afflicted to think a compliance with his earthly father's pleasure was inconsistent 6 with his obedience to his heavenly one ; hi» father pressing his conformity to the customs anti fashions of the times; he, modestly craving leave to refrain from what would hurt his conscience ; his father, earnestly entreating him, and almost on his knees beseeching him to yield to his desire ; he, of a loving and tender disposition, in an extreme agony of spirit, to behold his father'^ concern and trouble; bis father threatening to disinherit him; he, humbly submitting to his father's will therein ; his father turning his back on him in anger ; he, lifting up his heart to God, for strength to support him in that time of trial." The Admiral now despaired, as he well might, of altering the opinions of his son. He made him acquainted with this circumstance ; and told him that he would be satisfied, if he would only consent to sit with his hat off in his presence, and when in company with the King, and the Duke of York. He found himself compelled by his principfes to inform his father, that he could not accede to his. wishes. This he did with much affection and respect ; yet his father was exceedingly displeased, and once more shut him out of the pateraai habitation. 7 That he had so greatly pained his father, how- ever innocently, was a subject of much grief to him. His mind was supported on this trying occasion, by the belief, that they who left homes and parents for the sake of the kingdom of God, should by no means lose tlieir reward. His mother kept up a private communication with him, and did much to supply his wants out of her own purse. In 1668, being then twenty-four years of age, he became a preacher among the Friends ; at this same period, he published his " Truth Exalted ;" and shortly afterwards, "The Sandy Foundation shaken." This last volume greatly displeased the Bishop of London, and its author was sent to the Tower. Here he was treated with great severity, and was so closely confined, that no one of his friends was allowed to have access to him. It was told him, that the Bishop had resolved, that he should either recant or die in prison. In his reply to tills prelate he nobly said, " that he would weary out the malice of his enemies by his patience ; that great and good things were seldom obtained w ithout loss and hardships ; that the man who woi'ld reap and not labour, must faint with the wind, and perish in disappointments; and 8 that his prison should be his grave, before he would renounce his just opinions; for that he owed his conscience to no man." Whilst he was in this confinement he produced his admirable work, entitled, ** No Cross, no Crown," which in his life passed through several editions, and through many since. " The great work and business of the cross," says he, in this treatise, " is self-denial ; of this Christ was the great example. True worship is only from a heart prepared by God's holy Spirit, without which the soul of man is dead, and incapable of glorifying him. — Pride leads people to an excessive value of their persons ; it seeks distinction by decorations, the very cost of which would feed the poor; but it becomes the beautiful to endeavonr to make their ?un]s like their bodies; it makes distinction by blood and family; but God made all out of one blood, and one family ; there is no true nobility but in virtue.— Avarice is a capital lust. It has a desire of unlawful things. It has an unlawful desire of lawful things. It is treacherous and oppressive. It marked the false prophet, and is a reproach to religion. Luxury is another capital Inst. This is a great enemy to the cross of Christ. 9 It consists jn voluptuous or excessive diet, which injures both mind and body; in gorgeous and excessive apparel, to the loss of innocence ; and in excess of recreations, contrary to the practice of good men of old, whose chief recreation was to serve God, to do good to mankind, and to follow honest vocations. Sumptuous apparel, rich un- guents, stately furniture, costly cookery, balls, masks, music-meetings, plays, and romances, were not the ' many tribulations ' through which men were to enter into the kingdom of God." These, with many other sentiments, he illustrates at large in this work. He wrote an excellent letter to Lord Arlington, the Secretary of State, by whose warrant he had been committed to the Tower; the following is a brief extract from this document : " I am at a loss to imagine, how a diversity of religious opinions can affect the safety of the state, seeing that kingdoms and commonwealths have lived under the balance of divers parties. I conceive, that they only are unfit for political society, who maintain principles subversive of industry, fidelity, justice, and obedience ; but to say, that men must form their faith of things proper to another world. 10 according to the prescriptions of otticr mortal men in this; and, if they do not, that they have no right to be at liberty, or to live in this, is both ridiculous and dangerous. The understanding can never be convinced by other arguments than what are suitable to its own nature. Force may make hypocrites, but can make no converts; and if I am at any time convinced, I will pay the honour of it to truth, and not to base and timorous hypo- crisy." He then desires, since many of his enemies had retracted their opinions about him; and as his imprisonment was against the privileges of an Englishman, as well as against true Christianity, that he may receive his discharge. He makes, he says, no apology for his letter, which was the usual style of suppliants; because he conceives, that more honour will accrue to Lord Arlington by being just, than advantage to himself as an individual, by becoming personally free. As he had been misunderstood on the doctrine of the Persons in the Godhead, as though he in- tended to deny the divinity of Christ, he referred his opponents to passages in his writings, in which in very express terms he acknowledges that im- portant truth. 11 After being in the Tower for seven mouths, he was all on a sudden liberated by an order of the King, through the intercession of the Duke of York. It has been supposed, that his father applied to the Duke on the occasion. Immediately on his liberation from prison, he was called to bid a last farewell to his greatly esteemed friend and teacher, Thomas Loe. That excellent individoal thus addressed him, — " Bear thy cross, and stand faithful to God ; then he will give thee an everlasting crown of glory, that shall not be taken from thee. There is no other way that shall prosper, than that which the holy men of old walked in. God hath brought immortality to light, and life immortal is felt. His love over- comes ray heart. Glory be to his name for ever- more." His father now again admitted him to bis house, but did not see him. Through his mother he caused an intimation to be given him, that he wished to employ him on a commission to Ireland ; this gave him great joy, and he accordingly pre- pared without delay for his journey. Whilst he did not neglect his father's business, he found leisure to attend to the concerns of his own reli- 12 gious society. As occasion offered, he preached at Cork and Dublin ; and attended the national meet- ing at the latter place. He especially visited all his poor brethren whom he found in prison for conscience sake. He administered to them relief and consolation. He addressed the Lord Lieutenant on their behalf ; and, at length, procured an order in council for their liberation. On his return to England an entire reconciliation - took place between him and his father, to the great satisfaction of all his friends, — more especially that of his excellent mother: and he again found a residence in his father's house. In 1670 was passed the famous, or rather in- famous Conventicle Act, which entirely prohibited men from worshiping God according to the dic- tates of their consciences, under sore penalties. " This act," as one very justly remarked, " brake down, and overran the bounds set for the defence and security of the lives, liberties, and properties of Englishmen; abolishing trial by jury ; instead thereof, directing and authorii^ing justices of the peace, and that too privately, to convict, fine, and by their warrants distrain upon offenders against it, directly contrary to the Great Charter." This 13 iniquitous act was first suggested by some of the Bishops. William Penn was one of its first victims. Going, as usual, with others of his own religious society, to their meeting-house in Gracechurch Street, for divine worship, they found it surrounded by a company of soldiers. As they could not enter it, a large company of people were soon assembled around the door, and William Penn stood up to address them; he, and William Mead, were then seized by warrants from the Lord Mayor, according to a plan previously arranged by the persecutors, and committed to Newgate. They were soon in- dicted for preaching to " an unlawful, seditious, and riotous assembly." When brought into court, they were immediately fined by the Recorder forty marks each, for not uncovering their heads. The behaviour of William Penn on the occasion was above all praise. " We are so far," said he, "from recanting, or declining to vindicate the assembling of ourselves to preach, pray, or worship the eter- nal, holy, just God, that we declare to all the world, that we do believe it to be our indispensable duty to meet incessantly upon so good an account; nor shall all the powers upon earth be able to 14 divert us from reverencing and adoring our God who made us." The following conversation took place in the court on this memorable occasion ; — Recorder. " The question is, whether you are guilty of this indictment?" W. Penn. " The question is not, whether I am guilty of this indictment, but whether this indict- ment be legal? It is too general and imperfect an answer to say it is the common law, unless we know where and what it is ; for where there is no law there is no transgression ; and that law which is not in being, is so far from being common, that it is no law at all." Bee. " You are an impertinent fellow. Will you teach the court what law is ? It is law not written, that which many have studied thirty or forty years to know, and would you have me tell you in a moment?" W. Penn. " Certainly, if the common law be so hard to be understood, it is far from being very common ; but if the Lord Coke in his Institutes be of any consideration, he tells us, that common law is common right, and that common right is the Great Charter privileges confirmed." 15 Rec. " Sir, you are a troublesome fellow, and it is not to the honour of the court to suffer you to go on." W. Penn. " I have asked but one question, and you have not answered me, though the rights and privileges of every Englishman are concerned in it." Jtec. " If I should suffer you to ask questions till to morrow morning, you would be never the wiser." W. Penn. " That would be according as the answers are." Rec. " Sir, we must not stand to hear you talk all night." fV. Penn. " I design no affront to the court, but to be heard in my just plea; and I must plainly tell you, that if you deny me the oyer of that law, which you say I have broken, you do at once deny me an acknowledged right, and evidence to the whole world your resolution to sacrifice the privileges of Englishmen to your arbitrary de- signs." Rec. " Take him away. My lord, if you take not some course with this pestilent fellow to stop his mouth, we shall not be able to do any thing to night," 16 Mayor. " Take him away ; take him away. Torn him into the bale-dock." W. Penn. " These are but so many vain excla- mations. Is this justice or tme jndgment? Mast I therefore be taken away, because I plead for the fundamental laws of England? However, this I leave upon the consciences of you, who are of the jury, and my sole judges, that if these ancient fundamental laws, which relate to liberty and property, and which are not limited to particular persuasions in matters of religion, must not be indispensibly maintained and observed, who can say he hath a right to the coat upon his back ? certainly, our liberties are to be openly invaded ; our wives to be ravished ; onr children enslaved ; oar families ruined ; and oar estates led away in triumph by every sturdy beggar, and malicious informer; as their trophies, but oar forfeits for conscience sake. The Lord of heaven and earth will be judge between ns in this matter." Rec. " Be silent there." W. Penn. " I am not to be silent in a case in which I am so much concerned ; and not only myself, but ten thousand families besides." As they were now hurrying him away, raising 17 *«>'<;e, he exclaimed aloud, " I appeal to the jury, who are my judges, and this great assembly, whether the proceedings of the court are not most arbitrary, and void of all law, in endeavouring to give the jury their charge in the absence of the prisoners. I say, it is directly opposite to, and destructive of the undoubted right of every English prisoner, as Coke on the chapter of Magna Charta speaks." The verdict of the jury was, " Guilty of speaking in Gracechurch Street." As if there were any guilt in this. Tlie jury were brow-beaten, and sent back. When they returned again, they deli- vered a written verdict into court, — signed by all their names ; still it was, " Guilty of speaking in Gracechurch Street \ " The magistrates were now more than ever enra- ged : and the recorder addressed the jury as follows, " Gentlemen, you shall not be dismissed till we have a verdict such as the court will accept ; and you shall be locked up without meat, drink, fire, and tobacco ; you shall not think thus to abuse the coui t ; we will have a verdict by the help of God ; or you shall starve for it." Penn, on hca^iig this address, said, " My jury, who are my judges, 18 ought not to be thus menaced ; their verdict shonld be free and not compelled ; the bench onght to wait on them, and not to forestall them. I do desire that justice may be done me, and that the arbitrary resolves of the bench may not be made the measure of my jury's verdict." Turning more directly to the jury, he said, " You are English- men. Mind your privilege. Give not away your right." The next morning, which was Sunday, the jury returned the same verdict as before ; when the magistrates became outrageous, and assailed them in the most vulgar and brutal language. Several times they were sent back, and as often returned with the old verdict, " Guilty of speaking in Gracechurch Street!" Among other things, the Recorder observed," Till now I never understood the reason of the policy and prudence of the Spaniards in suffering the Inquisition among them ; and certainly it will never be well with ns, till something like the Spanish Inquisition be in England." At length, after the jury had received no re- freshment for two days and two nights, they were again called in ; and the court demanded a positive 19 answer to this question, " Guilty, or not guilty ?" The foreman replied, " Not guilty !" Then the Recorder observed, " Gentlemen of the jury, I am sorry yon have followed your own judgments, rather than the good advice which was given you. God keep my life out of your hands ! But for this the court fines you forty marks a man ; and imprisonment till paid." JV, Perm. " I demand my liberty, being freed by the jury." Mayor. No. You are in for your fines." W. Perm. " Fines for what ?" Mayor. " For contempt of court." W. Penn, " I ask, if it be according to the fundamental laws of England, that any Englishman should be fined or amerced, but by the judgment of his peers, or jury ; since it expressly contradicts the fourteenth and twenty-ninth chapters of the Great Charter of England, which say, " No free- man shall be amerced but by the oath of good and lawful men of the vicinage ?" Rec. " Take him away." W. Penn. " I can never urge the fundamental laws of England, but yon cry, • Take him away !' But it is no wonder, since the Spanish Inquisition 20 has 90 great a place in the Recorder's heart. God, who is just, will judge you for all these things." The prisoners, with every one of the jurymen, were all sent to Newgate. William Penn's father paid the fines so iniqnitously imposed on his son, and his fellow prisoner, and they were accordingly liberated. We know not how long these noble- minded jurymen were immured in prison. It is a subject of congratulation, that in the present day, no one even dares to plead for penal laws in matters of religion. The Admiral was now very ill, and rapidly approaching the close of life. The conversation, and kind offices of his son were peculiarly accept- able to him. They had much pleasant and profit- able communion together. In a moment of devout reflection, a little before he expired, he said to his son, — " William, I am weary of the world I I would not live over my days again, if I could command them with a wish ; for the snares of life are greater than the fears of death. This troubles me, that I have offended a gracious God. The thought of this has followed me to this day. O have a care of sin ! It is that which is the sting both of life and death. Three things I com- 21 mend to you. First, Let nothing in this world tempt you to wrong your conscience. I charge you, do nothing against your conscience ; so will you keep peace at home, which will be a feast to you in a day of trouble. Secondly, Whatever you design to do, lay it justly, and time it seasonably; for that gives security and dispatch. Thirdly, Be not troubled at disappointments ; for if they may be recovered, do it ; if they cannot, trouble is then vain. If you could not have helped it, be content; there is often peace and profit in submit- ting to Providence ; for afflictions make wise. If you could have helped it, let not your trouble exceed instruction for another time. These rules will carry you with firmness and comfort through this inconstant world." Looking earnestly at his eon in his last moments, he said, " William, if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and keep to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of the world. Bury me by my mother. Live all in love. Shun all manner of evil. I pray God to bless you all : and he will bless you all." These were some of his last expressions. 22 By the death of his father, he now came iuto the possession of an estate of about fifteen hundred a year ; which, with his frugal habits, not only made him independent, but even rich. He devoted his leisure, soon after this solemn providence, to writing a full account of his late mock trial; which he justly regarded as a duty that he owed not only to his friends, but to his countrymen in general. He retired, when he had taken a preaching excursion to Oxford, to the family mansion in Buckinghamshire. Here, as he and his friends had often been strangely supposed to favour the Roman Catholic system, he wrote his " Caveat against Popery." His enemies, without the shadow of reason, had frequently, no doubt to serve their base purposes, affirmed, that he was a concealed Jesuit. In this publication, he proved in a very satisfactory manner, that the Friends were among the most decided Protestants. It is observable, that in this book, he did not forget very particu- larly to plead for entire liberty of conscience ; affirming, that he was a friend to universal tolera- tion, and a decided enemy to all persecution. Returning to London, in 1671, he was soon •23 subjected to new suffering. When preaching in a meeting-house belonging to the Friends, a military guard pulled him from the desk on which he stood, and consigned him again to the Tower. When brought before Sir J. Robinson, the lieute- nant of the Tower, by whose order he had been seized, he pleaded the illegality of the proceedings so powerfully, that he could not but have been liberated, had not his pei'secutors had recourse, as they were accustomed, to the most palpable oppression. Robinson tendered to him the oath of allegiance ; which, as offered to the Friends, was very unnecessary, to say the least; because, if their principles would not suffer them to bear arras conscientiously against the enemies of the country, much less could they do so against their sovereign. The refusal to take this oath subjected W. Penn to imprisonment. " Do you yet," said Sir J. Robinson, " refuse to swear ?" W. Penn. " Yes, and that upon better grounds than those for which thou wouldst have me swear, if thou wilt please to hear me." Rob. " 1 am sorry you sliould put me upon this severity ; it is no pleasant work to me." W. Penn. " These are but words ; it is manifest, 24 that this is a prepense malice; thou hast several times laid the meetings for me, and this day par- ticularly." Roh. " No ; I profess I could not tell you would be there." TV. Penn. " Thy own corporal told me you had intelligence at the Tower, that I would be at Wheler Street to-day, almost as soon as I knew it myself. It is disingenuous and partial. I never gave thee occasion for such nnkindness." Rob. " I knew no such thing ; but if I had, I confess I should have sent for you." W. Penn. "That might have been spared, I do heartily believe it." Rob, " I vow, Mr. Penn, I am sorry for you ; you are an ingenious gentleman; all the world must allow you, and do allow you that ; and yon have a plentiful estate; why should yon render yourself unhappy by associating with such a sim- ple people." W. Penn. " I confess, I have made it my choice to relinquish the company of those that are inge- niously wicked, to converse with those that are more honestly simple." Rob. " I wish yon wiser." 25 IF. Penn. " And I wish thee better," Rob. " You have been as bad as otlier folks." JV. Penn. " When, and where ? I charge thee to tell the company to my face." Rob. " Abroad and at home too." Here Sir John Shelden interfered, crying out, " No, no. Sir John ; that's too much." And W. Penn indignantly exclaimed, " I make this bold challenge to all men, women, and children upon earth, justly to accuse me, with having seen me drunk, heard me swear, utter a curse, or speak oue obscene word, much less that I ever made it my practice. I speak this to God's glory, who has ever preserved me from the power of these pollu- tions, and who from a child implanted in me a hatred towards them. Thy words shall be thy burden ; and I trample thy slander as dirt under my feet." After much more conversation, Robinson sen- tenced him to Newgate for six mouths. " And is this all?" said the injured sufferer, "Thou well knowest a larger imprisonment has not daunted me. I accept it at the hand of the Lord, and am contented to suffer his will. Alas ! you mistake your interests. This is not the way to compass 26 your ends. I would have thee, and all men know, that I scorn that religion which is not worth suffenng for, and able to sustain those that are afflicted for it. Thy religion persecutes, and mine forgives. I desire God to forgive you all that are concerned in my commitment, and I leave you all in perfect charity, wishing you everlasting salva- tion." How does such a man rise in moral gran- deur and dignity, far above all his vexatious and cruel persecutors ! But though in prison, he was not idle. He well knew the value of time, and how it ought to be improved for the glory of God, and the good of man. He, therefore, wrote an Address to the House of Parliament, powerfully pleading for entire liberty of conscience. He addressed two letters to the Sheriffs of London, calling their attention to the state of the prisons. He also pub- lished a most excellent work, entitled " The Great Case of Liberty of Conscience debated and defend- ed." The following are a few sentences from this book, adduced as a brief specimen of its general spirit and worth. Addressing the supreme autho- rities, he says, "The cause of this appeal is, to solicit a conversion of that power to our relief. 27 which hitherto has been employed to our depres- sion; that after this large experience of our innocency, and long since expired apprenticeship of cruel sufferings, you will be pleased to cancel all our bonds, and give us a possession of that freedom to which we are entitled by birth-right as Englishmen. "This has been often promised us, and we as earnestly have expected the performance ; but to this time we labour under the unspeakable pressure of filthy prisons, and daily confiscation of our goods, to the apparent ruin of entire families. " It is the infelicity of governors to jee and hear by the eyes and ears of other men ; and which is equally unhappy for the people. And we are bold to say, that suppositions and mere conjectures have been the best measures that most have taken of us and of our principles ; for, whilst there have been none more inoffensive, we have been marked for capital offenders. " Could we obtain the favour of a conference, we doubt not to evince a clear consistency of our life and doctrine to the English Government ; and that an indulgence of Dissenters in the sense requested, is not only most christian and rational, 28 but prudent also ; and the contrary, however plausibly insinuated, the most injurious to the peace, and destructive of that discreet balance, which the best and wisest states have ever care- fully observed. " But if this fair and equal offer find not a place with you on which to rest its foot, much less that it should bring us back the olive branch of tolera- tion, we heartily embrace and bless the Providence of God ; and, in his strength, resolve by patience to outweary persecution ; and by our constant sufferings seek to obtain a victory more glorious than any our adversaries can achieve by all their cruelties." He maintained, that no external, coercive power could convince the understanding; that fines and imprisoments could not be judged fit and adequate penalties for faults purely intellectual; that the enactment of laws to restrain persons from the free exercise of their consciences in matters of religion, was but the knotting of whipcord on the part of the enactors to lash their own posterity, whom they could never promise to be conformed for ages to come to a national religion, that they who imposed fetters upon the conscience, claimed •29 infallibility, which all Protestants rejected; that they usurped the divine prerogative, assuming tl»e judgment of the great tribunal; that they overthrew the Christian religion in the very nature of it, for it was spiritual, and not of this world; that they opposed the plainest testimonies of divine writ ; that they waged war against the privileges of nature, by exalting themselves, and enslaving their fellow creatures ; that they acted contrary to all true notions of government ; first, as to the nature of it, which was justice; Secondly, as to the execution of it, which was prudence ; and thirdly, as to the end of it, which was happiness. After his six months imprisonment, he was liberated, and took a tour on the continent. On his return in 1672, he married Gulielma Maria Springett, daughter of Sir W. Springett, of Darling in Sussex. Her father had fallen at the siege of fiamber, in the service of the Parliament. She was as remarkable for the beauty of her person, as for the sweetness of her disposition. They took up their abode at Rickmansworth in Hertfordshire. Charles II, in 1671, published a declaration of liberty of conscience in matters of religion, which, for a season, sheltered the Non-conformists from 30 the malice oi their persecutors. In 1674, the Par- liament considering this declaration of the King, as an nndae extension of his prerogative, obliged him to revoke it. This was a signal for the ene- mies of all true religion, again to shew their malice against its supporters. Bigotted magistrates again put the old persecuting enactments into force. W. Penn wrote several able tracts on the occasion. In one of them he said, " There can be no reason to persecute any man in this world, about any thing that belongs to the next. Who art thou, says the holy Scripture in this case, that judgest another man's servant? He must stand or fall to his master, the great God. Let the tares and the wheat grow together till the harvest. To call fire from Heaven was no part of Christ's religion. His sword is spiritual, like bis kingdom. Be pleased to remember, that faith is the gift of God, and what is not of faith is sin." As the evil of persecution began to spread farther, he addressed a letter to the King on the subject; but it was of no avail. Fines were levied without warrants, and locks and bolts were broken in pieces. Goods twice the value of the tines, were seized and taken ; and not a few 31 peaceable and unoffending persons, vrere again immured in prison. Parents and children were separated. Cattle were driven away ; the cow of the widow, or the fatherless, was not spared. Corn stacks were seized, thrashed out, and sold. " Household goods were distrained, so that even a stool was not left in some cases to sit on ; and the very milk boiling on the fire for the family, was thrown to the dogs, in order to obtain the skillet as a prize. These enormities sometimes took place on suspicion only that persons had preached, or attended a conventicle ; and to such lengths were they carried, that even some of those who went only to visit and sit by their sick relations, were adjudged to be a company met to pray iu defiance of the law." W. Penn now published, and the work was certainly very seasonable, " England's present Interest, considered with honour to the Prince, and safety to the People." In this treatise he said, that Englishmen bad three birth-rights. The first consisted in ownership and undisturbed possession of property, and liberty of person from the violence of arbitrary power; the second was, in the voting of every law that was made whereby that ownership in liberty and property might be 32 maintained; the third, he said was, in having an in- fluence upon, and a great share in, the judicatory power, so that they were not to be condemned but by the votes of freemen. To live honestly, to do no injury to another, and to give every man his due, was sufficient he justly remarked, to entitle every native to English privileges. Whether the ground of a man's religious dissent be rational or not, severity is unjustifiable ; for the maxim is a just one, that whoever is in the wrong, the persecutor cannot be in the right. The outrages of the persecutors still continuing, he printed a small book entitled, " The Cry of the Oppressed for Justice." In this volume he merely narrates some of the atrocities which were com- mitted daily ander the semblance of jastice, hoping that the bare recital of them would excite atten- tion, and do good. The following are cases selected from this performance. " Four persons were sent to prison for attending a meeting in Leicestershire, from whom goods of various kinds were seized to the amount of two hundred and thirty-six pounds ; their very bed-clothes, and working tools being taken from them. In Nottinghamshire, James NevU, a justice, took from J. Samsun, nineteen 33 head of beasts, and goods to tlie value of sixty pounds. In the county of Norfolk, John Patteson had two hundred sheep taken from him, and W. Barber, cows, carts, a plough, a pair of har- rows, and hay, to the amount of fifty pounds. Barber's house had been rifled before ten times, and he was then a prisoner. W. Brazier, shoe- maker, at Cambridge, was fined twenty pounds for holding a religious meeting in his honse. The officers took his leather, last, the seat he worked upon, wearing clothes, bed, and bedding. F. Paw- lett, a magistrate of Somersetshire, fined thirty-two persons for being at a burial, and seized cows, corn, and other goods, to the amount of eighty-two pounds, and upwards. As no one would buy the cattle, the justice employed a creature of his to buy them for himself." There are many such instances of cruelty and oppression detailed in tlie same work. In 1675, he held a public controversy at Rick- mansworth, with the celebrated Richard Baxter. The particulars of this dispute are not recorded. It began at ten in the morning, and lasted till five in the afternoon. The disputants, in tuni, addressed two rooms thronged with people of almost all D 34 ranks in society. It appears, that Mr. Baxter used many hard terms on the occasion ; since there is a letter of W. Penn's in which he says, " he forgives hiui his hard words, and his many seve- rities." In 1676, Jolui Fenwick and Edward Byllinge, having purchased one-half of New Jersey in North America, from Lord Berkeley, a dispute arose between them, the settlement of whieb was sub- mitted to the arbitration of W. Penn. After he had taken much pains and trouble, an amicabkr adjustment took place, and Fenwick, with bi» family and friends, departed to find a home in the western part of the world. Byllinge, unable to meet the demands of his creditors, agreed to deliver up, to trust, his newly -acquired property in Jersey for their benefit. He fixed on W. Penn as one of the trustees. The laud being divided into one hundred lots, they assigned ton of these to Fen- wick, as a repayment for time, trouble, and money advanced to Lord Berkeley. The other ninety lots were kept for the creditors of Byllinge. W. Penn was now called to the discharge of a most important duty ; the formation of a constitu- tion for the new settlers of this new colony. He 35 •^rew up what he denominated, concessions, or terms of agreement, which were to be signed by all the purchasers of land. The outline of his plan may be given in few words. " The people were to meet annually, to choose one honest man for each proprietary. They who were so chosen were to sit in assembly. They were there to make, alter, and repeal laws. They were also to choose a governor, with twelve assistants, who were to execute the laws, bnt only during their pleasure. Every man was to be capable both of choosing and being chosen. No man was to be arrested, imprisoned, or condemned in his estate or liberty, but by twelve men of the neighbourhood. No man was to be imprisoned for debt ; but his estate was to satisfy his creditors as far as it would go, and then he was to be set at liberty to work again for himself and family. No man was to be inter- rupted or molested on account of the exercise of his religion." Happy would it have been for every state, if the people had been governed by such wise and salutary regulations. In 1677, he left Rickmansworth as a residence, for Worminghurst in Sussex. He here devoted his time very much to the interests of the Jersey 36 colony. A large portion of the land was soon sold, and several vessels, laden with settlers and goods, sailed for America. About this time he received the following letter from Elizabeth, Princess Palatine of the Rhine, to whom he had previously written, having heard that deep impressions of a religious nature had been made upon her mind. "This, my friend, will inform you, that both your letters were accep- table, together with your wishes for my obtaining those virtues, which may make me a worthy follower of our great King and Saviour Jesus Christ. What I have done for his true disciples is not so much as a cup of cold water. It affords them no refreshment. Neither did I expect any fruit of my letter to the Duchess of L. as I ex- pressed at the same time to B. Furley. But as R. Barclay desired I would write, I could not refuse him, nor omit to do any thing that was judged conducing to his liberty, though it should expose me to the derision of the world. But this a mere moral man may reach at ; the true inward graces are yet wanting in your affectionate friend, Elizabeth." W. Penn, soon after the receipt of this letter, left England for a journey on the continent. At 37 Rotterdam, he tells ns, they had two meetings ; the Gospel was preached, the dead were raised, and the living comforted. Leaving Holland, after much preaching, and religious conference, he soon arrived at Herwerden, where the Princess held her court ; with whom the Conntess of Homes resided as a companion. The morning after their arrival, R. Barclay and W. Penn waited on the Princess, by her own appointment, at seven o'clock. They were received with ex- pressions of extraordinary kindness. They held a religioaa meeting, which did not break up till eleven. In the afternoon they held another meet- ing for worship, which did not end till seven in the evening. The third day they assembled again for worship, when many of the inhabitants of the town were present. "This meeting," says W. Penn, " began with a weighty exercise and travail in prayer, that God would glorify his name on that day and this appears to have been the case ; for the influence of the Holy Spirit seems to have been mighty, both upon the preachers and hearers. The Princess was so overcome, that when she went to take leave of W. Penn after the meeting, she could scarcely find utterance for her words. 38 R. Barclay retai ned to Amsterdam ; bot W. Pena continued his journey to Cassel ; here many kindly received him ; especially one " Durseus, a person of seventy-seven years of age, who had forsaken his learning and school divinity for the teachings, of the Holy Spirit." From hence he journeyed to several of the principle towns in Germany and HoUand. Before he left the continent he went to pay another visit to Herwerden. Here he found the Governor of Donau ; they soon entered upon reli- gious discussion ; and both agreed, " that self- denial, and mortification, and victory therein, were the duty, and therefaie ought to be the endeavour of every true Christian." On this occasion W. Penn gave the Governor some account of his own his- tory, and made many remarks on the necessity of the work of the Holy Spirit on the heart. As he knew it was a final leave which he was about to take of this interesting spot, he was much affected. Falling on his knees, imploring the divine blessing on the Princess, he bade her farewell. He and his friend J. Ciaus took their places in the post waggon ; as there were many passengers, they were very uncomfortable for want of room» and (iiil not lie down or sleep lor three nighti. Most of their fellow travellers, as evenins^ ap proached, sanv several of Luther's psalms aiul faymns; this was their usual custom; and looked as if they were a religious people ; but W. Penii having observed that their conversation was gene rally light and vain, he seized an opportunity oi telling them, " that to be full of levity, and profane talk one ho«ir, and to sing psalms to God the next, was deceit, and an abomination." Having heard, that at the village of Wonder wick, there resided a nobleman of serious and retired habits, \V. Penn and G. Fox. went to pay him a visit. They were very kindly received. Having given them an atfecting account of his own religious experience, he introduced them to his wife and family. W. Penn delivered a dis- course on the occasion, which was exceedingly impressive, at the close of which he felt constrained to kneel down and pray. " Great brokenness of heart," says he, " fell upon all, and that grace which was before the world began, was richly manifested in and among us." The nobleman and his wife blessed them; and said they considered their house as blessed for their sakes. 40 At Brill Ihty went on board the packet for Erjg- laiid. The weather was eutirely against them ; and the vessel was so leaky that they w ere iu the most imminent danger. At length, after having been two days and three nights out at sea, they landed at Harwich. From thence he proceeded on horse- back to London, preaching at several places on his way. He stayed, for the same purpose, for several days in the metropolis ; and then jonrneyed to his seat in Sussex, where he safely arrived, after an absence of three months and ten days, and after an excursion of nearly three thousand miles. On the afternoon of his return home, he assembled his whole family for worship, especially offering thanksgiving to the God of all their mercies. In 1678, he petitioned parliament, that the word of a member of the Society of Friends, might be regarded as equivalent to an oath, provided, that if any one should be found to give a false testi- mony, he should be liable to the same punishment as the person who took a false oath. On account of this petition he was admitted to a hearing before a Committee of the House of Commons, when ho addressed the gentlemen who composed it in the following manner : — 41 " It' we ought lo believe that it is our duty, according to the doctriae of the apostle, to be always ready to give an account of the hope that is in us, and this to every sober and private en- quirer, certainly much more ought we to hold ourselves obliged to declare with all readiness, when called to it by so great an authority, what is not our hope; especially when our very safety is eminently concerned in so doing ; and when we cannot decline this discrimination of ourselves from Papists, without being conscious to ourselves of the guilt of our own sufferings, for so must every man needs be who suffers mutely under another character than that which truly belongeth to him and his belief. That which giveth me a more than ordinary right to speak at this time, and in this place, is the great abuse which I have received above any other of my profession ; for a long time I have not only been supposed a Papist, but a Seminary, a Jesuit, an emissary of Rome, and in pay from the Pope ; a man dedicating my endeavours to the interests and advancement of that party. Nor hath this been the report of the rabble, but the jealousy and insinuation of persons otherwise sober and discreet. Nay, some zealots 42 for tbe Protestant religion liave been so far gone in this mistake, as not only to think ill of us, and decline our conversation, but to take courage to themselves, to prosecute us as a sort of concealed Papists ; and the truth is, that, what with one thing, and what with another, we have been as the wool-sacks and common whipping-stock of the kingdom : all laws have been let loose upon us ; as if the design were not to reform but to destroy as ; and this not for wliat we are, but for what we are not. It is hard, that we must thus bear the stripes of another interest, and be their proxy in punishment; but it is worse that some men can please themselves in such a sort of administration. But mark; I would not be mistaken, I am far from thinking it fit, because I exclaim against the injustice of whipping Quakers for Papists, that Papists should be whipped for their consciences. No ; for though the hand, pretended to be lifted up against them, hath, I know not by what discre- tion, lighted heavily upon us, and we complain, yet we do not mean that any should take a fresh aim at them, or that they should come in our room, for we must give the liberty we ask, and cannot be false to our principles, though it were to relieve 43 ourselves ; for we have good will to all men, and would have none suflFer for a truly sober and con- scientious dissent on any hand. And I humbly take leave to add, that those methods against persons so qualified, do not seem to me to be convincing, or indeed adequate to the reason of mankind ; but this I submit to your consideration. To conclude ; I hope we shall be held excused of the men of that (the Roman Catholic) profession in giving this distinguishing declaration, since it is not with design to expose them, but, first, to pay that regard we owe to the enquiry of this Com- mittee, and, in the next place, to relieve ourselves from the daily spoil and ruin which now attend and threaten many hundreds of families, by the execution of laws, which, we humbly conceive, were never made against us. " The candid hearing our sufferings have re- ceived from you, and the fair and easy entertain- ment you have given us, oblige me to add whatever can increase your satisfaction about us; I hope you do not believe I would tell you a lie. I am sure I should choose an ill time and place to tell it in ; but I thank God it is too late in the day for that. There are some here who have known me 44 formerly. I believe they will gay I was never that man. anJ it would be hard if, after a volun- tary neglect of the advantages of this world, I should sit down in my retirement short of common truth. "Excuse the length of my introduction; it is for this I make it, I was bred a Protestant, and that strictly too. I lost nothing by time or study. For years, reading, travel, and observation, made the religion of my education the religion of my judgment. My alteration hath brought none to that belief ; and though the posture I am in may seem odd or strange to you, yet I am conscientious; and, till you know me better, I hope your charity will call it rather my unhappiness than my crime. I do tell you again, and here solemnly declare, in the presence of Almighty God, and before yon all, that the profession I now make, and the Society I now adhere to have been so far from altering that Protestant judgment I had, that I am not conscious to myself of having receded from an iota of any one principle maintained by those first Protestants and Reformers of Germany, and our own martyrs at home, against the See of Rome. On the contrary, I do with great truth asture yon 45 that we are of the same negative faith with the ancient Protestant church ; and upon occasions shall be ready, by God's assistance, to make it appear, that we are of the same belief as to tlie most fundamental positive articles of her creed too: and therefore, it is we think hard, that though we deny, in common with her, those doctrines of Rome so s^alously protested against, (from whence the name Protestants) yet that we should be so unhappy as to suffer, and that with extreme severity, by those very laws on purpose made against the maintainers of those doctrines which we do so deny. We choose no suffering; for God knows what we have already suffered, and how many sufficient and trading families are reduced to great poverty by it. We think ourselves a useful people ; we are sure we are a peaceable people : yet, if we must still suffer, let us not suffer as Popish Recusants, but as Protestant Dissenters. "But I would obviate another objection, and that none of the least that hath been made against us, namely, that we are enemies to government in general, and particularly dissatisfied with that which we live under. I think it not amiss, but 46 very reasonable, yea, my duty, now to declare to you, and this I do with good conscience, in the Bight of Almighty God, first, that we believe government to be God's ordinance ; and next that this present governmeut is established by the providence of God, and the law of the land, and that it is our Christian duty readily to obey it in all its just laws ; and wherein we cannot comply through tenderness of conscience, in all cases not to revile or conspire against the Government, but with christian humility and patience tire out all mistakes about us and wait the better information of those who, we believe, do as undeservedly as severely treat us; and I know not what greater security can be given by any people, or how any people, or how any Government can be easier from the subject of it. " I shall conclude with this, that we are so far from esteeming it hard or ill that this house hath put us upon this discrimination ; that, on the contrary, we value it, as we ought to do, a high favor ; and cannot choose but see and humbly acknowledge God's providence therein, that you should give us this fair occasion to discharge ourselves of a burden we have not with more 47 patience than injustice suffered too many year» nnder. And 1 hope our conversation shall always manifest the grateful resentment of our minds for the justice and civility of this opportunity ; and so I pray God direct yon." In 1679, he published his "Address to Protes- tants." The following admirable sentiments, with many others of a similar description, are to be found in this work. " We must do violence to our understandings, if we can think that the men who hate their brethren, and shed one ano- ther's blood, can be true followers of that Jesus, who loved his enemies, and who gave his blood for the world. Whenever Caesar meddles with what does not belong to him, he confounds his own things with the things of God. Thus he confounds divine worship with civil obedience, and the cbarch with the state. Such a conduct is pernicious. It weakens Caesar's own state, because it irritates so many of his subjects against him. It is contrary to the universal goodness of God, whom Caesar ought to imitate ; and who is seen dispens- ing his sun, light, air, and showers to all. It bars up heaven against all farther illumination ; for, let God send what light he pleases, Cajsar's people 48 cannot receive it without Caesar's licence. It tend» to stifle and punish sincerity. It leads directly to Atheism, because it extinguishes the sense of con- science for worldly ends."—" Christ gave his church power to bind and to loose, but not to bind with fetters. He oi-dcrs obdurate offenders belong- ing to it to be treated as the heathen, but said nothing of fines, whips, stocks, and imprisonment. Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty ; but where jails, pillories, and chains are, there can be none." — Truly, the writer of these fine sentiments was not only a great, but also a good and a wise man. Though his father had been dead some years, his affairs with the government were still unset- tled. The Admiral had advanced, at different times, considerable sums for the naval service ; his pay also was greatly in arrears. As much as sixteen thousand pounds were due to him. As there was little hope of getting any money from Charles II, whose profligacy spent all he could lay his hands on ; W. Penn, therefore, petitioned, that lands might be assigned him in America, to the amount of his claim. The reason of this application was with the hope of doing extensive 49 Rood. " Finding," says one, " his friends weie harrassed all over England by Spiritual Courts, as they are strangely miscalled, he resolved to put himself at the head of as many as would go with him, and thus conduct them to a place where they would be no longer subjected to suffer- ing on account of their religion." W. Penn tells us himself, that his motive was, " To serve God's truth, and people." Subsequent events proved abundantly that this was the case. In 1681, East New Jersey was offered for sale by the will of Sir George Carteret. W. Penn was the purchaser ; but he associated some other gentlemen with him in the concern. He now projected a new town on the lands which remained unoccu- pied. He proposed offers of land on advantageous terms, which were willingly accepted, especially by many of the people of Scotland. His petition relative to the country on the Dela- ware, met with much opposition, chiefly because he did not belong to the established church. At length he succeeded, and a charter, with ample powers for the government and settlement of the new colony, was assigned him. His own account of the matter presents him to posterity in a very E 50 amiable point of view. " After many waitings, watchings, solicitings, and disputes in council, the country was tliis day confirmed to inc nnder the great seal of England, by the name of Pennsylvania, a name which the king gave it in honour of my father." He designed to have had it called New Wales, but the Under Secretary of State, who was a Welshman, supposing his country would be degraded by it, vehemently opposed it. He then proposed Sylvania, because it was a woodland district. He told the Under Secretary, that he would give him twenty guineas if he would get the country named according to his wishes. At last, he went to the king to get the name of Pcnu obliterated, but the monarch desired that it might be called Pennsylvania, from the respect which he cherished to the memory of his father : to which, of coarse, be was obliged to submit. He now drew np an account of his new pro- vince in America, and published it with a copy of the Royal Charter. At the same time he offered a hundred acres of land for forty shillings, and a quit-rent of one shilling per annum to the proprie- tor for ever. He stipulated, that servants should have fifty acres of land, when the time of their 51 servitude expired. " I desire," said he in this document, " all my dear country-folks, who may be inclined to go into those parts, to consider seriously the premises; as well the inconvcniency as future ease and plenty; that so none may move rashly, or from a fickle but from a solid mind, having above all things an eye to the providence of God in the disposing of themselves; and I would further advise all such at least to have the permission, if not the good-liking of their near relations, for that is both natural and a duty incumbent on all. And by this, both natural aflfec- tion, and a friendly and profitable correspondence will be preserved between them, in all which 1 beseech Almighty God to direct us ; that his blessing may attend our honest endeavours, and then the consequence of our undertakings will turn to the glory of his name, and all true happi- ness be to us and our posterity." One prominent feature in all his stipulations in America, was his great concern that the native Indians should be treated with justice and pro- priety. He enjoined, though it had been usual with planters to overreach them in various ways, " that whatever was sold them in consideration of E 2 52 their fnrs, shonid be sold in the public market- place, and there suffer the test, whether good or bad ; if good, to pass ; if not good, not to be sold for good ; that the said natives might neither be abused nor provoked ;— that no man should by any ways or means, in word or deed, affront or wrong any Indian, but he should incur the same penalty of the law, as if he had committed it against his fellow planter ; and if any Indian should abuse, in word or deed, any planter of the province, that the said planter should not be his own judge, but that he should make his complaint to the Governor of the province, or his deputy, or some magistrate, who should, to the utmost of his power, interpose with the King of the said Indian, and procure all reasonable satisfaction. And that all differences between planters and Indians should be settled by twelve men, by six planters and six Indians, and that so they might live friendly together, and occasions of mischief be prevented." This regard for the welfare of the native inhabitants of a country, was perfectly new ; as the Spaniards, and others, had generally treated them as so many brute animals, of whom they might dispose as they pleased ; and will justly endear the name and 35 character of W. Penn, to the remotest generations. This great and good man took especial care tu assure the settlers, that he gave them that entire liberty of conscience which their own country denied them, and on behalf of which, he had written and suffered so much. " In reverence," says he, " to God, the father of light and spirits, the author, as well as object of all divine know- ledge, faith and worsliip, I do, for me and mine, declare and establish for the first fundamental of the government of my province, that every person that doth and shall reside therein, shall have and enjoy the free profession of his or her faith, and exercise of worship toward God, in such way and manner as every such person shall in conscience believe is most acceptable to God." In a letter to a friend he farther, and in a very interesting manner, explains his own views. " f have been," says he, " these thirteen years, the servant of Truth, and of the Friends ; and, for my testimony's sake, have lost much; not only the greatness and preferment of this world, but sixteen thousand pounds of my estate, whicli, had I not been what I am, I had long ago obtained. But 1 raurnnir not : the Lord is good to me ; and the 54 interest his truth has given me with his people, may more than repair it; for many are drawn forth to be concerned with me ; and perhaps this way of satisfaction hath more the hand of God in it than a downriglit payment. This I can say, that I had an opening of joy as to these parts, in the year 1661, at Oxfoixl, twenty years since ; and as my understanding and inclinations have been much directed to observe and reprove mis- chiefs in government, so it is now put into my power to settle one. For the matters of liberty and privilege, I purpose that which is extraor- dinary ; and leave myself and successors no power of doing mischief, that the will of one man may not hinder the good of a whole country." He sent out with the first ships Col. W. Mark- ham, a relation of his, to confer with the Indians respecting their lands, and to conclude with them a treaty of perpetual amity. Several commissioners also accompanied him ; they were the bearers of the following letter, which was written with his own hand . — " There is a great Gotice so conspicuous, that he became very much endeared to them ; and such a deep im- 80 pression of his benignity was made on iheir nnder- standings, that his name and memory will scarcely ever be effaced while tliey continue a people. The elm tree, under which this celebrated treaty was made, was held in much veneration. In the American war, when fire-wood was much wanted by the British army, General Simcoe placed a sen- tinel under it, that not a branch of it might be in- jured. When, at last, it was blown down by a tempest, it was transformed into cups, and other articles, to be kept as memorials to future genera- tions. Col. Markham had chosen a beautiful spot on which he was erecting a mansion for his noble relative. W. Penn went to view it, and gave it the name of Pennsbury. Afterwards he chose a spot for his new city, between the rivers Skuylkill and Delaware. From the junction of these two great navigable rivers, he justly thought the situa- tion exceedingly advantageous for commerce ; and as there were immense quarries of stone in the neighbourhood, he regarded this circumstance of course, as affording great facilities for building. The following is an extract from one of his letters 81 whilst he was engaged in these great works; "I bless the Lord, I am very well, and much satisfied with my place and portion ; yet busy enough having mnch to do to please all, and yet to have an eye to those that arc not here to please themselves. " I am now casting the country into townships for large lots of land. I have held an assembly, ia which many good laws have been passed. We could not stay safely till the spring for a government. I have annexed the Territories lately obtained to the Province, and passed a general naturalization for strangers, whicli has much pleased the people. As to outward things, we are satisfied ; the land is good, the air clear and sweet, the springs plentiful, and provision good and easy to come at; an innumerable quantity of wild fowl and fish ; in fine, here is what an Abraham, Isaac, or Jacob would be well contented with ; and service enough for God, for the fields are here white unto the har- vest. O how sweet is the quiet of these parts, freed from the anxious and troublesome solicitations, hurries, and perplexities of woeful Europe." In the course of the year after the arrival of W. Penn, twenty-three vessels sailed from Great G 82 Britain, witli more thau two thousand emigrants. Tiie population of his colony now amounted to nearly six thousand persons. Those who came at the end of the year, were but ill provided for the winter; and suflFered much from the insuihciency of their habitations to shelter them from the in- clemency of the season. Their provisions were sometimes but scanty ; yet the wild pigeons, which were in such great numbers, that the air was darkened by them, were of the greatest service to the settlers; the Indians also, did their utmost for their support, as ever since the Treaty, they regarded them as the children of William Penn, and as their brothers. Hearing that his friends were still shamefully persecuted in England, he determined to return home to intercede with the court for their relief. He had made treaties of amity with nineteea diflerent tribes of Indians ; he had expended several thousand pounds to instruct, support, and oblige them ; he had established twenty townships in his dominions ; and he now made arrangements to vi^it his native land. He left Philadelphia in ihc eighth mouth of the year 1684, to the deep regret 83 of all classes of society; and landed in England, after a voyage of about seven weeks. His enemies, during his absence, had brought a variety ot charges against him, but as there was no ground for them, they were readily refuted. One of these was, that he had given his sanction to some mili- tary proceedings ; to which he replied, " That there was an old timber-house at Newcastle, stand- ing upon a green, on which lay seven old iron small cannon, some on the groand, and others on broken carriages; but there was neither a military man, nor powder, nor bullet, belonging to them ; and that they were the property of the government of New York." Another charge was, that he had made the settlement a matter of gain; to which he replied, " That he had hazarded his life, and maintained both the Government and the Governor for four years past. That he would have been a gainer if he had given the land. That he had bought ground on which a part of Philadelphia stood, of the Swedes, which had enabled him to add eiglit Imndred acres to the city, and a mile on a navigable liver; all \\hich he had freely given to the public." Who can expect to escape slander and G 2 84 calumny? This most upright and generous indi- vidual could not do it. Charles II. died soon after the return of W. Penn, and his brother James II. quietly succeeded to the crown. The new monarch much respectedW. Penn, not only from the esteem he cherished for his father, but also for his own sake. He was, there- fore, often at the palace; though he was not a little reproached on this account, as a concealed Catholic and Jesuit ; yet there is abundant reason to conclude that he employed all his influence with the king to do good, and especially for the benefit of the persecuted of his brethren, who were still shamefully suffering under the iron hand of oppression. He pleaded hard, as he had always done, for an entire toleration. " In our own time," said he, " we see the effects of a discreet indul- gence, even to emulation. Holland has become the rival of the tallest monarchies, not by con- quests, marriages, or accession of royal blood, the usual ways to empire, but by her own superlative clemency and industry; for tiie one was the effect of the other; she clierished her people, what- ever were their opinions, as the reasonable "rtock 85 of the country, the head3 and hands of her trade and wealth ; and, making them easy in tlie main point, their consciences, she became great by them. This made her fill with people, and they filled her in return with riches and strength." He shewed by plain examples, that it is the union of interests, and not of opinions, that gives peace to kingdoms. Soon after James came to the crown, he issued a proclamation for the liberation of those who were in prison for conscience sake. Not less than twelve-hundred persons of the Society of Friends alone, were restored to their homes and families, some of whom had been in confinement for years. There is reason to believe that William Penn's conferences with the king, were greatly instrumen- tal in producing this beneficial result. His government in America, soon fell into dis- order after he left the country. Nor could he get his quit-rents remitted to him. These were of the value of five hundred pounds per annum ; but not a farthing came to his hand : " God is my witness," says he, "I lie not; I am above six thousand pounds out of pocket, more than ever I saw by the pro- 86 vince ; in addition to my pains, cares, and hazard of life, and leaving my family and friends to serve them." Indeed, be began to be embarrassed on account of the remittances bein^ viithheld from America. He mentioned thi- as one reason which kept him from Pennsylvania. " I will not," said he, " spend my private estate to discharge a public station." lo the summer of 1687, be took a preaching tonr through several of the coanties of England. The King happening to be at Chester at the same time, went to hear him preach. He also did so at several other places. In consequence of his frequent visits to the King, he became exceedingly unpopular. The old cry, that he was a Roman Catholic, was raised against him, and very commonly believed. So that in the present year 1688, when the Prince of Orange had seized the helm of government, he was arrested, and brought before the Lords of the Council. In reply to some questions which they addressed to him, be protested, that he "had done nothing but what he could answer before (Jod, and all the princes in the world ; that he loved his country, and tlie Prote«tant religion above his life, and had 87 never acted against either; that all he bad ever aimed at in his public endeavours was no other than what the Prince himself had declared for ; that King James had always been his friend, and his father's friend; and that in gratitude, he himself was the King's friend, and did ever, as much as in him lay, influence him to his true interest." Though the Council had no evidence against him, they made him give security for his appearance the first day of the next term. He appeared accordingly, but as nothing was even surmised against him, he was discharged. In 1689, tlie great measure, an act of Toleration, which he had been labouring and writing all his life to effect, became the law of the land. One of the Bishops then said, that, "it seemed to be suit- able to the Christian religion, and to the interests of the nation. It was thought very unreasonable, that while we were complaining of the church of Rome, we should fall into such practices among ourselves." W. Penn had often asserted this, and much more to the same effect, and yet he could not be heard ; (hough the liberty, treasure, and blood of thousands and of tens of thousands would then Iiave been preserved. 88 He was ueveir anmiadful of bis Colony in Ame- rica. Though he was displeased with the differences of some of the principal friends whom he had left at the helm of affairs, 3'et he was warmly attached to their best interests. " Europe," says he, in a letter to them at this time, " looks like a sea of trouble. Wars are like to be all over it this summer. I strongly desire to see yoa before it is spent, if the Lord will ; and I can say in his sight, that to improve my interest with King James, on behalf of tender consciences, and that a Christian liberty might be legally settled, though against my own interest, was that which has chiefly separated me from yon. If it be with you, as I can say in the presence of God, it is with me, then are we one with him; for neither length of days, nor distance of place, nor all the many waters between ns, can separate my heart and affection from you. "And now. Friends, I have a word more for you ; that faith, hope, and charity are the great helps and marks of real Christians ; but above all love, is the love of God. Blessed are they who come to it, who hold the li ulh in it, and work and act in it; for they, though poor in their own, are 89 yet rich in God's Spirit ; though they are meek, they inherit. " This temper will preserve peace in the church, peace in the state, peace in families, peace in par- ticular bosoms. I beseech God Almighty, to draw all your hearts into this heavenly love more and more, so that the fruit of it may appear increa- singly to his glory and your comfort." The late King having written to him, and the letter being intercepted, he was summoned before the King and Council. Having been asked why the deposed monarch had written to him ? he replied, " That it was impossible he could prevent his doing so ; he supposed, that he wished to en- gage his interest for his restoration ; but though he could not avoid the suspicion of aiding him iu such an attempt, he could avoid the guilt of it." He acknowledged that he had loved King James ; and that as he had loved him in his prosperity, he could not hate him in his adversity. He said, that he felt it a duty to observe inviolably that regard for the State, which all its subjects ought to feel; and, therefore, that he never had the guilt even to think of endeavouring to restore to the fallen monarch the crown which he bad lost. The King was so convinced of iiis innocence, that he wished to dismiss him without farther trouble ; but some of the Council interposed, and he was ordered to give bail for his appearance the next term. He accordingly came forward at the time appointed, and was once more discharged. He had not been long at liberty, before he was again arrested, and committed to prison. Still, as there was no evidence which conld substantiate any thing against him of an improper nature, he was set at large. Just as he was on the eve of his departure for America, a wretch of the name of Fuller, whom the Parliament afterwards declared " a cheat and impostor," accused him, on oath, of treasonable practices, so that he was unable to leave the king- dom. A letter he wrote to one of his friends in his new Settlement, contains the following inter- esting passage. *' By this time thou wilt have heard of my troubles, the only hindrance of my return, being in the midst of my preparations, with a great company of adventurers, when they came upon me. The jealousies of some, an well as the root of all evil. I have once seen a man that died to save charges! "What! Give ten shillings to a doctor, and have an apothecary's bill besides, that may come to I know not what!" No, not he : valuing life less than twenty shillings. But, indeed, such a man could not, well, set too low a price upon himself; who, though he lived up to the chin in bags, had rather die, than find In his heart to open one of them, to help to save his life. Such a man is " felo de se," and deserves not christian burial. He is a common nuisance, a wear across the stream, that stops the current, an obstruction to be removed by a purge of the law. The only gratification he gives his neighbours, is to let them see that he himself is as little the better for what he has, as they are. For he always looks like Lent ; a sort of Lay-Minim. In some sense he may be compared to Pharaoh's lean kine; for all that he has does him no good. He commonly wears his clothes till they leave him or that nobody else can wear them. He alt'ects to be M 162 thought poor, to escape robbery and taxes ; and by looking as if he wanted an alms, excases him- self from giving any. He ever goes late to markets, to cover buying the worst; but does it because that is cheapest. He lives on the offal. His life would be an insupportable punishment, to any temper but his own ; and there is no greater torment to him on earth, than to live as other men do. But the misery of his pleasure is, that he is never satisfied with getting, and always in fear of losing what he cannot use. How vilely has he lost himself, who becomes a slave to his servant, and exalts him to the dignity of his Maker ! Gold is the God, the wife, the friend of the money-monger of the world. But in MARRIAGE Do thou be wise ; prefer the person before money, virtue before beauty, the mind before the body; then thou hast a wife, a friend, a com- panion, a second-self, one that bears an equal share with thee in all thy toils and troubles. Choose one that measures her satisfaction, safety, and danger by thine ; and of whom thou art as sure, as of thy most secret thoughts ; a friend, as 163 well as a wife ; which indeed, a wife implies ; for ^he is but half a wife that is not, or is not capable of being such a friend. Sexes make no diflferencc ; since in souls there i* none : and they are the subjects of friendship. He that minds a body and not a soul, has not the better part of that relation ; and will conse- quently want the noblest comfort of a married life. The satisfaction of oar senses is low, short, and transient ; but the mind gives a more raised and extended pleasure, and is capable of a happiness founded upon reason ; not bounded and limited by the circumstances that bodies are confined to. Here it is that we ought to search out our pleasure, where the field is large, and full of variety, and of an enduring nature; sickness, poverty, or disgrace, not being able to shake it ; because it is not under the moving influences of worldly contingences. The satisfaction of those that do so is in well- doing, and in the assurance they have of a future reward ; but they are best loved of those they love most ; and that they enjoy and value the liberty of their minds above that of their bodies : having the whole creation for their prospect ; the most noble M 2 164 and wonderful works and providences of God, the histories of the ancients, and in tliem the actions and examples of the virtuous ; and, lastly, them- selves, their affairs, and family, to exercise their minds and friendship upon. Nothing can be more entire and without reserve ; nothing more zealoos, affectionate and sincere; nothing more contented and constant, than such a couple ; nor is there any greater temporal felicity than to be one of them. Between a man and his wife, nothing ought to rule but love. Authority is for children and ser- vants ; yet not without sweetness. As love ought to bring them together, so it is the best way to keep them well together. Wherefore use not thy wife as a servant, whom thou wouldst, perhaps, have served seven years to have obtained. A husband and wife that love and value one another, shew their children and servants that they should do so too. Others visibly lose their authority in their families by their contempt of one another, and teach their children to be unna- tural by their own examples. It is a general fault, not to be more careful to 165 preserve nature in children : who, at least in the second descent, hardly have a feeling of their rela- tion : which must be an unpleasant reflection to affectionate parents. Frequent visits, presents, intimate correspond- ence, and intermarriages within allowed bounds, are means of keeping up the concern and affection that nature requires from relations. FRIENDSHIP. Friendship is the next pleasure we may hopo for : and where we find it not at home, or have no home to find it in, we may seek it abroad. It is an union of spirits, a marriage of hearts, and the bond thereof virtue. There can be no friendship where there is no freedom. Friendship loves a free air, and will not be penned up in straight and narrow inclosures. It will speak freely, and act so too ; and take no- thing ill, where no ill is meant ; nay, where it is, it will easily forgive, and forget loo, upon small acknow ledgments. Friends are true twins in soul ; they sympathize in every thing, and have the same love and aversion. 166 One is not happy without the other; nor can either of them be miserable alone. As if they could change bodies, they take their turns in pain as well as in pleasure ; relieving one another in their most adverse conditions. What one enjoys the other cannot want. Like the primitive Christians, they have all things in common, and no property, but in one another. QUALITIES OP A FRIEND. A true friend unbosoms freely, advises justly, as- sists readily, adventures boldly, takes all patiently, defends courageously, and continues a friend un- changeably. These being the qualities of a friend, we are to find them, before we choose one. The covetous, the angry, the proud, the jealous, the talkative, cannot but make ill friends as well as false ones. In short, choose a friend as thou dost a wife, till death separate you. Yet be not a friend beyond the altar, but let vir- tue bound thy friendship ; else it is not friendship, but an evil confederacy. 167 If my brother, or kinsman, will be niy t'ricnti, 1 onght to prefer him before a stranger; or I siie^ little duty or nature to my parents. And as we ought to prefer our kindred in point of affection, so too in point of charity, if equally needing and deserving. CAUTION AND CONDUCT. Be not easily acquainted ; lest finding reason to cool, thou shouldst make an enemy instead of a good neighbour. Be reserved, but not sour ; grave, but not formal ; bold, but not rash ; humble, but not servile ; patient, not insensible ; constant, not obstinate ; cheerful, not light ; rather sweet, than familiar ; familiar, than intimate ; and intimate with very few, and upon very good grounds. Return the civilities thou receivest ; and be ever grateful for favours. REPARATION. If thou hast done an injury to another, rather own it than defend it. One way thou gaiuest for- giveness; the other, thou doiiblcst the wrong and reckoning. 168 Some oppose bouuiii to Eubinb&iou; but it can be nuhoiiour to maintain, what it is dishonourable to do. To confess a fault that is none, out of fear, is in- deed mean: but not to be afraid of standing in one, is brutish. We should make more haste to right onr neigh- bour, than we do to wrong him; and instead of being vindictive, we should leave him to judge of his own satisfaction. True honour will pay treble damages, rather than justify one wrong by another. In controversies, it is but too common for some persons to say, " Both are to blame," to excuse their own unconceruedness ; which is a base neutra- lity. Others will cry, " They are both alike ;" thereby involving the injured with the guilty, to mince the matter for the faulty, or cover their own injustice to the wronged party. Fear and gain are great perverters of mankind : and where either prevails, the judgment is violated. RULES OF CONVERSATION. Avoid company, where it is not profitable or necessary: and on those occasions, speak little, and last. 169 Sileuce ii wisdom wlierc .speakiug is fully, and always safe. Some are so foolish, as to interrupt and antici- pate those that speak, instead of hcarini; and think- ing before they answer : a practise as uncivil, as it is silly. If thou thinkest twice before thou speakest once, thou wilt speak twice the better for it. Better say nothing than not to the purpose. And to speak pertinently, consider both what is fit, and when it is fit to speak. In all debates let tnUh be thy aim ; not victory, or an unjust interest : and endeavour to gain, thy antagonist, rather than to expose him. Give no advantage in argument, nor lose any that is oflfered. This is a benefit which arises from temper. Do not use thyself to dispute against thine own judgment, to shew wit ; lest it prepare thee to be too indifferent about what is right : nor against another man, to vex him, or for mere trial of skill; since to inform, or to be informed, ought to be the end of all conferences. Men are too apt to be more concerned for their credit than for the cause. 170 ELOQUENCE. There is a truth and beauty in rhetoric; but it oftener serves ill turns than good ones. Elegancy is a good mien and address given to matter, be it by proper or by figurative speech : where the words are apt, and allusions very natural, certainly it has a moving grace ; but it is too artifi- cial for simplicity, and oftentimes for truth. The danger is, lest it delude the weak; who, in such cases, may mistake the handmaid for the mistress, if not error for truth. It is certain, truth is least indebted to it, because she has least need of it, and least uses it. Buc it is a reprovable delicacy in men to despise truth in plain clothes. Such luxuriants have but false appetites; like those gluttons, that by sauces force them, where they have no stomach : and sacrifice to their palate, not their health, which cannot be, without great vanity ; nor that without some sin. TEMPER. Nothing does reason more benefit, than the coolness of those that offer it: for truth often suffers 171 more by the heat of its defenders, than from the arguments of its opposers. Zeal ever follows an appearance of truth, and the assured are too apt to be warm ; but it is their weak side in argument : zeal being better shewn against sin, than persons, or their mistakes. TRUTH. Where thou art obliged to speak, be sure to speak the truth : for equivocation is half-way to lying ; as lying, the whole way to hell. JUSTICE. Believe nothing against another, but upon good authority : nor report what may hnrt another, un- less it be a greater hurt to others to conceal it. SECRECY. It is wise not to seek a secret : and honest not to reveal one. Trust thyself only, and another shall not betray thee. 172 Openness has the mischief, though not the malice of treachery, COMPLACENCY. Never assent merely to please others. For that is, besides flattery, often-times untrath; and dis- covers a mind liable to be servile and base : nor contradict to vex others; for that shews an ill- temper, and provokes, but profits nobody. SHIFTS. Do not accuse others to excnse thyself; for that is neither generous nor just. But let sincerity and ingenuousness be thy refuge, rather than craft and falsehood : for cunning borders very near upon knavery. Wisdom never uses nor wants it. Cunning to wisdom, is as an ape to a man. INTEREST. Interest has the security, though not the vir- tue, of a principle. As the world goes, it is the surest side ; for men daily leave both relations and religion to follow it. 173 It is an odd siglit, but a very common one, that families and nations of cross religions and humour* unite against those of their own, where tliey fin