:^m ■m^SfiJ^: a^ V. 2- 3 L/iecuorL clcifLarv i/~e^rLci i^fiJ^^ C^pr^^f^ ^fmm^ 'eoccv 7 Jh^ Ctcinvcym^ af'-ffu^ t/c, you Ihould happen to be fqueam- i(h in this matter, or be fo puritanical as to fuppofe, that Chrift's kingdom is not of this 'world I that it never did, nor ever can fare the better for a civil eftablifliment ; you may take the confolation of your own fanatical notions ; and lay the blame of your ignorance upon your parents, for not giving you an univerfity education. There your fight would have been corrected by church optics, a re- conciling medium of vifion, that brings into one focus^ and an indiffoluble union, the 'world and the church. At a College you would have learnt a more polite and profitable fcheme of religion than what you receiv'd from the New Teftament, and from the fenfc of 'weak brethren j heretical in their opini- ons, and fchifmatical in their prad:ice. Entring thus deeply into the reafons of the thing, gave me the cue, by which I was en- abled to proceed with more honourable re- fledions on your city-magiftracy and com- mon council -y who, it mull be own'd, have copied with great fulnefs and accuracy after that famous feminary of learning j by the com- pliment paid to Dr. Pickering, As the dodtor has done his heft, we fhould, in reading his fermon treat him with tendernefs. The firft paragraph cautions us not to expedt too much from his acquaintance with the fublime \ for, ** he fancies the Ikon Bafilike approaches ** nearefl of any human-writing to ihz pathos ** and 6 Half an Hour^s Amufement ** and fiiblimity of this divine compofition of " David's, However, at the time he tells you, " King *' Charles laments his own undeferved cala- '* mities, in the moft moving, majeftick " drains ;" he forgets not to make that prince very extravagant in his lamentations, — for having mentioned his own calamities, he adds, ** and the certain confequences of them, the " utter ruin and defolation of his people." — What notion had the doctor's audience of this ? — Would they not afk, when did thefe certain confequences take place ? Has there been an utter ruin and defolation of his people ? Or fhall fuch an utter ruin ever take place, as the natural or judicial produdl of the King's death ? If neither of thefe things are at all probable, the lamentations of this prince were extravagant. And we might, with more cre- dit, fuppofe that his death, did, in a great meafure prevent the utter ruin and defola- tion of his people. During the Jirji Jijteen years of his reign, he countenanced Fapifis to fuch a degree, as to make them privy cciinfellors^ fecretaries of Jlate^ and lords-lieu- tenants of counties. And on all fides the ^eeri^ influence over him, is acknowledged : but (be was a bigot to popery. To what purpofe then can the dodtor declame upon the charader of Charles, when all his overt-ad:s demonftrate his defigns to enflave England^ by rtretching the prerogative to an indepen- dancy io a Citizen of London. 7 dancy on parliament ! To compafs this de- fign, he dealt much mdijfimulaticn, and often violated truth. But the reafon of his (hining like a feroph in the eye of the doctor, was, the court which he made to the clergy ; and his great indul- gences of their pride and vanity. It is not improbable but the figure hand made in con- fecrating Creed-Church, may have its lively playings, and dazzle the eyes of the doctor ; he grieves at the utter ruin and defolation of io much pomp, and pontifical grandeur ! the confequence which clofely followed the decollation of the King. — and he affedtingly afks, how are the mighty fallen ! Yet had the dod:or only read and confidered a letter ta the right reverend the bijhop of Bangor, occa- $oned by his lordjhifs fermon before the hotife of lords, January the 30'^ 1748-9, publifh'd by y. Noon, Cheap fde j he muft have been aCbam'd of his panegyric I he furely could not have fpoken with fo much difrefpe(S on a parliament that fo bravely travers'd the de- iigns of a monarch, who imbib'd and re- tain'd notions of the regal power, which de- nied the privileges of the parliament and the liberties of the people as their inherent right. A King, who forlooth, would have it, that they entirely depended on his^r^^^, and had done fo on the grace of his forefathers.— They bad borne with the oppreffions oi fifteen years Qf his reign ; the high commiffion court and the 8 ' Half an Hours Amufement the Jlar- chamber adls fiU'd the people with juft horrour ! But for the dodor to fay, that ** never ** fince the foundation of the world hath ^* there been recorded in hiftory, a rebellion " more perfidious and bloody in its rife and " progrefs-^more fatal in its event — more " pernicious and deftrud:ive in its confe- ** quences," — is the very height of infatua- tion ! It reprefents as rebels^ a generation of men, who took up arms, who fpent their treafure and their blood in fecuring to that age and to pofterity, what is moft dear to us as men^ as Chrijiians^ and as Protejiants ! whereas the very principles on which the revolution took place, under the immortal William, fandtified the parliament arms ; and the fuccefs of them has, and will be mat- ter of joy and gladnefs to all true britons. The dodor goes on declaming upon " the " deflrudion of the eftablifhed worfhip, and " the fetting up calves in our temples, after " the example of Jeroboam /" This is no other than a blaze of high church fury, becaufe it is mere fidtion ; and has no truth in fa6t to reft upon. What if Epi/copacy was for a time reje(5ted, and Laud's pidures, and his fine altars demoliflied, even the reprefentation of God Almighty, by the figure of an old man no more allowed of? What if the Sedaries run into fome extremes in their treatment of their weak brethren, the EpifcO' io a Cifize?! of London. 9 Epifcopakam ? (for, Sir, the term, weak in church ftyle, is applicable always to the un- dermoft :) will any, or all of this taken to- gether amount to a fetting up calves in our temples, after the example of 'Jeroboam ? It Ihould be taken into the account, that the people who now had power, were men who had feen a late example in the flagrant caufe of it, under the Laudean adminiftration 1 and none (liould wonder to find that one extreme had produced another, however there fure- ly was a full retaliation made, and the ac- counts balanc'd by the Bartholomew* ASl , of 1662, at the time when two thoufand of the moderate clergy, who were tenacious of the principles of liberty and of the reformation, were turn'd out of their livings, and ex- pofed to all kinds of fufferings. Whofe ejec- tion made more elbow-room for thofe fons of the church, that could preach up Non-re~ fifiance and pajjive obedience. Now was the eftabli(hment in the meridian of its glory ! with its head well difpofed towards Rome.-'—> Both the fons of Charles reftored to the pof- feffion of regal honour and power, which the father had abukd and forfeited. No, fays the doctor, this I deny with both my hands, for the father " thoroughly \in^ " underjftood and was mader of his own *' tongue, as is manifeft from his declarations, " and the reft of his works ; which are as " much fuperiour to the writings of the re- B » bel* 1 o Half an Hours Amiifement " bels in dignity of language and weight of '' reafoning, as their royal author was — * in *■ birth — in virtue — in the goodnefs of his ** caufe- — I wifh I could add, the Juccefs of " It too, — But at laft Enthifiajiic phrenfy pre- '^ vail'd over true courage. — Such was the ** will of God."— Here the dov^or's -wijld is oppos'd to the *wUl of God', — though he fays again, "had *' the King's firft victories been purfued — ^ *' but for our fins the will of God was other- *' wife." If it was for our fim that the will of God was otherwife, why does the dodlor complain for the punifliment of his fins ? If he has any meaning, it furely muft be, that the King's want of fuccefs was fome- way occafioned by our fins : and if fo, then why (hould he charge fo much upon the con- duct of the King's oppofers? For when he ufeth the phrafe, for our fins, he cannot in- tend to make the oppofers of the King of the fame party with himfelf. And if this be not allowed, then the pronoun, our^ muft either include the King and his friends, who were the immediate fufferers in this event j or elfe it muft intend the fins of all the prefent defenders of the King's meafures, and of all the admirers of his charader ! Had * I would not contend with the dodlor about the dif- putable Queftion whether the King wrote the Ikcii^ Baftlike, or not ; I am willing he (hould have all the «iory of it. to a Citizen of London. ii Had the do6tor fhewn an abhorrence of the meafures of that arbitrary reign purfued both in church and ftate, a fenfe might have been found very juft and pertinent : for then we could have underflood him, but for our Jtm^ i. e. the fins of the King's abettors, it was the will of Gcd : lince fuch a catafirophe v^'ould ferve to lliew in after ages, that op- preffion, violence and tyranny, are unwor- thy the fubmiffion of a free and generous people. For our fins^ that is, to corred: the difpolition in men todiilimulation, opprefficn and tyranny, by fhewing that God has pu- nifli'd them, in fetting the King and his flat- terers as enfamples for our admonition. Thedodtor defires paffionately, " that the " royal Charles always may have a name in " the calendar of our church." So it is faid, St. Gilbert Heathcote, was of opinion that the day fhould be kept up, in order to be a memento to all future Kings, that they fplit not on the fame fatal rock ... in which fenfe it may have its ufe, but not furely by an abfurd " com- " memoration of him, as among the firft *' faints and martyrs for the gofpel of God, *' who by his exemplary virtues adorned the *' Chrijlian profeflion — and who loft his *' crown and life in defence of apoftolical " EpifcopacyJ"' Thus wildly raves the dodor in a paroxyfm. — A fir/i faint and martyr for the gofpel of God ! — Let who can, make com- mon fenfe of the expreffion. — a firfi faint B 2 fr 12 Half an Hour's Amnfemrnt for the gofpel I — And how it comes to pafs that our diocefan epifcopacy is apoftolicaly if the dodtor is able to (hew, there is not ano- ther man in all the world can do it.— Let any one compare the New-Teftament writings, with the Laudean fyftem and plan j and if he can find the lead refemblance, I will engage to prove the propriety of calling Sepulchre a faint, and the 'uicar of St. Sepulchre^ a man of a clear head, and of good underftand- ing. The true charad:er of Oliver Cromwell^ he lays, we have from an addrefs prefented by the Anabaptijis to King Charles thefecond^ be- fore his reftoration ; and he refers us to Lord Clarendon's Hiftory 8vo. Vol vi. p. 629. With as much rcafon might the dodor have referred us to a man in an high fever, to learn from him either his own charatfler, or that of his neighbour. Did the dodor never read, that in the year 1657, the project of fome Anahapttfts to kill Oliver Cromwell was difcovered : when Major- General Harrijon^ Vice-Admiral Lawfon^ Colonel Rich, Major Dangers, and fome others, all Anabaptijisj on fufpicion of being concerned in the confpira- cy, were put under an arreft ?-— ^I take it to be the addrefs mentioned by Rapin, in 1658, made by feveral Independents, fakers and Anabaptilis, wherein they fuppofed the death of Cromwell to be near j which f