.L_5l THE CHINESE CLASSICS： WITH A TRANSLATION, CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL NOTES PROLEGOMENA, AND COPIOUS INDEXES. BY JAMES LEGGE, D.D., OP THE LONDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY. IN SEVEN VOLUMES. YOL. II., i > CONTAINING THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. HONGKONG： AT THE AUTHOR'S. LONDON： TRUBNER & CO., 60, PATERNOSTER EOW. 1861. HONGKONG : Printed at the London Missionary Society's Printing Office. 曹 ADVERTISEMENT. In tlic preface to the former volume, the author related how he had been encouraged and enabled to undertake the publication of the present Work by tlie munificent assistance of the late Hon. Joseph Jardine, Esq. He 1ms now to record another instance of generosity, in connection with it, on the part of another of the merchant-princes of this island. By an arrangement with the Hon. Jolin Dent, Esq., the volumes will be sold at half price to missionaries; 一 to Protestant and to Roman Catholic missionaries equally. In issuing the Works of Mencius, the author is glad to refer to the translation of them, published by Stanislaus Julien, in Paris, 1824-1829. He is not conscious of much obligation to it, because his own version was made in the first place without having seen it, and the plan of his notes differs materially from that of Juliens commentary. He has hardly ever consulted it, however, without findins： reason to admire the nice discrimination and accurate scholar- ship of the translator. The wish has often arisen that Monsieur Julien had spent his life in China, and devoted himself exclusively to Chinese studies； — in which case the author would probably not have had occasion for his present toil. Hongkong, 21^ November ^ 1861. CONTEXTS. I. THE PROLEGOMENA. CHAPTER I. OF THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 8ECTION PAGE I. Their Hecofniition under the Hnn dynasty, and before it, ... 1 II. Chaou K^e, and his Labours upon Mencius, 4 ITT. Other Commentators. 7 IV. Integrity ; Authorship ； and Reception among the Classical Books, 10 CHAPTER II. MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. 了》 ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• II. His Influence and Opinions, 40 HI. The Disciples of Mencius, 79 Appendix. I. That the Nature is Evil. By tlie philosopher Seun, 82 11. An Examination of the Nature of Man. By Han Wan-kuiig, 92 CHAPTER III. OF YANG CIIOO AND 3IIH TEin. I. The Opinions of Yang Choo, 95 II. The Opinions of Mill Teib, 103 CHAPTER IV. WORKS CONSULTED IN TIIE PHKPAUATION OF THIS VOLUME. T. riiincso Works, 126 II. Translations and other Works, 127 II. THE BODY OF THE VOLUME. The Works of Mencius, 1—378 III. INDEXES. I. •••••••••"••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ••• 379 II* 1 r〇|»or 川 cs， ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •“ ••• ••• ••• •••••• 3«)〇 III. Cliinctsu Clmractcri* and Phrases, 3D8 THE CHINESE CLASSICS. vol. n. THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. K： 以文 害亂不 V 以辭害 \ 士 I 以意 屮 逄士 I 是 爲得之 is inverted. read m 99 ” 99 車乂 段 ” 鍾 99 膚 ” 不 ” 去 ” 雛 ” 從 ” 施 dele the comma read 于 put a comma. dele the comma. read 窗- Page 7, 11, & 14G, 15, 13, 53, 67, 72, 75， 78, 90, 96, 102, 106, 115 122 126. 13G, & 363, I Page. j 140, I 145, I 147, 149, 152, 1G2, I 174, 178, I 190, , 210, I 215, 217， 22G, 226, & 256, 262, 332, 369, Page. 140, between the 7th and 8th columns, is inverted. „ 193, ，， ，， 1st and 2d ,， for read |JE|> n. CHINESE CHARACTERS IX THE NOTES. Page. Line. Column 洒. Patje. Line. Column. 10， 19, 20, II., for 酒 read 203, 13， 11.， for 15， 2, I-, ” 鍾 ” 鐘. 217, 3， I-, ” 64, 13， II.， ” 尼 ” 尼 230, 10， n-, ” 95, 9, II., ” 鄕 ” 卿_ 256, 6, ii. ’ ” 112， 3, I， ” 傳 5J 傅. 333, 6, n., ” 122, 16， n., ” 扉 ” 屝_ 338, 9, I-, 5> 140, 13, n, transpose 禮 In- 350, I-, 5> 142, 11, n., for 不 read 則. In prol., j). 5, note 6, ” 155, 10， n., „ 2d 水 ” 行 III. IN THE PROLEGOMENA. 42， 6， after Inferior dele comma I 79, 35, for 115 rend 1,115 48, 35, for If read It | 01, 1. I)ef. and aft. Kcn-keueh ins. a com. 66, 3, insert between beiore sovereign, 104, 3d line of nutc, for exulity read uq.uality. aud dele it in line 4 EllUATA. Vll EHllATA. I. IN T1IE CHINESE TliXT. 曰 數 « 載叚鐘虜弗去難從施貢於悦所® fo ”””””””””” fte for ftc ” for a ai lid 1 op st d a ca t r u read 芏弟之爲人言人桀暢賢曰受後邻以汜間 r tcr r ， ， , 2d fo ” aft fo ” ” ” ” ” fo m. co/ 4’ 6 ” aft or & , 5， 2, 10 fo' e, )9 ” ” ot no , n 6 &! , & 1， 10 4, 9, 位 «• 故跡疚 薄彀义 C3 , ， ， w ” 心 靑姑列 疢簿殼 殳 Vlll ERRATA. IV. IN THE TRANSLATION AND NOTES. Page. Line. 25, 6， after pigs insert dogs. 34, 9, & in note, for Chaou read Ch‘aou. 54， 69, 4, et af” „ Go-ching „ Y6-ching. 12, et aL, „ E-yun ，， E Yin. 110, 9, & in note, „ Kan ” Keen. 112, 14, after by insert the. 131, 15, et al； for Seu read Shoo. 132, 6, „ hanks ，, kinds. 177, 4, transpose mugwort and for. 203, 6, for wuh read ts‘ew. 212, 12, after K*wang insert Cliang. 225, 2, & in note, for taou read tow. 231, 6, ” empire „ emperor. 234, 7, „ seventeer, "seventeen. 236, 11, ，， Ping ” ting. 248, 12, 5, ” thousand ,, hundred. 303, ，， low ，， bow. 322, 6, „ . The ” ； 一 the. 332, 9, „ love after Yaou ，， respect. 352, 10， insert and. 3(58, 5, & in note, for Pwan read P4un. In the heading, p. 225-231, for Pt. ii. „ Px. i. j ，， ” 32 C/U* vi. j. Oh. ii. I Page. Line. Column. 4， 3, U., for he5 read h». 99, 1, II. , ，，也 夫，- - ” 也一夫 . 139 10, II” ，， 3d 2d. 207 19, I.， bef. signification insert widest. 231 1, ，， 2d read 3d. 282 5, i., ，， loo too. 301 3, ii.， ，, irmn ” men. 304 1, ii.， „ SuKO 5? Sukg. 327 1, n” transpose hands and feet. 358 5, i_， after much insert as. In the trans., dele comma, — p. 11, 1 12, after States； 30, 1. 14, after Ts{e; 47, l. 6, after him; 91, /. 9, after Chung； 227, /.5, after what. In the notes, dele comma, 一 /?• 61， /• 18, II” after here； G9, l 3, I., after 139, l 10, I., after (= 汝 ）； 192, 7,22, I” after 東； 341， U0, I., &c” &c. PROLEGOMENA CHAPTER l OF THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. SECTION I. TIIEIR RECOGNITION UNDER THE IIAN DYNASTY, AND BEFORE IT. 1. In the third of the catalogues of Lew Hin,1 containing a list of the Works of Scholars,3 which had been collected up to his time (about a.d. 1), and in the first subdivision, devoted to authors of the classical or orthodox School, we have the entry— u The Works of Mencius, in eleven Books.1'3 At that date, therefore, Mencius’ writings were known and registered as a part of the literature of China. 2. A hundred years before Hin, we have the testimony of the historian Sze-ma Ts4een. In the seventy -fourth Book of his u His- torical Records, M there is a brief memoir of Mencius,4 where he says that the philosopher, having withdrawn into private life, u with his disciples, Wan Chang and others, prefaced the She and the Shoo, unfolded the vie^s of Confucius, and made 1 Tlie Works of Mencius, in seven Books.’ ’’5 The discrepancy that appears between these testimonies, in regard to the number of the Books which went by the common name of Mencius, will be considered in the sequel. In the mean while it is shown that the writings of Mencius were recognized by scholars a 1 See YoL I, proleg., pp. i, 5. 2 諸子略 • 3 孟子十 ~ '篇. 4 史記， 七十四 ，列傳 第十四 • $ 與萬章 之徒序 詩書， 述仲尼 之 意作孟 子七篇 prolegomena] THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [CH* I* hundred years before the Christian era, which takes us back to little more than a century and a half from the date assigned to his death. 3. Among writers of the Han dynasty earlier than Sze-ma Ts^een, there were Han Ying,6 and Tung Chung-shoo,7 contemporaries, in the reigns of the emperors Wan, King, and Woo,8 (b.c. 178-86). Portions of their Works remain, and in them are found quotations from Mencius.9 4. But we find references to Mencius and his Works anterior to the dynasty of Han. In the literary remains of K^mg Foo, to whose concealment of many of the classical AVorks on the issuing of the edict for their destruction posterity is so much indebted,10 there are accounts of Mencius, and many details of his history.11 Between Mencius and the rise of the Ts4in dynasty flourished the philosopher Sean K4ing,12 of whose writings enough is still preserved to form a large volume. By many he is regarded as the ablest of all the followers of Confucius. He several times makes mention of Mencius, and one of liis most important chapters, — “That Human Nature is Evil,”13 seems to have been written expressly against )Ien- cius' doctrine of its goodness. He quotes his arguments, and en- deavours to set them aside. 5. I have used the term recognition in the heading of this section, because the scholars of the Han dynasty do not seem to have had any trouble in forming or settling the text of ]\tencius such as we have seen they had with the Confucian Analects. And here a statement made by Cliaou K4e, whose labours upon our philosopher I shall notice in the next section, deserves to be con- sidered. He says: —— u When Ts{in sought by its fires to destroy the classical books, and put the scholars to death in pits, there was an end of the School of Mencius. His Works, however, were included under the common name of ‘ Philosophical,’ and so the tablets con- taining them escaped destruction. 14 Ma Twan-lin does not hesitate « 韓嬰 . 7 葦仲舒 . 《 太宗孝 文皇帝 ; 孝景 皇帝; 壯宗 孝 武皇帝 . 四書樜 餘說 ，孟子 ，ArtI;alld 焦孝 廉孟子 j|£ Notes to Cliaou KVs preface. 10 See Vol I. proleg., p. 36. Ill have not been able to refer to the writinirs of K4ung Foo themselves, but cxtract8 from them ore given in the notes to Choo IIe*8 preface to Mencius in the l/U 12 jfiilJ. w 荀子性 惡篇. “其書 號爲諸 子,^ f 籍得 不黑 ; sue Cliaou Iv4e'8 preface to Mencius. sect, i.] THEIR RECOGNITION UNDER THE HAN DYNASTY, [prolkcombn*.. to sav that the statement is incorrect;15 and it seems strange that Mencius should have been exempted from the sweep ot a measure intended to extinguish the memory of the most ancient and illustri- ous sovereigns of China and of their principles. But the same thing is affirmed in regard to the writings of at least one other author of antiquity, the philosopher Yuli;10 and the frequent quotations of Mencius by Han Ying and Tung Chung-shoo, indicating that his Works were a complete collection in their times, give some confirma- tion to K4es account. On the whole, the evidence seems ratlier to preponderate in its favour. ]\Iencius did not obtain his place as “ a classic ” till long after the time of the Ts4in dynasty; and though the infuriate emperor would doubtless have given special orders to destroy his writings, if his attention had been called to them, we can easily conceive their being overlooked, and escaping with a mass of others- •vvhich were not considered dangerous to the new rule. 6. Another statement of Chaou Iv4e shows that the works of Men- cius, once recognized under the Han dynasty, were for a time at least kept with a watchful care. He says that, in the reign of the emperor Heaou-wan (b.c. 178-154), utlie Lun-yii^ the Heaou-king, Mencius, and the Urh-ya weie all put under the care of a Board of i Great Scholars/ which was subsequently done away with, only ‘The Five King ’ being left under such guardianship. ”17 Choo He has observed that the Books of the Han dynasty supply no evidence of such a Board; but its existence may be inferred from a letter of Lew Hin, complaining of the supineness with which the scholars seco licled his quest of the scattered mon imien ts of literature. He says： — u Under the emperor Heaou-wan, the Shoo-king reappeared, and the^ She-king began to sprout and bud afresh. Throughout the empire, a multitude of books were continually making tlieir appearance, and among them the Records and Sayings]of all the Philosophers, which likewise had their place assigned to them in the Courts of Learning, and a Board of Great Scholars appointed to their cliarge.,，ls 15 $甬_ Bk. clxxxiv , upon Mencius. 16 逢行珪 註鬻子 叙云， 瑱秦暴 亂書紀 略盡鬻 子不擊 焚燒， 焦孝廉 孟于正 Notes on Chaou K^e's preface. 17 孝文 皇帝欲 廣遊學 之路， 論語， 孝經 ，孟子 ，爾 雅皆置 博士， 後罷傳 記傅士 ，獨 立五經 |^j ^ . 18 See the 文獻 通考， Bk. ebudv.， pp. 9, 10. TROLEGOMEXA.] THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [CH. I. As the Board of Great Scholars in charge of The Five King was instituted b.c. 135, we may suppose that the previous arrangement hardly lasted half a century. That it did exist for a time, however, shows the value set upon the writings of Mencius, and confirms the point which I have sought to set forth in this section, — that there were Works of Mencius current in China before the Han dynasty, and Avliich were eagerly recognized and cherished by the scholars under it, who had it in charge to collect the ancient literary produc- tions of their country, SECTION II. CIIAOU KSE AND HIS LABOURS UPON MENCIUS. 1, It has been shown that the Works of Mencius were sufficiently well known from nearly the beginning of the Han dynasty; but its more distinguished scholars do not seem to have devoted themselves to their study and elucidation. The classics claimed their first attention. There was much labour to be done in collecting and collating the fragments of them, and to unfold their meaning was the chief duty of every one who thought himself equal to the task. Mencius was but one of the literati, a scholar like themselves. He could wait. We must come down to the second century of tho Christian era to find the first commentary on his writings. In the prolegomena to the Confucian Analects, Section i. 7, I have spoken of Ch1 * * 4ing Ileuen or Cluing K^ang-shing, who died at the age of 74, some time between a.d. 190-220, after having commented on every ancient classical book. It is said by some i that he embraced 1 In the cBooks of the Suy dynasty* (a#d. 589-C17), Bk. xxxix., 經籍志 ，三， 、ve fin<1 that there were then ia the national Hepositoriea three W orks on Mencius, 一 Chaou K‘e’8, one by Cli4ing Ileuen, and ono by Lew He (^|J also a Hcholar of Ilaq, but probably not earlier than Chaou K‘e. The same Works were existing under the T{ang dynasty ((524-907); see the 4 Books of T‘nng,’ Bk. xlix” 4 冬乂 By the rise of the Sung dynasty (a.d. 975), however, the two last wero both lost. The entries in the Records of Suy and T'ang would seem to prove that Cluing Ileuen hatl written on Mencius, but in tho sketches of his life which I have consulted,—* nnd that in the 4 Books of the Aftor Ilun dynasty,* 列傅 第二 十五， tniut be the basis of all the rest, 一 there is no mentiuu made of his lmving dune so. bkct. n.] CIIAOU AND IIIS LABOURS Ur〇K MENCIUS. [i-rolegomi^a. the Works of Mencius in his labours. If lie did so, wliich to me is very doul)tful, the result has not come clown to posterity. To give to our philos〇})her such a treatment as lie deserved, and compose a oommentary that should descend to the latest posterity, 'was the uork of Chaou Kle. 2. K‘e was bom a.d. 108. His father Avas a censor about the court of tlie emperor Heaou-gan,2 and gave him the name ot Kea, uhicli he uftenvards changed into Iv(e for the purpose of conceal- ment, changing also liis original designation of T^ae-k^ng into Pin- k4ing.3 It was his boast that lie could trace iiis descent from the emperor Chuen Heuh,4 b.c. 2510. In his youtli was distinguished for his intelligence and diligent study of tlie classics. He married a niece of the celebrated scholar and statesman Ma. Yung,5 but bore himself proudly towards him and her other relatives. A. stern independence and hatred of the sycophancy of the times were from the first characteristic of him, and proved the source of many troubles. When lie Avas over thirty, K{e was attacked Avith some severe and lingering illness, in consequence of which he lay upon his bed for seven years. At one time thinking he was near liis end, he addressed a nephew -\vlio was with him in the following terms: — u Born a man into the world, in retirement I have not displayed the principles ex- emplified on mount Ke,6 nor in office achieved the merit of E and Leu.7 Heaven has not granted me such distinction. What more shall I say? Set up a round stone before my grave, and engrave on it the inscription,- — c Here lies a recluse of Han, by surname Chaou, and by name Kea. He had the will, but not the opportunity. Such was his fate. Alas!’ ” Contrary to expectation, K£e recovered, and in a.d. 154 we find him again engaged in public life, but in four years he is flying into obscurity under a feigned name, to escape the resentment of T4ang Hang,8 one of the principal ministers, and his partizans. He saved his life, but his family and relatives fell victims to the vengeance of 2 孝 安皇帝 . 3 趙唼 字邠鄉 ，初 名嘉， 字臺鄉 ，後 避難， 故. 嗓名字 • 4 顯換 5 烏融 • 6 箕 山之操 • It ■ to mount Ke that 巢交 and 許由， , two ancient worthies, arc said to have withdra-vm, when Yaou kung Wang (太 公望) _ 8 8 唐衡 • 7 These are the well known E Yin (伊尹 )， and T‘ae- 5] TROLEGOaiENA.] THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [cn. i. his enemies, and for some time lie wandered about the eonntry of the Keang and Hwae, or among the mountains and by the sea-coast on the north of the present Shan-tung. One day as he was selling cakes in a market-place, his noble presence attracted the attention of Sun Ts‘ung, 9 a young gentleman of Gaii-k‘e'v, ho as passing by in a carriage, and to him on being questioned he made known liis history. This proved a fortunate rencontre for him. Sun Ts4ui)g took him home, and kept liim for several years concealed somewhere uin the centre of a double wall.”10 And now it was that he solaced his hard lot with literary studies. He wooed the muse in twenty- three poetical compositions, which lie called u Songs of Adversity,"11 and achieved his commentary on Mencius. On the fall of the T(ar)g faction, when a political amnesty was proclaimed, Ivle emerged from his friendly confinement, but only to fall a victim again to the intrigues of the time. The first year of the emperor Ling, a.d. 1C8, Avas the commencement of an imprisonment which lasted more than ten years, but nothing could crush his elasti- city, or daunt his perseverance. In 185, Avhen he had nearly reached fourscore, he was active as ever in the field of political strife, and wrought loyally to sustain the fortunes of the falling dynasty. He died at last in a.d. 201, in King-chow, whither he had gone on a mission in behalf of his imperial master. Before liis death, he had a tomb prepared for himself, which was long shown, or pretended to be shown, in what is now the district city of Keang-ling in the depart- ment of King-chow in Hoo-pili.12 3. From the above account of Chaou K4e it will be seen that his commentary on Mencius was prepared under great disadvantages. That he, a fugitive and in such close hiding, should have been able to produce a work such as it is, shows the extent of his reading and acquirements in early (lays. T have said so much .about him, be- cause his name should be added to the long roll of illustrious men ■who have found comfort in sore adversity from the pursuits of litera- ture and philosophy. As to his inode of dealing with his subject, it will be sufficient to give liis osvn account : — 0 yjr- 丘， The name Gan-k'cw still remains in the district so called of tlie dopart- nu、nt ()f Ts‘lng-clio、v ('责 州 钹壁中 . u £ 屯歌 ，二十 三章. w 湖北， 荆州府 ，江 陵縣 SECT. HI.] OTHER COMMENTATORS. [PHOLEOOMLNA. u I Avished to set my mind on some literary work, by which I might be assisted to the government of my thoughts, and forget the approach ot old flge. 13ut tliB six classics hud all been explained and carefully elucidated by previous scliolars. Of all the orthodox school there was only Mencius, wide and deep, minute and exquisite, yet obscure at times and hard to see tlirough, who seemed to me to deserve to be properly ordered and digested. Upon this I brought forth whatever I had learned, collected testimonies from the classics and other books, and divided my author into chapters and sentences. ]\Ly annotations are given along with the original text, and of every chapter I liave separately indicated the scope. I he Books I have divided into two Parts, the lirst and second, making in all fourteen sections. “ On tlie whole, with regard to my labour, I do not venture to think that it speaks tlie man of mark, but as a gift, to the learner, it may dispel some doubts and resolve perplexities. It is not for me, however, to pronounce on its excellencies or defects. Let men of discernment wlio come after me observe its errors and omissions and correct them; — that will be a good service.’’13 13 Sec the 孟 子題辭 SECTION III. OTHER COMMENTATORS. 钃 1. All the commentaries on Mencius made prior to tlie Sung dy- nasty (a.d. 975)1 having perished, excepting that of Cliaou Kle, I will not therefore make an attempt to enumerate them particularly. Only three names deserve to be mentioned, as frequent reference is made to them in Critical Introductions to our philosopher. They were all of the Tsang dynasty, extending, if vre embrace in it what is called u The after T^ang,11 from a.d. 624 to 936. The first is that of Lull Shen-king,2 who declined to adopt Chaou Kce's division of the whole into fourteen sections, and many of whose interpretations, differing from those of the older authority, have been received 1 Some date the commencement of the Sung dynasty in a.d, OGO. 7] 2 陸善經 PROLEGOMENA.] TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [ch. h into the now standard commentary of Clioo He. Tlic other two names are those of Chang Yih3 and Ting Kung-cho,4 whose principal object was to determine the sounds and tones of characters about which there could be dispute. All that we know of their views is from the works of Sun Shih and Choo He, who have many referen- ces to them in their notes. 2. Daring the Sung dynasty, the commentators on Mencius were a multitude, but it is only necessary that I speak of two. The most distinguished scholar of the early reigns was Sun Shih,^ who is now generally alluded to by his posthumous or honorary epi- thet of uThe Illustrious Duke.,,fi We find him high in favour and reputation in the time of T4ae-tsung (977-997), Chin-tsung (998- 1022) and Jin-tsung (1023-1063). 7 By imperial command, in associa- tion with several other officers, he prepared a work in two parts under the title of uThe Sounds and Meaning of Mencius," and presented it to the court.8 Occasion was taken from this for a strange imposture. In the edition of u The Thirteen King,'5 Mencius always appears with “ The Commentary of Chaou K‘e” and “ The Correct Meaning of Shun Shih. ”9 Under the Sung dynasty, 'vhat were called “correct meanings” were made for most of the classics. They are commentaries and annotations on the principal commentator who is considered as the expounder of the classic, the author not hesitating, however, to in- dicate any peculiar views of his own. The genuineness of Shill’s 11 Correct Meaning of Mencius" is questioned by few, but there seems to be no doubt of its being really a forgery, at the same time that it contains the substance of the true work of u The Illustrious Duke,,r so far as that embraced the meaning of ]\Iencius and of Chaou K4e. The account of it given in the preface to uAn Examination of the Text in the Commentary and Annotations on Mencius, n by Yuen Yuen of the present, dynasty, is — “Sun Sliih liimself made no ‘Correct Meaning;* but some one — I know not who — supposing that his Work 3 •張碎 4 丁 、公著 .、 5 孫爽. 6. 宣公 7. 太宗 ，興宗 ，仁 宗， 8 孟子 音義二 卷一1 n “ ab<>ut 夂 year 1008> a book was found, at ono of the palace gates, with the title of "The Book of Ilcavcn * ^E). The emporor at first was inclined to go in state and accept it, but he tliouglit of consulting Shih. Shih replied according to a sentiment of Mencius (V. l*t. I. v. ；i) that 4 1 leaven docs not spenk,* and asked liow then tliere could be any Book of Ilcavcn. Was this Hook of Heaven, thus rejected on Shill's counsel, a- copy of our Sacred Scripturcn, which some Ncstorian Cliristinn was endeavourinff in the inannet indicated to bring before the cuurt of China ? 9 換 趙氏註 ，朱 孫奭疏 - 8] SECT. III.] MODERN C〇]\IMENTATOKS, [prolegomena . was really of thcat character, and tliat there were many things in the commentary which were not explained, and passages also of an un- satisfactory nature, lie transcribed the whole of Sliilis Work on 1 The Sounds and Meaning,' and liuving interpolated some words of his own, published it under the title of 4 The Annotations of Sun Shih.5 He was the same person who is styled by Choo He 1 A scholar of Shaou-woo.' ,，10 In the 12th century Clioo He appeared upon the stage, and enter- ed into the labours of all his predecessors. He published one Work separately upon Mencius,11 and two upon Mencius and the Confucian Analects.12 The second of these, — “ Collected Comments on the Analects and Mencius," is now the standard authority on the subject, and has been the test of orthodoxy and scholarship in the literary examinations since a.d. 1315. 3. Under the present dynasty two important contributions have been made to the study of Mencius. They are both published in the u Explanations of the Classics under the Imperial dynasty ofTs^ng.**13 Tlie former, bearing the title of u An Examination of the Text in the Commentary and Annotations of Mencius, forms the sections from 1039 to 1054- It is by Yuen Yuen, the Governor-general under whose auspices that compilation was published. Its simple aim is to establisli the true reading by a collation of the oldest and best manuscripts and editions, and of the remains of a series of stone tablets containing the text of Mencius, which were prepared in the reign of Kaou-tsung (a d* 1128-1162), and are now existing in the Examina* tion Hall of Hang-cho'v. The Second Work, which is still more important, is embraced in the sections 1117-1146. Its title is — u The Correct Cleaning of Mencius, by Tseaou Seun, a Keu-jin of Keang- too.”14 It is intended to be such a Work as Sun Shih would have produced, had he really made what has been so long current in the world under his name. I must regret that I was not earlier ac- quainted with it. * 孟子 _ 疏校 勘記序 • 孟子 指要. 12 論承 集義; 論孟 集註. 13 See Vol. I., proleg., p. 1S3, 14 孟 子正義 江都焦 孝廉相 [著. 9] prolegomena] THB WORKS OF MENCIUS. [cb. i. SECTION IV. INTEGRITY； AUTHOKSHIP； AND RECEPTION AMONG THE CLASSICAL BOOKS. 1. We have seen how the AVorks of Mencius were catalogued by Lew Hin as being in u eleven Books, 15 while a century earlier Sze-ma ls(een referred to them as consisting only of 44 seven. ** The question has very much vexed Chinese scholars whether there ever really were four additional Books of Mencius which have been lost. 2. Chaou K(e says in his preface : — u There likewise are four addi- tional Books, entitled 4 A Discussion of the Goodness of Man's Nature/ ( An Explanation of Terms/ 4 The Classic of Filial Piety,5 and 4 Tlie Practice of Government/ But neither breadth nor depth marks their composition. It is not like that of the seven acknowledged Books. It may be judged they are not really the production of Mencius, but have been palmed upon the world by some subsequent imitator of him.”1 As the four Books in question are lost, and only a very few quotations from Mencius, that are not found in his Works which ■\ve have, can be fished up from ancient authors, our best plan is to acquiesce in the conclusion of Chaou K‘e. The specification of u Seven Books 11 by Sze-ma Ts^en is ail important corroboration of it. In the two centuries preceding our era, we may conceive that the four Books whose titles are given by him were made and publisli- ed under the name of Mencius, and Hin would only do his duty in including them in his catalogue, unless their falsehood was generally acknowledged. K£e devoting himself to the study of our author, and satisfied from internal evidence tluit they were not his, only did his duty in rejecting them. There is no evidence that his decision was called in question by any scholar of the Han or the dynasties im- mediately following, when we may suppose that the Books were still in existence. The author of u Supplemental Observations on tlie Four Books, ''2 says upon this subject: — It would be better to be without books than to give entire credit to them ';3 — this is the rule for reading 1 又有外 書岡篇 ，性善 辯文說 ，孝 經爲政 ，其文 不能宏 诹不與 內篇 相似似 非孟子 本眞後 III 依放而 託也- 2 See Voi. I., prolcg., p. 132. 3 Mencius, VII. Pt. II. iii. lu] sect, iv.] TIIEIR INTEGRITY AND AUTHORSHIP. [proleoomeva. ancient, books laid down by Mencius himself, and the rule for us after men in reading about what purport to be lost books of his. The seven Books we have Comprehend the doctrine 〇/ lieaven and earth, examine and set forth ten thousand topics, discuss the subjects of benevolence and rigliteousness, reason and virtue, the nature of man and the decrees of Heaven^ misery and happiness.'4 Brilliantly are tliese things treated of, in a way far beyond what any disciple- of Ivung-sun Clilow or Wan Chang could have attained to. What is the use of disputing about other matters? Ho She has his 1 Ex- purgated Mencius,*5 but Mencius cannot be expurgated. Lin Kin- sze lias his 1 Continuation of Mencius,* but Mencius needs no con- tinuation. I venture to say — Besides the Seven Books there were no other Works of Mencius: ” 3. I have said, in the note at the end of this volume, that Chaou Iv'e gives the total of the characters in Mencius as 34,685, while they are now found actually to amount to 35,226. This difference lias been ingeniously accounted for by supposing that the continually recurring “ Mencius ’’ and u Mencius said 51 were not in his copies. There would be no use for them on his view tliat the Avhole was composed by Mencius himself. If they were added subsequently, they would about make up the actual excess of the number of char- acters above his computation. The point is not one of importance, and I have touched on it simply because it leads us to the question of the authorship of the AVorks. 4. On this point Sze-ma Ts^een and Chaou K{e are agreed. They say that Mencius composed the seven Books himself, and yet that he did so along with certain of his disciples. Thewords of the latter are: — u He withdrew from public life, collected and digested the conversa- tions which he had had with his distinguished disciples) Kung-sun Chsow, Wan Chang, and others, on the difficulties and doubts which they had expressed, and also compiled himself his deliverances as ex cathedra; — and so published the Seven Books of liis writings.” This view of the authorship seems to have been first called in question by Han Yu,6 commonly referred to as aHan, the duke of 4 This is the language of Chaou Kfei 5 Ma Twan-lin mentions two authors wlio had taken in liand to expurgate Mencius, but neither of them is called 何渉- He mentions Lin Kin-sze, calling him Lin Shin-sze (^vff and his Work.. 6 韓愈， 字退之 PROLEGOMENA,] TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS, [CH. I. Literature, a famous scholar of the eighth centur}*, under the T£ang dynasty, who expressed himself in the following terms: — “The books of Mencius were not published by himself. After his death, his dis- ciples, AVan Chang and Kung-sun Chcow, in communication with each other, recorded the words of Mencius.'58 5. If we wish to adjudicate in the matter, we find that we have a difficult task in hand. One thing is plain — the book is not the work of many hands like the Confucian Analects. u If we look at the style of the composition, " says Clioo He, 11 it is as if the whole were melted together, and not composed by joining piece to piece.、 This language is too strong, but there is a degree of truth and force in it. No principle of chronology guided the arrangement of tlie differ- ent parts, and a foreigner may be pardoned if now and then the il pearls'5 seem to him uat random strung;" yet the collection is char- acterized by a uniformity of style, and an endeavour in the separate Books to preserve a unity of matter. This consideration, however, is not enough to decide the question. Such as the work is, we can conceive it proceeding either from Mencius himself, or from the labours of a few of his disciples engaged on it in concert. The author of the u Topography of the Four Books1'10 has this ar- gument to show that the works of Mencius are by Mencius himself: — u The Confucian Analects," he says, ^ were made by the disciples, and therefore they record minutely the appearance and manners of the sage. But the seven Books were made by Mencius himself, and therefore we have nothing in them excepting the words and public movements of the philosopher. ,，1L This peculiarity is certainly consonant with tho hypothesis of Mencius5 own authorship, and so far may dispose us to adopt it. On the other hand, as the princes of Mencius, time to ■whom any reference is made are always mentioned by the honorary epithets conferred on them after their death, it is argued that those at least must have been introduced by his disciples. There are many passages, 7 韓文办 8 孟軻 之書 ，非軻 自著， 軻旣沒 ，其 徒萬章 公孫丑 ，相 與記軻 所 言焉耳 ; see note by Choo He in his prefatory notice to Mencius. a 愈其 傘勢 ，如處 轉而成 ’非綴 絹:所 就弟; 四書墟 餘說， 孟 手 ，町 1 1. 10 See y〇U I., proleg., p. 182. 11 論語成 于門人 之手故 記聖人 、容貌 甚悉， 七篇成 于已字 ，故 企記 曹語或 出返; 8ee 皇清 經解. •cct. xxiv.， at thu cnd. 】2] «ECT. IV.] THEIR RKCErTION AMONG TnE CLASSICS. [prolegomena. aijain, wliicli savour more of a disciple or other narrator than of the pliilosopher himself. There is, for instance, tlie commenc-ing sen- tences of Book III. Pt. I: — u When the duke Wan of T'^iig was crown-prince, having to go to Ts^o, he went b)r way of Sung, and visited Mencius (lit., the philosoj)her Mdng). ^Mencius discoursed to him how the nature of man is good, and when speaking, always made laudatory reference to Yaou and Slum. Wlien the crown-prince was returning from Ts4oo, he again visited Mencius. Mencius said to him, 4 Prince, do you doubt my words ? The path is one, and only one/ " 6. Perhaps the truth after all is as the thing is stated by Sze-ma Ts‘een, —— that Mencius, along with some of his disciples, compiled and composed the Work. It would be in their hands and under their guardianship after his death, and they may have made some slight alterations, to prepare it, as we should say, for the press. Yet al- lowing this, there is nothing to prevent us from accepting the sayings and doings as those of Mencius, guaranteed by himself. 7. It now only remains here that I refer to the reception of Men- cius, works among'the Classics. We have seen how they were not admitted by Lew Hin into his catalogue of classical works. Men- cius was then only one of the many scholars or philosophers of the orthodox school. The same classification obtains in the books of the Suy and T{ang dynasties; and in fact it was only under the dynasty of Sung that the works of Mencius and the Confacian Analects were authoritatively ranked together. The first explicitly to proclaim this honour as due to our philosopher was Ch4in Chih- chae,12 whose Avords are — 11 Since the time when Han, the duke of Literature, delivered his eulogium, ( Confucius handed the scheme of e pnrdoned in .saying that their learned labours liave affected me just as those of the Iiarmonizer® of the Gospel Narratives used to do in former years, — bewildering more than edifying. Most cordi- ally do I agree witli Dean Alford (New Testament, Vol. I. Prolcp., I. vii. 5):—* If (? since) the Evangelists have delivered to us truly and faithfully the Apostolic Narratives, and if ( ? since) the Apostles spoke as the Iloly Spirit enabled them, and brought events and sayings to their recollection, then we may be sure that if we knew the real process of the transactions themselves, that know/pdf/e would enable us to (fim> an account of the diversities of narration and arrantjement which the ijospals now present to vs. But without such knowlctbje^ .all attempts to accomplish this analysis in minute detail uiust be merely cottjerAuraIy and must tend to weaken the Evangelic testimony rather ilian to strengthen it.' 1 孟子 • 2 願 (written ah。 挪 、國 • 3 那. 4 山東， 充州府 ，挪脉 16] SECT. I.] MENCIUS AND ITIS DISCIPLES. [rROLEGOMKKA. of the State of Tsow. To my mind the evidence is cleciilcdly against such a view.5 Mencius’ name 'vas K‘o‘6 His designation does not appear in hi3 Works, nor is any given to him by Szc*ina Ts'een or Chaou K*e. The latter says that lie did not know liow he had been styled; but the legends tell that he was called Tsze-keu,7 and Tsze-yu.8 The same authorities — if we can call them such — say that his father’s name was Keih,9 and that he was styled Kung-e.10 They say also that his mothers maiden surname was Chang.11 Nothing is related of the former but that lie died Avhen his son was quite young, but the latter must have a paragraph to herself. “The mother of Mencius” is famous in China, and held up to the present time as a model of what a mother should be. The j^ear of Mencius birth Avas probably the 4th of the emperor Lee, b.c. 371. 12 He lived to the age of 84, dying in the year b.c* 288, the 26th of the emperor Nan,13 with whom terminated the long sovereignty of the Chow dynasty- The first twenty-three years of liis life thus synchronized Avith the last twenty-three of Plato's* Aristotle, Zeno, Epicurus, Demosthenes, and other great men of the "West, -were also liis contemporaries. When we place Mencius among them, lie can look them in the face. He does not need to hide a diminished head. 5 an<^ stoutly maintain the different sides of this question, tlie latter giving five arguments to show that the Tsow of Mencius was the Tsow of Loo. As Mencius went from Ts4e on the death of his mother to bury her in Loo (Bk. II., Pt. II., vii.), this appears to prove that he was a native of that State. But the conclusion is not necessary. Loo was the ancestral State of his family, and on tliat account he might wish to inter his parent there, according to the custom of the Cliow dynasty (see the Le Ke, Bk. II., Ptv I., i. 26). The way in which Tsow always appears as the residence of Mencius, when he is what we should say 4 at home/ appears to me decisive of the question, tliough neitlier of the disputants presses it into his service. Compare Bk. Ill,, Pt. I/, ii.； Bk. VI., Pt. II., i.. ii., and v. The point is really of no importance, for the States of Tsow and Loo adjoined. 4 The rattle of the watchman in the one was heard in the other.， G ^pj. 7 申- and the one character taking tho place of the other from the similarity of tlie sound. 8 子輿. 9激. 1〇公 宜. I find sometimes instead of 宜. 11 {几 12 烈 王， 四 年 ，已酉 a 赧王二 十六年 壬申. —The 4 Genealogical Register of the Mang Family* »ays that Mencius was born in the year 已 酉\ the 37th of the emperor Ting (^^), on the 2d day of the 4th month, and died in the year 壬中， the 26th of the emperor Nan, on the 15th day of the fim month. (See 四書樵 餘說， 孟子， art. III.) The last of these dates is to be embraced on many grounds, but the first evidently a mistake. Ting only reigned 28 years, and there is no 已 西 year among them. Reckoning back 84 years from the 26tli of Nan, we come to a 已 year, the 4th of LtiC, which is now generally acquiesced in as the year of Meu^ cius* birth. PROLEGOMENA. LIFE OF MENCIUS, [CH. II Mencius* mother. 3. It was his misfortune, according to Chaou Iv4e, uto lose his father at an early period；1 but in his youthful years he enjoyed the lessons of his kind mother, who thrice changed her residence on his account." At first they lived near a cemetery, and Mencius amused himself with acting the various scenes which he witnessed at the tombs. u This," said the lady, u is no place for my son"; — and she removed to a house in the market-place. But the change was no improvement. Tlie boy took to playing the part of a salesman, vaunting his wares, and chaffering with customers. His mother sought a new house, and found one at last close by a public school. There her child's attention was taken with the various exercises of politeness which the scholars were taught, and he endeavoured to imitate them. The mother was satisfied. “ This,” she said,” is the proper place for my son.’’ Han Ying relates another story of this period. Near their house was a pig-butchers. One day Mencius asked liis mother what they were, killing the pigs for, and was told that it was to feed him. Her conscience immediately reproved her for the answer. Slie said to herself, u While I was carrying this boy in iny womb, I would not sit down if the mat was not placed square, and I ate no meat which was not cut properly ; — so I taught him when lie was yet unborn. 2 And now when his intelligence is opening, I am deceiving him; — this is to teach him untmthf’uliiess!” this she 'vent and bought a piece of pork in order to make good her words. As Mencius grew up, he was setit to scliool. When he returned home one day, his mother looked up from the web which she wtis weaving, and asked him how far he had got on. He answered her with an air of indifference that he was doing well enough, on which she took a knife and cut through her web. The idler was alarmed, ami asked what slie meant, when she gave him a long lecture, show- ing that slio had clone wliat lie was doing, — that her cutting tlirou^h 1 K'e's words are — It The legend- writers are more precise, and say that Mencius was only tliree years old when liis father died. This statement, and K4e*s fts well, are difficult to reconcile with what we reaii in Bk. II. Ft. II. xvi., about the style in which Mencius buried his parents. If we accept the Ickcih], wc arc reduced there to groat straits. 2 See Choo /Jn 內 — •, which begins with the cducutioiial duties of the mother, wliilc the child is yet unborn. 】《] SECT. 1.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [PROI.KGOMENA. her web was like his neglecting liis learning. rl he admonition, it is said, had its proper effect; the lecture did not need to be re- peated. There are two other narratives in wliicli Chan, and eaii) life. aCter. Can anything be ascertained of the instruc- tor or instructors of Mencius? The reply to tliis inquiry must be substantially in the negative, though many have affirmed that he sat as a pupil at the feet of Tsze-sze, the grandson of Con- fucius. We are tolcl this by Chaou Kfe, whose words are: — “As he grew up, he studied under Tsze-sze, acquired all the knowledge taught by 4 The Learned/ and became thoroughly acquainted with *The Five King/ being more especially distinguished lor his mastery of the She and the Shoo.''1 A reference to dates, however, shows that this must be incorrect. From the death of Confucius to the birth of Mencius there were 108 years, and supposing 一 what is by no means probable — that Tsze-sze was born in the year his father died, he must have been 112 years old when Mencius was born. The sup- position of their having stood to each other in the relation of master and scholar is inconsistent, moreover, with the style in which Men- cius refers to Tsze-sze. He mentions him seven times, showing an intimate acquaintance with his liistory, but never once in a manner which indicates that he had personal intercourse with him.2 Sze-ma Tsceens account is that u Mencius studied with the disciples of Tsze-sze,”3 This may have been the case. There is nothing on the score of time to make it impossible, or even improbable; but this is all that can bo said about it. No famous names out of the school of Tsze-sze have been transmitted to posterity, and Mencius nowhere speaks as if he felt under special obligation to an}^ instructor. One short sentence contains all that he has said bearing on the point before us: — a Although I could not be a disciple of Confucius myself, I have endeavoured to cultivate my character and knowledge by means of others who were,'^ The chapter to which this belongs is 3 All these stories are given in the notes to tho preface to Mencius in the 四 書經註 集證. 1 P 長師 孔子之 孫子思 ，治 儒術 之道, 通五# 尤 長於詩 3^^. 2 Seo the Index of Prosier uaiucs, p. 395. 3 受業子 思之門 人- *J Sec Book IV.? Pt II., xxii. SECT. I.] MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. rather enigmatical. The other member of it says: — “ The influence of* a sovereign sage terminates with the fifth generation. The in- il uence of an unsceptred sa^e does the saine.1' By u an unsceptred sage" Mencius is understood to mean Confucius; and by extending his influence all over five generations, he shows how it was possible for him to place liiinself under it by means of otliers avIio lmd been iu direct communication with the Master. AVe must leave the subject of Mencius' early instructors in the obscurity which rests upon it. The first forty years of his life are little more than a blank to us. Many of them, we may be sure, were spent in diligent study. He made himself familiar during them with all the literature of his country. Its classics, its histories, its great men, liad received his careful attention. Confucius especially became to him the chief of mortal men, the object of his untiring admira- tion ; and in his principles and doctrines he recognized the truth for Avant of an appreciation of which the bonds of society all round him were being relaxed, and the empire hastening to a general anarchy. How lie supported himself in Tsow, we cannot tell. Perhaps he was possessed of some patrimony; but when lie first comes forth from his native state, we find him accompanied by his most eminent disciples. He probably imitated Confucius by assuming the office of a teacher, — not that of a schoolmaster in our accepta- tion of the word, but that of a professor of morals and learning, encouraging the resort of inquiring minds, in order to resolve their doubts and inform them on the true principles of virtue and society. These disciples would minister to his wants, though we may presume that he sternly maintained his dignity among them, as he afterwards did toAvards the princes of the time, when he appeared among them as a lecturer in another sense of the term. Two instances of this are recorded, though we cannot be sure that they belonged to the earlier period of his life. u When Kang of Tcang made his appearance in your school,” said the disciple Kung-too, uit seemed proper that a polite con- sideration should be paid to him, and yet you did not answer liim ; — why was that?” Mencius replied, “I do not answer him who questions me presuming on his ability, nor him who presumes on liis talents, nor liim who presumes on his age, nor him who 21] PROLEGOMENA. LIFE OF MENCIUS. [CR. II. presumes on services performed to me, nor him who presumes on old acquaintance. Two of those things were chargeable on Kang of T%ig.”5 The other instance is that of Keaou of Ts4aou, who said to Men- cius, u I shall he having an interview with the prince of Tsow, and can ask him to let me have a house to lodge in. I wish to remain here, and receive instruction at your gate.” u The way of truth，” replied tlie philosopher, “is like a great road. It is not dif- ficult to know it. The evil is only that men will not seek it. Do you go liome and search for it, and you will have abundance of teach- ers.5^ This was firmly said, yet not unkindly. It agrees with his observation : — u There are many arts in teaching. I refuse, as in- consistent with character, to teach a man, but I am only thereby still teaching him. ”7 5. The state of China bad waxed worse and worse during the interval that elapsed between Confucius and Mencius. The elements state of China in Mencius' ot， disorganization which were rife in the times tirae- of the earlier sage had gone on to produce tlieir natural results. One feeble sovereign had followed another on the imperial throne, and the dynasty of Chow was ready to vanish away. Men were persuaded of its approaching extinction. The feeling of loyalty to it was no longer a cherished sentiment; and the anxiety and expectation was about what new rule would take its place. Many of the smaller fiefs or principalities had been reduced to a helpless dependence on, or been absorbed by, the larger ones. Of Loo,Ch4ing, Wei, Woo, Chlin, and Sung,1 conspicuous in tlie Analects, we read but little in Mencius. Tsin2 liad been dismembered, and its fragments formed the nuclei of three new and vigorous kingdoms, — Wei, Chaou, and Han.3 Ts£e still maintained its ground, but was barely able to make head against the State of Ts(in4 in the West, and Tscoo in the South.6 The struggle for supremacy was between these two, the former, as it was ultimately successful, being the more ambitious and incessant in its aggressions on its neighbours. The princes were tlius at constant warfare with one another. Now two or more would fonn a league to resist the encroaching Ts4in, and hardly would that object be accomplished before tlicy were at f, Rco Book VII., Pt. I., xlii. G Bk. VI., 1H. II., ii. C, 7. Bk. VI., Pt. II., xvi. 1 魯 ，鄭 ，衞 ，吳 ，陳 ，朱. 2 晉 ° 魏 .趙 •韓. 4 秦 . 5 楚 22] SECT. I,] MENCIUS AND niS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. war ainonji tlicmselves. Ambitious statesmen were continually in- flaming tlieir quarrels. The recluses of Confucius' days, who with- drew in disgust from the world and its turmoil, had given place to a class of men who came forth from their retirements provided with arts of war or schemes of policy which they recommended to the con- tending chiefs. Tliey made no scruple of changing their allegiance, as they were moved by whim or interest. Kung-sun Yen and Chang E may be mentioned as a specimen of those characters. u Are they not reully great men?'1 it was once asked of Mencius. “ Let them once be angry, and all the princes are afraid. Let them live quietly, and the flames of trouble are extinguished throughout the Empire/'6 It is not wonderful that in such times the minds of men should have doubted of the soundness of the ancient principles of the ac- knowledged saiid 323» . • i 】 丄丄 i • i /» , i portions, and we know not to winch ot them to refer many of the chapters which describe his intercourse with the prince and his ministers; but, as I have already observed, this is to us of little moment. Our interest is in what he did and said. It matters little that wc cannot assign to each sa)ring and doing its particular date. That he left the first time before b.c. 323 is plausibly infeircd from J3k. II., Pt. II., xiv. 4;2 and assuming that the conversation in 9 Book III., Pt. II., ix. 9. 1 In the 4 Annals of the Einpire* (vol. I. proleg., p. 134), MenciuB* vusit to kin»» Hwny of Lcang is set down as having occurred in u.c. 835, ami under b.c. 318 it is said— u Mencius goes from Liiang to Ts‘e.” Tlie visit to L'eang is placed too early, ami that to Ts*e too late. The disasters of king Ilwuy, mentioned Bk. I., Pt. I., v. 1, had not all taken place in b.c. 818; and if Mencius remained 1 7 years in Leang, it is strange we have only five conrersations between him and king Hwuy. So fnr from his not poing to Ts*c till b.c. 318, it will be seen from the next note that he >va» leaving TflJc before n.c. 823. 2 Mencius words are 一 *From the commencement of the Chow dynasty till now more* tlmn 700 years have elapsed.1 It was to the purpose of his argument to iimke the time as long us possible. Had 800 } 〇ars ela]>sed, he would surely have said so. But ns tlie Cho\v (lyiiasty con ⑴ leneed in n.c. 1121, tlie year ij.c. 322 wmUd be its 800tli anniver- sary, aud Mencius* arturc from Ts'e did not take place latvr than the year buforc b.c. 323. 24] 8ikCT. I ] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [rROLEGOMLNA. tlie same Book, Pt. I. ii., took place immediately before or after his arrival,3 we can determine that he did not enter the State before b.c. 331, for he speaks of himself as liaving attained at forty years of age to ‘‘an unperturbed mind.” The two chapters contiuu the most remarkable expressions indicative of Mencius' estimate of himself. In the first, while he glorifies Confucius as fiu* before all other men who had ever lived, he declines having comparisons drawn between himself and any of the sages most distinguished disciples. In the second, when going away sorrowful because he had not wrought the good which lie desired, he observes: — u Heaven does not yet wisli that the empire should enjoy tranquillity and good order. If it wished this, who is there besides me to bring it about?" We may be certain that Mencius did not. go to Ts4e uninvited. His approach was waited for with curious expectation, and the king, spoken of always by his honorary epithet of'Seuen, u The Illustrious, sent persons to spy out whether he was like other men.4 They had their first interview at a place called Ts4ung, wliich was so little satisfactory to the philosopher that lie resolved to make only a short stay in the State. Circumstances occurred to change this resolution, but though he remained, and even accepted office, yet it was only honorary ; — he declined receiving any salary.5 From Ts(ung he appears to have retired to P^ing-luh, where Ch^oo, the prime minister, sent him a present, wishing, no doubt, to get into his good graces. I call attention to the circumstance, though trifling in itself, because it illustrates the way in which Mencius car- ried himself to the great men. He took the gift, but subsequently, when he went to the capital, he did not visit the minister to acknow- ledge it. His opinion was that Cli^oo might have come in person to Pling-luh to see him. u There "was a gift, but no corresponding respect."6 With the governor of Pling-luh, called K‘ung Keu-sin, Mencius spoke freely, and found him a man open to conviction. u If one of your spearmen, 11 said Mencius to him, u were to lose his place in the ranks three times in one day, would you put him to death or not ? n 3 This chapter and the one before it have very much the appearance of having taken place on the way from Tsow to Ts4e. Menciws has been invited to a powerful court. He is emerging from his obscurity. His disciples expect great things for him. Kung-sun Chcow sees him inves- ted with the govt, of Ts4e, and in the elation of his heart makes his inquiries. 4 Bk. 1Y., Pt., II. xxxii. 5 Bk. II., Pt. II., xiv. 6 Bk.II.j Tt II., v. PROLEGOMENA.] LIFE OF MENCIUS. [CH. II. ■ 4 1 would not wait for three times to do so^' replied Keu-sin. Mencius then charged home upon him the sufferings of the people, saying they were equivalent to his losing his place in the ranks. The gov- ernor defended himself on the ground that those sufferings were a consequence of the general policy of the State. To this the other replied, uHere is a man* who receives charge of the sheep and cattle of another, undertaking to feed them for him ; — of course lie must search for pasture-ground and grass. If, after searching for those, he cannot find them, will he return his charge to the owner? or Avill he stand by and see them die?" The governors reply was, “ Herein I am guilty.”7 When Mencius presented himself at the capital of the State, he was honourably received by the king. Many of the conversations with the sovereign and officers which are scattered through the seven Books, though the first and second arc richest in them, must be referred to this period. The one which is first in place,8 and which contains the fullest exposition of the philosopliers views on govern- ment, was probably first likewise in time.9 It sets forth the grand essential to the exercise of imperial government, — a heart oil the part of the sovereign impatient of the sufferings of the people, and eager to protect them and make them happy ; it brings home to king Seuen the conviction that he was not without sudi a heart, and presses on him the truth that his not exercising it was from a Avant of will and not from any lack of ability ; it exposes unsparingly the errors of the course he was pursuing; and concludes by an exhi- bition of the outlines and happy issues of a true royal sway. Of this nature were all Mencius communications with the sovereign ; but he lays himself open in one tiling to severe censure. Afraid apparently of repelling the prince from him by the severity of his lessons, he tries to lead him on by his very passions. I am fond of beauty, M says the king, uand that is in the way of my attaining to the royal government which you celebrate." “Not at all," rei>lies the philosopher. u Gratify yourself, only do not let your doing so interfere with the people’s getting similar en- joyment for themselves.”10 So the love of money, the love of 7 Bk. II” Pt. II” iv. 8 Hk. \.y Pt. I , vii. 9 I judjfe that this was tlie first set conversation between kin^ Sfiien and Mencius, because of the inquiry with whicli the kin^ opens it,—* May J he intormed by you of the tnmsactions of II wan ot* r*se, him! ot' Tsin?* A very brief acquninlance w'ith our philoHophcr would Imve taught him that he* wub tlic* last person to apply to al)〇ut thotH； chaructors. 10 Ilk. I.} l*t. II., i.} iii., v.: el a/. SKCT. I.] MFATCIUS AND ITIS DISCIPLES. [rnOLF.GOAIF.NA war, and the love of music are dealt Avith. ]\Iencins thought that if he could only get the good of the people to be recognized by Seuen as the jrreat, aim whicli lie was to pursue, his tone of mind would l>e so elevated, tliat the selfish passions and gratifications 〇( which lie was the slave would be purified or altogether displaced. And so it would have been. Where he fails, is in putting his points as if benevolence and selfislmess, covetousness and generosity rnight exist to〇ether. Chinese moralists rightly find fault with him in this respect, andsay tliatConfucius never condescended to such a style ofarguinent. Notwithstanding the apparent cordiality of the kings reception of him, and tlie freedom with which Mencius spoke his mind at their interviews, a certain suspiciousness appears to have been liuun- tained between them. Neither of them would bend to the other. Mencius would not bow to the royal state ; Seuen would not vail bonnet to the philosophers cloak. We have one amusing instance of the struggles to which tliis sometimes gave rise. One clay Men- cius was preparing to go to court of his own free will, when a messenger arrived from the king, sa)Ting he had intended to come and see him, but was prevented by a cold, and asking whether Mencius would not appear at the audience next morning. Mencius saw tliat this was a device on the part of the king to avoid stooping to visit him, and though lie had been about to go to court, he re* plied at once that he was unwell. He did not hesitate to meet the kings falsehood with one of his own. He did not wish, however, that the king should be ignorant of the truth, and went out next morning to pay a visit of condolence. He supposed that messengers would be sent from the court to inquire about his health, and that, when they took back word that he had gone out visiting, the king would understand how his sickness of the day before was only feigned. It happened as he expected. The king sent a messenger, and his physician besides. Mencius being out, they were received by Mang Chung, either his son or cousin, who complicated the affair by an invention of his own. “ To-day,” he said, u he was a little better, and hastened to go to court. I don't know whether he has reached it by this time or not." Ko sooner Avere the visitors gone witli this story, than he sent several persons to look for the philosopher, and urge him to go to the court before he returned home. 27] PROLEGOMENA.] LIFE OF MENCIUS. [cn. ii. It was now necessary that a full account of the matter should reach the royal ears; and to accomplish this, Mencius neither went home nor to court, but spent the night at the house of one of the high officers. They had an animated discussion. The officer accused Mencius of showing disrespect to the king. The philosopher replied that no man in Ts4e showed so much respect for the sovereign as he did, for it was only he who brought high and truly royal subjects under his notice. “ That,” said the officer, u is not my meaning. The rule is — 4When the prince's order calls, the carriage must not be waited for.' You were going to the court, but when you heard the king's message, you did not do so. This seems not in accordance with that rule.” Mencius explained: — u There are three things universally acknow- ledged to be honourable, — nobility, age, and virtue. In courts, nobility holds the first place; in villages, age; and for helping one's generation and presiding over the people, the other two are not equal to virtue. The possession of one of the three does not autho- rize the despising of one who who has the other two. li A prince who is to accomplish great deeds will have ministers whom he does not call to go to see him. When he wishes to consult Avith them, he goes to them. The prince who does not honour the virtuous, and delight in their ways of doing, to this extent, is not worth having to do with. “There was T‘ang with E Yin : — - he first learned of him, and then made him Ins minister; and so without difficulty he became emperor. ( There was the duke Hwan with Kwan Chung: — he first learned of liirn, and then made him his minister ; and so without difficulty he became chief of all the princes. “So did T{ang behave to E Yin, and the duke Hwan to Kwan Chung, that they would not venture to call them to go to them. If Kwan Chung might not be called to him by his prince, how much less may I be called, 'vho would not play the part, of Kwan Chung! ”11 We are to suppose that these sentiments Avere conveyed to the king by the officer with whom Mencius spent the night. It is a pity that the exposition of them could only be effected in such a roundabout manner, and was preceded by such acts of prevarica- tion, But where the two parties were so suspicious of each other, 28] 11 Rk. II.. 1H. II.. ii. • KCT. !.] MKXCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [pROLRTiOMRNA. we need not wonder that they separated before long. Mencius resigned his honorary appointment, and prepared to return to Tsow. On this occasion king Seuen visited him, and after some compli- mentary expressions asked whether he might expect to see him again.” u I dare not request permission to visit you at any particular time,” replied Mencius, u but, indeed, it is what I desire."12 The king made anotlier attempt to detain him, and sent an officer, called She, to propose to him to remain in the State, on the under- standing that lie sliould liave a house large enough to accoinmodate his disciples, and an allowance of ten thousand measures of grain to support them. All Mencius efforts had not sufficed to make king Seuen and his ministers understand him. They thought he was really actuated like themselves by a desire for wealth. He indignantly rejected the proposal, and pointed out the folly of it, considering that he had already declined a hundred thousand measures in holding onl}r an honorary appointment.13 So Mencius turned his back on Ts‘e; but he withdrew with a slow and lingering step, stopping three nights in one place, to alFord the king an opportunity to recall him on a proper understand- ing. Some reproached him with his hesitancy, but he sufficiently explained himself. uThe king," he said, uis, after all, one who may- be made to do good. If he were to use me, would it be for the happiness of Ts‘e only? It would be for the happiness of the people of the whole empire. I am hoping that the king will change; I am daily hoping for this. 12 Bk. 11^ Pt. II., x. I consider that this chapter, and others here referred to, belong to Men- cius* first departure from Ts4e. I do so because we can hardly suppose that the king and his officers would not have understood him better by the end of his second residence. Moreover, while Mencius retires, his language in x. 2 and xi. 5, 6 is of such a nature that it leaves an opening for him to return again. 13 I have said in a note, p. 103, that 100,000 chung was the fixed allowance of a 卿， which Mencius had declined to receive. When we look narrowly into the matter, however, we see that this could hardly be the case. It is known that four measures were used in Ts{e, 一 the , [品， and and that a chung was = 10 foo, or six and four tow. 10,000 chung would thus = 64,000 stone, and Mencius declined 640,000 stone of grain. Xo officer of IVe could have an income so much as that. The measures of the Han dynasty are ascertained to have been only one-fifth the capacity of the present. Assuming that those of Chow and Han agreed, and bringing the above computations to the present standard, Mencius was offered an annual amount of 12,800 stone of grain for his disciples, and he had himself refused in all 128,000 stone. With this reduction, and taking any grain we please as the standard of valuation, the amount is still much beyond what we can suppose to have been a salary. — 閻苷據 supposes that Mencius intends by 100,000 chung the sum of the income during all the years lie had held his honorary oflice. PROLEGOMENA.] LIFE OF MENCIUS. [cii. II. “ Am I like one of your little-minded people ? They Avill remon- strate Avith their prince, and on their remonstrance not, being ac- cepted, they get angry, and, with tlieir passion displayed in their countenance, they take their leave, and travel with all their strength for a whole day, before they will rest. 514 7. After lie left Ts4e, Mencius found a home for some time in the small principality of T ang, on the south of Ts4e, in the ruler of Mencius in T‘anii;— from which ]ie had a sincere admirer and docile pupil, his leaving ive t〇 b.c. sis. pie n〇t proceed thither immediately, how- ever, but seems to have taken his way to Sung, wliicli consisted mostly of the present department of Ivwei-tih in Ho-nan.1 There he was visited by the crown-prince of Tlang, who made a long detour, while on a journey to Ts4oo, for the purpose of seeing him. Tlie philosopher discoursed on the goodness of human nature, and the excellent ways of Yaou and Sliun, His hearer admired, but doubted. He could not forget, however, and the lessons which he received produced fruit before long. From Sung Mencius returned to Tsow, by way of See. In both Sun〇j and See lie accepted large gifts from the rulers, which help us in some measure to understand how -he could inaintain an expenditure which must have been great, and which gave occasion also for an ingenious exposition of the principles on which lie guided his course among the princes. “When you were in Ts‘e,” said one of liis disciples, uyou refused 100 yih of fine gold, which the king sent, while in Sung you accepted 70 yih, and in See 50.2 If you were right in refusing the gift in the first case, you did wrong in accepting it in the other two. If you were right in accepting it in those two cases, you were wrong in refusing it in Ts:e. You must accept one of these alternatives/' “I did right in all the cases, *' replied Mencius. u When I was in Sung, 14 Bk. II., Pt. II., xii. 1 This is gathered from Bk. III., Ft. I., i. 1, where the crown-prince of visits Mencius, and from 6k. II., Pt. II., iii.y vhei'e liis accepting a gift in Sung appears to have been subsequent to hi9 refusing one in Ts4e. 2 I Imve supposed in the translation, p. 91, that the metal of these gifts was silver and not gold. 閻若 據， however, seems to make it clear that we ought to understand that it was jroKI. (See j^[. j{yjy 片考 *， |>. (5 ) Pressed witli the objection that 2,400 ounces of gold seems too l^rge a sum, he goes on to make it appear that unfler the Ts‘in (l).uasty, n omices of — 15 taels of silver of the present day ! Tliii) ib u poiul oil which I do uot know that wc can attaia any poKitivc certainty. 8BCT. I.] MliNCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. tl-ROLECOMLNA. I was about to undertake a long journey. Travellers must be provided with what is necessary for their expenses. The princes message was 一 4 a present against travelling-expenses why should I lmve declined t lie gift?” In See I was under ajjpreliensions for my safety, and taking measures for my protection. The message was 一 4 1 have heard you are taking measures to protect yourself, and send this to help you in procuring anus/ Why should 1 have declined the gift? But when I was iu Ts4e? I had no occasion for money. To send a man a gift when he has no occasion for it is to bribe him. How is it possible that a superior man should be taken Avith a bribe? 3 Before ^lencius had been long in Tsow, the crown-prince of T4ang succeeded to the rule of the principality, and, calling to mind the lessons which he had heard in Sung, sent an oliicer to consult the philosopher on the manner in which he should perforin the funeral and mourning services for his father.4 ^Iencius of course advised him to carry out in the strictest manner the ancient regulations. The new princes relatives and the officers of the State opposed, but ineffectuallv. Mencius’ counsel was followed, and the effect was great. Duke Wan became an object of general admiration. By and by Mencius proceeded himself to T^ang. We may suppose that he was invited thither by the prince as soon as the rules of mourning would allow his holding free communication with him. Tlie chapters which give an account of their conversations are really interesting, ^lencius recommended that attention should be chiefly directed to tlie encouragement of agriculture and education. He Avould have nourishment secured both for the body and the mind of every subject.5 When the duke was lamenting the danger to which lie was exposed from his powerful and encroaching neighbours, Mencius told him he might adopt one of two courses; — either leave liis State, and like king T4ae go and find a settlement elsewhere, or be prepared to die for his patrimony “ If you tlo good,” said he, tl among your descendants in after generations there will be one who shall attain to the imperial dignity. But results are with Heaven. 3 Bk. II， Pt. II， iii. 4 Bk. m., Pt. I., ii. The note of time which is relied on as enabling us to follow Mencius here is the intimation Bk. 1^ Pt. II., xiv., that 4 Ts4e was about to fortify See/ This is referred to b.c. 320, when king Seuen appointed his brother 田 〇ver the dependency of See, and took measures to fortify it. 5 Bk. III., Tt. I., iii. PROLEGOMENA.] LIFE OF MENCIUS. [cii. n. What is Ts{e to you, 0 prince. Be strong to do good. That is all your business."6 After all, nothing came of Mencius1 residence in Tlang. AVe should like to know what made him leave it. Confucius said that, if any of the princes were to employ him, he should achieve something con- siderable in twelve months, and in the course of three years, the government would be perfected.7 Mencius taught that, in bis time, with half the merit of former days double the result might be ac- complished.8 Here in T4ang a fair lield seemed to be afforded him, but he was not able to make his promise good. Possibly the good purposes and docility of duke Wan may not have held out, or Men- cius may have found that it was easier to theorize about government, tlian actually to carry it on. Whatever may have been the cause, we find ljiin in b.c. 319 at the court of king Hwuy of Leang. Before he left T(ang, Mencius had his rencounter with the disciples of the u shrike-tongued barbarian of the South, " one Heu Hing, who came to T4ang on hearing of the reforms which were being made at Mencius, advice by the duke Wan. This was one of the dreamy specu- lators of the time, to whom I have already alluded. He pretended to follow the lessons of Shin-nung, one of the reputed founders of the empire and the father of husbandry, and came to T4ang with his plough upon his shoulder, followed by scores of followers, all wearing the coarsest clothes, and supporting themselves by making mats and sandals. It was one of his maxims that 11 the magistrates should be labouring men.” He would have the sovereign grow his own rice, and cook his own meals. Not a few of “ Tlie Learned” were led away by his doctrines, but Mencius girt up his loins to oppose the lieresy, and ably vindicated the propriety of a division of labour, and of a lettered class conducting the government. It is just possible that the appearance of Heu Hing, and the countenance shown to him, many have had something to do with Mencius' leav- ing the State. 8. Leang was another name for Wei, one of the Stales into which Tsin had been divided. King Iiwuy, early in his reign, b.c. 364, Mencius in Leang; — B.c. had made the city of Tae-leang, in the present 319,318_ department of K^ae-fung, his capital, and given its name to his whole principality. It was the year before his death, 6 Bk. I” l’t. II.. xiii” xiv” xv. 7 Cuiifucian AnalcctS) XIII., x. 8 Bk. II., l、t. I” i. 】 丄 32] skct. i.J MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [rEOLEGOMEXA. uhen Mencius visited him.1 * * A long, stormy, and disastrous rule was about to terminate, but the king uas as full of activity and Avarlike enterprise as ever lie had been. At his first interview 'vitli Mencius, he addressed him in the ■well-known words, u A^enerable Sir, since you have not counted it far to come here, a distance of a thousand may 1 presume that you are likewise provided with counsels to profit my kingdom? Mencius in reply starts from the word and expatiates eloquently on the evil consequences that must ensue from making a regard to profit the ground of conduct or the rule of policy. As lor himself, liis theme must be benevolence and right- eousness. On these he Avould discourse, but on nothing else, and in folio-wing them a prince would obtain true and sure advantages. Only five conversations are related between king Hwuy and the philosopher. They are all in the spirit of the first which has just been described, and of those wliich he had with king Seuen of Ts4e. There is the same freedom of expostulation, or, ratlier, boldness of reproof, and the same unhesitating assurance of the success that Avould follow the adoption of his principles. The most remarkable is the third, where we have a sounder doctrine than where he tells king Seuen tliat his love of beauty and money and valour need not interfere with liis administration of royal government. Hwuy is boast- ing of his diligence in the government of his State, and sympathy ■with the sufferings of his people, as far beyond those of any of the neighbouring rulers, and wondering how he was not more pros- perous than they. Mencius replies, u Your Majesty is fond of war； 一 let me take an illustration from it. The drums sound, and the ■weapons are crossed, when suddenly the soldiers on one side throw- away their coats of mail, trail tlieir weapons behind tliem, and run. Some of them run a hundred paces, and some run only fifty. What would you think if those who run fifty paces -were to laugh at those 1. There are various difficulties about the reign of king Hwuy of Leang. Sze-ma Tsceen makes it commence in 369 and terminate in 334. He is then succeeded by Seang (^^), whose reign ends in 318; and he is followed by Gae (J§^) till 295. What are called ‘ The Bamboo Books’ (竹書 ) extend Hwuy's reign to b.c. 318, and the next 20 years are assigned to king Gae. 4 The Annals of the Empire * (which are compiled from 4 The General Mirror of History J 甬 follow the Bamboo Books in the length of king Hwuy^ reign, but make him followed by Seang; and take no note of a king Gae. — From Mencius we raay be assured that Hwuy vas succeeded by S^ang, and tlie view l】is Life, whkli I have followed iu tliifi sketch: leads to the longer period assigned to his reign. 33] PROLEGOMENA.] LIFE OF MENCIUS. [CH. II. who run a hundred paces?” “They may not do so,” said the king; “ they only did not run a hundred paces, but they also ran.” “Since your Majesty knows this/* was the reply, uyou need not hope that your people will become more numerous than those of the neigh- bouring kingdoms.” The lvas but a lmirs-breadth re- moved from a sage, while Mencius must be placed in a lower rank, a great worthy, an inferior sage/1 Ch4ing was asked where what he called the spirit heroical of Mencius could be seen. u AVe have only to compare his words with those of Confucius, he said, u and we shall perceive it. It is like the comparison of ice or crystal with a precious stone. The ice is bright enough, but the precious stone, without so much brilliancy, has a softness and richness all its own1'8 The scholar Yang^ 7 ; see vol. I., proleg., p. 24. 8 This is probably the original of what appears in the “ Alenioires concernant les Chinois,” in the notice of ]VIeiu;ius， vol. Ill” and which Thornton (vol. II., pp. 216, 217) has faithfully translated therefrom in the following terms： 一 * Confucius, through prudence or modesty, often dissimulated； he did not always say what he might have said: Mang-tsze, on the contrary, was incapable of constraining himself； he spoke what he thought, and without the least fear or reserve. He resembles ice of the purest water, through which we can see all its defects as well as its beauties： Confucius, on the other hand, is like a precious gem, which, though Dot so pellucid as ice, has more streugth and solidity/ The former of these sen- tences is quite alien from the style of Chinese thinking and expression. 9 This is 時, styled 中立， Dut more conimonly referred to as |Jj,. He wag ooc of the great scholars of the Sung dynasty, a friend of the two Ch;iug. He has a place in the temples of Cool'uciuft. 43] PHOLEGOMEN 1. HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CTI.ll. says: 一 u The great object of Mencius in his writings is to rectify men's hearts, teaching them to preserve their heart and nourish their na- ture, and to recover their lost heart. When he discourses of bene- volence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge, he refers to the principles of these in the heart commiserating, feeling shame and dislike, affected with modesty and complaisance, approving and disap- proving. When he speaks of the evils springing from perverted speakings, he says — ( Growing first in the mind, they prove injurious to government. 5 When he shows how a prince should be served, he says — 1 Correct what is wrong in his mind. Once rectify the prince, and the kingdom will be settled.5 With him the thousand changes and ten thousand operations of men all come from the mind or heart. If a man once rectify his heart, little else will remain for him to do. In £ The Great Learning/ the cultivation of the person, the regulation of the family, the government of the State, and the tranquillization of the empire, all have their root in the rectifying of the heart and the making the thoughts sincere. If the heart be rectified, we recognize at once the goodness of the nature. On this account, whenever Mencius caine into contact with people, he testi- fied that mans nature is good. When 0\v-yang Yung shuh10 says, that in the lessons of the sages, man's nature does not occupy the first place, he is wrong. There is nothing to be put before this. Yaou and Shun are the models for ten thousand ages simply be- cause they followed their nature. And to follow our nature is just to accord with Heavenly principle. To use plans and arts, away from this, though they may be successful in great achievement, is the selfishness of human desires, and as far removed from the mode of action of the sage, as earth is from heaven. " I shall close these testimonies with a sentence from Choo He himself. He says: — u Mencius, when compared with Confucius, always appears to speak in too lofty a style; but when we hear him proclaiming the goodness of man's nature, and celebrating \aou and Shun, then we likewise perceive the solidity of liis discourses.’’11 4, The judgment concerning our philosopher contained in the above quotations will approve itself to every one who has carefully 10 歐陽 东叔， This was one of China*s prreatest scholars, lie bae now a place in tho temples of Confucius. 11 Sec 乐子 全書卷 二十 ，RCT. Il.j MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [pROLEOOMr.XA . Correctness 〇r the ni.ove perused his Works. The long passage from Vang Kwei-shan is especially valuable, and exposition* ot doctrine. puts the principal cliaractei'isitic of Mencius5 teachings in a clear liglit. Whether those teachings have tlie in- trinsic value wliicli is ascribed to them is another question. I will endeavour to show in the present section that they have not. But Mencius' position with reference to uthe doctrines of the sages" is correctly assigned. AVe are not to look for new truths in him. And this does not lead liis countrynien to think less highly of him. I ventured to lay it down as one grand cause of the position and influence of Confucius, that he was simply the preserver of the monuments of antiquity, and the exemplifier and expounder of the maxims of the golden age of China. In this Mencius must share with him. But while we are not to look to Mencius for new truths, the pecu- liarities of his natural character were more striking than those of his master. There "was an element of uthe heroical ,5 about him. He was a dialectician, moreover. If he did not like disputing, as he protested that he did not, yet, when forced to it, he showed him- self a master of the art. An ingenuity and subtlety, which we cannot but enjoy, often mark his reasonings. We have more sym- pathy with liim than Avith Confucius. He comes closer to us. He is not so awe-ful, but he is more admirable. The doctrines of the sages take a tinge from his mind in passing through it, and it is with that Mencian character about them that they are now held by the cultivated classes and by readers generally. I will now call attention to a few passages illustrative of these remarks. Some might prefer to search them out for themselves in the body of the volume, and I am far from intending to exhaust the subject. There will be many readers, however, pleased to have the means of forming an idea of the man for themselves brought within small compass. My next object will be to review his doctrine con- cerning man's mental constitution and the nourishment of the passion- nature, in which he is said to have rendered special service to the cause of truth. That done, I will conclude by pointing out what I conceive to be his chief defects as a moral and political teacher. To the opinions of Yang Choo and Mih, which he took credit to himself for assailing and exposing, it will be necessary to devote another chapter. I'ROLKOOMKNA.] HIS INFLUKXCK AND OriNIOXS. [CH. II. 5. It was pointed out in treating 〇f tlie opinions of Confucius, tlmt he allowed no u right divine51 to i\ sovereign, independent of c . . .. . , liis exercising a benevolent rule. This was one opinions, and manner of of the topics, however, of whicli he was shy. advocating them. • 1 • / With Mencius, on tlie contrary, it was a favourite theme. The degeneracy of the times and the ardour of his disposi- tion prompted him equally to the free expression of liis convictions about it. u The people, he said, 11 are the most important element in a nation; the spirits of the land and grain are tlie next; the sovereign ^ rn, is the lightest. When a prince endangers the On government. — The peo- 0 # 1 ° pie more important thau the altars of the spirits of the land and ffrain, he sovereigu. • 1 . ° # is changed, ancl another appointed in his place. When the sacrificial victims have been perfect, the millet in its vessels all pure, and the sacrifices offered at tlieir proper seasons, if yet there ensue drouglit, or the waters overflow, the spirits of the land and grain are changed, arid others appointed in their place/' u The people are the most important element in a nation, and the sovereign is the lightest;' — that is certainly a bold and ringing affirina- An unworthy sovereign may ti〇n- MeilClUS was IlOt afraid to follow it to be dethroned 〇r put to death, the conclusion that the sovereign who was exercising an injurious rule should be dethroned. His existence is not to be allowed to interfere with the general good. Killing in sucl'i a case is no inurdei，. King Seuen once asked, u Was it so that T4ang banished Kee, and that king Woo smote Cliow?*' Mencius replied, “ It is so in the records.” The king asked, <£ May a minister then put liis sovereign to death?" Our philosophers reply was: — u He who outrages tlie benevolence proper to his natme is called a robber; he who outrages righteonsuess is called a ruffian. The robber and ruffian we call a mere fellow. I have heard of the cutting off of the fellow Chow, but I have not heard in his case of tlie putting a sovereign to death. ,，2 With regard to the ground of the relation between ruler and people, Mencius refers it very clearly to the will of God. In one The ground of the relation place he adapts for his own purpose the lan- between ruler umi people. guage of king Woo in theShoo-king: — u Heaven having produced the inferior people, appointed for them rulers and I Rk. VTT.， Pt. II., xiir. 2 Hk. T., Pt. IIN •ECT. 11.] MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [pROLROOMhNA. teachers, with the purpose that they should be assisting to God, and therefore distinguished them tlirougliout the four quarters of the empire/ 3 But the question arises — How can this will of Heaven be known ? ^lencius has endeavoured to answer it. He says: — uHeavea gives the empire, but its appointment is not conferred \vith specific injunctions. Heaven does not speak. It shows its w\\\ l>y a m.an s personal conduct and l)is conduct of affairs.1' The conclusion of the whole matter is: — u Heaven sees according as the people see; Heaven hears according as the people hear/ 4 It may not be easy to dispute those principles. I for one have no hesitation in admitting them. Theii， application, however, must A . . always be attended 'vith difficulty. Here is a so- may be dethroned by vereign who is the very reverse of a minister of lus relatives. ° J God for good. He ought to be removed, but who is to remove liiin? Mencius teaches in one passage that the duty is to be performed by his relatives who are also ministers. Tlie king Seuen asked him about the office of chief ministers. Mencius said, uAVhicli chief ministers is your Majesty asking about ?v “Are there differences ainon〇： tliein," inquired the king. “There are,” was tlie reply; u there are the chief ministers who are noble and relatives of the prince, and there are those who are of a different surname.M The king said, u I beg to ask about the chief ministers who are noble and relatives of the prince/' Mencius answered, “ If the prince have great faults, they ought to remonstrate with him, and if he do not listen to them after tliey have done so again and again, they ought to dethrone liim.” The king on this looked moved, and changed countenance. Mencius said, u Let not your Majesty be offended. You asked me, and I dare not answer but according to truth.”5 This plan for disposing of an umvortliv sovereign has been acted on in China and in other countries. It is the best that can be adopt- 】 ed to secure the throne in the ruling： House. Virtuous ministers， and 0 the minister of Heaven, may But where there are no i-elatives that have the dethrone a ruler. # virtue and power to play such a part, wliat is to be done? Mencius has two ways of meeting this difficulty. Contrary to his general rule6 for the conduct of ministers who are 3 Bk. I., Pt. II. iii. 7. II , ix. 2. 4 Bk. \% Pt. I.， 5 Bk. V.. Pt. II., ix. 6 Bk. V., Pt. w] PROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CH. II. not relatives, he allows that even they may, under certain conditions, take summary measures with their sovereign. His disciple Kang-sun Ch4ow said to him, UE Yin said, 4 1 cannot be near and see him so disobedient to reason,' and therewith he banished T4ae-kea to T^mg. The people Avere much pleased. When Tlae-kea became virtuous, he brought him back, and the people Avere again much pleased. When worthies are ministers, may they indeed banish their sover- eigns in this way, when they are not virtuous?" Mencius replied, u If they have the same purpose as E Yin, they may. If they have not the same purpose, it would be usurpation." His grand device, however, is what, he calls “ the minister of Heaven.” When the sovereign has become worthless and useless, his hope is that Heaven will raise up some one for the help of the people; — some one who shall so occupy in his original subordinate position as to draw all eyes and hearts to himself.7 8 Let him then raise the standard, not of rebellion but of righteousness,9 and he cannot help attaining to the highest dignity. So it was with the great Tsang; so it was Avith the kings Wan and Woo. Of the last Mencius says: — u There was one man” 一 i.e., the tyrant Chow — u pursuing a violent and disorderly- course in the empire, and king Woo was ashamed of it. By one display of his anger, he gave repose to all the people. '10 He would have been glad if any one of the princes of his own time had been able to vault in a similar way to the imperial throne, and he went about counselling them to the attempt. “ Let youi. Majesty,” said he to king Seuen, uin like manner, by one burst of anger, give repose to all the people of the empire.” This was in fact advising to re- bellion, but the philosopher would have recked little of such a charge. The House of Chow liad forfeited in his view its title to the empire. Alas! among all the princes lie had to do with, he did not find one wlio could be stirred to so honourable an action. We need not wonder that Mencius, putting fortli the above views so boldly and broadly, should not be a favourite with the rulers of China. His sentiments, professed by the literati, and known and read by all the people, have operated powerfully to compel the good behaviour of u the powers that be." If may be said t.hat they en- courage the aims of selfish ambition, and the lawlessness of the 7 Bk. VII., Pt. I., xxxi. 8 Bk. II., Pt.v. 9 1 a raising of righteous soldiers ； * 一 this is the profession of all rebel leaders in Chiou. 10 Bk. Pt. II., iii. 7. 48] SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [i-ROLEGOMEKA. licentious mob. I grant it. They are lessons for tlie virtuous, and not for the lawless and disobedient, but the government of Cliina would have been more of a gi.itiding despotism, if it had not been for them. On the readiness of tlie people to be governed Mencius only differs from Confucius in the more veliement style in •which he expresses The influence of personal Ins views* He does not dwell so much on the ciiaracter in u ruler. influence of personal virtue, and I pointed out, in the sketch of liis Life, how lie all but compromised his character in his communications Mrith king Seuen, telling him that his love of ■women, of war, and of money might be so regulated as not to inter- fere with his exercise of true royal government. Still lie speaks at times correctly and emphatically on this subject. He quotes Con- fucius’ language on tlie influence generally of superiors on inferiors, 一 that u the relation between them is like that between the wind and grass; the grass must bend when the wind blows upon it;,，n and he savs himself: — u It is not enough to remonstrate with a sovereign on account of the mal-employment of ministers, nor to blame errors of government. It is only the great man -who can rectify what is wrong in the sovereign's mind. Let. tlie prince be benevolent, and all his acts will be benevolent. Let the prince be righteous, and all his acts will be righteous. Let the prince be correct, and all his acts will be correct. Once rectify the prince, and the kingdom will be firmly settled.’’12 But the misery which he saw around him, in consequence of the prevailing anarchy and constant wars between State and State, led Benevolent government, Mencius to insist on the necessity of what he and its effects. called u a benevolent government/' The king Seano： asked him, u Who can unite the empire under one sway??, and his reply was, u He who has no pleasure in killing men can so unite it.’’13 His being so possessed with the sad condition of his time likewise gave occasion, we may suppose, to the utterance of another sentiment, sufficiently remarkable. “Never,” said he, “has he who would by liis excellence subdue men been able to subdue them. Let a prince seek by his excellence to nourish men, and he will be able to subdue the whole empire. It is impossible that any one should become ruler of the empire to whom it has not yielded the 11 Bk. III., Pt. I., ii. 4. 12 Bk. IV., Pt., I.; xx. 13 Ek. I-, rt. I., vi. 4!»] PROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [ch. II. subjection of the heart. ,!14 The highest style of excellence will of course liave its outgoings in benevolence. Apart from that, it will be powerless, as Mencius says. His words are akin to those of Paul: — u Scarcely for a righteous man will one die: yet peradventure for a good man some would even dare to die.” On the eiFects of a benevolent rule he says: — “ Kee and Chow’s losing the empire arose from their losing the people; and to lose the people means to lose tlieir hearts. There is a way to get the empire: — get the people, and the empire is got. There is a way to get the people: — get their hearts, and the people are got. There is a 'va.y to get their hearts: — it is simply to collect for them what they like, and not to lay on them what they dislike. The people turn to a benevolent rule as water flows downwards, and as wild beasts fly to tlie wilderness. As the otter aids the deep waters, driving the fish into them, and as the hawk aids the thickets, driving the little birds to them, so Kee and Chow aided T4ang and Woo, driving the people to them. If among the present sovereigns of the empire there were one who loved benevolence, all the other princes would aid him by driving the people to him. Although he wished not to become emperor, he could not avoid becoming so."15 Two principal elements of this benevolent rule, much insisted on by Mencius, deserve to be made prominent. They are to be found indicated in the Analects, and in the older classics also, but it was reserved for our philosopher to set them forth, slmrply . defined in his own style, and to show the and to educate them, are important connection between them. They are: 一 elements in u benevolent rule. J that the people be made well off, and that they be educated; and the former is necessary in order to the efficiency of the other. Once, when Confucius was passing through Wei in company with Yen Yew, he was struck with the populousness of the State. The disciple said, u Since the people are thus numerous, wlmt more shall be done for them?” Confucius answered, uEnricli them." “And when they have been enriched, what more sliall be done for theIn?,, The reply was — u Teach them."16 This brief conversation contains the germs of the ideas on which Mencius delighted to dwell. 14 Bk. IV. , Pt. II., xvi. 15, Bk- IV., 1U. L, ix. 16 Con. Ana., XIII., L\. ,r)0] SECT. I!.] MF.NCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLKS. [PROLEGOMENA. We read in one place : — u Let it be seen to that their fields of grain and hemp are well cultivated, and make the taxes on them light: — so the people may be made rich. u Let it be seen to tluit they use their resources of food seasonably, and expend their wealth only on the prescribed ceremonies: — so their wealth will be more than can be consumed. uThe people cannot live without water and fire; yet if you knock at a mans door in the dusk of the evening, and ask for Avater and fire, there is no man who will not give them, such is the abundance ot these things. A sage governs the empire so as cause pulse and grain to be as abundant as water and fire. When pulse and grain are as abundant as water and lire, how shall the people be other than virtuous?"17 Again he says : — u In good years the youth of a country are most of them good, while in bad years they abandon themselves to evil.' 18 It is in his conversations, however, with king Seuen of Ts4e and duke Wan of T'ang, that we find the fullest exposition of the points in hand. “ It is only scholars” 一 officers, men of a superior order — il who, without a certain livelihood, are able to maintain a fixed heart. As to the people, if they have not a certain livelihood, it fol- lows that they will not have a fixed heart. And if they have not a fixed heart, there is nothing which they will not do in the way of self-abandonment, of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild license. When they have thus been involved in crime, to follow them up and punish them : — this is to entrap the people. There- fore an intelligent ruler will regulate the livelihood of the people, so as to make sure that, above, they shall have sufficient Avherewith to serve their parents, and, below, sufficient wherewith to support their wives and children; that in good years they shall always be abun- dantly satisfied, and that in bad years they shall escape the danger of perishing. After this he may urge them, and they will proceed to ■what is good, for in this case the people will follow after that with ease.”19 It is not necessary to remark here on the measures which Mencius recommends in order to secure a certain livelihood for the people. They embrace the regulation both of agriculture and commerce.26 17 Bk. VIL) Pt. I., xxiii. 18 Bk. VI” Pt. I” vii. 19 Bk. I., Pt. I., vii. 20, 21 ； Bk. III., Ft. I” iii. 3. 20 Bk. HI., Pt. I. iii.; Bk. I., Pt. H., iv.； Bk. H, Pt. X., v.： et al. 51] TROLEGOMEXA.] II1S INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CH. II, And education would bo directed simply to illustrate tlie human re- 、 lations.21 What he says on these subjects is not without shrewdness, though many of his recommendations are inappropriate to the pre- sent state of society in China itself as well as in other countries. But his principle, that good government should contemplate and will be seen in the material wellbeing of the people, is worthy of all honour. Whether government should interfere to secure the educa- tion of the people is questioned by not a few. The religious denomi- nation to which I have the honour to belong has distinguished itself by opposing such a doctrine in England, — more zealously per- haps than wisely. But when Mencius teaches that with the mass of men education will have little success wliere the life is embitter- ed by a miserable poverty, he shows himself well acquainted with liuman nature. Educationists now seem generally to recognize it, but I think it is only within a century that it lias assumed in Europe the definiteness and importance with which it appeared to Mencius here in China two thousand years ago. We saw how Mencius, when he was residing in Tlang, came into contact with a class of enthusiasts, who advocated a return to the primitive state of society, “ When A (Jam delved and Eve span.” They said that wise and able princes should cultivate the gi'ound equally and along with their jJeople, and eat the fruit of their la- Nec 哪 ity for a division hour,— that “ to have granaries, arsenals, and mentb〇be c〇nducted°b^^^ treasuries was an oppressing of the people." ]\Ien- lettered class. cius exposed these errors very happily, show- ing the necessity to society of ^ division of labour, and that the con^ duct of governrnent should be in the hands of a lettered class. “I suppose,” he said to a follower of the strange doctrines, u that Heu Hing sows grain and eats the produce. Is it not so ?” “ It is so," was the answer. 11 1 suppose that he also weaves cloth, and wears his own manufacture. Is it not so ? ’’ u No; Heu wears clothes of liair- cloth.” “Does he 'veai* a cap?” “He wears a cap.” “What kind of cap?” “A pUin cap.” “ Is it woven by himself?” “No; he gets it in exchange for grain." “ Why does Heu not weave it him, self?M u That \v〇uld injure hia husbandry, M £tDoes Heu cook his food in boilers and eartlicn-ware pans, and docs he plough with an iron 52] 21 Rk. III. Tt. I., iii. l〇. SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [pnOLEGOMEXA. share ^Ves.'1 u Does he make those articles himself ? " uXo; he gets tliem in exchange for grain." On these admissions Men- cius proceeds : — “Tlie getting those various articles in exchange for grain is not oppressive to the potter and the founder, and the pot- ter and the founder in their turn, in exchanging their various arti- cles for grain, are not oppressive to the husbandman. How should sucU a tiling be supposed ? But why does not lieu, on his jii'inciples, act the potter and founder, supplying himself with the articles which lie uses solely from his own establishment? Why does he go con- fusedly dealing and exchanging with the handicraftsmen? Why does he not spare liiinselfso much trouble His opponent attempted a replv : — “The business of the handicraftsman can by no means be carried on along with the business of husbandry. s Mencius resumed: — u Then, is it the government of the empire uhich alone can be carried on along with the practice of husbandry ? Great men have their proper business, and little men have their proper business. Moreover, in the case of any single individual, whatever articles he can require are ready to his hand, being pro- duced by the various handicraftsmen ; — if he must first make them for his own use, this way of doing would keep the whole empire run- ning about upon the roads. Hence there is the saying : — 1 Some men labour with their minds, and some with their strength. Those who labour with their minds govern others ; those who labour with their strength are governed by others. Those who are governed by others support them ; those who govern others are supported by them.’ This is a principle universally recognized.”22 Sir John Davis has observed that this is exactly Pope's line, “And those who think still govern those who toil. ”23 Mencius goes on to illustrate it very clearly by referring to the labours of Yaou and Shun. His opponent makes a feeble attempt at the end to say a word in favour of the new doctrines he had embraced: — 11 If Heu's doctrines were followed there would not be two prices in the market, nor any deceit in the kingdom. If a boy were sent to the market, no one would impose on him; linen and silk of the same length would be of the same price. So it would be with bundles of hemp and silk, being of the same weight; with the diiFer- ent kinds of grain, being the same in quantity; and with shoes 22 Bk. Pt. iv. 23 The Chinese, vol., II., p. 56. 53] PROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CH. II. which were the same in size."' Mencius meets this with a decisive reply ： — u It is the nature of things to be of unequal quality; some are twice, some five times, some ten times, some a hundred times, some a thousand times, some ten thousand times as valuable as others. If 3?ou reduce them all to the same standard, that must throw the empire into confusion. If large shoes were of the same price with small shoes, who would make them? For people to follow the doctrines of Heu would be for them to lead one another on to practise deceit. How can they avail for the goveriiment of a State?” There is only one other subject which I shall here notice, ■with Mencius’ opinions upon it, — the position namely, which he occupied Mencius' position as himself with reference to the princes of his time, a leacht-r. He calls it that of u a Teacher, but that term in our language very inadequately represents it. He wished to meet with some ruler who would look to him as u guide, philosopher, and friend," regulating himself by his counsels, and thereafter commit- ting to him the entire administration of his government. Such men, he insisted, there had been in China from the earliest ages. Shun had been such to Yaou; Yu and Ivaou-yaou had been such to Shun; E Yin had been such to T^ang; T4ae-kung Wang had been such to king Wan; Chow-kung had been such to the kings Woo and Shing; Confucius might have been such to any prince who knew his merit; Tsze sze was such, in a degree, to the dukes Hwuy of Pe and Muh of Loo.24 The wandering scholars of his own day, who went from court to court, sometimes with good intentions and sometimes with bad, pretended to this character; but Mencius held them in abhorrence. They disgraced the cliaracter and prostituted it, and he stood forth as its vindicator and true exemplifier. Never did Christian priest lift up his mitred front, or show his shaven crown, or wear his Geneva gown, more loftily in courts and palaces than Mencius, the Teacher, demeaned himself. We have seen what struggles sometimes arose between him and the princes who would fain have had him bend to their power and place. “Those,” said he, “who give counsel to the great should despise them, 24 See I3k. x” 1“ iii” vii.: e/ «/• 54] BECT. IX.] MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. and not look at their pomp and display. Halls several fathoms high, with beams projecting several cubits: — these, if my wishes were to be realized, I would not have. Food spread before me over ten cubits square, and attendant girls to tlie amount of liundreds: — these, though my wislies were realized, I would not have. Hea- sure and wine, and the dasli of hunting, with thousands of chariots following after me: — these, though my wislies were realized, I would not have. What they esteem are what I would have nothing to do with; what I esteem are the rules of the ancients. — '' hy should I stand in awe ol- tliem?''25 Before we bring a charge of pride against Mencius on account of tliis language and his conduct in accordance with it, "\ve must bear in mind that the literati in China do in reality occupy the pl;ice of priests and ministers in Christian kingdoms. Sovereign and people have to seek the law at their lips. The ground on which they stand, — u the rules of the ancients," — affords but poor footing compared with the Word of God; still it is to them the truth, the unalterable law of light and duty, and, as the expounders of it, they have to maintain a dignity which will not compromise its claims. That u scholars are the first and head of the four classes of the people" is a maxim universally admitted. I do desiderate in Mencius any approach to humility of soul, but I would not draw ray illustrations of the detect from the boldness of his speech and deportment as ua Teacher." But in one respect I am not sure but that our philosopher failed to act worthy of the character which he thus assumed. The great The charge against him men to whom he Avas in the habit of referring as of living on the princes, his patterns nearly all rose from deep poverty to their subsequent eminence. 11 Shun came from among the clianneled fields; Foo Yue was called to office from the midst of his building-frames; Ivaou-kih iroin his fish and salt.,，2e 11 E Yin was a farmer in Sin. When T*ang sent persons with presents of silk, to intreat him to enter his service, he said, with an air of indifference and self-satisfaction, 4 What can I do with those silks with which T‘ang invites me? Is it not best for me to abide in tlie channeled fields, and there delight myself with the principles of Yaou and 25 Bk. VII., Pt. II. xxxiv. This passage was written on the pillars of a hall in College *teet, East, where the gospel was first preached publicly in their own tongue to the people of Canton, in February, 1858. 26 Bk. VI., Tu II., xv. 1. 55] prolegomena.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [ch. h. Shun?’”27 It does not appear that any of those worthies accepted favours wliile they were not in office, or from men -whom they dis- approved. With Mencius it was very different; he took largely from the princes whom he lectured and denounced. Possibly lie might plead in j ustification the example of Confucius, but he carried the practice to a greater extent than that sage hud ever done,^ — to an extent which staggered even his own disciples and elicited their frequent inquiries. For instance, uP(ang Kang asked him, saying, i Is it not an extravagant procedure to go from one prince to another and live upon them, followed by several tens of carriages, and at- tended by several hundred Mencius replied, u If there be not a proper ground for taking it, a single bamboo-cup of rice may not be received from a man. If there be such a proper ground, then Shun's receiving the empire from Yaou is not to be considered ex- cessive. Do you think it was excessive?1' u No," said the other, u but for a scholar performing no service to receive liis support notwitli- standing is improper.” Mencius answered, u If you do not have an intercommunication of the productions of labour, and an interchange of men's services, so that one from his overplus may supply the de- ficiency of another, then husbandmen will have a superfluity of grain, and Avomen will have a superfluity of cloth. If you have such an inter- change, carpenters and carriage-wriglits all get their food from you. Here now is a man who, at home, is filial, and, abroad, respect- ful to his elders, and who watches over the principles of the ancient kings, awaiting the rise of future learners; — and yet you will refuse to support him. How is it that you give honour to the carpenter and carriage-wriglit, and slight him who practises benevolence and righteousness?" P(ang Kang said, uTlie aim of the carpenter and carriage-wright is by tlieir trades to seek for a living. Is it also the aim of the superior man in his practice of principles to seek for a living?” “What have you to do,” returnee! Mencius, “with his purpose? He is of service to you. He deserves to be supported, and should be supported. And let me ask — Do you remunerate a man's intention, or do 3^011 remunerate his service?" To this Kang replied, u 1 remunerate his intention.” Mencius said, “There is a man here who breaks your tiles and draws unsightly figures on your walls; — his purpose may be thereby to seek for his living, but will 27 Bk. v., rt. I., VU. 2, 3. SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND II1S DISCIPLES. [rnOLLCOMENA. you indeed remunerate him ?v said Kang; and ]\Iencius tlien concluded, uThat being the case, it is not the purpose which you remunerate, but the work done/ 28 The ingenuity of Mencius in the above conversation will not be questioned. The position from which he starts in his defence, that society is based on a division of labour and an interchange of services, is sound, and he fairly liits and overthrows his disciples on the point that we remunerate a man not lbr his aim but for his work done. But he does not quite meet the charge against himself. This will better appear from another brief conversation ^itli Ivung-sun Ch^w on the same subject. uIt is said, in tlie Book of l>oetry,?, observed Chow, li 6 He will not eat the bread of idleness/ How is it that we see superior men eating uithout labouring?” Mencius replied, 11 When a superior man resides in a countr}^, if tlie sovereign employ his counsels, he comes to tranquillity, v/ealth, honour, and glory; if the young in it follow his instructions, they become filial, obedient to their elders, true-hearted, and faithful. — AMiat greater example can there be than this of not eating the bread of idleness? 29 The argument here is based on the supposition that the superior man has free course, is appreciated by the sovereign, and venerated and obeyed by the people. But this never was the case with Mencius. Only once, the short time that he was in T^ng, did a ruler listen favourably to liis counsels. His lessons, it may be granted, were calculated to be of tlie greatest benefit to the communities where he ■vvas, but it is difficult to see tlie u work done," for which he could claim the remuneration. His reasoning might very well be applied to vindicate a governments extending its patronage to literary7 men, where it recognized in a general way the advantages to be derived from tlieir pursuits. Still more does it accord with that employed in western nations where ecclesiastical establishments form one of the institutions of a country. The members belonging to them must liave tlieir maintenance, independently of the personal character of the rulers. But Mencius' position was more that of a reformer. His claims were of those of his personal merit. It seems to me that P;ang Kang had reason to doubt the propriety of his course, and characterise it as extravagant. 28 Bk. HI., rt. II., iv. 20 Bk. VII., Pt. I., xxxii. prolegomena.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPIXIONS. [ch. u. Another disciple, Wan Chang, pressed him very closely with the inconsistency of his taking freely the gifts of the princes on whom lie was wont to pass sentence so roundly. Meucius had insisted that, where the donor offered his gift on a ground of reason and in a inaimer accordant with propriety, even Confucius would have receiv- ed it. “ Here now,” said Cliaiig, “is one who stops and robs people outside the city-gntes. He oifers bis gift on a ground of reason and in a proper manner； — would it. be right to receive it so acquired by I robbery? 51 The philosopher of course said it would not, and the other pursued: — u The princes of the present day take from their people just as a robber despoils his victim. Yet if they put a good face of propriety on their gifts, the superior man receives them. 1 venture to ask you to explain this." Mencius answered: — u Do you think that, if there should arise a truly imperial sovereign, lie would collect the princes of the present day and put them all to death? Or would lie admonish them, and then, on their not changing their Avays, put them to death? Indeed to call every one avIio takes 1 ■what does not properly belong to him a robber, is pushing a point of resemblance to the utmost, and insisting on the most relined idea of righteousness.’’30 Here again we must admire the ingenuity of Mencius; but it amuses us more than it satisfies. It was very well for him to maintain liis dignity as ua Teacher, ,5 and not go to the princes wlien they called him, but liis refusal -would have had move weight, if he liad kept bis hands clean fVoin ull tlieir offerings. I have said above that if less a-we-l'ul tlnui Confucius, he is more admirable. Perhaps it would be better to say lie is more brilliant. There is some truth in the saying of the scholar Cluing, that the one is the glass that glitters, and the other the gem that, is trul}? valuable. \\ itliout dwelling on otlier chiiracteristics of Mencius, or cullin j; from liim other striking sayings, — of which there are many, — I proceed to exhibit iind discuss his doctrine of tlie goodness oi' human nature. G. If the. remarks ^ liich I liuve just made on the intercourse of Mencius witli tlie princes of his day have lowered liim somewhat Mencius- view Of human in the estimation of my readers, his doctrine of nature； its identity with lmman imture, and the force with 'which lie that of Bishop Butler. # # advocates it, 、\.ill not fail to produce a liigh 30 lik. V.. Pt. II., iv. 5S] SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMKNA. appreciation of him as a moralist and tliinker. In concluding my exhibition of tlie opinions of Confucius in the former volume, I have observed that uhe threw no light on any of the questions Avhich have a world-wide interest.^ This Mencius did. The constitution of man s nature, and how far it supplies to him a rule of conduct and a law of duty, are inquiries than which there can hardly be any others of more importance. Tliey were largely discussed in the Schools of Greece. A hundred vigorous and acute minds of modern Europe have occupied themselves with them. It will hardly be questioned in England tliat tlie palm for clear and just thinking oa tlie subject belongs to Bishop Butler, but it will presently be seen that his views and those of ]\Iencius are, as nearly as possible, identical. There is a difference of nomenclature and a combination of parts, in which the advantage is with the Christian prelate. Felicity of illustration and charm of style belong to the Chinese philosopher. The doctrine in both is the same. View of Confucius. The utterances of Confucius on the subject of our nature were few and brief. The most remarkable is where he says: — - “Man is born •/ for uprightness. If a man be without uprightness and yet live, his escape from death is the effect of mere good fortune.”1 This is in entire accordance with Mencius, view, and as he appeals to the sage in his own support,2 though we cannot elsewhere find the words which he quotes, we may believe that Confucius would have approved of the sentiments of his follower, and frowned on those who have employed some of liis sayings in confirmation of other conclusions.3 I am satisfied in mv own mind on this point. His repeated enunciation of “ the golden rule，” though onlv in a ne〇：ative form, is sufficient evidence of it. The opening sentence of uThe Doctrine of the Mean/' — “What Heaven has conferred is called the nature； an accordance with this View of Tsze-sze. nature is called the path ; the regulation of the path is called instruction，” finds a much better illustration from Mencius than from Tsze-sze himself. The germ of his doctrine lies in it. We saw reason to discard the notion that he was a pupil of Tsze-sze; but he was acquainted with his treatise just named, and as he has used some other parts of it, we may be surprised that in 1 Ana., YI., xvii. 2 Bk. VI., Pt. I., vi. 8 ; viii. 4. 3 vSee the annotations of the editor of Yang-tsze’s ( 揚子 ：) works， 脩 身篇， in the 十 子全書 (vol. I., proleg., p. 133). 59] rROLEGOMEN 1.] IIIS INFLUENCE ANT) OPINIONS. [CH. II liis discussions on liuman nature he has made no reference to the above passage. What gave occasion to liis dwelling largely on the tlieme was the prevalence of wild aiul injurious speculations about it. In nothing Prevalent view of man's (litl the disorder of the age more appear. Kung- nature m Mencius time. t〇〇， 〇ne of liis disciples, once went to him and said, uThe philosopher Kaou says: — ‘Man’s nature is neither good nor bad.’ Some say： — 4 Mans nature may be made to practise good, and it may be made to practise evil; and accordingly, under Wan and Woo, the people loved what Avas good, Avliile, under Yew and Le, they loved what was cruel.' Others say： — 4 The nature of some is good, and the nature of others is bad. Hence it was that under such a sovereign as Yaou there yet appeared Seang; that witli such a father as Koo-sow there yet appeared Shun； and that with Chow for their sovereign, and the son of their elder brother besides, there >■ were found K(e, the viscount of Wei, and the prince Pe-kan.' And now you say: — 4 The nature is good.' Then are all those opinions wrong?”4 “ Tlie nature of man is good:’’ 一 this was Mencius' doctrine. By many writers it has been represented as entirely antagonistic to Christianity; and, as thus broadly and briefly enunciated, it sounds startling enough. As fully explained by liimself, however, it is not so very terrible. Butlers scheme has been designated uthe s)Tstem of Zeno baptized into Christ、”5 That of Mencius, identifying closely with the master of the Porch, is yet more susceptible of a similar transformation. But before endeavouring to make this statement good, it ■svill be well to make some observations on the opinion of the philosopher view 〇f the philosopher ^^〇u- He was a contemporary of Mencius, and ’ Kaou. they came into argumentative collision. One does not sec immediately the cJHference between his opinion, as >■ stated by Knng-too, aiul the next. Might not mans nature, thou^li neither good nor bad, be made to practise tlie one or the other? Kaou's view went to deny any essential distinction between good and evil, —— virtue and vice. A man might be made to act in a way commonly called virtue and in a way commonly called evil, but in tlio one action thex'e wjis really nothing more a}>provable tlnin 4 Bk. VI , Pt. I., vi. I — t. ,rj Wardlinv's Christian Ethics, edition of li<33, p. 119. GO] SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND IITS DISCIPLES. [pROLF.GOMF.NA. in the other. u Life/1 he said, u was what was meant by nature.1^ The phenomena of benevolence and righteousness were akin to those of walking and sleeping, eating and seeing. fl his extravagance afforded scope for Mencius, favourite mode of argument, the reductio ad absurdum. lie showed, on Kaous principles, that u the nature of a doc： '' as like tlie nature of an ox, and the nature of an ox like the nature of a man. M The two first conversations7 between them are more particularly worthy of attention, because, while they are a confutation of his , . ， ^ , opponent, they indicate clearly our philoso- Mencius exposure of Ivaou s 1 r 7 J ^ J L errors, and statemfnt of his own pher's own theory. Kaou compared man s nature to a -willow tree, and benevolence and righteousness to the cups and bowls that miglit be fashioned from its >v〇od. JMencius replied that it was not the nature of the willow to pro- duce cups and bowls; they might be made from it indeed, bending and cutting mid otherwise injuring it; blit must humanity be done such violence to in order to fashion the virtues from it? Kaou again compared the nature to water whirling round in a corner; — open a passage for it in any direction, and it will flow forth accordingly. “ Man’s nature,” said he, “ is indifferent to good and evil, just as the water is indilferent to the east and west.** Mencius answered him: — 44 Water indeed will flow indifferently to the' east or west, but will it flow indifferently up or down? The tendency of mans nature to good is like the tendency of water to flow downwards. There are none but have this tendency to good, just as all water flows down- Avards. By striking water and causing it to leap up, you may make it go over your forehead, and, by damming and leading it, you may force it up a hill; bat. are such movements according to the nature of water? It. is the force applied which causes them. When men are made to do wliat is not good, their nature is dealt with in this way.” Mencius has no stronger language than this, as indeed it would be difficult to line! any stronger, to declare his belief in the goodness of human nature. To many Cliristian readers it proves a stumbling- block and offence. But I venture to think that this is without sufficient, reason. He is speaking of our nature in its ideal, and not as it actually is, — as we may ascertain from the study of it that it 6 Bk. VI., Pt. I., iii. 7 Bk. YI., Pt. I.: i.;ii. 61] 1 ROLEG03IENA.] HIS INFLUENCK AND OPINIONS. [cir. ii. ought to be, and not as it is made to become. My rendering of the sentences last quoted may l)e ol)jected to, because of rny introduction of the term tendency; but I have Mencius, express sanction for the representation I give of liis meaning. Replying to Kung-too's ques- tion, whether all the other opinions prevalent about man's nature were wrong, and liis own, that it is good, correct, he said: — u From the feelings proper to it, we see that it is constituted for the practice of what is good. This is v:hat J mean in sayincj that the nature is good. If men do what is not good, tlie blame cannot be imputed to their natural powers/'8 Those who find the most fault Avith liiin, will hardly question the truth of this last declaration. When a man does -wrong, whose is the blame, — the sin? He might be glad to roll the guilt on liis Maker, or upon his nature, — which is only an indirect charging of liis Maker with it; — but it is liis own burden, which lie must bear himself. The proof by which Mencius supports his view of human nature as formed onlv for virtue is twofold. First, lie maintains that there ^ , are in mail a natural principle of benevolence, Proofs tliat human nature # J 1 is formed for virtue— First, a natural pririciple of ri<;hteousi)ess, a natural principle of propriety, and a natural principle of apprehending moral truth. “ These，” lie says， “ are not infused into us from without. We are certainly possessed of them; and a different view is simply from want of reflection. ,,J) In further illustration of this he argued thus: — u All men have a mind which cannot bear to see the sufferings of others; — my meaning may be illustrated thus ; — Even now-a days/7 i.e.^ in these degenerate times, u if inon suddenly see a child about to fall into a well, they will without exception experience a feeling of alarm and distress. They will feel so, not as a ground on which they may gain the favour of the child's parents, nor as a ground on wliich they may seek the praise of their neigh- bours and friends, nor from a dislike to tlie reputation of having been unmoved by such a tiling. From this case we may see .that the feeling of cominiseration is essential to nmn, that the feeling of shame and dislike is ossentuil to man, that the feeling of modesty ami compliiisai 欣 is csstMitial to liian, ai“l and disapproval is essentiul to man. These feelings are the principles respectively of beiievol (⑴ (.(、 right 微 is】ie% 8 Hk. VI., Vt, 1., vi., 5, (；. (；2] i) M. VI” rt. I” vi. 7. SECT. II.] MIONCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [rUOLEGOMLNA. ledge of rjood and evil. Men have these four principles just as they luive tlieir four limbs/10 Let all this be compared with the language of Butler in his three famous Sen)ions up〇)i H umav Xatare. He shows in the first of these: 一 u First, that there is a natural principle of benevolence in num ; secondly, that the several passions and alfertions^ which are distinct both from benev^olence and self-love, do in general contril)ute and lead us to jmblic good as really as to private ; and thirdly, that there is a principle of reflection in men, by Avliich they distinguish but\vmi, approve and disapprove tlieh、 owii actions.” Is there any- tiling more in this than was ap[)reliended and expressed Mencius? Butler says in the conclusion of his first discourse that u Men follow their nature to a certain degree but not entirely ; their actions do not come up to the whole of wliat tlieir nature leads them to ; and they often violate their nature.” This also Mencius declares in his own forceful manner: — u When men having these four principles, yet say of themselves that they cannot develope them, they play the thief ■with tliemselves, and lie who says of his prince that lie cannot develope them, plays the thief with his prince/'12 ‘‘ Men differ from one another in regard to the principles of their nature; — some as much again as others, some live times as much, and some to an incalculable amount: — it is because they cannot carry out fully their liiitnral powers.'13 So much for the first or preliminary view of human nature insist- 10 Bk. II . Ft. I., vi. 3, 4, 5, 6. Ill am indebted to Butler for fully understanding Men- cius* fourth feeling, that of approving and disapproving, whicli he calls 4 tlie principle of know- ledge/ or wisdom. In tlie notes, p. 7i), I have said that he gives to this term 4 a moral sense.* It is the same with Butler*s principle of reflection, by which men distinguish between, and approve or disapprove, their own actions. 一 I have heard gentlemen speak contemptuously of Men- ciusJ case in point, to prove the existence of a feeling of benevoleuce in man. 4 This,* they have said, 4is Mencius' idea of virtue, to save a cliikl from falling into a well. A mighty display of virtue, truly ! * Such language arises from misconceiving ]\Iencius, object in putting the case. 4 If there be/ says Butler, 4 any affection in lminan nature, the object and eud of which is the good of another, this is itself benevolence. Be it ever so short, be it in ever so low a degree, or ever so unhappily confined, it proves the assertion and points out what we were designed for, as really as though it were in a liiglier degree and more extensive.* ; It is sufficient that the seeds of it be implanted in our nature/ The illustration from a child faliing into a well must be x^ro- nounced a happy one. How much lower Mencius could go may be seen from liis conversa- tion with king Seuen, Bk. I.. Pt. I.? vii., whom he leads to a consciousness of his cominiserating mind from the fact that he had not been able to bear the frightened appearance of ail ox which was being led by to be killed, and ordered it to be spared. The kindly heart that was moved by the suffering of an animal had only to bo carried out. to suffice for tlio love and protection of all within the four sieas. 12 Bk. 11., Tt. I., vi. G. i〇 13k. VI.. Tt. I., vi. 7. 63] PROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [cu. n. ed on by Mencius, that it contains principles Avliich are disinterested Second proof timt human nature and virtuous. But there wants something a cSuIitfon, ThereTh^hi'gher more to make g〇od the position that virtue principles should serve the lower. 〇ught t〇 be SUpreine, and that it is for it, in opposition to vice, that our nature is formed. To use some of the u licentious talk which Butler puts into the mouth of an opponent: — u Virtue and religion require not only that we do good to others, Avhen we are led this way, by benevolence and reflection happening to be stronger than other principles, passions, or appetites; but likewise that the whole character be formed upon thought and reflection； that every action be directed by some determinate rule, some other rule than the strength or prevalence of any principle or passion. What sign is there in our nature (for the inquiry is only about what is to be collected from thence) that tliis was intended by its Author? Or how does so various and fickle a temper as that of man appear adapted thereto? As brutes have various instincts, by which they are carried on to the end the Author of their nature in- tended them for, is not man in the same condition, Avith this difference only, that to his instincts (i.e., appetites and passions) is added the principle of reflection or conscience? And as brutes act agreeably to their nature in following that principle or particuLar instinct which for tlie present is strongest in tliem; does not man likewise act agreeably to his nature, or obey the law of his creation, b)^ following that principle, be it passion or conscience, wliich for tlie present liappens to be strongest in him? Let every one then quietly follow his nature; as passion, reflection, appetite, the several parts of it, happen to be the strongest; but let not the man of virtue take it upon him to blame the ambitious, the covetous, the dissolute; since these, equally Avitli him, obey and follow their nature.,，u To all this Butler replies by showing that the principle of reflec- tion or conscience is unot to be considered merely as a principle in the lieart, wliich is to luive some influence as well as otliers, but as a faculty, in kind and in nature, supreme over all otliers, and wliich henrs its o、vii authority of being so;” tliat tlie difference bct'veeii this and the other constituents of human nature is not ua difFerence in strength or degree, '' but ua difference in nature and in kind;'1 that u it was placed within to be our proper governor; to direct and 14 Sec Sermon Second. 64] •:CT. II.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [rnOLEGOMEXX. egulate all under principles, pussions and motives of action: — this ; its right and office; thus sacred is its autliority." It follows from lie view of human nature thus established, that 11 the inward frame f man is a system or constitution; whose several parts are united, not y a physical principle of indivicluation, but by the respects they ave to each other, the chief of which is the subjection which the [)petites, passions, nnd ])articulur affections have to the one supreme rinciple of reflection or conscience. 15 Now, the substance of this reasoning is to be found in Mencius. IIu- iaii nature 一 the inward frame of man 一 is with liiin a system or con- itation as much as with Butler. lie says, foi， instance: — 11 There no part of himself which a man does not love ; and as he loves II, so lie must nourish all. There is not ail inch of skin which he oes not love, and so there is not an inch of skin which lie Avill not ourish. For examining whether his way of nourishing be good R NOT, WHAT OTHER IIULK IS THKRK BUT THIS, THAT HE DETERMINE V KEFLECTING ON IIIMSELK WHERE IT SHOULD BE APPLIED ? u Some parts of the body are noble, and some ignoble ; some great nd some small. The great must not be injured for the small, nor le noble for tlie ignoble. He Avho nourishes the little belonging to im is a little man, and lie wlio nourishes the great is a great man.,，1G Again ： — u Those who follow that part of themselves which is great re great men ; those who follow that part which is little are little ien.”H The great part of ourselves is the moral elements of our constitu- on ； the lower part is the appetites and passions that centre in >lf. He says finely: 一 u There is a nobility of Heaven, and there is nobility of man. Benevolence, righteousness, self-consecration, id fidelity, with unwearied joy in wliat is good ; — these constitute le nobility of Heaven. To be a duke, a noble, or a great officer; — lis constitutes the nobility of mail.”18 There is one passage very striking : — For the mouth to desire oeet tastes, the eye to desire beautiful colours, the ear to desire lecisant sounds, the nose to desire fra/jrant odours, and the four mbs to desire ease and rest ; — these things are natural. But there the appointment of Heaven in connection with them; and the 15 See note to Sermon Third. 16 Bk. YL, Pt. I., xiv. 17 lb.} ch. xv. 18 lb., ch. prolegomena.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [cn.n. superior man, does not say of his pursuit of them, 1 It is my nature/ * The exercise of love between father and son, the observance of right- eousness sovereign and minister, the rules of ceremony between host and between guest, the display of knowledge in recognizing the ： worthy, and the fulfilling the heavenly course by the sage; 一 these are 1 the appointment of Heaven. But there is an adaptation of our na- ture for them ; and the superior man does not say, in reference to them, 4 It is the appointment of Heaven' ,，19 From these paragraphs it is quite clear that what Mencius con sidered as deserving properly to be called the nature of man, was not that by which he is a creature of appetites and passions, bui that by which lie is lifted up into the higher circle of intelligent t and virtue. By the phrase, ‘the appointment of Heaven,， mos. i Chinese scholars understand the will of Heaven, limiting in the firs ' case the gratification of tlie appetites, and in the second the exercisi of the virtues. To such limitation Mencius teaches there ought t< I be a cheerful submission so far as the appetites are concerned, bu J where the virtues are in question, we are to be striving after then |j notwithstanding adverse and opposing circumstances. They are ouj 1 nature, what we were made for, wliat we have to do. I will refe I but to one other specimen of his teaching on tliis subject. “Tli ■ ■will，” he said, using that term for tlie higher moral natui’e in activit) I — u the will is the leader of the passion-nature. The passion-natur pervades and animates the body. The will is first and chief, and tb passion-nature is subordinate to it."20 My readers can now judge for themselves whether I exaggerate (i at all in saying that Mencius5 doctrine of human nature was, 1 1 nearly as possible, identical witli that of Bishop Butler. Sir Jam( j Mackintosh lias said of the sermons to which I have made refercnc* and his other cognate discourses, that, in them Butler 11 taught trutl more capable of being exactly distinguished from the doctrines < his predecessors, more satisfactorily established by him, more con prehensively applied to particulars, more rationally connected wit each other, and therefore more Avorthy of tli〇 name of discover than any with which we are acquainted; if we ought not, with son hesitation, to excei>t the iir.st steps of the Grecian philosophers t 1!) Bk. VII., rt. II., xxiv. 20 Bk. II., Pt. I. ii. 9. 6(i] ECT. II.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. vvard9 a Theory of Morals.^21 It is to be ^vished that the attention this great scholar liacl been called to the -writings of our pliilo- opher. Mencius was senior to Zeno, though a portion of their lives vnehronized. Butler certainly avus not indebted to him for the iews which he advocated； but it seems to me that Mencius had pft him nothing to discover. But the question now arises — u Is the view of human nature propounded by Mencius correct?” So far as yet appears, I see not how the question can be answered otherwise The proper use of Men- i yews thus far con- than in the affirmative. Man was formed for virtue. Be it that his conduct is very far from ) eing conformed to virtue, that simply fastens on him the shame of uilt. Fallen as lie may be, — fallen as I believe and know he is, — pis nature still bears its testimony, when properly interrogated, g gainst all unrigliteousness. Man, heathen man, a Gentile without i \e laio, is still a law to himself. So the apostle Paul affirms; and to o moral teacher of Greece or Rome can we appeal for so grand ail lustration of the averment as -\ve find in Mencius. I would ask hose whom his sayings offend, whether it would have been better )r his countrymen if lie had taught a contrary doctrine, and told hem that man’s nature is bad, and that the more they obeyed all ;s lusts and passions, the more Avould they be in accordance with it, nd the more pursuing the right path? Such a question does not eed a reply. The proper use of Mencius' principles is to reprove :ie Chinese — and ourselves as well — of the thousand acts of sin of ^hich they and we are guilty, that come -svitliin their sweep and nder their condemnation. From the ideal of man to his actualism there is a vast de- cent. Between what he ought to be and what he is, the contrast H〇w Mencius admitted is melancholy. u Benevolence" said our philo- ucii actual evil, and h〇w s〇pher, “ is the characteristic of man.”22 It is 3 accounted for it. A 1 • • u the wide house in Avhich the Avoi'ld should welV， while propriety is u the correct position in which the world hould ever be found," arid righteousness is uthe great path which .ien should ever be pursuing.”23 In opposition to this, however, atred, improprieties, unrighteousness, are constant phenomena of 21 Encyclopasdia Britannica, Second Preliminary Dissertation ; on Butler. 22 Bk. YII.5 t. II., xvi. 23 Bk. III., lH.n., ii, 3. G7] PROLEGOMENA.] nis INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [cn. n. human life. We find men hateful and hating one another, quench- ing the light that is in them, and walking in darkness to perform all deeds of shame. u There is none that doeth good ; no, not one/* Mencius would have denied this last sentence, clainiimr that the sages should be excepted from it; but lie is ready enough to admit the fact that men in general do evil and violate the law of their nature, They sacrifice the noble portion of themselves for the gi'atification of the ignoble ; they follow that part -which is little, and not. that which is great. He can say nothing further in explanation of the fact. He points out indeed the effect of injurious circumstances, and the power of evil example ; and he has said several tilings on these sub- jects worthy of notice: — It is not to be wondered at that the king is not wise ! Suppose the case of the most easily growing thing in the world ； — - if you let it have one days genial heat, and then expose it for ten days to cold, it will not be able to grow. It is but seldom that I have an audience of the king, and when I retire, there come all those who act upon him like the cold. Though I succeed in bringing out some buds of goodness, of what avail is it?"** u In good years the children of tlie people are most of them good, while in bad years the most of them abandon tliemselves to evil. It is not owing to their natural powers conferred on them l)v Heaven that they are thus different : the abandonment is owing to the circumstances through Avliich the)^ allow tlieir minds to be en- snared and drowned in evil. There now is barley: let it be sown and covered up ; the ground being the same, and the time of sowing likewise the same, it grows ra})idly up, and when the full time is come, it is all found to be ripe. Although there may be inequalities of produce^ that is owing to the difference o/the soil as rich or poor,1 the unequal nourislnnent aiforcled by the rains and dews, and tc the different ways in wliicli nuui lias performed his business.1'25 The inconsistencies in huiniin conduct did not escape liis obscr vation. After showing that, there is that in human nature Avliid will sometimes make men p.art with life sooner than with right eousness, lie goes on : — u And yet a man will accept of ten thou sand chuncj without any considemtion of propriety and righteous noss. What can they add to him? AVhen lie takes them, is it no that he may obtain beautiful mansions, that he may secure tlic sor 1 24 Bk. VI., Pt. I., ix. 25 /A., ch. vii. (;s] SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCirLES. [iROX-EGOMKXA. vices of \vives nnd concubines, or that the poor and needy may be helped by Tlie scalpel is used here with a bold and skilful lmnd. The lust of the liesh, and the lust of the e)*es, and the pride of life are laid bare, nor does he stop, till lie lias exposed the subtle workings of the delusion that tlie end may sanctify the means, that evil may be wrought that good may come. He pur- sues : — “In the former case the offered bounty was not received, though it would have saved from death, and now the emolu- ment is taken for the sake of beautiful mansions. The bounty that would have preserved from death was not received, and the emolu- ment is taken to get the services of wives and concubines. The bounty that would have saved from death Avas not receivec, and the emolument is taken that one's poor and needy acquaintance may be helped. Was it tlien not possible likewise to decline this? This is a case of what is called — 1 Losing the proper nature of one?s mind： "26 To the principle implied in tlie concluding sentences of this quo- tation Mencius most pertinaciously adheres. He will not allow „ . . . , , that original badness can be predicated of human Original badness can- 0 r # not be predicated from nature from any amount of actual wickedness. actual evil. # J “The trees,” said he, “of the Ne'v Mountain were once beautiful. Being situated, however, in the borders of a large State, they were hewn down with axes and bills ; — and could they retain their beauty? Still, through the activity of the vegetative life day and night, and tlie nourishing influence of the rain and dew, they were not without buds and sprouts springing forth ; — but then came the cattle and goats, and browsed upon them. To these things is owing the bare and stript appearance of the moun- tain, which when people see, they think it was never finely wooded. But is this the proper nature of the mountain ? And so also of what properly belongs to man : — shall it be said that the mind of any man was -without benevolence and righteousness? The way in Avhicli a man loses his proper goodness of mind is like the way in which the trees are denuded by axes and bills. Hewn down day after day, can the mind retain its beauty? But there is a development of its life clay and niglit, and in the calm air of the morning, just between night and day, the mind feels in a degree the desires and aversions 2G Bk. YI., Pt. I., xli. 7, 8. G9] PROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [cn. ti. which are proper to humanit)7; but the feeling is not strong, and it is fettered and destroj'ed by "what takes place during the day. This fettering takes place again and again; the restorative influence of the niglit is not sufficient to preserve the proper goodness of the mind; and when this proves insufficient for that purpose, the nature be- comes not much different from that of the irrational animals, which Avlien people see, they think that it never had those powers tchich I assert. But does this condition represent the feelings proper to humanity?”27 Up to this point I fail to perceive anything in Mencius’ view of human nature that is contrary to the teachings of our Christian scrip- tures, and that may not be employed with advantage by the mission- ary in preaching the Gospel to the Chinese. It is far from covering what Ave know to be the whole duty of man, yet it is defective rather than erroneous. Deferring any consideration of tins for a brief space, I now inquire whether Mencius, having an ideal of the goodness of human nature, held also that it had been and could be realized? The answer to it is that he did. sages, and possible perfection The actual realization he found in the of all. . . sages, and he contended that it was within the reach of every individual. u All things which are the same in kind,” lie says, 11 are like one another; — why should we doubt in regard to man, as if he were a solitary exception to this? The sage and we are the same in kind.’’28 The feet, the mouths, the eyes of the sages were not different from those of other people, neither were their minds. “ Is it so,” he was once asked, ‘‘ that all men may be Yaous and Slmns?” and he answered, “It is," adding by way of explanation: — “To walk slowly, keeping behind his elders, is to perform the part of a younger brother, and to walk quickly and precede his elders is to violate that duty. Now, is it what a man cannot do, 一 to walk slowly? It is what he does not do. The coarse of Yaou and Shun Avas simply that of filial piety and fraternal duty. Do you wear the clothes of Yaou, repeat the words of Yaou, and do the actions of Yuou ; — and you will just be a Yaou， Among the sages, liowcver, i\Iencius made a distinction. Yaou and Slum exceeded all the rest, unless it might be Confucius. Those 27 Bk. VI., I., cli. viii. ], 2. 28 lb., vii. 3. 29 lb., Tt. II., ii. 1, 4, 5. 70] BBCT. II.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. three never came short of, never went, bej^nd, the law of their nature. The ideal and the actual Avcre in them always one and the same. The others had only attained to perfection by vigorous effort and culture. Twice at least he has told us this. “ Yaou and Shun Avere Avluit they were by nature; T4ang and AVoo were so by returning to natural virtue.''30 The actual result, however, was tlie same, and. therefore he could hold them all up as models to his countrymen of the style of man that they all ought to be and might be. What the compass and square were in the hands of the workman, enabling him to form perfect circles and squares, that the sages, u perfectly exhibiting the human relations," miglit be to every earnest individual, enabling him to perfect himself as they were perfect.31 Here we feel that the doctrine of Mencius wants an element which Revelation supplies. He knows nothing of the fact that uby one 4 ^ . man sin entered into the world, and death Mencius doctrine contains no acknowkni^ment of the universal bvsin;and so death passed (passed on, proneness to evil. His ideal has J 1 1 been reiilir,od by sages, and may extended, “ tO all men, because all sinned.” AVe have our ideal as well as he; but for the living reality of it we must go back to Adam, as he was made by God in His own image, after His likeness. In him the model is soon shattered, and we do not discover it again, till Gods own Son appears in the world, made in the likeness of sinful flesh, yet without sin. ^Vhile He died for our transgressions, He left us also an example, that we should walk in His steps; and as we do so, we are carried on to glory and virtue. At the same time we find a law in our members warring against the law in our minds, and bringing us into captivity to sin. However we may strive after our ideal, we do not succeed in reaching it. The more Are grow in the knowledge of Christ, and see in Him the glory of humanity in its true estate, the greater do we feel our own distance to be from it, and that of ourselves we cannot attain to it. There is some- thing wrong about us; we need help from without in order to become even what our nature, apart from Revelation, tells us we ought to be. \Yhen Mencius therefore points us to Yaou, Shun, ancl Confucius, and says that they were perfect, we cannot accept his statement. Understanding that he is speaking of them only in the sphere of 30 Bk. VII, Pt. I., xxx 1 ； rt. n., Xixiu. 1. 31 Bk. IV., Pt. I-, ii. 1. 71] PROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CH. II. liuman relations, we must yet believe that in many tilings they came short. One of them, the greatest of the three in Mencius1 estimation, Confucius, again and again confesses so of himself. He was seventy years old, lie says, before lie could follow Avhat his heart desired ■\vitliout transgressing what was right.32 It might have been possible to convince the sage that he was under a delusion in this important matter even at that advanced age; but what liis language allows is sufficient to upset Mencius' appeal to him. The image of sagely perfection is broken by it. It proves to be but a brilliant and. un- substantial phantasm of our philosophers own imagining. When he insists again, that every individual may become -\vhat lie fancies that the sages were, — i.e., perfect, living in love, walking in righteousness, observant of propriety, approving whatsoever is good, and disapproving whatever is evil, — lie is pushing liis doctrine beyond its proper limits; he is making a use of it of which it is not capable. It, supplies a law of conduct, and I have set it forth as entitled to our highest admiration for the manner in which it does so; but law only gives the knowledge of what we are required to do: it does not give the power to do it. We have seen how ■when it was necessary to explain accurately his statement that the nature of man is good, Mencius defined it as meaning that u it is constituted for the practice of that which is good." Because it is so constituted, it follows that every man ought to practise wliat is good. But sonic disorganization may have happened to the nature; some sad change may have come over it. The very fact that man lias, in Mencius, own words, to recover his u lost mind,"33 shows that the object of the constitution of the nature has not been realized. Whether he can recover it or not, therefore, is a question altogether different from that of its proper design. In one place, indeed, Mencius has said that uthc great man is lie ■\vlio does not lose liis cliilcrs-heart.' ，;54 I can only suppose that, b)r that expression — ‘‘ the cliild’s-licai%” he intends tlie ideal goodness which he affirms of our nature. But to attribute that to the child as ac- tually existing in it is absurd. It has lieitlier (lone good nor evil. It possesses the capacity for either. It will by and by awake to the consciousness tliut it ought to follow after the one, and escliew the other; but when it does so, — I should rather say when he does so, 32 Coll. Alia., II., iv. G. 3U lik. Vl./.l't. I., xi. 1. 01 13k. IV., 1H. II, \iL 72] SECT. IL] MENCIUS AND II1S DISCIPLES. [lUtOLEGU.MLNA. for the child has now emerged from a mere creature existence, and assumed the functions of a moral being, he will find that he has already given himself to inordinate affection for the objects of sense; and in the pursuit of gratification he is reckless of what must be acknow- ledged to be the better and nobler part, reckless also of the interest and claims of otliers, and whenever thwarted glows into passion and fury. The youtli is more pliant than the man iu -whom the do- minion of self-seeking has become ingrained as a habit; but no sooner does he become a subject of law, than he is aware of the fact that when he would do good, evil is present with him. The boy has to go in search of his “ lost heart,” as truly as the man of fourscore. Kven in him there is an u old man, corrupt according to the deceit- ful lusts, 5, which he has to put off. Butler had an immense advantage over Mencius, arising from his knowledge of the truths of Revelation. Man}7, admiring his sermons, „ ‘， ， 』 t . have yet expressed a measure of dis- and that he does not make the same satisfaction, because lie does not in them application of their coimuon principles. , . # make explicit reference to the condition of man as fallen and depraved. That lie fully admitted the fact we know. He sa) s elsewhere: — u Mankind are represented in scripture to be in a state of ruin.” u If mankind are corrupted and depraved in their moral character, and so are unfit for that state which Christ is gone to prepare for his disciples; and if the assistance of Gods Spirit be necessary to renew tlieir nature, in the degree requisite to their being qualified for that state; all which is implied in the express, though ligurative declaration, Except a man be born of the Spirit, he cannot see the kingdom of God”, .... 35 How is it, then, that there is no mention of this in the sermons? Dissatisfaction, I have said, has been expressed on account of this silence, and it would have taken the form of more pointed utterance, and more decided condemnation, but for the awe of his great name, and the general appreciation of the service he rendered to Christianity in his work oil The Analogy of Religion. But, in truth, dissatisfaction at all is out of place. Butler wrote his sermons as he wrote liis Analogy, in consequence of the peculiar necessity of his times. More par- ticularly against Hobbes, denying all moral sentiments and so- cial affections, and making a regard to personal advantage the only 35 The Analogy of Koligion j Part II., chap. I. 73] PROLEGOMENA.] IIIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CH. II. motive of human action, it was his business to prove that man's na- ture is of a very different constitution, comprehending disinterested affections, and above all the supreme element of conscience, which, u had it strengtli as it lias right, would govern the world. " He proves this, and so accomplishes his work. He had merely to do with the ideal of humanity. It did not belong to him to dwell on the actual feebleness of man to perform what is good. He might have added a few paragraphs to this effect ; but it was not the character of his mind to go beyond the task which he had set himself. What is of importance to be observed here is, that he does not make the application of their common principles Avliich Mencius does. He knows of no perfect men ; he does not tell his readers that they have merely to set about following their nature, and without any aid from Avithout, they will surely and easily go on to perfec- tion. Mencius is not to be blamed for his ignorance of what is to us the Doctrine of the Fall. He had no means of becoming acquainted with it. We have to regret, however, that his study of human nature ,, . , , , . . . produced in him no deep feelinq on account of Mencius lacking in hu- 1 i jniiity， ami sympathy with men’s proneness to 貧 〇 astray. He-never betrays liuman error. 1 c # J J • any consciousness of his own weakness. In this respect he is again inferior to Confucius, and far from being, as I have said of him in another aspect of his character, “more ad- mirable), than he. In the former volume I have shown that we may sometimes recognize in what the sage says of himself the expressions of a genuine humility. lie acknowledges that he comes short of what he knows lie ought to be. We do not meet with this in Mencius. His merit is that of the speculative thinker. llis glance is searching and liis penetration deep; but there is wanting that morul sensibility which would draw us to him, in our best moments, as a man of like passions with ourselves. Tlie absence of humility is naturally accompanied with a lack of sym- pathy. There is a hardness about liis teachings. He is the professorg performing an operation in the class-room, amid a throng of pupils who are adiniring his science and dexterity, and who forgets in the triumj)li of his skill the sufForing of tlic patient. The transgres- sors of their nature arc to Mi-ncius the u tyrants of themselves, or 44 the self-ubundoncd." Thu utmost stretch of his commiseration is a 7i] SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [prolegomena. contemptuous uAlas for them!1 36 The radical defect of the orthodox moral scliool of China, that there only needs a knowledge of duty to insure its performance, is in him exceedingly apparent. Confucius, Tsze-sze, and Mencius, most strangely never thought, of calling tliis principle in question. It is always as in the formula of Tsze-sze: — il Given the sincerity, and there shall be tlie intelligence; given the intelligence, and there shall be the sincerity.'5 I said above that jMencius' doctrine of luiman nature was defective, inasmuch as even his ideal does not cover the whole field of duty. Mencius' ideal of human nature SO,J S ^*'1V little 〇f 'wliat \\ (i OA\ C to does not embrace duty to God. GocL There is no glow of natural piety in his pages. Instead of the name God, containing in itself a re- cognition of the divine personality and supremacy, we hear from liim more commonly, as from Confucius, of Heaven. Butler has said: — u By the love of God, I Avould understand all tliose regard?, all those affections of mind, -which are due immediately to Him from such a creature as Tnan, and wliich rest in Him as their end. ，37 Of such affections j\Ieiicius knows nothing. In one place he speaks of u delighting in Heaven, r,38 but he is speaking, Avhen he does so, of the sovereign who witli a great State serves a small one, and the delight is seen in certain condescensions to the weak and unworthy. Never once, where he is treating of the nature of man, does he make mention of any exercise of the mind as due directly to God. The services of religion come in China under the principle of propriety, and are only a cold formalism; but even here, other things come 、vith Mencius before them. We are told： — u The richest fruit of love is this, — the service of one's parents; the richest fruit of righteousness is this, — the obeying one's elder brothers; the richest fruit of wisdom is this, — the knowing those two things, and not de- parting from theinj the richest fruit of propriety is this, — the order- ing and adorning those two things.,)39 How different is this from the reiterated declaration of the Scriptures, that u the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom !5* The first and great command- 36 Bk. IV., Pt. I., x. 37 First Sermon Upon the Love of God. 38 Bk. I., Pt. II., ii. 3. 39 Bk. IV., Pt. I., xxvii. My friend, the Eev. Mr. Moule, of Ningpo, has supplied me with the following interesting coincidence with the sentiments of Mencius in this passage, from one of tlie letters of Charles Lamb to Coleridge, dated Nov. 14th, 1796: — 4 Oh, my friend, cultivate the filial feelings； and let no one think himself relieved from the kind charities of relationship： these shall give him i>eace at the last； these are the best foundation for every species of benevolence.7 75] r-TlOLEGOMEN\.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. [CH. II. ment, aThou slialt love the Lord, thy God, witli all thy lieart and soul and mind and strength, avus never thought of, much less delivered, by any Chinese philosopher or sage. Had Mencius apprehended this, and seen how all our duties to our fellowmen are to be performed as to God, he could not have thought so highly as he did of mail's powers; a suspicion might have grown up that there is a shadow on the light which he has in himself. This absence of the recognition of man's highest obligations from Mencius5 ideal of our nature is itself a striking illustration of mans estrangement from God. His talking of Heaven has combined ■with the similar practice of his master to prepare the way for the grosser conceptions of the modern literati, who would often seem to deny the divine personality altogether, and substitute for both God ami Heaven a mere principle of order or fitness of things. It has done more: it has left the people in the mass to become an easy prey to the idolatrous fooleries of Buddhism. Yea, the unreligiousness of the teachers has helped to deprave still more the religion of tlie nation, such as it is, and makes its services a miserable pageant of irreverent forms. It is time to have done with this portion of my theme. It may be thought that I have done Mencius more than justice in the first part of my remarks, and less than justice at the last; but I hope it is not so. A. very important use is to be made both of what he succeeds in, and where lie fails, in liis discoursing upon human nature. His principles may be, and, I conceive, ought to be, turned against himself. They should be pressed to produce the conviction of sin. There is enough in them, if tlie conscience be but quickened by the Spirit of God, to make the lniughtiest scholar cry out, u 0 wretched man that I am! who shall deliver me from this body of death?*' Then may it be said to him with effect, u Behold the Lamb of God who taketli away the sin of the world!" Then may Christ, as a new and true ex- emplar of nil that man sliould be, be displayod, i： altogether lovely," to tlie trembling mind! Then may a new heart be received from Him, tliat shall thrill in tlie acknowledgment of tlie claims both of men and God, and girding uj) the loins of tlie mind, address itself to walk in all His conmuindinents and onlinances blameless! One tiling sliould be plain. In Mencius' lessons on human duty there is no hope for liis countrymen. If they serve as a schoolmaster to bring 7(5] SECT. II.] MENCIUS AND IITS DISCIPLES. [ PROLEG OMKN A. them to Christ, they ^vill have clone their part; but it is from Christ alone tluit the help of the Chinese can come. 7. Besides giving more explicit expression to tlie doctrine of the goodness of mails nature than liad been done before him, ]\Ienciu.s lias the credit also of calling attention to the nourishment of the siun-nature. It may l>e (juestioned whether 1 translate his language exactly by this ])hrase. AVliat I render the passion-nature^ J alien renders by u rita/is The philosopher says himself that it is difficult to describe what he intends. Attempting such a descrip- tion, he says : — “ This is it : — It is exceedingly great and exceedingly strong. Being nourished by rectitude, and sustaining no injury, it fills up all between heavren and earth. This is it : — It is the mate ami assistant of righteousness and reason. Witliout it man is in a state of starvation. It is produced by the accumulation of righteous deeds ; it is not to be taken, as by surprise, by incidental acts of righteousness. If the mind does not feel complacency in the conduct, thin is starved. From such predicates Ave may be sure that it is not an)rtliing merehr or entirely physical of which he is speaking. “ The righteous,” said Solomon, “ are bold as a lion.” The Hebrew saying is very much iu Mencius' style. That boldness is the result of the nourishment for which he thought he liad a peculia aptitude. Strong in it and in a knowledge of words, a faculty of discovering the moral aberrations of others from their forms of speech, he was able to boast of possessing uan unperturbed mind j51 he could “sit in the centre1' of his being, u and enjoy bright clay, 11 whatever clouds and storms gathered around him. The nourishment, therefore, of “ the passion-nature,” “ the vital spirit/1 or whatever name we choose to give to the subject, is only an eft*ect of general good-doing. This is the practical lesson from all Mencius, liigh-souiiding words. He has illustrated it amusingly: — u Tliere was a man of Sung, who was grieved that his growing com was not longer, and pulled it up. Having done this, he returned home, looking very wearied, and said to his people, 1 1 am tired to-day. I have been helping the corn to grow long/ His son ran to look at it, and found the corn all withered. There are few in the ■world, Avho do not assist the corn of their passion-nature to grow long. Some consider it of no benefit to them, and let it alone : — they 1 Bk. n., Pt. I. ii. 13—15. FROLEGOMENA.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. fen. ii. do not weed their corn. Those avIio assist it to grow long, pull out their corn. What they do is not only of no benefit to the nature, but it also injures it.'^ This portion of Mencius' teaching need not detain us. He lias put a simple truth in a striking way. That is his merit. It hardly seems of sufficient importance to justify the use which has been made of it in vindicating a place for him among the sages of his country. 8. I said I should end the discussion of Menciiis' opinions by pointing out Avhat I conceive to be his chief defects as a moral and political teacher. His defects, however, in the former respect have been already not lightly touched on. So far as the}^- Avere the con- sequence of his ignorance, without the light -which Revelation sheds on the whole field of human duty, and the sanctions, which it discloses, of a future state of retribution, I clo not advance any charge against liis character. That he never indicates any wish to penetrate futurity, and ascertain what comes after death ; that he never indicates any consciousness of human weakness, nor moves his mind Godward, longing for more light : — these are things which exhibit strongly the contrast between the mind of the East and the West. His self- sufficiency is his great fault. To know ourselves is commonly sup- posed to be an important step to humility ; but it is not so with him. He has spoken remarkably about the effects of calamity and difficulties. He says: — “When Heaven is about to confer a great office on a man, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and his sinews and bones Avitli toil; it exposes his body to hunger, and subjects liini to extreme poverty ; it confounds bis undertakings. By all these lTietliocls it stimulates his mind, hardens his nature, and supplies his incompetencies.’’1 Such have been the effects of Heavens exer- cising some men with calamities ; but if the issue has been a fitting for the highest ojices, there has been a softening of the nature rather than a hardening of it. Mencius was a stranger to tlie liumbling of the lofty looks of man, and tlic bowing down his hauglitiness, that the Lord alone inay be exalted. His faults ns a politicul teacher are substantially the same as those of Confucius. More than was the case with liis sayings of a 2 nk.II., Pt. I., ii. 1G. 1 Bk. VI„ rt. II： XV. 78] ascT. hi.] MENCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [pholegomena. political character, the utterances of Mencius have reference to the condition and needs of his own age. They were for the time then being, and not for all time. He knew as little as Confucius of any other great and independent nation besides liis own ; and lie has left one maxim which is deeply treasured bv the rulers and the people of China at the present day, and feeds the super- cilious idea which they are so unwilling to give up of their own superiority to foreigners. il I have heard, M said lie, u of men using the doctrines of our great land to clninge barbarians, but I have never yet heard of any being changed by barbarians." u I have heard of birds leaving dark valleys to remove to lofty trees, but I have not heard of their descending from lofty trees to enter into dark val leys.”2 Mongol ancl Tartar s'vay have not broken the charm of this dangerous flattery, because only in warlike energy were the ^Mongols and Tartars superior to the Chinese, and when they conquered the country they did homage to its sages. During the last five-and-twenty years, Christian Powers have come to ask admission into China, and to claim to be received as her equals. They do not wish to conquer her territory, though they have battered and broken her defences. With fear and trembling their advances are contemplated. The feeling of dislike to them arises from the dread of their power, and suspicion of their faith. It is feared that they come to subdue ; it is known tliat they come to change. The idol of Chinese superi- ority is about to be broken. Broken it must be ere long, and a new generation of thinkers ^ill arise, to whom Mencius will be a study but not a guide. 2 Bk. ITT., Pt. I., iv. 12, 15. SECTION III. THE DISCIPLES OF MENCIUS. The disciples of Mencius were much fewer in number, and of less distinction than those of Confucius. The longest list does not make them amount to twenty -five; and it is only to complete my plan that 1 devote a page or two here to tlieir names and surnames. The chief authority in reference to them is Chaou Kle. In a.d. 115, the then emperor of the Sung dynasty conferred titles on all 79] TROLEGOMENA. HIS DISCIPLES. [CH. II. mentioned b}7 K(e as disciples or pupils of Mencius, and enacted that they should share in the sacrifices offered to their master in his temple in the district of Tsow. Clioo He gives liis verdict in the u Collected Commentsv against two of them, and no subsequent scholar lias ventured to restore them to their place in the ^lencian school. Other names, however, have been found by different v:riters to supply their room. It is not wortli our while to take notice of their discus- sions. 1. Y5-ching K‘ih, styled Tsze-gaou (樂 正 克， 字子敷 )， a native of Loo. He was titled in 1115 as the 4 * State-advantaging Prince" ( 利國侯 ). Under the present dynasty, in 1724, he had a place assigned him in the temples of Confucius, the 35th on the west, in the outer court, with the common title of uThe Ancient Worthy, the Philosopher Yo-ching.,> 2. Wan Chang (萬 章 ). He was titled in 1115 as the u Baron of Extensive Arousing,” （傅 典伯 ). He lias now the next place to the preceding in the Confucian temples. 3. Kung-sim Ch‘o'v (公 孫丑 )， a native of Ts‘e. He was also elevated to the temple of Confucius, and has now the place, east, corresponding to that of Wan Chang, on the west. His title con- ferred in 1115 Avas — “ Baron of Longevity and Glory ”（ 壽光伯 )• 4. Kung-too (公都 )， immediately precedes Kimg-sun Ch‘o、v in the temples. In the temple of Mencius he was the u Baron of Tran- quillity and Shadiness, " ^). The above four are the only disciples of Mencius who have places assigned to them in tlie temples of Confucius. 5. Cli‘in Tsiu (陳錄 )• （5. Ch‘ung Yu (充虞 ). 7/ Ke-sun (季 孫 ). 8. Tsze-shuli E ( 子叔疑 )• These two last are held by Clioo He not to liave been disciples of Mencius. 9. Kaou (i1 為子 )• This is to be distinguished from another scholar of the same name, referred to in J^k. A I., IH. II., iii. 10. Seu l)eih (j 余辟 ). 11. Hiien-k‘ew Mung (_ 丘 蒙 >• 12. Ch‘in Tae (陳代 ). 13. I)‘ang Kang (參更 ). U. Uh-loo Lgen ( 屋廬連 ). IS. T‘aou Ying (桃應 ). These fifteen are said by Chaou K4e to have been disciples of Mencius. r]'lie four tluit follow arc said to have studied under him, or to have been his pupils. 80] sect, hi.] MENCIUS AND IIIS DISCIPLES. [nioLEGOMENA. 16. Mang Chung (孟 伸子 )• 17. Kaou (告子 )• This Kaon can liardly be said to have studied under Mencius； he only argued with him. 18. T‘Sng KSng， or K&ng of T‘Sng (滕更 ). 19. Pcun- shi 叩 K''-〇h (盆 成; j^). Tliese ninetocn rest on the authority of Chaou Iv{e. Others have added to them — 20. Kung-ming Kaou (公 明高) • 21. K‘wang Chang (匡軍 )• 22. Ch‘in Cluing (陳仲 ). 24. Le Low (離卖 )• APPENDIX. I have thought it would be interesting to many readers to append here the Essays of two distinguished scholars of China on the subject of Human Nature. The one is in direct opposition to Mencius, doc- trine; according to the other, his doctrine is insufficient to explain the phenomena. Tlie author of the first， Seun K‘ing (荀 [以 乙孫] 卿) was not much posterior to Mencius. He is mentioned as in office under king Seang of Tsce (b.c. 271-264), and he lived on to the times of the Ts4in dynasty. Ilis Works Avliich still remain form a considerable volume. The second essay is from the work of Han Yu, mentioned above, Ch. I.? Sect. IV.? 4. I shall not occupy any space witli criticisms on the style or sentiments of the writers. If the translation appear at times to be inelegant or obscure, the fault is perhaps as much in the original as in myself. A comprehensive and able sketch of u The Ethics of the Chinese, with special reference to the Doctrines of Human Nature and Sin，” by the Rev. Griffith John, was read before the ^North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, in November, 1859, and has been published separately. The essays of Seun and Han are both reviewed in it. 81] PROLEGOMENA.] THE PHILOSOPHER SEUN. [cu. II. I. THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL. BY THE PHILOSOPHER SEUN. The nature of man is evil； the good which it shows is factitious. There belongs to it, even at Ins birth, the love of gain, and as actions are in accordance with this, contentions and robberies grow up, and sdf-denial and yidding to others are not to be fouiul; there belong to it envy and (lislih and as actions are in accordance with tliese, violence and injuries spring up? and self-devotedncss and faith arc not to be found； there belong to it the desires- of the ears and the eyes, leading to tlie love of sounds and beauty, and as the actions are in accordance with these, lewdness and disorder spring up, and righteousness and propriety, with their various orderly displays, are not to be found. °It thus appears, that the following man^s nature and yielding obedience to its feel- ings will assuredly conduct to contentions and robberies, to the violation of the duties belonging to every one*s lot, and the confounding of all distinctions, till the issue will be in a state of savagism ; and that there must be the influence of teachers and laws, and the guidance of propriety and righteousness, from which will spring self-denial, yielding to others, and an observance of the well-ordered regulations of conduct, till the issue will be in a state of good government.— From all this, it is plain that the nature of man is evil; the good which it shows is factitious. To illustrate— A crooked stick must be submitted to the pressing-frame, to soften and bend it, and then it becomes straight ； a blunt knife must be submitted to the grindstone and whetstone, and then it becomes sharp: so, the nature of man, being evil, must be subniittcd to teachers and laws, and then it becomes correct; it must be submitted to propriety and righteousness, and then it comes under government. If men were without teachers and laws, their condition would be one of deflection and insecurity, entirely incorrect; if they were witliout propriety and righteous- ness, their condition would be one of rebellious disorder, rejecting all government. The sage kings of antiquity understanding that the nature of man was thus evil, in a state of liazardous deflection, and incorrect, rebellious and disorderly, and refusing to be governed, they set up the principles of righteousness and propriety, and framed laws and regulations to straighten and ornament the feelings of tliat nature and correct them, to tame and change tliose same feelings 荀 子 性 ••Li*、 /v*Ar 1 k 82] 合之 k 爲之不 後待故 f 而茔 爭文 I 嗜 f A 於以 之性正 ，正潘 枸者 歸之奪 •理 之爲 道擾 起惡雇 得厲 4 僞矜体 合忘雙 釋 德 老化禮 以蠢禮 然 A 也 。治 。禮) H 肴鱼 译 眷 1。 人義； 義 篆後將 丨( 彳義犯 然好够 鸪甚 今 °之 _ 偏則 然刹 。待 之惝法 險悖後 f _ 人性; 見而 亂治 。人楛 化而以 不而今 Z 潘 師導矯 正,不 人性墙 . 法 、之 飾悖治 。無擎 .咚 秸也 .人 亂古 細必售 文蚀 之而 老法身 值。 學4皆 情不聖 則待鋪 遨出性 治>王 偏師金 禮於 而挂 以險法 ，必 義治 > 正以人 lAl 然將 此之 分肩聲 殘爭善 觀氮 亂從色 賊奪者 乏, 然 理入氟 毛生屬 然後而 之顺而 而也, 則 出歸性 k 是 忠辭今 入於 於順故 信讓人 之辭暴 >人 淬 亡亡之 性讓 ，故 之亂焉 。焉 。性 > 惡 合必情 .生、 生生生 明於 將必而 而而而 矣 文有出 禮有有 g 其埋 》 師於 ；！ 耳疾好 API' I.] THAT TIIE NATUlll： IS EVIL. [PROLEGOMLNA. and guide them, so that they might all go forth in the way of moral government and in agreement \»*ith reason. Now, the man who is transformed by teachers and laws, gathers on liimsclf the omameiU of lfurning, and proceeds in the path of propriety and righteousness, is a superior man; ami he who gives the reins to liis nature and its feelings, indulges its resentments, and walks contrary to propriety and righteousness, is a mean man. Looking at the subject in this way, wo see dearly that the nature of nmn is evil； the good which it sliows is factitious. Mencius said, *Man has only to learn, and his nature becomes good*; but I reply, 一 It is not so. To say so shows tliat he lmd not attained to the knowledge of nuin^s nature, nor examined into the diflerence between wlmt is natural in man and what is factitious. The natural is what the constitution spontaneously moves to : — it needs not to be learned, it needs not to be f. llowcd hard after; propriety and righteousness are what the sages have given birtli to: — it is by learning that men become c«ipal)le ot* them, it is by hard practice that they achieve th«iu. That wliich is in man, not needing to be learned and striven after, is wlmt I call natural ； that in man which is attained to by learning, and achieved by hard striving, is what I call factitious. This is the distinction be- tween tliose two. By tlie nature of man, the eyes are capable of seeing, and the ears arc capable of hearing. But the power of seeing is inseparable from the eyes, and the power of hearing is in- separable from the ears ; —— it is plain that the faculties of seeing anil hearing do not need to be learned. Atencius says, 4The nature of man is good, but all lose and ruin their nature, and there- fore it becomes bad ;* but I say tliat this representation is erroneous. Man beinjr born with liis nature, when 1 祀 thereafter departs from its siniple constituent elements, he nmst From tliis cou- sideration 've nmy see clearly that man’s nature is evil. What might be called the nature's being good, would be if there were no departing from its simplicity to beautify it, no departing from its ele- mentary dispositions to sharpen it. Suppose that those simple elements no more needed beautify- ing, and the mind's thoughts ^10 more needed to be turned to good, than the power of vision which is inseparable from the eyes, and the power of hearing, which is inseparable from the ears, need to be learned, then we might sai/ that the nature is good, just as we say that the eyes see and tlie ears hear. It is the nature of man, when hungry, to desire to be filled ; when cold, to desire to be warmed； when tired, to desire rest ： — these are the feelings and nature of man. But now, a man is hungry, and in the presence of an elder he does not dare to eat before him : — he is yielding to that elder； he is tired with labour, and he does not dare to ask for rest : — he is working for some one. A soi^s yielding to his father and a younger brotlier to his elder, a soil's labouring for his 氣爲# 子‘縱 性愾安 恣職 而違禮 義 t 爲小 人用 此觀之 然則人 之性惡 明矣 •其 善者僞 o 也 孟子曰 •人 之學者 •其 性善。 曰‘ 是不紙 是不及 知人之 而不 察乎人 之 性僞 之分者 I 凡 性 者‘天 之就也 ‘不 可學‘ 不可氧 禮義氮 聖 A 之所 >生 也 ‘ .A 之所學 而‘能 、所 .* 而 成者農 不 可譽不 可事 •而 在人暮 謂之 tt. 可學 而能可 事而成 之在人 t 謂之氟 垦性 偽之分 I 今 人之他 目可以 見耳可 以聽 I0 可以 見之明 不離目 .W 以聽之 聰不 離不目 、明 而耳槪 不 可 學明免 孟子 ui 今 人之性 *, 將皆失 喪其 性故 I A 若是則 過筅今 A- 之 他 生 而離其 朴離其 瓷必 失而 喪之用 此 觀之然 則人之 «31 性惡明 筅所謂 性善者 ‘不離 其朴 而美 之不 離 其資而 利之也 使夫資 朴之於 美％ 3 意之 於氤若 夫可 以見之 明不離 nf 可以聽 之 聰 不離昆 故 曰‘ 目明 而耳聰 也 今人之 性 ，飢 而 PROLEGOMENA.] THE rillLOSOPIIER SEUN. [CH. II. father and a younger Ijrotlier for his elder ： 一 these two instances of conduct are contrary to the nature and against tlie feelings ； but they are according to tlie course laid down for a filial son, and the refined distinctions of propriety and righteousness. It appears that if there were an ac- cordance with the feelings and the nature, there would be no self-denial and yielding： to others. Self-denial and yielding to others are contrary to the feelings and the nature. In this way we come to see how clear it is tliat the nature of man is evil； the good which it shows is factitious. An inquirer will ask, 4 If man^ nature be evil, whence do propriety and righteousness arise?* I reply, 一 All propriety and righteousness are the artificial production of the sages, and are not to be considered as growing out of the nature of man. It is just as when a potter makes a vessel from the clay ; 一 the vessel is the product of the workman^ art, and is not to be considered as grow- ing out of his nature. Or it is as when another workman cuts and hews a vessel out of wood ； 一 it is the product of his art, and is not to be considered as growing out of his nnture. The sa.^es pon- dered long in thought and gave themselves to practice, and so they succeeded in producing pro- priety and righteousness, and setting up laws and regulations. Thus it is that propriety and righteousness, laws and regulations, are the artificial product of the sages, and are not to be con- sidered as growing properly from tlie nature of man. If we speak of the fondness of the eyes for beauty, or of the moutli for pleasant flavours, or of the mind for gain, or of the bones and skin for the enjoyment of ease ; all these grow out of the natural feelings of man. The object is presented and the desire is felt； there neetls no ett'ort to produce it. But when the object is presented, and the affection does not move till after hard etfort, I say that this effect is factitious. Tliose cases prove the dilference between what is pro- duced by nature and what is produced by art. Thus the sages transformed their nature, and commenced their artificial work. Having com- menced this work witli their nature, they produced propriety and righteousness. When propriety and righteousness were produced, they proceeded to frame laws and refill ntions. It appears, tlicre- fore, that propriety and righteousness, laws and regulations, are given birth to by the sa^cs. 是起是 者是若 度聖木 然於問 性禮乎 代而欲 聖 於性也 。皆 夫者、 人而則 聖者矣 。義兄 .也 。不飢 人性 > 僞夫生 目是積 成器人 之此 夫敢寒 之而 之感於 好生恐 跦 生之人 此文二 子光而 所生 所而人 色於慮 然於僞 .之 觀规行 之食欲 生禮生 、不 之耳聖 習則工 非性之 池,者 讓軋谥 也肩基 能惝 好人偽 .器人 故 敕 然故 皆乎將 勞 故 禮不然 .性聲 . 之故生 之生則 則順反 义有而 聖 義同必 者口& 以於 低於禮 人惝於 笫所欲 人生 ，之 IL 也 .好 非生 工非人 義之性 /丨氣 之 _ 休. 之而徵 待感味 .故 禮人 故之惡 性則而 譲也 .此 所制也 。事 而心 生藏之 生性生 。惡 不悖 乎労人 以法 故而自 好於而 僞 .於也 t 應明 辭於兄 肩之 同度, 聖後紙 利. 人起非 人故之 矣屬情 子不情 於然人 然不竹 之法 故之陶 曰/ 其矣池 。 之敢性 氣則 化暮待 體性度 、生性 人凡善 辭然代 求也, 其禮性 錙事 W 也。 然於也 .挺禮 老 _ 而乎 怠今 不義 而之而 _ 異法起 生後好 於度僞 J 々生愉 衆氣僞 & 之伪, 8*1] 則人故 埴義僞 則孝父 、者. 人 禮之 工而者 池 。悖子 弟將鼠 義性 人鴆娃 於之 之有兄 法也 .斲器 .生 情道. 代所長 Arr. i.] TIIAT T1IE NATURE IS I，:VIL. [PROLKGOM KNA. Wherein th〇3, np：reo witli all otlier men and do not differ from tliein, is their nature; wherein tlicy differ from ami exceed other men, is this artificial work. Now to love pi in and ilesire to ^et ; 一 tliis is the natural feeling of nien. Suppose tlie case that tliere is an amount of property or money to be tlivitk-d among brothers, and let this natural teelin^ to love gain and desire to^t*t t ome into play ; 一 then tlu; brothers will be opposing， iui»l siiatdi- in^ from, one another. ]>ut where the changing intiuencc of propriety and righteousness, witli their refineil distinctions, has taken eflect, a man will give up to any other man. Thus it is that it* they act in acconUmce with tlieir natural feelings, brothers will quarrel together； and if tl»c*y 】mve eonie under the trimst.oi.iniiK iuflueiKje of propriety ‘ami righti;(msiu?ss， men will give up to other Dien, to say notlnng of brothers. Again, the fact that men wish to do what is good, is be- oausc their nature is hsul. fi'he thin wishes to be thick ; the u*?ly wisli to be beautiful; the nar- row wishes to Ikj wide; the poor wish to be rich; the mean wish to be noble: 一 when anything is % not possessed in one's self, lie seeks for it outside himself. But the ricli do not wish for wealth ； the noble do not wish for position : 一 when anything is possessed by one's self, lie does not need to go beyond liimself for it. When we look at things in tliis way, we perceive that the fact of men's wishing to do what is good is because their nature is evil. It is the case iiuloecl, that mairs nature is witliout propriety and benevolence: 一 he therefore studies them with vigorous effort ami seeks to have them. It is tlie case that by nature he does not know propriety and righteousness: 一 lie therefore thinks ami refk*ets and seeks to know thmii. Speaking of mim， thereh^ birth simply, he is without propriety and righteousness, without the knowledge of propriety and righteousness. Without propriety and righteousness, man must be all confusion and disorder； without the knowledge of propriety and righteousness, there must ensue all the manifestations of disorder. Man, as he is born, therefore, lias in him notl 山 ig but the eleiiieiits of disorder, passi^^^ and active. It is plain fr<)in this contemplation of the subject that the nature of man is evil; tlie good wlticli it shows is factitious. When Mencius says that Olan^ nature is good,* I affirm that it is not so. In ancient times and now, througliout the empire, wliat is meant by good is a condition of correctness, regulation, and happy government; and wliat is meant by evil, is a condition of deflection, insecurity, and refusing to be under government : 一 in this lies the distinction between being good and being evil. And now, if man's nature be really so correct, regulated, and happily governed in itself, wlitre 則 善頷孟 之義則 性惡者 ，求惡 國國兄 兄夫者 有惡善 子性則 人不也 。必 於驊 人人弟 資好性 惡 Z 者 .曰 .惡 彳手》 無 知今不 知、> 美 .矢 .矢 財利也 》 用分正 人明然 禮禮人 及故狹 凡故拂 而而所 聖也 理之矣 ，則義 .義之 於富願 人順奪 分欲以 王》已 。平 性其生 不故性 .外 。而鼠 之情矣 。者 ，得異 惡 今洽善 。善 而知思 固用不 貧欲性 > 且且者 >而 用誠也 ，曰 ，者已 . 禮慮無 此願麒 爲則化 順此過 禮以 所是僞 則義 .而 禮觀財 肩 肩弟禮 情人衆 義人謂 不也 。悖 人求義 ，之 .貴 賤者. 兄義性 .之者 矣之 惡然, 亂無知 故人而 ■爲 爭之 好情僞 哉。 性, 者. 凡 在 禮之彊 之不貴 / 丨生矣 ，文利 性也。 雖 固偏古 已 。義也 ，學欲 願苟 惡化理 ，而也 . 有 正險今 用則然 而爲勢 .無也 。禮 若欲假 聖 理悖天 此亂肩 求善苟 之夫義 > 是得 .之 王, 平亂下 観不 生有者 >有 中薄吨 靼 若人 禮 洽也之 之 知而之 爲之者 J 顧讓 讓是有 義 .肌 是所 人禮已 U 生 中必厚 .乎 乎則弟 85] PKOLEGOMEN.V.] THP： PIIILOSOrilER SKUN. [CH. H. would be the use for sage kings? where would be the use for propriety and righteousness? Al- though there were the sage kings, propriety, and righteousness, what could they add to the nature so correct, regulated, and liappily ruled in itself? But it is not so; the nature of man is bad. It was on this account, that anciently the sage kings, understanding that man's nature was bad, in a state of deflection and insecurity, instead of being correct, in a state of rebellious disorder, instead of one of liappy rule, set up tliei.et’ore the imijesty of princes and governors to set fortli propriety and righteousness to change it； and framed laws and statutes of correctness to rule it； and devised severe ijunisliments to resirain it: so that its outgoings miglit be under the dominion of rule, and in accordance with what is good. This is the true account of the governance of the sage kings, and the transforming power of propriety and righteousness. Let us suppose a state of things in which tliere sliall be no majesty of princes and governors, no influence of pro- priety and righteousness, no rule of laws and statutes, no restraints of punishment： 一 what would be the relations of men with one nnothcr, all under heaven ? The strong would be injuring tlie weak, and spoiling them ； the many would be tyrannizing over the few, and hooting them ; a universal disorder and mutual destruction would speedily ensue. When we look at the sul)ject in this way, we see clearly that the nature of man is evil ; the good wliicli it sliows is factitious. He who would speak well of ancient times must have certain references in the present ； he would speak well of Heaven must substantiate ^vhat lie says out of man. In discourse and argument it is an excellent quality when the divisions wliich are made can be brought together like the halves of a token. When it is so, the arguer may sit down, and discourse of his principles; and he has only to rise up, and they may be set forth and displayed and carried into action. When Mencius says that the nature of mail is good, there is no bringing together in the above manner of his divisions. He sits clown and talks, but there is no getting up to display and set forth his principles, and put them in operatiun : — is not his error very gross ? To say that the nature is good does away with the sage kings, and makes an end of propriety anil righteousness; to say tliat tlie na- ture is bad exalts the sage kings, and dignilies propriety and righteousness. As the origin of the pressing-boards is to be found in the crooked wood, and the origin of the carpenter's marking- line is to be found in tliings, not being straight ; so the rise of princes and governors, and the illus- tration of propriety and rigliteousness, are to be traced to the badness of the nature. It is clear from this view of the subject that the nature of man is bad ； the good which it shows is factitious. Arp. i.] THAT THE NATUltE IS EVIL. [PHOLEGOMKNA. A straight piece of wood does not need the pressing-boards to make it straight ; 一 it is so by its nature. A crooktnl piece of wood nmst sub … itt 以 1 to the pressing-boards to soften and s it, and then it is straight; it is not straight by its nature. So it is tlmt the nature of man, being evil, must be submitted to the rule of the sage kings, and to the transforniing inlluence ofpro- priety ami righteousness， aiul then its out— ngs are uiiiler the dominion of ^ with what is good. This shows clearly that the nature of man is bad; the good which it shows is factitious. _An inquirer rrmy say 夕 a/w， “Propriety an(l riglitc?ousnes&, tliougli seen in an accunrnlatioii of factitious deeds, do yet belong to the nature of man; and tluis it was that the sages were able to produce tlieni.，， I reply, 一 It is not so. A potter takes a piece of clay, and produces a dish from it ; but are tliat dish and clay the nature of the potter? A carpenter plies his tools upon a piece of wood, and produces a vessel; but are that vessel ami wood the nature of the carpenter? So it is with tlie sages and propriety and riglitcousuess ； they produced them, just as the potter works v ith the clay. It is plain tlmt tliere is 110 reason 1’or saying tlmt propriety ami rigliteousness， and the accumulation of their factitious actions, belong to the proper nature of man. Speaking of the nature of man, it is the same in all, 一 tlie same in Yaou and Sliun， and in Ke6 and tlie robber Chili, the same in tlie superior man and in tlie mean man. If you say tliat propriety and righteousness, with the factitious actions accunmlated from them, are the nature of man, on what ground do you proceed to ennoble Yaou ami Yu, to ennoble (jeneral/i/ tlie superior man? The ground on which we ennoble Yaou, Yu, and the superior man, is tlieir ability to change the nature, ami to produce factitious conduct. That factitious conduct being produced, out of it there are brought propriety and riglitcousuess Tlie sages stand indeed in the same relation to propriety and righteousness, and the factitious coniltict resulting from them, as the potter does to his clay : 一 we have a product in either case. Tliis representation makes it clear that propriety ami righteousness, with their factitious results, do not properly belong to the nature of man. On the other hand^ tliat which we consider moan in Ke^, the robber Chili, and the mean man generally, is tliat they follow their imtuie， act in accordance 'vitli its feelings， and indulge its resent 脱 nh till all its outgoings are a greed of gain, contentions, and rapine. 一 It is plain that the nature of man is bad; the good wliich it shows is factitious. 直木不 待曜 fe 而 直暮其 性直也 枸木必 將待 隠栝詻 矯然 後直暮 以 其性不 直也今 人之性 亞|必將待聖王之氣禮義之化然狻皆出於欲 合於肩 也 。用 此觀户 f 然 則人之 性惡明 矣 •其善 者僞 I 問者 曰‘ 禮義積 爲者 ‘造 人之他 故聖人 能生之 也 。應之 if 是不牴 夫 陶人涎 M 而生瓦 然則瓦 埴豈 陶人之 性也乱 H 人 fr 木 而生龁 然則器 木豈 H 人之 性也哉 ‘夫聖 人之於 禮義也 ‘辟則 陶 g 而生之 I 然則 禮義 積僞暮 豈人 之本性 也詆 凡人之 性暮堯 舜之 與桀販 其 性一也 君 子之興 小人 其性一 I 今將以 禮 義積僞 ‘爲人 之性邪 ‘然 則有曷 貴堯齓 曷貴 君子矣 氣凡所 貴 堯禹# 子—能 化 能起 1 僞起 而生禮 I 私 871 然 則聖人 iV 於禮氬 積僞也 > 亦陶 埏而 生之也 。 用此觀 之然則 禮 義積爲 # 豈人之 性也乱 所 賤 於桀跖 小人 I 從其 ttk 順其愾 安恣眼 以出 乎貪利 爭氧故 人之性 惡明芜 其善 者僞也 FKOLEGOMENA.] THE PHILOSOPHER SEUN. [CII. II. Heaven did not make favourites of Tsang, K{een, and Heaou-ke, and deal unkindly with the rest of men. How then was it that they alone were distinguished by the greatness of their filial deeds, that all which the name of filial piety implies was complete in them? Tlie reason was that they were sul)ject to the restraints of propriety and rigliteousncss. Heaven did not make favourites of the people of Ts4e and Loo, and deal unkindly with the people of Ts^n. How then was it that the latter were not equal to the former in the rich mani- festation of the filial piety belonging to the righteousness of the relation between father and son, and the respectful observance of the proprieties belonging to the separate functions of husbaml and wife? The reason was that the people of Ts4in followed the feelings of tlieir nature, indulged its resentments, aiid contemned propriety and righteousness. We are not to siippose that tliey were different in their nature. What is the meaninc： of the saying, that i Any traveller on tlie road may become like Yu?* I answer, 一 All tliat made Yu what he was, was his practice of benevolence, righteousness, and his observance of laws and rectitude. But benevolence, righteousness, laws, aiul rectitude, are all capable of being known and being practised. Moreover, any traveller on the road has the capacity of knowing tliese, and the ability to practise them: 一 it is plain that lie may become like Yu. If you say that benevolence, righteousness, laws, and rectitude, are not capable of being known and practised, then Yu himself could not have known, could not have practised them. If you will liave it that any traveller on the road is really without the capacity of knowing these thin.s;s, and the ability to practise them, then, in his home, it will not be competent for liim to know the righteous- ness that should rule between father and son, and, abroad, it will not be competent for liim to know the rectitude tliat should rule between sovereign and minister. But it is not so. There is no one who travels along the road, but may know both that righteousness and that rectitude: — it is plain that the capacity to know and the ability to practise belong to every traveller on the way Let him, therefore, with his capacity of knowing and ability to practise, take his ground on the knowableness and practicableness of benevolence and righteousness； — and it is clear tliat he may become like Yu. Yea, let any traveller on the way addict himself to the art of learning with all his heart and the entire bent of his will, thinking, searching, and closely examining; — let him do this 使其皆 子義人 k 唯矣 。皆 之以塗 之夫天 故厚天 塗可 內之法 固禹今 有埋, 其之從 婦非也 。於非 之 以可義 ，正無 不以可 然爲人 情之私 孝私 人知以 外之可 知 仁以而 仁可性 ，別, 齊 之曾 者, 之知不 具以仁 義能塗 義以安 不魯 以質 k 父可邪 .知義 法仁之 法爲恣 如之 而孝 其可 子以然 仁法正 ,義 人正禹 >雎> 齊民全 L 叫以之 知则義 正 爲法也 1。 曷慢 魯而 於而 以能義 .君 塗法不 固止 皆然謂 於之外 孝外 知之外 臣之正 能無之 有則也 : 禮孝 .秦 之衆 之具河 之人之 仁可具 》 可仁氐 義具人 名人 質 .艿 以正 .也 ，屬知 然以 義凡故 敬也. 者也。 可 在知不 JLL 而法 可則知 法禹也 > 父然 何然 以 塗 # 然 .内 回正 能其仁 正 之豈 者而 也 .而 能之 fe 今不 無也 。之 H 義有 所其 何於 以曾 之人 之塗可 可將理 以法可 以性也 。父 綦蔣 具 .明 正. 之以 以侦邪 .爲 止知鴆 異以子 於孝 本 矣.然 人知 能逾 然禹 之吋禺 矣秦之 禮 A 夫 今则恭 父仁之 MU 明 能名 •.說 人衣. 義刼 88] APP. I.] THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL. [prolegomena. day after day, through a long： space of time, accumulating what is good, and he will penetrate as far a8 a spritual Intelligence, he will become a tcrnion with Heaven and earth. It follows that the characters of tlie sages were what any man may reach by accumulation. It may bo said : 一 4 To be sage may thus be readied by accumulation ; 一 why is it that all men cannot accumulate to this extentf* I reply, — They may do so, but they cannot be made to do so. The mean man might become a superior man, but he is not willing to be a snperior man. The 6uperior man might become a me.in man, but he is not willing to be a mean man. It is not that the mean man and the superior limn may not become the one the other ; their not becoming the one the other i6 because it is a thing which nmy be, but cannot be made to be. Any traveller on the road may become like Yu: 一 the case is so; that any traveller on the road can really become like Yu: 一 this is not a necessary conclusion. Though any one. however, cannot really become like Yu, that is not contrary at all to the truth that he may become so. One’s feet might travel all over the world, but there never was one who was really able to travel all over the world. There is nothing to prevent the meclianic, the farmer, and the merchant, from practising each the business of the others, but there has never been a case when it has really been done. Looking at the subject in this way, we see that what may be need not really be; and although it shall not really be, that is not contrary to the truth that it might be. It thus appears that the* ilitference is wide between vhat is really done or not really done, and what may be or may not be. It is plain that these two cases n»ay not become the one the other. Yaou asked Shun what was the character of the feelings proper to man. Slum replied, ‘The feelings proper to man are very unlovely； why need you ask about them? When a man has got a wife and children, his filial piety withers away; under the influence of lust and gratified desires, his good faith to his friends withers away； when be is full of dignities and emoluments, his loyalty to his sovereign withers away. The natural feelings of man! Tlie natural feelings of man! They are very unlovely. Why need you ask about them ? It is only in the case of men of the highest worth that it is not so/ 爲衰妻 堯爲爲 .也 。工禹 。則 而人 .也 。曰 ，積 善使仁 不於子 問明然 用匠足 塗不而 故聖而 而塗義 然 。君 .具 ，於矣 。則 此農可 Z 相不 小可致 不之之 人而舜 能觀賈 .以人 爲肯人 積>矣 。息 k 人可 之孝曰 ，不之 .未 徧能氣 爲可而 則伏知 情衰人 能然嘗 行爲可 小以致 > 通術之 乎 、於情 之則 不天禹 >以 人肩然 於爲理 . 人親 」可 與 可可下 ，未而 小君而 神學 ,可 之 _ 如 。可以 以然必 不人子 ，皆 叽辱能 惝欲舜 不爲相 而然可 替而不 参心之 乎 》得》 對 条鳥去 子方奇 於 一 ■具, 荼 而曰， 其必事 嘗雖也 •者 •肯積 •天志 >然 不倩人 不能也 , 有不故 未爲何 地思則 美> 衰情 同也 ，然 熊能塗 嘗君也 。矣 > 索其 叉於甚 遠雖而 徧爲之 不子旧 > 故孰可 何友 ，不 旯不 未行禹 .人 可君可 聖察 >以 問爵美 ，其能 >嘗 天無可 以子以 人加爲 揭 .祿叉 不無能 下害以 相可而 氣 H 禹 唯盈 >何 可害相 者可爲 爲以不 人縣明 賢而問 以 可爲也 。以禹 .也4爲 可 m 者忠焉 》 相以事 夫爲然 然小使 所積今 89] TKOLEGOMENA.] THE PHILOSOPHER SEUN. [ch. n. Tliere is a knowledge characteristic of the sage; a knowledge characteristic of the scholar and superior man； a knowledge characteristic of tlie mean man; and a knowledge characteristic of the mere servant. In much speech to show his cultivation and maintain consistency, and though he may discuss for a whole day the reasons of a subject, to have a unity pervading the ten thousand changes of discourse ; — this is the knowledge of tlie sage. To speak seldom, and in a brief and sparing liicanner, and to be orderly in his reasoning, as if its parts were connected with a string； 一 this is the knowledge of the scholar and superior man. Flattering words and disorderly conduct, with undertakings often followed by regrets； — these mark the knowledge of the mean man. Hasty, officious, smart, and swift, but witliout consistency； versatile, able, of extensive capabili- ties, but without use; decisive in discourse, rapid, exact, but the subject unimportant; regardless of right and wrong, taking no account of crooked and straight, to get the victory over others the guiding object： — this is the knowledge of tlie mere servant. There is bravery of the highest order ； bravery of the middle order ; bravery of the lowest order. Boldly to take up his position in the place of the universally acknowledged Mean ； boldly to carry into practice his views of the doctrines of the ancient kings ； in a high situation, not to defer to a bad sovereign, and in a low situation not to follow the current of a bad people ; to consider that there is no poverty where there is virtue, and no wealth where virtue is not ; wlien appreciated by tlie world, to desire to share in all raen^ joys and sorrows; when unknown by tlie world, to stand up grandly alone between heaven and earth, and have no fears : 一 this is the bravery of the highest order. To be reverently observant of propriety, and sober-minded ； to attach importance to ad- herence to fidelity, and set little store by material wealth ； to have the boldness to push forward men of worth and exalt them, to liold back undeserving men, and get them deposed ; 一 this is the bravery of the middle order. To be devoid of self-respect and set a great value on wealth； to feel complacent in calamit)r, and always have plenty to say for himself; saving himself in any way, witliout regard to right and wrong ; wliatever be the real state of a case, making it his object to get the victory over others : — tliis is the bravery of the lowest order. The fan-jo, tlie Jcei/, and the shoo, were the best bows of antiquity ； but without their regulators, they could not adjust themselves. The tsuny of duke Hwan, the T'ae-kung, the luh of king 繁下解 >者 意則貴 .俗身 > 有知急 . 給言徑 之有有 弱勇 苟放儉 肩天於 先上也 。不 便也而 千殺聖 鉅也 。免援 大然下 亂王勇 恤敏氤 I 舉夫人 黍 .不而 齊獨知 世有者 > 古 恤廢信 立之 ，之道 ,有 之 是之焉 k 天則民 、敢中 頁 非> 是而地 欲仁行 舅 弓 然屮輕 之與之 其者. 也 ，不 舅货問 . 天所意 .有 然 然也 。轧 而下在 ，上下 而 之輕 賢不同 無不勇 不 情, 身者畏 .苦貧 循者。 得 以而 敢是樂 氟於天 徘 期重椎 上之, 仁亂下 歡 勝亿而 勇天之 此 有 則 人 恬佾也 。下 所之中 》 不 爲禍 之禮不 钇扎 敢 能 意 , 而不 恭知 無下直 自 是廣肖 rM 之 富不其 是 而其論 萬之之 非屬 行而變 .知知 不 類也法 r 其者 。氮 論雜懷 若統 $有 曲塱 其佚 類曹士 直 舉 之一 則荐 以魄 事以也 、文子 期 而多繩 .挂 而之 勝無慨 是聖轨 知 人肌！ 士人 終恭 爲 析小君 之日有 悬 .丨 k 人竽 知議小 蛙粹 之之也 。其人 牧孰 ，知知 少所之 夫而也 。也。 曹以知 之不 齊其 則曹氪 «J0] Arp. i.] THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL. [prolegomena. the hwuh of prince Chwanp, the kan-tseang, m6h-yay keu-keueh and p^ih-hu of llop-lou — these were the best swords of antiquity； but without the grindstone and whetstone, they would not have been sharp； without the strength of the arms that wielded them, they would not have cut anything. The hwa, the lew, the /e, the kle, the seen, the /ei, the luh, and the urh ： 一 these wore the best horses of antiquity ； but there were still necessary for them the restraints in front of bit and bridle, the stimulants behind of cane and wiiip, and the equestrianship of a Tsaou-foo, and tlien they could accomplish a thousand le in one day. So it is with man : — granted to him an excellent capacity of nature and the faculty of intellect, he must still seek for good teachers under whom to place himself, ami make choice of friends witli whom he may be intimate. Having got good masters and placed himself under them, what he will hear will be the doctrines of Yaou, Shun, Yu, aud T*ang； having ^otgood friends and become intimate with tliem, what he will see will be deeds of self conscration, fidelity, reverence, and com- plaisance : 一 he will go on from day to day to benevolence and righteousness, without being con- scious of it: a natural following of them will make him do so. On the other liand, if he live with bad men, what he will hear will be the language of deceit, calumny, imposture and hypocrisy ; what he will see will be the conduct of filthiness, insolence, lewrlness, corruptness, and greed ： — he will be going on from (lay to day to punishment and disgrace, without being conscious of it ; a natural following of tliem will make him do so. The Record says u If you do not know your son, look at his friends ; if you do not know your prince, look at his coafidants., All is the influence of association ! All is the inliuence of association! 正桓公 之藏 太公 iV 亂文王 W 録‘ 莊君之 霞 闔閭 iV 干 #. 莫祇 鉅亂 辟亂此 皆古之 頁> 劍 I 然而。 不加研 '胤則 不能脱 不得人 力則 T 能 ira 戰醞 驢暖 貌離 ‘緑 •孓此 皆古之 良馬也 然 而前必 有銜輕 之觚 後有鞭 策之威 加之 以造父 之駁然 後 一日而 致千里 I 夫人雖 有性質 夷而 >3 辯知‘ 必將 求賢師 而事之 擇頁友 而友之 得賢師 而事之 則 所 聞氣堯 舜禹湯 之道也 得頁友 而友之 則 所見答 思信 敬讓之 行也 身日 進於仁 ft 而不 自知 也暮靡 使然也 今與不 善人 mt 則所聞 卷欺誣 _ 僞也所 見 #汗 漫淫 邪‘貪 利之 行也 身且加 於刑戴 而 不自知 鰲使然 I 傅：： i 不知其 子> 視其友 •不 知其君 ‘ 視其左 私靡 而已筅 靡 而已芜 91] PROLEGOMENA.] HAN WAN-KUNG. [cn. ii. II. AN EXAMINATION OF TIIE NATURE OF MAN. BY HAN WAN-KUNG. The nature dates from the date of the life； the feelings date from contact with external things. There are three grades of the nature, and it has five characteristics. There arc also three grades of the feelings, and they have seven characteristics. To explain myself : 一 The three grades of tlie nature are 一 tlie Superior, tlie Middle, and the Inferior. The superior grade i3 good, and good only ； the middle grade is capable of being led: it may rise to the superior, or sink to the inferior； the inferior is evil, and evil only. The five characteristics of the nature are — Bene- volence, Righteousness, Propriety, Sincerity, and Knowledge. In the Superior Grade, the first of these characteristics is supreme, and tlie other four are practised. In the Middle Grade, the first of these characteristics is not wanting： it exists, but with a little tendency to its opposite； the other four are in an ill-assorted state. In tlie Inferior Grade there is the opposite of the first character- istic, and constant rebelliousness against the other four. The grade of the nature regulates the manifestation of the feelings in it. Ay a in ： 一 Tlie three grades of the feelings are tlie Superior, the Middle and the Inferior； and tlieir seven characteristics are 一 Joy, Anger, Sorrow, Fear, Love^ Hatred, and Desire. In the Superior Grade, tlicse seven all move, and each in its due place and degree. In the Middle Grade, some of the characteristics are in excess, and some in defect; but there is a seeking to give tliem their due place and degree. In the Inferior Grade, whether they are in excess or defect, there is a reckless acting according to the one in immediate predominance. The grade of the feelings regulates tlie influence of the nature in reference to them. Speaking of the nature, Mencius said ： —— 1 Man's nature is good ；* the philosopher Seun said ： 一 ‘ Man’s nature is bad;’ the philosopher Yang said: 一 (In the nature of man good and evil are mixed together/ Now, to say that the nature, good at first, subsequently becomes bad ； or that, bad at first, it subsequently becomes good ; or that, mixed at first, it subsequently becomes, it may be, 之孟品 。七甚 ，於 喜》品 。之 n 也五者 而上三 .性性 性子 也 ，有 七曰情 於不也 >五 、上中 而之也 惡 。之 亡 所也 .怒, 之五少 > 主日下 下其亂 者. 楊曹 與亡 .動 曰品為 .有於 仁座 。三 。所 有與韓 手性* 甚. 然 i( 【丨京 > 有反 緣一> 曰卜 上以三 .生文 之曰 k 值而處 曰上於 則而義 ^ 焉爲 而供公 W 人 惝求其 胤中二 少行曰 者者惝 其生原 性>之 而合中 。曰 下而 反於齓 惡善者 所也 J 生 曰 /丨 生行 其中愛 .三 / 丨字旖 .四 。曰焉 鴆七 。以 情篇 人善。 iS 中鳥曰 - 其於其 中 信> 而而曰 ^ 也 之荀 也 。舍 老惡 .所四 。於 鴆日已 ti 何性者 • 性子 情也。 e 以性四 者智 ，矣 ，矣 。也 。者接 善之 之 1、 於欲 „鴆 之 也之上 其中曰 ，五 。於 惡曹 於焉 七上惝 於 I 於焉 所禕 性惝物 混 A 他者 也^者 條下五 者以負 之之而 夫曰 ‘ 觎之 有 _ 七 ，叔 也* 之爲 P1 故品 .生 始人 與 於所 之曰其 名一於 性缂有 有也。 APP. II.] AN EXAMINATION OF THE NATURE OF MAN. [prolegomena. pood, it may be, bad : — in each of these eases only the nature of the middle grade is dealt with, and tlio superior and inferior grades are neglected. Those philosopliers are right about one grade, and wrons; about the other two. 'Vheii SliiUi-yu was born, his mother knew, as soon as she looked at him, that he 'voul(l fall a victim to bis love of bribes. When Yang Sze-go was born, the mother of Sluili-hcanp knew, a9 soon as she liearil him cry, tbnt lie would cause the destruction of all liis kindred. AVlicn YuC- tsenou was born, Tszc-w：n considered it was a great calamity, knowing tlmt through him the ghosts of the J〇-?aou family would all be famished. 一 With such cases before us, can it be said that the nature of man (ie., all men) is good? When How-tseili was born, liis mother had no suffering； and as soon as he began to creep, he displayed all elegance and intelligence. "When king W^n was in his mother^ womb, she experi- enced no distress ; after his birth, those who tended him had no trouble； when he began to learn, his teachers had no vexation: 一 with such cases before us, can it be said that the nature of man (i.e., all men) is evil? Choo was the son of Yaou, and Kcun the son of Shun ； Kwan and Tsfae were sons of king WSn. They were instructed to practise nothing but that was good, and yet they turned out villain3. Slnin was tlie son of Koo-sow， and Yu the son of K£w3n. They were instructed to practise no- thing but wliat was bad, and yet they turned out sages. — With such cases before us, can it be said that in the nature of man (/.c., all men) good and evil are blended together? Having these things in view, I say that the three philosophers, to whom I have referred, dealt with tlie mi(ldle grade of the nature, and neglected the superior and the infer^^ right about the one grade， and wrong about the other two. It may be asked, 4 Is it so, then, that the superior and inferior grades of the nature can never be changed?* I reply, — The nature of the superior grade, by application to learning, becomes more intelligent, and the nature of the inferior grade, through awe of power, comes to have few faults. The superior nature, therefore, nmy be taught, and the inferior nature may be restrained； but the grades have been pronounced by Confucius to be unchangeable. 善而 進惡紙 始惡而 進善紙 始也軋 而今 也善惡 舉其 中而遺 其上下 者伽得 其一而 失其二 者 m0 叔 魚之生 也其 毋視之 知其必 以贿 死楊 食我之 生也 叔向之 诹 聞其號 也知必 滅其鼠 越 椒之生 也子 j 以 爲大戚 知若 敖氏 之鬼不 食 1 人之性 果善 東 后稷 之生也 其 母無災 其始匍 匐也 則歧 歧紙巍 山疑 1 文王之 在毋也 毋不憂 旣生也 傅不亂 旣學 也師不 煶人 之性果 惡乎。 堯之來 舜之均 ‘文王 之管氟 習非 不善也 而卒爲 氣瞽 叟之氟 鯀之軋 習非不 惡也 而卒爲 聖人人 之性善 惡果混 乎。 故 曰‘ 三子之 曹性也 舉 其中而 遺其上 下者也 得 931 其一 而失其 二者也 。 曰 •然則 性之 上下# 其終不 可移乎 0: 上 之性就 學 而愈叽 下 之 性) 畏威 而寡 P, 是故 ar 者可氧 而 下者可 制也 ‘其氣 則 孔子頡 不移也 。 PROLEGOMENA.] HAN WAN-KUNG. [CH. II. It may be asked, * How is it that those who now-a-days speak about the nature do so differ- ently from this?* I reply, — Those who now-a-days speak about the nature blend with their other views those of Laou-tsze and Buddhism ; and doing #so, how could they speak otherwise than differently from me? 異 (而 _ 言老雜 曹老雜 曹今也 。此居 性之曰 > 方、 W i 而如毯 .而# 暑 、之曰 k 何於襄 W 今 8BCT. I.] TIIE OPINIONS OF YANG CIIOO. [prolegomena. CHAPTER III. OF YANG CHOO AND Mill TEIII. SECTION I. THE OPINIONS OF YANG CHOO. 1. “The words of Yang Choo and Mih Teih，” said Mencius, “fill the empire. If }?ou listen to people's discourses throughout it, you will find that they have adopted the views of the one or of the other. Now, Yang's principle is — 1 Each one for himself,' wliich does not acknowledge the claims of the sovereign. Mill's principle is — 4 To love all equally,5 which does not acknowledge tlie peculiar affection clue to a father. To acknowledge neither king nor father is to be in the state of a beast. If their principles are not stopped, and the principles of Confucius set forth, their perverse speakings -u ill delude the people, and stop up tlie path of benevolence and righteousness. u I am alarmed by these things, and address myself to the defence of the doctrines of the former sages, and to oppose Yang and Mih. I drive away their licentious expressions, so that such perverse speakers may not be able to show themselves. When sages shall rise up again, they will not change my words.,；1 His opposition to Yang and Mill was thus one of the great labours of Mencius' life, and wliat lie deemed the success of it one of his great achievements. His countrymen generally accede to the justice of his claim； though there have not been 'wanting some to say — justly, as I think and will endeavour to show in the next section — that Mih need not have incurred from him such lieavy censure. For Yang no one has a word to say. His leading principle as stated by Mencius is certainly detestable, and so far as we can judge from the slight accounts of him that are to be gathered from other quar- ters, lie seems to have been about 11 the least erected spirit," -who ever professed to reason concerning tlie life and duties of man. 95] 1 Bk. III., ft. II., ix. 9, 10. PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CHOO AND Mill TEIH. [CH. III. 2. The generally received opinion is that Yang belonged to the period of u The Warring States, the same era of Chinese history as Mencius. He was named Choo, and styled Tsze-k(ai.i In a note, p. 159, I have supposed that lie was of the times of Confucius and Laou-tsze, having then before me a passage of the Taouist. philoso- plier Cliwang, in which he gives an account of an interview betAveen Laou-tsze and Yang Choo.2 That interview, however, must be an invention of Cliwaug. The natural impression which we receive from all the references of Mencius is that Yang must have been posterior to Confucius, and that his opinions had come into vogue only in the times of our philosopher himself. This view would be placed beyond doubt if we could receive as genuine the chapter on Yang, which is contained in the writings of the philosopher Lee. And so far we may accept it, as to believe that it gives the seiitinients which were attributed to him in the 1st century before our era.3 The leading principle ascribed to him by Mencius nowhere appears in it in so many Avords, but the general tenour of his language is entirely in accordance with it. This will appear from from the following specinens: — u Yang Choo said, 4 A hundred years are the extreme limit of longevity； and not one man in a thousand enjoys such a period of life. Suppose the case of one who does so: 一 infancy, borne in the arms, and doting old age, will nearly occupy the half; wliat is forgotten in sleep, and what is lost in the waking day, will nearly occupy tlie half; pain and sickness, sorrow and bitterness, losses, anxieties, and fears, will nearly occupy tlie lialf. There may rtMnain ten years or so； but I reckon that not even in them will be found an hour of smiling self-abandonment, without the sliadow of solicitude. — What is the life of man then to be made of? What pleasure is in it? u Is it to be prized for the pleasure of food and dress? or for tlie enjoyments of music and beauty? But one cannot be always satisfied witli those pleasures ； one cannot be always toying with beauty and listenin 芘 to music. Aiul tlion there are the restraints of punishments and the stimulants of rewards； the urgings and tlie repressings of fame and laws: — these make one strive restlessly for the vain praise of an hour, and calculate on the residuary plorv after death; they keep him, as with body l)ent, on the watch against what his ears licar ami his eyes see, and attending to tho right and the wrong of liis conduct and thoughts. In this way he loses the real pleasure of lii8 1 楊朱字 子居. 2 See 砰子 ，雜篇 . 第五， the 寓言， at thc end .通 3 Dr. Morrison says of LcC (Diet., char, 一 ^LiiC-tsze, an ennnent writer of the Taou sect; i lived about the same time as Laou-tsze, the founckT of the sect. (n.c. 585.)* Let's Works are ])ul)lislR*(l, with the preface of Lew Ilean^ written n.c. 13. llonn^ says LiiC was a native of Ch4inx ( and a contcmi)〇rary of duke Muh 0^ or l^ut MuliV reign extonded from bc. (»25 to (；()4. Tlicro is evidently a jrross anachronism somewhere, lleang goes on to speak of ^ Writings, specifying the cliajiter on Yang Choo, in whiclj there are references to Confucius and liis acknowledged fame. Another of Le6*s chapters is all devoted to Confucius* sayings and doings. — This is not the place to atteni]>t an adjuatnient of the dinicultics. The chapter about ^ aug C'lioo was current iu Lew lloang'b time, and we may cull from it to illustrate the character of tlw man. i)(i] SECT. 1.] THE OriNIONS OF YANG CIIOO. [l'KOLEGOMENA. years, and cnnnot allow himself for a moment. 一 In what docs he differ from an individual mana- cUhI and fettered in an inner prison? The people of l>igh antiquity knew both tlie shortness ot life, and how suddenly and completely it might be closed by death, and therefore they obeyed tho movements of their hearts, refusing not what it was natural for them to like, nor seeking lo avoid any pleasure tluifc occurred to them. They paid no heed to the incitements of lame; they enjoyed themselves aoconling to their nature; they (liil not resist the common tendency ot all things to eelf-enjo^ment; they cared not to be famous after death. They managed to keep clear of punish- ment ; as to fame and praise, being first or last, long life or short litc, these things did not come into their calculations.* 物 然异意 k 聲 也之老 桀 亦所亦 則萬非 所所哉 。之競 色奚中 * 幾百 紈死貴 > 非有 物所好 .好 ,太 桂 一不爲 由居年 . 处百 賤所臭 所量处 當古非 k 時可哉 .然 其壽 则 年非能 腐異也 。後 身之徒 之常奚 而半之 腐 亦所也 .消者 之之人 、失 虛翫 樂自矣 ，大 名娛知 當軌聞 。哉 。得眉 齊, 非 非生年 規乃爲 t 疾得 所 所之之 死復美 介哀百 取 去暫至 後爲厚 焉苦年 也 .也 iU 刑爾 .之 亡者、 故 故知不 餘賞爲 慮失千 不不 死能榮 ，之聲 暮憂無 钋 死賤 。故滅 4生 腐仁然 生是也 k 骨聖而 非所所 一亦萬 所同同 矣 .把物 4, 也 i 孰凶齊 死雖死 知愚 生非然 ，也。 其亦齊 所賢生 異 UE. 死愚則 且生齊 賢肯有 趣則賢 非賧賢 當堯齊 所非愚 生氟愚 .賢 ，所貴 奚死齊 愚能晛 遑則 貴非也 ，是 97] 爲爲之 自偶所 色亦懼 >一 刑名暫 肆:偶 禁爾尤 又焉, 所所往 .於爾 勸,而 一幾設 及 .勸 .故一 愼名美 時居有 名 從從晚 耳法厚 之其一 嚳性心 重 目之復 中半暮 先而 而凶之 所不爾 ，矣 >孩 後 ，游 ，動雇 觀進可 則量抱 PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CHOO AND MIH TETH. fen. hi ^Mang-sun Yan^ asked Yang-tsze, saying, 4 Here is a man who sets a high value on his life^ and takes loving care of liis body, hoping that he will not die： — ~ does lie do right’？ * There is no such thing as not dying/ was the reply- ( But if he does so, hoping for long life, is he right?9 Yang-tsze answered, 4 One cannot be assured of longlife. Setting value upon life will not preserve it； taking care of the body will not make it greatly better. And, in fact, why should long life be made of? There are the five feelings witli their likings and dislikings, 一 now as in old time; tliere are tbo four limbvS, now at ease, now in danger, 一 now as in old time; there are the various ex- periences of joy ami sorrow. — now as in old time； there are tlie various changes from order to disorder, and from disorder to order, 一 now as ia old time: 一 all these things I have heard of, and seen, find gone through. A liunclred year3 of them would be more than enough, and sliall I wish tlie pain protracted through a longer life?* M« 以膚之 之夫乎 。乎。 禽無以 所孫矣 .古情 非可孟 成微乎 。乎 。子 楊楊子 不俟志 陽旣猶 好貴乎 。孫 一於禽 EK 之子子 問 齓 矜矣 。曰 .更今 惡之曰 .陽 節 、一 子爲心 .弗 EK 楊無死 k 拗若之 也>古 所理問 一節 默之 。吾應 。肚 乐不 將子 然矣廣 艄能 無揚 毛省然 „ 孟請 龠固曰 .任 .死曰 . 速百易 4 柘 不子 固矣冷 孫 W 子非 去何则 不亡. 年治也 .身死 。曰, 一然軋 陽之 出一子 遽廢然 >愈 猶亂 .四 非以有 鹘则 孟曰 .有 語毛鹘 迎而 旣於脉 古鹘 愛靳人 萬 積孫有 儻孟之 之迚任 生久其 猶安 之久於 分一 陽斷 苦孫所 一於之 .则生 今危 .所生 ，此 > 中毛曰 , 若肌陽 。濟 。毛. 其究靥 則况也 .古能 可 R 之以 —— 府孟 禽以购 其而 踐久 旣艄厚 .乎 。生 成毛氚 獲孫 子濟乎 。所任 鋒生聞 4 1L 曰 .袋 物、 m 微得 萬陽曰 ,一 秦奶 v 私一養 .辦 it 何“航 _ •者* 手濟 .汝 輕肌仉 子若 不煸爲 之之刃 , 之之也 .久 理身. 以究 入苦矣 .阯 生無以 放其礙 •也 旣事 奚久斷 於 所火乎 。見 若爲 .生 .不 SECT. 1.] TIIE OPINIONS OF YANG CIIOO. [rROLEGOMENA* piece of flesh may be multiplied till it becomes as important as a limb. A sincjlc hair is just one of the ten thousand portions of the body ; 一 why should you make light of it? ' K4in-t8ze replied, • I cannot answer you. If I could refer your words to Laou Tan or Kw»n ^ in, they would say that you were right; but if I could refer my words to the great Yu or Mill Teih, they would say that I vas right; Mang-sun Yang, on this, turned round, and entered into conversation with his disciples on another subject. ”7 u Yang Choo said, 4 The empire agrees in considering： Slum, Yu, Chow-kunp. and Confucius, to have been the most admirable of men, and in considering K'ee and Chow to have been the most wicked. U4Now, Shun had to plough the ground on the south of the IIo, and to play the potter by the Luy lake. His four limbs lm(l not even a temporary rest; for his moutli and belly lie could not line! pleasant food and warm clotliing. No love of his parents rested upon liim； no affection of his brothers and sisters. When he was thirty years old, he had not been able to get the permission of his parents to marry. When Yaou at length resigned to him the throne, he was advanced in age; his wisdom was decayed; his soil Sliang-keuu proved without ability; and he bad finally to resign the throne to Yu. Sorrowfully came he to liis death. Of all mortals never was one whose life was so worn out and empoisone 至巳 所踅棠 .曰、 吾聃子 朱 .者僅 政> 苦宮過 殛於長 、不安 屬 。天 曹關 EK 削也 。免 邵者室 ，門諸 死智親 ，口 然下 當尹 ,吾 迹孔 其公也 。美 不羽 此已行 腹而之 矣 。則不 於子身 > 不武 跋人山 ，天衰 ，年不 舜美. 孟子能 衞 .明戚 悦, 王冕 k 身禹 人商三 得耕歸 孫言所 窮帝戚 四旣戚 體纂窮 鈞十, 美於之 陽當以 於王 然國終 ，戚偏 業毒不 不厚 > 河舜 .因矣 .荅 商 之以流 成然枯 .事者 才> 告父陽 ，禹 > 顧以子 . 周 ，道 k 至曹 k 王以 手篆也 。禪而 毋陶周 > 與吾然 圍應 於居幼 至足惟 駿位娶 .之於 孔> 其曹則 . 於時死 .東弱 》 於胼荒 治於及 所雷天 徒問以 陳君此 三周死 胝> 土水禹 ，受不 澤.下 說大子 蔡. 之天年 .公 此及功 、么 戚堯愛 ，四之 他禹之 PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CIIOO AND Mill TEIH. [CH. 111. Chow； he was surrounded in Cli4in and Ts^ae； he had to bend to the Head of the Kc family； he was disgraced by Yang Hoo. Sorrowfully came lie to his death. Of all mortals never was one whose life was so agitated and hurried as his. u 4 Those four sa! 之 不知‘ 雖稱之 弗钒 此與 株瑰 奚以 1 異免彼 四齓雖 美之所 齓苦以 全紇 同_ 於死筅 彼二 軋 雖惡之 所腧樂 以至終 ‘亦同 歸於死 芜 SECT. 1.] THK OPINIONS OF YANG CIIOO. [prolegomena. capacity, and far below the highest complacencies of human nposite poles of human thought and sentiment; and we may 'svoiKler that ^Iencius should have offered the same stern opposition to the opinions of each of them. He did well to oppose the doctrine whose watchword wns — 4 Each one for himself1; was it right to denounce, as equally injurious, that which taught that the root of all social evils is to be traced to the want of mutual love? It is allowed that Mill was a native and officer of the State of Sung; but tlie time ulien he lived is a matter of dispute. Sze-ma Ts4een says that some made him to be a contemporary of Confucius, and that others placed him later.1 He was certainly later than Con- fucius, to Avhom he makes many references, not always compliment- ary, in liis writings. In one of bis Treatises, moreover, mention is made of AVan-tsze,2 an acknowledged disciple of Tsze-hea, so that he must have been very little anterior to Mencius. This is the impres- sion also Avhicli 1 receive from the references to him in our philoso- pher. In Lew Hin^ third catalogue the Mihist writers form a subdivi- sion. Six of them are mentioned, including Mih himself, to Avhom 71 or Books, are attributed. So many were then current un- der his name ; but 18 of them have since been lost. He was an original thinker. He exercised a bolder judgment on tilings than Confucius or any of his followers. Antiquity was not so sacred to him, and he did not hesitate to condemn the literati — the orthodox — for several of their doctrines and practices. Two of his peculiar views are adverted to b}^ Mencius, and vehe- mently condemned. The one is about the regulation of funerals, Avhere Mih contended that a spare simplicity should be the rule. 3 On that I need not dwell. The other is the doctrine of u Universal 2 文子 103] PROLEGOMENA.] THE OPINIONS OF YANG CIIOO. [CH. Ill- 4 roprescnts a hand fjrnspwfj two stalks sf f/rain. 兼愛 is 1 a love that prasps or unites many in its embrace.* I do not know how to render it better tlinn by 4 universal lovo.* Mencius and the literati generally find the ideft of oxulity in it also, and is >vith theui 一 * To love all equally.* 104] Love.”4 A lengthy exposition of this remains in the AYi*itings wliich go by Mih’s name, though it is not from his own pen, but tliat of a disciple. Such as it is, with all its repetitions, I give a translation of it. My readers will be able, after perusing it, to go on with me to consider the treatment 'which the doctrine received at the liands of Mencius. UNIVERSAL LOVE. PART I. It is the business of the sages to effect the good government of the empire. They must know, therefore, whence disorder and confusion arise, for without this knowledge their object cannot be effected. We may compare them to a physician who undertakes to cure a man's disease: 一 lie must ascertain wlience the disease has arisen, and then he can assail it witli effect, while, with- out such knowledge, his endeavours will be in vain. Why should we except the case of those Avho have to regulate disorder from tliis rule? They must know whence it has arisen； and then they can regulate it. It is the business of the sages to effect the good government of the empire. They must examine therefore into the cause of disorder； and when they do so tliey will find that it arises from the want of mutual love. When a minister and a son are not filial to their sovereign and their father, this is what is called disorder. A son loves himself, and does not love his father; 一 he therefore wrongs his father and advantages himself: a younger brother loves himself, and does not love his elder brother； — he therefore wrongs his elder brother, and advantages liimself: a minister lovc9 himself, and does not love his sovereign; — he therefore wrongs his sovereign, and advantages him- self:一 all these are cases of what is called disorder. Thougli it be the father ho is not kind to his son, or tlic elder brother who is not kind to his younger brother； or the sovereign wlio is not gracious to his minister: 一 the case comes equally under the general name of disorder. The father loves himself, and does not love his son； — he therefore wrongs his son, and mlvantages himself: the elder brotlier loves himself, and does not love his younger brother; 一 he therefore wrongs his 聖人 以治 天下爲 事者 也 必知 亂之 所自起 氟 能治之 不知亂 之 所自起 ‘则不 能欲譬 之如醫 之攻人 之 疾氮然 必知 疾之所 自起氟 能攻之 不知 疾之所 自 包則 弗能攻 。治亂 1 何獨不 版 必知亂 之所 . a 起 纵 能治。 ^ ° 知亂 iV 所自私 則弗能 治 聖人以 治天下 q 事者也 不可 不察亂 之 所自起 當察 亂何自 起起不 J 氮臣 斤之 不岸社 义 所謂亂 I 子自齋 不愛义 故！ 一 文 而自廣 展不愛 上故腐 兄而 自私 臣自免 不愛見 故 ^ 君 而自利 •此 所誚 亂也 。雖 父之 不慈 戈 兄之不 慈漱苕 之不慈 臣‘此 亦天下 之 所謅亂 1父 自 愛也 •不愛 子故腐 子而自 刺‘兄 8ECT. II.] THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEin. [PROLEGOMENA. younger brother, and fulvnntaj»es himself; the sovereign loves himself, and does not love his minis- ter；一 he therefore wrongs his minister, uiul advantages himself, llow do these tilings come to pass ? They all arise from the want of mutual love. Take the case of any thief or rubber : — it is just the sanie with it. The tliief loves his own house, and does not love his nciglibour*8 house； — he therefore steals from liis neighbour's house to advantage his own： the robber loves his own person, and does not love his neighbour； 一 he tlierefore does violence to his neighbour to advan- himself. How is this? It all arises from the want of mutual love. Come to the case of great officers throwing each other's families into confusion, and of princes attacking one another's States : — it is just the same with tliora. The great oflScer loves his own family, and does not love his neighbour's； — he therefore throws his neighbour's family into disorder to advantage his own： the prince loves his own State, and docs not love his neighbour^； 一 he therefore attacks liis neighbour's State to advantage his own. Ali disorder in the empire has the same explanation. When we examine into the cause of it, it is found to be the want of mutual love. Suppose that universal, mutual love prevailed throughout the empire; — if men loved others as they love themselves, disliking to exhibit what was unfilial 1 And moreover would there be those who were unkind? Looking on their sons, younger brothers, and ministers as themselves, and disliking to exhibit wliat was unkind the want of filial duty would disappear. And would there be thieves and robbers? AVlien every man regarded his neighbour^ house as his own, who would be found to steal? When every one regarded his neighbour^ person as his own, who would be found to rob? Thieves and robbers would disappear. And would there be great officers throwing one another^ families into confusion, and princes attacking one another^ States? When oflBcers regarded the families of others as their own, >vhat one would make confusion? 'When princes regarded other States as their own, what one would begin an attack? Great officers throwing one another^ families into confusion, and princes attacking one another's States, would disappear. If, indeed, universal, mutual love prevailed throughout tlie empire； one State not attacking another, and one family not throwing anotlier into confusion； thieves and robbers nowhere exist- ing ； rulers and ministers, fathers and sons, all being filial and kind ： — in such a condition the 亂苷相 視亂人 亡不若 察故家 , 家 ，利 竊下臣 .自 盜使 攻人家 > 身有 。慈谀 此攻故 諸其異 之故愛 賊天 國國諸 若猶者 天何異 亂侯身 .室爲 虧也, 無下者 ，若侯 其有乎 ，下 自國異 之此以 盜臣不 有靡 亡 其之身 ，盜 視兼起 》 以家 相何利 賊而愛 君 裡有。 EL 相 誰賊子 嗖皆利 以攻也 ，其暮 自弟. 臣愛 k 誰攻賊 4乎,弟 愛> 起其利 國皆室 .亦利 ，故 皮國故 故與人 不&家 .者 > 起賊然 k 是虧 故着盜 視臣者 相天諸 赤不愛 盜何苐 大手 k 賊人 若愛愛 。下 侯然. 相其愛 也 而 夫視亡 之其其 之 各大愛 。身 k 其皆自 父國 子 ，與 皆國 能不 孝相 慈我 若家 此與 則家 天不 下相 之人有 。室身 相家猶 若惡惡 亂若 有其她 施 家 .其大 鼠不不 諸家 夫誰慈 .孝。 侯 誰之竊 。不猶 之亂 。相 視孝有 亂愛 夫雖不 室 、起利 , 物 .其查 至愛不 不君 真 屋》 愛大入 k 愛; li 昌 此不家 》夫 政 其愛 。愛 而愛 不之賊 異雖也 k E 異愛 相人室 ，至不 矣》國 .異 組 以 故天愛 There are evidently some oniissions and confusion here in the Cbiuese text. 105] PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH. [CH. III. empire would be well governed. On this account, how may sages, whose business it is to effect the good government of the empire, do other than proliibit hatred and advise to love? Od this account it is affirmed tliat universal mutual love throughout tlie Empire will lead to its happy order, and that mutual hatred leads to confusion. This was what our master, the philosopher Mil), meant, when he said, 4 We must not but advise to the love of others.* UNIVERSAL LOVE. PART II. Our Master, the philosopher Mill, said, 1 That wliich benevolent men consider to be incumbent on them as theii' business, is to stimulate and promote all tliat will be advantageous to the empire, and to take away all that is injurious to it. This is wliat they consider to be their business.* And what are the things advantageous to the empire, and the things injurious to it? Our mas- ter said, 'The mutual attacks of State on State; the mutiial usurpations of family on family; the mutual robberies of man on man ; the want of kinthiess on the part of the sovereign and of loyalty on the part of the minister； the want of tenderness and filial duty between father and son: — these, and such as these, are the things injurious to the empire.* And from what do we find, on examination, that these injurious things are produced?l Is it not from the want of mutual love? Our Master said, 1 Yes, they arc produced by the want of mutual love. Here is a prince who only knows to love his own State, and does not love bis neighbour's； — he theretore does not si i rink from raising all the power of his State to attack his neighbour. Here is the chief of a family who only knows to love it, and does not love liis neighboui^s； — he therefore does not slirink from raising all his powers to seize on tliat other family. Here is a man who only knows to love his own person, and does not love his neighbour^; — he therefore does riot slirink trom using all his strength to rob liis neighbour. Thus it happens, tliat tlie princes, not loving one another, have their battle-fields； and the chiefs of families, not loving one another, have their mutual usurpa- 人野賊 不家家 肩其子 何則惠 之今也 、此 必子 不戰 k 人愛 以而以 亂言 用天忠 > 相若天 爲典墨 相家之 人篡不 攻不垆 生 下父簋 .國下 事天于 愛 .主身 。之 人愛 人愛不 哉 。乏 子人之 乏老下 W 則不 是身, 之人之 人相以 害不之 與害也 。之 A 必相故 是家 。之國 。之 愛不也 。慈 與國何 ◦利 、仁 相愛 ^ 以今家 . 今齓生 。相 〇 孝> 人之也 。然 除人 賊 、则 侯不人 桂家是 今愛然 兄之相 〇 则去之 君必 不憚獨 以主以 諸生則 弟相攻 ，子 天大所 臣 浙丨相 辦知 不獨 不侯服 祟不賊 .家墨 下下以 不氧愛 .其 愛憚知 憚獨 ◦此和 召之子 之之爲 相人 则身 其舉愛 舉知乎 害^胤 臣與曹 利害身 免與 必以身 r 其其其 愛 墨亦此 不家曰 .何 以者. 1 Here I would reftd, in tho Chinese text, 察 fOT 崇 and 由 用- 然則 察此 害 亦何 由生哉 The translation is accordingly. 洽 故聖 人以治 天下爲 事獻 得不禁 惡而勸 曼故夭 下兼相 愛則治 ‘ 相惡則 IL. 故子 墨子 oi 不可以 不勸愛 人者此 〇 也 SECT. II.] THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH. [prolegomena. tions; and men， not loving one another, have their mutual robberies; and sovereigns and minis- tors, not loving one another, become unkind and disloyal ; and fathers and sons, not loving one another, lose their aflection and filial duty; and brothers, not loving one another, contract irre- concileable enmities. Yea, men iu general not loving one anotlier, the strong make prey of the weak; tlie rich do despite to the poor； the noble are insolent to tlie mean; and the deceitful impose upon the stupid. All the miseries, usurpations, enmities, and hatreds in the world, when traced to their origin, will be found to arise from the want of mutual love. On this account, tlie benevolent condemn it.* They may condemn it； but how shall they change it? Our Muster said, * They may change it by universal, mutual love, and by the interchange of mutual benefits.* How will this law of universal niutual love anil the interchange of mutual benefits accomplish this? Our Master said， ‘ A ujomW /par/ to the regarding another kingdom as one’s own : another family as one，s own: another person as one’s own. That being the case, the princes, loving one another, vould have no battle-fields; the chiefs of families， loving one auotlier， would attempt no usurpa- tions； men, loving one another, would commit no robberies ；2 rulers and ministers, loving one ano- ther, would be gracious and loyal； fathers and sons, loving one another, would be kind and filial; brothers, loving one another, would be liarmonious and easily reconciled. Yea, men in general loving one another， the strong would not make prey of the weak; the many would not plunder the few； the rich would not insult the poor； the noble would not be insolent to the mean； and the deceitful would not impose upon the simple. The way in which all the miseries, usurpations, 雖不 下文之 >天 相則家 .視 愛兼旣 相愚屬 不則 然 侮之子 然下愛 .不視 人交相 以愛凡 必相不 天貧 .人 > 相而 禍則野 人之相 愛非生 天孰愛 >惠 下子 皆愛今 篡不戰 > 之亂利 交之也 > 下弱 .則忠 > 之墨相 則天怨 相家身 t 若之相 何是禍 富不父 難子愛 .慈 下恨 主 若視法 ，利 以以篡 必和子 物曹 强孝之 可貴相 視其將 之易仁 怨海調 >不 於曰 .不 兄太使 不愛其 a 柰法之 。者恨 、貧 .天相 故然執 弟苕母 敖則身 > 視何易 ◦非其 貴下愛 > 也 。乃風 捏臣起 _,不 是人哉 。之 。子之 。所 必之則 若奋愛 裡者、 詐_ 锋之 〇〇 墨 以敎 人》方 蒹本則 愛以才 篡> 諸家, 子然于 起 _ •皆慈 咧刼和 則仁欺 人侯若 墨則嘗 者 •詐 不孝, 善寡 .調 》 惠 者也與 相視子 _ 曰》 以 必由兄 矣 ，富 天忠邊 凡人愛 .其曹 >相 以 不欺愛 >弟 2 The Chinese text is here very confused for several sentences. There are evidently transposi- tions, omissions, and additions. I have ventured to correct and arrange it in the following manner: — After 不 相賊， I 巧 d， 君臣 相愛， 則惠忠 ，义 子相愛 ，則 慈孝兄 弟相愛 ，則 和諷天 下之人 皆相愛 ，强 不執弱 .衆不 刼寡， 富 不侮貧 ，貴 不敖賤 ，詐不 欺愚凡 天下禍 篡怨恨 ，可使 毋起者 ，以 兼相 愛生也 ，是 以仁者 譽之。 ◦然而 今天下 之士 ，君子 ，曰然 乃若兼 ，則 善矣 ，雖然 ，天 下之難 物也。 〇 子墨子 曹曰天 下之士 ，君子 ，特 不識其 利辯之 故也, 今若 云云. 107] PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CIIOO AND Mill TEIH. [CH. III. 3 In 是其故 是也， the 是 is plainly a misprint for 何. 4 Hew a sentence (疋 two are wiuiting, to complete the paragraph in Imrmony 、vi th tlic two The characters wliich follow— ^ -jp- "S* 曰 should also be expunged. 1 have omitted them in tlie translation. 108] enmities, and hatreds in the world, may be made not to arise, is universal mutual love. On this account, the benevolent value and praise it.* Yes； but the scholars, of the empire and superior men say, 1 True； if there were this universal love, it would be good. It is, however, the most difficult thing in the world.* Our Master said, 3 4 This is because the scholars and superior men simply do not understand the advantageousness of the law, and to conduct their reasonings upon that. Take tlie case of assaulting a city, or of a battle-field, or of the sacrificing one*s life for the sake of fame ： 一 this is felt by the people everywhere to be a difficult thing. Yet, if the sovereign be pleased with it, both officers and people are able to do it: 一 how much more might they attain to universal mutual love, and the interchange of mutual benefits, which is diflerent from this! When a man loves others, they resiDond to and love him ; when a man benefits others they respond to and benefit him ; when a man injures others, they respond to and injure him: when a man hates others, they respond to and hate him: 一 what difficulty is there in the matter? It is only that rulers will not carry on the government on this principle, and so officers do not carry it out in their practice. formerly, the duke Wan of Tsin liked his officers to be badly dressed, and, therefore, they all wore rams’ furs, a leathern swordbelt， ami a cap of bleached cotton. Thus attired, they Aveiit in to the prince5s levee, and came out and walked through the court. Why did they do this? The sovereign liked it, and therefore the ministers did it. The duke Ling of Ts4oo liked his officers to have small waists, and, therefore, they all limited themselves to a single meal. They held in their breath in putting on their belts, and had to help themselves up by means of the wall. In the course of a year, they looked black, and as if they Avould die of starvation. Why did they do this ?3 The sovereign liked it, and, therefore, the ministers were able to do it. Kow-ts£een, the king of Yu$, liked hi3 ministers to be brave, ancl taught them to be accustomed to be so. At a general assembly of them, he set on fire the ship where they were, and to try tliem, said, 4 All the precious things of Yu6 are here.* lie then with his own hands beat a drum, and urged them on. When they lieard the drum thundering, they rushed confusedly about, and trampled in the fire, till more than^a hundred of them perished, when he struck the gong, and called them back. 4： 子墨子 t nf 天下之 士君 f 特不識 其税辯 其故也 今若夫 攻 城野戰 •殺 身爲备 此天 下百姓 之所 皆雛也 苟 君說之 則士衆 能 。爲之 ‘况於 兼相愛 交相秈 則與此 氧夫愛 人氮 人必從 而愛之 利人 者人必 從而利 之 惡人 者人必 從而惡 之害人 者人必 從而 害之 此何難 之有 特上 弗以 爲政士 不以 爲行故 1 昔者 晉文公 好； H 之惡& 故文公 之 臣 ‘皆胖 羊之袭 韋以帶 M M 帛之藏 A 以見於 乾 出以 踐朝 *是 其故 何也 君説之 故臣 爲之也 。昔 者楚遍 王好 士細要 •靈 王之氐 皆以 一飯 爲亂脇 息然 後幣 扶牆然 後趑比 ■年 朝有 黧黑 之釔 是其故 何也君 說之故 IE 能之也 昔越王 句踐好 士之氮 教 ill 其阮 和合 之焚 舟夫火 試其士 B, 越 SECT. II.] THE OPINIONS OF Mill TEIH. [prolegomena. 4Now, little food, bad clothes, and the sacrifice of life for the sake of fame； 一 these are what it is difficult for people to approve of. Yet， when the sovereign was pleased with it, they were all able, in those cases, to bring themselves to them. How much more could they attain to universal mutual love, and the interchange of mutual benefits, which is different from such things! Wlien a man loves others, they respond to and love him； when a man benefits others, they respond to and benefit him; when a mail hates others, they respond to and hate him； when a man injures others, they respond to and injure him. It is only that rulers will not carry on their government on this principle, and, so, officers do not carry it out in their practice.* Yes ； but now the officers and superior men say, ( Granted ; the universal practice of mutual love would be good; but it is an impracticable thing. It is like taking up the Tlae mountain, and leaping with it over the Ho or tlie Tse.* Our master said, 4 That is not the proper comparison for it. To take up the T4ae mountain, and leap with it over the Ho or the Tse, may be called an exercise of most extraordinary strength ； it is, ia fact, what no one, from antiquity to the present time, has ever been able to do. But how widely different from this is the practice of universal mutual love, and the interchange of mutual benefits! 4 Anciently, the sage kings practised this. How do we know that they did so? When Yu re- duced the empire to order： 一 in the west he made the western Ho and the Joo-tow, to carry off the waters of Kleu-sun-wang; in the north, he made the Fang-yuen, the Koo, How-che-te, and the Tow of Foo-t4o; setting up also the Te-ch^o, and chiselling out the Lung-mun, to benefit Yen, Tae, Hoo, Mih, and the people of the western Ho; in the east, he drained the waters to Luh- fang and the marsh of Mang-choo, reducing them to nine channels, to limit the waters of the east- ern country, and benefit the people of K'e-chow； and in the south, he made the Keang, the Han, the Hwae, the Joo, the course of the eastern current, and the five lakes, to benefit King, Ts'oo, and Yu$, the people of the wild south. These were the doings of Yu； and I am now for practising the same universal mutual love. TROLEGOMENA.] YANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH. [ch. m. * When king Wan brought the western country to good order, his light spread, like the sun or the moon, over its four quarters. He did not permit great States to insult small ones; he did not permit the multitude to oppress the fatherless and the widow ； he did not permit violence and power to take from the husbandmen their millet, pannicled millet, dogs, and swine. Heaven, as if constrained, visited king AVan with blessing. The old and childless were enabled to complete their years； the solitary and brotherlcss could yet mingle among the living； the young and pa- rentless found those on whom tliey could depend, and grev^ up. These were the doings of king Wan; and I am now for practising tlie same universal, mutual love. 4 King Woo tunneled through the T4ae mountain. The Record says, 4 There is a way through the mountain, made by me, the descendant of the kings of Chow： 一 I have accomplished this great work. I have got my virtuous men, and rise up full of reverence for Shang, Ilea, and the tribes of tlie south, the east, and the north. Though he has his multitudes of relatives, they are not equal to my virtuous men. If guilt attach to the people anywhere throughout tlie empire, it is to be required of me, the One man * This describes the doings of king Woo, and I am now for practising tlie same universal, mutual love.5 If, now, the rulers of tlie empire truly and sincerely wish all in it to be rich, and dislike any being poor ； if they desire its good government, and dislike disorder； they ought to practise uni- versal mutual love, and the intercliange of mutual benefits. This was the law of the sage kings; it is the \^ay to effect tlie good government of the empire; it may not but be striven after. 可利 .下忠 、是一 有仁山 >矣„ 依生 終文爲 大曰今 不此之 實故人 有昔 而人 其王暴 國若行 務 聖治欲 子此親 .尙道 ，者長 > 之壽 , 慈身 侮月 .兼 爲 王而天 墨言不 作曾武 此齓連 是奪小 乍矣。 也 。之惡 下子武 若以孫 王文少 獨以穡 亂光昔 法> 其之 W 王仁 祇周將 王失無 老人. 不于者 天 亂富旧 .之 人滴王 身之其 兄而黍 爲四文 下當 而今事 k 萬夏 ，有泰 事1 父弟 無稷衆 方 .王 之兼惡 天吾方 蠻事山 則母者 .子狗 庶于之 治相其 f 今肴 夷大隧 .吾着 / 有棄屬 . 侮西治 道愛貧 > 之行黽 醜事. 傳今有 所有天 鰥么西 也 及欲苕 兼維紙 旣曰 /行所 雑所 屑寡 .不么 不 相天子 .矣。 予雖獲 泰兼放 於得臨 不爲若 5 I do not recollect to have read elsewhere of king Woo^ tunneling the T*ae mountain. In what Mih quotes from some Record, we have sentences from different parts of the Shoo-king brought together. The account of the labours of Yu contains names also not elsewhere found. There are, no doubt, many errors in the text. 一 I omit the 是故 子墨子 言曰， whidl f。11。'' •行 兼矣 • no] 1 I suppose that the compiler — the disciple of Mill — begins to speak here. Throughout this part, however, the changes in the argument are indistinc tly marked. 2 人與 should here be expunged from the Chinese text. 3 热 f sliould liere be expunged. 4 I translate 分名 by 4 clearly.’ is probably a misprint for 明. 111] sect. ii.J THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIII. [prolegomena. UNIVERSAL LOVE. PART III. Our master, the philosopher Mill, said, 1 * * 4 The business of benevolent men requires that they should strive to stimulate and promote what is advantageous to the empire, and to take away what is injurious to it.' Speaking, now, of the present time, what arc to be accounted tlie most injurious tliinps to tlie empire? I Tliey are such as the attacking of small States by great ones； tl»o inroails on small families of great ones; the plunder of tlie weak by the strong; the oppression of tlie few by the many； tlie scheming of the crafty against the simple; the insolence of the noble to the mean. To the same class belong the ungraciousness of rulers,2 and the disloyalty of ministers； the unkind- ness of fatliers, and the want of filial duty on the part of sons. Yea, there is to be added to these the conduct of tlie 川 emi men, 3 、vlio eniploy their edged weapons and poisoned stuff， water and fire， to roh and injure one another. Pushinjr on the inquiry now? let us ask whence all these injurious things «ariso. Is it from loving others and advantaging others? It must be answered 4 No*; and it must likewise be said, 4 Tliey arise clearly from hating others and cloini? violence to otliers. 4 If it be further asked whether those who hate and do violence to othors hold the principle of loving Jill, or that of ;nakin^ distinc- tions, it nuK^t be replied, 4 They make distinctions/ So tlien, it is tliis principle of making distinc- tions between man and man, which gives rise to all that is most injurious in tlie empire. On this account we conclude that that principle is wrong. Our master said. c He who condemns others must have whereby to change them * To condemn men, and liave no means of changing them, is like saving them from fire by plunging them ia water. A nian^ language in such a case must be improper. On this account our master said, 4 There is the principle of loving all, to change, that which makes, distinctions.* If, now, we ask , 子墨 子曹一 if 仁人之 事氣必 務求 典天 下之私 除天 下之蒗 o 然當 今之時 •天 下之 害孰爲 九 〇曰‘ 若 大國之 攻小國 I 大家 之亂 小家 也强 之刼風 . 衆之暴 竄 g 之謀愚 ■ 貴之 敖賤 > 此 天下 之害也 人與 爲人君 者之不 惠也‘ 臣者之 不 忠 也父 者之不 慈也 ‘子者 iV 不孝也 ‘此又 天下 之害 I 又 與今人 之 賤人 執其兵 刃毒 藥水夂 以交 相虧服 此叉 大下之 害也 姑嘗 本原若 ， 衆害之 所 良 此胡自 生此 自愛 人利 人生 R 卽必 曰非然 也 必曰從 惡人賊 人生分 名乎 •天 下惡人 而 賊人暮 兼與 別軋 卽必 日別也 然卽 之交 J 者 ‘果生 天下之 大害者 R 是故 子 墨子曰 . 非 人者必 有以易 之 kF 非人 而無 以易之 譬 之 猶以 水敉 火也其 說 將必 無可焉 0° 是故子 墨子曰 fft 以易 PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CIIOO AND MIH TEIII. [ch. in. 5 I here transpose -jp 曰 [, and put it after .也. This is required by tlic preceding argument, wliicli emls simply with 是故 別非也 • With tliis transposition, however, some other liberties must still be taken with the next paragraph. 111 仁 人之是 搜 sliould evidently be In the concluding plirase 一 j 乎 若方， the adoption of an old gloss, that sliould 1)C enables us to make sense of it. Whut follows, from 吾將 dmvn t。 卽於 其赤小 is confused and difficult, in 與天 下之科 is a misprint f(，r^^ ; but there must be other corruptions and oinissiuus as well. One cun see tlie authur'b drift; and i have tried to translate accord iimly. 6 And how is it that universal love can change the consequences of tliat other principle which makes distinctions? 5 the answer is, 4 If princes were as much for the States of others as for their own, what one among them would raise the forces of his State to attack that of another? 一 he is for that other as much as for himself. If they were for the capitals of others as much as for their own, what one would raise tlie forces of liis capital to attack that of another? — he is for that as much as for his own. If chiefs regarded the families of others as their own, what one would lead the power of his family to throw that of another into confusion? — he is for that other as much as for himself. If, now, States did not attack, nor holders of capittils smite, one another, and if families were guilty of no mutual aggressions, A^ould this be injurious to the empire, or its benefit? It must be replied, 4 This would be advantageous to the empire.* Pushing on the inquiry, now, let us ask whence all these benefits arise. Is it from hating others and doing violence to others? It must be anwered, and it must likwise be said, 4 They arise clearly from loving others and doing good to others.* If it be further asked whetlier those who love others and do good to others hold the principle of making distinctions between man and man, or that of loving all, it must be replied， 4 They love all.’ So then it is this principle of universal mutual love which really gives rise to all that is most beneficial to the empire. On this account we conclude that that principle is right.5 Our master said, a little ago, 4 The business of benevolent men requires that they should strive to stimulate and promote what is advantageous to the empire, and to take away wliat is injurious to it.， We have now traced the subject up, and found that it is the principle of universal love ■which produces all that is most beneficial to the empire, and the principle of making distinctions which produces all that is injurious to it. On this account what our master said 一 ( The principle 別 。〇然 卽兼之 可以易別之故何1〇 0k 藉爲 人之 齓若 爲其 a 夫誰獨 舉其 國以 攻人 iV 國者哉 ‘爲 彼者由 爲已也 爲 人之齓 若爲 其瓶夫 誰獨璀 其都以 伐人之 都者乱 爲彼 猶爲 .U 也 S 人 之 篆 rr 爲其家 ‘夫 誰獨舉 其家以 亂人之 家者哉 ‘爲彼 猶爲 d l 然卽 國都不 相 攻俛 人家不 相亂脈 此天下 之害風 天 下 之利軋 卽必 日天 下之利 也‘姑 甞本 1 若衆利 之 所自屯 此胡自 生一 此 0 惡 人 賊人牛 乳卽必 0 非然也 必日從 愛 人利人 生‘分 名乎 。天 J 愛人 而利人 i 別與兼 與卽必 曰兼也 然 卽之交 兼私 果生 3 下之大 利老與 是故 子墨子 ni 兼是也 且鄕吾本苷曰‘仁人之事装必務求 J'l 天下 之秫除 天下之 篆0 入 r 吾 本原兼 之所 生天下 之大利 #吾本 原別之 所 SECT. II.] TIIE OPINIONS OF Mill TEIII. [rROLEGO.M!：\A. of making distinctions between man and roan is wrong, and the principle of universal love is right,* turns out to be correct as the sides of a square. If, now, we just desire to promote the benefit of the empire, and select for that purpose the principle of universal love, tlien the acute ears and piercing eves of people will hear and see for one another; ami tlie strong limbs of people will move and be ruled for one another; and men of principle will instruct one another. It will come about that the old, who liave neither wife nor children, will get supporters who will enable them to complete tlieir years； and the young and weak, who have no parents, will j^et tind helpers that shall bring them up. On the contrary, if this principle of universal love is held not to be correct, what benefits will arise from such a yiew? What can be the reasoa that the scholars of the empire, whenever they hear of tliis principle of universal love, go on to condemn it? Plain as the case is, their words in condemnation of this principle do not stop； — they say, 4 It may be gooJ, but how can it be carried into practice?* Our master said, c Supposing that it could not be practised, it seems hard to go on likewise to condemn it. But how can it be good, and jet incapable of being put into practice?* Let us bryig forward two instances to test tlie matter. 一 I*et any one suppose tlie case of two individuals, the one of whom shall hold the principle of making distinctions, and the other shall hold the principle of universal love. The former of these will saj, 4 llow can I be for the person of mj friend as much as for my own person? how can I be for the parents of my friend as much as for my own parents?* Reasoning in this way, he may see his friend hungry, but he will not feed him； cold, but he will not clothe him； sick, but he will not nurse him; dead, but he will not bury him. Such will be the language of the individual holding the principle of distinction, and such will be his conduct. The language of tlie other, holding the principle of universality, will be different, and also his conduct. He will say, (I have heard that he who wishes to play a lofty part among men, will be for the person of his friend as much as for his own person, and for the parents of his friend as much as for his own parents. It is onlj thus that lie can attain his dis- tinction? Reasoning in this way, when he sees his friend hungry, he will feed him； cold, he will clothe him； sick, he will nurse him ； dead, he will bury him. Such will be the language of liiux who holds the principle of universal love, and such will be his conduct. J 生 、天下 之大 害者也 。是 故子 墨子！ if 別非 而兼是 教 出乎苷 方也 。今 吾將正 求與天 下之视 而取之 以兼爲 正是 故以 聰耳明 目相爲 視聽束 是以股 脑畢亂 相爲 動宰乎 ‘而 有道肆 相教詉 是以 老而 無妻 子暮有 所侍養 以終其 m 幼弱孤 童之無 戈 母暮 有所放 依以 長其免 令唯母 以兼爲 正卽若 其利也 不識 天下之 ±, 所以 皆聞 兼而非 暮其故 何來 〇 然而天 下之太 非 兼者之 曹猶未 It 也曰‘ 卽善矣 ‘雖级 豈 可用舐 子墨子 曰‘ 用而不 可 難舐 亦將 非之 且焉 有善而 不可用 姑嘗雨 而進之 誰以 爲二太 使 A 一 士 者執抓 使其 * 士者執 兼是故 別士之 # 曰、 吾 豊 能爲吾 友之免 苷爲吾 #. 爲吾 友之親 若爲吾 親 是故退 賭其克 飢卽 不氳 寒卽不 衣 疾病不 侍 131 氰 死喪不 葬哩別 士之曹 若此 行若此 。兼士 之一 一一 一口 1 不牴行 亦不胳 0k 吾 聞爲高 士於天 下暮必 爲其 友之 免若爲 其身‘ 爲其 友之齓 若爲其 親. 然後可 以爲 高士天 T. 是故退 賭其友 •飢 則食之 寒則衣 PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH. [CH. III. 6 From -J-* 日, pj d〇Avn to tliie, the general meaning is plain enough. But there must be several corruptions in the text. for instance, after 別 之有是 is, plainly, for 7 Here there should follow, 4 Our master said,* and some ubservatioiif introductory to the two illuatrations of the sovereigns. This has been lost, however, aud all tliiit remains of it is the solitary 子 > 子姑 嘗云云 114] The words of the one of these individuals are a condemnation of those of the other, and tlieir conduct is directly contrary. Suppose now that tlieir words are perfectly sincere, and tliat their conduct will be carried out, — that their words and actions will correspond like the parts of a token, every word being carried into effect; and let us proceed to put the following questions on the case: 一 Here is a plain in the open country, and an officer, with coat of mail, gorget, and helmet, is about to take part in a battle to be fought in it, where the issue, whether for life or death, cannot be foreknown； or here is an officer about to be dispatclied on a distant commission from Pa to Yu5, or from Ts4e to King, where the issue of the journey, going and coming, is quite uncertain: — on either of these supi)〇sitions, to whom will the officer entrust the charge of his house, the support of his parents, and the care of his wife and children? 一 to one who holds the principle of universal love? or to one who holds tliat which makes distinctions? I apprehend there is uo one under heaven, man or woman, however stupid, though he may condemn the principle of universal love, but would at such a time make one who holds it the subject of bis trust. This is in words to condemn tlie princix^le, and when there is occasion to clioose between it and the opposite, to approve it ； 一 words and conduct are here in contradiction. I do not kuow how it is, that, through- out the empire, scholars condemn the principle of universal love, whenever they hear it.6 Plain as the case is, their words in condemnation of it do not cease, but they say, 4 This prin- ciple may suffice perhaps to guide in the choice of an officer, but it will not guide in the choice of a sovereign.7 Let us test this by taking two illustrations : 一 Let any one suppose the case of two sovereitrns, the one of whom shall hold the princix>le of mutual love, and the other shall hold the principle which makes distinctions. In this case, the latter of them will say, 4 How can I be as much lor the persons of all my people as for my own? This is much opposed to human feelings. The life of man upon the earth is but a very brief space; it may be compared to the rapid movement of a 之疾病 侍養之 死喪 葬埋 之 兼 士之言 i 右此 行若此 。若 之二氣 言相非而行相反氣當侦 劳 二士暮 W 必氣 行必氣 侦言行 之 合猶合 符節也 無 曹而 不行 也‘然 卽敢問 ‘今 有平原 廣 野於此 被 甲嬰胄 將往軋 死生之 權未可 識 1乂 有君 大夫之 遠昽於 巴越齊 M 往來 及 否未及 嵛未 可識也 然 卽敢亂 不識將 惡 也家 笔奉 承親戚 提 挈妻子 ‘而寄 託之不 識 於兼 之有是 乎‘ 於別之 有是屯 哉以 爲當其 於此也 天 下無愚 夫愚鼠 雖非兼 之人必 寄 託 之於兼 之有是 1此曹而非氣擇卽取氣 卽此曹 行拂也 不 識天下 之士、 所以 皆聞兼 而非之 者‘其 故何也 3然而天下之 ±. 非兼 者之一 一一 »| 猶未止也曰、意可以擇 ±. 而不可以 擇钆 子姑 嘗雨 而進之 誰以 爲二轧 使 其一苕 者 執兼 使一君 者執肌 是故別 # 之 艮吾 惡能 爲吾萬 民之身 爲吾象 此 泰非天 下之惝 也 SECT. II.] TIIR OPINIONS OF Mill TETTI. [prolegomena. team of horses whirling pnst any particular spot/ Reasoning in this way, he may see his people hungry, but he will not feed them； cold, but he will not clotlie them ; siok, but he will not nurse them; ileail, hut he will not bury them. Such will be the language of the sovereigu wlio holds the principle of distinctions, and such will be his conduct. Different will be the language and conduct of the other wlio holds the principle of universal love. He will say， *1 h 汉 ve lienrd that he who would show himselt a riWwaus intdligent sovereign， ought to make liis people tlie first consideration, and think of himself only af ter them.’ Reasoning in this way, when he sees any of the people hungry, he will feed them； colil, he will clothe them； sick, he will nurse them ; dead, he will bury them. Such will be the language of the sovereign who holds the principle of universal love, and such his conduct. If we compare the two sovereigns, the words of the one are con- demnatory of those of the other, and their actions are opposite. Let us suppose that their words are equally sincere, and that tlieir actions will be made good, 一 that their words and actions will correspond like the parts of a token, every word being carried into effect； and let us proceed to put the following questions on the case: 一 Ilere is a year when a pestilence walks abroad among the people； many of them suffer from cold and famine; multitudes die in the ditches and water- channels. If at such a time they mip：l]t make an election between the two sovereigns whom we have supposed, which would they prefer? I apprehend there is no one under heaven, however stu- pid, though he may condemn the principle of universal love, but would at such a time prefer to be under the sovereign wlio holds it. This is in words to comlemn tlie principle, and, when there is occasion to choose between it and the opposite, to approve it; 一 words and conduct are here in contnuliciion. I do not know liow it is that throughout the empire scholars condemn the princi- pK* of universal love, whenever thc*3r liear it. Plain as the case is, their word3 in condemnation of it do not cease； but they say, *This univer- sal, mutual love is benevolent and righteous. That we grant, but how can it be practised? The impracticability of it is like that of taking up the T'ae mountain, and leaping with it over the Keans： or the IIo. We do, indeed, desire this universal love, but it is an impracticable thing!* Our master said, *To take up the T;ae mountain, and leap with it over the Keang or the Ho, is 子 夫不未 之擇下 識疫合 行君民 /後行 死是人 墨豈 可止者 ，卽 無將萬 猶相之 飢爲亦 喪故之 子可爲 也> 其取愚 擇民. 合反曹 卽其不 不退生 曰 肩也旧 ，故兼 .夫之 多符與 。苷食 身,然. 葬賭乎 夫之媧 兼何此 愚二有 節常此 、之 然曰 >埋, 其地 挈物 挈即也 。曹婦 , 君勤也 ，使行 寒後吾 別萬上 泰哉 。泰仁 U 行雖者 .苦 無若若 卽可聞 苕民之 山 山 矣然拂 非將凍 W 二此。 衣以爲 之飢無 以 以 義而也 。兼 何餒而 君然之 .爲明 言卽幾 起 起矣. 天不君 •，從 轉不者 .卽 疾明君 若不何 江 江雖下 _ 必也 。死行 言交佘 舍於此 、么 k 河> 河然. 之天從 我溝也 >必 若 侍於天 行寒譬 自 也> 豈士 .下 k 兼以 壑然信 >之 養天下 若卽之 古 故可非 所君爲 中卽行 二之下 .者 、此 。不猶 之 兼爲兼 以是當 者龙必 君死是 必兼衣 J 四 及 者哉 ，者 皆也, 其旣問 者, 喪故先 君疾馳 直吾？ 聞 W 於已 今使 W 葬退萬 之病而 生 願 譬嘗兼 而此衆 歲言相 埋瞄民 言不過 民 之兼也 .而 非也 >矣> 有行非 乙其之 不侍郤 而 也 .之 猶非兼 ，天不 癘之而 兼 / 乌身 .紙養 > 也。 115] TROLEGOMENA.] YANG CIIOO AND Mill TEIII. [CII. 111. a thing which never has been clone, from tlie higliest antiquity to the present time, since men were； but tlie exercise of mutual love and the interchange of mutual benefits, 一 this was practised by the ancient sages and six kings/ How do you know that the ancient sapres and the six kings practised this? Our master said, 4 1 was not of the same age and time with them, so that I could myself have heard tlieir voices, or seen their faces； but I know what I say from what they have transmit- ted to posterity, written on bamboo or cloth, cut in metal or stone, engraven on their vessels/ 4 It is said in 4 The Great Declaration/ 一 4 King Wan wa9 like the sun or like tlie moon； suddenly did his brightness shine through the four quarters of the western region/S According to these words, king Wan exercised the principle of universal love on a vast scale. He is compared to tlie sun or moon which shines on all, without partial favour to any spot under the heavens ； — such was the universal love of king Wan.* What our master insisted on was thus exemplified in him. 4 Again, not only does 4 The Great Declaration, speak thus; 一 we find the same thing in 4 The Declaration of Yu.* Yu said, 4 Ye multitudes, listen all to my words. It is not only I who dare to gay a word in favour of war； — against this stupid prince of Meaou we must execute the punish- ment appointed l)y Heaven. I am therefore leading your hosts, anil go before you all to punish the prince of Mcaou.}9 i Thus Yu punislied the prince of Meaou, not to increase his own riches and nobility, nor to obtain happiness and emolument, nor to gratify his ears and eyes; — lie did it, seeking to promote what was advantageous to tlie empire, anil to take away what was injurious to it. It appears from this, that Yu held the principle of universal love/ What our master insisted on may be found in him. 4 And not only may Yu tlms be appealed to； 一 wc have 1 The words of T^ang* to the same effect. T4ang said, 4 1, the child Le, presume to use a dark-coloured victim, and announce to Thee, 0 supreme Heavenly Sovereign. 一 Now there is a great drought, and it is riglit I should be held 敢天 湯求害 。千難 稱是王 〇 下乍傳 其〇六來》 蔽 .大曰 .焉。 O 福以亂 也。 取卽之 照遺色 子王无 有旱 /丨隹 〇 卽祿庇 馘禹法 此博光 後也. 墨恭嘗 罪卽 予且此 屬有 兹曰屬 。文大 於世以 子親有 不 當小不 禹耳苗 。有濟 〇 王也 、四 子其曰 > 行也. 敢朕子 惟兼目 禹轧濟 il 兼譬方 孫所吾 之。今 敗免履 .禹也 .也 > 之用有 不也 .之於 者書非 〇 若 簡履敢 詧雖以 征天氮 惟雖 tr 西知於 與何夫 在未 用鴆子 求有之 咸泰 子月土 。之 。竹 之知兼 帘知元 然> 墨典茁 fi. 聽誓 墨兼卽 泰帛. 並先相 心 4得 牡屬子 天也枭 朕 鴆子照 此誓鏤 世聖氦 萬罪告 拗之下 并予氪 然, 之天言 EK 於同 六凌 方于 於亂所 之以 旣非雖 所下文 文金時 .王相 有 上上卽 _ 利. 求率惟 禹 _ 之 王王石 .親之 利， 罪 .下. 天亦兼 除以跗 小宵 號無 之赶琢 聞親此 卽有后 Jfi 者 .天 重氰子 ，卽者 ，有 兼日於 其行自 當善曰 ，梏 於下 岱對 敢亦 於私愛 若槃紙 之允 朕不 今也。 S 之齓 諸行 猶文也 。天 /L 盂 .見也 。聖 8 See The Great Declaration, III. 6. The language is somewhAt different from the citation. 9 及 欲之原 利非兼 武武暴 、之之 不詩命 >所 帝然萬 人爲之 、而 兼而 取兼勿 謂所黨 EK 與謂鬼 且方。 之親 孝害者 非法也 .有也 .履 k 不王 湯兼神 。不卽 惡度 子爲之 之氟雖 親古小 偏省說 ，者 k〇 憚此 賊者 > 之孝言 者7 子戚 者人其 蕩爲於 卽以氪 其 亦爲乎 。猶其 識墨兄 文之直 蕩^然 .湯 I 身湯 親欲親 ◦未故 天子弟 武所若 不周取 湯爲貴 10 See *The announcement of T^ng* in various places. Compare also more particu- larly the Analects XX,. i. 3. 11 In the quotation wliich is immediately subjoined, the first four lines are from a rliytlimical passage of the Shoo-king, Y. iv. 13. The remaining four are in the She-king, II. v. Ode ix. st. 1. 12 Such I suppose to be the meaning of 作 ▲’ if it were amended 】 3 Tlie sentence is not clear， 一 之 利而害 爲孝乎 I have done what I could with it. The scope of tlie whole para- graph is sufficiently plain. The is supposed to be for 117] PROLEGOMENA.] YANG CIIOO AND MIH TE1H. [cn. in. address myself to love and benefit men's parents, will they for that return love and benefit to my parents? or if I first address myself to hate menJs parents, will tliey for that return love and beoe- fit to my parents? It is clear that I 】nust first address niy self to love and benefit men’s parents， and they will return to me love and benefit to my parents. The conclusion is that a filial son haa no alternative. — He must address himself in the first place to love and do good to the parents of otliers. It it be suj)posed that this is an accidental course, to be followed on emergency by a filial son, and not sufficient to be regarded as a general rule, let us bring it to the test of w hat we find in the Books of tlie ancient kings. 一 It is said in the Ta Ya, 4 Every \rorcl finds its answer; He threw me a peach ; Every action its recompense. I returned him a plum/ Tliese ivords show that he wlio loves others will be loved, and that he who hates others will be hated. How is it that the scholars of the empire condemn this principle of universal love, 'vlien they hear it? Is it that they deem it so difficult as to be impracticable? But there have been more difficult tilings, \vhicli yet have been done. For instance, king Ling of King was fond of small waists. In his time, the officers of King restricted themselves to a liandful of rice, till they required a stick to raise themselves, and in walking liad to liold tliemselves up by the wall. Kow. it is a difficult thing to restrict one5s-self in food, but they were able to do it, because it would please king： Ling. 一 It needs not more than a generation to change the manners of the people, such is their desire to move after the pattern of their superiors. Ag^in, Kow-ts^en the king of Yng, was fond of bravery. He spent three years in training his officers to be brave ; and then, not knowing fully whether they were so, he set Are to the ship where they were, and urged them forward by a drum into the flames. They advanced, one rank over the bodies of another, till an immense number perished in the water or the Haines； and it was not till he ceased to beat the drum, tliat they retired. Those officers of YuG might be i>ro- nounced to be full of reverence. To sacrifice one^ life in the flames is a difficult thing, but they were able to do it, because it would please their king.-Jt needs not more than a generation to SECT. II.] TIIE OPINIONS OF Mill TKIII. [prolegomena. di/mgc tho manners of the people, such 18 their desire to move niter the pattern of their superiors. Once ruore^ duke W&n of Tsin was fond of garments of coarse flax. In his time, the officers of Tsin wore wide clothes of that fabric, with rams' furs, leatliern swordl)clts, ami coarse canvas sandals. Thus attired, they went in to the dukt^s levee, and went out and walked through the court. It is a difficult thing to wear sucli clothes, but tliey were able to do it, because it would please duke Wan. 一 It needs but a generation to change the manners of the people, such is their d^^ire to move aUer the pattern of their superiors. 2v〇w, little food, a burning ship, ami coarse clothes, 一 these are among the most difficult things to endure； but because tlie sovereign would be pleased with the endmin^ them, they were al»le in (hose easels to do it. It needs no more than n generation to clmnjre the manners of the people. Why ? Because such is their desire to move alter the pattern of their superiors. And now, as to universal mutual love, 14 it is an advantageous thing and easily practibud, 一 boyoml all calcula- tiou. The only reason why it is not practised is, in my opinion, because superiors do not take pleasure in it. If superiors were to take pleasure in it, stimulating men to it by rewards and praise, aud awing them from opposition to it by punishments and filler, they would, in my opinion, move to it, 一 the practice of universal mutual love, ajul tlu* interchange of mutual benefits, — as lire rises upwards, and as water flows downwards: 一 nothing would be able to check tliem. This universal love was the wa}* of tlie sage kings; it is the principle to secure peace lor kings, dukes, and great men ; it is the means to secure plenty of food and clothes lor tlie myriails of the jieo- ple. The best course for the superior raan is to well understand the principle of universal love, and exert liimself to practise it. It requires tlie sovereign to be gracious, aiul the minister to be loyal； the father to be kind, and the sou to be filial； the elder brother to be friendly, aud the younger to be obedient. Therefore the superior man, with whom the chief desire is to see gracious sovereigns and loyal ministers; kind fathers and filial sons； friendly elder brothers and obedient younger ones, ought to insist on the indispensablencss of the practice of universal love. It was the of the sage kings； it would be the most advantageous thing for the myriads of the people. 14 ^ 兼相利 we should read 兼相愛 • 之‘未踰於 ^ 而民可移也>郎求以_上也。昔者 晉文公 好苴服 •當 文公 之啄 晉國之 太 大布之 衣胖 羊之轰 練 帛之冠 1: 苴之鳳 A 見文么 出 以踐之 齓故苴 服爲其 難爲鼠 然後爲 而文公 詭之 未踰於 世而民 可移也 ，卽 求以 0 其上也 是 故約 食焚 舟苴服 此天下 之至膨 麗也 然後 爲 而上說 之未踰 於世而 民可移 I 何故也 卽 求以郷 其上也 。今若 夫兼 梠利 ‘此 其有利 且葛 爲也 不可 勝計也 我以 爲則無 有上說 之者而 E 荒 苟有上 謊之暮 勸之以 賞歡 威之以 刑罰‘ I 以 爲人之 於 就兼相 愛交 相利也 ‘譬之 猶火 之就上 •水之 就下也 不可防 止於天 -FO 故兼者 聖王之 道 I 王公大 人之所 以安也 Ik 民‘ 衣食 之所以足也>故君子，莫若審兼而>務行之‘爲上 君必鼠 芻 人臣必 忠 •爲 人父必 兹 爲 人子必 象 爲 人兄必 夂爲 人弟必 愾故苕 子莫若 欲爲惠 私忠 臣慈父 孝子友 兄悌氣 當若 兼之不 可不 行也此 聖王之 道而萬 民之大 利也 119] PROLEGOMENA..] YANG CIIOO AND MIH TEIII. [cu. in. 2. Notwithstanding the mutilations and corruptions in tlie text of the })receding Essay, its genei'al scope is clearly discernible, and Ave obtain from it a sufficient account of ^LilTs doctrine on the subject of “ Universal Love.” We have now to consider the opposition of- fered to this doctrine by Mencius. He was not the first, however, to be startled and offended by it. The Essay shows that it was resented, as an outrage on the system of orthodox belief during all the life- time of Mill and his immediate disciples. Men of learning did not cease to be clamorous against it. From the allusions made by Men- cius to its pi'evalence in his clays, it would appear that it had over- come much of the hostility Avhicli it at first encountered. He stepped forward to do battle with it, and though he had no new arguments to ply, such Avas the effect of his onset, that a Universal Love,) has ever since been considered, save by some eccentric thinkers, as be- longing to the Limbo of Chinese Vanity, among other things 4 abor- tive, monstrous, or unkindly mixed.7 We may approach the question conveniently by observing tliat Mill's attempts to defend his principle were in several points 1'ar from the best that could be made. His I'eferences to the examples of Yu, T4ang, and the kings Wan and Woo, are of this nature. Those Avorthies well performed the work of their generation. They punish- ed the oppressor, and delivered the oppressed. Earnest sentiments of justice and benevolence animated tlieir breasts and directed their course. But they never laid down the doctrine of u Universal Love," as the rule for themselves or others. When lie insists, agnin, that the people might easily be brought to appreciate and practise his doctrine, if their rulers would only set them the example, he shows the same overweening idea of the iufiuence of supei'iors, and the same ignorance of human nature, which I liave had occasion to point out in both Confucius and Men- cius. His references to duke Wtln of Tsin, duke Ling of Ts4oo, and. Kow-ts^en of Yuc, and liis argument iVom what they are said to have effected, only move us to smile. And when he teaches that men are to be awed to love one {mother u by inmishments and fmes^ wc feel tliat lie is not understanding fully what lie sa}7s nor whereof lie affirms. Still, he ha9 broadly and distinctly laid it down, that if men would only univcryully love one another, tlie evilti which disturb and embitter 120] SECT. II.] THE OPINIONS OF Mill TEIII. [l*R〇LI：COMKNA. human society would disappear. I do not say t.lmt lie luis tauglit the duty of universal love. His argument is conducted on the ground of expediency.1 Whether he had in liis own niincl a truer, nobler fouiidution for liis }3rinci[)le, does not iimnediately appear. Be tliat as it 】miy, his (loctriiie was tliat men were to be exhorted to love one another, — to love one another as themselves. According to him, u princes sliould be as much for the States of others as for their own. One prince should be for every ot.lier as for himself.” So it ought to be also with the heads of clans, with ministers, with parents, and -with men generally. Here it was that ]\Lencius joined issue ■with liim. He affirmed that. uto love all equally did not acknowledge the peculiar affection due to a parent.” It is to be observed that JM ili himself nowhere says that his principle was that of loving all equally. His disciples drew this conclusion from it. In the third Book of Mencius' Works, we find one of them, E Che, contending that the expression in the Shoc- king, about the ancient kings acting towards the pe〇[>le, u as if they ■were Avatcliing over an infant, M sounded to him as if love were to be without difference of degree, the manifestation of it simply commenc- ing with our parents.2 To this Mencius replied conclusively by asking, uDoes E really think that a man's affection for the child of liis brother is merely like liis affection for the child of liis neighbour?” AVith still more force miglit he have asked, u Is a mans affection for his father merely like liis affection for the father of his neighbour? Such a question, and the necessa^ reply to it, are implied in liis condemnation of Mill's s}Tstem, as being u without father, " that is, denying the peculiar affection due to a father. If Mih had really maintained that a mans father was to be no more to him than the father of any other body, or if liis system had necessitated such a consequence, Mencius Avould only have done his duty to his country- in denouncing him, and exposing the fallacy of his reasonings. As the case is, he Avould have done better if lie had shown that no such conclusion necessarily fi〇Avs from the doctrine of Universal Love, or its preceptive form that we are to love our neighbour as ourselves. Of course it belonged to Mih himself to defend liis views from the imputation. But what he has said on the point is not satisfactory. 1 This and several other points are well put by the Kev. Mr. Edkins. in his Essay, referred to p. 133. See Journal of the North-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. No. II. Mav, 1859. 2 Set- Bk. 1U., Tt. I., v. 3. 121] PKOLKGOMENA.] YANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH. [CH. III. In reply to the charge that his principle was injurious to filial piety, he endeavoured to show, that, by acting on it, a man would best secure the happiness of his parents: 一 as he addressed himself in the first place to love, and do good to, the parents of others, they would re- compense to him the love of, and good-doing to, liis parents. It might be so, or it might not. The reply exhibits strikin»l}r in Avliat maimer Mih was conducted to the inculcation of ^universal love,'5 and that really it had in his mind no deeper basis tlmn its expediency. This is his weak point; and if Mencius, Avhose viewof the constitution of human nature, and the obligation of the virtues, apart from all consideration of consequences, -was more comprehensive and correct than that of Mih, had founded his opposition on this ground, -\ve could in a measure have sympathized with him. But Avhile Mill appeared to lose sight of the other sentiments of the human mind, too much, in his exclusive contemplation of the power of love, lie did not doubt but his principle would make sons more filial, and ministers more devoted, and subjects more loyal. The passage -\vliich I have just referred to, moreover, does not contain the admission tliat the love was to be without any difference of degree. The fact is, that he liardly seems to have realized the objection ^ith which Mencius afterwards pressed the advocacy of it by his followers. If lie did do so, he blinked the difficulty, not seeing his way to give a full and precise reply to it. Tliis seems to be the exact state of the case between the two phi- losophers.— Mih stumbled on a truth, wliicli, based on a right foun- dation, is one of the noblest which can animate the liuimin breast, and aff()rds the surest remedy for the ills of society. There is that in it, however, which is startling, and liable to misrepresentation and abuse. Mencius saw the diflicult-y attaching to it, and unable to sympathize with tlie generosity of it, set liimsell' to meet it with a most velusment opposition. Nothing, certainly, could be more absurd than liis classing Yang Clioo ami ]\Iih Toili togetlier, as equally (lie enemies of benevolence and righteousness. WJien he tries to ridi- cule Mih, and talks contemptuously about him, how, if he could luive benefited the ennpire, by toiling till lie rubbed off every liair of his body, lie would have done it, a — this only raises up h barrier 122] 3 Bk. VII., l*t. I., xxvi. SECT. II.] THE OPINIONS OF Mill TEIH. f PROLEGOMENA. between himself ami us. It reminds us of the hardness of nature Avliich I have elsewhen*. charged against him. 3. Confucius, I think, might have dealt more fairly and generously uitli Mill. In writing of Iiirn, I called attention to liis repented enunciation of u the golden rule' in a negative form, — u Iiat you do not wish done to yourself, do not do to others/1 In one place, indeed, he rises for a moment to the full apprehension of it, and recognizes the duty of taking the initiative, — of behaving to others in the first instance as he would that they should behave to him.2 * Now, what is tliis but the practical exercise of the principle of universal love? u All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them”: 一 this is simply the manifestation of the re- quirement, uTh(^u shalt love thy neighbour as th)rself. M Confucius miglit Imve conceded, therefore, to Mill, that the rule of conduct uliich he laid down was the very best that could be propounded. h lie had gone on to remove it from the basis of expediency, and place it on a better foundation, he would have done the greatest service to his countryinen, and entitled himself to a place among the salves of the world. On this matter I am happy to find myself in agreement Avith the £t prince of literature," Han Yu.3 u Our literati,” says he, “find f\iult with Mill because of what he has said on 4 The Estimation to be attached to Concord,'4 on 4 Universal Love,' on 4 The Estimation to be given to Men of Worth,’5 on ‘The Acknowledging of’ Spiritual 1 Yol. I., proleg., p. 110. 2 See proleg. on the Doctrine of the Mean, pp. 48, 49. 3 See 4 The Works of Han Wan-kung, g 賣 4 This is the title of one of Mih?s Ess iys, — [〇1, forming the third Book of his Works. Generalizing after his fashion, he traces all evils up to a want of concord, < r agreement of opinion ; and goes on to assert that the emperor must be recognized as the 4 Infallible Head,* to lay down the rule of truth and right, S_g 天子之 所是 ，皆 是之， 天子之 所非 .皆 非之， ‘What the euiperor approves, all must approve; what the emperor condeiims， all nmst condemn.’ It is an unguarded utterance; and taken absolutely, apart from its connection, may be represented very much to Mill’s disadvantage. See 4 Supplemental Observations on the Four Books/ on Mencius, Book. I., art. lix. The coincidence between tliis saying and the language of Hobbes is remark- able.一 ^uod legislator praeceperit, id pro bono, quod vetuerit, id pro malo habendum esse/ (Z>e Cive, cap. xii. 1). 5 This is another of Mill's pieces, — the second Book of his Works. He finds a cure for the ills of the empire in princes, honouring and employing only men of worth, without paying regard to their relatives. This is contrary to the third of Confu- cius* nine standard rules for the government of the empire, set forth in liis conversation with duke Gae, as related in the 'Doctrine of the Mean,5 cli. xx. But Mill would only discountenance ntpoUstn^ where it ought to be discouutenanccd. 123] prolegomena.] YANG CIIOO AND Mill TEIIT. [ch. ni. Beings, G and on c Confucius, being in awe of great men, ami, 'when he resided in any State, not blaming its great officers/7 But 'when the Ts(un Ts4e\v finds fault with assuming ministers, is not this attach- ing a similar value to concord? When Confucius, speaks of 4 over- flowing in love to all, and cultivating the friendship of the good/ and of how 4 the extensive conferring of benefits constitutes a sage/ does he not teach universal love? When he advises 4 the esteem of the worthy;5 when he arranged his disciples into i the four classes/ so stimulating and corn mending them; when lie says tliat c the superior man dislikes the tliought of his name not being mentioned after death:’ 一 does not this show the estimation lie gave to men of worth? AVhen £ he sacrificed as if the spiritual beings were present/ and condemned L those who sacrificed as if they were not really sacri- ficing; 8 when he said, MYlien I sacrifice, I shall receive blessing：1 — was not this acknowledging spiritual beings? The literati and Mih equally approve of Yaou and Shun, and equally condemn Ivee and Chow; they equal^ teach the cultivation of the person, and the rectifying of the heart, reaching on to the good government of the empire, with all its States and families: — wliy should they be so hostile to each other? In my opinion， the discussions Avliich Ave hear are the work of tlieir followers, vaunting on each side the say- ings of their Teacher; there is no such contrariety between the real doctrines of the two Teachers. Confucius would have used Mih; and Mih would luive used Confucius. If they would not have used each other， tliey could not liave beeii K‘uiig ai】d Mill.” 4. It seems proj>er, in closing tliis discussion of Mill's views, to no- tice the manner in which the subject of u universal love” appears in Christianity. Its 'vliole la'v is comprelieiided in the one 、voi，d — Love; but lio'v wide is the scope of the term compared ^ith all 'svliich it ever entered into the mind of Chinese sage or philosopher to conceive ! G rrhis is found in tlio Hth Book of Mill. Tlic first awl second parts of the ossay, however, are iinfortunatoly lost. In tilt* he tells several qm.cr pliost stories, nml adduces other proofs, to show the real existence of spiritual beings, and that thoy take account of men's notions to re- wnrd or to punish thein. lie found nnother pruincca Tor the ills of the empire in this truth. Mis doctrine here, however, is lield to be inconsistent with Confucius' r〇])ly to Fan Ch*e, Ana. VI. x\., that wisdom (u)nsists iu rcsptM.tin 芘 spiritual 1 川 t- at tlio same time keeping iiloof from tlu»ni. As between Confucius and \Iih, on this point we would agree rather witli the latter. Ho holds an important truth, mingled with superstition； the sn^o is scepticnl. 7 Han ft voids sayinp nnv- tiling on this point, i'he author of 4 Supplemental 〇l)8ervations, is equally silent. G llan is )kto quoting Ana. III., xii. 2., which he points and interprets after a way of his own. He docs not rcml but Jfel, ia the sense of g^p. * to grant to,* 4 to Approve of.' , . 124] SECT. II.] TIIE OPINIONS OF Min TEIH. [prolegomena. It is most, aiitlioritative where tlie teachers of riiina nre filtogetlier silent, and commands: — uThou shalt love the Lord, thy God, with all thy heart, and with all tliy soul, and with all tliy strength, and with all thy mintl." For the Divine Being Christianity thus deinaiuis from all men supreme love; — the love of all that is majestic, awing the soul; the love of all that is beautiful, wooing tl»e heart; the love of all tliat is good, possessing nnd mastering the entire nature. Siicli a love, existing, would necessitate obedience to every law, natural or reveal- ed. Christianity, liowever, goes on to specify the duties which every man owes, as the complement of love to God, to his fellow-men: — uOwe no man anything, but to love one another, for he that loveth another hatli fulfilled tlie law. For this — lThou shalt not commit adultery,1 4 Thou shalt not kill/ 4 Thou shalt not steal/ 4 Thou shalt not bear false witness,' lThou shalt not covet;5 and if there be any other commanclment: — the whole is briefly comprehended in this saving, 1 Tliou shalt love thy neighbour as thysellV '! This command- ment is ulike to" the other, only differing from it in not requiring the supreme love which is due to God alone. The rule which it pre- scribes,— such love to others as we feel for ourselves, — is much more definitely and intelligibly expressed than anything we find in Mil), and is not liable to the cavils with wliich his doctrine was assailed. Such a love to men, existing, would necessitate the performance of every relative and social duty; we could not help doing to others as we would that they should do to us. Mill's universal love was to find its scope and consummation in the good government of China. He had not the idea of man as man, any more than Confucius or j\Iencius. How can that idea be fully- realized, indeed, where there is not the right knoAvledge of one living and true God, the creator and common parent of all? The love which Christianity inculcates is a law of humanity; paramount to all selfish, personal feelings; paramount to all relative, local, national attachments; paramount to all distinctions of race or of religion. Apprehended in the spirit of Chirst, it will go forth even to the love of enemies; it will energize in a determination to be always increasing the sum of others1 happiness, limited 〇nhT by the means of doing so. But I stop. These prolegomena are the place for disquisition； but I deemed it right to say thus much here of that true, universal love, which at once gives glory to God and effects peace on earth. 125] [prolegomena. WORKS CONSULTED. [CH. IV. CIiArTER IY. WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS VOLUME. The AVorks Avhicli have been consulted are mostly the same as tliose used in tlie pi*eparation of the first volume, of which a list is there given. I have only to add to that: — I. — OF CHINESE WORKS. 墨子十 五卷， 目 一 * 卷， “ The Philosopher Mih， in fifteen Booh 'with one ]3ook on tlie Titles of his Essays/' Tliis Work was edited and annotated in the 48th year of K'een-lung (a.d. 1781), l))^ Peili Yuen lieutenant-governor of Shen-se. From the notes appended to Mill’s Essay 011 “Universal Love” in tlie last chapter， it ''ill be seen that the task of editing has been very imperfectly executed. I suppose it is vain to express a Avish that some foreign scholar would take it in hand. 五百家 註音 辯韓昌 黎先生 全集， “The Collected Witinp of Han Cl^arig-le, with the Verbal and Critical Notes of live livuulrecl Scholars. Ch4ang-le is another desigimtion for Han Yu, or Han Wan-kung. I have snid, p. 12, that lie was a scholar of tlie 8th century, but lie extended on into the 9th, dying a.d. 824. He stands out as perhaps the most distinguished scholar of the l〇Tig space be- tween the Han and Suns： dynasties. The edition of his Works which I have, with such a collation of connnentators, was first j)ublislied l'y a I.Icu Taou-ke (許 道 兹 )， in the 28th year of Keen-lung (a.d. 1701). II. — OF TRANSLATIONS AND OTHER WORKS. Mung Tsru, vcl i\lKNcmM, inter Sinenses Philosoplios, Tn^onio, Doctriiui, Noiiiinis(jue (vliiritate* (/〇nfu('I〇 pkoximum, edidit, Latina interpretatione, ad intcrpretiitioiiem J iirtiii'iciiin utraniqne rccensitii, instruxit, et ])er|)etu〇 coimnentario, e Sinieis (.Ujpronipto, illustravit Stiuiisluus Julien. Paris; 1824-182U. 120] THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. Chapter I. 1. Mencius went to see king Hwuy of Leang. 2. The king said, u Venerable sir, since you have not counted it far to come here, a distance of a thousand le, may I presume that you are likewise provided Avith counsels to profit my kingdom ?" Title of the AVokk. 孟子 ‘-‘The phi- losopher Minp/ The Work thus simply bears the name, or surname rather, of him whose conversations ami opinions it relates, and is said to have been compiled in its present form by the author himself. On the use of 子， after the surname, see on Ana. I. i. Tlie surname and this were combined by the Ro- niish Missionaries, and latinized into ^lencius, which it is well to adopt throughout the trans- lation. and thereby avoid the constant repeti- tion of the word 4 philosopher/ Miliar not being distinguished, like Iv*ung (Confucius), by the crowning epithet of * The Master.* Title of this Book. 梁惠 王章句 卜_， — 4 King Hwuy of Leang, in chapters and sentences. Part L* Like the books of the Con- tuoian Annlects, tliose of tliis Work are headed by two 〇r three characters at or near their com- uiencement. Eiuth Book is divided into two parts, called 卜 ~T\, 4 Upper and Lower/ This arrangement was made by Chaou K;e (走诗 出支 )， 2. scholar of the eastern Han dynasty (died a. d. 1^02), by whom the chapters and sentences were also divided, and the 章 句 上， 章 句下， remain to the present day, a memorial of his work. Ch. I. Benevolence and righteousness Mlnciu6' only tofics wiiu xixE riiiNcte or HIS TIME ； AND THE ONLY PRINCIPLES WHICH CAN MAKE A COUNTRY PROSPEROUS. 1. 4 King Hwuy of Leang/ — In tlie time of Confucius, Tsin (^^*) was one of the great States of the empire, but the power of it was usurped by six great families. By b. c. 452, three of tliose were absorbed by tlie other three, viz. Wei， Chaou, and Han (魏 ，趙， and 韓 )， which continued to encroach oil the small re- maining power of their prince, until at last they extinguished the royal house, and divided the whole territory among themselves. The em- peror Wei L 祕 （J^ fj|)， in his 23rd year, b. c. 402, conferred on the chief of each family the title of Prince Wei, called likewise, from the name of its capital, Leang, occupied the south-eastern part of Tain, Han and Chaoa Ivins： to the west and north-west of it. The Leang, where Mencius visited king Hwuy, is Sitid to haAre been in the present department of K^ae-fung. Hwuy — ; The Kindly ’ 一 is the pos- thumous epithet of the king, whose name was Yung. The title of king had been usurp- ed by Ying, at some time before Mencius first visited him, which, it is said, he did in the 35th year of his government, B. C. 335. Men- cius visited him on invitation, it must be sup- posed, and the simple 見 = 被招 往見- 2. Mencius was a native of Tso'v (梁 JJ)， ia Loo, the name of which is still retained in the BOOK I. KLNXi HWUY OF LEANG. PART I. 孟于 梁惠王 遺句上 EI 孟于見 o 二節 梁惠 王王 0I s: T; 遠 千 里而來 亦將有 J 利吾國 乎。 Till： WORKS OF MF.XCIUS. BOOK I. ^Icn(*ius re[)lied, uAVhv must, your ]\Iajesty u^e tliat Avord ‘profit?’ What I am 4 likewise1 provided with, are counsels to bene- volence and ri^liteousness, and these are my only topics. 4. u If your ^Majesty sny, 6 What is to be done to profit my king- dom V1 tlie groat officers will say, 4Wlnit is to be clone to profit our families?1 and the interior officers and the common people will say, 1 What is to be done to ]>rofit our persons?* Superiors and infe- riors will try to snatch this profit the one from the other, and the kingdom will l>e end angered. In tlie kingxlom of ten thousand dial iots, tlie imu,dcrL*r of his sovereign sluill he the of a family of :i tliousand chariots. In a kingdom of a thousand chariots, the murderer of Iiis prince sliall Ik* the chief of vitliout siuitcliinu* all. l'>ow district of t!»c department of Vcn-cliow 1 (觉 州、. ii» Slmn-tun*;. 'flu* kinjx, in c〇inj)Ii- iiicntary stvlc, calls the distmu'e from rJ\so\v to Lt'aii^ a (huu.sand h. It is liifHcult to say what v\\r> tlu* vxiift K'li^lh of the* h. At ])re- il is u little more tlnm one- third of au Kn^- li.^h mile*. The /JJ«9 'also,1 occnsions some difli- cully. 一 \\ ilh ivfurrncc to wlmt is it spoken? S mic compare the 办 …乎、 vilh 不力 、乎， AnalcrtR, I. i. But tho cuses are not parallel. OiIictr wiy that (he kinj; refers to tin* many M-holars who at !he time made it tlu*ir hiiKiiH's6 翁"、 vumh.r fr" … 川 iitiy t(>(、uunti.3.， iis ;i«lvist?rs t() I.Ijc iniiicfu； — * Voua/tf〇, like other »choiar«,* »5Lc. 'Plion, wIkmi Mencius, in par. 3, replies 一 亦有 ^u*y s,,>* rrfers to Slum, as his models. 一 * I. liki* them,* &c. Iiuttliis is too far-fctchcil. The kinjr*s I SUpp(»SC, follows the? clause — 4 You hnvo come a thousuncl //,* and means: 一 is one favour, hut you pr〇l»iii»ly lin vi* others to confer ulso.' Then Mon- cius' refers to the king's, and=4You say 1 Hkewime have counsels to profit you. What I likewise luivc, is bonevolenoe/ &c. Observe the force of delicately and suggestively putting the qm^tion. 3. ^*T, 一 marking the answer ul* un i ulterior, used lroui rospect to the king. 裔 于對 of 王何必 曰刺 亦有 仁義而 E 矣 ¥s If 何以 利吾亂 大夫 Of 何 以利咅 {惠士庶人曰 何‘ 以利吾 氛上下 交征和 而園危 鬼萬 乘之鼠 M 其君乾 必 千 111 之裝千 乘之亂 弑其 君教必 百 乘之氟 萬取千 焉千取 百焉不 盔不多 芜苟盔 Pt. I. Cii. I.—II. TIIE WOIMvS OF MEXCirs. 樂 發嵐立 ■而君 者饜後 ife 于曰 ，於孟 11 色暑 未嘯 石 對賢诏 予矣池 。未 有而 賢艮者 上見何 王啼仁 ，先 者層 亦顧梁 必亦義 /而利, 雖者樂 鴻惠曰 氐 而遺 7、 有而 此厲王 >利 。仁 後其奪 此後乎 。麋王 義 其親不 5. u There never lias l)een a man trained to benevolence who neglected his parents. There never lias been a mail trained to right- eousness ■wlio made his sovereign an after consideration. 0. <4Let your ^rajesty also snv, 4 Benevolence and l-ighteousness, and these shall be the only themes.5 Wli)r must you use that "word — ‘profit.?’ ” Chapter IT. 1. Mencius, another day, saw king HAvuy of Lean^. The king went and stood with him by a pond, and, looking round at the large geese and deer, said, <{ Do wise and good princes also find pleasure in these things 2. Mencius rej)lied, u Being wise and good, they lmve pleasure in these things. If tliey are not wise and good, though they have these tilings, they do not find pleasure. is * to say/ followed directly by the words spoken. It is not { to speak of.* 而 E 矣 mark very decidedly Mencias, purpose to con- verse only of 仁 and 義_ 4. — here = *to take/ 4 mutually to take ;* i.e.y superiors from inferiors, and inferiors from superiors. 君 low. 3(1 tone, 4 a carriage or chariot / The emperor's domain,= 1,000 square, produced 10,000 war chariots. A kinirdoin pro- ducing 1,000 chariots w.is that of a /iou\ or prince. He is here called 百 乘之家 , instead of 内 ^5*, because the emperor has just been denominated by that term. and are verbs. See Ana. YI. xx. 5. The 仁讀 i here are supposed to result from the sove- reiprn's example. Ch. 2. Kuleusmust share thf.iu tleast re •WITH TUE PEOPLE. THEY CAN ONLY BI： 11APPT WHEN THEY RULE OVER HAPPY 31BJECTS. 1. ~/jT， — ( The kin?： stood ;* and the meaning not that Mencius found him by the pond. The king seems to have received him graciously, and to have led Jiira into the park. 於沼上 ，- comp. Ana. VI. vii., but for which passage I should translate here * over a pond/ i.e., in some build- ing over the water, such as is still very coTinnon in China. means 4 large geese,* 鲁 sthe narue for a large kind of deer, but they are joined here, as adjectives, to 愿 and 鹿賢 者〒 賢者 之君， ‘wOTthy princes.' It does not refer to Mencius, as some make it out The re- ply makes this plain. The kin^s inquiry is prompted by a sudden dissatisfaction with him- self, for being： occupied so much with such rua- terial gratifications, and=4 Amid all tlieir cares of govt, do these pleasures find a place* with good princes?1 3. See tlie She-kinj?, III. i. Ode VIII. stt. 1, 2. The ode tells how liis peo- ple delighted in king AVtln. For the Slic- king reads 翯於 is read jcoo, an interjection. 4 TIIE WOKKS OF MEXCIUS. book I- 氐 人靈之 以鶴濃 始營不 時與泜 謂民王 鹿勿之 「樂 日民 樂其力 在攸亟 庶也。 害偕其 臺爲靈 伏上民 着§ 喪 > 魏有曰 臺笟塵 民攻吞 予故 麋靈爲 私鹿 于之屬 及能鹿 臺/说 籾濯來 T、 飴 女樂 魚謂而 魚濯, 王日靈 偕也 。鼈 其民躍 ，白在 成臺, 亡湯命 诏歡文 鳥靈之 、經 民 誓之曰 樂王鶴 亂經之 3. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 He measured out and commenced liis sj^irit-tower ; He measured it out and planned it. The people addressed themselves to it, And in less than a day coni])letpd it. When he measured and began it, he said to them — Be not so earnest : But the multitiules came as if tliey had been his children. The king was in liis spirit-park ; The does reposed about, The does so sleek and fat : And the white birds shone glistening. 'i'he kin^ was by liis sj)irit-pond ; How full was it of fishes leaping about!' {t King Wan used the strength of the people to make his tower and his pond, and yet, the people rejoiced to do the work, calling tlie to'ver ‘tlie spirit-tmver，’ calling t.he poml ‘the spirit-pond,’ an^l 古之人 roforincj to Wrtn, but put pon- rally. 4. See the Shoo-kinp III. i. 一 T4Anpj*» Bnnomicement of hi.， roiiBons for pro- rcedinij ap：ainAt tho tvrnnt. Ki:^. Tin* words quoted are those of the pvople. KiiO liiid point* e 也不農 望亦如 。止 步旣請 斧人時 浪走曰 ，以 命撬以 斤丨夸 縠之也 。不五 後棄戰 以池 3 多曰 k 可汁 止甲喻 > 時 魚可於 王直步 或曳塡 人鼈 勝鄰如 ^ 笑 五兵然 山 不食國 知百百 丁而鼓 林、 市也池 。此 步步 > 步走么 材勝 數不_ 耳 U 而或兵 2. Mencius replied, u Your Majesty is fond of wnr； — let me take an illustration from war. — The soldiers move forward to the sound of the drums ; and after tlieir weapons liave been crossed, on one side they throw away their coats of mail, trail their arms l)eliind them, and run. Some run a hundred paces and stop ; some run fifty paces and stop. What would you think if those who run fifty paces were to laugh at those who run a hundred paces The king said, “They may not do so. They only did not run ahuiKlrcd paces; but they also ran a'vay.” u Since your Majesty knows this/7 re})lied Mencius, <4you need not hope that your people will become more numerous than those of the neighbouring kingdoms. 3. u If the seasons of husbandry be not interfered with, the grain will be more than can be eaten. If close nets are not allowed to enter the pools and ponds, the fishes and turtles will be more than can be consumed. If the axes and bills enter the hills and forests 少 ，分 外多， * not fewer, nor larger, tlmn they should for such States be/ 2. iiii^ is said to express the sound of the drum. In 鼓之 ，鼓 is used as a verb, and refers to 戰士， or soldiers. It was the rule of war to advance at the sound of the drum, and retreat at the sound of the gong. 是亦 走也- lit., *this also/ i.r,., the fifty puces, 1 was running away/ 8. Here we have an outline of the llrst principles of royal govornmont, in contrast with the measures ou which the king plumes himself in the 1st par. The jK is not imper- ntiveas^do not/ The first clausefi of the various sentences are conditional. In sprinp there was the sowing ; in summer, the weeding ; and in au- tumn, tlie liarvestinp: 一 those were the seasons and works of husbandry, from which the people might not be called off. up. 1st tone. The diet, explains it by ‘to bear，’ * to be adequate t。’ 穀不 可勝食 *=‘ there is no eating power adequate to eat the pniin/ hero rend ts^ih, 4 close-meshed/ The meshes of a net were anciently required to be large, of the hizo of 4 inches. People might only cat fish a foot long. 1 1 1 =\voodcd liillt? /Jv|t=fore8t8 iu n. i. cn. iil THE WOUKS OF MENCIUS. 7 飢奪可 歲十也 。養 是不木 矣 、其 以之者 、 五3 生使 叼不 諫時 >食 畜、 可畝喪 民勝可 庠數 肉無以 之死 養食』 麥 序口 氣矣衣 宅> 無 生材角 之 之百其 帛樹憾 > 喪 木也、 教> 家畝時 、矣之 主 死不縠 申 可之七 雞以道 無可興 之以 HL 十 豚燊之 憾勝魚 以無 勿者肩 五始也 > 甩繼 onlj/ at the proper time, tlic wood will be more than can be used. ^ lien the grain and fisli mul turtles are more tlmn can be eaten, jmd there is more wood than can be used, this enables tlie people to nourish their living and bury tlicif dead, 'without any leeling against any. This condition, in which the people nourish their living and bury tlieir dead without any feeling against any, is the first step of Royal Government. 4. u Let mulherry trees be planted about tlie homesteads with their five inoit\ and persons of titty years may be clothed Avith silk. ]n keeping fowls, pi^s, dogs and swine, let not their times of breed- ing be neglected, and pcM-s〇ns_ of seventy years may eat flesh. Let there not be taken away the time that is proper for the cultivation of the farm with its hundred moiv, and the family of several mouths tliat is supported by it shall not suiter from hunger. Let careful at- tention be paid to education in schools, inculcating in it especially the tiliul and fraternal duties, and gray-haired men -will not be seen the plains. The time to work in the forests was, according to Clioo He, in the autumn, when the* growth of the trees for the .year was stopped. But in the Cho\v-lc； we find various rules about cutting down trees. — those on the south of the hill for instance, in midwinter, those on the north, in sumiDer, whicli may be alluded to. ilk I have translated, 4 without any feeling against any/ the ruler being specially intended. 4. The higher principles which complete royal government. We can hardly translate mX by *an acre,* it consisting, at present at least, only of 240 square paces, or 1200 square cubit«, and aucicDtly it was much smaller, 100 squ«are paces, of fi cubits each, making a mow. The ancient theory for allotting the land was to mark it off in squares of 900 mow, the middle square being called the 公田。 r government liclds.* The other eight were as- signed to eight husbandmen and their families, who cultivated the public field in common. But from this 20 mow were cut off, and, in portions of 2^ mow, assigned to the farmers to build on, who had also the same amount of ground in their towns or villages, making 5 mow in all for their houses. And to have the ground all for crowing j?rain, they were required to plant mul- bcTry trees about thcii* houses, for the nour- 8 TIIE WO IvS OV >n：NClL'S. BOOK I. 圖歲之 u、 食 , 王亂 於孝 梁嘶 曰池 ，知而 者/ 黎道悌 惠天 非是發 未 民路之 王下 我何人 知之不 矣靡 > 曰之也 > 異死 ，输有 飢七頒 寡民 兵於則 塗也。 石十白 人 至也刺 EI 有狗1 寒 ，者者 > 願焉 。王人 非餓歲 然衣不 安 無 而我莩 ，食而 帛賀 承 罪殺也 而人： T、 食戴 upon the roads, carrying burdens on their bncks or on their heads. It never has been that the ruler of a State, where such results were seen, — persons of seventy wearing silk anrl eating flesh, and tlie black- haired people suffering neither from hunger nor cold, 一 did not attain to the Imperial dignity. 5. u Your dogs and swine eat the food of men, and yon do not know to make any restrictive arrangements. There are people dying* irom famine on the roads, and you do not know to issue the stores of your granaries for them. When people die, you say, 4 It is not owing to me; it is owing to the year/ In what does this differ from stabbing a man and killing him, and then saying — 4 It was not I ; it was the weapon ? 1 Let your Mnjesty cease to lay the bbime on tlie year, and instantly from all the empire the people Avill come to you.” Chapter IV. 1. Kinp; Hwuy of Lcang said, UI ^visli quietly to receive your instructions. isliment of silk worms. JJ^ (a young pig) Kri^n-fc*d, or edible dog) (the sow) 一 •，‘ ns to tlie nourishing of the fowl,， & •數 口之家 — t1i« pround wjib distin- guished into three kinds ； —— bout, nu'dimn, nncl inferior, feeding a vurying number of mouths. To tliis the expression alludeg. 庠序細 on Book III. Pt. I. iii. 】0• 3e**〇w.8,Uonc, to come to reiffn,’ * to become ropnant em- peror.* 5. MonciuH now boldly applies the fluigoct, aud presses} home liis lauits upuu tlie king. — the second is read tszey low. ：^(1 tone. 檢:制 4 to regulate.* The plirnse 不知檢 is not easy. The transla- tion ^rivon accords with the views of most of the commentators. Cll. 4. A CONTINUATION OF TIIK FOOMKR CIIAPTKH, CARRYING ON THE ATl'KAL, IN THK LAST IM、《KAI，ll,ON THECIIAIlACTEIt OF KING llwm.’S OWN GOVERNMENT. 1. 4 quietly,* I. sincerely and without constraint. It is snid 安對 勉强看 見其出 于誠意 • 1，T. I. Cu. IV. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 9 作其 不且此 肥以勝 见教 i 俑 爲免人 率鳳異 刃有孟 S 者> 民於惡 獸民也 。與 以于 其艾 率之而 有曰呀 克異對 無母獸 盔食飢 疱有乎 。曰： 後也 。而民 人色有 以呒殺 乎」_ 食艾也 。野肥 異無人 爲尼人 母獸靖 既乎 。以以 其 呒惡行 相餓廏 氐異梃 象飴在 政、 食樣 有無也 。與 2. Mencius replied, u Is there any difference between killing a limn -with u stick and -\vitli a sword ? " The k'uuj said, u Tlierc is no difference. ' 3. uIs there any difFerence between doing it with a sword and with the style of government ? " u There is no difference, 11 "was the reply. 4. Mencius then said, 11 In your kitclien there is fat meat ; in your stables there are fat horses. But your people have the look of hunger, and on the Avilds there are those who have died of famine. This is leading on beasts to devour men. 5. u Beasts devour one another, and men hate them fo)'- doing so. When a prince^ being the parent of his people, administers his government so as to be chargeable with leading on beasts to devour men, Avliere is that parenttil relation to the people?" 6. Chung-ne said, “Was he not without posterity who first made wooden images to bury with the dead? So he said, because 2, 3 •有 以異乎 = 有 所以異 lit., 4 Is there whereby they are different V 4. — outside a town were the (keaou)^ suburbs, but without buildings ; outside the keaou were the 牧 (muh), pasture-grounds ; and outside the muh were the 野, icilcls. 5. 曰 has the force of 4 and yet/ i.e., tho* they are beasts. So that a 4 how much more* is carried on, in effect, to the rest of the par. 人惡 之，- 惡， up. 3d the verb •惡 在 ，-惡 .丨 'p. 以。加，= 何. 4 Being the pa- rent of the people,* — this is his designation, and what he ought to be. 6. {兩, 一 in ancient times, bundles of straw were made, to represent men imperfectly, called and carried to the grave, and buried with the dead, as atten- dauts upon them. In middle antiquity, ?.e., after the rise of the Chow dynasty, for those bundles of straw, wooden figures of men were used, having springs in them, by which they could move. Hence they were called 俑， as 11 俑 = 踊 By and by, came the practice 10 THE WOKIvS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. 則死於 地於也 圓其人 可 。者楚 > 於齊 >及 莫梁 HT 而 孟 $ —寡秦 長寡强 惠斯用 于湎 人七于 人焉, 王民之 4 十艺恥 吉 赤之奠 曰雇也 > 曰4 如之里 ^ 凰身 之晋 w 如 地 之願南 西東所 國死之 方何比 辱喪欺 知天也 。何 that man made tlio sernljlances of men, and used tliem for that pur- pose : — wluit shall be thought of him who causes his people to die of hunger? ” Ciiaptkr V. 1. King Hwuy of Leang said, u There Avas not in tlie em})ire a stronger Stute than Tisin, as you, vcncTahlc Sir, know. Jiut since it descended to mo, on tlie east we have been (lefVated hy Ts4e, and then my eldest son perislied ; on the west we liave lost seven liundred le of territory to Ts'in ； and on the south avc liave sustained disgrace at the hands of Ts4oo. I have brought sliaine on my de- parted predecessors, and wish on their account to wipe it away, once for Jill. Wlmt com.se is to l>e pm，su(j(l to mxomplisli this? ’’ 2. Mencius replied, u W itli a territory which is only a hundred le square, it is possible to attain the Imperial dignity. oflmryinj; living persons vitli tlio dond, which ('onfiicius was hii I'ttVct of this inven- tion, ami there tori? lie hraiukul the inventor in the U*xt. J| lilt ip., 一 tlie is partly inlorro^iitivt% and partly an ex(*l:iination=//〇////r. ^^{|, 一 low. 3d t()iie,=Am^/^». 如之何 is by hoiih* takon wluit v.ould lie, (vi/... Confu- c'iiiH,) have thought/ &r? I pivfiT tJikinif it as in tin* tnmshitinn. Tlu* (U'si^mition of ronfu- c*iii8 l»y ( '/nun/- nr is to he obsiTvoil. See Doctrine of tin* Mean. ii. 1. ('ll. 5. H〇'VAl"JL1.:H、IA、m:STTAKI:f«ATI«- FArnoN i*ok los.hi;s which nr, has si .staini;i>. ^'llAT IlKNICVOUiNT CiOV I；»IN .\l KXT WII.L KAISK IIIM IIMill AltUVI: Ills I. AftlT the jMirtition of tin* ntnte of 'I'sin by tlu* tliroi* families of Wi*it ('Imou, and linn cl». I.), tlu.*y >vciv known as tlie (Invo 'lVin, hut kin^ IIwuv wuulil liciv srem to np|)r〇)>rinU> to his own prinripsility tlu* miino of tlu* whole Stnti*. lh* dru's not, howrvrr, rofrr to the htn'n^th of rr>in hcf'nro it« partition, hut umlrr lii.s twopre- fh'Ci'HMors in (liohtHlrof Woi. It w.is in tlir tiotli y\ar oi his lvign, aud u.c. J10, thal ihc ddcat was rocoivcMl from Ts4o, wlion liis oldest son was tnken raptivo, ami aftiTwnnU That fr«>m I\s*in wjis in tlu* yoar H. ('. when the ol*I cnpital of tlu* State wns taken, :iik1 :“.ti.rwHr«U jk'jk'o li;ul to Ik* Hi'curcii by various sumMulrrs ot* territory. Tlu* iliK^ran* from 'I's^oo was also attriuK'd with tlu* loss of trrritory ; — some* sny 7, some say 8. towns or districtsi. Tin* nomina- tivt* to tlu* verbs ll,u^ does not «]>- I p(»ar to l)e 竄人 so niucli as 寡人恥 may be tninslutod 一 ( I am a^lmnn'il of theso tilings,' hut most comm, make refer to H wuy’s pre(le('、sK()rs wliwi Tsin wns strong ; a.s in tlie translation. sumo reference tlioy also give to 死者， not said gonernlly of 4 the deml,' — those who had dinl in the varioiiR wars. 'I'liis view is on the whole prrtV'nihlo to tlu' otluM% jiik! it >;ives a bettor antotTcK»nt for 加之 i" 涧 之- — -—by one blow, onu great muvuuuit. j 酉一 J; 匕 low. ；M Um’， Ft. I. Ciu V. THE WORKS OF MKXCIUS. 11 民 甲歡事 以脩易 刑如百 昧 利以其 事其槪 亂施里 > 使 兵撻長 其孝壯 薄仁而 不矣。 秦上！ 弟者 稅政可 得彼嘴 可见忠 以魷 於以 耕奪之 使出信 深民 ，王。 辗其堅 制以人 I 耕省王 _ 3. If your ^riijcsty will dispense a benevolent govern- ment to the people, boin<^ sparing in the use of jmnisliments and lines, ami making the taxes and levies so causing that the fields sliall be ploughed deep, and the weeding of them be carefiilly attended to, and that the strong-bodied, during their claj s of leisure, shall cultivate their filial piety, fraternal resjjectfulness, sincerity, and truthfulness, serving therebv, at home, their fathers and elder })rotliers, and, abroad, their elders and superiors; — you will then liave a people wlio can be employed, -with sticks which they have prepared, to oppose the strong mail and sharp weapons of the troops of Ts‘iii and IVoo. 4. uThe rulers of those Stntgx, rol) tlieir people of tlieir time, so that they cannot ])lough and weed tlieir fields, in order to support their parents. Tlieir })arents suffer from cold and lmnger. Brothers, wives, and children, are separated and scattered abroad. *= 爲 ’ ’for •’ 2. See Pt II. ii. 1 ; but it make to be the proportion of the land-pro- seenis necessary to take the in this and similar cases as in the transl. There is a pause at : — * with territory, which is,’ &c. This is the reply to the kings* wish for counsel to wipe away his disgraces. He may not only avenge himself on Ts4e, Ts4n, and Ts*oo, hut lie may make himself chief of the whole empire. How, is shown in the next par. 3 •省刑 f3, 薄稅敵 m the tw 。获 eat elements of benevolent govt., out of which grow the otlier things specifled. 刑罰 can lianlly be separated. The dictionary says that ^|J is the general name of If we make a distinction, it must be as in the translation ; Wi is the redemption-fine for cer- tain crimes. So 稅斂 togetlier represent all taxes. Great diffc*rences of opinion obtain as to the significance of the individual terms. Some duce paid to the govt., and all other con- tributions. By .^onie this explanation is just reversed. A third party makes to be the tax of produce, ami tlie graduated collection thereof. This last view suits the connection here. read c, low. 3d tone,= 治壯者 . -at30,‘— 〇be 壯. Translators have rendere 往妻養 一 一乎所 之于仁 而于其 之 。之 。定 。畏 不見者 征離艾 孰 ■培焉 ，似 梁無之 1。 母, 能曰 鹰卒人 襄敵， 夫彼汉 與不曰 .然君 、王 。王 誰陷母 之 。嗜 定商彘 出_ 與溺溱 對纖于 曰之藷 勿王其 餓> 曰 > A — 。天而 A 1§。 敗昆兑 5. 11 Those rulers, as it ivere, drive their people into pit-falls, or drown them. Your Majesty will go to punish them. In such a case, Avho will oppose your Majesty? G. u In accordance Avitli this is the sa) ing;, 一 4 The benevolent has no enemy.’ I beg your Majesty not to doubt xohat I say.^ Chapter \ I 1. Mencius went to see tlie king Seang of Leang. 2. On coining out from tlie interview^ he said to some persons, u When I looked at him from a distance, lie did not appear like a sovereign； when I drew near to liim, I saw nothing venerable about- liim. Abruptly he asked me, 4 How can the enquire be settled? ' 1 replied, 4 It "will be settled by being united under one sway.' 3. u 1 Who can so unite it?' ^ 4. u I replied, 1 He who lias no pleasure in killing men can so unite it.5 5. u 1 Wl»o can give it to him ? ' ** parents, nml inferiors their superiors. See in the death of king ITwtiy, lie wa» puccoeded by liis Ana. II. vii. 5. low. 1 st tone, 1ktc=^JJ . son Ifih (^|)> called liero by his lionorary cpi- 6 •故， — not * tlim fon* •/ it may indicate a (Muvtion from what precedes, or be »ini])ly an illustration of it. 4 Do not doubt.* It 18 stranpo th»»t Julion, inliisjjenmillync- CMirate vithioii, shotild tninslntc1 this by * ///• r;/wr- trris.9 IIcMitimcy would, indooil, be an i ffect of doubting MrnlvH 0>L bWAV. 1. Oil tliot, Ian cl -enlarger, anil Virtuous/ The interview lierc rcrorclod soonis to have taki'ii place immediately after Ilili’a nccc* 狀 ion， and MenciuH, it is said, waa »〇 disappointeil by it that ho Boon left the country. 2. 一 low. .^1 tone. The probably refers to some friends of tho phil〇8〇plu»rt nml is not to be taken ^c'liorally. read tslu/i. 谢 ^，一 conip. 薄 I 爾 f， A” 士 cts， XI. xxiv. 4. Oil 望之. 就之， comp. Ana. XLX. 14. Cliuou K\j rr. I. Cii. TIIE WORKS OF MKXCIUS. 13 国 就羌則 殺今然 汕七天 齊6民 誡天 人夫興 然八下 宣 沛如下 者天之 作月莫 王然 是之也 ，下矣 漫之不 間誰 也及, 如之其 沛阢與 曰/ 能民皆 有人如 然旱池 k 齊禦 歸引不 牧戈 ，卞 則王 才亘之 。之 >領 嗜未 孰雨 ，苗知 晋 由而 殺有能 則槁夫 文 水 望人不 禦苗矣 ，苗 之 之之者 > 嗜之浮 天乎, 6. UI replied, ( All the people of the empire will unanimously j^ive it to him. Does }roiir Majesty understand the •vvay of the grow- ing grain? During the seventh and eighth months, when drought prevails, the plants become dry. Then the clouds collect densely in the heavens, they send down torrents of rain, arid the grain erects itself, as if by a shoot. When it does so, avIio can keep it back? Now among the shepherds of men throughout the empire, there is not one who does not find pleasure in killing men. If there were one who clid not find pleasure in killing men, all the people in the empire would look towards him with out-stretched necks. Such being indeed the case, the people would flock to him, as water flows downwards with a rush, 'which no one can repress.5 M Chapter VII. 1. The king Seuen of Ts‘e asked, saying, “ May I be informed by you of tlie transactions of Hwan of Ts4e, and A^ an ofTsin?” makes 定于一 t〇=£It will be settled by liiin who makes benevolent government his one object.’ But this is surely going beyond the text. 5. The SiL is here explained, by Choo He and others, as equivalent to 歸， founding, no doubt, on the 民歸之 in th( eml. But in Book V. Pt. I. y., we have a plair instance of used in connection with the bostownicnt of the empire, as in the translation v-hicli 1 have ventured to give, which seeios to me, moreover, to accord equally well, if not better, with the rest of the chapter. 6. The 7th and 8th montlis of Chow were the 5th and 6th of the Hea dynasty, with which the months of the present dynasty agree. 今夫， - in lower 1st tone, is used as in the Ana. XI. ix. 3. The at the end is to be refer- red to the whole, from being an illustration of the people’s turning with resistless energy to a benevolent ruler. 14 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK. I. 禦民/ 可乎。 聞無事 徒斤事 > 也 ，以曰 Pi 傳者 ，對可 曰 ^ 全王德 — 焉, 是道曰 k 得 若莫矣 。何 以及以 栺仲聞 寡之曰 >机則 未後文 尼乎。 人 能保則 王之世 之之孟 S 2. Mencius replied, uTliere were none of the disciples of Cliun^- ne who spoke about the affairs of Hwan and AVan, and therefore they have not been transmitted to these after ages ; — your servant has not heard them. If you will have me speak, let it be about Imperial goveniincnt.,? 3. The king said, u What virtue must there be in order to the attainment of Imperial sway ? Mencius answered, uThe love and protection of tlie people ; 'vith this there is no power which can prevent a ruler from attaining it.,? 4. The king asked again, u Is such an one as I competent to Ch. 7. Lovikg an*d pkotkctino the teople 】8 THE CIIAKACT1CIUSTIC OF IMI’KKIAL GOVEKN- m:NT, 入 Nl> THE .Sl:KK PATIITOTHElMnCltlALDKi- NITT. This long arid interestinp： clmpter lias been arranged in five parts. In the first part, ]»arr. 1 一 5, Mencius unfolds the principle of Imp. govt., and tells tlie kinj? of Ts^ that he possesses it. In tlie second part, parr. (* 一 8, he leads tlie king on to understand liis own mind, and ap- prehend liow he might exercise an Imp. povt. In the third, parr. 9 — 12, he unfolds how the king mayamlou^httocarry out the kindly heart which he posHcftsod. In the fourtli part, parr. 13 — 17, lie sliows tlie absurdity of the kin^s expecting to ^ain liis end by tho course he was pursuing, and how rapid would be tho response to an op- ])〇siti*onc. In the last part, he shows tlie govern- ini'iit that loves and protects the people in full development, and crowned with Imperial sway. 1. Tlie king Scucn (4Tlie Distinguished,* 聖善周 間曰寘 the second of his fa- j niily, who governed in Ts^e, by surname l^een (田 ）， and named i’‘eih-kcang (J[J 李级貪 )， began his reign, n.c. By sonic the date of this event is placed 0 years earlier. The time of ; Mi'ncius, visit to him in also matter of diMpute. See 4 Life of Mencius,* in the prolet/. Tlie ruler of Ts^c was properly only ft duko C^)， or a prince (^^); the title of kirn/ wns a usurpation. Hwnn and Witn, 一 seo Ana., XIV. xvi. Tlioy were the p：rcMitest of the five loaders of the prin- f<»», who had playecl so coiinpicuoun a part in the earlier time of tlie Chow dynasty, but to j wliom Confucius and Mencius so positively re- fused their approval. 2. 今首 is a verb， =* * to speak of/ in which sense it lm(l formerly a tone different from its usage as a noun. 無 以 則王乎 ，-以 is taken by Clioo Ho ns = 2^ , wliich it is as well to acquiesce in. See Chaou K*c*8 comm, for the all but impossibility of making any sense of the passage in any other way. H?,-— low. 3d tone, and so generally throughout the chap. As an imperial titlo, it \9 low. 2d tone, the simple name of dignity ; »s im- plying the attainment or exercise of that digni- ty, it is the 3d tone. By translating it by 4 Imi>e- rial government, * 4 Imperial 8\vay/ wo como nearer to giving Mencius* meaning than if we were to use tho term 4 lioyal.* 3. Here tin* nominative of ‘king’ and ‘Mencius’ arc dropped before 曰， as frequently afterwards. The 曰 just serves the purpose of our points of quotation. 一 4 to preserve/ * to protect/ I translate it, according to Choo IIcf8 account, as=r^* A pause is to be made at ami jjj] joincM? to the remainder of the sentence. 4. The hall, or tariff, here mentioned, wo® probably that whore tho king was giving audience, anil attendinpr to the affairs of govt. 牛 何之， 之 j is the verb,： = 往舍 ，- also a verb, up. 2d tone •諸篇 and at the siimc time with I»T. I. Cll. VII. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 15 夹識 鐘無鐘 。王 坐知者 > 百有與 。养 王見於 吾可 姓諸 。呒 而艮之 堂"] 以 皆曰纟 何就舍 氐上池 。保 以有可 死之牛 有既民 王之 。廢地 。吾 何牽臣 f 爲呒也 廣不之 。牛聞 哉。 愛 是以曰 K 對而 之曰, 也>心 羊然 其呒過 胡可。 臣足易 則觳將 堂魃曰 > 固以之 。廢魄 以下曰 , 何 知王不 釁若釁 者> 王由 love and protect the people?" ]\fencius said, u Yes." 11 From what do \ou know tliat I am competent to u I heard the following iiK-ident irom Hoo Hoili : — 4 The king,’ said he, 4 was sitting aloft in the hall, when a man appeared, leading an ox past the lower part of it. The kinoj saw liiin, and asked, AVliere is the ox going ? The man replied, W e are going to consecrate a bell with its blood. The king said, Let it go. 1 cannot bear its frightened appearance, as if it were an innocent person going to the place of death. The man unsweretl, Shall we then omit tlie consecration of the bell? The king said, How can that be omitted ? Change it for a sheep/ I do not know whether this incident really occurred." 5. The kinff rQ\)\\ed, u It did,'5 and Mencius said, u The heart 8een in this U sufficient to carry you to the Imperial sway. The peoj)le all supposed that your Majesty grudged the animal, but your servant knoAvs surely, tliat it was your ]\Iajestys not being able to bear the si, 7. Mencius pursued, 11 Let not your Majesty deem it strange that the people should think you were grudging the animal. When you clian^ecl a large one for a sinjill, how should they know the true reason. If you felt pained by its being led without guilt to the place of death, Avliut was there to choose between an ox and a slicej)?,> 'Flic Kin^ laughed and said, u AVliat really was my mind in the mat- ter ? I did not grudge the expense of it, and clianged it for a slieep ! — There Avas reason in the peoples saying that I grudged it." 8. <4 There is no harm in their saxjimj so,'' said Jfencius. “Your conduct was an artifice of benevolence. You saw the ox, and had not grudged the nninml,* or ns=* to be nippnrdly/ 一 * you were parginionious.* G. It is better to make a pause after and give the mean- ing as in the translation. Chaou Kle runs it on to the next clause. _ 有百 姓者 is elliptical, aud the poiticlc ^ Ucuutcb Uii^ requiring the supplement wliich I liavc piven. acknowledges the truth of Mencius* ex- phnation， 7 •隱 = 痛 •是 誠何心 i?xprc8fl〇R the king's quandary. Ho is now (juitc porploxod by the way in which Mendua lias put the c〇5c. 8. 仁術 comp. Aua. VI. Ft. I. Ch. VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 17 足以何 戚不之 詩亂了 、羊 以煨也 。戚 得謂云 k 是忍也 > 察百曰 纟焉 吾也他 以見君 秋铒 有此瓜 夫人 君其于 毫 而復心 夫我有 于死之 之不於 之于乃 A 遠聞於 末, 足王所 言行予 庖其禽 而以 者以之 ，之廣 廚聲 >獸 不擧曰 k 合於反 度也不 也> 見 一吾於 我而之 ，王锘 見 輿羽 ，力王 心求夫 說食其 薪用足 者有之 、于呒 其生、 seen the sheep. So is the superior man affected towards animals, that, having seen them alive, lie cannot bear to see them die ; having heard their dying cries, he cannot bear to eat their flesh. Therefore lie keeps away from his cook-room." 9. The king was pleased, and said, u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 The minds of others, I am able by reflection to measure — this is verified, my Master, in 3^our discovery of my motive. I indeed did the thing, but when I turned my thoughts inward, and examined into it, I could not discover my own inind. AVhen you, blaster, spoke those words, the movements of compassion began to work in my mind. How is it that this heart has in it what is equal to the Imperial sway ? " 10. Mencius replied, u Suppose a man were to make this state- ment to your Majesty : — 4 j\Iy strength i.s sufficient to lift three thou- sand catties, but it is not sufficient to lift one leather ; — my eye-siglit is sharp enough to examine the point of an autumn hair, but I do xxviii.2, 一 j^'ind. the killing-place of the animals more especially, but we must take the two words together. 9. 說 = 悦 For the ode, see the Book of Poetry, II. iv. Ode IV. st. 4, where the 他人心 a special reference. 夫子之 謂也， 4 This was a speaking about you, my master/ 1〇 •復， read fuh, up. 4th tone, often meaning to report the execution of a mission, as in the phrase — Here it is=‘ to inform.’ 18 THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK L 不 超者非 用用不 獨及則 能比之 不 恩明用 何禽王 也/瓶 瑕能焉 、焉、 力藏獸 、許 爲語 何也。 故百焉 庸而之 長人 以曰注 姓輿則 功乎。 者日 U 之之 薪一不 氏 祈我曰 k 盔不： T、 之羽 至否。 枝 U 央者 k 芏見不 之於今 語能 >太與石 保 >見3 百恩 人是 山不爲 爲爲擧 > 姓足 曰識 以能也 爲者 >以 riot see a waggon-load of faggots — would your ]\Iajesty allow what lie said? 15 uNon ivas the answer^ on which Mimciits p)vcee(hd^ u Now liere is kindness sufficient to reach to animals, and no benefits are extended from it to the pe〇])le. — How is this? Is an exception to be made liere? The trutli is, the feathers not being lifted, is because the strengtli is not used ; the waggon-load of firewood's not being seen, is because tlie vision is not used ; and the peopled not being loved mid ])rotected, is because the kindness is not employed. friierefore your Majesty^ not exercising the Imperial sway, is be- cause you do not do it, not because you are not able to do it.M 1 1 . rrhr kiiu/ asked, u How may the diftercuce between the not doin^ a tiling, and the not being ul)le to do it, be represented ? J/tnriffs implied, uIn su(；h a thing as taking the T4ae mountain under your arm, and h'nping over the north sea with it, if you say to }>e〇i)le — 4 1 inn not able to do it/ that is a real case of not being able. In such a matter as breaking off a branch from a tree at the order of a superior, if you say to ]>eople — 4 1 am not able to (lo it/ tlmt is a case of not cluing it, it is not a case of not being able to do it. rhuretore your Majesty's not exercising the Imperial sway, is not 羽 3 口 J 『:1}. 一 *n (,r(I^r to brinp out the force of it i« better to add nothing to the simple text, th, it is nectary to make two We have here, indeod the famous distinction of J ^ c> , 4 moral* and 4 physical* ability. 11. Hc-ntcncc of thin in Knglisl.. xjS it is the f〇rin). . 〇r . ,_Ht ^ . „〇w nl|,y^〇 — = 不 肯爲， * uot willing tu do it,* but 1 liyure . . . be (lillcicnccdi, f 人 ，一語 ， 1«資. Pt. I. Cn. VII. TIIE WORKS OF MF.NCIUS. 19 古保 心于 可装枝 比故我 2： 四加兄 運幼之 海王: 人泺諸 弟> 於吾類 之之能 . 所 不彼以 掌肩池 。類 不是 以推 命御 詩以老 itiL 五不 大恩上 >于 云及吾 王非爲 過無 故家刑 人老; 之挾也 人以 推舐于 之以不 太非 者 、保恩 > 言寡 纯及王 不 無妻 足煨妻 > 天人 是以能 他于 > 以斯 至下之 析超也 > such a case as that of taking the T4ae mountain under your arm, and leaping over the north sea Avitli it. Your Majesty's not exercis- ing the Imperial sway is a case like that of breaking off a branch from a tree. 12. “Treat with the reverence clue to age the elders in your own family, so that the elders in the families of others shall be similarly treated ; treat •with the kindness due to youth the young in your own family, so that the young in the families of others shall be similarly treated : — do this, and the empire may be made to go round in your palm. It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 His example affected his wife. It reached to his brothers, and his family of the State was governed by it. 5 — The language shows h〇Av king Wan simply took this kindly heart, and exer- cised it towards those parties. Therefore the carrying out his kindly heart by a prince will suffice for the love and protection of all within the four seas, and if he do not carry it out, he will not be 3d tone,= -^-. 12. Chaou K"e makes the opening hore=* Treat as their age requires your own old (Eng. idiom seems to require the 2d person), and treat the old of others in the same way,* but there seems to be a kind of constructio pregtmns, conveying all that appears in the translation. 天下可 運於掌 is made by most comm, to mean — 4 you may l>ervade the empire with your kindness so easily/ But I must believe that it is the effect, and not the means^ which is thus represented, For the ode, see the She-king, III. i. Ode VI. st. 2. The original celebrates the virtue of king Wiln, and we must translate in the third person, and not in tlie first. but the meaning is disputed. Here Choo He explains it by Tlie philosopher now introduces a new element into his discourse. It is no longer the 不忍 20 THE WORKS OF MOC1US, BOOK I. 可所否 , 諸王 皆知於 恩焉, 得大吾 侯> 興然 > 輕 百足善 聞徵 何然甲 心重 名以推 與 。也。 快後兵 ^ 度， 者及其 王曰淤 快危甚 >然 獨禽所 笑王是 > 於士王 後何獸 、爲 而之將 心氐 請知與 。而而 不所 以與。 構度長 權纟功 E 言。 大求王 i 怨之 。钣然 不芜 旺 徵吾曰 ，於抑 i 物 後至今 able to protect his wife and children. The way in which the ancients came greatly to surpass other men, was no other than this : — simply that they knew well how to carry out, so as to affect others, what they themselves did. Now your kindness is sufficient to reach to animals, and no benefits are extended from it to reach the people. — How is this? Is an exception to be made here? 13. u By weighing, we know what tilings are light, and Avhat heavy. By measuring, we know what things are long, and what short. The relations of all things may be thus determined, and it is of the greatest importance to estimate the motions of the mind. I beg your Majesty to measure it. 14. u You collect your equipments of war, endanger your soldiers and officers, and excite the resentment of the other princes ; — do these things cause you pleasure in your mind? ’’ 15. The king replied uNo. How should I derive pleasure from these things ? My object in them is to seek for 'vhat I greatly desire.” 16. Mencius said, u May I hear from you what it is that you greatly desire? The king laughed and did not speak. Mencius 之心 * the heart that cannot bear/ ?. e.f the humane heart, which is necessary to raise to the Imperial sway, but it is 推此心 ，‘ the c w ing out of this licart.* All may have the heart, but all may not be «(> to curry it out that it shall affect all others. We cannot wonder that the princes whom Moncius lectured iihould have thought his talk 士于^^， transcendental, 18. The 1st is low. Sd tone, too, * a meaflurC)9 the instrument for measuring. But both it, and arc equivalent to active verbs. nieanM, that the mind, as affected from without, and poinp： iorth to uttect, may be liplit or heavy, lonp or short, i.e.y nmy be right or wrong, and that in difforent dcirrees ; — ■ ami that it is more important toestiniiiU、 the chariuitcr i，t. its action, tlmn to wc*i 芘 h or numsure other things. 14. Here Moncius holps the king to measure his mind, — about the same as our 4 come, now/ Pr. I. Cii. VII. TIIF. WORKS OF MEXCIUS. 21 是所 亂可不 以足與 ，於爲 其欲 而知 爲供使 聲體肥 甚猶撫 是厶令 音與及 與 。緣 四欲也 。而於 不抑： T、 氐木 夷丨! 辟 艮王前 足爲足 殆而也 、土然 豈與， 聽采於 有 求以地 .則爲 王於色 口 甚 魚若朝 王是之 耳不專 藥之哉 。諸與 i % 緣王 ! 鼠楚及 艮氐便 視擊 曰> 录孩头 否> 皆嬖於 7、 求若 若中欲 > 吾足 不目足 resumed, u Are you led to desire it, because you have not enough of rich and sweet food for your mouth ? Or because you have not enough of light and warm clothing for your body? Or because you have not enow of beautifully coloured objects to delight your eyes ? Or because you have not voices and tones enow to please your ears? Or because you have not enow of attendants and favourites to stand before you and receive your orders ? Your Majesty's various officers are sufficient to supply you with those things. How can your Majesty be led to entertain such a desire on account of them?" “No,” said the king; umy desire is not on account of them?,> Mencius added, uThen, what your Majesty greatly desires may be known. You wish to enlarge your territories, to have Ts^in and Ts‘00 wait at your court, to rule the Middle kingdom, and to attract to ypu the barbarous tribes that surround it. But. to do what you do to seek for what you desire, is like climbing a tree to seek for fish.55 17. The king said, uIs it so bad as that? " “It is even worse,” was the reply. u If you climb a tree to seek for fish, although you the assertion. J^， read as, and= 闢 • 木， from the use of the phrase here, has come to be used for i to climb a tree/ but it simply is — 4 from a tree.’ 17. The 殆， ail inroduct. part.,= or ‘ well then.’ 16. The 與 are all interrog., low. 1st tone, and the 爲 are all low. 3d tone •便， read p^en, low. 1st tone, joined with the next char. 可知已 ，-已 gives a positiveness to 22 THE \VOT?KS OF MFATCIUS. BOOK. I. 立今! 以里 弱固王 氏若氪 於 王異者 固不以 可所雖 王發於 九不可 爲得欲 3 之 政鄒齊 可以孰 聞盡得 朝 識敵集 以敵勝 。與 。心氚 耕仁 ，楚 有敵大 氏力無 者 廣說其 鼉寡楚 鄒而後 皆天 蓋一庸 固人人 爲災, 徵下 亦以內 不勝。 與之以 耕 仕反一 之可氐 楚後若 於者， 其服地 >以 然人 必所 王皆 本人方 敵則戰 >有 笟 之飲夹 。何 千齓小 則災 。求 do not get tlie fish, you will not suffer any subsequent calamity. But if you do what you do to seek for wliat you desire, doing it moreover Avith all your heart, you will assuredly afterwards meet with calamities.” The king asked, uMay I hear from you the proof of that ? " Mencius said, u If the people of Tsow should fight with the people of Ts£oo, which of thein does your Majesty think would conquer ? " “ The people of Ts‘oo would conquer.” “ Yes ; — and so it is certain that a small country cannot contend with a great, that few cannot contend witli many, that, the weak cannot contend with the strong. The territory within the /o«r seas embraces nine divi- sions, each of a thousand le square. All Tsle together is but one of them. If with one part you try to subdue the other eight, what is the difference between that and Tsows contending with Ts^oo? For, with the desire ivhich you have, you must likewise turn back to the radical course for its attainment. 18. u Now, if your Majesty will institute a government whose action shall all be benevolent, this will cause all tlic oflieers in the * yes, and.' is spoken with back to tlie root of success.* 18. — ' fields, reference to thu king's object of ambition:— here ; not * wilds； Hi 於— ‘ to come fortli in,， 4 By the course you arc purnuin^ you ennnot sue- 々 、 ceed, for, if you wish to do so, you must also turn i.f., to pass from tlieir own States into yours. ri. i. Cn. vii. THE WORKS OF MKNCILS. 2:》 無無 惟試志 3 其飲 力免野、 3 、恆士 之。 明能若 疾皆商 爲心/ 爲曰似 進是 ，其 欲賈、 巳苟能 ，無 教於孰 君出皆 及無若 恆我, 是能者 > 於欲 陷攸民 產> 我矣 、禦 皆王藏 於 A 則而 雖願之 。欲 之於 放無着 太去王 IS 塗立 然 辟极恆 敏于曰 崖天之 读郝產 ；、 W 青輔吾 M 万 市、 從 侈及者 ，吾 惽> 王之行 cmjiire to wish to stuncl in your Majestys court, and the farmers all to wish to plough in your ^lujestys fields, and the merchants, both travelling and stationary, all to wish to store their goods in your ]\Ia jestys market places, and travelling strangers all to wish to make their tours on your ^Majesty's roads, and all throughout the empire who feel aggrieved by tlieir rulers to Avisli to come and complain to your Majesty. And when they are so bent, who will be able to keep them back T' 19. The king said, “I am stupid, and not able to advance to this. I wish you, my Master, to assist my intentions. Teach me clearly ; although I am deficient in intelligence and vigour, I will essay and try to carry vour instructions into dFect." 20. Mencius replied, uThey are only men of education, who, without a certain livelihood, are able to maintain a fixed hea^*t. As to tlie people, if they have not a certain livelihood, it follows that they will not have a fixed heart. And if they have not a fixed heart, there is nothing Avliich they will not do, in the way of self- ahandonment, of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild license. ^ hen they thus have been involved in crime, to folloAV them up and punish them ; — this is to entrap the people. How can such a thing as entrapping the people be done under the rule of a benevolent man ? 欲^赛 一 ‘wishing to be aggrieved, but must antis'll. 罔， 一 * en-net,' i.e., to entrap, rc&lraiu their fceliujjs.' 20. read as, 所不爲 已-已 >3eeonpar. 17. 21 •終 24 THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS. BOOK I. 救身 母池、 而身艾 君在而 死苦 ，俯制 之餽母 .制 仇刑 而凶： T、 民 善肩俯 民罔之 恐 年足之 故年足 之民是 不不 以產尤 免以產 >而 罔 隴 免畜仰 之於畜 必可民 奚於妻 不從死 妻使爲 也> 暇死于 、足 之亡 ，于肩 也 。焉 治亡 樂以 4 然樂 足是洧 禮此 歲事輕 。後歲 以故仁 義惟 終艾今 i 驅終 事明人 21. u Therefore an intelligent ruler will regulate the livelihood of the people, so as to make sure that, above, they shall have sufli- cient wherewith to serve their parents, and, below, sufficient where- with to support their wives and children ; that in good years they sliall always be abundantly satisfied, and that in bad years tliey shall escape the danger of perishing. After this he may ur^e them, and they will proceed to what is good, for in this case tlie people will follow after that with ease. 22. “No'v, the livelihood of the people is so reguluted, that, above, they have not sufficient wherewith to serve their parents, and, below, they have not sufficient wherewith to support their Avives and children. Notwithstanding good years, their lives are oontinually embittered, and, in bad years, they do not escape perish- ing. In such circumstances they only try to save tliemsclves from death, and are afraid they will not succeed. What leisure lmve tliey to cultivate propriety and righteousness? 車莖， 一 Julien censures Noel here for rendering 從之 by ‘ ipsi (priticipi) obsfrpicntur，’ and rightly. But I am not sure that the error is not rather in the rendering of than in that of The prince is snppf>8cd to exem- plify, hr well ns to urge to, the pood course, and the well-off people have no difficulty in follow- ing lam. 23. as iu par. 17, Imt 身， gen. means * the whole life.* Perhaps we should translate, * If some years be good, they will all their lives have plenty i.e.9 they will in those years lay by u sufficient provision for bjul years. This supposes that the people have felt the power of the instruction and moral training that i« a part of lioyal K〇vt., which, however, is set forth as consequent on the regulation of the livelihood. Similarly, below. 之善 ，之 ia lhu vcrb ，。往 民之從 Vt. I. Ch. VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 王食不 教之矣 惠可五 i 哉。 者屈 J 申鈮 百失以 献王墓 未 黎戴之 可献其 衣之徵 之民於 以以之 時旧宅 名 有不道 孝無乩 七夹樹 之 4。 飢路悌 飢芴+ 難之則 不矣之 矣> 奪者 k 豚以盍 寒 ，義 篇其可 狗燊反 然 者頒庠 時^ 歲五其 W 茇占 序八臺 £ 十采 不 帛者之 卩肉畜 >者> 矣。 23. <4If your Majesty wishes to effect this regulation of the livelihood of the people^ why not turn to that whicli is the essential step to it ? 24. u Let mulberry-trees be planted about the homesteads with their five moio, and persons of fifty years may be clothed with silk. In keeping fowls, pigs, and swine, let not their times of breeding be neglected, and persons of seventy years may eat flesh. Let there not be taken away the time that is proper for the cultivation of the farm with its hundred moiv, and the family of eight mouths that is supported b)7 it shall not suffer from hunger. Let careful atten- tion be paid to education in schools, — the inculcation in it especially of the filial and fraternal duties, and gray-haired men will not be seen upon the roads, carrying burdens on their backs or on their heads. It never lias been that the ruler of a State where suck results Avere seen, — the old wearing silk and eating flesh, and the black-haired j>eople suffering neither from hunger nor cold, — did not attain to the Imperial dignity/1 with refereoce to the immediate subjeet. 24, eight mouths being the number which 100 mow See ch. iii, the only dilference being that, for of medium land were computed to feed. 數 口之家 there, we have 八 口之家 I 26 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. BOOK I. KING HWUY OF LEANG. PART ll 樂曰 ，以 見則如 。未於 s 也 > 寡好於 齊孟 有玉莊 ^梁 B 人樂 ，王、 國于以 王暴惠 好 非有艮 其曰廣 藷見王 4 能滅王 庶王返 。慕 盖章 俗 好王嘗 幾之艮 以于句 之先 變語乎 。好好 好呒下 樂王 乎莊他 s 樂樂 樂屢 耳 。之色 >于 H 甚 J 可暴見 ( CiiArTEit I. ] . Clnvang Paou, seeing Mencius, said to him, u I had an audience of the kin〇;. His Majesty told me tliat lie loved music, and I was not prepared Avith anytliing to reply to him. What do you ])ronounce about that love of music ?" Mencius replied, uIf the kings love of music were very ^reat, the kingdom of Ts4e would l)e near to a .state of (/ood (government.'' 2. Anotlier day, Jfenciiis} having an audience of the kin Cll. 1. Mow THE LOVK OF MU8IC MAY HE MADK KniHKUVlKNT TO f；OOI) GOVKKNMKNT, AND to a lMtiNrB’K own ADVANCKMBNT. The chap- ter is a good specimen of Mencius' manner, 一 ])〇w lu* nlips from the point in hand to intro- duce liis own notions, im(l would win princes over to benovolfiit p)vornmont by their very vices. He whh no storn inoruliHt, and the Chi- liavc done woll in ivluHinjf to nmk him with (Jon fuc iuH. 1. Chwimjr Pnou nppenrs to have been a minister at the court of Tsce. The 曰 prt'coding 好 樂如何 is unneces- sary. It* we translate it, wc» must render 一 ‘lie then said.' But the puruplirastd ail iicglcct it. |fF (up. 1st tone) is a phrase, signifying 4 near to;1 sometimes we find alone, as in Ana. XI. xviii. i. The subject, nearness to which is indicated, is often left to be gathered from tlie context, as here. Thc 王之好 is a platitude. It should be the text of the chap., but Mencius proceeds to substitute loh for w^/i, in his own manner. 2. , as in lust Pt. ch. iii. 3 ; observe how tho iiuiil adds to the force of ( only.1 4 Ancicut rT. ii. ch. i. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS?. 27 至既 籥於衆 。魏 孰得乎 ，曰 F 於 吾之此 々嶼樂 。聞 今王 此王 免百請 桌曰與 。之之 極之 舉姓爲 樂石氏 樂>好 也, 好疾聞 王魏若 獨由樂 父鼓 首王言 孰與樂 古甚, 于樂, 蹙鐘樂 。樂 。人。 魏之則 不夫頦 鼓今拍 I 氏 與樂齊 相何而 之王不 與人也 。其 見廣相 聲沒若 少樂曰 _ 兄我 吿管樂 與樂樂 .可幾 3. Mencius said, u If your Majesty's love of music were very great, Ts4e would be near to a state o f good government ! The music of the present day is just like the music of antiquity, in regard to effecting that.'' 4. The king said, u]\Iay I hear from you the proof of that?,J j\fencius asked, u Which is the more pleasant, — to enjoy music by yourself alone, or to enjoy it along with others ? 11 u To enjoy it along ■with others, was the reply. uAnd which is the more pleasant, — to enjoy music along with a few, or to enjoy it along Avith many “To enjoy it along 'vitli many.” 5. Mencius proceeded, “Your servant begs to explain what I have said about music to your Majesty. 6. uNowt, your Majesty is having music here. — The people hear the noise of )rour bells and drums, and the notes of your fifes and pipes, and they all, with aching heads, knit their brows, and say to one another, 4 That s how our king likes his music ! But why does he reduce us to this extremity of distress ? — Fathers and sons cannot sovereigns/ i. e., Yaou, Shun, Yu, T^ang, Wan and Woo, is a better translation of 先王 than * former kings.* 3. 由 = 猶 _ 4 •可得 聞與, as in prea eh •獨 樂樂， —the second is loh, 4 joy/ * pleasure.* So, in the next clause, and after 〇. (low. 3d tone) 1 for the sake of your Majesty.* 6. 鼓 樂-鼓 is a verb, = 作- The ancient diet., the makes a difference between this, and the same word for * drum/ saying this is formed from named p^uli, while the other is formed from The difference of form is 28 THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS, BOOK I. UI 鼓 氐之於 無艾好 盤姓弟 樂吾音 ，此他 .于田 疾聞妻 也、 王擧百 不 不獵、 首王于 今 庶政姓 與相夫 蹙車離 王幾政 聞民見 J 可鑛 馬散, 田 無然王 同兄使 而之今 獵疾％ 鐘樂 虑我 輔氣王 於病 喜鼓也 。妻至 此 、與 名之今 汗於 百何 而聲、 王離此 吾旄於 姓以相 管鼓散 ，極 王之此 聞 能吿籥 樂此也 、之美 >百 see one another. Elder brothers and younger brothers, "wives and children, are separated and scattered abroad. Now, your Majesty is hunting here. — The people hear the noise of your carriages and horses, and see the beauty of your plumes and streamers, and they all, •with aching lieads, knit their brows, and say to 011c another, 4 That's how our king likes his hunting ! But why does he reduce us to tliis extremity of distress ? 一 Fathers and sons cannot sec one another. Elder brothers and younger brothers, wives and children, are separat- ed and scattered abroadV Their feeling thus is from no other reason, but thut you do not give the people to have pleasure as well as yourself. 7. u Now, your Majesty is having music here. Tlie people hear the noise of your bolls jiml drums, uml tlie notes of your iifes and pipes, and they all, delighted, and with joyful looks, say to one another, * That sounds as if our king were free from all sickness ! If he were not, how could he enjoy tliis music Now, your Majesty is hunt- tiow not roRardcil. IjT » 'licrc,' used ns wc use here in English, putting a cn«e with littli* K)cal teforcnce. 擧-俱 价皆， 蹙頟 i»xi>rcR8es anguish, not nhger. is here the iintroil. ]»ftrticlc, ami is letter rendered by !mt than It will be seen that the precal. 王之 好鼓樂 is incomplete. The paraphrosts add, to complete it, 固然 E- 田 is used synonymously with * to hunt/ /tft unc^ ^3* are to each other much as our sounU or noise and tone or note. is applied rr. II. Ch. I.— II. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 29 ing liere. The people hear the noise of your carriages .and horses, and see the beauty of your plumes and streamers, and they all, de- lighted, and with joyful looks, say to one another, 4 That looks as if our king were free from all sickness! If he were not, how could he en joy this hunting? 5 Their feeling thus is from no other reason but tliat you cause them to have their pleasure as 5T〇u have yours. 8. u If your ^Majesty now will make pleasure a thing common to the people and yourself, the Imperial sway awaits you." Chapter II. 1. The king, Seuen, of Ts‘e asked, 11 Was it so, that the park of king Wan contained seventy square leV' Mencius replied, “ It is so in the records.” 2. u\Yas it so large as that?55 exclaimed the king. uThe peo- ple," said Mencius, u still looked on it as sinan.'1 The king added, appropriately to the fifes and pipes, and also to 1 the carriages and horses, having reference to | the music of the bells with which these were I adorned. Of 方笔 Clioo He simply says that they were j^, 4 belonging to the bauners.* The 羽 were feathers adorning the top of the flag-staff;the 拖 a number of cows*-tails sus- pended from the top. 與民 同樂， -e Pt. I. ch. 11. Ch. 2. How A RULER 3IUST NOT INDULGE HIS LOVE FOR PARKS AND HUNTING TO THE DIS- COMFORT of the people. 1. low. 3d tone, * a record，， an historical narration liamling do 仰 events to futurity (傳於 後人) •方七 甲- • must be understood — 4 containing sev- enty square /c/ not 4 seventy le square.* In the 日 the meaning of here (not similarly, however, in Pt. I. v. 2 ; vii. IT) is given by 圍， ‘ in circumference.’ The glossarist on Chaou K‘e explains it by which, I think, confirms the meaning I have given. The book or books giving account of this park of king Win are now lost. 2. are dis- tinguished thus: 一 4 gatherers of grass to feed ani- mals, and gatherers of grass for fuel.* Observe how those nouns, and and that follow are 王車馬 之音 ‘見羽 旄之美 擧農然 有喜色 而相吿 曰‘ 吾王 庶幾無 疾病羝 何 以能 田獵也 此無他 M (民 〇 A' 節 V# 同樂也 。今王 與百姓 151 樂 則 任 夹。 宣王問 〇! ◦文 王之齓 方七十 1 有亂 孟于對 曰‘ o 二 浦> 0 於 傅有之 曰若是 其大乎 氐 民猶以 爲 小也円 「寡人 30 TIIE WOKKS OF MEXCIU?. BOOK I. u •厂 .# yjbb\i 阱如 內之也 雉王四 私 蠢有大 J、 兔之午 國人囿 禁 > 亦 者亂里 > 咴之 方然宜 往方民 1 if I 置着 1 亦十麋 郊境. 民者也 。之 萍宜里 ，鹿 關問以 往呒亂 宣乎。 爲者之 6 [爲焉 k 文方 王 一 問 曰 I 交 鄰 國 有 道 u]\Iy park contains only forty square le, anti the people still look on it as large. How is this ? u The park of king Wan," was the reply, u contained seventy square le} but the grass-cutters ancl fuel-gather- ers had the privilege of entrance into it ; so also had the catchers of pheasants and hares. He shared it with the people, and was it not with reason that they looked on it as small ? 3. u When I first arrived at the borders of your State, I enquired ahout the great prohibitory regulations, before I would venture to enter it; and I heard, that inside the border-gates there was a park of forty square le, and tli.at he avIio killed a deer in it, was held guilty of the same crime as if he luid killed a man. — Thus those forty square le are a pitfall in the middle of the kingdom. Is it not with reason tliat the people look upon them as large Chapter III. 1. Tlie king Seuen of Ts^, asked, saying, aIs there any way to regulate one's maintenance of intercourse "Nvith 爲是里 、八 始民里 ^ HI g 至 司芻大 > 聞於之 ,_何 made verbs by the ; 一 the fodderers, the plica- santers, &c. 3. is used here in tlic sense simply of 4 borders, * and on the borders of tlie various states there M'.re ‘ pam'M, or ‘ gates，’ for the tiixiitioii of mcrdmiidize, the uxmuiiiatioii of BtrangcrSy &c. 鹿， sec l，t. L ii. These forest laws of T8*e wore hardly worse than those enacted by the lirst ^yriuuu sovereigns ui* Lnjj- lund, when whoever killed a deer， n boar, or even a liarc, wns punished with the loss of his eyes, aiul with death if the statutes were r(、peat- edly violated. ClI. 3. HOW FRIENDLY INTF.RCOITRSE WITH NElGIIllOUltlNCi KlN(；I>OMS MAY HE MAINTAINKI^ AND T1IK LOVK OF VAI 川 K 8ril8EIlVIF.NTTt> THE (K>OI> (>r TIIK PKOIU, THK GLOIOT OF Tiu: rui.NC'E. 1. The two lirst differ in Pt. II. Cu. III. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 31 國 。保者 肩踐大 、惟 湯爲孟 詩 沃畏天 事故智 事能于 云 天者吳 。太者 、暮 以對 畏畏 者也、 以任爲 文大呒 天天也 、以大 事能王 事有、 之者肩 威 保天事 … 于其者 、大者 ^ 事夷激 者、 neighbouring kingdoms ? v Mencius replied, u There is. But it requires a perfectly virtuous jrn'nce to bo able, Avith a great country, to serve a small one, — as, for instance, T4ang served Ko, and king A\"{in served the Kwau barbarians. And it requires a \^'ise prince to l>e able, with a small countiy^ to serve a large one, — as the king T4ae served the Heun-yuh, and Kow-tseen served Woo. 2. u He who with a great State serves a small one, delights in Heaven. He who with a small State serves a large one, stands in awe of Heaven. He who delights in Heaven, will affect with his ; love and protection the wliole empire. He who stands in awe of Heaven, will affect with his love and protection his o-wn kingdom. 3. 11 It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 1 fear the Majesty of Heaven, and will thus preserve its favouring decree.* ,5 meaning considerably from tlie two last, and they are explained by 眉 | 丨恤 and 拍 ^月艮 i.，e” ‘cherishing,’ and ‘obeying,’ respectively, but the translation need not be varied. For the affairs of T^ang with Ko, see IIL Pt. II. y. Of those of king Wan with the Kwan tribes we have nowhere an account, which satisfies Mencius* reference to them. Both Chaou K;e and Choo He make refer, to the She-king, III. i. Ode III. st. 8 ; but what is there said would seem to be of things ante- cedent to king Wan. Of king T;ae and the Heun-yuh, see below, ch. xv. A very read- able, though romanced account of Kow-Tseen^ service of Woo is in the Lee Kwo Che (列 國志 Bk. •是故 and 故， ‘there- fore,* introducing illustrations of what has been said, are=our ‘ as •’ 2. says Choo He, 理而 E 矣 4 Heaven is just principle, and nothing more.* It is a good instance of the way in which he and others often try to expunge the idea of a governing Power and a personal God from their classics. Heaven is here evidently the superintending, loving, Power of the universe. Chaou Kce says on the whole paragraph : — 4 The sage delights to pursue tlie way of Heaven, just as Heaven overspreads every thing ; 一 «as was evidenced in Tlang and W2n?s protecting the whole empire. The wise measure the time and revere Heaven, and so preserve their States ； — as was evidenced in king T;ae and Kow-ts^en.* This view gives to a positive , substantial meaning, though the personality of the Power is not sufficiently pro- minent. The commentator 王觀濤 — 4 The Heaven here is indeed the Supreme Heaven, but after all it is equivalent to princi- ple and nothing more !* 4©, as in Pt. I. vii, 3. See the She-king, IV. i. Bk. I. Ode VII. st. 3. ^3；, c to preserve,* 4 to keep/ is here taken= & ; not so in the ode. The final 32 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. 寵作而 天嚴請 哉>勇 /疾時 之 之安下 4 以大此 夫寡保 四君 ，天 此遏之 。匹撫 人之。 方 ，作 T 文徂詩 峡 劍好王 還 有之之 王艮元 之疾勇 。盱 # 師> 民。 之 以王勇 對蓋大 無 惟書頌 篤赫敵 呒曰肩 戴曰 > 曰池、 _ 读一 彼王 H 惟其 天文祜 怒> 人惡 請矣、 我 助降王 以爱者 敢無寡 在 、上 下一對 整也, 當好人 天帝 > 民怒 厅其王 我小有 4. The king said, u A great saying ! But I have an infirmity ; — I love valour.” 5. UI beg your Majesty/5 was the reply, unot to love small valour. If a man brandishes his sword, looks fiercely, and says, ‘ How dare he withstand me ? ’_ — this is the valour of a common man, who can be the opponent only of a single individual. I beg your Majesty to greaten it. 6. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 The king blazed with anger, And he marshalled his hosts, To stop the march to Keu, To consolidate the prosperity of Chow, To meet the expectations of the empire.’ This was the valour of king Wan. King Wan in one burst of his anger, gave repose to all the people of the Empire. 7. “In the Book of History it is said, 1 Heaven having produced the inferior people, appointed for them rulers and teachers, with the purpose that they should be assisting to God, and therefore distin- 之 refers to the decree or favour of Heaven. 5. Observe the verbal meaning of G. 8cc the She-king, III. i. Ode VII. at. 5. where w。 have 按 fm •退， and 旅 foi •宮 .宮 is tliat in the ode is called 共以遏 徂苔， * to stop the march to Keu,* unless we take, with 議 e， 徂 also to be tlie name of a place. 7. See the 8hoo-kinp, V. i. Sect I. 7, but tlic pa«»s- thc name ul a bldlc or place, the Jjaiuc probably age as (luutcd by Pkuciusi is verv diflca»ut lryui ri. II. Ca. III.— IV. T1IE WOUKS OF MENCIUS. 33 卜子 If： 觀 一 L J — L 1 矣。 對曰， 6 P 日廣宣 得有 ，者王 而 人亦見 非 不有孟 其得 、此于 上 則樂於 者非乎 。雪 非其 孟宮, 王怒 ，而 王行下 之而安 之於曷 不安天 勇天敢 好天 下也下 ，有 勇下之 而武越 也 。之民 。武 王厥 民今往 恥志, 民王亦 之一 惟亦 一此人 恐一怒 ^ 衡 guished them throughout the four quarters of the empire. Who- ever are offenders, and -wlioever are innocent, here am I to deal with them. How dare any under heaven give indulgence to their refrac- tory wills ? 5 There was one man pursuing a violent and disorderly course in the empire, and king Woo was ashamed of it. This was the valour of king Woo. He also, by one display of his anger, gave repose to all the people of the empire. 8. uLet now your ^lajesty also, in one burst of anger, give repose to all the people of the empire. The people are only afraid that your Majesty does not love valour.” Chapter IY. 1 . The king Seuen of Ts‘e had an interview with Mencius in the Snow palace, and said to him, uDo men of talents and Avortli likewise find pleasure in these things ? Mencius replied, uTliey do, and it' people generally are not able to enjoy themselves^ they condemn their superiors. 2. u For them, Avhen they cannot enjo)^ themselves, to condemn their superiors is wrong, but when the superiors of the people do the original text •惟 曰其助 卜帝 .一lit.， ‘just saying， They shall be aiding to God.’ The sentiment is that of Paul, in Horn. XIII. 1 — 4 The powers ordained of God are the ministers ofCiod.’ In 天下曷 敢有越 厥志， there is an allusion to tlie tyrant Ive6, who is the — in Mencius’ subjoined explanation. 8 惟恐 is, by some, taken — 4 The people would only be afraid/ the prec. clause being=4If your Majesty, 5 &c. I think the pre- sent teuse is preferable. Ch. 4. A RULERS PROSPERITY DEPENDS OH HIS EXERCISING A RESTRAINT UPON HIMSELF, ASD SYMPATHIZING WITH TnE PEOPLE IN THEIR joys and sorrows. 1. 4 The Snow palace f was a pleasure-palace of the princes of Ts;e, and is said to have been in the present district of Lin-tsze, in the department of Ts;ing-chow. Most comm, say that the king Seuen had lodged Mencius there, and went to see him, but it may not have been so. Perhaps they only had their interview there. 賢者 亦有此 樂乎， is different from the question, in nearly the sam© 34 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. 于而 海曰池 天亦亦 者池， 對可 而吾昔 ^7\憂 樂亦盔 印以南 / 欲者 、然其 其非民 善此敖 觀齊而 憂> 樂池 。上、 哉於 于於景 X、 樂憂 _ 問 先琅轉 公王以 民民； T、 也玉邪 、附 問者 、天 之之與 天觀吾 朝於未 下> 憂樂民 于也 。何 槪晏 之憂者 U 適晏 M 免遵 于有以 民民樂 not make enjojnnent a thing common to the people and themselves, they also do wrong. 3. uWlien a ruler rejoices in the joy of his people, they also rejoice in his joy; Avhen lie grieves at the sorrow of his people, they also grieve at his sorrow. A synipatliy of joy will pervade the em- pire ; a sympatliy of soitoav will do the same : — in sucli a state of things, it cannot be but that the ruler attain to the Iniperiul dignity. 4. u Formerly, the cluke, King, of Ts4e, asked tlie ininister Ngan, saying, L I wish to pay a visit of inspection to Chuen-foo, and Cliaou- 'woo, and then to bend iny course soutlnvard along the shore, till I come to Lang-ya)r. AVlmt sluill I (lo that 】ny tom， limy be lit. to be compared with the visits of inspection made by the ancient emperors r 5. “rl’lie minister Ngan replied, c An excdlent inquiry ! AVlien the emperor visited the princes, it was called a tour of inspection, words， in l*t. I. ii, 賢者 bcinj; thorc * wortliy princos,* ar.d here 4 scliolnrs/ men of worth gen- erally, with a reference to Mencius liimsclf. 不得 ，-人 is to be tuken 4 the peo- j)k\* men ^oiUTally, and 不得， ，是 不 得安居 之樂非 指雪宮 »=do not the pleasure of quiet living nnd cn- joynH*nt, not referring to the Snow palace.* JfcL 卜, 一 i« used ns a verh^4 to blame,* 4 to condenin/ So in the next par. 3. I liave given the meaning of tho phraucs 天 【:， wliich sum up the pre- ceding part of the par., and are not to bo undor- stood as spoken of the ruler only. Tho 合 m snys : 一 4 These two pentcnces are to be ex]>lain- ed from the four prec. sentences. The pliraso 天下 is only a forcible way of saying what is said hy The is to be explained as if wc rt、nd_ 不以 一 •身 ，巧 與天 下耳， tlic joy nnd sorrow is not with (7.c., from) one indiridual, but from the. whole empire^ 王， 1〇w. 3d tone. 4. 晏 sec Couf. Alia.， V. xvi. Pt. II. Cii. IV. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 35 食>度 。以 何給眉 也 曰所諸 飢 今〖魏以 夏: r、 無述 守侯 署也 一成諺 也菲職 > 也曰 弗不 遊吾 氏秋事 述諸巡 食 j 浪一王 吾省者 識侯狩 > 勞師豫 3 王魷 春者 .朝巡 者 行爲豫 3 而省 述于狩 茆而 諸吾遊 ，助耕 > 所天者 > 齓糧侯 何吾: r、 而 職于巡 that is, he survej'ed the States under their care. When the princes attended at the court of the emperor, it was called a report of office, that is, they reported their admiiiistration of their offices. Tims, neither of the jjroceediugs was 'svithout a purpose. And moreover } in the spring they examined the ploughing, and supplied any defi- ciency of seed ; in the autumn they examined the reaping, and sup- plied any deficiency of yield. There is the saying of the Hea dynasty, — If our king do not take his ramble, Avhat will become of our happiness ? If our king do not make his excursion, Avhat will become of our help? That ramble, and that excursion, were a pat- tern to the princes. 6. ‘“No'v, the state of tilings is different. — A host inarches in attendance on the rulei\ and stores of provisions are consumed. The liungry are deprived of their food, and there is no rest for those The duke King, occupied the throne for 58 years, from b.c. 54G-488. Chuen-foo and Chaou-woo were two liills, which must have been on the north of Ts*e, and looking on the waters now called the Gulf of Pih-chih-le. Lang-y^iy was the name both of a mountain and an adjacent city, re- ferred to the present department of Choo-shing, in Ts4ing-cliow. 修 = 作爲， 6. 和 ^與， — see the Shoo-king, II. i. 8, 9. is 一 = 守. It does not seem necessary to re- peat the 巡狩 ami 述職 in the translation. This tour of inspect ion appears to have been made, under the Chow dynasty, once in 12 years, wliile the princes liad to present themselves at court, read ch'aou) once in 6 years. From 4 in the spring/ the practices appropriate to the various princes, as well as the emperor, are de- scribed, tho*, as appears from the last clause, witli special reference to the latter. or By f J^the spring anil autumn visitations are intended, each called 4 — \ 6. 師 , properly a body of 2,500 men, but here gen- erally=a host, a multitude. 睸睛 胥讒， are referred to the people, and the next two clauses to the princes. Yet the after 民 would mtlier indicate a different subject for the clause before. — 諸侯， by Choo lie and others, is explained as SG THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK L 臣 補於行 。亡 。無 從侯民 J_ 相； r、 靜先囉 /流憂 。飮賄 說足 、出君 王謂上 從續胥 之召 舍所無 之而流 若議, 樂> 太於 行流荒 ，忘下 /藏民 蓋 師郊池 。連 樂反， 而流乃 徵 呒於景 s 之酒謂 忘連作 招爲 是公樂 惠之反 > 荒慝, 角我飴 m 荒厭屬 j 胃亡方 fe # 興大 t p 胃從 乏 爲命 是君發 > 戒之之 獸流 ，諸虐 who are called to toil. Maledictions are uttered by one to another ■with eyes askance, and the people proceed to the commission of wickedness. Thus the Imperial ordinances are violated, and the people are oppressed, and the suj)plies of food and drink fl〇AV away like water. The rulers yield themselves to the current, or they urge their way against it; they are wild; they are utterly lost: — these things proceed to the grief of their subordinate governors. 7. u 1 Descending along with the current, and forgetting to return, is Avhat I call yielding to it. Pressing up against it, and forgetting to return, is wlnit I call urging their way against it. Pursuing the cliase without satiety is what I call being Avild. Delighting in wine Avithout satiety is wlmt I call being lost. 8. u 4 The ancient emperors had no pleasures to which they gave themselves as on the flowing stream; no doings which might be so characterized as ■wild and lost. 9. It is for you, my prince, to pursue your course.”’ 10. uThe duke Kin^ was pleased. He issued a proclamation throughout liis state, and went out and occupied a shed in the borders. From that time he began to open his granaries to supply the wants of the pe〇}>le, and calling the Grand music-master, he said in the translation. This view certainly puts force on the diameters, yet we seem driven to it. Chnou K4e makes them refer to the j>rincc8 proper, who algo «ro with liim the* subject in the cluusr P[ j||p}i l>ut huw can it be said that these things in which they delighted were a 4 g^rief * to tlicm ? 10. 一 see Ana. VIII. xv. (read che, up. 2d tone) ami lire the name of two of the 5 notes in the ChiiK sc sculc, the 4 th and Pr. II. Cn. IV.-V. T1IK WORKS OF MOCIUS. 37 曰, 王則堂 夫諸曹 園尤也 > 昔政身 也> 明色謂 齊® 畜其 者可毁 王堂乎 。我 宣君詩 文得 之欲者 i 邊王着 \ 曰> 王聞矣 。行 王于朋 問好畜 之與 。王往 者對堂 ^ 君君 治對氐 政之氐 毁人也 。何 to him — 'Make for me music to suit a prince and his minister pleased with each other/ And it was then that the Che-shaou and Keo-shaou ■were made, in the poetry to which it was said, ^ What fault is it to restrain one's prince ? 5 He who restrains his prince loves his prince.), Chapter V. 1. The king Seuen of T'se said, u People all tell me to pull down and remove the Brilliant palace. Shall I pull it down, or stop the movement for that object ? " 2. Mencius replied, uThe Brilliant palace is a palace appropriate to the emperors. If your ]\Iajesty wishes to practise the true Royal government, then do not pull it down." 3. The king said, u May I hear from you what the true Royal government is ?” u Formerly," was the reply, u king Wans govern- 3d. 才召 is used for the name given to the music of Shun. This was said to be preserved in Ts*e, and the same name was given to all Ts4e music. The Che-shaou and Ke5-shaou were, I suppose, two tunes or pieces of music, starting with the notes 德 ^ and 角 respectively. Ch. 5. True royal government will as- suredly RAISE TO THE I3IPERIJLL DIGNITT, AND NEITHER GREED OF "WEALTH, NOR LOVE OF WOMAN, NEED INTERFERE WITH ITS EXERCISE. However his admirers may try to defend him, here, and in other chapters, Mencius, if he does not counsel to, yet suggests, rebellion. In his days, the Chow dynasty was nearly a century distant from its extinction. And then his ac- cepting the princes, with all their confirmed habits of vice and luxury, and telling them The one in the text was at the foot of the T4ae mountain in Tsce, and as the emperor no longer made use of it, the suggestion on which he con- sulted Mencius, was made to king Seuen. In 已 we have two questions, _ ‘Shall I destroy it the interrog. of hesitancy, so common in Mencius), or, Shall I stop ? y 2. the 1st and 2d 5 here have the low. 1st tone ; they quite differ from the 2d, which is merely the style of king Seuen. I may give here a note from the (Pt. I. i. 1.) on the force of the terms and Hp. 一 6 He who is follow- ed by the people till they form a flock (^J), is a Jceun. He to whom they turn and go those need not interfere with the benevolence of their government, shoves very little knowledge of man, or of men’s affairs. 1. 明堂 ，一 not * the Ming or Brilliant Hall.9 It was the name given to the palaces occupied in different parts of the country by the emperors in their tours of inspection mentioned in the last chapter. See the Book of Rites, Bk. XIY. The name Min(/, was given to them, because royal govern- ment, &c., were 4 displaye<.V by means of them. 之 )， is a wang. Thus the title wang expresses the idea of the people’s turning and resorting to him who holds it, but the possessor of a State can barely be called a keun. It is only the pos- sessor of the Empire, who can be styled wang* 3. K4e was a double peaked hill, giving its name to the adjoining country, the old state of Cliow. Its name is still retained in the district of K4e-shan, in Fung-tseang, the most western department of Shen-se, bordering on Kan-suh. 38 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK. I. 善獨 。者 、文 者旧老 罪闊岐 之 、王_ 詩王天 獨> 而人 市也、 則氐 云屬下 幼無不 議耕 何 善哿政 之而夫 氧而者 爲哉矣 施窮無 曰老: Tv 九 不 言富仁 U 寡、 而征二 行 。乎 。人必 而曰老 無澤仕 王既哀 先無孤 、而妻 梁者 呒 王此斯 吿此無 曰無世 寡如 縈四者 肩于麵 U 氣 ment of Ivce was as follows : — The husbandmen cultivated for tint government one-ninth of the land ; the descendants of officers were salaried ; at the passes and in the markets, strangers were inspected, but goods were not taxed : there were no prohibitions respecting the ponds and weirs ; the wives and children of criminals were not involved in their guilt. There were the old and wifeless, or widow- ers ; the old and husbandless, or -widows ; the old and childless, or solitaries ; the young and fatherless, or orphans : — these four classes are the most destitute of the pe〇})le, and have none to whom they can tell their wants, and king Wan, in the institution of his govern- ment with its benevolent action, made them the first objects of his regard, as it is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 The rich may get through. But alas! for the miserable and solitary !' " 4. The king said, uO excellent words!" Mencius said, u Since your Majesty deems them excellent, 、vhy do you not practise them ? “I have an infirmity,” said the king; “I am fond of wealth.” The — '> — A square le was divided into parts, each containing 100 mow ； eight farm- ing families were located upon them, one part being reserved for govt., which was cultivated by the joint labours of the husbandmen. See III.Pt.1. iii. 一 1 °fficcrs) heredi- tary emolument that is, descendants of meri- torious oflicers, if mun of ability, received office, and, even if tliey were not, they had pensions, in reward of tlie merit of their fathcrH. * Ponds and weirfl/ 一 it is not tu be uudcrbtoud tlmt tlic ponds were artificial. 先斯四 ，-先 go verb. For the ode, sec the She-king, II. iv. Odo VIII. st. 13, where for we find *|{^. 4. ^jl, * The duke Lew,* was the great-grandson of llow-tseili, the high ancestor of the Chow family. By him the waning fortunes of his house were revived, and he founded a settle- ment in 幽 (PinJ, the present Piu-chow (^|l 州 ), in Shen-se. The account of li is doing so is found in the ode quoted, fc>he-king, III. ii. Ode 1*1. II. Ch. V. THE WOItKS OT MENCIUS. 39 詩對有 。如 糧行, 弓裏公 4 云> O ，王 ^ 好也 、故矢 餱劉有 古昔曰 /虎然 居斯糧 、好疼 公 者寡與 後者張 厅貨惠 亶 大人百 可有干 橐詩人 父王有 姓以積 戈于云 、好 來好森 、丨 可爰蠢 戚囊， 乃貨。 朝 s 寡之、 方行揚 、思 積對 走 變人於 敍暑矣 焉| 为 曰》 馬 ，厥 好主行 、有 方用舍 ,昔 率紙色 。何王 裹慠光 、乃者 > re])ly was, u Formerly, Kung-lew was fond of ■wealth. It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 He reared his ricks, and filled his granaries, He tied lip dried provisions and gruin, In bottomless bags, and sacks, That lie might gather his ])eople together, and glorify his State. AVitli bows and arrows all-displayed, AMtli shields, and spears, and battle-axes, large and small, He commenced his march. ' In this way those -who remained in their old seat had their ricks and granaries, and those who marched had their bags of provisions. It was not till after this that lie thought he could commence his 〇 march. If your JMajesty loves wealth, let the people be able to gratify the same feeling, and wliat difficulty will there be in your attaining tlie Imperial sway?” 5. The king said, 11 1 have an infirmity ; I am fond of beauty.,J The reply -was, u Formerly, king T(ae was fond of beauty, and loved his wife. It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘ Koo-kung T‘an-foo Came in the morning, galloping his horse, By the banks of the western waters, IV. 8t. 1. For ~p] -we have in the She-king, and for 輯. read tslze, up. 3d tout-, 1 to store up,' ' stores.' — ‘ stores in the open air.’ The king T4ae, (see the Doctrine of the Mean. ch. xviii,) was the 9th in descent from Rung Lew, by name T^an-foo Choo He explains ; (up. 2d tone). Ue removed from Tin to li'e, as 40 THE WORKS OF MEN'CIUS. BOOK I. 如棄餒 之氐圓 色無女 ，西 之之 。其 楚有孟 5 與 怨聿水 何。 曰凄遊 託于百 太來滸 _ 王士于 H1 姓 外胥至 既師則 比妻齊 同無宇 >于 E 不如其 于宣之 屬當岐 之 。能 之反於 王於夫 、是 下, 曰 P 治何 。也、 其艮王 王時羑 0 土王 則友王 何如也 、及 境則 氏凍而 之有。 好內姜 As far as the foot of Kce hill, Along with the lady of Keang ; They came and together chose the site of settlement/ At that time, in the seclusion of the house, there were no dissatisfied women, and abroad, there were no unmarried men. If your Majesty loves beauty, let the people be able to gratify the same feeling, and what difficulty will there be in your attaining the Imperial SAvay?" Chapter VI. 1. Mencius said to the king Seuen of Ts*e, 11 Sup- pose that one of your Majesty's ministers were to entrust his wiie and children to the care of his friend, Mliile he himself went into Ts4oo to travel, and th.at, on liis return, he should Jincl that the friend had caused his wife and children to suffer from cold and hunger ; — how ought he to deal with him ? n The king said, 11 He should cast him off.” 2. Mencius proceeded, 11 Suppose that the chief criminal judge could not regulate the officers under him, how would you deal witli him?” The king said, ‘‘ Dismiss him.” is celebrated in the ode, Shc-king, III. i. Ode III. at. 2. = 4tl»e ancient duke/ T‘an-foo’8 title, before it was changed into 王 , 4 the king, or emperor, T^ae,* Cu. G. Bkinginq home iiis had govern- ment TO TIIE KING OF Ts^E. 1. 之楚， 一 is the verb=：^^. low. 3d tonc,= 及 tta in Ana. XI. xxv. 4, 5. 凍 and 胺 arc active, hiphil verbs. It is better to prefix Suppose that,* or 4 if/ to the whole sentence, iu the trnn.slation, as the cases in the mnaininp par. ennnot well be put directly, a» this might bo. The replies suggest tkc renderings of 如之 "!〇[*, which I have given. 2 •士 師， sec on Ana. XVIII. ii. '/p' is low. 1st tone. In tlie next par., it is low. 3d. The two instances well illustnito the diflercncc of si^uiftcation, which tlic touc uiakey. vt. ii. cn. Vi.— vn. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 41 踰如； r、 其臣也 ，故 圜左之 戚3 才亡矣 > 有國孟 4 內 可 得而也 。昔 世者. 于而不 不 巳 舍王 啫臣非 見言治 > 愼將之 。氏 所之 謂齊他 。則 與 。使 _ 吾進 謂有宣 如 夺卑國 何今也 > 喬王 之 看踰倉 访 & 主木曰 > W。 皆尊， 進識不 無之所 王 曰疏賢 > 其知裁 謂謂 顧 3. Mencius again said, u If within the four borders of yovr Jcing- dom there is not good government, what is to be done ? M The king looked to the right and left, and spoke of other matters. Chapter \ II. 1. Mencius, liaving an interview with the king Seuen of Ts(e, said to liim. u When men speak of (an ancient kingdom/ it is not meant thereby that it lias lofty trees in it, but that it has mmiiters spncntj from families ivhich have keen noted in it for genera- tions. Your Majesty has no intiniate ministers even. Those whom you advanced yesterday are 〇：oiie to da)r, and you do not know it.5* 2. The king said, u How shall I know that the)7 have not ability, and so avoid employing them at all? '' 3. The reply was, u The ruler of a State advances to office men of talents and virtue, only as a matter of necessity. Since lie will thereby cause the low to overstep the honourable, and strangers to overstep his relatives, ma)7 he do so but with caution ? 4. 44 When all those about you say, — 1 This is a man of talents Ch. 7. The care to be employed by a PK1XCK IN THE EMPLOYMENT OF MINISTERS； AND TliElK RELATION TO HIMSELF, AND THE STABI- LITY of ms kingdom. 1. On the idiom see Premare, on char. ； but the examples which he adduces arc not quite simi- lar to those in this passage. Lit., the opening sentence would be： 一 *That which is said — an ancient kiugdom, is not the saying of saying it has lofty trees ； it is the saying of — it bus hereditary miuistcrs.* The in might be omitted, and yet it adds sometliing in the turn of the sentence. As opposed to 今日， 昔者 = 4 yesterday.， Chaou K4e strangely mistakes the meaning of the last clause, wliich lie makes to be : — 4 Those whom you advanced on the past day, do evil to-day, and you do not know to cut them off ! y 2. 舍 = 捨， up- 2il tone, ‘to let go,’ ‘to dismiss.’ 3. 如 非謂 得 已 >— lit., 4 as a thing in which lie 42 THE AVOUKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. 之見殺 > 冇 然夫 後國賢 > 也 。可勿 皆後皆 用人未 如 S 殺聽 、曰 察曰之 、皆可 此焉 k & 可之、 不左曰 也 然 然人殺 H 冇賢 , 諸 後後皆 勿不勿 皆然大 可 殺曰聽 、可聽 、曰 後夫 以之 ^ 了諸焉 ，國： T、 察皆 盔故殺 、大 然人可 、己曰 民曰然 夫後皆 勿見賢 > 艾國狻 皆去曰 聽> 賢未 母 。人察 曰之。 T、 諸焉 、可 殺乙 可左巧 ，大然 也, and worth/ you may not for that believe it. AVlien your great offi- cers all say, — ‘This is a mail of talents ami virtue,’ neither may you for that believe it. When all tlie people say, — 4 This is a man of talents and virtue/ tlien exnininc into the case, and 'when you find that the man is such, employ him. When all those about you say, — 'This man wont do/ don't listen to them. AVhen all your great officers sny, 一 ‘ Tliis iiuui 'von’t (l〇，’ don’t listen to tliem. When the people ali say, — wThis man won't do/ then examine into the case, and when you find that the man woift do, send him away. 5. u Wlien all those about you sa}r, — ‘ This limn deserves death，’ don't listen to them. WIicmi all your great officers say, — 4 This man d(is(irvxA.s dejith/ don't listen to them. When the ])eople all say, — 4 riiis nism descM^ es death, then inejuire into the case, and Avhen you see that tlie man deserves death, ]>ut him to dentil. In accordance Avitli this we have the saying, ‘rriie people killed him, (>. u You must act in this way in order to be the parent of the people.” cannot stop.' Comp, the Chung Yung, xx. 13. 4. pj » 4 you may not >/rt hi'lirvc that the man i& bu ami bu.' bcc on Alia. XLIL x\iv. fi. Compare t)ic Groat Lonminp：, Coinm. x. 〇. We may use the 9iT〇ud person iu trsuittluliug, or luorc iiidciinitcl}', the tliird. Pt. II. Cii. VIII.-IX TIIF. WORKS OF MENCIUS. 43 CiiArTER A III. 1. llie king Seuen of Ts4e asked, sayinp;, uy\ it so, that TSmg banished Kee, and that king Woo smote Cliow?,t Mencius replied, “ It, is so in the records.” 2. The king said, u Ma}' a minister then put his sovereign to death ? M 3. J\fenciiis said, uHe who outrages the benevolence proper to his nature, is called a robber ; he who outrages righteousness, is called a ruffian. The robber and ruffian we call a mere fellow. I have heard of the cutting off of the fellow Chow, bat I have not heard of the putting a sovereign to death, in his case'' Chapter IX. 1. J\Iencius, having an interview with the king Seuen of Ts4e, said to him, a If you are going to build a large man- sion, you will surely cause tlie Master of the workmen to look out for large trees, and Avhen he lias found such large trees, you will be Ch. 8. Killing a sovereign is not neces- sarily REBELLION NOR MUHDER. 1. Of Tkiin^s banishment of Ivcie, see the Shoo-king, IV. ii., iii ; and of the smiting of Chow, see the same, V. i. 2. is the word appropriated to regicide, which Mencius in his reply ex- changes for p , — 4 a minister, ' i.e.^ here, a subject. 3. 貝戎， as a verb, = 傷害， *to hurt and injure/ as in the Analects, several times. 4 To outrage * answers well for it here. In the use of Mencius seems to refer to the expression 獨 夫斜， Slwo-king， V. i. Sec- tiou 111. I Ch. 0. The absurdity of a ruler’s not ACTING ACCORDING TO THE COUNSEL OF THE MEN OF TALENTS AND VIRTUE, WHOM HE CALLS TO AID IX HIS GOVERNMENT, BUT REQUIRING THEM to follow his ways. In one important point Mencius’ illustrations fail. A prince is not supposed to understand either house-building or stone-cutting ; he must delegate tliosc mat- ters to tlie men who do. But government he ought to understand, and he may not delegate it I to any scholars or officers. 1. The 工師 was a special officer having charge of all the j artizans, &c. See the Le-ke* VI. ii. 20 ； vi. I 17. upper 1st tone, — see Pt. 1. iii. 3. H 1 (low. 3d tone), 一 ' its use/ ie.y the building li! 宣王問 of 湯放槳 武 王伐紈 有諸 ◦孟 于對 of 於 o 二？ 0 傅 有之曰 臣弑其 君可乎 1、 賊仁者 ‘謂 之贼 賊義# 謂之繞 殘賊之 人 謂之一 先聞誅 一夫紂 芜夫 聞弑 君也 酬一命 子見齊 宣王 of 爲巨 室 則必 使工 師求大 木工 師 得大木 則王喜 以爲能 glad, thinking that they will ansAver for the intended object. Should the workmen heAV them s(〇 as to make them too small, then your Majesty will be angry, thinking that they will not answer for tlie pur- pose. Now, a man spends his youtli in learnin〇： the principles of ru/ht c/overnmentj and, bein〇; grown up to vigour, he wishes to put them in practice; — if your Majesty says to him, 4 For the present put aside 、vhat you have learned, ami follo'v 】ne，’ 、vhat 2. uHere now you lmve a gem un wrought, in the stone. Although it may be Avorth 240,000 taeh^ you will surely employ a lapidary to cut and polish it. But Avhen you come to the goverrmient of the State, then you say, — 4 For the present put aside what you have learn- ed, and follow me/ How is it that you herein act so differently from your conduct in calling in the lapidary to cut the gem ! ^ of the house. The after and arc to be understood ns referring to ami or ns in tlie tranalation. denotes the ma- turity of 30 yours, when one was supposed to be fit for office. 2. "Flic was 24 CliineRC ounces or taels (of pold.) Choo lie, after C'hnou K4e, erronoouMly makes it 20 ounces. Tlu* gem in quest ion, worth mo niudi, would be very dear to tlie kimj, and yvt he would cer- tainly confide tq nnotlier the polisliin«( of it ; — vliy Mould lie not do so with the State? 1st tono,=^^ or 4 to make,* not 4 to teach.* From 至於， however, was explained by Hiaou K4e (nnd many still follow him) thus: — 4 Hut in the matter of the government of your State, yoti say, 一 For the present put aside what you have learned, and follow me. In what does tills differ from your teaching— wishing to teach _ the lapidary to cut the gem T Tliis is the interpretation which .Julien adopts in his trans- lation. The other upon the >vli〇le appears to me the better. The first is a difticulty in Clmou K'e's view ； the second, in the other. ^,-tl.e kiuKdom, embrac ing the families nnd ]hlt the Anal ^ turns tlie balnnco in it« fa- possessions of the nobles. 女 = 汝教 up. ! vour, ami acconlinply 1 lmve adopted it. 44 TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. 勝 其任矣 匠人颧 而小之 則王奴 I 以爲 3 勝 其任宪 夫人幼 而學 之壯而 徵行 之王 氐 姑 舍女所 學而從 V* C 二節 V* 我則 何如今 有璞 玉於此 雖萬鎰 必使 玉人彫 琢之 至於治 國篆則 曰‘ 姑舍女 所學 而從抿 則何以 異於 教 玉人燦 琢玉 1 Pt. n. Cn. X. TIIE WORKS OF MF.XCIUS. 4.) 人而有 而取: r、 乘 人氐国 • 有 燕行燕 之至之 取或辦 行 民之民 何於亂 之謂人 之不 者/叱 如此五 以寡伐 者>悅 武則孟 ¥ 旬 萬人燕 文則 王取于 取/而 乘勿勝 王 勿是之 廣必 舉之 取之。 是貺 也古 曰:有 之亂或 审 也。 古取之 取天人 伐謂王 以泛 之人 之跣力 萬寡問 Chapter X. 1. The people of Tsle attacked Yen, and conquered it. • 2. The king Seuen asked, saying, uSome tell me not to take possession of it for myself, and some tell me to take possession of it. For a kingdom of ten thousand chariots, attacking another of ten thousand chariots, to comj)lete the conquest of it in lifty clays, is an achievement beyond mere liuman strength. If I do not take posses- sion of it, calamities from Heaven will surely come upon me. AVliat do you say to my taking possession of it ? " 3. Mencius replied, u If the people of Yen "will be pleased with your taking possession of it, then do so. — Among the ancients there Avas one who acted on this principle, namely king AVoo. If the people of Yen will not be pleased with your taking possession of it, then do not do so. — Among the ancients there Avas one •who acted on this principle, namely king Wan. Ch. 10. The disposal of kingdoms rests ： W ITH THE 31INDS OF THE PEOPLE. VOX POPULI vox dei. We shall find this doctrine often put forth very forcibly by Mencius. Here the king of Ts*e insinuates that it was the will of Heaven that he should take Yen, and Mencius sends | him to the will of the people, by which only the other could be ascertained. 1. The state of Yen (up. 1st tone), lay north-west from Ts4e? forming part of the present province of Chih-le. ； Its prince， a poor weakling， liad resigned his throne to liis prime minister, and great con- ' fusion eu?ued, so that the people welcomeil tlie appearance of the troops of Ts{e, and made no resistance to them. 2. 舉之 is explained as * to conquer it ; ? but has not this signification. Lit., we might render 4 and vp with it/ 3. Tlie common saving is that king 三 分天下 有莫土 ，‘丨 latl possession of two of the three parts of the em- pire/ Still lie (lid not think that the people were prepared for the entire extinction of the Yin dynasty, and left the completion of the fortunes of his house to his son, king Woo. 4. 46 THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS. BOOK I, •里天 對伐謀 国火哉 •食萬 畏下曰 .寡 救齊道 避壺乘 人者 及人燕 。人熱 、水 既之 者湯 聞者， 宣伐亦 火以亂 也 。是 七何王 燕運也 > 迎伐 書 ■也 、十以 氐 取而 如王萬 既夫里 、待 諸之上 水師 ，乘 湯 聞爲之 ，侯諸 夹。 益豈之 一以政 孟多侯 深 ，有亂 征千於 于謀將 如他簞 4. u When, A\rith all the strength of your country of ten thousand chariots, you attacked another country of ten thousand chariots, and the i)e〇i)le brought baskets of rice and vessels of conger, to meet your Majesty's host, was there any other reason for this but that they hoped to escape out of fire and Avater? If you make the water more deep and the fire more fierce, they will just in like manner make another revolution." Chapter XI. 1. The people of Ts{e, having smitten Yen, took possession of it, and upon tlds^ the princes of the various States deli- berated. together, and resolved to deliver Yen from their poiver. The king Seuen said to Mencius, uThe princes liave formed many plans to attack me : — liow shall I prepare myself for them ? " Men- cius replied, UI have heard of one who with seventy le exercised all the functions of government throughout the empire. That was T4a.rig. I have licvei. lieard of up Wwce with a tliousaml /t? standing in fear of others.” rea. Mencius lias in- troduced tlie clause 天 7、 信之， 111111 心1‘… arc some other differences from tlie orig. text. Vt. II. Ch. XI. THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. 47 也 >以 燕書 弔不 大怨雇 、自 簞盔虐 印 其止旱 目眉葛 食麻 其溪民 k 耕之 奚夷始 k 壺拯民 损若者 望爲怨 >天 漿己王 后>時 不雲 後南下 以於往 后雨變 k 霓我 ，面信 迚水而 來降屬 也屈而 之、 王 火征其 民其歸 望征東 師之 之蘇 。大君 .市之 ，比面 若中 民今时 兑而者 若狄而 2. 4t It is said in the Book of History, 4 As soon as T4an^ began liis work of executing justice, he coinmenced Avith Ko. The whole empire liad confidence in him. AVlien he pursued his work in the east, the rude tribes on the west murmured. So clid those on the north, when he was engaged in tlie south. Their cry was — Why does lie make us last ? Thiis} the looking of the people to him, Avas like the looking in a time of great drought to the clouds and rainbows. The frequenters of the markets stopped not. The husbandmen made no change in tlieir operations. While he punished their rulers, he consoled the people. His progress was like the falling of opportune rain, and the people Avere delighted. It is said aejain in tlie J5ook of History, 4 We have waited for our prince long-, the prince's coming will be our reviving !? 3. uXow the ruler of Yen was tyrannizing over liis people, and your Majesty went and punished him. The people supposed that you were going to deliver them out of the water and the fire, and brouglit baskets of rice and vessels of congee, to meet your Majesty's host. But you have slain their fathers and elder brothers, and put Ko was a small territory, which is referred to the present district of Ning-ling (j^ol ia Kwei- tih ( 歸德 )， in H_ .望雲 霓，- the modern comm, ingeniously interpret : — 1 The people look for rain in drought, and murmured i at his not coming, as they dread the appearance | of a rain-l)〇w, on which the rain will stop.* i lliis is perhaps, over-refining, and making too | much of the 望. Chaou K4e says：— -The rainbow appears when it rains, so people, in time of drought， long to see it.’ The second quota- tion is from the same paragraph of the Shoo- king, where we have for 3. Comp. last ch. in 若殺 云云， 胃 4 if/ but rather 4 since.* They say 是指數 之詞 ，不作 設詞看 ，‘ k is d_n- stnitive, uot couditioual.* 父兄 •- 父 is not 48 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. 死 司国後 止之倍 也宗殺 也及鄒 ^ 去其兵 地、 天胤其 誅者廣 之重也 。而 下遷艾 之三 魯則器 3a 固 其兄、 則 十軋猶 謀速行 畏重係 不三穆 可於出 仁齊器 >累 可人公 及燕令 > 脱之 如其 勝 而問止 齓反是 彊之子 誅 戈曰池 。置 其動也 J 可弟, 不莫吾 君旄天 今其毁 誅之有 而槪下 又可其 their sons and younger brothers in chains. You liave pulled down tlie ancestral temple of the State, and are removing to TsLe its precious vessels. How can such a course be deemed proper? The rest of tlie empire is indeed jealously afraid of the strength of Ts4e, and now, when with a doubled territory you do not put in practice a benevo- lent government ; — it is this which sets the arms of the empire in motion. 4. uIf your Majesty will make haste to issue an ordinance, restoring your captives, old and young, stopping the removal of the ]>recious vessels, and sai/huj that, after consulting witli the people of Yen, )^ou will apj)〇int them a ruler, and withdniw from the country; 一 in tliis way you may still be able to stop the threatened attack.'' Ciiapteii ^(11. 1. There had been a brush between Tsow arul Loo, Avlicn the duke Muh asked Mencius, saying, uOf my officers tliero were killed thirty-three men, and none of the people* ■would die in their <]efem;e. If I j)ut them to dcatli for their conduct, it is impos- sible to i>ut such a multitude to death. If I do not put them to fathers only, but uncles as well. 其 宗廟， 其示; —Jt=‘it8〇rlii8，’i.c.，thekiiiK- donrs or the prince's, not tlicir, the peopled. 4. l(>w. I1<1 tone, used for * peo- ple of 80 and 1)0.* The clauses after the first lire to 1)l* understood as th(、 8uh8timcc? of tlie order or ordinuacc, ^ hidi Meuciua advised the kin^ lu ib^uu. Cii. 12. The affections of the people CAN ONLY H1C 8KCUUKD Til HOUGH A IIKNEVOLENT GOVEKNJMKNT. A.s THEY AHB DEALT WITH \\T T1IEIK »Ui>ElUOH8, 80 WILL T1IKV 1)KAL HY tii km. 1. Tsow, the native state of Moncius, was a small territory, whose nnnic is still retiiin- eilt in tlu; district of Tsow-hecn, in Yen-chow, in Slian-tung. |S:^ is explained — 4 the noise of I a btru^^lc.* ll i& a brut>h; a skirmuli. T&ow Vi. II. Ch. XII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 49 之爾戒 是廩方 轉氏救 .則 也 ，者 之上實 ，者 ，乎 四如疾 君 也戒慢 府幾溝 年之視 無夫之 旧 庫 千氈饑 何其 先 民出殘 先人 莊氣 則長 焉 。今乎 下有矣 ，者君 可上 君_ 爾 也旧而 散之也 。之 行後者 ，曾 莫君而 民孟规 仁 得反于 以之之 老子而 政 、反 乎氐吿 ，舍四 弱對不 deatli, then there is the crime anpunished of their looking angrily on at the death of their officers, and not saving them. How is the to be . . 2. ]\Iencius replied, u In calamitous years and years of famine, the old and weak of 3rour people, who have been found lying in the ditches and water-channels, and the able-bodied who have been scat- tered about to the four quarters, have amounted to several thousands. All the while, your granaries, 0 prince, have been stored with p;rain, and your treasuries and arsenals have been full, and not one of your officers lias told )T〇u of the distress. Thus negligent have the superiors in your State been, and cruel to their inferiors. The pliilosopher Tsang said, 1 Be^vare, beware. What proceeds from you, Avill return to you again.' Kow at length the people have returned their con- duct to the olficers. Do not you, O prince, blame them. 3. u If you will put in practice a benevolent government, tliis people will love you and all above them, and will die for their officers.” could not st.and lon其 侵孟 05 人去 > 斯也 i 乎。 小長 之 ，于將 則城無 孟 ■矣。 去對 _ 桌 H 千也 之呒 靝可與 則對間 岐昔吾 盔民 有氏於 Chapter XIII. 1. The duke Wan of T4ang askod Mencitt^ s.ay- ing, uTlang is a small kingdom, and lies between Ts4e and Ts4oo. Shall I serve Ts‘e? Or shall I serve Ts‘oo?” 2. Mencius replied, uThis plan ivhich you propose is beyond me. If you will have me counsel you, tliere is one tiling / can siujfjest. Di^ deeper your moats; build lii〇;lier your walls ; guard them along Avitli your pe〇])le. In case of attack:^ l>e prepared to die in your de- fence^ and have the people so that they will not leave you ; — this is h proper course.” CiiArTER XIVr. 1. The duke Wan of T ang asked Menciu^^ sav- ing, urrhe people of Ps^c are ^〇in^ to fortify 8(;r». The movement occasions me great alarm. What is the })r〇])er course for me to take in the 2. Mencius replied, u Formerly, w hen king Tcne dwelt in l)in, the hai'bariiins of the north were contiiw(tll;i making incursions upon it. He therefore left it, Avcnt to the foot of mount K4e, and and otflocTs generally ; 其 fi (u]>. 2d tone), flic* officers only. — to bo supple- nn'ntfcl, nn in par. 1. ( 'll. It IH IIKTTKIt FOH A rRlNCK TO l>K- I'KS I) ON IIIMSI：M\ THAN TO HKl.^ OH THY n» ruorniATi:. otiidk towichs. 1. «Ull givvi« iu namf tu a ilibtrict ul Vtii-cliu>v in the south of Shan-tung. North of it wag Ts^e, and, in the timoof Mencius, Ts*oo lmcl extended its ]>uwor so far north, as to threntni it from the south. 閒， up. :kl tone， * to occupy n space between.* 2. 無已 ，則有 一焉， - comp. Tt. 1. vii. 一 無以 則主乎 .斯， Ft. II. Cn. XIV.— XV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUR- 51 于得也 ，園彼 若于世 之>山 對免 竭滕响 夫創于 T、 之 氐焉 ，力文 哉、成 業孫得 I 昔如以 公疆功 > 乘必 E 居 者之事 問爲則 統有也 2焉> 关何 夫曰 > 善夫爲 王苟魂 王則 亂滕、 而也可 者盔擇 居可 。則小 E 君 繼矣屬 ，而 佩 i 不 6 矣 。如也 君後敢 there took up his residence. He dicl not take that situation, as having selected it. It was a matter of necessity with him. 3. uIf you do good, among your descendants, in after generations, there shall be one Avho will attain to the Imperial dignity. A prince lays the foundation of the inheritance, and hands down the begin- ning which he has made, doing what may be continued by his suc- cessors. As to the accomplishment of the great result, that is with Heaven. AVliat is that TsLe to you, 0 prince ? Be strong to do good. That, is all your business.” Chapter. XV. 1. The duke Wan of T4ang asked Mencius, say- ing, u T'ang is a small kingdom. Though I do my utmost to serve those large kingdoms on either side of it^ we cannot escape suffering from them. What course shall I take that we may do so Men- resumed an old design of fortifying it,— that is, I suppose, of repairing the wall of its principal town, as a basis of operations against T4ang. 2. See ch. iii, and also the next. 岐 山下， -it is best t。 take here as the verb, = 往. 3 •君 子， 一generally, ‘a prince.' — j|^, * the end of a cocoon, or clue/ 1 a beginning.1 若夫， the 夫 is not a mere expletive, but is used as in Ana. XI. ix. 3, et al. ： i as to this — the accomplishing, * &c. = 号醫， low. 2d. tone, the verb. 一 ‘ these，’=your raoats. 效死 ，一效 = as that is used in Ana., I. vii, et al. A good deal must be supplied here in the translation, to bring out Mencius* counsel. CH. 14 A PRINCE, THREATENED BY HIS NEIGH- BOURS, WILL FIND HIS BEST DEFENCE AND CON- SOLATION IN DOING WHAT IS GOOD AND RIGHT. Mencius was at his witJs end, I suppose, to give duke Wan an answer. It was all very well to tell him to do good, but the promise of an Im- perial descendant would hardly be much com- fort to him. The reward to be realized in this world in the person of another, and the refer- ence to Heaven, as to a fate more than to a personal God, — are melancholy. Contrast Psalm, xxxvii. 3. — 4 Trust in the Lord and do good ; so shalt thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed.’ 1. 資宰 was the name of an ancient principality, adjoining T'Sng. It had long been incorporated with Ts‘e, whieh now Ch. 15. Two COURSES OPEN TO A PRINCE PRESSED BY HIS ENE3IIES ； —— FLIGHT OR DEATH. 1. Comp. ch. iii. jQ, — read chuh, up. 4th tone, ‘ to assemble,’ ‘ meet with.’ 一 4 a sex- agenarian/ 二^ 一 see Ana. YII. xxiii, THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK I. i)2 既也於 無以地 而以焉 K 世： T、 岐君 肩也吿 珠事人 守可 山我人 吾之玉 ，之侵 也 失之將 者聞曰 3 以之、 非 I 下去 害之狄 得关事 身從 居之, 人也人 免馬之 之之蔫 > 去二 君之煮 不以 所 者邠狐 三于所 乃得皮 能如人 踰于/ 不徵屬 免幣, 爲 歸氐梁 何以者 ，其焉 3 市 。仁山 I 患其吾 耆拿得 效或 ^ 人邑 乎所土 老之免 cius replied, u Formerly, when king T£ae dwelt in Pin, the barba- rians of the north were constantly mak 圍死 公之乎 ，身 k 見司司 請魯省 曰 後禮以 孟未所 氐平去 2 諸 。喪 義先予 。知乏 、也公 炉 樂崎 咁於 氐所今 日將請 正前賢 匹何之 > 乘 君此擇 于喪 ，者夫 龍敢輿 此嬖於 人 君此者 尤請。 E 則人斯 見 無而以 所公篤 必臧二 曰 >覓 盖 爲爲曰 >矣> 命 舍者。 take to dispose of it in his own person. Let him be prepared to die for it. Let liim not quit it.’ 3. u I ask you, prince, to make your election bet.Aveen these two courses.” Chapter XVI. 1. The duke Pling of Loo was about to leave his palace^ when his favourite, one Tsang Ts^ang, made a request to him, saying, u On other clays, when you have gone out, you have given instructions to the officers as to where you were going. But now, the horses have been put to the carriage, and the officers do not yet know where you are going. I venture to ask.1' The duke said, u I am going to see the scholar Mang.5' u How is this ! said the other. u That you demean yourself, prince, in paying the honour of the first visit to a common man, is, I apprehend, because you think that he is a man of talents and virtue. By such men the rules of ceremonial proprieties and right are observed. But on the occasion of this ch. vii. 1 to take the whole disposal of,* to deal with. It is not to be referred to the 守 The paraplirasts make the whole spoken by the ruler ; — thus： — 1 The territory of the State was handed down by my ancestors to their de- scendants, that they should keep it from gener- ation to generation. It is not what I can as- sume in ray person the disposal of. If calami- ties and diflBculties come, my course is to fight to the death to keep it. I may not abandon it, and go elsewhere.* The meaning comes to the same. But the is against this construction. Ch. 16. A MAN’S WAT IN LIFE IS ORDERED BY Heaved. The DibTKUMEMAHIY OF OIU£R MEN is only subordinate. 1. The duke P4ing (i.e., 4 The Pacificator *) had been informed of Mencius* worth, it appears, by Go-ching, and was going out, half-ashamed at the same time to do so, to offer the due respect to him as a profes- sor of moral and political science, by visiting him and asking his services. The author of the m 書 摭餘說 approves of the view that the incident in this chapter is to be referred to the 4th year of the Emperor b.c. 310, but the chronology of the duke P4ing is very confused. 所之 ，-之 = 往何哉 an exclamation ot surprise, extending as far 54 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK. I. 克 同呒否 、三 前也。 喪或君 吿也 。非 謂亂以 既 踰吿奚 於樂 顿棺 而士肩 前寡爲 墨 正謂桴 後後哉 廣, 人不 君于踰 衣以以 君是曰 、見 蠢覓 也 衾 五大所 以孟盡 來孟貧 之鼎夫 ^ 胃不 于軻 | 于富 美與。 前踰往 之也。 也旧 3 也 。曰 以者, 見後氐 Mang's second mourning, his observances exceeded those of tlie former. Do not go to see him, my prince. ** The duke said, ‘‘ I will not.” 2. The officer Go-ching entered the cow% and had an audience. He said, u Prince, why have you not gone to see Mang K^o? " The duke said, u One told me that on the occasion of the scholar Mang's^ second mourning, his observances exceeded those of the former. It ia on that account that I have not gone to see him." “ How is this!” answered Go-ching. u By what you call c exceeding/ you mean, I sup- pose, that, on the first occasion, he used the rites appropriate to a scholar, and, on the second, those appropriate to a great officer ; that he first used three tripods, and afterwards five tripods.,> The duke said, u No ; I refer to the greater excellence of the coffin, the shell, the grave-clothes, and the shroud.” G5-ching said, “That cannot be called ‘exceeding.’ That was the difference between being poor and being rich.” 3. After this, Go-ching saw Mencius, and said to him, <£ I told the prince about you, and he was consequently coming to see you, -- — — — 冒 ~ -一， -…一 I VIKV MtMkV UO T AMV UTi * 零 Pr. II. Cii. XVI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 00 使 氏魯也 止止印 以者嬖 予之侯 ，吾非 或行不 姐人 I、 于 、天 之人尼 或果君 ，有 遇焉 也义所 Si 來君臧 哉 。能 臧遇能 行之池 。是舍 Avlien one of his favourites, named Tsang Ts^ing, stopped liim, and therefore he did not come uccortlin<>; to his purpose." Mencius said, UA nuin's advancement is effected, it may be, by others, and the stopping him is, it may be, Irom the efforts of others. But to advance a man or to stop his advance is beyond the power of other men. ]\Iy not finding in the prince of Loo a ruler who would confide in me, and put nuj coiiwiels into j^'actice, is from Heaven. How could that scion of the Tsang family cause me not to find the ruler that would suit me ? 、、 read low 2cl tone, and low. 3d tone, both with the same meaning,=jJ-, * to stop.’ 魯君 is not spoken- merely with reference to the duke's not coming：, as he had purposed, lo meet him. The phrase really con- veys all the meaning in the translation, however periphrastic that may seem. With this refe- rence of Mencius to Heaven, compare the lan- guage of Confucius, Aua. VII. xxi； IX. v： XIV* xxxviii. 56 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. BOOK II. KUNG-SUN CH^W. PART -節 然吾跻 乎仲曰 之當+ 見1 j 晃威 曾晏于 讯路备 吾 于賢 /西于 誡可歿 孫公 竽 £ 曾 曰> 而 齊復齊 j 孫 與 所西吾 E 人許 管間丑 管畏 蹵于夹 。也 .乎 。伸曰 ，章 伸 I 然與或 ^知 备# 夫句 孰曰 .曰 rf 問管于 于于上 Chapter I. 1. Kung-sun Ch£ow asked Mencius^ saying, J< blaster, if you were to obtain the ordering of the government in Ts4e, could you promise yourself to accomplish anew such results as those realized by Kwan Chung and Gan ? '' '2. Mencius said, u You are indeed a true man ofTs^. You know about Kwan Chung and Gan, and nothing more. 3. u Some one asked Tsung Se, saying, 1 Sir, to which do you give the superiority, — to yourself or to Ts/e-loo ? ' TsSng Se looked uneasy, and said, 1 He was an object of veneration to my grand- Titu: of tiith Book. The name of Kunp：- 8un Cl^ow a disciple of Mencius, heading the first cliapter, the hook is named from him iic- cordin^ly. On 卜， see note on the title of the first Rook. Ch. 1. While ISIknciits wished to rer a TKUK ImIMCIUAL (iOVKHN >1 I；NT AND SWAY IN THK AM) coru) lCAHILY I1AV1： RKALIZKD IT, FROM Till-； CIU(：rM8TANCE8 OF TIIK TIMK, III-： WOltlJ) NOT, TO DO 8(»? HAVK IIAI) IU5- COUH8K TO ANV WAYS 1N(.(>N818TKNT 、V1T1I ITS n>KA. I. Kunp-sun Ch*ow, one of Mencius* disciples, })clongod to rr«4c, and was |)robahly a cadet of tlu; ducal family. Tho sons of tho princes were gencrally^V-jp ; tlieirsonsapain, * ducal grandsons,’ unci th〇Hc two clmractors Invanio tho surnamo of f/n ir dcscciulants, w)io uiiinjk'd witli the undistinguished dustics ol the people. 當路 lit., 4 in a way.* Cliaou K‘e —，- 當 仕路， 4 in an official way,* and Clioo lie, ‘to occupy an important position.* The gloss in tho 備曾 says : — * * ’ 路 is 操政柄 • to grasp the handle of govcrmneiU •’ The analogous phrase 一 當道 ^ used now to descTibe an olTieer*s appointment. 管仲 , 一 sec Con. Ana. III. xxii: XIV. x ; xvii; xviii. — sec Con. Ana. V. xvi ； Men. I. Pt. U. iv. 3. Tsitng Sc was the grniicl- soii, accord inp to Chnou K*c and Choo lie, of Tsftn^ Sin, (ho famous disciple of Contuoius. Others say lie was bin s s>on. It is a moot -point. Tr. I. Cn. I. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 王 、晏君 爲仲池 ，彼如 曾賢, 由于肩 ，我 曾爾其 彼此曾 反 猶晏願 西何久 其予西 手不 于之之 曾也居 於艴 也 。足 以乎。 所此功 也名然 曰 邋其曰 F 石予 烈名仲 J、 若與 。君管 爲於如 乎管悅 是 ，曰禱 见仲 A [仲旦 則 g 管以而 曰卩其 政、 得爾 弟齊仲 其于管 卑如君 J 可 father.' 1 Then/ pursued the other, 4 Do you give the superiority to yourself or to Kwan Chung?1 Tsang Se, flushed with anger and displeased, said, 1 How dare you compare me with Kwan Chung? Considering how entirely Kwan Chung possessed the confidence of liis prince, liow long lie enjoyed the direction of the government of the kingdom, and liow low, after all, was what he accomplished, — how is it that you liken me to him? 5 4. u Thus, 11 concluded Mencius, u TsS.ng Se would not play Kwan Chung, and is it Avliat you desire for me, that I should do so?51 5. Kung-sun Chloiv said, u Ivwan Chung raised his prince to be the leader of all the other princes, and Gan made his prince illustri- ous, and do j^ou still think it would not be enough for you to do what they did*? ” 6. Mencius answered, “To raise Tsfe to the Imperial dignity 'vould be as easy as it is to turn round the hand.” 7. 11 So ! f, returned the other. u The perplexity of your disciple — comp. Ana. XI. xv. 織然 ，咖. to Choo, is a« in the translation. The diet, gives it, 一 敬貌 f the appearance oi reverence.* — we see what a wide ap- plication this character has. — is not to be taken as if it were the sign of the present complete tense, tlio* in the diet, this passage is quoted under that signif. of the character. It is here= 則。^乃_ FOTmOTe than 40 years Kwan Chung possessed the entire confidence of the duke Hwan. 4. 我， -爲， low. 3d tone, 6 on my behalf.7 Sun Sliili the paraplirast of Chaou K/e, takes it as= 4 Do }rou think that I desire to do so V This does not appear to be K^s own interpretation. 5. 子* 足 一 lit., * and are Kwaa Chung and Gan still not sufficient to be played 58 Till： WUKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 家 l 丁下 於輿 。言 武百于 遺 M 朝歸 武曰往 王年之 资 之諸殷 T：, 文若 周而# 流 去侯久 賢 王易公 彳蠢滋 風武有 矣1 何然識 胤甚、 善丁, 天久之 可則之 屬且 政， 未下肩 君當文 然未以 猶久 種難六 也丰 後洽文 有也 k 運變七 _ 不 ± 於王 存其 之也作 > 湯足行 、关之 者 . 故掌 武天至 法今下 ，德 is hereb)r very imicli increased. There was king Wan, witli all the virtue which belonged to him ; and wlio did not die till lie had reached a hundred years : — and still his influence had not penetrated throughout the empire. It required kin<>; Woo and the duke oi'Chow to continue his course, before that influence greatly prevailed. Now you say that the Imperial dignity might be so easily obtained : — is king \\ an then not a sufficient object tor imitation 8. Mencius said, u How can king Wan be matched? From to Woo-ting there had appeared six or seven worthy and sMji'e sove- ivi^ns. rriie empire hud l>een attached to Yin for a long time, and this length of time made a change clitHcult. Woo-ting had all tlie ])rinces c〇inin〇; to his court, and possessed tlie empire as if it liad betMi a tliin^ whi(*li he moved round in his ])nlm. Then^ Chow was miiovcd fVom Woo-tin^ l>y no great interval of time. 'Fliere wore still some of the ancient families and of the old manners, of the iiiHutMicc also which hud ennuuited froia the earlier sovereijns^ 7 •苷是 一 *in t!iis case;* but by usin^ o\ir exclamatory So! the spirit of tlie* remark is brouglit out. 口 introduces a new subject, and a Htroiujer one for the point in hnnd. King Win died itt 1)7. 一 Cli*ow umok the round num- 今 f 芏若 易然， = 今曹 主齊赶 是之易 始，‘ N()W yorial sway thus easily.* 8. From T*ang to Woo-tin>f. (h.c. 1 7U5 一 thorc wore altogether 18 omperors, exclusive of tlicm selves, and from Woo-ting to Chow (1328 一 1158) seven. 草 r/iUiou, low. 1st tone, used iih in I. Pt. I. vi. (>, " 微子 ，此干 ，奠 手， - see con- Ana., X\flil. i. The latter two arc as Tt. I. Cn. TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 50 齊之昧 不難然 非之于 i 有盛 ，今如 也。 w 其 故歷有 其地 時乘齊 饮有 A 肩>微 地未則 勢> 人王也 而皆于 矣, 有易雖 有猶一 後賢微 難過 然有言 方民失 人仲， 鳴千 也處曰 k 首 莫之也 > 主 狗里夏 堪屬 里非也 ，相于 A 者后石 看起其 X 與此 相也， 殷如智 是臣地 ，輔干 > 聞 k 而周待 慧》以 也 a 吴相务 and of their good government. Moreover, there were the viscount of Wei and his second son, their Royal Highnesses, Pe-kan and the vis- count of Ke, and Kaou-kib, all, men of ability and virtue, who gave their joint assistance to Chow in his government. In consequence of these things, it took a long time for him to lose the empire. There was not a foot of ground which he did not possess. There was not one of all the people avIio was not his subject. So it was on his side, and king AVau made liis beginning from a territory of only one hundred square le. On all these accounts, it was difficult for liim immediately to attain the Imperial dignity. 9. u The people of Tsce have a saying — 4 A man may have Avisdom and discernment, but that is not like embracing the favourable op- portunity. A man may have instruments of husbandry, but that is not like Availing for the farming seasons.5 The present time is one in which the Imperial dicfnity may be easily attained. 10. uIn the flourishing periods of the Hea, Yin, and Chow dynasties, the imperial domain did not exceed a thousand Je, and Ts4e embraces so much territory. Cocks crow and dogs bark to being uncles of Chow, ^Imjjerial sons.* 微 伸 was the second son (some say brother) of 微子 Kaou-kih was a distinguished man and minister of the time, — whose worth was first discovered by king Wiln, but who c outinucd lo^al to the Uouse of Yin. 輔相 ，- 相， up. 3d tone •失之 ，—之 refers ta the empire. 文王猶 方云云 ，-猶 ， the °pp. of former cases, takes the place of 9. 錄基 varicmsly ，兹基 ，鐵 鍵; 一 wa& the name for a hoe. 10. CO THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. B〇f)K II. 猶 萬速者 於也者 仁地而 解 乘於易 此民之 政不達 倒之 M 爲蒔之 不 诡 喊:乎 懸 曙肩飮 。者噍 相,王> 辟四 I 行 W 乳滅^ 卒朵莫 美境、 故 仁傳于 饑於有 之民而 事败命 。艮 者虐疏 能不齊 宁民當 i 德易政 、於 禦改有 古之 今之爲 未此也 。聚其 之悅之 流食， 有時且 i 矣, 民 人之 0 朱行 、渴甚 者王行 矣> each other, all the way to the four borders of the state : — so Ts4e possesses the people. No change is needed for the enlarging of its territory : no change is needed for the collecting of a population. If its ruler Avill put in practice a benevolent government, no power will be able to prevent his becoming Emperor. 11. u Moreover, never was there a time farther removed than the present from tlie appearance of a true sovereign: never was there a time Avhen the sufferings of the people from tyrannical government were more intense than the present. The hungry are easily sup- plied with food, and the thirsty are easily supplied with drink. 12. u Confucius said, 4 The flowing progress of virtue is more rapid than the transmission of imperial orders by stages and couriers.* 13. u At the present time, in a country of ten thousand chariots, let benevolent government l)e put in practice, a.nd t.he people "will l>e delighted with it, as if they were relieved from }iangin«jj by the heels. With half the merit of the uncients, double their achievements 后 ，般 厢， oce C()n. Ana” III. -xxi. Tho last sentence, n» in I. l*t. I. vii. 3. U. 心 爲 in 易爲食 ，易 爲飲 perplexing. Wc might put it, in the 3d tone, and and in the same. But in VII. Pt. I. xxiv, we lmvo the expressions 飢者甘 食渴 者廿既 where 食 ― 飲 must have their ordinary tonea. Stress therefore is not to be Laid on the 爲. Peril nps tlie ex- pressionss1 easily do eating, easily do drinking/ 12. The distiuction between 屠 and 郵 is much disputed. Some make tlie former a foot post, but t!mt is unlikoly. It denotes the slower conveyance of despatches, and the other the more rapid. So much seems plain. See tho 集證 ，丨 ’丨’ w. 13 •猶 解舍 1 ■，一 I't. I* Cn. I. — II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. fil 孟曰 動 王行于 圍盔功 賁若我 心不 道加知 然 。必 遠是 >四 否異焉 > 齊孫 倍 矣 。則 十乎 。矣 J 隹之 丑之 > 艮夫 不孟如 由卿間 惟 是于 動于此 > 此祗呒 此 不逾心 。&則 霸得夫 時 is sure to be realized. It is only at this time that such could be the case.” Chapter II. 1. Ivung-sun Ch^w asked Mencius^ saying, u blaster, if you were to be appointed a high noble and the prime minister of Ts4e, so as to be able to carry your principles into practice, though you should thereupon raise the prince to the headship of all tne other princes, or even to the Imperial dignity, it -would not be to be wondered at. — In sucli a position would your mind be perturbed or not?” Mencius replied, ‘‘ No. At forty, I attained to an unperturb- eel mind.” 2. Chloiv said, u Since it is so with you, my Master, you are far beyond 】Iang Pun.” “ The attainment/’ said “ is not Choo He simply says : 一 倒懸喩 困苦， ‘倒懸 expresses bitter suffering.* Lit., it is 一 4 as if they were loosed from being turned upside down and suspended.’ Ch. 2. That Mencius had attained to an UNPERTURBED MIND; THAT THE MEANS BY WHICH HE HAD DONE SO WAS HIS KNOWLEDGE OF WORDS AND THE NOURISHMENT OF HIS PASSION -NATURE ； AND THAT IN THIS HE WAS A FOLLOWER OF CoNFU- cius. The chapter is divided into four parts ： 一 the 1st, parr. 1—8, showing generally that there are various ways to attain an unperturbed mind ; the 2d? parr. 9, 10, exposing the error of the way taken by the philosopher Kaou ; the 3d, parr. 一 17, unfolding Mencius, own way ; and the 4th, parr. 18 一 28, showing that Mencius followed Confucius, and praising the sage as the first of mortals. It is chiefly owing to what Mencius says in this chapter about the nourishment of the passion-nature, that a place has been accord- ed to him among the sages of China, or in im- mediate proximity to them. His views are substantially these. — Man5s nature is composite. He possesses moral and intellectual powers, (comprehended by Mencius under the term * heart/ 4 mind/ interchanged with 志 ，‘也 e ^!!!*), and active powers (summed up under the terra and embracing generally the emo- tions, desires, appetites). The moral and intel- lectual powers should be supreme and govern, but there is a close connection between them and the others which give effect to them. The active powers may not be stunted, for then the whole character will be feeble. But on the other hand, they must not be allowed to take the lead. They must get their tone from the mind, and the way to develope them in all their completeness is to do good. Let them be vig- orous, and the mind clear and pure, and we shall have the man, whom nothing external to himself can perturb, — Horace's justum et tenacem propositi virum. In brief, if we take the sanum corpus of the Roman adage, as not expressing the mere physical bodf/, but the emotional and physical nature, what Mencius exhibits here, may be said to be 4 mens sana in corpore sano.9 The attentive reader will, I think, find the above thoughts dispersed through this chapter, and be able to separate them from the irrelevant matter (that especially relating to Confucius), with which they are put forth. 1. Jll|, 6 to add,* and generally 4 to confer upon,5 is here to be taken passively, 一 c If on you were confer- red the dignity of, &c.* up. 3d tone. 62 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IT. 聲_君4博,於二了、有月灘, 至 ▲視赤 i 你】、 吿 必夫 ，剌 7^且 挫撓, 宮動于 反無 萬受了 、於； r、 黝心先 之 。嚴乘 於受人 , 目之 有我 孟 s 諸之萬 於若逃 廣道不 施侯居 肩褐撻 思勇乎 。動 舍惡若 之寛之 以也曰 ；、。 difficult. The scholar Kaou had attained to an unperturbed mindr at an earlier period of life than I did." 3. Chlow asked, u Is there any way to an unperturbed mind?,r The answer was, u Yes. 4. u Pih-kung Yew had this way of nourishing his valour: — He did not flinch from any strokes at his body. He dkl not turn liis eyes aside from any thrusts at them. He considered that the slightest push from any one was the same as if he Avere beaten before t/ie crowds in the market-place, and that what he would not receive from a common man in his loose large garments of hair, neither should h« receive from a prince of ten thousand chariots. He viewed stabbing a prince of ten thousand chariots just as stabbing a fellow dressed in cloth of hair. He feared not any of all the princes. A bad 'voud addressed to him lie always returned. 5. u Mang She-sliay had this way of nourishing liis valour are not to be separated by an or, as mustbe. Secon Ana. IX. xv. Chew's meaning is that, with so great an office and heavy a charge, the inind might well be perturljed : — would it be so with his master? With Mencius* 携， (low. 1st tone), 不 目逃， lit., ‘not skin bend, not eye avoid.* The meaning is not that he had first been wounded in those parta^ and atill was indifferent to the pain, but that he would press forward, careless of all risks. 思 reply, comp. Confucius* account of himself, Ana. II. iv. 3. 2. Mang Pun was a celobriitcil bravo, probably of Tale, who could p\ill tlio horn from an ox*8 head, and feared no man. Kaou is the same who gives name to the 6th Book of Mencius, wliich see. 是不雖 i8 _ t。 be understood so much with reference to the case of Mung Pun, as to the mere attainment of an unperturbed mind, without reference to the way of attaining to it. 3. 道 h 雖大謂 而夫施 爲後猶 錄 褐勇牛 盖二舍 必會 .藤 He said, 1 1 look upon not conquering and conquering in the same •way. To measure tlie enemy and tlien advance ; to calculate the chances of victor}^ and then engage : — tliis is to stand in awe of the opposing force. Hoay can I inake certain of conquering? I can only rise superior to all fear.’ 6. u Mang She-shay resembled the philosopher T^ang. Pih-kung Yew resembled Tsze-liea. I do not kn〇Av to the valour of which of the tAvo the superiority should be ascribed, but yet Mung Slie-shay uttended to what Avas of the greater importance. 7. u Formerly, the philosopher Ts-ang said to Tsze-seang, ‘Do you love valour? I heard an account of great valour from the blaster. It speaks thus: — cIf, on self-examination, I lind that I am not. upnglit, shall I not be in fear even of a poor man in his loose garments of hair-clotli ? If, on self-examination, I find that 1 am upright, I will go forward against thousands and tens of thousands.* tliis gentleman in the eod of the par. simply calls himself Hence llie is made like our — ^Mang H*m-shay. The use of A bolbre the name, especially in th^ south of China, is analogous to this. NotwitlistaiKling the j^Jy in the 1st clause of tliis par., we need not translate diff'tly from the 1st clause of the pre- ceding. — > 一 see Ana. VII. x.; used here simply for 4 the enemy. * 6. 孰賢， 一 asin last ch. Pih-kung Yew thought of others, — of c^i«iuering-, Ming Shay of himself,-- of not being afraid. It is on tliis account that Men. gives him the preference. The basis of the ref. to the two disciples is the commonly received idea of their several characters. Tsang Sin was reflective, and dealt with himself. Tsze-liea was ambitious, and would not willingly be inferior to others. 7. Tsze-seang was a disciple of Ts^lng. — pro- perly, the straiglit seams, from the top to the edge, with which an ancient cap was made, meta- phorically used for 4 straight/ 4 upright.* 不揣焉 = 吾豈不 揣焉， the int … rogutiou being denoted by the tone of tlie voice. 64 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 夫志 >得 T、 於與 。與也 。守千 志 氣於得 4 吿吿 曰纟氣 >萬 至之 言於不 于于敢 X 人 焉屬勿 A 得 I 之問 不吾 最也 、求勿 於不不 夫如往 次 氟於求 A 得動于 曾矣。 M 體心 於务 知心 立手孟 s 故之不 氣求言 ，可 石之施 曰 ，充可 ，可、 於勿得 動守舍 特也 ，夫 氟求 聞心 肩之 8. Yet, what MSng She-shay maintained, being his merely pliy- sical energy, was after all inferior to what the philosopher TsSng maintained, which was indeed of the most iinportance.,> 9. Kung-sun Chloiv said, u May I venture to ask an explanation from you, Master, of how you maintain an unperturbed mind, and how the philosopher Kaou does the same ? 5, Mencius aivucered, u Ivaou says, — 1 What is not attained in words is not to be souglit for in the mind; what produces dissatisfaction in the mind, is not to be helped by passion-effort. * This last, — when there is unrest in the mind, not to seek for relief from passion-effort, may be conceded. But not to seek in the mind for Avhat is not attained in words cannot be conceded. The will is the leader of the passion-nature. The passion -nature ])ervades and animates the body. Tlie will is first and cliief, and the ])assion-nature is subordinate to it. Therefore / say, — Maintain firm tlie Avill, and do no violence to the passion-nature. Still the is tlie final particle, and not the initial 4 how,* with a different tone, as Julien supposes. 8. Here we first meet the character bo important in tliis chap- ter. Its differont mennin^a may bo set'll in tho dictionaries of Morrison and Medlmrst. Ori- ginally it was the same as * cloudy va- pour/ Witli the addition of 米 4 rice/ or flrt\ whicli was nn old form, it should indicate 4 stenm of rice,* or *81011111* gencrnlly. Tlie Dense in which Mcucius uses it, in indicated in tin1 tnuiHlation and in the preliminary note. Tliat sense springs from itjs being u；»cd as cor- relate to 4 the mind/ taken in connection with the idea of 4 energy J inherent in it, from its composition. Thus it signifies the lower, hut active, portion of inr»n\s constitution ; mul in this pamgraph, thiit lower part in it« lowest soiiHc*, 一 animal vigour or courage. Observe the force of the referring to what had been con- ceded to Shny in pur. (». I translate as if there were a comma or pause after tlie two 9. Knou's principle seems to liavc been this, 一 utter imliftlTonce to every thinjj： ex- ternal, nnd entire passivity of miud. Modern writers are fond of snyin^ that in his wordi* is to be found the esscucu of liuddhism,— thut 1»t. I. Ch. II. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 65 問 善惡反 蹶氣何 特志其 何養 乎動者 屋池。 其至志 > 謂吾長 。其 趨則曰 >志 ，焉 、無 诰诰曰 J、。 者激志 無氣暴 然然我 敢提志 m 暴次其 之 ^ 之甸間 氣也、 則其焉 k 氣。 氣 。氣 。言 • 去也今 A 藏 it 由 曰豉 i 莪于 而夫豪 a 氧曰旧 > 10. Chlow ohsen^ed, 11 Since you sajT — 1 The will is chief, and the passion-nature is subonlinate,' how do 3rou also say, 4 Maintain firm tlie will, and do no violence to the piussion-nature?* 5, Mencius replied, u When it is the will alone which is active, it moves the passion- nature. \\ lien it is the passion -nature alone which is active, it moves the will. For instance now, in the case of a man falling or running; — tliat is from the passion-nature, and it moves the mind." 11. u I venture to ask," mid Chloiv a知 而 之益之 趨今揠 於 知其又 長而不 而日之 其其 所害者 ，舍助 往病者 . A 所蔽之 。揠之 苗視矣 ，芒 害 離居何 I 苗者廣 之予芒 於遁辭 j 胃者 不者 苗助然 其辭 > 知 痛 i 云寡 則苗氣 耽 知其言 > 非苗宪 稿長謂 發其 所既徒 者以矣 ，矣 I 於所既 詖無也 > 盔 天其人 longer, and so he pulled it up. Having done this, he returned home, looking very stupid, and said to his people, 4 1 am tired to-day. I have been helping the corn to grow long/ His son ran to look at it, and found the corn all withered. There are few in the world, who do not deal with their passion-nature^ an if they were assisting the corn to grow long. Some indeed consider it of no benefit to them, and let it alone : — they do not weed their corn. They who assist it to grow long, pull out their corn. What they do is not only of no benefit to the nature^ but it also injures 17. Kung-sun Chloiv further asfcecl, uWhat do you mean by say- ing that you understand whatever words you hear?'' Mencius replied, ^ When words are one-sided, I know how the mind of the speaker is clouded over. When words are extravagant, I know how the mind is fallen and sunk. When words are all-depraved, I know how the mind has departed from principle. When Avords are evasive, I know how the mind is at its wits' end. These evils growing in the mind, Chaou K{e, to whom Choo He also inclines. But for their help, we should hardly know what to make of it. 正 is taken in the sense of SQ, 4 to do with anticipation of, or a view to, an ulterior object/ Tliis meaning of the term is supported by an example from the 春 灰 ^=‘ tired.’ 17. Here, as some- tiaiea before, we miss the preliminary 曰， not- ing a question by Mencius, interlocutor, and the same omission is frequent in all the rest of the chapter. I have supplied the lacunse after Choo He, who himself follows Lin Che-Kle (yjyj^ a scholar, who died a.d. 1176. Chaou IC4e sometimes errs egre^iously in the last part, through not distinguishing the speakers. With regard to the first ground of Mencius* superiority over Kaou, —his 4 knowledge of words,1 as he is briefer than on the other, so I he is still less satisfactory, 一 to my mind at THE WORKS OF MENC1CS. BOOK II. 能矣 貢曰？ 也之 、顔貢 、尨其 我乎 H 惡然曰 / 微善必 政> 學 孔於是 則我善 盔從害 不 于孔何 夫於言 說吾於 厭> 既于言 于辭德 辭> 言其 而黾择 也旣命 行冉矣 。事、 教則 夫昔聖 則孔牛 ，宰! 聖 不 吾于者 ，矣不 于閔我 >人 倦不 聖于乎 。能兼 于斤復 do injury to government, and, displayed in the government, are hurtful to the conduct of affairs. When a Sage shall again arise, lie 、vill certainly follow my words.” 18. On this C/^oio observed, uTsae Go and Tsze-kung Avere skilful in speaking. Yen New, the disciple Min, and Yen Yuen, while tlieir words were good, were distinguished for their virtuous conduct. Confucius united the qualities of the disciples in himself, but still he said, i In the matter of speeches, I am not competent.' — Then, Master, have you attained to be a Sage?M 19. Mencius said, u Oh ! what words are these? Formerly Tsze- kung asked Confucius, saying, 4 Master, are you a Sager* ' Confucius answered liiin, 4 A sage is what I cannot rise to. 1 learn without satiety, and teach witliout being tired/ Tsze-kung said, * You learn least. Perhaps he means to say, that however great the dignity to which he miglit be raised, liis knowledge of words, and ability in referring incorrect and injurious speeches to the mental defects from which they spranp, would keep Iiira from being deluded, and preKerve his mind unperturbed. One of the scholars Ch4ing uses this illustration : — * Mencius with liis know- ledge of words wan like ft nmu seated aloft on the dais, who can distinguish all the movements of the people below the Juill, which he could not do, if it were necessary for him to descend and mingle with tlie crowd.’ The concluding remark gives rise to the rest of the chapter, it Bcemin^ to Ch4ow that Mencius placed himself by it on the platform of sa^ca. 18. Comp. Ana. XI. ii. 2, to the enumeration in which of the exccllcucice of several of Coniucius, dis- ciples there seems to he here a reference. There, however, it is said that Yen New, Min, and Yen Yuen were distinguished for 德行， and her。 wc have the addition of , which give a good deal of trouble. 8〇me take =* as a verb, 一 4 were skilful to speak of virtuous conduct/ So the Tartar version^ according to Julien. Sun Shih nmkos it a noun, as I do. The references to the disciples are quite inept. The point of Cl^ow's inquiry lies in Confucius* remark, found nowhere else, and obucure enough. Ho thinks Mencius is Uiking uiorc to himself than Confucius did. Chaou K*e however, takes 爵 $ "77* a® a remark of Mencius, but it is quite unnutural to do so. Observe the force of the 一 yow have come to be. 19. up. 1st tone; nn exclamation, not interrogative. Tliis couvcrs. witli Tszc-kung is uut found in the Pr. I. Cit. II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 69 何不不 姑 溉有者 、夫倦 I, 事使, 同舍則 聖竊聖 、仁于 非治道 、是。 具人聞 孔也肩 君則 非曰 〖體 之之、 于仁曰 > 何逛 、其伯 而一于 不且學 使亂 君夷微 遭 、夏 不 非 則不伊 敢冉于 是夫厭 民退 ，鼠 尹問牛 U 可于智 治伯 非何所 閔于言 旣也, 亦 夷其如 。安 。于展 、也 。聖教 進 池展曰 > 曰 邋皆昔 without satiety: — that shows your wisdom. You teach without being tired : — that shows your benevolence. Benevolent and wise : — Master, you are a Sage.* Now, since Confucius would not have himself regarded a sage, what words were those ? " 20. Chloiv said, u Formerly, I once heard this — Tsze-hea, Tsze* yew, and Tsze-chang, had each one member of the sage. Yen New, the disciple Min, and Yen Yuen, had all the members, but in small proportions. I venture to ask,— -AYith which of these are you pleased to rank yourself? M 21. Mencius replied, u Let us drop speaking about these, if you please.” 22. Chloio then asked, uWhat do you say of Pih*e and E*yun?,> <4 Their ways were dilferent /rom mine,'' said Mencius. “ Not to serve a prince whom he did not esteem, nor command a people whom he did not approve ; in a time of good government to take office, and on the occurrence of confusion to retire : — this was the way of Pih-e. To say — c Whom may I not serve ? My serving him makes him my prince. What people may I not command ? My commanding them Analects. Compare Ana^ VII, ii. ; xxxili., which latter chapter may possibly be another version of what Mencius says here. 20. is used with other verbs to give a deferential tone to what they say. 21. Comp. Bk. I, Pf. II. ix. Does Mencius here indicate that he thought himself superior to all the worthies referred to— even to Yen Yuen? Hardly so much as that ; but that he could not be content with them for his model. 22. Pih-e, — see Con. Ana. V. xxii. E-yun,— see Con. Ana. XII. xxii. 非其君 ，非 其民， —the empha- tic A is, as paraphrased in the translation 何事 非君何 使非民 = 得君 •‘ 70 THE WORKS OF MF.NC1US. BOOK. II. 王皆與 。來若 學也、 以可亂 義， 能曰未 是孔吾 速以亦 殺以有 ，有 班于未 則止進 > 一朝 得孔乎 。也 。能 巍則伊 諸百于 曰伯請 孔止尹 辜屬居 也。 否肩行 子可也 而有之 曰丨自 伊焉也 ，以可 得 天地然 有尹乃 皆久以 天下 ，而則 生於所 古則在 下， 行君有 民孔鼠 聖久則 皆一之 k 同以于 、則人 可仕, makes them my people/ In a time of good government to take office, and when disorder prevailed, also to take office : — that was the way of E-yun. When it was proper to go into office, then to go into it ; when it was proper to keep retired from office, then to keep retired from it; when it was proper to continue in it long, then to continue in it long ; when it was proper to withdraw from it quickly, then to withdraw quickly : — - that was the way of Confucius. These were all sages of antiquity, and I have not attained to do what they did. But what I wish to do is to learn to be like Confucius.” 23. Chlowsaid, il Comparing Pih-e and E-yun with Confucius, are they to be placed in the same rank ? Mencius replied, u No. Since there were living men until now, there never was ano^rConfucius.'* 24. Chlow said, u Then, did they have any points of agreement with himT、 The reply Avas, — u Yes. If they had been sovereipriis over a hundred le of territory, they would, all of them, have brought all the princes to attend in their court, and have obtained the empire. And none of them, in order to obtain the empire, would have committed one act of unrighteousness, or put to death one innocent person. In those things they agreed 'vith him.” 則事何 所事而 非我君 ，得 民則使 ，何 所使而 非我民 I )uivc given the moaning but the conciseness of the text makes it difTicult to a learner. The difTcrcnt ways of Pih-c, E-yun, and Confucius, wru thus exprcsBcd : 一 principle of the firbt was purity •一 以淸 爲其道 ； that of tho swond was office 一 以任爲 其道^ t of the third was what the time required 一 爲其 道 •’ 23 •於 ia to be taken Vi. I. C«. II. THE WORKS OF xMENCIUS. 71 之 于能百 知堯宰 拟以不 於也 。違 世其舜 我知異 。盔 走有 i 也之 败遠曰 屋氐也 獸 、若自 後聞夹 。以 人宰是 鳳氐生 等其于 ! 予泞我 >則 凰豈 民百樂 肩觀不 子同。 之惟以 世而呒 於至貢 ，曰 F 於民來 、之 知見夫 阿有敢 飛哉 > 未王， 其其于 、其若 ，問 鳥屬 有莫德 >禮層 所智其 泰麟 夫之由 而於好 。足所 25. Chloiv said, u I venture to ask wherein he differed from them.” ，1/(?/叱/沿、 replied, “Tsae Go, Tsze-kung, and Yew J5 had 、vis- dom sufficient to know the sage. Even had they been ranking them- selves low, they would not have demeaned themselves to flatter their favourite. 26. u Tsae Go said, 4 According to my view of our Master, he is far superior to Yaou and Slum. 5 27. uTsze-kung said, 4 By viewing the ceremonial ordinances of a prince, we know the character o f his government. By hearing his music, we know the character of his virtue. From the distance of a hundred ages after, I can arrange, according to their merits, the kings of a hundred ages; — not one of them can escape me. From the birth of mankind till now, there has never been another like our Master/ 28. Yew J5 said, (Is it only among men that it is so? There is the K£e-lin among quadrupeds; the Fung4iwang among birds, the as= 82 , the connective. 25. yrj^.-^-woo, ； Confucius. We look for the bein? his dis- or !«•«, Mow-lving water.* used here simply for I ciP^8 describe, as vainly as we do for the 'low,' with reference to the wisdom of Tsae (Jo fabulous K e-lin and Fun^-hwang, to which and Tsze-kung, in their own estimation. 阿 i they compare 1dm. ^ ~ see Gon- Ana- in the sense of ;partial.'=lto flatter.' 26. i XI- viil- The he is properly the male, and the With this and the two next parr., comp, the | ^ the felnale of the animal referred to ; — a eulogium of Confucius, in the Chunrj Yunn, ； monster, w jth a (Jeer's body, an ox's tail, and a Ch. 30 — 32, and Con. Ana. XIX. xxiii. — xxv, j horse's feet, which appear* to greet the birth of It is in vain the western reader tries to quicken a sage, or the reign of a sage sovereign. Both hiuuelf to any correspoudinjj appreciation of in _麟_ 鳳凰， the namc^ of the 72 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 力七 仁霸, 圍盛其 亦行山 服十 者霸孟 S 於苹 屬潦之 人里 ，王 、必 于孔自 也類於 者>文 王有曰 ，于生 出也丘 非王石 大以也 。民 於聖樣 ，匕 以彳# HL 力 迓 其人菏 服百 木以假 也里。 攀每入 5 以 行者 來> 覿 之海 未 兹於之 有 乎民於 Tcae mountain ainon^ mounds and ant-hills, and rivers and seas among rain-pools. Though different in degree^ they are the same in kind. So the sages among mankind are also the same in kind. But they stand out from their fellows, and rise above the level, and from the birth of mankind till now, there never has been one so com- plete as Confucius.” Chapter III. 1. Mencius said, u lie who, using force, makes a pretence to benevolence, is the leader of the princes. A leader of the princes requires a large kingdom. He who, usin〇： virtue, prac- tises benevolence — is the sovereign of t.he empire. To become the sovereign of the empire, a pi'ince need not wait for a large /> hif/doni. T^ang did it with only seventy le, and king Wail with only a hun- dred. 2. When one by force subdues men, tliey do not submit to him in heart. They submit, became their strength is not adequate to resist. 霸 ;m(l 王 are hero the recognized titles and not = 4 to acquire the chieftaincy,* 4 to acquire the sovereignty.* In the wc find much said on the meaning of the two characters. 王 is from three strokes denoting heaven, earth, aiul man, with a fourth stroke, — or unity, poinp throuijli tliom, pruspinp and uniting thorn togetlier, tlius aifonling the hi}；li〇9t po^siblo conception of power or ability. is synony- mous with and of kindred meaning with the words, of noarly the same sound, 杷 4 to grasp with the lmn(V and 迫， ‘to urge,’ ‘to prt、88.’ 2 •力 不瞻 is trunslatcd by Julicu. 一 malc and female are put t〇c：etlicr? to indicate one individual of either sex. The image in 拔 乎其苹 is that of stalks of grass or grain, shooting liigh above the level of the waving field. 来有盛 於孔子 ，- 4 there has not been one more complete than Confucius.’ But this would be no more than putting Confucius on a level witli other I have tliercfore translated after the exami)le of Choo lie, who says — 自古 聖人固 皆異於 衆人然 未有 如孔子 之盛者 也- Cii. 3. The difference between a chief- tain OF T!IK PKINCKM AND A SOVEKKICiN OF TUB EMPIH15； AND BKTWKIvN 8UUM1S8ION M*：CUULD BY FOHClk AND TUAI l'KODUCLD UY V1U1UL. 1. rt. i. c". iii •一 iv. TIIE NVOKKS OF MENCIUS. 賢惡是 則 _ 不 西于心 T、 者 之猶辱 >孟5 服自 之悅贍 在 莫惡今 于此東 J 很而也 > 仇如 溼惡曰 ，之自 孔誡以 能貴 W 蓐仁 謂南于 M 德 者德居 而則也 。自 也池屬 在而下 居榮， 比 詩如人 f 觀 it Wlien one subdues men by virtue, in tlieir hearts' core tliey arc ])leased, and sincerely submit, ns was the case with the seventy discii)les in their submission to Confucius. What is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 From tlie west, from the east, From the south, from the north. There was not one "who thought of refusing submission, ' is an illustration of tliis.5' Chapter IV. 1. Mencius said, <£ Benevolence brings glory to a prince^ and the opposite of it brings disgrace. For the princes of tlie present day to luite disgrace and vet live complacently doing ■what is not benevolent, is like hating moisture and yet living in a low situation. 2. u If a prince hates disgrace, the best course for him to pursue, is to esteem virtue and honour virtuous scholars, givingthe worthiest among them places of ditpiity^ and the able offices of trust. When throughout his kingdom there is leisure and rest from external cquui nempe rirex via annornm) (id id obtinen- dumnon sufficiunt.' Possibly some Chi. comm, may have sanctioned such an interpretation, but it has nowhere come under my notice. The 4 sev- enty clisciples, is giving a round number, the enumeration of them diff ering in different works. We find them reckoned at 73, 76, &c. See in the prolegomena to vol. I. For tlie ode see the She-king, III. i. Ode IX. st. celebrating the influence of the kin^s Wan and Woo. The four quarters are to be viewed from Kaou, (鎬 )， king Woo’s capital. ^ is not to be taken as an abstract uoun，=4 tlioug 丨丨 t •，須 吿， a statesman and scholar of the 11th cent., says on this chapter： — 4 He who subdues men by lorcfj lias the intcution of subduing tlicia, and they dare not but submit. He who subdues men by virtue, lias no intention to subdue them, and they cumiot but submit. From antiquity downwards, there have been many dissertations on the leaders of the princes, and the true sove- reign, but none so deep, incisive, and perspicu- ous as this chapter/ Cir. 4. Glory is the sure result of bene- CaL AMITY AND HAPPI- i •居不 仁 lit” ‘ to dwell in not-henevolence，’ e.e” com- placently to go on in the practice of what is not benevolent. 2. 莫如 covers as far as to 政刑 . am〗 賢 者古位 and the _ 10 VOLEXT GOVEKNMENT. NESS ARE MEN*S OWN SEEKING. 74 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 無樂之 道予 J 翏天 石怠今 s 乎 JL 牖之 自 敫國能 于瓦未 已 是家給 呒今陰 求自 間其盔 此雨, 之 求暇國 此下徹 氧 禍及家 ，詩民 •彼 孟 _咏 敢其敢 兔 氷 福般侮 知侮綱 雖家 大間 BL 暇 必及 畏是 之時, 矣 。瘐 替蠢其 逍刑 ‘ trouble^^ taking advantage of such a season, let him clearly dujest the ])i,incij)les of his government with its legal sanctions, .and then even great kingdoms will be constrained to stand in awe of him. 3. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 Before the lieavens were dark Avitli rain, I gathered the bark from the roots of the inullH^rry trees, And wove it closely to form the window and door of my nest ; Now, / thoufjht, ye people below, I Crimps ye will not dare to insult me/ r〇nfuciiis said, • Did not lie wlio made this ode umlerstaiul tlie way of (/orrntin// ? 1 Ii* a ])i,in(*e is able rightly to govern his kingdom, who will dnre to insult him? 4. u Hut now the princes take advantage of the time 'when tlirou^h- out tlukir kingdoms there is leisure and i*est from (Eternal trouhlas^ to Hbandon themselves to pleasure and indolent indifference; — they in fact Hwk for calamities for themselves. uCalninity and ha|)i)iness in all enses are incifs own seeking. cljuise im* to 1)p taken ns in iii)i>〇sitinn simply liavo -^r the difforcncc not afTcct- with the ono llu* Doctrine ot | jn^ ^|le rrho odo is m\ appeal by some tlu* Moan. ch. xx. 'Hr* here ： Rmall bird to im owl not to dosti'oy its nest, K* 乂 , , 抑 » which binl, in Mi'iicius* apijlirntion of tlio words, correnpondH the ^ there, nnUI iK'iml I»W8. ：1. Sir tin- SlK -kin^ I. the next cluirncter,-^, Mi. C. Fortlioodo w. Ode 11. st. 2, m Iktu fur 今 此下民 we jjoc the JShc-king； III. i. Ode I. st. G. 曹= 念， 6. u I Ins is illustrated by what is said in the 15ook of Poetry, — 4 Be always studious to be in harmony with the ordinances of God, ^ ^ So you will certainl}r get for yourself much happiness ；* and by the passage of the Tace Ivea, — 4 When Heaven sends cloAvn calamities, it is still possible to escape from them ; when we occasion the calamities ourselves， it is not possible any longer to live.’’’ Chapter V. Mencius said, u If a ruler give honour to men of talents and virtue and employ the able, so that offices shall all be filled by individuals of distinction and mark; — then all the scholars of the empire will be pleased, and wish to stand in his court. 2. u If7 in the market-place of his capital^ he levy a ground rent on the shops but do not tax the goods, or enforce the proper regu- lations without levying a ground rent; — then all the traders of the empire will be pleased, and Avish to store tlieir goods in his market- place. ‘to think of.’ For the other quotation, see tlie Shoo-king, IV. v. Sect. II. 3, where we have ， 1 to escape/ for but the meaning is the same. Ch. 5. Various points of true royal GOVERNMENT NEGLECTED BY THE PRINCES OF Mencius, TIME, ATTENTION TO WHICH WOULD SURELY CARRY ANY ONE OF THEM TO THE IMPE- RIAL throne. 1. Comp, last ch., par. 2. The wisest among 1,000 mea is called the wisest among 10 is culled Numbers, however, do not enter into the signification of the terms here. 天下 之士 cunip. I， Pt. I. vii. 18. *a shop, or market-stauce/ is used here as a verb, c to levy grouml-rent for such a shop/ Acc. to Choo He, in the we are to understand the market-place here as that in the capital, which was built on the plan of the division of the land, after the figure of the character 并 The middle square behind was the Jjj' ; the centre one was occupied by the palace ; the front one by the ancestral aad other temples, govt, treasuries, arsenals, &c. ; and the three squares on each side were occu- pied by the people. He adds that, when tra- ders became too many, a ground-rent was levied ； when they were few, it was remitted, and only a surveillance was exercised of the markets by the proper officers. That surveillance ex- tended to the inspection of weights and mea- sure?；, n*» ulatiou of tlie price, See it. -5 duties rt. i. Ch. iv.-v. THE WORKS (W MENCIUS. ( 言配命 自 求多祕 太 甲 Of 5 作孽屬 可篦 自作。 氧 不 可 說 此之 刚 l^' ^-- 于！ If ^ 賢使能 # 桀在仇 則 天下之 土皆悦 rfa 願立 於其 C 二節 k V* 朝矣市 ‘ 廛而不 征：^ 而 7; 凰則天 下之瓶 皆悅谕 願藏 於其市 70 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IL 若者之 下廛舰 X、 於 下矣。 父 則氓之 無而耽 其 之關声 母鄰 東具夫 願則路 嚴議 吴 0 # 皆里翁 夫炎皆 命 率之 能悦之 於下耕 順:不 其民行 而布 ，其之 者而征 于仰此 願則野 農> 助願則 弟> 之五 爲天矣 。皆 而出天 3. u If, at his frontier-passes, there be an inspection of persons, but no taxes charged on goods or other articles, then all the travellers of the empire Avill be pleased, and wish to make their tours on his roads. 4. u If he require that the husbandmen give their mutual aid to cultivate the public fields and exact no other taxes from them ; — then all the liusbandmen of the empire "will be pleased, and wish to plough in liis fields. 5. u If from the occupiers of the shops in his market-place he do not exact the line of the individual idler, or of tlie lianilet s quota of cloth, then all the people of the empire will be pleased, and wish to come and be his people. (). u If a ruler can truly practise these five tliinsxs, then the jx^o- ple in the neighbouring kingdoms will look up to him as a p.arent. From the first birth of mankind till now, never has any one led «-as the ? And what the 甲- ? It appears from the Chow-le, that then4 was a tine, exacted from idlers or loafers in tlie towns, called and it is said that the family which did not plant mulborry trees ami flax ac- cording to the rules, was condemnccl to pay one hamlet, or families*, quota of cloth. But may be taken in the sense of money, sim- ply=^g, which i» a sifniification attaching to it. Wo must leave the passage in the obscurity which has always rested on it. Mencius U evidently protesting against some injurious cxactiond of the time. tK=H， but the addition of the character 亡 seems intended to convey the idea of the people of other states coming to put themselves under a now rule. 信 = 實, ‘truly., ‘0 丨 ’serve tlie detailed in the Chow-le, XIV. vii. 3. Comp. ! 1. Pt II. v. 3 ; Pt I. vii. 18. All comm, refer for the illustration of this rule to the account of the duties of the in tlie Chow-lc, XV. xi. But from that it would appear that the ； levying no duties at the passes wa.sonly in b«id years, and lienee some have argued that Men- cius* lesson was only for the emergency of the time. To avoid that conclusion, the author of 伽 四書樜 餘說 contends that tlie | Chow-le has been interpolated in the place, 一 i rightly, as it seems to me. 4. Tli(i ruk、 of 助而 不稅 is the same as that of 耕者 I •, I. Tt II. v. 3. 6. It is acknow- ledg'd by commontators that it is only a vague notion >vhic)i wc can obtiiin of the meaning of this paragraph. to be tuken as in tlie ti.aimlatioii, or verlmlly as in tlu、 2(1 par? 、Vlmt Pt. I. C\u V.— VI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 77 治忍 斯之 天 人有心 。孟 下之 不先吁 可心 忍王曰 k 運行 人有人 之不之 不皆 掌忍 政忍有 上人 宪人不 所钇 以之忍 以耽 不心 ‘人 也吏 於有攻 也 > 天能其 然下 ，濟艾 而無 暑母, 太敵也 _ 王 於如生 者， 天此民 未 下則以 之者 ，無朿 有 天敵未 cliilclren to attack their parent, and succeeded in his design. Tims, such a ruler will not have an enemy in all the empire, and he who lias no eneny in the empire is the minister of Heaven. Xever has there been a ruler in such a case avIio did not attain to the Imperial dignity.” Chaptek VI. 1. Mencius said, UA11 men have a mind which cannot bear to see the sufferings of others. 2. uTlie ancient kings had this commiserating mind, and they, as a matter of course, had likewise a commiserating government. hen with a commiserating mind "was practised a commiserating government, the government of the empire was as easy a matter as the making any thing go round in the palm. reciprocal influence of iMl in M (‘sons and younger brothers ，^=cliildren) and 攻其义 毋天吏 ，- ‘The minister or officer of Heaven.* On this designation the comm. 饒雙峰 observes: — 4 An officer is one commissioned by his sovereign ; the officer of Heaven is he who is commissioned by Heaven. He who bears his sovereign^ commission can punish men and put them to death. He may deal so with all criminals. He who bears the couimission of Heaven, can execute judgment on men, and smite them. With all who are oppressing and misgoverning their kingdoms, lie can deal so.* Ch. 6. That benevolence, righteousness, PROPRIETY, AND KNOWLEDGE, BELONG TO MAN AS NATURALLY AS IlIS FOUR LIMBS, AND MAY as easily be exercised. The assertions made iu this chapter arc universally true, but they are to be understood as spoken here with special reference to the oppressive ways and government of the princes of Mencius* time. 1 •不忍 alone is used in Bk I. Pt I. vii. 4, 5, 6. i« added here, because the discourse is entirely of a man^ feelings, as exercised to- wards other men. ^匕^， 一 4 the mind,’ embracing the whole mental constitution. The after Chaou K4e, says that 不忍人 means 一 { cannot bear to injure others/ But it is not only cannot bear to inflict suffering, but cannot bear to see suffering. The examples in I. Pt. II. vii. make this plain. 2 •其 f 一 used adverbially, as iu Ana. X.x. 1. 一 must be taken gen- erally, =ca tiling/ or as giving a passive signiH- 78 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IT. 4 讓無觀 也非以 皆今謂 非之 羞之, 非所內 有人人 人礼 惡無 惡以交 怵卡皆 也。 非之惻 其要於 慯見有 惻 认 A 隱聲譽 濡惻糯 7； 隱也非 之而於 予隱于 ，忍 之無人 A 然鄕之 之將人 A 是也 、非也 。黨艾 4 人之 仁非無 A 由_3 母 非知心 之之 辭也是 友也所 先者、 3. 11 When I say that all men have a mind wliicli cannot bear to see the sufferings of others, my meaning may be illustrated thus: — even now-a-days, if men suddenl)^ see a child about to full into a well, they will without exception experience a feeling of alarm and dis- tress. They mill feel so, not as a ground on Avhich tliey nuiv gain the favour of the child's parents, nor as a ground on which tliey may seek the praise of their neighbours and friends, nor from a dis- like to tlie reputation of hamru] been unmoved bij such a thing. 4. u From this case we may perceive that the feeling of com- miseration is essential to man, tlmt the feeling of shame and dislike is essential to man, that tlie feeling of modesty ;md complaisance is essential to mun, and that the feeling of approving unci disapproving' is essential to man. cation to the verb. 一 * The government of the em- pire could be made to round/ &c. rcrhnps the latter construction is to be preferred. See the 四書 味裉錄 in /nr. I'll*1 1ml' i- to be translated in the past sense, being descriptive of the ancient kings. 3. 4 an iniant at the breast/ hcrc=*4a very youn^ child.’ read ii9, and=^J. 一 4 to form a friendship with,* * to get tlie favour of.' 要，- up. 1st tone,= 求 ，姻 J 黨^ — comp. Con. Ana. VI. iii. 4. The object of this par. is to sliow tlmt the feeling of commideration is instinctive and natural. is to be joined to 人 .一 • men of the present time/ in opp. * to the funner kings.’ 4. The* two negatives 無 — aE in the difft. clauses make the strongest possible affirmation. Lit., 4 Without the feeling of com- miseration there would not be mun^ &c.y or ( if a person be without this, lie is not a man/ &c. 4 pain ami distress/ but as it is in illus- tration of the 不忍 之心， we may render it l)y 4 coiumis(、rati(>ii.’ 4 Sliame nnd dislike/ 一 tho s/tmnr is tor one's own want of goodness, and the dislik f is of the want of it in other nu*n. * Modesty nnd coinplaisiince,' 一 modesty is the unloosing and 8〇parntin^ from onc's-sclf, and cowphtisanrc. is out-^ivin^ to others. * Approv- ing and clisapproving/ 一 approvint/ is the kuow- ledgc of goodness, and the approlmtion of it ji€cordinjrly, and dis 其 賊是四 之辭端 足 始知君 者四端 A 讓也 以然 i 皆者也 ，端 > 也 智之羞 k 泉暴也 。謂而 猶之^ \ 惡 四之而 丸〗 其 負 其瑞 禮之 沲飴充 有君謂 有也之 A 苟達 之四不 不四人 ^ 端義 I、 苟夹扁 能能體 之也之 充能 若於者 、者池 淹是端 之 ，充火 我賊 自有是 非也、 5. uThe feeling of commiseration is the principle of benevolence. The feeling of shame and dislike is the principle of righteousness. The feeling of modesty and complaisance is the principle of pro- })riety. The feeling of approving and disapproving is the principle of knowledge. G. u]\Ien have these four principles just as they have their four limbs. AVlien men, having these four principles, yet say of them- selves that they cannot dcre/ope them, they play the thief with them* selves, and he "who says of his prince that he cannot develope them, plays the thief with his prince. 7. u Since all men have tliese four principles in themselves, let them know to give them all their development and completion, and the issue will be like that of lire which has begun to burn, or that of a spring which has begun to lind vent. Let them have their complete development, and they will suffice to love1 and protect all ings described make up, he says, the mind of man, and Mencius 4 discoursing about commiser- ation goes on to enumerate them all/ This seems to be the true account of the introduction of the various principles. They lie together, merely in apposition. In his 或問 and 言 g however, Choo He labours to develope the other three from the first. 一 Observe that 4 the feeling of shame and dislike/ &c.. in the original, is — 4 the mind that feels and dislikes,5 &c. 5. 端 is explained by 端 糸者， • the end of a clue,， that point outside, which may be laid hold of, and will guide us to all within. From the feelings which lie has specified, Mencius reasons to the moral elements of our nature. It will be seem how to^^, 'knowledge/ Wisdom,* he gives a moral sense. Comp. Gen. ii. 17 ; iii. 5, 6 ; Job. xxxviii. 28. 6. 賊， — comp. I. Pt. II. viii. 3, but we can retain its primitive meaning in the trauslation- 7 •凡有 四端於 栽 ^ , not * all who have, &c., but 4 all having/ &c., 於我 一 quasi dicat, 4 in their ego-ity/ 知 皆 ，-皆 belongs to the below, and refers to the 四端 •一 The 備晉 says: 知字 I 4 the character is to have weight 80 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 也 。莫之 了、 也 。匠傷 於圍不 7、 ■之 尊處孔 ^ 亦人函 孟從 仁禦爵 仁斤然 .函 人于以 不曲也 i 焉曰/ 故人哉 、氐事 智 3 人得 里術惟 矢矢艾 無 仁之智 恐人 人母。 禮是安 夫爲可 傷惟豈 無不宅 仁>美3 人恐: T、 義 ，智也 / 天擇愼 巫石仁 within the four seas. Let them be denied that development, and they will not suffice for a man to serve his parents with.” Chapter VII. 1. Mencius said, u Is the {utoav -maker less be- nevolent than the maker of armour of defence ? And yet^ tlic arrow-makers only fear is lest men should not be hurt, and tho armour-maker's only fear is lest men should be hurt. So it is with the priest and the coffin-maker. The choice of a, profession, therefore, is a thing in which great caution is required. 2. u Confucius said, i It is virtuous manners Avliicli constitute tlie excellence of a neighbourhood. If a man, in selecting a resick'iice, do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he be wise?' Now, benevolence is the most honourable dignity conferred by Heaven, and the quiet home in which man should dwell. Since no one can hin- der us from being so, if yet we are not benevolent ; — this is being not wise. 3. u From the want of benevolence and the want of wisdom -will attached to it/ This is true, Mencius nmy well eay 一 i Let men know/ or 4 If men know.* I low is it that after all his analyses of our nnture to prove its goodness, the apiilication of his prin- ciples must begin with an if? Cii. 7. An exhortation to benkvolence FROM TIIK DISGRACE WHICH MUST ATTliM) TIIK WANT OF IT, LIKIS Tllli 1>I8GKA(JE OI.， A MAN WHO DOK8 NOT KNOW 1118 PROFK88ION. 1. 矢 人豈不 仁於， _the 不 bd°ng8 n otto the but to the 仁. If we might construe it with the we bIiouUI have an instance parallel to 盛於 in ii. 28. 一 benevolent as,* the ^ buing^ J. ^,-in tlic sense of ft *all armour of defence/ /|A, 一 sec Con. Ana. XIII. xxii., wliero I have transhitcd it * wizard.* As opposed to (hcrc=*a coffin-maker *), one who makes provision for the death of men, it indicates one who prays for men's life and prosperity, lint Mcnciua pursues his illustra- tion too far. An arrow-maker need not be in- huniunc. 2. See Con. Ana., IV. i. Tho comm, begin to bring in tlic idea of ft profes- sion at but the whole quota- tion must bo taken first in its proper souse. The at tlie end refer to the samo char- acters in the quotation. 3. jKE succeeding shows that Ihc second clause cusuos fioiu Pt. I. Cu. VII.— VIII. THE WORKS OF MKXCIUS. 81 己 大堉固 反發尤 嚷弓人 從舜 齓孟味 發者 矢人役 入有則 于諸血 如也 。而 樂大喜 。呒 己不射 恥人 取焉肩 汗而吡 射恥 盔役 於善 聞路上 不者 么弘血 人與 善人矣 。怨正 莫矢恥 以人言 吿勝己 如人爲 llli ensue the entire absence of propriety and righteousness ; — lie avIio is in such a case must be the servant of other men. To be the ser- vant of men and yet ashamed of such servitude, is like a bow-maker's being ashumed to make bows, or an arrow-maker's being ashamed to make arrows. 4. u If he be ashamed of his case, his best course is to practise benevolence. 5. u The man who Avroulcl be benevolent is like the archer. The archer adjusts himself and then shoots. If he misses, he does not murmur against those who surpass himself. He simply turns round and seeks the cause of his failure in himself. n Chapter VIII. 1. Mencius said, u When any one told Tsze-loo that he had a fault, lie rejoiced. 2. uWhen Yu heard good words, he bowed to the speaker. 3. u The great Shun had a still greater delight in what was good. He regarded virtue as the common property of himself and others, giving up liis own Avay to follow that of others, and delighting to learn from others to practise what was good. the first. 由， —used for 猶， 5. 仁者 : 欲爲 仁之人 Comp. Ana. III. vii: III. xvi. Ch. 8. How SAGES AND WORTHIES DELIGHT- ED IN WHAT is GOOD. 1. Tsze-loo’s ardour in pursuing his self-improvement appears in the Ana. V. xiii ； XI. xxi. But the particular point mentioned in the text is nowhere else related of him. 2. In the Shoo-kin^r, II. iii. 1, we have an example of this in Yu. It ，- 禹拜 昌曹， 4 Yu bowed at these excellent words/ 3. ^2. 胃 f, is explained by Choo He 公 天下之 善而不 爲私也 ，‘ He _idered aa public — common — the good of the whole world, and did not think it private to any/ Slum’s distinction was that he did not think of him-» self, as Tsze-loo did, nor of others, as Yu did, but only of what was good, and uucousciuusly 11 82 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS, BOOK II. 4. uProm the time when he ploughed atid sowed, exercised the potters art, and was a fisherman, to the time when he be^an e ein- poror, lie was continually learning from others. 5. u To take example from others to practise virtue, is to help tliern in the same practice. Therefore, tliere is no attribute of the suju'rior man greater tlmn liis helping men to practise virtue/1 Chaptkk IX. 1. Mencius said, uPib-e would not servo a ] rince whom lie did not approve, nor associate Avitli a friend whom he did i ot esteem. He would not stand in a bad princess court, nor sj>eak with a 1)ju1 man. To stand in a bad prince's court, or to speak with a ]jnd man, would liave been to him tlie same as to sit witli his court robes and court cap amid mire and ashes. Pursuing the examina- tion of his dislike to wliat was evil, v^e find that lie t/ioin/ht it vec^s- •va/?/, if he happened to l>e standing with a villn<^er whose cap wns not rightly adjusted, to leave him with a high air, as if lie were go- vns carried to it, wherever ho saw it. 4. Of 8hun in his early days it is related in the 4 Historical Kecords,' that 4 he ])l<)UKhecl at the l^eih in«mntain, did potter\s work on tlu* hanks of the Yellow ltiver, fished in the Luy lake and made vurious implements on the Show hill 丘 )， and often resided at Fo6-lieft (負 &)•’ Tlieru willbu occasion to consider where these places were, in connec- tion with some of MenciuH* future references to Shun. Dr. Medhur^t supposos them to have l)〇en in Slian-sc. Sec his Translation of the bliuu*king. p. 31)2. 5. M is Lure in the 8〇nso of 助. 4 to help.* The meaning is tlint others, seeing their virtue so imitnted, would be stimulated to greater diligence in the doing of it. ClI. 9. PirTI*RES of Tiii-e and IIwuy op Li：W-!IKA, AND MliNCirs' .11 l>«MKNT CONTKIIN- ino them. 1. Comp. ch. ii. 22. In 惡人 之朝人 refers to tlie prcc. and may be translated prince f but in 與 惡人立 ，人 refers to the prec. ami must be translated _ .塗炭 • * mire and charcoal/ 推 惡 惡之心 ，-椎 is Mcucius* speaking 四酣 k 自耕 稼陶漁 以至 爲帝無 . G 五節 非取 於人者 取諸人 以爲 #, 是興 人爲 善者也 故君 于嗔 大乎 與人爲 善〇 _1| 命于日 、伯肩 非 其君不 氣非其 友 不 瓦 不立 於惡 人之親 不與惡 人言立 於 惡 人之親 興惡 人言 如以 朝 衣朝冠 坐 於塗庑 椎惡 惡之欣 思與 鄕人立 其冠 pt. i. ch. vm. THE WO«KR OF MKNCIUS. 83 止不 能爲怨 k 進已。 T、 故不 之 自浼我 mp 受諸正 > 而 失我雖 窮隱下 也侯望 止焉 .哉肩 而賢 u、 雖望 者居 故裼 T、 必不 受有然 是 W 由裸慨 以羞 4 善去 亦止 由裎故 其汗者 、其之 > 不之 然於 邑道 ，君 > 是辭若 膚 而與栽 爾遺芣 亦命蔣 去止 之佩盔 佚卑： T、 而浼 已 。棱偕 >爾 亂而小 屑至焉 > 孟 ■而而 焉我： T、 官> 就者 ，是 ing to be defiled. Therefore, although some of the princes made application to him Avith very proper messages, he would not receive their gifts. — He would not receive their gifts, counting it inconsis- tent Avith his purity to go to them. 2. u Hwuy of Lew-hea was not ashamed to serve an impure prince, nor did he think it low to be an inferior officer. When advanced to employment, he did not conceal his virtue, but made it a point to carry out his principles. When neglected and left without office, he did not murmur. When straitened by poverty, he did not grieve. Accordingly, he h.ada saying, 4 You are you, and I am J. Al- tliough you stand by my side with breast and arms bare, or with your body naked, how can you defile me ?' Therefore, self-possessed, he companied Avith men indifferently, at the same time not losing him- self. When he wished to leave, if pressed to remain in office he Avould remain. — He would remain in office, Avhen pressed to do so, not counting it required by his purity to go away." in his own person. 思 is the c thought* of Pih-e. acc. to Choo He, is 4 the ap- pearance of going away without looking round.1 Chaou K4e makes it 4 the appearance of being 4wliamed j —not so wcJl, The final 已 gives positiveness to the affirmation of the preceding clause. 2. Hwuy of Lew-hea — see Con. Ana. XV. xiii. XVIII. ii ； viii. 與之偕 ，- the properly refers to the party addressed, 一 4 you arc you.* 3. Comp. ii. 22. 84 THE AYORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 也。 不君不 隘不 下除 伯于 由于恭 ，興 恭/惠 柳夷既 3. Mencius said, u Pili-e was narrow-minded, and Hwuv of Lew- hea was wanting in self-respect. The superior man -will not follow either narrow-mindedness, or the want of self-respect.'5 一 by this term \re mitet suppose that Mencius makes a tacit reference to himself, as having proposed Confucius as his model. The comm. 韓元少 aaya elsewhere Mencius advises men to irtiitate E and Hwuy, but he is there speaking to the weak and the mean. When here he advises not to follow E and Hwuy, lie is speaking for those who wish to do the right thing at the right time** BOOK II. KUNG-SUN CHlOW. PART II ‘ 而 環七三 ¥ 地天 s 石 W M 里如规 時差 ，章公 勝 >攻 之之 人地 T、 于匍孫 夫之 、郭 ，城和 。利 > 如 呒下丑 Chapter I. 1. Mencius said, u Opportunities of time vouchsafed by Heaven are not equal to advantages of situation njfbrdecl by the Earth, and advantages of situation are not equal to the union arising from the accord of Mencius. 2. u rfheve is a city) ^ith an inner wall of three le in circum- ference, and an outer wall of seven. — -The enem t/ huitouihI and attack it, but they are not able to take it. Now, to surround and attack ClI. 1. N〇 ADVANTAOES WHICH A Iiri.ttR CAN OBTAIN TO EXALT HIM OVKR OTHKKS AHK TO HK COMPAHIOD WITH HIH GETTING TM1C IlKAHTft OF men. Because of this chapter Mencius has pf〇t a place in China amon^ the writers on the art of war, which surely he would not have wished to claim for himself, his design evidently being to supersede the necessity ofwai4, 一 the recourse to arnia altogether. 1. In the 地， wc liave tho doctrine of the 三才， OT 4 Three Towers/ which is brougllt out so dis- tinctly in tile 4tli pnrt of tlic yi/叩， and to show this In a. translation requires it to be diffuse. 八 s to wliat is said at much length in Chin, conmientarios about nscertninin^ the Hime of Heaven* by divination and astrology, it is to be set aside, ns lorel^n to the mindof Mon- ciu? in the* text, thouirh many examples of tho resort to it muy be adduced from the records of antiquity. 2. Tlie city here supposed, with its double circle of fortification, is a small one, the better to illustrate the superiority of* advantage of situation, just ae the nc^t is u Pr. II. Cn. I. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 85 以以 不不 多非高 時者璆 兵 山以如 I 不也 J、 芜而 革 谿封人 委堅池 >如 然攻 之之 疆和而 利非地 I 仿之， 观險 、色也 。去也 方 利方必 得 威界及 泛、 米深也 。勝有 道 天固曰 ，是粟 、也 、城 f 者々 者 孓亂域 地非兵 非是天 多； T、 不民 利不革 3 天時 it, there must have been vouchsafed to them by Heaven the oppor- tunity of time, and in such case their not taking it is because oppor- tunities of time vouchsafed bv Heaven are not equal to advantages of situation afforded by the Earth. 3. u llieve is a city^ ichose walls are distinguished for their height, and Avhose moats are distinguished for their depth, where the arms of its defendants^ offensive aud defensive, are distinguished for their strength and sharpness, and the stores of rice and other grain are very large. it is obliged to he gb/en up and abandoned. This is because advantages of situation afforded by the Earth are not equal to the union arising from the accord of Men. 4. “In accordance with these principles it is said, 1 A people is bounded in, not by the limits of dykes and borders ; a kingdom is secured, not by the strengths of mountains and rivers ; the empire is overawed, not by the sharpness and strength of arms •’ He who finds the proper course has many to assist him. He who loses the proper course has few to assist him. When this, — 4he being assisted husk, . — 'grain,' generally, in the husk. 4. 域， ‘ a boundary，’ s a border,’ is used verbally. 一 4 to bound a people/ t.e., to separate them from other states. is dyke,* or c mound/ The commen. 金仁山 says ：— 4 Anciently, in every state, they made a dyke of earth to show its boundary + c a valley with a stream in it here, in opposition to 山， rivers or streams. Tlie 道， or 4 proper course/ intended id that large one to bring out the still greater superior- ity of the union of men. As to the evidence that a city of the specified dimensions must be the capital of a baronial State ^ ^ see the 集證， in foe. 3. 非才， the repeated negation, not only affirms, but with emphasis.— 城非 不局， ‘the wall is not Hot (but) high/ i.e., is high indeed. 一 sharp weapons of offence. — ‘leather，， intending, principally, the buff-coat, but including all other Armour of ikfence. 一 'rice/ without the 86 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK. II. 見 視有來 圓 于甌 天氧脉 乎。 親寒曰 ，孟 5 有攻 下裁失 對 不疾肩 于不裁 順戚道 艮識不 人將戰 4 戚之 。畔者 了、 可 可如朝 戰之以 ^ 之寡 幸使 以就王 、必所 天多助 > 而寡風 >見 王滕畔 > 下助寡 看人朝 使奚 。妓 之之勗 疾>得 將也 ，人 君 所至之 by few, — reaches its extreme point, his own relations revolt from the jWwci?. When the being assisted by many reaches its highest poiiitj the whole empire becomes obedient to the prince. 5. u When one to whom the whole empire is prepared to be obe- dient, attacks those from whom their own relations revolt, ivhat must be the result? Therefore, the true ruler -will decline to tight ; but if he (lo fight, he must overcome.” Chapter II. ]. As Mencius was about to go to court to see the king, the king sent a person to him ivith this message^ — u I was wish- ing to come and see you. But I have got a cold, and may not ex- ])〇se myself to the wind. In the morning I will hold my court. I do not know whether you will give me the opportunity of seeing you then.'' Mencius replied, u Unfortunately, I am unwell, and not able to go to the court.” style of government, 一 benevolence and ripht- cousncBH, 一 which will secure the 4 union of men.* S0 Fw, 一 relatives by blood and by affin- ity. 5. The case put in the two first clauses is here left by Mencius to suggest its own result. The lce.un-laze is the prince intend- t*(l above, ‘ who flnda the proper course.’ Choo He and others complete ipj^ by 已, 1 If he do not fight, well ;* but the transla- tion gives, I think, a better moaning. Cii. 2. How Mkncius conhidickicd that it WAS HL1QHTINO HIM FOR A PRINCE TO CALL I1IM UY MK88KNGER8 TO OO TO 8EK HIM, ANI> TIIK HlIITTS HE WAR PUT TO TO (JET TIUH t*NI)I；H8TOOD. It must be understood that, at the time to which this chapter refers, Mencius was merely an hon- oured guest in Ts(ef and had no official situa- tion or emolument. It wus for liini to pay liis respects at court, if lie felt iiKlimitl to du st), but if the kinp： wished bis counsel, it wns for him to show liis sense of his worth by going to him, and asking him for it. 1. The 1st, 2d, 3^. and 4th DJ, are cl^aouy low. 1st tono,=i=*to go to, or wait upon, at court.* So in all the other paragraphs. The 2cl is chaou^ upper 1st tone, * the morning.’ The morning, as soon as it was lipfht, was tile regular time for the em- peror, and princea to j^ive audience to their no* bles and officers, and proceed to the ad minis" tration of business. The modern practice cor* responds with the ancient in this respect. 如 i, said to be hore^^：, * to wish,* wliich senso seems to be necessary, tho* we don*t find it' in the diet, read ts^oi^ up. 3d tone, * to go to/ The king's cold was merely a pretence. Ho wanted Moncius to wait on him. Mencius* cold was equally a pretence. Comp. Coul'uciu»' Ft. II. Cii. II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 87 必否愈 廣予甲 /。 昔病 ，郭: T、 無乎 。趨 之對王 績今氏 、能 赢盛 造憂旧 k 使最 S 公造 而數於 7、 昔 人今积 孫朝。 造人朝 > 能者 ，問日 或进明 S 於要我 造有疾 ，愈 >者 既 t 朝 。於丕 朝> 王醫如 不昔出 不惡 路 k _ 冬命永 之可者 .吊 得氐 能病有 孟何乎 。辭於 E 請至小 釆仲不 呒以東 2. Next day, lie went out to pay a visit of condolence to some one of the Tung-kwoh family, when Kung-sun Cli4ow said to him, u Yesterday, you declined gointj to the court on the ground of being umvell, and to-elay you are going to pay a visit of condolence. May this not be regarded as improper ?'' “Yesterday,” said Mencius^ 41 1 -was unwell ; to-day, I am better: — why should I not pay this visit?” ‘ 3. In the mean time, the king sent a messenger to inquire about liis sickness, and also a physician. ]\Iang Chung replied to them, 44Yesterday, when the kings order came, he was feeling a little un- well, and could not go to the court. To-day he was a little better, an(l hastened to go to court. I do not know whether he can liave reached it by this time or not." Having said tliis^ he sent several men to look for Mencius on the way, and say to him, u I beg that, before you return home, you will go to the court.'1 conduct, Ana. XVII. xx. 2. Tung-kwoh is not exactly a surnume. The individual intended was a descendant of the duke Hwan, and so sur- nameil Keang(^^), but that branch of Hwan's descendants to which he belonged liaving their possessions in the 4 eastern * part of the king- dom, the style of Tung-kwoh appears to have been piven to them to distinguish them from the other branches. In j^. Mang Chung, having committed hiraself to a false- hood, in order to make his v^ords good, was au- 88 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 於是 >仁 不仁也 。王也 則而 —我義 美義曰 之父艾 i 瓶# 也也與 惡敬予 于> 景 故 堯孟其 王是子 主外丑 齊舜 爾；、 言何也 U 氏 人之 則曰者 ，言未 君君宿 莫道 3 是豈也 >見 臣臣焉 k 如 :不敬 >何 以齊所 主人景 我最 莫足仁 A 魚 敬之手 潑以大 與義無 敬进大 曰> 王陳 乎言盔 以王 見偷內 4. On this, Mencius felt himself compelled to go to King Cl^ows, and there stop the night. King said to him, u In tlie family, there is the relation of father and son ; abroad, there is the relation of prince and minister. These are the two great relations among men. Be- tween father and son the ruling principle is kindness. Between prince and minister the ruling princi})le is respect. I have seen the respect of the king to you, Sir, but I have not seen in what way you show respect to him.” Mencius replied, (< Oh ! what words are these ? Among tlie people ©f Tsle there is no one who speaks to the king about benevolence and righteousness. Are they thus silent because they do not think that benevolence and righteousness are admirable ? No, but in their hearts they say, 4 This man is not fit to bo H])〇ken with about benevolence and righteousness. ' Thus they manifest a disrespect than which there can be none greater. I do not dare to set forth before the kinnj any but tlio ways of Yaou and Slum. There is therefore no man of who respects the king so much as I do." xioufl that Mencius should go to court. 4. What compelled Mencius to jro to Kinj; Cli^ow's was his carneBt wish that the king should know that his sickness was merely feigned, and that he had not gone to court, only because he tvou/d not be called to do so. As Mftng Chung's false- hood interfered with his first plan, he wislicd that his motive should got to the king through Kiug Ch'ow who was au officer of Ta4c. After 宿焉， Chaou IC‘e appends a note, 一 * when he told him all the previous incidents.* No doubt, ho did so. up. 1st tone, * oh ! * as in Pt. I. ii. 19. Sf 人者， observe tho force of the carrying on the clnuse to those following for an explanation of it, as if there were u 所以 after 人 云 Pt. II. Cu. II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 89 一豈 我其晋 似遂俟 禮也。 道不 以富 ，楚然 坏氣艮 景_ 也義 >吾 我之命 桌 眉艾于 天而義 ，以富 > 豈宜 將召呒 下 曾吾吾 7、 謂與朝 無否, 有 于何仁 ，可是 夫也 U 達言嗛 彼及與 >禮 聞君比 尊之 ，乎以 也曾若 王命之 三 ，是哉 > 其 彼子不 命忍謂 爵或夫 爵> 以氏相 而不也 > 5. King said, “ Not. so. That was not what \ meant. In the Book of Rites it is said, 4 When a father calls, the answer must be without a moment's hesitation. When tlie princes order calls, the carriage must not be waited for/ You were certainly ^〇ing to the court, but when you lieard the king's order, then you did not carry your pur- pose out. This does seem as if it were not in accordance with that rule of propriety.” 6. Mencius answered hitn, u How can you give tlmt meaning to my conduct? The philosopher Tsang said, 4 The wealth of Tsin and Ts^oo cannot be equalled. Let their rulers have their wealth : — I have my benevolence. Let them have tlieir nobility: — I have mv righteousness. Wherein should I be dissatisfied as in ferior to them T Now shall we say that these sentiments are not right ? Seeing that the philosopher Tsaag spoke them, there is in them, I apprehend, a real principle. — In the empire there are three things universally ackno-svledged to be honourable. Nobility is one of them ; age is one of them ; virtue is one of them. In courts, nobility holds tlie — see Con. Ana. VII. xvii. 5. Dif- ferent passages are here quoted together from the Book of Kites. 夂召 無諾， i- Pt I. iii.14, — 4 A son must cry p 隹 to liis father, and not which latter is a lingering re- sponse. 君命召 不侯駕 is found sub- stantially in Bk. XIII. iii. 2. low. 1st tone, = 斯 as in Ana. XI. ix. 3, et al. 6. 豈謂 是與， (low. 1st tone), 一 lit” ‘how means (it) this ? * 慊 has two opposite mean- ings, either 1 dissatislied/ or 4 satisfied,* in whicli latter sense, it is also hee. Choo He explains this by making it the same as 嗛， 4 something held in the mouth, * according to the nature of which will be the internal feeling. In the text, the idea is that of dissatisfaction. 夫豈不 義-義 is here 當 然之理 what is 13 90 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 學不 於是肩 有二 如鄕一 k 焉勞伊 不 就所哉 。德 遽齒 而而尹 > 足之 T、 故 噁莫二 狻 王學與 其召將 得如德 臣 栺焉着 尊乏 大着齒 > 一4 之 I 盔德臣 、有其 _ 朝 故 之後也 。樂 欲爲一 .世廷 太於臣 兹¥愈着 乏以 类莫 蒡管之 .湯 T、 謀君 ^ 漫民如 而仲 激 之如賢 i 其莫爵 > first place of the three ; in villages, age liolds tlic first place ; and for helping one^s generation and presiding over the people, tlic otli(M% two are not equal to virtue. How can the possession of only one of these be /)reswned on to des[)ise one wlio possesses the otluM* two? 7. u Therefore a prince wlio is to accomplisli great deeds Avill certainly lmve 】niiiist(u，s 'vlio 川 he does not call to gw ^ AVhen he wishes to consult witli them, lie j;oes to them. rrhe ])rince who does not lionour tlie virtuous, and (lolip;lit in their ways of doin^, to this extent, is not worth having to do Avitli. 8. u Accordingly, tliere was the b(3liaviour of TSnip： to E-vim : — lie first learned of him, and tlien cMH])lo\ ed him as Iiis miuisti^r； and so without difficulty lie l)ccanie emperor. TIhm*c was the l)〇liavi- onr of the duke Hwan to Kwan Cluing : — lie first leanu'd of him, and then CMn|)l〇yed liim as liis minfster; and so witliout ditticulty ho Ijccanie cJiicf of all tlie princes. proper and ri^ht/ tlu* siihjcct beintr tJu» remarks of 而曾子 f 之云云 pnnded thus in tlic ||M ^ : — * And, Tsilnp- tHZe speaking thoin. tlH\v<,〇ntain porliaps another principle ditferent from tlic vulgar view.* 鄕 衷拿， ace Con. Aim., X. i. 4 toeth/=ape. 7. 不足 與有爲 is by some intorprotod 一 *i.s not flt to have to (lo with them/ i.e. the virtmms, l)ut I pr(»f\»r tlu» meaning ndoptvd in the translation. 8. In tlu* 4 Historical Records/ ^ the accouutb ol uiib bccominjr minister to fF*jinp： is, that it was only nftor hoin.ir fivi* timi's solicitod hy s|H»cial mos- son^ors that lu* went to tin* ]>rim*i,,8 prestMice. Sv*e tlio 集證 • un Aim. X11. xxii. The con- fidence roposed l>y tin* duke II wan in Kwnn Cliunjr «])jH'ar8 in l’t I. ii. 3. Kw:m wns brought to Ts*o ori^innlly ns a prisoner to he put to deatl), but tlu* duko, knowing his ability and worth, had dotorniiiKMl to (Miiploy him. aiul thoroforr, having first caused liim to lu* rolieviMl of his fetters, nml otherwise lionouraMy trratr也> 矣 。受今 君處受 。戒 名辭予 孟啡日 于、 而若锻 薛曰將 于也之 而餽 於爲也 ，餽有 EK 夫受 可之 ，觀 兵予贐 ，遠皆 于是、 以 是則餽 有予行 、是 必則 貨 貨未之 、戒何 行也 。居前 ing it in the latter cases was wrong. If your accepting it in the latter cases was right, your declining to do so in the Urst. case was wrong. You must accept, Master, one of these alternatives.” 2. Mencius said, u I did right in all the cases. 3. u When I was in Sung, I was about to take a long journey. Travellers must be provided with what is necessary for their expenses. The prince's message was-^.4 A present against travelling-expenses/ Why should I have declined the gift? 4. u When I Avas in See, I was apprehensive for my safety, and taking measures for my protection. The message was, 4 1 have heard that you are taking measures to protect yourself, and send this to help you in procuring arms.* Why should I have declined the gift? 5. u But when 1 was in Ts^, I had no occasion for money. To send a man a gift when he has no occasion for it, is to bribe him. How is it possible that a superior man should be taken with a bribe ? '' 日， 今日， mark the relation of time between the cases simply, ^ J is not to be taken as= * to-day.* 必居 一 ■於 此， lit” ‘ must occupy (dwell in) one in these (places).* The meaning is that on either of the suppositions) he would be judged to have dono wrong. 3. 贐 or 篑 ( a gift to a traveller against the expenses of his journey.* 必以 ，一 it is difficult to aft»iRn its precise force to the j/j[. I consider the whole clause to bo written as from the point of view of the prince of Sung ; 一 In regard to travellers, he considered it was requisite to use the ceremony of 4. We must para- phrase considerably, to bring out the meaning. low. 3d tone. * a weapon of war/ or the character niay be taken here for * a weapon-bearer,1 4 a soldier.' 5. 未有 g 也， 一 Julicn says, 一 1 sicut nos G alike ; il n’y a pas lieu a, but if it wore so, would be the noun, in tlic 〇d tone, whereas it is the verb in Pt. II. Ch. IV. TI1E WORKS OF MENCIUS. 93 受 跟四羸 多待三 氏圜取 人心方 轉矣三 。失于 孟砰。 之之者 ，於 凶然啦 之于 牛所蠱 龕萆則 則特之 羊 > 得千 氈饑于 去戟平 而爲人 壯歲之 之之陸 . 爲也 。矣 。者于 失否士 j 胃 之 _ 盱散 之伍乎 。一其 牧今此 而民池 > 曰日大 之有非 之老亦 不而夫 Chapter IV. 1. ]\lencius having gone to P^ng-luh, addressed the governor of it, saying, u If one o/your spearmen should lose his place in the ranks three times in one day, would you, Sir, put him to death or not ? ” 11 1 would not wait for three times to do so,'' was the reply. 2. Mencius said, uWell then, you, Sir, have likewise lost your place in the ranks many times. In bad calamitous years, and years of famine, the old and feeble of your people, who have been found lying in the ditches and water-channels, and the able-bodied, who have been scattered about to the four quarters, have amounted to several thousands.” The governor replied, u That is a state of things in which it does not belong to me Keu-sin to act." 3. “Here,” said Mencius^ u is a man who receives charge of the cattle and sheep of another, and undertakes to feed them for him ； the 2d, =*=‘ to manage,’ * to dispose of.’ 處 = 未有所 處- 未有 Ch. 4. How Mencius brought conviction OF THEIR FAULTS HOME TO THE KING AND AN officer OF Tsje. 1. ^ is the verb= 件. P4ing-luh was a city on the southern border of Ts*e. It is referred to the present department of Yen-chow in Shan-tung, tho* 3〇rae, with less reason, find it in P'ing-yang in Shan-se. The officer’s name, as we learn from the last par., was K'ung Keu-sin. ^ ^ here=^, Gov- ernor * or 4 Commandant.* The 戟 is variously described. Some say it had three points ； others that it had a branch or blade on oue side. No doubt, its form varied. 去， up.2dt 咖， ‘to away with.’ Comm concur in the meaning given in the translation. 2. 凶年云 ~ comp. Bk. I. Pt. II. xii. 2. Julien finds a difficulty in the ; several thousand/ as not appli- cable to the population of P4ing-luh. But it was Mencius* way to talk roundly. To make 千人 c one thousand/ we must read 幾 ，叫 1st tone, and suppose the preposition 乎吟 pressed. The meaning of the officer's reply is — that to provide for such a state of things, by opening the granaries and other measures, de- volved on the supreme authority of the State, and not on him. 3. Comp. 非 身之所 94 THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS. ROOK II. 靈 _ 則 孔臣日 、與 。其 求者, 丘 I 導跟 知見曰 .A 牧則 而于 人辱五 於此乎 、與咚 頁靑謂 之爲人 至則我 I 謂爲 士 _ # 王 焉旧原 亦而之 師屬也 。誦 知王心 立不求 似艮之 。其 之之 而徵牧 也 .于 王# 爲# 視則興 邋之 择者 .都也 。其 反芻 其辭 此惟者 肩顿 諸矣, — of course lie must search for pasture-ground and grass for them. If!, after searching for those, he cannot find them, will he return charge to the owner ? or will he stand by and see them die ? ’’ “ Herein,” said the officer, “ I am guilty.” 4. Another day, Mencius had an audience of the king, and said to him, u Of the governors of your Majesty's cities I am acquainted ^rith five, but the only one of them who knows his faults is Iv4ung Keu-sin.” He then repeated the conversation to the king, who said, “ In this matter, I am the guilty one.” Chapter V. 1. Mencius said to (Jh‘e Wa, “There seemed to be reason in your declining the governorship of Ling-k^w, and request- ing to be appointed chief criminal judge, because the latter office would afford you the opportunity of speaking your views. Now 育 g 爲， I. Pt II. XV. 2. The first 牧 is the verb; the 2d, a noun,=pasturc-grounds. 諸 *=： — * the man/ t.e., their owner. 一 the force of the is 一 * or 一 here is another supposition 一 will he, &c ? * Mencius means that Keu-sin should not hold office in such circumstances. 4. 心 . 3d tone. 爲 都者， -爲心 the sense of 4 to admin- ister,* 4 to govern;* comp. Ana. IV. xiii. 都， 一 properly * a capital city/ but also used more generally. In the diet., wc find : — (1) Where the emperor has his palace is called (2) The cities conferred on the sons and younger bro- thers of the princes were called ； in fact, every city with an ancestral temple containing the tablets of former rulers. (3) The cities from which nobles anil great officers derived their support were culled 一 low. 3d tone. Ch. 5. The freedom delonoing to Men- cius IN RELATION TO THE MKA8UHE8 OF TIIR KING OF T8‘E FROM HIS PECULIAR POSITION, as unsalaried. 1. Of Ch*e Wa we only know what is stated here. Ling-k4ew is sup- posed to have been a city on the bonlers of ’IVe， irmote from the court， Ch*e "Wa having declined tlie governorship of it, that he might be near the king. 士師 ，一 see Bk. L rt. Ir. vi- 2. 爲 其可以 言， -lit •，‘ becau*。 Ft II. Cu. V.— VI. T1IE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 95 _進 我去之 不贼 敦以可 孟 無 有也知 鼂爲言 H 于豈官 言有也 。則 臣與 。言 爲不守 肩官公 S 善而蝣 也 如綺 我乾 守都矣 太霞 + 於綽 無不者 ，于所 齊_旣 觀然 言得不 以以 人於數 出有責 其得吿 。自 呒王月 弔餘也 > 言其曰 f 爲及而 矣> 於裕則 則職吾 則以不 未 膨哉 。吾去 、則 聞吾 爲甩可 si'vt'ral months have elapsed, and have you yet found nothing of which you might speak?" 2. On this, Clile Wa remonstrated on some matter with the king, and, his counsel not being taken, resigned his office, and went a^vay. 3. The people of Ts4e said, u In the course which he marked out for Ch^e AVa, he did well, but we do not know as to the course which lie pursues for liimself.” 4. His disciple lvung-too told him these remarls. 5. Jfenciu.'i said, u 1 have heard that he who is in charge of an office, Avhen he is prevented from fulfilling its duties, ought to take liis departure, and that he on whom is the responsibility of giving liis opinion, Avhen he linds his words unattended to, ought to do the same. But I am in charge of no office ; on me devolves no duty of speaking out my opinion : 一 may not I therefore act freely and with- out any constraint, either in going forward or in retiring ? " Chapter VI. 1. Mencius, occupying the position of a high dignitary in Ts4e, went oil a mission of condolence to T^ng. The of the possibility to speak/ As criminal jud.2：e, Ch*e AN a would be often in communication with the king, and could remonstrate on any failures in the administration of justice that came muler liis notice. 2 •致 ， 4 to regign，’ 4 give up； as in Con. Ana. I. vii., et al. 3. J^l (l<)w. 3d tone), lit., 4 whereby for/ 二所以 爲之處 as iu the translation. 4. Kung-too was a disciple of Mencius. See Bk. III. Ft. II. ix, et al. 5. We find the phrase 縛縛 有裕， with the same meaning as tlie more enlarged form in tlie text. Ch. 6. Mencius* beiia^our with an fn- avouthy associate. 1. 4 Occupied the posi- tion of a high dignitary : ’ 一 so I translate litre 爲雄 Mcucius' situation appears to have 9G THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 不 齊漏夫 而齊丑 未王王 知止孟 S 旣未 滕呒 嘗驩使 虞 於予或 嘗之齊 與朝蓋 之瀛 ，自治 與路肩 之暮大 不 充蜜之 ，言不 之言見 、夫 > 说 虞弈予 行爲优 冇皮王 使 請於何 事近不 事齊驩 虞曰 〃售、 言何矣 /爲也 。滕爲 敦 前反哉 。也 。反小 办之輔 匠氐於 氏之 、矣 k 孫路 H king also sent Wang Hwan, the governor of Ka, as assistant-com- missioner. Wang Hwan, morning and evening, waited upon Men- cius, who, during all the way to Tlang and back, never spoke to him about the business of their mission. 2. Kuiig-sun Cli‘o'v said to Mencius, “ The position of a high dignitary of Ts4e is not a small one; the road from Ts4e to T4ang is not short. How was it that during all the way there and back, you never spake to Hwan about the matters of your mission Mencius replied, “There were the proper officers who attended to them. A\rliat occasion liad I to speak to him about them ? 11 Ciiapteii VII. 1. Mencius loent from TsJe to Loo to bury liis mother. On his return to Ts(e, he stopped at Ying, where Cl^ung ^ u begged to put a question to him, and snul, u Formerly, in ignor- ance of my incoinpetency, you employed me to superintend the been only lionornry, witliout emolument, anil the kin^ cmployt^l him on this occasion to give weight by liis character to the mission. The of- ficer of (read ka) was an unworthy favour- ite of the king, not * to assist liim on tlie journey, * but with rcferencu to wliat was the biifliiiess (所行 ) of it. 見， —low. 3d tone. implies the ^ 主， or * going/ as well ns Re- turning.* 2. 齊 卿之位 refers to Wang 1 1 wan, who liad been temporarily raised to that dignity for the occasion 夫 （Idw. 1st tone) 旣或 *N〇w there were suuic,'— i.c., the proper officers 一 yjp^ ‘who attended to them.’ The glossarist of Chaou K4e under- stands this as spoken of Wanjf： — 4 He perhaps attended to them,* i.e., he thought that he know all about them, and never put any ques- tions to me; but the view adopted is moro natural, and pives more puiut to Mencius* ex- planation of his conduct. Cu. 7. That one oiioiit to do his ittmost IN TIIK BI'KIAL OF 1118 1WHKNT8 ； — ILLUSTRATKD HY MKNCU>V BURIAL OF HIS MOTHKR. C〇mp. I. Pt. II. xvi. 1. The tradition is that Mencius had his mother with him in Ts4e, and that he carried her bcxly to the family 8〇puli*)irc in Loo. How long he remained in Loo is uncertain ； — perhaps the whole three yoar» proper lo the mourning for a parent. Whelhcr Pt. II. Cu. VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 97 人悅 ^ 於直 自中然 事、 皆得悅 、人 爲天古 曰清鼠 用之 無心。 觀于棺 古請虞 之 、爲財 i 嗓達 七者池 3 吾 有不得 ▲也 ，於寸 、棺本 辱 何財 /可不 然庶椁 椁若葶 爲 古以可 後人稱 無以今 獨 之爲以 盡非之 J 兔美願 making of the coffin. As you were then jessed by the urgency of the business, I did not venture to put any question to you. Now, however, I wish to take the liberty to submit the matter. The wood of the cojfln, it appeared to me, avhs too good.), 2. Mencius replied, u Anciently, there was no rule for the size of either the inner or the outer coffin. In middle antiquity, the inner coffin was made seven inches thick, and the outer one the same. This was done by all, from the emperor to the common peo- ple, and not simply for the beauty of the appearance, but because tliey thus satisfied the natural feelings of their hearts. 3. 11 If prevented by statutory regulations from making their cof- Jim in this tony, men cannot have the feeling of pleasure. If they have not the money to make them in this vmi/, tliey cannot have the feeling of pleasure. When they Avere not prevented, and had the money, the ancients all used this style. Why should I alone not clo so ? his stopping at Ying was for a night merely, or a longer period, is also disputed. Ch*un 爲如吾 肴基拉 以應氐 或天曰 k 應諸 。，受 燕之可 > 問吏屬 2： 曰 ，之 f 女曰 ^ 之則 H 曰> 未伐於 薇爲 如氏可 以可池 , 薇于、 何 士艮人 以伐彼 沈或則 爲師 ，孰可 伐之然 同問可 勸則可 殺之， 則而 間曰 之可 以與, 今將伐 燕勸何 哉。 以殺則 有應之 可齊以 殺之將 殺之也 A 伐異 2. The people of Ts'e smote Yen. Some one asked Mencius, saying, u Is it really the case that you advised Ts^e to smite Yen? "' He replied, “No. Shin Tiling asked me -whether Yen might bn smitten, and I ansAvered him, { It may.’ They accordingly went and smote it. If lie had asked me — 4 Who may smite it?’ I would have answered him, 4 He who is the minister of Heaven may smite it' Suppose the case of a murderer, and that one asks me — 4 May this man be put to death ? 1 I will answer him — ‘ He may.’ If he ask me — 4 Who may put him to death ?' I will answer him, — c The chief criminal judge may put him to death/ But now with one Yen to smite another Yen : — how should I have advised this ? J, retained his kingdom. Tsze-che, however, ac- cepted the tender, and Tsze-k^ae was laid up- on the shelf. By and by, his son endeavoured to wre6t back the throne, and great confusion and suffering to the people ensued. Comp. Bk I. Pt. II. x., xi. 1. Shin (so read, as a surname) T^ng appears to have been a high minister of the State. It is difficult to find a word by which to translate which implies the idea of Yen's deserving to be punished. _ referring to Shin Tlung, but we can't translate it literally in English. 夫 士也夫 ，-， 1<3W- lstt〇ne，= 斯; 士 is the same person as above, 4 a scholar seeking official employment.* 2. 應， up. 3d tone. 彼 巧-彼 refer* to the king and people of Ts*e. 彼 如曰， — re^ers on^ t0 T^ng. see Pt. L v. 6. The one Yen is of course Tsle, as oppressive as Yen itself. Ch. 9. How Mencius beat down the at- tempt TO ARGUE IN EXCUSE OF ERHOKS AND 100 THE WORKS or MEXCItS. BOOK n. 既賈公 而知使 王自孟 ■ 周 請未使 而管印 以于。 公見之 之廣叔 惡旧陳 S 人 何而 盡是之 、監是 與賈畔 > 人解 也6不 悬殷 肩周曰 > 王 也 。之 。而智 1、 管言公 >王 艮 曰 、見 明也 ，仁叔 也。 孰無吾 古孟 於仁也 ，以氐 仁患甚 聖于 ，王智 J、 殷周 且焉！ 人問乎 > 周知畔 、公智 。王於 Chapter IX. 1. The people of Yen having rebelled, the king1 of TsLe said, u I feel very much ashamed when I think of Mencius." 2. Ch‘in Kea said to him, u Let not )r〇ur Majesty be grieved. Whether does your Majesty consider yourself or Chow-kuiig the more benevolent and wise?’ The king replied, u Oh ! Avliat words are those?” uThe duke of Chow", said Kea, ^appointed Kwan- shuh to oversee the heir 〇/ Yin, but Kwan-shuh with the power of the Yin State rebelled. If kn〇Avi»g that this would happen he appoint- ed Kwan-shilh, he was deficient in benevolence. If he appointed him, not knowing that it would happen, he was deficient in know- ledge. If the duke of Chow was not completely benevolent and wise, how much less can your Majesty be expected to be so ! I beg to go and see Mencius, and relieve your Majesty from that feeling." 3. Ch'-in Kea accordingly saw Mencius, and asked him, saying, 14 What kind of man was tlic duke of Chow? 5， uAn ancient sage,M was the reply. u Is it tlie fact, that he appointed Kwan-shuh to misconduct. 1. The people of Yen set up the son of Tsze-klwae as king, and rebelled against the yoke which Ts*e had atteniptod to Impose oil them. 4 Ashamed when I tliink of Mencius/ — i.e., bccuu«CM)f tlie advice of Mencius in regard to Yen, which he had neglect c»d. St*e Bk.I.Pt. II.x.?xi. 2. Cl»4in Kea was nnofliivr of Ts^c*. Cliow-kunp, — see Con. Ana. VII. v., et al. The case Kca rei'ers to was this : —— Oil king Woo's extinction of the Yin dynasty, sparing the life of Chow^ son, he conterred on him the small State of Yin from whicli tlie dynasty hud taken its name, but placed him under the ■urveillunce of his own two brothers, Seen (]j^) and Too one of them older, and the other younger, than his brother Tan (曰 ), who was Chow-kunu：. Seen has come down to us under tlie title of Kwan-shuh, Kwan beinp the name of tlie principality which he received for himself. 八 Woo’s (lemth， aiul tlie succession of his w>n, 8cvn and I'oo rebelled, when Chow-kun^ took action against tliem, put the former to death, and banished the other. 監 （叫 •丨， t tone) 殷， — tlu •殷 丨丨 peror Chow. That below is t)ie name of tlie state. 一 I take in the scuso of Pr. II. Cn. IX. T1IE WORKS OF MEKCltS. 101 盔仰 之順君 也且而 也池。 之之 ，食 k 之斤 、周有 使有艮 辭 。今民 古過公 過之諸 。使 之皆之 則之興 。與 。氏管 君見 君改齓 氏曰 ，然 。叔 于之 , 于 、之 、不周 I、 曰廣 豈及其 今亦么 知周殷 I 徒 其過之 宜弟也 。公管 順 II 也君乎 。也 ，然 知叔 之池 ，于 、且嗜 則其以 31 民日過 古叔, 聖將殷 從皆月 則之兄 人畔畔 oversee the heir of Yin, and that Kwan-shuh with the State of Yin rebelled ?”“ It is.” “ Did the duke of Chow know that he would rebel, and purposely appoint him to that office ? v Mencius said, u He did not kn〇'sv.,> u Then, though a sage, lie still fell into error ?** 44 The duke of Chow," answered Mencius^ u was the younger brother. Kwan-shuh was liis elder brother. AVas not the error of Chow-kung in accordance witli what is right ? 4. “ Moreover, when the superior men of old had errors, they reformed them. The superior men of the present time, when they have errors, persist in them. The errors of the superior men of old were like eclipses of the sun and moon. All the people witnessed them, and when they had reformed them, all the people looked up to them with their former admiration. But do the superior men of the present day only persist in their errors ? They go on to raise apologizing discussions about them likewise/5 ‘to loose，’ ‘to free from,’ with reference to the feeling of shame, not 4 to explain.* 3. Before 街^貝 |J ， there should be a 曰， as it is the retort of Ch‘in Kea. 聖人且 有過與 ，-且 implies a sncceeding clause — 4 how much more may one inferior to him ! * — • 况下 于公者 乎 What Mencius means in conclusion is， that brother ought not to be suspicious of brother : that it is better to be deceived than to impute evil. 4. In 今之 君子^ must be taken vaguely. 更 up. 1st tone，= 彦 Shall we refer it to the sun and moon, or to the ancient worthies ? Primarily, its application is to the heayenly bodies. 為 102 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS BOOK TI. 爲夫 室斤耳 ，此棄 可見国 我國 養氐固 而寡得 、孟孟 $ 言 人弟我 所得人 得于于 之 。皆 于微願 見而待 ，氐致 時暗 Pi 中也 。乎 。歸 k 同前湓 于所 萬國他 噴不 朝日臣 因矜鍾 ，而 I 氐識 甚願而 陳式 廣受王 不可喜 >見亂 于于諸 孟謂敢 玛今而 尹 W 盍尖手 時請 ll 立戈就 Chapter X. 1. Mencius gave up his office, and made arrange- ments for returning to his native State. 2. The king came to visit him, and said, u Formerly, I wished to see you, but in vain. Then, I got the opportunity of being by your side, and all my court joyed exceedingly along with me. Now again you abandon me, and are returning home. I do not know if hereafter I may expect to have another opportunity of seeing you.” Mencius replied, u I dare not request permission to visit )^ou at any particular time, but, indeed, it is what I desire." 3. Another day, the king said to the officer She, u I wish to give Mencius a house, somewhere in the middle of the kingdom, and to support liis disciples with an allowance of 10,000 chung, that all the officers and the people may have such an example to reverence and imitate. Had you not better tell him this for me ? " 4. She took advantage to convey this message by means of tlie disciple Ch4in, who reported his words to Mencius. 之辭， the double object after The remark was a severe thrust at Ch‘iu K‘ca’8 own conduct. Ch. 10. Mencius in leaving a country or REMAINING IN IT WAS NOT INFLUENCED BY PE- CUNIARY CONSIDERATIONS, BUT BT THE OPPOR- TUNITY DENIED OR ACCORDED TO HIM OF CAUKY- 1NO III8 riUNCIPLES INTO PRACTICE. 1. 港 ^ 泛， 一 aR in ch. v. 2, only it is here simply i resignation,* with little of the idea of sacrifice. 而歸 , ‘an(l returned.’ 一 Cliaou K*e says 1 to his house, * and in accordance witli this, he interprets below, ‘ I do not venture to ask you to come in person to see me/ which is surely absurd enough. The meaning must be what I have given. 2. 前 H ， 一 referring to the time before Mencius first camo to Ts4e. 同朝 (ch'aou, low. 1st tone)=^ 朝 之臣， 4 all the officers of the court with himself.* _ 此 = 繼此見 ，‘ in e°ntinua- tion of this seeing.' Mencius sees that the kitipr M*ith his complimentary expressions is really bidding him adieu, and answers, accordiugly, in as complimentary a way, intimating his purpose to be gone. 3. Tlic king after nil dm's not Tr. II. Ch. X. THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 103 市 之孰矣 j 至微欲 于言以 者 ，吶 Tv 叉 使富富 r 惡吿吿 以有欲 使己乎 / 辭 知孟孟 其私富 其爲季 汁其于 。于4 所龍貴 3 政 > 孫萬： T、 孟嗍 有腐 而弟不 呒而 可于子 易焉。 獨爲用 .異受 也既以 其古! 於滅 則叙萬 、如 t g 寺 所 之富人 亦予是 使夫于 無 爲貴亦 色裔 爲予時 i 5. Mencius said, u Yes; l)ut how should the officer She know that the thing may not be? Suppose that I wanted to be rich, hav- ing formerly declined 100,000 chan/j^ would my now accepting 10,000 be the conduct of one desiring riches? 6. 11 Ke-sun said, 4 A strange man wtui Tsze-shuli E. He pushed himself into the service of government. His prince declining to employ him, he had to retire indeed, but lie again schemed that his son or younger brother should be made a high officer. AVho in- deed is there of men but wishes for riches and honour? But he only, among the seekers of these, tried to monopolize the conspicu- ous mound. 7. u Of old time, the market-dealers exchanged the articles -\vliich tliey had for others which they had not, and simply had certain officers to keep order among them. It happened that there was a like the idea of Mencius* ^oing, and thinks of this plan to retain him, which was in reality what Mencius, in ch. iii., calls 4 bribing * him. low. 3d tone. 3. Ch'in here is the CliHn Tsin of ch. iii. 话 J is explained by 俅託， entrusted to/ But it is more. and=Jto take advantage of/ with reference to Chin's being a disciple of Mencius. 4. Mencius does not, find it convenient to state plainly his real rea- son for going, 一 that lie was not permitted to see his principles carried into practice, and there- fore repels simply the idea of bis being accessible to pecuniary considerations. 100,000 chung was the fixed allowance of a which Mencius had (kcliucd to receive. 5. Of Ke-sun aud Tsze- shuh E we know only what is mentioned here. Chaou K4e says that they were disciples of Men- cius, and that Ke-sun made his remark with a view to induce Mencius to push forward his dis- ciples into the employment which he could not get for himself. But such a view is inadmissible 使已 ，使其 子弟， — thelst 使， itissai(i， merely refers to the prince's employment of him, and the 2d to his contriving and bringing about the employment of bis son or younsrer brother, but why should we not give the char- acter the same force in both cases ? 肯督， 2d tone, read as ancl= 爲: _， ‘ a mound.’ up. 2d tone. 4 cut/ * abrupt,1 4 well defined.* 6. low. 1st tone. Observe the force of 104 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 不齊 隱爲囯 此爲左 夫者, 聽 ，宿几 王孟囉 賤方焉 、有 請而 而留于 丈故望 >必 司 勿後臥 。行 去夫從 而求者 復 1 客 ■者肩 J 而罔 龍洽 敢言 3 坐宿矣 。征 市斷之 見夫 悅而於 之 而耳、 矣序曰 、 百 、晝。 坐 、而 于應及 征 人登有 說 皆之賤 蠱苡以 i mean fellow, who made it a point to look out for a conspicuous mound, and get up upon it. Thence lie looked right and left, to catch in his net the whole gain of the market. The people all thought his conduct mean, and therefore they proceeded to lay a tax upon his wares. The taxing of traders took its rise from this mean fellow.” Chapter XI. 1. Mencius, having taken his leave of Tsce, was passing the night in Chow. 2. A person Avho wished to detain him on behalf of the king, came and sat clown, and began to speak to him. gave liiiri no answer, but leant upon his stool and slept. 3. The stranger was displeased, and said, u I passed the night in careful vigil, before I would venture to speak to you, and you, blaster, sleep and do not listen to me. Allow me to request that I may not again presume to see you." Mencius replied, u Sit clown, 耳 * only,' which also belongs to it in par. 2., weakening the tl.e ^ should be referred to the mean individual spo- ken of. Cii. 11. How Mencius repelled a man, AVIIO, OFFICIOUSLY AND ON 1118 OWN IMPULSE, TRIED TO DETAIN HIM IN T8*E. 1. 畫 was a city on the southern border of TB*e. Some think it should be written j 昏, and refer it to a place in the pres, distr. of 臨潘 but tlliS would place it north from T^oo, whither Mencius whh retiring. Mencius withdrew leisurely, hop- ing that tlie king would rccal him and pledge himself to follow liis counsels, (low. 3d tone), — ‘for the king/ i.c., knowing it would please the king. — upper 3d tone. |^, — upper 3d tone, * to lean upon.* The was a stool or bench, on which individuals might lean forward, or otherwise, as they sat upon their mats. It could be carried in the hand. See the Lc-kc, I. Pt. I. i. i，- 謀於 長者必 操儿杖 g 從之 «• cAae, upper 1st tone*^^ 4 to keep a vigil/ rr. II. Cn. Xl.-XII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 105 湯 氐圍長 不安人 能無我 武 ▲石 孟睹及 苓乎考 A 驾 則識于 絶于身 。繆 于乎語 是王 去于思 >于@ 公 思于乇 不之齊 。乎。 于爲之 泄思昔 —一 絶長槪 柳之者 長者 則申側 ,魯 者慮 m 削繆 乎> 而能 無不么 明不尹 也 /可士 識以語 其爲人 and I uill explain the case clearly to you. Formerly, if the duke Mull had not kept a person by tlie side of rrsze-sze, he could not have induced Tsze-sze to remain with him. If See Lew and Shin Ts^eang had not liad a remembrancer by the side of the duke j\Iuh, he would not have been able to make them feel at home and remain Avitli him. 4. u You anxiously form plans with reference to me, but you do not treat me as Tsze-sze was treated. Is it you, Sir, 、vho cut me? Or is it I， who cut you Chapter XII. 1. When Mencius had left Tsce, Yin Sze spake about him to others, saying, u If lie did not know that the king could not be made a T'ang or a AVoo, that showed his want of intelli- ‘ to fast.’ 〒琴， — * fasted and passed the night.’ 請 復 （low. 3d tone) 敢見 is 丨 merely the complimentary way of complaining 丨 of what the guest considered the rudeness of his | reception •言吾 ■， low. 3d tone= 告 here 1 read Muh, was the honorary epithet of the duke ' Heen ( ), b.c. 408 — 375. Teze-sze, 一 the grand- i son of Confucius. ShinTs{eang, — thesonofTsze- | chang one of Confucius’ disciples. 丨 SeC Lew was a native of Loo, a disciple of the i Confucian school. See the Le-ke, II. Ft. I. ii. 34 ; Pt.II.iii.26. or is said to | simply 4 to detain/ but its force is more ! than that， and=‘ to make contented， ami s() in- I d uce to remain •’ Great respect, it seems, was i 6liown to Tsze-sze. and he had an attendant from the duke to assure him continually of the respect j with which he was cherished. Sof Lew and Shin IVeiing hiid not such iUtuitlaiiu， but tiny knew that there were one or more officers by the duke's side, to admonish him not to lorget them and other worthies. The stranger calls himself 弟予， 4 your disciple •’ 4. low. 3d tone, Mencius calls himself (UP* 2d tone) 4 tbe elder/ 子爲 長者云 •^，― the stranger was anxious for (^) Men- cius to remain in Ts^, but the thing was entire- ly from himself, not from the king; and his thinking tliat he could detain him by such a visit showed the little store he set by him was, in fact, a cutting him. Ch. 12. How Mencius explained his SEEMING TO LINGER IN Ts*E, AFTER HE HAD RESIGNED IIIS OFFICE, AND LEFT THE COURT, 1. xVll that we know of Yin Sze is tliat lie was a man of Ts4e. Juiien properly blames Noel for translating 尹士 by literatus coy-* nomine Yin； us if were here the noun— 4 a ii 106 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 王心也 去> 見夫士 、宿 千不 如猶 f 植王 ^ 尹則而 里可, 择以 二予 是士兹 邊而被 諸 ^ 宿所 予惡石 出見且 則速 、而 欲所 知悦 。晝 ，王 、至、 必王後 哉/徵 千高堤 不則 尽庶 出予也 U 何遇是 予 。幾晝 3 不千以 濡故干 夫峨 於得遇 里吿。 滯垚澤 出之 , 予 E 故 而 曰 三也 gence. Tf he knew that he could not be made such, and came not- Avithstandino-, that shows he was seeking his own benefit. He came a thousand le to wait on the king； because lie did not find in him a ruler to suit liim, he took his leave, but how dilatory and linger- ing was his departure, stopping tliree nights before lie (juitted Chow! I am dissatisfied on a.ccomit, oP this.” 2. The disciple Kaou infonned Mencius of these remarks. 3. Mencius said, u How should ^ in Sze know me! When I came a thousaiul le to wait on the kin«;, it wa»s what I desired to do. 'Vlieu 1 'veut ii'va.y l)〇cause I did not find in him a ruler to suit me, was that what I desired to do? I iclt niyself constrained to do it. 4. u When I stopped tliree ni〇*lit.s Ix^fore I quitted Chow, in mv own mind I still consi(lei*〇d my d^partun4 sperdy. I was liopin^ that the king mi〇;ht change. If the king hud clianged, lie would certainly have recalled me. scholar,’ But when he ftdd9 thnt it is here to be pranouncod rhr, to mark tlmt it is a nanu;, this is what iK*itlu*r tlie dictioimry nor any common- tary mentions. 一 low. 3(1 tone, = *to seek for favours/ /.c., liis own benefit. See Ana. II. xviii. 不 遇，— m xvi. 3. 玄 U* 匕, ‘ this.’ What Szc chiotly moans to clmrp：e against Mencius is the lin^orinjf character of his departure. 3. MwiuH whs constrniued to loiive by t!u* con- virtion forced on liim that lie could not in carry liib priuciplfb into practice. 王庶 (u|>. 1st tono) 0^ 之 lit” ‘Th(、 king fortunitclv near to c)»；ui^* it,* This was the thou^lit at the time iu Moncius* m iul, and |l I* i hoptnl/ 4 1 was looking for.* 4. = ^heii, and not till then/ 浩然， — 8ee rfUt L “• u， 舍-捨 . 2d _ •由 = 猶 •用 U by many taken as simply=Lj[; 一 ‘the kiiiff is after all competent to do pood/ but 用 cxprcsscb mure Ilian lluit. 予日 望之， Pi. II. Ch. XII.— XIII. TIIE WOHKf； OF MENCIUS. l〇7 圔人而 悻然之 、民 足有晝 > 孟吨 。後然 >哉、 予安 i 用歸而 予 宿見諫 H 天爲志 ，王 圭 哉 ，於於 望下善 > 予不 氣# 其其之 。之 王雖手 士畆 君予联 如服追 聞去 而豈擧 扭豈軋 路 之則 不若安 ，予 ，舍予 問 氐 窮受 ，是王 則王然 曰 > 士> 日則 小庶 豈哉及 夫 誡之 怒丈幾 锂王诰 于 小九 悻夫改 齊由然 5. 11 When T quitted Chow, and the king had not sent after me, tlien, and onl}^ till then, was my mind resolutel}7 bent on returning to Tsow. But, notwithstanding that, how can it be said that 1 give up the king? The king, after all, is one Avho may be made to do what is good. If he were to use me, would it be for the happiness of the people of Ts4e only ? It would be for the happiness of the people of the whole empire. I am hoping that the king will change. I am daily hoping for this. 6. “Am I like one of your little-minded people? They Avill remonstrate Avith their prince, and on their remonstrance not being accepted, they get angry, and, with their passion displayed in their countenance, they take their leave, and travel with all their strength for a whole day, before they will stop for the night." 7. When Yin Sze heard this explanation, he said, u I am indeed a small man.” Chapter XIII. 1. When Mencius left Ts{e, Ch4ung Yu question- conveys in itself no more than the translation, but the king's change of course involved Men- ciusJ recal to Ts4e. I am inclined to think that the verbs in this par. should be translated in the past tense, and that we have in it merely an amplification of Mencius* thoughts before he quitted Chow. 5. Compare with this par. Confucius' defence of Kwan Chung, Ana. XIV. 18 Ch. 13. Mencius5 grief at not finding an OPPORTUNITY TO DO THE GOOD WHICH HE COULD. 1. Ch4ung Yu, — the same mentioned in ch. vii. Though Ch4ung Yu attributes the ma- 心 不怨天 不尤人 to his master, we find it in Confucius： see Ana. XIV. xxxvi. 3. ‘500 years，’ 一 this is speaking in very round and loose numbers, even if we judge from the 108 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK II. 不當 徵羌來 > 豫今 平以七 哉 。之 治其百 歡 天時有 舍 下考餘 我 也之歲 其如 則矣、 誰 飲可以 也平矣 。其 吾治夫 ■數 何 天天則 爲下 、未過 声 一于若 乳咏曰 、有 其 此君不 間 一于豫 必 1 時不色 有瓜 怨然、 着 3>关 前 世 百不日 卷年 、尤虞 由祕人 。聞 周有曰 _ 而 i 至彼夫 ed him upon the way, saying, u Master, you look like one who car- ries an air of dissatisfaction in his countenance. But formerly I heard you say — 1 The superior man does not murmur against Hea- ven, nor grudge against men.5 2. Mencius said, u That was one time, and this is another. 3. u It is a rule that a true Imperial sovereign should arise in the course of five hundred years, and that during that time there should be men illustrious in their generation. 4. aFrom the commencement of the Chow dynasty till now, more than 700 years have elapsed. Judging numerically, the date is past. Examining the character of the jn'esent time, we might expect the rise of such individuals in it. 5. u But Heaven does not yet wish that the empire should enjoy tranquillity and good order. If it wished tliis, -who is there besides me to bring it about ? How should I be otherwise than dissatisfied? '' ]»i8tory of China prior to Mencius. 其問 ‘ during them，’ but the meaning is —— at the name time with tlie sovereign shall arise men able to assist him. 名世 -有。 r 著名 于世- 4. The Cliow dynnHty lastod altogether 8(>7 years, and Mencius died, according： to Home nccountH, at the a^e of 102, in the 2d year of the lust contury, little more thnn 50 years removed from the extinction of the dynasty. 以其 時# 之則 可每 /it.f *■ I5y the time r\- aniining it, then may/ i.e., such things may Ik?- G. 舍我 其誰， ‘ Letting mc go, then who?' Comp, last chap. p. 4, and many othor places, where Mencius speaks of what he could accompli rIi. On the rcfcronce to the will of I left ven. comp. Ann. VIII. v, 3. ft. II. Hi. X1Y. THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 109, 非 可繼蠟 退於之 仕休漏 我 以而變 I 崇灌 而公孟 5 志請 省故有 吾乎。 不孫于 也^ 久師不 去得曰 瘦通去 g 命 、受志 ，見非 祿> 問齊 k 觀不也 王也 古艮居 Chapter XIV. 1. When Mencius left Ts4e, he dwelt in Hew. There Kung*sun Ch'ow asked him, saying, u \\ ns it the way of the ancients to hold office without receiving salary ? n i. Mencius replied^ u No ; when I first saw the king in Ts(ung, it Avas my intention, on retiring from the interview, to go away. Be- cause I did not wish to change this intention, I declined to receive any salary. 3. u Immediately after, came orders for the collection of troops, when it would have been improper for me to beg permission to leave. But to remain so long in Ts4e was not ray purpose." Ch. 14. The reason of Mencius* holding ▲N HONORARY OFFICE IN Ts‘E WITHOUT SALARY， THAT HE WISHED TO BE FREE TS HIS MOVE- MENTS. 1. Hew was in the present dis- trict of T;ang in the department of Ycn- chow. Kung-sun Ch^ow's inquiry was sim- ply for information. This appears from the with wliich it is answered. 2. Ts^g must be the name of a place in Ts*e, which can- not be more exactly determined. It is not to be confounded with the ancient principality or barony of the same name. 年辱 is evidently = 始展 3 •師命 may be as in the translation, or 一 ctlie appointment to the position of a Tutor,' honorary adviser to the king. This is the interpretation of the glossarist of Chaou K;e, and is perhaps preferable to the former. 110 TIIE WORKS OF MEXCIUS. BOOK III. Chapter I. 1. When the duke Wan of T^ngwas Crown-prince, having to go to Ts4oo, lie went by way of Sung, and visited Mencius. 2. Mencius discoursed to him how tlie nature of man is good, and, when speaking, always made laudatory reference to Yaou and Shun. 3. When the CroAvn-prince was returning from Ts4oo, he again visited Mencius. Mencius said to him, u Prince, do you doubt my words ? The path is one, and only one. 4. 11 Shing Kan said to the duke king of Ts£e, 1 They were men. I am a man. Why should I stand in awe of them Yen Yuen said, Title op Tnis Book. - 滕文办 ‘The duke WSn of T^ng.' The Book is so named from the duke Wfin, who is prominent in the first three chapters. Chaou K4e compares this with the title of the 15th Book of the Analects. Ch. 1. How ALL MEN BY DEVELOPING THEIR NATURAL GOODNESS MAY BECOME EQUAL TO THE ancient sages. 1. The duke Wan of T4ilng, 一 see I. Pt. II. xiii. W?in i3 the posthumous title. The Crown-prince^ name appears to have been Hwang (^^). Previous to the Han dynasty, the heirs-apparent of the emperors and the princes of States were called indifferent- ly 世子 anil 太子 • Since then, 子 has been confined to the imperial heir. The title of 世子 was given, it is said, 欲 其世肚 不絶， ( to indicate the wish that the succession should be unbroken from genera- tion to (feneration' Ts*oo and T4ftng bordering on each other, the prince must have pone out of his way to visit Mencius. In the 4 Topogra- phy of the Four Books, Cont.*, it is said ; 一 4 Since T(fing and Ts(oo adjoined, so that one had only to lift his feet to pass into Ts^, wliy must the crown-prince go round about, a distance of more than 350 /c, to pass by the capital of Sun^ ? The reason was that Mencius was there, and the prince^ putting himself to so much trouble, in going and returning, shows his worthiness/ 2. a verb, * to speak or discourse about.* not * necesaurily,* but 4 ho made it a point.* is taken by Choo He and others in the sense of * to appeal to/ This is supported by par. 3, but the word itself has only tlio meaning in the translation, with which, more- BOOK III. T4ANG WAN RUNG. PART I. .文金 早匈上 il ^ j 公爲世 T, 將之楚 過宋 而見 孟于 命 于 道性善 〇 三齡 言必！ ^堯舜 世 of 自楚反 復見 孟予。 孟予 cf 世 于疑吾 言 乎‘夫 邋一而 E C 四節 矣成 覼謂齊 景公 曰‘ 彼丈夫 也我丈 l'T. I. Cll. I.—1I. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. Ill 心 昔圍瘳 。亂短 ，周 若何夫 終者滕 ^ 書 將公是 。人也 > 石孟定 曰 、五 豈公也 、咅 忘于公 若十欺 明予何 今嘗甍 、藥 里雅 儀何畏 也興世 不也 ，哉 見人彼 不我于 暝猶今 峡 也龍 氧言謂 盹 可滕王 $ 顔 至於然 厥以絶 我爲淵 於宋 、友 疾爲長 師者既 大於曰 > 不 善補也 、亦舜 4 What kind of man was Shun? What kind of man am I? He who exerts himself will also become such as lie Avas.' Kung-ming E said, 4 King AVan is my teacher. How should the duke of Chow de- ceive me by those ivords ?' 5. uXow, T'ang, taking its length Avith its breadth, will amount, I suppose, to fifty le. It is small, but still sufficient to make a good kingdom. It is said in the Book of History, 4 If medicine do not raise a commotion in the patient, his disease will not be cured by it. ' Chapter II. 1. When the duke Ting of Tlang died, the Crown- pi.ince said to Yen Yew, u Formerly, Mencius spoke Avith me in Sung, and in my mind I have never forgotten his words. Now, alas! 文 王我師 would appear to have been a remark originally of Chow-kuncj, which E ap- propriates and vindicates on that hi<^li autliority. 5 •絶 長補紐 ‘ CUtting the 1〇ng to supplement the short.5 Observe the force of 將- as in the translation. 0 茜 一 implying — 6 It ie small, but still/ , comp. ch. iii : — t a good kingdom * is such an one as is there described. 一 see the Shoc- king, IV. viii. Sect. I. 8. read ineen, low. 3d tone. Ch. 2. How Mencius advised the duke of T4ang to conduct the moukning for his fatuek. 1. is the proper term to over, Chaou K4e agrees. 3. 道一 而已， — seems here to be used as in the Chung Yuna：. i. 1， 一 4 an accordance with this nature is called the Path/ but viewed here more in the consummation of high sagesliip and distinction to which it leads, Avhich may be reached by treading it, and wliich can be reach- ed in no other way. We have here for the first time tho statement of Mencius* doctrine, which he subsequently dwells so much on, tliat 4 the liiiture of man is good.5 4. Of Shing Kan we only know what is here said. 彼丈 夫， _彼 referring to the sages. 丈夫- used for 4 raan J or * men/ with the idea of vigour and capability. Kung-niin 烊 E was a disciple tir&t ol' Tszu-cliaug, ud<1 thuu of Tsaug SLu. FATUIiK. 112 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 人钎 之吾以 之固于 。後故 , 三粥矣 ，未禮 > 以所 孟行吾 代之三 之可禮 、自 于事 。欲 共食, 年學謂 g 盡曰 L 之。 自之也 >峯 葬也。 不友于 然 ■天喪 J 隹矣 。之曾 亦之問 友 于齊鉱 諸以于 善鄒於 反—疏 吾模禮 > 自 、乎 、涵舍 命/於 之嘗之 祭生裁 於于、 定庶 服聞禮 > 之事 喪孟然 this great duty to my father devolves upon me ; I wish to send you to ask the advice of Mencius, and then to proceed to its various services.” 2. Yen Yew accordingly proceeded to Tsow, and consulted Men- cius. Mencius said, u Is this not good? In discharging the funeral duties to parents, men indeed feel constrained to do their utmost. The philosopher TsS.ng said, 4 When parents are alive, they should be served according to propriety ; wlien they are dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and they should be sacrificed to according to propriety : — this may be called filial piety/ The cere- monies to be observed by the princes I have not learned, but I have heard these points: —— tliat the three years, mourning, the garment of coarse cloth with its lower edge even, and the eating of congee, were equally prescribed by tliree dynasties, and binding on all, from the emperor to tlie mass of the people.” 3. Yen Yew reported the execution of his commission, and the prince determined that the tliree years liiourning should be observed. cxproRB the (lcatli of any of the princes of the empire. Yen Yew hml lu»on the prince^ Grand- tutor ^)； I suppose that 然 is the sur- nnme •大故 is a plirase applied to the fun- eral of, and mourning for, parents; 一 4 tlu* ^reat cause, or matter/ 2. 之鄰 ，-之 i8thu I verb,= = 往. 不 亦善乎 ，一 spoken with refcTcnce to the prince's sending to consult liini ou »udi u subject. 親喪固 所自盡 ，- 1 comp. Ann. XIX. xvii. The words attributed to Tshii^ Sin wereori^iimlly spoken by Confucius; see Ana. II. v. Tsan^ may have appropriated them, imd spoken them, »〇 as to make tliein bo regarded hs his own, or, what is more likely, Mencius here makes a slip of memory, up. 1st tono, roftfl tsze. See Con. Ana. IX. ix. as used in the text, read like an(^=r^®» denotes congte, like ^ut made tbicku. ^ Tt. I. Cii. II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 113 爲也 i 他有且 至之了 、盔 我恐今 日所志 於行/ 欲吾 問其也 夫受曰 > ^ 吾 曰^ f 孟 不父嘗 之喪之 先吾备 子 。能 兄學也 。祭身 君\ 宗喪 > 然盡 百晛謂 嗯而 亦亂父 友於官 I 然先反 莫魯兄 復 大不馳 友祖之 . 之先百 之事 > 我馬曰 4曰4 不 行君官 鄒 ，于 足試吾 吾可， 也莫皆 llis a^ed relatives, and the body of the officers, did not wish that it should be so, and said, u The former ]>rinces of Loo, that kingdom •which we honour, have, none of them, observed this practice, neither have any of our own former princes observed it. For you to act contrary to their example is not proper. Moreover, the History says, — 4 In the observances of mourning and sacrifice, ances- tors are to be followed/ meaning that they received those things from a proper source to hand them dovm^ 4. The prince said again to Yen Yew, u Hitherto, I have not given myself to the pursuit of learning, but have found iny pleasure in horsemanship and sworcl-excrcise, and now I doi^t come up to the Avislies of mv aged relatives and the officers. I am afraid I may not be able to discharge my duty in the great business that I liav^ 反命， 4 returned the commission, J i.e., report- ^ ed his execution of it and the reply. 世子 must be understood as the subject of 兄， 4 his fathers and brethren,* i.e., his uncles and elderly ministers of the ducal family. The phrase is commonly applied by Chinese to the elders of their own sui'name, whatever be the degrees of their relationship. 國, — the ducal house of T4ang was descended from one of the sous of king Wan (Shub-sew, but by an inferior wife, while Chow-kung, the ancestor of Loo, was in tlie true imperial line, the author of all tlie civil institutions of tlie dynasty, aud hence all the othv;r States ruled by descendants of kins： W2n were supposed to look up to Loo. Tlmt Clhow-kung and tlie first rulers of T*an*j had not observed the three years* mourning is not to be supposed. The crovrn- Ijrincc^s remonstrants are wrong iu attributing to them the neglect of later dukes, — what particular Miistory* they refer to is not known. ^ 一 吾* is to be understood as spoken in the person of the ancestors, and I have therefore rendered it by 4 they.* Cliaoti K'e, liowever, says that some made this a reply of the prince: — 4 Tlie prince said, I have one. (Le.^ J/mdusJ jrom ichom 1 received it* 4, 不我足 = 不 以我足 if 其意， as in the translation. 恐其不 能，- 職 afraid of thu nut being able, &c.' It is tlie acu- 15 114 THE WOKKS OF MP：KCIUS. BOOK m. 居 世必小 甚先而 於他問 廬 ，于龍 人焉 之哭、 冢求孟 未氐 是之者 也万茱 者于。 有 然名德 ，芜上 官獸也 . 孟 命是 世草君 有有粥 >孔 于 戒屬于 。也 于好虱 面予氐 百在然 埠之者 裏深氐 然> 官我， 友尙德 ，下 敢墨居 T、 族五反 之風必 了、 卽甍 、可 人月命 。風 也有裒 位聽以 扮 ifer 伙 / (m ，• do you —a/n consult Mencius for me.” On tlus^ Yen Yew went again to Tsow, and consulted Mencius. j\Ienoius said, u It is so, but he may not seek a reniechj in others, but onhj in himself. Con- fucius said, 4 When a prince dies, his successor entrusts the adinin- istration to the prime minister. He sips the congee. His face is of a deep black. He approaches the place of moarnincj^ and weeps. Of all the officers and inferior ministers there is not one who ^Till }>re- sume not to join hi the lainentatioii, lie setting them this examj)le. What the superior loves, liis inferiors will be iound to love exceed- ingly. The relation l>ct\veen siqjeriors and inferiors is like tliat between the wind and grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blmvs upon it •’ rriie business depends on tlie prince.1' 5. Yen Yew returned with this answer to his commission, aiul the prince said, u It is so. The mattci* does indeed (le[)ciul on So for five months lie dwelt in the shed, witliout issuing an order or u caution. All the officers and his relatives said, u He may be said, to understand, the ceremonies^ When the time of interment ar- timunt of the prince himself, and must be triinHliitinl ill the lirst ptTson, nml not in tlie tliird. ns Julien does. In the r tf" there is a reference to liis anteccilontfi, as occusioning the present difficulty. 不可 以他求 taken by Chaou K4e, 4 You may not seek (to overcome their opposition) by imy other way, (but carrying out what you have lu^un).* Clioo Ilr'8 view, as in the translation, is better. In the quutalioati l'rum (Joul'uciub, Muicius lia^ blcud* od different places of the Analects together, and enlarged them to suit his own purpose, or, it may be, tlic text of the* Ana. was 禮 爲有從 不苟恆 人矣 盔下池 。仁 而爲無 4 七夏嗜 k 取是认 刑巳 恆無 一后不 於故在 之>及 恆 而氏仁 民賢仇 是 陷放產 助, 五矣 、有君 罔罔乎 辟者, livelihood, they have not a fixed heart. And if they have not a lixecl heart, there is nothing -which they will not do in the way of self-abandonment, of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild license. When they liave thus been involved in crime, to follow them up and punish them ： — - this is to entrap the people. How can such a thing as entrapping the people be done under the rule of a benevolent man ? 4. u Therefore, a ruler who is endowed Avith talents and virtue will be gravely complaisant and economical, sliowing a respectful politeness to his ministers, and taking from the people only in accordance "with re*>ulatcd limits. 〇 5. u Yang Hoo said, 4 He who seeks to be ricli Avill not be bene- volent. He avIio Avishcs to be benevolent Avill not be rich/ G. uThe sovereign of the Hca dynasty enacted the lifty mote allot- ment, and the pa)rment of a tax. rrhe founder of the Yin enacted the seventy moio allotinent, and the system of mutual aid. The a sense of the importance and toils of husbandry. 3. Comp. I. Pt. I. vii. 19. In 爲道， the 各皆 is to be taken lightly, as if the expression were 民之 爲民也 ，= 4 As to the people*® being the people,* i.e., the diameter of the people is as follows. 4. 必， —— not 4 must be/ which would be inconsist- ent with tlic but 4 will Ik*/ i.e., will l)〇 sure to be. The two last clauses are exej?etical of and must be urulcrstood of *iuii“8UT8,’ in coiUrmlistinctioii from the 民 * people,* in the uext clause1, tlio' ull arc ol course 4 bencatli, the ruler. 5. This Yanff Hoo is the Yang Ho, of the Con. Ana. XVII. i. To accord with his unworthy character, the observution is taken in a bad sense, as a dissuasive against the practice of benevolence, wliilc Mencius quotes it to show the incompati- bility of the two aims. Great stress is laid oil thu 爲 •爲富 ，爲仁 ，- ‘1Ie wh。 mnkes riches, 一 benevolonre, 一 his business.' This force of tlic character >vould be well brouplit out by putting it low. .'3d tone, but that would give tlio observation a good meaning. G. 夏后 8CC Con. Ann. III. xx. liy the Ilea statutes, every liusbnndman. 一 honcl of a l'aniily, — received 50 m〇w} and paid tlic pro- rT. I. Cn. in. Till： WORKS OF MENCIUS. 117 以时 必之 ，多 中石擊 一周 養时 取四取 以善予 也> 人 其然， 盈年之 爲於氏 徹百 艾將焉 虞而常 U6、 氣献 母 廣盔其 不樂貢 地徹而 又歲民 tn 爲歲 >者 、莫也 J 故 稱勤艾 而虐及 桉 善助其 貸動及 ，不則 米 數於者 >實> 而； r、 使见 寡狼歲 助應皆 益得民 則取炅 之莫也 。什 founder of tlie Chow enacted the hundred mow allotment, and the share system. In reality, ivhat ivas paid in all these was a tithe. The share system means mutiuil division. Tlie aid system means mutual dependence. 7. uLung said, 4 For regulating the lands, there is no better system than that of mutual aid, and none wliicli is not better than that of taxing. By the tax system, the regular amount was fixed tuking the average of several years. In good years, when the grain lies about in abundance, much might be taken Avitliout its being oppress- ive, and the actual exaction would be small. Bat in bad years, the produce being not sufficient to repay the manuring of the fields, this s}7stein still requires the taking of the full amount. When the parent of the people causes the people to wear looks of distress, and, after the whole years toil, yet not to be able to nourish their parents, so that they proceed to borrowing to increase their means, till the duce of five of them to the government. This payment was the 貝. By those of Yin. 630 mow were divided into 9 equal allotments of 70 mow each, the central one being reserved for tlie government, and 8 families on the other allot- ments uniting in its cultivation. By those of Chow, to one family 100 moiv^vere assigned, and ten families cultivated 1000 acres in common, dividing the produce, and paying a. tenth to government. Such is tlie account here given by Mencius, but it is very general, and not to be taken, especially as relates to the system of the Chow dynasty, as an accurate exposition of it. More in accordance with the accounts in the C/toiv Lt is his own system recouuncuded below I to Peih Chon. 7. Of the Lung quoted I here, all that Chaou K4e and Choo He say, is that he was 4 an ancient worthy/ 狠炅 is said to be synonymous with 多艮 摩 •舊， meaning 4 abundant.* That this is the signification is plain enough, but how the characters come to indicate it is not clear. 狼 means ‘ a wolf ，， and is given in connection with that character as meaning 4 the appearance of things scattered about in confusion.’ I can^ find any signification of 4 crooked, perverse, &c,*from which, as joined to wc can well bring out the meaning. 118 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 三栊者 > 桄周爲 我祿在 之> 代 殷教以 亦有公 滕其使 共曰也 廣 助公乩 固爲老 之 I、 序之池 。乩遂 行民稚 皆周者 ，庠設 S 由及 之艾轉 所 曰射者 >爲 此我矣 。母乎 以庠池 廣棗觀 私詩他 。溝 明 學夏也 ，尿之 、嘈云 、夫 人則 曰桉學 k 雖助 雨世惡 old people and children are found lyin^ in the ditches and water- channels ： 一 where, in such a case, is his parental relation to the people ? ’ 8. uAs to the system of hereditary salaries, that is already ob- served in T^ang/ 9. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 May the rain come down on our public field, And then upon our private fields !’ It is only in the system of mutual aid that there is a public field, and from this passage Ave perceive that even in the Cliow dynasty this system lias been recognized. ]〇. u Establish t^'eang^ seu, heo, and heaou, — all those educational institutions, — for the instruction of the The name tslean(f in- dicates nourishing as its object ; heaou indicates teaching; and sett indicates archery. By the Hea dynasty, the name heaou avos used ; by the Yin, that of seu ; and by the Chow, that of tsleang. As to the heo, they belonged to the three dynasties, and by that name. The object of them all is to illustrate the human relations. When is taken by Chaou K*c as in the translation, and by Choo He as=*an angry-looking appear- ance/ which does not suit so well. 稱 = 舉， ‘t。 lift up，’=‘ to proceed to.’ (up. 1st tone), 在 其爲民 文毋， _8ee 1 pt L iv. 15. 8. 一 low. 1st tone. 世祿， -scel.l’t II. v. 3. 9. See the 8hc-king, II. vi. Ode VIII. st. 3, a description of husbandry under the Chow dynasty, pj^， 一 the verb, up. 3d tone. The object of the quotation is to show that the system of mutual aid obtained under the Chow as well ns under the Yin dynasty, and the way is prepared for the instructions given to Peih Chen below. 10. After the due regulation of hus- bandry, and provision for the 4 certain liveli- hood * of the people, must come the business of education. The he6 mentioned were schools of a higher order in tlie capital of the empire nnd otlier chief cities of the various States. The others (jj^» heaouy low. 3d tone) were schools in the villages and smaller towns. In the Lo Kc, V. v. ]〇, we find tlie ts^ang mentioned in connection with the time of Shun ; seu in con- 1，T. 1. Cll. III. Till*； WOKIvS OF MENCIUS. 119 經于將 間亦文 云、 取毅偷 界必 行井以 王周法 k 於也, 尬 勉社地 。新之 雖是卞 。入 經乙耽 孟于謂 舊盔有 + 論 界夫選 子之也 王王明 不仁 擇曰眉 。于其 者者於 正及 ，而子 使_ 命師 革上 井必 使之 畢行雜 I 必小 地自于 >君屬> 之 .新 ，詩 i 來民 those are thus illustrated by superiors, kindly feeling will prevail among the inferior ]>eople below. 11. u Should a real sovereign arise, he will certainly come and take an example from you ; and thus you ■will be the teacher of the true sovereign. 12. 11 It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 Although Chow was an old country, It received a new destiny.* That is said Avith reference to king Wan. Do you practise those things with vigour, and you also will by them make new your king- dom." 13. The duke afterwards sent Peih Chen to consult M enema about the nine-squares system of dividing the land. Mencius said to him, u Since your prince, wishing to put in practice a benevolent govern- ment, has made choice of you and put }rou into this employment, you must exert yourself to the utmost. Now, the first tiling towards a benevolent government must be to lay down the boundaries. If nection with the Hea dynasty ; heo in connection , pith of Mencius* adWce is 一 1 Provide the means with the Yin ； and Keaou in connection with the Chow. There is thus a want of har- mony between that passage and the account in the text. Entertainments were given to the aged at different times, and in the schools, as an example to the young of the reverence accorded by the govt, to age. So the schools were selected for the practice of archery, as a trial of virtue and skill. 人論明 於上， - this hardly mean, 4 when the human relations have been illustrated by the example of superiors,* but must liave reference to the inculcation of those rciatiuui) by thu iustitutiou of achools. The of education for all, the poor as well as the rich.* 12. See the She-king, III. i. Ode I. st. 1. H: 一 c the appointment, J i.e., which lighted on it from Heaven. 13. To under- stand the 4 nine-squares division of the land/ the form of the character needs only to be looked at. If we draw lines to enclose it — thus, — ， we have a square portion of ground divided into nine equal and smaller squares. But caa we suppose it possible tu divide a territory in 120 TIIE WOlUvS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 賦 。而 莫子、 焉肩祿 > 界邊不 卿_ 肩募 將地可 經芦埤 6 君治爲 福查募 奸穀: 下、 哒于 。野 野小、 而旣吏 ，祿 必什請 _人> 人 將定正 、必不 有一 甄無焉 >爲 也。 分慢平 > ■使 A 鄭 無著去 油其惠 田、 自一人 君于滕 制經故 the boundaries be not defined correctly, the division of the land into squares will not be equal, and the produce available for salaries will not be evenly distributed. On this account, oppressive rulers and impure ministers are sure to neglect this defining of the bound- aries. When the boundaries have been defined correctly, the division of the fields and the regulation of allowances may be determined by you, sitting at your ease. 14. u Although the territory of T4ang is narrow and small, yet there must be in it men of a superior grade, and there must be in it country-men. If there were not men of a superior grade, there would be none to rule the country-inen. If there were not country- men, there would be none to support the men of superior grade. 15. u I would ask you, in the remoter districts, observing the nine-squares division, to reserve one division to be cultivated on the system of mutual aid, and in the more central parts of the kingdom, to make the people, pay for themselves a tenth part of their produce. 16. u From the highest officers down to the lowest, each one must have his holy field, consisting of fifty mow. tion. as opposed to j^J pt| must be un- derstood, as in tlie translation^4 the countr}*/ 1 tlie remoter districts.* The refers to 田 in par. 13， and the * t〇 带 J Tho former would be tlie best way in such positions of supporting the and the latter of supporting the Similarly, the other clause. 16. 圭 is explained by Chaou K^e by and Choo He follows him, thouph we do not find tliis meaning of the term in the dictionary. The 圭田 then is (the dean I field/ ami as its pruducc v as intcuUcd to sui>- this way? The natural irregularities of tlie surface would be one great obstacle. And we find below the Mioly field, * and otlicr assign- ments, which must continually have been requiring new arrangement of the boundaries. 14. 一 licrc, generally, for officers, men not earning their l)read by the sweat of their brow, and tlie toil of their hands ; see next chapter. 野人 ， 一 4 country-men, *= by their toil self-supporting people generally. 將 ^ 殆; 將爲 = 殆必有 • 15. Here tlie systems of all the tlirec dynasties would Bccm to be employed, as the nature of tlie coun- try permitted, or made adviaabie, tlitir npplica- rt. i. ch. iii. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 121 于也所 m. 乩而 相出畝 。圭 矣 。若以 公八井 k 扶八 死邱」 夫別 事家井 i 特> 相能五 潤野畢 >皆 九則友 ，無十 澤 人然私 百百守 出献。 之池 。後百 畝姓望 趴餘 i 則此礮 畝其裁 相鄕夫 > 在其給 同中睦 u 二 君关 fe 養爲方 歲卣十 與略事 ，公公 里病井 ，五 17. u Let the supernumerary males have their twenty-five vioxo. 18. “On occasions of death, or removal from one dwelling to another, there will be no quitting the district. In the fields of a district, those who belong to the same nine squares render all friendly offices to one another in their going out and coming in, aid one another in keeping watch and ward, and sustain one another in sick- ness. Thus the people are brought to live in affection and harmony. 19. 11 A square le covers nine squares of land, which nine squares contain nine hundred moiv. The central square is the public field, and eight families, each having its private hundred moiv, cultivate in common the public field. And not till the public work is finish- ed, may they presume to attend to their private affairs. This is the way by which the country-men are distinguished from those of a superior grade. 20. u Those are the great outlines of the system. Happily to modify and adapt it depends on the prince and you. ' ply the raeans of sacrifice, I translate it by 4 the holy field.* It was in addition to the hereditary salary mentioned in par. 8. 17. A family was supposed to embrace the grandfather and grandmother, the husband, wife, and children, the husband being the grandparents* eldest son. The extra tieids were for other sons whom they might have, and were given to them when they were sixteen. When they married and became heads of families themselves, they received the regular allotment for a family. This is Choo He’s account of this paragraph. 18. The moral benefits flowing from the nine-squares division of the land. * On occasioua of death/ i.e” in burying. 19. Under the Chow dynasty, 100 poo or 1 paces* made a mow's length, but the exact amount of the pace can hardly be ascertained. Many contend that the 50 mow of Ilea, the 70 of Yin, and the 100 of Chow, were actually of the same dimensions. 一 low. 3d tone, so spoken always, when the subject is the support of a superior by an inferior. 20. 若夫 1st t〇ne)，= 至於. 潤澤， 4 the softening and moistening, * i.e., the modi- fyiug and adaptiug. 1G 122 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK 1IL 以食 。覩其 爲仁遠 腫者焉 其陳 嚷徒版 漱方 門許有 ^ 弟良屨 ，數 文願之 而行⑨ 辛 ，之織 十公受 人吿自 _ 賀徒 席>夂 與一聞 文楚農 来 陳以皆 之廛君 公之之 根 爲安處 而行曰 J 氣言 Chapter IV. 1. There came from Tscoo to Tkang one lieu Hing, who his master, Jind taking \\\) with Hin^s heresy. In the last two purr.. IVItncius procmls. from the evasive replies of 1 Scan^：, to ^ive the coujj de yrace to the new j pernicious teachings. 1. is explained, j l>y Cliaou K‘e, by 治爲， ami = as= 道， 8(> tlmt •胃 wlu) cultiviitul the doctrines.* Most others take 爲 = 假 * making a false pretence of.* Shin-nung, 4 Woiulurful husbamlmair is the style of the 2d of tlic five famous 帝， or * emperors,* of I ('hinese liistory. He is also cnllod Yon (-^^) ! rIV, ‘tlu; JMazing t*nqu?ror.’ Ik. is pliuxd Ik、- j t^<*cn Kuh-hc*, Jind llwanjf Tc, thou^li soparat- | e 子民 也屈也 、行而 見聖曰 > 氐 而滕並 雖之學 許人聞 許以 有耕然 >言> 焉 名也居 子自舍 而夫曰 J 東而 願行 必 養廩食 過滕相 大爲聖 tlieir hacks, came from Sung to TlXng, saying, u We have heard tliat you, Prince, are putting into practice the government of the ancient sages, showing that you are likewise a sage. We wish to become the subjects of a sage.” 3. When Cli'in Seang saw Heu Hing, lie was greatl}' pleased with him, and, abandoning entirely whatever he had learned, became his disciple. Having an interview with Mencius, he related to liim with approbation the -svords of Heu Hing to the folloAving effect : — 1 The prince of Tlang is indeed a worthy prince. He has not yet heard, however, the real doctrines of antiquity. Now, wise and able princes should cultivate the ground equally and along with their people, and eat the fruit of tlieir labour. They should prepare their own meals, morning and evening, while at the same time they carry on their government. But now, the prince of Tlang has his granaries, treasuries, and arsenals, which is an oppressing of the people to nourish himself. — How can he be deemed a real worthy prince ? 4. Mencius said, u J suppose that Heu Hiug sows grain and eats them. 2. Of the individuals mentioned here, we know nothing more than can be gathered from this chapter. The 雜 〇r share, as originally made by Shin-nun?, was of wood. In Mencius* time, it had come to be made of iron ； see par. 4. 之滕 ，-之 as above. 3. 道許行 乏言， 一道 is the verb，= 稱述 •賣 者， — as in I. Ft. I. ii. 1. denote tlic moruing ] and evening meals, but must be taken here as verbs, signifying the preparation of those meals. If and are to be distinguished, the latter is a granary for rice, the former for other grain. low. 3d tone. The object of Heu Hing in these remarks would be to invalidate Mencius* doctrine given in tbe last chap., par. 14, that the ruler must be supported by the country- men. 4. Observe the force of 124 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III, 器不 l 以 氏粟曰 、褐 。織種 易盔以 鐵 害易冠 呒布粟 粟厲粟 耕於之 。素。 許而而 者 ▲陶 易乎 。耕 。氐氐 于後後 豈冶 i 乏 。包 包許自 冠灰如 爲陶以 嫩 。許 f 織乎 。乎 。乎。 厲 冶粟自 于奚之 艮氐氏 農 亦易爲 以盔與 。冠。 否潘。 夫边 械之釜 不曰旧 k 許許 哉 ，其器 與。 甑自否 , 奚于于 且械者 >氏爨屬 。以冠 。衣必 the produce. Is it not so ? '' u It is so/1 was the answer. il I sup- pose also he weaves cloth, and Avears his own manufacture. Is it not so?” “No. Heu wears clothes of haircloth. ’’ “Does he wear a cap ?”“ He wears a cap.” “ What kind of cap ?”“ A p, lain cap.” “ Is it woven by himself ? ’’ “No. He gets it in exchange for grain. M tl Why does Heu not weave it himself? '' {諸 such a thing be supposed ? And moreover, why does not Heu act the potter and founder, supplying himself Avith the articles which he uses solely from his own establishment ? Why does he go confusedly dealing and exchanging with the handicraftsmen ? Why does he not spare himself so much trouble ? 5, ChHn Seang replied, u The business of the handicraftsman can by no means be carried on along with the business of husbandry.'' 6. Mencius resumed, u Then, is it the government of the empire which alone can be carried on along with the practice of husbandry ? Great men have their proper business, and little men have their pro- per business. Moreover, in the case of any single individual, what- ever articles he can require are ready to his hand, being produced by the various handicraftsmen : — if he must first make them for his own use, tliis way of doing would keep the whole empire running about upon the roads. Hence, there is the saying, 4 Some labour with their minds, and some labour with their strength. Those who labour with their minds govern others ; those who labour with their self. The only difficulty is with the 且， which 1 here=4but •’ The two preceding sentences are Mencius’ affirmations, and he proceeds — 4 But Heu Hing denies this. Why then does he not himself play the potter and founder, &c ? * 6. In— 人乏身 ，而百 工之所 作備， the construction is not easy. The correct mean- ing seems to be that giyen in the translation. Some take in the sense of 4 are all required/ which would make the construction simpler : — 4 for a single person even, all the productions of the handicraftsmen are necessary •’ So, in the paraphrase of the Q 一 £ Reckoning in the case of a single individual, for his clothes, his food, and his dwelling-place, the productions of the various workers must all be completed 126 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK TIL 鼠益 舜道及 j 洪也。 人洽 喬烈 iS 父 禽丨 易水當 堵 》令 疏山敷 於電茂 ，橫 堯食人 九澤 治中？ S 禽取 之於洽 / 可 .希意 lil 人齒 vE 時 .人 方令 瀹 焚舜堯 獸繁濫 天天人 濟之 肩獨蹄 硫矜下 下者, 漯 禽益憂 鳥五关 猶乏备 而獸 掌之跡 榖下, 未通人 注 逃九擧 之不草 平惠洽 strength are governed by others. Those who are governed by others support them ; those who govern others are supported by them.’ This is a principle universally recognized. 7. u In the time of Yaou, wlien the Avorld had not yet been per- fectly reduced to order, the vast waters, flowing out of their channels, made a universal inundation. Vegetation was luxuriant, and birds and beasts swarmed. The various kinds of grain could not be grown. The birds and beasts pressed upon men. The paths marked by the feet of beasts and prints of birds, crossed one another throughout the Middle kingdom. To Yaou alone this caused anxious sorrow. He raised Shun to office, and measures to regulate the disorder were set forth. Shun committed to Yih the direction of the fire to be em- ployed, and Yih set fire to, and consumed, the forests and vegetation on the mountains and in the marshes, so that the birds and beasts jfied away to hide themselves. Yu separated the nine streams, cleared the courses of the Tse and TMh, and led them all to the sea. He in sufficiency, and then he has abundantly every tiling for profitable employmeut, and can with- out anxiety support liis children and parents/ This gives a good enough meaning in the con- nection, but the signification attached to is hardly otherwise authorised. 而路 ，- road them *== 奔走道 路食， -1。、^ tone, tsze. 7. 天下 猶未平 carries us back to the time antecedent to Yaou, _ 天下 is to be taken in the sense of * world,’ or ‘ eaxtli.’ There is the idea of a wild confused, chaotic, state, on which the successive sages had been at work, without any great amount of success. Tlien in the next par. wo have How-tseih doing over again the work of Shin-nung and teaching men husbandry. We can hardly go beyond Yaou for the founding of the Chinese empire. The various questions which would arise here, however, will be found discussed in the first part of tlic Shoo-kinjf. It is only necessary to observe in reference to tho calamity here spoken of, tlmt it is not presented as the consequence of a deluge, or sudden ac- cumulation of water, but from the natural river- cluumcls being ull broken up and disordered rr. I. Ch. IV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 127 憂教池 、熟及 人年 而注諸 之則 餾而 稼雖於 食之渐 使近 食民槪 飲外池 決 契 於煖人 樹耕三 當然汝 爲禽 衣肩惠 得過是 後漢, 司獸 ，逸 人五乎 。其 時中排 徒座 居之榖 ，后們 也屈淮 教 人而有 五稷而 禹可狐 以 有無道 縠教不 八得而 〇|>ened a vent also for the Joo and Han, arul regulated the course of the Hwae and Sze, so that they all flowed into the Kesui*;. When this AVfis clone, it became possible for the people of the Middle king- dom to cultivate the (] round and get food for themselves. During that time, Yu was eight years away from his liome, and though lie thrice passed the door of it, lie did not enter. Although he liad. wished, to cultivate the ground, could he have clone so? 8. uThe Minister of agriculture taught the people to sow and reap, cultivating the five kinds of grain. When the five kinds of grain were brought to maturit}r, the people all enjoyed a comfort- able subsistence. Now men possess a moral nature ; but if they are well fed, ^yarlnly clad, and comfortably lodged, without being taught at the same time, they become almost like the beasts. This was a subject of anxious solicitude to the sage Shun, and lie appointed See to be the Minister of instruction, to teach the relations of humanity: — how, between father and son, there should be affection ; between low. 3d tone, disobedient/ Unreasonable/ 4 the five kimls of grains, are 稻 ，黍， and 4 paddy, millet, panicled millet, wlieat, and pulse/ but each of these terms must be taken as comprehending several varie- ties under it. 中 |^j, in opposition to 卜， is the portion of country which was first settled, and regarded as a centre to all surround- ing territories. 夷獨 憂之， -the 獨 seems to refer to \ aou^ position as emperor, in which it belonged to him to feel tliis anxiety. I For the labours of Shun, Yih and Yu, see the I biioo-kiug, Tarts I., II., ill. up. 2d touc. =read T*ali. The nine streams all belonged to the Ho, or Yellow river. By them Yu led off a portion of its vast surging waters. The Keang is the Yang-tsze. Choo lie observes that of the rivers mentioned as being led into the Ivcang only the Han flows into that stream, while the Hwae receives the Joo and the 8ze, and makes a direct course to the sea. He supposes an error on the part of the recorder of Mencius, words. 8. How-tseili, now received as a proper name, is properly the official title of Shun's Minister of agriculture, Kse(^^). 多癸， (read SeC) was the name of his Minister of instruction. For these men and their works, see tlie Shoo-king, l3t. II. — used synouymuusly m ith 蓺， = 種，‘ to 128 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 陶 a 耕人之 >之 、曰 4 有有人 爲憂 之又 輔勞序 > 義 >倫> 已 舜堯礓 從之之 jii 夫艾 憂 > 以以民 而翼來 友婦于 夫不 不如 振之之 方看有 以得 得此德 使匡信 親 百禹 舜而之 自之、 数長君 畝 皐盔職 聖得直 勳幼臣 sovereign and minister, rigliteousness ; between husband and wife, attention to their separate functions ; between old and young, a proper order ; and between friends, fidelity. The highly meritorious em- jjeror said to him, 4 Encourage them ; lead them on ; rectify them ; straighten them ; help them ; give them wings : — thus causing them to become possessors of themselves. Then follow this up by stimu- lating them, and conferring benefits on them.1 When the sages were exercising their solicitude for the people in this way, had they leisure to cultivate the ground ? 9. u What Yaou felt giving him anxiety, was the not getting Shun. AYhat Shun felt giving him anxiety was the not getting Yu and Kaou-yaou. But he whose anxiety is about his hundred mow not being properly cultivated, is a mere husbandman. plant,’ or ‘ 8〇'v.， 人之 有道也 ，- Ihav。 translated according to Choo He*s view of the meaning, in wliicli he is now universiilly follow- ed, so far as I know. It requires the understand- ing, however, of or j 日 before the next clause, which does not appear to me to be ad- missible. Chaou K(e, or at least his paraphrast, understands it thus: — 4 Thus, men were provided with a proper course for their nourishment. They might be well fed and clothed, but with all this, if they are not taught, they become, &c.* This avoids tlie harshness of understanding any thing before but the interpretation, otherwise, is not natural. May we not take 人 之有道 as synonymous with the clause 民之爲 道也， in ch.iii.par. 2? The translation would then be 一 i4 Now, the way of men is tliis : 一 if tliey arc well fed, &c/ is supposed to be plural, 一 4 the sages/ This, however, cannot be, as the immediately fullowin^ must be understood with reference to Shun only. What has made 聖人 be taken ns plural, is that the instructions addressed to ScO arc said to bo from 放 (up. 2d tone) 勳、 which are two of the epithets applied to Yaou in tho opening sentence of the Shoo-king, who is therefore supposed to be the speaker. Yet it was Shun who appointed ScO, and gave him his in- structions, and may not Mencius intend him by *The highly meritorious*? The address itself is not found in the Shoo-king. and are both low. 3d tone. In 夫婦有 別別 is the up. 4th tone, =* sepjirate func- tions/ according to which the husband is said to preside over all that is external, and the wife over all that is intornal, wliile to the former it belongs to lead, and to the latter to follow. 9. Ail illustration of the 有大人 之事有 小人 之事， in par. (5 •易， —read c» low. 3il tuuc, in the sense of (low. 1st touc). Pr. I. Cn. IV. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 129 夏 其與君 惟于天 爲以之 變心焉 k 载堯艮 下天財 夷哉 、堯舜 則大與 下謂易 者/亦 舜也之 ^ 屯人 得之爲 未不之 巍蕩堯 展人惠 、己 聞用 洽巍蕩 之爲者 、教憂 變 於天乎 >乎 >爲 天謂 人莕 於耕下 > 有民君 ，下之 以農 夷耳 。豈 天無惟 得仁屬 ，夫 者吾 i 無下 >能 天人是 謂也。 也； 所而 名爲難 。故之 分^ 陳用 用不焉 以忠 > 人 10. u The imparting by a man to others of his wealth, is called c a kindness/ The teaching others what is good, is called 4 the exercise of fidelity/ The finding a man who shall benefit the empire, is called 4 benevolence.1 Hence to give the empire to another man. would be easy ; to find a man who shall benefit the empire is difficult. 11. u Confucius said, 4 Great indeed was Yaou as a sovereign. It is only heaven that is preat, and only Yaou corresponded to it. How vast 'vas liis virtue.’ The people could find no name for it. Princely indeed was Shun ! How majestic Avas lie, having possession of the empire, and yet seeming as if it were nothing to him In their governing the empire, were there no subjects on wliich Yaou and Shun employed their minds? There Avere subjects, only they did not employ their minds on the cultivation of the ground. 12. UI have heard of men iisinij the doctrines c;/* our great land to change barbarians, but I have never yet heard of auy being changed virtue, the combination of all possible virtues. Comp. Ana. VI. xxviii. 11. See Con. Ana. VIII. xviii. and xix., which two chapters Mencius blends together with omissions and alterations. Observe the force of in the last clause. It^=; there were subjects, on which they employed their minds, but still, 12. and — used as ill Cuu. Aua. III. 10. 一 low. 3d tone, ‘oil behalf of，’='vho • shall benefit. 一 read as above, but mean- ing 'easy.* The difficulty spoken of arises from this, that to find the man in question requires the finder to go out of himself, is beyond what is in his own power. The reader must bear in mind that is the uamc for the highest 17 130 TIIE WOKIvS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III 張> 居然 揖二師 士能比 良 于三後 於年死 也> 或學楚 游 竽 i 而手 £ 於產 以 然于貢 遂之先 中也, 有後 貢相門 倍兄也 、國 ，悅 若 食氤反 嚮人之 。弟 i 比周 似他築 而治昔 r 事所 方公 聖 I 室哭 k 任者之 謂之仲 人 于於皆 將孔數 豪學尼 徵 夏> 戚吴鼠 ¥ 十傑者 以予獨 聲> 人鼠年 之未違 by barbarians. Ch4n Leang was a native of Tscoo. Pleased "with the doctrines of Chow-kung and Chung-ne, lie came northwards to the Middle kingdom and studied tliem. Among the scholars of tlie northern regions, there was perliaps none who excelled him. He was what you call a scholar of liigli and distinguished qualities. You and your brother followed him some tens of years, and Avhen your master died, you have forthwith turned away from him. 18. u Formerly, when Confucius died, after three years had elnpsed, liis disciples collected their baggage, and prepnred to return to their several homes. But on entering to take their leave of Tsze- kung, as they looked towards one unother, tliey wailed, till they all lost their voices. After tliis tliey returned to their homes, but frsze-kung went l>ack, and built a liousc for himself on the altnr- grouncl, wliere lie lived alone other three years, before he returned home. (>u another occasion, Tsze-liea., Tsze-cliang, and Tsze-yew, thinking that Yew Jo resembled the sage, wished to render to him v. — the vorb, up. 3d tone. 子之兄 一 not 1 your brothers,* but as in the transla- tion ; comp. par. 2. 倍 = 背 • 一 Observe how Ts4oo, is here excluded from 4 The Middle king- dom of Mencius* time. 18. On the death of Confucius, his disciples remained by his 事 是膺 ，而幽 學人乎 d 工孔 之荆 人谷之 ，非 不漢于 學 > 舒於遷 亦先可 以事 亦是幽 于異王 尙濯之 > 簋懲 >答 喬於之 11。 之彊 石崗暑 。杀曾 道、 今!秋 曾 善公 魯諸. 于于也 >陽 于, 變方 頌未矣 。倍 寧以曾 矣 。且曰 k 聞吾 !予 _ 暴予 從! 膺 戎卞聞 之鴃之 ，曰、 the same observances wliich they had rendered to Confucius. They tried to force the disciple Tsang to join with them, but he said, 4 This may not be done. What lias been washed in the waters of the Keang and Han, and bleached in the autumn sun : — how glisten- ing is it ! Nothing can be added to it.' 14. uNow here is this shrike-tongued barbarian of the south, whose doctrines are not those of the ancient kings. You turn away from your master and become his disciple. Your conduct is different indeed from that of the philosopher Tsang. 15. “I have heard of birds leaving dark valleys to remove to lofty trees, but I have not heard of their descending from lofty trees to enter into dark valleys. 16. u In the Praise-songs of Loo it is said, 4 He smote the barbarians of the west and the north, He punished King and Seu.1 Thus Chovv-kung would be sure to smite them, and you become their disciple again ; it appears that your change is not good.,> tone. low. 4th tone, puli. read liaou, low 2d tone, or kaouy up. 2d. 尙 = 加 Comp. 無以 尙之， Ana. IV. viL L 14 樵 ，一 * the shrike, or butcher bird,* a strong epithet of coatempt or dislike, us applied to lieu Ring. 一 as above. 15. 【(， 一 used as a verb, low. 3d tone. 16. See the Book of Poetry, IV. ii. Ode IV. st. 6. The two clauses quoted refer to the achievements of the duke He. Mencius uses them as if they expressed the approbation of his ancestor Chow-kung. 17. -一 read Icea, 132 THE WOKKS OF JIENCIUS. BOOK Til. 之 小于或 相寡繇 欺低許 道， 比相若 。虱舉 布雖于 才 f N 而倍 曰!則 鉍 癀蓰之 率賈肩 槪夫 賈重桌 五道. 而人之 、或 物相亂 短尺則 鴒 豈是相 之若肩 同、 之 市 僞爲 亂什： T、 屨賣則 童賣 者 之天伯 ⑯上 相賈 適不 也 H 或 物小若 > 相 市虞、 惡從也 > 相之虱 五若漢 _ 能 許巨千 惝則縠 麻之中 洽于 屨萬池 廣多 總或無 17. Chcin Seavg said^ u If Heu?s doctrines were followed, then there would not l)e two prices in the market， nor any deceit in the kingdom. If a boy of five cubits were sent to the market, no one would impose on him; linen and silk of the same length would be of the same price. So it would }>〇 with bundles 6j/*lieinp and silk, being of the same weight ; with the different lianks ol* grain, being the same in quantity; and with shoes which were of the same size/* 18. replied， “ It is tlie nature of tilings to be of unequal quality. Some ure twice, some live times, some ten times, some a hun- dred times, some a tliousand times, some ten thousand times as valuable as others. It' you reduce them all to the same standard, that must tlirow the empire into confusion. If large shoes and small shoes 、vei、e of the same price， 'vho 'vouM make them ? For people to follow the doctrines of IIcmi, would be for them to lead one anotbor on to practise deceit. How can they avail for the government of a JState ? up. 3cl tone= 五只 童， ~ • see Con. A 丨 m. VIII. vi. 麻鐵 絲繫丨 mist he joined together, I think, in pairs, in opposition to the 布帛 above, the manufacturod articles. 芽里 is explained, in the 义， by * threads/ umi may be used of 9ilk or ilax. is oxplain- cmI， nls。 in tlie 說文 ，丨 敝綿， ‘spoiled’ or bad, floss/ Its general application is to floss of an inferior quality. 18. — different fro 川 that in 12, 15， meaning ‘fisnuu、li 卿 W 相 = 相去， are separated from each other,* or 4 are to each other as.* The size of the shoes is mentioned as a tiling more palpable rt. i. cn. v. TI1K WORKS OF MEXCIUS. Chapter V. 1. The Miliist, E Che, sought, through Seu Peih, to see Mencius. Mencius said, u I indeed wish to see him, but at present I am still umvell. When I am better, I "will myself go and see him. E need not coine here again'' 2. Xext day, E Che ngnin sou〇;lit to see ]\Iencius. Mencius snifl, u To day I am able to see him. But if I do not correct his errors, the true principles Avill not be fullv evident. Let me first correct him. I have heard that E is u Mihist. Now Mih considers that in the regulation of funeral matters a spare simplicity should be the rule. E thinks with Mill's doctrines to change the cmtoms of the empire ; — how does he regard them as if they were wrong, and not than their quality, and exposing more easily the absurdity of Heu^ proposition. Ch. 5. How Mencius convinced a Mihist OF HIS ERROR, THAT ALL MEN WERE TO BE LOVED EQUALLY, WITHOUT DIFFERENCE OF DEGREE. 1. Mih, by name (read Teih), was a heresiarch between the times of Con. and Men. His distinguishing principle was that of univer- sal and equal love, which lie contended would remedy all the evils of society. See next part, eh. ix , etaL (It has bsen contended lately, how- ever, by the Rev. Joseph Edkins, that Mencius' account of Mil^s views is unfair. See Journal of the Nortli-China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. II. Some of MihJs writings remain, and I hope to be able to procure a copy, in time to give some notice of them in the prolegomenca.) 徐辟 (read Peih or P'cxh) was a disciple of Mencius. The pliilosopher, acc. to tlie opinion of Chou lie, was well enough, but feigned sick- ness, aud told E Che that he need not come again to see him to try his sincerity. It is to be understood that Che had intimated that he was dissatisfied with his Mihism, and Mencius would be guided in his judgment of liis really being so, by testing his desire to get an inter- view with him. It is difficult to express the force of the particle ^ . ‘ Myself ’ comes near h •夷 子不來 is Mencius’ remark, and Chaou K4e is wrong, when he carries it on to the next par., and construes — 4 E in consequence did not then come, but another day, &c.* 2. 他日， 4 another day probably, i next day.* The repetition of the application satisfied Men- cius that Che was really anxious to be instructed. Clioo He say3,= 盡吞 以相正 ，‘巧 expound tlie truth fully to correct liim.1 不 國说 圓歡者 。夷之 ,0 徐辟而 i 见孟 To 孟于 0, 吾 固願見 今吾尙 g 病愈戕 且往見 。二 # va 肩于不 ^ 他日又求見孟 T, 孟于！ f 吾今 則可 以見 免 T. JI', 則道不 見我且 直 之居 聞夷 于墨乾 ,M 之治 喪也以 蘇 爲 其道也 夷于 思以 易天孓 豈以爲 非是 134 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 1 若 以吿無 此者徐 曝而 爾裁盔 運:差 言之于 厚/石 也 其人于 U 可道， 以則貴 赤 鄰之孟 施謂古 吿是也 于 之栽于 由也之 夷以然 匍赤其 曰廟之 人于、 所而 匐于 兄夫始 。則若 夷賤夷 將乎 之夷徐 以保 于事于 人彼于 、于 于盔赤 曰屬葬 井 ，有爲 信以愛 于肩也 。其 honour them ? Notwithstanding his views, E buried his parents in a sumptuous manner, and so he served them in the way Avliich his doctrines discountenance." 3. The disciple Seu informed E of these remarks. E said, u Even according to the principles of the learned, we find that the ancients acted towards the people, {as if they Avere watching over an infant/ AVliat does this expression mean ? To me it sounds that we are to love all without difference of degree; but the manifestation of love must begin Avith our parents.5' Seu reported this reply to Mencius, •who said, u Now, does E really think that a man's affection for the cliild of his brother is mere/y like his affection for the infant of a neighbour? What is to be laid hold of in that expression is simply tliis : — that if an infant crawlijig about is about to fall into a well, 見丨。 w. 3d t(>ne •我 且直之 ，-丨 H. i» liere= 將， ‘will.’ The 傭首 says that 婆 J* 未 見言*，‘怃&11^'“1111^卜 tMice to the not readily granting E an interview. * Mencius wanted to put the applicant rij>ht, be- fore conversing witli him. We are to suppose that, after the acknowledgment in the concl. par., he admitted E to his presence. Tliis principle about conducting funerals, or mourning general- ly, in a spare and inexpensive manner, was a sub- ordinate point of Mih^ teaching, and Mencius knovt ing that E Che luul not observed it, saw how he could lead him on from it to see the error of the chief principle of the sect. nnd nre both verbs. 3. Che attempts to show thut the classical doctrine likewise had the principle of equal and universal love. See the quoted in the 4 Great Learn- ing/ Comm. ix. 2. 之 跡-之 is the name of the speaker, read tslze^ •.差 一 1 uneven degrees.* E Che does not at- tempt to vindicate the sumptuous interment of his parents ; — he says 施由 始銳， not know- ing wlmt to say. 一 low. 1st tone. 彼有 取爾 (= 耳) 也， w“h what follows, re- quires to l)e supplemented by the reader : 一 4 The child's falling into the well being thus troin no perverse intent, but the consequence of its help- lessness, people will M try to bavc it; uml the Pt. I. Ch. V. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 135 it is no crime in the infant. ^loreover, Heaven gives birth to crea- tures in such a wav that they have one root, and E makes them to have t'vo roots. I'liis is the cause of his error. 4. u And, in the most ancient times, there were some who did not inter their parents. When their parents died, they took them up and threw them into some water-channel. Afterwards, when passing by them, they saw foxes and wild-cats devouring them, and flies and gnats biting at them. The perspiration started out upon their fore- heads, and they looked away, unable to bear the sight. It was not on account of other people that this perspiration flowed. The emotions of people, liable to offend in ignorance, are to be dealt with in the same way ; — to be instructed and watched over. This is all that Ave can find in the words which he quotes/ Chaou K‘e makes 彼 refer to E Che : — * he only takes a part of the meaning. He loses the scope of the whole, and dings to the word 11心此， This is ingenious, but does not seem sound. The 1 one root * is the parents (and the seed in reference to inanimate things, but the subject is all about men, and hence the jj 請首 says that 物 is to be taken as=^^), to whom therefore should be given a peculiar affection. Mih saying that other men should be loved as much, and in the same way, as parents, made two roots. The 故 is quite enigmatic, but it is explained as I have done. 4. 蓋， not exactly 1 for/ but as a more general continuative. Julien trans- lates the first clause： — 4 Porro in superior ibus sec- ulis iiondum erant qui sepelirent suos parentes^ and he blames Noel for rendering 一 ‘ quidam Jilii parent es suos tumulo non mandabant.^ Men- cius, he says, 4 is treating of all men, and not of some only.’ I cannot, however, get over the wliich would seem to require tile rendering given by Noel. Reference is made indeed to the highest antiquity (卜. {^), when the sages had not yet delivered their rules of ceremonies, but from the clause 非 爲人她 we _ infer that even then all were not equally unob- servant of what was proper. 過， 一up. 1st tone. The passing by is not to be taken as fortuitous. Their natural solicitude brought them to see how it was with the bodies. The 狐 is ‘ the fox •’狸 。r 避 i s a name given to diff. animals. We have the 貓狸， or ‘wild cat the 多里， which appears to be the * rac- coon ; * and others. 姑， says Choo He, has no meaning, but is a drawl between the words be- fore and after it. Some would take it for 姑， a kind of cricket. 非 爲人班 ， comp. 非所 以要譽 云云， IL a L vi- 3- 中 ( their middle heart,* the yery centre of their being. 蓋歸 ，-蓋 and forthwith,* 非 赤于之 # 也且 J 之生物 也使之 一 太 Vi 〇S 節 而夷‘ 于二本 故也蓋 上 £ 骨有 2 弈其裁 乾其裁 死 則擧而 委 之於氈 他 日過之 狐 狸食 之蠅 蚋姑 嘬之 其 顙有她 聣而不 視 夫泚 I 非 爲人泚 中 心 達於面 〇£ 蓋歸反 13G THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 曰》 撫夷徐 _ 必掩 于是之 >蕩 命然子 、子有 其仁也 ，掩裡 之 筠夷以 道親人 則各而 矣。 _ 于吿矣 。赤之 暴誠# their hearts affected their faces and eyes, and instantly they went home, and came back with baskets and spades and covered the bodies. If the covering them thus Avas indeed right, you may see that the filial son and virtuous man, in interring in a handsome manner their parents, act according to a proper rule.^ 5. The disciple Sen informed E of what Mencius liad said. E was thoughtful for a short time, and then said, u He lias instructed me. but what follows contains a proof of what is ▲ said before — 中心 云云尽 囊裡， 一 * overturned baskets and shovels,5 i e., uf earth. as enjoined in the tonal notes in most eclcl. of Mencius), low. 1st tone. The meaning of 娌 is obscure; that of a spade or shovel (wooden, of course) is given, how- ever, to it. The conclusion of the argument is tliis, that wliat affection prompted in the first case, was premipted similarly iii its more sump- The conclusion of the argument is is obscure; that of a spade of course) is given, how- Pt. II. Cu. I. Till*； WOKlvS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. T4AXG WAN KING. PART II. 士旌 > 景爲尺 則见侯 > 國 7、 不公也 / 而以之 ，宜陳 ^滕 忘至> 乩孟哺 霸 ，大若 代文 在 將招于 象且則 小呒公 廣逢虞 曰> 宜 •志 以银 不章 氣 艺人竟 /若曰 k 玉 今桌河 勇志 以齊可 小一諸 K Chapter I. 1. Chcin Tae said to u In not goincj to wait upon any of the princes, you seem to me to be standing on a small point. If now you were once to wait upon them, the result might be so great that you would make one of them emperor, or, if smaller, that von Avould make one of them cliief of all the other princes. Moreover, the History says, bending one cubit, you make eight cubits stniiglit. It appears to me like a thing which might be done. ' 2. ^Iencius said, u Formerly, the duke King of Tsce, once Avlien lie Avas hunting, called Ins forester to him by a flag. The forester Avould not come, and the duke was going to kill him. With c». IIow Mkncic s dkfended the dig- MTV OF RESEUVE, HV WHICH 11K HEGl'LATKI) HIS INTKKCOrRSK WITH THE PHINCKS OF HIS TIME. To undorstsmd the chapter, it must he borne iu miml. that there were many wandering scholars in the ilavs of Mencius, men who went from court to court, recommending themselves to the various princes, nnd trying： to influence the course of events bv tlieir counsels. They would st(K)p tor place and employment. Not so with our philosopher. He r〇([uired that there should Ik' s]io\vn to himself a portion of the respect vliicrh was due to the principles of which he was the expounder. 1. Clrin Tae was one of Mencius* disciples. 不見 = 不往見 ^/c，=4in reason is as if it were suiall-likc/ is said to be 大用， were £?re«atly emplovefl/ and 小 = 小用 • it is better to take these terms as in tlie transla- tion. The clauses must be expanded — |1lJ 以 其君主 ，小 則以其 辛， 一 low. 3cl tone. 一 see Pt. I. ii. 3. The 4 tiling that be done* is Mencius* going to wait on the princes. 2. The 虞人 wasau officer as old as the time of Shun, wlio appoints Yih ( Shoo-kin 于可祍 利衽招 不奚不 終盛彘 •言 尺商 往取忘 tl 王與尤 I 而往、 而良 昔冑尺 如直何 如取其 不與者 、而以 彝哉。 不 非元 獲 嬖趙利 者卫 § 待其孔 reference to this incident^ Confucius said ^ 4 Tlie determined officer never forgets that his end, may be in a ditch or a, stream ; the brave officer never forgets that he may lose his head/ What was it in the foveater that Confucius thus approved? He approved his not going to the flulce^ wlieti summoned by the article which was not approj)ri：ite to him. If one go to see the princes without waiting to be invited, what can be thought of liim? 3. u Moreover, that sentence, 4 By bending only one cubit, a*oh make eight cubits straiglit/ is spoken with reference to the gain that may be got. If gain be the object, then, if it can be got by bend- ing eight cul)its to make one cubit straight, may Ave likewise do that ? 4. u Formerly, tlie officer Chaou Keen made Wang Lesmg act as charioteer for his tkvourite He, when, in the course of a whole da\-, tors to collect around. There the charges are the 4 hills/ and 4 marshes/ and here, jicc. to C'haou Kx* and Choo He, they were the 4 pre- serves and parks.* In those times, the various officers liad their several tokens, which the jjrincc*^ im*88en^er bore wlien lie was sent to call any of them. A forester^ token was a fur cjip, nnd the one in the text would not. answer to a summons with a See the incident in the 左傳 ，照办 二十年 , where tht‘ details liowever, and C()nt*iicius, judgment on it, are dilforcnt. It 18 there said : — * The prince ot* Ts;e av；»8 hunting in l,4ei and Huimnoned the forester with n In nr. As the forostor ilid not cduks the piiiux. had him seized, when he ex- cused liimself snyinp, In the huntings of former ，大夫 have been summoned ivith a ban- ner ; - 1~-， with a botr; a nr/ the forester with a fur enjt. As I did not see the fur cap% I did not ti/rr to (tp/tronr/t. The duke on thiH dismissed the man. Cliunsr-no said, He observed the law of his office^ rather than the nrdittary rule of «;i- mr^ri.m) t/ie sunitnons. Su/)ijrior we.n will n/fprove nf his nrt.% || J. used or 細 . Tlu、oh- ^crvatiuub which umst bt* taken as uiadv bj Con- fucius are found nowhere else. 7c ~h〇rc="ir» ‘ the head.， 不忘 is a rlifticult phrase in the connection. I have mafic1 the best of it I c*duI(1. The - 其招 18 plain enough — the sum- mons appropriate to him, i.e” to a. forester. We cannot lay so much stress, liowcver, on the in the s line phrase in the last sentence, the Hiihject of the diapter bcinj? the question of Mencius' wnitinjr on the princes without being called by them at all. 3. a 夫 (low. 1st tone) is more forcible and argumentative than 且 ak 如以利 = 如以 計利尨 jd、. Tlie question in 亦可為 與^ appeal to Tao's own sense ot what was ri^lit. Admit wlint he asked in par. 1, any amount of evil might be clone that Cfood might come. Was lie prepaml to allow that? 4. Chuou Keen the posthumous epithet. 川 e whs 鞅, Yan(f') was a noble of 'J'Hin, in tlu' times of (/ontucius. anil Wanj; Lc*iin^ wab hb chariuttcr, tauioui} lor hib skill. Lt*an^ Pt. II. Cn I. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 139 破>十 。獲吾 與之獲 請賤一 莪 -% 藏灸 良十 揸工禽 > 不云 > 爲之乘 ，工禽 。之池 I 貫 T、 之 範謂也 。嬖 繮或奚 與 失詭我 王簡奚 而以反 小 其遇篇 良于反 後吿命 人观一 驅> 良曰 k 命可 ，王氐 乘>舍 朝終不 我氏 一良天 請矢 而日可 ，使天 朝良下 辭。 如獲不 呒掌下 而曰之 tliey did not get a single bird. The favourite He reported this result, saving, 4 He is the poorest charioteer in the world.' Some one told this to Wang Leang, who said, 4 1 beg leave to try again.1 By dint of pressing, this was accorded to him, when in one morning they got ten birds. Tlie favourite, reporting this result, said, 1 He is the best charioteer ill the world.’ Keen said, ‘ I will make him al- ways drive your carriage for you.5 When he told Wang Leang so, however, Leang refused, saying, 4 1 drove for him, strictly observing the proper rules for driving, and in the whole day he did not get one bird. I drove for him so as deceitfully to intercept the birds, and in one morning he got ten. It is said in the Book of Poetry, There is no failure in the vmna者 能也、 弗比、 直且爲 比4 人于也 ，而 5. u 7yhus this charioteer even was ashamed to bend improperly to the will of such an arclier. Though, by bending to it, they would have caught birds and animals enow to form a liill, lie Avould not do so. If I were to bend my principles and follow those princes ^ of 'vliat kind would 】ny conduct he? And you are wrong. Never has a man who has bent himself been able to make others straight. M Chapter II. 1. King Chcun said to Mencius^ uAre not Kung- sun Yen and Chang E really p：reat men? Let them once be angry, and all the princes are afraid. Let them live quietly, aiul the flames of trouble are extinguished throughout the empire.” 2. Mencius said, u How can such men be p;reat men ? Have you not read tlie Ritual Usages ? 一 4 At the capping of a young man, his the sense of ‘ to flatter.’ 一 to be taken together, 4 a mound, 1 * a hill.* The 一 k that, or those,’ referring to 諸 in par. 1. We must supply Ij as the nominative to The con- cluding remark is just, hut hnrdly consistent with the allowances for their pcr«onal miscon- duct which Mencius was prepared to make to the princes. Ch. 2. Mknciiih, c〇NCKrTi〇N of tiik gukat man. 1. King Ch4iin wjih a mnn of Mencius* days, 1 a practiser of the urt of up-aiul-acrosH * ( “ 縱横 之術老 •)， “” °"e wh° 丨山卿1 liimself on lii.s versatility. Kung-sun Yen and Chan^ E were also men of that age, natives of Wei *in(^ Hinong the most celebrated of the* ambitious scholars, who went from State to State, seeking employment, and embroiling the ( princes. Soo the * Historical Records/ Book ^»^|J Y 專 ch.x. 一 sec Pt. I. i. 4. The phrase is used, however, in the next par., for 4 a grown up youtli.' has the opposite meanings of 4 feeding a fire/ and ( extinguishing a fire.* The latter is its meaning lu^rc. 2. 一 refer- ring to Yen and E with what is suid about them above. 一 the interrogative, up. l«t tone. Tlie 4 Hites* or 4 Book of Hite»/ to which Menciii必 ％ 于 風淫 屬之 屁妾戒 > 戒之 此貧志 , 大立婦 無之嫁 之 賤獨道 /天之 違氐礼 謂不行 得下道 去往母 大能其 志土也 。于 之命 丈移肩 及正原 以女之 father admonishes him. At the marriage of a vonng Avonian, lier mother admonishes her, accompanying her to the door on lier leav- ing, and cautioning her witli these words, You are going to your home. You must be respectful ; you must be careful. Do not disobey your husband' Thus, to look upon compliance as their correct course is the rule for women. 3. uTo dwell in the wide house of the world, to stand in the correct seat of the Avorld, and to Avalk in the great path of the Avorld ; M'hen he obtains his desire for office, to practise his principles for the good of the people ; and Avhen that desire is disappointed, to practise them alone ; to be above the power of riches and honours to make dissipated, of poverty and mean condition to make swerve from principle, and of power and force to make bend : — these char- acteristics constitute the great man.” In the Le E, not only does her mother admon- ish the bride, but her father also, and his con- cubines, and all to the effect that she is to be obedient, though the husband (here called is not expressly mentioned. See the 儀禮 註疏， Bk. 11. pp. 5〇_ For the ceremonies of capping, see the same, Bk. I. In 送之門 , and, more especially, in f 丰 女 ( 汝 ） 家 the 之 joins the verbs and nouns, as if it were=4to/ or the verb, 丰. 妾婦 are to be taken together, — ‘a coa- cubine-、voman.’ Mencius uses the term in his contempt for Yen and E, who, with all their bluster, only pandered to the passions of the princes. Obedience is the rule for all women, and specially so for secondary wives. 3. 4 The wide house of the world , is benevolence or love, tlie chief and home of all the virtues ; 4 the correct seat * is propriety ； and 4 the great path ? is righteousness. 與民 由之 (the 之 refers to the virtues so metaphorically indicated), — 4 walks according to them, along with the people.* The paraphrase in the 日 says : — 1 Getting his desire, and I being employed in the world, he comes forth, and carries out these principles of benevolence, ! propriety, and rigliteousness, towards the peo- 142 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK m. 諸侯曰 _ 三質 、皇曰 t 于圍 侯 之士君 月公皇 孔仕周 5 耕失之 則無明 如于乎 。霄 助 眉失哏 君儀也 , 三孟問 以家位 不 則氐出 月予曰 k 供也 k 也以电 。古疆 ，無曰 >古 粢禮猶 急三泛 必君及 之 盛 ，氐諸 乎。 月人載 則傳君 Chapter III. 1. Chow Seaou asked Mencius saying, u Did supe- rior men of old time take office ? ” Mencius replied, u They did. The Record says, 4 If Confucius was three months without being employed by some sovereign, he looked anxious and unhappy. When he passed from the boundary of a State, he was sure to carry Avith him his proper gift of introduction.1 Kung-ming E said, 1 Among the ancients, if an officer was three months unemployed by a sove- reign, he was condoled with.* '' 2. Seaou said, 11 Did not this condoling, on being three months unemployed by a sovereign, show a too great urgency ? " 3. Mencius answered, u The loss of his place to an officer is like the loss of his kingdom to a prince. It is said in the Book of Rites, 4 A prince ploughs himself, and is assisted by the people^ to supply pie, and pursues them along with them/ 此 之謂 ，-‘ tliis is what is called.* Ch. 3. Office is to be eagerly desired, AND YET IT MAY NOT BE SOUGHT BUT BY ITS PRO- PER path. It will be seen that the questioner of Mencius in this chapter, a man of Wei, and one of the wandering scholars of the time, wish- ed to condemn the philosopher for the dignity of reserve which he maintained in his inter- course with the various princes. Mencius doe* not evade any of his questions, and very satis- factorily vindicates himself. 1 •傳， 一low. 3d tone, the ‘ Record whatever it was, it iB now lost. 一 ‘ without a sovereign,’ with- out •皇 皇如 is * the appearance of one who is seeking for sometliing and can't find it.1 It is appropriate to a mourner in the first stages of grief after bereavement. — read che} up. 3d tone, synonymous with Every person waiting on nnothiT, 一 a superior, — was supposed to pave his way by some introductory gift, and each official rank had its proper article to be used for that purpose by all belonging to it. See the Le-ke, I. Pt. II. iii. 18. Confucius carried this with him, that he might not lose any opportunity of getting to be in office again. Kung-ming E, wc are told by Chaou K4c, was 4 a worthy,* but of what time and what state, we do not know. An indivi- dual of the same surname is mentioned, Ana. XIV. xiv. Julien translates 不弔 incor- rectly by 一 * tunc in luctu a ant.* The paraphrase of the p says : 一 *Then people all came to condole with and to comfort them.' 2. is to be taken as synonymous with 3. — the State, embracing the families of tlie nobles. In his quotations from the Le Kef Mencius combines and adapts to liis purpose, with more, however, than his usual freedom, dilfcrent passages. Sec Hk. XXIV. ii. parr* 5, 7, and Bk. V. iii. par. 9. Choo He, to rt. II. (Jn. III. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 143 農之出 S 不衣 夫仕 疆敢服 豈也 j、 以不 爲猶 轉雾傲 出農質 i 亦 7、 疆 ，夫何 不敢 荅 k 也 。皮 其耕曰 f 弔祭, 耒 也士乎 。則 則像 不人 亦 7、 胤蠶 T、 敢粢繅 > 篆 以盛以 胜祭 3 盔 殺惟潔 4 衣 器壬 灰服、 皿 > 無 月1 禱 the millet for sacrifice. Hi.s wife keeps silk-worms, and unwinds their cocoons, to make the garments /b/1 sacrifice.' If the victims be not perfect, the millet not pure, and the dress not complete, he does not presume to sacrifice. 4 And tlie scholar who, out of office, has no holy field, in the same Avay, does not sacrifice.' The victims for slaughter, the vessels, and the garments, not being all complete, he does not presume to sacrifice, and then neither may he dare to feel happy.7 Is there not here sufficient ground also for condolence ? M 4. Seaoa again asked, u What was the meaning of Confucius * always carrying his proper gift of introduction with him, when he passed over the boundaries of the State ivhere he had been f " 5. uAn officers being in office,” was the reply, “is like the ploughing of a husbandman. Does a husbandman part with his plough, because he goes from one State to another ? " worn in sacrificing to the former kings and illustrate the text, gives another summary of the passages in the Le Ke, thus : 一 ‘It is said in the Book of Rites, The princes had their special field of HX) mow, in which, wearing their crown, with its blue flaps turned up, they held the plough to commence the ploughing, which •was afterwards completed with the help of the common people. The produce of this field was reaped and stored in the ducal granary, to supply the vessels of millet in the ancestral tem- ple. They also caused the family women of their harem to attend to the silkworms, in the silkworm house attached to the State mulberry trees, and to bring the cocoons to them. These were then presented to their wives, who received them in their sacrificial headdress and robe， soaked them, and thrice drew out a thread. They then distributed the cocoons •among1 the ladies of the three palaces, to prepare the threads for the ornaments on the robes to be dukes.’ — low. 1st tone, 1 the millet placed in the sacrificial vessel. 犧牲 ，-牲 ，thevictim， whatever it might be ; !|^, the victim, as pure and perfect. The officer's field is the 圭 _， Ft. I. iii. 16. 而 together=vessel8. Choo He says the were the covers of the 器. 一 4 to feast, *=to feel happy. 一 The argu- ment i6 that it was not the mere loss of office which was a proper subject for grief and condolence, but the consequences of it, espe- cially in not being able to continue his proper sacrifices, as here set forth. 5. 舍， 一up.2d tone. ，— sec l、t. I. iv. p. 3. 6. ;Thc 144 THE WORKS OF MI2NCIUS. BOOK III 穴 由古踰 母裝爲 予仕耜 备: 其之牆 之艾之 之如氣 之道 > 人相命 > 母有難 此曰 P 類 不未從 屬之室 J 士其晋 也 。由嘗 則知^ L\ 女 丨可急 > 國> 其 不艾之 人于也 。仕亦 道欲 母言！ 屯既 如仕 而仕國 鑽有而 丈此阈 往也 、人 穴之眉 夫其也 > 者 j 皆隙 不爲 生為夫 與惡 賤相待 之而也 、嘗 鑽不之 H 艾有 願君聞 6. Seaou pursued, u The kingdom of Tsin is one, as Av^ell as others, of official employments, but I have not heard of any being thus earnest nbout being in office. If there should be this urgency al>out being in office, why does a superior man make any difficulty about the taking it? M encius an s wered, u AMion a son is born, Avliat is de- sired for him is that he may have a wife; when a (laughter is born, what is desired for her is that she may have a hushaiicl. Tliis feel- ing of the parents is possessed by all men. If the young peopley without waiting for the orders of their parents, and the arrangemcMits of the go-betweens, sliall bore holes to steal a sight of each otliei% or get over the wall to be with each other, then their parents and all other people will desj)ise them. The ancients did indeed always desire to be in oitice, l>ut they also liated befng so bv any improjx^r Avav. To go to (jot office by an improper way is of a class with young ])eoj)les boring lioles.n kingdom of Tsin,4 — see I. Pt. I. v. 1 , 君子之 難仕， - b th。 -f- Seaou evidently in- tends Mencius himself, who, liowever, does not notice the inHinuution. 丈夫 und 女子， - here simply ^son/ ( a daughter.' low. 3d tone. A man marrying is said 1 to Imvc uii apurtuiunt/ and a woman marrying, 冇家 4 to lmve a fnmily/ or Mioine/ 媒灼 之言， — sco the Chow Le, XI\r. vii ； the 8lie-ki»jr. I. viii. Ode VI. st. (i. The law of marriage hero refenvd to hy Mencius still and sowus to have been the rule of the Chinese race fr從_ 如則 不士以 其則； r、 者彭 ^ 通農通 無爲道 、一 以數更 之 、有 饬 拿泰 ji>i 簞 泰首细 貝 |J I M 手 舜食警 。冬曰 、 $ 果事 > 長 以受不 念以後 匠女以 不 盔堯可 于傅車 輪 有羡可 泰之受 氐食數 輿>餘 補也 。乎 。天於 非於十 皆 祗不曰 人其 諸乘、 Chapter IV. 1. P(ang Kang asked }[encius1 saying, u Is it not an extravagant procedure to go from one prince to another and live upon them, followed by several tens of carriages, and attended by several hundred men ? n Mencius replied, u If there be not a proper ground for taking it, a single bamboo-cup of rice may not be received from a man. If there be such a proper ground, then Sliun's receiving the empire from Yaou is not to be considered ex- cessive. Do you think it was excessive? v 2. Kang said, 44 No. But for a scliolar performing no service to receive his support not'vitlista.iidiiig, is improper •” 3. Mencius answered, uIf you do not have an intercoinmuni- cation of the productions of labour, and an interchange of mens ser- vices, so that one from his overplus may supply the deficiency of another^ then husbandmen will have a superfluity of grain, and Cii. 4. Tiik labourer is worthy of his HIRE, AND THERE IS NO LABOURER SO WORTHY AS THE 8CHOLAU WHO INFORMS MEN TO VIRTUE. 1. P*«ang Kftng was a disciple of Mencius. His object in addressing him. as in tliis chapter, seems to have been to stir him up to visit the princes, and go into office. — low. 3d tone, following 車 as a numeral or classifier. 一 low. 3d tone, 4 an attendant/ i a. follower,' not in a moral sense. 一 low. 3d tone, explained in the diction, by con" nect，’ ‘ succeed to.’ 專， ‘by succession.’ 一 The plirase is felt to be a difficult one. Sun Sliili f.\piaiui> it tliucs : — * Mencius gut his sup- port from the princes, and his chariots and disciples got their support from Mencius. It; came to this that the support of all was from the contributions of the princes, and hence it is said that by their mutual connection they all lived on the princes/ tsze, low. 3d tone, 4 rice cooked.* Comp. Ana. VI. ix. 之 天下， ‘Yaou’s empire，’ **.e” the empire from Yaou. may be construed very well as the nominative to 以爲 • 3 守先 王 之道以 待狻之 學者， pa rap) 1 rase in tlie 合講 is: — 4 He firmly <.riiarda the principles of benevolence and ri^ht- 19 146 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 夹其 食之輿 > 輕於 以則得 且有與 。盔其 爲于淑 孝、食 子 功氐道 志仁于 後出於 食 於予也 義何之 則于、 志于 、何 其以者 尊學弟 、於 乎 ，可以 志求哉 。梓者 、守此 食食 其亦食 曰纟匠 而先有 功而 志將氣 梓輪 7、 王人 乎 。食盔 以君匠 輿:得 之焉, 曰之哉 > 求于輪 而食道 、人 women Avill have a superfluity of cloth. If you have such an inter" change, curpenters and carriage-wri^hts may all get their food from you. Here now is a man, who, at home, is filial, and abroad, re- spectful to his elders; who watches over the principles of the ancient kings, awaiting the rise of future learners: — and yet you Avill refuse to support him. How is it that you give honour to the carpenter and carriage-wriglit, and slight him who practises benevolence and righteousness ? ^ 4. J^am/ Kane/ said, u The aim of the carpenter and carria^e- w right is by their trades to seek for a living. Is it also the aim of the superior man in his practice of principles thereby to wek for a living? '' “ What luive you to do，” returned Mencius^ 44 with his purpose? He is of service to you. Me desei'vos to be supported, and should be supported. And let me ask\ — Do you remunerate a man s intcMition, or do you remunerate his service.，^ To this Kamj re[)li〇(i, u l remunerate his intention. v oousness transmitted by the ancient kings, so that thoy (lu nut gvt uhm.iir 以 1 or ohstnictcd hv disfoursi-s, lmt hereby await future loariKTS, and secure their tiavin^ matter of instruction »nd models of imitntion, whereby tht*y may entor into truth and ri^ht. Thus he coil tiiuies llu? piwt it ml opens the way for the future, and does service to the world.* j/j[ then, =* for the benefit of/ Tlie and are both workers in wood, tlie and articles of furniture, and the 匠人^ largo, such ：i8 building houses. &c. The nindo tlie wheels and also the cover of a carriage; UK •輿人 the other parts. 4. Observe how appropriately expressive of futurity or object, follows 志可众 而众士 ，- here and the throe that follow, are reatl ns in — '^mm with a difTcrcnt meaning, i¥urk iii jmmiiu. things， sucli vua&ds, beings* to iced* (uclivt* or ^aibivc), • yive Pt. II. Ch. IV.-V. Till' WORKS OF MKNC]trS. M7 胜之隣 之行圍 也 既葛何 。王萬 s 湯 何伯孟 6 败章 使盔放 于齊悶 遺不而 冃楚呒 之 祀3: ^湯惡 半曰 U 冥 W 羊 屬湯％ 伐國 葛以 使與之 ，也 伯供人 葛則今 畜犢商 爲如將 木 i 食乎 。其食 功曰 , 志志。 也点 將曰; 日 , 以有 然求人 則食於 手 此 非則毁 食子龙 志食書 & 之^夏 5. Mencius said, u There is a man here, who breaks your tiles, and draws unsightly figures on your walls ; — his purpose may be thereby t.o seek for liis living., but 'vill you indeed remunerate him?” “No,” said Kang; and Mencius then concluded, u That being the case, it is not the purpose which you remunerate, but the work doue.” Chapter V. 1. Wan Chang asked Mencius, saying, “Sung is a small State. Its ruler is now setting about to practise the true royal government, and Tsle and Tsloo hate and attack liim. What in this case is to be done ? n 2. Mencius replied, u When T4ang dwelt in P5, he adjoined to the State of K5, the chief of which was living in a dissolute state and neglecting Jm j)r〇2)er sacrifices. T4aiiff sent messengers to inquire •svhy he did not sacrifice. He replied, 4 1 have no means of supplying the necessary victims.* On this, T^ang caused oxen and sheep to be sent to him, but he ate them, and still continued not to sacrifice. rice to.’ 5. (low. 3d tone,) j；®. — ig means ‘ ornaments on walls.’ He must there- fore take in a bad sense, to correspond to 伽毁. A man wishes to mend the roof, but lie only breaks it ； to ornament the wall, but he only disfigures it. Ch. 5. The prince who will set himself TO PRACTISE A BENEVOLENT GOVEKNMENT ON THE X»RIXCirLES OF THE ANCIENT KINGS HAS vosr. to fear. 1. Wan Chang was a disci- ple of Mencius, the fifth book of whose Works is named from him. What he says here may surprise us, because we know that the duke of Sung (its capital was in the pres, district of Shang-hew [尚 in the Kwei-tih depart- ment of Ho-nan), or king, as he styled himself, was entirely worthless and oppressive. See the 4 Historical Records,5 Book XXXVIII., 朱微 towards the end. 2. Comp. I. Pt. II. iii. 1, and xi. 2. Po, the capital of T4ang (though there were three places of the same naiuej, is referred to the same department of Ho- 148 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 氐 童仇肉 丕要耕 ▲粢之 $ 非于亂 銅淑其 老盛曰 1叉 富而 此殺者 有弱也 J 可不 天 征之而 殺酒饋 湯爲以 下之 謂奪之 .食食 祀, 也^ 四也 。之 有黍葛 亳祀廣 爲海爲 嚐童稻 伯衆曰 .叉 匹 之其氐 于者率 往無使 夫 丸殺葛 以奪其 爲以人 匹 皆是伯 黍之戈 之供間 T(ang again sent messengers to ask him the same question as before, Avhen he replied, 1 1 have no means of obtaining the necessary millet.' On this, Tlang sent the mass of the people ol' P5 to go and till the ground for him, while the old and feeble carried their food to them. The chief of Ko led his people to intercept those who were tlms charged with wine, cooked rice, millet, and paddy, and took their stores from them, while they killed those who refused to give them up. There was a boy who had some millet and flesh for the labourers, who was thus slain and robbed. What is said in the Book of History, 4 The chief of Ko behaved as an enemy to the provision -carriers/ has reference to this. 3. u Because of his murder of this boy, Tlan/j proceeded to pun- ish him. All within the four seas said, 4 It is not because he desires the riches of the empire, but to avenge a common man and woman/ nnn as the country of K6, viz., tlmt of Kwei- tih. Its site is said to have been distant from the site of the supposed capital of K6 only abotit 100 le. so that T4ang might easily render the services here mentioned to the cliief or baron, of K6. ^JlE 一 4 no nieans of supplying/ t.e.f of obtaining. low. 3d tone, *= 饋菜 盛， (low. 1st tone), 一 see last ch. 爲之， -爲， 1<)W. 3d t爲徭 其者 望征下 ，自 邑紹 艮我民 ，弗之 比東葛 周、 我東后 如止若 狄面載 > 其魚征 j§ 時 芸关怨 ，而千 4. uWhen T4ang began his work of executing justice, he com- menced with Ko, and though he punished eleven princes, he had not an enemy in the empire. When he pursued his work in the east, the rude tribes in the west innrmured. So did those oil the north, when lie Avas engaged in the south. Their cry was — 4 Why does lie make us last..’ Thus^ the people's lon〇ing for him was like their longing for rain in a time of great drought. The frequenters of the markets stopped not. Those engaged in -weeding in the fielcU made no change in their operations. While he punished their rulers, he consoled the people. His progress was like the falling of opportune rain, and the people were delighted. It is said in the Book of History, 4 We have waited for our prince. AVhen our prince comes, we may escape from the punishments under which we suffer.' 5. “ There being some who would not become the subjects of Choiv, king Woo proceeded to punish them on the east. He gave tranquillity to their people, who welcomed him Avith baskets full of Compare I. Pt. II. xi. 2. There are, however, some variations in the phrases. The quotation in the end is from a different part of the Shoo-king. See IV. v. Section II. 6. The eleven punitive expeditions of T4ang cannot all be determined. From the Slie-king and Shoo-king six only are made out, while by some their number is given as 22, and 27. See the in loc. 5. Down to 大 邑周， — the substance of this par. is found in the Shoo-king. See V. iii. 7, but this book of the Shoo-king is confessed to require much emenda- tion in its arrangement. 士女 = 男女. 匪， — used foi •館 •匪厭 左黃， — ‘ bas- keted their azure and yellow szY/js.9 It is said : — 4 Heaven is azure, and Earth is yellow. King Woo was able to put away the evils of the Yin rule, and gave the people rest. lie might be 1；)0 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. ROOK III. 焉。 飲四： ^于 我中、 迚君君 以 海行殘 .武 取其于 ，子 爲之王 殺嘈其 小其實 君肩及 伐揚 J 戔人 小玄 齊皆云 用侵而 救人黃 楚擧 爾展厅 E 民簞于 雖首苟 于之矣 。於 食匪 大>而 行湯疆 水壺以 何望王 有則誓 火說迎 畏之 ，政 ，光 。取曰 之以其 their black and yelloAV silks, saying — lFrom henceforth we shall serve the sovereign of our dynasty of Chow, that we may be made happy by him.1 So they joined tlieinselves, as subjects, to the great city of Chow. Tims, the men of station of Sliang took baskets full of black and yellow silks to meet the men of station of C/1021J, and the lower classes of the one met those of the other, with baskets of rice and vessels of congee. Woo saved the people from the midst of fire and water, seizing only their oppressors, and destroying them.n 6. uIn the Great Declaration it is said, i ]\Iy power shall be put forth, and invading the territories of Sham/, I will seize the oppressor. I will put him to death to punish him : — so sliall the greatness of my work appear, more glorious than that of T^ang/ 7. 11 Sung is not, as you say, practising royal government, and so forth. If it were practising royal government, all within the four seas would be lifting up their heads, and looking for its pnnce, wishing to have him for their sovereign. Great us Tsle and Ts4oo are, what would there be to fear from them ? " compared to Heaven and Earth, overshadow- ing and sustaining all things in order to nour- ish men/ (we have ijf? in the Shoc- king),— ‘to continue.* Wc must understand a * saying/ and bring out the meaning of 紹 thus: — formerly we served Sliang, and now we continue to serve, but our service is to Chow.’ 大， 邑 周 ，一 lit” ‘ great city (or 其苕子 to the end, Mencius explains the moaning 〇f the Shoo-king. 6. This quotation from the Shoo-king, V. i. Sect. II. 8, is to illustrate the last clause of the pre- ceding par. 7. "2^ 一 seo Coufuciu9 Ana. VII. xviii. liowever, docs not liere simplyl act as a particle closing the sentenci*, hut also refers to the whole ot* Wan Chanda 8tuteiuent nt the commencement of the con- citicd) Chow, in an irregular pljrnse. From versa lion. rr. II. Cu. VI. THE WORKS OF MENCM'S. 151 规其 莊其之 、曰肩 大之團 善楚 ，嶽齊 衆使使 夫王孟 5 士亦 2： 也, 楚齊齊 於之于 也 J 間 .不人 人人此 、善謂 使可數 1 _ 傅 傅欲與 ，戴 之得革 得之之 其我不 居矣 。雖矣 、雖 曰廣 于明勝 於于 ^ 日引 日一楚 之吿氐 王 謂撻说 撻齊人 齊于斤 所潘 而置饰 人傅 語有飲 在居 求之求 傅亂也 ，楚于 "Chapter VI. 1. ^lencius said to Tae Puh-sliing, 41 1 see that you are desiring your king to be virtuous, and I will plainly tell you hoiv he may be made so. Suppose that there is a great officer of Ts‘oo here, who wishes liis son to learn the speech of Ts‘e. Will lie in that case employ a man of. Ts‘e as his tutor, oi， a man of Ts‘oo?” “ He 、vill employ a man ot’ TVe to teach him,” said Mencim Avent on, u If but one man of'Ts4e be teaching liim, and there be a multitude of men of TsJoo continually shouting out about liim, although his father beat him every day, wishing him to learn the speech of Ts4e, it will be impossible for him to do so. But in the same way, if lie were to be taken and placed for several years in Cliwang or Yoh, though Ids father should beat him, wishing him to speak the language of Ts^oo, it would be impossible for him to do so. 2. a It ou supposed that See Iveu-chow was a scholar of virtue, and you have got liim placed in attendance on the kinpr. Sup- pose that all in attendance on the king, old and young, high and Ch. 6. The influence of example and i association. The importance of having TIKTLOU8 MEN ABOUT A SOVEREIGN^ PERSON. | 1. Tae Puh-shing was a minister of 8ung, the descendant of one of its dukes who had received the posthumous epithet of Tae, which had heen adopted as tlieir surname by a branch of his posterity. 子欲 ••與 ，- 舆， tone, the intorrog., implying an affirmative —y •欲 其子之 齊語， ‘ wislits the Ts4e speech of his son/ «.e., wishes his son to learn Ts4e. — interrog, as elsewhere in Men- cius. read = Shouting/ ^lam- orous.’ Chwang and were two well known quarters in the capital of Ts^, the former being the name of a street, and the latter the name of a neighbourhood ; see the 四 書摭餘 說 in loc. 2. SiiC Kcu-chow was alau a 152 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK III. 1 1 If 411 111 之、 T、 義 。孫 泄克 。盖丑 柳 叚吁問 閉 干日问 而 输暮覓 不垣： T、 諸 薛 王州所 薛 居所也 ，者、 居州者 > 王長 州池廣 If 幼 齒王 幼興单 如誰 卑盔尊 > 宋與尊 、不皆 Ioav, were See Keu-cliows, whom would the king have to do evil with ? And suppose that all in attendance on the king, old and young, high ami Ioav, are not See Keu-chows, whom will tlie king liave to do good with ? What can one See Keu-chow do alone for the king of Sung? " Chapter VII. 1. Kung-sun Chow asked Mencius, saying, u What is the point of righteousness involved in your not going to see the princes?" Mencius replied, u Among the ancients, if one had not been a minister in a State, he did not go to see the sovereign. 2. uTwan Kan-muli leaped over liis wall to avoid the |)rince. See Lew slmt his door, and would not admit tlie prince. These two, however, carried their .scrupulosity to excess. When a prince is urgent, it is not improper to see him. minister of Sung, a descendant of one of the princes of SeC, wliosc family liad adopted the name of their original State as their surname. In the 萬 姓通譜 we read : — refused to admit ( 內 = 納 ） lhe rt. II. Cm. VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 之同 y 陽 _ 亡 則夫陽 所 w 詔 貨共也 往 有貨羞 知言 >笑> 先 ，亡 而拜 賜微皆 也麗病 豈也饋 其於見 E 由 其于得 偷孔吼 土孔甚 > 是色夏 不往于 陽不于 觀赧吨 見。 拜蒸貨 得而斯 之> 赧予 曾胃之 U 闞 受惡可 則然 ，路于 當孔孔 於無以 着 4 曰 、曰 > 是手 于其禮 > 見 于由未 脅時， 亦之裝 大矣。 3. 44 Yang Ho wished to get Confucius to go to see liim, but disliked doing so by any want of propriety. As it is the rule, there- fore^ that when a great officer sends a gift to a scholar, if the latter be not at home to receive it, he must go to the oncers to pay his respects, Yang Ho watched when Confucius was out, and sent liiin. a roasted pig. Confucius, in his turn, watched when Ho was out, and Avent to pay his respects to him. At that time, Yang Ho had taken the initiative ; — how could Confucius decline going to see him? 4. u The philosopher T； BOOK 111. 園 篆待道 、考\ 曰> 待之国 之 公 5 潘萊曰 今永征 4最顿 都速 年清吿 有年今 盈養. 于 E 然損 之人然 兹之可 既 矣廣之 >曰> 日後 未曰 ，知 外何 已。 J| 是 攘巳能 、什巳 乂# 細 nS 菲其 何靖一 > 矣。 皆嗓 知一 君鄰如 。輕去 稱年 。其雞 于之孟 ^之關 夫 非 以之雞 于以市 Chapter \ III. 1. Tae Ying-clie said to }fencJns^ UI am not able at j)resent and inimediately to do Avitli the levying of a. tithe onh/^ and nholishing the duties charged at the passes and in the markets. W ith your leave I will lighten, however, both tlie tax and the duties, until next year, and will then muke an end of them, (lo y(m tliiiik of such ii course?” 2. .Mencius suid, u Here is a. man, 、vho every (lav a])[>roj)riat(S some of liis neiy：hl joules strayed fowls. Some one* savs to him, 4 Sucli is not the way of a good man and he 4 \\ ith your leave I 'will diiniiiish my ajjpi'ojjriations, and Mill only i*〇wl a month, until next year, avIich I will make i\\\ end of the |)]*actic*e. 3. 4tIf you know that the thing is unrighteous, tluMi use all dispatch in putting an end to it: — why 'vnit till next veai.?” ( iiAPriou I X. 1. rITi〇 disci])le Kung-too said to Mencius^ u blas- ter, the |)cm)[)1c beyond oar school all speak of you as lK»iiig fond of is wrong siioru) m*. put an WITIIOI T KKSKKVH AN!) WITII- I. rriu* Vin^-clie was a (Jn. S. Wn A KM) TO AT 0\< K, Ol T DKI. VV, orticer of Sun., thu nmount of his captvuvs. :夂 j| 万 is uwd iuh\Tl)i“ll》.，— ‘aluiux ••’ in nil the parnjrrnplis is the vcrb=Miavo done with it/ 4 put an ond to it.* ClI. 0. \Il；N( II S IIIM8ELF A(；A1NST Till： ('IIAU(.iH OF 1SKIN6 FOND OF Dlttrt'TINl*. \Vll AT U；I> TO HIS ATl'KAItlNii TO 1JI-： SO W.\S IIII-； N1；(1>S1TY OF TIIK T1MK. C〇IH|). II. Pt. I. ii. Mcihmus would appear from this chapter to liau* believed that the mantle of Confucius lmd fall- en upon him, and that his position was tli.it ol* a on whom il ik volvod to live and labour fi>r the world. 】 •夕卜 一 * outsitlc men,* i.e.y people in funeral, all beyond liis IcIiodI. iim tlic lvpixsentativc ui oHIkkIo-xv in the liujiirts rt. ii. Cn. ix. Tin，： WORKS OF MFA’ms. 泺 禹警上 之行 ，治 已曰斤 驅治余 ，者民 氾一也 。予好 蛇之 i 爲無 濫亂 。天 6 豈辯 > 龍禹 水營所 於當吓 f 敢 丨 fn 掘者 ，氣定 , 牟 堯 之辯問 放 地洪書 下亂之 生説何 之而 水氏 者蛇時 > 久予也 , 菹 ，注 也你爲 龍水矣 1、 孟 水之使 13 水巢 H 一得于 disputing'. I venture to ask whether it be so." Mencius replied, “ IiKleed， I am liot of disputing， 1”U I ain coii”>ell 以 1 to 2. UA long* time lins elapsed since this world of men received it^ being', and tliere has l)ecn 〇l〇ny Choo He tscu. but \rrongly. With tlio meaning in tlu? THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. "ROOK III. 1,50 又而 行亂民 君堯啸 ，險由 大 禽又使 無代舜 然阻地 亂 。獸作 灰所作 、旣 後旣中 周垤眉 不安壤 鼠人遠 A. 公及 囿得息 ，宮聖 得鳥江 相 紂汙衣 棄室人 平獸淮 武之池 食4 田以之 土之河 王 ，身/ 沛邪 以爲道 而害漢 誅天 澤說簋 汙衰、 居人是 紂下多 > 暴園 池屢之 。者也 > marshes. On this, the waters pursued their course tlirough the country, even the waters of the Keang, the Hwae, the Ho, and the Han, and the dangers and obstructions which they luul occasioned Avere removed. The birds and beasts which had injured the ])eople also disa])peared, and after this men found the plains available fur them, and occupied them. 5. eriud ol* confusion, MeiK*iu» scorns to ignore the sapeahipof T*onp, and of the king» Wan ami Woo; — especially tlmt ol' T'nng. 一 low. 3il tone, aasociftted with means tliick liuirshv jungles, where beasts coul. The kingdoui of Yen is referred to a purtion of the rt. u. On. ix. tiif. works or mkncius. 1；>7 于之 。君 微及譲 ，下十 ，於伐 之孔睹 邪人 2E 大 驅海奄 事 于有說 咸承憷 虎隅三 也 J 徵之、 暴以哉 .書豹 而年 是作于 行正武 氏 犀戮討 故春弑 有無王 2 象之其 孔秋 > 其伥缺 。烈 JI 而 滅君、 于 春艾臣 f 唯哉 遺國驅 曰> 最者癖 裳 嚴文之 i _ 知 天有其 道我王 天五廉 drove Fei leen to a corner by tlie sea, and slew liim. Tlie States which he extinguished amounted to fifty. He drove far away also the tigers, leopards, rhinoceroses, and elepliants; — and the empire was greatly delighted. It is said in the Book of History, 4 Great and splemiid were the plans of king AVSu ! Greatly were they car- ried out by the energy of king AVoo ! They are for the assistance and instruction of us wlio are of an after day. They are all in prin- ciple correct, and deficient in nothing.1 7. u Again the world fell into decav, «*ind principles faded away. Perverse speakings and oppressive deeds waxed rife a^ain. There ■were instances of ministers who murdered their sovereigns, and of sons who murdered their fathers. 8. u Confucius Avas afraid, and made the 1 Spring and Autumn •’ What the c Spring and Autumn ' contains are matters proper to the emperor. On this account Confucius said, 4 Yes! It is the Spring present district of K4euh-fow (曲阜 )in Yen- j chow in Shan-tung. Chaou K*e connects ~ ~ > | 年討 其君 with 誅射， but it aeems to belong more naturally to Fei-leen was a favourite minister of Chow, wlio aided him in his enormities. In tlie 4 Historical Kecords，’ Book IV.， 本 g 已， at the be- ginning, he appears as but without mention of his banishment and death. The place cjilled 4 a corner by the sea* cannot be deter- mined. And it wou Id be vain to try to enuiucr- ate the 4 fifty kingdoms, * which Chow-kung ex- tinguished. The in par. 1 1, must be supposed to have been among them. The 4 timers, leopards, &c.,* are the animals kept by Chow, not those infesting the country, as in the more ancient periods. 書曰 , — see the Shoo- king, Y. xxiv. 6. 7. low. 3d tone. read as, and=^^. 8. 4 Spring and Autumn/ 一 annals of Loo^for 242 years (b.c. 721-479), with Confucius* annota- tions, or ratlier all adapted by him to express a correct judgment ou every event and actor. They TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK HI. US 此 肥公艾 是不翟 侯其我 率馬 ，明 I 無歸 乙放惟 者 k 獸民儀 無君楊 >言 盗春其 而有 氐艾也 則盈 處秋惟 食饑庖 無墨歸 天士乎 。春 人色有 君无墨 U 黃 1 ^秋 也 > 野肥是 兼楊天 亂王乎 k 楊有 亂禽愛 i 氏下 楊不罪 墨 餓廐獸 是爲之 朱作旧 之 孝膚也 ，無我 >言 墨諸者 > and Autumn wliich Avill make men know me, and it is the Spring and Autuinn which will make men condemn me.1 9. u Once more^ sage emperors cease to arise, and tlie princes of the States give the reins to their lusts. Unemployed scholars in- dulge in unreasonable discussions. The words of Vang Choo ami ]\l ih Teili till the empire. If \)〇^ listen to people s discourses through- out it, you will find that they liuve adopted the views either of Yang or of Mill. jYow^ Yang's princi|)le is — 4 each one for himself/ wliich does not acknowledge the claims of the sovereign. Mill's principle is — 6 to love all equally/ which does not acknowledge the peculior affection due to a father. But to acknowledge neither king nor father is to be in the state of a beast. Kung-niing E said, c In tlieir kitchens, there is fat meat. In their staples, there are fat horses. But their ])eople have the look of hunger, and on the wilds there are those who have died of famine. rl、iiis is leading on beasts to clevoui、 men •’ arc composed as an emperor would have com- posed them. As Confucius was a sa.c：e without the imperial throne, Imd one of the imperial pa^es written annals, lio would liavo done so, as Confucius has done. Choo He quotes from the commen. IIoo 安 國 ) : 一 4 Clmng-nc made the Spriiif/ and Anfnmn^ to lodj^e in it tho true royal laws. fi'liore are tlie firm exhibition of the constant duties ; the proper use of ceremo- iiial distinctions ; the assertion ot* Ihttwn's de- cree fa roar to the virtuotiM ; and the punisli- ment of the guilty : 一 all those tilings, ol' which it may be said in that they are the busi- ness of the emiKTor.* (Comp, on lloo^s lanjrua^e the Shoo-kin^ 11. Lii. 7.) It was h\ tho study of this book, therefore, that Confucius wished him- self to be known, tho* he knew that he exposed liimself to presumption on account of the im- perial point of view from which he looked at every tliin*? in it. This is the meaning of 我 者其惟 私秋乎 • an 1 n(f >vho condemn me (*>., bad ministers and i>rince) vrill do so on account of my condemnalions of them in it/ which is tlie view of Clmou K4e. I lmve dropt the interrogations in the transhition. 9. |^， — up. 2d tone, applied to a virgin dwelling in the seclusion of her iipnrtinents, ami here to a scholur without public employment. Pt. II. On. IX. T11E WOKliS UF MKNX'IUS. \〇{) If the principles of Vang and Mih are not stopped, and the principles of Confucius not set forth, then those perverse s[)cakings will delude tlie people, and stop up the path of benevolence and ri〇liteousness. AVhen benevolence and righteousness are st〇[)ped up, beasts Avill be led on to devour men, and men Avill devour one another. 10. “I am alarmed by these tilings, and address myself to tlie defence of tlie doctrines of tlie former sages, and to oppose Yang and W\\\. 1 drive away their licentious expressions, so tliat sucli per- verse speakers may not be able to show themselves. Their delusions spring up in mens minds, and do injury to tlieir practice of affairs. Shown in their practice of .affairs, they are pernicious to their government. When sages shall rise up again, they ^vill not change my Avords. 1 1. uIn former times, Yu repressed tlie vast of the in- wulation, and tlie empire was reduced to order. Cliow-kung's achievements extended even to the barbarous tribes of tlie west and north, nnd lie drove away all ferocious animals, and the })eople enjoyed repose. Confucius completed the 4 Spring and Autulnl),^ and rebel- lious ministers and villainous sons were struck witli terror. ang Clioo, called also Yang Shoo (成 )， 謝 i ang Tsze-kcu ) was an hcrcsiarch of the times of Confucius and Laoutsze, of "which last he is said to have been a disciple. In the (la}Ts of Mencius, his principles appear to have been very rite. We may call his school the isdiool c»f China ( 爲我， - 爲， lu、v. 3d tone), as Milfs was tlie transcendental. 庖 有肥肉 万，- see L iv. 4. 10. — low. 3d tone 作 於其心 I 7T 万， see II. Pt. I. ii. 17. 11. ^ — I 4 embraced,* ; comprehended, * i.e., among the 50 btatcb referred to above. 賊子， 一 Uie pan!' 道 T, 襄孔 于之 道不暮 是 邪說誣 氐充 塞仁 義也仁 義充 塞則 率獸食 人人將 相 4€合 爲此慑 閑 先聖之 鼠跟楊 墨放心 齓邡說 者 不 得怅 作於其 4 害於其 幕作於 其氣害 於其跣 聖 V. C 十一節 i 人復起 不 易吾言 矣昔者 禹抑 洪水而 天下平 ‘周公 兼夷狄 驅猛獸 而百姓 ％ 1G0 Till： WORKS OF MEN'CIUS. BOOK HI 廉国者 k 千辭, 人是懲 n 士匡 S 聖了 、以 4 周 則詩! f 蠢4章 人得承 息公莫 XTk 成 居曰之 E 三邪所 我戎春 狱陳徒 也。 聖說 >膺 敢狄秋 > 陵> 仲也 。能 i 蓄原也 。黾 是而 三于 言 豈詖我 i 無膺 JL 日豈 跟好行 >亦 艾荆臣 %% 楊辯 於微 無舒賊 12. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 He smote the barbarians of the west and the north ; He punished King and Seu ; And no one dared to resist us.' These father-deniers and king-deniers would have been smitten by Chow-kung. 13. “I also wish to rectify mens hearts, and to put an end to those perverse doctrines, to oppose their one-sided actions and banish away their licentious expressions ; — and thus to carry on the work of the three sages. Do I do so because I am fond of disputing ? I am compelled to do it. 14. u Wlioever is able to oppose Yang and Mill is a disciple oi the sages.*1 Chapter X. 1. KSvang Chang said to Mencius^ u Is not Ch^n Chung a miin of true self-denying purity? He was living in Woo- ling, and for three days was without food, till lie could neither hear cidos, mentioned in par. 7. 12. SeePt. I. iv. 】3. 'I'lie remark in the4 note there is equally ap- plicable to the quotation Iktc. 13. 誠行 ，一 low. 8d tone. Comp. II. Ft. I. ii. 17. 14. This conchiding remnrk is of a piece with the hesitancy shown by Mencius in II. Pt. I,ii. t/〇 claim boldy hin place in the line of sages aloti^ with Confucius. Cii. 10. Thk man who will avoid all ASMOCIATION WITH, AND OlllJOATION TO, TIIOM1C «)1* WHOM HI； 1>()IC8 NOT Al»rKOV!；, MIT8T NKKD8 uo ut r oi mu >voiao. 1. Kw^ug Cbun^ | and Ch4in Chunpr, called also Ch4in Tszo-chung* were both men of Ts4ct the former high in the employment and confidenco of the prince, the latter, as wc loarn from i\\\s chapter, bi*longincr to an old and noble family of the State. His principles appear to have been those of Heu Ilinj? (Pt. I. iv), w even more severe. Wc may compare him with tho t'ecltuies of Confucius' time. Woo-Kng (於 rend woo) appears to have boon a poor v iiviili laurel]', lived rclired. It is referred either 1，T. II. C". X. Till-： WOUKS OF MEN'CIUS. 161 樹 之之上 于巨氏 三食耳 與> 所室 >食 之擘於 ‘實無 抑築 伯槁操 、焉, 齊然者 ，亂 亦與 .夷壊 、則 雖國 後過目 盜所 之下蚵 然之 耳半無 跖 食所飮 而仲 士膚矣 >見 之之 築黃後 于吾聞 肩也. 所粟與 可惡必 目匐井 樹 伯抑仲 者能以 有往上 與肩 亦子也 。廉 3 巾見 。將有 是之 盜所夫 i 充于 孟續李 k 未所 跖居蜕 仲盔 于之螬 nor see. Over a well there grew a ]>lum tree, the fruit of which had been more than half-eaten by worms. He crawled to it, and tried to eat some of the fruity when, after swallowing three mouthfuls, lie recovered his ami lieariiw.” 2. Mencius replied, u Among the scholars of Ts4c, I must regard Cluing as the thumb amomj the jiiu/ers. But still, where is the self- denying purity he pretends to ? To carry out the principles -which he holds, one must become an earth-worm, for so only can it be done. 3. “Now, an earthworm eats the dry mould above, and drinks the yellow spring below. Was the house in Avhicli Chung dwells built by a Pih-e? or was it built by a robber like Chih? Was the millet wliicli lie eats planted by u Pih-e? or was it planted by a robber like Chih ? These are tilings 'vliieh cannot be luio'vn.” to the district of Ch(ang-slian or that of Tsze- i cli-uen in the department of Ts*e-nan. The is a wonn proper to excrementitious mat- ter. The term here is used, I suppose, to heighten our sense of the strait to wliich Chung was reduced by his self-denial. pQ, read yen, up. 3d tone,=^C, 4 to swallow.* 2. == 椎而 滿之， 4 to carry out fully/ 3. Pili-e,— see Cuuf Aua. V. xxi.. cl al. Cliili wns a famous robber chief of Confm,ius, time, a younger brotlier of IIwuy of Lew-hea. There was, however, it is said, in antiquity in the times of Hwang-te, a noted robber of the same name, wliicli was given to Hwuy^ bro- ther, because of the similarity of his course. Taou Cliili (the robber Chih) has come to bo like a proper name. — As Chung withdrew from human society, lest he should be defiled by it, Mencius shows that, unlevss he were a worm, he could not be independent of other men. Even the house1 lie lived in, and the millet lie ate, miglifc 21 1(52 THE WOIIKS OF MI：XCIUS. BOOK III. 是 鶴是饋 兄之祿 > 世妻可 貌 也鯢其 離寧爲 家辟知 銳 與親兄 來爲方 流也。 之之者 生處； T、 義兄以 曰? 肉食 爲鵝於 義之戴 、易是 也之 巍氧 私之綠 蓋之何 出其 他己陵 >室, 而祿也 。傷 而兄日 . 頻他而 不萬曰 ，哉, 哇自其 _ 日不食 親仲彼 之。 外母曰 、籬居 也以于 ，身 以 哮^殺 惡則也 、以 兄齊織 母既 是用有 辟兄之 之屨、 4. a said Chancj^ uwhat does that matter? He himself weaves sandals of hemp, and his wife twists hempen threads, to bar- ter 5. Mencius roioined, u Chung belongs to an ancient and noble family of Tsce. His elder brother Tae received from Ko a revenue of J0,()0() chung ^ l>ut lie considered his brothers emolument to be lmrighteous, and would not eat of it, and in the same wnv lie con- sidered his l)rothers liouse to be unrighteous, and would not dwell in it. Avoiding liis brother and leaving Iiis mother, lie went and dwelt in Woo-lin^. One day afterwards, he returned to their house, wlien it happencMl that some one sent his brother a present of n live goose. Ife, knitting his eye-brows, said, 4 What are yon going to use that cackling tiling for? ^ Bv-fuid-bv his mother killed the goose, and <>;ave him sonu4 of it to eat. Just thcMi liis brother came into the house, and said, Mt s tlie flesh of that cackling thing/ upon Avliicli he went out and vomited it. Ik* the reKiiltof the lahourofa villain like Tnou- rhih, or of u wortliy like I*ih-e, for anything lie could tell. 4. 何傷- 1’t. I. vii. 8. 織跡 l’t. I_ iv. 辟， rcirl k twist.* flircads of hvinp on tlif I lii、 mc;i uing 卜 iK*t t'uuiul iti the diet. r» 一 up. 4th tone, ns in II* IH. II. vi. 1. ^ — see II. Pt. II. x. 3* JP 多， 一 the Hanio as 渔 •頻齡 uswlfwl ■聲 >ral. — vt'iul the sound inntii* h\ a ‘ ilii， cudvk.r: Tt. II. Cm. X. Till： WORKS OF MKNC1US. 1GS 者而 若充之 ，以之 則則 也 。 後仲其 是於室 > 食； r、 充子 類尙陵 則之食 I 其者. 也爲則 弗以以 操蚓乎 , 能居屁 兄妻 6. uTlms, Avliat liis mother 〇;ave liim he would not eat, hut wli：it liis wife f][ives him he eats. He will not dwell in his brother's liouse, but lie dwells in Woo-lins：. Ho\v can he in sucli circumstances complete the style of life which he professes? ^ ith such princi- ples as Cluing liolcls, a man must be «an earth-worm, and then he can carry them out.M « 以母 則不食 is expanded by Choo 〜，- 以 毋之食 爲不義 而不食 4 he considered what his mother gave him to eat not to be righteous, and would not eat it. Similarly he brings out the force of the j/j[ in the other clauses. The glossarist of Chaou Iv4e treats it more loosely, as in the translation 4C1 TnE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. BOOK IV. LE LOW. PART I. 下 。政 ，舜： r、 之 能巧之 s 今 之能聰 ，成: r、 明 >孟^ 離 有能 范正不 方以 公于婁 仁平不 五以氮 規輸曰 、章 心治 以音、 六師矩 于離句 仁天仁 堯银曠 不 之婁上 Chapter I. 1. Mencius said, aThe power of vision of Le Low, and skill of hand of Kung-slioo, without the compass and square, could not form squares and circles. The acute ear of the music- inaster KSvang, without the pitch-tubes, could not determine cor- rectly the live notes. The principles of Yaou and Shun, Avithout a benevolent government, could not secure the tranquil order of the empire. With this Book commences what is commonly called the second or lower part of tVe works of Mencius^ but that division is not recognized in the critical editions. It is named Le Low, from its commencing with those two characters, and contains twenty-eight chapters, wliich are most of them shorter than those of the preced- ing Books. Ch. 1. There is AN ART OF GOVERNMENT, A3 WELL A8 A WISH TO GOVERN WKLL, TO BE LEARNED FROM THE EXAMPLE AND PRINCIPLES OF THE ANCIEKT KINGS, AND WHICH REQUIRES TO BE STUDIED AND PRACTISED BT RULERS AND their ministers. 1. Le Low, called also I^e Choo (^1^), carries us back to the highest Chinese antiquity. He wa«, It is said, of the time of Ilwang-te, and so acute of vision, that, at the distance of 100 paces, lie could discern the smallest hair. The authority for this is the philosopher Chwang (J|£). Some say that Le Low was a (li^ciplo of Mencius, but this is alto- gether unlikely. Kung-shoo, namcil Pun (writ- ton and '' as a celebrated mechanist of Loo, of the times of Confucius. He is fabled to have made birds of bamboo, that c〇ul B 者肩行 。以 之法亂 用以 力未％ —I 道於而 也蠢焉 之遵云 I, 也後民 旣 方繼有 先不徒 故峨不 竭 員之也 。王 愆法, 呒者居 耳平以 聖泛不 不徒: T、 其 力直、 規人法 忘能善 k 行澤 k 焉 1、 知旣 而率以 不先不 繼 可準竭 過由自 足王可 2. u There are now princes Avho have benevolent hearts and a reputation for benevolence, while yet the people do not receive any benefits from them, nor will they leave any example to future ages ; 一 all because they do not put into practice the Avays of the ancient kings. 3. u Hence we have the saying : — k Virtue alone is not sufficient for the exercise of government ; laws alone cannot carry themselve9 into practice.' 4. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 Without transgression, without forgetfulness, Following the ancient canons.* Never has any one fallen into error, Avho followed the laws of the ancient kings. 5. When the sages had used the vigour of their eyes, they called in to their aid the compass, the square, the level, and the line, to make things square, round, level, and straight : — the use of the instruments is inexhaustible. When they had used their power ， 一 low. 3<1 tone. Observe the correlation of and the last clause assigning the rea- son of what is said in the preceding ones. 王之道 ，- here， and below, the must be taken differently from its applica. ia the last par., and= the of that. The commen. H refers to king Seuen of Ts4e (see I. Pt. I. vii.) as an instance of the princes who have a benevolent heart, and to the first emperor of the Leang dynasty (a.d. 502 — 557), whose Bud- bistic scrupulosity about taking life made him have a benevolent reputation Yet the heart of the one did not advantage the state, nor the reputation of the other the empire. 3. 一 here ‘ simply being good，’ /•€•， virtue without laws, and J^t=laws without I virtue, the virtue, however, being understood of ! the 4 benevolent heart/ 4. See the She- | king, Pt. III. ii. Ode v. st. 2. 繼之以 ，- lit., c continued it with.* The line must be un- derstood of the plumb-line, as well as of the marking-line, ffe is rightly translated, 一 ‘the level/ but I have not been able to ascertain its THK WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 1G0 道 是在謂 爲因覆 之勝之 揆 播高智 既丘天 以用以 也 > 其位序 。不晚 下不也 、六 下 惡不是 ■爲矣 。忍旣 律> 無 於仁以 先下及 Mv 竭正 法衆 ta r 隹王 也曰之 心五 守也 。至仁 之因籩 政旧音 > 也 、上® 5 商者 i 道 i 川 亂而焉 i 不 朝無位 及可澤 >必 仁繼可 of hearing to the utmost, they called in the pitch-tubes to their aid t o determine the five notes : — the use of those tubes is inexhaustible. When they had exerted to the utmost the thoughts of their hearts, they called in to their aid a government that could not endure to witness the sufferings of men ： — and their benevolence overspread the empire. 6. u Hence we have the saying : — 1 To raise a thing high, we must begin from the top of a mound or a hill ; to dig to ix great depth, we must commence in the loiv ground of a stream or a marsh. 1 Can he be pronounced wise, who, in the exercise of government, does not proceed according to the ways of the former kings? 7. u Therefore only the benevolent ought to be in high stations. When a man destitute of benevolence is in a lii^h station, lie there- by disseminates his Avickcclncss amon〇; all below him. 8. u When the prince has no principles by wliicli lie examines his administration and his ministers have no laws by Avliich tliey keep themselves in the discharge of their duties^ then in the court original form in China. In the 前 漢書， /[r^v Bk. I., we read : — 4 From the adjustment of weights and things sprang the lever (WJ). The lever revolving produced tlie circle. Tlie circle produced the square. The square produced the line. The line produced the level* Oil the last sentence 韋昭 says: — 4 They set up tho level to look at the line, using water as the equalizer.1 不可勝 (up_ 1st tone) 用，一 0cc I. Tt. i. iii. 3. The nominative to fij* is the whole of what precedes from 繼不 忍人， sec II. Pt. II. vi. 1. 6. 因 = 侬 4 to conform to,* t.c., here to take advan- tage of. The saying is found in the Le-ke, X. ii. 10. 8. This par. is an expansion of the last clause of the prec., illustrating how the wick- edness flows downwards, with its consequence^ 卜 ,， 一 * the highest,* i.c., the prince. the next * below/ his nnnisters. — chla〇u, low. 1st tone, 4 the court/ and X as opposed to it, the variouatofBccr8, as having： their * work * to tJu. obedience is not paid to principle, and in the office obedience is not paid to rule. Superiors violate tlie lmvs of righteousness, and inferiors violate the penal laws. It is only by a fortunate chance that a kingdom in such a case is preserved. u Therefore it is said, 4 It is not the exterior and interior -vvalls being incomplete, and the sui)})ly of Aveapons offensive and defen- sive not being larye, which constitutes the calamity of a kingdom. It is not the cultivable area not being extended, and stores and ■wealth not being accMiirmlated, which occasions the ruin of a king- dom.' When superiors do not observe tlie rules of propriety, and inferiors do not learn, then seditious people spring up, and that kinf/doin Avill perish in no time. 10. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 When such an overthrow of Chotv is being produced by Heaven, Be not ye so much at your ease ! 1 1 . 4 At your ease — that is, dilatory. 12. u And so dilatory may those o(jicer. 盡聖孟 _。那 責王 者之皆 君人于 謂 || 之 者 所备道 ，人曰 > 之於道 也 ，以堯 欲偷規 敬 、君者 > X、 事舜爲 之矩， 吾謂猶 以 堯而臣 、至方 君之沓 堯事 E 盡也 。員 不恭唐 之君 臣徵 迖能 陳也。 所不 不道】 至 謂 善故赢 it without regard to propriety, and who in their words disown the ways of the ancient kings. 13. u Therefore it is said, ‘To urge one’s sovereign to difficult achievements may be called showing respect for liim. To set before him what is good and repress his perversities, may be called showing reverence for him. He who does not do these things, sayincj to himself, 一 My sovereign is incompetent to this, may be said to play the thief with him.’ ” Chapter II. 1. Mencius said, 11 The compass and square produce perfect circles and squares. By the sages, the lmmun relations arc perfectly exhibited. 2. u He wlio as a sovereign would perfectly discliarge the duties of a sovereign, and he who as a minister Avould perfectly discharge tlie duties of n minister, liave only to imitate — the one Yaou, and the other Shun. He avIio does not serve his sovereign tis Shun served Yaou, does not respect his sovereign, and he who does not rule his people as Yaou ruled his, injures his people. slander,’ or ‘disown.’ 13. Comp. II. Pt. II. ii. 4. We arc obliged to supply considerably in the translation, to bring out the meaning of the last sentence. may bo taken as a verb 一 4 to injure,* or as I have taken it. Oil. 2. A CONTINUATION OF THK LAST CHAP- teu;— that Yaou ani> Shun are tiik perfect MODKL8 OF SOVKHKIGN8 AN!) MINISTKRS, AND T1IE C；ON8KQUI：NCE8 OF NOT IMITATING TllliM. 1. 4 The coni])ass and siiuare arc; the piirtVction of ^UiUcs uud circles j* 一 but wo mubl uudcr^Uud I the meaning as in the translation. So with the 2d clause. see 111. l*t, II. iv. 9. 2. these two* things, putting the above clauses abstractly, but we cannot da that so well in English. The force of 而已， acc. to the ^Jjjg is * to show that there is no other way for the sovereign and minister to punmc* •’ 一 Of 4 the lmman relations * only that oi* I buvtTvigu and uiiulster Iktc adduced, bccauat Pi. I. Ch. II.— III. TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 1G9 也 、圖有 不円 •夏 能幽 仁 、子后 改厲 > 矣目 ，之幽 。雖 失二 世》 神$ 奢 天 代此云 ，于 下之 之殷慈 也> 得 謂鑒孫 > 以天也 。: T、 百 石下 遠 、世 亡卫孔 ^ 以 石矣 。于洽 I 暴 ^ 氐民 則 其道治 身民二 、民, 是甚 > 仁 M 國 則與其 飢身： T、 民 名滅 t 者 之！ i 而也。 3. il Confucius said, 4 1'liere arc but two courses, icliich can be pursued, that of A'irtuc and its 〇})posite.' 4. UA sovereign who carries the oppression of liis people to the highest pitcli, will himself be slain, and his kingdom Avill perish. If one stop short of the highest pitch, liis life Avili notwithstanding be in danger, and liis kingdom will be weakened. He will be styled 4 The dark,' or cThe cruel,' and though he may have filial sons and {iffectionate grandsons, they will not bo able in a hundred generations to change the designation, 5. u This is Avhat is intended in the words of the Book of Poetry, ( The beacon of Yin was not remote, It avhs in the time of the sovereign of Hea,* " Chapter III. 1. ^Mencius said, u It was by benevolence that the three dynasties gained the empire, and by not being benevolent that they lost it. ^Mencius was speaking with reference to the 1 rulers of his time. 3, If the remark were Mencius, own. we should translate ^2 by ‘ be- nevolence/ The term in Confucius rather denotes 4 perfect virtue’’ By the course of virtue is intended the imitation of Yaou and Shun ; by its opposite, the neglect of them as models. 4. By sovereigns, who carry their oppression to tlie highest pitch, Mencius intends, as his examples, Ke6 and Chow, the last emperors of the Hea and Yin dynasties. By 4 The d.ark * and 4 The cruel/ he intends the I 12th (b.c. 780) and 10th (b.c. 877) emperors of the Chow dynasty, wlio received those posthu- ujous indelible designations. I take^jl in the sense of 4 weakened* (diet, which it else- where has in Mencius. 5. See the She-r king, III. iii. Ode I. st， 8, an ode of the time of tlie emperor Le (^^)> intended for his warning. The sovereign of Hea is the tyrant KeC, and by Yin is intended the tyrant Chow, by whose fate, neglecting the lesson furnisliecl him by that of Ke^, it is suggested that Le should be admonished. Ch. 3. The importance to all, and specie ALLY, TO RULERS, OF EXERCISING BENEVOLENCE, 1. 4 The three dynasties,1 are the Hea, the Shan?：, and the Chow. It is a bold utters jince, j'Geinpr the Chow dynasty >vas still exist- ing in the time of Mencius, tho* he regarejed 170 THE AVOIU【S OF MEXCI US- BOOK IV. 反 圖惡死 T、 仁 、不 T、 亡仁。 其 孟噼亡 U、 保保者 、國 ^ 仁 ，于而 而 I、 汝社 &赤之 洽曰 /强樂 保宗稷 々保然 。所 人愛酒 。不 四胤 卿諸天 ■以 不 人仁體 。士大 侯于廢 治 /不 是今 s 庶夫； r、：r、 興 反親 猶 惡入不 仁 仁 2. u It is by the same means that tlie decaying and flourishing, the preservation and perishing, of States are detennined. 3. u If the emperor be not benevolent, he cannot preserve the empire /ro/y?. passing fro ni him. If the sovereign of a State be not benevolent, lie caimot preserve Ins kingdom. It_a Iiigli noble or gmit officer be not benevolent, lie cannot preserve his ancestral temple. If a scholar or coinmon man be not benevolent, he cannot preserve his four limbs. 4. uXow they hate death and ruin, and yet delight in being not benevolent ; — this is like hating to be drunk, and yet being strong to drink wine/5 Chapter IV. 1. Mencius said, u If a man love others, and no responsi re attachm e 1 1 1 is shown to him, let him turn imvai*ds and examine his own benevolence. If lie Is tryiiuj to rule others, and liis government is unsuccessful, let him turn inwards and (*\amine liis wisdom. If he treats others politely, and they do not return his it as old «incl ready to vanish awny. lie has a reference, ac*c. to Choo He, to tin* emi)rrors Le and Yew, mcMitioncd in the last (!li. 2. 海一‘ the four seas,* i.e., all with tliem, as sub- ject to tlie emperor's jurisdirtion. Tlu»re isa. 3. ^L, 一 tlie verb, up. 3d tone, * to bate, dislike.' 弓迅 （up. 2d t()ne)、j 酉， 一 like the Hebrew idiom. Is. v. 22. This is spoken with rtfcrcnce to the princes of Mencius' time Cn. 4. With what measure a man mf.tkq IT r.K M1：ASI HKI» TO IIIM AGAIN. AM> ( 〇N- S!；Qni：M!.V HKl'OKK A MAN IM：AI> AVITII OT1IKKS, KMMCrTINti TIIKM TO BE AKFKrTKl) R V IIIM, II K 8H〇n.!) I IKST DEAl. WITH HIMMCLF. Thl； SOU- timont is <'\pn»KsiMl <]uito j;enor;il1y, but a }>nr- ticular lvti'rence is to he understood to the priniTB of Moiu,ius, time, 1. is used in a nianntM* rommon in M(*nciust-=4 to turn back from tlie course heinj; pursued, and tlu、u to turn inwards to the work of examination :md ('nrm-tion.' In the next par., >v〇 have it followed by anotliiT verb, In y"p% is low. 1s?t tone, 4 to regulate/ * to try to 不治 •治 is low. 3d tono, * to be ri1- guluted tho povomment beinif elfectivc. Tliu duubfd •安人不 銳， *m; \erv cgikuc. rr. i. on. iv. -vr. T1IK WOUKS OF MF.NCIUS. 國本在 曰,園 孟在 a 天孟 竽身 。國丨 、于 0, 之國曰 , 政 在天有 % 鈮下钣 ik 家乏 $ % 之本皆 福 。詩1 己 行齡其 元其 有智, 永 身不禮 言正 I 得人 配而 者\石 命 、 天皆答 ‘ 自 下反反 求 歸求其 多之 。諸 #。 politeness, let liim turn inwards and examine his own feeling of respect. 2. u When we do not, by what "vve do, realize what tee desire^ we must turn inwards, and examine ourselves in every point. When a man's person is correct, the whole empire Avill turn to him icith recognition and submission. 3. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 Be always studious to be in harmony witli the ordinances of God、 And you 'vill obtain much lmppiness.， ’’ Chapter V. ^Mencius said, “ People lmve this common saying， 一 * The empire, the State, t.lie family.’ The root of the empire is in the State. The root of the State is in the fumilv. The root of tlio family is in the person of its head." Chapter VI. Mencius said, aThe administration of govern- ment is not difficult ; — it lies in not otfending the great families. He The paraphrase in the ^ •*〇* thus expands ; ^ -爲治 者體仁 以愛人 ，宜 乎人 之我 親矣， 而顧有 不親焉 ，則 必反笔 t， 恐 我之愛 人有未 了; * He who administers govern- ment embodies benevolence to love men, and it iiiay be expected men will love him. Sliould he find however that they do not, lie must turn in and examine his benevolence, lest it should be imperfect,* &c., &c, 2. _ 辱 ^辱 1 其 所欲， 4 does not get wliat he wishes.* | > — 4 all/ witli reference to the general form of the preceding clause, a. See II. Pt. I. iv, 6. i Ch. 5. Personal character is necessary to all good ixfluenck. Comp* 4 The supe- rior Learning/ text of Conf., pan 4. Tlie com- mon saying repeated by all probably means: — the empire is made up of its component States?, and of their component families ^ — /.e., the fami- lies of the great otticersv But Mencius takes its meaning more general^, and carries it out a step farther. Ch. 6. The importance to a ruler of si> CUKING THE KaTEEM AND SUBMISSION OF THK gkkat houses. The ' not offending * is to be taken in a moral sense ； — the l ulei.’s doing nothing but what will coinmand tlie admiring iipprobation of the old and great families in the State. In illustration of the sentiment, Chow He refers to a story related of the duke 1 1 wan of T^4e. Lighting one rlny in hunting, on ail old 172 THE wolulis (>K ME^CltjS, BOOK IV, 旣存/ 既天德 圍教慕 k 鼠得 不逆斯 下役孟 盤 天一罪 能 天二無 大于乎 下國於 佘者者 U 氧曰 ，四 慕慕巨 又亡 。天小 小天海 。之之 ，室 不 齊电> 役賢下 故一巨 受 景順大 、役有 沛國室 命士天 弱大道 、然 之之 是既 者役賢 >小 德所所 ■Urliom the g^eat families affect^ will l3e nfFected by the whole State, and he whom any one State affects^ Avill be Affected by the whole em-1 pire. When this is the case, such an ones virtue and teachings will spread over all within the four seas like the rush of water.,> Chapter VII. 1, Mencius said, 44 When fight government pre- Vails in the empire, jprinces of little virtue are submissive to t/io.sd of great, and those of little worthy to those of great. AVlien bad government prevails in the empire, princes of small power are submissive to those of great, and the weak to the 9trong. Botli these cases are the rule of Heaven. Tiiey who accord with Heaven are preserved, and they who rebel against Heaven perish. 2. uThe duke King of Ts*e said, *Not to be able to command others, and at the same time to refuse to receive their commands, is to cut one's-self off from all intercourse Avitli others.5 His tears man of 83, the duke souplit his blessing, that he might attain a like longevity* The ola man then prayed, 4 May my sovereign enjoy ^reat longevity, despising gems and gold, and making men his jewels/ At the duke^ request he pray- ed a second time, that lie might not be ashamed to learn even from his inferiors, and a third time, 4 May my sovereign not oflentl against his min- isters and the people !* This answer otfended ! the duke. 4 A son,* he saidj * may offend against }iis father, and a minister against his sovereign. But how can a sovereign offend against his ministers V The old inan replied) i An offend- ing son may get forgiveness thro* tlie interces- sions of aunts und unclcsi An offending minis- I ter may be forgiven by the intercession of the sovereign^ farourites and attendants. But 、v hen . KeC offended against T4ang, and Cliow ol!ended against Woo ; 一 those were cases in point. There i Ivus uo forgiveness for tlicni/ 所慕 ，一丨 4 whom they aflect,* not what. Observe the force of ClI. 7i How TIIB 9UH.TKCTIOK OF ONE STATB TO ANOTHER IS DETKKMINED AT DIFFEKENT TIMES. A PRINCE^ O^LT SBCUniTY FOR 8AFETY AND PKOSPICHlTY 18 IN BEING DBNKVOLENT. 1. Many commcn. say tliat by 大德 aiMl 大 reference is made to the emperor, but the declarations may as Mrell be taken generally. 斯二者 天也， 一‘HeaTen，’ it U said, ‘em- braces here the ideas of wliat must be in reason, ami the different powers of the contrasted States ( 兼瑯勢 ¥)• Thi8 i8. tr"e， but why sink the idea of a Providential govern- ment which is implied in 4 Heaven?' 2* >ll see Con, Ana, XII. xi, 絶物 一 rh i. ch vii. TltK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 173 命、 天天 小王池 。子 而吳 。絶 侯其下 國師如 呀1 恥今 _ 于麗矣 。七 文恥恥 受也池 > 周不詩 I 年王 .之 >受 命小涕 服億 Si 大莫命 焉眉出 侯 商盔 國若於 考師而 i S 五師先 猶关長 于旣 孫於年 > 文師 弟亂於 flowed forth -while lie gave his daughter to be married to the prince o/Woo. 3. u Xow the small States imitate the large^ and yet are ashamed to receive their commands. This is like a scholar's being ashamed to receive the commands of his master. 4. u For a prince who is ashamed of tliis, the best plan is to imitate king Wan. Let one imitate kin^ Wan, and in five years, if his State be large, or in seven years, if it be small, lie will be sure to give laws to the empire. 5. u It is said in tile Book of Poetry, 4 The descendants of the emperors o/the Sliang dynasty, Are in number more tlian hundreds of thousands；, But, God having passed His decree, They are all submissive to Cliow. They are submissive to Ch〇Mr, Because the decree of Heaven is not unclianging. The officers of Yin, admirable and alert, Pour out the libations, and assist in the capital of Chow' 物 is taken as used for * men,* but the phrase is a contracted one, and= 與人睽 4 separated from other menJ, or may be taken actively, wliicli I prefer, and similarly supplemented. — lower 3d tone, 4 to give a daughter in marriage.* Woo, corresponding to the northern part of the present Ch6-keang, and the south of Keang-soo, was in Confucius* time still reckoned a barbarous territory, and the princes of tlie Middle kingdom were ashamed to enter into relations with it. The duke King, however, yielded to the force of circum- stances and so saved himself. The daughter so married soon died. She pined away for her father and her native Ts'e, and was followed to the grave by her husband, The old king of Woo, barbarian as he was, showed much sym- pathy for his young daughter-in-law. 3* 師 , — 4 to imitate,5 4 to make a master of.* Men- cius5 meaning is that the smaller States followed the example of the larger ones in what was evilj and yet did not like to submit to them. 异各 — ‘a youth，’ here, =a pupil, 4. j]^,— * be exercising government, *=giving law to. 5. See the She-king, III. i. Ode I. sU 4, 5. 不億 = 不止 於德， ‘not hundreds of thousands only，’ 侯 于周服 is an in- yersion for ^ is here an 174 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 亡安圓 能猶欲 夫于周 > 者 、其孟 ，執 無國京 .天 不棄于 熱屬敵 君孔命 仁而既 逝而於 好于靡 而利 不不 不天仁 > 氏 常> 可其仁 以以下 > 天仁殷 與萏 U 氣濯而 下不士 言 ，樂可 也 ^ 無可虜 則其與 詩以敵 。爲敏 何所言 云 、仁、 4^ 衆祿 亡以哉 > 誰是也 也> 將 Confucius said, (As against so benevolent a sovereir/n: they could not be deemed a multitude.’ Thus, if the prince of a State love benevolence, he will have no opponent in all the empire. 6. u Now they wish to have no opponent in all the empire, but they do not seek to attain this by being benevolent. This is like a man laying hold of a heated substance, and not having first wetted his hands. It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 Who can take up a heated substance, Without wetting his hands ? 5 '' Chapter VIII. 1. Mencius said, 11 How is it possible to speak with those prmceA* who are not benevolent? Their perils they count safety, their calamities they count profitable, and they have pleasure in the things by which they perish. If it were possible to talk with them who so violate benevolence, how could we have such destruc- tion of kingdoms and ruin of families? introduct. piirtide，= 惟. 仁不可 竭衆， is to be understood as a remark of Confucius on reading the portion of the She-king just quoted ; — against a benevolent prince, like king Wan, the myriads of the adherents of Shanj? ceased to be myriads. They would not act against him.' 6. See the She-king, III. iii. Ode III. sfc. 5. The ode is referred to the time 6f the emperor Le, when the empire vras has- tening to ruin, and in the liucs quoted, the author deplores that there was no resort to pro- per niensuros. is taken as a mere particle of transition. Ch. 8. That a ritiNCE is tiie agent of his OWN ItmN BY HI8 VICIOUS 'VAY8 AND REFU8INO to ijk couN8teLLKD. 1. Stress must be laid always on the 不 & 不仁 • The expression docs not denote the want of benevolence, but the opposite of it. S = =, 'to cive rr. 1. Cu. VIII.— IX. THli WORKS OF MKNCIL'S. 175 圈違 A 而 自斯予 浪浪國 孟 咱伐後 侮肩曰 之之敗 于作之 。人 然足 小水 水家 印 孽 .太徵 後矣 、于 濁淸之 桀 不甲之 ，人自 聽免 兮膚。 糸 每亩曰 眉侮 敢芝可 卩丨眷 i 之活 、天必 之之氣 以以濡 失 此作自 家也斯 濯濯于 天之孽 必夫 S 濯我 我歌 下 謂猶而 自人親 足麗呒 也也。 可後毁 i 饊孔 ■瘡 2. u There was a boy singin fr, 4 ^ hen the water of the I's^ng-lang is clear, It does to wash the strings of mv cap; When the Avater of the Ts^ang-lang is muddy, It does to wash my feet.' 3. u Confucius said, 4 Hear Avhat he sings, mv cliildren. When clear, then he will wash liis cap-strings, and Avlien muddy, lie Avill •\vash his feet with it. This different op[)lication is brought by the water on itself.' 4. u A man must first despise himself, and then others Avill de- spise him. A family must first destroy itself, and then others will destroy it. A kingdom must, first smite itself, and then others Avill smite it. 5. uThis is illustrated in the passage of the T4ae Ki &, 4 When Heaven sends down calamities, it is still possible to escape them, Wlien we occasion the calamities ourselves, it is not possible any longer to live. ’ ’’ Chapter IX. 1. ^lencius said, u Kee and Chow's losin〇; the em- j)ire, arose from their losing tlie people, and to lose the people means faithful advice to.* 2. The name Ts4anpr- lang (lower 1st tone) is found applied to diflrt. streams in difft. places. That in the text was probably in Shan-tung. 3. 一 referring to the words of the song. 斯 = ^thiw, mteiiaive, or ^ve ma^ take it adverbiaDy； — irhen clear, then it serves to wash the cap strings, &c/ 4. See II. Pt. I. iv. 6. Ch. 9. Only bt beixg benkvolest can \ PRINCE RAISE HIMSELF TO BK KMFEROR. OR EVKST AVOID RUIN. 1, 與 之聚之 ，-與 CUaou Ivc interprets it,— 176 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV， 有 民爲走 之與斯 天也失 好者 k 叢壙 歸之得 下得其 仁 桀歐也 。仁 聚民矣 /天民 者 、與爵 辑吨、 乏、 养得下 Sl、 則紂 着為 猶所得 其者吴 諸也 。鶄 淵水感 其民道 >其 音夫 爲愈就 S 有叙 其暮 爲 F 湯着 K 爾道 ，得民 >吴 4 之武獺 獸也， 其斯其 豪君 > 威也 乏矣0 欲乂 \得 心 to lose their hearts. There is a 、vay to get the empire : _ get tho people, and the empire is got. There is a Avay to get the people: — get their hearts, and the people are got. There is a way to get their hearts : — -it is simply to collect for them what they like, and not to lay on them what they dislike. 2. 11 The people turn to a benevolent rule as water flows down- wards, and as wild beasts fly to the wilderness. 3. il Accordingly, as the otter aids tlie deep waters, driving the fish into thorn, and the hawk aids the thickets, driving the little birds to them, so Kee and Chow aided Tcang and Woo, driving the people to them. 4. “ If among tho 】u，esent sovereigns of the einpire, there 'vere one who loved benevolence, all the other princes would aid him, by 其所欲 而 與之， 1 liking f!i[ in tin* 8c»nse of 4 to give/ but tliia does not appear to be admissible hovo. fr〇 collect for the people what tliey like, is to govern in such a way tlmt they sliall enjoy tlieir lives. Choo lie illustrates the moaning from p (Chlaou) the Man dynasty, who diil service in the recover of tlic ancient books, tlnis: 一 * Men like lon^ life, and the founders of the three dynasties cherished men's lives and kept them from liarm : Men |〇ve wealth, aiul tlioao Kinpa enriched them, and kept lliem lroiu straits ; &c,, 2, I It is be8t to take 仁^ licre in the concrete. I it is marked, is in the up, 2d tone. The diet, {rivea I it in the same in I. Pt. I. iii. 2. 3. 爲，_ I low. 3.1 tone. 1 — ( he or that which drives the fish for the deep waters.* The 拙 ^ is t lie otter. For a curious p.articular about it, see the Lc-ke, IV. ( i. 8. is given in the dictionary as 烏名， 4 the nanu' of a bird.' Choo He takes it, how* ever, us=^ m a jjaicral name for biuall bird。， Pr. 1. Cii. IX.— X Till： W0UK8 OF MKNCIUS. 177 爲有 国也。 何憂身 三之矣 > 也> 言孟 ◎能辱 3 年欲雖 言也斤 淑以得 之王欲 非自曰 k 載陷 苟艾者 ，無 禮棄自 胥 於:不 也屬玉 義 H 及死 志苟七 7、 謂不者 、溺 ，亡於 爲年可 之可不 此詩 化； 不之得 自與可 之 云終畜 已。 暴有與 謂其身 終求今 ^ driving the people to hint. Although lie wished not to become em， peror, lie could not avoid hccoining so. 5. u The case of one o/the present princes wishing to become em- peror, is like the having to seek mugwort for three years old, to cure a seven years* sickness. If it have not been kept in store, the patient may all his life not get it. If the princes do not set their Avills on benevolence, all their days Avill be in sorrow and disgrace, and they will be involved in death ancl ruin. • 6. u This is illustrated by what is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 How otherwise can }-ou improve the empire^ You 'vill onl_y Avitli it go to ruin.’” Chapter X. 1. Mencius said, u With those wlio do violence to themselves, it is impossible to sj)eak. Wirh those who throw them- selves away, it is impossible to do anything. To disown in liis conversation propriety and righteousness, is Avhat we mean by doing violence to one's-self. To say — 4 1 am not able to dwell in bene- 4- 3£， 一 low. 3d tone, and in next par. also. 5 ■苟爲 不畜終 身不得 _ most comraen. interpreted. — 4 If you now, feeling its want， begin to collect it, it may be available for the cure. You can hold on till it is so. If you do not at once set about it, vour case is hope- less.’ Perhaps the 爲 and 不 should deter- mine in favour of this view. Chaou K;e inter- prets as in the tmnslation. The down of the mugwort, burnt on the skin, is u^cd for pur- poses of cautery. The older the plant, the bet- ter. 6. The quotation from the Slie-king is of the two lines immediately following the last quotation in ch. vii. — a particle, = 貝 |J • Ch. 10. A WARNING TO THE VIOLENTLY EVIL, AND TUE WEAKLY EVIL. i •自 暴者， 4 Those who are cruel to themselves,* i.e., those who deny, and act contrary to their own nature. , a verb, * to disown,* 4 to con Jema.* 與 to have conversation (words；, So 178 Till： WOliKS Of Ml'.NClUS. BOOK IV. voletice or ])ursuo tlie path of righteousness, is Avhat we mean by throwing one's-self away. 2. u ]5t>iievolence is the tranquil habitation of man, and right- eousness is his straight path. 8. uAlas for them, wlio leave tlie tranquil dwelling empty, ;uid d(j not reside in it, and who abandon the right path and do not pursue it ! 15 Chaptiok XI. Mencius said, uThe path of duty lies in 'vliat. is ncur, and men seek for it in what is remote. The work of duty li^s in Avhat, is easy, and men seek for it in wluit is difficult. Ii' each jiiiui would love his j)arents and show the due respect to liis ekler.s, Hi<* 'vIk 山； CM"i)ire w<)ul(l eiijoy traiiquillity.’’ Chapter XII. 1. Mencius said, When those o cupving infe- rior sitimtions do not obtain the confidence of the sovereign, tliey c-aruiot succeed in governing the ])eople. There is a way to obtsiiu tlie coafklence of the sovereign : — if one is not trusted by liis friends, have aotioii (fining) with tliein.' 3. 一 for 松， iif，. be iniflerstocKl 舍 2d t»niu. The lamentation is to s for tlio ("hc 自索者 _lt ib ohHt.TVi'il tlmt * this ctmptei. sliows liiat what is ri^ht and true* (道 w rojillv lu'lonjr to in:m， but In; extirpates them liimsdl. Profound if* f.lii. Hdmonition, iiiid j^iv»* most I'iirin'st hot* rotnul ；il>〇 >»» l lie * riiinil.' Mcnciuc m；iv have had 也吾身 T, 能居 仁由義 謂 C 二節 k Vi 之自棄 也仁 人之 安宅也 k 0 11 節 義人 之正 路也曠 安宅而 卵说 舍正路 而卵取 哀氣 3 孟于曰 ‘道在 麗 而求諸 龜事 在據而 求諸 難 人人 裁其親 長其鼠 而天灰 固 |命于 曰‘居 下位而 T, 獲 於上民 不 可得 而治也 獲 於 上有范 不 信於 友弗獲 Vi 1. Cu. XII.-XIIT. rur. wokks of micncits. 179 來 .之 圖有之 故道廣 悅於 吾濱 也！ 誡不不 卯上 聞聞于 T、 也 、者 ，明誠 信矣、 断 文黾誠 至^ 天乎了 、於信 伯王 伯未誠 之善/ 悅友於 善作肩 有而道 7、 於東友 養興 辟能不 也識裁 悦有 老曰 紕動 動思其 矣潮齓 者 > 盍是# 备 —秦事 太歸比 也未者 ，矣 。身道 ，栽 公卓簿 之人备 着反卵 he will not obtain the confidence of his sovereign. There is a wav of being trusted by one's friends : — if one do not serve his parents so as to make them pleased, he will not be trusted bv his friends. Tliere is a way to mnke one's parents pleased ； — if one, on turning his thoughts inwards finds a want of sincerity, he will not give pleasure to his parents. There b a way to the atraimnent of sin- cerity in one's-self: — if a man do not understand what is s：()od， lie ^sill not attain sincerity in himself. 2. u Therefore, sincerity is the way of Heaven. To think how to be sincere is the way of man. 3. u Never has there been one possessed of complete sincerity, ■vvho did not move others. Never has there been one wlio had not sincerity who was able to move others.'' Chapter XIII. 1. Mencius said, u Pih-e, that lie might avoid Chow, was dwelling on the coast of the northern se.a. When he heard of tlie rise of kinp： Wan, he roused hiinself, and said, 1 V/liy should I not go and follow liim? I have heard that tlie chief of the AVest knows 、vell ho'v to nourish tlie old.’ T^e-kung, that he might that, or the fragmentary memorabilia of Con- fucius, from which it \9 compiled, before him, and not the Chung-yung. Cu. 13. The influence of government LIKE THAT OF KING Wax. 1. Pih-e. — SCO Con. Ana. V. xxii., et al. T*ae-kung was Leu Shaag (呂 tpj), a great counsellor of the ! kings. Wan and Woo. He was descended from one of YuJs assistants in tlie regulation ot* tlie j waters, and on his first rencontre with kiii^ Wan, wlien he appeared to be* only a fisherman, he said 吾 太公莘 子久矣 , ‘My , grandfather looked for you long ago/ TJiis 1<<1 j to liU being styled or 'Gnindia- 180 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 無國政 王之之 之伯作 能孟 峨之 其艾大 善興就 改 于天政 于歸老 養氐居 於呒下 者 肩之也 老盍東 其求矣 。七往 。也 而者 。歸海 龜也 ift % 賦季 粟氏 倍宰、 年諸 i s 乎之 之侯 下之, 老來濱 Hi! §S I 爲 文歸下 F 西王 avoid Chow, was dwelling on tlie coast of the eastern sea. When he heard of the rise of king Wan, he roused himself, and said, 1 Why should I not go and follow him? I have heard that the chief of the West knows well how to nourish the old.7 2. u Those two old men were the greatest old men of the empire. When they came to follow king Wan, it was the fathers of the empire coming to follow him. When the fathers of the empire joined him, how could the sons go to any others ? 3. uWere any of the princes to practise the government of king Wan, within seven years, he would be sure to be giving laws to the empire.” Chapter XIV. 1. Mencius said, u K4ew acted as chief officer to the head of the Ke family, whose evil ways lie was unable to change, 來乎. Still the is somewhat embar- rassing. 2. I like the expansion of this par. in the 日 : 一 * Moreover, these two old men were not ordinary men. Distinguished aliko by age and virtue, they were the greatest old men of the empire. Fit to be so named, thu hop〇8 of all looked to them, and the hearts of all were bound to them. AH in tlie empire looked up to them ns fathers, and felt as their cliildren. so tl … t when they were moved by the povt. of kino： Wan, and came from the coasts of the soa to him, how could the children leave their fathers and go to any others?* 一 ns in ch vii. 4. Corap. Analects, XIII. v. — vii. Confucius thought he could have accomplished a similar result in shorter time. Cii. 】4. Against the aunihteus of hia TIMK WHO TUHJiUKD TIIKlIt WARLIKE AND OTIILR ther Hope.’ See the 1 Historical Records/ Bk. XXXII, Ill： at the beginning. Tho* Pih-e and T4ae-kung were led in the same way to follow king Wan, their subse- quent courses were very different. J [{辛 Wftn was appointed by Chow chief or baron (伯 )， hia viceroy in the West， to be leader of all tlie princes in that part of the empire. The comm, say this is referred to in 文王作 I should rather interpret of Wftn's 4 move- ments,* style of administration. With comp, the account of king Wan*s govt. in I. Pt. II. v. 3 •盖隘 年士 = 盍謚 Pt. I. Ci\. XIV . Till： WORKS OF MENCIUS. 181 脱容 率以地 者败也 。也他 連 於土戰 ，以也 > 而邮小 I 諸死 。地殺 戰> 况富 此于孔 侯故 _ 而人殺 於之、 觀鳴于 者>善 食盈人 爲皆之 >鼓 氐 次 戰人城 盈之棄 君而求 > 之者 J 死此 野旧於 不攻非 辟服骅 所爭戰 >孔 行之我 草上： T、 謂 城爭于 仁可徒 Avhile lie exacted from the people double the gi'ain formerly paid. Confucius said, 4 He is no disciple of mine. Little children, beat the drum and assail him.' 2. u Looking at the subject from this case, ive perceive that when • a prince was not practising benevolent government, all his ministers who enriched him were rejected by Confucius : — ho'v much more ivoulcl he have rejected those who are vehement to fight for their prince! AVhen contentions about territory are the ground on which they iight, they slaugliter men, till the fields are lilled with them. When some struggle for a city is the ground on which they fight, thev slaughter men till the city is tilled with them. This is what is called 4 leading on the land to devour human flesh.1 Death is not enough for such a crime. 3. u Therefor-e, those who are skilful to fight should suffer the highest punishment. Next to them should be jmnishecl tliose who unite the princes in leagues ; and next to them, those who take in SCHEMES, REGARDLESS OF THE HAPPINESS OF the people. 1. See Con. Ana. XI. x^. Here is a plain instance of used in a bad 8ense- 2 •爲 之强藏 -爲， 1〇w. 3d t 咖 •強 ！ take as in the up. 2d tone, and the phrase 強戰 after the analogy of 弓虽 酒, ch. iii. 3. Choo He and others take 强， in the low. 1st tone, and make the plirase= * who fight trusting in the powerfulness of weapons and strength (*J^: Sl 力之 ^弓虽 |^)，’ The proposed interpretation seems much preferable. With the whole phrase comp. 爲芩 聚劍， Ana. XL xvi. The f°rce °f the it seems to me, must be to make the whole equal to the rendering of Noel, which Julien condemns 一 ‘ qui suum principem ad arma adstimulant •’ To be strong to fight for his prince, is a minister^ duty. But to encour- age a warlike spirit in him, is injurious to the country. 罪不 容於死 = 其罪 大， 死刑才 座以容 .之‘ his crime is so great that even capital punishment is not sufficient to contain it.J 3. Here we have three classes of adventurers who were rife in Mencius, times, and who recommend- ed themselves to the princes in the ways described, pursuing their own ends, regardless 182 TIIE WOIJKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 君 、儉 国人焉 。焉 / 其良圖 萊> 福# 盖焉 ―偷 惡 Hf 至 銎不 于廋 基中胸 眸于土 7 、聋红 哉。 吾太 中乎、 包 地 順人恭 也 ，正 >IE 眸存者 , 焉> 侮者 觏則則 于乎次 惡奪 7； 其眸眸 7； 人之。 得人侮 眸于于 能者， 爲之 人于庵 暸掩莫 grassy commons, imposing the cultivation of the ground on th4f people:' Chapter XV. 1. Mencius said, 11 Of all the parts of a man's body there is none more excellent than the pupil of the eye. The pupil cannot be used to hide a man’s wickedness. If within tlie breast all be correct, the pupil is briglit. If within the breast all be not correct, the pupil is dull. 2. u Listen to a man's words and look at the pupil of his eye. Ho\v can a man conceal his character?" Chapteii XVI. Mencius said, u Hie respectful do not despise others. The economical do not plunder others. The prince who treats men with despite and plunders them, is only afraid that they may not prove obedient to him : — how can he be re- of tlie people. Some advanced themselves by tlu*ir skill in war; some by their talents for intrigue ; and some by plans to make the most of tlie ground, turning every bit of it to ac- count, but for the good of the ruler, not of tlie people. 李 = 闕 •萊， 一 *a kind of creeper,* 4 weeds, ^fields lying fallow or uncultivated. 任土地 ，- th。 士地 is what had been occupied by the 草萊 • Choo lie expands the phrase thus •• — ‘ 任土地 ，- 1。 divide this land and give it to the people, milk- ing them undertake the charge of cultivating it.， Cir. 15. The i»upil of the eyk the index OF TIIE HEART. 1. 仔乎人 者-存 ‘ the tilings that are in mim,’ ，..e” in his body. The excellence of the pupil is froiu its truthfulness as nn index of the heart. Tho whole is to be understood as spoken by Mencius for the use of those, who thouglit tliey had only to hear mei^s words, to judge of them. 2. comp. Con. Ana. II. x. Ch. 16. Deeds not words or manneiis, NECK8SARY TO PROVE MENTAL QUALITIBS. 者儉者 ， tho* I liave translated them generally, are yet spoken with a reference to tlie 君 * thiit follows. The princes of Mencius’ time nmde great pretonsiona, of which their actions proved tlie insincerity. are to be understood of the disposition : 一 i not wish to contemn, &c.* 蛩， directly governing 人 is remarkable. 爲恭儉 - 爲 = 以爲 《 名爲 *to be regurded,* Tr. I. Ci«. XVI.— XVII. Till； WOKKS OP' MKNCIUS. 183 棱予者 不溺 >親 国貌恭 之之權 親棱\ 則禮淳 S 爲儉 k 以不也 。禮是 棱與。 f 哉。 恭 道 曰?1 射 2 3 I I 嫂 何今嫂 狠以 于曰， 豈 溺池 。天溺 I 手曰 ，男 可 棱曰吓 棱男乎 。禮女 以 之 天溺之 女艮也 。授 聲 以下 芜以授 嫂艮受 音 手 夫手受 溺嫂不 笑 garded as respectful or economical? How can respectfulness and economy be made out of tones of the voice, and a smiling manner Chapter XVII. 1. Shun-yu KSvan said, u Is it the rule that males and females shall not allow tlieir hands to touch in giving or receiving any thing? '' Mencius replied, u It is tlie rule." K^wdn asked, kk If a man's sister-in-law be drowning, shall he rescue her with his hand? 5, 3Iencins said, u He wlio would not so rescue a drowning •woman is a wolf. For males and females not to allow their hands to touch in giving and receiving is the general rule; when a sister-in- law is drowning, to rescue her with the hand is a ])ec.uliar exigency.>, 2. K'loan said u The whole empire is drowning. How strange it is that you Avill not rescue it ! ，! 3. Mencius answered, u A drowning empire must be rescued with right princij)les, as a drowning sister-in-law has to be rescued with tlie hand. Do you wish me to rescue the empire with my hand ? '' ‘ to be styled.’ The fina 丨爲 = 作爲， and in the passive, 4 to be made.* 聲音， 4 tones ’= words. Ch. 17. Help 一 effectual help 一 can be GIVEN TO THE WORLD, ONLY IX HARMONY WITH RIGHT AND PROPRIETY. 1. Sl»Un-yU K*Wan was a native ofTs4e, a famous sophist, and other- wise a inan of note in his day ； see the 4 His- torical Records/ Bk. CXXVI， 列傳 ， Ixvi. He here tries to entrap Mencius into a confes- sion that he did not well in maintaining his dignity ol reserve. For the rule of propriety referred to, see the Lt Kc I. ii. 31. $ 親 = 不以手 相親接 •權 c。"- Ana. IX. xxix； XVIII. viii. — $ 良 may be taken together as=4a wolf* The names belong to difft. animals of the same species. See oil VI Ft. I. xiv. 4. 2. -jp* is compli- mentary, as K*wiln was not a disciple of Men- cius. 3. Choo He expands here: — 4 The drownins： empire can be rescued only by right principles ； — the case is different from that of a drowning sister-in-law wlio can be rescued by the hand. Now, you wishing to rescue the empire, would have me, in violation of right principles, seek alliance with the princes, and so begin b) losing tiic means wherew ith to retK；ue 184 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. Chapter A V 111. 1. Kung-sun Cli^ow said, u \\ hy is it that the superior man does not himself teach his son ? M 2. Mencius replied, uThe circumstances of the case forbid its being done. The teacher must inculcate what is correct. When he inculcates what is correct, and his lessons are not practised he follows them up with being angry. When he follows them up with being angry, then, contraiy to what should be, he is offended with his son. At the same twie, the pupil says, master inculcates oil me what is correct, and he himself does not proceed in a correct path.’ The result of this is, that father and son are offended with each other. When father and son come to be offended Avitli each other, the case is evil. 3. u The ancients exchanged sons, and one taught the son of another. it. Do you wisli to make me save tlie empire with my hand?* I do not see the point of the last question. ClI. 18. How A FATHER MAY NOT IIIMSELF tkacii ms son. But tliis proposition is not to be taken in all its generality. Confucius taught liis son, and so did other famous men their sons. We are to understand the first clause of the second par., — 勢不 行也， as referring to the case of a stupid or perverse child. As to what is said in the 3d par. of the custom of the ancients, I have seen no other proof adduced of it. 2. — 4 contrary,* ue.j to the affection which should rule between father and 8〇n. 一 in the sense of which, however, we must take pasbivcly ; not * to wound/ but 4 to be wounded,* that is, to be offended. AVe might take it actively in the first instance ; — 4 contrary to what should be, lie wounds — i.e. beats — his son. But below, in 父子 相夷， wc cannot givo it such an active signification as to suppose that the son will proceed to bent his father. may well be taken passively, as in the comin. saying — 眼見心 傷夫 子教我 •云 一 this is to be understood ns the resentful murmuring of the son, whose feeling is strongly indicated by the use of * my master/ as applied to his father. 3. The comm, all say. that this only means that the ancients sent (iiit their sons to be taught away from home by masters. But this is explaining away the 于欲 手援 天下乎 一節 i S 公孫丑 f 君 J 之 K 教 if 何也 II 于曰) 勢 K 行也 教者必 M 正以正 不 托繼之 以怒 繼之以 怒則 反夷兔 夫 于教我 以正夫 于未出 於正也 則是艾 于相夷 I 艾于 i 0 三節 V. 相 夷則惡 夹古 者易于 0 四節 而 教之贫 子之間 不 責 Pt. I. Ch. XVIII.— XIX. TUI： WORKS OF MENXIUS. 185 將太 之未矣 、其大 J ■焉 。善> 徹也 。本 之失身 , 守孟 5 賽 必曾輪 ^聞其 而孰于 善 請 于孰也 ，身 能爲曰 > 則 所 養不孰 6 而事大 鼻 離> 與 > 曾 盔不能 其守孰 離 問晳 爲事 裁身爲 則 有必守 事、 其者 ^ 大， T、 餘 ，有身 k 專裁 吾大淨 m, 必酒守 親者及 不 裁 莫 艮亂 之拿吾 之失盔 大 4. u Between father and son, there should be no reproving ad- monitions to what is good. Such reproofs lead to alienation, and than alienation there is nothing more inauspicious.” Chapter XIX. 1. Mencius said, u Of services Avluch is the great- est ? The service of parents is the greatest. Ot' charges Avhich is the greatest? The charge of ones-self is the greatest. That those who do not fail to keep themselves are able to serve their parents is what I have heard. But I have never beard of any, who, having failed to keep themselvres, were able notwithstanding to serve their parents. 2. u There are many services, but the service of parents is the root of all others. There are many charges, but the charge of one's- self is the root of all others. 3. u The philosopher Tsang, in nourishing Tsang Seih, was al- ways sure to have wine and flesh provided. And wlien they were ^ 4 •責善 = 以善 責之使 laying what ie good on them, and causing them to do it.* Ch. 19. The bight manner or serving pa- KENTS AND THE IMPORTANCE 〇r WATCHING OVER one's SELF, IN ORDER TO DO SO. 1. 一 lit •，‘ 〇f services 一 l. 匕, duties of f€rvic：€ which a roan has to pay to others — which is great?’ 守 ，一 charges, Miiit a man lias to I guard and keep. The keeping one’s-self is from all that is contrary to righteousness. 2. 一 ‘ what is not a service the services a man has to perform are many. 一 in the 6ense of 4 root/ according to the Chinese way of developing all other services from filial piety; see the Heaon king (^1 passim. There is more truth in the 2d part of the par. 3. Seih was Tsang Sin*8 father ; see Con, Ana, XI xx v. 一 lo^. 3d touo. {Nouri^lj- 186 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV- 爲也 、国也 。志 者復與 、必 有、 能政孟 也 。也 ，進 問有曾 袼 7； 子事 g 若也 冷酒晳 君足曰 > 裁曾此 餘肩及 > 心間人 若于 r 所 氐將曾 之也 、不 曾則 謂亡徹 元 非廉足 于可 養矣, T、 養 君大與 者 ，謂 D 將請曾 仁 > 人適 可養體 以所于 、• being removed, he would ask respectfully to wliom lie should pfive what was left. If his father asked whether there was any thing left, he was sure to say, 4 There is.' After the death of Tsang Seih, when Tsang Yuen came to nourish the pliilosopher Tsang, he %vas always sure to have wine and flesh provided. But when the things were being removed, he did not ask to whom he sliould give ivhat was left, and if his father asked whether there was anything left, he would answer 1 No’ ; 一 intending to bring them in again. This was wliat is called — 4 nourisliing tlie mouth unci body.' We may call the philo- sopher Tsang's practice —— ‘ nourishing the will.’ 4. u To serve one's parents as the philosopher Ts^ang served liis, may be acce[)ted cu; filial piety'' Chapter XX. Mencius said, u It is not enougli to remonstrate with a, sovere/n/n on account of the mal-eniploi/ment of ministers, nor to blame errors of government. It is only the great man who can rectify what is wrong in the sovereign's mind. Let the ju'incc bo ing the will/ i.e., gratifying and carrying out the father's wishes. 4. The 可也 at the t*nd occasions some difficulty. Choo He quotes from one of the brothers Ch4inpr these words: — 4 To serve one's parunts jib Tsftng Sin did !iis, may called tlu* hoi^ht of filial piety, mid yet Mencius ouly pay 8 that it miglit be accepted as such 一 可也 : did he really think that there was somethin 试！ mpererojratory in TsSng’s Ker- 、ir(.?’ Mtiiiciu.s may ha\*- l"rii rt'ferrin^ to disclaimer of being cIccuumI ' a modi*l of filial piety. Sec the Lc-ko, XXI | ( ^fe). ii. 14. where ho says: 一 4 What the j ^uprrinr m»n filial piety, is to ;mtioip^tc • tlic wiahf mid eurr} out thu mind of hit i»iircnl5>, always leading them on in what \s right and true. I am only one who nourishes his parcntK# Ilow can 1 be deemed filial?* Cn. 20. A TKULY GHLAT MINISTKR M*ILL BK 8KKN IN HI8 DIKKCTING HIS EKI ORT8, NOT TO T1IK COKHKCTION OF MATTERS IN DKTAIL, ni'T OF THU SOVEREIGN’S CHARACTER. 1. 適 rea.d c//t'4,= gjg 4 to reprehend.* 間， — kia^ up. 3d _ •人^ 政 are to be taken as ill tMe objective governed by 適 and 問， im<1¥ as used impersonally. 與 = 與# • \V_ith the sovereign.， Chuuu K% introduce u rr. I. Oh. XX. -XXIV. THK WORKS OF MI'-NflUS. benevolent, and all his acts will be benevolent. Let the prince be righteous, and all his acts Avill bo rigliteous. Let the prince be cor- rect, and eveiything will bo correct. Once rectify the prince, and the kingdom will be firmly settled. " Chapter XXI. Mencius said, u There .are cases of praise which could not be expected, and of reproach when the parties have been seeking to be perfect. Chapter XXII. Mencius said, “ Men’s being ready with tlieir tongues arises simply from their not having been reproved." Chapter XXI II. Mencius said, u The evil of men is that they like to be teachers of others.-' Chapter XXIV. 1. Tlie disciple Y5-ching Avent in the train of Tsze-gaou to Ts‘e. before |^J as well. He seems to interpret dif- ferently, from tlie transl” making (=/j、 人 4 little men/) the subject of 不足 * little men are not fit to remonstrate with their sovereign.’ This is plainly wrong, because we cannot carry it on to the next clause. 格 = 正， 4 to correct/ — The sent, of tlie ch. is illustrated by an incident related of Mencius by the philo- sopher (b.c. 250). — 4 As Mencius thrice visit- ed Ts;e, without speaking to the king about the errors of his governmeut, his disciples were surprised, but he simply said, I must first cor- reel his evil heart.9 Ch. 21. Praise and blame are not al- ways according to desert. in the sense of 度， ‘ to calculate,’ ‘ to measure.， For 毁 in the sense here, i9 often used in moderu lan guage. Cn. 22. The beuefit of eephoof. 备、 — read e, low. 3d tone, 1 easy/ Choo He eupposes that this remark waft spoken with some par* ticular reference. This would account for the 耳矣’ ‘simply.， Ch. 23. B 15 not many masters. Coram ‘ suppose that Mencius* lesson was that such a liking indicated a self-sufficiency which put an end to self-improvement. Cn. 24. How Mkscius reproved Y6-ching FOR ASSOCIATING WITH AN UNWORTHY PEKSOX, I ANI) BEING REMISS IN WAITING ON HIMSELF. 1 1. Y6-ching,— see I. Pt. II. xvi. 2. Tsze-gaou ' was the designation of Wang Hwan, mentioned II. Pt. II. vi. From tliat cliapter we may under- j stand that Mencius would not be pleased with on« of his disciples associating with such u person. 莫不仁 君 ■莫不 義君 正莫。 K JX 一正乳 而國 定免 国孟于旺膚不虞之 #, 有 求全之 毁。 _ 孟于 of 人」 之 易其言 也無責 耳免 圖孟于 曰‘ 人之齓 在好 爲人師 圈樂正 于從於 'f 敦之 188 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV, 于 於圍乎 。之 亦者。 ® 亦齊。 學子 孟曰池 > 宜曰. 言來樂 5 古敖于 克舍乎 。昔也 。見正 之來 > 謂有 館氐者 k 既我子 道 及樂雜 。定 >舍 則于乎 。見 而鋪正 然館我 來艮孟 以啜于 後 未出幾 先于。 舖也 ，曰 、求定 。此 日生孟 啜我于 見 艮言夹 。何于 也 。不之 長子也 > 氐爲氐 意從 者聞不 昔出于 2. He came to see Mencius, who said to him, u Are you also come to see me ? ” Yo- ching replied, i: Master, wliy do you speak such words ? ” 11 How many days have you been here ? " asked Men- cius. u I came yesterday. ,7 u Yesterday ! Is it not with reason then tliat I thus speak ? " u My lodging-house was not arranged.71 u Have you heard that a scholars lodging-house must be arranged before he visit his elder ? '' 3. Yo-ching said, u I have clone Avrong.15 Chapter XXV. Mencius, addressing the disciple Yo-ching, said to him, u Your coining here in the train of Tsze-gaou was only because of the food and the drink. I could not have thought that you, having learned the doctrine of the a view to eating and drinking.M — the vcrb,i=*^^. 2. The name is repented at the begin, of this paraj^nipli, the former being narrative, and introductory mere- ly. 亦 來，— the 亦，‘ alao’ is directed a^aiust Tdzc-gaou. Choo He cxi)lains by pjfj* , which, in common parlance, mcHns 4 tho day before yeflUTday,* But I do not see that it bliouM have that miming here. properly moari!4 4 formerly/ und may extend to the re- motest antiquity. 【t is* used uUo tor ancients, would liave acted with the time Heparatod from the present by one rout , ub if tire sanu* sound of the two characters (昔息 ) determined the moaning, (up. 2J tone) is us(m! by Mencius of him self before : 一 II. Pt. II. xi. 4. CH. 25. A FIIKTIIKR AND MORE DIRECT RK- PU(K)F OF Vft-CHINO. 鋪啜 _ — _ traiptiious terms, =our application of 4 t1i〇 loaves mid tishoB.' 而 以舖啜 = 而以 鋪啜爲 也_ Fr I. Co. XXVI.-XXVII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 189 CHArxKU XXVI. 1. Mencius said, u Tlicre are tliree things which are unfilial, and to lmve no posterity is the greatest of them. 2. u Sliun marriecl, without informing his parents, because of this, _ lest he should have no posterity. Superior men consider that his doing so 'vas tlie s«ame as if lie liad informed them.” Chapter XXVII. 1. Mencius said, u The richest fruit of bene- volence is this, — the service of one's parents. The richest fruit of righteousness is this, — the obeying ones elder brothers. Oil. 26. SlIUN’S EXTRAORDINARY WAY OF CONTRACTING MARRIAGE JL8TIFIED BY THE MO- TIVE. 1. The other two things which are untilial arc, according to Chaou K4e, 1st, By a flattering assent to eucourage parents in un- righteousness; and 2d, Not to succour their poverty and old age by engaging in official service. To be without posterity is greater than those faults, because it is an offence against tlie whole line of auccators, and ter- minates the sacrifices to them. — In Pt. II. xxx., Mencius specifies live things which were com- monly deemed untilial, and not one of these three is among them. It is to be understood 不孝有 — [ is spoken from the point of view of the superior man, and, more- over, that the first par. simply lays down the ground for the vindication of Shun. 2. 爲無後 ，- 爲，1 uw. 3d _ .告 imPlie8 getting the parents' permission, as well as informing them. But Slmn*s parents were 8〇 evil, and hated him so much, that they would have prevented his marriage had they been toM of it. Ch. 27. Filial pikty and featerkal obe- dience IN TUEIR RELATION TO BENEVOLENCE, BIGUTEOUSNES8, WISDOM, PROPRIETY, AXD MUSIC. 1. is sometimes opposed to 虛, •what is solid to what is empty, shadowy；* sometimes to c what is real to what is no- minal f and sometimes to 華 Abatis substan- tial to what is ornamental,* 4 fruit to flower.5 In the text, it is used in the last way, and I can- not express it better than by the ; richest fruit.* 是也 is emphatic ; — 4 the fruit of benevolence h the service of parents; 一 it is •’ So in the other instauws. Benevolence, righteousness. &c., are the principles of those, the capabilities of them in human nature, which may have end- less manifestations, but are chiefly and prim- arily to l>e seen in the two virtues spoken of. — What strikes us a« strange is the subject of music. The difficulty has not escaped nativo commentator8. The author of the 集註本 義匯參 says, in lor. ： 一 * Benevolence, right- eousness, propriety, and knowledge, are the four virtues, but this ch. proceeds to speak of music. For the principles of music arc really a branch of propriety, and when the ordering and adorn- ing, which belong to that, arc perfect, then harmony imd pleasure spring up as a matter of course. In thia way we have propriety men- tioned first, and then music. Moreover, the fervency of benevolence, the exactness of right- eousness, the clearness of knowledge, and the firmness of maintenance, must all have their depth manifested in music. If the ch. had not spoken of music, we should not have seen tho whole amount of achievement.’ The reader may try to conceive the exact meaning of this writer, who also points out another peculiarity in the chapter, which many have overlooked. Instead of 是也 after 樂斯 二者… at the end of the other clauses, we have 樂 則 生矣， 4 showing/ says he, 4 most vividly how his admiration was 6tirred. It is as if from every sentence there floated up a 也乂 upon tlie paper, so true is it that per- fect filial piety and frater. duty reach to spirit- ual beings, and shed a light over the world, and then do we know that in the greatest music there is a harmony with heaven and j earth.* 2 Julien translates 去 by ubjkere^ 圓游 于 R -y 孝有三 無後 O 二節 爲大舜 T. 吿 而馨爲 無後 也 君于以 爲 于 曰‘ 仁 之宽事 裁是 冲義 之覽從 C 二蹄 兄是也 智之 190 TnK WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 2. 11 The richest fruit of wisdom is this, — the knowing those two things, and not departing from them. The richest fruit of propriety is this, — the ordering and adorning those two things. The richest fruit of music is this, — the rejoicing in those t'vo things. When they are rejoiced in, they grow. Grooving, how can they be repressed ? When they come to this state that they cannot be repressed, then unconsciously the feet begin to dance and the hands to move.” Chapter aXVIII. 1. Mencius said, u Suppose the case of the whole empire turning in great delight to an individual to submit to him. — To regard tlie whole empire thus turning to him in great delight but as a bundle of grass ; — only Shun was capable of this. He considered that if one could not get the hearts of his parents lie could not be considered a vian, and that if he could not get to an entire accord with his parents, he could not be considered a son. To have that meaning, it must have been in the up. 2d tone, which it is not. The first is yd, 4 music;* the other two are M, 4 to enjoy/ 不知 is used absolutelyjss* unconsciously, * though we might make personal also, — * we do not know/ 足 之蹈之 ，-‘ the feet’8 stamping it.* So the next clauso. Ch. 28. How SlIUN V 入 LUED AND EXEMPLI- FIED FILIAL PIETY. 1. The first sentence is to be taken generally, and not with reference to Shun simply. It b incomplete. The con* elusion would be 8〇inething like 一 4 this would be accounted the greatest happiness and glory.* is properly 4 the mustard plant,* but it is somctimcR, as here, only synonymous with 甲 • 一 this is tli© reason* ing of Slmn's mind. 不 得乎， —like 不 Y 堡方令 , in ch. 1G. 不順， ‘ not to obey，’ ‘not to accord with/ but Choo He and others labour hard to make it out to mean, 一 1 to bring the parenta to accord with what is right, bo as to be able then fully to accord with thouj/ 覽 知斯二 乾 弗去 是也禮 之置節 文斯二 乾是也 樂 之寬 樂斯 二暮樂 則生羌 生 則惡可 E ttL, 惡可 巴 則。 不 知足 之蹈 之手 之舞之 。 国命 于 曰‘ 天 下大悅 而將 歸己視 天下悅 而歸已 猶 草芥也 惟舜爲 銳 T, 得乎 親不 可以爲 人不 順乎親 Pt. L Ch. XXVIII. TIIK WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 191 大者下 瞍而豫 ua 孝 。定 >之 底天瞽 而盡可 此盔豫 ，下瞍 瞽事以 之艾 曲化底 瞍裁爲 謂于 天瞽豫 >底 之于。 2. li By Slum's completely fulfilling everything by which a parent could be served, Ivoo-sow was brought to find delight in what waft good. When Koo-sow was brought to find that delight, the whole em])ire was transformed. When Koo-sow 'vas brought to iind that delight, all fatlic»rs and sons in the empire were established in their respective duties. This is called great filial piety." 2. Shim's father is known by the name of Koo- eow, but both the characters denote 2 * 4 blind/ and he was so styled, it is said, because of his men- tal blindness and opposition to all that was good. in the sense of 4 to be pleased/ 4 joyful,* understood here with a moral applica- tion. 1 All fathers and sons, &c./ — i.eM all sons were made to see, that, whatever mi^ht be the characters of their parents, they had only to imitate Shun, and fathers, even though they might be like Koo-sow, were shamed to refor- mation. 192 THE WOKKS UF MENCIUS. BOOK IV, BOOK IV. LE LOW. PART II. 相千 也厚生 夷夏尤 __ 後有地 i 跟於之 卒諸孟 ◎離 也, 餘之西 岐人於 軋于婁 千里 、相 夷周池 。鳴 遷既章 看世去 之卒女 於舜句 餘 之也人 於王東 負生下 Chapter I 1. Mencius said, u Shun was born in Choo fang, re- moved to Foo-hea, and died in Ming-t4eaou ; — a man near the wild, tribes on the east. 2. u King Wan was born in Chow by mount K{e, and died in Peih-ying ; — a man near the wild tribes on the Avest. 3. u Those regions were distant from one another more than a thousand le, and the age of the one sage was posterior to that of the other more than a thousand years. But when they got their wish, Ch. 1. The agreement of sages not af- fected by place ok time. 1. The com- mon view derived from the * Historical Records,* Book I., is, that Shun was a native of K4e- chow, correspondiug to the modern Shan-se, to which all the places in the text are accordingly referred. Some, however, and especially Tsang Tsze-koo ( 曾子固 )， of the Sung dynasty, find Iiis birth-place in Ts4e-nan in Shan-tung, and this would seem to be supported by Men- cius in this passage. There is considerable dil- fic. with Ming-t^aou, as we read in the his- torical JRecords/ that in the 39th year of his reign, Shun died, while on a tour of inspec- tion to the south, in the wilderness of T84ang- ->( 蒼梧 )， and was buried on the Kew-e *n Kcang-nan, which are in Ling- ling |]^). The discussions on the point arc very numerous. See the 集證 ^四 ^^^^^^,in/ac;3ecaljj〇ontheS!ioo- king, Pt. II. No doubt, Mcocius was not speftk- ing without book. 東夷 之人 yuan of the eastern E% or ‘harbariatiB，’ but the uk ailing cau only be what I huve given iu the translation. So 西 夷之人 Chow, the original seat of the house of Chow, was in the present department of Fung-ts4eang, in Shcn-se. Peih-ying is to be distinguished from Ying which was the capital of Ts*oo, and with which the paraphra3t of Chaou Iv4e strangely confounds it. Choo He says it was near to Fung and Kaou the sucessive cap- itals of king Woo. The former was ia Ling- heen ( 鄠縣 )， and the latter in Heen-yang j^‘), both in the dept of Se-ngau ; Peih- ying was in the (list, of Heen-ning (咸寧 the same dep., and tliere the grave of king Woo, or the place of it, i6 still pointed out. 得志 一 4 when they got their wishes carried out in the Middle kingdom/ Wc are to understand that their aim was to carry out their principles, not to get the empire. sliould be called a tally or token perhaps, rather than ‘a seal.’ Anciently, the emperor deliver- ed, as the token of investiture, one half of a tal- ly of wood or some precious stone, reserving the other half in his owu keeping. It waa cut right throush a iiuc oi characters, imlicatiug the com- o and carried tlieir principles irrto practice throughout the Jiicldle kin dom, it was like uniting the two halves of a seal. 4. u When ice examine the sages, — l)〇th the earlier and the later, — tlieir principles are £pund to be the same.n Ciiavter II. 1. When Tsze-ch^n was chief minister of the State of Ch4n^, he would convey people across the Tsin and AVei in his own carriage. 2. Mencius said, 44 It was kind, but showed that he did not underst.and the practice of government. 3. 11 When in the eleventh month of the year the foot-bridges are completed, and the eavriaoc-bridges in the twelfth month, the people have not the trouble of wading. mission, and their halves fitting each other when occasion required, was the test of truth and identity. Originally as we see from the formation of the character the tally must have been of bamboo. 3. is to be understood genera ll}% and not of Shun and Wiln merely. — •, — is taken as a vc*rb=^^T 4 to reckon,* 4 to estimate, * and is understood of the mental exercises of the sages. ^ — 4 their mindings/ the prin- ciples which they cherislied. Cn. 2. Good government lies in equal MKASUKES FOR TIIE GENERAL GOOD, NOT IN ACTS OF FAVOUR TO INDIVIDUALS. L TsZe-Ch'iUl, 一 see Con. Ana. V.xv. The Tsin and Wei were two rivers of Ch4ins：, said to have their rise in the Ma-ling (J^ ^0) hills, and to meet at a certain point, after which the common stream seems to liave borne the name of both the feeders. They are referred to the department oi Ilo-uau iu Ilo-naa province. 聽政 4 was hearing the govt./ i.e., was chief minister ^J^", 一 low. 3d tone. CI100 He explains 蠢輿 by 以 其所乘 之輿， but ■ so used is low. 1st tooe. lie so expands, how- ever, probably from remembering a conversation 011 Tsze-clran between Coul'ucius and Tsze-yew, related in the Ken-t/u, Bk. IV. iv, near the end, and to which Mencius has reference. Tlie sage lield that Tsze-clran was kind, hut only as a mother, loving Imt not tcacliin〇： the people, and, in illustralion of liis view, says that Tsze-ch-an, 以所乘 之車濟 冬渉， ‘used the carriage in wliich he rode to convey over those who were wading thro* the water in the winter/ 2. Tlie subject here is the action, not the man. The practice of govt, is to be seen not in acts of individual kindness and small favours, but in the administration of just and beneficent laws. 3. The 11th and 12th months here correspond to the 9tli and 10th of the present calendar, wliicli follows the Ilea division of the year ； — see Ana. XV. x. Mencius refers to a rule for the repair of the bridges, on the termina- tion of agricultural labours. 4. 君子 = Ft. II. Cii. I •— II. THE WOHIvS OF MENCIUS. 193 歲得志 行乎中 亂若 O 三節 t 合符節 一先聖 後聖其 睽 i— ilLO ilf 產聽鄭 II 之耽 以其 乘輿濟 人於潫 C 二 ^ v» V. 祐>|% 于曰惠 而 石 知 0 = 節 i 爲政 i 烕十 一月 .徒杠 風 十二月 輿梁胤 民 OS 夫病 渉也君 子平其 25 194 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 斯王 _ 臣腹視 _ 悦而政 k 苛 曰> 土視 盖， 之濟行 爲禮 、芥, 君君如 于日之 。辟 服 爲則如 之手吿 亦故认 矣 。舊臣 國視足 ，不 盔可 曰邊視 A 臣則 宣皮 豉 t 諫有 君君如 臣王夹 。者 >焉 行服如 之 夬 _ 曰> 每得 H 命 寇視馬 i 备 君 人入 聽 Jri 譬 。臣 則如 之而人 4. u Let a governor conduct liis rule on })rinciples of equal justice, and when he goes abroad, he may cause people to be removed out of his ])ath. But how can he convey everybody across the rivei's? 5. u It follows that if a governor will try to please everybody, he will find the days not. sufficient for his worky Chapter III. 1. Mencius said to the king Seuen ofrrsce, u AVhen the prince regards his ministers as his liunds and feet, liis ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as liis dogs and horses, tliey regard him as any other man ; Avlien lie regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a rob- ber and an enemy. 2. The king said, a According to tlio rules of propriety, a min- ister Avears mourning when lie has left the service ofa ]>riiK*e. Hour must a prince behave that his o/r/ liuiy thus go into mourn- 〜 ‘广 • . , 3. ]\Iencius repliedj uThc admonitions of a minister having been 4 a cliief minister.1 read as pS, Removing people from the way, when the ])rinc*c went fortli, was likewise a rule of tlie CHiow dynasty ; and not only did it extend to tin? l>ut to many officers ami women. {See the (Miow-Ic, Vr II. ix. 4Tlui days not sufficient •’ 一 i KHKSl，ON”lN(; lUCHAVIorU. 1. < As his lmnrls nnd feet/ 一 i.r., with kindness nnd attuitiuiL. * Ad their belly and heart, '—i.c., with f watch fill iu*ss mul honour. 4 As liis nnd horses/ — i.e.^ without respect, but fecilin^ them. I < As any other mnn/ — lit., k as a mun of the king- dom/ i.e.y without any jlistinction or revmMuv. 4 As liTound or as —— tr；mii»lin^ on tluMii, I cutting thorn ott'. 2. I'he I^c here rc'fi*rriMl to is mentioned in the 4 Hitual Si*o Hk. XI., about tliu middle, passft^e, liowcver, is obscure. ^ 4for iin old prince,* i.^.y a prince whose service lu? hns loft. Tin、 kin^r falls 1>ack on this rule, thinking tlmt Mtucius liad expressed Iiimsoll' too jstronuly. 〇. ' lal aud uiuioicmiitf Pt. II. Cii. III. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 19a 之 ra 之有行 ▲爲里 d 主使膏 有 。里 >於 故 g 芝 此 去人深 此其 而則服 之三導 下° 之所去 3 矣 。謂 年之於 謂往 、則聽 > 今§ 三不 出民, 宼 去君膏 也有反 J 悬有 譬之榑 澤簋禮 然又故 寇 I 執不 阮焉> 後先而 譬潘之 H 柬如液 於去、 何收又 於則此 、其 其則 服 其極民 ，不則 田所君 followed, and his advice listened to, so that blessings have descend- ed on the people, if for some cause lie leaves the country^ the prince sends an escort to conduct him bevond the boundaries. He also anticipates u'ith vecoiumendatonj intimations his arrival in the country to which he is proceeding. \Mien he lias been 〇；one three years and does not return, onhj then at length does he take back his lields and residence. This treatment is what is called 4 a thrice-repeated display of consideration.' AVlieu a prince acts thus, mourning Avill be worn on leaving his service. 4. u Xow-a-davs, the remonstrances of a minister are not follow- ed, and liis advice is not listened to, so that no blessings descend on the people. When for any cause he leaves the country, the prince tries to seize him and hold him a prisoner. He also pushes him to extremity in the country to which he lias gone, and on the very day of his departure, he takes back his fields and residence. This treatment shows him to be what we call 4 a robber and an enemy.* What mourning can be worn for a robber and an enemy ? '' influencesj^blessings. 先於 其所往 must be supplemented by 稱 道其賢 掛 J H: ij 文用之 ‘mentions a 丨 id com- meiuls liis worth, wishing him to be received ami used.’ 田 ， 一 1 fields, ^emoluments. 甲 • 一 used for an individual residence. We have not had the character in this sense before. The 4 thrice-repeated display of consiiiera- tion/ refers, 1st, to the escort as a protection from danger ; 2d, to the anticipatory recom- mendations ; and 3d, to the long continued emoluments, in expectation of the minister’s return. 4. Here and above, is not to be taken as in 111. Pt. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 3 96 賢 才圍義 圓君園 戮則圖 艾 也孟之 孟親孟 艮大孟 兄養于 義> 于莫于 則夫于 也 ▲不曰 ，大氐 不曰 可呒 如才 、中人 非義 。君 可以無 中故也 ，茆禮 仁以去 > 罪 也 人養爲 。之 莫徙 。無而 棄樂不 禮 了、 罪殺 不有吶 非 仁 而士, Chapter IV. Mencius said, u When scholars are put to death without any crime, the great officers may leave the count rj/. When the people are slaughtered without any crime, the scholars may remove.” Chapter Y. Mencius said, u If the sovereign be hcnevolent, all ■will be benevolent. If the sovereign be righteous, all will be right- eous.” Chapter YI. Mencius said, u Acts of propriety 'vvliich are not real/// proper, and acts of righteousness, which are not rea//y righteous, the great man does not do." Chapter VII. Mencius said, u Those who keep the ]\[ean, train up those who do not, and those avIio lmve abilities, train nj) those who liave not, and hence men rejoice in having fathers and elder brothers who are possessed of virtue and talent. If they Avho keep I. ii. 1. We must understand 4 wishes to/ or 4 tries to/ before 搏 執之， for if the minis- ter were really imprisoned, he could not go to another kingdom. Cii. 4. PnoMrr action is neckssauy at the iiigiit time. fjJ * may/=it is time to. If the opportunity be not taken, while the injustice of the ruler is cxc'rciscd on those below them, it will soon come to themselves, and it will be too late to escape. The 0 pt^ concliulos its paraphrase thus : — 4 We may see how the ruler should prize virtue, and be slow to punish ; und how lie should he cautious in execution of the laws, ever tryiug to i)ractise btMicvolcnco. If ho can indeed c»m- l)〇tly tlie mind of God, who loves all living tilings, and make the compassion of the nncient Ins rule, llicn botli uiliccrt* and poople will be grateful to liim as to I leaven, and lonj? repose and protracted good order will be the result/ Cii. 5. The influence or the rulek's kx- a MrLi;. See Pt. I. xx., wl)erc tlie same words are found, but their application is to stimulate ministers to do their duty in advising, or ro- lmmstrating. with, tlieir sovereign. Cii. (J. Tin-; gukat mas makes no mistakkh IN MATTKKS OF PROIMUETY AND 1UG1ITEOU8NE.S8. 非禮 之禮 ，非義 之義， in tluMnsolves contnulictory, must be taken with some latitude. 4 Respect,1 it suiil, 4 belongs to propriety, Imt it may be curried so far as to de- generate into flattery/ &cr &c. Cii. 7. What i>ities akk dijr from, ani> MUSTlU:KKNl>KKl.:l>in、THl‘：Vlim;〇rSANl>TA- LKNT1；I» TO THE YOUNG AND IGNORANT. 中也， 才也 =* given the Mean/ * given abilitii'»/ tiie ]\Iean spurn tliose who do not, and they Avho have abilities spurn those avIio Imve not, then the space between them — those so gifted and the ungifted — will not admit an inch.M Chapter A III. ]\Iencius said, u^Ien must be decided on what they will not do, and then they are able to act with vigour in what they ought to do •” Chapter IX. 3Iencius said, u AVliat future misery have they and ought they to endure, who talk of what is not good in others ! 7, Chapter X. Mencius said, u Chung-ne did not do extraordinary tilings.” Chapter XI. Mencius said， ‘‘ The great man does not think be- D7) 一 the Mean, the rightly ordered course of conduct, Botli it and must be taken here in the concrete. 一 as in III. Pt. I. ii. 3. 乡口中 也， 石 五， 一 by neglecting their duty, the one class bring themselves to the level of the other. embraces both the 中 and the yj above. 一 see the Doctrine of the Mean, iv. 以寸， 一£with an inch，， i.e., be measured Avith an inch. Ch. 8. Clear discrimination of what is WRONG AND RIGHT MUST PRECEDE VIGOROUS right doing. Lit., 1 men have the not-do, and afterwards they can have the do/ implies vigour in the action. Chaou K^e's comm, is:— 4 It* a man will not descend to take in any irregular way, he will be lound able to yield a thousand chariots.* Ch. 9. Evil speaking is sure to bring WITH IT EVIL COXSEQUENCES. The hero, followed by 如何， creates a difficulty. Choo He supposes the remark was made with some peculiar reference. If we knew that, the diffi- culty would yjuiish. The original implies, I think, ail that I have expressed in the transla- tion. Ch. 10. That Confucius kept the biean. 已 4 excessive things,* but 4 ex- traordinary * rather approaches the meaning. It may strike the student that the meaning is — 4 Confucius, inaction, (=slowness to act) was excessive/ but in that case we should have had 1^, and not at the end. We may comp, with the sentiment tlie Doct. of the Mean, xi., xiii. ; Ana. YLLI. xx. ; et al. Cm. 11. What is right is the supreme PURSUIT OF THE GREAT MAN. C〇mp. C〇ll. Alia. IV. x. jj^\, — { does not must ； ' he is beyond the necessity of caring for that. 惟義所 — { only that in which righteousness is ; that rT. II. On. VII.— XI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 197 中 ‘才也 棄不末 則賢 K 肖之 相去其 問不能 以 o 寸 圓孟于 of 人有不 爲也 而後可 以有爲 ◦ 國孟 于曰 •言 A 之不 #, 當如 後患何 。 国孟。 于 Of 仲 S 小爲 E 甚者。 国孟于 呒 大人者 ▲言 K 198 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 也, 之圖可 足圍失 圍所必 自以孟 以以孟 其孟在 。信, 得道 > 子當當 于赤于 行 之 4 欲氐大 大曰子 Hi 不 則 其君事 。事 肩之大 必 居自于 惟 生心人 果, 之得深 送 者名者 ，惟 安 之造死 T、 也。 T、 義 forehand of his Avords that they may be sincere, nor of liis actions that they may be resolute ; — lie simply speaks anc/ 办從 'vliat is right. •” Chapter XII. Mencius said, u The great man is he who does not lose his child’s-heart.” Chapter XIII. Mencius said, u The nourishment of living is not sufficient to be accounted the great thing. It is only in the performing their obsequies when dead, that we have what can be considered the great thing.” Chapter XIV. Mencius said, uThe superior man makes his advances in what lie is learning with deep earnestness and by the proper course, wishing to get hold of it as in himself. Having got only is his concern. In fact he can hardly be said to be concerned about this. It is natural to him to pursue the right. ClI. 12. A MAN IS GREAT BECAUSE HE IS childlike. Chaou K*c makes 4 the great man * to be 1 a sovereign/ and 其赤子 ，‘^ M_ dren/ i.e., his people, and the sentiment is that the true sovereign is he who does not lose his people’s hearts. I mention this interpretation, as showing how learned men have varied and i may vary in fixing the meaning of these books. It is sufficiently absurd, and has been entirely , displaced by the interpretation which is given in the version. The sentiment may suggest ! the Saviour’s words, — 4 Except ye be converted, and become as little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.' But Christ speaks of the child's-heart as a thing to be regained ; Mencius speaks of it as a tiling not to be lost. With Christ, to become as chihlren is to display certain characteristics of children. Witli Men- cius, 4 tlie chilcrs-heart * is the ideal nioral con- I dition of humanity. Choo He says : 一 * The mind j of tlie j?reat man compreliends all chan^eii of phenomena, and the mind of the cliild is nothing but a pure simplicity, free from all hypocrisy. Yet the great man is the great man, just as he i« uot led astray by external things, but keeps his original simplicity and freedom from hypo- crisy. Carrying this out, he becomes omniscient and omnipotent, great to the extremest decree.* We need not suppose that Mencius would him- self have expanded his thought in this way. Ch. 13. Filial piety seen in thk obsequies 1 akents 養生者 ，- 者字 推養 1^1 專 f ， 一 1 the character refers to the ways by which the living may be nourished/ It belongs to the phrase 牛， and not to alone. 當 = — 4 to be considered,* 1 to con- stitute.* 夕 一 lit., ‘to accompany tlie I dead/ but denoting all the last duties to them. It=^Ka Ana. I. ix. The sentiment needs a pood deal of explaining and guarding. The obsequies are clone, it is said, once for all. If done wronp, the fault cannot be remtHiiiMl. Probably tlie remark had a peculiar reference. The 日 supposes it was spoken against the Mihist practice of burying parents with a spare simplicity. See III. l*t. I. v. Ch. 14. The value of leaunino Tiiouoroii- LY INWUOUQUT INTO THE MIND. 深 造之， I»t. II. Ci«. XIV.— XVI. TUK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 199 天以者 、国 說圍得 其之居 R 善 未盖之 i 之氣 深之 天 養有于 將于也 。故 則安, 下人能 氐以艮 不然服 以反博 心後人 善說學 服能 者服約 W 你 服也 、人也 。詳 君取則 子之資 飲左之 其冇深 , 自逢資 hold of it in liimself, he abides in it calmlv and firmly. Abiding in it calmly and firnily, lie reposes a deep reliance on it. Reposing a deep reliance on it, he seizes it on the left and right, meeting every- where with it as a fountain from which things jloio. It is on this account that the superior man Avishes to get hold of what he is learn- ing as in himselfV, Chapter XV. Mencius said, u In learning extensively and dis- CMissing minutely wliat is learned, the object of the superior man is tlmt lie 】miy be able to go back ami set forth ill brieh^ Chapter X\L ]\Iencius said, u Never has he who would by his excellence subdue men been able to subdue them. Let a jyrince seek bv his excellence to nourish men, and lie will be able to subdue the 飞 ' hole empire. It is impossible that any one should become ruler of the empire to whom it lias not yielded the subjection of the heurt.,^ 一 reat^ ts^aou, up. 3d tone, c to arrive at ; ' 之 must refer to the 理， or principles of tlie subject which is being learnt. J^j[ is understood of the proper course or order, the successive steps of study, ^ 其自得 gives tlie key to the chapter; _ Miis self-getting i.e.. his getting hold of the subject so that his knowledge of it becomes a kind of intuition. 資 = 藉， ‘to rely ou.， The subject 8〇 apprehended in its principles is capable of indefinite application. 4 He seizes it on the right a lul left，’ 一 ie., he no longer needs liis early efforts to apprehend it. It underlies numberless phenomena, in all wliich he at once detects it, just as water below the earth is found easily and an v where, on digging the surface. — One may read scores of pages in the Chinese commentators, and yet not fjet a clear idea in his o\vu uiiud of the ttaching of Meuciu^ in this ch. Chaou K4e gives ^首 a more substantive mean- ing than in the translation ; thus : — 4 Tlie reason why the superior man pursues with earnestness to arrive at tlie depth and mystery of j 首， is from a wish to ?et hold for himself of its source imd root, as something： belonging to his own nature/ Most comm, understand the subject studied to be man's own self, not things ex- ternal to him. We must leave tlie subject in its own mist. Ch. 15. Clioo He says, apparently with reason, that this is a continuation of tlie last chapter, showing- that the object of the superior man in the extensive studies which he pursues, is not vain-glory, but to get to the substance and essence of tilings, conveys the two ideas of condensation «*ind importance. Ch. 1 6. The object of this chapter, say com- mentators, is to stimulate rulers to do good in sincerity, with a view, that is, to the good of others. I coiileas it is to me very enigmatical. 200 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 有科泉 取於国 當祥周 太而琨 於水费 —O 孟 者 者禮滿 水曰 .争 如 進不也 。水曰 > 是激舍 孟读伸 是 乎晝于 水尼 之四夜 I 曰 ，哉屋 取觫盈 原何稱 祥于未 之目 k 之 寬言有 蔽 無也。 賢實 者不 Chapter XVII. Mencius said, u Words which are not true are inauspicious, and the Avords which are most truly obnoxious to the name of inauspicious, are those which throw into the shade men of talents and virtue.” Chapter XVIII. 1. The disciple Seu said, 11 Chung-ne often praised water, saying, 1 0 water ! O water ! 5 What did lie find in water to praise ? " 2. Mencius replied, u There is a spring of Avater; how it gushes out ! It rests not day nor night. It fills up every hole, and tlien advances, flowing on to the four seas. Such is water having a spring ! It was this which he found in it to praise. PauFs sentiment, — 1 Scarcely for «a righteous man Avill one die, yet perad venture for a good man some would even dare to die,* — occurs to the mind on reading it, but this is clashed witli l)y its being insisted on tliat has no reference t〇 the* nourishing men's bodies, but is the bringing tlieni to the nourisliei^s own moral excellence. Cliaou K;e takes the first as meaning 威力， ‘ majesty ami strength.’ But this is inadmissible. The point of tlic cli. is evidently to be fouiul in the contrast of 服 and Cn. 17. Tlic translation takes ns an adjective qualifying S*, and there is a play on the term in the urc of in the two ])arts. Choo He mentions another view making ^llE an adverb joined to ^ jjr'f — 1 tl,crc nrc uo words really iuuu^picious ; ' i.c., generally spe«aking, 6 only those are obnoxious to be re- garded as really inauspicious whicli throw into/ &c. He says he is unable to decide between the two interpretations, and thinks the text may be mutilated. has reference to = , „〇“〇 人， to ‘ words,’ not to * men.’ Cii. 18. IIow Mencius explained Confu- cius1 PRAISE OF WATKR. 1. 一 rCJWl O, up. 3d tone, % often/ tlie sense of 1 to pmise)，， 於 7^C，一 於 marking the objective case, or= found soinethinp to praise in water- Sec Con. Ana. IX. xvi, tho* we have not thore the exact words 一 水 哉水哉 . 2 •科 ‘a pit，’ every hollow in it3 course， 造之 取爾 ，一 just the seizing of this， One common, brings out the 是之 如 此 w 以 S 之故而 取之爾 Ft. II. Ch. XVIIL— XIX. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 201 察存希 > 以園愉 而皆 月爾。 於之 。庶異 孟裙待 盈之苟 § 人 舜珉於 于于也 > 其間盔 偷 > 明 去禽呒 恥故 涸雨無 由於之 獸人之 , 聲也集 仁簏 君暑之 間可 溝七 義 芋蠱所 逼立繪 A 3. 11 l^ut suppose that the water has no spring. — In the seventh and eight months when the rain falls abundantly, the channels in the fields are all filled, but their being dried up again may be expect- ed in a short time. So a superior man is ashamed of a reputation beyond liis merits.” Chapter XIX. 1. Mencius said, “That whereby man differs from the lower animals is but small, Tlie mass of people cast it away, wliile superior men preserve it, 2. u Shun clearly understood the multitude of things, and close- ly observed the relutions of humanity. He walked along the path of benevolence and righteousness ; he did not need to pursue benevolence material. Chaou K‘e sayg ■希 ，無幾 也 知義與 不知 義之商 、耳. ‘幾希 means not much. It is simply the interval between the knowledge of righteous- and righteousness.' 3. Here, again, the months are those of Chow, corresponding to the present 3d and 6th. 雨 集 一、 rains are collected / were ehannela belonging to the irrigation of the lands divided on the niue-sqiiareK system. pj ness, and the want of that knowledge.* This J I is so far correct, but the difference which it itn TnFj — wemiS*^ translate as=*one may stand iijilicates cannot be said to be njot great/ — and wait till they are dry,* but *jV is often ®ut *? U n〇t 〇' ofl>,1Vle，，iT t〇 indic3te ^ h tne character of tliat which dmerejices men used=‘ quickly.’ as in tlie Great audauiraaU, and not its amount? L ChITo： ^rHBHEiv sages are DisTTNcnsHED ! is something A couimen. Chun ({J^) from othf.r men ； — illustrated ix 8hux, | refers us to an expregsion in the Shoo-king, 一 It is to be wUhed that £enCius had said (lis- 人心爲 ^ as forming a key t0 the tinctly — the 嶋丨 1 ( 幾， ,,P_ lst tone ，希） 丨八） U R ,v、 • J / ‘ v passage* In that, 八八 is the mmd prone to point distinguishing men from birds and beasts was, According to Choo lie, meu and creatures err, in distinction from the 道心， 4 the mind have the (iutellectuiil and moral principle) ； of roaaon/ which it is said is minute, 2， of Heaven and Earth to form their nature, and St'un preserving and cultivating this cjistinc- , yt=r ! tive endowment was led to tlie character and ^ lc v.ma^er) Heaven and Earth to form achievements which are here briefly described. their bodies, only men's ia more correct than ； Tlie phrase it is said, ? 辱 j^， 只 i that of beasts so that they are able to fill up ^ -Mr, ' covers^a wide the capcitj of then* nature. This denies anv I 夕、 少匕广 曰疋" _ essential difference between men and animals, ) extent of meaning, embracmg all matters and aud what difference it allows is corporeal or things betwecu heaven and earth/ The 曰講 202 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. Chapter a a. 1. Mencius said, u Yu hated the pleasant Avine, and loved good words, 2. aT4ang held fast the Mean, and employed men of talents and virtue without regard to where they came from. 3. u King Wan looked on the pe〇])le as he would on a man tcho was wounded, and he looked towards the right path as if he could not see it 4. u King Woo did not slight the near, and did not forget the distant. 5. u The duke of Chow desired to unite in himself the virtues of those kings, those founders of the three dynasties^ that lie might display in his practice the four things zohic/i they did. If he saw any thing in them not suited to his timey he looked up and thought about it, from day-time into the night, and when he avus fortunate enough to master the difficulty, lie sat waiting for tlie inorning.v refers to it all the governmental achievements of Shun related in the Shoo- king. ClI. 20. Thu SAME 8I B.JECT； — ILLUSTRATED in Yu, T4ang, Wan, Woo, and Ciiow- ki ng. I In 4 The Plans of the Warring States* (带交 國 ^j^),ab(mkcontinuiiig：tlieCh‘un- Ts4cw on to tlie llan dynasty, it is said, 4 K-toih made wine which Yu tasted and liked， hut he 6ai(l， In after atjes there will be those who through wine lose their kuif/doms ； -- so he de- graded E-teili, and refused to (lrink pleasant wine.* From the Shoo-kin«：, III. iii. (», we limy infer tlmt there was sonic* fomulation for tliis story, (up. 3d tone), = , 一 see II. Pt. I. viii. 2. 2. filE may be under- stood with reference to class or place. Comp, the Shoo-kinj^, IV. ii. 8, 5. 3. * As he would on one wlio was wounded,* 一 ho regarded the people with cuinpaodiuualc U;u- derness. is to be read as with which, according： to Choo He, it was anciently intor- clisin^ed. See tlie Shoo-kinp：, V. \vi. 9, 10, for illustrations of Wall’s care of the peo- ple, and the Shc-kinj;, 111. i. Oile VI, for illustmtion of the other churactoristic. 4. jr 世, read s 探 樂， 4 to slight.' Tlie adjee- tives are to be uii(k*istooil both of pomms fiiui tilings. 5. — ^ 不， 一 i.e.， Yu， T‘ang， and the kin^s Wan and Woo who are often cI«sm.hI together as the tounders ot* the Chow (Unnsty. 4 The 1’ (川 r tilings’ are what lmve l，t.en iu tlie prec. parr. lias for its antetvilcnt. 得之， 一 4 npprohonded it/ i.e„ umlcrtit〇(Kl tlie matter in its prinriples, so as to W able tobrin^ into his own practice the spirit of those ancicut sagcd. 圍孟于 of 禹惡 -t yl. 〇 二節 丨 而好 善言湯 執中立 o 二節 賢 無方方 王視民 都 V# 〇 四節 傷望道：血未之見武 V* O 五節 王不 泄邇不 忘遠周 公思 兼三玉 以施四 幕其有 不合教 仰而 思乙夜 以繼 H, 幸而 rT. II. Cn. XXI.— XXII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 203 世圍 氐 桓之作 ，而 自得 而孟 5 其晋春 晋赛孟 5 之 斬> 于義文 > 秋义亡 ，于坐 小艮則 其一乘 > 詩氐以 人君 丘文也 。楚 王待 之于竊 則其* 之然 者且。 邋之取 史事/ 禱後之 五澤 > 之 孔則秫 春迹 世五矣 。 于齊 魯秋媳 > Chapter XXI. 1. Mencius said, uThe traces of imperial rule were extinguished, and the imperial odes ceased to be nuade. When those odes ceased to be made, then the Cl^un-Ts^ew was produced. 2 uThe Shin^ of Tsin, the Taou-wuh of Ts4oo, and the Ch4un- Ts4ew of Loo, -were books of the same character. 3 u The subject of the Ch^un-wuh was the affairs of Hwan of Ts4e and Wan of Tsin, and its style was the historical. Confucius said, 1 Its righteous decisions I ventured to make.* '' Chapter XXII. 1. Mencius said, “The influence of a sove- reign sage terminates in the tilth generation. The influence of a mere sage does the same. . Ch. 21. The SAME SUBJECT ; — ILLUSTRATED i>* Coxfucius. 1. The extinction of the true imperial rule of Chow dates from the transference of the capital from Fun〇：-kaou to Loh, by the emperor P4ing. b.c. 769. From that time, the sovereigns of Chow had the name without the rule. By the is intended not the Book of Poems, but the Nga portion of them, descriptive of the Imperial rule of Chow, and to be used on Imperial occasions. 亡 no additions were made to them, and they de- ! generated into mere records of the past, and were no longer descriptions of the present. Con- fucius edited the annals of Loo to supply the place of the N^a. See III. Pt. II. ix. 7. 2. Each state had its annals. Those of Tsin were compiled under the name of Shing (low. 3d tone), 4 The Carriage those of Tskoo under that of Taou-wuJL, which is explained as the name of a ferocious animal, and more anciently as the de- nomination of a vile and lawless man. The annals of Loo had the name of 4 Spring and Autumn/ two seasons for the whole. 3. 14 refers only to the annals of Loo. They did not contain only the atFairs of Hwan and Wftn, but these occupied an early and promi- nent place in them, — see II. Pt. I. ii, 20. 取 makes the expression still more humble, as if Confucius had 4 taken* the judgments from the historians, and not made them himself. Ch. 22. The same subject ; — illustrated in Mexcitjs himself. 1. Here 君 "子* = 聖 腎 * the sage and worthy, who has position,* /.e., who occupies the throne, and 小人 = 聖 賢無立 者 • the sa 供 and worthy, who has no position / We might suppose that the influence of the former would be more permanent, but Mencius is pleased to say their influence lasts the same time. is to be taken influence,' it being under- stood to be of a beneficial character. 2. 204 THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV ‘ 亦己 、之 _可 以無圓 l 而 羿於道 、逢 似無 取孟予 斬。 有 是思蒙 無羝取 于私予 € 罪殺 天學死 肩傷曰 ，淑未 焉猙 。下射 死傷廉 / 可諸得 公孟惟 於傷惠 、可 以人盔 明于羿 甄勇。 可以取 、也 。孔 till I S 2. “Although I could not be a disciple of 丨 Confucius himself, I have endeavoured to cultivate my virtue by means of others who were'' Chapter XXIIL Mencius said, u When it appears proper to take a thing, and afterwards not proper^ to take it is contrary to moderation. When it appears proper to give a thin^ and afterwards not proper, to ^ive it is contrary to kindness. When it appears proper to sacrifice one s life, and afterwards not proper, to sacrifice it is contrary to bravery/* Chapter XXIV. 1. P^ang Mung learned archery of E. When he had acquired completely all the science of E, he thought that in all the empire only E was superior to himself, and so he slew him. Mencius said, u In this case E also was to blame. Kung-ming E indeed said, 4 It would appear as if he were not to be blamed,' but he From the death of Confucius to the birth of Mencius could hardly be 100 years, bo that, tho* Mencius could not learn his doctrines from the sage himself, he did so from his grandson Tsze-sze, or some of his disciples. 私 = 竊， in last ch, taken actively, = 於人， the referring to Tsie^sze and hia school. 一 This and the three preceding chap- ters should be coneiclered as one, whose pur- pose Is luuoh the iftine as HI. Pt. II. ix„ showing us that Mencius oonaiflered himself the suc- cessor of Confuciua in the line of sagos Ch. 23. First judgmknts aue not always COHRECT. Jm1»UL9E« MUST BK WEIOIIBI) IN THE 1IA LANCE OF REASON, AND WHAT REASON DIC- TATKrt must be followed. Such is the mean- ing of this chapter, ill translating tho eoparuto claoseB of v^hich, we must supplement them introducing ‘ afterward，.’ Ch. 24. The uiportavce or being care- ful or whom we mark ^RiEifDS. The senti* ment is good, but Mencius could surely have found better illustrations of it than the second one which he selected. 1. Of E, see Con. Ana. XI V. liv. (P'ang, as formed with not is said both by Chaou K^e and Choo lie to refer to E*s servants (家衆 )• 1 but one man is evidently denoted by the narae. E*s servants did indeed make themselves par- ties to his murder, but P^aug Mung is the same, I suppose, with Han Tsuh, tlie principal in it. ^ ^ ~8ee IL Pt- IL iu 4, and Con. Ana* 丨 VU. xviii. 曰薄 乎云爾 ，— ‘saying* Pr. II. Cfl. XXIV. THE WORKS OF ME-XCIU!?. 205 庾夫射 夫矣。 者可斯 篇巧宜 公 尹於于 其誰以 追人若 之 公尹曰 肩也 。執之 、使無 • 斯之公 吾曰名 呋 子于# 至 遽之生 、庾 僕吾壤 構焉 > 曰 .端他 J 可公白 、死 孺纟需 曰> 夫 人尹謂 之庾夹 于于薄 于也公 Si。 斯 > 公夫 、 包侵手 何其之 曰廣之 固今衞 > 孟 爲 取她庾 之斯其 日衞爾 I 不友學 公善也 。僕 我使惡 執必 射之射 氐曰/ 疾庾得 弓 。端 於斯， 者吾追 仡公無 既矣 。我身 也生我 不 之罪。 thereby only meant that his blame was slight. How can he be held without any blame ? " 2. uThe people of Ch4ing sent Tsze-cho Yu to make a stealthy attack on Wei, which sent Yu-kung Sze to pursue him. Tsze-cho Yu said, { To-day I feel unwell, so that I cannot hold mv bow. I am a dead man ! * At the same time he asked his driver, 4 Who is it that is pursuing me ? ’ The driver said, 1 It is Yu-kung Sze/ on which he exclaimed, 1 1 shall live.* The driver said, 4 Yu-kung Sze is the best archer of Wei, what do you mean by sayinc；' — I shall live ? ’ Yu repli- ed, { Yu-kung Sze learned archery from Yin-kung T4o, who again learned it from me. Kow, Yin-kung Tlo is an upright man, and the friends of his selection must be upright also' When Y ukung Sze came up, he said, 1 Master, why are you not holding your bow ? 5 Yu an- (meaning to say), It was slighter than... simply.* 2， 一 4 to attack stealthily.* An in- cursion made with music, and the pomp of war, is called and one without these, The 之， in the names — 庾公 之斯^ 尹 are mere vocal particles. 他，- read ^o. The name is elsewhere found 尹公 铊， In the 左傳 under the 14th year of dukf^ 襄‘ we have a narrative bearing some 20G THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 人 人圓金 ，我于 / 不尹曰 ，今 齊皆孟 ■發 不雖忍 公小日 戒掩予 乘敢然 >以 之人我 深鼻曰 A &。 今夫 她學条 欲而两 而柚 日于學 射作, 則過于 狻矢之 之射於 I、 可之 。蒙反 。扣 事道: 於尹可 以雖 W 祀有潔 • 上惡則 輪> 君反 夫公以 去 事害于 、之執 其 也夫我 池弓。 sweredhim, ( To-day I am feeling unwell, and cannot hold my bow.* On this Sze said, 4 1 learned archery from Yin-kung T4o, who again learned it from you. I cannot bear to injure you with your own science. The business of to-day, however, is the prince's business, which I dare not neglect.5 He then took li is arrows, knocked off their steel-points against the carriage- wheel, discharged four of them, and returned.” Chapter XXV. 1. Mencius said, 11 If the lady Se had been covered Avith a filthy head-dress^ all people would have stopped their noses in passing her. 2. u Though a man may be Avicked, yet if he adjust his thoughts, fast, and bathe, he may sacrifice to God." likeness to this account of Mencius, and in which 尹公铊 and 狹公差 figure as famous archers of Wei. It is hardly possible, however, to suppose that the two accounts are of the same thing. 一 low. 3d tone, 4 a team of four horses,* here used for a set of four arrows. ClI. 25. IT 18 ONLY MORAL BEAUTY THAT 18 TRULY EXCELLENT AND ACCEPTAIJLE. 1. Se-tsze, or 4 Western lady,* was a poor girl of Yu(5, named She E of surpassing beauty, presented by the kinj; of YuC to his enemy the king of Woo, who became devotedly attached to her, and neglected all the duties of liis government. Slie was contemporary with Confucius. The common account is tlmt she woa called ( The western lady/ because she lived on the western bank of a certain stream. If we may receive the works of however, as having really proceeded from that scholar and statesman, there had been a celebrated beauty named Se-tsze, two hundred years be- fore tlie one of YuC. In translating I have followed Chaou K4e. 2. both by Chaou Iv'e and Choo He, is taken in the sense of 4 ugly,* in opposition to the beauty of the lady Se. I cannot but think Mencius intend- ed it in the sense of 4 wicked/ and that his object wus to encourage men to reperitance and well- doing. H 一 read chat. See Con. Ana. VII. vii. et al By tlie laws of Chin^ it was compe- tent ior the emperor only to sacrifice to God. The language of Meucius, in connection uith this fact, very strikingly shows the virtue he attached to penitent puiiticatiou. Pt. II. Ch. XXVI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 207 Chapter XXVI. 1. Mencius said, UA11 avIio speak about the natures of thimjs^ have in fact only their phenomena to reason fronij and the value of a ])lienoinenon is in its being natural. 2. uWhat I dislike in your wise men is their boring out their conclusions. If those wise men would only act tis Yu did when he conveyed away the waters, there would be nothing to dislike in their wisdom. The manner in whicli Yu conveyed away the waters was by doing what gave him no trouble. IfyourAvise men would also do that whicli gave them no trouble, their knowledge would also be great. 3. u There is heaven so high ; there are the stars so distant. If Ch. 26. How knowledge ought to be ! taken in close connection with the 而已; PURSUED BY THE CAKEEUL STUDY OF PHKNO- men a. Mencius here points out correctly tlie path to knowledge. The rule which he lays down is quite in harmony with that of Bacon. It is to be regretted that in China, more perhaps than in any otlier part of the world, has it been disregarded. 1. 性 ^ here to be taken quite generally. Julien finds fault with Noel for translating it by remm natura^ which appears to be quite correct. Choo lie makes it— 人物所 得以生 之理， than which notliing could be more general. Possibly Mencius may have had in view the disputes about the nature of man which were rife in his time, but the references to Yu’s labours with the waters, and to the studies of astronomers, show that tlie terra is used in its signification. 古 ^=our ‘ phenouenion，’ the na- ture in its development. The character is often used as synonymous with ‘facts.’ 則 is more thiin a simple coDjunctiou, and is to be 丨 Cliaou K‘c explains- 則以故 而已， ( * can only do so by the And phenomena, to be valuable, must be natural. 利 = 順， ‘following easily,’ 4 unconstrained. ’ 2. is the would be wise=4your wise men.’ H ‘their chiseling,’ or ‘boring，’ i.e” tlieir forcing things, instead of ‘waiting’ for them, which is a 行 其所事 ‘d。- ing that in wliich they liave many affairs, or much to do/ Yu is said 行水， rather than, according to the common phraseology about his labours, because more appro- priately represents the mode of his dealing I with the waters, according to their nature, and not by a system of force, 3. 千歲之 日至- acc. to modern comin., refers to the w inter suit lice, from the midnight ui* whicli, it 帝 國命于 uf 天下 之言性 也则故 而巳 芜 故者以 0 二筛 Vi 利爲本 所惡於 智者爲 其鑿 也如 智者> 右禹之 行水 也則 無惡於 智芜 禹之行 水也行 其所無 事也如 智者亦 行其 ^r » 0 三節 無事則 智亦大 矣天之 高 I 星辰 之遠也 苟求 208 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV， 朝是 與目、 右百往 国敦其 莛簡 驩看師 暮裁公 S 也。 蘇 不驩言 ，師言 有人行 千 歴也。 孟不者 。就％ 于 歲 侁孟汗 憷孟 布有有 之 而于獨 曰/于 師進于 日 相聞 不諸不 之而之 至、 與之 與君與 仇與喪 > 可 言旧 「罐 于冇 而冇冇 坐 不禮 , 言皆師 與師師 而 we have investigated thoir phenomena, we may, while sitting in our places^ go back to the solstice of a thousand years ago'' Chapter XXVII. 1. The officer Kung-hang having on hand the funeral of one of his sons, the Master of the Right went to condole with him. When this noble entered the door, some called him to them and spoke with him, and some went to liis place and spoke ^vith liini. 2. Mencius did not speak with him, so that he was displeased, and said, u All the gentlemen have spoken with me. There is only Mencius who does not speak to me, thereby slighting me.” 3. Mencius, having heard of this remark, said, u According to the prescribed rules, in the court, individuals may not change their places to speak with one another, nor may they pass from their ranks to is supposed, the first calculation of time began ; -致 是推致 而得之 ，‘ wu may cal- culatc up to and pet it.* Cluiou K‘o， however， makes tlie meaning to be simply ： 一 4 W e may sit and determine on what day the solstice occurred a thousand years ago.* Sec the J/tJ where this view is approved. Cii. 27. IIow Mbsnciijs would not imitatr OTIIKR8 IN PAYIN<； C〇niT TO A FAVOU1UTE. 1. Kun^-ban^ (low. 1st tone, 4 a rank/ row/ Various accounts aro^iven of tl»c way in which the term passed along with into a double liurnanie) was an offleer of Ts^e, wl\o *l)ad the funeral of a son.* Neither Chuoa K4e nor Choo lie oflers any remark on the phrase, but some scholars of the dynasty, suhscqu(、nt to Choo He, explained it as mcauin^ 有人子 1 had the funeral duty that devolve® on a son,* i.e., was occupied with the funeral of one of his parents, and nearly all commentators liavc since followed that view, Tlie author of the 四 ^^糊 有 杂說， i_« /犯， shows dearly， liowever, that it. is incorrect, and that tlie true interpretation \s the more natural one given in the trail glation, The master of the Riglit here was Wang Hwan； see II. Pt. II. vi. At tlie Imperial court, there were the high nobles, called j^|Jj and [JfJj, 4 Grand Master.’ an(l ‘junior Maater.’ Iu the courts of the Princes, the corrospomjing nobles wero called 左師 nnd 右師 ，‘ Mnster °f tho I^cft/ and 4 Master of the Right/ 一 as in Con, Ana, VII. xxx. 2. It is to l>e under- stood that all the condolcrs made their visit by I*T. II. Cii. XXVIII. TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 209 物也待 人者心 L 敎输 奚戕我 者> 敬以以 孟明階 宜必 以人人 。禮其 于我而 至不 橫恆愛 帝存氏 盔相 哉 。仁邋 敬人心 乂 、君 a 揖 势也 則之。 教仁吔 1 于不也 自必 君有胃 人者君 所亦我 反 無于人 恆愛于 以異微 而禮必 於愛人 以異乎 。行 仁也 自此之 膚仁於 禮> 矣>此 反其敬 禮存人 于 bow to one another. I was ■svisliing to observe this rule, and Tsze- gaou understands it that I was slighting him : — is not this strange?” Chapter XXVIII 1 . Mencius said, u That whereby the superior man is distinguished from other men is what lie preserves in his heart ; — namely, benevolence und propriety. 2. uThe benevolent man loves others. The man of propriety shows respect to others. 3. uHe who loves others is constantly loved by them. He who respects others is constantly respected bv them. 4. u Here is a man, who treats me in a perverse and unreason- able manner. The superior man in such a case will turn round upon himself — 1 1 must have been -wanting in benevolence ; I must have been wanting in propriety : — how should tliis liave happened to me?J 5. u He examines himself, and is specially benevolent. He turns CIHSHE» BY THE C|-LTIV.iTmN OF KXCKL- L£^CL} X2iD 1& ILACLD BLIO>D Till： * stairs,* but here for the ranks of the officers arranged with reterence to the steps leading up to the liall. Cii. 28. IIow the superior ^ian is distix- 210 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 則 於我。 f、 故獸此 而君自 可狻亦 也> 君奚亦 忠予反 憂他 人乃于 擇妄矣 i 而 也我也 怎有哉 ，人 其自有 憂 由舜所 終於也 横反禮 之 未爲憂 ^ 禽已 逢也美 如壳遙 則乏嶽 矣> 由莪其 何 J 於有憂 .叉如 是必橫 如 鄕天之 惠何 此池 j 逆 舜人下 >舜> 一 II 則宭忠 。由 而也 J 人朝焉 。與 于自堤 巳是 傳也之 是嶠氐 反也, round upon himself, and is specially observant of propriety. The perversity and unreasonableness of the other, however^ are still the same. The superior man will again turn round on himself — ‘ I iriust have been failing to do my utmost.’ (). u He turns round upon himself, Jind proceeds to do liis utmost, l)ut still the perversity and unreasonableness of the other are repent- ed. On this the superior man says, 4This is a man utterly lost indeed ! Since he conducts liimself so, what is there to choose between him and a brute? Why should I go to contend witli a brute ?? 7. uTlius it is tlint the sui)erior mail 1ms a life-loii 皆圍也 屬之救 然也 。飢 31 稱公 ■薩 可之今 從不都 閉冠也 。雖有 稷也、 而 孝 于 7 、而鄕 _ 同顔是 禮焉 、曰/ 可往鄰 髮室于 、以 貌夫 匡也。 救有纓 之易如 于章 之漏冠 人地是 敢興通 則者 ，而 鬭則其 問之國 惑被救 者1 皆急 5. uIf Yu and Tseili, and the philosopher Yen, had exchanged places, each would have done what the other did. 6. “ Here now in the same apartment with you are people fight- ing : — you ought to part them. Though you part them Avith your cap simply tied over your unbound hair, your conduct will be allow- able. 7. u If the fighting be only in the village or neighbourhood, if you go to put an end to it with your cap tied over your hair un- bound, you will be in error. Although you should shut your door in such a case, your conduct would be alloAvable." Chapter XXX. 1. The disciple Kung. too said, “Throughout the whole kingdom every body pronounces KHvang unfilial. But you, Master, keep company with him, and moreover treat him with politeness. I venture to ask why you do so ? 5, principle.' 4. — usetl for 多茜 . 5. 則 lit” ‘then all s(>,’ the meaning being as in the translation. Yen Ilwuy, in the circumstances of Yu and Tscih, would have been found labouring with as much energy Hiul sell-denial for the public good as they showed ; And Yu and Tseih, in the ciroumetances of Hwuy, would have lived in obscurity contented a « he was, and happy in tlie pursuit of the truth and in cultivation of themselves. G. — read 7/e, low. 1st tone. The rules imeient- ly prescribed for dressing were very minute. Much had to be (lone with the hair before the linal act of putting on the cap, with its strings tied under tlie chin, could be performed, In the case in the text, all this is neglected. The urgency of t^e case, and Ihc intimacy of the individual with the parties quarrelling, justify such neglect. 救之， -iu.， ‘ tlicm/ i.e., to part them. This was the case of Yu and Tsoih, iu their relation to their times, wliiie that in tlip next par. is supposed to illus- trate tlie case of Yen llwuy in relation to his. But Mencius* illustrations are generally hap- pier than these. Ch. 30. llow Mencius explained nis 1，，IU1.:NI>LY INTEKCOL’llSE 、vmi A MAN CHARGED ^vith heing unfilial. 1. K4wang Cliang was nil officer of Ts4c. His name, acc. to 貞 it, Chang, and designation Cliang-t3ze, so that Kung-too calls liim by lii8 name, and Mencius by his (lesig. In opp. to this, 虛 7^ says that Kung-too merely drops a part of tlie designation, just ns wlieu Yen Hwuy is called Ten Yuen, instead of Yen T5*zo-yuc4n. But both these explanations aro Pt. II. Cn. XXX. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 213 了、 於 危母不 財屈養 .者何 相 是艾戮 、孝 私艾一 瓦也。 遇乎 。母肩 也妻母 不惰驴 也夫 S 五不 從子之 孝其于 責口 章不孝 耳不養 池肩氐 善， 于居也 J 顚二 博克世 朋子也 i 之父不 弈不俗 友 艾章勇 欲母孝 好顧所 之責 于鬭以 之也， 飮艾謂 115^1 II III 2. ]\Iencius replied, u There are five things which are said in the common practice of the age to be unlilial. The first is laziness in the use of one's four limbs, without attending to the nourishment of his parents. The second is gambling and chcss-pla}'ing, ancl being fond of wine, without attending to the nourisliment of his parents. The third is being foncl of goods and money, and selfishly attached to his wife and children, without attending to the nourishment of his parents. The fourth is following the desires of one's ears and eyes, so as to bring his parents to disgrace. The fifth is being fond of bravery, fighting and quarrelling so as to endanger liis parents. Is Chang guilty of any one of these tilings ? " 3. u Now between Chang and his father there arose disagreement, he, the son, reproving his father, to urge him to what was good. 4. u To urge one another to what is good by reproofs is the way of friends. But such urging between father and son is tlie greatest injury to the kindness, which should prevail between them. to be rejected. Chang was the name, and the 子 章子 is simply equivalent to our Mr. — * ramble with him/ i.e., as com- monly understood, 4 allow him to come about your gate, your school.* ^ 4 and raore' over from that/ i.e., in addition to that. 2. ■[甫 弈 may be taken together, simply = 4 chess- playing, ' 〇r separately, as in the translation ; see Con. Analects, XVII. xxii. 一2 3 4 selfishly — i.e., partially putting them out of their due place, above his parents, — loving wife and children.’ I cannot see why some should give a sensual meaning to 牙 4 here. The ad- vance of meaning from to shows that the former is to be taken in the lighter sense of f disgrace.* 3, 4. Comp. Pt I. xviii. 子 戈責善 ，-子 precedes here to show 214 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 我室 t 寇国則 ) 爲屛哉 i 于义 牆毁至 >曾 靖不于 >爲 豈于 昆傷 盍于于 若終得 I、 責 我 其去居 E 是> 身罪徵 善、 將薪諸 。武矣 。是 T、 於有 _ 太 。日 > 城則 _ 记芙恩 宼 宼無有 #焉3 妻之 退> 氮寓越 之其 得于大 曾 則人寇 大設近 、母 者。 于氐 於或 者 出之夫 5 反 我 既是以 妻屬章 5. u Moreover, did not Chang wish to have in his family the re- lationships of husband and wife, child and mother? But because he had offended his father, and Avas not permitted to approach him, he sent away his wife, and drove forth his son, and all his life receives no cherishing attention from them. He settled it in his mind that if he did not act in this way, his would be one of the greatest of crimes. — Such and nothing more is tlie case of Chang.” Chapter XXXI. 1. When the philosopher Tsang dwelt in ^ oo- sliing, there came a band from Yue to plunder it. Some one said to him, 11 The plunderers are coming ： — why not leave this ? Tsang on this left the city, saying to the man in charge of the house, “ Do not lodge any persons in my house, lest they break and injure the plants and trees." When the plunderers withdrew, he sent word to him, saying, u Repair the wails of my house. I am about to return." that K‘wang Chang had been the aggressor. 5. — upper 2d tone. Readers not Chinese will think that Chants treatment of his wife and son was more criminal than his conduct to his father. 是則 罪之大 者， -是， 4 this,* embracing the two things, his giving offence to his father, and still con- tinuing to enjoy the comforts of wife and son. Cir. 31. How Mencius explained tue dif- ferent CONDUCT OF TIIE PHILOSOPHER TsANO AND OF T.SZE-8ZE IN SIMILAR CIRCUMSTANCES. 1. Woo-sliing, 一 sec Con. Analects, VI. xii. It bdow that Tsiingjluul opened a scluwl or lecture-room in the place. Many understand that he had been invited to do so, 一 to be a 賓師， 1 guest and teacher,* — by the coni- unndjint. Won-shin^ is probablv to be referred to a place in tlie dis., of in the dcp. of Ycn-chow. It was thus in the south of Shan- tung. South from it, and covering the present Keang-soo and part of Chfi-kcang, were the possessionsofWoo(^^)andYuC，allinTsang- tsze’s time subject to YuC. Sec in the 言穿， in loc., a somewhat similar incident in Ting's life (probably a diflerent version of the same), Pt. II. Cl!. XXXI. TI1E \AOHKS OF MENCIUS. 215 思君至 k 思生 昔说民 J 左 同誰 盍居者 沈猶望 ，敬冇 道 ，與去 於七猶 行冠也 曾守 。諸 。衞, 十有曰 U 待 于孟吁 有人賀 是則至 、先 師于 思齊未 芻非反 、則生 也呒 氐宼 有之汝 殆先如 父曾如 或與禍 ，所 於去此 兄于伋 印焉 。從知 不以其 也于去 >宼 于^ 先 1可。 爲忠 AVhen the plunderers retired, the pliilsophcr Ttang returned accorcl- in /. His disciples said, u Since our master Avas treated Avith so much sincerity and respect, for him to be the first to go awajr on tlie arrival of the ])lunderers, so as to be observed bv the people, and tlien to return on their retiring, appears to us to be impropei，.” Sliin- yew Hin^ said, uYoa do not uiiderstancl this matter. Formerly, ■\vhen Shin-yew was exposed to tlie outbreak of the grass-carriers, there were seventy disciples in our masters following, and none of them took part in the matter.'' 2. When Tsze-sze was living- in Wei, there came a band from Ts(e to plunder. Some one said to him, u The plunderers are coining ; — why not leave this?" Tsze-sze said, u If I go away, whom will the prince have to guard the State 'with ? 3. Mencius said, u Tlie philosopher Tsang and Tsze-sze agreed in in which the plunderers are from Loo. p^, the point is doubtful. See tlie in — the translation needs to be supplemented here considerably to bring out the meaning. is explained in K'ang-lie's Dic- tionary, with reference to this passage, by 草， 4 grass,* or small plants generally. 寇退則 日， 一this 日 must=‘ sent word to.， 屋， 一 we should rather expect 屋 If be translated actively, we must supply as a nom- inative一 ' the governor of the city/ Shin (V^ is pronyuuced as 審 So, commonly, But /oc.)-jew Iling is supposed to have been a disciple of Tsiing^, a native of Woo-shing. The Shin-yew whom he mentions below was another person of the same surname with whom Tsang and his disciples above) were living. — low. 3d tone. Shin- yew Hing adduces this other case, as analogous to Tsang's leaving Woo-shing, intimating that he acted on a certain principle which justified his conduct. 2. was Tsze-sze's name. 4 Was living in Wei，， 一 i.e., was living and sustaining office. 3. Comp. ch. xxviii. 3, 5. The 216 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK IV. 人盡後 者>_ 異有圍 地于 出 、富反 、其齊 S 於以 儲則思 則 貴其良 人人異 于皆臣 必也妻 人有哉 k 於曰 饜其 問此一 堯人王 微 酒 妻所則 妻舜乎 。使 也> 肉 吿與必 一 與孟人 曾 而其 飮饜妾 > 人于瞷 于 後妾食 酒而同 既夫 于 反 者通 處耳 。何于 、思, 問良 則而室 以果 易 the principle of their conduct. Tsang was a teacher ; — in the place of a father or elder brother. Tsze-sze was a minister ; — in a meaner place. If the philosoj)liers Tsang and Tsze-sze had exchanged places, ihe one would have done what the other did.” Chapter XXXII. The officer Ch(oo said to Mencius^ u blaster, tlie king sent persons to spy out whether you were really different from other men." Mencius said, uHow should I be different from other men ! Yaou and Sliun were just the same as other men.” Chapter XXXIII. 1. A man of Tsce had a wife and a concu- bine, and lived together with them in his house. When their liusband Avent out, lie would get liimself well filled Avitli wine and flesh, and then return, and, on his wife's asking liim with whom he ate and drank, they were sure to be all wealthy and honourable people. The wife informed the concubine, saying, £tA\lien our good man goes out, he is sui'e to come ltack having partaken plentifully of wine and flesh. I asked with whom he ate and drank, and they are all, it seems, wealthy and honourable people. And yet no people reader can judge how far the defence of Tsilng^ conduct is satisfactory. ClI. 32. SaGKS Alt 12 JUST LIlvK OTIII'R MEN. Tins Cl^oo was a minister of 'Fsv. We must suppose that it was the private manners and wriiy of living of Mencius, which tlie kinj; want- ed to spy out, unless the tlun^ occurred on M(4ncius, iirst arrival in TsV, and bdbre liclmd any interview uitli the king. Ch. 33. TlIK DISGRACKrUL means wrucic 3IEN TAKE TO S151：K FOR WEALTH ANI) HONOVUS. 1. As Choo lie observes, there ou^ht to be, at the beginning of the chapter, 4 Mencius said.1 The phrase (up. 2d touc) 室者 is not easily managed in trans* ' luting. Tlie bulged of it is tlie * man of Ft. II. Ch. XXXIIL THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 217 妾。 人妾者 1 其立起 顯其 由殊訕 所之餘 議施# 與 者之其 仰道 7、 暑>從 氣飫 子知 良望也 。尼卒 良吾食 觀也 >人而 其叉之 人將者 > 之 而終妻 顧東之 _盡 則 施相身 歸而郭 所良富 人從 泣也 吿之堵 之人貴 之夕 、於今 其他， 徧之也 . 所來 ，中若 妾此之 國所而 以驕庭 ，此. 氐其祭 中之夫 求 其而與 良傜者 > 無也肩 富 妻良其 人饜乞 與蚤有 of distinction ever come here. I Avill spy out where our good man goes.” Accordingly^ she got up early in the morning, and privately followed wherever her husband went. Throughout the whole city, there Avas no one who stood or talked with him. At last, he came to those who Avere sacrificing among the tombs beyond the outer 'svall on the east, and begged what they lmcl over, l^ot being satis- fied, he looked about, and wont to nnother part)7 : — and this was the Avav in which lie t2：ot himself satiated. His Avife returned, and in- formed the concubine, saying, u It was to our liusband that we look- ed up in hopeful contemplation, with whom our lot is cast for life ; — and now these are liis ways ! 11 On this, along with the concubine she reviled their husband, and they Avept together in the middle hall. In the mean time the husband, knowing nothing of all this, came in with a jaunty air, cann ing himself proudly to his Avife and concubine. and not 4 the wife and concubine/ It is descrip- tive of him as living with them, and being the head of a family, — 有刑 家之靑 ’ as b said in the f 胃 4 having the duty of setting au example to its members/ 頁人 -corre- sponding to the Scottish term of 1 goodman1 for husband. 所與飮 食者， — not 4 who gave him to drink and eat/ as Julien makes it. 一 the yerb, as also below, and in 之東 ，之他 •施從 ，- 施， raad 28 218 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 希者相 而羞妾 其達貴 矣 。幾 泣不 也不 妻者 >利 2. In the view of a superior man, as to the ways by which men seek for riches, honours, gain, and advancement, there are few of theiL* wives and concubines who would not be ashamed and weep to- gether on account of them. e., either low. 1st, or low. 3d tone. 國， 一 party.* 2. 幾希 a8 in eh. 1， but plainly used for 4 city.， 郭， 一see II. l)t. II. i. it is here an adjective, 4 few.* 2. 之他- 4 went to another place,’=‘ another I BOOK V. WAN CHANG. PART I. 怨而忘 ，母慕 泣旻往 s 乎 。不 艾愛也 。也。 无于萬 5 萬 曰， 及母之 、萬 _孟何 乩章章 長 然惡有 章于爲 號問章 息貝 之 、而曰 > 包 食备 曰> 句 閊 舜勞不 艾怨虢 于舜上 Chapter I. 1. Wan Chang asked ./1/e^cm.s', saying, ir//muShun Mrent into the fields, he cried out and wept towards the ]>it)ring hea- vens. Why did lie cry out and weep?" Mencius replied, u He was dissatisfied, and full of earnest desire.,> 2. Wan Chang said, u When liis parents love lnm, a son rejoices and forgets them not. When liis parents linte him, though they punish him, he does not murmur. Was Sliun thou murinuring This Book is named from the cliief inter- locutor in it, Wan Chang (See III. Tt. II. v.). The tradition is that it was in company with Wan Chanf?,8 disciples, that Mencius, baffled in his hopes of doinjr public service, and liaving retired into privacy, composed the seven Books, whidi constitute bis Works. I'he first part of this Book is occupied with discussions about and otlitr ancient wurtltius. ClI. 1. Shitn^ great fit.tat, piety： 一 HOW IT ( Aim 丨 11LM 丨 XTO THE 11KL1>8 TO 、VEE1* ANI， DKPLOH1C HIS INABILITY TO SKCTKK TIIK AFI'Kl - TION ANI) SYMPATHY OF 1H8 PA11KNT8. 1. ^6,— low. 1st tone, 4 to cry out.* It has another signification in the same tone, 一 4 to weop,1 whit'h would answer equally well. Soe tho incident lvluttd iu the Shou-king, 11. ii. -M. IVoin wliidi Pt. I. Ch. I.. THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 二我 EL 竭 于所知 于則於 女何矣 >力 之知也 II 吾公 百哉。 父耕肽 也 。公 天屈明 官 帝辱乩 爲夫明 于得高 牛 使之共 不公高 艾間氏 羊 ，其不 爲若 明呒母 k 命舜 舍 于我于 是高是 則芜柱 廩九愛 訊以非 吾虢于 備” 於而我 孝爾不 泣乩 against liis parents ? '' Mencius answered, 11 Ch{ang Seili asked Ivung- ining Kaou, saying, 1 As to Shun's going into the fields, I have re- ceived your instructions, but I do not know about his weeping and crying out to the pitying heavens and to his parents.5 Ivung-ming Ivaou ansAvered him, { You do not understand that matter/ Now, Ivung-ming Kaou supposed that the heart of the filial son could not be so free of sorrow. Shim ivould sai/, i I exert my strength to cultivate the fields, but I am there by only discharging mv office as a son. What can there be in me that, my parents do not love me 3. 44 The emperor caused his own children, nine sons and tAvo daughters, the various officers, oxen and sheep, storehouses and we learn that such behaviour was a character- istic of his earlier life, when he was ; plougliing ' at the foot of the Lcih liill. — the name given to the autumnal sky or heavens. Two meanings have been assigned to 旻； ‘the variegated,* with reference to the beautiful tints of matured nature ; and 4 the com- passionate,* as if it were with reference to the decay of nature. This latter is generally acquiesced in. I have translated 于 by ‘to- wards/ but the paraph, in the ^ is : — 4 He cried out and called upon pitying Heaven, that lovingly overshadows and compassionates this lower world, weeping at the same time.* simply, 4 he was murmuring and desiring/ The murmuring was at himself, but this is purposely kept in the back ground, and Chang supposed that he was murmuring at his pa- rents. 2 ■父母 "•不 怨， —see Con. Ana. IV. xviii. Kung-ming Kaou is generally understood to have been a disciple of Tsang Sin, and Chsang Seih again to have been a disciple of Kaou. 吾旣得 聞命， 11 have received your commands ；J — 4 commands,* said deferentially for 4 instructions,* as in III. ptIv5 •于 父母 is also from the Shoo- king, though omitted above in par. 1. In trans- ： lating we must reverse the order of yjj[, ： che wept and cried out, — to heaven, to Ins pa- rents .，是 非爾所 知也， — see IV. I Pt. II. xxxi. 1. 不 若是恝 -‘n。18。 without sorrow,* z.c., not so, as common people would have it, and as Ch4ang Seih thought would have been right, that he could refrain from weeping and crying out •我 竭， H, are the thoughts supposed to pass through Shun's mind. 共 = 拱 uP.lstt 鼠 3, See , the Shoo-king, I. par. 12, but the various incidents of the particular lionours conferred 220 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 解之有 T、 色之人 遷士以 憂, 所天足 人所無 之多事 人欲下 r 以 之徵所 焉屬舜 悅貴 W 解所也 >亂， 爲之於 之、 盔不憂 ,欲,而 天 者滅 好天足 富> 妻不下 順帝献 色 ，于 、以人 帝足之 於將之 富 而解之 之以士 艾胥哒 貴 3 憂 ，所 母 > 天天 lifttlim granaries, all to be prepared, to serve Shun amid the channeled fields. Of the scholars of the empire there were multitudes who flocked to him. The emperor designed that Shun should super- intend the empire along with him, and then to transfer it to him entirely. But because his parents were not in accord with him, he felt like a poor man who has nowhere to turn to. 4. u To be delighted in by the scholars of the empire, is what men desire, but it was not sufficient to remove the sorrow of Shun. The possession of beauty is what men desire, and Shim had for his wives the two daughters of the emperor, but this was not sufficient to remove liis sorrow. Riches are Avluit men desire, and the empii'e was the rich property of Shun, but this was not sufiicient to remove his sorrow. Honours are Avhat men desire, and Shun had the dignity of being emperor, but this Avas not sufficient to remove liis sorrow. The reason why the being the object of mens delight, the possession on Shun, and his influence, are to bo collected from the general history of him and Yuou. There is, however, an important discrepancy between ^endua* account of Slum, and that in the Sh oo-king. There, when he is first recom- mended to Yaou by the high officers, they base their recommemlation oi) tlie fact of his having overcome the evil that was in his parents ami brother, and brought them to self-j;ovcrniiicnt. The Slioo-king, moreover, mentions only one pon of Yaou, Tan Clioo (44- ttnd says nothing the nine who urc here said ta liavo been put under the command of Yaou. Tliey .ire mt'ntioned however in the * Historical Records, J 虞史 記帝將 胥天下 = 將 與之胥 (= 相) 視天下 •而 遷之 = 自移 以與之 •不 順於 父母 ，一 see IV. l，t. I. xxviii, 1. 4 •色, 一 色^ is liere=our ‘ a beauty，’ ‘ beauties.’ — up. 2d tone, here as a verb, 1 to wive/ 1 to have for wife •’ U beer vc the force of IcaJiug Pr. I. Cii. I.— —II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 221 宜之 圓见母 ¥君> 慕 好以以 莫何肩 5 之五 則妻色 JI 解 如必 章矣 。十爇 争4 則憂 。憂 舜 > 告問 而吶 仕慕人 舜艾曰 k 慕大 則少少 V 隹 之母 眉者聋 慕艾肩 順 不信云 > 予終君 > 有慕於 告斯娶 於身不 妻艾艾 W 言妻 基 慕得手 H 娶池 >如 舜父於 則知可 of beauty, riches, and honours, were not sufficient to remove his sor - row, was that it could be removed only by his getting his parents to be in accord with him. 5. uThe desire of the child is towards liis father and mother. AVhen he becomes conscious of the attractions of beauty, his desire h towards young and beautiful women. When he comes to have a wife and children, his desire is towards them. When lie obtains office, his desire is towards his sovereign : — if lie cannot get the regard of his sovereign, he burns within. But the man of great filial piety, to the end of his lile, lias his desire towards his parents. In the great Shun I see the case of one whose desire at fifty years was toAvards them.” Chapter II. 1. Wan Cliang asked Mencius^ saying, u It is said in the Book of Poetry, 4 In marrying a Avife, how ought a man to proceed ? He must inform his parents.' If tlie rule be indeed as here expressed, no man ought to have illus- trated it so well as Shun. How was it that Shim s marriage took place Avithout his informing his parents ? " Mencius replied, u If he had informed them, he would not have been able to marry. That on to what follows as the explanation of thi preceding circumstances. 5. 一 up. 3( tone, 4 young/ 4 little.* 色， 一 the term has ； different acceptation from that in the prec. par. tho* I have translated it in tlie same way. — ia the sense of 孟 我從鳳 得告旣 萬_ 大人于 績 ，而指 妻何 得章偷 之曰. 牛 檢階池 。也 。聞邑 以大告 羊之 ^瞽萬 S 艮命舜 麩偷則 芡象瞍 章帝惠 之父也 3 母6 羿焚曰 .亦 帝不母 Ja 得 舎讀鳳 艾知乏 告是告 娶> 廪 蓋使母 告妻而 以則男 male and female should dwell together, is the greatest of human relations. If Shun had informed his parents, he must have made void this greatest of human relations, tliereby incurring their resent- ment. On this account, lie did not. inform tliem.” 2. Wan Cliang said, aAs to Shuns marrying without informing his parents, I have heard your instructions ; but how was it that the emperor gave him liis daughters as Avives without informing Shuns parents ? ” Mencius said, “ The emperor also kne'v that if he in- formed them, lie could riot marry liis daughters to him.” 3. Wan Chang said, 11 His parents set Shun to repair a granary, to which, the ladder having been removed, Koo-sow set fire. They also made him dig a well. He got out, but they, not knowing that, proceeded to cover him up. Seang said, 1 Of the sclieme to cover up the city-forming prince the merit is all mine. Let my parents have liis oxen and sheep. Let them have his storehouses and granaries. ■&, 一 if lie had not married, then his tradition, and not from the Shoo-king. Slum here is understood as=4 re covered himself with two bamboo screens, and made his way through the fire. In the second case, he found a hole or passage in the side of the wall, and got away by means of it. 都君， 一 it is rnentionud in the last chapter, how the scholars of tlio empire flocked to Shun. They say that if he lived in one place for a year, he formed a or * assemblage :* In two years, he formed a 邑， or { town,1 ami in three, a 都， PT. I. C«. II. TnE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 223 His shield and spear shall be mine. His lute shall be mine. His bow sliall be mine. His two wives I shall make attend for me to my bed.5 Seang then went away into Shun's palace, and there was Shun on his couch playing on his lute. Seang said, 4 1 am come because 1 was thinkinsr anxiously about you. At the same time, he blushed deeply . Shun said to him, 1 There are all my offi- cers : — do you undertake the government of them for me.5 I do not know -whether Shun was ignorant of Seang's Avisliing to kill him.” 3Iencius answered, u How could he be ignorant of that? But when Seang was sorrowful, he was also sorrowful ; when Seang 'vas joyful, he was also joyful.” 4. Chang said, u In that case, tlien, did not Shun rejoice hypo- critically ? 51 Mencius replied, u No. Formerly, some one sent a present of a live fish to Tsze-ch^n of Chling. Tsze-cli ‘an ordered liis pond-keeper to keep it in the pond, but tliat officer cooked it, and reported the execution of Ids commission, saying, 1 When or ‘capital.’ With reference to this, Seang calls him now confined to the emperor, we, was anciently used by high and low. — 4 a carved bow,* said to liave been given to Shun by Yaou, as a token of his asso- ciating liiui with him on the thruue. 二嫂， - lit., 1 the two sisters- in-law/ 棲 = 牀，‘ abed，’ ‘c_h •’鬱 陶思君 * 爾 ，-爾 = 耳， as a final particle, 4 only.’ The expression literally is, — * with suppressed anxiety thinking of you only.’ 4. (read heaou^ low. 3d tune) is taken by all the commentators, 艾母 >‘弋 脫琴朕 ‘观 朕‘ 二嫂廣 治朕樣 象 往人舜 寬舜 在脒家 象 曰‘ 鬱陶 思君 一槪 忸怩舜 曰‘ 惟 諸臣 瓶汝其 于予淪 不 識舜 K 知 象之將 殺己與 。曰‘ 奚顺不 知 Vi 0 叫節— 也 象憂亦 憂象 喜亦喜 |曰 然則 舜僞 喜者與 0; 忍昔暮 有饋生 愈 於鄭 于產于 產使枝 人畜之 池桉 人烹之 反命！ f 始舍之 圉 圉嵐小 S 則洋洋 焉攸然 而 i 于 224 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V, 也 。爲圍 f 1 早 曰 /爲問 封天 Si 之于 j 也， 則日 或放以 日之 ▲殺 放何舜 荃 愛其得 旣核產 奚兄方 、其烹 人曰, 僞; ^難所 而茁得 S。 道罔 說長曰 、其 來及 故之 ，孰所 故 、非 君曰道 胃哉, 誠其于 得子得 信道 ，可 其産其 而彼 欺所智 、所 喜以以 說予哉 > I first let it go, it appeared embarrassed. In a little, it seemed to be somewhat at ease, and then it swam a'vay joyfully.’ Tsze-cl^an observed, c It liad got into its element ! It had got into its element ! The pond-keeper then went out and said, 1 Who calls Tsze-ch4an a wise man ? After I had cooked and eaten the Ush, he says, — It lmcl got irito its element ! it had got into its element !' Thus a superior limn may be imposed on by what seems to be as it ought to be, but he cannot be entrapped by what is contrary to riglit principle. Seang came in the way in which the love of liis elder brother would have made him come ; therefore Shun sincerely believed him, and re- joiced. What, hypocrisy was there Chapter III. Wan Chang said, 11 Seang made it his daily busi- ness to slay Shun. When Slum was made emperor, lio'v 、vas it that lie only banished him '? " Mencius said, u He raised him to be a prince. Some supposed that it was banishing him." as 主池泪 小吏， * a small officer over the ponds/ but 1 do not know tliat this mean- ing of the phrase is found elsewhere. 反命 — as in III Pt. I. ii. 3. 故苕子 可欺， myrT — compare Con. Ana. VI. xxiv. 一 * by its class,* the meaning being as in the translation. — Choo He says : 一 4 Mencius say8 that Shun knew well that Seanj^ wished to kill him, hut when he saw liim sorrowful, he was sorrowful, and when he saw him joyful, lie was joyful. The case was that his brotherly feeling could not be repressed. Whether the things mentioned by AVan Chang really occur- red or not, we do not know. Hut Mencius wa« able to know and describe the iuiml of 81iuu, aiul that is the only thing here worth discussing about/ Ch. 3. Explanation and defence of Shtn^ CONDTCT IN TIIK CASE OF HIS WICKED HltOTIlKIt SKANCi ； 一 HOW IIE HOTH DISTINGUISHED HIM, AND KEPT HIM UNDER RESTRAINT. 1. 放 =M， *to place,* with the idea of keeping in the place, =4 to banish.* Chang's tbou^rlit was tliat Seang should liave been put to dcatli, and not merely banished. 或曰， 一U _8 best to uudcrstaml 日 as meaning * supposed,* 2. Wan Chang said, u Shun banished the superintendent of works to Yew-chow； he sent away Hwan-taou to the mountain Ts^ng； lie slew the lirince of San Meaou in San-wei ; and he imprisoned KSvan on the mountain Yu. AVhen the crimes of those four were thus punished, the whole empire acquiesced : — it 、vas a cutting off of men who were destitute of benevolence. But Seang was of all men the most destitute of benevolence, and Shun raised him to be the prince of Yew-pe ; — of what crimes had the people of Yew-pe been guilty? Does a benevolent man really act thus ? In the case of other men, he cut them off ; in the case of bis brother, he raised him to be a prince. 1 Mencius replied, u A benevolent man does not lu}T up anger, nor cherish resentment against his brother, but only regards him Avith alfection and love. Regarding him with affection, he wishes him to be honourable : regarding him with love, lie Avishes him to be rich. The appointment of Seang to be the prince of Yew-pe was to enrich and ennoble him. If while Shun himself was emperor, his an(l not ‘ said.’ 2. The different indivi- duals mentioned here are all spoken of in the Shoo-king, Pt. II. i. 12, which see. 共工 is a name of office. The surname or name of tlie holder of it is not found in the Shoo-king. Hwan-taoa was the name of the 司徒， ‘ min- ister of instruction.’ He appears in the Shoo- king, as the friend of the 共工， recommend- ing him to Yaou； hence Choo He sa)'s that j these two were confederate in evil. ~ » 苗 i3 to be nnderstood, in tlie text, as 2 * 4 the prince of I San-meaou，’ which was the name of a State, near the Tunpf-tnng lake, embracing the pre- I sentdep.of 外 | ， and extending towards Woo- I ch4ang. Iv^^an was the name of tlie father of Yn. The places mentioned are difficult of identification. Yew-pe is referred to the pres, 猜 1'U, and the dis. of Ling-ling, in the dep. pt. a. ch. m. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 99； o 二節 4 k 焉萬 章曰舜 流共工 于幽州 放驩焭 于崇 111, 殺三 苗于三 危殛鯀 于羽山 ‘四罪 而天下 咸服誅 T, 仁也 象至不 仁封 之有暾 有^ nk$# 焉尤 人固 如是系 在他人 s; 誅之 在弟 則封之 H: 仁人 之於弟 也 K 藏名赢 3 宿怨彘 屬 愛 之 re E ^ 裁少 J 微其貴 也愛 之欲其 富也 封之 有跟 富貴 226 TIIE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. BOOK V. 圏之 不常放 > 亂爲 放可之 咸瑞 及常豈 而於者 j 胃也、 丘也 。貢 ，而得 鈉其 何裁身 蒙以 見暴其 齓 謂愛爲 政 之/彼 貢天也 。之天 接软 民稅于 曰序。 _于> 於源哉 、蠢命 象和余 有源雖 故更不 問傜 庫 ，而然 j 胃治 得或匹 此來/ 欲之其 有曰夫 > 間 曰 ‘ 云‘ 盛 德 brother had been a common man, could lie have been said to regard him with affection and love?” 3. Wan Chanrj said, u I venture to ask wliat you mean hy sav- ing that some supposed that it was a banishing of Seang ? Men- cius replied, u Seang could do notliing in liis State. The emperor appointed an officer to administer its government, ami to pny over its revenues to him. This treatment of him led to its being said that he was banished. How indeed could he be allowed the means of oppressing the people ? Nevertlieless, S/um wislied to be contiiiuiilly seeing him, and, by this arrangeinent, he came incessantly to courts as is signified in that expression —— 4 He did not wait for the rendering of tribute, or affairs of government, to receive the prince of Yew-|)C.，?, Chaptkii IV. 1. Heen-kcew Mung asked Mencim^ saving, u There is tjie saying, — 6 A scholar of complete virtue may not be employed of ^J'J, in Hoo-nan. is said by Choo lie to=^^, * to cut off，’ but; tlmt is too 8tr(>ng_. 四罪 = 治此四 凶 多 罪， 罪 as meaning ‘crimt’s •’ 月技， 一 * submitted, * i.e.y aclcnowledgocl the justice of the punislmicnts inflicted. 在他 人…誅 之 , appears to bo incoinpk*te, as it* Mencius had not pennit- ted his disciple to finish what he had to say. 一 *t〇 lodge, as if for a night, rcsent- im.nt;， comp •(首 Aim. XII, xii. 2. 一‘ （Utl uut get tu luive tlo- i.c.% was not allowed to net independent Iv. 其貢稅 = 其國所 赋 (takinK 貢 as a verb) 之稅 .源源 ，—‘ the flowing of a stream. * 不及貢 ••有 庵 is a quotation by Mencius from some book th.it is now lost, 'l'hcrc* were rcorular seasons for tlio princes in general to r〇i»iiir to court. iin»l emergencies of ^(»vc,ri»nK.*nt wlik.li n*qnirr(l their presence, but Shun did not wish his bro- ther to wait tor such occasions, but to l>e oitt-n with liim. The? extends over the two claii8cs, which= 不及 貢期而 兄， 不 以政 亊而見 • rt. n. ch. iv. THE WOHIvS OF MKXdUS. 227 as a minister bv liis sovereign, nor treated as a son l)v his fat nor. Sliun stood with his face to the south, and Yaou, at the liend of all the princes, appeared before him at court with his face to the north. Koo-sow also did the same. When Shun saw Koo-sow, his counte- nance became discomposed. Confucius said, At this time, hi u，haf, a perilous condition ims the empire ! Its state, 7〇as indeed unsettled.' — I do not know whether Avhat is here said really took place. v ilencius replied, u No. These are not the words of a superior man. They are the sayings of an uncultivated person of the east of Ts4e. When Yaou avos old, Slum was associated Avith him in the govern- ment. It is said in the Canon of Yaou, 4 After twenty ancl eight years, the Highly Meritorious one deceased. The people acted as if Ch. 4. Explanation of Siicn\s conduct •WITH REFKUENCK TO THE EMPEROR YaOU. AXD his father Koo-sow. I. H^en-k^w Mung 、vns a disciple of Ment.ius. rrhe surname Han- k4ew was derived from a place of that name where his progenitors had resided. The saving which Muug adduces extends to ip.. Two entirely contrary interpretations of it have been given. One is tbut given in the translation. It is the view of Chaou K*e, and is found in the modern Pe-che ( ), or 1 Complete Digest of Annotations on the Four Books.* Most modern commentaries, however, take an opposite view ： — 4 The scholar of complete virtue cannot em- ploy his sovereign as a minister, or treat his father as a son.* This view is preferred by Ju- lie n, wlio styles the other very bad. I am sat- isfied that the other is the correct one. If it were not, why should Meucins condemn tlie sentiment as that of an uninstructed man. 面. follows as a direct exam- ple of the principle announced. Slum was the scholar of complete virtuo? and therefore the emperor Yaou, and his father Koo-so'v, both appeared before him as subjects. 見， ~y\ 了；、 and the remarks of Confucius are to be taken as a protest against the arrangements described in the preceding parr. 南面 ，北 向， 一 see Con. Ana. VI. i. is to be joined as an adj. with 人， and not as a noun with The passage quoted from the Slioo-king is now found in the canon of Shun, and not that of Yaou ;=see II. i., 13. 一 lower 3d tone. 一 upper 2d tone, 4 a year •’ n (upper 2d tone ; see III. Pt. I. iv. 8.) is not in the classic, 、落 ,一 Choo He makes 之土 君不得 而一 ^艾不 得而士 舜南面 而^ 连兀 帥 諸侯比 而而朝 之 瞽 瞍 i it 面而 J 之舜 , |1 瞽晚其 容有感 孔于 曰‘ 於 斯時也 天下 殆哉岌 岌乎 ‘不 識此 語誡然 乎 I 孟‘于 円「 蚤此 非君斤 之言齊 東 野人之 語也 堯老而 舜搨也 堯典曰 ‘ 228 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 王莫得 蒙二矣 > 日> 遏百二 氐非 聞孕 东又民 密姓十 rfu 王命舜 爽亂 無 八如％ 舜土、 矣乏桌 关二音 i 八 旣率 _ 7； 二 F 丢孔考 載> 爲 i 云、 电天諸 舜于毋 L 發 天 之昔堯 I 于 侯屈曰 ，三勳 于濱, 天則矣 。以 爲天年 、乃 矣, 莫之吾 咸鳴天 無四徂 敢非孓 旣丘堯 于二海 落> they were mourning for a father or mother for three years, and up to the borders of the four seas every sound of music was hushed/ Confucius said, 1 There are not two suns in the sky, nor two sove- reigns over the people.* Shun having been emperor, and, moreover, leading on all the princes to observe the three years' mourning for Yaou, there would have been in this case two emperors.,> 2. Heen-kcew Mung said, u On the point of Shuns not treating Yaou as a minister, I have received your instructions. But it is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 Under the whole heaven, Every spot is the sovereign's ground ; To the borders of the land, Every individual is the sovereign's minister ; * 一 and Slum had becoine emperor. I venture to ask how it was that Koo-sow was not one of liis ministers.” J\fencius answered, ^3 = "fj*) ‘toasceud.’ Tlie animus ascends at death, an(l the anima '}^C, 'descends ;* — hence the combination=t dissolution, * 4 decease/ The diet., however, makes 翅 . simply= 往， an(l the phrase^c* vanish away/ 百姓 is the people witliin the imperial domain ; tl»e 四海 denotes tlie rest of the empire, beyond that. Some, liowevei*， approved l.)y the 曰 make 百 姓 = 百 官， ‘ the officers，’ and 四海 ^^all the people； the terms for a deceased father and mother. 三年 ，- for the classic lias 載 • The 八音 ‘eight soiimls，’ 一 are all instruments of music, formed of metal, stone, cord, bamboo, calabash* enrtlienware， leather, or 'vooil. — Tlie meaning is tliat up to the time of Yaou*s decease, Shun was only vice-emperor, and, therefore, Yaou never could have appeared before him in tlie position of a subject. 2. 舜之 不臣堯 is not to be taken with reference to tlu* phraso 召不 得而 g>„tt 。加 pT^ll Ch. IV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 229 尊 民有矣 I 以事 3 也 H 裁 l 孑雲志 ，文我 得非瞽 之孝 漢 是害獨 養是瞍 至> 于 保 之爲齡 、 賢父 之之 莫 之塑詩 得不# 母謂非 乎 莫&周 如龠故 氐勞如 边 ； 矣餘 设 害說 M 私何。 天乎周 黎辭志 、詩 莫全曰 > 下 尊無民 ，而 以者， 非事是 養肩 。遺 靡已意 T、 王而詩 11 That ode is not to he understood in that way : — it speaks of being laboriously engaged in the sovereign's business, so as not to be able to nourish ones parents, as if the author said, 1 This is all the sove- reign s business, anclAM^ is it that I alone am supposed to have abilit)r, and am made to toil in it ? 5 Therefore, those who explain the odes, may not insist on one term so as to do violence to a sentence, nor on a sentence so as to do violence to the general scope. They must try with their thoughts to meet that scope, and then we shall apprehend it. If we simpty take single sentences, there is that in the ode called 4 The Milky Way；— 4 Of the black haired people of the remnant of Chow, There is not half a one left.5 If it had been really as thus expressed, then not an individual of the people of Chow was left. 3. u Of all which a filial son can attain to, there is nothing great- er than his honouring bis parents, And of wliat can be attained to general scope of the prec. par., and especi- ally to Mcncius, explanation. The restricting it to the former, in opposition to the maxim — 以霸^ 害 志, has led to the erroneous view of the whole passage animadverted on above. Muug is now convinced that it was only on Yaou's death that Shun became full emperor, but after that event there still re- mained the relation between him and Koo-sow, and how could he be at once sovereign and son to him ? Ho\r was it that Koo-sow would be at once father and subject to him ? 一 see the Slie-king, II. vi. Ode I. st. 2. 、々英 言 寺’ 一 see the She-kiDg, III. iii. Ode IV. st. 3. — 4 the scope,5 t.e., the mind or aim of the writer, 3. 詩曰， — seetlie She-king. TIL i. Ode IX. st. 3. celebrating the 詩: ZT， 230 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 以有圓 得栗層 律下爲 也 ，天諸 。萬砸 瞽呒思 、養 ，天 孰 下孟章 于瞍祕 孝養于 與與 于曰池 。亦載 思之殳 ‘ 允見 雜至尊 之。 人既堯 曰崖 碭 、以 天 則天天 興 舜于下 之。 有不與 天 ■天 能舜 > 若> 瞽則 > 也之 是隗 此詩至 爲夔 之既也 艾夔 謂丞以 不舞 天 in the honouring one's parents, there is nothing greater than the nourishing them with the whole empire. Koo-sow was the father of the emperor ; — this was the height of honour. Shun nourished him with the 'vhole empire ; — this was the height of nourishing. In this was verified the sentiment in the Book of Poetry, { Ever cherishing filial thoughts, Tliose filial thoughts became an example to after ages' 4. u It is said in the Book of History, u Reverently performing his duties, he waited on Koo-sow, and was full of veneration and awe. Koo-sow also believed him and conformed to virtue/ 一 This is the true case of the scholar of complete virtue not being treated as a son by his father. " Chapter V. 1. Wan Chang said, uWas it the case tliat Yaou gave the empire to Slum ? Mencius said, u No. The emperor caimot give the empire to another.” 2. “Yes; — but Shun had the empire. Who gave it to him ? '* “ Heaven gave it to him，” was t.lie answer. praises of king Woo. 一 This par. shows that Slain, by liis exaltation, honoured his father only the more exceedingly. lie was the more ‘a soil’ to Koo-sow. 4. 円， 一 see the Shoo-king, II. ii. 15. 7^ (read chae) (the classic has 十栗 )， 一 this seems to be a supplement by Mencius, us if he said, * There is indeed a meaning in tluit saying that a sdio- lar of complete virtue cannot be treated as a eon by liis lather, for in tlie case of Shun ami Koo-sow we see that the father was affected by the son, anti not the son by the father.* Cii. 5. How Shun got the emi*iuk by tub gift of IIkaven. Vox Populi vox Dei. 1* J — see I. Pt. II. ii”= 有 之 乎. 2. ffif. — is it not plain tliat by i Heaven * in this chapter we are to understand God ? Many commentators understand by it 规， 1 reason/ or 4 the truth and fitness of tilings,* saving in the expression 一 姑曰天 in par. 7, whore Ft. It. Ch. V. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 231 天 , 與薦使 諸於者 k 而否 、與 而之人 天侯天 、如 tL 天之 天大 於于能 不之矣 。丕氧 受夫 >讀 與倉 能何 。曰 纟吾靖 之 、昔侯 之人使 艮 以以諄 暴者 1、諸 於天天 行行然 之堯 能侯, 天與于 與與命 於 薦使大 于名能 卷事之 昆舜諸 夫 > 天倉 7K 不 乎。 而知 崔 能能下 ，又 ：£ 之曰 F 3. u 1 Heaven gave it to him ' : — did Heaven confer its appoint- ment on him with specific injuiictions? '* 4. J\fencius replied, “No. Heaven does not speak. It simply showed its will bv his personal conduct, and liis conduct of atfairs.), 5. u i It showed its will by liis personal conduct and his conduct of affairs ' : — how was this ? ,J Mencius’ ans'ver 'vas, “ The empire can present a man to Heaven, but lie cannot make Heaven give that man the empire. A prince can present a m.ui to the emperor, but lie cannot cause the emperor to make that man a ])rince. A great officer can present a man to his prince, but he cannot cause the prince to make that man a great officer. Yaou presented Shun to Heaven, and the people accepted him. Therefore I say, 1 Heaven does not they take it as=^^, ‘fate.’ On this the author : of the 四擎諸 儒輯要 ，‘ A collection of the most important comments of the Learned 。丨丨 the IW Books，’ says 一虛齋 獨以此 一丟 字栺數 w，_ 其餘 天字指 理 t， 大謬此 章天字 以上帝 之 主宰曹 ，理與 數皆在 其中， 4 lleu-chae supposes that in this one case (故丨 日天) the word Heaven means fate. But this is a great error. In this chapter 4 Heaven J signifies the government of God, within which are included both reason and fate.* 3. i 與之者 ，- 者， =as tu wliat. you say.’ 脣享 (up. 2J tone) 0^. — 4 with repetitions.* — The paraphrase in the ^ is : — 4 As to wliat you say. Heaven rjave it to himy did Heaven indeed express its instructions, and commands to him again and again ? If it (lid not do so, where is the ground for what you say ? * 4. — low. 3d tone, 4 conduct,* as opposed to 4 the conduct of affairs.* 7JV Show- ed it,* i.e., its will to give him the empire. The char, takes here the place of . because to would require the use of language, where- as is the simple indication of the will. 5. 百神， 4 tlie hundred J (=all the) 4 spirits/ is explained as 天地山 川之神 ，‘ the 232 THE W011KS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. speak. It simply indicated its will by his personal conduct, and his conduct of affairs.’ ’’ 6. Chang said, 11 1 presume to ask liow it was that Yaon present- ed Shun to Heaven, and Heaven accepted him ; and that he exhibited liim to the people, and the people accepted him.” Mencius replied, u He caused him to preside over the sacrifices, and all the spirits were well pleased with them ; — thus Heaven accepted liim. He caused him to preside over the conduct of affairs, and affairs were well administered, so that the people reposed under him ; — thus the people accepted him. Heaven gave the empire to him. The people gave it to him. Therefore I said, 1 The emperor cannot give the empire to anotlier.5 7. u Shun assisted Yaou in the cfovernment iox tAventy and eiglit years ; — tliis was more than man could have done, and was from spirits of heaven, earth, the mountains, and the rivers/ all spiritual bein^9, real or supposed. In the Shoo-king：, II. i. 6, a distinction is made between the 4 host of spirits,* and 上 帝, 六宗’ _ 山川 , hnt the phrase here is to be taken as inclusive of all. The emperor is 白 jjjjjj , and Shun entered into all the duties of Yaou, evc»n wliile Yaou was nlive. How tlie spirits signified thoir approbation of the sjicrificcB, we are not told. 一 Modern comnien. 心百神 here as exclusive of Heaven and subordiiiate to it, being equivalent to the 鬼神， 4 the energetic operations of Heaven.* But such views were long subsequent to Mon- cins* time. 6. 諸侯 is very plainly in the singular notwithstanding the 諸， =‘one of the princes/ I leare the 一 ‘for- merly/ out of the translation. 一 read 4 to manifest,* i to exhibit.* 7. $|，一 up. 3d tone. 一 up. 2ti tone. — low. 3d tone. In 天地 ，天， it > said, ^leaven means des- tiny/ But why suppose a different meaning of the term ? 2b years wen*, indeed, a lwg tiuic, 民受之 故 of 天不言 以行 r-六 節 ♦ 興事示 之而 E 夹曰 敢問 薦之 於无 而天受 之暴之 於民 而民受 之如何 B: 使 之主裝 而百神 享之是 天 受之使 之主事 而事洽 百 I 安之是 ‘民受 ‘之 也天與 之 人與 之 故 nf 天于 T 能 O 七節 VC 以天 ,T 與人舜 相堯二 ,-t 有八 戴非人 之所能 爲也 I»T. I. ClI. V. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 233 聽也 。兒 中謳舜 、舜> 侯塞不 自 泰過亂 ■謳 認朝之 也> 我誓晃 踐舜屬 獄觐节 _ 民曰之 天故者 ，者名 /於胤 聽> 天于 、于曰 ，不不 不声芸 此視 ，是位 天謳之 之河年 之自 篡焉， 也歌堯 堯之之 謂我也 I 夫堯之 之南肩 也。 民非居 然之于 > 于 /天畢 視 ，天堯 後予 ^ 而而 下舜 天與之 之而之 之諸避 Heaven. After the de.ath of Yaou, when the three years mourning was completed, Shun withdrew irom the son of Yaou to the south of South river. The princes of the empire, however, repairing to court, went not to the son of Yaou, but they went to Shun. Liti- gants went not to the son of Yaou, but they went to Shun. Singers sang not the son of Yaou, but they sang JSliun. Therefore I said, i Heaven gave him the empire' It was after these tilings that he went to the Middle kingdom, and occupied the emperors seat. If he had, before these things^ taken up his residence in the palace of Yaou, and had applied pressure to the son of Yaou, it avouIcI have been an act of usurpation, and not the gift of Heaven. 8. u This sentiment is expressed in the words of The great De- claration,— c Heaven sees according as my people see ; Heaven hears according as my people hear.* '' for Shun to occupy the place of vice-emperor as he (lid, and showed wonderful gifts. I consider that this is an additional illustration of the 《了 above, by which Heaven intimated its will about 8hun. The south of the South river (probably the most southern of the nine streams which Yu opened) would be in tlie present Ho-nan. Thither Shun retired from lv^-chow, the present Shan-se, where Yaou's capital was. For the difference between (ch\xou^ low. 1st tone) and see the Le- ke, I. Pt. II. ii. 11, and notes thereon, 堯 ，之舜 之中國 ，-之 = ■往 tlw vtrb. — see Ana. XII. xiii, but Choo He makes no distinction between the terms here, and explains g 公獄 謂獄不 决而訟 — these two terms must be taken together. is the more general name of the two. The 說文 says that 胃區 is 齊 4 the singing of many together.5 The 义甬 makes to be the several tunes of the singers. 而 = 若，。 r 使. 8. 秦 , — see the Sboo-king, IV. i. Sect, II. 7. 〇0 23i THE WOHKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 於禹 于尤畢 ，於賢 I 德園 箕胤而 從禹天 > 天于衰 I5 山三從 之屬 十與曰 3 章 之 年舜若 舜有子 、否3 專問 陰 之也肩 之七則 石於氏 朝喪 禹崩于 ，年 與然賢 ，人 覲畢薦 之於舜 子池、 W 有 訟 益益後 J 易胤昔 天傳氤 獄避於 T、 城三者 ，與 於至 者々 天及天 年舜賢 、于, 於 7、 之七堯 F 之薦 則有禹 之于 ，年 之之喪 禹與諸 。而 Chapter VI. 1. AVan Chang asked 3/^cm.9 saying, u People say, c When the disposal of the empire came to Yu, his virtue was inferior to that of Yaou and Shun^ and lie transmitted it not to the worthiest but to his son. 9 Was it so? ” Mencius replied, u No ; it Avas not so. When Heaven gave the empire to the worthiest, it was given to the worthiest. When Heaven gave it to the son of the prececlin；/ emperor^ it was given to him. Shun presented Yu to Heaven. Seven teer, years elapsed, and Shun died. When the tliree years mourning was expired, Yu withdrew from the son of Shun to Ynn^-shing. The people of the empire followed him just as after the death of Yaou, instead of following his son, they had followed Shun. Yu presented Yih to Heaven. Seven }rears elapsed, and Yu died. AMieu the three years' mourning Avas expired, Yih withdrew from the soil of Yu to the north of mount lve. rY\\o, princes ^ repairing to court, Ch. 6. How THK TI1UOXK DE9CKNDED FROM Yu TO 1118 80N, AN!) NOT TO HIS MINISTER YlII ； THAT Yll WAS NOT TO IiK C〇NMI)l«：Kl；I) ON THAT ACCOUNT A8 INFERIOR IN VIRTUE TO Ya〇U AND Shun. 1. ^ coming to;* wc must understand, 4 From Yaou and Shun/ or translate somehow as I have done. Some say that fiii are not to be taken with special rcforrnce to Shun and Vu, and to K(e} but it seeing best to do au. A general in- ference mny be drawn as well from the special cjujos. 一 4 was it so ?* i.c., was his virtue inferior, ami liis transmitting the throne to his son a proof that it was so ? 昔； g_，-omi«c(l in translating, as before. Choo He says/ Yan^- shinp and the north of mount Ke were both at tlic foot of the Sun«j mountains, places fit for retirement, within deep valley »*.* By nuniv they arc held tu liavy been tlu; siiiiR* place, and Vr. I. Cn. VI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 235 也之遠 識繼年 石之者 > 益 莫所 其澤禹 多/良 于石而 之能 于於之 施舜也 。議之 敦爲 之民道 濃之丹 啟 而 賢 :^益 於相 梁蘇 曰> 至莫 7； 久之 民堯、 之而吾 者 ▲之 像舜 ，相 久禹 君 命爲背 减离 厭之肖 屬之 也 。而 天益池 廣$ 舜耽于 匹^ 爲也痛 歴能舜 之曰冰 . 夫者 k 非去 年敬也 于吾謳 而天 人久少 、承歴 亦君歌 went not to Yih, but tliev went to K4e. Litigants did not go to Yih, but they went to K^, saying, kHe is the son of our sovereign the singers did not sing Yih, but they sang K4e, saying, 1 He is the son of our sovereign.' 2. u That Tan-choo was not equal to his father^ and Shun's son not equal to him ; that Shun assisted Yaou, and Yu assisted Shun, for many years, conferring benefits on the people for a long time ; that thus the length of time during which Slum, Yu, and Yih, assisted in the government was so different ; and that the sons of the emperors were ■— the one a man of talents and virtue, and the other two inferior to their fathers : 一 all tliis was from Heaven, and what that is a mistake for They were ! certainly near eacli other, and are referred to the could not be produced by man. That which is done without man's doing it is from Heaven. That which happens without man's caus- ing it to happen is from tlie ordinance of Heaven. The son of Shun is not mentioned in the classic. His name was E-Keun j^), and often ap- pears as Sliang Keun, he having been appointed to the principality of Slmng ( j^). I n 才目， the is up. 3d tone. In this par., we liave a longer sentence tlian is commonly found in Chinese composition, the 皆 ^皆 天也， resuming all the previous clauses, which are in district of Tang-fung m the depart- ment of Ho-nan, in Ho-nau. Yih was Yu’s great minister, raised to that dignity, after the death of Kaou-vaou. His merit is attributed to the instructions of his mother. See the Shoo- king, II. iv. was Yu’s S911， who suc- ceeded him on tlie throne. 2. Tan Choo was the son of Yaou ； see the Shoo-king, I. 9. 23G THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 甲刑在 崩沒嫩 天 不叉有 悔 伊四太 尹荔之 有有天 過 ，尹年 ，丁 相伊所 天天下 1 51 自放太 未湯尹 J 龜 怨之 甲立、 以周必 自 於顚外 王么若 世之必 艾、。楓 覆 丙於不 桀以者 •菩 於 三湯二 天有紂 有故舜 榈年 、之年 下> 天者 天伸禹 處太典 仲湯下 。也 U 而 3. u In the case of a private individual obtaining the empire, there must be in him virtue equal to that of Shun or Yu, and more- over there must be the presenting of him to Heaven by the preceding emperor. It Avas on this account that Confucius did not obtain the empire. 4. u When the empire is possessed by natural succession, the em- peror who is displaced by Heaven must be like Kee or Chow. It Avas on this account that Yih, E Yin, and Chow-kung did not obtain the empire. 5. u E Yin assisted Tlang so that he became sovereign over the empire. After the demise of Tcang, Tae-ping having died before he could be appointed emperor, Wae-ping reigned two years, and Chung- j in four. T£ae-kcX was then turning upside down the statutes of T£ang, wlien E Yin placed him in for three years. There T£ae-kci3. repented of his errors, was contrite, and reformed himself. apposition with one another： 一 Tan Clioo’s not being like his father, Shiui's son's not being like _，’&1 •相 去久遠 = 歴年久 iii 之相 去莫之 爲而爲 = 人莫 卜不 〕 爲 之而爲 ，丨 lie _ 爲 i* activc 1 implying the purpose of man, the second is passive ; so, as is indicated by the terms, with 致 _ 至 in the next aentence, 4. E Yin was tlie chief minister of (sec Con. Ana. XII. xxii. (i.)， Cliow-kung or the duke of Chow, the well known assistant of his brotlier, king Woo. 5. touc. 子 ，一 lu、v. Sdtone •太丁 ••••• 四年， 一I have translated here according to Ch.iou Iv^. One of the Chinas gives a dilfereut view : 一 ‘ On the death of T4ang, Wae-ping was only two years old, and Chung-yin was but four, T*ae-keS was somewhat olclcr, and therefore was put on the throne ; * and between this view and the other, Choo He professes himself unable to decide. The tirst view appears to me much the more natural, and is founded moreover on the account in the 4 Historical Records/ though the historie«i have been arranged according to the other, and Tac- k4cil appears as the suedessor of T*iin^. This arrangemcMU of the chronology seems incleod required I>y the statements in the Slioo-kiug, Pr. I. Cn. VI.-VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 237 言圍也 。后孔 項膚歸 t 仁 伊萬 笋章 以問 割曰; 烹人 要有 殷, 于伊天 于尹遷 岚氐 尹下雇 。之義 > 繼唐 之猶周 _ 丨二 其虞 > 於益 公己年 > 義黻 殷之之 | 以 一麗也 。於 不後聽 In T'ung he came to dwell in benevolence and moved towards right- eousness, during those three years, listening to the lessons given to him by E Yin. Then E Yin again returned with him to Po. 6. u Chow-kungs not getting the empire was like the case of Yih and the throne o/Hea, or like that of E \ in and the throne of ^ in. 7. u Confucius said, 4Tcang and Yu resigned the throne to their worthy ministers. The sovereign of Hea and those of \ in and Chow transmitted it to their sons. The principle of righteousness was the same in all the cases' M Chapter VII. 1. Wan Chang asked saying, u People say that E Yin sought an introduction to T^ang by his knowledge of cookery. Was it so ? ” IV. iv., which do not admit of any reign or reigns being interposed between T'ang and Tae- kea. The author of the 四書摭 餘說， proposes the following solution : — * thaou K4e’s view is inadmissible, being inconsistent with the Shoo-king. The scholar Ch^ing^ view is also to be rejected. For how can we suppose that T4ang, dying over a hundred years old, would leave children of two and four years ? And moreover, on this view Chung-yin was the elder brother， and Mencius would have mentioned him first. But there is a solution which meets all the difficulties of the case. First, we as- sume, with the old explanation, that Wae-ping and Chung-jin were both dead, when T;ae-kea succeeded to the throne. Then, with Ch;ing, we take in the sense of 歲 . years of life, and not of reign ； — and the meaning thus comes out, that T^e-ting died before his father, and his brothers Wae-ping and Chung-yin died also, the one at the age of two, and the other of four years.* 刑， — in the sense of laws. 4 Tung was the place where T4ang had been buried, and Po the name of his capital. There is some controversy about the time of T^e-kea^ deten- tion in T^ig, whether the three years are to be reckoned from his accession, or from the con- clusion of the three years of mourning, The * Historical Hecords * sanction the latter view, but the former is generally received, as more in accordance with the Shoo-king. ^ 7. We must understand Confucius’ saying — the second clause of it,— as referring to the first sovereigns of the dynasties mentioned, and 繼， opposed to 禪 ,= 傳， ‘to transmit to,， i.e., their sons, and are Yaou and Shun : see the Shoo-king, I., II. 一 see Ana. III. xxxi. 1, Yu originally, was the 伯， or Baron, of Hea, a district in the pres. dep. of Kae-fung. The one principle of righteous- ness was accordance with the will of Heaven, as expressed in par. 1， 天與 賢則與 賢， 天與子 ，則 與子- Ch. 7. Vindication of E Yin from the CHARGE OF INTRODUCING HIMSELF TO THE SER- xnrv'. mr P.Y AX UNWORTHY ARTIFICE. 1. up. 1st tone,: ppk/ an introduction to. =>J<> 〇r tto nr t.hft favour of. E (伊 is the surname) Yin (尹， the ‘regula- tor/ is the designation) was the chief minister of T;ang. The popular account (found also in the 4 Historical Records *) in the times of 238 TIIE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 樂我然 諸一茆 之道耕 湯> _ 豈曰 ^ 及視 以焉 、於有 舜若我 祕8^ 、也 >天 許 肴諸。 之處何 使以非 下> 其莘 孟^ 道 與甚茆 義之于 献湯 H 人義 顧也既 曰> 湯 ■之 之幣一 也池部 而否, 三中 Jf 聘 介非繫 其樂不 使 由幣之 3 其馬道 _然> 往是 爲囂边 舍半 •舜# 聘 E 囂敢龜 ^瓢 祿 £ _ 2. Mencius replied, uNo, it Avas not so. E Yin was a farmer in the lands of the prince of Sin, delighting in the principles of Yaou and Shun. In any matter contrary to the righteousness which they prescribed, or contrary to their principles, though he had been offered the empire, he would not have regarded it; though there had been yoked for him a thousand teams of horses, he Avould not liave looked at them. In any matter contrary to the righteousness which they prescribed, or contrary to their principles, he would neither have given nor taken a single straw. 3. u T4ang sent persons with presents of silk to intreat him to enter his service. With an air of indifference and self-satisfaction he said, 4 What can I do with those silks Avith which T4jng invites me? Is it not best for me to abide in the cluimieled fields, and so delight myself with the principles of Yaou and Shun ? ? 4. u T^ang thrice sent messengers to invite him. After this, with Mencius was, that E Yin came to Po, in the train of a daughter of the prince of Sin, wlioni T4ang was marrying, carrying his cooking in- struments with him, that by 割烹， ‘cuUing and boiling/ he might recommend liiniself to favour. 2. 有莘 之掛， -EYin'vas a native of Sin, the same territory wliich under the Chow dynjisty was calleil Kill (虢 )， 伽 present Shen-chow of Ilo-nan. It was not far distant from T'un^Vs original scat of 1*6, also in the present ITo-nan. 有莘 = 有莘 * the surname, the prince, holding Sin/ 非其 義也非 其道也 are in apposi- tion, the one explanatory of the other. 祿 一 lit., ‘ emolument him •’ 馬四， 一 1 a team of four horses.’ 介 = 芥， 3 •聘， ‘to ask’， often used for 4 to ask in marriafre ;* here, 4 to ask to be uiinistcn' 4, 改曰叫 ， k Px. I. Ch. VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 239 有 而將後 民若若 若之之 不 誰枓覺 也於使 使中廣 杂 也斯也 、徒吾 备 备 由而 堯思 嗤予, 先身民 君是蟠 舜 天覺天 知裁盔 爲以然 姿 下斯民 覺見堯 堯樂呔 錄之 r 貞:之 後之舜 舜堯曰 4 者 ，民也 先知 .哉 。之 之舜與 若 匹非覺 使天抿 君之我 己 夫予者 先之哉 ，哉肩 /處 ■匹 覺也, 覺生吾 吾吾献 W 婦之手 覺此豈 豈豈畝 the change of resolution displayed in his countenance, he spoke in a different style, — 4 Instead of abiding in the channeled fields and there- b)T deligliting myself with the principles of Yaou and Shun, had I not better make this prince a prince like Yaou or Shun, and this people like the people of Yaou or Shun? Had 1 not better in my own person see these things for myself? 5. u L Heavens plan in the production of mankind is this : — that they who are first informed should instruct those who are later in being informed, and they who first apprehend principles should in- struct those who are slower to do so. I am one of Heaven^ people 、vho liave first apprehended ; — I will take these principles and in- struct this people in them. If I do not instruct them, who will do so ? ’ 6. u He thought that among all the people of tlie empire, even the private men and women, if there were any who did not enjoy spoken by E Yin. The meaning of c to apprehend,* 6 to understand/ is an advance on that of simply 4 to know.* The student will observe also that it is used actively three times, =4 to instruct.* In 生 此民， the 此 民， ‘ this people, ’=s mankind.’ 6. 內，一 read as, aud=^^. 1^,— read shwuf/, up. 2d ‘ changed his plan， and said,’ or it ~ 日 , * changed his words, and said/ 君"， 4 a prince of，=like to, \ aou and Shun.* I do not see exactly the force w 於吾身 in the last sentence, and have theretore simply translated the phrase literally. 5. This par. is to be understood as 240 THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 造未矣 。或 攻聞吾 S 去 自 以聞或 牧 1 芩不 宮、 M、 以去、 朕也 。堯歸 載伊 _ 潔 直 訓之其 璧。 El, 道奐 誅湯 > A 聖 者夏重 人 也救如 之况民 。此 k 栉辱吾 Ml 不 己未就 同 以聞湯 或大己 言备 遠 下而之 或 者正以 近乎 、人伐 內 之 溝 中, 其 自 任 以 天 下 艺 such benefits as Yaou and Shun conferred, it "was as if he himself pushed them into a ditch. He took upon liimself the heavy charge of the empire in this way, and therefore he went to T4ang, and pressed upon him the subject of attacking Hea and saving tlie people. 7. u I have not heard of one avIio bent liimself, and at the same time made others straight ; — how much less could one disgrace him- self, and thereby rectify the whole empire ? The actions of the sages have been different. Some have kept remote from court, and some have drawn near to them ; some have left their offices, and some have not done so : — that to which those different courses all turn is sim- ply the keeping of their persons pure. 8. 11 1 have heard that E Yin sought an introduction to T4ang by the doctrines of Yaou and Shun. I have not heard that he did so by his knowledge of cookery. 9. u In the ‘ Instructions of E，’ it is said, 1 Heaven destroying Kiie commenced attacking liim in the palace of Mull. I commenced in Pu.1 " tone, 4 to advise,* c to persuado.* 說 之以， 4 advised him about/ 7. Comp.III.Pt.il. i. 1, 5. 4 if we seek where they came to, where they centered.* 8. — as in par. 1. 9. See the Shoo-king, IV. iv. 2, but the classic iind this text arc so (liflbrent that mauy buppusc Mend us to quote i'roui 8〇me form of the book referred to whicli Con- fucius disallowed. The meaning is that atrocities in his palace in Muh led Heaven to destroy liim, while E Yin, in accordance with tlie will of Heaven, advised Tkang in 1*5 ta take action against him. 选 ami 載， 始，、 to begin.* I^r. I. Cn. VIII. THE WOHKS OF MKNCIUS. 241 得> 于于 曰之顔 也環名 s 既進路 孔妻 > 譬好 有主萬 s 有 髟以于 兄乱事 諸癰章 命禮 > 吿1 主弟 彌者乎 。痕問 W 遜 孔我、 iL 手爲圭 於曰、 主以于 衞彌之 之于齊 _ 癰義 手妻池 。包 主謂 疽得有 可謂與 於^否 J 寺孔 與之命 .得 于子衞 3 人于 待不孔 也。 路路主 然瘠於 Chapter A III. 1. Wan Chang asked i)Av?c?'?w, saying, “Some say that Confucius, Avhen lie was in Wei, lived with the ulcer-doctor, and when he was in Ts4e, with tlie attendant, Tseih Hwan ; — was it so?” ]\[encius replied, u No ; it was not so. Those are the inven- tions of men fond of strange tilings. 2. u When he was in Wei, lie lived with Yen Ch^w-yew. The wives of the officer j\[e and Tsze-loo were sisters, and Me told Tsze- loo, 4 If Confucius will lodge with me, he may attain to the dignity of a high noble of Wei.5 Tsze-loo informed Confucius of this, and lie said, 1 That is as ordered bt/ Heaven' Confucius went into office according to propriety, and retired from it according to right- eousness. In regard to his obtaining office or not obtaining it, he said, 4 That is as ordered.' But if he had lodged with the attendant Ch. 8. Vindication of Coxfucius from THE CHARGE OF LODGING WITH UNWOKTHV CHARACTERS. L 擁，— ‘ a SWelling，’ ‘ an ulcer/ and (read tsleu^ ui>per 1st tone,) 4 a deep-seated ulcer.* Choo He, after Cliaou K;e, takes the two terms, as in the translation. Some, however, take the cliaracters as a maifs name， called also 雍渠 ，雍維 , and 雍 金隹 • Tlicy are probably right. The ‘ Historical Record a* make 雍渠 to have been the eunuch in attendance on the duke of Wei, when he rode through the market place, with the duch- ess, followed by the sage, — to his great disgust. j 寺 i the eunuch.1 Eunuchs were euiploycd during the Chow dynasty. Both the men referred to were unworthy favourites of their respective princes, (up. 3d tone) 事 一 ‘one wlio is fond of raising trouble,’ and in a lighter sense, as here. 4 one who is fond of saying, and doing, strange things.* H 4 lodged in his house,* lit., i hosted him.’ In par. 4, 以其所 爲主， ‘ by those of whom they are hosts ;* 以其 所主， those whom they host,* i.e., make their hosts. 2. Yen Ch^w-yew, called also was a worthy officer of Wei. One account has it, that he was brother to Tsze-loo's wife, but this is probably incorrect. Me, with the 31 242 TIIE WORKS or MI：NC1US. BOOK V. 自 園與以 近貞宋 p 鼠于人 鬻萬 s 侍其 h 节是 將不瘠 於章人 成以爲 0 氣要也 環> 秦問 瘠主, 其陳孔 而於是 養曰 若 所侯于 殺魯無 鮏 或何孔 爲周當 之衞屬 者 以于主 、臣 。阪 微遭無 五 百盔主 觀吾往 服宋命 羊里 孔癰遠 聞司而 桓也。 之奚斤 。疽> 叵觀城 過司孔 _ Tseih Hwan, that would neither have been according to righteous- ness, nor any ordering of Heaven. 3. uAVlien ^.'onfiicius, being dissatisfied in Loo and AVei, had left those States^ he met Avith the attempt of Hwan, the Master of the horse, of Sung, to intercept and kill liim. At that time, tliough lie 'was in circumstances of distress, he lodged with tlie city-niaster Cliin^, who was then a minister of Chow, the prince of Ch4in. 4. “I have heard that the characters of ministers about court may be discerned from those whom they entertain, and those of stranger officers, from those with whom they lodge. If Confucius had lodged with the ulcer-doctor, and with the attendant Tseih Hwan, how could he have been Confucius? Chaptkr IX. 1. Wan Chang asked Mencius^ u Some sav that Pih-le He sold himself to a cattle-keeper of Ts4in, lor the skins of name Ilea, (I^)» was an unworthy favourite of the duke Ling. ?». Comp. Con. Ana. VII. xxii ; Hwan is tlie Hwan T4uy there, upper 1st tone, 4 to intercept •’ 4 散 月艮， — clothes, * i.e,y the dress of a common man. 4 the Pure,* is the honorary epithet of the officer wlio wa« Confucius, host, m was the proper name of the prince of Cli‘in， 'vitli whom indeed the independence of the State terminated. Ching, it i« said, after- wards became ‘ in Sung, jm(l was known ah sucli ; 一 hence lie is so staled litM'e >it au earlier period uf liia life. 4. and lu're have a different application from what belongs them in the last chapter, par. 7. ClI. VrIN DICATION OF PlII-LE II E FROM TUB CIIAUGK OF SKLLING 1I1MSKLF AS A STBI* TO ms advancement. 1. Pih-le He was chief minister to tlic duke Mali (>J®= 4 the diffuser of virtue, and niaintaiiuT of into^rity*), n.r. (>59 一 (520. His history will ho found intor〇8t- in.y：ly detailed in the 2oth and some subsequent Hooks of the 4 History of the Divided States/ [i4c] though the incitlents tliori? are, some of them, different fVom Mencius* statements about liim. With ivu：ard to that in this par., it i.^ not easy to undcrstaml tlu* p〇|»iil；ir iiccoinit. rclcrrcd to. The account iu the *lli»toi'icul Pt. T. Tii. IX. THE WORKS OT MEN〇nTS. 243 five sheep, and fed liis oxen, in order to find an introduction to the duke Mull of Ts'in ; — is this the case? ^Mencius said, u No ; it was not so. This story was invented by men fond of strange things. 2. 4 可之 乎 。不成 賢天乎 >也 知謂將 氳其 而下、 相而穆 不亡, 而君， 能可秦 > 相 公智而 wise ? Knowing that the duke of Yu would be ruined, and leaving him before that event, he cannot be said not to have been wise. Being then advanced in Ts4in, he knew that the duke Mull was one with whom he would enjoy a field for action, and became minister to him ; — - could he, acting thus, be said not to be wise ? Having become chief minister of Ts‘in, he made his prince distinguished throughout the empire, and worthy of being handed down to future ages ; — could he have done this, if he had not been a man of talents and virtue ? As to selling himself in order to accomplish all the aims of his prince, even a villager who had a regard for himself would not do such a tiling, and shall we say that a man of talents and virtue did it ? jjl. — this may have been prudent, but I strance, while he remained himself to be with the was not honourable. It is contrary to other duke in the evil day which lie saw approaching. Rccoxmts ol He's conduct. He is said to have ^ urged Che-kle to leave Yu after his remon- I 黨 are to be taken together. Pt. II. Cii. I. TI1E WORKS OF MENCIUS. 245 BOOK Y. WAN CHANG. PART II. 伯濱 > 炭 窳所則 事名； 夷以也 如止退 居耳孟 5 萬 之 待當以 不橫其 不于章 風 天紂朝 忍政民 聽氐章 者 > 下之衣 居之不 惡伯匍 頑之 時扁也 、所使 ，甍夷 ，下 夫淸 居冠思 flV 冶非目 廉池及 坐與凝 則其不 懦故) ’i 於鄕民 進君視 夫聞之 塗人之 亂不惡 Chapter I. 1. ^ J\[encius said, u Pih-e would not allow liis eyes to look on a bad sight, nor his ears to listen to a bad sound. He would not serve a prince whom he did not approve, nor command a people whom he did not esteem. In a time of good government he took office, and on the occurrence of confusion he retired. He could not bear to dwell either in a court from which a lawless govern- ment emanated, or among lawless people. He considered his being in the same place with a villager, as if he Avere to sit amid mud and coals with his court robes and court cap. In the time of Chow he dwelt on the shores of the North sea, Avaiting the purification of the empire. Therefore when men now hear the character of Pih-e, the corrupt become pure, and the Aveak acquire determination. people stop.’ is properly ' stupid,' ' obsti- nate,1 but here as opposed to we must take it in tlie sense of ‘ corrupt..’ Julien, indeed, takes 廉 in the sense of 4 habere vim discernendu But it is better to retain its proper signif., and to Alter that of ''.ith the gloss in the 備盲 %— Cn. 1. How Confucius differed from and WAS SUPERIOR TO ALL OTHER SAGES. 1. Comp. II. Pt. I. ii. 22, and ix ; IV, Pt. I. xiii. 1. 橫政 之所出 , 一 4 the place whence per- verse government issues；5 t.e., a court. 民 之所止 • — 4 the place where perverse 24G TUT： WORKS OF ^IENCIUS. BOOK V. 其 汙任澤 艮將覺 斯非有 道尤 ，以者 k 匹以後 民民上 遺不天 若夫此 覺池、 治志。 佚 辭下己 匹道予 J 吏亦伊 ^ 而小 之椎婦 ，覺 天先進 ，尹 不官, 重而有 此民知 亂曰、 怨> 進也 。內 不民之 覺亦何 阨不 柳笔 興也上 後進鼻 窮隱 下溝滅 思覺知 k 曰》 非 而賢邁 ，吶 堯天者 使天君 > 不必 T、 其 舜下也 先之何 徹 以 i 自之 之孕 覺生楗 2. 11 E Yin said, 4 Whom may I not serve? My serving him makes him my sovereign. What people may I not command ? j\Iy commanding them makes them my people.5 In a time of good govern- ment he took office, and when confusion prevailed, he also took office. He said, 1 Heaven's plan in the production of mankind is this : — that they who are first informed should instruct those who are later in being informed, and they who first apprehend principles should instruct those who are slower in doing so. I am the one ot Heaven's people who has first apprehended ; — I will take these prin- ciples and instruct the people in them.' He thought that among all the people of the empire, even the common men and women, if there were any who did not share in the enjojnnent of such benefits as Yaou and Shun conferred, it was as if he himself pushed them into a ditch ; — for he took upon liiinself the heavy charge of the empire. 3. u Hwuy of Lew-liea was not ashamed to serve an impure prince, nor did he think it Ioav to be an inferior officer. When advanced to einployinent, he did not conceal his virtue, but made it a point to 頑夫無 知覺， 必貪味 It 利故 與廉反 • 2. Coinp. II. Pt. I. ii. 22 ; and V. Pt. I. vii. 5, G, Obs. that here instead of 不被. •_ •澤者 • 、ve have 有不 與被… • 澤者 ,=‘if tllCJH； we re any who did not lmvo ]>art in the enjoyment,* &c. 3. Cora. II. Pt. I. ix. 2. The clause 與鄕人 云云， wliicli is wanting there, makes tlie 故曰 that place more plaiu. 袓 (tu have Uic Pi. II. Cii. I. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 247 淸仕 > 而之魯 >敦 。柳 於爾與 者孔 久道曰 、孔 我遙鄕 也于可 也、 遲子 惠狐爾 、人 伊也 ，以可 遲之之 爾我鼠 先 孟續以 咅去風 焉盔由 聖于而 速行齊 >者， 我 、由 之曰 ^ 肩办、 接鄙斑 藤然 任伯可 速>去 淅夫我 租不 者夷 ，以 Pj 艾而寛 U 忍 也 ，聖仕 以母行 ，薄 故裸去 柳之而 久國去 夫聞裎 也> carry out his principles. When dismissed and left Avitliout office, he yet did not munnur. Wlien straitened by poverty, lie yet did not grieve. When throAvn into the company of village people, lie was quite at ease and could not bear to leave them. He had a say- ing, 4 You are you, and I am I. Although you stand by my side with breast and arms bare, or •with your body naked, how can you defile me ? ' Therefore when men now hear the character of Hwuy of Lew-liea, the mean become generous, and the niggardly become libeml. 4. uAYhen Confucius Avas leaving Ts4e, he strained off -with his hand the Avater in wliich liis rice was being rinsed, took the rice, and went away. When lie left Loo, he said, k I ■will set out by and by :* 一 it Avas right lie should leave the country of his parents in this v/ay. AVhen it was proj)er to go away quickly, he did so ; when it ■\v;is proper to delay, he did so ; when it was proper to keep in retire- ment, he did so ; when it was proper to go into office, he did so : — tliis 、vas Confucius.” 5. Mencius said, u Pih-e among the sages was the pure one ; E Yin arms bare,’ and ‘ to put off all the upper garment.' 不架 together, is 1 to have the body Here and in Dar. 1. is expressed naked.* Here and in par. 1, 風 is expressed more nearly by * character,* than by any other English term, or rke,’ 4 the 4. 为 f， — ‘ tc> rinse water iu which rice is washed/ The latter is the sense here. 遲 Y 畢 was the answer given by Con- fucius to Tsze-loo, who Avished to hurry him away. 5. 1 have invented the adjective 4 tiineous * to translate the |}^p here, meaning tliiit Confucius did at every time what the circuuustaiites oi' it rcq.uire射 辦之 也金大 其於 譬事者 、聲成 中; 百則也 > 終也也 韭步 4 終綠 氣 叙 爾之也 、條 理始金 力外 歡理也 k 條聲 也 。也 譬者, 始理而 其則 聖條也 、玉 更力之 理玉振 爾 也事者 > 振乏 为由 I 智之也 . 時下 者惠, 也 。罌 于和 之者 P 胃也、 集孔 大 成 、聖 集之 was tlie one most inclined to take office ; Hwuy of Lew-liea Avas the accommodating one ; and Confucius avus the tiineous one. 6. uIn Confucius Ave have Avhat is called a complete concert. A complete concert is when the large bell proclaims the commencement of the music: and the ringing stone proclaims its close. The metal sound commences the blended harmony of all the instruments, and the wind- ing up with the stone terminates that blended harmony. The com- mencing that harmony is the work of Avisdora. The terminating it is the work of sageness. 7. u As a comparison for wisdom, we may liken it to skill, ami as a comparison for sageness, we inay liken it to strength ; 一 as in the case of shooting at a mark a thousand paces distant. That you reach it is owing to your strcngtli, but that you hit the mark is not owing to your strength.” qualities of all other sages, and displaying them, at the proper time and place. 6. The illustration of Confucius here is from a grand pt»rformance of music, in which all the eight kinds of musical instrumonts arc united. One instrument would make a * small per- formance.* Joined, they make a 集大成 ，‘ a collected great performance,^4 a concert/ 聲， 始 and 終， arc all used as verbs. 條理， 4 diacrimiuatcU rules, * indkaU'b the aeparate music of the various instruments blended to- gether. an(^ are not parts of the concert, but tlie signals of its commence- ment and close, tlie referring to 集大聲 • and SJ. 7. Observe the comma after 由 = 猶- * Tlie other three worthies,* it is observed, * carried one point to an extreme, but Confucius was complete in every tiling. We may compare each of them to one of the sen- s s， l)ut Confucius 、vas tlie prand， oil* of heaven, Ilo>vin^ through all tlie scasous,* lV II. Ch. II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. Chapter IT. 1. Pili-kung E nsked Mencius^ saying, u What was the arrangement of dignities and enioluments detennined by the house of Chow ? '' 2. ]\Ioncius replied, aTlie particulars of that arrangement can- not be learned, for tlie princes, disliking them as injurious to them- selves, have all made away with the records of them. Still I have lenrned the general outline of them. 3. u The emperor constituted one dignity ; the rung one ; the how one ; the rm one ; and the tsze and the nan each one of equal rank : — altogether making five degrees of dignity. Tlie sovereign again constituted one dignity ; the chief minister one; the great officers one ; the scholars of thk first class one ; those of the middle class one ; and those of the lowest class one : — altogether making six degrees of dignity. I JB, have been rendered *duke, marquis, earl, I viscount, and baron,* and also I * * 4 duke, prince, count, marquis, jukI baron.’ but they by no I means severally correspond to those dignities. It is better to retain tlie Chinese designations, I which no doubt were originally meant to indicate certain qualities of those bearing them. 丨 c just, correct, without selfishness.* i taking ! care in the sense of ‘ guarding the bor- ders and importimt places against banditti ; pos- sessed of tlie power to govern.’ j 白 conveys the idea of 4 elder and intelligent, * 4 one capable of presiding over others/ 子 = 孳， ‘ to nourish，’ 4 one wlio genially cherishes the people.* (from 田； 4 field， ’ ami 力， 4 strength,’） ‘mu? Ch. 2. The arrangement of dignities AND EMOLUMENTS ACCORDING TO THE DYNASTY of Ciiow. 1. Pili-kung E was an officer ol the State of Wei. The double surname, 4 Northern-palace/ had probably been given to tlie founder of the family from his residence. 2. Many passages miglit be quoted from tlie Le-ke, the Chow Le, and the Shoo-king, il- lustrating, more or less, the dignities of the em- pire and their emoluments, but it would serve little purpose to do so, after MenciusJ declara- tion that only the general outline of tliein could be ascertained. It is an important fact Avhich lie mentions, that the princes had destroyed up. 2d tone) many of the records before his time. The founder of the Ts^n dynasty hiid had predecessors and patterns. 惡 — up， 3 J tone, ' to hate.' 3. 公侯 ，伯 •子， 圓形 宮錡問 of 周室班 Vi * c 二節 vt 爵祿也 如之何 孟于曰 其訊不 可 得問 也諸侯 惡‘其 害己池 Irn 皆去其 m :# lfa 輕也 嘗尚其 落 o r k VI 也天 于一位 公一位 侯 一仇 伯一： 子男同 一 优凡 五等也 君一优 卿 一侁大 夫一仇 上士一 仇中 士一仇 F 士一 优 250 T11E WORKS OF MI：NCIUS. BOOK V. 4. uTo the emperor there Avas allotted a temtoiy of a thou- sand le square. A Ivung and a How had eacli a hundred le square. A Pili had seventy le, and a Tsze and a Xan hsid each fifty le. The assignments altogether were of four amounts. AVliere the territory did not amount to fifty le, the chief could not have access himself to tlie emperor. His land was attached to some How-ship, and -\vas called a Foo-yung. 5. 4t The chief ministers of the emperor received an amount of territory equal to that of a How ; a great officer received mucli as a I'ih ; and a scholar of the first class as much as a Ts/e or a Xan. In a great State, where the territory was aliumlrcnl lo stjuare, the sovereign had ten times as much income as the chief ministers ; adequate to office an(l liihour •’ The name ot’ k ruler/ * sovereign,5 id applicable to all the dignities enumcriited, and under each of them are tlie secoudary or ministerial (lignitios. 卿 4 one who can illustrate what is good ami right.’ 4 1() support,’ ‘to sustain.’ 一 grciit sustaiiiLT •’ "f-, 一 * a scho- lar,* 4 an officer,* tion of one intrusted with business.* 4. 地 tjl , — tliii means, iicc. to the comm. | 彭絲橫 千里直 千里， 共一百 i 1,0(>U lc in breadth, and 1,000 le 1 in length, making an area of 1,()(K),(M)0 lo.* On ilii、 lio*vevcr’ the 1’ollmviu 岑 jiuigmt.iit is givim I 1、'. the editors of tlic imperial eiiition of the five knujs tit* the present dyiuisty : — 'Where wc find , the word square, we are n〇t- to think of an i'\;n*t v^»ju;irc. but simply tliHt, on a cjilrula- livii, lilt aiuuuut ul tu rilor; ladjual to au many square le For instance, we arc told by the minister Tsan that, at the western ca)>ital of Chow, the territory w.ns 800 lo square. The mean- ing is that there were so many scjusires of 100 le. At t!io eastern capital a^ain, the territory wns ()00 le sejuare, or so many stjuarcs of 100 lr. Putting these two toijether, we pet the total of a square of ],riiiccs，'\.eai\;toiii“lcT- staml that, however tlicir form miy：ht be variiMi by the hills ami rivers, their aroa. in rouml num- bers, mnmmted to so much.* Sec in the Le-kc, 111. 1.2, where the text, however, is not at all ]K»rspii*uoiKs. — 4 attached ;* 一 4 nuTi- toriousucss.* These states wqtv too small tobosir the expanses ot* appearing bt'lbre tlie cnijn'ror. amd therefore, tlu* names and surnames of their chii'I's wore sent into court by the great princes to wlioni tlioy were attached^ or perhaps tlioy appcaivd in their train. SSec on Ana. XVI. i. 1. 5 •元 士， • head sdiolai.，， could onl.v be ap- plied to the scholars of the first rlahs in the cinj>cror*» immediute govi*rmiicnt. 份、 民在官 v uulil be rumicrs, cluk&, antJ c 四節 f i 凡六 等天于 之制地 方千 M, 公侯 皆方百 1 伯七十 1 子男五 十里‘ 凡四篆 T, 能五 十里不 達於天 天 附 V* 0 7?. 節 於 1 侯 曰附庸 >天于 之卿受 地視像 大夫 受 地視低 兀 士受地 OH, 節 視于 男大國 地方百 里君十 卿藏 卿祿四 rr. ii. r". ii. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 2；)1 十耕在 中大里 >代 庶中大 m s _ ¥ _ 会 辨 1 國 p 下 市 桌通藏 士, 下 夫、 大 夫 卿也 。官 次请倍 倍 卿國同 祿地祿 祿 大 五足士 夫, 十以與 倍三方 祿 大里, 代庶中 大七足 夫 君其人 夫> 十 以與倍 a cliief minister four times as much as a great officer ; a great of- ficer twice as lmicli as a scholar of the first class; a scholar of the first class twice as lnucli as one of the middle ; a scliolar of the mid- dle class twice as much as one of the lowest; the scholars of the lowest class, and sucli of the common people as were employed about the government offices, had the same emolument ; — as niucli, namely, as was equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields. 7. u In a State of the next order, where the territory was seventy le square, the sovereign had ten times as much revenue as the chief minister ； a chief minister three times as much as a great officer ; a great olficer twice as much as a scholar of the first class ; a scholar of the first class twice as much as one of the middle ; a scholar of the middle class twice as much as one of the lowest ; tlie scholars of the lowest class, and such of the common people as were employed about the government offices, had the same emolument ; — as much, liainelv, as was equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields. 8. u In a small State, where the territory was fifty le square, the sovereign had ten times as much revenue as the chief minister ; a chief minister had twice as much as a great officer ; a great officer twice as mucli as a scholar of the highest class ; a scholar of the liighest class twice as much as one of the middle ; a scholar of the other subordinates, which appear ia the Chow i Le， as 府 ^ 史， and 徒 • Choo He gives I his opinion, that, from the sovereign downwards. I all who had lands received their incomes from them, as cuUivated on the system of nmtuiii aid, while tlie landless scholars and other subordi- nates received according to the iucouie from the 252 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 也挾画 其食人 夫足士 >倍 者廣 >萬磷 六上百 以下上 友不章 以人次 畝代士 其挟間 是下食 百其與 德貴 > 氏爲 食八畝 _ 鹿 也> 不敢差 。五 人之也 。人倍 不秧問 人中糞 ，耕征 庶食上 者官+ A 七農 之暑中 在人 ，夫所 同_ 官 中食獲 ，、倍 暑， 次九一 f 秦 F 可 兄友、 以弟孟 有而于 狹友思 也 。友不 middle class twice as much as one of the lowest ; scholars of the lowest class, and such of the common pe〇j)le as were employed about the government offices, had the same einoluinent ; — as much, namely, as was equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields. 9. uAs to those avIio tilled tlie fields, each husbandman received a hundred mow. Wlien those mow were manured, the best husband- men of the highest class sup])〇rted nine individuals, and those ranking next to them supported eight. The best husbandmen of tlie second class supported seven individuals, and those ranking next to them supported six; 'vvliile husbaiKlmen of the loAvest class only supported five. The salaries of the coimnon people who were employed about the government offices were regulated according to these differences. Chapter III. 1. Wan Chang asked Mencius saying, u I venture to ask q/* fVierulsliip,” Mencius replied, u Friendship should be maintained Avithout any presumption on tlie ground of ones superior age, or station, or the circurmtances of Ids relatives. Friend- ship with a man is fricndsliip with his virtue, and does not admit of assumptions of superiority. land. 9. 食 — read tsze. 差 一 read ts^e, * uneven/ ^different.* Cn. 3. Friendship must have kefekence TO THK VIHTUK OF THE KKIKND. TlIKKE MAY PR NO ASSUMPTION ON THR OI^OlNp OF OWN ADVANTAGES. 、 i •問友 = 問交 up. 2cl tone, having refer- ence to age. 兄弟 * 一 * onc^ brethren, * in the >vijest acceptation uf that term. Observe huw Pr. ii. ch. nr. TIIE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 25.*} 國王則 君惟有 無之焉 、孟 s 之順 師亦百 獻獻矣 ，樂獻 君 長之有 乘子于 獻正于 盔 氣矣之 之之之 于裘百 然 則吾費 家釔家 之牧乘 也 淨於惠 盔則者 與仲之 雖我 顔公然 不也、 此其家 大者 舰曰池 、與此 五三也 , 國也 、則吾 雖之五 人人有 之非 s 友於 小友人 者> 則友 君 惟之手 ii 矣 。者> 友手五 赤小矣 > 思立 ，养也 忘人 2. u There was M 弗與不 疏則之 > 賓帝非 與共餾 食人晋 主> 館王食 关 荬坐苹 是甥公 天位然 羹云公 天 T 之藏也 .終 夫則之 于 貳尊也 、弗 於嘗坐 > 於 而室 ，賢士 與此 不食亥 友亦也 。之 治而飽 > 云唐 匹馨舜 i 尊禾已 蓋則也 、 夫舜 > 尙賢減 矣> 不 食 > 入 There was the cluke Pcing of Tsin with Hae T(ang: — when Tla?u/ told him to come into liis house, lie came; Avhen he told him to be seated, he sat ; Avlien he told him to eat, he ate. There might only be coarse rice and soup of vegetables, but lie always ate his lill, not daring to do otherwise. Here, however, he stopped, and -went no farther. He did not call him to share any of Heaven's places, or to govern any of Heaven^ offices, or to partake of any of Heaven's emoluments. His conduct was but a scholars honouring virtue and talents, not the honouring them proper to a king or a duke. 5. u Shun Avent up to court and saw the emperor, who lodged him as his son-in-laAV in the second palace. The emperor also enjoy- ed there Slum's hospitality. Alternately he was host and guest. Here was the emperor maintaining friendship with a private man. 531. Ilae T4ang was a famous worthy of his State. — 4 enter being said/ — read & 碼 low. 3d tone. The 之 after 平公 and is wanting in many copies. 與其 天位， 云云， would seem to be a complaint that the duke did not share with the Bcliolar his own rank, &c., but the meaning in the translation, which is that given by the commcn. is perhaps the correct one. Rank, station, and revenue, arc said to be Heavcn\s, as intrusted to the sovereign to be conferred on individuals able* to occupy them for the public goud. 5. In this par., Mencius advances another step, and exemplifies tlie highest style of friendship. Clioo He, after Cliaou K^e, ex- plains by I" , as if it were ‘ to go up to,’ to court. 员 E 室 二 畐 H * attached or supplemental palace/ 饗是就 舜宫而 means that he went to Slum's palace, and partook of his food.* The more common meaning of however, is 4 to entertain,* \ 矢 一 the subject is only Yaou. 一 4 made a guest* of Shun, was the host, .矣 ，一‘ made a host * of Shun, was the guest. ri. ii. Cn. in.— iv. THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. 255 辭不 不賜郤 心圍賢 上也。 郤 恭義之 。乙也 。萬 琪敬侧 之故乎 爲孟 章義下 ，下 以弗 而其石 f 問 一謂敬 心郤 後所恭 ，玖 曰池 。之上 郤也 。受取 何恭敢 尊謂 乙曰 s 之之哉 。也 。問 賢之 氏請以 者曰, 曰纟交 貴貴 其無 是義尊 郤際， 貴貴、 取 以盔乎 .者之 何尊用 6. 11 Respect slio'vii by infcM-iors to superiors is called giving to tlie noble the observance due to rank. Respect shown by superiors to inferiors is called giving honour to talents and virtue. The right- ness in each case is the same." Chapter IV. 1. AVan Chang asked Mencius, saying, UI venture to ask wh tit feel in/j of the mind is expressed in the presents of friend- sliip.” Mencius replied, u The feeUnc/ of respect." 2. u How is it,M pursued Chang^ uthat the declining a present is ac- counted disrespectful ? 11 The answer avrs, u When one of lionoural)le rank presents a gift, to say in the mind, 4 Was tlie Avay in which he got this righteous or not ? 1 must know this before I can receive it; ' — tliis is deemed disrespectful, and therefore presents are not declined.” 3. Wan Chang asked again, uAVhen one does not take on him. in so many express -words to refuse the gift, but liaving declined it in 6 •用 = 以‘ fOT •’義 = 事 之宜， i the rightness or propriety of things/ Ch. 4. How Mencius defended the ac- cepting PRESENTS FKOM THE PRINCES, OPPRES- SORS OF THE people. 1. is explained 如接， but that term is not to be taken in the sense of * to receive,* but as a synonym of 】f we distinguish the two words, we may take as=tlie of the last chapter, and 際 , the gift, expressive of the friendsliip. 2. Cliuo lie says liu dues not understand the re- petition of 却之 • It lias probably crept into the text through tlie oversight of a transcriber, unless we suppose, with the that the repetition indicates the firmness and decision ■\vitli which the gift is refused, but the introduc- tion of that element seems out of place. H (referring to 尊者 〉 所 (所以 〕 取 之 ，—曰 is the reflection passing in the mind, as in tlie next par. also. We must suppose as tlie nominative in 以是爲 不恭. & b not tu lx； umkrfetuud oi Wau Chcuig, but 256 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. ins heart, saying, ( It was taken by him unrighteonsl}^ from tlie peo- ple/ and then assigns some other reason for not receiving it ; — is not this a proper course ? " Mencius said, uWhen the donor oiFers it on a ground of reason, and his manner of doing so is according to pro- priety ; — in such a case Confucius would have received it." 4. Wan Chang said, u Here now is one who stops and robs peo- ple outside the gates of the city. He offers his gift on a ground of reason, and does so in a manner according to propriety ; — would the reception of it so acquired by robbery be proper ? " J\Ie:icius replied, u It avouIcI not be proper. In ‘ The Aimomicemerit to it is said, ( When men kill others, and roll over their bodies to take their property, being reckless and fearless of death, among all the people there are none but detest them : 5 — thus, such characters are to be put to deatli, without waiting to give them warning, ^ in receiv- ed this rule from Hea, and Chow received it from Yin. It cannot be as indicating the hesitancy and delicacy of the scholar to wliom a gift is offered. 其 交也， 以 道， 一 H: still referring to 尊者， _ to the deservingnos8 of the scholar, or some- tliing in liis circumstances >vhich ronclers the gift proper and seasonable. Comp. II. Pt. II. iii. 3, 4. The meaning of is determined (contrary to Chaou K'e) by the whicli takes its place in the next par. 4. 國門之 夕 卜一國 IV. rt. II. xxxiii.l. 紐 可 與, — as in last par., adverbially, =lin this case.* 目告 日， — see the Slioo- king, V. x. 15, tlio* the text is somewliat alteroil in the quotation, nnd 閔 and 議 takc th。 place of and =t the sake of/ i.e., to take. 殷… .列 is a passage of wliich the meaning is much disputed. Choo He supposes it a gloss tliat has crept into the text. I have given it what seemed tlie most likely translation. 其受之 - 其_ 諸民之 不 義也 而以 他辭 無受不 可 乎 0; 其交 也以 览 其接也 以覼 斯孔 于受 〇 四節 丨 之矣 萬章曰 ‘ 今有禦 人於" 國 門之外 i 其 交也以 览。 其餽也 以禮斯 可受禦 與 曰 T; 可 。康誥 Of 殺 越人於 覺 閔不畏 死 凡民罔 不識 是 7; 待教而 誅者也 殷受 瓦周受 鼠所不 辭也 於今 Pt. II. Ch. IV. TUB WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 257 獵魯類 謂其作 善諸湓 _ 也至 非教將 何其侯 猶魯 義其之 比說 禮取如 可>人 之查 7、 今也。 際之之 而 獵盡而 晚之曰 於何 况較 AM 而諸于 斯民其 受孔孔 之後侯 以君也 >受 其于 于者誅 而爲子 猶之。 賜亦 之盜之 誅有受 禦_ 乎獵仕 也乎之 王之池 A 曰礮 ,於 充夫乎 ，者敢 苟之 questioned, and to the present day is clearly acknowledged. How can the of ci robber be received? 〇. Chamj said, uThe princes of the present day take from their people just as a robber despoils his victim. Yet if they put a good face of propriety on their gifts, then the superior man receives them. I venture to ask liow you ex]>lain this/' Mencius answered, “Do you think that, if there should arise a truly imperiul sovereign, he Avould collect the ]>rinces of the iJi^sent day, and put them all to death ? Or would he admonish then), and then, on their not chang- ing their ways, put them to death? Indeed, to call every one who takes wliat does not properly belong to him a robber, is pushing a point of resemblance to the utmost, and insisting on the most refined idea of righteousness. AVhen Confucius was in office in Loo, the people struggled together for the game taken in hunting, and he also did the same. If that struggling for the captured game was proper, how much more may the gifts of the princes be received ! party to whom the gift is offered, and tlie fruit of robbery. 5. — as above, Ky Chang alludes to Mencius himself. J： 匕， 一lower 3(ltone， ‘ to take together •’充 类巧 全 義之 I 盡， — 4 filling up a resemblance to the extremity of rifrhteousncss ；* the meaning is ab hi the translation. 1^ (koh) is un- intelligible to Choo He. I have given the not unllkeU7 oxjjlanation of Chaou Kke. But to get rid of the declaration that Confucius himself joined in the stru^glins*, tlie connn. all say it only means that he allowed the custom. 一 The introduction of this yielding on tlie part of Confucius to a vulgar practice is an adroit ma- noeuvre by Mencius, The offence of the people against propriety in struggling for the game, and the offoace of the princes in robbing their people, were things of a different class. Yet o3 258 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 栺 可孔似 以了 、以也 。與 。然 于之 于未行 去四曰 、曰肩 見仕, 有嘗矣 、也 。方 孔事孔 行 有見有 而曰之 于道予 可公 行所： 7 爲食 先也 。之 之 養可終 行之供 簿事仕 仕之 之三而 兆簿正 鼠也、 也仇仕 後也正 。祭 笔非 於於 有淹去 、兆曰 >器^ 偷事 衞季 際也。 是足奚 T、 較道 6. Chang urged, uThen, are we to suppose that when Confucius held office, it Avas not with the view to carry his doctrines into practice?” “ It was with that view,” Mencius replied, and Chang rejoined, u If the practice of his doctrines was his business, what had he to do with that stru^ling for the captured game ? Mencias said, u Confucius first rectified his vessels of sacrifice according to the registers, and did not fill tliem so rectified 'vitli food gathered from every quarter.” u But why did he not go away??, “He Avislied to make a trial of carrying his doctrines into practice. AVhen that trial was sufficient to show they could be practised, and they were still not practised, then lie went away, and thus it was that he never completed in any State n residence of three years. 7. u Confucius took office when he saw that the practice of doctrines was likely ; he took office when liis reception was proper ; lie took oflice when he was supported by the State. In the case of liis relation to Ke Hwan, he took office, seeing that the practice of Mencius* defence of himself in the preceding part of the parajrra])h is ingenious. It shows that he was eminently a practical man, acting on the way of expc»ear that t)»e practice of 獵較， had some connection with the offering of sucrifices, and that Conf. thought that if he only rectified the rules for sacrifice, the prac- tice would fall into disuse. But the whole pas- sage and its bearing on the struggling for g：aniti is ob8Cure. 兆 ，一‘ a prognostic/ ‘an ouien，’ used figuratively. 7. See the 4 Life of Con- fucius,* though it is only here that we have mention of the 6age't connection vith the duke Heaou. Indeed no duke appears in the annalu of Wei with such a posthumous title. Choo He Pt. II. Cn. IV.— V. THE WORKS OF MF.KCILTS. 2：)9 嘗 宜居居 乎妻池 篇衞靈 爲乎 k 嚴最盒 非而孟 碌公, 委 辨辭辭 氣爲有 于么際 吏開富 富爲續 時曰 k 公 Pj 矣 靡居婼 貧也乎 仕肩之 曰 .板貧 ，貧 。者 、而爲 非之仕 會 iL 嗤辭 _ 有貧/ 爲仕也 > 計于乎 尊尊時 娶貧也 。於 his doctrines was likely. With the duke Ling of Wei he took office, because his reception was proper. With the duke Heaou of Wei lie took office, because he was maintained by the State." Chapter V. 1. Mencius said, u Office is not sought on account of poverty, yet there are times ■svlien one seeks office on that account. iMurriage is not entered into for the sake ofbein〇- attended to the ■wife, yet there are times ■when one marries on that account. 2. u He who takes office on account of his poverty must decline an honourable situation and occupy a low one ; he must decline riches and prefer to be poor. 3. u What office will be in harmon)r with this declininfi an lion- ourahle situation, and occupying a low one, this declining riches and preferring to be poor? Such an one as that of guarding the gates, or beating the Avatchmans stick. 4. u Confucius was once keeper of stores, and he then said, cMy calculations must all be rijjht. That is all I have to care about.' supposes that the duke Ch4uh (see Ana. VII. xiv., note) is intended, in which the author of the 四書^ 庶巧余 acquiesces. The text mentions Ke Hwan, and not duke Ting, be- cause the duke and liis govt, were under the control of that nobleman. Ch. 5. How OFFICE MAY BE TAKEN" ON AC- COLXT OF POVERTY, BUT ONLY OX CERTAIN CON- DITIONS. 1. and ^ is as well to translate here abstractly, "office/ and * marriage •’ 一 low. 3d tone, * for/ 4 on ac- count of.* The proper motive for taking office is supposed to be the carrying principles — the truth, and the right 一 into practice, and the pro- per motive for marriage is the begettingof chil- dren, or rather of a son, to continue one s line. iuterrog., but s^rviog as a pause for the voice. 一 low.Sdtone^tliebeingsup- ported/ but we may take it generally, as in tlie translation. 2. 尊， 一 i.e.， 尊位 ，‘ an honourable situation，’ and = 1 emolument.’ 3. .^5, 一 up. 1st tone, 4 how/ i The first as above, and helping the rhythm j of the sentence. 抱關 (going round the barrier-gates, * embracing 1 them, as it were,) 丰斥， are to be taken together, and not as two tilings, or offices; see the Yih-king, Api>. I. Pt. II. ii. 8. 4. In Sze-nia Ts4een\s History of Confucius, for (upper 3d tone) we J have but in a case of this kind the 200 TIIE WORK8 OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 託託敢 諸園填 也上矣^當 矜矜 仏 侯肩 S 不立 矣用而 諸讀諸 何章行 > 乎位 •牛色 & 僥侯也 。曰篇 入卓 幸矣, 非禮失 孟士也 。之 而茁嘗 亂于之 本 言壯盔 wk Jk%% fill He Avas once in charge of the public fields, and he then said, ‘The oxen and sheep must be fat and strong, and superior. That is all I have to care about.* 5. uWhen one is in a low situation, to speak of high matters is a crime. When a scholar stiincU in a prince’s court, and his princi- ples are not carried into pmct.ice, it is a sliaine to liiin.” Chapter VI. 1. Wan Chang said, u What is the reason tliat a scholar does not accept a stated support from a prince? Mencius replied, 44 He does not presume to do so. When a prince loses his State, and then accepts a stated support from another j>rince, this is in accordance with propriety. But for a acholar to uccept such sup- port from any of the princes is not iri accordance with propriet}'." authority of Mencius is to be followed. — read Jcicae) upper 2d tone, ^entrifts in a book.* Annual calculations of accounts aredenonnnated 會， and monthly, g-j-, wlK*n a distinction is 田 made between the terms, g , — up. 3d tone. 乘 (lot 3d tone) 田 = 主苑固 與牧 ^7 , but I don't uudersUnd the use of in this sense. Here Jipjain tlic history has 司職 概) 史 • were the flrat offices Confucius took, before the rleath of his iiiotliei., aiul while they 、vc*ie yet struggling with poverty. 5. 立 *J- (— 之本朝 (chlaouf lower 1st tone), 一 it is difficult to express the force of the 本； ‘to stand in a man's proper court/ i.n., the court of the prince who 1ms calhnl him to o 出 ce, and where he ought to develope aud carry out his principles. It is said that this par. gives the ro.isons why lie who takes ollice for poverty xuuit bo coutcnt with a low ^iluataon aud Maall emolument, but the connection is somewhat difficult to trace The 四_味 裉錄 8；iys : — 4 Why did Cont. contine himself io hav- ing his calculations exact, and his cattle sleek and fat? Because in his humble position he had nothinp： to do with business of the State, and lie would not incur the crime of usurping a higher otflee. If making a pretence of pover- ty, «*i man keep long clinging to office, he stands in liis prince's court, but carries not principles into practice can lie lay his hand on his heart, and not feel, the shaine of making his ofllce ol* none effect? This is true, but it is not necessary that he who takes office because he is poor should continue to occupy it einiply with the desire to pet rich. Ch. 6. Ho'V A BCIIOLAIl MAY NOT BECOME A DliPLNDIiNT BY ACCliFl'INC* PAY WITHOUT OFFICE, A.M> HOW TUU RI:l*E.VTIiD PKKSKNTS Of •入 P1UNCI2 TO A 3CIIOLAK MUST DB 3tADC. 1 士 is liero the scholar, the candidate lor public office and «ho, still unemployed. 不託， depend on/ assure himself of a regular Hup- ))〇rt hy receiving regular pay though not in otfleo. Oa one priace, drivoo from his Static Tr II. Cn. VI. THK WORKS OP MKNCIUN. 乎 。餽 於職池 。不則 之氏章 曰之 、上以 氏敢受 k 於受曰 > 繆則氰 食抱也 。賜 氓之 。君 公受 以於 鹵曰 i I 受 M 之之 > 為上 靡敢則 之之 於孑 不無 栎問 】 、周何 粟 > 手識 恭常舍 其受之 。義則 思 p 丨也 屬皆 不何 曰池 。受 也 ，常曰 卩而有 敢池。 周曰之 亟繼 君賜常 何曰之 君乎。 2. AVan Chang said, li Tf the prince send him a present of jrrain for instance^ does lie accept it? '* u He accepts it," answered Mencim. <40n what principle of rightness does he accept it? '* “Why — the prince ought to assist the people in tlieir necessities." 3. Chwiff pursued, u Why is it that the scholar will thus accept the prince's help, hut will not accept his pay^ " The answer was, u He does not presume to (lo so.” u I venture to ask "why he does not presume to do so." u Even the keepers of the gates, with their watchinetrs sticks, have their regular offices for whicli they can tuke their support from the prince. He who without a regular office should receive the pay of the prince must be deemed disrespectful. 11 4. Chang asked, u If the prince sends a scholar a present, he ac- cepts it. I do not know whether this present may be constantly repeated.” Mencius answered, u There Avas the conduct of the duke finding an assured and regular support with another, see the Le-ke, IX. i. 13. It is only stated there, however, that a prince did not employ another refugee prince as a minister. e know only from Mencius, so fnr as I «am aware, that a prince driven from his own dominions would find maintenance in another StMe, according to a sort of law. 2- 何義 ， 一 4 what is the principle of righteous- ness?* or simply — 4 what is the explanation 〇f?’ 貝罔， ‘t〇 give alms，’ and generally to help the needy. t 民， 一see II. Pt. I. vi. 4_ A scholar not in office is only one of the people. 汰 ‘if he give Mm/ 乙 e.， 賜之 € give him pay.1 This brings out all the meaning that is in 託賜於 上-賜 is passive, or=4 to receive pay.* 不恭 ，‘心 - respectful, , is to be taken in its implication of a want of humility in the scholar, who is only one of the people having no office, and yet is content to take pay. as if lie had 4. 命， 一 read k% up. 3d tone, (below, the same) * fre- quently.’ ^J, c caldron flesh,* i.c., flesh cooked, ^^^peaouy up. 1st tone, * to motion with the hand/ 使者， up. 3d tone. wa8 Tbze-eze^ name. To bow, raising tlie 262 THE WOUKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 受 及君悅 T、 伋曰身 岸問 k 其君于 、賢 能蓋 今比也 、齑 後 命如乎 。擧 > 自而 面標餽 廪將何 >曰 汉是後 稽使鼎 人之 、 斯敢石 豐知首 者肉、 繼 再可間 能無君 再出子 粟 焉謂國 養餽之 拜諸思 语 f 會養倉 i I 犬 tn 关 无 人首矣 。飲 可悅馬 7、 門悦 繼而曰 清 謂賢畜 受之於 Muh to Tsze-sze — He made frequent inquiries after Tsze-sze's healtli, and sent him frequent presents of cooked meat. Tsze-sze was dis- pleased, and at last having motioned to the messenger to go outside the great door, he bowed liis head to the ground with his face to the north, did obeisance twice, and declined the gift, saying, 4 From this time forth I shall know that the prince supports me as a dog or a horse.' And from that time a servant was no more sent with the presents. AVhen a prince professes to be pleased with a man of ta- lents and virtue, and can neither promote him to office, nor support liirn in the projjer way^ can he be said to be pleased with him?" 5. Chang said, u I venture to ask how the sovereign of a State, when lie wishes to support a superior man, must, proceed, that he may be said to do so in the proper way ? " Mencius answered, uAt first, the j)resent must be offered Avitli the princes commission, and the scholar making obeisance twice with his head bowed to the ground will receive it. But after this the store-keeper will continue Jiands to the bent forehead, was called ; lowering the hands in the first place to the ground, and then raising them to the forehead, was called ； bowing the head to the earth was called 稽首. Tsze-sze appears on this occasion to have first performed the most pro- found expression of homage, as if in thn prince's presence, and then to have bowed twice, with liis hands to the ground, in addition. All this he did, outaido the gate, wliigh wai the appro- priate place in the case of declining the jfifts. If they were received, the party performed liia obeisances inside. It is difficult to bring out the meaning of 4 for,* that properly belongs to 一 ^le ^losignation of nn officer or ser- vant of a very low clas9. 5. 以君 ■命將 之 ，—將 = 奉 •哲命 ，— ‘ai 丨丨哪 gcfn>m the prince,* reminding of course the scholur of his obli^ati^Q. 俱僕爾 ，_au adverb， ‘ tli® Pt. II. Cu、 VI •— VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 263 臣 肩園故 献百使 養鼎肉 > 在也 。萬 5 艮献 官其君 .不 野 孟章王 之牛于 于使以 氐于曰 >公 丸羊九 之己君 草 既敢之 後舍男 道僕命 莽在 問尊擧 廪事也 。僕將 之國 7、 賢而 備之肩 囉之 艮曰 。見者 加以二 之菡于 f 市諸也 。諸 養女轸 拜早 pH _ 侯 > 上舜女 舜也以 庶之何 优於焉 > 也非爲 to send grain, and the master of tlie kitchen to send meat, presenting it as if without the prince^ exj^ress commission. Tsze-sze considered that the meat from the prince s cnldron, giving liim the annoyance of constantly doing obeisance, was not the way to support a superior man. 6. u There was Yaoifs conduct to Shun : — He caused his nine sons to serve him, and gave him his two daughters in marriage; lie caused the various officers, oxen and sheep, storehouses and gran- nries, all to be prepared to sup[)〇rt Shun amid the channeled fields, and then he raised him to the most exalted situation. From this we have the expression — * The honouring of virtue and talents proper to a king or a duke/ Chapter VII. 1. AVan Chang said, u I venture to ask what prin- cij)le of righteousness is involved in a scholars not going to see the princes/' Mencius replied, u A scholar residing in the city, is called ka minister of the market-place and well/ and one residing in the country is called L a minister of the grass and plants.5 In both cases lie is a common man, and it is the rule of propriety that common appearance of being troubled/ 6. See Pt. I. i. 3: 二女女 禕， — the second read joo, low. 3d tone. Ch. 7. Why a scholar should decline GOING TO 6EE THE PRINCES, WHEN CALLED B\ them. Comp. III. Pt. II. i. et al. 1. We supply 士 as the* nominative to 見 and other verbs ; Wan Chang evidently intends Mencius himself. ， 一 4 city,* as in cb. iv., par. 4. 一 here as a synonym, in apposition with 草臣 市井草 莽之臣 is difft. from the ^ below. Every individual may be called a THK WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK V. 2S 士 而爲則 也> 之也、 則 之於人 召其 天爲也 J 主石役 >諸 庶 之賢于 其何見 4 往則侯 、人 也 。也 賢爲： T、 見 往禮不 繆 ■召也 。也 義之及 .也 。傳 公吾 ft 氐 哉池 。何 君萬瓚 遍 未偷爲 既且自也 。欲 章爲 见聞况 其爲君 氏見 氐氐 於徵 諸多其 之往之 >庶不 于見 侯聞多 欲役, 召人敢 思層 乎池過 見義之 ，召見 men, who have not presented the introcluctory present and become ministers, should not presume to have interviews with the prince. n 2. AV an Chang said, u If a common man is called to perform any service, he goes and performs it ; — how is it that a scholar, when the prince, wisliing to see him, calls him to his presence, refuses to go? M Mencius replied, u It is right to go and perform the service ; it Avould not be right to go and see the prince.” 3. u AihL?, added Mencius^ u on what account is it that the prince wislies to see the scholar? u Because of his extensive information, or because of his talents and virtue, ^ was the reply, “If because of his extensive infomuitioii，’’ snid Mencius, u such a person is a teacher, and the emperor would not call liim ; — lio'v 】iiuc.h less may any of the p)*inces do so? If because of lus talents mul virtue, then I imvo not heard of any one wishing to see a person with those (jiuilities, atul calling him to liis ]>resence. 4. 44 During the frequent interviews of the duke Muh with Tsze* 佳 , iih bcinp a subject, and bound to serve tlie 8〇vcreipn, and tliis is tlie monninp of tho term in those two phrases. In tlic other case it dc»- notes one 'vho is officially minister.’ 俜. = 通. 符,一 cAe, up. 3d tone ; sec III. l)t. II. iii. 1, and notes. There is a force in the 於， in which it is flifflcult to indicate in another language. ' It is right to go and perform tlie service/ t\e.j it is rijrlit in tlie eoinnion nmii, to perforin service being his IJjjb', or otlicc. And «〇 with the scholar. IIo will go when callod as a scholar should bo cftllod, l)ut only then. 8. The are all low. 3d tone. It must be borne in mind that the conversation is all about a scholar who ia not in office : comp. par. 0. i. 千乘 Pt II. Cii. VII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 2G5 氈旌及 之事臣 悅云思 呒 男不 可 君 ，我也 池序 3、 古 士至召 求者何 豈豈悅 千 石將 基 與也敢 不曰曰 ▲乘 忘殺 靜之 奚與氐 友古之 彘之 .景友 、口 I 宭以之 之國, 其 志公而 以友仇 云人以 元士田 3 與也肩 乎 。有友 孔不招 可我以 于于 言士、 子忘 虞得友 J 氛君 思艮何 奚在人 I 千 則也之 事如。 取 溝以而 乘于我 T、 之于 sze, he one day said to him, 4 Anciently, princes of a thousand chariots lmve yet been on terms of Iriendsliip with scholars; — what do you think of suck an intercourse?' Tsze-sze was displeased, and said, 4 The ancients have said, The scholar should be served : how should tliey have merely said that he should be made a friend of?' When Tsze-sze was thus displeased, did he not sivy within himself, — c With regard to our stations, you are sovereign, and I am subject. How can I presume to be on terms of friendship with my sovereign? With regard to our virtue, you ou^lit to make me your master. How may you be on terms of friendshi[) with me?' Thus, when a prince of a thousand chariots sought, to be on terms of friendship Avitli a scholar, he could not obtain his wish : — how much less could he call him to his presence! 5. u The duke King of Ts^e, once, Avlien lie was hunting, called his forester to him by a flag. The forester would not come, and the duke was going to kill him. With reference to this incident^ Con- fucius saidj 4 The determined officer never forgets that his end may be in a ditch or a stream ; the brave officer never forgets that he 3(1 tone) 之^國 乘之 below， 以 1 responds to 豈. The paraphrase in the =with allhisdigO’ 云乎 = 云爾 ，講 is:— 古乏 人有言 ，人君 丝士， IV. Pt* II. xxiv. 1， 《 the second 乎 also ; 當 師事之 ，豈隹 如君 所晉友 3i TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK. V. may lose his head/ What was it in the forester that Confucius thus approved ? He approved his not going to the cluke^ when summoned by the article which was not appropriate to liiin.” 6. Chang said, u May I ask with what a forester should be sum- moned ?,5 Mencius replied, “With a skin cap. A common man should be summoned with a plain banner ; a scholar zoho has taken with one having dragons embroidered on it; and a great officer, with one having feathers suspended from the top of the staff. 7. “When the forester was summoned with the article appro- priate to the summoning of a great officer, he would have died rather than presume to go. If a comrnou man were summoned with the article appropriate to the suinrnoning of a scholar, how could he presume to go ? How much more may expect this refusal to go, when a man of talents and virtue is summoned in a way which is inappropriate to his character ! 8. u When a prince wishes to see a man of talents and virtue, and does not take the proper course to grt his roish. it is as if he wished 一 right- hirn to enter his palace^ and shut the door against liim. Now, 之云乎 • 5. See III. Pt. II. i. 2. 6. The explanation of the various flags here isfromChoo lie, after the Cliow Le. The Diet, niny be con- sultetl about them. 何以 = 何刚 • 7.A man of talents and virtue ou^ht not to he cal lot! at all. The prince ought to go to him. 8. JV-j 之門 , 一 tliis is another case of a verb followed by tlu? proiioun aiui another olncctivc ; — lit., * shut him the door.* 言寺 一 see the Slic- king, II. v. ()«le IX. st 1. Julicn condemns the translating J^:J 4 the way to Chow/ hut tliat is the mesmin^ of the terms in tlicoclc； and, as tho imporial liighxvay, it is usod to in- dicate figuratively the ^reat way of right- eousness. Jj^j 一 in the ode upper 2d tone. The ode is attributed to an offloer of one of tlic eastern States, mourning over the i /^六 0s i 焉取 非其招 不往 也曰敢 間招 虞人 何以 0: 以皮冠 庶人以 槪士以 脫 大夫以 0七 節 V* 旌以 大夫之 招招 虞人虞 人死 ‘不 敢往 ‘以 士之 招招 庶人库 人豈 敢往龍 况乎 八節 k XI* 欲見賢 人而不 以 其道猶 欲其人 而閉之 門也 夫義 路也禮門也惟君于能由 Pt. II. Ch. VII.— VTII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 2G7 士屈 善園官 孔君履 /道是 天之士 朧于命 小如路 k 下善 斯于而 非召 ，人底 ，出 之士 ，友 謂以與 。不 所其人 善斯一 萬其氏 俟視。 If. 是 士 > 友 鄕章官 孔駕萬 續口鬥 斯一之 氐召于 而章矢 ，也 友國 善一之 當行, 氏君着 天之 i 鄉也。 仕然瓦 于:^ 下善一 之有則 于所周 eousness is the way, and propriety is the door, hut it is only tlie superior man wlio can follow this way, and go out and in by this door. It is said in tlie Book of Poetry, . 4 The Avav to Chow is levrel like a whetstone, And straight as an arrow. The officers tread it, And the lower people see it. 9. Wan Chang said, “When Confucius received the prince's message calling liim, lie Avent Avitliout waitin'*' for his carriage. And O O 7 〇 o so — did Confucius do ''Tong?” Mencius replied, u Confucius was in office, and had its appropriate duties. And moreover, lie was smnmoned on tlie business of his office.” CHArTER VIII. 1. ^lencius said to Wan Chang, u The scholar whose virtue is most distinguished in a village sliall make friends of all the virtuous scholars in the village. The scholar whose virtue is most distinguished tlwoughout a State sliall make friemls of aU virtuous sciiolars of that State. The scholar ^.vhose virtue is most distinguished throughout the empire shall make friends of all the virtuous scholars of the empire. oppressive and exhausting labours whicli were required from tlie people. The * royal highway ’ presents itself to him, formerly crowded by officers hastening to and from the capital, and the people liurrying to tlieir labours, but now toiled slowly and painfully along. 9. See Con. Ana. X. xiii. 4. Ch. 8. The ukalization of the greatest ADVANTAGES OF KKTKNDSHIP, AXI) THAT IT IS XiF.PF.SDF.Nr ox mne's-sllf. 1. * The virtuous scholar of one village, — lie shall make friends of the virtuous scholars of (that) one village 1 : — the first is in the superlative degree, and is not only 4 to be friends with/ bat also 4 to realize the uses of friendship.* The eminence attained hy the indivklual attracts all the others to him, and he lias thus the opportunity of learning from them, which no inflation be* 268 THE WORKS OF MENCItlS. BOOK V. 則有卿 。不 卿圍論 讀未之 易大王 同之齊 琪其足 、善 位 。氣曰 i 問宣 世書、 又士。 王_ 請貴也 。王也 尙职 勃諫 、問戚 王間是 知論友 雜反 貴之曰 、卿 。尙 其古天 變覆 戚槪卿 盖袅乂 之下 乎 之之有 不于也 。可 人之 色 。而卿 。異 _ 既乎 ，頌善 曰级 既姓乎 。王是 其士, 王聽 尤之曰 k 何以詩 ^ 9 “ TATVion q ann 〇1 qt» fipplc t n q f V»ic -fri nti rl cVi 1 nil f Tnrfn 2. 11 When a scholar feels that his friendship with all the virtu- ous scholars of the empire is not sufficient to satisfy himy he proceeds to ascend to consider the men of antiquity. He repeats their poems, and reads their books, and as he does not know what they were as men, to ascertain this, he considers their history. This is to ascend and make friends of the men of antiquity. Chapter IX. 1. The king Seuen of Ts4e asked about the office of chief ministers. Mencius said, u Which chief ministers is your ma- jesty asking about ? " u Are there differences among them ?'' inquired the king. u There are," was the reply. il There are the chiet minis- about the chiet ministers who are nooie ana relatives ot tne prince. Mencius answered, u If the prince have great faults, they ought to remonstrate with him, and if lie do not listen to them after they have done so again and again, they ought to dethrone him.” 2. The king on this looked moved, and changed countenance. cause of his own general superiority prevents Mencius seems to lmve had in his eye the Book they were in their age.— We are hardly to un- tinrtion is made of faults, aa. great or small, ileriitaiul thv poetry ami books Uero generally, wlien tlu* other class uf ministers i» spoken 〇(, Pt. II. Ch. IX. THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 2G9 則之 則既異 然對。 敢悶勿 去 。而 諫尤姓 後王以 、臣 .異 不反有 之請色 以臣也 > 聽> 覆過卿 。問定 玉不王 3. ]\Iencius said, u Let not your Majesty be offended. You asked me, and I dare not answer but according to truth." 4. The king's countenance became composed, and he then beg- ged to ask about chief ministers who were of a ditterent surname J'rom the -prince. Mencius said, u When the prince has faults, they ouglit to remonstrate 'with him, and if he do not listen to them after they have done this again and again, they ought to leave the State.'' 4 Great faults/ are such as endanger the safety of the state. 3» 勿異 , — ‘ don’t think it strauge，’ but=‘ don’t f>e ofl’euded.’ 一 We may not wonder that duke Seuen should have been moved and surprised by the doctrines of Men- cius as announced in this chapter. It is true that the members of the family of which the ruler is the head have the nearest interest in his ruling well, but to teach them that it be- longs to them, in case of his not taking their advice, to proceed to dethrone him, is likely to produce the moat disastrous etiects. Clioo He notices that the able and virtuous relatives of the tyrant Chow were not able to do their duty as here laid down, while Hoh Kwang, a minister of another surname, was able to do it in the case of the king of Ch4ang-yih ( 昌 邑^ 干 )， whom he dethroned. This last event took place, b.c. 73. 270 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. BOOK. VI. KAOU TSZE. PART. I. 而乎 J 生 于爲仁 棬柜国 後 將而能 桮義池 JP 吿 ^ 吿 以戕以 順棬。 猶以也 于 爲 賊盔杞 孟拟人 ‘既章 糖杞桮 柳于杞 性猶牲 , 別 棬輒棬 之呒柳 爲 猶上 Chapter I. 1. The pliilosopher Kaou said, uMans nature is like the ke AvilloAV, and righteousness is like a cup or a bowl. The fashioning benevolence and rigliteousness out of man's nature is like the making cups and bowls from the ke willow/7 2. Mencius replied, u Can you, leaving untouched the nature of the willow, make with it cups and bowls? You must do violence and injury to the willow, before you can make cups and bowls with Kaou, from whom this book is named, is the Bame who is referred to in II. Pt. 1. ii. His name •was Puli-hae a spcculatist of Mcn- cius’ （lay, who is said to have given himself equally to tlie study of the orthodox doctrines «nd tliose of the lieresiarch Mill (III. Pt. I. v. ； Pt. II. ix.) See the 四書; f 庶餘 說，。 n Mencius, vol. I., art. xxix. lie appears from this book to have been much perplexed respect- ing the real cliaracter of lmnian nature in its relations to good and evil. This is tlie principal subject discussed in this Book. For his views of human nature as here developed, Mencius is mainly indebted for his place among the sages of his country. 4 1 11 the first l’art，’ ―心 四書 味根錄 1 he treats first of the nature ； then of the heart ; and tlien of instruction, the whole beinjj analogous to the lessons in the Doctrine of tlie Mean. The second Part continues to treat of tlie same subject, and a r〇8eml)liuice will generally be found between the views of the parties there combated, and those? of tlie schoinr Kaou.* Cii. 1. That rknicvolenc'e ani> KKiiiTKors- KKSS A1U： NO rNNATl KAL PHOni C T OF HUMAN > ah in：, lliere umlorlies the words oi Ivnou liere, says Choo He, the view of the pliilosoplior Seun that liuman nature is _ 性惡) • This is putting the case too strongly. It is un induction from his words, which Kaou would probably liave disallowed. Seun (see tlie prolego- mena^ and Morrison, under char. accounted by many the most distinijuishcd scholar of tlie Confucian school, appears to liave nmintainod positively tliat all good was foreign to the njiture 〇f_;l ■人之 性惡 ，其 善者僞 也， * man^ nature is bad ; his good is artificial/ 1. The 牛已 ami the 棚 J are taken by some as two trees, but it is better to take thorn togetlier, the first char, giving the species of tho other. It is described as 4 growing by the wa- ter-side, like a common willow, the leaf coarso and white, with the veins small and reddish.' 2. j|Jp[, 一 * according with,* i following,* i.c., * leaving untouched/ ‘doing no violence to.’ 妝 M 人-人 = 人 隹， ‘mm、’s * Immunity •’ Kaou had said that man's nnturo oould ho mndt i/tf〇hci\Q\o.\w\ right., and Mrih iu# Pt. I. Cn. I. — II. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 271 東西： r、 則諸 圍仁仁 杨也 > 西 池廣西 東吿 義棬 ，如 無孟啤 、 氣 方于者 k 專 則 將 分手猶 人則曰 .必 率赤狀 於氏水 性東性 > 子 天將賊 上 水之之 流肩之 下戕杞 卞 ? 吾 無無灰 湍言之 < 賊 柳 苹 分分 諸水夫 。人 >人 而 人分於 於西也 k 而以以 性於兔 善方疾 鰌簋爲 it. If you must do violence and injiuy to the willow in order to make cups and bowls with it, on yoiu^ j^inciples yon must in the same Avav do violence and injury to humanity in order to fasliion iroin it benevolence and righteousness ! Your words, alas ! would certainly lead all men on to reckon benevolence and righteousness to be calamities, Chaptkii IT. 1. The philosopher Kaou said, u Mruts nature is like Avater whirling round in a comer. Open a passage for it to the east, and it will flow to the east; open a passage for it to the west, and it will flow to the west. Man’s nature is indifferent to good and evil, just as the water is indifferent to the east and Avest.^ 2 ]\Iencius replied, u Watei* indeed will flow imlifferently to the east or 、'est, but ill it flow in differently up or clown ? The t.en- 9 eposes the error by here substituting for in doing which he is justified by the nature of the action that has to be put forth on the wood of the willow, jjj* 晶仁 — ‘calami- tize benevolence and righteousness.* I take the menning to be as in the translation. If their nature must be hacked and bent to bring those virtues from it, men would certainly account tliem to be calamities. Ch. 2. Man^s nature is not indifferent TO GOOD AND EVIL. ITS PROPER TENDENCY IS to good. That man is indifferent to p：ood and evil, or that the tendencies to these are both blended in liis nature, was tlie doctrine of Yang Heuug 左隹 )， a philos. about the begiiming of our era. We have the following sentence from him : — cIn the nature of man good and evil are mixed. The cultivation of the good in it makes a good man ； the cultivation of tlie evil makes a i)a(l irmn. rriic pnssion-nature iu its movements may be called the horse of good ur evil.’ （ 十 乎全膏 ，楊子 •修身 篇 人 邮 有 善 is the sum of the chapter on Mencius, part. His opponent’s views were wron^. but neither did lie have the wliole tmth. 1. 溫水 is explained in the Diet. 4 water flowing rapidly,* and 1 water rippling over the sand.' Cliaou K{e. followed by Choo He, explains it «ts in the trunslation, which is certainly better adapted to the passage. 2. {言, 一 as an adverb, 4 truly/ 人性之 善，- 272 THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 白 氐圓是 之水缴 夫無之 與 ^生 吿魂。 Pi 2： 而水 > 看善 巧之于 使性行 榑不也 , 然 。謂 I 爲說之 j 〖善 4猶 苔性生 石 其可躍 杀 水 羽也之 善為# 之>無 之 之猶謂 其則在 可有就 白 S 性。 f 生然山 j 差不下 也之孟 s 亦也 > 是渦 下。 I 猶謂于 猶人豈 顙>今 ■人 dency of man^ nature to good is like the tendency of water to flow downwards. There are none but have this tendency to good, ju^t as all water flows downwards. 3. uNow by striking water and causing it to leap up, you may make it go over your forehead, and, by (lamming and leading it, you may force it up a hill ； — but are such movements according to tlie nature of water? It is the force applied wliich causes them. When men are made to do what is not good, their miture is dealt with in this way.,? Chapter III. 1. The philosopher Kaou said, u Life is what is to be understood by nature.” 2. Mencius asked him, u Do you say tliat by nature you mean life, just as yon say that white is wliite?M u Yes, I do,° was the rej)lv. Mencius added, uIs the whiteness of a white feather like tluit of white lit., *tl)e goodness of inai^s nature/ but we must 3. 激 t(> provoke,* ‘ to fret,’ the consequence of a dam. rffl ^"T ^1' — ‘ tlani and walk it,’ />•， by gradually leading it from dam to dam, Choo lie says: — 4 This chapter tells us that the nature is properly good, and if we accord witli it, we shall do notliing which is not good; that it is properly without evil, mul we must violate it tliereforL*, before we can do evil. It shows tliat the na- ture is not properly without a decided charac- ter, so that it may do guod or evil indifferently .* Cn. 3. The nature is not to be confoitsd- EI) WITH Tllli IMIENOMICS'A OF L1FK. I. 4 By says Choo He, 4 is intended that whcrol»y men and animals perceive and move，’ uml tl、e sentiment, he adds, is analogous to that of the Buddhists, who miikc 作用， ‘doing uml usiiifr,' to be the njitvire. We must understand by the term, I think, the phenomena ol* lilt*, and Kjiou's idea led to tlie ridiculous conclusion that wherever tliere were the phenomena of life, the nature ot’ tlie subjceU must he tlie same. At any rate, Mencius here makes liim allow thia. 2, 3. The low. 3d toue, all take m as=* tendency to good stioav, and the whiteness of white snow like that of a wliite gem?,> Kaou acjain said u Yes." 3. u Very wcW," pursued Menchis. u Is tlie nature of a clog like tlie nature of an ox, and tlie nature of an ox like the nature of a man ? ,5 Chapter IV. 1. The philosopher Kaou said, u To enjoy food and delight in colours is nature. Benevolence is intermil and not extermil ; righteousness is external and not internal. 51 2. ]\Iencius asked him, a What is the ground of your saying that benevolence is internal and righteousness external? 5, He replied, u There is a man older than I, and I give honour to liis age. It is not that there is first in me a principle of such reverence to age. It is just as when there is a white man, and I consider him Avliite ; —— according as he is so externally to me. On this account, I pronounce of righteousness that it is external. " interrogative. aiul=4you allow this, I suppose.* 一 We find it difficult to place oursehes in sym- pathy with Kaou in this conversation, or to fol- low Mencius in passing from the second par. to the third. His questions in par. 2 all refer to qualities, and then he jumps to others about the nature. Ch. 4. That the benevolent affections AND THE DISCRIMINATIONS OF WIIAT IS RIGHT ARK EQUALLY INTERNAL. 1. 食色 = 甘 食悦色 • We might suppose that 色 here denoted 4 the appetite of sex.5 But another view is preferred. Thus the commentator Bll ^3 observes ; — *The infant knows to driuk the breast, and to look at fire, which illustrates the 食色性 •’ It is important to j observe that by ig denoted 宜， 4 tlie determining what conduct in reference , to them ig requirerl by men and tilings exter- i nal to ns, and giving it to them.’ Kaou contends , that as we are moTed by our own intern；ii I impulse to food and colours, so we are also I in the exercise of benevolence, but not in that ! of righteousness. 2. — always up. 2cl 丨 tone. In it is the adjective, but in tho other cases it is tlie verb. 非有 長於我 = 非允 有長 之之心 在我 • TUe Pt. i. Cn. iii.-iv. THE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. 273 白 雪之良 白雪之 良猶白 O ‘ Oil 插 玉 k£ 白與曰 ‘然然 ,MIJ 犬之 性猶牛 。之性 牛之他 猶人 之# i 與。 圓斧于 erf ■性也 仁內。 也非外也義外也非內1 ^ 于 曰‘ 何以 謂仁 內義外 也 a 『彼見 而我 長之 非有 廣於 我也猶 彼说 而我白 之‘從 其 白於外 也 故謂之 〇〇 274 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 是楚 爲之乎 。謂 以也也 J、 以人悦 弟曰卩 長異不 無也。 長之者 則吾者 於識以 _ 爲 長> 也 太 弟義長 長異異 悦亦故 愛則乎 ，人 馬於於 者 長謂也 肩長之 之白白 也 吾之是 之之長 長人馬 故 之丸以 秦者與 ^ 之之 謂長 ，長我 人義且 無白白 3. Mencius said, u There is no difference bctAveen our pronouncing of a white horse to be white and our pronouncing a white man to be white. But is there no difference between the regard Avith which we acknowledge the age of an old horse and that Avith which we acknowledge the age of an old man ? And what is it which is call- ed righteousenss ? — the fact of a man's being old ? or the fact of our giving honour to his age? 4. Kaou said, u There is my younger brother ; — I love him. But the younger brother of a man of Ts^in I do not love : that is, the feeling is determined by myself, and tlierefore I say that benevolence is internal. On the other /umcl, I give honour to an old man of Tsloo, and I also give honour to an old man of my own people : that is, the feeling is determined by the age, and therefore I say that righteous- ness is external. second 白 is also a verb. 3 •異 於， at the commencement, have crept by some over- sight into the text. They must be disregarded. 白馬 ，白人 ，長爲 ，長人 ，-白 anJ are the verbs, = the below. 曰 » "ZT 7T1 ‘ and do you say ? &c.,’ but the meaning comes out better by expanding the words a little. Tlie says: — 4 The re- cognition of the wliiteness of a horse is not different from the recognition of the whiteness of a man. 8o indeed it is. But when wc ac- knowledge the age of a horse, wc simply with the mouth pronounce tluit it is old. In acknow- ledging, liowevor, the ajre of a nmn, there is at the same time the reding of respect in the mind. The case is diil'crcat from our rccuguitiou of the age of a horse.* 4. 秦人 ，楚人 = indifferent people, strangers. 以 我爲悦 • 以 一 the mcaning is， n〇 ti〇ubt， aS in the translation, but the use of 悦 in b〇th cases occasions some difficulty. Here apain I may translate from the which at- tempts to bring out the meaning of ： 一 4 1 love my younper brother and do not love the younger brother of a man of T8*in ; tlmt is, the love depends on me. Him witli whom my heart is pleased, I love 心則 愛之 )， and liim with whom my heurt is not pleased, I do not love. But tho revercuce is in both cnscs dctemiiucd by the Pt. I. Cn. IV —V. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 275 此誰 一謂 以圏外 有以之 所先 。歲之 靈孟硬 。然 異外 長氏則 內義季 者 於也。 在先誰 也肩于 也 、耆曰 f 彼> 酌敬 JP 也 。問 然吾耆 果鄉 既 人曰给 則炙秦 在人敬 長行都 耆夫人 外 .所兄 。於 吾于 炙意之 非敬 酌伯敬 亦則炙 > 由在則 兄故何 有亦無 5. Mencius answered him, U0ur enjoyment of meat roasted by a man of Ts4in does not differ from our enjoyment of meat roasted by ourselves. Thus, ivhat you insist on takes place also in the case of such things, and will you say likewise that our enjoyment of a roast is external? ” Chapter V. 1. The disciple rising Ke asked Kung-too, saying, il On what ground is it said that righteousness is internal? 2. lvung-too replied, u We therein act out our feeling of respect, and therefore it is said to be internal.” 3. The other objected^ u Suppose the case of a villager older than your elder brother by one year, to which of them would you show the greater respect ? 51 u To my brother, 5, was the reply. u But for wliich of them would you first pour out wine at a feast t " “For the villager.” Mang Ke argued, u Noio your feeling of reverence rests on the one, and now the honour due to age is rendered to the other ; 一 this is certainly determined by wliat is without, and does not pro- ceed from within.” age. Wherever we meet with age, there we liave the feeling of complacency ( 凡遇長 ,|^)> an #, 是故文 武篮 〖則 民好善 幽厲風 則 o' 二節 k V 民好 暴或 曰有性 善有性 T, 義是故 以堯 盔君 而有 氮以瞽 瞍 /^ 殳而有 1 以 紂爲 兄之 Tk 且以爲 乾 而 Vi C 四節 k 有 微于厭 王于此 干今曰 278 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK YI. 敬仁心 >之 惡 flP 夫 爲于性 乏 也人心 之 |8 爲善 — .善、 扣 羞皆人 心之 不矣 ，乃然 禮惡 有皆人 仏善, 乃若則 也 之之膚 皆人非 所其彼 是么 惻之、 有皆才 謂愾皆 非義 ift 是之 ^有之 善則非 之也 之非恭 之、# U 與。 尤 、恭 心之 潑羞也 。若哎 i 卷 4. 11 And now you say, 1 The nature is good/ Then are all those wrong ? ” 5. Mencius said, 4 呒 亂 者 倍氐也 ，智 懿必 爲民也 。蓰 求我也 德 。有 此之詩 ^而 則固仁 > M 詩秉 呒無得 有義, 民者肩 ，天算 之之禮 I 之其 好生者 ，舍也 > 智> 秉知 是蒸不 則弗非 夷 道懿民 ，能 失思由 也乎 。德 。有盡 之耳外 故 故孔物 其或矣 ，鑠 好有 于有才 相故我 furnished with them. A nd a different view is simply from want of reflection. Hence it is said 4 Seek and you will find them. Neglect and you will lose them.1 Men differ from one another in regard to them ; — some as much again as others, some live times as much, and some to an incalculable amount : — it is because they cannot carry out fully tlieir natural powers. 8. '4 It is said in the Book of Poetry, 1 Heaven in producing mankind, Gave them their various faculties and relations Avith their sjiecijic laws. These are the invariable rules of nature for all to hold, And all love this admirable virtue/ Confucius said, u The maker of this ode knew indeed the principle of our nature ! ' We may thus see that every faculty and relation must have its law, and since there are invariable rules for all to hold, they consequently love this admirable virtue.” as in the translation. 舍 = 捨 UP. Mtone. 或相 倍云云 ，-與 善相去 ，或 一倍 ，云云 • Tliey lose them till they depart from what good, some as far again «s others, &c.9 8. 詩曰， -See the Shoo- king. III. Pt. III. Ode VI. st. i. where we have 添⑶ 蒸， W 彝 夷有 物有 則， 一 4 have things, have laws/ but the things specially intended are our constitution with reference to the world of sense, and the various circles of relationship. The quotation is de- signed specially to illustrate par. 5. but the conclusion drawn is stronger than the statement there. It is said the people actually love up. 3d tone), and are not merely constituted to love, the admirable virtue. 280 TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 不 有時 齊肥皆 也 。暖熟 故 _ 雨矣. 丸 露里隹 同之有 類養 者 > 人亂 舉事則 相之地 同 4 而 心 主 凶圍 淳—着 Ar 歲> 盖5 然乙然 殊于予 而其也 。也 ，弟曰 . 生地今 嗔多富 至虱 夫所暴 > 歲 > 於 樹麴以 非于 曰之麥 > 陷天弟 至昧播 溺之多 之又種 其降親 Chapter VII. 1. Mencius said, uIn good years tlie children of the people are most of them good, while in bad years the most of them abandon themselves to evil. It is not owing to their natural powers conferred by Heaven that they are thus different. The abandonment is owing to the circumstances through which they all〇AV their minds to be ensnared and drowned in evil. 2. u There now is barley. — Let it be soavh and covered up ; the ground being the same, and the time of sowing likewise the same, it grows rapidly up, and when the full time is come, it is all found to he ripe. Although there may be inequalities of produce^ that is owing to the difference of the soil, as rich or poor, to the unequal nourishment afforded by tlie rains and dews, and to the clilferent ways in which man has performed his business in reference to it. 3. uThus all things which are the. same in kind are like to one 練也， mseof 爾 here is peculiar. Moirt ' Cii. 7. All men are the same in mind； — BAGK8 AND OTHERS. It FOLLOWS THAT TIIE NATURE OF ALL MHN, LIKK TUAT OF THK SAGES, IS GOOD. 1 •富歲 ， 一 1 rich years, *= 豐 plentiful years.* 賴 ie given by Clmou K‘ci as=^^*， ‘g()()(, ami ‘ evil.’ Bufc ^^=the Mencian phrase — 自 表奋, ‘ sdf-Jil)an- donment/ and there is tho propor meaning of *to depend on* also in that term. i In rich years, (sons and brothers, i.e., the youn^ wliose cliaractcTK are plastic,) dopend on the plenty and are good.9 Temptations do nut lead them from their natural beat, take it as= 女 口比匕 ， * thus.， Some take it in its proper pronominal meaning as if Mencius in a lively manner turned to tlie yoirn^. 一 * It is not from the powers conferred by Heaven that you are different/ 4 so,* referring specially to the self-abandonment. 2. 麩麥 g。 togethorss* barley,* 播種 • （up. 2d tone, tlie noun), 一 4 sow the seeds.* 一 prop. *a kind of harrow.* 日至， not ‘ tlie solstice，’ but ‘ tlie Jays (t.c., the time, harvest-time^) are conit*.* 會， ‘aU.’ 何獨 ，云; ZT’_ Pt. I. Ch. VII. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 281 another ; 一 why should wre doubt in regard to man, as if he Averc a solitary exception to this? The sage and we are the same in kind. 4. u In accordance with this the scholar Lung said, 1 If a man make hempen sandals without knowing the size of peoples feet, yet I know that he will not make them like baskets/ Sandals are all like one another, because all men's feet are like one another. 5. u So with the mouth and flavours ; — all mouths have the same relishes. Yih-ya only apprehended before me what iny mouth relishes. Suppose that his mouth in its relish for flavours differed from that of other men, as is the case with dogs or horses which are not the same in kind "with us, why should all men be found following Yih- ya in their relishes ? In the matter of tastes the whole empire models itself after Yih-ya; that is, the mouths of all men are like one another. 4 why only come to man and doubt it ? * 4. illustrating, not inferring. So, below ； ex- cept perhaps in the last instance of its use. Of the Lung who is quoted nothing seems to be known. see III. Pt. I. vi. 1. 5 •蓄 = 嗜" 口之於 味有同 耆也， -a 1 The relation of mouths to tastes is that they have the same relishes.* Yih-ya was the cook of the famous duke Hwan of Ts*e (b.c. 684 — 642), a worthless man, but great in his art. H is better translated 4 appre- hended before me,* than 4 was the first to appre- hend,' &c., and only is evidently to be supplied. 如使口 之於味 ，- the 口 here is tQ be understood with reference to Yih-ya. M: 性， 4 its nature,/ t.e., its likings and dislikings in the matter of tastes. 天下 期於易 ‘ to fix a limit，’ or 4 to aim at •’ 似也 何獨 至於人 而疑户 一聖 OW 節 v» 人與我 同肩 者故 龍于曰 K 知足 而盔鼠 我知其 不 爲黃 也屨 之相似 天下 之足同 I 五節 i Vo i D 之於味 有同耆 也易牙 先 得我 U 之所 耆者也 如‘使 D 之於昧 也其性 與人洗 若犬 馬之 與我 不同 類也 則天下 何名皆從易牙之於 ^ 也至 於 M 天下期 於易 无 是天下 282 TIIE WOKKS OF MENCIUS. BOOR VI. 謂同也 D 于都. 耳聲之 理 然有聲 之都天 相天口 也 .乎. 也> 於之下 似下相 義心 美有味 姣墓也 。期似 也之焉 ，同也 ，者 , 7、 辦 於也。 聖 所至聽 有無知 目師惟 ^ 人 同於焉 J 司目 其亦曠 >耳 先然肽 目 奮者姣 牴是亦 得者 > 獨 之焉池 。也 至天齓 我何無 於耳故 M、 於下至 心也 所色 之盱知 于之於 6. u And so also it is with the ear. In tlie matter of sounds, the whole empire models itself after the music-master KSvang; that is? tlie ears of all men are like one another. 7. uAnd so also it is with tlie eye. In tlie case of r.sze-too, there is no man hut Avould recognize tliat lio was beautiful. Any one avIio would not recognize the beauty of Tsze-too must have no eves. 8. u Therefore I sav. — inoutlis aijree in having tlie snine relishes ; their ears n〇'ree in enjoying the same sounds； their eves aj;ree in recognizing; the same henut.y : — shall tli(*ir minds alone l>o 'without that wliicli they similarly ii])|)rove ? A\ lint is it then of 、vhich they similarly approve? It is, I say, the ])rinciples of our nature, and the deterininations of rmiiteousness. fhe sa^es only appi.elieiuled before 】ue that of 、vhi (山川 v ^ other men. Therefore the principles of our nature and the deter- « •惟 耳亦然 ，-惟 is here in the sense of our Imt, from Itotav^ the connrctivo ]>article, tliough it often corresponds to our other but^ a disjunctive, or exceptive, =* only.' _腐. 卿 IV, l*t. I. i. 1. 7. Tsze-loo was the rlosig- nation of Kuiig-sun O (公 孫闕 Wr of C.'liinp： about H.c. 700, (liKtin^uishcd for his Imm u tv. St'〇 his villnny nnd death in the 7tb cliapter ol' the 1 Hibtory ul' ihc several s- 無 所同然 f •- 然 is 1。 he taken as a verl>, 4 to approve.* nicrely indi- nitcs tlie answers t(> tlu， preceding question. It is not so much as say* in the translation. *thc mental constitution/ tlie moral nature, and 義 之门 I , 4 that cnnstilutioii or nature, acting outwardly. foi. •gnibs-lal animals， Pt. I. Ch. VII.— VIII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 283 者 >焉>人 又 之爲其 園猶之 豈 此见從 所美郊 L 所 無豈其 W 溉乎 ，於 于豢同 仁 山濯牧 非是大 艮乙然 義 之濯之 ，無其 國车 悅耳， 芝性 是萌 B I 山我故 々也尽 以蘗 夜斧之 a。 埋 說哉 。爲若 之乏斤 木> 義 其雖 s 夫彼生 所伐嘗 之 所存 嘗濯焉 >息> 之美悦 以乎有 濯牛雨 可矣， 我 放 人材也 ，羊露 以以义 \ mi nations of righteousness are agreeable to my mind, just as the Hesli of grass nml grain-fed animals is agreeable to mv mouth. C ii apt Eli VIII. 1. ^Mencius snid, u The trees of the New moun- tain were once beautiful. Jieing situated, however, in tlie l)〇rders of a largo State, they were hewn down with axes and bills ; — and could they retain their beautv? Still tlirouji'li the activity of tlie vegetative life day and night, and the nourishing iiifiuence of the rain and dew, tliey were not without buds and sprouts springin〇' forth, but tlien came tlie cattle and goats and browsed upon them. To these things is owing the bare and stript appearance of the mountain^ which when people see, the}r think it wtis never finely wooded. But is this tlie nature of the mountnin? 2. uAnd so also o^wliat properly belongs to man; — shall it be said that the mind of any man Avas without benevolence and right- 大國 .可以 爲美乎 uld they be beautiful ?* i.e., ; could tliey retain their beauty V 是其 tJ 夜之 所息， -tlie 是 is diffi- cult; — " there is what the}r grow day and night/ the 畠、 refen’iug’ to the 牛你 J， what we may call ^ vegetative life1/ The use of 、/夢 f 崔 here is peculiar. 材 = 材木， ‘t 謂 ot materials/ fine trees. 2. The connection indicated by ^0, 4 although, 1 may be thus traced: such as sheep and oxen. /^i.=4corn or rice- fed animals/ such as dogs and pigs. Ch. 8. How IT IS THAT THE NATURE PRO- PEKLY GOOD COMKS TO APPEAR AS IF IT AVKRE NOT SO ； —— FROM NOT KECEIVING ITS PROPER NOC- kisiimknt. 1. rrhe New mountain was in the south-east of Ts*e. It is referred to the present district of Lin-tsze ([J^, y'jg) the department of Ts'ing-cliow. 以 其郊於 大國 = 以其 昕生之 郊在于 284 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 以獸 夫遠 嘗矣‘ 有人 才見 焉其 乾禽 是獸 人而 ® 梏其好 I 乏且惡 € 反晝與 不覆 、之人 足 則所相 以 其氮近 存 , 夜有也 則氣梏 者> 其 不亡幾 禽 以芜則 其也其 日且良 夜且心 之 而者、 所伐亦 息之! 菌 平可斧 且以斤 之爲之 氣 、美於 其乎 ‘木 eousness ? The way in which a man loses his proper goodness of mind is like the way in which the trees are denuded by axes and bills. Hewn down day after day, can it — the mind — retain its beauty ? But there is a development of its life day and night, and in the calm air of the morning, just between night and day, the mind feels in a degree those desires and aversions which are proper to humanity, but the feeling is not strong, and it is fettered and destroyed by what takes place during the day. This fettering taking place again and again ; the restorative influence of the night is not sufficient to preserve the proper goodness of the mind ; and when this proves in- sufficient for that purpose, the nature becomes not much different from that of the irrational animals, Avhich when people see, they think that it never had those powers which I assert But does this condition represent the feelings proper to humanit)7 ? ^ Not only is such the case of the New moun- tain. Although we speak of what properly be- longs to man ({ 手 we shall find that the same thing obtains.* The next clause is to be translated in the past tense, the question having reference to a mind or nature, which lias been allowed to run to waste. H ， ‘he，’= ♦a man.* 一 * the good men- tal constitution or nature/ 2p， ‘even,’indi- cates the time Umt Ucs eve^/i/ between the niglit and clay. It is difficult to catch the exact idea conveyed by in this clause, and wliere it occurs below, tlie calm of the air, the correspond- iiigcalniofthespirit’amlthemoralinvigorn- tion from the repose of the night, bcin^ blended in it. The next clause is difficult. Chaou K(e makes it: 一 4 The mind is not far removed in its likings and ( 丨 islikings both upper 3d tone,) from those which are proper to human- ity.* The more common interpretation is that which I lmvc given. ^ ^ -see IV. Tt. II. Pr. I. Ch. VIII.— IX. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 285 E 寒之 不團其 舍 _ 無之 赤 乏物智 叙則 戈物情 罕未 也也。 于惟亡 、消 。不也 矣 , 有一 雖柏； 、出孔 s 氣哉 。 \ 吾能 B 看無之 乂 - f % 故醋 退, 生暴天 或謂無 既失苟 而者之 k 下乎與 。時 k 操其得 寒也 汁易王 莫則養 >其 之吾 日生之 知存 > 無養 k 3. 11 Therefore, if it receive its proper nourislnnent, there is no- thing which Avill not grow. If it lose its proper nourishment, there is nothing which "svill not decay away. 4. u Confucius said, 4 Hold it fast, and it remains -with you. Let it go, and you lose it. Its outgoing and incomino： cannot be defin- ed as to time or place.' It is the mind of which this is said ! 7, Chapter IX. 1. Mencius said, u It is not to be wondered at that the king is not wise ! 2. u Suppose the case of the most easily growing thing in the world ; — if you let it have one days genial heat, and then expose it for ten days to cold, it will not be able to grow. It is but seldom that I have an audience of the king, and when I retire, there come 心1_旦書=0間_ 無物 ，-物 will the mind always be preserved, and every- embraces both things in nature, and the nature where and in all circumstances its manifesta- of man. 4. This is a remark of Confucius for which we are indebted to Mencius. 椅出 A， 云云 , — ‘its outgoings and incomings have no set time； no one knows its dissection.’ 與， low. 1st tone, =‘ is it not?’ or an exclamation. This paragraph is thus ex- panded by Choo He: — Confucius said of the mind, If you hold it fast, it is here ； if you let it yo, it is lost and gone ： so without determinate time is its outgoing and incoming, and also ivithout c/e- terminate place. Mencius quoted his words to illustrate the unfathomableness of the spiritual and intelligent niind, how easy it is to have it or to lose it, and how difficult to preserve and keep it, and how it may not be left unnourished for an instant. Learners ought constantly to be exerting their strength to insure the pure- ness of its spirit, and the settledness of its pas- sion-nature, as iu the calm of the morning, then tions will be those of benevolence and riglit- eousness.’ Ch. 9. Illustrating the last chapter. — How THE KING OF Ts'E^ WANT OF WISDOM WAS OWING TO NEGLECT AND BAD ASSOCIATIONS. 1. is used for ‘ to be perplexed.’ 乎!8 an exclamation. The king is understood to be the king Seuen of Ts‘e ; see I. ii. 2. 一 puK often written dry in the sun, -here = 温， * to warm genially.* 未有， 云云， —the 未， 4 not yet/ 4 never, * puts the general truth as an inference from the past. , — low. 3d tone, keen. Choo He points the last clause — 吾 ，如有 萌焉， 何哉， ‘thcmgli th … may be sprouts of goodness, what can I do V In THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. all those wlio act upon liim like the cold. Ihougli I succeed in bring- ing out some buds of (joodness^ of what avail is it! 3. u Now cliess-pLi\ ing is but a small art, but witliout liis wliole mind bein〇' given, and his will l>cnt to it, a man cannot succeed at it. Chess Ts4cw is the best chess-pla)rer in all the kingdom. Sup- pose that he is teaching two men to play. — The one gives to the subject his whole mind and bends to it all his will, doing nothing l)ut listening to Chess Tscesv. The other, altlioii2；h lie seems to be listening to him, has liis -whole mind running oil a swan wliich lie thinks is a])j)roacliing, and wishes to bend his bow, adjust tlie string to the arrow, and shoot it. Although lie is learning aloni? with the other, he does not come up to him. Wliy ? — because liis intelli- gence is not equal ? Not so.” this way, 吾 ami 何哉 are connected, and there is the intermediate clause between them, whicli is an unusual thing in Chinese. Feeling this difficulty, Chaou Iv;e makes S* tlie nom- inative to j jjjj and interprets, — * Although I wisli to encourage tlie sproutinp： of his goodness, how can I do 8〇 ?v I have followed this con- struction, taking the force of the terms, however, difFercntly. 3. 今夫 (low. 1st tone), "YT 一 the character of chcss-plaving as an art, is that it is a small art/ 奕秋- was the man's name ami he was called C/ 專 ;L 敦士 I 則不 得也弈 枕 通國之 善弈者也使弈秋講二人乘 其一 人專心 敦志 惟弈秋 之 彘 聽 一人 雖聽之 一心以 爲 有鴻 鵠將至 思 援弓繳 尚 射 少 j 雖與 之俱暾 茆若之 宪爲 是其 智茆若 與 ‘ 曰‘ 非然 4, Tt. I. Cii. X. Till.: WORKS OF MKXCIUS. 287 甚 所蕋者 ，生 g 所舍亦 _ 於不所 故亦 可欲憊 fl;5 牛 Jlf 惡不我 得也/ 命所于 則也 。有 盔所兼 .,1 f g, 凡如堪 苟欲舍 亦熊也 > % "nj {虽 於措衡 笙 fe 掌三 _ 以人死 也/欲 而堺 睪荸既 得之 者及有 取欲也 i 欲 生所晶 亦葚義 也 者 H 我於 者二序 f 態 何莫有 所生也 。者 ，我兼 ，拿 k Chapter X. 1. ^rencius said, UI like fish and I also like bears paws. If I cannot liavc the two togetlier, I will let the fish go, and take tlie l)ear,s-paws. So, I like life, ancl I also like righteousness. If I cannot keep the two together, I ^*ill let life go and choose right- eousness. 2. u I like life indeed, but there is that Avliich T like more than life, and tluMvforc% I will not seek to possess it bv perly to get life/ 4 sorrow/ 4 calamity：^ danger of death. It seenls better ； to construe as I have done making govern- | ed by ， tlian to make 患 =a clause y ； itself, and suppose ^ as the object of 辟. 28S THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 得簞皆 者> 甚而不 何於不 則食 眉非於 有用： 死用 死一之 J 蜀生 不也 ，爲者 池> 嘑豆賢 賢者, 爲由也 。則使 爾羹黄 者所也 。是由 胃凡人 W 得能看 惡每則 是可之 與 之勿是 有故可 則以所 之則 喪心甚 所以生 、辟蕊 行屯耳 。也. 於徵辟 而患莫 道茆一 s 人死 有患 、有者 >甚 by which lie could preserve it? If among the things which man dislikes there were nothing wliich he disliked more than death, why- should he not do every thing by which he could avoid danger ? 4. u There are cases when men by a certain course might pre- serve life, and they do not employ it ; when by certain things they might avoid danger, and they will not do them. 5. u Therefore, men have that which they like more than life, and that which they dislike more than death. They are not men of distinguished talents and virtue only who have this mental nature. All men have it ; what belongs to such men is simply that, they do not lose it. 6. u Here are a small basket of rice and a platter of soup, and the case is one in which the getting them will preserve life, and the want of them will be death ; — if they are offered ■with an insulting 4. I translate here differently both from Cliaou K4e and Choo He. They take 由是 tobe=tFrom this righteousness-loving nature so displayed/ as if the par. were merely an inference from the two preceding. I under- etand the par. to be a repetition of tlie two preceding, and introductory to the one whicli follows. Jjlr |{|J *by this course (any particular course) there is life/ 而有 不用， ‘and yet in cases it is not used/ This gives a much easier and more legitimate con- struction. 5. 能 勿喪， (up. 3d tone), — stress must not be laid on the jgfe. simply negative, not prohibitive. 一 low. 3d tone. 曝爾 is explained 础阵 之貌， 1 the appearance of reproachful cla- _r，’ but tue 蹴爾 shows that more than the idea of * appearance/ or demonstration is intended. 行 道之人 = 乞人 x and not simply 4 any ordinary man upon the way,1 as Choo He makes it. 不屑， 8W II- Pt. I. ix. 1. 一 This par. is intended to illustrate ^ 人 皆有之 of the preceding. Even Pt. I. On. X THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 281) 身 死 而 % 受‘ 今 爲 gr 誠 II 今芙 身所焉 > 義人之 爲爲 死識爲 而不人 妻之, 而窮宮 受屑弗 妾鄕不 乏室之 、也 。受 > 之爲受 k 者 之萬萬 ^ 蹴 奉鼻 今得美 纽 爾 爲滅爲 S 妻 M 貝 5 而 之、 而宮與 。妾我 石與 鄹： T、 室鄕 何辨之 > 爲受 > 之爲奉 I 加禮乞 voice, even a tramper will not receive them, or if you first tread upon them, even a beggar will not stoop to take them. 7. u And yet a mail will accept of ten thousand chung, without any consideration of propriety or righteousness. What can the ten thousand chung add to him? When he takes them, is it not that he may obtain beautiful mansions, that lie may secure the services of wives and concubines, or that the poor and needy of liis acquain- tance may be helped by him ? 8. “In the former case the offered bounty Avas not received, tliough it would have saved from death, and now the emolument i 各 taken for the sake of beautiful mansions. The bounty that would have preserved from death Avas not received, and the emolument is taken to get the service of wives and concubines. The bounty that would in the poorest and most distressed of men, the 羞 惡之心 will show itself. 7. 鍾， -see ii. a iii 4 •萬鍾 於我何 — ‘what do they ad(l to me?’ There is here a contrast with the case in the preced. par., which was one of life or death. The large emolument was not an absolute necessity. But aiso there is tlie lofty, and true, idea, that a man's personality is sometliing independent of, and higher than， all external advantages. The meaning is better brought out in English by changing the person from the first to the third. 妻妾 奉，— ‘because of the services of wives aud concubines •’ is plural as well as though according to the law of China there could be only one u'i/e, however many concubines there might be. 月斤 者得我 = 所知 識窮乏 著感我 T 4 that the poor of his acquaintance may be grateful for liis kindness.* A gloss in the ^[EJ 書 味根錄 says : — 4 The thinking of the poor would seem to be a thouglit of kindly feeling, but the true nature of it is shown iu the 哼导 may get me. The idea is not of benevolence, but selfishness.， 8 •雍 j;， up， 3(1 tone，= 向 .爲， （l〇w. 3(1 tone}， 身砰， — 4 lor the body dyinpc/ to save from (lying* 37 290 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. _ 其 不犬心 路国心 。可乏 孟 ^ 放知放 6 而也 。孟 ^ 以者 子心求 。則： T、 舍吁 E 得 艮而 學§知 知其曰 ，乎 、我 今已 問求求 说仁， 此而 有矣 。之之 哀而人 之爲 無 道有哉 。弗心 謂之. 名 無放人 s 由池 、失是 之 他； 、有 放義、 其亦 指， 永 w 其入 % % have saved from death was not received, and the emolument is taken that one’s poor and needy acquaintance may be helped by him. Was it then not possible likewise to decline this? This is a case of what is called — 4 Losing the proper nature of one's mind/ Chapter XL L Mencius said, “ Benevolence is man’s mind, and righteousness is man?s path. 2. u How lamentable is it to neglect the path and not pursue it, to lose this mind and not know to seek it agiiin ! 3. uWhen men^s fowls and dogs are lost, they know to seek for them again, but they lose their mind, and do not know to seek for it. 4. uThe great end of learning is nothing else but to seek for the lost m iuci.” Chapter XIT. 1. Mencius said, u Here is a man rcliose fourtli finger is bent and cannot be stretched out straight. It is not painful, 是亦 不可以 已乎 phatio^this lar«：e emolument, taken for such purposes. — For an example in point to illustrate par. (>, see the Le-ke, II. Pt. II. iii. 17. ClI. 11. HoW M12N HAVING LOST THE PRO- PER QUALITIES ()1， TIlEm NATUltl: MIOTI-I) to uecovek tii km. 1. 4 Benovok'nce is man's mind, or lieart/ it is tlu* jjroper and uni- versal characteristic of man^ nature, as tlie 正義 on Chaou K{e says, — 人人 有之， 4 all niL*n liave it.* 4 JJenevolcncc * would seem to include here all the other moral quali- ties of humanity. Choo lie says 仁者心 Z\t ; yet wu have the usual Mcncian speci- fication of * righteousness } along with it. 4 學問 走:道 ，—造 >切 努 ，… 丨 at wliicli is most important in/ — The ('liinesc sngefl always end vvitli the recovery of 4 the old henrt ;* the idea ot 4 a new heart* is unknown to them. One of the Ch'inp： says : 一 4 The thousand w»>i\l8 imd ten thousand sayings of the s: 听 s and wor- thies are simply designed to l(»:id meu to get liold of their lost minds, and make them npiiu enter their bodies. This acconipliHhed, thoy can push Mieir inquiries upwards, and from tlio lowest studies acquire tin* higliest knowledge.* ClI. 12. How MlfiN AUli SENSIBLE OF HODILV, AN1， NOT <>1， M1:NTAL Oil M〇m” DWECm l 创、 之相 t， …11、 UaUU〜38 filiglT,’ 》>•， Pt. i. Ch. xri.— xin. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 291 之者 ，苟圖 知若指 礎如屈 者 ，至 飲孟 類人不 之有而 1 於 生于也 。則若 路>能 不 M ^^0, % A/M \M in. 身 而皆拱 不不 知把 若知 命之 桐 所以桐 逢屬乏 A 知則 指之非 鼠知之 者廉 此惡 T、 則痛 之之 > 若不害 謂心 人遠事 不不也 。秦也 > nor does it incommode his business, and yet if there be any one who can make it straight, he will not think the way from TsJin to Ts4oo far to go to him ; — because his finger is not like the finger of other people. 2. u When a mans finger is not like those of other people, he knows to feel dissatisfied, but if his mind be not like that of other people, he does not know to feel dissatisfaction. This is called — * Ignorance of the relative importance of t/u'nfjs.'' Chapter XIII. Mencius said, u Anybody who -\vislies to culti- vate the tlung or the tsze, which may be grasped with both handg, perhaps with one, knows by what, means to nourish them. In the case of their own persons, men do not know by what means to nourisli them. Is it to be supposed that their regard of their own persons is inferior to their regard for a tlung or a tsze f Their want of reflection is extreme.” the fourth, reckoning from the thumb as the ! Ch. 13. JMen*s extreme want of thought first. It is so styled, as of less use than the others, and less needing a name. 信， 一read as, and with the meaning of, shin. 遠秦 楚之路 = 雖越 秦楚相 去乏路 ，不以 爲遠， ‘though he should pass over all the way between Ts^in and Ts4oo, he will not think it far/ 2. 知類 ， 一 4 not knowing kinds/ or degrees. 類 =#• IN REGARD TO THE CULTIVATION OF THEMSELVES. The fung and tsze. resemble each other. The latter is called by the Chinese 4 the king of trees，’ and its wood is well adapted for their block-engraving. Of the tlung there are various arnmgeraents, some making three kinds of it, some four, and some seven. The wood of the first kind, or white Vunrj (白 射司） is the best I for making musical instruments like the lute. I Both the Vuntj and the tsze belong jJrobably to the euphorbioe. 至 於身 ，—身 ，‘ the body，’ but here 4 the person/ the whole human being. 丨豈 …哉 = ‘ is it to be supposed V A supple- 292 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 有 爲害矣 。者， 膚寸愛 、圖弗 場小大 L 不之 兼孟嗯 師, 人無有 有養膚 班于甚 舍養以 貴他也 3 愛> 曰池。 其 其賤賤 ，哉 、所 愛則人 梧 大害有 於以 焉識之 欐者貴 、小 己考 則所於 _ 爲養夫 取其無 # 备 其大 其無之 善尺也 、也. g 人 。小 以而石 寸無兼 疏 今绩小 E 善之 尺所 Chapter XIY. 1. Mencius said, u There is no part of himself ■which a man does not love, and as lie loves all, so he must nourish all. There is not an inch of skin which he does not love, and so there is not an inch of skin which lie will not nourish. For examin- ing whether Ms way of nourishing be good or not, what other rule is there but this, that he determine by reflecting on himself where it should be applied ? 2. uSome }>arts of the body are noble, and some ignoble; some great, and some small. The great must not be injured for the small, nor the noble for the ignoble. He who nourishes the little belonging to him is a little man, and he who nourishes the great is a great man. 3. 11 Here is a plantation-keeper, who neglects his iooo and kea, and cultivates his sour wild date- trees; 一 he is a poor plantation-keeper. mentnry note in the 備# says that 1 by nour- ishing the ^ here is intended the ruling of the mind, to nourish our inner man, and paying careful attention to the body, to nourish our outer man/ Cii. 14. The attention oivIsn by men to THE NOURISHMENT OF THE DI IF 10 IU2NT PAUT8 OF THEIR NATURE MUBT HlC REGULATED BV THE BEL ATI VK IMPOHTANCE OF THOSE PAUT8. 1. 身 一 as in the last ch., but with more special reference to the body. 齋 （ 用 厂遥' — ‘Unites what he loves,* i.e.y loves all. 尺 " , — ‘ ft cubit or' an inch/ but the meaning is— the least bit 〇f,= our 4 an inch.* '7r\'jr\, requires to be supplemented a good deal in trauslatin^* The meaning is plain : 一 A man is to determine lor liimself. by reflection on his constitution, what parts aro more important and sliould linve the greater attention paid to them. Compare tho two last parr, of Con. Ana. vi. 28. Milt) He’ 一 i the members of the body,* but the character, like is to be understood with a tacit refe- rence to the mental part of our constitution as well. 3. The (|f}j was an officer under the Chow dynasty, who had the superinten- (lencu of the sovereign’s plant 社 tioiis ami orclmrils. See the Chow Le, XVI. xx. 1. I'lie tvoo and the rr. I. Cn. XIV.-XV. THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. 293 體氏 爲圍盔 之矣/ 疾失則 爲 從大公 S 尺人爲 人其盔 小其 人都 寸無 其也 。肩賤 人大 或 于乏看 養飮# H 曰- 體盔問 膚失小 食而師 _ 爲小曰 k 裁。 也>以 之 太焉。 是 关人韵 則矣 人知会 g 人 人何是 口 大則也 ，其 也 .從 也。 人 跋也 人則一 或其孟 也> 豈飮 s 賤傜棍 從 小于或 適食 之狼而 4. 11 He who nourishes one of his fingers, neglecting his shoul- ders or his back, without knowing that he is doing so, is a man who resembles a hurried wolf. 5. u A man who only eats and drinks is counted mean by others ; 一 because he nourishes what is little to tlie neglect of what is great. 6. u If a man, fond of his eating and drinking, Avere not to neglect what is of more importance^ how should his mouth and belly be con- sidered as no more than an inch of skin ? ,5 Chapter XV. 1. The disciple Ivung-too said, u All are equally men, but some are great men, and some are little men; — liow is this?” Mencius replied, u Those who follow that part of themselves which is great are great men ; those who follow that part which is little are little men.” 2. Kung-too pursued, UA11 are equally men, but some follow Icea are the thing and the tsze of the last chapter. go together， indicating the species, jjijjl is generally used with the general meaning of thorns. But it here indicates a kind of small vild date tree. The date-tree proper is ； this wild tree， 棘， the difft. forms indicating the high tree and tlie low bushy shrub respectively. See the 集證， 4 •矣 = 遺 •痕 一 4 a wolf hurried/ i.c., chased, and so unable to exercise the quick sight for vhich it is famous. 6. The meaning is that the parts considered small and ignoble may have their due share of attention, if the more important parts are first cared for, as they ought to be. Ch. 15. How SOME ARE GREAT MEN, LORDS OF It EASON, AND SOME ARE LITTLE MEN, SLAVES of sense. 1 •釣 =j^， ‘all equally •’ 骨豊, — 4 the members/ but here, more evidently than in the last chapter, it is spoken of our whole constitution， mental as well as physical. 2. ， 一 ‘ the offices of the ears and eyes/ We might suppose that the senses are so stvled, as being conceived to be subject to 294 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 国矣 。能 乎此則 而蔽也 。其 安奪 其天得 巳於曰 ，大 于也上 之之矣 ，物 、耳體 > 曰， 此者、 所不心 物目或 有 爲則 與思之 交之從 天 大其我 則官物 ，官其 爵 人小者 HU 則^小 而者 先得思 ^ Mil 有 E 不立也 ，思 之而何 that part of themselves which is great, and some follow that part which is little ; — ho'v is this ? ’’ Mencius answered, u The senses of hearing and seeing do not think, and are obscured by external things. When one tiling comes into contact with another, as a matter of course it leads it away. To the mind belongs the office of thinking. By thinking, it gets the right vieiv of things ; by neglecting to think, it fails to clo this. These — the senses and tlte mind — are what Heaven has given to us. Let a man first stand fast in the supremacy of the nobler part of his constitution, and the inferior part vill not be able to take it from him. It is simply this which makes the great man.” Chapter XVI. I. Mencius said, 11 There is a nobility of Heaven, the control of the ruling mind. We have below, however, the expression 之 官， and 官 is to be taken in both cases a8= 4 prerogative, * * business/ Chaou K*e and liis glossarist do n〇ttake 耳 目之宫 as the subject of 思 h 不思， but interpret thus: — 4 The senses, if th(»re be not the exercise of thought by the mind, are obscured by external things.* But the view of Clioo He, as in the translation, ia prefer- able. It is very evident how indicates our whole mental constitution. 物交物 ，- the first is the external objects, what is heard and seen ; the second denotes the senses themselves, which are only things. 引之 jflj 一 jifjij a matter of course.* 得之 ，-之 = 事物之 理， ‘the mind apprelienda the true nature of the objects of sense，’ and of course can guard against their deluding influence. 甘 夫者， —‘his what is great/ the nobler part of his constitution t.e., the mind. 一 Kung-too might have gone on to inquire, — ‘ All are equally men. Some stand fast in the nobler part of their c〇D8titution, and some allow its supremacy to be snatched away by the inferior part. IIow is this V and Mencius would have tried to carry the difficulty a step farther back, and after all hare left it where it originally was. Ilis saying that the nature of man is good may be reconciled with tlie doctrines of evangelical Christianity, but his views of humau nature as a whole are open to the tliree objections stated in the note to tlie 21st cb. of the Chung Yung. Cii. 16. There is a nobility that is or IIl:AVEN, AND A NOBILITY TH 入 T 18 OF MAN. TllK NEGLECT OF THE FORMER LEAD8 TO THE LOSS of the latter. 1. is the heart true io itseifi loyal to beuevoleace aud righteousueH. Pt. I. Cu. XVI— XVII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 2：)5 同園 必爵 ，爵之 其夫 3 人 心孟 5 亡則 旣人天 此倦及 也 于而惑 得修爵 、人 此者, 人 之人 其而爵 天仁、 人微夹 。甚爵 > 天人也 。爵 義、 有貴 着 ‘ 爵 、爵 恭 貴着、 迓 從之公 、包 於人 終 其要之 。人 J 紙樂 己之赤 关人今 4 爹关善 and there is a nobility of man. Benevolence, righteousness, self- consecration, and ficlelit}r, with unwearied joy in virtues ; — these constitute the nobility of Heaven. To be a kuug, a king, or a ta-foo ; — this constitutes the nobility of man. 2. “The men of antiquity cultivated tlieir nobility of Heaven, and the nobilit}7 of man came to them in its train. 3. uThe inen of the present day cultivate their nobility of Heaven in order to seek for the nobility of man, and when they Lave obtained that, they throw away the other : — their delusion is extreme. The issue is simply this that they must lose that nobility of man as Avell.)， Chapter XVII. 1. Mencius said, uTo desire to be honoured is tlie common mind of men. And all men have in themselves that Avhicli is truly honourable. Only they do not tliink of it. id the conduct true to them. 办卿， 夫 夫，— see V. Pt. II. ii. 3— 7. 3 •凄， — up. 1 st tone, = . 4 Tlieir delusion is extreme,* 一 this is well 6et forth in the Q 修 天爵以 要人爵 ，是 脩之之 日原 先有棄 之之心 ，已不 免 於惑矣 ，至 得人爵 而棄天 爵 ，是得 之之後 ，並 不及要 之之 B#， 别 惑之甚 者也， when the nobility of Heaven is cultivated in order to seek for the nol)ility of man, at the very time it is cultivated, there is a previous mind to throw it away ； — showing the exis- tence of delusiou. Then when the nobility of man has been got, to throw away the nobility of Heaven, exhibits couduct after attainment not equal to that in the time of search, so that the delusion i9 extreme.* 終亦 必亡而 has reference to the nobility of man, and is best translated as an active verb, to which the 功; also points. — Many commenta- tors observe that facts may be referred to, ap- parently inconsistent with the assertions in tliis chapter, and then go on to say that such incon- sistency is but a lucky accident ; the issue should always be as Mencius says. Yes; but all moral teachings must be imperfect where the thoughts are bounded by what is seen and temporal. Cii. 17. The true honour which men should desire. _l. in tlie last ch. is the material dignity ; 舊' in this is the honour, 296 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VL 2. uThe honour which men confer is not good lionour. Those whom Chaou the Great ennobles hc3 can make mean again. 3. u It is said in the Book of Poetry, L He has filled us with his wine, He lias satiated us with his goodness/ L Satiated us with his goodness^1 that is, satiated us with benevolence and righteousness, and he who is so, consequently, does not wish for the fat meat and fine millet of men. A good reputation and far- reaching praise fall to him, and lie does not desire the elegant ein- broidered garments of men.,? Chapter XVIII. 1. Mencius said, u Benevolence subdues its opposite just as water subdues fire. Those, however, who now-a- days practise benevolence do it as if with one cup of water they could save a whole waggon-loacl of fuel which was on lii'e, and when such as springs from such dignity. 2. 之所費 ，-人 here and in the next par., refers to those who confer dignities. It is not to be understood — 4 wliat men consider honour.’ 走良 4 Chaou, the chief.* This title was borne by four ministers of the family of Chaou, who at different times held the chief sway in Tsin. They were a sort of 1 king-milking War- wicks.* In tlie time of Mencius, the title had become associated with the name of the house. 3. 一 see the Shc-kin^, III. ii. Ode III. st. 1. The ode is one rcsponBive from * his fathers and brethren' to the emperor who has entertained tliem. Mencius* application of it is a mere accommodation. Cii. 18. It is necessary to practise bene- volence WITH ALL ONB*S MIGHT. TlUS ONLY WILL PRESERVE IT. 1. 不熄 則謂 一 g[| *were to say of it/ flil is said by Choo lie to= * to aid.* The is joinod to |!ii, and not to 不仁 • seeing tlie ineffectiveness of feeble endoavoura to do good are only encouraged in their own course. Tliis mertiiing; of fli/. is found else- where. Chaou K*e interprctR : 一 ‘This also is worse than the case of those who practise* what t j J 節 氣 茆思耳 -^之所貴# 非 良貴也 趙孟 K 一所竟 趙孟 o i- VI %e 能賤之 詩云旣 醉 以酒旣 飽以塞 三口 飽乎仁 義也所 以不 願人之 膏梁之 味也 合聞廣 譽施於 。氛 所以不 願人之 文鏽也 。 国姿予 氐 仁 之勝不 仁也 猶水 勝九 今之盔 仁氣猶 以一杯 水救一 車薪之 火 Pt. I. Cii. XVIII.— xx. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 297 亦大 s 至園夫 者国亦 桃 l 必匠於 孟^ 仁池 >孟 終又 T、 以誨彀 ，予亦 苟于必 與媳 k 規人學 呒 在爲呒 亡於則 紙必 者羿 乎不五 而不謂 以亦之 熟熟屬 E 仁之 規必教 之不者 ，夹 。之水 矩志人 而如種 甚 T、 學於射 荑之 者勝 看彀。 么矣 。藏美 n the flames were not extinguished, were to sav tliat "water cannot subdue fire. This conduct, moreover, greatly encourages those who are not benevolent. 2. uThe final issue Avill simply be this the loss of that small amount of benevolence.” Chapter XIX. Mencius said, u0f all seeds the best are the five kinds of grain, yet if they be not ripe, they are not equal to the fe or the pae. So, the value of benevolence depends entirely on its being brought to maturity.” Chapter XX. 1. Mencius said, “ E, in teaching men to shoot, made it a rule to draw the bow to the full, and liis pupils also did the same. 2. “A master workman, in teaching others, uses tlie compass and square, and liis pupils do the same. is not benevolent •’ But both the sentiment and construction of this are more difficult than the other. 2. Comp, chapter xvi. 2. Ch. 19. Benevolence must be matured. 1. ‘ The five kinds of grain :’ 一 see III. Pt. I. iv. 7. The and pae are two plants closely resembling one another. They are a kind of spurious grain, yielding a rice-like seed, but small. They are to be found at all times, in wet situations and dry, and when crushed anil roasted, may satisfy the hunger in a time of famine.’ One kind of pae is called in the north 4 bird-paddy.1 Mencius' vivacity of mind and readiness at illustration lead him at times to broad unguarded statements, of which this seems to be one. Cn. 20. Learning must not be by halves, 1. E,— see IY. Pt. II. xxiv. 1. — used as SQ, in ch. vii. 5. 一 * found ifc necessary to,* or simply the past tense emphatic. So, in the next par. 2. 大匠 = 工師、 master- workman/ Choo He says : — ‘ This cii. shows that affairs must be proceeded with according to their laws, and then they can be completed. But if a master neglect these, he cannot teach, and if a pupil neglect these, he cannot learn. In small arts it is so : 一 how much more 'vith the principles of the sages ! > 3S 298 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. BOOK VI. KAOU TSZE. PART II. 必妻 禮食 >重。 艮子 s 裁不乎 ，食 JJj 日 Jl 日名 5 吿 迎 裁裁則 飢禮重 。禮 、人于 乎葬 ,迎> 得而重 。色 澳有章 屋羅則 則食, 先日? 興食 k _ 別 廬得 不必: T、 以禮 k 孰尾下 于妻 4 得以以 禮孰重 。廬 Chapter 1. A man of Jin asked the disciple Uh-loo, saying， “Is an observance of the rales of propriety in regard to eating or the eating, the more important ?J, The answer was, “The r- t，a 騰 (?/ the rules of propriety is the more important.” 2. “Is the g^cttifying the appetite of sex, or the doing w onhj according to the rules of propriety, the more important ??, The an- swer again was, u The observance of the rules of propriety in the ma 你 r is the more important.” 3. The man pursued, u If the result of eating only according to the rules of propriety will be death by starvation, while by dis- regarding those rules we may get food, must they still be observed in such a case? If according to the rule that he shall go in person to meet his wife a man cannot get married, while by disregarding that rule lie may get married, must he still observe the rule in such a case ? ” Cii. 1. Tiie importance of observino the RIJLKS OF PltOPRIKTY, AND, WHEN THEY MAY HK 1)1. S It EG A HI) K I), THE EXCEPTION AVILL 1JK FOUND TO PROVE TIIE 1UJLB. EXTREME CASES MAY NOT BE TUKSSKD TO INVALIDATE THE PIIINCITLE. 1. / [壬 (low. 1st tone) was a small State, referred to tlic present Tse-ning chow, of the department Yen-chow, in Shan-tung. It was not far from Mencius' native state of Tsow, the distance being only between twenty and thirty lo. The disciple Uh-loo, who is said to have published books on the ductrinui of Laou-tsze, was a native of tiie State of Tsin. His name wa9 Leen (} 車 )• nis questions are not to be understood of pro- i j)riety in the abstract, but ot* the rules of propriety understood to regulate the other things which he mentions. 2. is to be understood as in the translation, and this is its common signif. in Mencius. I include the 曰， 禮 重， 丨》 this par. 3 •以禮 see tin- Le-ke, XXVII. 2C ; el al. ^ j(]J I (lower 3d tone), 一 sec the Le-kc, IX. iii. 8, Pt. IT. Cii. I. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 299 應 輕食與 輿於之 浪 于。 T、 乏氣重 1禮 _ 初木 i 金能 盱而収 之之者 > 可 买于對 > # 此色 輕謂豈 使太曰 >明 兄之 ，之者 、哉 。謂高 而於日 之奚 重而取 於 齊答之 臂> 翅者 1 食鈞岑 其是鄒 k W 色與荃 之金灌 。末池 以 奪重 。禮奚 重與金 s 方何吿 之往泛 翅氣一 童皆肴 。盖 4. Uh-loo was unable to reply to these questions^ and the next day he went to Tsow, and told them to Mencius. Mencius said, u What difficulty is there in answering these inquiries? 5. u If you do not adjust them at their lower extremities, but only put their tops on a level, a piece of avoocI an inch square may be made to be higher than the pointed peak of a high building. 6. u Gold is heavier than feathers ； — but does that saying have reference, on the one liand, to a single clasp of gold, and, on the otlier, to a waggon-load of leathers ? 7. u If you take a case where the eating is of the utmost import- ance and the observing the rules of propriety is of little importance, and compare the things together, why stop with savin merely that the eating is more important? So, taking the case where the grati- fying the appetite of sex is of the utmost importance and the ob- serving the rules of propriety is of little importance, Avhy stop Avith merely saying that the gratifying the appetite is the more important ? 8. u Go and answer him thus, 4 If, by twisting your elder bro- l 之挪 ，-之 = 往 • Chaou K‘e reads as tvoo, up. 1st tone, making it an exclamation — * oli ! ’ 5. — 4 to measure, or feel with the hand.’ and are used for [、 aud 卜. (islin), — 4 a high and pointed small hill. ’ Chaou K‘e takes 妻 together as meaning 1 a peaked ridge of a hill/ and the dictionary gives this signification to the phrase. The view of Choo He, which I have followed, is better. 6. — indicates the clause to be a common say- ing, and carries us on to some explanation of it •豈 謂… •之 謂， — 4 How does it say (mean) the saying (meaning) of the gold of one hook, and the feathers of one waggon V Comp. I. Pt. II. Vii. 1. 7 •奚翅 (= 营 )= 何但. 8. (read ch'in or tleeny up. 2d tone), both 300 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 粟令交 嚙圍之 不牆 /氣食 > 而交聞 _ 夏呼 i 塞而 則則 色 九支舜 > 父 則禮 將得 如尺 王有問 何四 十諸。 曰> 則寸 凡孟人 可§以 湯于背 曰 f 長 > 九 曰 、可 奚 食凡然 。以 不 其綠氪 得處吝 7、 妻 > 于> 乎> 紙 則 則踰則 將 得東不 摟妻 > 家得 tiler's arm, and snatcliing from liim what he is eating, you can get food for yourself, while, if you do not do so, you will not get any tiling to eat, Avill you so twist liis arm '? If by getting over your neighbour's wall, and dragging away his virgin daughter, you can get a wife, while if you do not do so, you will not be able to get a wife, will you so drag her a、vav ? ’ ” Chapter II. 1. Keaou of Tsaou asked Mencius^ saying, “ It is said^ i All men may be Yaous and Shuns ; '—is it so ? " Mencius re- plied, u It is."' 2. Keaou went on, u I have heard that king AVan was ten cuLits high, and T£ang nine. Now I am nine cubits four inches in height. But I can do nothing but eat my millet. Wliat am I to do to realize that saying ? f, by Chaou K*e and Choo lie, is explained by 4 to bend/ I prefer tlie first meaning of the character given in the dictionary, 一 that of 写 I 專， ‘to turn，’ here=‘ to twist.’ 而奪之 一 here 5^ is followed by two objectives, bcing=4 from him.* Julien errs strangely in rendering 一 4 6V, rumj)ens fratris metjoris brachium, Tapias ilhut comedendum' 3K 家牆， _‘the ■wall of tlie house on the cast/ i.c., a neighbour's ■wall. 束家 is a common designation for the piaster of a house, but the phrase is not to be traced to Mcncius, expression. (up. 2d tone) 一 4 a virgin dnuglitcr, one dicelliiuj in the harem. 子， as sometimes cltJuwherc, is femi- nint\ Ch« 2. All mat bbcomr Yaous and Snr^a, AND TO BECOME SO, TIIKY HAVE ONLY SIXCEKKLY, IX TnEMSlAVK9， TO CULTIVATE Ya〇U AN1> SHUN’S PltlXClPLES ANI> WAYS. 1. Clia〇U K*c says tliat Ivoaou was a brother of the princo of Tsaou, but the principality of Tsaou had been extinguished before the time of Mencius. The closcenchmts of the ruling house had pro- bably takcu their surname trom their ancient patrimony. Tsaou is referred to the present district of Ting-t{aou (定陶 ) in the depart- ment of TBaou-chow, in Slmn-tung. 有諸， 一 comp. I* Pt. IT. ii. 1 ; ct aL 2. On the heiglitH mentioned liere, see Con. Ana., VIII. vi. 一 4 for my height.* The 以， ho 败 r, may he taken as simply euphonic. Kcuoifs idea is, that physically he was between Win and rr*ang, \vl»〇 mi^ht be considcreil as having become Yaous or Slums, mul tlierefon? ho also might berome such, if lie wore ahowu the Fr. II. Cii. IT. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 3. J/enciu^s answered him, u Hluit has this *— the question of size — to do with the matter ? It all lies simply in acting as such. Here is a man, Avhose strength was not equal to lift a duckling: — he was then a man of no strength. But to-day he says, 1 1 can lift 3,000 catties * weight,5 and he is a in an of strength. And so, lie who can lift the weight which Woo Hwo lifted is just another Woo Hwo. Why should a man make a want of ability the subject of his grief? It is only that he will not do the thing. 4. 44 To walk slowly, keeping behind his elders, is to perform the part of a younger. To walk quickly and precede his elders, is to violate the duty of a younger brother. Now, is it Avhat a man can- not do to walk slowly? It is what he does not do. The course of Yaou and Shun was simply that of filial piety and fraternal duty. way. 3. referring to the height, or body generally. 爲之 ，—之 re* ferring to Yaou and Shun. is said to be an abbreviation for 4 a wild (luck/ I do not see why it should not be taken simply as a numeral or classifier, and — . 器隹 =±=‘ a chicken.， Woo II w〇 was a man noted for his strength. He is mentioned in connection with the king Woo of Ts4in (b.c. 309— 30G). Ac- counts go that he made light of 30,000 catties ! 4. ami (up. 3il tone) are verbs， 弟 = 涕 Choo He here quotes from the commen. Ch'in (j 壤 : — 4 Filial piety and fraternal duty are the natural out-goings of the nature, of which man have an intuitive know- ledge, and for which they have an intuitive ability (艮 知良能 Yaou and Shun showed tlie perfection of the human relations, but yet they simply acted in accordance with this nature. How could they add a hair*s point to it T He also quotes another (j^r 后 ^)， wlio says : 一 4 The way of Yaou and Shun was great ^ but the pursuit of it lay simply in the rapidity or slowness of their walking and stopping, and not in things that were very high and difficult. It is present to the coiumon people in their 有於見 亦爲之 而 E 矣‘有 人於此 力不能 勝一 匹紙 則爲 無力 人夹 ‘今： f 擧百 釣則 爲有力 人矣 ‘然 則擧 鳥_ 之伍 是亦 爲烏一 ! 而 巳 矣‘夫 人豈以 T, 勝盔患 » 〇 四 SS I 哉卵爲 耳 徐行後 長者謂 之氣 疾行 先長教 謂之 不 i 夫 徐行戈 豈人所 J 能 龍所不 爲也 堯舜 之览孝 302 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 小 圍求難 業於之 于之弟 人公 S 之肩 1 於鄒行 >服 言 、而 之 孫有哉 ，門 。君 >是 樂行已 詩丑 餘人日 H 桀之 堯矣。 也 .問師 。病 夫以而 服之于 s 孟 巨不道 JiE 誦行 、服 于高 求若館 、矣。 桀是堯 氐于 耳， 大願曰 泛堯之 何曰 > 于 路留交 貳而服 以小 歸然 > 而得行 E 誦 言氛 而豈受 見桀矣 ，堯 5. u Do you wear the clothes of Yaou, repeat the words of Yaou, and do the actions of Yaou, and you will just be a Yaou. And, if you wear tlie clothes of Kce, repeat the words of Ivee, and do the actions of Kee, you will just be a Kee.v 6. Keaou said, “ I shall be having an interview with the prince of Tsow, and can ask him to let me have a house to lodge in. I wisli to remain here, and receive instruction at your gate.?, 7. Mencius replied, uThe way of truth is like a great road. It is not difficult to know it. The evil is only that men will not seek it. Do you go home and search for it, and you will have abun- dance of teachers.,? Chapter III. 1. Kung-sun CH^oav asked about an opinion of tlie scholar Kaou^ saying, u Kaou observed, 4 The Seaou PSvan is the ode of a little man.’ ” Mencius asked, u Why did he say so ? n u Because of the murmuring which it expresses^ was the reply. daily usages, but they do not know it.* 5. The meaning is simply 一 Imitate the men, do what they they did, and you will be such as they were. G. J： 見 （low. 3d tone), 一 it is better not to translate this conditionally, as it shows how Keaou was presuming on his nobility. 7. , — cNow, the way* 一 i.e., the way of Yaou and Shun, or generally 4 of truth.* Cii. 3. Explanation of the odics Seaoii P4wan and K4ae Fung. 1)is.satisfa(?ti〇x with A IMKICNT is NOT NECKSSAIULY UNF1UAL. 1. Ivaou appears to have been a disciple of Tsze- liea, and lived to Mencius* time. From the ex- pression in par. 2, it is plain, he is not to be confounded with Mencius* own disciple of the same surniune, niontionod II. Pt. II xii. 2. /j、 — see the She-king, II. v. Ode III. 3. I'lie ode is commonly understood to have boon written by the master of E-k4ew (宜白 )• the son and heir-apparent of the emperor Yew (».c. 780—770). Led away by the arts of a mistreus, the emperor degraded 1)T. II. CH. III. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 303 怨。 爲裁也 / 涕兄而 ■爲之 k 曰 F 詩仁 小泣 闘道 弓詩既 凱也 。也 弁而弓 之 而也 怨。 風 ，曰 f 固之 道而無 射有曰 f 裁凱 矣怨之 之人固 之風 ，夫 栽無之 ，疏則 於哉 k 過何 高裁他 >則 之 己此石 小以 叟也， 己也 > 談越要 者 不之裁 之垂其 笑人之 2. j\fencius nnswered, u How stupid was that old Kaon in deal- ing with the ode ! There is a man here, and a native of Yue bends his bow to shoot liiin. I will advise him not to do so^ but speaking calmly and smilingly; — for no other reason but that he is not rela- ted to me. But it' n^y 〇Avn brother be bending his low to shoot the man, then I will advise him not to tlo so, Aveeping and crying the •while ; — for no other reason than that he is related to me. The dissatisfaction expressed in the Seaou P£wan is the working of rela- tive affection, and that affection shows benevolence. Stupid indeed ■was old Ivaou's criticism on tlie ode. '' 3. C/iloiv then said, uHow is it that there is no dissatisfaction expressed in the K‘a,e Fimg’?” 4. Mencius replied, u The parent's fault referred to in the K4ae ana his mother, and the ode expresses the sor- row and dissatisfaction wliich the son could not but feel in such circnmstances. Cluiou K‘e, however, assigns it another authorship， but on this and other questions, coimected with it, see the She-king, in loc. 2. 固 is ex- plained by Cliaou K;e by 段 丙， 4 narrow,5 and by Choo He 執滞木 通，4 bigoted and not penetrating.’ 食 _= 給詩 ，有 — liere 已 is to be under- stuod of the speaker or beholder, and H 兄 his — the speaker’s — brother. In (= 言， the verb，) 之 ，疏之 ，戚 之， ^ refers to the shooter. 關， read wan，= The parai^hrast of Cliaou K*e points, however, and understands differently — ‘Here is is a man of Yue, who is about to be shot by another man. I see it and advise the man not to shoot, but coolly and smilingly, becuase I am not related to the man of Yue. But if my brother is about to be shot, &c.f This is inge- nious, but not so apt to the subject of the Seaou P;wan. When native scholars can con- strue a passage so differently, we may be sure it is not very difinitely expressed. 3. 凱風， 一 see the She-king, I. iii. Ode YII. The ode is supposed to be the production of seven sons, bewailing the conduct of their Tvidowed mo- ther, avIio could not live quietly and chastely at home, but they take all the blame to them- selves, and express no dissatisfaction with her. 4. We must think there was room enough for dissatisfaction in both cases. And indeed, many commentators say that the re- ceived account of the subject of the K4ae Fung must be wrung, or that Mencius, decisiou oil it 304 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 說聞 石團芜 Tw Il 栽之也 , 而蓁丘 。宋也 拿愈之 臧小 罷楚曰 _ 十也。 疏過大 之屬先 將而孔 _Twh 而裁 楚兵, 生之慕 。于孝 而石之 王我將 楚> 既 也怨及 4過 不 將何孟 舜不 是是大 悦 ,見之。 于 其可丕 愈者 栽楚曰 F 龜 至魏 疏也 將王居 於孝亦 磯也肩 • 11 j p 1 I • j 1 O "PW • , 1TT1 Fung is small ; that referred to in the Seaon P£wan is great. Where the parent's fault was great, not to have murnmred on account of it would have increased the want, of natural affection. Where the parents fault Avas small, to have murmured on account of it would have been to act like water which frets and foams about a stone that interrupts its course. To increase the want of natural affection would have been uniilial, and to fret and foam in such a manner would also have been unfilial. 5. u Confucius said, 1 Shun was indeed perfectly filial ! And yet, when he was fifty, he was full of longing desire about his parents.* '* Chapter IV. 1. Sung K4ang being about to go to Ts{oo, Menci- us met him in Sliih-kcew. 2. 11 Master, where are 3^011 goin^? '' asked Mencius. 3. IOang replied, 11 1 have heard that Ts4in and Ts4oo are fight- ing together, and I am going to see the king of Ts4oo and persuade liiin to cease hostilities. If he shall not be pleased icith my advice, is absurd. But here again, see the She-king, Ch. 4. Mencius* warnings to Sitno Iv4ano if the son responded to it with indifference, that and righteousness. Comp. I. Pt. Li;et at. would increase the distance and alienation be- 1. K4ani» was one of the travottinjx scliolars of in loc. 一 4 mores* (if we had such a verb) 4 the distance/ The father^ act was unkind ； ON TIIK EUHOK AND DANGEU OF COUNSELLING TIIK PRINCKS FROM TIIK OKOUNI) OF PROFIT, THE TROrEH G HOUND BEING THAT OF BENEVOLENCE tween them. 是不可 礙也， - the thrw! characters 可不蔑 are to be taken together. The mother is compared to a rock or stone in a stream, and the sons to the water fretting about it. But the case in the text is one wliere the children^ affections should flow on undisturbed. 5. Comp. V. Tt. I. i. the times, who went from State to State, making it their business to counsel shwut/^ up. 3d tone) the princes, with a view for the most part^ though not apparently with him, to exalt them* selves. Shih-k^ew was in the State of ISunjf. Here, and also in the next par., is the verb. Pt. II. Cii. IV. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 305 殳 事而罷 秦先其 聞所見 爲 其悅三 楚生不 其遇秦 人君 ，於 軍之之 利指屬 。王、 弟爲 利之王 屬也。 說曰纖 者 ，人也 秦則曰 k 之肩 而 懷于盔 4 楚不先 將也罷 利者 k 人三之 pf。 生何請 之> 以懷臣 軍王、 先钇如 。無二 事利 者之悦 生志曰 k 問王, 其 以懷士 以則 我其我 兄事利 樂籼利 k 大將詳 I 是 其以罷 以說尧 言願有 I sh.nll go to see tlie king of Ts^in, and persuade him in the same way. Of the tAV〇 kings I shall surely find that I can succeed Avith one of them.” 4. Mencius said, u I -will not venture to ask about tlie particulars, but I should like to hear the scope of your plan. Wlint course will you take to try to persuade them ? " K^ang ansAverecl, a I will tell them how unprofitable their course is to tliein." “ Master,” said Mencius, <4your aim is great, but your argument is nofgood. 5. il If you, starting from the point of profit, offer your persua- sive counsels to the kings of Ts^n and Ts£oo, and if those kings are pleased with the consideration of profit so as to stop the movements of their armies, then all belonging to those armies will rejoice in the cessation of ivar, and find their pleasure in the pur suit profit, ^linisters will serve their sovereign for the profit of which they cherish the thought ; sons will serve their fathers, and younger bro- thers will serve their elder brothers, from tlie same consideration : — and the issue will be, that, abandoning benevolence and righteousness, 罷之 ，—‘ make an end of it •’ 所遇， —see I. Pt. II. xv. 3. 4. g|q=our 1 if you'll allow me.* Then follows — 4 not asking the particu- lars, I should like, &c. 利—其 refers to the two States. — I take tlie word ‘ argu- ment^ from Julieru The gloss in the is -號是 不利之 名號， ‘f 是— name and title of impofitable^ 5. — - 306 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 接臣 4 人爲也 > 悬之 先明君 也 .艾 弟人爲 三王, 生相氐 然于 于人軍 悦以接 、父 而兄懷 者> 臣之於 仁然于 > 不弟4 仁懷者 土尤義 .而兄 王 去義仁 囔樂義 i 不弟 k 者 J4 以義 仁罷而 秦亡終 未 懷事以 義而罷 楚者居 之 仁其事 以悅三 之未仁 有義兄 / 其事 於軍 王之義 > 也 ，以是 殳其仁 之秦有 懷 何柄 君爲倉 k 義纟 肌楚也 。細 eovereign and minister, father and son, younger brother and elder, will carry on all their intercourse Avith this thought of profit cherished in their breasts. But never has there been such a state of society y without ruin being the result of it. 6. u If you, starting from the ground of benevolence and riglit- eousness, olfer your counsels to the kings of Ts4in and Tsloo, and if those kings are pleased with the consideration of benevolence and righteousness so as to stop the operations of tlieir armies, then all belonging to those armies will rejoice in the stopping /rwi toary and find their pleasure in benevolence and righteousness. Ministers will serve their sovereign, cherishing tlie ])rinciples of benevolence and righteousness ; sons will serve their futhers, and younger brothers will serve their elder brotliers, in the same way : — and so, sovereign and minister, father and p〇n, elder brother and younger, abandoning the thought of profit, will cherish the principles of benevolence ana righteousness, and carry on all their intercourse upon them. But never 1ms there been such a. state of society^ "witliout the State ^vhere it prevailed rising to imperial sway. Why must you use that word 4 profit. 自帀, — * the multitudes of the three armies ;* see Con. Ana., VII. x. 士 embraces both 1 officers and soldiers.* 6, 然而不 王 （low. 3d tone) 老 * 一 here the trunslation needs to be supplemented consider- ably. Pt. II. Cii. V, TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. ?>07 祗于 k 間見 任沒於 守層必 與 。之矣 。儲 見之平 以孟拍 曰 P 齊澗 吁厚 而陸滯 于利。 非 否 曰 。屋于 3 儲交 >居 也見夫 廬凼報 。于 受鄒， 書儲于 于平他 ^ 爲之季 尽于 之喜陸 I 祗而任 享>倉 任旧之 ft 以 不 爲 多其見 連>齊 、鄒 幣報 J 壬 儀> 爲季得 不之 ^ 父 /處處 Chapter Y. 1. T\Hien ]\Ienciu9 was residing in Tsow, the younger brother of the chief of Jin, who was guardian of Jin at the time, paid his respects to him bv a j5m5en^o/silks, which Mencius received, not going to acknowledge it. When he was sojourning in P(ing- luh, Cli4oo, who was prime minister of the State, sent, him a similar present, which lie received in the same way. 2. Subsequently, going from Tsow to Jin, he visited the guar- dian, but when he went from P^ng-lah to the capital of Tsfe, he did not visit the minister Ch(oo. The disciple Uh-loo was glad, and said, u I have got an opportunity to obtain some instruction'' 3. He asked accordingly^ u Master, when you went to Jin, you visited the chiefs brother, and when you went to Ts{e, you did not visit Ch;oo. AVas it not because he is only the minister? 4. Mencius replied, u No. It is said in the Book of History, 1 In presenting an offering to a superior, most depends on the de- monstrations of respect. If those demonstrations are not equal to Ch. 5. How Mexcius regulated himself IN DIFFERENTLY ACKNOWLEDGING FAVOURS WHICH HE RECEIVED. 子 below, look much 季任， aud 季 as if the former were the surname and name of the individual spoken of, vet Chaou K4e5s explanation of the terms, which is that followed in the translation, is no doubt correct. ^ see ch. i. ^ ^ ~ see v- PL IL iv •不報 = 不往報 平陸 ，一 see II. Pt. II. vi. 1. 2. The two here. and in next par.=f 主. 興、， 4 went to i.e.y to the capital of the State, as Ping-luh was in Ts;e. ， 一 keen, up. 3d tone. 連 (Uh-loo.s name) 得間 = 連得 其間隙 而問， * I have got an opportunity/ (lit. crevice) ; to ask.’ 4. 円， — see the Shoo-king, Y. xiv. 13, but in the classic the last clause is not explanatory of the preceding, but is itself the first clause of 308 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI, II I ill?? 1 1 藥下 3 後于 于 W 卿名髭 呒去 之實艮 居之冲 > 乾先 下仁 名自名 他者、 實爲實 太 _ 未 也者、 以如 如夫爲 不悅享 。及 得或爲 |:物. 之 問其呒 瓢 之不不 儲屋 成孚、 于 廬享惟 得于 不 之艮屋 _役 the things offered, we say there is no offering, that is, there is no act of the will in presenting the offering.* 5. u This is because the things so offered do not constitute an offering to a superior.” 6. Uh-loo was pleased, and when some one asked him ivhat Mencius vieant, he said, aThe younger of Jin could not go to Tsow, but the minister Cl^oo might have gone to P4ing-luh. Chapter VI. 1. Shun-yu KSvan said, uHe who makes fame and meritorious services his first objects, acts Avitli a regard to others. He who makes them only seconclaiy objects, acts with a regard to himself. You, master, were ranked among the three chief ministers qf the State, but before your fame and services had reached either to the prince or the people, you have left your place. Is this indeed the way of the benevolent? M 2. Mencius replied, u There was Pih-e ; — lie abode in an inferior a new sentence. See tlie Shoo-king, in loc» 5. This is Mencius’ explanation of the passage quoted. G. The guardian of a State could not leave it to pay a visit in another. There was no reason, however, why Cl^oo should not liave paid his respects to Mencius in person. Ch. G. How Mencius jikplied to the in- sinuations OF SliUN-YU K4WAN, CONDKMNING HIM FOH LEAVINN OFriCE WITHOUT ACCOMTUSII- ING ANY THING. 1. Sl)Un-yil K4W&I1, — SCO IV. Tt. I. xvii. That chapter and the notes ehould be read along with this. and are not here opposed to cacli other, as often, — 4 name * and Reality.* Tlic 4 name * here is the fume of the * reality.* •一 ‘ witlni regard to others/ t\e.f such a man's motive in public life is to benefit others. 自爲 = 爲已- 4 with a regard to himself,* i.c., such a nmirs motive is to cultivate his own good and excel- lence. 上 refers to the prince ; 卜 refers to the people. 一 it is assumed that tlie fact of ^101101118* bein«jr among the high minis- ters of tlie State took liim out of the category of those who made tlicmsclvcs their aim in life, and the 亡二 ^ tlicrefore is a hit of the ques- tioner. Throughout tlie ch., 仁 has i^crhiipd more the idea of perfect virtue, free from ail eclllsliucsS) thau of bcuevulcucc* 2. Tili-e, Pr. II. Cn VI. TIIK WOUKS OF MENCIUS. 300 而益削 于何也 、者 3 五賢 亡 ，於也 ^ 必曰 j 辭就事 秦 (I 滋政肩 。仁尚 小楽 A 穆也。 I 于曰 Ml 览 官莕肖 公曰渚 柳魯君 其者廣 者> 用 虞是于 繆于趨 柳尹伯 之石乎 >思 公亦一 下也肩 而 用賢盔 之仁也 、惠： T、 也, 霸. 百者臣 J 友而 一也！ 五 不 M 之魯公 E 者, 三汙就 用奚無 之儀矣 肩于君 J 暮 Bituation, and Avould not, ■with his virtue, serve a degenerate prince. Tli ere was E Yin ; — lie five times went to T(ang, and five times went to Kee. There was Havuy of Lew-liea ; — he clid not disdain to serve a vile prince, nor did lie decline a small office. The courses pursued by those three wortliies Avere different, but their aim was one. And what was their one aim? We must answer — ‘To be perfectly virtuous.' And so it is simply after this that superior men strive. Why must they all pursue the same course ? 3. Kliodn pursued, u In the time of the duke Muh of Loo, the government Avas in the hands of Kung-e, while Tsze-lew and Tsze- sze were ministers. And yet, the dismemberment of Loo then in- creased exceedingly. Such was the case, a specimen how your men of virtue are of no advantage to a kingdom ! " 4. Mencius said, u The prince of Yu did not use Pih-le He, and thereby lost his State. The duke Muh of Ts4in used him, and became left his office before he had accomplished any thing. Here he insinuates that tho* he had remained, he would not have served the State. Tsze-lew is the Se6 Lew of II. Pt. II. xi.； comp. that cli. with this. Kung-e (named was prime-minister of Loo, a man of merit and principle. Mencius might have denied the fact alleged by K4wan, of the increased dismember- ment of Loo under duke Muh. 4. Pih-le He, — see Y. Pt. I. ix. 一 the 4 using T means following the minister^ counsels &c., see V. Ft. II. i., with the other references there given. That E Yin went five times to T^mg, and five times to Kee is only mentioned here, however. He went to T^ang, it is said, in consequence of the pressing urgency of his solicitations, and then T4ang sent him to the tyrant to warn and advise him. Nothing could be farther at first from the wish of them both than to dethrone Ke8. 一 ‘to run/ used figuratively, up. 3d tone. 3. In this par., K4wan advances in his condemnation of Mencius. At first be charged him vith having 310 THE WOllKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 祭善 賢者, 形其善 鼠者廣 烯于者 髡諸夫 、歌 J,| 王則 尚 爲&夫 ％ 而傘駒 豹亡、 不魯有 、嘗爲 變周處 處削, 至、 司則覩 其國祀 於於何 T、 宼 髡之事 J 說梁高 湛/可 銳不 必也 ，而有 之唐 >而得 冕 甩識是 無諸妻 > 而河與 , 而從之 。故其 札善齊 西曰， 行, 而 曰_ 功必哭 冇善昔 chief of all the princes. Ruin is the consequence of not employing men of virtue and talents; — how can it rest with dismemberment merely ? ” 5. K^vdn urged again, 1 1 F orm erly, wli en Wang P4aou dwelt on the K*e, the people on the west of the Yellow River all became skilfal at singing in his abrupt manner. When IMeen K4eu lived in Kaou-t^Tig, the j^eople in the parts of Ts4e on the west became skil- ful at singing in his prolonged manner. The wives of Hwa Chow and Ive Leang bewailed their husbands so skilliill)7', that they chan- ged the manners of the State. When there is the gift within, it manifests itself without. I have never seen the man who could do the deeds of a worthy^ and did not realize the "work of one. There- fore there are now no men of talents and virtue. If there were, I should know them." 6. Mencius answered, “When Confucius was cliief minister of Justice in Loo, the prince came not to follow his counsels. Soon after was the solstitial sacrifice, and when a part of the flesh presented and plans. 削何 可得與 (low. 1st tone), 一 before ^|J, we must understand — 4 If you seek for dismemberment merely, as the consequence, * &c. 5. The individuals named here all belonged to Ts4e, excepting the first, who was of Wei. general name for singing, and 吾區， a particular style, said to be ‘short,’ ‘abrupt.’ 齊右， itissaid> 椴指齊 西鄙而 f， 4 The Right of Ts(e denotes all about the western borders of the State.* How Hwa (up. 3d tone.) and Ko 芘 were officers slain in battle, 、vhose wives bewailed their loss in so pitiful a manner, as to affect the whole State. Their cries, it is said, even rent the wall of the capital of Ts4e. See the 義證 咖丨 the 四 畚 緣說 ，丨 n loc. — The object of K^vin is simply to insinu- ate tliat Mencius was a pretender, for that wherever ability was, it was sure to come out. 6. Mencius shields himself behind Confucius, implving tluit he was Iwyoiui tl»« n. ii. cu. vi— vii. THli WORKS OF MENCIUS. 311 于今霸 之 国 衆 欲孔知 不 適之 之罪孟 S 人盔于 者>知 諸 諸罪人 于固苟 則以者 > 侯浪 人也旧 3 去 > 欲爲以 曰之也 > 今 五識君 以爲爲 巡罪今 之霸也 。于 微無爲 狩 ，人 之諸巷 之 #_ 肉 著蠢也 。大喪 zn 所行 侯天味 ‘五王 風 不乃其 in sacrifice was not sent to him, he went away even without taking off his cap of ceremony. Those who did not know him supposed it was on account of the flesh. Those wlio knew him supposed that it Avas on account of the neglect of the usual ceremony. The fact was, that Confucius wanted to go away on occasion of some small offence, not wishing to do so without some apparent cause. All men may not be expected to understand the conduct, of a superior man.” Chapter YI I. 1. Mencius said, uThe five chiefs of the princes were sinners against the three kings. The princes of the present day are sinners against the five chiefs. The great officers of the pre- sent day are sinners against the princes. 2. uThe emperor visited the princes, which was called i A tour of inspection.' The princes attended at the court of the emperor, knowledge of K*wan. 一 The state of Ts‘e, afraid of tlie influence of Confucius, who was acting as prime minister of Loo, sent to the duke a present of beautiful singing girls and horses. The duke accepted them, and abandon- ed himself to dissipation. Confucius determined to leave the State, but not wishing to expose the bad conduct of his prince, looked about for some other reason which he might assign for going away, and found it in the matter men- tioned. The is the — used for ^ ^ -^-，― ltodo a disorderly going away.* Ch. 7. The progress axd manner of de- generacy FROM THE THREE KINGS TO THE FIVE CHIEFS OF THE PRINCES, AND FROM THE FIVE CHIEFS TO TUE P1UNCES AND OFFICERS OF MEN- CIUS* time. 1. The 4 three kings* are the founders of the three dynasties of Hea, Shang, and Chow. The 4 five chiefs of the princes* were the duke H、v an of Ts‘e (b.c. 684 — 642), I the duke Wan of Tsin (635 一 627), tlie duke I Mull of Ts‘in (659 — 620), the duke Seang of : Sung (650 — 636), and the king Chwang of I Ts4oo (613 — 590). There are two enumera- tions of the 4 five leading princes,5 one called 三代之 五伯， or chiefs of the three d}rnasties, and the other 春秋之 五伯， or chiefs of the Ch^n-ts^w. Only Hvvan of Tsse, and Wan of Tsin are common to the two. But Mencius is speaking only of those included in the second enumeration, and though there is some difference of opinion in regard to some of the individuals in it, the above list is probably that which he held. 4 Sinners against,* — i.c., violating their principles and ways. 2. 天子 .…不 , 給， —seel. iH_ II. iv. 5. ; see I. Pt. I. vii. 16. 俊傑 312 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 霸訝 不貶涪 人賢巧 靈朝 者 > W 親 其竞其 # 、於 摟石 則爵 .在疆 傑土足 ，天 諸 1 戈 、六再 位1 土在 难秋于 ▲ 侯諸 _ 雨不如 地位 i 版省曰 以 侯移朝 4 有荒則 ffi 鼽述 伐伐之 >則讓6 蕪有 野而職 > 諸而 是削一 遺慶/ 说助春 侯不 故其不 老慶養 T、 省 者討 ，天齓 親失 以老給 ，耕 > 也 、五于 三則賢 尊人而 which was called ( Giving a report of office.5 It was a custom in the spring to examine the ploughing, and supply any deficiency of seecl^ and in autumn to examine the reaping, and assist where there was a deficiency of the crop. When the emperor entered the boundaries of a State, if the new ground was being reclaimed, and the old fields well cultivated ; if the old were nourished and the worthy honoured ; and if men of distinguished talents were placed in office : then the j)rince was rewarded, — rewarded with an addition to liis tciTitory. On the other hand, if, on entering a State, the ground was found left wild or overrun with Aveeds ; if the old were neglected and the worthy unhonoured ; and if the offices were filled •with hard tax-gatherers : then tlte prince avus reprimanded. If a ■prince once omitted liis at- tendance at court, he was punished by degradation of rank ; if he did so a second time, lie was deprived of a portion of his territory ; if he did so a third time, the imperial forces iveve set in motion, and he was removed from his government. ri lius the emperor com- nianded the punisliment, but did not liimself inflict it, Avliile the princes inflicted the punishment, but did not comnuuid it. The five 職 .六師 （= 軍 X- 8ee Con. Ana. VTI. x. in lmrinony with these things,’ «11 power being lodged with the emperor, ami the princes being dependent oil hi iu. ‘to superiutend, or order, punishmeut 伐， 在位 ’- ，- n.rt.i.v. i •慶 J 貫， ‘ to re- ward.’ 措克 = 聚 歛臣， 1 impost-col- lecting ministers literally, pc*rhai)s, 4 grasping and able men.’ Down to ia explicatory of 游你 What follows bduiigs to Pr. II. Ch. VIL THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 313 既 士曰屬 賢于、 取會也 。故 無必士 老育無 初諸五 i 日. 曲微無 慈牙; 以命 侯眉五 既無 世幼上 妾曰 1 | 亘霸 無專官 >無 彰爲誅 鮏公者 ， 舉殺官 忘有妻 ^ 載筠三 槪头 :事賓 德再孝 膚泰王 無夫 >無航 三命無 而葵之 有五 攝四命 曰易 T、 丘# 封 命取命 艮尊樹 歃之人 chiefs, however, dragged the princes to punish other princes, and hence I say that they were sinners against the three kings. 3. u Of the five chiefs the most powerful was the cuke Hwan. At tlie assembly of t.lie princes in KSvei-k‘e、v, he bound the victim and placed the writing upon it, but did not slay it to smear their mouths with the blood. The first injunction in their agreement was, — 4 Slay the unfilial ; change not the son who has been appointed heir ; exalt not a concubine to the rank of wife.5 The second was, — 1 Honour the worthy, and maintain the talented, to give distinction to the vir- tuous.’ The third was, — 4 Respect the old, and be kind to the young. Be not forgetful of strangers and travellers.’ The fourth was, — 4 Let not offices be hereditary, nor let officers be pluralists. In the selection of officers lot the object be to get the proper men. Let not a ruler take it on himself to put to d<;atli a great officer/ The * to inflict the punishment.' 3. Tlie duke j II wan nine times brought together an assembly , of the princes, tlie chief gathering being at I K'wei-k'ew, b.c^ 650. At those meetings, the usual ; custom was first to dig a square pit, over which the victim was slain. Its left ear was cut off, and its blood received in an ornamented vessel. The president then read the articles of agree- ment, with his face to the north, as in the presence of the spirits of the «un and moon, after which all the members of the meeting took the blood, and smeared the sides of their mouths with it. This was called (shCJi) |j|| . The victim was then placed in the pit, the articles of agr€€ineut placed upon it, and the whole covered up. This was called 寧 兑 See the in loc. On the occa- sion in the text, Hwan dispensed with some of those ceremonies, -pjj was the term appro- priated to the articles of agreement at such solemn assemblies, indicating that they were en- joined by the emperor. 一 4 the son who has been tree-ed/ i.e., set up. 一 ‘guests,’ officers from other countries. 士無 世官. 一 4 officers no hereditary offices see I. Pt. II, v, 3. $ 士必得 = 必得 其人無 crooked embankments.* 曲 had W 314 HIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 圏 諸之其 魯 節摸惡 k _ 欲 之&夫 使# 既今 愼 人今之 f 也， i 大 % 夫夫‘ 將 夫 、皆 軍。 今逢 孟备 之君 君之 諸旣而 之諸侯 ，盟 T、 藏喪 皆之吿 > 其五犯 微曰、 罪霸 此言凡 4、 乏 五歸疲 逢罪禁 > 于同 君 人故好 。盟 之也 。艮 今之 惡 >長_ 今之人 > fifth was, — c Follow no crooked policy in making embankments. Iir- pose no restrictions on the sale of grain. Let there be no promotions without announcing them to the emperor. ' It was then said, i All we 'vlio have united in this agreement sliall hereafter maintain ami- cable relations.’ The princes of the present day all violate these five prohibitions, and therefore I say that the princes of the pre- sent day are sinners against the five chiefs. 4. u The crime of him who connives at, and aids, the wickedness of his prince is small, but the crime of him who anticipates nnd excites that wickedness is p;reat. The officers of the present day all go to meet their sovereigns, luickedness^ and therefore I say that the great officers of the present day arc sinners against the ])rinces.^, Chapter VIII. 1. Thejiriace of \j〇o wanted to make the minister Shin commander of his army. a moral application. No embankments must be i was the name of the region on the South of made selfishly to take the water from others, , mount T4ae, which had originally belonged to or to inundate them. il\i {島 采崔， 一 1 do not repress the sale of ^rain,* i.#?., to otlier states in famine or distress. 圭 士, 一 4 appointments, * to territory or to office. 4. 長君 之惡， 一 4 to lcngtlien tlie wickedness of tlie ruler/ i.e.f to connive at and to aid it. 逢召 之惡， 一 4 to meet tlie wickedness of the ruler,* t.e., to anticipate and excite it. Oil. 8. Mencius* orposiTioN to tub war- LIKK A.MMITION OF TIIK IMUNCE OF Loo AN1> HIS MIM8TKK Shin Kuii-lk. 1. At this time Loo wanted to take advantage of difficulties in Tsv, and get possession of Nan-yang. That Loo. On the north of the mountain wns tlie territory of Ts4e. Between the two Stati# there had been frequent struggles for the dis- trict, wl: ich the duke P4ng of Loo now hoped to recover. Shin, below, calls himself Kftli-le, but sonic say tluit tliat was the name of a Mihist under whom Ijc had studied. His j)io- per name whs Taou (^|J)« He 、vas a native of j, and not of Loo, but having a reputation lor military skill, the duke of Loo wished to employ 丨丨 is services. 將 軍， _ ^ mon term for jfoneral, appears to have como intu vuguc, about Mencius' time. In the Wit Tr II. Cn. VIII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 315 里方宗 之里池 。勃 勝殃于 太 百廟地 J、 曰鄉 齊屈氐 公里之 方千吾 了、 遂者 3 之也 廣百里 ,明 悅有 T、 教 封地籍 。里 3、 吿艮 南容民 於非周 # 足于 >此陽 ，於而 齊 不公百 以天則 然堯用 也， 尼之里 廣于猾 且舜之 > 亦 而封不 諸之釐 不之謂 爲儉 於足侯 JiL 所可 。世 。之 方於魯 及諸方 7； 愼胃一 _ 百 百爲守 侯千識 于戰民 2. Mencius said, li To employ an uninstructed people in war may be said to be destroying the people. A destroyer of the people ■would not have been tolerated in the times of Ynou and Shun. 3. u Though b)r a single battle you should subdue Tsce, and get possession of Sau-yang, tlie thing ought not to be (lone.” 4. Shin changed countenance, and said in displeasure, u This is what I, Ivuh-le, do not understand. '' 5. Mencius said, “I will lay the case plainly before you. The territory appropriated to the emperor is 1,000 le square. Without a thousand le, he would not have sufficient for his entertainment of the princes. The territory appropriated to a Hoav is 100 le square. Without 100 le, he would not have sufficient wherewith to observe the statutes kept in his ancestral temple. 6. uWhen Chow-kung was mvested with the 'principality o/"Loo, was a hundred le square. The territory Avas indeed enough, but it was not more than 100 le. When Tlae-kung was invested with the principality of Ts3 4 5 6 * * * *e, it was 100 le square. The territory was indeed enough, but it was not more than 100 le. it=‘ commander-in-chief.’ 2. Comp. Con. Ana., XIII. xxx. We may infer from tliis par., that Shin had himself been the adviser of the projected enterprise. 5, — *thG statute-records of the ancestral tem- ple.* Those records prescribed every thing to be oberved in the public sacrifices, interviews with other princes, &c.v and were kept in the temple. G. Comp. Con. Ana., VI. xxii. 316 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VL 良爲 &君 古辟 之土曰 > 邀地 ‘今 謂充之 虔府事 賊庫 、君 也 、今者 君之曰 > 不所我 鄕謂能 園 仁事鼠 徒堵 今哩 备 而吾况 |X 作〃魯 I 于匕 。也 ，於諸 則方地 務殺彼 魯百非 引人以 在里不 其以 與所者 ，足 倉求 此福五 以 之然乎 ，子而 當乎 。且 在以儉 道居1 仁 所爲於 志于者 益有百 於之 不乎。 王里。 7. “ Now Loo is five times 100 le square. If a true imperial ruler were to arise, whether do you think that Loo would be diminished or increased by liiiri ? 8. u If it were merely taking the place from the one State to give it to the other, a benevolent man would not do it ; — how much less will he do so, when the end is to be sought by the slaughter of men ! 9. u The way in which a superior man serves his prince con- templates simply the leading him in the right path, and directing his mind to benevolence.” Chapter IX. 1. ]\Iencius said, u Those who now-a-days serve their sovereigns say, 4 AVe can for our sovereign enlarge the limits of the cultivated ground, and fill his treasuries and arsenals/ Such persons are now-a-days called i Good ministers/ but anciently they were called 4 Robbers of the people/ If a sovereign follows not the 一 it is to be understood that this wa9 to be done, at the expense of the people, taking tlieir commons from them, and making them labour. Otlicrwise, it does not seem objection- able.一 Clmou K4e however, gives the phrase an- other meaning, making it= 侵 小國， 1 appro- priate small States,* but this is contrary to ana- logous passages, aud confounds tliia par. with 儉 ，一 ‘ sparingly，’=only. 8. Mere- ly/ *.c., if there were no struggle and no slaugh- ter in the matter. 9. 當道 here is quite difft. from the phrase ^ in II. Pt. I. i. 1. Oil. 1). Ilow TIIE MINISTERS OF MENCIUS* TIME PANDEUEI) TO T1IKIR SOVEKEKiNS* TIIIK8T r〇Vi WEALTH AND POWKB. 1. — right way, nor lias his mind bent on benevolence, to seek to enrich him is to enrich a Kee. 2. “ Or they will say, lVsTc can for our sovereign form alliances with other states, so that our battles must be successful.’ Such persons are now-a-days called ( Good ministers, 5 but anciently they were called ‘ Robbers of the people.’ If a sovereign folloAvs not the right way, nor has his mind directed to benevolence, to seek to enrich liiin is to enrich a Kee. 3. u Although a prince, pursuing the path of the present day, and not changing its practices, were to have the empire given to him, lie could not retain it for a single morning.,! Chapter X. 1. Pih Kwei said, u I want to take a twentieth of the produce only as the tax. What do you think of it? 5, 2. Mencius said, u Your way would be that of the Mih. the next ; compare IV. Pt. I. xv. 2. 务为 甜 , — 1 ally with other States.' Here Cliaou differs again, making 4 to deter- mine beforehand,' * undertake,' and joining 甜 國 單 l * undertake in fighting with hostile countries to conquer.' This also is an inferior construction. 3. 朝居 = 朝居其 4 occupy the position for a morning.* Ch. 10. An ordered State can only sub- sist WITH A TROPKR SYSTEM OF TAXATION, AND THAT ORIGINATING WITH Ya〇U AND SHUN IS the proper o^e fok Chi^a. 1. Pih Kwei； 位， styled Tan (see next ch.), was a man of Chow, ascetic in his own habits, and fond of innova- tions. Hence the suggestion in this chapter. — So, Chaou K*e, and Clioo He has followed him. The author of the [/l| how- ever, contends that the Pih Kwei, described as above, on the authority of tbe 4 Historical Re- cords,* 傳 , lxix.， was not the same here introduced. See that Work, in loc. 2. 貉 or 爹百 was a common name for the barbarous tribes on tlie north. They were a pastoral people, and the climate of their country was cold. No doubt their civilization was inferior n. II. Ch. IX.-X. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 齓不 志於仁 而 求富户 一是 C 二 ® ^ U 富桀 也我 能爲 君鞠 與國 戰必克 室 小 7 翁且君 而飨廟 屯器之 _ 輕不于 k 足無祭 惟不歐 也>之 可如也 。百祀 黍足一 微於 以之今 S 官之 生用人 重 _ 爲 何居有 禮之池 。隞 之舜 a 其中司 ，無 無曰卿 於之 况可國 ，故諸 城夫可 3. u In a country of ten thousand families, would it do to have only one potter ? Kwei replied, “No. The vessels would not be enough to use.” 4. Mencius went on, il In Mill all the five kinds of grain are not grown ; it only produces the millet. There are no fortified cities, no edifices, no ancestral temples, no ceremonies of sacrifice ; there are no princes requiring presents and entertainments ; there is no system of officers Avith their various subordinates. On these accounts a tax of one twentieth of the produce is sufficient there. 5. il But now it is the Middle kingdom that we live in. To banish the relationships of men, and have no superior men ; — liow can suck a state of things be thought of? 6. 11 With but few potters a kingdom cannot subsist ; — liow much less can it subsist without men of a higher rank than others? 7. uIf we wish to make the taxation ligher than the system of Yaou and Shun, we shall just have a great Mill and a small Mill. to that of China, but Mencius * account of them must be taken with allowance. 4. 城郭， 一 see II. Pt. II. i. 2. 室 go together as a general designation of edifices, called 洁' as * four-wallcd and roofed,* and (U) as ‘furuislml.’ So 祭祀 go together as synony- mous, and also 幣帛， 1 pieces of silk, given ns presents.* 一 * the morning meal ; * 娘一 * the evening menl :* togethei^* entertainments. 5, 6. 一 referring to the 百官. 有司 • 7. The moaning is, that, under such systems, China would become in t)ie one case a copy of the Mill, and in the other of iu state under tlie tyrant Kefi. Pt. II. Cii. X.— XIII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 319 曰 b H 园仁 代 说 水禹 总1 — 党 吾魯 & 孟人 謂今之 孟泊璘 問欲 予之 之吾道 予圭之 之 、使 呒所 泽于也 。氐呒 道 喜樂 君惡水 > 以是吁 丹者、 而 正于也 >洚 鄰故 過之大 不于 不吾水 國禹矣 A 桀 寐 。爲亮 ，子者 /爲以 禹水小 公峨眉 過洪壑 。四 之也屬 孫 孟乎矣 。水 水嘴治 愈也。 - 丑于執 。也逆 爲水於 If Ave wish to make it heavier, we shall just have the great Kee and the small Kee.15 Chapter XI. 1. Pih Kwei said, li ^Iy management of the wa- ters is superior to that of 2. Mencius replied, “You are •wrong, Sir. Yus regulation of the "waters was according to the laws of water. 3. u He therefore made the lour seas their receptacle, while you make the neighbouring States their receptale. 4. u AVater flowino： out of its channels is called an inundation. Inundating -svaters are a vast icaste of water, and Avhat a benevolent man detests. You are wrong, my 〇ood Sir. ' Chapter XII. Mencius said, u If a scholar have not faith, how sliall he take a firm hold of things ? Chapter XIII. 1. The prince of Loo wantino; to commit the adininisti'ation of his government to the disciple Yo-ching, Menciu3 said, u When I heard of it, I was so glad that I could not sleep." Cii. 11. Pih Kwei^ presumptuous idea THAT HE COULD REGULATE THE WATERS BErrER than Yu did. 1. There had been some partial inundations, where the services of Pih Kwei were called in, and he had reduced them by turning the waters into other States, saving one at the expense of injuring others. 2. 水之遨 = 順水 乏 性， 4.Seem. Pt. II. ix. 3, but has there a particular application. Ch. 12. Faith in principles neces sart to FIR3ISES3 in action. used as CllOO He explains it by { 言. Ch. 13. Of what importance to a minis- ter—— TO GOVERNMENT — - IT IS TO LOVE WHAT IS 1. 一 ‘ to administer the GOOD. 320 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 里 _ 人來 Jj〗 天 好奚乎 。曰, 之_將 吿四下 U 氏樂 外之曰 、之 海而好 嘻否 。正 士 聲 _ 以之 况善 而多于 止音 詉善。 吼魯足 不聞强 於 顔予夫 階國乎 。寐。 識乎。 千色 、旣 苟將乎 。曰 f 曰！1 乎 。曰 ▲ 里跟 已不輕 夫辦其 钭否。 之 人知好 千苟善 爲否， 夕 h 於 乏善、 M 艋優 又渉知 " 則千矣 ，則 而善 、於也 ，則慮 2. Kung-sun Chcow asked, uIs Yo-ching a man of vigour? " and was answered, “No.” “Is he 'vise in council?” “No.” “Is he possessed of much information ? '' “No.” 3. u What then made you so glad that you could not sleep? ,f 4. “ He is a man who loves 'v— hat is good.” 5. u Is the love of what is good sufficient 6. “ The love of what is good is more than a sufficient qualifi- cation 士 or the government of tl—ie empire ; — how much more is it so for the state of Loo ! 7. u If a minister love what is good, all within the four seas Avill count 1,000 le but a small distance, and will come and lay their good thoughts before Mm. 8. 11 If he do not love what is good, men will say, 4 How self- conceited he looks ? He is sayincj to himself, I know it.* The lan- guage and looks of that self-conceit will keep men off at a distance of 1,000 le. AVhen good men stop 1,000 le off, calumniators, flatter- ers, and sycophants, will make their appearance. When a minister government,* as in ch. vi. 3. 2. 有知 慮乎 ，一知 is in the low. 3il tone ; 一 ‘ lias he wisdom and deliberation ?* — The tlirec gifts mentioned here were those considered most im- portant to government in that ajjo, and Kunjx- sun Ch(ow knowing Y5-ching to be deficient in them, put his questions accordingly. 4. Ou this par, it is said in the Q 4Iu the administration of govt., the m〇8t exccllcn quality is without prejudice and dispassionutely (虛中 ) to receive what is good. Now in re^^rd to all pood words ftncl good notions, \ ft- ching in his heart sincerely loves them-* 5. is what is simply sufficient. is wliat is sullicicut aud more. 8. 鋪 Pt. II. Cii. XIII.— XIV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. S21 以雖； 行 二 。則圖 得虜講 有未言 其迚祀 :。, 乎 。面詔 藏行 弗言 之孟于 談面 S 碁行也 , 致于曰 ，之詖 命百 也> 則 敬曰 > 古 人之 ^ 之池 、則就 以所之 屁人 禮 迎去之 ® 君 丨鐘至 奪之之 JP •禮 、三 ，于， 欲矣、 說敦其 礙 言所何 治> 與 則敬次 >未 將去如 可議 lives among calumniators, flatterers, and svcophants, tliou«;li be may Avish the State to be Avell governed, is it possible for it to be so? Chapter XIV. 1. The disciple Clrin said, u What were the prin- ciples on which superior men of old took office? Mencius replied, u There were three cases in which they accepted office, and three in which they left it. 2. 44 If received with the utmost respect and all polite obser- vances, and they could sav to themselves that the prince would carry their words into practice, then they took office with him. Afteriuarcls^ although there might be no remission in the polite demeanour of the prince, if their words were not carried into practice, they would leave him. 3. “ The secoml case was that in which, though pnVza e 洲 /(Z not be expected at once to carry their words into practice, yet being received by liim witli the utmost respect, they took office with him. But afterwards, if there was a remission in his polite demeanour, they would leave him. defined by Choo He, is- g ；g： ^P, ~ 4 the appearance of being Biitisfied Avith one5s own knowledge, and having no relish for good words.* 士 = 善人 _ Ch. 14. Grounds of taking and leaving office. Comp. V. Pt. II. iv. The three cases mentioned here are respectively the 行可 之仕 . the 際可， _ the 公養 of that place. 1. The Chfin is the Chcin Tsin, IL Pt. II. iii. 2 •迎 is simply= 接 ^寺， not 4 to go out to meet： 3 ^ ^ ^ =* is to be understood as thought in the scholar's mind, corresponding to ia the prec. par. In the ^ indeed, the =* there is made to be the language of the ruler, but see the gloss of tlie ^ ^ , in loc, 4. U 322 THK WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VI. 舉氣中 > 画 受我不 曰屈去 於 舉傅瘠 也土能 吾餓乙 i 於醜于 免池板 大太辦 孫 魚舉曰 、死 吾荖者 ，能下 > 政 鹽於舜 ，而恥 言太 ^ {朝 敫 之販發 巳 之池 、能 a 不 舉哏 築於矣 。周 使行尸 >食> 於 管之献 之屬 其君夕 海 夷讥献 亦餓道 、聞不 百吾 ji 之 可 於又之 、氮 4. u The last case was that of the superior man who had nothing to eat, either morning or evening, and Avas so famished that he coul(i not move out of his door. If the prince, on hearing of his state, said, 6 1 must fail in the great point, — that of cariying liis doctrines into practice, neither am I able to follow his words, but I am ashamed to allow him to die of want in my country/ The assistance offered in such a case might be received, but not beyond what was sufficient to avert death •” Chapter XV. 1. Mencius said, u Shun rose from among tlie channeled fields. Foo Yne was called to office from the midst of his building frames ; Kaou-kih from his fish and salt ; Kwan E-woo from the hands of his gaoler； San-sliiih Gaou from his hiding by the sea-shore; mid Pih-le He from the market-place. The assistance is in the sliape of employment offered. If not, then would not be a case of 就仕. Oil 15. I'ltlALS ANI> IIARDRIIIP.S TIIE AVAY IN ■which Hicavicn immcpahks mkn for ghkat seh- vicks. 1. With Shun, Kwan E-woo, and Pih- le lie, the student must be familiar. Foo YuP, — sec the Shoo-kin^, Pt. IV. Hk. vii., wliere it iy relate(l that the enii»(kror Ivaou-tsung liavin^ 1 <1 real nt that God ga\re him a ^ood assistant/ caused a picture of the man he hiu\ seen in his dream to be made, and ‘ search mml(* for him through the empire, wIkmi he was found dwell- ing in tlie wilderness of Foo-yen (^j^f 里 子).’ In the ( Historical Kccordb,1 it is» .said tlie surname was given in the dream as 傅， and the name as *1^. Kaou-kih is mentioned II. Pt. I. i. 8, whore it is said in the notes that liis wortli, wlien living in retirement, wns discovered by kinp Wan. He was then selling fish and salt, and on Wan s recominendation was raised to office by the last emperor of Yin? to whoso fortunos lie continued faithful. 8mi-slmh Ga〇u was jirinio minister to Clrwanp of Ts^o, tlio last of the fivtj chiefs of tlie princes. So imu li is beyond dispute, but the circumstances of liis elevation, and the family to >vl)ich he belonjjrtl, are uncertain. See the 叫 書摭餘 說，_. 月及 ^^，一 ‘ plmiks and building •’ Most of tlie houses in Cliina are built of earth and mortar beaten together within a moveable framct in Pt. II. Cii. XV. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 323 者 ，家發 4 能。 以乏志 . 任里 國拂於 衡人響 其勞於 奚> 恆 i 叙私 极心滅 其是邀 亡 。出 /而鼠過！ 行 筋人於 然棚 後而 然性拂 骨 也市 棱無嗓 。邊德 曾說餓 必故 知敵人 包能 益其 其先天 生 國則徵 晚其所 體苦將 於 外無於 困所氳 鼠其降 憂患 法色於 不所銮 心大 〇 m 2. uThus, when Heaven is about to confer a great office on any man, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and liis sinews and bones with toil. It exposes his body to hunger, and subjects him to extreme poverty. It confounds his undertakings. By all these methods it stimulates his mind, hardens his nature, and supplies his incompetencies. 3. uMen for the most part err, and are afterwards able to re- form. They are distressed in mind and perplexed in their thoughts, and then they arise to vigorous reformation. When things have been evidenced in men's looks, and set forth in their words, then they understand them. 4. u If a prince have not about his court families attached to the laAvs and worthy counsellors, and if abroad there are not hostile States or other external calamities, his kingdom will generally come to ruin. 5. uFrom these things we see how life springs from sorrow and calamity, and death from ease and pleasure/5 which the walls are formed. 舉士 ，-士 is the officer who was in charge of him. 2. 14^ 骨豊 1^， 一 hunger his members and skin/ — 4 empty his person/ 1^， ~7T 7^， 一 e as to his doings, confound what he is doing.* 今了 is taken as 行事 爲 as 心 所謀爲 •曾， —used for 僧. 3. The same thing holds true of ordinary men. They are improved by difficulties, — used for f 敦 角 •， 1Tiean" ing is, that, though most men are not quick of apprehension, yet when things are clearly before them, they can lay hold of them. 4. The same thing is true of a State. 家 一 £ law- families, * i.e., old families to whom the laws of the State are familiar and dear. 拂 is used for 弼 Sucli families and officers will stimulate 324 TIIE WORKS OF MEN'CIUS. BOOK VII. Chapter. XVI. ]\[encius said, u There are many arts in teach- ing. I refuse, as inconsistent Avith my character, to teach a man, bnt I am only thereby still teaching tlie prince^ mind by their lessons and remon- 6trances, and foreign danger will rouse him to carefulness and exertion. Ch. 1G. HOW A REFUSAL TO TEACH MAY BE Teaching. The 功、: in 功‘ is not without its force, hut we can hardly express it in a translation. 于不屑 之教瞎 = 予 不屑 教靡之 The 者 carries us on to the next clause for an explanation of what lias been said. BOOK VII. TSIN SIN. PART I. 矣。 _ 知其 心曰 存 ，其 性者 ，盡 其天性 、也 知其于 !i Chapter I. 】. Mencius said, uHe who has exhausted all bis mental constitution knows his nature. Knowing his nature, he knows Heaven. -^Like the previous books, | the commencln**： words Title of this Book. this is named from — i The exhausting of all the mental constitution.’ It contains many more chapters than any of them, bein*?, for the most i)art, bviel* e nigmatical sentences, conveying MoiK,ius, views €>f human nature. It is more abstruse also, and the student will have much difticulty in satisfy- ing himself that he has really hit the exact meaning of the phllosoplier. Tlie author of tlio 四薛 以 ‘根 錄， siys: 一 ‘This bode was made by ^Ioncius in his old Jipe Its style is torse% and its meaning deep, and wo cannot (li«- c«ver an or(k*i. of in its chapters, lie had completed the previous six Books, and this grew up uudor hi« poucil, a* hi.-j mind w;u affected, and he was prompted to give expression to his thoughts. The first chapter may be regard- ed, however, as a compendium of the whole.* ClI. 1. Bv THK STUDY OF OURSELVES WK COMB TO TIIIC KNOWLEDGE OF HEAVEN, AND Uka-. VEN IS SEKVI：]) BY OUR OBEYING U1：U NATURE. 1. h I conceive, to make one’8-self acqimiuted with i 飞 11 his mind, to arrest his consciousness, and artcertnin wlmt he is. Tliis of course j;ives a man tlio knowledge of liiH nature, ami as lio is the creature of lluaven, its jittril)utcs must be corresponding. It is much to be wisluul that instend of the term Heavon, vague and imletinite, Mencius had simply said '(iod/ I cun ^et no other meaning from tliis p;ir. ('boo lie, huwovi'i% uml all liis school, eay that there m l lra 死於 安樂 4, 匿孟于 of 教 亦多術 宪予 T, 屑 之教 講也 者 ‘是亦 教 誨之而 E Pr. II. Cii. VI. THE VVOIIKS OF MENCIUS. 2. u 10 preserve one's mental constitution, and nourish one's nature, tlie way to serve Heaven. 3. u WIicmi neither a premature death nor long life causes a man any (loul)le-iniiule(lness, but he waits in the cultivation of liis per- sonal character for ichatever issue \ — this is the way in which lie estal^ishes his ^^7r^?-orclained l)ein<^.，， Chapter II. 1. Mencius said, u There is an appointment for every tiling. A man should receive submissively wliut may be cor- rectly ascribed thereto. is no work or labour in ; tliat it is the ^5 of tlic Confucian chapter in the ' ‘ Superior Learuin 芘，， according to their view 〇t、 it ; that all the labour is in 郑 其性， which is tlie of tlmt chapter. If this be correct, we sliould translate: 一 4 He who com- ])lotely dcvelopes his mentul constitution, has ' known (come to know) his nature/ but I camiot ! construe tlie words so. 2. Tlie 4 preserva- tion,* is the holding fnst what we have from Heaven, and the * nourishing, * is the actinor in liarmony therewith, so that the ^ervinir Heaven * is just being and doing what it has iutiinated iu our constitution to be its will concerning us. 3. is our nature, according to the opening words of the Chung Yung, 一 天命之 謂性立 is to be a taken as an active verb. | 4 causes no doubts/ i.e., no doubts as to what is to be done. 俟之， -之丨 referring to — It may be well to give tlie views of Chaou Kce on this chapter. On the first paragraph lie saj^s: — *To the nature there belong the principles of benevolence, right- eousness, propriety, aud knowledge. Tlie mind is designed to regulate them (j\^ ：{j!j and liaving the distinction of being correct, a man can put forth all his mind to think of doing good, and then he may be said to know his nature. \Vhen he knows his nature, he knows that tlie way of Heaven considers what is good to be excellent.* On the second par. he says ： — * When one is able to preserve his uiind, and to nourish his correct nature, he may be called a man of perfect virtue ( 仁人 > The way of Heaven loves life, and the perfect man also loves life. The way of Iloaven is without partiality, and only approves of the virtuous. Thus the acting o f the perfect man agrees with Heaven, and hence it is said, — tliis is the way by wliich he serves Heaven/ On the third ])ar. lie says： — * The perfect man in his conduct is guided by one law. Although he sees tliat some who have gone be- fore him have been short-1 i red. and some lont?- lived, he never has two minds, or changes his way. Let life be short as tliat of Yen Yuen, or lon^ as that of tlie duke of Shaou, he refers either case equally to the appointment of Hea- ven. and cultivates and rectifies his own person to wait for that. It is in this way he establishes the root appointments (出 匕印 「j^ 立命 之本 These explanations do not throw light upon the text, but they show Iioav that may be treated independently of the school of Clioo He. And the equal unsatisfactoriness of his interpretation may well lead the student — the foreign student especially — to put forth his strength on the study of the text more than on the commentaries. Ch. 2. Man*s duty as affected by the DECREES OR APPOINTMENTS OF HEAVEN. WlIAT 3IAY BE CORRECTLY ASCRIBED THERETO AND what not. Choo He says this is a continuation of tlie last chapter, developing the meaning of the last paragraph. There is a connection be- tween the chapters, but is here taken more widely， as extending not only to man’s nature, but all the events that befall him. 正命 ，- 4 the correct appointment/ i.e.? that which is directly the will of Heaven. No consequence flowing from eyil or careless conduct is to be understood as being so. Clioo He's definition is -莫之 致而辛 者乃爲 正命， 4 that which comes without bein^ brought on is the correct appointment.' — Chaou K4e says there arc three ways of speaking about the 4 養其性 所以 事天 也一 I 壽 K Itk 修 # 以 俟 7> j 所以 立場 I i t tuf 莫非 命也 順受英 正。 THE WORKS OF MF.XCIUS. BOOK VII. 32G 於 道為肩 圓命 正牆是 S 得得 求矣盖 命么故 于备之 乓之于 也 。下 。知 曰 、求有 我是曰 > 萬在命 k 著求求 > 物 外是也 。有則 皆 者求求 ^ 益得 備也 。無之 於之, k 益有得 舍、 桂篇 盡壶命 梏其者 > 死道 T、 魂耑立 非死乎 正者 .巖 2. u Therefore, he who has the true idea of what is Heavens ap- pointment will not stand beneath a precij>itous wall. u Death sustained in the discharge of one's duties may correctly be ascribed to the appointment of Heaven. 4. 11 Death under handcuffs and fetters cannot correctly be so ascribed." Chapter III. 1. Mencius saitl, u When we get by our seeking and lose by our neglecting ; — in that case seeking is of use to getting, and the things sought for are tliose Avhicli are in ourselves. 2. u When the seeking is according to the proper course, and the getting is only as appointed ; — in that case the seeking is of no use to getting, and the things sought are -without ourselves." CiiArTEii IV. 1. Mencius said, u All things are already complete in us. appointments or decrees of Heaven. Doing good and getting good is called OTHElt KXTKKNAL things not. I'h is general sentiment is correct, but truth is sacrificed to the point of tlie anti- thesis, wlien it is said in the second case tlmt seeking is of no use to petting. The thinirs 4 in ourselves * are benevolence, righteousness, propriety, an in, D()lN(i U(>(>1>, AM> MAY 1*1:R1.，ECT lmiSELF TIIKItK- in. 1. This? par. is quite mystical. The all things are taken only as the principles of all things, wliidi all tilings moreover are only Vt. 1. C»i. IV— VII. TIIE WORKS OF MKNCITS. ：V27 国 恥愚也 。由焉 k 團焉 。鼠我 孟 5 無孟 5 之習跆 疆1 矣。 于恥于 而矣 >于 恕反 s 氐 之既 —石而 曰> f/fl 身 恥恥 k 人 知不行 行> 而 之無 了、 其察之 ，求誡 > 於恥可 道焉 、而 仁樂 人矣 。以 者廣不 莫莫 大 無 衆身著 近大 2. u There is no greater delight than to be conscious of sincerity on self-exaniination. 3. u If one acts with a vigorous effort at the law of reciprocity, when lie seeks for the realization of perfect virtue, nothing can be closer than his approximation to it/' Chapter V. 1. Mencius said, uTo act Avithout understanding, and to do so habitually Avithout examination, pursuing the proper path all the life without knowing its nature ; — this is the way of inultitudcs.v Chapter ^ I. ^lencius said, u A man may not be Avithout shame. AVhenoneis ashamed of havinp： been without shame, he will after- not have wett.v/W? sliame.” Chapter VII. 1. Mencius said, u The sense of shame is to a man of great importance. relations of society. If we extend them far- ther, we only get embarrassed. 2. The here is that so largely treated of in the Chung Yung. 3. is the judging of others by ourselves, and acting accordingly. Comp, the Doctrine of the Mean. xiii. 3. Cn. 5. How MANY ACT WITHOUT THOUGHT. Comp. Conf. Ana., VIII. ix. 行之， 由之， 一 is to be understood of but ;首 =4its nature/ its propriety, which is the object of and its grounds, which is the object of Choo He defines as 矢0 明 • ‘knowing elearly，’ aud 察 as _ 之 c knowing minutely and exactly.* 4 There is much activity/ says the 1 官，‘ inthetw。 verbs.* This use is of is not common. Ch. 6. The value of the feeling of shame. The last 耳止 =sliamef ul conduct. Cn. 7. The same subject. The former ch.， it is said, was by way of exhortation (以勸 ); this is by way of warning ( 刃戈 )• The sec. par. is aimed at the wandering scholars of Mencius* time, wlio were full of plots and schemes to unite and disunite the various princes. 中幾， 一 ‘ springs of motion，’ ‘ machinery •’ The third par. may also be translated, 4 If a man he not ashamed at his being not like other men,， 328 THE WORKS OF MEXCIUS. BOOK VII. 2. u Those wlio form contrivances and versatile schemes distin- guished for their artfulness, do not allow their sense of shainu to come into action. 3. u When one differs from other men in not having this sense of shame, what will he have in common with them ?,! Chapter VIII. 1. Mencius said, t4The able and virtuous mon- archs of antiquity loved virtue and forgot power. And shall an exception be made of the able and virtuous scholars of antiquity, that they did not clo the same? They delighted in their own ])rin- ciples, and were oblivious of the power of princes. Therefore, if kings and dukes did not show the utmost respect, and observe all forms of ceremoji)^ they were not permitted to come frequently and visit them. If they thus found it not in their ])〇wer to pay them frequent visits, how much less could they get to employ them as ministers ?” Chapter IX. 1. Mencius said to Sung Kow-ts4een, 44 Are you fond, Sir, of travelling to the different courts ? I -will tell you about sucli travelling. tue ( H and forgot the power of men, i.e., of the princes. ClI. 8. How TIIE ANCIENT SCHOLAUR MAIN- TAINED THE DIGNITY OF TIIKIR CHARACTER AND principles. is not virtue in the abstract, but the pood which they saw in otliers, in the scholars namely, is their own * power.* As applied to tl»c scholars, liowever, tliese thinijs have to be* reversed. They loved their own vlr- ClI. 9. How A PROFESSIONAL ADVISER OP TIIK PRINCES MIGHT UK ALWAYS rKHFECTLY SATISFIED. TlIK EXAMPLE OF ANTIQUITY. 1. Some make the party spoken to in this Hi. to be* Kow(>||j rc;ul as ^^''-ts cen of J?ung. C 二 ® ve 矣备 機變之 巧者 無所用 0 : o 一 J ^ 、 Vi o 焉^ : M K< 若人何 若人有 圓 命于 Elf 古之 賢玉好 善而 忘 勢 古之賢 +, 何獨 7; 然樂 其览面 忘 人之歡 故王公 T, 敦 敬盡 )l, s< 7; 得產見 之 II, i 猶 一 > 得基而况得而臣之 乎。 丨一節 V B 孟 于謂采 匆 踐曰于 好遊 Pt. I. Ch. IX. TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 329 身 .志 H 焉 則 身人不 兼 見得離 善於志 > 道> 天 I 澤故 下 。窮 ，加民 則於不 善不望 其得焉 > 不以以 人乎, 離囂 囂不吾 道。 嚣囂知 、諸 窮邊 。类 。亦手 不故 g 盱 囂遊。 类士 尊氣入 5 義 翁德曰 f 知 故不樂 何之、 士矣義 、 如、 亦 得 義> 則斯囂 己達 可可囂 > 2. u If a prince acknowledge you and follow your counsels, be per- fectly satisfied. If no one do so, be the same.” 3. Kow-ts^en said, uAVhat is to be clone to secure tliis perfect satisfaction ? ” Mencius replied, u Honour virtue and delight in righteousness, and so you may always be perfectly satisfied. 4. u Therefore, a scholar, tliough poor, does not let go liis riglit- eousness; though prosperous, he does not leave liis path. 5. u Poor and not letting righteousness go ; — it is thus that the scholar holds possession of liiinself. Prosperous and not leaving the 2>roper path ； — it is thus that the expectations of the people are not disappointed. 6. u When the men of antiquity realized tlieir wishes, benefits Avere conferred by them on the people. If they did not realize their wishes, they cultivated their personal character, and became illustrious in the world. If poor, they attended to their own virtue in solitude ; if advanced to dignity, they made the whole empire virtuous as Avell.n Nothing is known of him, but that he was one of the adventurers, who travelled about tender- ing their adyice to the different princes. 2. To translate as I have done here, can hardly be called a paraphrase. Choo He, af- ter Chaou K4e, explains as * the appear- ance of self-possession and freedom from desire/ 1 Perfectly satisfied/ conveys the idea of the phrase. 3. It is to be understood that the * virtue ? is that which the scholar has in him- self, and the 4 righteousness’ is the course which he pursues. 4. is the reverse. 5. 4 Holds pos- session of himself/ — i.e., has what he chiefly loves and seeks. 6. 古之人 ，-人 = 士- — Choo He observes ： 一 ; This chapter shows how the scholar, attaching weight to what is inter-r nal, and holding what is external light, will approve liiraself gQQ(^4 all places and circuiu， stances.' 330 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VIL _ 雖 雖圍 1 過之国 之興圍 孟 ^ 死獻 孟人家 :孟士 /氣孟 遠如于 雖凡于 曰 、無 民曰, B'ifl 者 。生佚 之 道道 民‘ 驩 蓖民‘ 自 附文也 ，待 視之 王若文 欲以 猶夫王 版韓興 。豪而 則魏 傑後 Chapter X. Mencius said, “The mass of men wait for a king Wan, and then they will receive a rousing impulse. Scholars dis- tinguished 兄 v, without a king WSn, rouse themselves.” Chapter XI. Mencius said, u Add to a man the families of Han and Wei. If he then look upon himself without being elated, he is far beyond the mass of inen.?, Chapter XII. Mencius said, u Let the people be employed in the way wliicli is intended to secure their ease, and though they be toiled, they will not inuririur. Let them be put to death in the way whicli is intended to preserve their lives, and though they die, they Avill not murmur at him who puts them to death. 57 Chapter XI I T. 1. Mencius said, u Under a chief, leading all the princes, the people look brisk and cheerful. Under a true sove- reign, they have un air of deep contentment. ClI. 】0. II〇'V PEOPLE SHOULD GET TIIETU I INSPIRATION TO GOOD IN TIIEMSELVKS. 凡 民， 一^ the people/ i.e.} ordinary people. 傅 = 俊傑 , in II. I>t. I. '' K AVhon a dis- tinction is miide between the Hiaracters, he wlio in wisdom is the first of 10,000 men, is called ; tlie first c'f 1,0 )0 is cjilled ； tlie first of 100 is called ; the first of 10 is called 懷 Cn. 11. Not to he elated mr tucites is a pkoof of 8i;i»ehiouity. 1 1 an and Wei, see I. Pt. I. i. 1, notes. i The families of Han and Wei/ 一 the wealth jiml power of tliose families. |(|ip used for 4 to increase, * indicates the exte. nality of the additions. 敏然 is defined 一 不自滿 5： 竟， ‘n°tbeingfuUofand satisfied w th one's-seltV Cii. 12. When a huler^ atm is evidentlt Till: (iOOIVrnEY 'V1LL NOT MUKMUIl AT ins hausiiest MKAsruEs The first p.irt is explained riuhtly of toils in ac：riculturo, ro:“l- making, bri(l«：e-makintj： &〇., and the second of the administration of justice, where I should ])n*fer thinkinu thnt Mencius had the idea of a just war before him. Comp. Ana., XX. ii. 2. 佚 道， — ‘a way 〇f ease; ’ 生 道 ，—‘ a w,|y of life/ Cn. 13. Tiie diffkrent influence exkh- CISKDliY A ClIIU AMONG THl: 1*KINC1:S, AXI> lir A TRUE SOVEREIGN. 處, is explained in the diet., with reference to this passage, l>y 樂 . It is the same as 娛 ami 雜 處—触 娛 .皡皡 廣大自 得之貌 _ Pi. I. Cn. XIII.-XIV. THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. 331 如聲 國哉。 天者知 面如虞 善之蠢 ^地也 爲不 A。 如 教人于 |n 丨所 之庸 r 激也 之人曰 ，流 、存者 。民 之王 得深仁 豈者夫 ■而者 民也 。氪 曰4 祕君 遷不之 也 。善 0、 小上于 善怨屈 k 善§败 如 補下所 而刹皞 政 3 仁 之與過 7、 之皞 2. u Though he slay them, they do not murmur. When he benefits them, they do not think of his merit. From day to day they make progress towards what is good, without knowing who makes them do so. 3. u Wherever the superior man passes through, transformation follows ; wherever he abides, his influence is of a spiritual nature. It flows abroad al)〇ve and beneath, like that of Heaven and Earth. How can it be said that he mends society but in a small way ! " Chapter XIV. 1. Mencius said, u Kindly words do not enter so deeply into men as a reputation for kindness. 2. 44 Good government does not lay hold of the people so much as good instructions. appearance of enlargement and self-possos- si(m.’ In illustration of the condition of the people under a true sovereign, commentators generally quote a tradition of tlieir state in the golden age of Yaou, when 4 entire harmony reigned under heaven, and the lives of the peo- ple passed easily a'vay.’ Then the old men emote the clods, and sang, — 曰出 而作， 日入而 息驗井 而飮耕 田而 食 ，帝力 於莪柄 '有緣 ‘ At sunrise we rise, and at sunset we rest. We dig our wells and drink ； we cultivate our fields mul eat. — What is the strength of the emperor to us ?* 2. is used in the sense of ^erit/or meritorious work, and the analogy of the other clauses determines the meaning of as in the translation. 3. 呑子 has reference to tlie par. 1. It is used hero in its highest application^' the sage.* i 晶， ^)X 存^ — the latter phrase is interpreted I morally, being=4 when lie has fixed his mind to produce a result.1 This is unnecessary, jjj 电， 一 I 4 spiritual/ 4 mysterious ：* — the effects are sure and visible, but the operntion is hidden. In the j influence of Shun in the time of his obscurity, I wlien the ploughmen yielded the furrow, and I the potters made their vessels all sound, >ve I have an example, it is said, of the 所過者 化. In what it is presumed would have been the influence of Confucius, had he been in the position of a ruler, as described, Ana. XIX. xxv., we have an example of the 所存者 filjl. f< 甫之， 一as an object for 之， I supply 4 society/ It is understood that a leader of the princes only helps the people in a small way. Cn. 14. The value to a ruler of reputa- tion axd moral inflcesces. Kimlly 'vords are but brief, and on an occasion. A reputa- tion for kinduess unist be the growth of time 832 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VIL 国 天仁也 > 無知能 圓得民 孟 下也惠 不者方 I 孟联畏 于也 。敬 不甸其 其于財 ▲之 k 尽長 ，知愛 良良曰 、善善 舜 義礙其 知能人 氣教、 之 也 UliUfL 之得民 居 無兄也 孩斬所 、民愛 深 他池 。及提 不不心 。之、 山 達裁琪 之慮學 善 之之 親長童 ，而而 败 3, u Good government is feared by the people^ while good in- structions are loved by them. Good government gets the people s wealthy while good instructions get their hearts.^ Chapter XV. 1. Mencius said, uThe ability possessed b)^ men without having been acquired by learning is intuitive ability, and the knowledge possessed by them without the exercise of thought is their intuitive knowledge* 2. u Children carried in the arms all know to love their parents, and when they are grown a little^ they all know to love their elder brothers. 3. u Filial affection for parents is the icorking of benevolence. Respect for elders is the working of righteousness. There is no other reason for those feelings ; — -they belong to all under heaven. Chapter XVI* Mencius said^ u When Shun was living amid the deep retired, mountains, dwelling with the trees and rocks, and and of many evidences. With the whole chap- ter, compare Ana., II. iii. ClI. 15, BENEVOLENC12 AND KI01ITEOU8NRSS 入 RE NATURAL TO MAN, I»AIITS OF II 1 3 CONSTITU- TION. 1. I translate by •intuitive,* but it Borves also to denote the * goodness * of the nature of man. Clioo He so defines it : 一 者本然 之善也 • 2. 孩 hde- fined in the diet* by yj\ 者 >孟5 欲孟 禦行庸 k 以與 恆于 其于也 。若 及異木 存艮 所曰 .決 其於石 乎人 不無 江 間深屁 、歲之 河> 一 山興 秦 。有 如其 浠善 i： 遙 獨噍 此所 然 言廣豕 孤慧 而不 莫見 人遊, 臣術 E 氣 之 一者其 wandering among the deer and swine, the difference between him and the rude inhabitants oi' those remote hills appeared very small. But when he heard a single good word, or saw a single good action, he was like a stream or a river bursting its banks, and flowing out in an irresistible floocl.M Chapter XVt1I. Mencius said, u Let a man not do what his own sense of righteousness tells him not to do, and let him not desire ■what his sense of righteousness tells him not to desire ; — to act thus is all he has t.o do.” Chapter XYIII. 1. Mencius said, u Men Avho are possessed of intelligent virtue and prudence in alfairs will generally be found to have been in sickness and troubles. 2. u They are the friendless minister and concubine's son, who keep their hearts under a sense of peril, and use deep precautions against calamity. On this account they become distinguished for their in- telligence.” 河謂注 之決也 ，非 人決 之也」 江河 may be take generally, or with special ! reference to the Yang-tsze and Yellow river. I prefer the former. Ch. 17. A MAN HAS BUT TO OBEY TnE LAW in himself. The text is literally 一 ‘Not doing what he does not do/ &c. Much must be supplied to make it intelligible in a translation. Chaou K4e interprets and supplies quite diffe- | rently ： 一 4 Let a man not make another do what he does not do himself,' &c. Ch. 18. The benefits oe trouble and af- fliction. Comp. VI. Pt. II. xv. and 挪 J and 矢 |J (up. 3d tone) go together， 一 4 intelligence of virtue, and wisdom of arts/' retains its proper meaning of c to be iu/ means properly ‘fever，’ { any feverish dis- — but here 疢疾 =distresses generally. 2. 惟一 joined with but qual- lifying tlie whole sentence. 獨 = 孤， 6 father- THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VIL ?jU s 而之達 稷韦峰 圍患孽 孟 .者可 盔安是 孟吨于 . 予金 I 行 祕 社君 于氣其 印 者有辦 者稷則 曰激操 ■也 玉关 4 臣爲 有叙心 有 者 J 天以 悅君 危 三 正後民 安者人 其 樂 S 行暮 社也 。者 > E Chapter XIX. 1. Mencius said, u There are persons wlio serve the prince ; — they serve the prince, that is? for the sake of his coun- tenance and favour. 2. u There are ministers who seek the tranquillity of the State, and find their pleasure in securing that tranquillity. 3. u There are those who are the people of Heaven. They, judg- ing that^ if they were in office, they could carry out their ijrincij^es^ throughout the empire, proceed so to carry them out. 4. u There are those who are great men. They rectify them- selves and others are rectified. ,5 CiiAPTEii XX. 1. Mencius said, u The superior man has three less,* friendless, not having favour with the sovereign. 孽子 is not the child of one wlio is a concubine merely, but a concubine in dis- grace, or one of a very low r«*mk. 裏^ is taken as if it were the shooting forth of a tree after it lias been cut down. Cn. 19. Four different classes of minis- ters. 1 •有 事# 人者， =thu 人 is joined with and not to be taken with Mencius speaks of ‘persons，’ and not 臣 ( ministers,* to indicate his contempt. 爲容悦 is difficult. Tlie common view is what I liave given. 容是 使苕容 我 ，悦 是使君 悦我， i8 1。 cause the prince to bear with — countenance 一 them ; — yue is to cause the prince to be pleased with them.' Iu tliis case, sliould be read in low. 3d tone. It is said, however, to have 1 腎 * the idea of aiming exclusively.* 2. 社 稷臣， see Con. Ana., XVI. i. 2. j|^, it will be seen, is not used here, as in tl- last par. 3. % 民 ， 一 * Heaven’s people/ those who seem dearer to Heaven aiul more favoured by it. Comp. V. I. l*t. I. vii. 5. 4. 4 The great men * are the sapes, the highest style of men. 物 is to be under- stood of persons = i the sovereign and the people.* 一 The first clas9 of ministers may be styled the mercenary ; the second, the loyal ; the third have no selfishness, and they em- brace the whole empire in tlieir regards, l>ut they have thoir defined aims to be attained l>y systematic oifort, while the fourth, unconcious- \y but surely, produce tlic grandest results. Ch. 20. Thk things which the 8rri:»u〇R Impicuial sway is not 1. 3l 天下 be MAN DELIGHTS IN. AMONG TIIKM. Vt. I. Ch. XX.— XXI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. ：V65 之>而 欲国 芏之樂 T、 俱而 所立， 之孟⑶ 天三也 。愧存 , 王 性 定所于 F 樂彳旧 於兄天 I 四樂曰 i 椒 。天天 ，弟下 存海太 廣與舍 ■下# 無太 焉2 之齊土 存于英 7、 故、與 和 民焉 。衆 _ 。看 + _ —存 于 君中联 ，三 而於 樂焉。 所 于天君 樂 ，教 人也炎 性肩 下于 而 育二仰 3 母 things in Avliich lie delights, and to be ruler over the empire is not one of tliem. 2. uThut his father and mother are both alive, and that the condition of his brothers affords no cause for anxiety ; — this is one delight. 3. uThat, when looking up, lie has no occasion for shame before Heaven, and, below, lie lias no occasion to blush before men ; — this is a second delight. 4. u That he can get from the whole empire tlie most talented individnals, and teach and nourish them ; — this is the third delight. 5. u The superior man lias three tilings in Avliich lie delights, and to be ruler over the empire is not one of tliem." Chapter XXI. 1. Mencius said， u Wide territory and a nume- rous people are desired by the superior man, but what lie delights in is not here. 2. uTo stand in the centre of the empire, and tranquillize the people within the four seas ； — the superior man delights in this, but the highest enjoyment of liis nature is not here. taken as simply 天- The possession of the sovereign sway is indicated, and not the carrying out of the true imperial principles. 2 •兄 弟無故 may be understood of every painful thing in the condition of his Ch. 21. Max’s own nature the most IMPORTANT THING TO U1M, AND THE SOLRCE OF his true enjoyment. 1. This describes the condition of the prince of a large State, who has thereby jnany opportunities of doing good. 2. This advances on the meaning of the first par. The individual indicated is the brothers, which would distress him. 3. We cannot but attach a personal meaning to 4 Heaven' here. emperor, who by his position can benefit the myriads of the people, and therein he feels delight. 所性 —what belongs to him by 336 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 善曰 4 [:圍 丕盎其 所不雖 養盡痛 盖唁 於生性 J 大 老 歸之于 而背名 仁肩名 者 , 乎濱 k 曰，。 施也義 ，分不 太 來屬伯 公 吾文夷 辟 聞王辟 紂屬 作純 居 伯興居 於胖禮 > 定加 四然智 ，故 體, 見根也 。雖 四於於 君§窮 體缸 心序居 3. u What belongs by his nature to tlie superior man cannot be increased by the largeness of his sphere of action, nor diminished by his dwelling in poverty and retirement; — for this reason that it is determinately apportioned to him by Heaven. 4. u What belongs by his nature to the superior man are bene- volence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge. These are rooted in his heart ; their groAvth and manifestation are a mild harmony appearing in the countenance, a rich liilness in the back, and the character imparted to the four limbs. Those limbs uiider&taiid to arrawye without being told.” Chapter XXII. Mencius said, u Pih-e, that he might avoW Cliow, was dwelling on the coast of the northern sea when he heard of tlie rise of king WSn. He roused liimself and said， “ Why should 1 】iot go and follow him? I have heard that tlie chief of the 'Vest knows well how to nourish tlie old.' T^ae-kung, to avoid Chow, was dwell- ing on tlie coast of the eastern sea. When he heard of the rise of nature. 3 •君子 iS not to be interpreted only of the prince of a State or the emperor. Indeed in the two preceding paragraphs, though the individuaU irulicated are in those positions, the phrase, as well as here, has its moral sig- nificancy. (low. 3d tone) 定故也 ，- the nature is complote as given by Ilcavcn. It can only be developed from within. Nothing can be added to it from witliout. This seems to be the idea. 4. 其 生色也 extend over all the rest of the par. and are in apposition ; io not to be taken ns under the government of 生. The uicauing is sim- ypl that moral and iutellectival qualities indi- cate themselves iu the general appearance and bearing. 脾然 is explained as 淸和潤 y™ 4 the appearance of what is pure^ haroiouious^ moiatcoing and rich,' and 盎 搜厚盈 溢之暮 ， ‘meanine what i8 affluent, generous full and overflowing*' 一 The whole description \& rather strained. Ch. 22, Tub government of king Wan BY WHICH THK AGED WEKE NOURISHED. 1. Comp. IV- Pt. I. xui. 1. 2. This is to b# Pt. I. Cii. XXII. Till-： WORKS OF MENCIUS. 337 者、 以之時 A 帛桑己 天歸東 制無乩 老矣 ，匹歸 下乎海 其 飢匹者 婦矣 。有來 之 田 矣 。夫足 母蠶五 權吾濱 , 里所 響以難 献 養聞聞 教謂之 無二則 之老; 西支 之两八 失母老 宅> 則伯王 樹 M d 肉藏 者樹在 善作 i 杳> 善之 头 挪 足牆 人養興 導 養家百 失以下 以老氐 其老 Mj 畝其衣 以爲者 、盍 king AVan, he said, c Why should I not go find follow him? I have heard that the chief of the West knows w ell how to nourish tlie old/ If there were a prince in the empire, avIio knew well howto nourish the old, all men of virtue would feel that he was the proper object for them to gather to. 2. u Around the homestead Mrith its five mow, the space beneath the walls was planted with mulberry trees, with which the women nourished silkworms, and thus the old were al)le to have silk to wear. Each famih/ had five brood hens and two l>i，ood sows， wliicli were kept to their breeding seasons, and thus the old were able to have flesh to eat. The husbandmen cultivated their farms of 100 mow, and thus their families of eight mouths were secured against want. 3. u The expression, 4 The cliief of the AVest knows well how to nourish the old/ refers to his regulation of the fields and dwellings, his teaching iliem to plant tlie mulberry and nourish those animals, and his instructing the wives and children, so as to make them nourish translated historically, as it describes kin^ Win's government. Comp. I. Pt. I. iii. -t. f/C 5^, corresponding to 四夫 , below ; 一 ‘the private woman.’ 4 tlie private man.’ 一 4fiilkw〇rnied them,* i.e., nourished silkworms with them. It is observed by p^| • 一 4 The silkworm eats and does not drink, going through its transformations in 27 duvs. The wife of the Yellow emperor (b.c. 2607 — 2597), whose surname was Se-ling ( j?t} ^rst taught the people to keep silkworms, nnd to manage their silk, in order to provide clothes. Future ages sacrifice to her as the Meac-ius has not mentioned before the numl)erof brood sows and hens apportioned to a family, 3. 此 ^ responds to > at the beginning. The whole paragraph is the 338 fHE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. their aged. At fifty, warmth cannot be maintained Avithout silks, and at seventy flesh is necessary to satisfy the appetite. Persons iiot kept warm nor supplied with food are said to be starved and famished, but among the people of king Wan, there were no aged avIio were starved or famished. This is the meaning of the expres- sion in question. Ciiaptkr XXIII. 1. Mencius said, u Let it be seen to that their fields of j)*rain and hemp are well cultivated, and make the taxes on them ; — so the people may be made rich. 2. u Let it be seen to that the people use their resources of food sea- sonably, and expend their wealth only on the presrril)ed ceremonies : — so their wealth will be more than can be consuniecl. 3. uThe ])eople cannot live witliout water and fire, yet if you knock at a man's door in the dusk of the evening, and ask for water and lire, there is no mail wlio Avill not give them, such is the abund- ance of these things. A sage governs the empire so as to cause pulse explanation of that expression. 田里 ，-里 is the ilwdling' place, the 5 mow allotted for build- ings. Cm. 23. To pkomoti*: the viutite of tiie PICOFLE, Til 1C Flits T C.VU1C OF A GOVERNMENT 8fI〇ULI> WVj TO CONSULT FOK TUKIR liKINO WELL off. 1. e, 一 low. 3d tone, as I. Ft. I. v. 8, et «/. JU , -一 'grain fields.' (D 靠， 一 * flax fields.* are both in llie iinpur., indicating the wurk of the rulor or ^ovuniincnt. So and 用 in par. 2， where nmy be referred to , or the resources arising from the govt, just indicated. may be best explained from I. Pt. I. iii. 3, 4. the are the festive oc casions of capping, marriage, &c., excepting on whicli a strict economy should be enforced. 8. Comp. I. Pt. I. vii. 19. properly denotes half an liour after sunset, or thereabouts 暮 日聰， • the eveniu 私 妻 T, 使養其 束 五 t 非帛 不簏弋 十 ‘非肉 不 銳不緩 一 4 槪謂 之凍饒 文王之 民。 無凍 II 之老暮 此之 謂 40 圍 1 于！ l 「易其 ra 嗜薄其 • 〇 二節 親傲氏 可使富 也 食之以 晚 用之以 禮財 T, 可勝用 0 三節 vft I 也民非 水火不 生 活昏暮 叩 人之門 一 凡求 水九無 卵 and grain to be as abundant as water and fire. When pulse and grain are as abundant as water and fire, how shall tlie people be other than virtuous? ** Chapter XXIV. 1. Mencius said, u Confucius ascended the east- ern hill, and Loo appeared to him small. He ascended the T'ae mountain, and all beneath the heavens appeared to him small. So, lie who lias coiitemplated the sea, iinds it difficult to t.l] ink any thing of other waters, and he who has wandered in the gate of the sage, finds it difficult to think anything of the ■words of others. 2. u Tliere is an art in the contemplation of water. — It is ne- cessary to look at it as foaming in waves. The sun and moon being possessed of brilliancy, their light adinitted even through an oritice illuminates. 3. u Flowing Avater is a thing which does not proceed till it lias filled the hollows in its course. The student who has set his mind of the day.* The time of the request is inop- portune, and the manner of it not according to propriety ; — and yet it is granted. )段 is tlie general name for all kinds of peas and beans. — as in Ana , XII. xi. 3. Ch. 24. How THE GREAT DOCTRINES OF THE SAGES ARE TO BE ADVANCED TO BY SUCCESSIVE steps. 1. This par. illustrates the great- ness of the sage5s doctrines. The eastern hill was on the east of the capital of Loo. Some iden- tify it with a small hill, called Faug in the district of K‘euh-fow (曲 _^)， at the foot of which Confucius, parents were buried ； others with a hill named Mun 铉 (^^), in the district of Pe in the department of E-chow rJ'he T4ae mountain is the chief of the live irreat moun- tains of Cliina. It lay on the extreme east of Ts^, in tlie present district of T'ac-ngan, in the department of the same name. In 导浪 爲 is used as in 爲衆， IV. Pt. I. vii. 5. 2. This illustrates how the very greatness of the sages* doctrines leads to the thought of their ele- mentary principles. Who can look at the foam- ing* waves and suppose they are fortuitous and sourceless ? So light penetrating ever\r cranny assures us of its source in tlie great luminaries. 子 is here the aspiring student. Pt. I. Cn. XXIII.— XXIV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 輿乾 至厄東 聖人治 天 I 使有菽 粟如水 九菽栗 如〇 水 4 而 民焉有 T, 仁者乎 ◦ 圖益于 〇! 孔子登 東山而 小氰登太山而小天下‘故 觀 於海者 難爲水 遊於聖 丨 。二節 人‘ 之 pi 者難‘ 爲言觀 j 有 低必 觀其蹦 日 月有明 客 oll m V* 光必照 焉 ^ 水之爲 物也 ^ 盈刺 ^ 托君子之志於 340 THE WORKS OF JIEXCIUS. BOOK VII. on the doctrines 〇/ 从 does not advance to them but by com- pleting one lesson after another.” Chapter XXV. 1. Mencius said, u He who rises at cock-crow- ing, and addresses himself earnestly to the practice of virtue, is a disciple of Shun. 2. u He who rises at cook -crowing, and addresses liimself earnestly to the pursuit of gain, is a disciple of Chili. 3. u If you want to know Avliat separates Shun from Chili, it is simply this, —— the interval between the thought of gain and the thought virtue.” Chapter XXVI. 1. Mencius said, uThe principle of the philoso- pher Yang was — ‘Each one for himself.* Though lie might have benefited the whole empire by plucking out a single hair, he would not have done it. 2. u The philosopher Mih loves all equally. If by rubbing smooth his Avhole body from tlie crown to the heel, lie could have benefited the empire, lie would have done it. 4 an elegant piece/ here for 4 oue lesson/ * one truth •’ Cn. 25. The differf^nt kksults to which THE LOVK OF GOOD ANI> TUI) LOVE OF GAIN lead. 1. 4 A disciple of Shun/ — i.e.. al- thougli sue}) a limn m:iy not hiinself attain to be a sage, he is trending in the steps of one, ； 2. Chih, ( 跪 bei 叫職 <丨 forfe)， is the 取者僅 足 之意 ，‘取 c<)nTCy8 the idem ^ T of wliat is barely sufficient/ This is not convct. ro)ber Cl 丨 ih ; •咖 III. IX II. x. 3. 為利 ’― 丨 极 子似 — g 子所取 爲 is used here iw in di. xix. 1. I should prefer phiiosopht-r Yim>{ chose, was'... In the writinjrs myself to read it iu tho low. ：3d tone. It is ob- 〇f the scholar LcO ( ^|| ?*), Bk. VII., we find ^rvecl hy tlie scholar Clrinir that * bv moh. Obstinate AmiKimrE to a corKsB M IIU II WE MAY DEEM ABaTItArTLY 1UGI1T Id PKKiLoiis. 1. 4 The philosoplior Yang,* 一 see III.Pt. II. ix. 9, 10, H. Choo He says:— is intended to repiTHont the slight- wchta of tlu- kcparulioii bcl'\»*cii IhrMii, iu il«j one of liis hairs to benefit others/ and wlien (|iic*stion〇(l Inmrtdf *il' he wauhl pull out a l» ^ir iu lit*lp vji a^u.' dcclinim; to rt-ply. -* *lli# 道也 K 成章不 達」 圖益于 of JI 鳴而畆 孳孳盔 善氣舜 之徒 〇二 ® V* 也鷄 鳴而起 孳孳爲 利者 #; 之徒也緲知 舜與窆 論佌利 與 |2之間1 圍命于 of 楊 于取爲 私 拔一毛 而 利天下 c 二 ®- i 不 爲也 墨于 兼愛摩 ri. I. Ch. XXVI.— XXVII. TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. 341 3. u fsze-moh holds a inediurn between these. Bv holding that medium, lie is nearer the right. But by holding it without leaving room for the exigency of circumstances, it becomes like their holding their one point. 4. uThe reason why I liate t)iat holding to one point is the in- jury it does to the way o f right principle. It takes up one point and disregards a lu 川 (1 reel others •” Chapter 1. ^lencius said, u The hungry think any food sweet, and the thirsty think the same of any drink, and thus they do not get the right taste of what tlie)r eat and drink. The hunger and thirst, in fact, injure their palate. And is it only the mouth and belly which are injured by hunger and thirst? Men's minds are also injured by them. 2. u If a man can prevent the evils of hunger and thirst from philosopher Mih, _ see III. Pt I. v. 1 ; Pt. IT. ix. D, 10, 14. We are not to understand the rub- bing the body smooth as an isolated act which somehow would benefit the empire The smoothness would arise from labours undergone for the empire, like those of the great Yu, who wrought and waded till he had worn away all the hair on his legs. See the in loc 3. Of Tsze-moh nothing seems to be known, but that he belonged to Loo. 幸&中 ， must be clearly understootl as referring to a Mean be- tween t)ie selfishness of Yang Choo and the transcendentalism of Mill Teili. 近之 = i®， the mentioned in par. 4. The necessity of attending to tlie exigency of cir- cumstances is illustrated hv saying that a case may be conceived when it would be duty to deny a 6in^le hair to save the eiupire； and a case when it would be duty to rub the whole body smooth to do so. The orthodox way (^S ) of China is to do what is right with re- ference to the whole circumstances of every case and time. Ch. 27. The importance of not allowing THE MIND TO BE 1NJURKD BY POVERTY AND A mean condition. 1. perhaps is used adverbially,^：4 readily comp. II. Pt. I. i. 11. The two clauses and run p心 亦皆有 篆 A- 能無 以飢 342 THE WORKS OF ^IKNCIUS. BOOK VIL ll II I 假 也圍不 之 湯孟沒 也 。武 4于鼠 井 斤公于 不害, 夕 一身氏 猶掘 FK 為曰 /爲爲 假 之堯爲 井有其 柳憂心 而也 、舜 ，棄 九盔介 。下矣 。害, SJ/It〇wik T、 I being any evils to his mind, lie need not have any sorrow about not being up with other men." Chapter XXVIII. Mencius said, u Hwuy of Lew-hea Avould not for the three highest offices of state have changed his lirm pur- pose of life.5' Chapter XXIX. Mencius said, UA man with definite aims to be accomplished may be compared to one digging a well. To dig the well to a deptli of seventy-two cubits, and stop without reaching the spring, is after all throwing away the Avell." Chapter XXX. 1. Mencius said, u Benevolence and righteousness were natural to Yaou and Shun. Tlang and Woo made tliem their own. The five chiefs of the princes feigned them. 2. u Having borrowed them long and not returned them, how could it be known they did not own them ? prevent being,' being emphatic. 不及 人 ，-人 refers to great men, sages, and wor- thies. Such a man has himself really advanced far in the path of greatness. Ch. 28. IIwuy of Lkw-iiea^ firmness. 1. 4 IIwuy of Lew-hea, 一 see II. Pt. I. ix. 2, 3: IV. Ft. II. i. 3, 5: VI. Pt II. vi. 2. 和，‘ mildness，’ 4 friendly irnpressibleness，’ was a characteristic of IIwuy, and Moncius, there- fore, notices how it wa9 iissociated with firmness of mind. The ^liree Icuikj^ are the three high- est officers about the imperial court, each equal in dignity to the highest rank of nobility. On. 2(J. That LAitouu only is to iuc prized WHICH ACCOMPLISHES ITS OH.JKCT. used for — culiits/ In the Ana., XIX. xxiii. 3, it is said, in the note, that the {//J was seven cubits, while hore ils length is given us eight. Its exact length is a moot point. See the 集證， in •有爲 者，- ‘ Woo, on the one hand, ani> THE FIVE CHIEFS. ON THE OTHER, IN RELATION TO lUiNEVOLKNCB AND RIGHTEOUSNESS. !• no doubt refers to 仁 義， * benevolence and righteousness, * and a translation can hard- ly be made without supplying those terms. Thougli Yaou and Shun stood on a higher plat- form than T*ang and Woo, they agreed in sin- cerity, which is the common point of contrast between them anil the chiefs. 身之， — ‘i_- ponited tliem^madc them their own. 2. Clioo He explains by ‘ 養， 4 returned.* Ad- mittin^ this, the meaning of passes from 4 feigning ’ to ‘ borrowing ’ He seems to prefer viewing ^-|| us=4 how could tliey them- rT. I. Cii. XXXI.— XXXII. THE WORKS OF MKNf'IUS. 343 兮選 之有： r、 愧 。大舺 /L^dbr iju EiX. I I H-! / \ 才 i 公 于孫則 之丑篡 不 曰池」 耕詩 食 、了、 袖 A 也肩 惡 伊賢 》 賢^ 悦 I 于 公^知 尹則者 太 7 、孫其 之 fl 之 ¥ 順 j 菲 志>可 爲賢 /放呒 有 MU 滅又丈 i 彳尹也 凡與 。臣 反甲尹 無孟_1 乙于氐 伊于 其民桐 >予 尹曰 >君 大民不 Chapter XXXI 1. Kung-sun C1icoav said, u E Yin said, 1 1 can- not be near and see him so disobedient to reason^ and therewith lie banisliecl T'ae-koa to T4ung. Tlie people were much pleased. When T'ae kea became virtuous, he brought him back, and the people were again much pleased. 2. u When worthies are ministers, may they indeed banish their sovereigns in this ?m//, when tliey are not virtuous ?" 3. Mencius replied, “If thev lun'e the same purpose as E Yin, the\r may. If they have not the same purpose, it would be usurpation. 11 Chapter XXXII. 1. Kung-sim Ch‘ow said, “ It is saicl, in the Book ot Poetiy, 1 He will not eat the Lread of idleness ! 5 How is it that ice see superior men eating without labouring? 11 Men- cius replied, “When a superior niau resides in a country, if its selves know V but I much prefer the view in the translation. Ch. 31. The end may justify the means, BUT THE PRINCIPLE 31 AY NOT BE EASILY APPLI- ED. Comp. V. Pt. I. vi. 5. f#f 尹曰， — see the Shoo-king, Pt. IV. v. Bk. I. 9. The words are taken somewhat differently in tlie comm, oil the kinq^ but I have followed what seems the most likely meaning of them. is the purpose, not suddenly formed on an emer- gency, but the determination and object of the whole life. It is said - _ ]^X 片 者言 • I Ch. 32. The services which a superior MAN RENDERS TO A COUNTRY ENTITLE HI3I. WITH- ' OCT HIS DOING OFFICIAL DUTY, TO SUPPORT. Tliis is an instance of the oft-repeated insinua- tion against Mencius, that he was content to be supported by the princes, while he would not take office ; comp. III. Ft. I. iv.; Pt. II. iv. 言寺 日, 一 see the She-king, I. ix. Ode VIII. =/^, 4 empty,9 without doing service. The old comm, and the new differ somewhat in their interpretations of the ode, but they agree in understanding its great lesson to be that peo- ple should not be receiving emolument, who do 344 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 由 仁考而 曰眉大 之用孟 _ 是％ 色尙王 _於 則 乏于 大也而 矣 > 志。 于是 。表則 I 人路 取殺曰 _ 涕 >安、 君 之惡之 一何問 忠 、富 、于 事祀非 無謂曰 . 信 、尊 >居 備義義 氟尙士 不氟是 矣 。是 也非志 。何 素其國 也, 居仁曰 、事。 餐子也 - 居惡也 、仁孟 S 兮 .弟其 仁在 > 非義予 孰從君 sovereign employ his counsels, he comes to tranquillity, wealth, lion- our, and glory. If the young in it follow his instructions, they be- come filial, obedient to their elders, true-hearted, and faithful. — What greater example can there be than this of not eating the bread of idleness? Chapter XXXIII. 1. The king’s son, Teenr a&ked Menciasr saying, u What is the business of the unemployed scholar? ,T 2. Mencius replied, u To exalt his aim.,> 3. Teen asked againy u What do you mean by exalting the aim ? yf The answer was, u Setting it simply on benevolence and righteousness. He thinks how to put a single innocent person to death is contrary to benevolence ; how to take what one has not a right to is contrary to righteousness ; that one's dwelling should be benevolence ; and one's path should be righteousness. When benevolence is tlie dwell- ing-[)lace of the heart., and righteousness the path of the life^ the busi- ness of a great man is complete.71 to bis ideal of the scholar. 3. 仁…義 是也 represent the scholar's thought^ hit nursing liis aim. 居惡在 ，-‘ thedwe 丨1 inR — 'vhat is it ?’ hut in translating we are ol)lif?t、d to drop the direct interrogation. We can hanl- \y take as in ch. xxx. 4, where it do- notes the sages, the very highest style of men. Here it denotes ralTier the intlividuals in th^ various grades of official employment, to wliich ‘ the seliolar ’ uia). alUiiu. not actively serve their oouiitry. 耕一 * ploughing * labouring. Tliis term is suggested from the ode, where it occurs, 用之 ，一 ‘use him,* i.r., his counsels, not as a minister. ClI. 33. HOW A SCHOLAR PHEFARES HIMSELF FOlt TIIK DUTIK8 TO 'VHICH HK A.sPIRKS. 1. Teen was the son of the king of Ts4e. His question probably had reference to the wander- ing scholars of the time, whose ways he dis- 】ilu»d. They were no favourites with Mencius, hut, he prefers to reply to the prince according CuArTKR XXXIV. Mencius said, “Supposing that the king- dom of Tsce were offered, contrar}^ to righteousness, to Chlin Chung, lie would not receive it, and all people believe in him, as a man of the highest worth. But tins is only the righteousness whicli declines a dish of rice or a platter of soup. A man can have no greater crimes than to disown his parents and relatives, and the relations of sovereign and. minister, superiors >and inferiors. How can it be allowed to give a man credit for the great excellencies because lie possesses a small one ? " Chapter XXXV. 1. T^ou Ying asked, saying, u Shun being emperor, and Ivaou-yaou cliief minister of justice, if Ivoo-sow liad murdered a man, Avhat would have been done in the case? " 2. Mencius said, u Kaou-yaou would simply have apprehended liim.” Cir. 34. How men judge avrongly of CHARACTER, OVERLOOKING, IN THEIR ADMIRA- TION OF ONE STRIKING EXCELLENCE, GREAT FAILURES AND DEFICIENCIES. 1. 伸子 is the Ch%in Chung of III. Pt. II. x., wliich see. I substitute the surname to avoid translating 子 In the translation of ^ 焉, is taken as used for and what follows is under the regimen of -rr, as if we were to complete the construction in this way ： — 人之 .罪 莫大乎 t 親 ，云云 . Cliaou K£e interprets quite differently : — 4 But w hat a man sliould exalt is the greatest virtues, the pro- priety and righteousness in the grent relations of life. He, however, denies them, Per- haj^s the soleci3m of taking for is bet ter than this. J — used for fit, but as a verb. Ch. 35. What Siiux and nis minister op CRIME WOULD HAVE DONE, IF SUUN?S FATHER HAD COMMITTED A MUKDER. 1. T‘a〇U Ying was a disciple of Mencius. This is all that is known of him. 士 is not to be under- stood here as merely = ~-f- 自币， Ana., XYIII. ii.； XIX. xix. The 士 of Slum’s time was the same as the 大司寇 of the Cliow dynasty, the officer of Crime, under whom were the 士 and other subordinates. See the in loc. 2. We must understand Ivaou- yaou as the nominative to must refer to Koo-sow though coni men. now under - stand as the antecedent. doubt th9 Pi. I. Ch. XXXIV.— XXXV. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 345 圓孟于 If 仲子不 義與 之 齊國而 弗受 人皆信 之是舍 簞食豆 羹之義 也人莫 大焉亡 裁戚君 臣上下 以 其小乾 信其 大乾奚 •可氮 圓撕 應問曰 ‘舜爲 天 于‘ 自半 陶爲土 瞽瞍殺 人則 r o 二節 V 如之何 孟于曰 執之而 346 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 人養王 圍訢賀 之 移之孟 峨 而 于體 ，子 .于樂 逃> 輿 ，大喟 自而遵 視 之舜巳 棄也 。惡夹 天然 时辱然 n a m 下肩而 ® 孟^ 哉然蒗 忘海猶 舜禁舜 于居歎 之天篷 既乇 氐氰下 。而 王 去居璧 倉 子非移 尾 終 宮盡氣 ，齊 身 棄如之 3、 敝 之夫禁 蹤何 。有 與。 也^ 所曰^ 竊 舜觉夫 3. <(But, would not Slmn have forbidden such a thins? " 〇 4. u Indeed, how could Shun have forbidden it? Kaou-yaon had received the law from a proper source.1' 5. u In that, case what would Slum have clone ?** 6. u Sliun would have regarded abandoning the empire as throw- ing away a worn out sandal. He would privately have taken his father on his back, and retired into concealment, living somewliere along the sea-coast. There he would have been all his life, cheerful and happy, for〇-etting the empire." Chapter XXXVI. 1. Mencius, going from Fan to Ts4e, saw the ]:h>u nnist be understood as the nomina- tive to 窄 I*, lie, as minister of Crime, had to maintain its authority superior to the imperial will. C/II. 3(5. n〇W ONE’S MATK1U A I, POSITION Al、- FECT8 I1IS AIR, ANI) MUCH MOKE MAY MORAL OilARArTKR HK KXPECTED TO DO SO. 1. Fan was n city of Ts*e, a considerable distance from the (Capital, to which we must understand lUencius w.is proceeding. It still ^ives its name tu a district of ruli-cliow (yg| ), in the department of Tun^-cl^ang 昌 )• Chaou K*o says th;it Fan was a city of Ts'e, the appa- nage of tlie kings sons by his concubines. On this view we should translate in the plural, but it proceeds from supposing that it was in Fan tliat Mencius saw the 王 -jp, which the text does not at all necessitate. In 之齊， ami 之朱 (p.3)， 之 = 往 .養 = 奉赛 ，‘ revtuu。8 ’ 夫非盡 人之子 fiii, 一 some understand -J- in the ]»lirase between and 4 now, are not kind's sons all/ &c. Bat I prefer to understand with Cluiuu K*o, 凡人與 王子， anti ia English Pt. I. Cit. XXXVI.— XXXVII. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 347 恭^ 之国相 聲守魯 1 也王室 敬也 箩似之 者君况 于車 者廣于 也3似 曰之 居若慝 幣而曰 ，掘此 宋>天 彼衣 之 I 食 君非 呼下者 未 敬/而 也居於 之其多 將獸弗 此君理 廣居興 者 畜愛、 無也 , 澤 居使人 也 。之豕 他肩之 者之虱 恭_也 。交 婼其門 序 。然而 2. Mencius said, uThe residence, the carriages and horses, and tlie dress of the kings son, are mostly the same as those of other men. That he looks so is occasioned by his position. How much more should a peculiar air distinguish him whose position is in the wide house of the world ! 3. When the prince of Loo went to Snug, lie called out at the Tlee-chih gate, and tlie keeper said, 4 This is not our prince. How is it that his voice is so like that of our prince ? * This was occasioned by nothing but the correspondence of their positioi)s.n Chapter XXXVII. 1. Mencius said, “To feed a scholar and not love him, is to treat him as a pig. To love him and not respect him, is to keep him as a domestic animal. 2. 死孝謂 氐朞宣 然于無 公者 I 弟之是 之王後 氏實, 孫其 而姑猶 喪/辟 可形君 丑# 已徐 逢猶短 以氣手 巳爲矣 。徐 耖愈喪 > 踐天不 若之王 S 孟其 於公形 。性可 此請于 爾、 兄 色孫 也邊 者數有 亦之乎 。丑 嘈枸。 Chapter XXXVIII. Mencius said, 11 The bodily organs with their functions belong to our Heaven-conferred nature. But a man must be a sage before lie can satisfy the design of his bodily organi- zation.” Chapter XXXIX. 1. The King Seuen of Ts^ Avantecl to shorten the period of mourning. Kung-sun Chlo\v said, u To have one whole years mourning is better than doing away with it altogether." 2. Mencius said, u That is just as if there were one twisting the arm of his elder brother, and you were merely to say to him — 1 Gently, gently, if you please.' Your only course should be to teach such ail one filial piety and fraternal duty.” 3. At that tirne^ the mother of one of the kings sons had died, and his tutor asked for him that lie might be allowed to observe a Ch. 38. Only with a sage does the body ACT ACCORDING TO ITS DESIGN. This is translated according to the consenting view of the modern commentators, but perhaps not cor- rectly. is taken for the bodily organs, — the ears, eyes, hands, feet, &c.; and for their manifested operations, — hearing, seeing, liamlliug, &c. is used as in the phrase 踐 W， *to tread upon the words,* that is, to fulfil tlicm, to walk, act, according to them. The use of in cli. xxi” 4, is ana> logous to this use of it hero. One critic. 形色 天性， W 形色會 天性 所在非 指形 色爲天 生 *The bodily organs with their opera- tions belong to our Heaven conferred nature ; the meaning is that in these is our Heavenly nature, not that they are tliat nature/ Cii. 39. Kephoof of Kung-sun Cii'ow foe ASSENTING TO TIIK PROPOSAL TO SlIOKTEN TIIK period of MoruMNo. Comp. Con. Ana. XVII. xxi" 1. Tlie mourning is to be understood as that of three years for a parent. The kind's son hero must have been a son by a concubine. Choo He, after Chaou Kl suppose* that he was not permitted to mourn tlie throe years, though the jealous or other oppositUm of the lull queen. In tliis caae the soil was anxious to prolong his mourning as much as he could. This explanation, bringing in the op- position of the full queen or wife, seems to be incorrect. Sec the 集澄， i_n foe. While tlw Pr. I. Ch. XXXIX.— XL. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 349 也此 s 有 s 者 。教国 爲於不 何 五答有 嗜孟谱 巳可如 者、問 成五 。于也 。謂 得也 君者 。德有 于 有墙; 如君 之私 有時于 所淑 達雨之 以艾 財化所 教者 。者 。之以 夫 iff 、 曰 莫雖是 之加 徵 禁一終 而 FK 之 弗愈 而 〇 m 4 few months1 mourning. Rung sun Ch(ow asked, 11 What do you say of this? ” 4. Mencius replied, u This is a case where the party wishes to complete the whole period, but finds it impossible to do so. The addition of even a single day is better than not mourning at all. I spoke of the case Avhere there was no hindrance, and the party neglected the thing himself. ' Chapter XL. 1. Mencius said, 11 There are five ways in which the superior man effects his teaching. 2. u There are some on •whom his influence descends like sea- sonable rain. 3. 11 There are some whose virtue lie perfects, and some of whose talents he assists tlie development. 4. u There are some whose inquiries he answers. 5. u There are some Avho privately cultivate and correct them- selves. 6. u These five ways are tlie methods in which the superior man effects liis teaching.” father was alive, a son shortened the period of j mourning for his mother. 4. 一 has a pronominal force. Ch, 40. How the lessons of the sage KEACH TO ALL DIFFERENT CLASSES. 1. The 1 wish of the superior man is in all cases one and the same, — to teach. His methods are modified, however, by the different characters of men. 2. This class only want his influence, like plants which only need the dew of heaven. So was it, it is said, with Confucius and his disciples Yen YuenandTdngSiru 3 •成 德者 = 成 其德者 • 其 財 (= 村 )， and 問- is to be understood before So was it with Confu- cius and the disciples Yen and Min. 4. So was it with Mencius and Wan Chang 5. This is a class, who never come into actual contact with their teacher, but hear of his doc- trines, and learn them. His teachings though not delivered by himself in person, do notwith- standing reach to them. 350 TnE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 殉 圍 者不 拙爲 0 也 ，矣 身 從發 >射 拙孳 何宜知 天予之 。躍變 工孳不 若孫 F 如其 睡也。 棱登去 無天 也 屬廢孟 啦天既 道 、下 中率 。繩于 爲然通 以有 道君嚜 ，氐 可似則 身道 k 而 于羿大 幾不高 殉以 立 j 丨不匠 反可矣 , 道 。道 能 而爲不 而及美 Chapter XLI. 1. Kung-sun Ch‘o'v said, “ Lofty are your principles and admirable, but to learn them may well be likened to ascending the heavens, something which cannot be reached. Why not adapt your teaching so as to cause learners to consider them at- tainable, and so daily exert themselves." 2. Mencius said, 11 A great artificer does not, for the sake of a stupid workman, alter or do away with the marking line. E did not, for the sake of a stupid archer, charge his rule for drawing the bow. 3. u The superior man draws the bow, but does not discharge the arrow. The whole thing seems to leap befoi'e the learner. Suck is his standing exactly in the middle of the right path. Those who are able, follow l.iim.” Chapter XLII. 1. Mencius said, a When right principles prevail thoughout the empire, one's principles must appear along with one's person. When right, principles disappear from tlie empire, one's person must vanish along with one's principles. culty here is with the words 躍 如也， ^ 4 lea ping-like.’ They belong, I think to the su- perior man in all the action which iB represented. No mail can be taught how to hit. That is hia own act. He is taught to shoot, and that in so lively a manner tliat the hitting 'also is, as it were, set forth before him. So with the teacher and learner of truth. As the learner tries to do a9 lie is taught, he will be found laying hold oi' what ho thought unapproachable. Ch. 42. One must live or die with his PRINCIPLES, ACTING FROM UIMSELF, NOT WITH RKQARU TO OTHER MEN. 殉 * ucans 4 to bury along with the dead/ to associate with in Ch. 41. Tiie teacher op truth may not LOWER HIS LESSONS TO SUIT 1!IS LEARNEH8. 1 •何 不彳 史彼， —彼， ‘those’ refers to learners, which antecedent has been implied in the words 宜 势， Zi (it is right they should be considered, 1 &c. 爲可幾 及，- 爲 = 以爲， ‘to coMider，’ ‘regard.’ 2. 一 String and ink/ a carpenters* mark- ing-line. (read leuli)} 一 4 the limit to | wliidi a bow should be drawn.' 3. The diili- ; Pt. 1. Ch. xlii.— xliv. tiie works of mkncius. 351 不無 薄所 也 。了、 其吧 進於 銳所 者厚 芦者 退薄 k 圖 亂而艮 若圓汩 于 所秧貴 所都以 曰 ^ 有而禮 、予道 於 答勳乳 而曰 k 殉 不 也勞狹 不滕乎 可滕 而賢答 > 更人 巳更間 .而 何之者 而有挾 既也。 在也。 E 二 故挾孟 S 門 者 ，焉 。而 長于也 > 2. u I have not heard of one^ principles being dependent for tlieir manifestation on other men.” Chapter XLIII. 1. The disciple Ivung-too said, u When Kang of Tkang made his appearance in )7〇ur school, it seemed proper that a polite consideration should be paid to him, and yet you did not answer him. Why that ? ’， 2. Mencius replied, “I do not answer him who questions me presuming on his nobility, nor him who presumes on his talents, nor him who presumes on his age, nor him who presumes on services performed to me， iior him who presumes on old acquaintance. Two of those tilings Avere chargeable on Kang of T4ang.:, Chapter XLIV. 1. Mencius said, u He who stops short where stopping is not allowable, will stop short in every thing. He who behaves shabbily to those whom he ought to treat Avell, will behave shabbily to all. 2. u He who advances with precipitation will retire with speed.7* death as in life. Another meaning is ^ ‘ with the person to follow after things，’ = to pursue. The first is right principles in general. The other 辑 are those principles as held by individual men. Ch. 43. How Mencius required the sim- ple PURSUIT OF TRUTH IN THOSE WHOM HE taught. Kang was a younger brother of the prince of T'ang. His rank made Kuug-too think that more than ordinary respect should have been shown to him, and yet it was no doubt one of the things which made Mencius jealously watch his spirit. Corap. YI. Pt. II. ii. 6, 7. Ch. 44. Where virtues ake wanting, de- cencies MAY NOT BE EXPECTED. PRECIPITATE ADVANCES ARE FOLLOWED BY SPEEDY RETREATS. The first par., it is said, has reference to errors of defect 及 老 * and the second to those of excess c 有過 )• 352 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS, BOOK VfL 舜 知^也 i 當 之 而急務 仁 , 丕裁之 不 偏賢爲 遍 Ml 之急、 愛 急爲仁 人 壳叙者 急 務堯無 裁 也舜丕 賢 堯之愛 而 而 愛 1^:1 孟 5 愛 茆 之 盖 于 Eli 物。 1 而 弗 于 知 裁 仁君 者 而 於 于 無 仁 民 之 % 民 > 也 於 知 仁 仁 物 也 民 之 也 Chapter XLV. Mencius said, u In regard to inferior creatures, the superior man is kind to them, but not loving. In regard to people generally, he is loving to them, but not affectionate. He is affectionate to his parents, and lovingly disposed to people ，押 era%. He is lovingly disposed to people generally^ and kind to creatures." Chapter XL VI. 1. Mencius said, a The wise embrace all know- ledge, but they are most earnest about what is of the greatest im- portance. Tlie benevolent embrace all in their love, but Avhat they consider of the greatest importance is to cultivate an earnest affec- tion for the virtuous. Even the wisdom of Yaou Slum did not extend to every tiling, but they attended earnestly to -\vliat was im- portant. Their benevolence did not show itself in acts of kindness to every man, but they earnestly cultivated an affection for the virtuous. Ch. 45. The superior man is kind to crea- tures, LOVING TO OTIIKlt MKN, AND AFFECTION- ATE to his relatives. This was intended, no doubt, against the Miliist doctrine of loving all equally. animals, The second is not to be understood only of parents. Compare 親親， D.M.，XX.12. Cii. 46. Against the pitiNCES of his time WHO OCCUPIED THEMSELVES WITH THE KNOW- LEDGE OF, AND 11EGAHD FOR, WHAT WAS OF LIT- TLE IMPOKTANCI5 1 •無 不知 ，無 are not our 4 omniscient/ and *all-lov- f~，- 當務 之爲急 ，急 親賢之 show in what way truly great rulers come to an administration which appears to possess those characters. The use of the in those clauses is idiomatic. To reduce it to the ordinary usages of the particle, we muat tiike the flrst _ 惟當務 之事爲 參;， 4 but only arc they earnest al>out the tilings which it is most important to know,* and 惟急 于親賢 < m 務， ‘but _ nre they earnest aliout what is most important, the cultivating affection for the virtuous/ The ing,* but show the tendency and adaptation of I teaching of tlie chapter is substantinllv the the wise and the buucvulcnt. The clauses that same as that of Conlucius, Ana., XII. xxii. Pt. II. Cn. I. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 353 務 。謂 決肩流 察4 、喪 三也。 不 是無鼠 放功而 年派 | 知 之齒谕 飯之 緦之能 12. u Not to be able to keep the three years' mourning, and to be very particuliir about that of three months, or that of five months; J to eat iininodoratcly and swill down the soup, and at the same time to inquire about 】iot to tear the meat with tlie teetli ; — such tilings show 'vlmt i aUl an igiioraiice of 'vlmt is most import- ant.” see the Book of Rites, I. Pt. I. iii. 54, 55. — Tliose arc cases adduced in illustration of what is insisted on in the previous paragraph ; — the folly of attending to what is comparatively tri» vial, while overlooking what is iini)〇rtant. 2. 一 4 coarse, unbleached, lionipon cloth,* worn iu mourning tlie period of three months for distant relatives. ~Xjj is tlie name applied in tlie case of mourning which extends for live munths. 放飯 "7T 7T’一 BOOK VII. TSIX SIX. PART II. 了、 者 3愛> 者篇石 B 愛 、以愛 、及 0、 王 仁齑章 及其不 其其也 U 句盡 其 所仁所 所仁梁 氏下心 Chapter I. 1. Mencius said, u The opposite indeed of bene- volent wus the king Hwuy of Leang ! The benevrolent7 bcginnin〇： with wlmt they care for, proceed to what they do not care for. Tliose ^ho are the opposite of benevolent, beginning with what they do not care for, proceed to what they care for.?, Ch. 1. A strong condemnation of Ki>TG I 一 comp. Pt. I. 45. Only being there IIwiIY OF LeANG, FOR SACRIFICING TO IIIS AM- ' i • , . . . ▲ ， iution his people and even his son. Comp, opposed to ^ is used with reference to ani- I. Pt. I. v., and other conversations with king mals, while here it expresses the feeling towards Hwuy. 1. is more than1 unbene- ! children and people and aniraals and I have . , > I rendered it hv lto care for. In the first case ▼olent would mean, it we hiul such h term, in the text, the pro〇Tess is from one decree of 1 1 is nearly cruel,’ ‘ oppressive.’ luve to another ; in the second， from one degree 45 354 fHE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII, 伐 善圓愛 ，以 T、 民惠 卞 於孟® 及殉能 孟 王 也此于 其之勝 ，戰以 敲則 曰> 逑 是敁 之^土 亂有 春愛之 驅大地 石之秋 、也 。謂 其敗之 相矣 。無 以所 將故, 征征 s 義 其 愛復糜 也 。者 屬， 所于之 J 斕 上彼 不 弟恐其 所 愛 。一 孫 丑 0, 何 彐田 m 也, 梁 2. Kung-sun Ch^AV said, ^What do you mean?" Mencius answered^ u The king Hwuy of Leang, for the matter of territory, tore and destroyed his people, leading them to battle. Sustainininr a great defeat, he would engage again, and afraid lest they should nof. be able to secure the victory, urged his son whoin he loved till he sacrificed him Avith them. This is what I call — 4 beginning with what they do not care for, and proceeding to what they care for.! " Chapter II. 1. Mencius said, “ In the £ ‘Spring ami Antumn ’ there are no righteous wars. Instances indeed there are of one war better than another. 2. u 4 Correction' is when the supreme authority punishes its sub- jects by force of arms. Hostile States do not correct one another." of infliction to another. 2 糜 ‘to bon reduced to a pulpy mass.* So did Mwuy seem to deal with the bodies of liis subjects. 所 愛子弟 refers to Hwuy’s elflest son (I. l)t. I. v. 1). He is called a 子弟， as being one of the youth of tlie kingdom. comp. Pt. I. 45. ClI. 2. How ALL THE FICtIITINGS RECORDKD IN TIIK (^II4(；N-TS*EW WERK UNRIGHTEOUS ： 一 A WARNING TO THE CONTENDING 8TAT!：8 OF MeN- CIU8* TIME. 1. 無義戰 ， 一 * no right- eous battles.' Both Chnou K*e, and Choo He make 视 强伐之 事，‘ the ftffnir8 uf and smiting* i.e., all the operations of war detailed in the Clrun Tskcw. And rightly ; for Mencius liimself uses the term in the 3d par. In the Ch4un Ts4ew itself there are mentioned of ‘ %htiugs ’ ( yfc) only 23, while the ‘smitings，’ (< 戈) amount to 213. There are specified in it also * invasions* ("^) ; 4 sieges* (圍 ）； ‘carryi 叩 saway’（j^); ‘extinguisliinga’ (费 ^); ‘defeats’ （敢 ）； ‘takings’ （j^); ‘sur- prises ’ (^^); ‘ pursuits ’ (j^| ); and 4defonc〇s* ( j^); all of which may likewise be comprehend- ed under the torin mfe. 3. Explains tlio assertion in the first. In the wars recorded by Confucius, one State or cliiof w«s said to 征 another, which could not be according tu tl»〇 Pr. II. Cn. III.— IV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 355 無罪善 血仁人 巌也玉 之伐 國 輕:于 流至敲 三無于 君我氏 杵不 於策書 。曰, 面好善 有也仁 、天而 吾哺 而仁 .盔人 而下上 於信 mi、 II lit Chapter III. 1 . Mencius said, l( It would be better to be with- out the Book of History than to give entire credit to it. 2. u In the 1 Completion of the War I select two or three passages only, -wliich I believe. 3. uThe benevolent man has no enemy under heaven. 'When the most benevolent 'vas engaged against him 'vlio was the most the opposite, how could the blood of the people have flowed till it floated the pestles of the mortars ? " Chapter IV. 1. Mencius said, u There are men who say — 1 1 am skilful at marshalling troops, I am skilful at conducting a battle ! ' — They are great criminals. 2. 11 If the sovereign of a state love benevolence, he will have no enemy in the empire. 3. u When T'ang was executing his work of correction in the meaning of the term. By 上 is intended the emperor； by 卜 the princes. Comp. VI. Pt. II. vii. 2. Ch. 3. With what reservation Mencius read the Shoo-king. This is a difficult chaj)- ter for Chinese commentators. Chaou Kce takes of the Shoo-king, wliich is the only fair in- terpretation. Others understand it of books in general. Thus Julien translates —— ‘ Si omnino Jidem adhibeas libris^ JSlany say that Mencius lml in view only the portion of the Shoo-king to which he refers in the next parr but such a restriction of his language is entirely arbitrary. The strangest view is that of the author of the 四書 I 庶 餘說， whose judgments gene- rally are sound and sensible. But he says here that Mencius is anticipating tlie attempts that would be made in after ages to corrupt the Classics, and testifying against them. We can see how the remarks were directed against the propensity to warfare which characterized liis contemporaries. 2. 武成 is the title of the third Book in the 5th Part of the Shoo- king, professing to be an account by king Woo of his enterprise against the tyrant Chow. The words quoted in the next par. are found in par. 8. For 木午 there are cliff, readings ; see the 《登， in loc. Doubtless there is much exaggeration in the language, but Men- cius misinterprets the whole passage. The bloodshed was not done by the troops of king Woo, but by the forces of the tyrant turninir against one another. Ch. 4. Counsel to princes not to allow THEMSELVES TO BE DECEIVED BY MEN WHO WOULD ADVISE THEM TO WAR. 1. Comp. IV. Pt. I. xiv. 3. 2. Comp. I. Pt, II. xi. 2. It is spoken of T£ang. 3, 革車- 4 leathern carriages, or chariots, J said by some to be baggage waggons, but, more probably, by 356 THE WORKS OF MKNCIUS. BOOK VII. south, the rude tribes on the north murmured. When he was executing it in the east, the rude tribes on the west murmured. Their cry was — 1 Why does he make us last? ' 4. u When king Woo punished Yin, he had only three hundred chariots of war, and three thousaiul life-guards. 5. u The king said, 4 Do not fear. Let me give you repose. I am no enemy to the people ! On this, they bowed their heads to the earth, like tlie horns ot* animals falling oitV 6. u 4 Imperial correction' is but another 'vord for rectifying. Each State wisliing itself to be corrected, what need is there for fighting? ’’ Chapter V. Mencius said, UA carpenter or a carriage-maker may give a man the circle and square, but cannot make him skilful m the use of them.'' Chapter VI. Mencius said, u Slums manner of eating his parch- ed grain and herbs was as if lie were to be doing so all liis life. others, chariots of war, each one of whicli bad 72 foot soldiers attached to it, so that Woo^ nnny would number 21,600, few as compared %vith the forces of his opponent. jxJ>J used for low. 2d tone, a numeral for carriages. (pHn these appear to have been of the cluiracter of life-puards, named from tlioir tii^er-like courage «^nd bearing. 4. See the Slioo-kiny：, Pt. V. i. Sect. JI. 9. But tlu* text of the Classic is hardly recognizable in Men- cius* version of it. The original is: — 4 House yv. wy l»eroi*s. Do not tliink tlmt lie is not to be feannl, but ratlier hold tliat he cannot be withstood. The people are full of awe, as if tlicir horns were falline： from their heads/ j. PerhaiJs it would be well to retain the souml of in the translation, ami say — * N(»w ching means to rectify.’ 各欲 正已， pie wishes the chnq-er to correct itself.' Ch. 5. Real attainment must me madk by rill.: LEARN liU FOH 1IIM8KLF. C〇!Up. Pt. I. iv 41. ^ [jf^ iji^ see III. Pt. II. 3. Cll. (). TlIK EQUANIMITVOF SlUTN IN r〇Vl：HTY AND AS EMPEHOlt. UlUSt be takdl U8— 狄级 東面而 征西 夷级曰 • c 四節 V* 奚爲後 我武 王之伐 殷也。 渾車三居爾虎真三千入一 3£| 日‘ 無田 & 乎爾 也非撖 百 4 i C 丄 ，節 姓也若 i 厥角 稽首雇 之 爲言 ◦正 也各微 正己 也焉 用 a a 孟于 of 核匠輪 氣能與 A! 規缻 3 能 使人巧 。 I 六蠢孟 于 s, 舜之 麵賴 II 草 Pt. ii. r". vi •— viii. THE WOHKS OF MENCIUS. 357 国有也 l 孟之 。被若 予 珍將 0, 夜終 吾 鼓身 今 琴 ，鳳 而 二及 _ 顯 一 亦艾後 女其 A 也聞 毅人知 氣爲 爲將耳 。其 亦殺 若天 兄殺入 —于 禦 圏 然 It 親 io 孟 ^ 【則 货、 之 今 i 于 非 殺 重 之 人 % 古 殺 之 殺 關 之 见人 也爲 也 、人 之 AVlien he became emperor, and had the enbroidered robes to wear, the lute to pla)r, and tlie two daughters of Yaou to wait on him, he was as if those tilings belonged to him as a matter of course.!, Chapter VII. Mencius said, 11 From this time forth I know the lieavy consequences of killing a man's near relations. When a man kills another's father, that other ^ ill kill his father ; when a man kills another's ekler brother, that other Avill kill his elder brother. So lie does not himself indeed do the act, but there is only an interval between him and it.” Chapter VIII. 1. Mencius said, u Anciently, the establishment of the frontier-gates was to guard against violence. 2. u Now-a-days, it is to exercise violence.15 茹 is a word used for applied to eating herbs. to eat/ The 4 embroidered robes* are the imperial dress. On Shun^ lute, see V. Pt. I. ii. 3. -^i used for wo, 4 a female attendant •’ Ch. 7. How THE THOUGHT OF ITS CONSEQUEN- CES SHOULD MAKE MEN CAREFUL OF THEIR CON- DUCT. Choo He observes that this remark must have been made with some special refer- ence,一 ffjj 1查. It is a maxim of Chi- nese society, that 4a niiin may not live under the same heaven with the slayer of his father, nor in the same State with the slayer of his elder bro- ther,' but the remark does not seem to regard tliat so much as to take occasion from it to warn rulers to make their government firm in the attachment of their subjects, and not pro- voke their animosity by oppressive acts. * 閒 c there is only one interval that is, the death of a man s father or brother is the consequence of his previous conduct, the slayer only intervening. Ch. 8. The benevolence and selfishness OF ANCIENT AND MODERN RULE CONTRASTED. Comp. I. Pt. II. y. 3 ; II. Pt. I. y. 3. But one does not see exactly how the ancient rule of examining the person, aud not taking tlie goods, guarded against violence. Here, as elsewhere, Mencius is led away by his fondness for anti- thesis. 358 THE WORKS OF MENCIUR. BOOK VII. 圓豆 千国能 T、 ffl 行於團 孟_ 乘孟亂 。能孟 於妻孟 于 見之于 殺 > 于妻于 >予 不色 >苟 好于周 人身 信 非名 德于 不不 匕 其之 i 利 以行 覧 人人邪 氧遨鼠 則 簞能 世 W % % 國 食讓 不 年 能行 Chapter IX. Mencius said, 11 If a man himself do not Avalk in the right path, it will not be walked in even by his wife and children. If he do not order men according to the right way, he "will not be able to get the obedience of even his Avife and children. " Chapter X. Mencius said, u A bad year cannot prove the cause of death to him, whose stores of gain are large ; an age of corrup- tion cannot confound him whose equipment of virtue is coinplete.u Chapter XI. Mencius said, “A man Avho loves fame may be able to decline a kingdom of a thousand chariots, but if he be not really the man to do such a thing, it will appear in his countenance, in the matter of a dish of rice or a platter of soup." Chapter XII. 1. Mencius said, u Jf men of virtue and ability be not confided in, a State will become empty and void. On. 9. A MAN*S INFLUENCE DEPENDS ON HIS PERSONAL EXAMPLE AND CONDUCT. To tile second we are to suppose as the nomi- native, while the third is like a verb in the hiphil conjugation. The is not so much < 也 人 * otlier men.* Tlie whole 使 人不以 道 simi)ly= 出令不 當邊， 4 if his orders are not according to reason/ Ch. 10. CoUHUPT TIMES ARE PJIOVIDKD AGAINST BY ESTABLISHED VIRTUE. 不能 能亂， 腦^ be taken either actively or passively. 周于 利者- ‘ lie who is complete in pain,* /.e.? he who Inis gained much, and laid mucli by. Cm. 11. A MANT，S TRUE DISPOSITION WILL OF- TEN AI*1*KAK IN SMALL MATTEKS, WHEN A LOVE OF FAMK MAY 11AV1-； CAHKIKI) HIM OVER GHKAT 1»IK- ficulties. Choo He here expounds well ： 一 銳 人不於 其所勉 ，而 於其 所勒 ，然後 可以見 其所安 * A man is soen not so much in tilings which require an effort, aB in things wliicli lie niijfht easily despise. By bearing this in mind when we observe him, we can see what he really rests in.* Ch. 12. Thhee things important in the ADMINISTRATION OF A STATE. 1. 不信， k be not confided to ；' perliaps ratlior Confided in.1 4 Will become empty and void, * 一 C'lmou Kko supplements thus, 4 If the prince do not Ft. II. Cii. XII.— XIV. THE WORKS OF MI：NCIUS. 3〇9 是 ;社 _ 有仁得 圓 用下空 故 稷孟池 。而國 孟不亂 。虛。 得次于 得者 > 于足。 無 乎之 ，氐 天有艮 政 _ 丘君民 下之不 事肩, 民爲簋 去矣>仁 則則 而輕 。貴， 之不而 財上 2. <( Without the rules of propriety and distinctions of right, the liigh and the low will be thrown into confusion. 3. u Without the (jreat princi))Jes o/'孟 夫 伯伯于 有夷夷 、曰、 立 之柳聖 志 > 風卞人 聞 乾臝百 细 P 是 是 S： 丨、 吳也之 晚旣侯 侯> 爲 社然成 i 得天 稷 。而 _ 社乎于 k 旱 M 彳最 諸得 乾旣則 侯>乎 $ 氟變 爲天 溢厚 曼头 t 剧祀 犒^ 夫與 peror ; to gain the emperor is the way to become a prince of a St.ate ; to gain the prince of a State is the Avay to become a great officer. 3. u AVhen a prince endangers the altars of the spirits of the land and grain, lie is changed, and another appointed in his place. 4. u When the sacrificial victims have been perfect, the millet in its vessels al] pure, and tlie sacrifices offered at their proper sensons^ if yet there ensue drought, or the waters overflow, the spirits of the laml and grain are changed, and others appointed ill t.heii， place.” Chapter XV. Mencius said, u A sage is the teacher of a hun- dred generations : — this is true of Pih-e and Hwuy of Lew-he:i. There- fore when men n〇AV hear the character of Pili-e, the corrupt become pure, and the weak acquire determination. AVlien they hear the character of Hwuy of Lew-hea, the mean become generous, and the 野之民 4 the people of the fields and wilds/ the peasantry. According to the Chow Le, nine husbandmen, heads of families, formed a tsing (^J-) ； tsing formed a yih (异 and four yih formed a klcw ( ), which would tims contain 144 families. But the phrase 人， signifying the peasantry, is yet equivalent to ‘ the people.’ Mencius uses it, his discourse being of the spirits of the hind and grain. 4. The change of the jjj* j* is taken by most commentators as merely a destroying of the altars and building others. This is Choo lie's interpretation : 一 土穀之 神， 不能爲 民撰 災桴患 ，則 毁其 堦遣而 更 1 之， ‘ wliuu tlie spirits uf tlie gruuiid and grain cannot ward off calamities and evils from the people, thou their altars and fences arc* thrown <}〇wn ami others \n dilfcront places erected.* Cliaou K^e is more brief. He simply says tliat in such a case 毁社 稷而更 iW ^1' wluch may mean tliat they destroyed tlie «iltars or displaced the spirits tlicnisclvcs. A dinn^intr of the altars merely does not supjilv a pnrallol to the removal of tlie princes in the preceding parafrraph. Ami tliere jire traces of deposing the spirits in such a case, and uppoin-t- in^ others in their places. »Sec the 四書 摭餘 說，^ • Oh. 15. That Pih-e and Hwuy of Lew- hea WKHK 8AGK8 TKOVED HY THE rKUMANKNCB OF THEIR INFM'KNCK. Coilip. V. Pt. IF. 1 ： et al. 4 A lnuulrod generations* is spokon gen- erally. Betwoon tlie two worthies ihcmselvcw, &cvlt*i1 Luudrtd ycara iutcrvciicd. Cm. X Till.: WOKKS OF MKNCIUS. 361 ni^jrarulv become liberal. T/io.'fe tiro made themselves distinguished a hundred ^eiierations nijo, and after \\ hurulrcd generations, those who Jiear of them, are all aroused in this manner. Coukl such effects be produced bv tlicm, if they had not becMi sages? And how much more did they affect those who were in contiguity Aviili them, and were warmed by them ! ^ CiiAi)TEii XVL Mencius said, u Benevolence is the distmgwshinr/ characteristic of man. As embodied in man's conduct, it is called the path of duti/^ Chapter X\ II. ]\[encius said, uAVlien Confucius was leaving Loo, he said, ‘I will set out bv-and-by ; ' — this was tlie Avay for him to leave tlte Stnte of his parents. Wl)〇n lie was leaving Ts^, lie strained off 'vitli 1/is haml tlie 'vatei、 in rinsed, took the rice^ and went a''’ay ; — tliis was the way for him to leave a strange State •” Ch. 16- The relation of bexetolence to man. This cliapter is quite enigmatic. is taken as=^^ finite benevolence with man's person/ and 士首 as the 率 性之道 of tlie Chung-yung. The glossarist of Chaou K;e refers to Con. Ana. XV. xxviii., wliicli is very good. Clioo He, however, meutious that iu au edition of Meu- cius found in Corea， after there follow accounts of 4 righteousness/ 4 propriety/ and i ‘wis(luni;’ -義也 者宜也 ，云云 . If that was tlie original reading tlie final clause I would be: 一 4 These, all united and named, are j the path of reason.* Cii. 17. Ho'v Confucius’ leaving Loo and ! Ts*e was xjiffkrent. Comp. V. Ft. II. i. 惠 之風者 、薄 夫敦 鄙夫寬 奮 乎百 世之上 〔百 世之下 •聞者 莫 7; 興迦也 非聖人 而能若 是平而 况於裁 炙之 者乎。 国孟于 O0, 仁也氣 人 也合而 ^三口1\|道 4. 国 孟于曰 ) 孔于 之去氰 H ,il M W 行也 去艾 母國之 道也 去齊 、接新@ 去他國 之道 y 362 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VHJ 厥 不于詩 嗤 _ 国上层 亂珍 群云池 、於 靜丨 、於 _ 文厥小 > 憂士 〇。 稽 之陳于 王 & 孔心 憎旁日 、交每 日、 也。 亦于悄 兹予稽 池為君 麻多 曰/大 間丨 >子 隕肆 i P。 無不 無〗 之 I Chapter XVIII. IMencins snid, uTho reason wliv tlie su«p〇n man was reduced to straits l>etwecMi Tlrin and Ts'ne was lu^ " neither the princes tli 士 niiiiistei.s 'vith him.” Chapter XIX. 1. Mill K4o snid, u0reatly am I from anvtli to depend upon from the inoiitlis (tf men.'' 2. Mencius observed, u There is no luirni in tliat. Scholars ai more exj)〇sed than others to suffer from the mouths of mat. 3. uIt is said, in the Book of Poetry, 4 My lieart is disquieted and griex ed, I am liated by the crowd of me 殊 n creatures.’ This mujht have been said h\j Confucius. And again, 4Tlioui>h he did not remove thc'ir wrat.li, He did not let fall liis own fame/ This might be said of king AVan. Cfi. 18. Thk reason of Coxfucius' bking IN STRAITS H1CTWEEN Cll4IN AN!) 'IVs^AK. See Con. Ana. XI. ii. The speaking of Confucius simply by the term 計子 is to be noteil ; conip. An;i. X. vi. 】， d "/• (^liaon Kke obsorvi-s that Confucius, in his exceeding inodosty, said that he was not e(iual to the three-fold way of tlie superior man (Ana. XIV. x\x.)t and there- fore he nu.ylit be spokt*n of ns a superior man. It is diflicult to sijo the point of this oljservntion. nor does it meet the difficulty which arises from the use of the designation in tlie text. 上 = 呑， * the sovereigns/ and j^= 4 their minis- ters.* The princes did ^not honour liim and seek his serviie Their ministurs did not hon- our him, and m'ominend liim to employment. This is the meaning of 無上下 之交. The com mc*n tutors, in their quest lor profound meanings, make out the lesson to be that though ii snge may be reduced to straite, tlio vnj uf truth Ctinnot be so reduced. ' ClI. l〇. I\[l：XCU!S COMFORTS ^fni K^k under! CALUMNY HV TIIK RKFU：CTI〇N THAT IT WAS THKl OILI»IN AKV LOT OK l>ISTINri(TI.SI(l'：I> MI：X. 1. ； Of Mill Kv, nothing is known beyoiwl what is here ijitimateil. J 里 is used in the sense of ‘ to (lept.iKl 〇”•， This is given to it in tlie diet., with ;i refori*nce to this passage. Tl;e moaning not onlv did hen〇l have n p：o〇d werd lVom tiu.1!), but was spoken ill of by them. 2. ^ ^ concluded, from the comment of Chnou K*e, is a mistake for 咐， * to increase, 1 and has substantially the same meaning. 】Maiiiini; however, and taking g 贫 in its sense of this or t/tese^ 、v〇 pot a tolerable liKNinint：, 一 * *1 he scholar hates those many inoutlis.’ 3. For the first quotHtion. see the 8he-kin^ I. iii. Ode I. st. 4, a description of lier (；omiition by tin* ill-used wife of one of the dukes of Wei (according to Clioo He), and which Mencius 8〇mc\vl.at. stranjroly would npply to L'uuiucius. For the sccoiul, sec 111. i. Ode III. Pt. II. Ch. XX.— XXII. TIIR WORKS OF MENCIUS. i)i，6 / •乙 n 王昆1 矣 i 路 > 之 丨昆脱 H 曰 之高泠 盔螇孟 使使孟 以靜 。子茅 間阢予 人人于 追孟 謂昭船 曰, 氟于禹 于用. 然高船 。敝賢 曰 阳之之 則用予 今者 > 悬 何氣心 茅之曰 > 以以 奚以 尙夹。 塞而电 其其 足言文 之成徑 眷聰 Chapter XX. )[em’ms said, u Anciottlj/, men of virtue and talents bv means of tluur own enliglitenment nmde others enlightened. Kow-a-days, it is tried, while they are themselves in darkness^ and by means of that darkm^s, to make others enlio,htene(l/^ CiLvrrKK XXI. Mencius said to the disciple Kaon, u There are the foot-paths along the hills ; — if suddenly they be used, they become roads ; and if, as sudd(Mil\r tliev are not used, the wild grass fills them uj). Now, the wil(l gniss； tills up vour 川 incl.” Chapter XX IF. 1. The disciple Kaou said, “The music of Yu was butter tjiau tlmt of king \\U’ ，， 2. Mencius observ^ed, u0n Av^hat ground do you say so? 7 and the other replied, u Because at the pivot the knob of Yxxs bells is nearly Avorn through. st. 8. descriptive of the king T4ae, though applied to Wan. is in the sense of 聞， ‘rePl,rt ，’ ‘reputation •’ Ch. 20. IIow the ancients led on men by THEIR EXAMPLE, WHILE THE RULKRS OF MeN- CIUS， TIME TRIED TO URGE MEN CONTRARY TO their example. In translating, I suj)ply 古之 before in contrast with the below. To the two 使 a very different force is given. The former is the constraining influence of example ； the latter is the applica- tion of pains .and penalties. Ch. 21. That the cultivation of the mind MAT NOT BE INTERMITTED. 一 ' Spaces for the foot，’=footpaths ; 山运之 間， 一 the 4 footpaths of the hill- ways/ (read heoi, according to Clioo He, tlio, the diet, does not p：ive sucli a sound to the cliaracter, nor do we find in it the meaning which suits this passage) — 4 suddenly ；' nearly = . The Kaou here imist liave been a disciple of Mencius, different from the old Kaou, VI. Pt. II. iii. Chaou K4e says that after studying "with Men- cius for some time, find before lie fully under- stood his ])rinciples, lie went off and addicted himself to some other teachei% and that the remark was made with reference to this course, and its consequences. Cn. 22. An absurd remark of the disci- ple Kaou about the music of Yu and king Wan. 2. ^ read tvyy ' the knob, or loop, of a bell/ the part by wliicli it is suspended. — low. 2d tone, an insect that bores through wood ；* hence, metaphoricnlly, anything Imving the appeiirauce of being eaten or worn away. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 304 望虎 、善馮 是棠！ 圖力览 見 虎土婦 爲殆以 齊级 。城 馮貴則 者肩石 夫饑， P1 婦肩 I 之善婦 可于陳 之 趨 莫甄榑 也復 。將臻 軌 而之有 览晋孟 ■曰 > 雨 迎敢 衆卒人 于爲國 馬 之遭 、逐爲 有 既發人 之 3. Mencius said, u How can that he a sufficient proof? Are tlie ruts at the gate of a city made l>y a single two-horsed chai'iot? Chapter XXIII. 1. A\ lien 'r.s^ewus suffering from famine, Chlin Tsin said to ^[ellchLS1 uThe people are all thinking that you, ^Iastei% will again ask that the granary of T^mg be opened for them. I tipprelieml you will not do so a second time.” 2. Mencim said, uTo do it would be to act like l:ung Foo. There was a man of that name in Tsin, famous for liis skill in seiz- ing tigers. Afterwards, lie became a scholar of reputation, und going once out to the wild country, lie found the people all in pursuit of a tiger. The tiger took refuge in a corner of a liill, where no one dared to attack him, but when they saw Fung Foo, they ran and met him. F ung Foo immediately bared his arms, and descended from 3. The meaning is that wliat Ivnou no- ticed was only the e])cart kept grain in store, aiul on some previous occurrence of famine, Mencius lmd advised tlie king to open tlic granary. In tlie 川 enntinu1， liowever, some dilforenoe had occurred between him nnd the prince, lie intoiuled leaving Ts4e, and would not expose hinisdf to a rc»i 川 lse by nuiking an npplicatkjn wliich 丨 liiglit be rejected. 2. 善士， 一 ‘ii good scholar,’ or ‘officer,’ but is not to be taken at all cmphntically. It did not belong to rr. II. On. XXIII — XXIV. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. the carriage. The multitude Avere pleased with him, but those wlio 、vei.e scholars laiij^hed at him.” Chapter XXI \\ 1. ]\Iencius said, uFor the mouth to desire sireet tastes, tl»e eve to desire beautiful colours, the ear to desire pleasant sounds, the nose to desire fragrant odours, and the four limbs to desire ease and rest; — these tilings are natural. But there is the appointment of Heaven in connection roith them, and the superior man does not say of his pursuit of them, lIt is my nature.* 2. u rThe exercise of love between father and son, the observance of rigliteousness between sovereign and minister, the rules of cere- mony between guest and host, the display of knowledge in recognizing the t.ilented, and the faljUJing the heavenly course by the sa«^e ; — these are the appointment of Heaven. But there is an adaptation of our Fung Foo, now an officer, to be fighting with tigers, playing the part of a bravo. Ch. 24. How THE 8UPERIOR MAN 8UBJECT8 THE GRATIFICATION OF HIS NATURAL APPETITES TO THE WILL OF HliAYEN, AND PURSUES THE DOING OF GOOD WITHOUT THINKING THAT THE AMOUNT WHICH HE CAN DO MAY BE LIMITED BV THAT WILL. 1. 口 之於味 , — * the mouth's to tastes ；* that is, its constitution so as to be pleased witli certain tastes. So, all the otlier clauses, — 4 there is the ap- pointment of Heaven' i.e., every appetite natu- rally desires its unlimited gratification, but a limited amount or an eiUire denial 】nay be the will of Heaven. 2 •智之 於賢者 is not 4 the possession of kuuwledge by Hie talented,' but the exercise of wisdom in refe- rence to them, recognizing and appreciating their excellence. The seotiraent is well illus- trated by the case of An Ying, the minister of Ts*e, able and wise, and yet insensible to the superior excellence of Confucius and hia prin- ciples.一 Clioo He says well upon tliis chapter : — 4 1 have heard it observed by my master that the things mentioned in both of these paragraphs .are in the constitution of our nature, and likewise ordained by Heaven. Mankind, liowever, con- sider that the first five are more especially natural, and, thou〇rtant in each case, that lie 馮婦 壞臂下 車‘衆 皆悦之 其 4 士 若笑之 。 1 1? 皿于！ f U 之於昧 也目 之於色 I 耳之 於聲 也鼻 之 於臭也 ‘ 四肢之 於安佚 也性也 有命焉 君于不 謂 , r--i 4 性也仁 之於艾 于 1[[ 圣我之 於君 臣也 禮之於 賓主也 智 K) 於 賢者也 聖 人之於 3GG THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 石大 己信。 也于、 圍于天 可而 實之曰 P 信何锆 逍 知化 命謂 可人人 生謂也 之 之有信 。飲也 。也, T、 命命 之之晃 竟1 乏何 @ 孟害 H 謂謂 輝實謂 謂于問 有 威聖 。之 之:善 。篆白 .曰 ，性 樂 謂謂 冷 ■何 善樂 氣 正而大 。美 。諸 謂人正 君 nature for them. The superior man does not say, in reference to them. (It. is the appointment of Heaven/ " Chapter XXV. 1. Haou-sang Puh-hae asked, saying, u AVliat sort of man is Yo-cliing? " Mencius replied, u He is a good man, a real man.” 2. u What do you mean by "A good man/ 1 A real man ? '' 3. The reply was, a A man who commands our liking, is wliat is called a good man. 4. u He whose goodness is part of himself, is wliat is called a real man. 5. u He whose goodness has been filled up, is what is called a beautiful mail. 6. u He whose completed goodness is brightly displuyetl, is wlmt is called a great man. 7. u When this great man exercises a transforming influence, lie is wliat is called a sage. 8. u When the sage is beyond, our knowledge, he is wliat is called a spirit-man. may induce a broader way of thinking in regard to tlic second class, and repress the way of tliinkinj? ill regard to the* first.* Ch. 25. The chauacteu of the disciple Yoii-ciiing. Diffkkknt dkghkics of attain- ment IN CIIAKACTICU, WHICH AKK TO KK AIMICI) at. 1. Chaou K*e tells ns that Ilaou-san^ is tlie surname anil Puli-liae tlie name and that the individual was a man of Ts*c. This is all we know of him. 3. It is assumod here tlint the general verdict of mjinkiml will be on the side of goodness. Hence when u limn is desir- ab/e, and conmiand sunhx>r.s:il liking, he must be a good mail. 4. 有 睹已， — ( having in ]iini3〇lf ；* i'.c., wlicn a man has the goodness, without hyj)〇(*risy or pretence. Comp. VI. ii. 13. Goodness is an attrilmte entering? into all the otliers, and I lmve therefore thrice expressed it in the translation. 8. 聖而 不可 知之之 |{ij 神， 一with tliis 、vc may cum- pare wliat is s«aid in the Doctrine of the Mean, 至誠 如神， 1 the individual possessed of tlie most complete sincerity is like a spirit/ In the critical remarks in the M 書合講 ，il is said, indeed, that the expression ill tliu text Vj. II. Cn. XXV.— XWII. Till: WORKS OF MENCIUS. 3G7 9. u Yo -diing is between the two first characters, and below the four last. Chapter XXVI. 1. Mencius said, u Those Avho are fleeing from //w Mill naturally turn to Yang, and those 'vlio ai、e fleeing from the errors of Yang naturally turn to orthodoxy. When they so turn, tliey should at once and simply be received. 2. u Those avIio now-a-days dispute with the followers of Yang juul Mill, do so as if they were pursuing a stray pig, the leg of Avliich after tli ey lmve got it to enter the 】)cii， tliey p Chapter XX\ II. ]\lencius said, u There are tlie exactions of liempcMi-cIotli and silk, of grain, and of personal service. The prince requires hut one of these deferring the other two. If lie require two of them at ovet% then tlie j>eople die of hunger. If lie require the time (mee， then fatliei.s and sons are separated.” is stronjror tlian that there, but the two are j tions are with tliose wlio had been Yangists and ^liliists. This sense of 4 to tie the legs/ is found in tlio diet, with reference to this passage. Cn. 27. Tub jtst i:\actions of tiie govern- • MENT A1IE TO liE MADE DISCRIMINATINGLY AND ； CON SI Dli HAT ELY. ^jpj IS doth, made from flilX. j — * silken fibres not spu 11/ but here, probably, silk, spun or unspun. ; grain untlireshcd ; * ； 一 the same threshed : 一 here together, grain i .acMicrally. The tax of cloth and silk was due in suinnier. that of grain after harvest, and substiintially to the same effect. Some would ! translate ]]j||) by 4 divine/ a rendering which it never can iulmit of, «nd yet, in Jipplyinjr t to man the term appropriate to tlie actiniis imd influence of Him whose way is in tho sea, and Jiis jml^iiK»nts a great deep, Chinese writers are guilty of blasphemy, in the sense of derogat- j in^ from the* ijrcro^ntives of Uod. Cll. 2(). lvEC〇VElll：T> 1IEUKTICS SHOULD RE RKCElVKIi WITIIOLT CASTING THKIR OLD liKKOKS in their tkktii. i. — 4 they t::ni to the le;mie(l.’ He leimied’ hi Chinese plinisc is t-quivalent to our * the orthodox 5 The | personal service was lbr the leisure of winter name is still claimed in China by the followers J of Confucius ami other sages, in opposition to the I Tauulsts aud JiuddliiaU. 2. The disputa- , 君子 = 君 Tlie prince might only require them, one at a time, and in their proper seasons. 于二之 咴四之 下也。 圓孟于 nf 逃鼠必 歸於橇 逃檄必 歸於僦 M 斯受之 i C 二節 V* 而 E 夹今 之與楊 墨辯者 如追放 ◦豚旣 人其芷 叉 從 而招之 ◦ 国 孟于！ f 有布 縑之征 粟 米之征 力 役之征 君于用 與一‘ 緩其一 f 用其一 『而 民 有殍 JIJ 其三而 父子離 。 3G8 THE WOItKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. 丨十卜 I 国 而于曰 .問矣 孟也 之其 氐盆盆 于矣 。大盔 夫成成 之 道 人于栝 。括 滕> 也池> 了锋仕 It 則 小以成 M 於 足有知 栝齊, ± 以篆 其莧孟 % 殺去將 殺>于 有 其聞 見門曰 k 業 軀君殺 。人死 身 。人圏 民‘盖 政予 事曰 > 寶諸 珠侯 玉之 者農 殃三 k 必土 及地, Chapter XXVIII. Mencius said, uThe precious things of a prince are three; — - the territory, the people, the government and its business. If one value as most precious pearls and stones, calamity is sure t,o befall him.” Chapteii XXIX. PSvan-sliing Ivwoh having obtained an offi- cial situation in Ts4e, Mencius said, uHe is a dead man, — P'wnn- sliiiig K'voli ! ’’ P4\van-shin(!2； Kwoh being put to death, the disci[>lt*s asked, saying, u How did you know, Muster, that he would meet with death ? " Mencius replied, u He was a man, who had a little ability, but had not learned the great doctrines of the superior man. 一 He was j list qualiiied to bring death upon himself, but for nothing more.” Chapter XXX. 1. Wlien IMencius went to T'ang, lie was lodged in the upper pal.ice. A sandal in the process of making luul been Cn. 28. Tih: i，m:riomniN’GS 01、 a 】、iti>*x% AND THK I)AN(；Klt OF O VKHLOOK INC； TIIICM l ()lt OTincit things. , 一 * the productive ground, * and 地 ，—‘ Land generally •’ as distinguished from officers/ but the terms are not to be taken separately. So of 政事 ; see oh. xii. Ch. 2(J. ITow Mkxciits rnKDicTKn rkfore- HANl) TIIK DKAT1I OF 1K W AN-8HING Kw〇lI. Comp. Conf. prediction of Tsze-loo^ death, Con. Aua. XL ^i. Little is kuuwu uf this Kwuh. lie is sniil to have begun learnincr with Men- cius, but to have soon gone away, disappointed by wlint he heard. Oil. 80 The grnkwous spirit of Mench：3 IN I>1S1»I：NSING Ills INSTRUCTIONS. Tins, whicli is tho lesson of tlie chapter, only conu-s out at the end, and has l)e«*n romincmornted. ns beinir the lvniark of an individiiHl, not of extraordinary character, and at first disposed to find fault witli Mencius' disciples. 1. 之滕 ，-之 = 往 .宮 ，-_p •雪 宮，1 • l*t. II. iv. This was evi(lcntl}r n palace appropri- ated by the duke of T^ngibr tlie lodging of hon- our ablu visiturs. The first is a verb, 4 was Pt. II. Cii. XXX.— XXXI. THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 3G9 ¥ S 3 画以也 ▲與 。疾或 i 也。 所之孟 s 是 往曰池 。問於 于心 者殆曰 之牖 能爲 > 其曰 4 至 3 非于呒 上 齐達所 人斯追 ▲也 以 若館 舞之忍 >皆 受來夫 是是人 f 玆乍 有之者 于盔乎 ，求 害甚也 > 所而不 之 竊從之 4 所人不 E 抵設 屨者弗 之氳 皆齓矣 。苟 科來 之得。 placed there in a window, and when the keeper of tlie place came to look for it, he could not find it. -• some one asked Mencius^ saving, u Is it tlms that vour followers pilfer ilencius replied, u Do you tliink that they came here to pilfer the sandal ? The man said, u I apprehend not. liut you, Master, having arranged to give lessons, do not go back to inquire into the past, and you clo not reject those who come to you. It they come \vitli the mind to loarn, you receive them with- out an}^ more ado.M Chaptidr XXXI. Jlencius snid, UA11 men have some things which they cannot bear ; — extend that feeling to what thev can l)ear, and benevolence will be the result. All men iiave some tilings which they yill not do ; — ~ extend that feeling to the tilings ^vliicli they do, and righteousness will be the result." lodged. The second makes a compound noun with 人. 屬’ 一 the diet, has, with refe- rence to this passage, 事物已 爲而未 fjjC * things being done, but not com- ; pleted， are said to be 業 •， 2 •麼 ，—卿 ， up •丨 1st tone, «to hide/=to steal and liide. 曰 ，子 以 正 ，一 堅，4 these,’ referring to 4 followers.， A f ^ 禾年， ^T，— according to Choo He, this is the observation of Mencius* questioner, suddenly awaking to an understand- ing of the philosopher. xVncicatly, 夫子 wns read — ?*, c no^r, 1/ and Mencius was supposed to be liiniself the spe.iker. Choo He is probably correct. is better tlian ^C? conve7^nS ^ie i^ea Exercises5 suit- ed to different capacities, J^= fw] g 首 之心. ^ Cli. 31. A MAX HAS OKLT TO GIVE DEVELOP- MENT TO THE PKINt irLKS OF GOOD WHICH AKK IN AND SHOW THKM.SELVES IN SOMETHINGS, TO IJE ENTIRELY (iOOD ANI) COKKKCT. Tllis is a sentiment which we have found continually occurring in these analects. It supposes tliat num lias nuidi more power over liimsdf than he really lias. 2 •穿 = 穿穴， ‘ to make 47 370 IIIE AVOKKS OF MKNCIUS. BOOK YU. 善圏 之以儲 — ^ — rsr- 十 1； 變 y A— g 孟節类 卷于也 守 紈言 w 返 M if 博指 者入 者、 勝充心 , > 用無而 也 可無也 。穿仁 也 。牙 1- 铦刊以 所人 S 箭不 之 以言往 能之可 也言 1 而充 A 勝 矣 I 市百 ^ 無而角 爲受 皆丕 穿言 F 是 _ 也‘ ，以義 爾不人 言也 。溪 亩能 2. “ If a man can give full dcvelopincMit to tlie feeling 'svliich makes him shrink from injuring otlier.s, his benevolence Avill he more than can be called into practice. If he can give lull (lovel〇])nK*nt to the feeling whicli refuses to break through, or jump ovei*, a zval/} liis righteousness will be uiore than can be called into ]>ractice. 3. u If he can give full development to the real feeling of dis- like Avitli Avhicli lie receives the salutMtion, 4 Thou/ 4 Thou, 1 lie Avill act righteously in all places and circuinstnnces. 4. u When a scholar speuks w\u\t lie ought not to sponk, hy (/uile speech seeking to gain some end ; und when lie does not sj>cak what he ought to speak, by (juile of silence seeking to pi in some end ; — both these cases arc of a piece with breaking through a neigh- bours icaliy Ciiapticii XXXII. 1. IMencins said, u Words ^ arc simple, wliilc their meaning is far-reacliin^, are <>〇〇(! words. IVim.ipk.s which, as held, arc compeiidious, while their ap|)licatioii is cxtcn.si\ c, ft hole tli rough.’ ^[r,p 1 .iun'l) (,V('r a wall/ 'I'lie two togctlicr ;uv cquivnk'nt to 4 to play the tliieiV 3. ‘Tlimi，’ ‘Tlu 川 is a style of address preatly at variance with Clu- nosc notions of ])roprioty. It can only Ik* usi-d to the very youiu** and the v^ry menu. A m：in will revolt iVom it as used to liimself. and *if Ik* be careful to act c^o tluit men will not 山 m‘ lo speak to him in tliis style, lie will go n〇wlu»rc where he will not do righteousness.* 一 This is rather far fetched. 4. 一 * to lick with the tonsue.* To iind au antecedent to tla* we must mulerstnnd the ])cTP〇n, wlio is spokrn to, or bot'oiv whom siloucc is kopt ; or, ]>t,ihjii)sl merely gives effect to tlie verb in the gen- crnl sense of 4 to /rain some cml.* On. 32. A r. a r n st aiming a t w ii at i s m kmotk, AN1> MHil.Kr I INii 、VIIAT IS NI：AK. WllAT AHIi <；oor> and g(H)d ritiNcirLKs. 1. ^^^,-8w>tliol5ook»f Kius, H.iii. 14. fI'ho ancients did not look at a ])〇rson lu low tin* girdle, so tliat all above that mi^ht be con- rod as iumt, benoatii the eyes. The plir;i«., au rt. IT. Cl!. XXXII.— XXXIII. TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. 371 以非者 . 武屬重 > 而身 > 而道 干爲盛 反孟喻 芸而 道也, 祿 生德之 于所人 天存君 也 者之也 。氏以 之下焉 。于 言 I 至 動堯自 吼平 。君泛 語經 也名舜 >任 所 人吁言 崦德哭 M 性考求 病之也 信 3、 死旋 者輕。 於舍守 /石 非亂面 史也 人 其修下 以 菲反禮 湯 者 亂其 帶> are good principles. The words of the superior man do not go below the girdle, but (jreut ])rinci[)les are contained in them. 2. u The principle wliich the superior man holds is tliat of per- sonal cultivation, but the empire is thereby tranquillized. ?， 3. uThe disease of men is this: — that tliev ne<>：lect tlieir own fields, and go to weed the fields of others, and that what they require from others is ^reat, while what tliev lay upon themselves is Chapter XXXIII. 1. Mencius said, “ Yaou arid Shun were Avhat they were by nature; Tfcang aiul Woo were so by returning to natural virtue. 2. u When all tlie movements, in tlie countenance and every turn of the body, are exactly what is proper, that shows the extreme degree of the complete virtue. AVeeping for the dead should l>e from mz/ sor- row, and not because of the living. The regular ])cifch of virtue is to be pursued without any bend, and from no view to emolument. The words should all be necessarily sincere, not Vvith any desire to do what is right. common subjects, simple, plain. So, Choo ITc ; but tlie passage in tlie Le-ke is not so gener.il as his commentary. It £»：ives the rule for looking at the emperor. A minister is not to raise his eyes above the emperors collar, nor lower tliem below tlie girdle. Chaou K‘e tries to explain tlie expression without reference to the ancient rule for rejrulatinsr the looking at men. Acc. to him, 4 words not below tlie girdle are all from near the lieart.* 2. This is the explanation of 守 約 而施博 • The paragrap 丨丨 is a proof] summary of the teaching of The Groat Learning. On. 33. Tife peufect vtutue of the high- est SAGES, AND HOW OTHERS FOLLOW AFTKIl IT. 1. Comp. Pt. I. xxx., but has not liere a special reference to certain virtues as tliere. 2. fI'liis is an exhibition of tlie l}izdbri ^ 羊而丑 棗不 曰/孰 麻食 然美。 _ 獨羊 則孟孫 也棗 。曾 于进+ 諱曰 > 乎既 問而 名 膾何膾 呒曾 不炙爲 炙膾于 諱 所食哉 。炙丕 纯同膾 公與忍 M 焉暴 爲孟 晳者矣 、人于 嗜 寡其也 ，曰 1 矣 。為寡 _ 入被 i 也雖莫 多有善 欲不於 雖存寡 有焉欲 , Citaptkr XXXV. jMencius said, u To nourish the heart there is nothing better than to make the desires few. Here is a man whose desires are few : —— in some things he may not be able to keep his lieart, but they will be few. Here is a man whose desires are many : — in some things lie may be able to keep his heart, but they will be few.” Chapter XXXVI. 1. Mencius said, uTsang Seih was fond of sheep dates, and Ids son^ the philosopher Tsang, could not bear to eat sheep-dates.” 2. Kung-sun Ch'ow asked, sa^ying, u Which is best —minced meat and roasted meat, or sheep-clates S ” Mencius said' " Mince acli】 roast- meat， to be sure.” Kung-sun Chcow went on, u Then why did the philosopher Tsang eat mince and roast -meat, while lie Avould not eat sheep-dates ? n Mencius answered, u For mince and roast sheep-meat in liunting.’ — ‘what are in them，’ the tilings which they esteem so. 在我者 =the things wliicli I esteem. Cn. 35. The kegulatiox oftiii-: desires is ESSENTIAL TO THE NOCRISIIMENT OF THE HKART. 欲 must be taken in a bad, or, at least an inferior 8ense,=the appetites, while is the heart nat- urally disposed to all virtue. 虽隹 有 yf"、 f 了- — Although there are* _ virtues of tlie heart, that is, — c which arc not preserved.* Ch. 36. Tiie filial feiclixg of Tsang- TSZE SEEN IN IIIS NOT EATING DATES. 1. 羊棗， 一 4 sheep- dates/ the small black nortli- ern date, so called from its resembling' sheep's dirt. Such is Clioo lie's account ut the fruit. The writer of the 四書 撼餘說 however, seems to make out a case for 羊棗 being： a kind of persimmon. Still, why call it a date ? 2. Seilrs liking for the small dates was peculiar, and therefore the sight of them broiurht him vividly nj) to his son, and lie could nut bear to eat such dates. Tliere are many 374 TIIE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII. there is a common liking, while that for sheep-dates was peculiar. We avoid the name, but do not avoid the surname. The sunnime is common ; the name is peculiar.” Chapter XXXVI I. 1. Wan Chang asked, saying, u Confucius, when he was in Ch^n, said, 4 Let me return. The scholars of my school are ambitious but hasty. They are for advancing and seizing their object, but cannot forget their early wa}Ts/ Why did Confu- cius, when he Avas in Chcin, think of the ambitious scholars of Loo?" 2. Mencius replied, u Confucius not getting men pursuing tlte true medium, to whom he might communicate his instructions, determined to take the ardent and the cautiously-dccifled. The ardent would advance to seize their object; the cautiously-decided would keep themselves from certain things. Tt is not to be thought that Confucius did not wish to get men pursuing the true medium, but being unable to assure himself of linding such, lie therefore thought； of the next class." B. u I venture to ask what sort of men they were who could be styled 4 The ambitious ? ' " rules for 一 ‘ avoiding tlic nninc,’ of parents, jincestors, emperors, &c.; sec the Lc-lcc, I. lJt. I. v. J5 一 20 ; al. Cii. 37. To call to thk ruusrir op tiii-: IU01IT MKDIl'M WAS Till： OH.IECT OF CoNFUCIl S AND MlCNCIUS. VaIIIOI.S CllAltA( WHO l.’AIL TO PUKSUE THIS, OK AKli 〇rr〇«lil> TO IX. 1. See Con. Ana. V. xxxi. The difTeronccs between tlmt text and wlmt wc have here 、vill be note •(卜 lYrhiips AViiii Clmng 、vas quoting from memo- ry. 2. See Con. Ana. XIII. xxi. As Mencius quotes that chapter, some think that there should be a Q in the text after 孔子. 姓 衫同也 名 )3r 獨也 国 & 章間 of 孔于 在陳 cf 盍 歸乎來 ‘吾黨 之七 狂就進 耿 石 忘其杌 孔 于在陳 何思魯 〇 二節 t 之狂 士孟于 曰孔于 7; 得中 道而與 之必 也狂澴 免 狂者 進取 糫者有 所石爲 也孔于 豈 > 徵中道龍 7; 可必 #, 故 〇 三 0r 思其 次也敢 問何如 斯可謂 l^r. IL Cii. XXXVII. TIIE WORKS OF MENXIUS. 375 既 其門池 3 焉人 狂孔狂 何惟而 是屑者 古也。 于夹。 如鄕不 又不也 。之曰 纟之曰 - 斯原 人其潔 狂《 人其 所如 "丨乎 、我 次之者 、夷 志謂琴 謂鄕 室池。 士叉考 _ 狂張 k 之鼠 我孔頓 T、 其嘐矣 。曾 鄕德不 于與可 行然肩 1 晳、 原乏憾 曰> 之 、得 、而 4 以牧 矣 ，賊焉 過是欲 不 古謂皮 曰 Ml 乾我 糫得掩 之之者 > 4. u Such,'' replied ]\lcncius, uas Iv(in Chang, Tsang Seih, and ]\Iuh P^ei, were tliose ■whom Confucius styled 1 ambitious ? 5 5, 5. u Whv were they styled 1 ambitious.' n 6. The reply was, uTlieir aim led them to talk magniloquently, saying, ;The ancients!5 ‘ The ancients ! ’ Buttlieiractions’com- pared 'vith clid not come up to them. ’’ 7. u When he found also that he could not get such as 'were thus ninl>itiou^ lie wanted to p：et scliolars who would consider anything inipure as beir'atli them. Those were the cautiouislj-decidecl, — a class next to the former.” 8. Chang jnirsuecl Jus questioninfj^ u Confucius said, c They are only your . So acc. to Clioo He. wlio quotes an instance from tlieT.iouist p!iilos〇])lier C'h want：, of tlie wnywardiie^s of Laou. but C'hwan^s accounts oi* C^ontucius and his disci- ples are not nuu li to be trusted. Tlie identifi- cation of the individual in ihe text witli Laou, however, is no doubt correct, though Chaou K*e makes him to be the Sze of the Analects, refer- ring to XI. xvii. 〇, • feze is specious/ and adding that he played Avell on the Jrin, and was there- fore styled K.iii. See the 四書 樵餘說 in loc. Of ]\Iu]i Pfei nothing is known. 一 in tlie sense of 平， ‘even.’ 夷考 ‘ evenly examining.’ 和 爸’ 一 ‘ to c〇ver，’=to make good. 8. The first part of the saying here attributed to Confucius is not found in tlie Aualucts. For tlie becond, see XVII. xiii. 0. 37G THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. BOOK VII.* 衆泞也 >以 人是也 / 爲覇何 皆世 ，刺 爲焉屬 善踽言 、以 悅居之 、德 無原 ) 斯蹒 則是 之之無 之所也 。可 遼曰廣 自 M 制 M 往會矣 疯古嘐 以忠 也何 而章閽 生之也 爲 每同哉 3 氏然 斯人言 是、行 孕曰丨 爲一媚 i 古 不 而之 流非原 鄕於 也之顧 不似 俗之 、人 皆世爲 人行、 可 廉合無 孔稱也 斯行行 與潔序 擧于原 ) 者、 世何不 9. Mencius replied^ u They are those who say, 4 Why are they so magniloquent ? Their words have not respect to their actions, and their actions have not resjject to their words, but they say, — The ancients ! The ancients! Why do they act so peculiarly, and are so cold and distant ? Born in tliis age, we should be of tins age, to be good is all that is needed.' Eunuch-like, flattering their genera- tion ; — sm-h are yom， good ca'reful men of t. lie villages.” 10. A\ran Chang said, u Their 'u liole village styles those men good and careful. In all their conduct they are so. How was it that Confucius considered them the thieves of virtue ?M 1 1 . ]\Ipncius replied, ulf )7〇11 would blame them, you find no- tliiiig to allege. If you would criticize tliem, you ha\'e nothing to criticize. They agree with the current customs. They consent with au impure age. Tlioir })i,im,iples liave a semblance of right lieart- eclness and truth. Their conduct has a semblance of disinterested- ness and purity. All men arc pleased with them, and they think themselves right, so that it is impossible to proceed with them to Before this par. we must understand 孟子丨 to the tliat follows. 善斯 可矣- I ~ r ,P1 I ~~ r . i ^ , - 、 . . A irr 4 to be good is enough, 1 ix.y to be account (h! td rhe g m the text has for its subject^ by the uge in which they live is enough for or we tiiay take it in tlie infinitive, nmking them. 踽踽， 一 4 the api^earance of walking the whole pur. down to 也者 the I almu、，’ acliug peculiarly. 11. 流俗 Pt. II. Cil XWVIII. TIIK WORKS OF MENCIUS. ：]77 百圓 庶反也 恐惡其 ji 人 有 孟张羥 惡其利 亂于堯 餘于興 > 而鄕亂 IV 苗曰 >舜 歲> 味斯 巳 膩樂恐 也惡之 若曲 無矣 ，恐也 ，其惡 似道 > 禹堯 邪經其 惡亂佞 而故 皐 舜慝正 JL 氟信 恐非曰 > 胤至矣 。則 德恐也 ，其者 ，德 則於 庶也 ，其惡 亂惡之 见湯 > 戾蠢感 奠纟 義秦賊 Wi 五 興序条 :藥也 > 恐也 , the principles of Yaou and Shun. On this account they are called 4Tlie tliicves of virtue/ 1 2. u Confucius said, 4 1 hate a semblance which is not the reality. I hate tlie (larnel, lest it be confouiulecl Avith the corn. I hate glib- tonguedness, lest it be confounded Avitli righteousness. I hate sharp- ness of tongue, lest it be conlounded Avitli sincerit)r. I hate the music of ( lrin<;, lest it be confounded 'with the true music. I hate the reddish blue, lest it be confounded Avith vennilion. I liate your good careful men of the villages, lest they be confounded with the virtuous: 13. u The superior man seeks simpl)^ to bring back the uiichang- ing standard, and that being rectified, the masses are roused to virtue. lien tliey are so aroused, fortlnvitli perversities and glossed Avick- edness disappear.'5 Chaptkr XXXVIII. 1. Mencius said, “ From Yaou and Shun down to T4ang were 500 years and more. As to Yu and Ivaou^aou, is literiillv our 4 current customs/ but at the same time, stigmatizes the customs as bad. 届乏 = 居 之於心 老; 行之 = 行之 矜身者 . 12. These are sayings of Confucius which are only found here. Such a string of them is not in the sage^ style. ^5^ 片 — 4 lest it confound the corUj^bc coniouuilod with it. So in the other phrases. 筒 一 see Con. Ana. XV. x. — see Con. Ana. X. vi. 2. 13. Tliis par. explains the rest of the chap. The 系莖 or ‘ uuduiiiging standard,* is the pjl| * the right medium,* wliich the sage himself pursues, and to which lie seeks to recall others. Cn. 38. On the transmission of the line OP DOCTIUXE FKOM Y.VOU TO MlCXCIUS* OWN time. Compare II. Ft. II* xiii; III. Vt, 48 THE WOHKS OF MI*；NCIUS. BOOK VII. STS 亂之 人于知 餘知朱 > 於知 則说 之而 之歲之 。則 文之. 亦若世 / 泰若若 奸 免王名 無此 若至孔 太文而 五湯, 有其 此於于 ，公王 知百則 乎甚 其今则 望 ，至 之有聞 爾 。也 未百 聞散於 若餘而 然遠 有而宜 孔文歲 >知 而也 >餘 知屯于 > 王 若之。 無 近歲之 。則五 則伊由 $ 有聖 去邮見 百聞尹 ，湯 乎人聖 孔而有 而萊至 they saw those earliest sages：^ and so knew their doctrines, while Tcang licjird their doctrines as transinittecl^ and so knew them. 2. u From T4ang to king AVan were 500 years and more. As to E Yin, and Lae Clioo, they saw T^ancj and knew his doctrines, ^liile king W a:i lieard tliem as transmitted^ and so knew them. 〇. u l;rom king Wan to Confucius were 500 years and more. As to T'ae-kuiiii* Wang and San E-sang, they saw ]Ydn, and so knew his doc- trines, while Confucius heard them as transmitted^ and so knew them. 4. u ]:i*om Confucius downwards until now, there are onhj 100 years and sinneicluit more. The distance in time from the snge is so far from being remote, and so very near at hand was tlie snge's residence. In these circumstances, is there no one to transmit his doctrines f Yea, is there no one to do so ? n II. x.: fl nJ. 1. From the comnience- ment of Slum's rei^n to that of T'an^s w(»re 4h*J years, wliilo from l^ang to the rise of tlie Chow ath of, VII. xvi. Dynasties, Ilea, Yin and Chow, II. 卜. i.: III. 卜. iii.: V. vi: 一 C’ho'v， II. 1、. xiii.: V. 卜 ii. — the three, III. J" . ii.： IV. 卜. iii.; J\. xx. — Ilea and Yin, IV, . ii. — Shang, Yiu and Chow, IV. 」^. vii. E Earth, advantages of situation afforded by the, II •下 . i. Earth-worm, an over-fastidious scholar com- pared to an, III. x. Education, importance of a ruler attending to, III. 上. iii. Elated by riches, not to^be, a proof of superi- ority VII. 卜. xi. Emoluments, nrrangement of in the Chow dynasty, V. 卜. ii. Emperor, friendship with an， V. equanimity of Shun as an, VII. |\. vi. Empire, by whom the torn, may be united, I. 卜. vi. — king Hwuy's competence to obtain the, I. 卜. vii. — employment of Mencius would be for the good of the whole, II. K. xii. — to the State, the Family, IV. . v. — the way to get the, IV. 卜. ix.: VII. K. xiii. — tranquillity of dependent on what, IV. 卜 • xi.— a drowning, IV". 卜. xvii. — how Shun got the, V. 上. v.— how Shun would have regarded abandoning the, VII. 卜. xxxv. End, the, may justify the means, VII. 卜. xxxi. Enjoyment, man^ nature the source of his true, VII. 上. xxi. Equanimity of Shun in poverty, and as emperor, VII. 下 . vi. OF SUBJECTS. INDEX I- r)82 Error of a Miliist Tefuted, III. [^ . v.; ix. Errors of Yang, Mill, and Tsze-moh, YII. 上 • xxvi.: VII, xxvi. Evil, a warning to the violently, and the weak- 】y, IV. 上. x. — speaking, brings with it evil consequences, IV. 卜. ix. Exactions just, should be made with discrimina- tion, YII. 卜. xxvii. Example, influence of, III. 卜. vi, 一 influence of a rulers’， IV. 卜 v. 一 the ancients led men 1)y, VII. xx. Kvcollence, how a prince may subdue men by, IV. [;• xvi. Excusing of errors, how Mencius beat down the, II. ix. Exhortation to benevolence, II. 卜. vii. Explanation of friendly intercourse with Kwang Cliang, IV. 下. xxx. 一 of the different con- duct of Tsftng and Tsze-sze, IY. xxxi. — of Sliuivs conduct towards liis brother, V. 卜. iii. — id. towards the ernperor Yaou, and }»is father Koo- sow, V. 卜 • iv. — of the Odes Seaou P;wan and Kae Fang, VI. K. iii. Extreme cases must not be pressed to invali- date a principle, VI 卜. i. Faith, the necessity of, VI. J\. xii. Fame, a love of, may carry a Ilian over gi'eat difficulties, VIT •卞 . xi. Pather, why a, does not himself teacli his own son, IV. 卜. xviii. Favour to individuals, good ffovernmont does not lie in, IV. ii. — how Mencius acknow- ledged a, VI. K. v. favourite, ^Mencius would not pay court to a, IV. TC. xxvii. Filial piety, to have posterity, a part of, IV. 上 xxvi. 一 in relation to benevolence, &c., IV. 卜. xxvii. 一 how Shuit valued and exem- plified, IV. 卜. xxviii. 一 seen in the obsequies of parents, IV. ~ J^. xiii. 一 of Kwang Chang, IV. |\. xxx. -一 great, of Shan, V. p . i.; iv. — of Tsang-tsze seen, VII. xxxvi. l^irmness of Ilwuy of Lew-hca, VII. 卜 • xxviii. First judgments, are mot nhrny» correct, IV. 7\. xxiii. Five tilings wliidi are tin filial, IY. 【二 xxx. 一 injunctions of the agreement of the princes, YI. K. vii. — ways in which the sage teaches, VII. 上. xl. Force, submission secured by, IT. 卜. iii. Forester refusing to come to the king of Ts(e when called by a flag, V. 卜. vii. Four limbs, principles of the mind compared to the, II. p . vi. — different classes of min- isters, VII. 卜 • xix. Fraternal obedience, in relation to righteousness, &c,,IV. 卜. xxvii. — affection of Sliun, V， 卜 • iii. Freedom of Mencius, as unsalaried, to speak out liis mind, II. v. Frletuls， carefulness in making, IV. xxiv. Friendship, the principles of, Y. iii.; vii. 5 G Gain, the love of, and the love of good, contrast- ed, VII. 卜， xxiv. Generosity of Melicius in receiving pupils, VII. xxx. Gifts of princes, how Mencius declined or ac- cepted, II. iii. Glory tlie result of benevolent government, IL 上 iv. God, the people assisting to. I. K. iii — the or- dinances of, II. 卜. iv.： IV 卜 • iv. 一 tlie decree of, IV. \" . vii. 一 who may sacrifice to, IV. xxv. Good, sages and worthies delighted in what is, II. 卜 • viii. — importance to a government of loving what is, VI. xiii. 一 man is fitted for, and happy in doing ; VII. 卜 • iv. (See Nature) 一 people should get tlieir inspiration to in themselves, YII. 卜. x. 一 the love of, and tlie love of gain contrasted, VII. 卜. xxv. 一 words and principles, what arc, VII. |v xxxii. Goodness, different degrees of, VII. xxr. Government, character of king Ilwuy's, I. 卜. iii.; iv. — the love of music subservient to good, I. i.— bad, of the king of Ts4^ I. [;• vi.— of a kingdom, counsels for the, III. 上. iii,— there to an art of, wluck INDEX T. OF SUBJECTS. 38:3 requires to bo J?tiulicd by rulers nnd tlicir ministers, IV. 卜. i. — the .ulministrution of, not difficult, IV. 卜. vi. 一 tlie influence of kinp Wan's, IV. 卜. xiii. 一 good, lies in equal measures for the general good, IV. Jv ii. 一 tl»e aged were nourished by kin«? Wiln's, VII. 卜. xxii. 一 the well-being of the people the first care of a, VII. 上 . xxiii. Grain, illustration from growing, I. 卜. vi. Great, houses, a ruler should secure tlie esteem of the, IV. 卜. vi. 一 services, Ileavcn prepares men for, how, VI. 卜. xv. Great man, Mencius conception of the, ITT. ii. — makes no mistakes in propriety and righteousness, IV. 卜. vi 一 simply pursues what is right, IV. xi.— is child-like, IV. 卜. xii. 一 in good men a reconcilincr prin- ciple will be found for the outwardly dif- ferent conduct of, IV. xxix. — how some are, VI. 卜. xv. — he who counsels, should be morally above them, VII. xxxiv. Grief of Mencius at not finding an opportunity to do good, II. xiii. II Half measures of little use, I. 卜. iii. Hearts, of men importance of getting the, II. i. IV. 卜. ix. — the pupil of the eye index of the, IV. 卜. xv. — how to nourish the, VII. 卜. xxxv. Heaven, delighting in, and fearing, I. 卜， iii. 一 attaining to the imperial dignity rests with, I. 卜. xiy. 一 a man's way in life is ordered by, I. xvi.： Y. 卜. viii, — he who has no enemy in the empire is the minister of, IT. 卜广 v. — opportunities vouchsafed by, II. 卜 i. —— only the minister of, may smite a nation, II 卜. viii. — the superior man does not murmur against, II. 卜. xiii. 一 submission of States determined by, IV. 卜. vii. — Shun got the empire by the gift of, V. 卜 • v. ’s plan in the production of mankind, V. 卜. vii.； i. ’s places, offices, and emoluments, V ‘ iii. — has given us, what, VI. ^ . xv. — the nobility of, VI. , xvi.— prepares men l)y trials ami lmrdsliips， VI. f : xv. — by the study of ourselves we come to the knowledge of, VII. 卜. i. 一 what may be correctly ascribed to the appointment of, VII. 卜. ii. 一 conferred nature, the bodily organs a part of the, VII. 卜. xxxviii. 一 liow the superior man regards the will of, VII. 飞二 xxiv. Hire, the labourer is worthy of his, III. !‘• iv. Hereditary monarchy, Mencius* views on, V. 卜. v.; vi. History, quotations from, III. 卜. ii.: 卜. i. Heretics, recovered, should not have their old errors cast in their teeth, VII. xxvi. Honour, the true, which men should desire, VI. 卜. xvii. Husbandry, importance of, III. 卜. iii.： VII. 上 xxii.; xxiii.— a ruler should not labour at, with his own hands, III. 卜. iv. Hypocrisy, Shun defended against a charge of, V •上 u. Imperial, government, characteristic of, I. 卜 • vii. — -dignity, attained by true r〇}ral govern- ment, I. v.: II. \" . y.—id. by doing what is good and right, I. |\. xiv. 一 govern- ment, Mencius wished to see, and could have realised, a true, II. 卜. i. 一 sovereign should arise every 500 , years, II. 卜. xiii. — sway, not one of the things in which the superior man delights, YII. 卜. xx. Impulses must be weighed in the balance of reason, IY. |v xxiii. Inability, defined, I. 上. vii. Inauspicious words, what are most truly, IV •卜. xvii. Influence of king Wan's government, IY. 卜 • xiii.— -a man's, depends on his personal ex- ample and conduct, VII. ix. 一 Pih-e &c., proved to be sages by the permanence of their, VII. xv. Injunctions, five in the agreement of the princes, VI •下 jii. Insinuations of Shun-yu K4wan, how Mencius repelled the, YI. vi. 384 OF SUBJECTS. INDEX I. Inspiration to good, people should get in them- selves, VII. [" . x. Instrumentality of others affects one’s way in life, how far, I J、. xvi. Intercourse witli neighbouring kingdoms, I. 飞;. iii. 一 of Mencius with the princes of liis time, III 下 . i. Internal, the foundation 〇f righteousness is, YI. 卜. iv.; v. J Judgment concerning Pih-e and Hwuy of Lew- hea, II. 卜. ix. Judgments, first, not always correct, IV. *J、. xxiii. 一 of character, how men form wrong, VII. 卜. xxxiv. K Killing a sovereign not necessarily murder, I. Tv viii. — men, a prince should not have pleasure in, I. 卜. vi. 一 the character of, does not depend on the instrument used, I. 上^ iv. 一 the innocent, consequences of, IV. iv. Kings, the three, VI. 卜. vii. Kingdoms, intercourse with neighbouring, I. iii. — the disposal of, rests with the people, I. x. Knowledge ought to be pursued, liow, IV. 了 xxvi. L Labour, propriety of the division of, III. 卜. iv. — only that, to be pursued, which accom- plishes the object, VII. 卜. xxix. Labourer the, is worthy of his hire, III. iv. Law in himself, a man has but to obey, the, VII. 上. xvii- Learner(s), teachers of truth must not lower their lessons to suit, VII. 卜. xli. 一 himself, real attainment must be made by the, VII. 卜. v. Learning inwrought into the mind, the value of, IV. xiv. 一 consists in seeking the lost mind, VI. 卜 • xi.— must not be by halves, VI. J- . xx. Leaving Loo and Ts*e, Confucius,, YII. xvii. Lessons the, of the sage, reach to all classes, VII. 上. xl. Lettered class conducting government, propriety of a, III. 上. iv. Life, not nature, VI. 卜. iii. — there are things which men like more than, \T. 上 & Limbs, the principles of the mind compared to the, II. p . vi. Lingering, Mencius, in Ts‘e, II. HC. xii. Little men, how some are, VI. h . xv. Lords of reason, how some are, YI. 卜. xv. Losses, how a ruler may take satisfaction for I •上. v• Loving wlut is good, importance of to govern- ment, V. xiii. M Man, the nobility that ia of, YI. 卜. xvi. 一 the honour that is of, VI. 卜. xvii. 一 the duty of, as affected by the decrees of Hea- ven, VII. 卜. ii. 一 is fitted for, and happy in doing good, VII. 卜. iii — has but to obey the law in himself, YII. p . xvii. 一 bene- volence in relation to, VII. K. xvi. Marriage of Shun justified, IV. 卜 • xxvi.： V. ii. Masters, be not many, IV. 上 . xxiii. Mean, doctrine of the, referred to, IV. vii. — Confucius kept the, IV. x. 一 T^ug held fast the, IV. 卜. xx. Means, the end may justify the, VII. \" . xxxi. Measure, with what, a man metes, it will be measured to him again, IV. [" . iv. Medium, Confucius and Mencius called to the pursuit of the right, VII. !;• xxxvii. Men, importance of a prince gaining the hearts of, II. i. Mental qualities proved by deeds not by words, IV. 上. xvi. Messenger, Mencius offended beenuse a prince sent for liiui by a, II •下 • ii. INDEX I. OF SUBJECTS. 385 Middle kingdom, the, L 卜. vii. : III. 卜. iv. ix. : V. \" . v.: VI. x. Mind, all men are the same in, VI. 上 • vii- in danger of bcin^ injured by poverty and a mean condition, VII. 卜 • xxvii. 一 the cul- tivation of the, must not be intermitted, VII. xxi. Minister(s), care to be exercised in employing, I. vii. 一 the, of Heaven only may smite a nation, II. viii. 一 Mencius condemns the pursuit of warlike schemes by, IV. 卜. xiv. 一 the truly great, directs liis efforts to tlie sovereign's character, IV. 」^. xx. _ will serve their sovereign according as be treats them, IV, ii : 一 the duties of chief, V. 卜. ix. — of Mencius* time pandered to their sovereign^ thirst for wealth and power, VI. 卜. ix. 一 four different classes of, VII. 上 .xix. Moral, beauty alone truly excellent, IV. xxv. — excellence, the superior m«an cultivates, IV. 卜 xxviii. 一 influences, the value of to a ruler, VII. [^ . xiv. Mountain, illustration from the trees of the New, VI. 上. viii. Mouruing for parents, I. Jv xvi. : III. 卜 • ii.: V. 上. iv.; v.; vi.: VII. p . xxxix.； xlvi. Magwort, illustration taken from， IV. p . ix. Murder, what Shun Trould have done if his father had committed a, VII. 卜. xxxv. ^lurmur, at the hardest measures, when the people will not, VII. 卜. xii. Music, the love of, I. K. i. 一 the richest fruit of, IV. 卜. xxvii. — of Yu and king W an, VII. xxii. Music-master, the grand, I. iv. N Nature, the, of man good, in. 上. i.： VI. 卜. i.; ii.; vi.； vii. 一 not to be confounded with the phenomena of life, VI. 上. iii.— appears as if it were not good, how, VI. 上. viii.; ix.~ to love righteousness more than life is proper to mans, VI. [" . x.— how meii should seek the lost qualites of their, VI. [^ . xi.— relative importance of the (liflereut parts of the, VI. 卜. xiv. 一 Heaven is served by obeyiug our, VII. 卜. i. 一 man's own, the most important tiling to him, &c., VII. 卜. xxi. — of man, and tlie appointment of Heaven, VII. 卜. xxiv. Natural benevolence and righteousness of man, only requires development to be more than sufficient, VII. xxxi. Neighbouring kingdoms, intercourse with, I. 卞 • iii. Nobility that is of Heaven and that is of man, VI. }^ . xvi. Nourishment, the nature of man seems bad from not receiving its proper, VI. 卜. viii. — of the different parts of the nature, VI. p . xiv. 0 Object of Confucius and Mencius, what was the, VII. xxx vii. Obscurity, how what Shun was discovered itself in his greatest, VII. 卜. xvi. Obstinate adherence to a course deemed right, against, VII. 卜. xxvi. Odes, quotations from the, I. 上. ii.; vii.; 下. iii. ; v. : II. 」^. iii. ; iv. ： III. 卜. iii.；iv. i., ix.: IV. 卜. i.; ii.; iv.; vii.; ix.: V. 卜. il.; vii.: VI. 卜 yi.；xyii.: VII. 卜 • xxxii.； ■ 卜. xix. Office, Mencius giving up his, II. |\. x.; xi.; xii.; xiii.: VI. vi. — to be sought, but only by the proper path, in. iii.: V. 卜 • viii. 一 may be taken on account of poverty, when, V. v. — grounds of taking and leaving, VI. xiv. Officiousness, Mencius repelling, II. xi. Opposition of Mencius to warlike ambition, VI. viii. Ox, king Hwuy*s compassion for an, I. 卜. vii. P Parents, burial of, III. p . v (see Mourning). 一 the right manner of serving, IV. 卜. xix.； xiii. Parks and hunting, the love of, &c. I. ii* 49 386 OF SUBJECTS. INDEX I. Tarts of the nature, relative importance of different, VI. 卜. xiv. Passion-nature, Mencius nourished his, II. 卜. ii. People, rulers must share their pleasures ■with the. I. 卜. ii. 一 love of valour may subserve the good of the, I. iii.— the disposal of kingdoms rests with the, I. K. x. 一 the affections of, only secured by benevolent government, I. [〈• xii.: IV. 卜. ix. ’s liappiness disregarded by the ministers of Mcncius, time, IV. 卜 • xiv. — the part of the, in making an emperor, V. 卜. v, 一 how to promote the virtue of the, YII. 卜. xxiii. — the most important element in a nation, VII. 卜. xiv. Pecuniary considerations, Mencius not influ- enced by, II. 下. x. Personal character, importance of, IV. 卜. v. Pictures of Pih-e and Hwuy of Lew-hea, II. 上 ix. Phenomena, importance of carefully studying, IV. xxvi. Pleasure, rulers must share with the people, I. 上 . ii.; 1、. i.; iv. Position, how one’s material, affects his air, VII. p . xxxvi. Poverty, when office may be taken on account of, V. [〈• v. 一 importance of not allowing the mind to be injured by, YII. 卜. xxvii. 一 equanimity of Shun in, YII. K. vL Praise and blame not always according to desert, IV, 卜. xxi. Precious things, three, of a prince, VII. xxviii. Precipitate advances will be followed by speedy retreats, VII. p . xliv. Prediction of P4wan-shiiig K'voli’s death by Mcnoius, YII. xxix. Prepares himself for the duties to which he asi>ires, how a scholar, VII. 卜. xxxiii. Presents, Mencius defends accepting, from oppressors of the people, Y. iv. 一 of a prince to a scholar, liow to be made and ac- cepted, V. 卜. vi. 一 how Mencius acknow- ledged, VII v. rresuniptuovis idea of Pih Kwei, that lie could regulate the waters better than Yu did, VI. xi. rrincu, u, should employ luiuiaters, how, I. ~T\. vii. — should depend on himself, not on otlie powers, I. 【二 xiii. — tlireatened by neiglibours should act liow, I. xiv. — two courses open to, when pursued by his enemies, I. xv. 一 should get the hearts of men, II •卜. i. 一 sliglit- ing Mencius, II. 卜. ii. 一 the, wlio sets about practising benevolent government has none to fear, III. 卜. v. 一 benevolence the only security of a, IV. h . vii. — a vicious, the agent of his own ruin, IV. 卜. viii. 一 import- ance of rectifying a, IV. 卜. xx. 一 presents of a, to a scholar, how to be made and ac- cepted, V. I:, vi. — three precious things of a, VII. 卜. xxviii. Princes, the only topics of Mencius with, I. 卜. i. 一 a chieftain of tlie, not a sovereign of the empire, II. |" . iii. — the, of Mencius* time fail- ed in true royal government, II. 卜. v. — Men- cius declining or accepting gifts of, II. V. iii.: 一 Mencius' reserve with the, of his time, III. 卜 .i. — Mencius defends himself for not going to see the, III. vii. 一 why a scholar should decline going to see, when called by them, V. K. vii. 一 danger of coun- selling from tlie ground of profit, VI. f\. iv. 一 influence of a chief among the, different from that of a true sovereign, VII. 卜. xiii. _ of his time, Mencius censures the, VII. 卜 • xlvi. — how Mencius maintained his own dig- nity with the, VII. 卜. xxxiii. Principles, one must live or (lie with his, &c., VII. 上. xlii. Profit, secondary to benevolence and righteous- ness, 1 •上 . VI. iv. Progrress of degeneracy in successive ages, VI. vii. Prompt action, necessity of, at the right time, IV •下 • iv. Propriety, belongs naturally toman, II. p . vi. 一 parents should be served, &c , according to, III. 卜. ii. 一 help to the world should be given according to, IV. 卜. xvii. 一 the richest fruit of, IV. \" . xxvii. 一 the great man makes no mistakes in, IV. vi. 一 the superior man preserves, IV. xxviii.— importauco of observing the rulcb of, VI. i. INDEX I. OF SUBJECTS. 387 Trospcrity of a country, on what depcmlent, I. 上 Pupil of the eye, the index of the heart, IV •卜. XV. Purity, pretended, of Ch(in Chung, III. x. their aim is evidently the peopled good, VII. 卜. xii. — the value of reputation and moral influences to. VII. p . xiv. Rules, tlie necessity of governing according to, IV. 上 i.; ii. R s Record, quotation from a, III. |\. iii. Remote, against aiming at what is, VII. 卜. xxxii. Ilcpelling officiousness, Mencius, II. 卜. xi. Reproof, the beuofit of, IV. 卜. xxii. 一 Mencius' of Y5-ching, IV. 卜. xxiv.； xxv. 一 of Kung- sun Ch*ow, VII. 卜. xxxix. Reputation, the value of, to a ruler, YII. 卜. xiv. Ueserve, Mencius defends his, with the princes of his time, III. i. Respected, that a scholar be, is essential to liis engagingin a prince^ service, VII. 卜 .xxxvii. Riches, not to be elated by, a proof of superiority, VII. 上. xi. Kighteousness belongs naturally to man, II. 卜. vi.： VI. 卜. i. 一 the straight path, IV. 卜 • x. 一 fraternal obedience the richest fruit of, IV. 卜 • xxvii. 一 the great man makes no mistakes in, IV. J^. vi. — internal, not ex- ternal, VI. 卜. iv. ; v. 一 to be loved more than life, VI. 上. x. Kipe grain, illustration from. VI. p . xix. Ritiuil Usages, quotation from the, HI. "J\. ii. Royal government, the great principles of, I. 卜. iii.; iv. 一 will assuredly raise to the imperial dignity, I. 卜. v. 一 various points of, neglected in Mencius5 time, II. p. v. Ruin, a vicious prince the agent of liis o\m, IV. 上 . viii. Rulers, should share their pleasures with the peo- ple, I. 卜， ii. — should follow the advice of the 'vise, I. ix. — should sympathize with the people in their joys and sorrows, I. iv. 一 should not labour at husbaudry with their own hands, III. 卜. iv. — should study the example and principles of the ancient kings, IY. 卜. i.； ii. — importance of benevo- lence to, IV. h . iii. — 's example, influence of, IV. v.— will not be munn?ir^d at wheu Sacrifice, allusions to, III. 卜. ii.; iii.; v.: IV. xxv.; xxxiii.: VI. vi.: VII. 下 • xiv. Sage, Mencius not a, II. 卜. ii. 一 only with a, does tlie body act according to its design, VII. 卜. xxxvii. 一 the lessons of the, reach to all classes, VII. 卜. xl. Sagres, when they arise, will agree with Mencius, III. ix. 一 the human relations perfectly- exhibited by, IV. p . ii. — the agreement of, not affected by place or time, IV. 卜. i. — are distinguished from other men， liow, IV. ; xix.; xx.； xxi.; xxii. 一 just like other men, IV. xxxii.： VI. 卜. vii 一 Confucius superior to all other, V. [、• i. 一 the great doctrines of the, to be advanced to, by successive steps, VII. 卜. xxiv. 一 Pih-e, &c. proved to be, by the permanence of their influence, VII. ^ . xv. — definition of a, VII. 卜. xxv. — the per- fect virtue of the highest, VII. xxxiii. Satisfied, how an adviser of the princes may be always perfectly, VII. 卜. ix. Scbolar(s), the, ought to be remunerated, III. 卜. iv. 一 may accept presents from* a prince, on what principles, Y. vi. 一 should de- cline going to see the princes when called by them, why, V. K. vii. 一 forming friendships, rules for, V. K. viii. — ancient, maintained the dignity of their cliaracter. &c., how, VII. 卜. viii. 一 prepares himself for the duties to which he aspires, VII. 卜. xxxiii. — must be respected in order to liis engaging in the ser- vice of a prince, VII. 卜. xxxiii. Self, the charge of, greatest, IV. 卜. xix. Self-cultivation, men^ disregard of, VI. 卜. xiii. Self-examination recommended, IV, p . iv. — the superior man practises, IV. 卜. xxviii. Seif-restraiut uecessary to a ruler, 1. iv. 388 OF SUBJECTS. INDEX I. {Selling himself, Pili-le lie vindicated from the charge of, V. 卜. ix. Senses, all men have the same, VI. 卜. vii. — some are slaves of the, VI. 卜. xv. Settling the empire, I. 卜. vi. Shame, the value of the feeling of, VII. 卜. vi.； vii. Sheep-dates, Tsilng-tsze could not eat, VII. xxxvi. Shifts, Mencius put to, II. ii. Shoo-king, quotations from the, I. 上 •； H.; iii.; xi ： II. I" . iv.: Ill •上 • i.; v.; ix.: IV. 上. viii.: V. v.: VI. v.— with what reservation Mencius read the, VII. 【:• iii. Sickness, Mencius pretends, II. 卜. ii. {Sincerity, tlie great work of men should be to strive after perfect, IV. 上 . xii. Slaves of sense how some are, VI. 上 • xv. Sorrow of Shun on account of his parents, V. 上 Sovereign, killing a. not necessarily murder, I. J\. viii. — of the empire， 、vho is a, II. 」' iii. — importance of having virtuous men about a, III. |v vi —— Js example, influence of, IV. ~ J\. v. — influence of a true, VII. 上 • xiii. — a, the least important element of a nation, Y1I. xiv. Sovereigns, will be served by their ministers according as they treat them, IV. ii. — the ministers of Mencius* time pandered to tlicir, VI. 卜. ix. Hpirit-man, who is a, VII. ~ xxv. Spirits, tutelary, the importance of to a nation, VII. xiv. ‘•Spi，iug.-auii'\utumn，’ referred to. III. 卜. ix.: IV • •下 • xxi.: VII •下 _ ii. State, three things important in the administra- tion of a, VII. " f\. xii. States, intercourse of neighbouring, I. 了、 . iii. 一 rise and fall of, dependent oil benevolence, IV. 卜. iii. 一 subjection of, to one another, deter- mined differently at different times, IV. 卜 vii. Straits, why Confucius was reduced to, VII. xviii. Sul)jection of one State to another, how determin- elace where grain was stored in Ts4e, VII. — [、• xxiii. T'aou Ying, a disciple of Mencius, VII. 卜. XXXV. the son of the king of Ts4e, VII. 上 xxxiii. Ting, the (luke of T;ang, III. 卜 • ii. Ts4ae, the State of, VII xviii. Tsae Go, n disciple of Confucius, III. ii. Ts*ang-leang, a stream in Shan-tung, IV. p • viii. Tsang Seili, Tsflng Sin's father, IV. j" . xix.: VII. xxxvi.; xxxvii. Ts&ng Se, the grandson of Tsftng Sin, the dis- ciple of Confucius, and philosopher, II. 卜 . i. Tsing Sin, the philosopher, I. xii.： 卜. ii.; 下 • ii.: III 上 • ii.; i''; 下 • vii.: I V. 上. xix.; xxxi.: VII. xxxvi. Tsang Ts*an£j, a favourite of the duke P4ing of Loo, I. xvi. Tsang Yuen, the son of the philosopher Tsang, IV. 上. xix. Ts*aou, the principality of, VI. 卜. ii. Tse, the name of a stream, III. 上 iv. Ts4e, the State of, I. [" . v.； vii.； 卜. i. 一 xi. xiii.; xiv.: II. 卜. i.; ii.; ii. — xiv.: III. ; 卜. i.； i.; v.； vi.; x.: IV. [" . vii. xxiv.; iii.; xxi.; xxxi.； xxxiii.: V. 上 iv. ； viii. ； 卜乂; vii.； viii.: VI. J、. v.; vi. viii.： VII. n . xxxiv. ; xxxvi. ; xxxix. ; xvii.； xxm.; xxix. Tsoih, How-tscili, the minister of agriculture of Yaou ami Shun, IV. xxix. Tscili Hwan, a favourite of the prince of T« e, V. 卜. viii. Ts ew, Chess Ts;ew, a famous Chess-player, VI. 上 ix_ Tsin, a river in the State of Ch4in^} IV. 卜. ii. Tcjin, the State of. I p . i.noie； v.； vii.： HI. iii.: IV. xxi : Y. ^ . ix4 ; iii.: VII, xxiii. Ts*in, the State of, I. 卜. v.； vii. ： II. 「〈• ii.； V. I" . ix.: VI. . iv.； xii.; iv. ； vi. Ts(oo, the State of, I. 卜. v.; vii. ; [、• vi. ; xiii.: II. ii.: III. y . i. ; iv.; 下 • v.; vi. ： IV. xxi.: YI. . iv. ; xii.; iv. Tsow, tlie native State of Mencius, I. 卜. vii.; xii.： II. xii. : III. 卜. ii.: VI. i.; ii.； v. Ts ung, a place in Tsce, II. xiv. Teeing, the mountain, V. 卜. iii. Tszc-ch4an, named Kung-sun Kcaou, the chief minister of the State of Cluing, IV. 丁、. ii.: V •上 ii. TsKe-cliang, a disciple of Confucius, II. 卜. ii.; iv. Tsze-chc, prime minister of Tsze*k4wae of Yen, II. viii. Tsze-cho Yu, an arclier of Cluing, IV. 【二 xxir. Tsze-gaou, Warn/ Uwany the governor of K46 in Ts‘e, IV. [^ . xxiv.; xxv. ; 。卜. xxvii. Tj-ze-hea, a disciple of Confucius, II. 卜. ii. ; iv. T^ze-kun^, a disc^le of Confucius, II. 卜 • ii.: Ill •上 • iv. Tszc-kkwae, a king of Yen, II. 卜. viii. Tsze-lew, See Lew, VI. |^v vi. Tsze-loo, the designation of Chung Yew, a dis- ciple of Confucius, II. 卜. i. ; viii. : III. vii. : V. 卜. viii. Tsze-moh, a pljilogopher of Loo, VII. | . xxvi. Ts/e-seang, a disciple of Tsang, II. p . ii. Tsze-sliuh E, a person who pushed himself into the service of government, II. 卜. x. Tszc-sze, the grandson of Confucius, II. | 二 xi.: IV. — xxxi. : V, iii. ; vi. ; vii. : VI. vi. Tsze-too, an officer of Ch^ing, b.c. 700, distin- guished for his beauty, VI. 卜. vii. Tsze-ycw, a disciple of Confucius, II. 卜. ii. ; iv. Tumg the place where the emperor Tfang was buried, V. 卜. vi.: VII. . xxxi. Tun»-k\vf»h family, a branch of the family of Hwan, duke of Ts^, II. 『;• ii. Twau Kan-mub. a sdiular of "Wei, III. vii. 396 OF PROPER NAMES. INDEX II. u Uh-loo, a disciple of Mencius, YI. i.； v. W Wae-ping, a son of the Emperor T;ang, Y. 卜. vi. Wan, the king, I. p . ii.; vii ; ii.; iii. ; v.; x.: II. i.; iii.: III. p . i. ; iii.; y.; ix.: IV. 卜. yii. ; xiii. ; i. ; xx.: VI. 卜. vi.; 卜 ii.: YII. 卜. x. ; xxii. ； xix.; XXII.； XXXVlll. Wan, the duke of T‘ang, I. xiii.; xiv.： III. 卜. i.; iii.; iv. Wan, the duke of Tsin, b.c. 635 一 627, I. 上 vii. : IV. xxi. Wan Chang, a disciple of Mencius, III. 卜. v.： V. p . i.; ii.; iii.; v.— ix. iii.; iv. vi.; viii. VII. "7^. xxxvii. Wang Hwan, Tsze-(/aou, the governor of K{〇, in Ts’e, II. vi. Wan〇： Leang, charioteer to Chaou Keen, III. i. Wang P*aou. a man of Wei, teacher of an ab- rupt style of singing, VI. [〈• vi. Wang Shun, an officer of the duke of Pe, V. 1；. iii. Wei, the State of, IV. |v xxiv.: V. 卜. viii.； 下 • iv. Wei, one of the three families which governed the state of Tsin, YII. 卜. xi. Wei, a small State in Shan-se, II, 卜. i. : VI. 上 vi. Wei, a river in the state of Cluing, IV. 卜. ii. Woo, the State of, I. iii.: IV. 卜， vii.； xxxi. Woo, the founder of tlie Chow dynasty, I. [:• II. iii.; viii.； x.: II. i.; vii.: III. ix. : IV. 」^. ix.; xx. VI. . vi.； VII. 卜. xxx.; r^. iv.; xxxiii. Woo Ilwft, a man noted for liis strength, VI. "K.ii. Woo-lin^, a wild place in tlie depiirtmcnt of Tse-nan, III. [、• x. W〇〇-shing, a city in Loo, IV. 卜. xxxi. Woo-tin^ an omporor of the JSliang dynasty, B.C. 13^3, II. 上. i. Y Yang Choo, a heresiarch of the time of Confu- cius, III. 卜 ix.: VII. 上 xx vi.: 卜. xxvi. Yang Hoo, tlie principal minister of the Ke family, of Loo, III. 上- 下減 Yang-shing, a city in Ilo-nan, V. . vi. Yaou, the emperor, II. 卜. ii.； ii.: III. 卜 • i. iv.; 1^. iv. ix.: IV. p . i.； ii.; xxxii.； Y. 卜. iii. — vii.; 卜. i.; vi.; VI. 卜， vi.; vi ； viii.； x.: YII. 卜. xxx.; xlvi.; J\. vi.； xxxii.; xxxvii.; xxxviii. Yellow River, VI. [二 vi. Yen, the kingdom of, III. K. ix. Yen, the State of, I. |\. x.; xi.: II. 【;• viii.; ix. Yen, Yen Hwuy, a disciple of Conf, IV. xxix. Yen Ch^w-yew, a worthy officer of Wei; V. 上 • viii. Yen New, a disciple of Confucius, II. 卜. ii. Yen Pan, a son of Yen Hwuy, V. iii. Yen Yew, the Grand-tutor of the prince of T'iliig, III. ^ . ii. Yeo Yuen, a disciple of Confucius, II. 卜. ii, : III •上 • i. Yew, a cruel emperor of the Chow dynasty, VI. 上. vi- Yew Ciiow, the name of a place on the northern border, Y. 卜. iii. Yew Jo, a disciple of Confucius, II. 卜. ii. ; iv. Yih, a minister of Shun, and of Yu, III. 卜 • iv. : V. |^ . vi. Yih-ya, the cook of the duke Hwan of Ts*e, VI. 上 • vii. Yin, State and dynasty, II. 卜. i.; ix. III. 上. iii.: IV. 上. ii.; vii.： V. iv. VII .下.汰 Yin-kung T4o, a famous archer, IV. 卜. xxiv. Yin Sze, a man of Ts*e, II. xii. YinjX, tlie name of a place between Ts*c and Loo, II. vii. Yu-chin^, a Jist-iplc of Mencius I. xvi.： IV. 卜. xxiv.; XXV.: VI. xiii.: VII. xxv. YO-cliing K'cw, a friend of Muugllccn, V. Tv ii. INDEX II. OF TROrER NAMES. 397 Yfth, a quarter in the capital of Ts*e, III. 卜. vi, Yu, the emperor, II. 卜. viii. ： III. 卜 • iv. ； ix. : IV. Jv xx.; xxvi.; xxix.： V. 上 vi.： VI. - 1: xi.: VII. xxii.; xxxviii. Yu, a small State adjoining Tsin, V. 卜. ix. ： VI •下 • vi. Yu, the mountain, V. 卜. iii. Ya-kung Sze, an archer of Wei. IV. K. xxiv. YuO, the State of, IV. xxxi. : VI. iii. INDEX III. OF CHINESE CHARACTERS AND TH^ASES ； INTENDED ALSO TO HELP TOWARDS THE FORMATION OF A DICTIONARY AKD COXCORDANrE FOR THE CLASSICS. In the references) Boohs are separated by a colon； Parts of the same Boolcy and Chapters, by a Semicolon. yih yi ting 七 ts、eih clri 丈 THE 1st RADICAL. — (1) One ; sometimes =a#, I. 上 . u •丨 6, 10, 17 ; I;. iii. 5 ; iv. 5 : et alibi, scepe. every single individual of all the people. II. 卜. i. 8. 國， any one State, aud a whole State. IV. 卜. vi. 1. 一心， all the heart. Y1I. xxxvii. 1。 •一 鄕， VII. 下. xxxvii. 19. yl , once with a reference totheEini)〇ror. I. iii. 7. *, a ninth. ^ •, a tenth, ~~ •_ •, a twentieth. III4 上. iii. 6, 15 ; 卜. v. 4 ; viii. 1 ： VI. 卜. x. 1, 4. •, to bold to one point, be obstinate. YII. 卜. xxvi. 3, 4. (2) One and the same, exactly similar. VI. 卜. xiv. 4 ； 卜. ix. 3 : VII. y . xx. 2: et al. (3) To unite, to be united. I. 上 vi. 2, 3, 4. (4) As an adv. and conj. Once, once for all, as soon as. i ■上 • 1 ; iii. G, 8 ; xi. 2: III. i. 1 ； ii. 1 ： IV. 卜 • xx. 】 ： VII. 卜. xvL； xxx. 2 : et al. (5) *, one another, now. ..now. II. J^.xiii. 2： ix. 2. 太丁 A son of the emperor T^mg. V •上^ •武丁 . An emperor of the Yin dynasty. II. 卜. i. 8. Seven. i •上 iii. 4 ; vii. 24 ; ii. 1, 2 ; xi. 1 : et al. May be used for tlie seventh . I. |" . vi. 6. (1) Ten cubits. YII. xxxiv. 2. 咖 "y (2) 丈夫， a ma 丨丨 • 賤 丈夫， n. 下…:^大丈夫出上 i. 4 ; "~J^. ii. 1, 2, 3. =a son. III. iii. G. (1) Three. I. 【二 xii. 1； xvi. 2: II. [C. i. 2； ii. G: III. 卜. ii. 2, 3 : et al.t siepe. — • tlie armies of a great State. 1. ~J\. xv. 1:11. 卜. ii. 5 : et al. the three dynasties of Ilea, Shung4 and Chow. III. 卜. iii. 10: ct al. ■ ~ : 王 , tlie founders of tlie three dynasties. IV. J\. xx. 5. • ~~ : the three sages, Yu, Cbow-kung, and Confucius. III. 【、• ix. 13. — •' the three worthies, Pili-e. E Yin, and Hwuy of Lew lioa. ■ ~~ - 卿. the three highest officers of a State. VI. vi. 1. — the tliree liigh- cst dignitaries at the imperial court. VII. 上. xxviii. 三 樂. YII. 上. xx. ~ — ^ YII. xxviii. May be used for the third. VI. vii. 3 : et al. (2) Adverbially, thrice. II. K. iv. 1 ; xii. 1, 4: et al. (3) 二三子 ，丨町 children. I. xv. 1 •⑷ 苗. The namo of a State. V. iii. 2. — : The name of a place. 76. (1) He, slu\ it. tins, that, wliich is above, with the correBpondinjr plurals. — shnvfj Sp0jcen 〇f place, time, aiul rank. Pmtsim, — 上下 , constantly appear as correlates, =superiors and inferiors； liiph and low; above and below. 上者下 者。 n tlie hiirh grounds on the low grounds, or they who were above, they who were be- low. III. ix. 3. 卜 Jj{*, the high- est antiquity. Ill •上 14 •上 刑， tlio severest punishuKMit. IV. 上 • xiv. » 上士 V. ii. 3, 上農 上 IXDKX III. niIXF.SK rilARAfTERS AND TIIRASES. 399 lisia V •下 • ii. J) •上位 . v. 下 . Vi. 6. (2) A preposition, following tlie noun, sometimes with 之 between them, and the noun sometimes preceded by and 乎 upon, ahove, by_ I. 上. vii. 4 : II. 上 .Ti. 2: III. 下 • x. 1 : Vll •下 • x、'; m 1 •⑶ 上帝， God, the most Ilifrh God. 1 •卞 • iii. 7: I\' 上. vii 5; xxv. 2. (4) 卜 宮 *• Name of a palace. VII. xxx. 1. i I p. 2d tone. To ascend. I. |二 iv. shung 7. chang 一 (1) Anciently, up. 2d tone. He, slie, it, tliis. that, whic h is below, with tlie cor- responding plurals, spoken uf place, time, and rank. Passim. On 上下， asc^- relates, see 上. 其 下， tlie lowest case. VI •下 . xir. 4. Wit 丨丨 mit iM：. V. 下 . ii. 9 •卞士 • V. 下 • ii. 3, 6, 7, 8. (2) A proposition, used like 卜， above. (3) to go below the girdle. 爲下 , to dig to a groat depth. H 上. 丨. & (4) 天 下， the world, =the Empire. I. 上. iii. 5； v. 1 ； vi. 2, 6: V. 2;iv. 1,3; v. 1,2, 5y 6: et al., scepissime. 昔 天之下 V. 卜. iv. 2. (5). In the name 柳下, 惠. II. ix. 2,3：etal. A verb, to descend. VII •下 • iii. 3, j 4 ■下雨 ’ t0 raiu- L 上- vi. 6. ~|f 車， to descend from a carriage. VII. xliii. 2. So, 下木， III. 上. iv. lr’- ? 以下， III. 上. iii. 16； and I. 下 . iv. 7. 丙 ! pi»9 且 ts、eay ch‘ieh 丕 p^i 世 she shill 下 Jiea hsia 不 pu/i I)U (1) Not. Passim, With other nega- tives，— 莫 ，無 ，非 ，罔， it makes a strong affirmative. (2) 不勝 , a name. HI- 卜. vi. 1. also a name. VH. fC. xxv. 1. (1) The name of one of Mencius' dis- c/rotv ciP^s? Ivung-sun Ch4ow. II. 上. i. 1； ou ii. 1 : ii. 2 ; vi. 2 ; xiy. 1 ： et al. {2). The name of an officer of Ts:e, Kin^ Cli ow. IJ. 下 . ii. 4. 丘 hew, ch'iu 並 中 chung 夕 卜丙， a son of tlie emperor 叩， said, acc. to the interpretation of some, to have reigned two years. V. |" . vi. 5. (1) And, and moreover. II. |^ . j. n ； ii. 19 ; |^. vii. 4； ix. 2, 4: et al., seppe. 且未， ib. III. i. 3. (2) And =and if, and even if, carryinc： the mind on to anticipate a reply, which is often given by 况。 r 而把 ••• 乎 • i •上 • iv. 4 : II. ix. 3: III. i. 5: VI. [V. x. 6. With this meaning, we find ^ 猶. II. 上 .i.7; 下 .ii.l〇:VIl •卜 • viii- M .fl.- IL T- x»- 1 ： vi, viii.3,8. Obs. 方且 . m. 上 .iv.16. (3) = will, or let me. III. 上. v. 1, 2. Great. Ill •下 . ix. G. (1) An age, a generation ； ages. May often be translated by— the world. I. 卜 • vii. 2; 下 • xiv. 3: II •下 • ii. 6: IV. 2 ； . i. 3 ; xxii. 1 ： et al0 soepe. 世俗 the manners of the age. I. 卜 名世者 , famous in their generatiou. II. xiii. 3 ； comp. VII. 卜. ix. 6. 其世， =their history and character. V •下 • viii. 2. (2) Heredi- tary ； from age to age. I •下 • v. 3; vii. 1; xv. 2: HI •上 • iiL 8; 下 • 足 5. I 隆 fjh 有天 下， to possess the empire by hereditary succession. IV. 上 . vi. 4. (1) A hillock •丘 ；g. II. 上 . ii. 28. 丘陵 • m •下 _ i. 5. 丘民， the peasantry, VII. xiv. 2. (2) The name of Confucius. IY. xxi. 3. (3) 咸丘， a doable surname. V. 卜 iv. 1， 2. ⑷ a city of TsJe. II. [v v. 1. , a place in Sung. VI. 卜. iv. i, 2. , the place of a famous meeting of princes. VI. vii. 3. Together. III. 上. iv. 3. THE 2d RADICAL. | . The middle. (1) Used as a preposition, after the hquiu often with or some 400 CHINESE CIIA1IACTERS AND PHRASES. INDEX III. 中 ） chung 丹 tan 主 c/ioo chu 乃 nae nai other preposition before the noun, also is often between the noun and 中 . I. ii. 3; xi. 3: II. x. 6: III. 卜. iv. 5; |\. v. 5 ; ix. 4 : et al.f scepe. (2) pt| 心 in the hearfs core. II. 卜. iii. 2.: III. 上. 4. 中國 and 國中， in the middle of the kingdom. II. 卜. x. 3: III. •上. iii. 15; iv. 17: IV. xxxiii. 1. 中， the central one. III. 上. iii. 19. 熱中， to burn at heart. V. 卜. i. 5. ~f~"? an officer of the middle class. V. 卜. ii. In the same chapter simply, of the middle quality (3) A mean, average. III. [^ . iii. 7. (4) The Mean. IV. 卜. xx. 2. To keep the Mean. IV •一 vii. (5) 中天 下而 jjL, to stand in the centre of the empire. VII. 卜. xxi 2. Comp. xli. 3 ; xxvi. 3 ; 卜 xxxvii. 2. (6) 中國 • The middle kingdom, III. 卜. iv. 7, 12 ； ix. 3 : VI. "TC. x. 5. Up. 3d tone. To hit the mark. II. 卜. vii. 5. V •下 • i. 7. 中禮 • VII. 下. xxxiii. 2. THE 3d RADICAL. \ . (1) 丹 ：^；， the name of Yaou’s son. V. 上. vi. 2. (2) The name of 白 逢 VI. ~J\. xi. 1. (1). To count 一 be counted 一 as the prin- cipal thing. II. ii. 4. (2) To pre- side over. V. 上. v. 6. (3) A host. V. |C. iii. 5.: VI J. xxiv. 2. (4) To make one's host, i.e.y to lodge with. V. viii. 1, 2. Obs. parr. 3, 4, 爲主 ami 其所主 • THE 4th RADICAL. J . (1) To be. I. [" . vii. 8. 9 ; iv. 6: V. 卜 • iv. i. (2) An initial particle, of varying power, — seeing this, but, now. &C. 1. "jv XV. i: II. ii. 'I'i. IV. fv 久 keiv chiu 之 che cliih xxviii. 7 : VI. 卜. vi. 5 ; J\. vi. 6. Obs. 7夕".7>， L iv. 6, where we can hardly translate it. A long time, for a long time ; to be a long time. II. 卜. i. 3, 8 ; ii. 22 ; xiv. 3 : III. Jv ix. 2 : V . 上 vi. 2 ; 卜. i. 4. VII. 卜 • xxx. 2. (1) Of, = the sigrn of the possessive case. But it would often be very harsh to translate it by of. 1, 3, 4 ： et al., scepissime. The regent follows the and the regimen precedes it. They may be respectively a noun, a phrase, or a larger clause. followed by is very common in Mencius ; e.g.y VII. xxiv. (2). Him, her, it, them. Passim. (3) It is often difficult to deter- mine the antecedent to 之. IthaSt〇 be gathered from the context ； and some- times merges in the verb ； making it an emphatic neuter, or =a passive. E. I. 上. iii. 2; v. 3; vi. 6; vii. 4: xiv.; xv.： VII. 2^- iii. 1 ; v. ; xiii. 3 ; ⑶ •有之 , as in (2), but also impersonally, = there is I. 卜. iii. 1 ; viii. i : et soepe. So, the negative 之有 , where the attracts the 之 to itself. The same is to be observed of 莫. (4) We have 作 之君， I 下. iU. 7; 爲之辭 江卞上.4; 與 j^， III. 上. iv. 1 ； and other similar expressions, where we may suppose two objectives, the being = to, for, &c.f him, it, tliem. Obs. esp. 莫 之死， i. xii. 1. and 與之示 之， v- ""[C. 、r. (r)) 之 吾匿， is called, or is what is called. 此 之謂， 11 •上 iv. 6. We might reduce this to (1), is the saying of this. But this cannot be done whore is followed by an adjectivo or other words. E.G.^ VII. J\.xxv. conics under (2) Compare 名之， IV. ii.4; 何眼之 有，1 v •下 iii. 4 ; 何卿之 問， V. 下 . ix. 1 ; 福 是之 , IV .卞 • xWii. ‘丄 EX III. CHINESE CIIA11ACTERS AND milASES, 403 Used for ilt, not being：, not having. IV. iCO° 卜 • xix. xx viii. T. Used actively, wu -1— 丨 ami = to disown. VII. p. xxxiv. (1) Intercourse; to li：ivo intercourse witl】. I •下 • iii. 1: V •下 • iv. 3, 4: VI. c^^ao . xv. 2; v. 1 : VII. 【:• xviii. = limtuiilly. I. 卜 •• i. 4. to deal with uml exchange. III. 卜. iv. 5. intercourse, anil its expression by presents. V. iv. 1. To be inter- mingled, to cross one another. III. 卜. to seek the favour of.... II. 卜. vi. 3. = to treat as. VII. 卜. xxxvii, 1. (2) A m«an s name. VI. 下 • ii. 1， 2, 6. — /r- Also. Sieye, It is difficult sometiines ! XjT' to bring out the uho in another lau- ! V 1 guage;— as in I. p . i. 2, 3; vii. 17. II. ! x. 6: a/. 功 i • ••乎 ，对; ... pfq are common phraseologies. I. ii. 2, 3: II. ix. 3: VI. | vi. 2: VII. \" . xxx ix. 2. Obs. ^J[|j J II. iv. 3: III. x. 3; ^ where 亦 = still, III •下 . vi. 1: VII」 下 .xix.3;aml 貝 |j 亦 syeajVIl •下 . j xxxvin. 4. A surname. V. Iitte liai 亨: (1) To present an offering; an offering. hmng ^ v- ^ 5* (2) To accept an offer- li&ianging， 一 ^ a sacrifice, V. 卜. 裊一 iR king cliing 觉 Bering liiing 毫 P〇 下 • iii. v, 丨 A capital. IV. 卜. vii. 5. To have faith. VI, xii. tan 人 jen The name of Thn 耷 ’s capital, referred to the present department ot*Kwei-tih in llo- nan. III. - 【;• v. 2 : V. . vi. 5 ; vii. 9. The name of king T*ae, one of the ancestors of king Wan. I. v. 5. THE 9th RADICAL. 人 (1) A man, men； other men. P〇£eim. = humanity, man's nature. VI. . i. 2； ii. 3: m 下 • xvi. 人人 IV. |C. ii. 4 : et al. (2) It indicates officers and rulers, in distinction from the people. I. |" . ii. 3 : II. 卜 • i. 13: et al. So, perhaps, VII. 卜. xxviii* with reference to the emperor. I. [二 iii. 7. (3) Following names of States it = native, natives, people. So 齊人 •魯人 &〇• Iiut 殷人 and III. iii. 6. are difft., meaning the founders of tlie Yin and Chow dynasties. So 國人， the people of the State, or merely a common man. I. vii. 4, 5: II. viii. 2 ; x. 3 : IV* 卜. xi.; J\. iii. 3 ; xxiv. 2 : et al. (4) "With other characters, it forms concrete gulistantives, especially nouns expressing office or profession. AVe have 匠人 • and I. j\. ix； and 函入 :II. 上 .、ii; 廪人， V. 下‘ ti. 5! 虞人， v •下 . vii. 7; 館人， VII. xxx. ； 松人， v. 上. u. (5) Obsm also 罪人; 狄人; 劈 人; 窮人; 鄕入; 族人; 野 人 w hich means both country people, and uncultivated people; 良人， = lmsband, IV. xxxiii. 1； 侍人 聖 人， H. 上. 広 17, 20, 22, 25, 28 卜. ix. 3： III. \" . iv. 2, 8, 13; ix 5, 10, 14: IV. p . i. 5; ii. 1： V. 上 vii. 7 : VI. 卜. vii. 3, 8 : VII. 卜. xxiii 3; xxiv.; xxxviii.; xv. ； xxiv. 2 xxxviii. 4 ; the humble *1* of the prince of a State. I. 卜. iii, 1 ； iv. 1 v. 1 ； vii. 4 : et a/.; the wife of a prince. III. iii‘ 3; 大人 ，瓜 卜. iv. 6: IV. . xx. 1; K. vi.; xi. xii.: VII. 卜. xix. 4; xxxiii. 3; 卜 xxxiv. ; 小人， II •下 • xii. 7: III. 上 ii. 4; iv. G： et al; |i? ^ the masses the people, I 卜. i. 4: II. vii. 2: ii. 5, 6, 7, 8: et al ; 門人 , disciples III. J^.iv. 13: VII.- xxix.; 人牧 人君 ，人臣 ，人子 ，人 弟， but the characters here are perliaps not in 404 CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. INDEX III. 什 shih 仁 jin jen 仇 k'fW ch‘ou 今 hln chin 介 Jceae cliieh 介 Iced cliieh tt sze shill 他 Va apposition, but in regimen. (6) 爲人 VII. xxxv. ^ 十 — *, a tenth part, a tithe. III. 卜. iii. 6, 15 : [;• viii. 1. Benevolence, benevolent, to be bene- volent, Passim. Mencius does not use the term for 4 perfect virtue/ as Con- fucius does, though it may sometimes have tliat meaning In VII. •卜. xxiv. 2, love seems the proper rendering. To show one^-self an enemy to. III. v. 2. Now, the present, modern time : also, in the same way as our logical use of note,, in discoursing. Passim. We find 也，— 今夫; 今日 ，今 _， 當今 之時， _ 當今之 世. 今而後 from this time furtli. L xii. 2 : et al. (1) Firm purpose. YII. 卜. xxviii. (2) Used for a stalk of the mustard plant, a straw. Y. 卜. vii. 2. Up 4th tone. suddenly. VII, 上 .xxi To take 一 be in 一 office. II. 卜. ii. 22 > xiv. 1 : III. iii. 1, 5, 6 : al. 〇bS •當 仕， v. 下 m 仕者， officers. I. I", vii. 18 ; j:. v. 3. ⑴仕 alone. II. 卜. viii. 1. (1) Other, another. I. 卜. vii. 9 ： V. 上. iii. 2; 下 • iv. 3: VII •下 .xvii. 他日， another clay, other days. It inayrm?aiif()niierly,next(lay,an(liifter- wards. I. 1、. i. 2 ; xvi 1 : II. 卜 . iv. 4. x. 3: 111. J" . ii. 4 ; iv. 13 ; v. 2, 4 ; x. 5 : IV. . xiv. 1 ： VI. vi. 2. i\\£ 他， nothing else, for no other reason. I. 卜. vii. 12; i. G, 7: II. ii. 9: VI. 上. xi. 4; "JC. iii. 2: VII. 上. xv. 3 ; xxv. 3 ; xxxvi. [). So, 豈有他 x' v】. 上 • xiv. 】 ■舌 他 , spoke of something else. I. vi. f 也, went elsewhere. IV. xxxiii. 1. (2) lvcad^o, a name IV. XAiv. 2. I 仞 I V!1 I jen 代 tae tai 令 — 令 以 A measure of eight cubits. VII. xxxiv. 2. (1) Alternate, one after another. III. ix. 5. For, instead of. V. ii. 6, 7, 8. (2) — the three dynasties ; 一 Hca, Shang, and Chow. III. |^ . ii. 2； iii. 10： IV. 上 iii. 1. (3) A name. 陳代， m. 下 .i.i. To employ. to be employed. I. 卜. vii. 1, 6. Low. 3d tone, (1) An order; to order, I. "jpC. xi. 4 : IV. 上. vii* 2. (2) Good. VI. 卜. xvii. 3. (1) To take, to use. But our idiom requires for the most part, tliat it be translated as a proposition, 一 by, at, with、 because of\ accon/uu/ to, &c. It precedes the principal verb of the sentence, as in I. Jt； U 2, 文王以 民力爲 ^^/king Willi used the peopled strength to make his tower/ or 4 made his tower with the people's strengtli or in V. 上 1， 堯以天 下與舜 ，‘ Ya(m took the empire and gave it to Shun，’ or simply, 4 Yaou gave the empire to Sliuii.’ It follows the principal verb, aiid then its prepositional force is more apparent. E. G., I. 卜. iv. 2, 殺人 4 to kill a man with a stick.’ We miglit indeed translate, 4 to kill a man, using： a stick.* Its regimen some- times precedes it. E 6\, V. 卜. vii. 2, 一介不 以與人 ，一 介不 以取 諸人- 4orte straw he would not lmvc taken ami given to men, or taken ami received from men,* or simply, * he would ncitlier lmve given nor taken a single straw.* 'i'his position of the regimen is for tho sake of empliasis. Examples, of the first two usages especially, occur vi'iy fVequontlv. Julien arjiuos (See the ‘Treatise on i、om， Chinese Characters/ appendod to his 'Pranslation of Moncius) tliat in ninny c>isei« it is merely = a sijrn ol' the accusative cavse. Anbrevifttions for 有所以 ’無 •所 I. 卜. v. 2, 3: eta/. In a sentence wliich has no accessory, = to use, to act, according to, &c. K.G. V 厂 i. 3 •以 爲， and often with a regimen of intervening, frequently means to take to bo, to consider, to be considered. But by no means always. Sometimes also tlio is omitted. (2) It often = the conjunction because. 】I •匕 • ii. 13: f / “/• (3) To, so as to; — often forming with a verb follow- ing our infinitive. ISomotimes tlie pj[ = ‘wherewith to,’ *aml thereby.’ I. i. 2; vii. 12, 15, 1G, 21, 22 \ et stupe. T。 this Mmig 以來， 以下， anti 以至 (4) It is often used after forming oiu* potential mood, and = the to, which is suppressed ai'ter our auxili- aries. Paasim. (5) Used as = ‘to stop., I. 卜. vii. 2. (G) Observe 明 以教我 ， 1 •上 vii. 19; 樂以 天卞， i •下 . iv. 3; 以 美然， ir. vii. 1 ; 以寸， vii.; and some other sporadic cases. The second of brothers. It is used in designations. V. . vi. 5. 一 I. 6 ; vii. 2: et al. It 1 allows tlie surname, or what is equivalent to it, without any other character, and thea may be taken as = the narae. II. ii. 3. — II. 卜. i. 8.-II. i. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5; "~J\. ii. 8, 一 V. iii 2. — III. I: x. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6; YII. 卜. xxxiv. To look up to. II. 上. v. ix. 4: IV •下 . xxv. 仰望. 1\'下.叉\^. Used adverbially with the correlate = above, below. I. p , vii. 20,21： VII. 卜. xx. 3. (1) A charge, office. YI. 卜 xxxiii. 1. = business, purpose. I. ~T\. ix. 1. A burden, YI. ii. 3. (2) As a verb. To charge, to burden. V. 卜 vii. 任 伋 \ k‘rih ch‘i 丨伍 woo Wll 丨伏 fuh I fu 伐 fd fa 休 伯 I P〇 似 sze szu shill i. 3. Obs. IV. xiv 〇, and 之任者 ，V •下 .i:5. J^ow. 1st tone. (1) A bunion, = bag- gage. III. iv. 13. (2) The name of a small State. VI. i. 1 ; v. ^5 f 壬 • the younger brother of tlie chief (，f Jin. VI. ~ v. 1. A surname, the minister of T‘aug. II. 上 . ii. 22, 23; ii. 8, 10: et al. 伊訓， the name of a Book in tlie Shoo-king. V. 卜. vii. 9. The name of Confucius* grandson. IV. 下. xxxi. 2: V •下 . vi. 4. Five men in rank or file. = ranks* II. iv. 1, 2. To be lying down. I. |^ . ii. 3„ (1) To smite, to attack； = to punish. I. viii. 1 ； x. 1, 4; xi. 1 : viii. 1, 2: IH. v. 1, 6; ix. 6: IV. 卜. viii. 4: V. 上. -vii. G; ix. 2: VII. 上. ii. 2; iii. 3; iv. 4. 討而 不伐， VI. 【、• vii. 2. (2) To hew clown, to lop, — applied to trees, and to the mind. VI. 卜. viii. 1, 2. (1) Happiness； to be happy. I. [:• iv. 5: in. 【、• v. 5. (2) The name of a place. II. ~ xiv. 1. (1) The eldest of brotliors. 伯兄， VI. K- v. 3. (2) A title of nobility. V •下 . ii. 3, 4. So, 葛伯， I •下 • iiU 1; xi. 2: III. v. 2; and 西伯1 v. 卜. xiii. 1 : VII. p . xxii. 1, 3. (3) la the designation 1 白 !I. 卜. ii. 22, 23; ix. ], 3: et al, scepe, (4) Must bo- used for 佰， a hundred. III. 卜. iv. 18. As; to be like to. I. 卜. vi. 2： II. 卜. ii. 6: VII. 卜. xxvi. 3 ; xli. 1 ; JC. xxxvii. 11. like one another， similar. II. J\. ii. 5 : VI. J" . vii. 3, 4, 5, 6. To be like what is right. II. 卜. v. 1. 仞者， a semblance. VII. 卜 xxxviL 12. 40G CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. INDEX III. 位 iv ei 佑 2/eio yu 何 ho (1) Position, status, i.e., of dignity. 上. vii. 19: V. 上 v. 6: IV. 上 乂 xii. 1 : et a/., scppe. 在位 is frequent. ^17 , the correct place, /.e., propriety III. ii. 3. 天 all dignities V •下 . iii. 4 •邊位 = to dethrone, V. 卞 . ix. 1. (2) Position, place. Ill 卜. ii. 4: IV. xxvii. 1, 2. To assist. III. 下 .ix.6， (1) What, why, what kitid of. I. 匕. i. 1. 6; et al., sa^pe, 何也， 何與， at the end of sentences, gener- ally = why is this? how is it? I. 卜. iii. 1, 10: [;• xvi. 1. But sometimes 何也 simply = was what? VI. 卜. vii. 8; vi. 2 : et al. In VI. [^ . ix. 2 •何哉 = is of wliat avail ? Other characters sometimes come between j 可 ami the particles, and with the same difference of usage. 何以， whereby, 'vliat to. I. 卜. i. 4 : et al., soepe. P^, wliat from, how. i. 上 • vii. 4. 何爲， wliat do, "why. I. 下 .v.4: VII. K. xxx vi. 2. But observe j 可 爲 也哉， V. 下 vii 3. 何之， wliere are you going? VI. iv. 2. (2) 如何， generally with between, ?= wliat, \vliat is to be (lone. Difficulty, surprise, or indignation is generiilly im- plied, but not always. The phrase 如 之 I 則 可， = h〇W is tlie exigen( 了 to be met, is very common. I. 卜. iv. G; v. 1 ; 下 • vi. 1， 2, 3: V •下 • ii. 1 : et (il； soepe. ( )tlier words arc found also between 女口 and 何， and then tlie phrase = what has ... to do with 一 xiv. 3: et al. (3) ^ [可 女口， 、' lmt sort of， of what nature, in m luit inn liner. At the end of a sentence, 何如 = what do you think of? What shall be said? I. 卜. iii. 2; vii.; 3; vi. 1 ： VII. xxxvii. 3, 8: et al.y sa'pe, (4) what difficulty is there. I. "T\. v 5; VI. "TC, i, 4; et nL 示 i/u yii 佚 yih yi 作 taoh tso 佞 赚 9 俚 aze chili 使 sze 來 lae lai 來 lae lai 侈 chlc ch‘ili 侍 she shill Me. III. 1^. ix. 3. (1) Ease, enjoyment. VIII. xii.; xxiv, (2) To be without office, in ob- scurity. 遺佚， 11 •上 ix 2: V •下. i. 3. (1) To rise up, arise. n •上. i, 8, 11: III. 卜. ix. 1, 5, 7, 9, 10 : et al. To be aroused, to rise, to act. YI. 卜. xv. 3. 牙戈 f 卡 ’ I have become ill. IV. 卜. xxiv. 2. (2) To make, to form ; to cause to be. 6,9,: II. 上. iv. G : IV. 上. viii. 5. To be made. IV. " xxi. 1. Glib-tonguedness. VII. xxxvii. 12. (1) To cause, to make to ； to make to be. I. . iii. 3 ; iv. G ; v. 3, 4 ; vii. 18, 21: et (d.f scppe. Obs. 行或 使之， j. 卜. xvi. 3. = to send, (once, we have the addition of II. 1, 3 ; vi. 1 : et a/., scepe. (2) To employ, to command ; no otlier verb following. II. 卜. ii. 22 ; v. 1. et al. (3) 女 口 f 吏 =if， supposing that. II. 【:• x. 5 : V. -卜. vi. 5: VI. 卜. vii. 5 ; x. 5. Without the 女口 • VI. 卜. ix. 3. ? VI. x. iv. 4. Up. 3d tone. To be commissioned. ? I. 上. vii. 1G. 使者， a messenger. V. vi. 4. (1) To come. t .上 .i_ 2 ; ii. 3 : et al. scvpc. and downwards. 11 •上. ii. 23, 27,28;v. 6; xiii. 4: VII. xxxvi. 4. Obs. 盍歸乎 來， IV. 上. xiii. \.: et al. (2) Tlio coming, next. III. viii. 1， 2, 3. Low. 3d tone. To lead on. III. | . iv. 8. Extravagant; wild license. I. 卜. vii. 20. To be by, in attendance on. IT. K. X. 2. j 寺 an ftttemlant, with a lmd meaning. V. 卜. viii, 1； 2, G 侍妾， INDEX m. CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. 407 供 Lang 侮 tvoo 、vu 侯 how liou 侵 Is' 111 drill 便 j^ecn irion 係 he }isi ik tseun tsuu 俑 俗 snh su 保 paou t>ao 侯 sze szu 信 jSin hsin attendant girls, concubines. VII. K. iv. C. To supply, to furnish. I. 卜. vii. 1G: III. iii. 3 ; v. 2 : V. iv. 6. To despise, insult. II. 卜. iv. 3 : IV. 卜. viii. 4; xvi. (1) A title of nobility. V."JC. ii.3,4. A prince, — following the name of the State. I. xvi. 8;-V. viii.3. the princes of tlie empire. Stt/je. It often =one of the princes, a prince. II. |" . ii. 4 ： III. 卜. ii : el To send out, to issue. 1. xi. 4 : IV. _ 卜 • xxiv. 2. = to put away, to divorce. IV. 卜. xxxr. (3) To quit, leave. II. xii. 1, 4, 5: et aL (4) As correlate with abroad, in opp. to at home, I. 卜 • v. 3: III. iv. 3 ; in opp. to at court. VI. 下. xv. 4. See . 函 A cuirass, defensive armour. II. 卜 • han vii. 1. 出 ch‘uh ch‘u 刃 THE 18th RADICAL. 刀. A sharp weapon. I. 上. iii. 2; iv. 2,3. jen 分 /m/i feu (1) To divide. III. 上. iii. 13. = to divide, impart, to. III. 上. iv. 4. (2) To distinguish. 电 I 方令， indifferent t〇. VI. 上. ii. 1, 2. Difference. VII. 卜. xxv. 3. Low. 3d tone. Tbe lot, apportionment. fun. 卜. xxi. 3. fen 刑 (1) To punish； puni6lnneots. I. 卜 • feg v. 3; vii. 2°: Iu •上. vii. 3: IV. 上. xiv_ 3. Penal laws. II. 上. iv. 2: IV. 卜 • i. 8: V. 卜 _• vi. 5. (2) To give an 初 c/i400 cll‘U 別 pee pieh 利 le 制 die chili example to. I. First. VI. ^ i. vii. 3. 刺 ts'ze ts*zu 俐 seo hsiao 刚 ts'cen ch*ien Early ways. VII. xxx vii. 1. Up. 4th tone. To distinguish. III. 卜. iii. 19. 有別， to have separate func- tions. III. p . iv. 8. (1) Sharp. 1. 上. v. 3. 利口 sharpness of tongue. VII. 卜. xxxvii 】1. (2) Gain, profit ； to profit. I. 卜 . i 2, 3, 4, 6 : et al.t suau 土 t'oo tu 土 too tu 在 tsae tsai 圭 L'wei kuei 地 te ti kean cluin 坐 i6Q xxxiii. 1: V •下 • iv. 4. Used 哺. ' • 1^. vii. 4 •爲 國， to atlniiuister a State. III. 卜 .Hi. 1. Gardens III, ix. 5. THE 32d RADICAL. 土. The ground， soil. II. 下 • vii. 4 : IV. iii. 1: V. 卜 • iv. 2. Territory. VI. vii. 2. But for this meauing + 地 is commonly used, moaning also newly cultivated ground. vii. 16; 下. xv. 1: IV •上 . xix. 2, 3: VI •下 . ix_ 1 ; x-iv. 4 W •平 土， plains. Ill •下 ix. 4. Biirk about the roots of the mulberry. II. iv. 3. To be in； to be on； to depend on； — the where, wlierein, and wJiereon following Passim. As a preposition, 一 in, on, I. vii. 20： III. 上. iii. 3; in the case of, V I • 2. where is, how is I. iv. 5: III. 上. iii. 7. VII. 上 xxxiii. 3. Obs. 惟我在 ，i •下 」 “ 7: 惟義 所在， IV. 下 • xi. ] ; also III •下 • i. 2: VI. ii.3: VII. 上 xliii. 1. ⑴ 田 ， the holy field. III. 上 iii. 1G. (2) A name. VI •下 • x.; xi. 1 (1) Tlie eartli, in correlation witl heaven. II. 上 ii. 13: VII. 上. xiii 3. = position. II •下 • i. 1， 2, 3: VI 卜 . vii- 2. (2) Tlie ground; territory II. 上乂 8: I. 上 _ v. 1， 2: V. 下 • ii. 丨 4, 5, 6, 7, 8: el a/., strpe. = lands, III 卜. iii. 7. Obs. ^ III. J-. iii 33. 土地 is common in tliis sense ^土 •壤地 also occurs. m. 上 iii. 14. (3) = place. I. 上. vii. 4, 7 IV". xxxi. 3. = regions. IV. i. 3. Equal. III. 上. iii. 13. To sit. I. 上. vii 4: IL 上 ix. 1; 卜. xi. 2, 3 : e( aL (1) To hand down. I. xiv. 3. (2) 垂涕 ’ to shed tears. VI •下 • iii. 2, (3) 垂棘， the name of a place. V. 上. ix. 2. 垣 A wall. III. ■[；. vii. 2. i/uen yuan (1) An anthill. II. ii. 28. So t'eet Clioo He explains it, but in the diet, its t4eh sound with that meaning is chiL (2) 埋澤， the name of a gate. VII. 上. xxxvi. 3. 城 (1) City-walls. I. xiii. 2 s VII. 欢‘ ’&下 XxiL 3 •城郭 ， inner and outer walls. II. "JC. i. 2, 3: IV. 上. i. 9: VI. [v x. 4. (2) A city, cities. IY. 卜, xiv. 2. 司城， v •上 . vm. 3. ⑶ 武城， tlie name of a city. IV. 卜. xxxi. 1 •陽 城， v. 上 • vi- 1. A boundary ; to bound in. II. [v i. 4# yih 1 yu To lay hold of, to hold; to apprehend. chili H K- vii. 6; iii. 4; xx. 2; xxir. 2: VI •下 • Xii. i: vn. 上. xxxv. 2. 執中， to hold a medium ； 執一々 hold to one point ; VII. xxvi. 3, 4. 基 錄 基， a hoe- 上. i. clii Tlie hall or principal apartment in a Paw 夕 house. I. vii. 4; VII. xxxiv. 2. ⑶明 堂 , The Brilliant palace, built for the purpose of audience. I. l\. v. 1, 2. 1 堅 Strong. L 上. v. 3 : n. 下 . L 3. keen chien 堪 T〇 endure. IV •下 . xxix. 1. k^an ite The name of an ancient emperor. IL yaon 上 . ii. 26; 卜. ii. 4 : et al.f soepissime. yao 幸 {J To acknowledge, reply to. VI. Jv v0 poou 1. pao (1) An area for sacrifice. III. 卜 • hr. ch'ang ]s (2) 場 自币， a plantation keeper. VI. 上. xiv. 3. 420 CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. INDEX III, The evening. VI. [;• xiv. 4. The outside; outside; without. III. iv. 7; ix. 1 ; x. 5: V. iv. 4 ; vi. 4: VI. 上. vi 7; 下 • vi. 5: VII. 上. iii. 2. (2) External: what is external. VI. 上. iv. 1， 2, 4. 5; v. 3, 5; 下 • x、' 4. To make to be external. II. . ii« 15. (3) 之夕卜 after three years; 方令 … 夕卜 at a distance of.. • V. 1 二 i. 7; VI. 1 二 xiii.8. (4) In comlutiou with pJ, abroad. 1. '*• 壬 伸壬， a son of the emperor Inang# v •卜 . vi. 5. jcu -L- 七 Strong. V. p v. 4. = in vigorous ch u*i ngm 3 n^00t^ * ^ * K* v. 3; ix. 1 ; xii# 2: II. iv. 2. Solely employed, exclusively active. II. 卜 -• 1. A goblet, or jug； a vessel for liquids, I. ~ x. 4; xi. 3: III. J\. v. 5. Al- ways in the phrase 壺漿. Long life. VII. i. 3. 壺 hoo hu 壽 show fillOU TilE 35th RADICAL. 夂. 夏 liea lisia (1) Summer. Ill •卜 vii. 4: VI. Jh . v. .*). (2) Great; 一 a name for China. Ilf. h . iv. 12. (3) The name of a dynasty. 1. iv. 5 : III. 上^ iii. 10: V. 上^ vi. 6; vii. (J; V ••下 • iv. 4 •夏 后氏， tlie great Yu, the founder ot* the Hea dynasty. m •上 _ iii. (；. 夏后， a sovereijrn, sovereigns, of the Hea. II. 卜, i. 10： IV. ii. 5.? V, 上. vi 7. (4) the designation of one of Conf. disciples. II. 卜. ii. 6, 20: III. 上. iv. 13. (3) 負夏 ，伽 name of ii place. IV. T\. i. 1. s ■靈 the appearance of being re- /CJCCI ml \ kuei vorential. V. iv. 4. THE 3Gth RADICAL. 夕. 上. ix. 1： VII. I. 上 .iii. 5; vii. 塗 (1) Mire, mud. II. 二0 下 • i. 1. (2) Roads. 18. ^ To fill up. II. ]^. ii. 13. to S”1 fill up and stop. III. [〈• ix. 9. So b e 塞之， VH •下 • xxi. h 塡填 然， the sound of the drum. I. 卜 • Veen iii. 2. tVin 士誇 Ornaments on walls, ： vi tv an I:. i'' 5. man A border, a boundary. ching 四境 之內四 境， 3: II. 上. i. 10. Name of a prince of Ts^. VII. 卜, xxxiii. 1. to disfigure. I •下 . ii. 3. 【， I •下 • vi. 塾 teen tien m 鸿 vi ih mo 墦 fan (1) Ink. #31 a carpenter's mark- ing line. VII. [^ . xli. 2. (2) Black, m. 上 ii. 4. (3) Surname of a licresi- arch. 。繫 a Mihist. III. \^ . v. 1,2. VII. xxvi. 1, 2. 下 • ix. 9 •墨 翟， III •下 • 9. 10, 1L Tombs. IV •下 • xxxiii. 1. A cliannel for water； a ditch. III. 卜. v. 4 : VI. I;, xi. 3. In other cases, al- ways in combination with I. ~TC. xii. 2: II •下 . iv. 2: III. 上. iii. 7; 下 • i. 2: V. vii. 5. A tmet beyoud cultivation. IV. 卜, k'wantj xi. 2. k'uang (1) Mould III •下 • x. 3. (2) 壤 地， territory. III. 卜 iii. 14. To pull down. 111. ix. 5. ho ho 壙 壤 1 训 y 壤 hirae huai 士 sze. shill THE 33d RADICAL. 士 (1) A scholar, a man of education nnd ftbility. Passim, (2) An officer, I. . i. 4: et scBpe. Tltis unci the preceding meaning run into each other. 上土， 中士 ，下士 ，兀 VI .下 . 5, iv. 3, 〇f G, 8, b. == soldiers. ii. 夕 l llsi 外 = INDEX III Cmvr.SF. CIIARACTKR.S AND PHRASES. 42J 夜 •v'v v 3; xx. 3; xxxviii. 1； 1: xxiv. 2? IV 卜 _• 11: v. 上. i. 1, 2. (3) 天子 A designation of the tMnperor. I. 卜. iv 5: II. vii. 1 1 : a/., saepf, 天下 see 下. (1) A male, males. I. v. 5： IIT. . iii. IT. A husband. v. 3. = a fallow. I. I: viii. 3. So, when join(*«i with II. . ii. 4; witli jjg, V. 下 • i. 1; with 鄙，、 ，•下 • i. 3; with 薄， m 下. xv •未姑 ，夫妻 . HI •上 • 8: IV.l、. xxx. 5 •西 夫， 财 E 丈夫 ，咖丈 •農 矣， a husbandman. Ilf. . iv. 5, 9: et. aL Ok 夫布， II •上 • v. 5. (2) 大 a general name for the officers of a court, below the cliief minister. Scrpe, See especially. V. ii. 3. (3) — J~-.=our master, — used in conversation. Applied to Mencius. Pussitn. App. to Conf, Scepe. = your husband. Ill J\. i. 2. Obs. IV. 卜. xviii. 2. My master, generally. IV. xxiv. 3 (4) ^ 人 the wife of a prince. III. iii. 3. Low. 1st tone, (1) An initial partide, which may generally be rendered by nou\ Sometimes, however, we mast use then or but ； and sometimes it will liardly admit of being rendered in English. Pas^ sim. (2) A final particle, with exclama- tory force. IV. ]、• xxiv. 2: VI. 卜. i. 2; vii. 2. (3) Intermediate in sentences, with a demonstrative force. I. 上. vi … • II. 下 • ii. 5: VII. 上. xxxix. 4. To this are to be referred 夫， 若夫， and 目 .夫， the tw。 former of which are common. To lose. II. 上. i. 8; i. 4; iv. 1, 2 : et al. scepe. To lose, 一 not to get, I. 卜. ii. 4: vii. 24: et al. To fail of or in. 1H. i. 4: VI. Yii. 2: et al 自夭, 422 CHINESE CHARACTEHS AND PHRASES. INDEX III. to lose one’s- self. II. 卜. ix. 2: comp. IV. I" . xix. 1. (1) Even； evenly. In the phrase 1 考, VII •下 • xxxvii， 6. (2) To wound， = to be offended. IV. J^.xviii.2. (3) Used for the invariable rules of virtue. VI. 卜 . vi. S. (4) Barbarous tribes； 一 properly those on the ea^t, as in 夷狄 III. ix. 11. But used generally, III. 卜 • iv. 12. We have also ^ I. 下 • iii. 1 ; 四夷， I. 上 • vii. 16; 東 由， IV •下 . i. 1; — 西夷， I .下. xi. 2: et al. (5) A surname. III. 卜. v. (6) In the hon. epithet, j 白夷， II. 卜. ii. 22, 23: et al., scepe. Also in the name, 詧 夷吾， vl •下 X、-1- The name of a State. III. ix. 6. Services. VI. 卜 • x, 7, 8 宮之奇 ，v •上 ix- 奄 yen 奉 f^n9 奇 Ic^e 契 seS hsieh 溪 he Ixsi In a name. 2. 奪 V6 奮 Jun len Shun5s minister of instruction. III. 卜. iv. 8. (1) An interrogative particle. How, why, what. I. 卜. vii. 22; |C. xi. 2: III. 下 . i. 2; v. 4: IV •下 ■ xxviii. 4, 6: V. 上. ii. 3, 4; III. 2;"JC. iv. 6； vii. 7;ii.3: VII. 卜 • xxxiv： 下 •iv.hxxii.3 •渓 爲， I •下 • xvi. 2: VI. xiii. 3. In names. 百里 V. 上. ix. 1, 2: VI. vi. 4; xv. i. 一 f 奚， iii. yc. i. 4. To snatch, take by force ; to rob. I. 卜. i. 4; iii. 4; v. 4; vii. 23: III. v. 2: IV. \" . xvi. 1： VI. i. 8. Obs. VI. 卜. xv. 2. To press forward; to make himself dis- tinguished. VII. 卜. xv. VII. 口. vi. a daughter. III. ii. 2; iii. G. Low. 3rd tone. To give a daugliter neiL away in marriage. IV. 上. vii. 2;2: V. nu 下 vi 6 For you, your. I. [^ . ii. 4 ; ix. 1,2: III. i. 4;ii. 2. Up. 3d form. To love, be fond of. S(Epe. to be fond of strange things. V. 上_灿.1;匕 1. _ 于好， to become friendly. YI. vii. 3. Men- cius never uses as an adj. 2d tone, unless in V. p . i. 4. (1) As. Scepe. We often find and thus, such, so. (2) As = if, though, since. I. . iii. 2; v. 3; J\. v. 4, 5: et aL, scepe. 如使 ，试 VI. - i. 2; ix. 2: et al. (3) 涵何， 如之何 ，何如 • see Qn 何 • but observe the difference between 何如， at the beginning： and at the end of a sen- tence. Observe also I. xiv. 3. (4) After adjectives, it = our termination ly. VII. 【、• xiii.; xii. 2: et al. The diet, says that haou hao 如 )00 如 j 找 妄 TIIE 38tii RADICAL. 女 女 neu nii A woman, a female; a daughter. I. v. 5: III •下 • i. x. 3; v. 5; IV\ 上. xvii. 1 : V. 上. i. .% 4; ii. 1 : vi. A consort, a wife. the most lionourable inmate of tlie harem next to tlie empress or queen was called but it seems to have the highest meaning in I. ~J\. v. 5. Irregular, utterly lost. IV. icany xxviii. 6. 約 •• c/ii 媒妁， a go-between, a matchmaker. III. 卞 • iii. 6. A deceased mother. 考 姚 v 上. 妻 /s‘e ch4i 妻 U%e ch*i tauffi cli'ieh A wife. I. [" . \ et al^ satpe. wife and child, wives and children. So^pe* Up. 3<1 tone. To give to wife. V. 卜. ii. 2. To have to wife, V. p « i. 4. A concubine. IV. xxxiii. 1, 2: VI. 卜 • x. 7， 8; ""p. vii. 3， In VII .下. xxxiv. 2, should be * attendants and concubines.* 妾婦 = III. 下 . ii. 2. INDEX MI. rillNESK rilARACTEHS AND PIIUASES. 42：； To begin ; beginning; first. I. 卜 • ii ch'e shill 3; iii. 3; iv. 6: ii. 3; iv. 9; xi. 2: II 上. Vi. 7; 下 • x. 7: III: 上. iii. 2 CXBJ, 13; v. 3; v.4: V. p.ii.4；~J^ 姑 koo (1) For tho present, if you please. I 下 • ix. 1， 2: II. ii. 21: VII. 卜 xxxix. 2. (2) In III. 卜 • v. 4, the meaning is undeteriuined. A or the surname. V. ix. 1, 4: VII. ""!、• xxxvi. 2. 百姓 the people. I. 卜. vii. 5. 6, 7, 10, 12: et al„ saype. To give up; to cast away. 11. i. 3: III. 上 . v. 4. Up. 3d tone. Public stores of grain, •委 吏， the first office held by Confucius. V. v. 4. tlie wife of king T;ae. 又厂叫 is the surname. I. ^T\. v. 5. cniang I 决交 Beauty. YI. [" . vii. 7. keuou cliiao Majesty, dread. iii. 3: III. tce^ ii. 3. To overawe. II. i. 4. To marry (on the part of the man\ IV. . xxvi. 2: V. 上^ ii. 1, " v. THE 39th RADICAL. 子 子 tsze tzu 姓 細 y hsin 委 wei m tcei 姜 娶 ts'eu clrii 婦 j'oo fu 媒 met 舞 lou m mei 嫁 lcea cilia 嫂 (1) A married woman, a wife. III. 上 • iv 8; 下 . ii. 2 •四婦 , III •下. v. 3: V. 卜， vii. 6; i. 4: VII. 卜. xxii. 2. See ^FC. (2) A name 馮婦， VII. [: xxiii. 2. ^ a matchmaker. III. iii. A name. 爵隹 荽，1 v. 上. i. [ To flatter. VII. xxxvii. 9. 6. To marry (on the part of the woman). in.~p.ii. 2. cliia An elder brother's wife. IV. ^ . xvii. 1, 3： Y. 上. ii. 3. A favourite (in a bad sense). I. 卜. vii. 16; xvi. 1, 3: III. i. 4^. The name of a place. II. vii. 1. saou sao pe pi 羸 Vtu9 (1) A son. Passim. But often it is equivalent to chi/(/y children； — especially in tlie frequently recurring plirase So, in an infant. VI. 卜. V. 3. (2) a daughter. III. 卜. iii. 6. a virgin (laughter. VI. vii. 3. (2) A general appellation for virtuous men, which may be translat- ed by gentleman^ disciple, phi/oso/t/iery Scepe. In this sense, it is ofteu used in conversation, and is equivalent to io?4, Sir. Obs. 3; and 二三子 , my friends, my disciples. I. 卜. xv. 1. In this sense it is very common after surnames, and honorary epithets. We have ^\j 告子， &c., &c. It is used also after the surname and name or epithet to- getlier. as in 孟獻 ^-,etal. (3) A title of nobility. V. [;• ii. 3, 4, 5. So, in 微子， 11 •上 i. 8： VI. 上 w and II. 卜. i. 8. (4) It enter3 often into designations, as in 子思 &c., &c. Into names also, as in 西子， IV •下 • xxv. 1, and perhaps _ 手， IV. 下 .xxiv.2. 子叔， II_ x. 6, and 子 ^霍， IV. 卜. xxiv. 2, seem to be equivalent to surnames. (5) Phrases formed with 子^ are — a d ame f or the emperor. Scepe ； 子 弟，_ and younger brothers = youths, I. 卜. xi. 3: II. 卜. v. 6 : et al ； dis- ciples, IT. 卜. i. 7; 下 x. 3; xi. 3: IV. 卜. vii. 3; 子孫， descendants, I. |\. xiv. 3: et al. Obs. IV. 上 5; 先子， see the crown prince, III. 卜 • i. i : e’ a’.； 目牟 the pupil of the eye, IV. 卜. xv. 1. 2； desig- nated heir, VI. vii. 3: 夫子， see 夫； 小子 little children, said to the disciples by Confucius, IV. 卜. viii. 8; xiv. 1； 濡子， a boy, II. 卜. vi. 3: IV. 上. viii. 2; 童子, < III •下 . V. 2, 8; ami 苕午 . sec> 君. 424 rriINKSE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. INDF.X III. 孑 Icvc cliieh 孔 k^ing 存 ts'un 孝 heaou hsiao 季 ke chi 孟 mdn(j meng 孤 koo ku 孥 noo nu 孩 hae liai 孫 孰 shu/i sliu 孳 tsze tsQ 學 hi!6 hsio hsiao Ilalf-an-one. V. 卜， iv. 2. A surname. That of Confucius. PassiVn. 孔 I】 .下.1'. (1) To be in. IV. [" . xv. 1: et ah = to abide. VII. 上 xiii. 3. (2) To be pre- served. II. 卜 • i. 8 : et al.f scrpe. = to be alive. VII. 上. xx. 2. To preserve. IV. xix. 1 : et al. Obs •存心 ，IV. xxviii. (1) Filial piety ; filial ; to be filial. I. 上 iii. 4：: v. 3; vii. 24: et al.f scepe. (2). Ihe hon. epithet of a duke of W ei. V. K. iv. 7. (1) In a name. IV. 卜. v. 1, 2. (2) A surname. VI. 卜 • xiv. 1. 一 Y. iv. 7. 孫， II. 下 • x. 6. Observe 季子 and 季任， VI •下 -v. A surname. That of Mencius. Pas- sim- 孟 伸子， n. 下 • ih 3 •-孟 季子， 几上^-孟獻子， V •卞 _ iii. 2_— 孟施舍 and 孟 賁 ，U 上. ii. 5, 6, 8, and 2. Young and fatherless, I. [;• v. 3. = friendless. VII. . xviii. 2. Children. Said by Choo He to mean wives and children. I. Jv v. 3. An infant, able to smile. 孩提之 g；, VII. xv. 2. (1) A grandson. IV. 上 子 descendants. I. xiv. 3. Obs. 孫子， IV. 卜. vii. 5. (2) In double surnames. II. . i. I: et al. — IV. ii. 1.— II. x. 6.— VI. xv. 1. Who, which： 一 interrogative. I. 卜. vi. 3, 5, (5; vii_ 17. 18; 下 . 】， 4: IV. 上 xix. 1, 2 : c/ al. to be earnest and careful in. VII. 卜. xxv. 1, 2; xli. 1. (1) To learn； learning. I. 卜. ix. 1. 2: II. 卜. ii. 10, 22 : et al. scepe. RH. to study. III. 上 • ii. 4: VI. 上. 孺 •yw 孽 nee nieh 宇 yu yii 宅 tsih ebai 守 show shou 安 y 肌 an 朱 sung yV wan 不 tSUJKJ xi. 4. (2) A school, or college, of a higher order. III. 卜. iii. 10. ⑴ 孺子， a boy. n. 卜. • vi.3: IV. 卜. viii. 2. (2) In a name. IV. xxiv. 2. (1) The sons of concubin〇9. YII. 卜. xviii. 2. (2) = calamities. II. 上. iv. 6： IV. I" . viii. 5. Is sometimes written, but wrongly, THE 40th RADICAL. The sides cf a house, below the eaves. = a settlement. I. 【、• v. 5. A homestead, a dwelling. I. 卜， iii. 4; vii. 2.4:11. 上. VII. 2: IV. x. 2, 3: VII. 上. xxii. 2. To guard, have the charge of ; to ob- serve, but with the idea of guarding. I. v. 5; xlii. 2; xv. 2: II. 上. ii. 6, 8 ; y. 5: III. 卜, iii. 18; iv. 3: IV. i. 8; xix. 1, 2 ; xxxi. 2: VI. 1^. v. 1: vii. 5: VII. xxxii. 1, 2. a keeper. VII •上 . xxxvi. 3. (1) Ease, quiet. VI. xv. 5： VII. "TC. xxv. 1. (1) Tranquil; to be in repose ; to repose in. II. vii. 2: IV •上 • x. 2, 3. II •下 • xii. 5: IV. 上. viii. 1： V. 上 v. 6: VII. 上. xxxii. 2. (3) To give repose to. I. iii. 6, 7, 8: II. xi. 3： VU. xi. 3: VII. 卜. xix, 2. (4) Quietly, in tranquillity. I. 卜. iv. 1: III. ii. 1: IV. xiv. 1. (1) Tiie name of a State. II. p . ii 17; 下 • iii. 1, 3: III. 上. i. 1; ii. 1; ir. 3 ： et al. (2) A surname. VI. iv. 1. —VII. 上. ix. 1. Complete ; to complete. IV. 卜. i. 9: V. ii. 3. rurtaininjx to one's ancestors. In the plirasc the ancestral temple. I. 下 . xi. 3: IV. 上. iii. 3: VI •下 . viii. index nr. CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PIIKAS1；S. 42o 宫 kuau % liny 宜 客 k'lh k*o 室 ahih ^•4 •宗 國， the kingdom which we honour. III. 卜. ii. 3. An officer. all the officers. III. 卜 • ii. 3, 5, 6： et ul. An office. V. ii. 6, 7, 8. 9: et al. In some cases it is hard to say to vhich of these meanings mo sliould usbign tlie character. Applied to the senses and the niind. VI. 卜. xv. 2. (1) To settle, compose； to be settled. I. 上. vi. 2： III. 上. ii. 3; iii. 13; "" [二 ix. 3 (N.E.)： IV. p . xx.； xxiv. 2； xxviii. 2： V. ix. 4： VII. 上. xxi. 2, 3. (2) An lionorary epithet. III. 卜. ii. 1. (1) To be right, reasonable; to seem to bo； ought, ouglit to be. I. 上. vii. 7 ~[C. ii. 2, 3: II. ii. 5; ix. 3: i. 1: IV- I" • i. 7; xxiv. 2; 1^. xxiv. 1 xxviii. 4: V. 上 .ii. 1;下.'-. 3: VJI 卜. xli. 1. (2) In a name. VII. xxxviii. 3. A visitor, a stranger. II. xi. 3. (1) A house. I. 下 • ix. 1: II •下 • X. 3 : et al, scepe. houses, edifices. 下 .ix.5:VI 上 • x. 7; x. 4: VII. I • xxvi. 2. = a palace. V. 卜. iii. 〇. = a family, a house. IV. 卜. vi. 1: V •下 _ ii. 1: VI •下. x_ 3. ? 處 室者， IV. 卜. xxxiii. 1. (2) = a wife. 有室， m •下 . iii 6. 男女 居室 , male and female dwell togetlier. V. 上. ii. 1. 宣 An hon. epithet. 齊宣王 • I. 上. stuen vii. 1 ： et a/., scepe. lisiian 宫 kiung (1) A palace. V. 上. ii. 3; v. 6； vii. 9. == a house, an establishment. III. 上 . iv. 5. 宮室， see 室 . （2) A surname. V. 上. ix. 2. In the double surname 北宮 n. 上 . ii. 4, 6.— v vi. 1. ⑷上宮 a„d 雪宮 are the names of two palaces. Vll. m 1: I •下 • iv. 1. 害 h(te liai hn ho 宴 yen 宵 seaou hsiao 宰 tsae tsai 家 Icca <*liia (1) To injure; to be injurod ； injury. I. xv. 1: II. 上 ii. 13, 1G: etal.yscepe. It is often followed by III. 上. i、' 4 ： et ul. (2) In a name. 浩生不 VII. xxv. 1. What, why. 1. JC. ii. 4. Choo He, liowever, explains it liere by when. The note in foe. says wrongly that it is read hea To be at ease, to feel happy. III. iii. 3. 1 容 y^ng 宿 suh hsii 密 meih ini 寇 富 foo At night. III. 上. iii. 2. (1) A chief officer. VI. [" . xiv. 1. 冡宰^ 冡- (2) A surname. II. 上. ii. 13, 25, 2G. (1) A house, a home. III. ii. 2. (2) A family, families. I. iii. 4 ; vii. 24: III. 上. iii. 19: VII. 上. xxii. 2. (3) A family, a elan, — the possessions of a great officer. Passim. This is the most common use of the term in Mencius. The combination J^j is frequent. See 國. Sometimes it = the chief of such a Family. I. i. 4: V. iii. 2, 3. ⑷ A liusbaud. _ III. ""JC. iii. 6. — Observe 家邦， I. 上 .vii. I2; and 東家， VI •卡 i.8. (1) Countenance, deportment. V. 卜 • iv 1: VII. p . xxxiii. 2. (2) To be to- lerated. VI. viii. 2. To get the countenance of. VII. . xix. 1. (3) To be admitted (as light). VII. 卜. xxiv. 2. (4) 罪不 容於死 death is not enough for the crime. IV. 卜 • xiv. 2. (1) To stop o\cr night. II. 【、• ii. 4 ; xi. 1, 3 (N.B.)； xii. 1, 4, 6. (2) = to cherish. Y. 卜. iii. 2. 1 島 to hush. V. 卜. iv. 1. (1) A robber, plunderers. IV. Jv iii. 1, 4; xxxi. 1, 2. (2) 司 chief minister of Justice. VI. K. vi. 6. (1) liiches ; rich; to become rich. I. Jv v. 3; xvi. II. Jv ii. 6; x. 5: et ul.9 bi 42G CHINESE C1IA11ACTERS AND TI1KASES. INDEX III. titai 寒 han 察 ch‘d ch‘a 寓 y、i yu 寡 kwa kua 1 s(ppe. Often in the phrase 胃' = J abundant, good. VI. 上 . Vii. 1. (2) j To make rich. IV. 卜. xiv. 2: VI •卜. To desire the riches of. III. |v IX. 1 v. 3. To sleep. VI. Jv xiii. 1} 3. To suffer from cold. I. 卜 • iii. 4; vii, 24. ^9^ a cold. II. ii. 1. To subject to the influence of cold. VI. 卜. ix. 2. To examine, to observe closely. I. 上 iii. 1; vii. 10； 【、• vii. 4, 5: IV. xix. 2: VII. 卜. v. 1. = to be extremely particular, VII. 卜. xlvi. 2. (Observe the idioms). To lodge (active). IV. K. xxxi. L (1) Few, little, generally in correlation to or I. 卜 • vii. 17: II. 卜 • ii. 16: et al. (2) Old and husbandless, widowed. I. v. 3. (3) 寡人， the humble designation of themselves by the princes, — the opposite of our We. I. 卜. iii. 1 ; iv. 1 ; v. ] ； vii. 4: et al. (4) Equal, proper, 一 in the phrase 寡妻， wliich is explained by such a wife as seldom is. I. 卜. vii. 12. (1) To be full; to fill. I. vii. 2: III: K. v. 5. (= to put). Joined with 充， VII •下 • xxv. 5, G; xxxi. 3. (2) Sincerity. VII. p . xxxvii. 3. in reality. III. h . iii. 6. = meritorious services. VI. 卜. 1. (3) Fruit. III. x. 1. Metaphorically, IV. 卜. xxvii. 1 二 To enjoy repose； to give repose to. III. ix. 11: VII. 卜 iv. 5. (1) Wide and loose. II. 卜. ii. 4, 7. ning % k uan Generous. V. i. 3: VII. xv. Precious things. VII. ~J\. xxviii. 1. 下 .iii. paotc pao fl To distinguish, to exalt. di'ung THE 41st RADICAL. 寸. T] An inch, inclie*. II. 【、. vii. 3: IV. tslun -J； vii VI. i. 5; u. 2. Obs. 凡寸， VI. 上. xir. 1, C. 封 (1) Dykes. 圭 ^ the border-divi- sions of a State. 1 「下 .“• （， appoint, — to territory or office. V. 卜， iii. 1, 2： \L [;• vii. 3; viii. 6. A4- To slioot with an arrow and string； to ^ shoot. VI. 卜 ix. 3: ~T\. ii. 3. 身士 To shoot； archery. Y. K. i. 7： VI. 上 .xxi .射 *，anarc 丨丨 er. 11 .上. vii. 5： III. i. 5. So, sometimes, 身； J" alone. (1) Shall, will, should, would; to be going to, to be al)〇ut to. Passim. It tseang expresses a purpose, and often, esj>ec:ially chiangin questions, puts it delicately. Will be. III. 卜. i. 5. (2) To offer, present, V. "~^v vi. 5. (3) ? to assist. IV. 卜. vii. 5. (5) 將軍 , a general, VI. viii. 1. Entirely, exclusively. II. 卜. i. 3. chiian with exclusive attention. VI. 卜. ix. 3. To presume， take on one’s- self. VI. vii. 3. 尊 To honour. II. i v. 2 ; v. 1 : et al., chun soe^et Honour; to be honoured. VII. . xxxii. 1. Honourable, II •卜 vii. 2: III. vi. 2. An honourable situation. V. v. 2, 3. Honourable things. IL 卞 • ii. 6, 7. A measure of eight cubits. III. J\. i. I sin ly 2. j hsin 1 些+ To reply. Sn>pe. Used properly of the 关 reply of an inferior to a superior. tui To lead, conduct. IV. 【:• iii. 3 To lead oil, influence. VII. p • xxii. 3. tao THE 42d RADICAL. 小. I Small, little; a little (adv.). Strpe. = senon mean creatures. VII. xix. 3. To hsiao consider small, VII. 上 .xxiv.l. To make small. 1. K. ix. 1. Of phra^s vitU INDEX Ilf. CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. 427 少 shnou 6liao 少 siiaoii 6hao 尚' shung 尤 yew )，u 就 Uew 尸 she sliih R ch^ih nc ill 小 we have —小 子， see 子； 小 人， the opposite of 君子 and 大人， s(ppe； the meaner part of our constitution, VI. 上 xv. 1, 2. (comp, xiv. 2, 5); 小民， the inferior people, m •上 iii. 10; 小勇 , mean, small valour, I •卜. iii. 5; a small man, II. xii. yj、 ^|， the name of the live months* period of mourning； VII •上 • xlvi. 2; 小弁 y name of an ode. (1) Few. I •下 • i. 4: V. 上. vi. 2. 加少， to decrease. I. 卜. iii. 1. (2) In a little. V. 卜. ii. 4. Up. 3d tone. Young. Y. 卜. i. 5. 尼 ne ni 尹 居 kea clili (1) Still. III. 上. v. 1 ; x. 6. (2) To exalt. VII. 上. xxxiii. 2, 3 (3) To surpass. II. ii. 9: VII. xxii. 1. (4) = to go up to court. V. 卜. iii. 4. To ascend. V. Jv viii. 3. (3) To add to, be added to. 不 可尙已 • m- 上. iv. 13. Obs. 草尙 之風^ grass, when the wind is on it. …- ui •上 • ii. 4. THE 43d RADICAL. 尤. 屋 uh 、vu 屈 heuh (1) A fault. J •下 • ir. 9. (2) To grudge against, to blame. I. xii. 2： II. xiii. L To go to, to approach. I. p . vi. ?, 7; vii. 4, 6, 7: et aL, scepe. 屑 see lisieh 屛 P^9 伸尼， the designation of Confucius. I. 卜， iv. 6; vii. 2: et al. (〇 ^9", the chief minister of tho emperor T4ang. II. 上. ii. 22, 23: et a!.f sa>pe. (2) A surname. II. xii. 1, 3, 7 •尹 公， apparently a double sur- name. IV. xxiv. 2. (1) To dwell, reside, in, 一 generally applied to places, but sometimes to official positions； residence, seat. Passim. It is applied metaphorically al6〇 to virtues, and their opposites, as in II. 卜 • iv 1 : III. K. ii. 1, 3: III. 卜. x. L 3; comp. II. ii. 19. In VII. Jv xxxvi. 11> 居之 = their principles; comp. IV- xiv. 1. *, to cho〇6e an al* ternative, II •卞 • iii. 1. In VII. 上. xx vi. 1, 2, 3, = status, position, la V •卜. ix. 3, = to retain. ^ thoso who stayed at home. I. v. 4. (2) In a name. III. ~ vi. 2. (1) A house. III. 上. iii. 2: IV. "JC. xxxi. 1 (N.B.). (2) ^ 盧， a double surname. VI. i. 1. (1) To bend (act.) III. Jv ii. 3. To be bent. YI. 上. xii. 1. (3) The name of a place in Tsin. V. 上. ix. 2. AVays in the phrase == not to chnsider pure, uot to condescend or stoop to. II. ix. 1, 3： VI. 卜. xvi. 1 ： VII. 卜， xxxvii. 6. Uj). 2d tone. To drive away. IV. xxx. 5. THE 44th EADICAL. p. To personate the dead at sacrifices, being a resting place for tlieir spirits. VI. 上. v. 4. A cubit. II. 上. 18: III. 上. iv. 17; 下 」_1，3:几上. xiv. 1， 6; 下, ii.2: VII. 卜. xxxiv. 2. Low. 3d tone. To stop. I. Jv xri. 3. kea cliu 履 h lu 屬 shuh shu rhuh cliu Shoes or sandals, made of woven ma- terials. III. 上. iv. 1,17, 18;*]^. x. 4: VI. vii, 4: VII. xxx. 1, 2. To tread. V, vii. 8. Belongings, = relationships, xxx. 5. iv. To collect. I. xv. L CHINESE CHARACTERS AND TIIRASES. INDEX III. THE 46th RADICAL. 山. 山 shan Hills, a mountain. II. 卜. i. 4: IIL 卜. iv. 7 : VI. 卜 • ii. 3; viii. 1. = wood、 ed hills. I. 上. iii. 3. 山徑 ， hill- paths, VII. I;. xxi. 東山， vn. 上. xxiv; 太山， i. 上 減 11:11.上. ii. 28: VII. xxir.; 梁 jjj， I •下. 队 1; 崇山， V. 上 iii. 2; 羽山， V. 上 _ iii. 2; 宾山， V. 上 . vi. 1; 牛山， VI. _£ •、说 • 1; and 岐山， I. 卜. xiv. 2； xv. 1， 一 are all names of mountains. kik ko iv. 岌岌 , dangerous, unsettled. Y. 卜. k、e A mountain, by which was the original seat of the Chow family, giving also its tee . — p— ch‘i name to the adjacent country. I. K. v. 3,5岐周1¥下_12岐山， see 山. A small high hill. 岑樓， VI •下 chin l. 5. (1) The name of a place in Ts‘e. II. ts^ny xiv. 2. (2) 山， see 山. clrung m To die, 一 spoken of an emperor. II. 卜. i. 7: V. 上^ v. 7 ; vi. 1, 5. 崩角， tim horns falling off. VII Jv iv. 5. A corner or bend of a hill. VII. 【二 pang peng Vu yii 巍 ivei 巖 yen xxiii. 2. 巍巍， Majestic. III. 上. iv. 11： VII. xxxiv. 1. Precipitous. VII. 卜. ii, 2. THE 47th RADICAL. 你 川 A stream, IV •卜 • L 1, c/ruen ch‘uan To perambulate. to make a tour of inspection — spoken of the ancient emperors. I. iv. 5: VI. vii. 2. 巢 Nests, = shul ter- huts. Ill, ix. 3. ck‘aou cliao 州 ■chow chou 工 hmy 左 tso 巧 k*encu clriao 巨 keu diii 巫 woo wu 差 tslze tz-u 已 ke chi a t « 幽州， the name of a place. V. 上. iii. 2. (2) In a name. Ill •下 • vi. 2. THE 48th RADICAL. 工 (1) A workman. VII. 上. xli. 1， 2. 百 工， the various workmen. III. 卜. 5, G. = a charioteer. III. ~J\. i. 4. 工 師， the master of the workmen. I. ix. 1. (2) In opp. to 朝， = officers. IV. 上 i. 8. (3) 共 工， the title of an ancient high o 伍 cer. V. 卜. iii. 3. The left. 左 to — on 一 the left and right. I •下 • vi. 3: x. 7: IV. 卜. xiv. 1. = attendants. I. vii. 4. 5 ? disciples. VII. 【、• v. 1. Skill; skilful; to be skilful. IV. 卜 • i. 1 : V •下 • i. 7: VI. 上. vii. 2; 下 • v. Large, great. I. ix. 1: III. 卜. iv. 18: IV. 卜. vi. 1. 巨擧心 thumb. III. J: x 2. A wizard, — one who prays and makes in- cantations on behalf of others. II. ±- vii. 1. An order; a difference. III. 卜. v. 3: V. 下 • ii. 8. THE 49th RADICAL. 已. Self. Himself yourself, — and the plurals. Passim. 自已， 从， II. 上. iv, 5. Obs. III. |v x. 5 : VI. 卜 • iii. 2: VII. ix. 5. (1) To stop, end. I. |v v. 1: III. viii. 1, 2, 3: et a/., sape. 無巳， if I may not stop. i. 下. xiii. 2. Its most common use is at the eml of sentences in the i)hraj»e 而 clauses and sentences, gives strong em- plmsis to the previous assertion. I. 卜. ▼ii. 16, 20: II. 卜. ix. 1, 2: tt scepe. (2) = of decline, VI. 卜. x. 8; to avoid, IV. 上 . ix. 4 ; to dismiss, I. 卜. vi. 2. (3) Indicates the past tense. Mast be trans- lated sometimes by was, were. VI. 卜. xiii. 8: IV. j\. x. 1 ： I. xvi. 1. A lane. IV. " xxix. 1. It (UKJ hsiang THE 50th RADICAL. 巾 市 she shill 布 poo pu 希 he hsi 帛 pth pai 帝 it ti 帥 shwae shuai 帥 suh A market-place, markets. I. 卜. vii. 18: v. 3 ; xi. 2 ; xv. 1 : et aL 市井 之 臣， V •下 • vii. 1. In II •下 • x. 爲市者 is probably — * those who established markets/ rather than Mar- ket-dealers/ Obs. II. . v. 2. Cloth,— of flax. II. 上. iv. 17; iv. 3 : VII. xxvil. ? II. 上. v， 5. Always in the phrase little» few. IV •卜. xix. 1 ； xxxiii. 2： VI. 卜， viii. 2: VII. p . xvi. Cloth， 一 of silk. I. 上. iiL4； vii, 24： HI. p . iv. 17: VII. 卜 • xxii. 2, 3. 幣帛， VI. 下 幣. (1) An emperor, the emperor； 一 used of Yaoa and Shun. II. ^ . viii. 9 r V. 上 • i. 3, •下 (2) 上 God, the most High God. I. iii. 7: IV. 卜. vii. 5 ; |: xxv. 2. A leader. II. 卜. ii. 9. To lead. Y. 1. sze sza 自市 （1) A military host. I iv. 6; x. 4; xi. 3: VI. K. iv. 5, 6. ^fjj, the imperial armies. YI. vii. 2. (2) A teacher, master. III. i. 4; iii. 11 ; iv. 12, 14: et al. So 先師 • w •上- Tii. 3. (3) To make one’s master, to foU low. IV. 上. vii. 4. ⑷塲 師， a plantation-keeper. VI. 」^. xir. 3. 工 ^j|j, the master of the workmen. ix. 1. the grand music- master, I. iv. 9. So 自 帀 alone. IV. 卜. i. I t VI. 上. vii. 6. 士自币 , the chief criminal judge. I. 卜 vi. 2： II. v. 1 ； xiii. 2. 自币， title of a high officer. IV. xxvii. 1? 2. A mat, mats. III. 卜. iv. 1, A girdle, a sash^ VII. xxxii. 1^ 席 seth hsi 帶 tae tai 常1 Regular. V. "JC- vi. 2, 4. Constant, ck'uiHf unchanging. IV. 卜. vii. 5. = an ave- rage, III. \" . iii, 7. i|^k, constantly. V. 上. iii. 3. 帛, pieces of silk given as gifts or presents. VI. 卜. x. 4. So alone. I. {^ . vii. 3.： VI. v. 1: VII. . xxxvii. 2. •翻 •幡然 rd 啊 ing-llke. V. 卜. vii. 4. THE 51st RADICAL. 干 _ m m 尸 e Pi 幡 J 咖 千 kan 平 P'ing (1) A shield. 1. "p. v. 4: V. u. 3. (2) To seek for. II •【二 xii. 2: VII. xxxiii. 2. (3) In names. 此干， the uncle of the tyrant Chow, II. 卜. i. 8: vi •上 • tl 3 •-段 干木， m， 下， vii. 2. (1) To be- brought to a state of perfect order. Spoken of the physical condition of the empire, II r. 卜. iv. 7; of its government, III. J\. ix. 11: IV. 卜 • xxix. 1 : xxxii. 2. II. xiii. 5: IV •上 • i. 1. _ 政， to make govt, even, to dispense equal justice. IV. 卜 ii. 4. Comp. III. 卜, ii. la. (2) Even, level. IV. 上. i. 5: III. 卜 ix. 4. , the day-break, the time evenly between night and day. VI. 卜. viii. 2. (5) An hon. epithet. V •下 . iii. 5.— I •下 • xvi. 1. (4) 好 泰， the name of a place. II. 卜. iv. I; VI. 下 • v. 1， 2, 6. 430 CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PIir.ASKS. INDEX HI. 年 A year， years, Sa^e. neen nien Fortunate, lucky； fortunately. III. b— 卜. ii. 1: IV. 」^. i. 8. Observe the hsiug 幼 yew yu 幽 yew yu 幾 ke chi 幾 Ice chi idiom of followed by II. ii. 1 : IV. xx. 5. THE 52d RADICAL. 幺. . Young； the young. I. p . vii. 12; v. 3; ix. 1: III. p . iv. 8; ~~J\. vi. vi. 2: VI •下 .Tii.3 ‘ (1) Dark. III. 卜. iv. 15. (2) An honorary or rather dishonouring ej)itliet of a sovereign. IV. ii. 4: VI. 卜 vi. 2. (3) L 幽州， tlienameofa place. V. 上. iii.2. Up. 1st tone. (1) To hope. VII. 卜. xli. 1. (2) In the phrase little, few. IV. I: xix. 1： xxxiii. 2: VI. 卜. viii. 2: VII. 卜. xvi. 1. (3) In the phrase Jlf near to, or expres- sive of a wish. I. 卜. i. 1, 3, 7: II. 卜 xii. 4, 5. Several. I. xii. 2 : II. iv. 2. ? how many. IV. 卜. xxiv. 2. TIIE 53i> RADICAL. 广. 序 sen lisii 底 te ti 庖 (1) A kind of school. I. 卜. ii. 4； vii. 24: III. 卜 • iii. 10. (2) A due order. Ill, 卜. iv. 8. (1) /•? •石 氏， a whetstone. V •下. vii. 8. (2) = to come to. IV. 卜. xxviii. 2. A kitchen； shambles. I. 卜 • iv. 4； vii. 8: III. ix. 9. the mas- ter of the kitchen. ? purveyor. V. 【:• vi. 6. 府 A treasury. 府庫， I •下 • A 2: III. 上. iv. 3; VI. ix. 1. jip. A kind of school. I. p . iii. 4: vii, 24: III. I' iii. 10. seaiKj —*—» <'h4i«n. vii. 2 ： et a/., seppe* (2) In the phrase. J 计絮 ^ see 康誥 , the name of a Book in the Shoo-kinc：. V. 【〈. iv. 4. 庾公 appears to be a surname. IV. xxiv. 2. To pilfer and hide. VII. Jv xxx. 3. (1) Ordinary. VI •卜. t. 4. (2) Merit j to think of one's merit. VII. 卜. xiii. 3. pjjvj* a name of certain small principalities. V. ii. 4. Pure, disinterested； purity, moderation. III. |\. x. 1, 2: IV. xxiii.: V. i. 1: VII. xv.; xxxvii. 10. To be concealed. IV. 卜, xv. 2. A stable. I. 卜. iv. 4； III. t\. ix. 9* A kitchen. I. p . vii. 8. (1) A bouse, a dwelling- place. III. 卜 • iv. 1. (1) A stance for a shop or booth* II. I" . v. 5. To levy a ground-rcut on Filch stance. II. p . v. 2# INDEX III. rniXESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. 481 \£u A slirinc or temple. Always in the phraae 宗廟; 8epe. In II. 上. v. 6, it children ； and in VII.~J^. i. 2, = son. (2) Used for yJ^. fraternal duty. vn. 上 xxxix. 2. (3) 弟子 , disciples. II. i. 7: III •下 • x. 3; xi. 3: IV. 上. vii. 3 (1) To condole with, — on occasions of death and mourning. II. 卜. ii. 2; vi 1: III. ii. 5; iii. 1, 2, 3: IV 下 .xxvii. 1. (2、 To console. I •下 xi. 2: III •下 . v. 4. To draw ； to lead on ; to lead away. VI 卜. xv. 2; "JC. viii. 9: VII. 上. xli. 3 = to take. Ill •下 • vi. 1. 弓 丨領， to stretch out the neck. I 上 . vi. 6. Not. Passim. 弔 teaou tiao 引 I ytn 弁 /]、 弁， the name of an ode in the J：^She.king. VI. -J；. iii. 1,2, 4. 弈 Chess‘playing. IV. 下. xxx. 2 : VI. jt* ix. 弈秋， a n