FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON. D. D. BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY .if <3 b / S/ OCT 12 1931 THE %. 'iOGim SBVA^ LIFE AND TIMES JOHN HUSS; OR, THE lolj^mian Jlcfarma&n; THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, E. H. GILLETT, rroFEssoK of political science in the university of tbe city of new tokk. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. THIKD EDITION, CAKEFULLY REVISED, "WTTH IMPORTANT ADDITIONS AND AN APPENDIX. BOSTON : GOXJLX3 A. N ID XilJSrCOIL. N" , 5 a WASHINGTON STREET. NEW YOUK: SHELDON AND COMPANY. CINCINNATI : G. S. BLANCHAUD & CO. 18 7 1. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 18*31, By E. H. GILLETT. In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern District of New York. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. HUSS m PRISON. HIS REFUSAL TO RECANT. FAREWELL LETTERS. JUNE 8, 1415-JULY 1, 1415. DKPRESSING CIRCUMSTANCES OF HUSS — DENIED AN ADVOCATE — HIS LETTERS AND CONVERSATION IN PAST TEARS BROUGHT FORWARD — WANT OF BOOKS — HOPE- LESSNESS OF HIS CASE — PRISON REFLECTIONS — ZABARELLA's FORM OF RECANTA- TION PRESENTED TO HIM — REPLY OF HUSS — GRATITUDE FOR KINDNESS — PERSUA- SIONS OF HIS FRIENDS — ARGUMENT OF A MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL TO OVERCOME HIS SCRUPLES — THE CRIME OF HUSS IN REFUSING SUBMISSION TO THE COUNCIL — HIS UNSHAKEN PURPOSE — VISIT OF FALETZ — ARGUMENT OF ONE OF THE DOCTORS — EXPLANATORY LETTER OF HUSS — HIS ESTIMATE OP THE COUNCIL — THE TREAT- MENT OF HIS BOOKS — THE COUNCIL CONDEMNS ITSELF — LETTER TO HIS COUNTRY- MEN AT PRAGUE — TIME OF HUSS' EXECUTION DEFERRED — GENERAL EXPECTATION THAT HE WOULD RECANT — PROPOSED DECREE IN SUCH A CASE — REASONS OP THE EXPECTATION — HOPES EXCITED IN HUSS BY THE DELAY — LETTER ON THE PRO- LONGED SPACE GIVEN TO PREPARE FOR DEATH — NO SURPRISE TO BE FELT AT TRIBULATION — REJOICING THAT HIS BOOKS HAD BEEN READ BY HIS ENEMIES — • THE EMPEROR AJS'XIOUS TO HAVE HIM RECANT — HIS FIRMNESS — HIS OPINION OP THE EMPEROR — FAREWELL LETTERS — ASKS AN AUDIENCE — ASKS A CONFESSOR — PALETZ DENIED HIM — VISIT OP PALETZ — DREAMS OF HUSS — SCRIPTURAL CONSO- LATION — CHLUM — DUBA — CHRISTIANN — SECOND FAREWELL TO FRIENDS AT PRAGUE — GREETINGS — POSTSCRIPT — DEBTS — ASKS CHLUM TO STAY TO THE LAST — LETTER TO MARTIN — ADDRESSES ALL CLASSES — MALICE OF CAUSIS — HUSS IN PRISON, 1 CHAPTER II. FINAL AUDIENCE AND EXECUTION OF HUSS. JULY 1, 1415- JULY 6, 1415. PERSUASIONS TO INDUCE HUSS TO RECANT — MICHAEL DE CAUSIS — THE EMPEROr's ABSENCE FROM CONSTANCE — THE REFUSAL OF HUSS TO ABJURE ^ DEPUTATION FROM THE EMPEROR — ADVICE OF CHLUM — REPLY OF HUSS — THE DEPUTATION (iii) IV CONTENTS. PAILS OP ITS OBJECT — FIFTEENTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL — SERMON OF THE BISHOP OF LODI — THE SABBATH COUNCIL'S DECREE, ENJOINING SILENCE — SIXTY ARTICLES OP WICKLIPPE CONDEMNED — STATEMENT IN REGARD TO HUSS — THIRTY ARTICLES OF HIS CONDEMNED — HE ATTEMPTS TO REPLY TO EACH — IS SILENCED — AGAIN SILENCED — ENTREATS TO BE HEARD — DENIES SOME OF THE CHARGES — CHARGE OF CLAIMING TO BE THE FOURTH PERSON IN THE GODHEAD — HE INDIGNANTLY DENIES IT — CHARGE AGAINST HIM FOR HIS APPEAL — CALLS ON CHRIST TO WITNESS THE council's SCOFF AT APPEAL TO HIM — CONTEJIPT OP PAPAL EXCOMMUNICATION — REPLY OF HUSS — -THE EMPEROR's BLUSE AT THE MENTION OP THE SAFE-CONDUCT — SENTENCE PRONOUNCED AGAINST THE BOOKS OF HUSS — HIS REPLY — SENTENCE AGAINST HUSS — HIS COMMENTS UPON IT AS READ — HIS PRAYER — THE CEREMONY OF DEGRADATION — THE WHITE ROBE — ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY — MURMURS HUSS STRIPPED OF HIS SACERDOTAL HABITS — TONSURE — LUDRICOUS DISPUTE — ^ THE PAPER CROWN — REMARK OF HUSS — HE IS GIVEN OVER TO THE SECULAR ARM — IS LED OUT TO EXECUTION UNDER CHARGE OF THE ELECTOR — INDIRECT ROUTE — ■ BURNING OF THE BOOKS OP HUSS IN FRONT OF THE EPISCOPAL PALACE — CROSSING OF THE BRIDGE — ADDRESS OP HUSS, IN GERMAN, TO THE CROWD — HUSS PRAYS ON REACHING THE PLACE OP EXECUTION — FAVORABLE IMPRESSION — A CONFESSOR — THE PRIVILEGE OF ADDRESSING THE CROWD IS DENIED — HUSS PRAYS — HIS MITRE FALLS OFF — SPEAKS TO HIS KEEPERS — THE STAKE AND CORDS — IS NOT ALLOWED TO, FACE THE EAST — THE SOOTY CHAIN — HUSS ONCE MORE ASKED TO RECANT — niS REFUSAL — THE CLOSING SCENE — BRUTALITY OP THE EXECUTIONERS — TESTI- MONY OP ^NEAS SYLVIUS — WHY HUSS WAS BURNED — NOT FOR HIS HETERODOXY — NOT HIS REPROOF OP SIN — HIS ATTACK OP PROFITABLE ABUSES — THE ODIUM PHILOSOPHICUM OF THE NOMINALISTS — THE PERSECUTING ZEAL OP THE ENGLISH — THE PREJUDICE OP THE GERMANS — PALETZ AND MICHAEL DE CAUSIS — BRIBERY — HUSS REJECTS THE SUPREMACY OP THE COUNCIL OVER SCRIPTURE — HIS CHARACTER, 40 CHAPTER III. JACOBEL, GERSON, AND VOLADAMIR. MAY, 1415-AUGlIST, 1415. THE USE OP THE CUP — DECREE OF THE COUNCIL — REASONS ON WHICH IT WAS BASED — HISTORY OP THE USE OF THE CUP — JACOBEL's TREATISE — HIS ARGUMENT CHAR- ACTERIZED — SHARP SENTENCES — PERSECUTION REBUKED — THE BOLD TONE OP JACOBEL's TREATISE — GREGORY'S ABDICATION — BENDICT XIII. SUMMONED — AFFAIR OP JOHN PETIT — HIS CHARACTER HIS PROPOSITIONS CONDEMNED AT PARIS — THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY APPEALS TO THE POPE — THE QUESTION BEFORE THE COUNCIL — THE ASPECT OF THE CASE CHANGED — ENGLAND ALLIED WITH THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY — TIMIDITY OP THE COUNCIL — DISAPPOINTMENT OP GERSON — THE KING OP-POLAND AND THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS — SKETCH OF THE ORDER — QUESTION BEFORE THE COUNCIL — PAUL VOLADAMIR AND HIS PROPOSITIONS — THEIR LIBERAL TONE — VON FALKENBURG — APOLOGIZES FOR THE ORDER — HIS BOOK ESCAPES CONDEMNATION — GERSOn's MOTIVES — PERSONAL DANGER — ATTACKED BY FAL- KENBURG— FUTILE HOPES, 88 CONTEXTS. CHAPTER lY. THE COUNCIL AND THE BOHEMIANS.— JEROME RECANTS. AUG. 1, 1415-SEPT. 23, 1415. IMPRESSIONS MADE BT THE EXECUTION OF HUSS — PASQUINADE — SERMON OF THE MONK OF MATENCE — ITS SEVERITY — SIMILAR SERMONS — INFERENCE THE COUN- CIL CONDEMNS ITSELF — DEATH OF HUSS KNOWN AT PRAGUE — CONSTERNATION — VENERATION FOR THE MEMORY OF HUSS — UNANIMITY OP FEELING — VOICE OF THE UNIVERSITY — JEROME VISITED BY A DEPUTATION OF THE COUNCIL — ■ OTHER MATTERS — SIGISMUND ZEALOUS FOR THE CONDEMNATION OF PETIt's PROPO- SITIONS— HIS MISSION TO SPAIN — OBSTINACY OP BENEDICT — SIGISMUND PREPARES FOR HIS JOURNEY DECREE OF THE COUNCIL — SIGISMUNd's DEPARTURE — CONFER- ENCE WITH BENEDICT— THE COUNCIL IN SIGISMUNd's ABSENCE — SLOW PROGRESS — DISPUTES, GAMES, AND VIOLENCE — MANY LEAVE CONSTANCE — GERSON's SERMON — THE council's LETTER TO BOHEMIA — ITS THREATS — PROVOCATION EXCITEMENT AT PRAGUE — Jerome's severe imprisonment — presumption op his heroism — • HIS RECANTATION explained — QUALIFIED SUBMISSION TO THE COUNCIL — UNSATIS- FACTORY— NINETEENTH SESSION — JEROME's SECOND FORM OF SUBMISSION — HI3 SPEECH, EXPLANATORY AND INTRODUCTORY — HOW FAR SINCERE, . . 115 CHAPTER V. VIOLENCE OF THE TIMES. LETTERS OF THE BOHEMIANS. ZISCA. SEPT. 23, 1415-DEC. 19, 1415. KEW COMMISSION ON HERESY — ANNATES — RAVAGES OF THE TURKS — CONFERENCE OF BENEDICT XIII. AND SIGISMUND — CANONIZATION — COMMISSION APPOINTED — GERSON'S TREATISE — VIOLENCE AND ANARCHY OF THE TIMES — NARRATIVE OP BERNARD WITT — FREDERIC OF AUSTRIA AND THE BISHOP OF TRENT — MEASURES OF THE COUNCIL AGAINST THE FORMER — CAROLINE CONSTITUTION — NASOn's COM- PLAINT— LETTER FROM BOHEMIA — MISSION OF THE BISHOP OF LEITOMISCHEL — ■ REPLY OF THE BOHEMIAN STATES — VINDICATION OF THE BOHEMIANS PRESENTED TO THE COUNCIL — THE PRINCIPLES AVOWED BY THE LATTER ON KEEPING FAITH WITH HERETICS — THEY FAIL TO CONVINCE THE BOHEMIANS — MEASURES ADOPTED AT PRAGUE — ZISCA — PERMISSION GRANTED HIM BY WENZEL, . . . 146 CHAPTER YI. NEW CHARGES AGAINST JEROME. CONFERENCE WITH BENE- DICT. VINCENT FERRARA. DEC. 19, 1415-FEB. 16, 1416. MORE LENIENT FEELING TOWARDS JEROME — NASON's TAUNT — RESIGNATION OF THE COMMISSION IN Jerome's case — a new one appointed — gerson on the method OF dealing with heretics — NEW CHARGES AGAINST JEROME — REPORT FROM THE VI CONTENTS. CONFERENCE WITH BENEDICT — HIS TERMS — THE EMPEROr's DISGUST — SPANISH PROPOSITIONS — CHEERING INTELLIGENCE — DEFECTION OF VINCENT FERRARA FROM BENEDICT — HIS WONDERFUL CAREER AS A PREACHER — HIS GIFTS, ELOQUENCE, AND VIRTUES — THE EMPEROR AT PARIS — HE ENDEAVORS TO SECURE A PEACE BE- TWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND — PETIT's CASE IN THE COUNOtli — SERMON OF THEO- DORIC OF MUNSTEE — INVECTIVE AGAINST THE CLERGY, .... 174 CHAPTER YII. JEROME BEFORE THE COUNCIL. FEB. 16, 1416-MAT 26, 1416. CITATION OF THE BOHEMIANS — THE DECREE — DISPOSITION OF THE COUNCIL TOWARD JEROME — HIS CONDITION AND STATE OF MIND IN PRISON — REFUSES TO RECOG- NIZE HIS NEW JUDGES — THE LIST OP CHARGES AGAINST HIM — HIS REPLIES — ON WICKLLFFE — ON CONTUMACY — VARIOUS CHARGES — PHILOSOPHICAL SUBTLETIES — TRANSUBSTANTIATION — SONGS WRITTEN AND SUNG — ALL MAT PREACH — UNJUST EXCOMMUNICATION INVALID — INDULGENCES — TREATMENT OF THEM THAT SOLD THEM — PAPAL BULLS — PICTURES OF THE SAINTS — RELICS — MARTYRS OF PRAGUE — FAVOR TO THE GREEK CHURCH — JEROMe's RECANTATION HYPOCRITICAL — HIS LETTER TO VIENNA — DISHONEST PURPOSE IN COMING TO CONSTANCE — WILL NOT ACKNOWLEDGE HIS ERRORS — REFUSES TO FAST — DEMAND THAT HE SHOULD ANSWER ON OATH — EXTENDED PERIOD OF JEROMe's LIFE COVERED BY THE CHARGES — Jerome's replies — admissions, explanations, and denials — jerome allowed a general defence — his views and feelings — his speech — refers to an- CIENT martyrs — UNIVERSITY OF PRAGUE — EULOGY OF HUSS — HIS COURSE — • Jerome's visit to Constance — his treatment — his recantation disavowed — HIS views op WICKLIFFE — his substantial orthodoxy — HIS FATE SEALED BT HIS APPROVAL OP HUSS — HEROISM OF JEROME — POGGIO BRACCIOLINI — HIS LET- TEE IN PRAISE OP JEROME — ABLE DEFENCE OP THE LATTER — HIS MANLY BEAR- ING— HIS RETORTS — WONDERFUL POWERS — HIS MEMORABLE ELOQUENCE, . 195 CHAPTER YIII. SENTENCE AND EXECUTION OF JEROME. MAT 26, 1416-MAY 30, 1416. DISPOSITION OP THE COUNCIL TOWARD JEROME — EFFORTS TO SAVE HIM — HIS FIRM- NESS— J'ETING CIRCUMSTANCES — TWENTY-FIRST SESSION OF THE COUNCIL — EF- FORTS TO INDUCE JEROME TO RECANT AND SUBMIT TO THE COUNCIL — THE CON- FERENCE — Jerome's eloquent reply — the bishop op lodi's sermon — thk NECESSITY OF SEVERE MEASURES — THE GUILT OF JEROME IN HIS PRESUMPTION AND DEFENCE OP HIS ERRORS — CHARITY OF THE COUNCIL IN THE TREATMENT OF JEROMH CONTENTS. Vn. — HOW A HERETIC SHO0LD BE DEALT WITH — SIX MISCHIEFS JEROME HAD DONE BT HIS SPEECH — JEROME's REPLY TO THE SERMON, AND HIS OWN DEFENCE — HIS CATHOLICITY — HIS APPEAL — THE SENTENCE — CASPAR SCHLICK's PROTEST — JEROME PREPARED FOR THE EXECUTION — HIS CONDUCT ON THE WAY TO THE STAKE — SCENES AT THE EXECOTION — JEROME ADDRESSES THE CROWD — HIS PROTRACTED SUFFERINGS — HIS DEATH — THE DUST REMOVED — THE EARTH ABOUT THE STAKE CARRIED TO PRAGUE, 237 CHAPTER IX. INEFFICIENCY AND TUMULTS OF THE COUNCIL. ILL-SUCCESS AND RETURN OF THE EMPEROR. MAY 31, 1416-JAN. 27, 1417. ABSENT MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL SUMMONED — THE CITATION OF THE BOHEMIANS CONSIDERED — THE KNIGHT DE LATZEMBOCK — JOHN CREITH OF LIEGE — DILATORY PROCEEDINGS AND TUMULTS OF THE COUNCIL — THE CARDINAL OF CAMBRAY ON THE ECCLESIASTICAL POWER — THE ENGLISH NATION IN THE COUNCIL — NEW MEMBERS — GERSON AND "THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION" — THE COUNCIL'S LETTER TO SIGISMUND IN REGARD TO BOHEMIA — ACCUSATIONS AGAINST WENZEL — SIGIS- MUND's METHOD FOR QUIETING BOHEMIA — ILL-SUCCESS OF HIS PLAN — SERMONS XN THE COUNCIL — VICES OF THE CLERGY CLASSIFIED — SIGISMUND's DEFEATED PRO- JECTS— HIS RECEPTION AND TREATMENT IN ENGLAND — COUNCIL'S PROCEEDINGS AGAINST BENEDICT — STIPILTZ AND PLANCHA CITE HIM — SCENE OF THEIR RECEP- TION — LUDICROUS INCIDENTS SIGISMUND's RETURN TO CONSTANCE — HIS RECEP- TION, . . - 258 CHAPTER X. BENEDICT DEPOSED. PROGRESS OF REFORM. MARTIN V. ELECTED. JAN. 27, 1417-NOV. 21, 1418. AFFAIRS OF BENEDICT — BISHOP OF CUENZA — THE ENGLISH NATION — DISPUTE AS TO THE PRECEDENCE OP REFORM OR THE ELECTION OP A POPE — MEASURES OF REFORM — SERMONS OF MAURICE AND STEPHEN OF PRAGUE — THE CARDINALS AGGRIEVED — DEMAND THEIR PASSPORTS TO LEAVE — REFUSED — DIVISIONS IN THE COUNCIL — PRAYER FOR ELECTION — STATE OF BOHEMIA — WENZEL A CIPHER — HE BANISHES NICOLAS DE HUSSINITZ — SCENES OF ANARCHY AND VIOLENCE — THE UNIVERSITY FAVORS THE COMMUNION OF THE CUP — PETER d'uMETZOW — WENZEL LEAVES PRAGUE — URGED TO RETURN — ANNIVERSARY OP THE DEATH OF HUSS — SERMON ON THE OCCASION — EULOGY OP HUSS — WILLIAM OP ROSENBERG AND HIS VASSALS — VIOLENCE AND ROBBERY — MEASURES OF THE COUNCIL — SATIRE ON THE ROMISH Vlll CONTENTS. CHURCH — THE FLAGELLANTS — SKETCH OF THEIR HISTORY AXD DOCTRINES — FA- VORED BY VINCENT FERRARA — GERSOn's VIEWS MEASURES OF THE COUNCIL — BENEDICT XIII. DEPOSED — QUESTION OF REFORM — THE NATIONS DIVIDED — SER- MONS ON REFORM — ENGLISH NATION — DOCUMENT OF THE CARDINALS — REPLY OP THE GERMANS — IRRITATION OF THE EMPEROR — ALARM OF THE CARDINALS — DEATH OF ROBERT HALLAM — BRIBES THE GERMAN NATION WAVERS — CONDITIONS FOR PROCEEDING TO AN ELECTION — SCHEME OF REFORM — ELECTORS APPOINTED — OTHO DE COLLONA CHOSEN POPE — CORONATION — SPLENDOR OF THE PROCESSION — INCIDENTS — PONTIFICAL TRIUMPH OVER REFORM, 278 CHAPTER XI. MEASURES OF THE POPE AND COUNCIL AGAINST THE BOHE- MIANS. NOV. 22, Ul'Z-APPJL 15, 1418. STATE OF BOHEMIA — ALARM OF THE CLERGY WHO ADHERED TO THE COUNCIL — DISORDER — FLIGHT OP WENZEL — APPREHENSIONS OF THE COUNCIL — GERSOn's TREATISE ON THE EUCHARIST — MAURICE OF PRAGUE — SIGISMUNd'S LETTER TO LAONA — THREATENS A CRUSADE — HIS LETTERS TO HIS BROTHER, WENZEL -^ THEIR INSOLENCE AND DUPLICITY — LETTER OF MARTIN V. TO BOHEMIA — DEMANDS OF THE COUNCIL — PROCESS AGAINST SUCH AS ARE SUSPECTED OF HERESY — THE BULL OF MARTIN V. — ITS CONTENTS — ITS SEVERITY — POINTS OF EXAMINATION FOR THE SUSPECTED — now THE TRIAL WAS TO BE CONDUCTED EXECUTION OF LORD COBHAM— TERROR OF A CRUSADE — CRUSADE AGAINST THE MOORS — INDIG- NATION OF THE BOHEMIANS — NICHOLAS DE HUSSINITZ — BOLDNESS OF ZISCA — COURSE OF JOHN DOMINIC — HE IS CONVINCED THAT ARMS ARE NECESSARY TO SUB- DUE THE BOHEMIANS, 316 CHAPTER XII. FUTILE ISSUE OF THE COUNCIL. ITS DISSOLUTION. JAN. 1, 141 8- APRIL 28, 1418. MARTIN V. ANNOUNCES HIS ELECTION — RECEPTION OP THE ANNOUNCEMENT — THE KING OF ARAGON DISSATISFIED — FAVORS BENEDICT THE REFORMATORY COLLEGE — CONCORDATS — MEASURES FOR REFORM — DISSATISFACTION — THE SPANISH NATION PARODY OP THE MASS — PRESENTED TO THE POPE — OTHER COMPLAINTS — MAR- TIN V. EAGER TO RETURN TO ITALY — GREEK CHURCH — THE EMPEROR — WANT OF MONEY — DISAPPOINTMENT — LANGUAGE OF GERSON — KING OF POLAND — VOLADIMIR HIS PROTEST — SIMONY OF MARTIN V. — THE ESIPEROr's QUESTION — ANXIETY OF MEMBERS TO LEAVE — HUMILIATION OP THE COUNCIL — LIBERALITY OP MARTIN V. IN CHANTING INDULGENCES — THE EMPEROR's DISSATISFACTION — THE KING OF PO- LAND AGGRIEVED — THE FRENCH CONCORDAT — ENGLAND — SPAIN — ITALY — MARTIN V. LEAVES CONSTANCE, , 335 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER XIII VIOLENCE OF PARTIES IN BOHEMIA. SIGISMUND'S ARMY BEFORE PRAGUE. APRIL 15, 1418-JAN. 9, 1420. RECEPTION' OF THE DECREE OF THE COUNCIL IN BOHEMIA — THE REPLY OF THE HUSS- ITES— ITS PROPOSITIONS — DOCTRINES — THE CELEBRATED FOUR ARTICLES — ZISCA — niS TACT AND ENERGY — HIS LETTERS TO TAUSCH — POPULAR INDIGNATION — COMMUNION OP THE CUP ON TABOR — -PLAN FOR ATTACKING PRAGUE — WENZEL ABSENT FROM THE CITY — ATTACK ON THE NEW CITY — ACTS OP VIOLENCE — RELEASE OF PRISONERS DEMANDED AT THE TOWN HOUSE — TUMULT — ASSAULT GERMANS THROWN OUT THE WINDOWS — NEW MAGISTRATES APPOINTED — CON- TINUED ATTACK ON THE NEW CITY — ZISCA WITHDRAWS TO PILSEN — DANGER OP THE CITIZENS — THE QUEEN SEEKS AID OP THE EMPliEOR — -DEATH OP WENZEL — ITS CIRCUMSTANCES — PROJECTS OP THE EMPEROR — CITIZENS CALL ON ZISCA FOR AID — SCENES OP VIOLENCE — CONFLICTS AT PRAGUE — FIGHT AT THE BRIDGE — CONFLICT RENEWED THE NEXT DAT — CONTINUED SKIRMISHES — A TRUCE EF- FECTED — MOVEMENTS ELSEWHERE — NEGLIGENT OBSERVANCE OP THE TRUCE — JOHN NAAKUASA BURNED — GURIM ASSAULTED — THE SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN — CONVENTION SUMMONED BY SIGISMUND AT BERAUN — HIS PROMISES — PRESENCE OP THE BOHEMIANS AT BERAUN — THEJR SUBMISSION — CONDITIONS IMPOSED BY SIGISMUND — HIS LETTER TO PRAGUE — COMPLIANCE OP THE HUSSITES — INSULTS OFFERED THEM — PROCEEDINGS OF SIGISMUND AT BRESLAU — HUSSITES DIVIDED IN- TO CALIXTINES AND TABORITES — POLICY AND VIEWS OP EACH — THE ADAMITES — THE FANATICISM OF THE TABORITES IN REGARD TO THE ADVENT OP CHRIST — ITS EFFECTS — DANGER OF DISSENTIONS, 363 CHAPTER XIV. DEFEAT AND RETREAT OF THE EMPEROR. JAN. 9, 1-120- JULY 28, 1420. THE CALIXTINE NOBILITY — THEIR POLITICAL SYMPATHIES — VIOLENCE OF THE IM- PERIALISTS— JOHN KRASA^ NICHOLAS OP BETHLEHEM — THE BURGOMASTER OP LEITMERITZ AND HIS CRUELTIES TWENTY-FOUR DROWNED — REACTION OP FEELING AT PRAGUE — JOHN OP ZELEW, THE PREMONSTRANT MONK — CIRCULAR LETTERS — SOME OP THE TABORITES LEAVE PRAGUE — ZISCA A LEADER — BOHEMIAN LEAGUE PILSEN HELD BY TABORITES — BESIEGED BY THE IMPERIALISTS — ABANDONED BY THE TABORITES — THE LATTER ATTACKED ON THEIR RETREAT TO TABOR — ALARM AT PRAGUE — JOHN, THE PREMONSTRANT MONK — SIGISMUND AT BRESLAU — JOHN KRASA — THE BULL OP CRUSADE — ITS SCOPE AND SPIRIT — INDULGENCES PROMISED IN IT — DANGER TO THE BOHEMIANS — POPULAR FEELING AGAINST SIGISMUND — H/3 DIRECTIONS TO THE ROYAL GOVERNORS — SUCCESS OP THE LEAGUE AGAINST HIM — : C 0 If T E IS^ T s . ATTSCH TAKEN — HRADISCH — CRUSADE KNOWN AT PRAGUE — IMPERIALISTS FLEE TO THE CASTLE — COVENANT OF THE CITIZENS — MEASURES TAKEN — THE ARMY OP SIG- ISMUND — THE FORTRESS OP TABOR — VISSEHRAD IN DANGER EFFORTS OF THE EMPEROR FOR ITS RELIEF — ATTACK ON TABOR — DEFEAT OP THE IMPERIALISTS THE TABORITES TRIUMPHANT — THE LORD OP ROSENBERG — VOTICZ AND HRADISCH TAKEN — SIGISMUND APPROACHES PRAGUE — KRUSSINA AND HIS HOREBITES — DE- MANDS OP SIGISMUND — HIS CRUELTIES — THE MONASTERIES — SIGISMUND's ARMY — BOHEMIA BETWEEN THE TWO CONTENDING PARTIES — SIGISMUND REACHES PRAGUE — PROCEEDS TO THE CASTLE — CZENKO — THE ARMY ENCAMPS — CRUELTIES TO BO- HEMIANS—THE ENEMY REPULSED FROM THE WALLS — ZISCA FORTIFIES THE GAL- GENBERG — IS ATTACKED BY THE IMPERIALISTS — THE ROUT — RELIGIOUS EXULTA- TION OF THE CITIZENS — DISSENSION IN THE IMPERIAL ARMY ACTS OF VIOLENCE AND CRUELTY — SCENE AT BUDWEIS — CAMP OF THE IMPERIALISTS DESTROYED BY FIRE — RETALIATION OF THE TABORITES — PROPOSALS TO NEGOCIATE — FAVORED BY THE CALIXTINES — THEIR MOTIVES — BASIS OF NEGOCIATION — REJECTED BY SIGXSMUND — THE FOUR ARTICLES OF THE CALIXTINES — THEIR APOLOGY — CORON- ATION OF THE EMPEROR, S9S CHAPTER XV. TABORITES AND CALIXTINES. JULY 28, 1420-AUGUST 5, 1420. THE TABORITES AND CALIXTINES — DIVERSE VIEWS OF CIVIL POLITY — ARTICLES OP THE CALIXTINES — ARTICLES OF THE TABORITES — REJECTED BY THE CALIXTINES — • VIOLENCE OF THE TABORITES — THEIR CHARACTER THEIR ASSEMBLIES — PRIMITIVE SIMPLICITY TABOR — SCRIPTURAL AUTHORITY — REJECTION OF THE CEREMONAIL OF THE ROMAN CHURCH — THE ARTICLES SCANDALIZE THE CALIXTINES — MARTIN LOQDI — VIEWS OF PROPHECY HATRED OF MONASTERIES — IDOLATRY, SUPERSTI- TION, AND TRADITION — VIEWS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS — LETTER OF .SNEAS SYLVIUS — DIVERSITY OF OPINION — VALOR OF THE TABORITES — THE CALIXTINES — THEIE CONSEB.VATIVE ATTACHMENT TO THE ROMAN CHURCH — BALANCE OF PARTIES AT PRAGUE — THE BARONS OP THE KINGDOM CALIXTINES, 440 CHAPTER XYI. THE CAMPAIGNS OF ZISCA. AUG. 5, 1420-OCT. 11, 1424. RETREAT OF THE EMPEROR — DEPARTURE OF THE TABORITES FROM PRAGUE — RAVA- GES "DP ZISCA — ATTACK ON PRACHATITZ — SIGISMUND's CONFERENCES WITH THE NOBLES — HIS SECOND ARMY AND CAMPAIGN — TABORITES AND CALIXTINES COM- PROMISE DIFFERENCES — CROWN OP BOHEMIA OFFERED TO THE KING OF POLAND — ZISCA AND THE MONKS — BOHUSLAUS VON SCHWAMBEBG — SECESSION OF SOLDIERS FROM ZISCA's army — DEFEAT OF THE IMPERIALISTS AT KLADRUB — LEAGUE OP CONTENTS. XI BOHEMIAN CITIES WITH PRAGUE — MARTIN LOQUI — HIS OPINIONS — HE IS BURNED — POLICY OP 2,ISCA — HIS FREEDOM FROM FANATICISM — GROWTH OP THE LEAGUE — CONVENTION AT CZASLAU — VINDICATION OP THE STATES — THEIR COMPLAINT AGAINST SIGISMUND — DEFENCE OF SIGISMUND BY COCHLEIUS — INVASION FROM SILESIA — ZISCA LOSES HIS SIGHT ENTIRELY AT THE SIEGE OP RABY — STILL HEADS HIS ARMY — PLANS OF INVASION FROM THE EAST AND WEST — CEREMONIES OP TABORITE WORSHIP — KUTTENBERG REVOLTS — ZISCA IN DANGER — EXTRICATES HIM- SELF — VICTORY AT DEUTSCHBROD — DISASTROUS RETREAT OF THE IMPERIALISTS — GENERALSHIP OP ZISCA — BISHOP OF LEITOMISCHEL DEFEATED — INVASION OP MORAVIA — THE CROWN OF BOHEMIA — EXECUTIONS AT PRAGUE — CORYBUT — DIET AT PRAGUE — ZISCA DISSATISFIED — HOSTILITIES WITH THE CALIXTINES — MARCH ON KONIGGRATZ — DEFEAT OP THE CALIXTINES — ZISCA BECOMES A TABORITE — MARCHES INTO MORAVIA — RETURNS — SUCCESSIVE BATTLES — MARCHES AGAINST PRAGUE — ZISCa's SPEECH — ITS EFFECT — NEGOCIATIONS — PEACE SECURED — THB EMPEROR TREATS WITH ZISCA — HIS HUMILIATION — ZISCa's SUDDEN DEATH — HI3 EPITAPH, PERSON, AND CHARACTER, 471 CHAPTER XYII. THE LAST CRUSADE. DEFEAT OF THE BIPERIALISTS. OCT. 11, 1424r-JAN., 1432. THE COUNCIL OP SIENNA — ITS PERSECUTING DECREE — THE " ORPHANS " — PROCO- PIUS MAGNUS — A NEW INVASION — DIET AT FRANKFORT — THE FOUR ARMIES — DEFEAT OP THE IMPERIALISTS — VARIANCE BETWEEN THE CALIXTINES AND TABOR - ITES — CONVENTION AT BERAUN — IT PROVES FUTILE — SIGISMUND's CLAIMS — MEASURES OF PROCOPICS — HIS CAMPAIGNS — MARTIN V. URGES A CRUSADE — LET- TER TO THE KING OP POLAND — DIETS OF PRESBURG AND NUREMBERG — THB FINAL CRUSADE — LETTER OP THE CARDINAL LEGATE — LETTER OP THE BOHEMIANS — EOUT OP THE ARMY — BOOTY, 510 CHAPTER XVIII. THE COUNCIL OF BASLE. CALIXTINE ASCENDENCY. 1432-1467 NECESSITY OP A COUNCIL — DEMAND FOE REFORM — SIGISMUNd's ASSUMED LENIENCY — CONCILIATORY PLAN OF THE COUNCIL — DISSATISFACTION OF THE POPE — THE COUNCIL OF BASLE DECLARED TO BE DISSOLVED — THE SURPRISE OCCASIONED — REPLY OF CARDINAL JULIAN — THE COUNCIL RESOLVE TO CONTINUE THEIR SESSIONS — THE LEGATE REMONSTRATES WITH THE POPE — FIRMNESS OP THE COUNCIL — THB BMPEEOR — ITALY — THE POPE CITED — THE BOHEMIANS AT BASLE — THEIR EECEP- Xll COXTETTTS. TIOX — HOW THEIE RELUCTANCE WAS OVERCOME — HOSTAGES DEMANDED — THE BOHEMIANS BEFORE THE COUNCIL — ROKYZAN — THE CALIXTINE ARTICLES DEFENDED — TERMS OFFERED BT THE BOHEMIANS — DISCUSSION IN THE COUNCIL — UNSATIS- FACTORY ISSUE — RETURN OF THE BOHEMIANS TO PRAGUE — DEPUTATION OF THE COUNCIL AT PRAGUE — THE ULTIMATUM — CONCESSIONS — THE COMPACTATA — THE CALIXTINES AND TABORITES AT VARIANCE — CONFLICT — DEFEAT AND DEATH OP PROCOPIUS — STRENGTH OF THE TABORITES BROKEN — DEMAND OF THE STATES OP BOHEMIA — CONSPIRACY AGAINST SIGISMUND — HIS RESOLUTION — HIS DEATH — ALBERT OF AUSTRIA — GEORGE PODIEBRAD — THE TABORITE SUPREMACY SUP- PRESSED, 520 CHAPTER XIX. THE TABORITES AND MORAVIANS. 1460-1517. EARLY HISTORY OP THE MORAVIANS — COUNCIL OP BASLE — COMPACTATA OF IGLAU — COURSE OP ROKYZAN — PERSECUTING AND VIOLENT MEASURES — BANDS OP EXILES "the UNITED brethren" — TRYING PERIOD — ROKYZAN's TIMIDITY SYSTEM OF CHURCH ORDER — SYNODS — BISHOPS — FOREIGN SYMPATHY SOUGHT — THE CALIXTINES WAR BETWEEN BOHEMIA AND HUNGARY — DEATH OF GEORGE PODIEBRAD — LENIENT MEASURES — PERSECUTION RENEWED — MICHAEL POLLACK PROJECTED MASSACRE — DIET OP 1485 — THE "AGREEMENT" OF THE BRETHREN CALUMNY — POLITICAL INFLUENCE — PERSECUTING SPIRIT OP THE CALIXTINES CHURCHES OF THE BRETHREN — PROPOSAL TO EXTIRPATE THE BRETHREN — A DIS- PUTATION APPOINTED — SEVERE EDICTS — ANECDOTE OF ONE OP THE BRETHREN CRUELTIES IN 1510 — FOREIGN SYMPATHY — ERASMUS — PERIOD OP TRIAL — RE- COGNITION OF OTHER CHRISTIANS, 563 CHAPTER XX. REFORMATION IN GERMANY. THE BRETHREN. 1517-1602. GERMAN DEMAND FOR REFORM — ECCLESIASTICAL IMPOSITIONS — EXTORTION — IN- DULGENCES — EELICS — APPEARANCE OF LUTHER — HIS VIEWS ADVOCATED AT PRAGUE — THOMAS MUNZEE — CORRESPONDENCE WITH LUTHER — HE PRINTS THE brethren's CONFESSION — HIS LETTER TO MELANCHTHON — DEPUTATION TO WIT. TEMBERG — PAPAL POLICY IN BOHEMIA MEASURES OF THE LEGATE — ZAHERA THE REFORMATION IN AUSTRIA — LENIENT POLICY OF FERDINAND — CAPITO AND BUCER — BOHEMIAN SYMPATHY WITH THE REFORMERS — HARSH MEASURES AGAINST THE BRETHREN — THE EXILES — GEORGE ISRAEL — THE BARON OF SHANOW — DECREE — VICTIMS OP PERSECUTION — INTRODUCTION OP THE JESUITS — MAXI- MILIAN I. — PERSECUTING MEASURES DEFEATED — JOHN CRATO — LENIENT POLICY OF MAXIMILIAN — THE BRETHREN'S BIBLE — EFFORTS FOR UNION — PROSPERITY — • THE BRETHREN IN OTHER LANDS — RUDOLPH II. — TOLERATION, ... 577 CONTENTS. XUl CHAPTER XXI PROTESTANTISM IN BOHEMIA, DOWN TO THE CLOSE OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 1602-1650. FAVORABLE PERIOD — SPREAD OF PROTESTANTISM — THE JESUITS — CATHOLIC LEAGUE PERSECUTING MEASURES OP 1605 — RUDOLPH FORCED TO REPEAL THE EDICT MATTHIAS OF AUSTRIA —HIS DESIGNS — THE DEMANDS OF THE STATES PRESENTED — THE EMPEROR AND THE STATES — THE LATTER DISSATISFIED — DIET OP 1609 — THE EMPEROR GRANTS THE DEMAND OP THE PROTESTANTS — GENERAL SATISFACTION — PROTESTANT PROGRESS — JESUIT ENCROACHMENT — INVASION OF THE ARCHDUKE LEOPOLD — DEATH OF RUDOLPH — ACCESSION OF MATTHIAS — CHANGE OF POLICY — REJECTION OF THE COMPLAINTS OP THE PROTESTANTS — FERDINAND II. MATTHIAS PROPOSES HIMAS HIS SUCCESSOR — RELUCTANCE OF THE STATES — -CHARACTER AND POLICY OF FERDINAND — HIS PERSECUTION OF PROTESTANTS IN HIS STATES — HIS BIG- OTRY — PROVOCATION OF THE PROTESTANTS — EXULTATION OF THE JESUITS THE TRI- UMPHAL ARCH AT OLMUTZ — A MEETING OF THE PROTESTANT STATES SUMMONED — IMPERIAL COMMAND — THE STATES MEET TO REPLY— COUNT THURN — MARTINITZ, SLAWATA, AND FABRICIUS THROWN FROM THE WINDOWS — VIOLENCE IN THE CITY — LETTERS OF THE STATES TO THE EMPEROR — THE JESUITS EXPELLED — FERDI- NAND DEPOSED — THE ELECTOR PALATINE CHOSEN KING — FERDINAND CHOSEN EM- PEROR— HE IS SUPPORTED BY THE LEAGUE — COMMENCEMENT OF THE THIRTY years' war — SCENES IN BOHEMIA — BOHEMIA ABANDONED BY HER PROTESTANT ALLIES — FATE OF PROTESTANTISM — THE JESUIT CAMPIAN — ACTS OF VIOLENCE — THE MARTYRS — OUTRAGES COMMITTED — PARDONS — FORCED CONVERSIONS — FUGI- TIVES AND EXILES — THE RESULTS OF PERSECUTION — CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS, 602 APPENDIX. NOTES No. 1—36, Vol. I 653-379 No. 37— 49, Vol. II 679-686 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. CHAPTER I. HUSS m PRISON. HIS REFUSAL TO RECANT. FAREWELL LETTERS. Depressing Circumstances op Huss. — Denied an Advocate. — His Letters and Conversation in Past Years Brought Forward. — Want of Books. — Hope- lessness OF HIS Case. — Prison Reflections. — Zabarella's Form of Recanta- tion Presented to Him. — Reply of Huss. — Gratitude for Kini>ness. — Persuasions of his Friends. — Argument of a Member of the Council to Overcome his Scruples. — The Crime op Huss in Refusing Submission to the Council. — His Unshaken Purpose. — Visit op Paletz. — Argument op one op the Doctors. — Explanatory Letter of Huss. — His Estimate op the Council. — The Treatment op his Books. — The Council Condemns It- self.— Letter to his Countrymen at Prague. — Time op Huss' Execution Deferred. — General Expectation that he would Recant. — Proposed De- cree in such a Case. — Reasons op the Expectation. — Hopes Excited in Huss BY THE Delay. — Letter on the Prolonged Space Given to Prepare FOR Death. — No Surprise to be Felt at Tribulation. — Rejoicing that his Books had been Read by his Enemies. — The Emperor Anxious to have him Recant. — His Firmness. — His Opinion of the Emperor. — Farewell Letters. — Asks an Audience. — Asks a Confessor. — Paletz Denied Him. — Visit op Paletz. — Dreams of Huss. — Scriptural Consolation. — Chlum. — DuBA. — Christiann. — Second Farewell to Friends at Prague. — Greet- ings.— Postscript. — Debts. — Asks Chlum to Stay to the Last. — Lettek. TO Martin. — Addresses all Classes. — Malice op Causis. — Huss in Prison. June 8, 1415-July 1, 1415. What must have been the feelings of Huss as the guard escorted him back to his cell ! For six months he had been kept a close prisoner. His health had given way under the hardships to which he had been VOL. II. 1 2 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. J subjected. Once his life had been in such danger that the council were like to lose their victim, and from policy rather than compassion he was removed to a more airy and comfortable cell, and the pope's physician had been sent to attend him. With the interval of a slight recovery, he was again attacked with a new access of his severe distemper. " I have been," so he writes, " a second time dreadfully tor- mented with an affection of my bladder, which I never had before, and with severe vomiting and fe- ver ; my keepers feared I should die, and they have led me out of my prison." ^ This was probably for a few moments to enjoy the fresh air. His keepers seem to have been moved to compassion by his suf- ferings,*^ and some of them appear to have shown him no little kindness.' After four months' impris- onment at Constance, Huss was removed to Gottlie- ben. Here his situation was changed much for the worse. His prison was the tower.* In the day-time he was chained, yet so as to be able to move about. At night, on his bed, he was chained by his hand to a post. His subsequent treatment was still more harsh. His keepers were changed after the flight of * Epis. xxxviii. ' Epis. Hi. " Huss' jailers were kind and noble- * At Gottlieben, the narrow cell is hearted men. They became very still pointed out in the castle — atpres- Btrongly attached to their prisoner, ent the property of the Count of Ber- and at their request Huss wrote sev- oldingen.of Stuttgard — in which Huss eral brief treatiseson prominent duties was confined. A late visitor at the and doctrines of Cliristianity. There- Castle writes, — " High up under the peated conversations between them roof, at the top of a long stair-case, satisfied the jailers that the doctrines and shaded by thick pines, is a garret of Huss were those of scripture, and it in which one cannot stand upright, was the sympathy and affection which This is the prison of the martyrs John they were led to feel for him, that drew Huss and Jerome of Prague." Becker, them to llie scene of his execution. 84, 85. Ch. I.] HUSS DENIED AN ADVOCATE. 3 the pope — and not for the better. His friends were not allowed to see him. New attacks of his disease, — violent head-aches, hemorrhage, colic, — followed in consequence of this close and cruel confinement. For more than two months his sufferings were extreme. It was not till the beginning of the month of June that he was removed from his prison at Gottlieben, and conveyed to Constance. Without the uninter- rupted quiet of even a single day, his trial proceeded. He found himself compelled to meet it in infirm health, and in a most weak and exhausted condition. He had demanded of the judicial committee an ad- vocate to manage his cause for him, but this, which he was at first encouraged to expect, was finally re- fused him, on the ground that no such privilege could be granted to a heretic.^ He was thus pre- sumed guilty even before he was tried. Gerson did not hesitate afterwards to ascribe the condemnation of Huss to the injustice of this proceeding. "Had he been allowed an advocate, the council would never have been able to convict him of heresy." Huss was undoubtedly disappointed at the refusal of a request so just and reasonable. Yet he calmly submitted to the wrong. " Well, then," said he, " let the Lord Jesus be my advocate, who also will soon be my judge." He was thus forced of necessity to depend upon himself alone for his defence. In chains, and in the endurance of the most severe sufferings, he was obliged to draw up his answers to the charges pre- sented. And here he found, to his grief and indig- nation, that the most unfair advantages had been * Epi?. xlix. 4 LIFE AOT) TIMES OF JOHIST HUSS. [Ch. I. taken of him. Passages from intercepted letters, in part distorted, and conversations with theologians once his friends, but who had now deserted him, in which he had used familiar expressions in confidence, were recalled and employed to his prejudice.^ His letters to his friends at Prague, by a system of es- pionage as well as through their indiscretion, had fallen into the hands of his enemies, and been used against him. Paletz sometimes visited him in prison, and sought to overwhelm him by harsh language. " Sad greeting" ^ Huss calls it, as well he might. He speaks of Paletz generally as his fiercest enemy, who did him the most injury. Still his Christian spirit, overcoming every revengeful thought, led him to pray, " May God Almighty forgive him." " Yet," says he, " never in my whole life did I receive from any man harsher words of comfort than from Paletz." In such circumstances as these Huss had to look around him for the means of making his defence. But he found himself totally in want of books. At first he had not even a Bible, and was obliged to ask his friends to procure him one.^ He says, indeed, that he had brought with him the Sentences of Lombard and a Bible, but he could not have taken them with him into his prison. Could the cruelty of his ene- mies have deprived him even of these? It must have been so. All these things were enough to have driven any ordinary man to despair. To be denied an advo- cate— to have his few books withheld from him — to have numerous and skilful enemies taking every pos- ' Epis. xliii. xlviii, " " Salutatione liorribilissima." Epis. xlvi. ' Epis. lii. liii. Ch.l] hopelessness of his case. ,5 sible advantage of his helplessness, in framing charges of which he was long kept in ignorance — to know that the learning, talent, and sympathies of the whole council, spurred on by the bitterest malice, were arrayed against him,— was enough to discourage the efforts and palsy the energies of any man whose help was not in a more than mortal arm. Enfeebled by disease, worn out with suffering and want of sleep, he had been called to appear before the council and enter upon his defence. On every side he saw hostile faces and prejudiced judges. His conscientious scru- ples were met by derision, and his arguments were answered by ridicule. He was frequently inter- rupted or cut short in his replies. New articles were presented, which he had never seen or heard of until the moment when they were produced. His request for a further and fuller hearing was met by threats of the consequences should he persist in his demand of what had been promised. A form of retraction had been presented him, which he could not consci- entiously adopt. His request to be instructed in what respects he had erred, that he might intelli- gently disavow his errors, was set aside. He saw before him, instead of an impartial jury, a band of men, through malice or prejudice, conspiring to effect his ruin. Well might he look around him as he left the council, disheartened and despondent. We can but follow him as he is led back to his prison, with the sympathies ever due to the innocent and the wronged. How slowly and sadly must the hours of a sleepless night have dragged along, bringing new bui'dens and anxieties, instead of repose to his ex- 6 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. I hausted frame ! Now his mind reverts to the scenes of the previous day, — and the tumultuous assembly, like a stormy sea of angry faces, is present before him. Pie recalls the years that are past, and stands again in his Bethlehem chapel, in the presence of those who had been awakened to a new life by his thrilling words. Forgetting the tragedy of which he is to be the victim, he is only anxious that the cause for which he has labored may still live on, nurtured to a more vigorous growth by the ashes of his funeral pile. The light of another day at last steals in upon the prisoner, restless on his bed, and brought back to self-consciousness by the clanking of his chain. He recalls, as his exhausted energies will permit him, the points on which he alternately hopes and despairs to be permitted to address the council. How fondly he lingers over the possibility that some at least in that assembly who shall hear his words, shall carry them away in memory, and thus in after days be enabled to repeat to others the lessons of his dying testimony. Fully convinced he is, that the truth he has preached shall still live. The God of truth will not suffer it finally to perish. A century or even centuries may pass over it, buried beneath martyr's dust, but the time of its resurrec- tion and triumph will come at last. At his last appearance before the council, Huss had vainly been urged to accept the terms they had presented. But he could not conscientiously recant doctrines that he had never held, nor could he dis- avow those of the error of which he was not con- vinced. A milder form of abjuration had been Ch.1.] form of recantation. 7 promised him by Zabarella, the Cardinal of Florence. This, it was intimated, he might safely subscribe. To this course he was advised and urged by some of his friends, more anxious for his life than he was himself. This form was brought to Huss in his prison by the Cai-dinal of Ostia, the president of the council. It had been drawn up by their order, and the tenor of it was as follows : " I, John Huss, etc., in addition to the protesta- tions made by me, which I hereby renew, do protest, moreover, that although many things are imputed to me which I never entertained the thought of, I sub- mit myself with humility to the merciful orders and correction of the sacred council, touching all things that have been objected or imputed to me, or drawn from my books, or, in fine, proved by the deposition of witnesses — in order to abjure, revoke, and retra-ct them, and to undergo the merciful penance imposed by the Council, and generally to do all that its good- ness shall judge necessary for my salvation, recom- mending myself to its pity with entire submission." * Iq this formula of recantation there was manifest a greater leniency than was exhibited by the Bohe- mian enemies of Huss. Cardinal Zabarella, by whom it was probably drawn up, was evidently more in- clined to moderation and mercy than many other members of the council.^ And although no one dared openly to advocate his cause, we have every reason to believe that among the few in the council • Von der Hardt, iv. 329. church was to be done away, the cel- ' Becker says, I know not on what ibacy of the clergy must be given up authority, that Zabarella held that — p. 105. if one of the greatest scandals of the 8 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cq. I. who were kindly disposed to liim, or at least sought to save his life, there were some of no little influence. The presiding cardinal, John de Viviers of Ostia, treated him with humanity and kindness. There were strong inducements, not only in the hope of saving his life, but in the entreaties and persuasions of his friends, to lead Huss to adopt the form of re- cantation that had been drawn up. But it was here, and in these very circumstances, that his character shone forth most brightly. He had no ambition to found a sect, or attain notoriety by putting forth new and strange dogmas. His constant appeal — and this was his real crime in the eyes of the coun- cil that had judged the pope, and allowed no other being, human or divine, to share its tribunal — was to the word of God. Nobly did he exhibit, and he- roically did he adhere to that principle which was the stronghold, a century later, of the great German reformer. Huss could not accept the form of recantation drawn up for him, grateful as he expressed himself for the kindness by which it had been modified, if not dictated. He felt that to adopt it would be a compromise of principle. Calmly and clearly he stated his reasons for rejecting it: "My father," said he, in reply to the cardinal, "may the Almighty Father, most wise and holy, count you worthy the reward of eternal glory, through Jesus Christ. Most reverend father, I am truly grateful for your kind and fatherly favor. But I dare not submit, ac- cording to the tenor of this proposition made by me to the council. For in such a case I must needs con- Ch. I.] REASONS FOR NOT ABJURING. 9 demn many truths, an act wliich (as I have heard from their own lips) they call scandalous. Besides, through such an abjuration I must perjure myself by the confession that I have held errors. By these things should I give scandal to the people of God, who heard from me in my preaching that with which this would be inconsistent. If therefore Ele- azar, under the Old Testament, of whom we read in Maccabees, would not falsely confess that he had eaten meat by the law forbidden, lest he should sin against God, and leave an evil example to those that should come after him, — how shall I, a priest of the New Testament, although unworthy, for fear of a punishment which will soon be passed, consent, by a grievous sin, to transgress the law- of God, — first, by departing from the truth ; secondly, by commit- ting perjury ? In truth, it is better for me to die, than, by flying from a momentary pain, fall into the hands of God, and perhaps have fire and everlasting con- tempt for my portion. And, inasmuch as I have appealed to Jesus Christ, the most powerful and righteous Judge, committing his own cause into his hands, I do therefore abide by his most holy de- cree and sentence, knowing that he will jud^e each man, not according to false testimony, nor accordino* to fallible councils, but according to truth and indi- vidual desert." Such an answer, from one whose words meant what they expressed, was worthy of, and could have pro- ceeded only from a spirit lifted above the world, and made heroic by faith in God. Many, no doubt, of the friends of Huss regretted the decision which he 10 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. I. had made. Under the pressure of the immediate danger of his life, they would at least have counselled him to temporize. One of these/ a member of the council, whose kindness Huss had before experienced, sought to overcome by gentle persuasions the scru- ples which he felt in regard to recanting. "As to your first objection," said he, " let not this, my most loving and beloved brother, have weight with you, that you thus condemn the truth. For it is not we, but they, who condemn it — they who now are your and my superiors. Consider the saying, ' Lean not to thine own understanding.' There are many learned and conscientious men in the council. ' My son, hear the law of thy mother.' This much to your first objection. " As to the second, in regard to perjury: This per- jury, if it he perjury, would recoil not upon you, but upon those who require it. Your views on these subjects are not heresies unless you persist obstinately in maintaining them.*^ Augustine, Origen, the Mas- ter of Sentences, and others have fallen into error, but they cheerfully forsook it. I have many times be- lieved myself to be acquainted with matters in which I was ill-informed. When set right, I joyfully re- turned to correct views. " I write, moreover, briefly, for I write to a man of understanding. You will not recede from the truth, but will approximate to the truth. You will not perjure yourself, but will better yourself You will not give scandal, but you will edify. Eleazar * Some imagine this friend to have others, less probably, that it was Car- been John Cardinal, a Polish doctor ; dinal de Viviers himself. " Epis. xxxi. Ch. I.] IIUSS URGED TO A15JURE. 11 was a noble Jew. Judas, with his seven sons and the eight martyrs, was nobler. St. Paul was let down from the wall secretly in a basket, tliat he might work out better things. May Jesus Christ, the judge of your appeal, grant you apostles,^ and these are they. Conflicts yet await you for the faith of Christ." By others, also, Huss was urgently pressed to re- cant. Again and again, both in private and public, he was beset by the importunities of those who felt for him a strong attachment, or who, highly respect- ing his character and talents, wished to snatch him from the flames. The council, moreover, with all the eagerness of some of its members for the severest measures, could not be altogether blind to the wiser policy of forcing Huss to acknowledge publicly the supremacy and infallibility of their judgment. The question, in fact, was reduced to this : The council, or private judgment — which must yield ? The council would allow no rival. They had deposed a pope, and the acknowledgment of their supremacy was with them a vital point. Huss could not blindly submit to place them in the seat of Christ — to en- throne them above the word of God. This was his crime. In the eyes of the council it was an aggra- vated one, and it ensured his doom. The prisoner remained steadfast in his purpose. His conscience forbade him to sacrifice the truth. To * These words, " Jesus Christ grant were sometimes obtained in cases of you apostles," etc., are quite obscure appeal from the judge who had con- in their meaning. It is plain that demned. These were called " apos- thej- have some reference to the ap- ties." If these were not obtained peal of Huss. Letters di?missory witliin a certain time, the appeal was from the jurisdiction of the court null and void. — L Enfant, i. 343. 12 LIFE AND TDIES OF JOHN HTJSS. [Ch. L all tlie solicitations of friendship, to all the authori- tative advice of members of the council, to public and private persuasions, he remained equally un- moved. " I would sooner," said he, " have a mill- stone bound about my neck, and be cast into the sea, than give occasion of scandal to my neighbor ; and, having preached to others constancy and endurance, I will set them an example, looking for help to the grace of God." ^ There was never in the prisoner a moment's wavering. Among others that visited him was Paletz, his former friend. He evidently had not counted on the constancy of Huss. Resolved to humble him as a rival, he could scarce have sought his life. All the persuasions of Paletz were em- ployed to shake the prisoner's firmness. " Put your- self," said Huss, " in my place. What would you do if you were thoroughly assured that you had never held the errors which they wish you to retract?" " I confess," said Paletz, " it is hard," and for once the tears filled his eyes.^ The persecutor paid his victim the tribute of sympathy, wrung out by respect for truthful constancy, and perhaps the memory of former friendship. It is not impossible that remorse for his conduct, which was leading to a strangely fatal result, had something to do with his tears. In one of his letters^ Huss gives the substance of the argument of one of the doctors who was urging him to a blind submission to the council. "Even though the council," said he, " should tell you that you have but one eye, and you have two, you would be bound to assent to their statement." " And I," ' Ep. xxxiii, ' lb. xxx, ' lb. xxxiii. Ch.L] the guilt of abjuring. 13 replied Huss, " while God spares my reason, would never allow such a thing, though the whole world were agreed upon it, because I could not say it with- out wounding my conscience." No wonder the doc- tor was confused by the reply. The illustration he had selected was too ridiculous for ridicule. It only set the conscientiousness of Huss, as well as the ab- surdity of the demands made upon him, in a too ob- vious light. Nothing now remained for Huss but to prepare himself and his friends for the fatal result which his own constancy rendered inevitable. Carefully and clearly does he lay down the principles upon which his conduct was based. He does not trifle with his ' fate. His words are calm and serious, as were be- fitting his circumstances. " Often," says he, " have the demands of the council upon me been urged. But, inasmuch as they imply that I recant, abjure, and submit to penance, in matters of truth which I must give up — requiring me to abjure, and perjure myself by confessing errors falsely imputed to me — demanding that I should give offence to many of God's people to whom I have preached, — for which I should deserve that a mill-stone should be tied about my neck, and I be cast into the midst of the sea — and because, if I should submit, in order to escape a temporary trouble and penalty, I should plunge my- self into far greater, unless I should repent, — ^for these reasons I cannot yield. And for my consola- tion, I think of the seven martyrs of the Maccabees, who chose rather to be cut in pieces than disobey God by eating flesh. I think, moreover, of Eleazar, 14 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. I. "who would not even say that he had eaten flesh con- trary to the law, lest he should set an evil example to those that should come after him, choosing rather to endure martyrdom. Wherefore, having these be- fore my eyes, as well as many holy men and women of the New Testament who gave themselves up to martyrdom because they would not consent to sin ; and, moreover, having preached so many years on the duty of constancy and endurance, I cannot but say of a course by which I must .utter many false- hoods, and commit perjury, giving offence to many of God's children — far be it, far be it from me ! For my Master, Christ, shall be hereafter my reward, while even now he gives me the aid of his pres- ence." ^ Such were the reasons which Huss repeatedly and on different occasions urged in defence of his course. They were neither fanciful nor fanatical, but such as would be appreciated by his friends and followers at Prague. To these he wrote from time to time as occasion offered, and his letters were publicly read in the Bethlehem chapel, where his voice had once been so often heard. " My dear brethren, (so he writes back to Bohemia,) I have thought that it might be well to admonish you how my books written in the Bohemian language have been condemned in the council of Constance — though itself full of pride, av- arice, ambition, and almost every vice — as being heretical. They have hardly been seen or read, or, if read, not understood. ... If ye had been present here at Constance, ye would have seen this council, * Epis. XX. Ch. I.] TREATMENT OF HIS BOOKS. 15 called holy, and therefore claimed to be infallible, as though it could not err, to be shameful and scanda- lous ; for the very citizens of this country say, as I have heard, that this city will not recover in thirty years from the sins and scandals of this council." He bids his friends not to be frightened at the decision against his books. " They have attempted to frighten me fi-om the truth of Christ, but the strength of God in me they have been unable to overcome. . . . They would not venture to discuss with me, though I professed my willingness to be instructed, on the authority of the Sacred Scriptures. . . . Not by these, but by terrors and threats have they tried to overcome me. But the God of mercy, to whose word I bow, is with me, and still will be, as I am confident, and in his grace will keep me even until death." In another letter Huss reminds his friends of the treatment of the books of Jeremiah — full as harsh as that which his own had experienced, and yet they w^ere not suppressed. In later times the sacred writings were burned, as well as the works of sev- eral of the fathers, but they could not be suppressed. He bids them not to neglect his books, or give them to his enemies to be burned. As to themselves, they need not be terrified. The forces of Antichrist would perhaps leave them at peace. The council of Constance would scarcely come to Prague, and some of his followers, he believed, would sooner die than give up his books. Even in the danger in which Huss found himself of his life, he did not fear to give free expression to 16 LIFE AND TBLES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. I. the severe judgment he had formed of his judges. He speaks of their having condemned their head, while many of themselves were guilty of the same crimes. " Would to God," says he, " that in this council it had been said by divine authority, Let him that is without sin among you first pass sen- tence. Undoubtedly they would have gone forth, one after the other. Why, then, have they hereto- fore bowed to him, kissed his feet, called him Most Holy, when they have known and seen that he was a heretic, a murderer, a reprobate wretch, as they have publicly charged him with being ? Yea, why did the cardinals speak of him as holy, when they knew that he murdered his predecessor ? Why did they allow him, while he was yet pope, to drive such a traffic as he did in holy things ? They are his .counsellors for the very purpose of giving him the best advice, and if they failed to do it are they not equally guilty ? . . . I think we may plainly see Antichrist revealed in the pope, and others present at the council." Such were the views which Huss had held at Prague — now confirmed by his experience at Con- stance— and in the conviction of the truth of which he was willing to die. In full anticipation of the final result, he wrote, on the tenth of June, a letter to his friends in Prague, in which he gives them for the last time — as he feared — his counsel and en- couragement. In this parting address, that might be almost dated from the martyr's stake, he speaks with an apostolic earnestness and unction. He for- gets no class, neither rich nor poor, male nor female, Cn. I.] FAREWELL LETTER TO PRAGUE. 1*7 but adapts his words to tlie circumstances of each.^ "I, Master John IIuss, in the hope that I am God's servant, wish, on behalf of all the faithful of Bohemia who love God, that they may live and die in the grace of God, and at last be saved. Amen. Ye princes, high and low, I pray for and admonish you, that ye obey God, reverence his word, and live according to it. I beseech you to abide in the truth of God, which I have preached and written to you from his word and from the holy prophets. I be- seech you, if any one among you has heard from me, by public speech or otherwise, or has read in my books, anything contrary to the truths of God, that you reject it, although I am not conscious of having written or taught any such error. " I beseech, moreover, if anyone has observed any levity in my speech or conduct, that he copy not my example, but intercede with God in my behalf that such levity may be forgiven me. I beseech you to love and hold in high esteem those priests who dis- charge well the duties of their office, especially those who labor in the word of God. But beware of the wicked, especially those Godless pastors that go about, as the Master says, in sheep's clothing, but in- wardly they are ravening wolves. Ye nobles, I beseech you, deal fairly with your subjects, and maintain just government. Ye burghers, I beseech you that ye each live in his estate in such a manner as to keep a clear conscience. Ye artisans, labor faithfully, and earn your bread in the fear of God. ' Epis. xii. VOL. II. 2 18 LIFE AIST) TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. I. Ye servants, serve your masters in truth. Ye school- masters, instruct the youth to purity of life, and teach them with diligence and fidelity. First of all, that they fear God, and keep him before their eyes. Then, that they study with all diligence, not for gain or the honor of the world, but for God's glory, the good of men, and 'their own salvation. Students in the university, and all other pupils, I pray you be obedient to your masters in all that is honorable and praiseworthy, following their good example, and dili- gently studying, that by your means God's glory may be promoted, and yourselves with others advance in all that is good. . " Finally, I pray you all gj-atefully to regard the excellent lords Wenzel de Duba, John de Chlum. Henry Plumlow, William Zagetz, and other nobles from Bohemia, Moravia, and Poland, and treat them with studious respect. For many a time have they set themselves against the whole council, and man- fully defended the truth, exerting themselves to the utmost to save my life, especially Duba and Chlum, to whom you may give full credit in the entire ac- count which they will render you of what has taken place. For they have been often by, when I have answered before the council, and they know who those Bohemians are who have treated me with Beverity and harshness, and how the whole council cried out against me when I merely answered the questions which they asked. " I beseech you, moreover, to pray to God for the emperor, and for your king and queen, that the God of mercy may be with and among you forever. Ch. I.] BETHLEHEM CHUECH. 19 " This letter have I written to you in prison and in chains, and this morning I have heard of the deci- sion of the council that I must be burned. But I have full confidence in God that he will not forsake me, nor permit me to deny his truth, or with perjury confess as mine the errors falsely imputed to me by lying witnesses. But how gently God my Master deals with me, and supports me through surprising conflicts, ye shall learn when, amid the joys of the life to come, we shall, through the grace of Christ, behold one another again. " Of my dear friend. Master Jerome, I hear noth- ing, except that he is kept close in prison, where, like me, he awaits death for the faith which he has manifested in Bohemia. But our bitterest enemies, the Bohemians who have ill-treated us, go from bad to worse. I beseech you, pray God in their behalf. But this one thing I do especially beseech of you, that ye cherish the Bethlehem church, and faithfully attend to it as long as God shall gi ve you grace, that God's word be preached therein ; for of such a church is the devil the sworn enemy, and he raises up against it the priests and their tools, for he sees that by its means his kingdom is in danger of being broken up. But I hope in God that he will sustain the church in his good pleasure, and cause his word to be imparted there through others more largely than it has been by my poor efforts. "I beseech you, love one another — swerve not from the truth. Meditate upon it — how the righteous may not be crushed. Given on Monday night before the day of St. Vitus, by a fiiithful messenger." 20 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHJST HUSS. [Ch. I. Such was the calm and manly tone of this letter of Huss, written under the impression that it would be his last ! It manifests throughout a noble and Christian spirit. There is no railing at his ene- mies. There is no wild fanatic enthusiasm. There is no despondency. In a more than human strength he prepared himself to meet his fate.^^^ But events of which Huss was not aware led to a postponing of the time of his execution. While the council had resolved that if he should refuse to re- cant he should be burned, and this fact had been communicated to him to awe and frighten him into submission, they had also secretly resolved, in the confident expectation that he would consent to the form of recantation, that, after having given this con- sent, he should for the remainder of his life be doomed to close imprisonment. The tenor of this proposed decree, giving hope of the issue which the council most desired, shows that among its members there were those who entertained no doubt of being able to persuade Huss to recant, and save his life. This proposed decree is worthy of being given entire, as it shows what the tender mercies of the council would have been even in case Huss had submitted. It is as follows '} — " But, inasmuch as from some manifest signs it is conjectured that the said John Huss experiences con- trition for his former sins, and, influenced by sound advice, is desirous of returning to the truth of the church of God, with a pure heart, and with faith un- feigned,— therefore this holy council cheerfully allows * Van der llardt, iv. 432. Ch. I.] THE PROPOSED DECREE. 21 liim to present himself voluntarily, for the purpose of abjuring and revoking all heretical pravity and error, specially the errors of John Wickliffe, receiv- ing him, upon confessing of his own accord, with the prodigal son, the sins he has committed, and mani- festing penitence, and absolving him, humbly seeking absolution from the sentence of excommunication which rests upon him. But, inasmuch as from the doctrines of the said John Huss, unsound, inconsis- tent with the faith, and full of error, innumerable scandals and seditions have sprung up in the church of God, and among the people, and through him grievous sins have been committed against God and the holy church in the matter of perverse doctrine, and contempt for the keys and censures of the church, to the imminent danger of the Catholic faith, — there- fore this present most holy council decrees and de- clares that the said John Huss, as a man scandalous, seditious, pernicious to the holy church of God, shall be deposed and degraded fi-om the sacerdotal rank, or whatever rank in the church he may hold ; com- mitting, nevertheless, to the most reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishop of Milan, the bishops of Feltri, Asti, Alexandria, Bakora,* to execute in a becoming manner, as the order of the law requires, the degra- dation of John Huss in the presence of this most holy council ; and the council pronounces and decrees that John Huss, as a man dangerous to the Christian faith, for the aforesaid reasons, shall be immured and imprisoned, and ought to be immured and impris- oned, and thus perpetually to remain, and shall be * Eachorensi (Bangor?) 22 LIFE AIS'D TIMES OF JOHIS" HUSS. [Ch, L proceeded against in other respects according to canonical sanctions." ^ This sentence was to have been read in case Huss should consent to abjure, when his degradation from the priesthood was immediately to follow. The im- pression, thus shared by the council, that Huss would yet be induced to recant, was due in part undoubt- edly to the hopes of the prisoner's friends, rather than to any words or actions of his own. From first to last, the idea of escaping by a feigned retraction seems never to have entered his mind. On the morn- ing of the tenth of June, such an announcement of the action of the council was made to him — with the inten- tion, no doubt, to induce him to recant — as led him to believe that he was to be executed the following day. Under this impression he wrote his farewell letter to the Bohemians. But the next day came, and the next, and the execution of the sentence was still de- ferred. It is not surprising that in the mind of the prisoner there should have sprung up a faint hope that he might yet be delivered from the power of his enemies. In his letters, which he still continued to write to his friends in Prague during this interval, we see traces enough of this latent and feeble hope to show us that Huss did not regard death with the indifference of a stoic, or prolonged life with the re- pugnance of a misanthrope. " He felt, in the sense in which Paul did, that it was Christ for him to live, but if truth demanded a victim, he was ready to be offered up. In the doubtful hope that he might yet be by some means rescued, he writes : " Our Saviour » See Mansi. Von der Hardt, iv. 432. L'Enfant, 234. Cn. I.] HOPE OF DELIVERANCE. 23 recalled Lazarus to life after lie liad lain in the grave four days, and liad upon liim the smell of corruption. He preserved Jonah three days in the belly of the fish, and sent him back to preach again ; he called forth Daniel from the den of lions, to record the prophecies ; kept the three young men in the furnace from the power of the flames, and liberated Susan- nah when already condemned to death. Therefore, easily might he deliver me too, poor mortal ! — if it served to jjromote His own glory, the progress of believers, and my own best good — for this time, from prison and from death. For His hand is not short- ened, who by his angel led Peter, while the chains of his hands fell off, from the dungeon, when already condemned to die at Jerusalem. But ever let the will of the Lord be done, which I desire may be ful- filled in me, to his glory and to my own purification from sin." Huss did not fail to write again to his friends at Prague as soon as the opportunity was afibrded. " God be with you," he says, " my most beloved in the Lord. I had strong reasons to believe that my previous let- ter to you would be my last, so near then was the prospect of the goal of death. But now, when I learn that I am spared, my joy is that I may write to you yet once again, and testify my gratitude. As it concerns ray death, God knows why I and my dear brother, Master Jerome, are not executed. He. as I hope, will die innocent and blameless, and he gives evidence that he w^ill suffer and die more cour- ageously than I, poor sinner ! But God has kept us so long in prison, that we may think so much the 24 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHK HDS9. [Ch. 1, more humbly on our past sins, and so mucli more deeply repent of them ; and lie has given us time and space for the severe conflict which blots out great sins, and that our conversation may be so much the more abundant. Yea ! he has given us time enough, in order that we might so much the more fully reflect upon the shameful ignominy and cruel death of our loved King, the Lord Christ, and be so much the more patient to suffer. Thus may you learn that eternal joys are not to be reached through the joys of this world, but the saints, through much tribulation and anguish, have pressed into the kingdom. For some of them were hewn asunder ; some were spit upon ; some sodden ; some flayed alive, or buried alive, stoned, crucified, crushed between mill-stones, and dragged hither and thither until they died. Some were drowned, burned, hung, torn in pieces, and, be- fore they died, shamefully and cruelly treated in prison. But who could undertake to recount all the forms of pain and martyrdom which were endured under the Old Testament, and have been repeated since, to the shame and disgrace of those who in- flicted them — the ecclesiastics ! Why should any one then be surprised that now, with all their base deeds and the injuries they inflict, they remain un- punished? Indeed, I rejoice that they have been forced to read my books, in which their baseness is plainly set forth ; and I know that they have read them far. more diligently than they read the holy gospel, only that they may discover something with which they may be able to find fault." The anxiety of the council, and especially of the em- Cu. I.] THE emperor's DILEMMA. 25 peror, to luduce Huss to retract, led tliem to continue efforts of exhortation and persuasion. The emperor at least could not contemplate the prospect of the execution of IIuss without apprehension as to the results that might follow. It would undoubtedly exasperate the whole Bohemian nation, and their execration would fall, not without reason, upon his own head. The cry of an indignant people, and per- haps the secret reproaches of his own conscience, arose before him and made him hesitate. He had gone too far with the council already to attempt to shield Huss from the sentence of death, unless some retraction on his part could be secured. The attempt to do it would only exasperate the council and lead it to counteract his schemes, or perhaps regard him as implicated in heresy. The abjuration of Huss alone could relieve the emperor from his j)erplexity ; and to obtain it he spared neither prayers, persua- sion, nor threats. From first to last, all these efforts were vain. "I have refused to abjure," — so Huss writes to the Univei'sity of Prague, — " at least till the articles 1 hold are proved to be erroneous on the authority of Sacred Scripture." ^ He disavowed any wish to cling to anything incorrect which could be found in his writings. " I exhort you," he says, " to hold in detestation whatever you shall find to be false in my articles." ^ The efforts of the emperor to induce Huss to ab- jure, only filled the prisoner with a sad and melan- choly pity for his oppressor. He would not have exchanged places w^ith him for the world. " Place ' Epis. xviii. ' Epis. xi. 26 LIFE A]S^D TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. L not your confidence in princes of tlie earth," ^ wrote lie to bis Bohemian friends. Sorely had he been de- ceived in his estimate of the character of Sisrismund. o He now acknowledged the more correct apprehen- sions of his friends. " Truly did they say that Sigis- mund would himself deliver me up to my adversaries ; he has done more, — he has condemned me before them." 2 Thus by his firmness Huss forced the emperor to incur the disgrace of his own conduct, and, had he sought revenge for the violation of the imperial faith, he had it in denying him the power to rescue him from the funeral pile. The most sanguine friends of Huss must by this time have become fully convinced that his doom was sealed. The firmness of his purj)ose was proof against all persuasions. His mind was fully made up to meet the result which appeared inevitable. His main anxiety now was to secure such an audience before the council as had been promised him by the emperor.^ It only remained for him to take a final leave of his earthly friends and interests. In letters of touch- ing pathos he utters his farewell to those to whom lie was bound by a mutual attach ment.*^'^ He wrote to Hawlik,* his successor in Bethlehem chapel, urging him not to oppose the doctrine of the cup. He* ex- horted Christiann of Prachatitz to diligence in pas- toral duty, and requested him to greet, in his name, Jacobel and the friends of truth.^ He admonished the members of the university to mutual love and * Epis. XXXV. ' lb. ' lb. xxxv. * lb. xvi. ' lb, xvii. Cu. I.] LETTERS TO INDIVIDUALS. 27 sobriety of conduct, stating to them also tlie reasons which forbade him to recant, while he prayed for his enemies that God would forgive them. He begged them to stand by Bethlehem chapel, and to appoint Gallus as his successor. To their love and confidence he recommended his faithful friend, Peter the Notary,^ To his benefactors'^ he returas his hearty tlianks, ad- monishing them to stand fast in their fidelity, and expressing his confidence that God would repay them for what they liad done in his behalf He expresses his apprehension that a severe persecution of the true servants of God in Bohemia would follow his death, unless God should make use of the civil power to prevent it.^ To his friends generally, whom he does not ven- ture to name lest the unavoidable omission of some should give offence, he extends his salutations, de- claring it his unshaken purpose not to recant, yet pi-otesting his desire to be instructed that he might disavow any article which could be shown to be false. He expresses his sense of obligation to the king and queen, the barons and nobles of Bohemia and Mo- ravia, and especially to the Bohemians in Constance, for their friendly offices, and their efforts to secure his liberation.^ From his own experience, he admon- ishes his friends not to put their trust in an arm of flesh.^ To Chlum (June 29) he addresses cheering words of the future glory with Christ, of those who suffer for him now.^ Of his different friends, includ- ing Martin, Peter the Notary, Duba, the family of Liderius, and others, he takes leave, in tender and 1 Epis. xviii, " lb. xxiv. ' lb. xix * lb. xx, ' lb, xxi. ' lb. xx. xxii. 28 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHIS" HUSS. [Cii. L affecting words. He urges that care sliould be taken of his letters, and that they should be carried back to Bohemia, lest his friends should be implicated or brought into danger by means of them^ The lines which he received from time to time from his friends, he immediately destroyed.^ In the letter in which he narrates his sad interview with Paletz, he expresses his joyful assurance of the heavenly glory that shall crown his martyrdom, and his confidence in the strength which Christ alone can impart, praying for " a fearless spirit, a true faith, a firm hope, and perfect charity." ^ He does not forget his nephews, (sons of his brother,) but directs that they should be placed in some secular calling, since he feared that if they were educated for the priest- hood, they would not discharge its duties as they ought.* He dissuades his friends generally from coming to him at Constance, for fear of the conse- quences ; and the sight of Christiann, who had come in the vain hope of serving him, completely un- manned him, and melted him to tears. All the pro- vision which he could make for the payment of his debts at Prague, was made, and in case it proved in- sufiicient, he begged his creditors to forgive him for the sake of their common Master, Christ. Disburdened of other cares, Huss was now anxious only for a final hearing before the council. He beg- ged that the emperor might be present, and that he might himself have a place assigned him near the imperial presence. He requested also that the noble knights, Chlum, Duba, and Latzembock, would take ' Epis. xxvii, ° lb. xxxiv. ' lb. xxx. * lb. xxviii. Cn. I.] HUSS ASKS A CONFESSOE. 29 good care to be present, to witness to his words, and prevent any false repoi'ts in regard to bis statements from going abroad.^ In the prospect of the doom before bim, PIuss sought a confessor. Whom would he select ? Scarcely could he wish for such a one as the council would appoint. He could value but lightly the absolution conferred by hands stained with simony and cor- ruption. His conscience was void of offence, and at peace with God, and no superstitious reverence for the priesthood induced him to believe that his sal- vation was dependent on sacerdotal absolution. It was undoubtedly more with the desire of a full and free conference with his former friend, than from any other motive, that he sought the privilege of having a confessor granted him, and asked that Paletz might be appointed.^ Nothing could more fully testify the humility and the forgiving spirit of Huss than this request. He felt that he had been wronged by those Bohemians who, before the council, had pursued him with unre- lenting hostility. Among these Paletz had held the foremost rank, and he it was whom Huss, with a magnanimity unsurpassed, selected to hear his dying confession. Of him he had most to complain, and to him he had the most to forgive. " Alas ! " said he, " the wounds which we receive from those persons in whom our soul has placed its hope, are the most cruel ; for to the suifej-ings of the body are joined the pangs of betrayed friendship. In my case it is from Paletz that my most profound affliction pro- ' Epis". xlix. ' lb. xxxi. 30 LIFE AND TKIES OF JOHN" HTJSS. [Ch. 1 ceeds." Again lie says, " Paletz is my greatest ad- versary ; it is to him that I wish to confess myself." This request of Huss was refused him, and in his place the bishops sent a monk, whom he speaks well of, and who, after having given him absolution, re- commended to him to submit, but without absolutely commanding it.^ Paletz, moreover, who had previously been applied to, had refused. He recoiled from the j^ainful task which the humility and magnanimity of Huss had imposed. He was, however, vanquished by the noble- ness and generosity of the prisoner's conduct, and he determined to visit him in his cell. When Huss saw him enter, he addressed him not in the language of reproach or passion, but in a mild and melancholy tone. " Paletz," said he, " I uttered some expressions before the council that were cal- culated to offend you. Pardon me." This was un- doubtedly the confession which he most desired to make. And now he had made it, and Paletz was his confessor. His persecutor was deeply affected, and entreated Huss to abjure, undoubtedly with the deepest sincerity ; for he never seems to have appre- hended that his prosecution would cost him the life of one that was once his friend, and whom he could never have ceased really to respect. " I conjure you," said he, " do not look to the shame of retracting, but only to the good that must result from it." " Is not the opprobrium," replied Huss, " of the condemnation and the punishment greater in the eyes of the world than that of the abjuration ? How, then," asked ' Epis. xxxi. Cii. I.] INTERVIEW WITH P^LETZ. 31 Huss, as if in gentle reproach for the imputation of such a motive — " How, then, can you suppose that it is a false shame which prevents me ? " It was on this occasion, probably, that Huss asked the question be- fore referred to, of Paletz, what he would do if the case were his own, and he were required to retract errors that he never held. With tears Paletz con- fessed that the case would be hard indeed. " Is it possible," rejoined Huss, " that you, who are now in this state before me, could have said in full council, when pointing to me, ' that man does not believe in God ? ' " Paletz denied having said it. " You said so, however," repeated Huss ; " and, in addition, you declared that since the birth of Jesus Christ there never was seen a more dangerous heretic. Ah ! Paletz, Paletz, why have you wrought me so much evil ? " Paletz replied by again exhorting him to sub- mit, and then withdrew, weeping bitterly.^ It is no wonder that, in the excited state of the prisoner's mind, and in the solitude of his cell, hia dreams should have partaken of the character of his waking thoughts, or that they should have as- sumed a prophetic aspect. He believed that in this manner he had received intimations of future events. " Know," he writes to his friends, " that I have had great conflicts in my dreams. I dreamed beforehand of the flight of the pope, and after relating it, Chlum said to me in my dream, ' The pope will also return.' Then I dreamt of the imprisonment of Jerome, though not literally according to the fact. All the different prisons to wliich I have been conveyed have been ' Epis. XXX. and xxxi. 32 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOUX HUSS. [Ch. I, represented to me beforeliand in my dreams. There have also appeared to me serpents, with heads also on their tails, but they have- never been able to bite me. I do not write this because I believe my- self a prophet, or wish to exalt myself, but to let you know that I have had great temptations, both of body and soul, and the greatest fear lest I might transgress the commandment of our Lord Jesus Christ." ^ What must have been the strength of the consola- tion by which Huss was sustained amid all the gloomy scenes and trials of his tedious and cruel imprison- ment, and especially with no prospect of relief except by death ! In the noble letter which he wrote on the eve before the festival of St. John the Baptist, he displays the grounds of his comfort, peace, and confidence. " Much consoles me," he says,^ " that word of our Saviour, ' Blessed be ye when men shall hate you. Rejoice ye in that day, and leap for joy, for, behold, great is your reward in heaven.' A good consolation ; nay, the best consolation ; difficult, how- ever, if not to understand, yet perfectly to fulfil, to rejoice amid those suflferings. This rule James ob- serves, who says, ' My beloved brethren, count it all joy when you fall into divers temptations ; knowing this, that the trying of your faith, if it is good, work- eth patience.' Assuredly it is a hard thing to rejoice without perturbation, and in all these manifold temp- tations to find nothing but pure joy. Easy it is to say this, and to expound it, but hard to fulfil it in very deed. For even the most steadfast and patient * Epis. xxiiL * Epis. xxx. Ch. I.] CHEERING EXAMPLE OF CHRIST. 33 warrior, wlio knew that lie should rise on the third day ; who, by his death, conquered his enemies, and redeemed his chosen from perdition, was, after the last supper, troubled in spirit, and said, ' My soul is troubled even unto death ; ' as also the gospel relates, ' that he began to tremble, and was troubled ;' nay, in his conflict he had to be supported by an angel, and he sweat, as it were, great drops of blood falling down to the ground ; but he who was in such trouble said to his disciples, ' Let not your heart be troubled, and fear not the cruelty of those that rage against you, because ye shall ever have me with you to enable you to overcome the cruelty of your tormentors. Hence his soldiers, looking to him as their king and leader, endured great conflicts, went through fire and water, and were delivered. And they received from the Lord the crown of which James speaks, i. 12. That crown will God bestow on me and you, as I confi- dently hope, ye zealous combatants for the truth, with all who truly and perseveringly love our Lord Jesus Christ, who sufi^ered for us, leaving behind an example that we should follow in his steps. It was necessary that he should suffer, as he tells us himself; and we must suffer, that so the members may suffer with the head ; for so he says, ' whoever would fol- low me, let him take up his cross and follow me.' O most faithful Christ, draw us weak ones after thee, for we cannot follow thee if thou dost not draw us. Give us a strong mind, that it may be prepared and ready. And if the flesh is weak, succor us be- forehand by thy grace, and accompany us, for with- out thee we can do nothing ; and least of all, VOL. n. 3 34 LIFE AND TEVIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. I. can we face a cruel death. Give ns a ready and will- ing spirit, an undaunted heart, tlie right faith, a firm hope, and perfect love, that patiently and with joy we may for thy sake give up our life." Such was the letter of Huss — worthy of the noblest of the mar- tyrs. Only in its subscription does it show any trace of the errors or peculiarities of the Romish church. It closes thus : " written in chains, on the vigils of St. John, who because he rebuked wickedness was beheaded in prison : may he pray for us to the Lord Jesus Christ." Huss had written what he supposed was his fare- well letter to his countrymen. During the season of his reprieve — if such it may be called — he writes to various friends. Some of these have already been referred to. But one of the last was addressed to Chlum, who seemed to him dearer than a brother. Many a time had his cheering words, or the warm grasp of his hand, or his genial sympathy, brought comfort to the lonely and neglected prisonei*. Huss now expi'csses to this noble knight his joy at hear- ing that he meant to renounce the vanities and toil- some services of the world, and, retiring to his estates, devote himself wholly to the service of the Lord Jesus Christ, whose service was perfect free- dom. In like manner, he expresses his joy at learn- ing that the knight Duba had resolved to retire from the world and marry. '"It is even time for him," he writes, "to take a new course, for he has already made journeys enough through this kingdom and that, jousting in tournaments, wearing out his body, squandering his money, and doing injury to V Cn. I.] SECOND FAEEWELL LETTEE. 35 his soul. It only remains for bim therefore to re- nounce all these things, and, remaining quietly at home with his wife, serve Gocl, with liis own domes- tics around him. Far better will it be, thus to serve God, without cares, without participation in the sins of the world, in good peace, and with a tranquil heart, than to be distracted with cares in the service of others, and that, too, at the imminent risk of his own salvation." ^ To his friend Christiann, the rector of the university, he writes : " My friend and special benefactor, stand fist in the truth of Christ, and em- brace the cause of the faithful. Fear not, because the Lord will shortly bestow his protection and in- crease the number of his faithful. Be gentle to the poor, as thou ever hast been. Chastity I hope thou hast preserved ; covetousness thou hast avoided, and continue to avoid it ; and for thy own sake, do not hold several benefices at once ; ever retain thy own church, that the faithful may resort for help to thee as an affectionate father." Jacobel, moreover, with " all the friends of the truth," are saluted. The let- ter is subscribed — " written in prison, awaiting my execution at the stake." ^ Last of all, Huss wrote his second farewell letter to his friends at Prague. He besought them that for his sake who would be already dead as to the body, they would do all that lay in their power to prevent the knight of Chlum from coming into any danger. " I entreat you," he writes, "that you will live by the word of God; that you obey God and his commandments, as I have taught you. Express to the king my thanks for all ' Epis. xxiii. • Epis. xviii. 36 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOKN- HUSS. [Cn. I. the kindnesses he has shown me. Greet in ray name your families and your friends, each and all of whom I cannot enumerate. I pray to God for you : do you pray for me ? To him shall we all come, since he gives us help." This letter of Huss, so full of Christian kindli- ness of feeling, was written probably on the fourth day of July, in the immediate expectation of his martyrdom. In the addition which he made to it on the following day, was a sort of postscript to in- form them of his approaching execution. " Already I am confident I shall suffer for the sake of the word of God." He begged his friends, for God's sake, not to allow any ci'uelty whatever to be prac- tised against the servants and the saints of God. He makes the bequest of his fur cloak with a small sum of money, to the friendly notary, Peter ; to others, small legacies, or some of his books : it was nearly, if not quite all that he had to give. Instead of being rich, as was charged in prison, he had to re- quest his friends to discharge for him a few small debts, that his creditors might not suffer. One of the last requests that Huss had to make of his friends was addressed to the faithful Chlum. He wished this brave man whom he loved so ten- derly, to remain with him to the last. " O thou, the kindest and most faithful friend," said he, " may God grant thee a fitting recompense ! I conjure thee to grant me still this — not to dej^art until thou hast seen everything consummated. Would to God that I could be at once led to the stake before thy face, rather than be torn away in prison, as I am by Ch. I.] ADVICE TO MARTIX. 37 perfidious manceuvres ! I still have liope — I still Lave confidence — -tliat Almighty God will previous- ly snatch me from their hands to himself, through the merits of his saints. Salute all our friends for me ; and let them pray to the Lord that 1 may await my death with humility and without mur- niurin£r ." It was in this spirit that Huss prepared himself for the final scene. Many were the letters written and messages sent, which spoke in the calm and touching eloquence of a martyr, to the persons to whom they were addressed.^ His first and last anxiety was, that they should be faithful to the truth — not of his own teachings, for they might be in some respects erro- neous— but of the word of God. To some who might be called to follow him to the stake, he addressed such exhortations as were enforced by his own exam- ple. " Fear not to die," said he to priest Martin, one of his disciples, "if thou desirest to live with Christ, for he has himself said, ' Fear not them that kill the body, but cannot kill the soul.' " And yet Huss gave his friend this rare counsel, as remarkable for prudence as modesty : " Should they seek after thee on account of thy adhesion to my doctrines, make them this reply: I believe that my master was a good Christian ; but, in regard to his writings and instructions, I have neither read all, nor comprehend- ed all." « In his adieus, Huss showed no respect of persons. ' The letters of Huss are not cliro- their date. In most cases, however, nologic-ally arranged, and it is some- it may be ascertained from internal times, therefore, difficult to determine evidence. ' Ejiis. xxviii. 88 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch L He remembered the poor as well as the rich. He speaks of the cordwainers in the same breath with the doctors and the magistrates. Several of the families of his church in Prague are mentioned in one of his letters as specially to be saluted. His words to them " recommend them to be zealous for the love of Christ, to advance in humility with wisdom, and not to indulge in comments of their own making, but to recur to those of the saints." Among the enemies of Huss none had shown a more inveterate and unrelenting malice than Causis. Unlike Paletz, his heart was moved neither to sym- pathy and compassion, nor to remorse. Several times the hardened wretch had gone to the prison where Huss was confined, and exclaimed, exulting in the savage cruelty of his nature over his destined victim, " By the grace of God, we shall soon burn this heretic, whose condemnation has cost me much money." ^ But even this failed to excite in Huss any revengeful feelings. " I leave him to God, and pray for this man most affectionately," was the language in which he spoke of the virulent persecutor. A noble object does Huss thus present for our study and admiration. Sometimes depressed by the fear^ and weakness of the flesh, but never declining the crown of martyrdom — loving his own life in the hope of future usefulness, but far more anxious for the truth he had preached — surrounded by the ex- treme of human terrors, yet still exclaiming, " The Lord is my light and my salvation ; whom shall I fear ? the Lord is the strength of my life ; of whom shall I 'Epis. XXX. Ch. I.] LAST COUNSELS. 39 be afraid?" Kiiully does lie remember his fi-iends while he foi'crives his enemies. His last hours and his last earthly counsels are given to the cause he loved, and to his frienh — some perhaps soon to follow him in the thorny path of suffe)"iug for the cause of truth. CHAPTER II. FINAL AUDIENCE AND EXECUTION OF HUSS. Persuasions to Induce Huss to Recant. — Michael de Causis. — The Empe- ror's Absence from Constance. — The Refusal of Huss to Abjure. — Dep- utation FROM THE Emperor. — Advice of Chlum. — Reply of Huss. — The Deputation Fails of its Object. — Fifteenth Session op the Council. — Sermon of the Bishop of Lodi.— The Sabbath Council's Decree, Enjoining Silence. — Sixty Articles of Wickliffe Condemned. — Statement in Regard TO Huss. — Thirty Articles of His Condemned. — He Attempts to Reply to Each. — Is Silenced. — Again Silenced. — Entreats to be Heard. — Denies Some OF the Charges. — Charge op Claiming to be the Fourth Person in the Godhead.— He Indignantly Denies it. — Charge Against Him for His Appeal. ■ — Calls on Christ to Witness the Council's Scoff at Appeal to Him. — Con- , tempt of Papal Excommunication. — Reply of Huss. — The Emperor's Blush at the Mention of the Safe-Conduct. — Sentence Pronounced Against the Books OF Huss. — His Reply. — Sentence Against Huss. — His Comments Upon it as Read. — His Prayer. — The Ceremony of Degradation. — The White Robe. — Address to THE Assembly. — Murmurs. — Huss Stripped of His Sacerdotal Habits. — Tonsure. — Ludicrous Dispute. — The Paper Crown. — Remark op Huss. — He is Given Over to the Secular Arm. — Is Led Out to Execution Under Charge OF the Elector. — Indirect Route. — Burning of the Books OP Huss in Front of the Episcopal Palace. — Crossing of the Bridge. — Ad- dress OF Huss, in German, to the Crowd. — Huss Prays on Reaching the Place of Execution. — Favorable Impression. — A Confessor. — The Privi- lege OF Addressing the Crowd is Denied. — Huss Prays. — His Mitre Falls Off. — Speaks to His Keepers. — The Stake and Cords. — Is not Allowed to Face the East. — The Sooty Chain. — Huss Once More Asked to Recant. — His Refusal. — The Closing Scene. — Brutality op the Executioners. — Testimony op JSneas Sylvius. — Why Huss was Burned. — Not for His Hete- rodoxy. — Not His Reproof of Sin. — IIis Attack of Profitable Abuses. — The Odium Philosophicum of the Nominalists. — The Persecuting Zeal op THE English. — The Prejudice of the Germans. — Paletz and Michael de Causis. — Bribery. — Huss Rejects the Supremacy op the Council oveh Scripture. — His Character, __ July 1, 1415 — July 6, 1415. Up almost to tlie last moment, urgent persuasions were addressed to Huss to induce him to recant. In (40) Ch. II.] HUSS STILL URGED TO RECANT. 41 meeting his objections, a casuistry was adopted wor- thy the acute uess of the Jesuit doctors, Sanchez and and Escobar. Many, whom Huss calls pedagogues, and a few of the fathers, almost overwhelmed him with their importunities. Among others, an English- man attempted to influence him by the example of those wlio, in England, had abjured the opinions of Wickliffe. " By my conscience," said he, " if I were in your case I would abjure." Causis, however, pur- sued a different policy. He, in all probability, had no wish to have Huss escape the flames. By his means the prisoner's situation had been rendered more harsh and grievous. None of his friends were permitted to see him ; the wives of his jailers, who were disposed to show him kindness, were henceforth denied the privilege. Sigismund, to whom he might have applied, and probably with success, for relief, had left Constance. Under the pretence of recrea- tion, he had withdrawn to a village some miles dis- tant, attended by numbers of his court. We can readily believe, without the hints of the annalist, that other than his avowed reasons had their influ- ence. Among these, his own conduct suggests that he miirht not have wished to be too near the victim he had himself betrayed. From the twenty-third to the twenty-eighth of June, he remained at Ueber- lingen, returning in season to hear the public refusal of Huss to retract. An assembly was held on the first of July in the Franciscan monastery, and Huss was brought be- fore it and publicly urged to abjure. He now pre- sented a paper, drawn up by his own hand, in which 42 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. IL he once more stated tlie grounds of his refusal. " I, John Huss, in hope, a priest of Jesus Christ, fear- ing to sin against God and fearing to commit per- jury, am not willing to abjure all and each of the articles which have been produced against me on false testimony. For, God being my witness, I have not preached, asserted, nor defended them as they have said that I have preached, defended, or assert- ed. Moreover, in regard to the extracted ai-ticles, if any of them implies anything false, I disavow and detest it. But through fear of sinning against the truth, and speaking against the views of holy men, I am unwilling to abjure any of them. And if it were possible for my voice now to reach the whole world — as every falsehood and every sin which I have committed will be brought to light in the day of judgment — ^I would most cheerfully recall everything fiilse or erroneous which I ever spoke or thought of speaking, and I would do it before the world. These things I say and write freely, and of my own accord." In this language we recognize, not the obstinate and bigoted partisan — not the terrified and yielding supplicant — but the sincere lover of truth, and the conscientious confessor. But such a position as Huss had taken did not pay that homage to the infalli- bility of the council which Avas considered essential. He was sent back to his prison. For four days the council were engaged in discussing other subjects. Gei^on brought up the propositions of John Petit. Business in regard to the a])dication of Pope Gregory was discussed. On the fifth of July came a deputation from the Cn. II.] DEPUTATION FROM THE EMPEROR. 43 emperor, once more to inquire if IIuss would not re- cant. Tlie deputation consisted of the cardinals of Cambray and Florence, the patriarch of Antioch, six bishops, and a doctor of laws. They were ac- companied by the two brave knights, Chlum and Duba.^ They asked Huss whether he had deter- mined to abjure the articles which he acknowledged as his, and which had been proved by witnesses ; whether he was willing to asseverate that those which he did not acknowledge, but had been proved by witnesses, were not held by him, but that he chose rather to think with the church. He an- swered, that he still would abide by the decision which he had given in writing to the council, when he last appeared before them, on the first day of July. Upon this he was plied with new arguments aud persuasions. It was represented to him that he ought not to cling to his own opinion, but rather yield to the opinion of the whole church, and bow to the authority of the many learned men who com- posed the council. But all their arguments were vain. The purpose of Huss still remained unshaken in the near prospect of death. It was a trying mo- ment to his friends who had accompanied the depu- tation. What 'counsel should they give ? Knowing well the attachment to Huss of his noble friend, and the strong influence which his woi-ds would have upon his mind, the emperor had besought Chlum,^ along with his associate Duba, to accompany the deputation. He thought it probable that Huss might be induced to listen to their united representa- ' Fleury, xxri. 86. ' Mon. Hus., ii. 346. 44 LIFE AIs'D TIMES OF JOHIST HUSS. [Ce. II. tions; but for once he was mistaken. Had they attempted to persuade Huss to recant, they would probably have failed. But they did not. Chlum was the first to address him. " Dear master," said he, " I am not a learned man, and I deem myself unable to aid you by my counsels ; you must there- fore yourself decide on the course which you are to adopt, and determine whether you are guilty or not of those crimes of which the council accuses you. If you are convinced of your error, have no hesitation — be not ashamed to yield. But if, in your conscience, you feel yourself to be innocent, beware, by calum- niating yourself, of committing perjury in the sight of God, and of leaving the path of duty through any apprehension of death." ^ Such language — so different from the unqualified exhortations to recant which were addressed to him by the council, and of the sincerity and afi'ection of which he could not doubt — almost overpowered the prisoner, and he replied with a flood of tears. " Indeed," said he, " as I have done before, so now I call the Almighty God to witness, that if I were aware of having taught or written anything contrary to the law or orthodox doctrine of the church, I would re- tract it with the utmost readiness ; and even at the present time, I desire exceedingly to be better in- structed in sacred learning. If therefore any one will teach me a better doctrine than I have inculcated myself, let him do it. I am ready to hear him ; and, abandoning my own, I will fervently embrace the other, and confess that I have erred." ^ MoQ. Hus., i. 25. See also il 345, ' lb. L'Enfant, 267. Von der Ilardt, iv, 386. Ch. II.] FINAL AUDIENCE OF HUSS. 45 " Do you, then," asked one of the bishops, " believe yourself to be wiser thaii the whole council ?" "I conjure you," replied Huss, " in the name of Almighty God, to give me as my instructor in the divine word the least person in the council, and I will sub- scribe to what he says, and in such a manner as that the council will be satisfied." "See," said the bishops, "how obstinatel}'' he per- severes in his errors ! " It was enough. The depu- tation plainly perceived that farther attempts to per- suade Huss blindly to abjure, and pay the homage of sacrificing his conscience and reason to their idol — the council's infallibility — would he utterly futile. Huss, who had been led forth from his prison to meet the deputation — little disposed, even for a single hour, to share its comforts — was ordered back under the care of his jailers, and the deputation re- turned to report to the emperor.^ Nothing now remained but the promised audience and the final sentence. It was on the following day, July 6, that Huss appeared for the last time before the council, now in its fifteenth general session. There was a full attendance. The Cardinal de Viv- iers presided. The emperor himself was present, seated upon his throne, surrounded by the princes and the insignia of the empire. An immense crowd had assembled from all quarters, interested to behold the scene, or to receive the earliest intelligence of what was to transpire. The celebration of mass had already commenced when Huss arrived, but he was kept outside the door till the religious services, in- ' Von der Hardt, iv. 386-Y. L'Eafant, 270. Mon. IIus., ii. 345. 46 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIUST HUSS. [Ch. II. eluding the litanies, were over, under tlie pretence that the holy mysteries would be profaned by the presence of so great a heretic. At length Huss was brought in. A high platform had been erected in the midst of the assembly, a'nd on it was placed a box containing the sacred vest- ments of the priesthood, with which Huss was to be robed previous to his degradation. He was required to take his stand in front of the platform, on a foot- stool, by which he was so raised as to be visible to the whole council. Here he fell upon his knees, and remained for some time engaged in prayer in a low. tone. Meanwhile the Bishop of Lodi ascended the pul- pit from which the decrees of the council were usually announced. He had been selected to deliver the sermon which was to whet the appetite of the council for the blood of a heretic. His text was taken from Kom. vi. 6 — " That the body of sin might be destroyed." His object was, to expose the evils of heresy, and justify the measures necessary to its' extirpation. He began his sermon by a quo- tation fj-om Aristotle, following it up by a citation from Jerome, in order to enforce his persecuting and bi footed doctrine. After ventinq; his indis^:- nation upon Arius and Sabellius, the speaker pro- ceeds to discriminate the most dangerous kinds of sins. Among these he places schism in the first rank. To this he traces the aggravated iniquities and corruptions of the times — the discords and con- flicts which desolated the nations — the vices and simony which defoi-med the church. " How many Cn. II.] BI9II0P OF LODl's SERMON. 47 heresies," lie exclaims, "have made their appear- ance ! How many heretics remain unpunished ! How many chui'ches have been broken in and plun- dered ! How many cities oppressed ! How many religious rites fallen into neglect ! How many dis- cords among the clergy ! How many slaughters among Christian people ! Look, I pray you, at the church of God, the spouse of Christ, the mother of the ftiithful, how she is daily given up to contempt ! Who now venerates the keys of the church ? Who fears her censures ? Who defends her privileges ? nay, rather, who does not offend against them ? who does not invade them ? Who is there that does not dare to lay violent hands upon the patrimony of Jesus Christ ? The property of the clergy, bought by sacred blood, and of the poor, as well as the food of pilgrims, is plun- dered and wasted." In the prevalent disorders the speaker seems to see the abomination of desolation brought into the sacred temple. Tyranny is destroying the bodies, and schism the souls of men. Those guilty of the first, may sin in ignorance ; the last are with- out excuse. As the result, the speaker sees before him the church, like a boat upon the waves, endan- gered by pirates or thrown upon the I'ocks. Heresies have sprung up on all sides, and discord has entered amons: the flock of Peter and the fold of Christ. Mfiny had toiled in vain to suppress these, — kings, princes, and prelates: "Wherefore," exclaims the bishop, turning to the emperor, "most Christian king, this glorious triumph has awaited thee, this unfading crown is due to thee, and a victory ever to be celebrated is thine, in order that by thee the 48 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHX HUSS. [Ch. II. wounded church may be bound up, the inveterate schism removed, simony restrained, and heretics rooted out. Do you not see how great will be this last- ing fame, how celebrated this glory ? What could be more just, what more holy, what more fitting, what, in fine, more acceptable to God, than to extir- pate this nefarious schism, restore the church to its former liberty, put an end to simony, and destroy and condemn errors and heresies from amonsr the flock of believers ? Surely nothing could be better, holier, more desirable for the world, or acceptable to God. " To execute this, so pious and holy a work, thou hast been elected by God, — deputed in heaven, be- fore chosen on earth. Heavenly principalities made thee emperor before the suffrage of the imperial electors was cast. And especially was this, in order that thou mightest destroy and condemn, by imperial ordinance, the heresies and errors which we have here before us, in our hands, already condemned. To the performance of so holy a work, God has con- ferred upon thee the wisdom of divine truth, the power of royal majesty, and the justice of right equity. As the Most High has said, Jer. i., 'Lo, I have put my words into thy mouth by imparting wisdom, and I have placed thee over the nations and kingdoms by conferring jDOwer, that thou mightest root up and destroy by executing justice.' So mayest thou destroy heresy and error ; and especially this obstinate heretic, by whose malign influence many re gions have been infected with the pest of heresy, and by reason of whom many things have gone to ruin. " This sacred labor, O glorious prince, is left to Cn. II.] BECIIEE ENJOIXINa SILENCE. 49 thee. On tliee is it the more incumbent, to wlioin has been given the supremacy of justice. And as the result, from the mouth of babes and sucklings shall thy praises be long celebrated, as the destroyer of its enemies and the avens^er of the Catholic faith. The which, that it may prosperously and happily be- come thy lot, may he who is blessed for ever more, Jesus Christ, grant. Amen." * Such was the discourse, delivered in full council, and upon the Sabbath — the session was held on that day — by which the minds of men were to be brought into a frame devout enough to give over an innocent man to the flames. It seems as if the black deed would not have been perfect in its horror, without this dark feature of Sabbath profanation. Immediately after the sermon, the decree was read, by which the council enjoined silence. Its language betrays the self-sufficient and arrogant tone of authority which the council had assumed. " Tlie holy council of Constance, lawfully assembled by the influence of the Holy Spirit, decrees and orders every one, with whatever dignity he may be invested, whether impei'ial, royal, or episcopal, to abstain, dur- ing the present session, from all language, murmur, and noise which may disturb this assembly, convoked with the inspiration of God ; and this under pain of incuri'ing excommunication, and imprisonment of two months, and of being declared an abettor of heresy." The procurator of the council then demanded a vigorous prosecution of the process which they had in hand, insisting that there should be no pause or ' Von der Hardt, torn, iii., gives the discourse in full. VOL. II. 4 50 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. II. cessation in the proceedings till Huss was finally condemned and sentence pronounced. The council now directed that sixty articles of Wickliffe, extracted from the two hundred and sixty which had been brought before them by the English deputation, should be read. After sentence against these was pronounced, the council proceeded to the works of Huss. Thirty articles were presented, some of which had not before been publicly read, but most of which were in substance those upon which he had been interrogated in the presence of the council. Some with which he had first been charged were found to be but duplicates of others, or implied in them, and were consequently left out, reducing them to the number mentioned above.^ A statement was then made of the character and scope of the several articles, together with the testimony by which they were severally supported. Instead, however, of giving the names of the witnesses, only their office or ecclesiastical rank was stated. This was the course that had been pursued on the trial of John XXIII. In that case there could have been little or no objection to it, for the pope, when summoned to confront the witnesses against him, had declined the privilege, and had confessed to the justice of his sen- tence by a voluntary submission. But in the case of Huss, this course was one of manifest injustice. He was not permitted to confront his witnesses. In few instances could he even know who they were. His enemies were permitted to testify, without scrutiny or question, whatever they pleased. ' Von (ler Ilardt, iv. 408. Ch. 11.] HUSS FORBIDDEN TO REPLY. 51 In these circumstances, it was but natural tbat Huss should seek to meet each article, as it was read, by a final statement.^ This he wished and attempted to do, but the privilege was denied. As the first article was read, " that there is one Catholic church, which is composed of the body of believers predes- tined to salvation," Huss added in a distinct and clear voice, "Indeed, I have no doubt that there is one holy Catholic church, which is the congrega- tion of all the elect, not only in this world, but in the world of spirits, embracing those who belong to the invisible body of Jesus Christ, of whom he is the head." To the succeeding articles Huss also at- tempted to reply, but was interrupted by the Bishop of Cambray, who ordered him to be silent, and when he answered, to reply to all at once. " But," said Huss, " you forbid me to answer to each, while it is out of my power to remember the whole list of ac- cusations." As another article was read, Huss airaiu attempted to reply. Upon this, the Cardinal of Flor- ence arose and exclaimed, "You deafen us," — a strange complaint after the previous scenes of uproar and confusion of which the council had had experi- ence. The ushers of the council were ordered to seize him and force him to be silent. So gross a wrong Huss could have borne for himself, but he was unwilling that the immense crowd assembled upon the occasion should receive the articles of the council as a reliable statement of his real views. With a loud voice, and with his hands lifted to heaven, he exclaimed, "In the name of Almighty 1 L'Enfhnt, 271. 52 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOII]!^ IIUSS. [Ch. XL God, I beseecli you, deign to afford me an equitable hearing, that I may clear myself at least before those who surround me, and remove from their minds the suspicion of errors. Grant me this favor, and then do with me what you will." Here he was again interrupted and required to be silent.-^ Finding that he was not to be permitted the privilege of speaking and vindicating himself from such a multitude of accusations, he kneeled down, -and raising his hands and eyes to heaven, commended his cause in prayer to God, the most righteous judge. At length the old accusation which had before been abandoned, was brought forward. It was charged that Huss had written and taught, that in the consecration of the eucharist the material and substantial bread (the matter and substance of bread) remained. To this was added the article "that a priest in mortal sin cannot baptize," etc., with other articles of a similar tenor, or that had before been fully answered. When Huss wished to reply to these, the Cardinal of Florence again enjoined si- lence. But again Huss urgently entreated that he might be heard kindly, at least on account of those around him, whom he would not have misled by the imagination that he defended such errors as were now adduced. " For," said he, " I utterly deny that I ever believed or taught that after the consecration in the sacrament of the altar, the material bread re- mains. Moreover, I assert that baptism and conse- cration, and the administration of other sacred rites, performed by a priest guilty of mortal sin, is infamous 1 Mon. Hus., 346. Cu. II.] AN ABSURD CHAIIGE. 63 and hateful in the sight of God. Whenever he is full of impurity, he is least of all a worthy minister of sacred and divine offices." To other accusations upon the list he replied briefly in much the same manner as he had done before in writing, either briefly refuting some, or candidly confessing others. Huss was now accused of giving out that he was the fourth person— now added— of the Holy Trin- ity.* This was established by the testimony of a single doctor, whose name was not mentioned. " Give me the name," said Huss, " of that doctor who testi- fies thus against me." But the bishop who read the accusation refused this request. He merely replied, "There is no need of it." Huss, mastering his indig- nation, solemnly declared, " God forbid that such an imagination as that I should call myself a fourth person of the Trinity should have been thought of by me, nor, by the love of Christ, has it ever entered my mind." He then repeated the article from the Athanasian creed upon the Trinity, declaring in it bis firm and abiding belief. At length the words of his appeal to God, as supreme Judge, were read, and this solemn appeal was pronounced an impious error. To the council Huss had no reply to make in his de- fence. Mastering his emotions, he looked up to heaven, and said, in a tone that should have thrilled the assembly, " Most blessed Jesus, behold how this council holds as error, and reprobates thine own deed and the law which thou didst prescribe, when thou thyself, overwhelmed by enemies, didst commend thy cause to thy Father, God, the most holy Judge, leav- ' Mon. Hus., ii. 346. 54 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN" HUSS. [Ch. II. ing us an example in our woe and weakness, tliat, with prayer for aid, we should snppliantly flee in our wrongs to the most righteous Judge." Here he paused a moment, and then added, " But I — I say confidently, that the surest and safest of all appeals is to the Master, Christ. For he it is whom no one can sway from the right by any bribes, nor deceive by false testimony, nor snare in any sophistry, — since to each he gives back his own reward." He was next charged with having treated the papal excommunication with contempt,* still unwar- rantably continuing in the exercise of his office, even to the celebration of mass. " I did not," said Huss, "despise the excommunication, but publicly in my sermons I appealed to him who is the Judge. And thus it was that I continued to discharge the sacred offices. Meanwhile, I thrice sent to the chief j^ontiff those who should act as my procurators, to give sat- isfaction in my behalf For, for good and satisftictory reasons I could not appear in my own behalf, as has been stated. Yet I was never able to obtain a hear- ing. My representatives, moreover, were cruelly treated. Some were imprisoned, some were insult- ingly rejected, or subjected to torturing hardships. The records will readily certify you of this, in which my case, and the injustice done, are written out. For this reason I came hither freely to this council, rely- ing upon the public faith of the emperor, who is here pi-esent, assuring me that I should be safe from all violence, so that I might attest my innocence, and give a reason of my faith to all who compose it." ' Mon Ilus., i'v 346. Ch. II.] sigismund's blush. 55 As Huss spoke of tlie puLlic faith— the safe-con- duct which he had received— he fixed his eyes steadily upon the emperor. A deep blush at once mounted to the imperial brow.^ Sigismund felt the shame and meanness of which he had been guilty, and his own previous declarations before the council deprived him of any chance to vindicate his integrity or honor. This circumstance was not soon forgotten in Germany. To it, perhaps, the safety of Luther and the success of the German reformation a century later were in part due. When Charles V., at the celebrated diet of Worms, was pressed to consent to the seizure of Luther in contempt of his safe-con- duct, his Spanish honor revolted at the proposal. "No!" said he, "I should not like to blush like Sigismund.'" At length, when the several articles of accusation had been read, one of the judges of the court arose, and made a statement of the manner in which Huss had been repeatedly asked whether he would main- tain or disavow them. In his prison at Gottlieben he had promised to submit himself to the decision of the council. He had afterward repeated this before the commission sent to him upon his removal to Constance. A third time he had made a similar declaration, and had given it in writing under his own hand. This, as already presented, was then read, and it was added, that on the day preceding, (July 5,) Huss had been once more asked by the prelates dep- utized to visit him by the council, whether he would abjure the articles which he acknowledged to be his, ' Mod. Hus., ii. 346. L'Enfant, 2*72. 56 LEFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. II. promising no longer to hold them, and no more to teach those which he did not acknowledge ; but he chose still to abide by his i3revious declaration, un- moved from his purpose by all the means of persua- sion which could be employed. The Bishop of Concordia, Italian by birth, whose bald head and advanced years gave him a venerable aspect, had been selected to read the two sentences of the council, one condemning the books of Huss to be burned, and the other requiring his degradation from the priesthood, in order that he might be given over to the secular arm. Upon the requisition of Henry de Piro, the prosecutor of the council, these sentences were then read. The first, against the books of Huss, was as follows : ^ " This most holy general coun- cil of Constance, representing the Catholic church, etc., etc. : — Because, as the truth itself testifies, an evil tree brings forth evil fruit, hence it is that John Wickliffe, a man of damnable memory, by his de- structive doctrine, — not like those holy fathers of old, who in Jesus Christ, through the gospel, begot believ- ing children, — but against the saving faith of Christ, like a root of poison, — has begotten sons of per- dition, whom he has left behind him as successors in the inheritance of his perverse doctrine, against whom this holy council of Constance is compelled to rise up as against bastard and illegitimate sons, and cut off their errors as noxious tares from the garden of the Lord, by watchful care, and the knife of eccle- siastical authority, lest, like a canker, they spread abroad to others' destruction ; and since, moreover, * See Mansi. Also, Mon. Hus., ii. 346. Von der Hardt, iv. 429-432. Cn. II.] SENTENCE AGAINST IIIS BOOKS. 57 in the sacred general council lately held at Home, it was decreed that the doctrine of John Wickliffe, of damnable memory, ought to be condemned, and his books which contain this said doctrine should be burned as heretical, and this decree was carried into effect, — therefore should this said decree be approved by the authority of this present sacred council. And yet, nevertheless, a certain John Huss, in this sacred council, here present in person, a disciple, not of Christ, but rather of the heresiarch John Wickliffe, after and acfainst this condemnation and decree afore- said, with venturous audacity, has dogmatized, as- serted, and preached many of his errors and heresies, which have been long condemned by the most rev- erend fathers in Christ, their lordships the archbish- ops, the bishops of different kingdoms, and masters of theology in many universities, — especially in his resisting, along with his confederates in the schools, and in his sermons in public, the scholastic condem- nation of the articles themselves of Wickliffe several times pronounced in the University of Prague ; and in favor of his doctrine he has declared, in the presence of a multitude of the clergy and the people, that John Wickliffe was a Catholic man, and an evangeli- cal doctor. He has, moreover, published certain articles hereinafter written, and many others deserv- ing of condemnation, asserting them to be Catholic, which articles are contained, as is notorious, in the books of this very John Huss. Wherefore, full and sufficient information being had in the premises, as well as careful deliberation on the part of the most reverend fathers, their lordships the cardinals of the 58 LIFE AND TIMES OP JOHN HUSS. [Cii. II. holy Roman church, the patriarchs, the archbishops, the bishops, and other prelates, and doctors of scrip- ture and of laws — composing a large assembly — this most holy council of Constance declares and decrees, that the articles hereinafter written, which have been found on collation, by many masters of the sacred page, to be contained in his books and treatises writ- ten by his own hand, and which, moreover, this same John Huss, in the presence of the fathers and pre- lates of this sacred council, has confessed to be con- tained in his books and treatises, are not Catholic, nor to be taught as such ; but some of them are ei'ro- neous, some scandalous, others offensive to pious ears, many of them rash and seditious, and some notori- ously heretical, and long since by the holy fathers and general councils reprobated and condemned ; and to preach, teach, or in any way approve them, is pro- hibited. But since the hereinafter written articles are expressly contained in his books or treatises, viz., in the book which he has entitled '''' De EcdesiaJ'^ and in his other works, therefore, the aforesaid books, and their doctrine, and each of his other treatises and works, edited by him in Latin, or in the vulgar Bohemian, or by him or others, one or more, trans- lated into some foreign idiom, this most holy council reprobates and condemns ; and doth decree and ap- point that they shall be burned, solemnly and pub- licly, in the ]3resence of the clergy and people, in the city of Constance, and elsewhere, adding, moreover, for the reason aforesaid, that his whole doctrine is and ought to be suspected as to faith, and should be avoided by all the faithful of Christ. And that this Cii. II.] REPLY OF IIUSS. 59 pernicious iloctriiie may be rooted out from the midst of the church, this holy synod orders, that, by the ordinaries of diffei-ent h:)calities, treatises and works of this natui-e, by means of ecclesiastical censure, and even, if need be, under penalty of favoring heresy, shall be carefully sought out, and, when found, shall be committed publicly to the flames. And if any one l>e found to violate or despise this sentence and decree, this same holy synod ordains that such per- sons shall be pi'oceeded against, as suspected of heresy, by the ordinaries of difterent localities, and the inquisitors of heretical pravity," ^ As this sentence was read, Huss replied, " Who arc ye, that ye can justly condemn my writings? For I always desired that they should be corrected by a better application and understanding of Christian truth, and this is still my wish. And yet, hitherto ye have not presented any solid arguments against them, nor have ye convicted of error a single word of my writings. Why, then, have ye been impelled to destroy my books, whether rendered in the Bohe- mian, or other language — those, moreover, which doubtless ye have never seen ? And if ye were to see them, your ignorance of the Bohemian language would prevent your understanding them." But after complaining of other injustice in the accusation, lie knelt down, and with his eyes to heaven uttered fer- vent prayer. The sentence against Huss himself was then read. " The things done and to be done in the cause of in- quisition of, and concerning the heresy of, John IIuss ' MaDsl 60 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHX HDSS. [Cn. II. being considered, and a faithful and full report of the commission deputed to act in this case having been had, as well as of other masters in theology and doctors of law, in, of, and concerning the acts and words of witnesses worthy of credit, and in great number — which testimony has been openly and publicly read to John Huss himself before the fa- thers and prelates of this sacred council, by which testimony it is made most clearly manifest that this same John Huss has taught many things evil, scan- dalous, seditious, and dangerously heretical, and has preached the same through a long course of years ; this most holy council of Constance — the name of Christ being invoked — having only God before their eyes, doth by this definitive sentence, in these writ- ings, pronounce, decree, and declare, that the said John Huss was and is a true and manifest heretic, and that he has taught errors and heresies long time condemned by the church of God, and many things, moreover, scandalous, offensive to pious ears, rash, and seditious ; and that he has publicly preached them, to the grievous offence of the divine majesty, the scandal of the Catholic church, and the prejudice of the Catholic faith ; that he has, moreover, treated with contempt ecclesiastical censures and the keys of the church, persisting obstinately in this spirit for many years, scandalizing Christian believers by his extreme stubbornness, while neglecting ecclesiastical rules ; that he has interposed his appeal to the Lord Jesus Christ as supreme Judge, in which appeal he has laid down many positions, false and unjust, scan- dalous in regard to the Apostolic See itself, contemn- Cu. II.] SENTENCE AGAINST IIUSS. Gl ing ecclesiastical censures and the keys : — wherefore, for the aforesaid reasons, as well as many others, this holy synod pronounces John Huss to have been heretical, and concludes that he ought to be judged and condemned as a heretic, and by these presents doth condemn him, reproving his appeal as unjust, scandalous, and derisive of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and himself as having seduced Christian people from the faith, especially in the kingdom of Bohemia, by his preaching and by his writings, and as having been not a true preacher of the gospel of Christ according to the exposition of the holy doctors, but rather a misleader of the people. " But because, by those things which it has seen and heard, this holy synod knows this same John Huss to be pertinacious, incorrigible, and, moreover, of such a disposition as not to desire to return to the bosom of holy mother church, nor abjure the heresies and errors which he has publicly defended and preached, — therefore this holy synod of Constance declares and decrees that the same John Huss be deposed and degraded from the order of the priesthood, or other dignity with which he is invested, giving in charge to the ever reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishop of Milan, the bishops of Feltri, Asti, Alexandria, Bangor, and Lavaur, the due execution, in the presence of this most holy synod, of the said degradation, as the canonical rule of order requires." As the charges of the sentence were read, Huss in- terposed brief comments. It was in vain that they for bade him to speak. His indignant sense of the wrong done him would not permit him to be silent. When 62 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN" HUSS. [Ch. II. the accusation of obstinacy was read, he promptly denied it. "This," said he, "I do utterly deny. I have ever desired and I still desire to be better in- structed from scripture ; and I solemnly declare that such is my zeal for the truth, that if by a single word I might confound the errors of all heretics, there is no danger that I would not face in order to do it." Who could doubt the sincerity and conscientiousness of the speaker? When the reading of the sentence was concluded, Huss again fell upon his knees, and in earnest and distinct tones prayed for his enemies. " O Lord God, through thy mercy I pray thee deign to pardon all my enemies, for thou knowest that I have been unjustly accused by them, overcome by false witnesses, oppressed by fictitious accusations, and unrighteously condemned. For thy mercy's sake, therefore, remit their sins." The scene, in its circumstances, had a deep and solemn significance that might have re- minded the judges of the prayer once offered on the cross of Calvary. But the history of persecution was to carry out the parallel of the tragedy in a still more striking manner. Scorn and derision were traced in the features of the members of the council, and were uttered in their sneers. They saw in Huss a victim, of whom they felt they might safely make an example. The ceremony of degradation — the first step in the execution of the sentence — was now commenced.^ By the direction of the bishops he was clothed in priestly robes, and, as if he had been about to cele- » Mon Hus., i. 28, and ii. 346. Cn. II.] CEEEMONY OF DEGRADATIOlSr. 63 brate mass, the chalice was placed in his hand. As they put the white robe upon him, Huss could not forbear to say — " My Master, Jesus Christ, when he was sent away by Herod to Pilate, was clothed in a white robe." At length, being clad, the prelates admonished him to retract while he yet might, and abjure the errors witli which he stood charged. But he replied aloud, as he stood upon the platform to which he had been raised — turning as he spoke toward the people, with tears in his eyes and his voice trembling with emo- tion— " Behold, these bishops persuade and exhort me to retract. But I fear to do it, lest hereafter I be charged with falsehood before Grod, in case I should confess myself to be guilty of errors of which I was never conscious, which I have never taught, and thus sin against my conscience and divine truth at once. Never have I asserted those articles, but they are unjustly imputed to me on false testimony, — while I have written and taught the exact opposite. Above all, I fear lest the minds of so great a multitude as that to which I have preached so long, as well as of others who are faithful ministers of the divine word, should, through the offence thus given, be torn away from truth." ^ * The language, as given by another them as certainties, should become historian, though to the same purport, matters of doubt ; if, by my example, is more spirited. " How could I," 1 caused confusion and trouble in so asked Huss, " after such a hypocriti- many souls, so many consciences, cal abjuration, lift my face to heaven ? which I have filled with the pure doc- With what eye could I support the trine of Christ's gospel, and which I looks of that crowd of men whom I have strengthened against the saiires have instructed, should it come to of the devil ? No ! no ! it shall never pass, through my fault,that those same be said, I preferred my life to their things which are now regarded by salvation." — Bonnechose. 64 LIFE AND TlilES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. II, Such language, while it might have moved some to pity and resj^ect, only provoked the bishops. " See," said they — and the murmur went round the assembly — " how perverse he is in his wickedness, and how tenacious of his heresy ! " The bishops now directed Huss to descend from the platform. They then began to strip him of the sacer- dotal habit in which he had been clothed. They took from him first the chalice, accompanying the act with the words — " O thou accursed Judas, who, breaking away from the counsels of peace, hast con- sulted with the Jews ! Behold ! we take from thee this chalice, in which the blood of Jesus Christ for the redemj)tion of the world is offered." Unmoved by the united curse and outrage, Huss exclaimed, in a clear, loud voice, to be heard by all, '' But I have all hope and confidence fixed in my God and Saviour, that he will never take from me the cup of salvation ; and I abide firm in my belief that, aided by his grace, I shall this day drink thereof in his kingdom." The bishops proceeded to strip him of the 7*emain- ing symbols of the priestly office, accompanying the removal of each with a correspondent curse. " All these insults," said Huss, " I can endure, undisturbed and calm, for the name and truth of Jesus Christ." When this work of removing the sacerdotal habits was accomplished, it still remained to efikce the marks of the tonsure, and thus take away the last syjubol of the priestly office. Here a singular and ludicrous controversy arose.^ In order to crop the hair, some were for using a razor, and some insisted * Mod, Hu3., il, 347. Cn. II.] THE PAPER CROWN'. 65 that the shears were tlie proper instrument. Some would be satisfied if the tonsure were but disfigured ; others would have the hair entirely removed. The scene was one that Huss, even in his circum- stances, felt to be ridiculous. " Ah ! " said he, turning to the emperor where he sat upon his throne, edified doubtless by the pious heresy of some on the ques- tion under discussion — " Ah ! these bishops cannot easily agree among themselves, even in regard to the method by which to insult me." At last the shears-party was triumphant. His hair was cut in four directions, so as to leave bare tlie form of a cross. This was then washed, as if to remove the oil of his anointing by which he was consecrated to the priesthood. It was then declared that "This holy council of Constance doth now re- move John Huss from the order of the priesthood and the offices of honor which he has discharged, thus declaring that the church of God disowns this man, and gives him up, no longer shielded by her protection, to the secular arm." As they were about to place upon his head the paper crown whictli he was to wear to the place of execution, and which in derision was covered with pictured fiends, they said, " We devote thy soul to the devils of hell." " But I," said Huss, lifting his eyes to heaven and rever- ently folding his hands — " I commend it to my most merciful Master, Jesus Christ." The crown was now set upon his head. It was a sort of pyramidal mitre, rising to a considerable height. On each of its three sides tlie frightful figure of a demon was painted, while on each was written, so as to be visible to all VOL. n. 5 66 LIFE ATTD TIMES OF JOHISr IIUSS. [Cu. K. and from every direction, tlie ciime for which he was condemned — Heresiarcli. Huss looked at it and cahnly said, " My Lord Jesus Christ, though innocent, deigned to bear to an infamous death, for wretched me, a far rougher and weightier crown of thorns." ^ Tlie ceremony of the degradation of Huss was now complete. He was disowned by the church, and no longer as a priest was subject to its exclusive jurisdiction. Given over to the secular arm, it be- longed to the emperor — ^such was the orthodox theory of persecution — to do with the prisoner as Pilate with Jesus — what the priests could not — exe- cute capital sentence. Sigismund committed Huss to the charge of Louis, the Elector Palatine, direct- ing him to go and see that he was delivered into the hands of the proper officers. Huss was given over by the elector to the mayor of Constance, and by the latter was placed in the hands of those to whom it belonged to see the sentence executed. They were commanded to burn him, with his clothes, and all indiscriminately that belonged to him, even to his knife and to his purse, from which they were not to take so much as a single penny. He was led to the place of execution, walking be- tween two officers of the Elector Palatine, and with- out being chained ; two of the police of the city preceded and two followed him. The princes, with an escort of eight hundred armed men, and followed by an immense multitude, drawn by cuiiosity, in- terest, or anxiety, accompanied them to the place of -execution. * Mon. Hus. ii. 347 ; also i. 28. Cu. II.] BURNING OF HIS BOOKS. 67 The procession, instead of taking the direct route thither, moved first in a nearly opposite direction, in order to pass upon the way the episcopal palace, in front of which a pile of the prisoner's writings had been heaped up for the flames. The fire was kindled and the books were burned as the procession passed. They had been first condemned, and were first to be consumed. But to Huss the scene appeared simply ridiculous, as indeed it was. Nor did it need a prophet's sagacity to discern that the course pur- sued was like to defeat its own object. It was al- together out of the power of the council to obtain and thus destroy all the writings of the reformer. They were too widely scattered and too deeply cherished, and this act of impotent vengeance would only make them the more prized — would attach to them a new importance, and excite a more eager curiosity for their perusal. The scene, even in the solemn circum- stances in which Huss was placed, did not fail to draw from him a smile at the senile malice which it displayed. As the procession passed on, they reached a bridge at which it was necessary to pause. It was not considered safe for the whole multitude to pass over it at once. The armed escort first proceeded, one by one, and then the crowd of citizens followed. Huss improved the occasion to say a few words to the throngs that pressed around to catch a sight of him. He told them, in the German language, that it was not for any heresy that he had been condemned, but through the injustice of his enemies ; that they had not been able to convict him of any error, al- 68 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHX IIUSS. [Cu. II. though he had challenged them to do it so often and so urgently. As he approached the place where he was to be burned, which was a meadow adjoining the garden on the north side of the city, outside the Gottlieben gate, the procession paused, that eveiy- thing might be made ready for the execution. Here Huss kneeled down, and lifting his eyes toward heaven, prayed — using the language of some of the penitential psalms, especially the thirty-iii-st and fiftieth.^ Repeatedly he used the petitions, "Lord Jesus, have mercy on me," and " O God, into thy hands I commit my spirit." The crowd around him were surprised at such an exhibition of devotion in one whom they had been taught to regard as a heretic. " What this man may have done before," said they, " we know not, but now, certainly, we hear him speak and pray in a godly and devout manner." ^ Huss was then asked by some who stood by — probably in the hope that the fear of death might lead him to recant — if he would have a confessor. A priest near by on horseback, clothed in a green gown drawn together with a sash of red silk, heard the question asked, and, more anxious for the execu- tion than for a recantation which might even yet snatch the victim from the flames, declared that a confessor ought not to be allowed him because he wjis a heretic. Huss, however, replied that he would be glad to have one. Ulric Keichenthal — one of the historians of the council — as he himself relates, call- ed for a priest then present to come and receive the * More probably the fifty-first. ' Men. Hus., ii. 347. ch.II.] huss declines to confess. 69 prisoner's coufessiou. The name of this priest was Ulric Sclioraud, a man of repute for learning and integrity, and highly esteemed by the council. He asked Huss whether he was willing to renounce the erroi's for which he had been condemned to the punishment which he now saw awaiting him. If so, he was ready to confess him ; but if not, he must be aware that a heretic, according to the canon law, could neither administer or receive the sacraments. Huss havino" heard the conditions on which he mio'ht be confessed, declined to accept them. He replied, that he did not deem it necessary for him to confess, inasmuch as he did not feel himself to be guilty of any mortal sin. He desired, however, the privilege of improving the occasion to address the peojjle in the German language. But the brutal elector, true to the instincts of his cruel nature and in perfect con- sistency with his previous course, instead of allowing permission, gave orders that he should immediately be committed to the flames. Huss at once lifted up his voice in prayer. " O Lord Jesus, I would endure with humility, for thy gospel, this cruel death ; and I beseech thee, pardon all my enemies." Such were some of the expressions of his prayer. While he was thus engaged in liis devotions, with his eyes toward heaven, the paper mitre, which had been placed upon his head in the council, fell off. As Huss turned to behold it, a smile played over his features. Perhaps he saw in the frail thing an em- blem of that impotent malice which in vain attempt- ed to affix calumny to his name. The soldiers, how- ever, more inclined to sympathize with their harsh 70 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. ]L leader, replaced the mitre upon Lis bead, and, refer- ring to the images painted upon it, declared be ougbt to be burned with tbe devils be bad served. Having asked and obtained permission to speak to bis keepers, Huss tbanked tbem for tbe kind treat- ment wbicb be bad received at tbeir bands.^ " Ye have sbown yourselves," said be, " not merely my keepers, but brethren most beloved. And be assured tbat I rest witb firm faitb upon my Saviour, in wbose name I am content calmly to endure this sort of death, that I this day may go to reign witb him." These words were spoken in German. We have other testimony, also, to show that even among hm jailers, Huss must already have seen the fruits of bis fidelity. He now wished, witb his dying breath, to seal tbe impression tbat bad been made by his life. He was now stripped of his garments and bound fast to a large stake, through which boles bad been bored to secure tbe cords. Of these there were six or seven, which had been wet in order longer to re- sist the beat of tbe flames. One was bound about bis ankles, one below and another above tbe knees, Avbile others were distributed over the upper part of bis body as far as the armpits. His bands bad previously been bound behind his back, and he w^as now made fjist in this position. The stake was driven downward and made to stand erect in the earth, so as to support the victim while the flames consumed him. By some accident it had happened that Huss, as bound to the stake, stood facing tbe east.^ This was ' Mon. Has., ii. 341. " lb 348. Ch. II.] THE FUNERAL PILE. 71 observed by some of the bystanders, and tlie order was given that he should be turned so as to face the west. As a heretic, he might not die with his eyes directed toward the Holy Land. The order was im- mediately obeyed. The neck of the prisoner was now bound to the stake by a black and sooty iron chain, which had been used by a poor man, its former owner, for suspending his kettle over the fire. Huss bent his head somewhat so as to obtain a siorht of it, but instead of turning pale with affright, he be- held it with a cheerful smile. "The Lord Jesus Christ," said he, " my beloved Redeemer and Saviour, was, for my sake, bound with a harsher and more cruel chain. Why, therefore, should wretched I blush, for his most holy name, to be bound with this sooty one ? " Two piles of fagots were placed about the feet of Huss, which had been stripped of their covering. Bundles of straw were placed erect around the stake, reaching as far upward as the neck of the victim. Every thing was now ready for the kindling of the flames. Before the torch was applied, how- ever, one more effort was made to induce Huss to re- cant. It was the wish of the emperor even yet, un- doubtedly, to save if possible his honor with the prisoner's life ; and it was probably by his direction — given beforehand, for he did not choose to witness the scene — that the marshal of the empire with the elector approached the funeral pile, and exhoi'ted Huss yet to save his life by retracting and abjuring his doctrines. It was the last opportunity. Would Huss now hesitate ? In a loud, clear voice, he re- '72 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHJST IIUSS. [Ch. II, plied, with u firmness which the immediate prospect of death could not shake, " I call God to witness, that I have never taught nor written those things which on false testimony they impute to me ; but my declarations, teachings, writings, in fine, all my works, have been intended and shaped toward the object of rescuing dying men from the tyranny of sin. Wherefore I will this day gladly seal that truth which I have taught, written, and proclaimed — estab- lished by the divine law, and by holy teachers — by the pledge of my death." ^ On hearing this final decision of Huss — unshaken in his purpose to the last — the marshal and the elector left him. The executioners kindled the flames. Amid the smoke an^ blaze, Huss could be heard engaged in prayer. " O Christ, thou Son of the living God, have mercy on me." The prayer was repeated, and again he was heard uttering the words of the creed, when the wind, rising with the flames, kindled the pile to a fiercer heat, and he was suffocated by the smoke that prevented his saying more. Still was he observed for one or two minutes obviously engaged in devotion. He bowed his head, and his lips were seen to move as if in utterance of prayer. At last all was silent. The charred carcass was motionless, and the spirit had fled.^ As the fagots burned away, they left the body visible, still hanging to the stake by the iron chain. The executioners with poles pushed the fragments of the burning brands back around the stake, and heaped up new fuel about the half-consumed skele- ' Mon. Hus., ii. 348. ' lb. Cu. II.J THE FINAL SCENE. 73 ton. They struck at the bones and limbs, to break them in pieces, that they might the sooner be con- sumed. Plis head rolled down. It was beaten into pieces with a club and thrown back into the flames. His heart, found among his intestines, was pierced by a sharp stick of wood, and roasted at a fire apart until it was reduced to ashes. One of the execu- tioners was seen still having in his possession some of the garments of Huss. The elector, on observing it, commanded that these and all that belonged to Huss should be cast together into the flames, promis- ing the executioner compensation for the loss. " The Boliemians," said he, " would keep and cherish such a thing as a sacred relic." When every thing had been consumed, the ashes, and every fragment or memorial of the scene of martyrdom, were shov- elled up and carted away, to be emptied into the Khine. Thus perished, upon his forty-second birthday, in the full vigor of bis powers, and in the strength and promise of manliood, one of those men whom the world has been constrained to acknowledge well worthy of the martyr's crown. Even his enemies could not but eulogize his noble beai-ing, and respect his manly and heroic spirit. " They went," said ^neas Sylvius, who afterward filled the papal chair, and who knew all the circumstances of the execu- tion of Huss and Jerome — "They went to their pun- ishment as to a feast. Not a word escaped them whicli gave indication of the least weakness. In the midst of the flames they sang hymns uninterruptedly to their last breath. No philosopher ever suffered 74 LIFE AND TniES OF JOHN HUS3. [Ch, II. death with such constancy as they endured the flames." ^ The question here rises — What were the real causes which led to the condemnation of Huss ? He him- self would never allow, even to the last, that he had departed from the orthodox standards of the chui'ch — the scriptures and the fathers. In fact, with the exception of his late approval of the views of Jaco- bel in regard to the communion of the cup, there was scarce a doctrine which he held, upon which he could not have found many members of the council to agree with him. When questioned upon transub- stantiation and the Trinity, he replied by a full and frank confession of the Catholic formula. In regard to confession, he did not reject it, though like many of his contemporaries whose orthodoxy passed unsus- pected, he did not attach to it that supreme and superstitious importance which belonged to it in the eyes of many. On other points of belief, — as inter- cession of the saints, the adoration of images, works, purgatory, and tradition, his replies before the coun- cil show that his views differed but slightly from those of the French theologians, and the more intel- ligent and liberal members of the Roman Catholic church. As to the doctrine of the absence of the spiritual character in bad priests — a doctrine so long obscure in his mind, and which at first he seems to have adopted from Wickliffe — he finishes by giving it an orthodox explanation, declaring that in the ministry of an unworthy priest, God works worthily and efi^ectually by unworthy hands. Even with re- * ^neaa Sylv., xxxvi. Cii. II.] GENERAL ORTnODOXY OF IIUS9. 15 gard to indulgences, be declares himself indisposed to witliliold any prerogative wliicli God may have given to the Roman pontiff, but merely denies that they were of any value when given for unwoi'thy pui-poses. Many of the propositions attributed to him by the council he publicly disavowed, and oth- ers he explained in such a manner that they could not pi'operly be regarded as heretical. Huss attacked, not so much the doctrines of the Romish church, as their abuse, and in this respect might have found sufficient precedent for his justification, had he sought it, among the writings of members of the council. Nor can we ascribe the condemnation of Huss to the severe language which he used in regard to the coi'ruption and degeneracy of the church. * No Ian guage to be found in his writings can exceed, if even equal, in severity, that which was employed upon this sul)ject by Gerson, Clemengis, and D'Ailly. Many a sermon was preached before the council, in which plain and terrible expositions of the prevalent depravity were presented, startling enough to fill the mind of every hearer with astonishment and horror. No one ever attempted to deny the truth of Avhat Huss asserted on this subject. The Cardinal of Cam- bray merely complained that it was said inoppor- tunely. One prominent feature of the criminality of Huss may perhaps be found in some lines written in an old manuscript copy of his works. " As long as John Huss merely declaimed against the vices of the seculars, every one said that he was in- 76 LIFE AISTD TmES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. II. spired by the Spirit of God ; but as soon as lie pro- ceeded against ecclesiastics, be became an object of odium, for he then really laid his finger upon the sore." Huss traced, like Wickliffe, a large part of the ex- cesses of the clergy to the riches which, by the vio- lation of ecclesiastical order, they had been enabled to accumulate. He saw them becomius^ lords and princes, entangled in worldly business, and inspired by worldly ambitions. He believed that it was the right and duty of the secular power to secure the proper employment of the property of the church, and when it had been perverted from its uses, it might be taken away altogether. This doctrine was a heinous one in the eyes of the clergy. It gave a mortal blow to their worldly rank and temporal authority. Undoubtedly its avowal made Huss many enemies, and these of a most unrelenting and vindictive character. Various 23arties in the council stood arrayed against Huss upon distinct grounds. The theologians of the University of Paris saw in him an adherent of the philosophy of the Realists, and the odium philosoph- icum^ full as much as the odium theologicum^ brought them as Nominalists into bitter conflict with him. The English deputation, indifferent, or perhaps hos- tile to the philosophical views of the Parisians, tak- ing but little delight in the verbal quibbles with which the dialectic skill of the Cardinal of Cambray sought to entrap Huss into self-contradiction, regarded him yet as a disciple of Wickliffe, and when they heard him defending his memory, resolved to give hira up Ch. II.] GERMAN" PREJUDICE. 77 ■ts anotlier victim to tlieir hatred of their own coun- ■Iryman. The deputation of the German nation, moreover, had some to Constance, many of them bitterly envenomed Dy prejudice against IIuss. They regarded him — «ome of them, at least — almost in the light of a per- sonal enemy. They charged him Avith being the principal agent in the measures which led to the vir- tual expulsion of the German nation from the Univer- sity of Prague. Among those who are mentioned as especially eager to secure his conviction and condem- nation, we find many who in all probability had studied in that university, and carried back with them from Bohemia the inveterate hostility and prejudice which had there been excited.^ The most pertinacious antagonist of Huss — according to the historian, the only one who could vanquish him in argument — was John Zacharise, professor of theol- ogy, who represented the University of Erfurth in the council of Constance, and who is spoken of as a man of extensive learning and consummate ability. To him the same historian ascribes the prevailing influence which secured the sentence of Huss. How- ever this may be, there can be no doubt that the German nation in the council, to which Huss should have looked for defenders, was envenomed against him by the reports that had gone forth from the Univer- sity of Prague. To bring the various interests, antipathies, and prejudices of the several parties to bear against the prisonei", there were only needed the skill and malice • Von der Ilardt, iv. 395. 78 LIFE AISTD TEVIES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. II. of men like Paletz and Causis. Paletz, a former com- panion and associate, soon a rival in influence, at length in a moment of terror yielding up his better convictions to secui'e his own safety, and virtually sold over to the enemies of the man whom he now pursued, not so much for the purpose of taking his life, as for the privilege of triumph over a prostrate foe ; — Michael de Causis, a villain from the start, and schooled by all the practised arts of fraud to do the meanest things which the tool of other men's malice needs to do, while he gratifies his own : — these were the leaders in a plot of which bribery was an ac- kowledged element, and which combined and wove into its web of intrigue the basest passions, and the most unhallowed and even conflicting interests. And yet it is probable that all those arts by which they poisoned the minds of the council, and all the false testimony which they heaped together in order to convict Huss, would have proved vain, but for that which was in reality, after all, the chief crime that rested upon his head. He would not admit the infallibility of the council. He had too much good sense, not to say piety, to allow the word of any man, or any body of men, to silence or overthrow the clear authority of the word of God. He had appealed from the pope to Christ, the supreme Judge, in vain, if any council was to sit in judgment on Christ himself, wrest his words from their true meaning, or replace them by human decisions from any source. He demanded, and again and again did he repeat the demand, that he should be set right and instructed by the authority of the Sacred Scrip- Cir. II.] APPEAL OF HUSS TO SCRIPTURE. 79 tures. To these alone, and not to the dicta of any body of men, was he willing to submit. Here was the root of the difficulty. Huss was a Protestant before the name was known. He protested against superseding the plain word of Christ by any inven- tions or decisions of fallible men. This constituted his crime. To this position he remained steadfast to the last. Sigismund, like a second Nebuchadnezzar, required that Huss should bow down and worship the great image of synodical infallibility which he had set up in place of the pope. The council itself repeated the demand. Obedience and submission were the only terras on which his life Avould be spared. These conditions Huss rejected with disdain ; and his doom was sealed. He went to the stake with a clear conscience, forcing the very flames which his enemies had kindled, to emblazon before the woi'ld in flery letters his reverence for the word of God. Had his life been spared, we can readily be- lieve that new light would have dawned upon him, and that Luther would have been preceded in his career by a man who combined some of the noblest qualities of the martyr S2:>irit with a firmness and decision fully equal to his own. The character of Huss is one that the most viru- lent calumny has scarce dared to touch. The purity of his life, the simplicity of his manners, his love of truth, his deep conscientiousness, his aversion to all assumption or display, his strong sympathy for the poor and ignorant, his chivalrous readiness to obey each prompting of duty, though it might carry him to the prison or the stake, are plainly legible in the 80 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cn. 11. whole story of his life. He has no false j)ricle that forbids him to retract an error, or reject a truth. He only asks to be convinced, and he is willing to con- fess his mistake. We can see at times the impetuons- ness of his nature breaking out under the indignant sense of wrong or injustice. He utters his feelings in sharp and even burning words. Fearing not the face of man, he dares avow his doctrines before the world ; and, if the occasion demands, can lash the vices of men in power with unsparing invective and reproof. And yet, so thoroughly is he master of him- self, so perfectly has he schooled his passions to self- control, that rarely a word escapes his lips, or a step is taken, which he needs to recall. In all the prominent men of his age we look in vain for that combination of qualities by which he was eminently fitted for the task committed to his hands. He showed throughout his trial a presence of mind, and a power and quickness of apprehension, which are perfectly surprising, when we consider the hardships of his severe and protracted imprisonment — for the most part deprived of books — and the tumultuous scenes in the council, which at times made it more like a mob than a body of men assembled to delib- erate and judge. In other reformers we can in almost every instance detect some weakness or ex- cess that led them into blunders, and which we sadly regret. Luther might have been too defiant, Me- lanchthon too compliant. Jerome, the associate of Huss, was impetuous, perhaps to an extreme ; but Huss himself pursued a course in which his decision and moderation, his conscientiousness and docility, his Ch. II.] CHAEACTER OF IITJSS. 81 loyalty to ti-utli, and liis respect for tlie rights and judgment of otbere, are happily blended. We could scarcely wish him to have been other than he was. Even without the crown of martyrdom, we should have been constrained to pi'onounce him brave and true, — the possessor of a manly, noble nature. I have not thought it necessary to sum up at length the character of Huss; for its leading fea- tures are quite distinctly brought out in the course of the narrative. Frank, genial, and confiding, he scorned all disguise of his views or feelings. His motives are transparent and avowed, and he is never ashamed to confess them. The man stands forth before us, delineated in his own words and deeds. That he valued and desired the love of all good men is obvious ; but he seems never to have been carried away by the mere love of applause. Severe- ly, and perhaps at times morbidly, conscientious, his moral character is above the reach of calumny. The malice of his enemies could not detect in it a flaw or stain. In his familiar letters, he censures himself for faults which most would have scarcely esteemed foibles. He reproaches himself for playing chess, and for an attention to dress which was unbecomins:. But his gentleness and charity, his purity and integ- rity, are above question. They were eloquently attested, as we shall see hereafter, by the document in which the university vindicated his memor}' from the charges of the council. In his controversies he never descends to personal abuse. He expresses, in strong language, his disap- VOL, n. 6 82 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. II proval of the course of some of his party in tlie use of reproacliful epitliets. Yet it is evident that he lacked neither the occasion or ability, had he been so disposed, to cover his opponents with ridicule, and convert his success into a personal triumph. But this his loyalty to truth as well as the' kindliness of his nature forbade. His social affections were warm and tender. His letters in exile and from prison unfold his heart to us. We have, indeed, in Huss a man whose Acui- ties were admirably balanced, — true and devoted as a friend, powerful yet courteous as an antagonist, eloquent in the pulpit, fiiithful as a witness to the truth before the council, a hero in the prison, and a martyr at the stake.*""' CHAPTER III. JACOBEL, GERSON, AND VOLADAMIR. The Usk of the Cvp. — Decree of the Council. — Reasons on which it was Based. — History of the Use of the Cup. — Jacobel's Treatise. — His Argu- ment Characterized. — Sharp Sentences. — Persecution Rebuked. — The Bold Tone of Jacobel's Treatise. — Gregory's Abdication. — Benedict XIII. Sum- moned.— Affair of John Petit. — His Character. — His Propositions Con- demned at Paris. — The Duke of Burgundy Appeals to the Pope. — The Question Before the Council. — The Aspect op the Case Changed. — Eng- land Allied wth the Duke of Burgundy. — Timidity of the Council. — Disap- pointment of Gerson. — The King of Poland and the Teutonic Knights. — ■ Sketch of the Order. — Question Before the Council. — Paul Voladamir and His Propositions. — Their Liberal Tone. — Von Falkenburg. — Apologizes for the Order. — His Book Escapes Condemnation. — Gerson's Motives. — Personal Danger. — Attacked by Falkenburg. — Futile Hopes. May, 1415 — August, 1415. During the period which intervened between the first appearance of IIuss before the council and his final sentence, there were other subjects of discussion, of grave impoi'tance, which claimed the attention of the members of that body. The Bishop of Lito- mischel, as we have already seen, entered his com- plaint against the innovation introduced by Jacobel at Prague. The matter had been given in charge to the theologians of the council, who were directed to examine and report. The result of their labors was a small treatise, in reproof of the innovation.^ This treatise was submitted to the council, and furnished * Von der HarJt, torn, iii., pt. xvii., p. 586. (83) 84 LIFE AND TniES OF JOHN" HUSS. [Ch. Ill, the grounds upon wliich their subsequent decree (June 15th, 1415) was based. It pronounces the authority and long practice of the church a sufficient warrant for the withholding of the cup, and declares heretical any who should maintain the contrary opin- ion ; and such persons, as heretical, are to be pro- .ceeded against, wherever they may be found, by the diocesans, their vicars, or the inquisitors of heretical pravity, even to the infliction upon them of severe penalties.* The conclusions of the doctors and the penal decree of the council were not calculated to set the question at rest. As to the first, by their admissions they stultified themselves. As to the latter, Jacobel was not a man to be intimidated by its terrors. The doctors had admitted — as they could not well deny — ■ that as the sacrament was instituted by Christ, and observed by the early church, the communion of the cup had been allowed. Their argument for with- holding it from the laity was based upon the practice and authority of the church. A custom long ob- served, had, they remarked, the force of law, and the church had the right to make or adopt such changes in the sacraments as she deemed fitting. On these grounds, which would allow age to sanctify error, and permit the institutions of Christ to be mutilated or abrogated by Jiuman caprice, they justified the practice of the church in the withholding of the cup. But the plea in its favor, drawn from custom and precedent, was by no means a strong one. Scarce two centuries had passed since the cup had been first * Von der Ilardt, iv. 332. Fleiiry, xxvi- 103. Cn. III.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE CUP. 85 witlilield. Ill England the practice seems first to have prevailed, and yet, from the writings of Anselm we infer that he knew nothing of it. The celebrated Thomas Aquinas is the first of any eminence who taught that the communion of both kinds was unne- cessary, inasmuch as the body and blood of our Lord are found in each. Bonaventura goes further, and advises the withholding of the cup from the laity. These two men, whose names supplied the place of authority with the Dominicans and Franciscans re- spectively, first gave an impulse to the innovation. The mendicant monks, swarming all over Europe, carried the practice with them. By degrees the com- munion of the cup fell into disuse. In order that laj^men might communicate in both kinds, a dispen- sation was at length required by the popes. This gainful prerogative, once secured, was not likely to be given up. It was a new jewel in the tiara of papal prerogative.^ The first ecclesiastical statute dis- coverable on the subject, dates from the year 1261. It was enacted at a general chapter of the Cistercian order, and is grounded on the pretence that evils arise from making the communion of the cup gen- eral. In the middle of the fourteenth century, yet less than fifty years before the birth of Huss, the denial of the cup to the laity had become common. But in Bohemia, on the confines of the Greek church, the innovation made slower progress. Matthias, who died at Prague in 1389, and who is said to have maintained the same doctrine on the subject with Jacobel, must have seen and conversed with those * Spittler's llistory of the Cup. 86 LIFE AND TUTES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cii. III. to whom the cup had been allowed. Many of the citizens of Prague, who had as yet scarce passed middle life, must have remembered how Charles IV., and Blanca his wife, at their coronation in 1347, had been allowed to partake of the communion in both kinds. In Bohemia, therefore, at least, the argu- ments of the council, futile and inane as they were in themselves, would lose all their force. So far as the inhabitants of that kingdom were concerned, the communion of the cup liad in its favor the practice of twelve centuries. One, or even two hundred years of innovation was a poor offset — even on the grounds uj^on which the council argued — against a precedent of such long and continuous standing. But Jacobel did not rest the weight of his arguments even upon this ground. He had already learned, like Huss, to go back to the original records of Chris- tianity itself; and to the authority of these — sustained as it was by the unanimous voice of the Christian fathers — he was willing to leave the question. His controversy with. Broda already referred to, shows that he had informed himself in regard to the whole subject, with care and diligence. He could scarcely have been taken by surprise at the announcement of the conclusions and the decree of the council. These were published on the fifteenth of June, and must have been known at Prague before the death of Huss. But at nearly the same time the report of the views which Huss entertained upon the subject must have been received. His words would carry especial weight with them, as the dying testimony of one Cn. III.] WEIGHT OF IIUSS' OPINION. 87 whom tens of thousands revered and loved. In his case, it was to be presumed, there was no ])linding motive of self-interest to lead him to a wrong con- clusion. In the circumstances of the case his author- ity would, with the mass of the citizens of Pi'ague, more than counterbalance that of the council. The latter had exposed itself to contempt, not only by its treatment of Huss, which rxcited the deepest in- dignation, but by its notorious intrigues and corrup- tions, unblushingly proclaimed by members of its own body. Huss, on the other hand, had been al- most canonized in the affections of his countrymen, by the injustice which the council had inflicted upon him. Contrary to their design, they had crowned their victim with a dignity and power with which their own could not compete. The preacher was to be elevated into the confessor, the hero into the martyr. Powerful as the words of Huss might be from his pulpit in Bethlehem chapel, they were more eloquent as traced by his manacled hand in the cell of his Gottlieben prison. The decree of the council stood little chance of securing favor or recognition when the views of Huss were once known. Jacobel was encouraged and strengthened by the approval of his countryman at Constance. His own convictions had been deliberately formed, and, confi- dent of the rectitude of his course, he did not quail before the storm. But although the decree of the council doomed him as a heretic to inquisitorial ven- geance, it failed to frighten him from the stand which he had made. He took it up, along with the con- clusions on which it had been based, and hurled it 88 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cu. III. back in the face of tlie council, riddled tliroiis-li and through by the arrows of scripture logic.^ He brought the array of the Christian fathers in un- broken phalanx against an innovation of less than three hundred years' standing at the utmost. Nor did he fail to improve so fair an occasion of speaking some plain truths uj)on kindred topics. The argument of Jacobel displays throughout an uncompromising love of truth, a thorough detestation of all hyi^ocrisy and injustice, a devoted fidelity to the authority of scripture, as well as a most vigor- ous intellect and a glowing eloquence. As he takes up the conclusions of the doctors, adopting the first, and exposing the more fully thereby the fallacy and absurdity of the last, and then proceeds to at- tack the decree of the council, which, in its cruel severity, bore its condemnation on its face, all his powers and feelings are aroused, and his argument grows fierce and terrible as it clothes itself in the mantle of injured and insulted truth. His irony, contempt, sai'casm, and grave reproof, not unmiugled with a sadder tone that breathes a dirge-like music over the bleeding wounds of persecuted truth, carry us along on the tide of argument, and we feel that resistance is vain. The man's words come from the deepest fountains of feeling and conviction. His heart is a volcano, pouring forth a lava tide of fiery logic that scathes and burns all it touches. He does not fight as one that beateth the air. He feels that he is dealing with real antagonists. Each paragraph is sharp and pointed as a dagger. * The entire discussion on both sides is to be found in Von der Hardt, torn. iiL Ch. III.] jacobel's argument. 89 Every sentence stings. " If we are Christ's priests," he says, " I know not whom we should follow rather than Christ himself." "If Christ is the founda- tion— as we have heard from their own mouth in re- gard to this doctrine — not only the doctors of the council of Constance, but the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." " Whoever loves the truth, let him dismiss these doctors, even though there were a lesfion of them, and hear him who is the Truth — Christ, that great Prophet, the well-beloved of the Father." " Into such senselessness do they fall, who, when anything obscure prevents them from discern- mcr the truth, have recourse, not to the words of the prophets, the writings of the apostles, or the author- ity of the gospel — and so become masters of error because they never were disciples of the truth." Jacobel takes occasion to show how the disciples of Christ, who truly followed in his steps, have been persecuted and charged with heresy. Abel was killed, Joseph sold as a slave, Isaiah sawn in sunder, Christ, the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world, crucified. Paul, after the manner that men called heresy, worshipped the God of his fathers. " Such men the council takes on false testimony, con- victs and condemns them of heresy, and then delivei's them over to the secular arm to be punished. O Jesus Christ, the author of this truth ! do they not, as ftir as in them is, make thee an heresiarch ? They give up thee and thy holy primitive church to the secular ai'm, and still wish to be called guiltless of murder, and charitable ! As of old the Phansees and the priests, so holy that they would not enter the 90 LIFE AIS^D TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IIL preetorium, or tlie house of a Gentile, gave up the In- nocent One to be crucified, while they said ' It is not lawful for us to put any one to death,' so now is their example copied by those, who first defame, then cite to trial, excommunicate and hastily arrest, and de- grade, cursing body and soul as far as in them lies, and handinic their victims over to the secular court. And as the Jews then said, ' If thou lettest this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend,' so now these men say — 'Powerful master, this man is under your juris- diction ; the church has no more to do with him, and so he must be restrained by the civil power.' . . . O King of kings and Lord of lords, tribulations are on ever}^ side, thou Eternal Father ! For if, according to thine own command, I am to hear thy well-beloved Son, and listen to the gospel, as that well-beloved Son himself gave commandment, and so live after the example of the primitive church, I shall be excom- municated, accounted a heretic, condemned, burned, or in some other way put to death by this Roman church, which savors not the nature or practice of the primitive one. But if I do not obey the gospel, eternal death and everlasting fire "will be my portion when our Lord Jesus Christ shall be revealed from heaven with his angels, to take vengeance upon those that know not God and obey not the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. What choice then shall I make ? But I know that if I should please men, I should be no more the servant of Jesus Christ Fear not those, therefore, who can only kill tlie body. Not a hair of your head shall perish without our Father ; in patience possess ye your souls. Cu. III.] JACOBEL ON PERSECUTION^. 01 "Since, tlieu, all power is given to Christ, in heaven and on eai-th, who would dare to bring him into subjection to his own rules, shaping His gospel law according to his own caprice— who, but the son of perdition, who is exalted above all that is called God?" Jacobel does not spare the persecuting doctrines of the council embodied in their decree. " Ye know not what spirit ye are of. Christ came, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them. Mahomet taught his followers to persecute and kill ; Christ did not. By their fruits ye shall know them,— j^ea, those who invoke the secular arm against such as practice gos- pel truth. . . . Antichrist, as Thomas says, forces, by threats and torture, those whom he cannot otherwise subdue." Jacobel seems to see fulfilled before his eyes the prophecies in regard to the last days. He quotes the language employed in previous centuries by those whom the church still honored, and shows how severely it bore against those who chose to obey, and force others to obey, men rather than God. Their final doom he holds up as a fearful warninn con- trived to recover from the loss. They complained that the kini? of Poland was become indifterent to the conversion of infidels, as was indeed the case if his zeal was to be measured by their violence and ambition. His humanity is attested by the teais he shed when battle was successively forced upon him. At last he had recourse to the council of Constance. His ambassadors were charged to bring the matter to its notice. It was committed for investigation to Cardinal Zabarella, assisted by two deputies from each of the nations composing the council. It was on the eleventh of May that the commission was appointed. 106 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. 111. The question brought before them was, " Is it right, Tinder the pretext of propagating religion, to invade foreign territory and wage war upon it ? " It was a question in regard to which humanity and justice de- manded to be heard. The old doctrine of the church had been, not merely in theory, but in prac- tice, that as all the kingdoms of the world belonged to Christ, an infidel king had no right to reign, and might justly be deposed. The bloody recoi'd of the Albigenses had attested the faitliful application of this principle, when Simon de Montfort had signal- ized his infamy by the slaughter of thousands, and turned tlie fertile fields of Southern France into an uninhabited desert. The career of the Teutonic knights could be justified on the strength of this principle alone. Strictly considered, it was the prin- ciple of the religious bigot everywhere. It built up the inquisition, and invented its tortures. It tri- umphed in the crusades, and was vindicated in the execution of Huss. But men of that day did not see it in the whole extent of its application. Gerson could allow Huss to be sent to the flames, but was nobly inconsistent with himself when the same prin- ciple was to be applied on a more extended scale. His sympathies were strongly enlisted on the side of th.e Polish king, and his ambassador, Paul Voladimir. The latter, on the day previous to the burning of Huss, (July 5,) presented to the German nation, by them to be considered and communicated to the other nations, a treatise, entitled " A Demonstration," in which he undertook to prove against the Teutonic knights, " that Christians are not permitted to employ Cn. ITI.] LIBERAL VIEWS OF VOLADIMIR. 107 violent means for the conversion of infidels, nor under this pretext to plunder them of their goods." After statins: the excesses and ferocious cruelties of the order which — invoked by Poland as a shield — had become a lash, and giving a brief history of the peaceful ])rogress of Christianity among those who were now molested by them, he proceeds to show, in fifty-two consecutive propositions,-' that such conduct, and the doctrine by which it is sustained, are equally opposed to natural equity and the law of God. Some of his positions would scarcely be allowed at the present day, but others are characterized by sound sense and true humanity. Infidels, he maintains, if not of the fold of the church, are yet of the fold of Christ ; as he said, " I have other sheep not of this fold." From this he infers that Christ's successor should protect them and defend them in their right, while they live as good citizens, instead of maltreating them, or suffering them to be maltreated. Even he, though he may send preachers among them whom he may sustain, must not constrain them by force to embrace the gospel. They must be left to the free- dom of their own will, inasmuch as conversion is God's work, and faith is not to l)e forced by blows. He condemns the cruelty which had been too com- mon in Europe in the treatment of the Jews and other unbelievers, contending that Christian princes ought not to plunder them, or expel them from their lands. He enforces the teachings of natural reason in regard to the rights of individuals, by the com- mand of the proverb not to trespass on a neighbor's * Von der Hardt, iii. 10, et seq. 108 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN" HUSS. [Ch. III. landmarks. Infidels possess their authority as rulers from God, and by no guilt of their own. Voladamir, while he inconsistently excepts heretics from the privileges allowed to infidels, declares that they are not to be dealt harshly with,untried and uncondemned. He maintains that even letters of the Roman pontiff, conferring privileges upon any man or order, are to be interpreted in accordance with law and the rights of individuals — a doctrine that would have spared the world the sight of many a horror, now to be charged to the claims of papal infallibility. He condemns the principle of doing evil that good may come. We are not to injure our neighbor, and thus transgress the commandment in order to convert him. The decision of the council of Toledo is referred to, as condemning the use of violent and harsh methods, and recommending only the arts of persuasion and gentle means. Voladimir goes even beyond the spirit, not of his own, but, we may even say, of the present age, in maintaining that the individual soldier must be convinced of the justice of the cause in which he is engaged. If a subject, and the matter is in doubt, it may be possible that his sovereign's command may be paramount. But no fear of temporal losses should induce him to take part in a war which he knows to be unjustly waged. In these views, the Polish am- bassador unconsciously passes the limit of that servile rule which proscribes the right of private judgment. He is unconsciously arguing against the infallible authority, whether of pope or council. It shows, moreover, the liberal spirit by which he was anima- ted, that he dares to throw off the bigoted scruples Ch. III.] VOLADIMIR AND GEESON. 109 of tlie age, and assert tliat a Christian prince miglit, in case of danger, justly seek the alliance of an infi- del. He closes his treatise by picturing the horrid results that would follow the adoption of the princi- ple of his adversaries. If all unbelievers were i]pso facto disqualified from ruling ; if they might be as- saulted with force of arms to bring them to the adoption of the Christian faith, the door is opened to all manner of violence. The command, " Thou shalt not kill," stands in the way, and forbids all these forms of cruelty and injustice.^ Erroneous as some of the positions of Voladimir were, the humane and sensible character of others shows the ability and Christian feeling of the man. As rector of the University of Cracow, and represen- tative of the king of Poland, he honored the office and position which he occupied in the council. In many respects he and Gerson found themselves drawn together by strong sympathies. And as if the more to unite them in feeling, they had much the same experience of the character of the council. It was for a long time in vain that Voladimir sought to obtain from the council some judgment in favor of his proposition. But he too had Ms Duke of Bur- gundy. The Teutonic order was powerful, and not lightly to be offended. Sigismund, earnest as he was for peace, was unwilling to do anything which should tend to alienate their sympathies from the great cause he had at heart, — the union of Christen- dom against the Turk. And might not some of the principles of Voladimir's demonstration rise up to * Von der Hardt, iii. p. 2. 110 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHlSr HUSS. [Ch. IH. protest even against his cherished project ? In vain did Gerson lend all the weight of his influence to enforce the representations of his Polish brother. Weightier motives than those of simple justice, he must once more have felt, in the bitterness of his soul, controlled the action of the council. But Voladimir had not only his Duke of Bur- gundy in the Teutonic order, but the order itself had its John Petit in the person of a Dominican monk, John Von Falkenberg.^ The latter became, at the instance of the order, their apologist against the king and kingdom of Poland, and he showed himself not unworthy in some respects of his Parisian prototype. The apology itself, as a whole, has per- ished, but fragments of it have been preserved, enough to show the venomous spirit that pervades it. It is directed to all kings, princes, prelates, and to Christendom generally, and the author promises eternal life to all that will league together to exter- minate the Poles and Jagellon their king. He was accused of maintaining that the king was an idol, and his subjects idolaters ; that both should be hated, as they deserved to be ; that they were heretics and shameless dogs, turning back to their vomit by fall- ing into heathenism ; that to kill the Poles and their king is more meritorious than to slay pagans ; that secular princes who shall do it at the risk of earthly dignity will merit eternal glory, while those who tolerate them or aid them will be damned; and that all Poland, with Jagellon its king, is to be ac- ",ouuted criminal as committed to schism and heresy. * L'Enfant, 678-9. Cn. ni.] PARTIALITY OF THE COUXCIL. Ill This treatise, which the emperor met with in Paris a few months after the subject had been brought be- fore the council, was subsequently condemned to be burned, as erroneous in faith and morals, seditious, cruel, scandalous, injuaious, impious, offensive to pi- ous eai's, and heretical. But no sentence was passed upon it in public session. The order exerted their influence with Martin V., just then elected pope, (1-118,) and he dared not offend so powerful a body. In vain did the French and Polish deputations, who felt that their cause was one and the same, urge the matter. Neither Falkenberg's book, nor Petit's apology, odious as they both were, could be brought to share the fate to which the works of Huss had been doom- ed. Falkenberg himself was imprisoned, but to leave the matter there seemed to Gerson a mockery of all justice. His deliberate view of the matter, as he saw it in retrospect, is expressed in his works.^ The course of the council, so he remarks, "gives the Bohemians just occasion to accuse it of a most criminal partiality, in treating with indifference a matter so vital to Christian morals and civil society, while other heresies less ftital are dealt with so harshly. It opens the gate to robbery, perjury, mas- sacre, and assassination. It takes fi-om bishops the power of repressing heretics, or correcting those who err within their diocese ; for if they see that the coun- cil had no such authority, they will not dare to undertake its exercise. Secular princes will find themselves under the necessity of using temporal * Ger. Op. torn. v. 1014. 112 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. Ill, weapons against such as teacli pestilent doctrine in their states. Thus the authority of the council is made cheap ; its deeds are null and void ; it becomes a laughing-stock for infidels, schismatics, especially for Peter de Luna (Benedict XIII.) and his adherents, who will not fail to exult at the result of a measure so exciting in expectations, so futile in its issue." It is more than possible that motives of a more personal and worldly nature than Gerson was aware of, found a place in his heart. His zeal was quick- ened, perhaps, by a sense of what he considered in- dignities offered to himself. He had boldly stemmed the tide of popular opinion, when the power of the Duke of Burgundy was at its height in Paris. His name had been mingled with the curses of the popu- lace. His house had been sacked, and his life en- dangered by a lawless mob.^ He doubtless felt him- self to have been a persecuted man. ]N'or had his treatment in the council been such as he might deem justly due to his position and his ability. He found, to his sorrow and disappointment, that human nature was much the same at Constance and at the French capital. The scenes of the council were sucb, that to take a part in them must at times have wounded his own self-respect. They were anything but models of decorum and order. Shouting, stamping, recrim- ination, and almost every form of confusion, were not infrequent. In Von Falkeuberg he found another John Petit, and the cause each defended was much the same. Nay, the former had even volunteered, incited, doubtless, by the bribes of the Duke of Bur- * Sketch of Gerson's Life in Von der Hardt. Cii. III.] TEEATMEXT OF GEIISON. 113 gundy, and to secure his alliance, to become tlie avowed champion of Petit. In this character he assaulted D'Ailly and Gerson in no measured terms. His pamphlets teem with insults, full of abuse and contemptuous insolence. He speaks of Gerson as so unversed in logic that he should be sent to school to learn its rules. Not the glory of the University of Paris, but the disgrace of its ignorance, is manifest in the stupidity of its chancellor. No wonder, he says, if such a man as he, unacquainted with the rudiments of logic, occupied that post, the Bishop of Paris, with the doctors of his council of faith, should have blundered into the error of condemnino- o the propositions of Petit. It is not strange that Gerson's zeal was inflamed by some sense of the personal outrage to which he was subjected. The consciousness of his own integ- rity perhaps needed this new spur to rouse him to the most strenuous effort. And that effort was put forth. The great man, with his noble heart and gigantic intellect, toiled on, hoping against hope, and trusting with the fondness of affection to the action of a council that was forever humbling his idolatrous respect for it by showing itself but a prostrate Da- gon. Efforts that would have crushed others in weeks, were by him continued without intermission for years. It was with feelings that none can envy, that he at last withdrew from a scene that, at once, had witnessed his glory and humiliation. The dreams of early years were dashed to the earth. His enemy, the Duke of Burgundy, was triumphant. The coun- cil, which he had at first idolized, dared not touch VOL. n. 3 114 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. III. tlie powerful criminal. The University of Paris was no lono-er liis home. The murderer of the Duke of Oi'leans ruled there still ; and the broken-hearted exile found the only repose — the only real peace he was again to enjoy on earth — in the humble monas- tery of a distant city. There, at Lyons, we see that intellect, which found not its peer in the assembled representatives of the Christian world, engaged in the instruction of little children, and teaching them — in a humility which had been taught by adversity — as they should pass the spot where his ashes would soon rest, to " pray for poor John Gerson I " CHAPTER IV. THE COUNCIL AND THE BOHEMIANS.— JEROME RECANTS, Impressions Made by the Execution op Huss. — Pasquinade. — Sermon of thb Monk of Mavence. — Its Severity. — Similar Sermons. — Inference. — The Council Condemns Itself. — Death of Huss Known at Prague. — Consterna- tion.— Veneration for the Memory of Huss. — Unanimity of Feeling. — Voice of the University. — Jerome Visited by a Deputation of the Council. Other Matters. — Sigismund Zealous for the Condemnation of Petit's Prop- ositions. — llis Mission to Spain. — Obstinacy op Benedict. — Sigismund Pre- pares for His Journey. — Decree op the Council. — Sigismund's Departure. — Conference with Benedict. — The Council in Sigismund's Absence. — Slow Progress. — Disputes, Games, and Violence. — Many Leave Constance. — Gerson's Sermon. — The Council's Letter to Bohemia. — Its Threats. — Provocation. — Excitejient at Prague. — Jerome's Severe Imprisonment. — ■ Presumption of His Heroism. — His Recantation Explained. — Qualified Sub- mission to the Council. — Unsatisfactory. — Nineteenth Session. — Jerome's Second Form of Submission. — His Speech, Explanatory and Introductory. — How Far Sincere. Aug. 1, 1415 — Sept. 23, 1415. The execution of Huss, as the intelligence of it went abroad, was variously received. To some it afforded occasion for exultation ; in the minds of others it excited only grief and indignation. The enemies of the reformer gained nothing by it. The council had only aggravated its own infamy by the cruel deed. Sigismund had forever alienated from himself the sympathies of the Bohemians, by the complacency with which he had tolerated the viola- tion of his safe-conduct. The instigators of the pros- ecution had covered their own memory with an odi- um which would follow them to their graves. (115) 116 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IV. There were some, undoubtedly, who exulted in the fate of a man charged with heresy, — one whose name had been so long coupled with that of Wick- liffe, or who had been recognized by them only as a dangerous innovator. But there were not want- ing those, even at Constance, who regarded the pro- ceedings of the council, in the case of Huss, with in- dignation and abhorrence. The doctrines for which he was willing to die assumed a new importance. The persecuting bigotry of the council, in their method of dealing with him, — the outrage committed, in his imprisonment, trial, and execution, upon all the forms of justice, — combined, with the notorious corruption of the council itself, to tear from the eyes of men the veil of its false assumptions. Any public mani- festations of the feelings which had thus been excited would have been hazardous in the extreme, and yet their expression could not be entirely suppressed. It would have been difficult to conceive anything more bitterly severe than the method which was taken to set forth the contempt which the council had invited upon itself On the day after the execution of Huss, the follow iuo: writino^ was found affixed to the doors of all the churches in the city. "The Holy Ghost, to the believers in Constance, greeting: — Pay atten- tion to your own business. As to us, being occupied elsewhere, we cannot remain any longer in the midst of you. Adieu."* None would dare to avow the authorship, and few perhaps would approve the spirit of this pasquinade Yet many were dissatisfied and disgusted with tht * L'Enfant. Von der Ilardt Cn. IV.] SEEMONS BEFORE THE COUNCIL. 117 proceedings of tlie council. It was not many months after the death of Huss, that an Augustinian monk, of Mayence, preached before it a sermon, the severe rebukes of which were terrible truths or atrocious libels. " It is related," said he, " of Socrates, that he once laughed at seeing great robbers drag little ones to the gibbet ; more reason would he have to lausfh if he were here now at this council of Con- stance, where we see great rogues, that is, Simonists, suspend little ones." ^ In truth, one only needs to note the measures of the council in connection with the sermons preached before it, to be convinced that, so far as morality and religion were concerned, the whole business of the assembly was a pompous farce. But for the blood and crime accumulated upon the hands of the actors, the council would have seemed but a theatre, on which, before the eyes of Europe and to the scandal of Christendom, was played out, in the name of religion, a grand " comedy of errors." Scarce a sermon was preached, for months after the execution of Huss, which was not its virtual con- demnation. The most frightful pictures of the prev- alent immorality and corruption of the clergy were successively presented to view, and presented by men who were eye-witnesses of what they described, and looked the council in the face while they exhibited the memorials of its disgrace. A Carmelite doctor from Montpelier preached, a few weeks after the martyrdom of Huss, a discourse on the necessity of a reformation of the church. He demanded that most prompt and effectual measures should be ' L'Enfant. 118 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOITN- HUSS. [Ch. IV. adopted by the council to correct the prevalent abuses, — " the insatiable avarice, the indomitable am- bition, the gross ignorance, the shameful indolence, and execrable impurity of the ecclesiastics.^ Still, a few weeks later, another preacher before the coun- cil expatiates on the same theme. After depicting the wretched condition of the church, he traces it to its causes, — " in the avarice and cupidity of the eccle- siastics, their haughtiness and pride." . "Who," he asks, " are those that most oppose reform ? Secular princes ? No ! far from it. They are the eccle- siastics, who tear the robe of Christ in pieces, and whom we may compare to famished wolves, who come into the fold in sheep's clothing, and who, un- der the habits of religion, conceal hearts impious and heinous with enormity."* Still later (October 25) the Bishoj^ of Lodi, who had urged the council to severity against Huss at the session in which his sentence was pronounced, preached a funeral sermon on the death of Landolph Maramour, Cardinal de Bari. He says not a word of the dead, but takes for his subject of discourse the vices of the ecclesiastics, and the necessity of reform. The council might well blush at such re- proof, if any sense of shame was left it. " Instead of being," says the bishop, " an example to the people, it is they, (the people,) perhaps, that will need to teach us how to live. Do we not see in the laity more gravity, decorum, exemplariness in morals and conduct, more respect and devotion in church, than in the ecclesiastics themselves ? Are we to be sur- » L'Enfant » lb., 330. Cii. R^] SHARP REPROOF. , 119 prised tliat secular princes despoil, persecute, and scorn us, making of us a public mockery ? This is a just judgment of God, who will not allow this perse- cution to cease until we remove its cause by a change in our lives." He represents the clergy as so plunged into excess of luxury and brutal indulgence, that, in his opinion, Diogenes, seeking a man among them, would only find beasts and swine.^ As if the subject was too large to be exhausted, we find an English preacher, the following week, proceeding in the same strain in a sermon before the council. With his Ensrlish aversion to the mendi- cants, he empties out upon them the vials of his wrath, and then proceeds to administer his rebuke to the bishops and doctors, who neglect scripture, theology, and morals, for the contentious and lucra- tive study of the canon law. He depicts the ig- norant and sensual ecclesiastics, who leave their charges and churches, and go to the great cities to live in wantonness and splendor. He applies to them, on the part of the church, the language of scripture : " ' My hus})and is not at home ; he has gone a long journey: he has taken with him a bag of silver, and will not return until the full moon ' — that is," says the preacher, "until autumn, when he shall find the granaries and cellars full, and with his full puree may return to buy many rich benefices." ^ It would be tedious even to sketch the successive discourses, which turned almost uniformly upon this theme. Nothing could have justified them, nothing could have secured them a hearing in the council, » L'Enfant, 839. « lb. 840. 120 LIFE AISTD TDIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IV. but the notorious and undeniable truth which they contained. The facts upon which they were based were too patent to be denied. The deliberations of the council in its assemblies, moreover, were often characterized by a confusion approaching to mob violence. Kepeatedly the at- tempt to read a statement or a protest would be clam- ored down. elimination and recrimination were rife, and Gerson had reason for saying that he would sooner have Jews and pagans for his judges, than the deputies of the council. Thus all the language which Huss had used at Prague, in reference to the cor- ruption of the church, was more than justified in the eyes of his countrymen. The council itself had ex- hibited the proof that the charges brought against it were true. It had refuted, beforehand, those who would have been its apologists. It had deposed the pontiff by whom Huss had been excommunicated. The mutual recriminations of its members had ex- ceeded in severity the calmer and more moderate statements of Huss. It was inevitable that, as the intelligence of the execution of their countryman reached the citizens of Prague, it should at once be coupled in their minds with the confessed character of a large portion of his judges. The known purity of Huss, the noto- rious corruption of the council — the constant appeal of one to the authority of scripture, the tyrannic de- mand of the other for a blind sulimission in which perjury was implied — ^presented contrasts too obvious to allow hesitation as to which party should receive their sympathies. The whole city was in commotion. Cu. IV.] IJfDIGXATIOX OF THE r.OirEMIATs'S. 121 Grief, indignation, and resentment pervaded the com- munity. The exasperated multitude flocked, as by- one common impulse, to the Bethlehem chapel. It was the place hallowed to them now by every mem- ory of him whose words still seemed to echo along its walls. All classes alike felt the enthusiastic im- pulse to demand revenge. The dictates of prudence could scarce restrain them from an instantaneous ris- insr. The torch of the executioner at Constance had set the nation on fire. The ashes of Huss had been carefully gathered up and thrown into the Rhine. The council had rightly suspected that his disciples might seize upon them, if the occasion was offered, to bear them off as treas- ured relics. But the ingenuity of their malice went further. As a last insult to the memory of the mar- tyi*, a dead mule was buried on the spot where he was burned. "It was," says a Protestant author, " that the stench proceeding from the body might lead the people to imagine that it came from the heretic." But all this was of no avail. The earth itself, about the funeral pile, — in place of the martyr's ashes, — was taken up, and carried into Bohemia.^ Huss was honored as the apostle and the martyr of the nation. The cruelty and faithlessness of the council were denounced in no measured terms. Nor was it merely a blind and misjudging crowd that paid this homage. The barons and nobles of the kingdom met together, and, with hand on sword, swore to avenge what they regarded at once as aa ' JEneaB Sylvius' His. Boh., cxxxvi. 122 LIFE AIS^D TIMES OF JOHIST HUSS. [Ch. IV. outrage upon innocence, and a national insult. The University of Prague sympathized strongly in the popular feeling. The presence at Constance of those members of it who were hostile to Huss, relieved it of the opposition whicli might, perhaps, liave sought to silence its voice, or stay or modify its decision. Prague was no place for them now. Their partici- pation in the measures tliat led to the fatal deed, would have concentrated upon them tlie national ven- geance. The doctors of the university indignantly appealed, and with a unanimity that awed all dis- sent,— even if there was any, — to the whole of Europe, against the sentence of the council, and the reproaches that had been directed against them- selves. " In the midst of our innumerable and poign- ant subjects of grief," said they, " we consider it an imperious necessity to defend the insulted reputation of our university, hitherto always esteemed so pure, against the attacks of blasphemers. To all the other motives which induce us to adopt this course, is added the remembrance of the honor and the virtue of that man who is now lost to us forever. . . . We desire to do this, that the great renown of one of our own children, John of Hussinitz, surnamed Huss, should not fade away, but shine forth more and more in the eyes of the univei'se. . . . We desire the more -ardently that our words may be heard by all believers, because the presence of so great a man among us has produced so much good, before God and before man. . . . For his life glided on before our eyes, from his very infancy, and was so holy and pure, that no man could show him to be guilty of a Cn. ly.] TESTIMONY OF THE UNIVEESITY. 123 single fault. O man, truly pious, trul}^ humble ! thou who wast conspicuous with the lustre of such great virtue — who wast accustomed to despise riches, and to succor the poor, even to experiencing want thyself — whose place was by the bedside of the un- fortunate— who invitedst, by thy tears, the "most hardened hearts to repentance, and soothedst rebel- lious spirits by the inexhaustible mildness of the word ! thine it was to root out from every heart, and particularly from that of a clergy, rich, covetous, and haughty, their manifold vices, by aj^plying to them the ancient remedy of the scriptures, which appeared as new doctrines in thy mouth ; — thou, in fine, following in the footsteps of the apostles, re- storedst the morals of the primitive church, in the clergy and the peo2:)le ! . . . Ah ! beyond a doubt, nature had loaded this man with all her gifts, and the divine grace was so abundantly shed around him, that not only was he virtuous, but it may even be permitted to assert, that he was virtue itself! But why employ words when acts speak ? A fright- ful death, inflicted by his enemies, and supported with such wonderful patience, proves that he placed his trust on a heavenly foundation. ... It is, in fact, a divine thing — it is the effect of a courage inspired by God alone, to endure so many outrages, so many tortures, and so much infamy for the divine truth, to receive all these insults, with a visage calm and se- rene, to shine forth by the greatest piety, in the face of tyrants, and thus to terminate an irreproachable life by the most bitter death." ^ Mod. Hus., i. 82. 124 LLFE AINTD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. IV. Language like this from tlie university of wliicli Huss had once been rector, and whose members could claim with him an intimate acquaintanceship of years, is significant. Its testimony to his ability, purity, and worth is above impeachment. The council seem to have imagined that, with the terrible example of Huss before him, his friend and associate, Jerome, could be more easily brought to retract. It was ou the nineteenth of July,^ nearly two weeks after the execution of Huss, and two months after his own examination at the time of his capture, that he was again — after having been vis- ited in his prison by the commission — brought before the council. These two months had been to him a period of suffering and hardship. The severity of his imprisonment had affected his health, and he fell dangerously ill.^ To his bodily sufferings was added, also, a more oppressive mental anxiety. The fate of Huss must have been felt as a terrible blow. We have scant record of the pi'ison examination, or of his appearance before the council.^ A manuscript history states, that among the questions put him were those on the real presence, and on the Realist doctrine of universals. On these points his views agreed with those of Huss. After this public ex- amination, Jerome was left to the sadness of his prison meditations. The council hoped that the execution of Huss would have a salutary and molli- f}'ing influence upon the mind of his disciple. They had, moreover, other matters of importance upon their hands, and could well afford their prisoner »Fleury, xxvi. 145. " L'Enfant, 184. * lb. 302. Cu. IV.] CAUTION OF THE COUNCIL. 125 leisure for reflection. One victim at least sufficed for tlie present ; and the issue of their policy in the case of Huss — it was soon to be found — was not such as to invite them to repeat the experiment. The argument of fire had inflamed rather than terrified those to whom it had been addressed. Jacobel per- sisted in his reform, which the council had pronounc- ed an heretical innovation. The minds of the Bo- hemians were in no mood to relish further the Iootc of the stake, and the emperor also was now about to set out upon his expedition to Spain to confer with Peter de Luna, (Benedict XIII.,) and the king of Aragon, by whom he was supported, so that the council might well feel it necessary to proceed with extreme caution. With all the weight and authority of his influence, Sigismund had urged the condemnation of the prop- ositions of John Petit, and had even gone so far as to say that he would not set out upon his journey until that condemnation was pronounced. Perhaps he felt that his own life was in danger from the Duke of Austria. One of the ostensible rcc'isons of his leaving Constance during the few days precedino" the final hearing of Huss, was his dissatisfaction with the council in the slackness with which they prose- cuted the subject. He was reported to have said that he would not return to the city until steps had been taken toward the result which he desired. The council therefore saw fit to condemn a proposition represented as that of Petit, and in doing so — by this temporary and unwilling compromise of hostile par- ties— made the emperor its dupe. Sigismund seems 126 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IV. to have regarded the measure, as Gerson wished to have it considered, — the necessary initiative to further process against the defendei's and promoters of Petit's views; and, contenting: himself as well as he could with the progress already made, commenced prepara- tions for his journey. The proposed conference was to have taken place before the emperor actually set out, but he wrote for, and obtained, the privilege of a month's delay. Great anxiety was felt by the council in regard to the result of his enterprise. Another pope could not well be elected while Benedict XIIL, with the ad- herence of Spain and Scotland, stood in the way. It was especially important that the king of Ai'agon should be withdrawn from his allegiance ; and the presence and influence of the emperor, it was hoped, would most effectually promote this desired result. The greater portion of Spain — Aragon, Castile, and Navarre — the counties of Foix and Armagnac, and the kingdom of Scotland, still acknowledged the jurisdiction of Benedict. Everything that could possibly be done to withdraw these from his allegi- ance must be attempted. It was — so it seemed — the only course to be adopted. And yet by some it was fondly hoped that Benedict would consent to a vol- untai-y abdication. They little understood the spirit of the man. In his feeble and attenuated fi-ame glowed a spirit that aspired to rival a Gi-egory VII. or an Innocent III. It was no Gregory XII. with whom the council had now to deal. Benedict saw himself the sole claimant of the tiara. He evidently hoped, to the last, that such he might be suffered to Ch. IV.] SIGISMUND SETS OUT FOR SPAIN. 12*7 remain. His old secretary, Clemengis, had written ''■ — of bis own accord, according his statement, — yet perhaps not without some urgency of Benedict — to the council, remonstrating with them against their decision that neither of the contestants for the tiara should be a candidate for their election. What might his influence be with his old friends, Gersoa and D'Ailly ? To what terms might not the council be brought by the untiring perseverance of Benedict ? The last was at least resolved that his dignity should not be lost without a struofi^le. We shall see with what result he defied the council and the emperor. In the sixteenth session, Sigismund announced, in a formal manner, his intended departure.^ The council named to accompany him, and to assist him with their counsels, fourteen deputies, of whom four were bishops, and ten doctors, selected from the several nations. The cardinals bore it ill that none of their number were appointed. But the council was too suspicious and distrustful of them, to accept their nominations. The deputies were authorized to act as plenipotentiaries with the emperor for the transaction of everything that should be found necessary to secure the abdication of Benedict. The seventeenth session (July 15) was devoted to measures preparatory to the emperor's journey. After mass and sermon, Sigismund, laying off his im- perial robes and crown, knelt with bared head before the altai', to receive the benediction of the council. With a cardinal upon either side of him, he awaited the close of prayers adapted to the occasion, when * See the letter in the works of Clemengis. ' L'Enfant, 299. 128 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOniST HUSS. [Cn. IV. tlie presiding officer gave him the. benediction, while the words were chanted — " Lord, preserve the king." ^ Among the decrees then read was one which the Jesuit, Maimbourg, does not regard as infallible. He considers it an arrogant assumption over the tem- poral power of kings and princes. But the council did not deem it unnecessary ; and rumors of previous attempts on the emperor's life, and his own sensitive- ness to Petit's doctrine, effectually preserved him from any remonstrance.^ The decree was to the effect that " The sacred council threatens with excommunication, and with the deprivation ipso facto of their digni- ties, whether secular or ecclesiastical, whomsoever — whether king or prince, bishop or cardinal — who shall in any manner impede the journey of the em- pei'or or his suite." ^ These certainly, on the part of the council, were lofty pretensions. Had their object been other than the emperor's security, they would scarcely have passed unquestioned. Sigismund's anx- iety for his own life led him to pawn the prerogative of exclusive secular dominion for the hope of secu- rity found in the council's decree. To add new importance to the emperor's mission, a solemn mass and procession was decreed, every Sabbath during his absence, for the fortunate issue of his journey. A hundred days' indulgence was granted to all who should assist at these devotions, as well as to the officiating priests. A forty days' in- dulgence was extended to such as should substitute an Ave Maria^ or Pater Noste)\ instead.* The emperor hastened to the place of meeting. * Fleury, xxvi. 142. ^ L'Enfant, 300. ' lb. 144. * Fleury, xxvi. 144. Cii. IV.] CO^^FEKENCE WITH BENEDICT. 129 This had been changed from Nice, the city first des- ignated, to Narboone, as nearer to Perpignan, the residence of Benedict. But neitlier the kinir of Ara- gon nor Benedict was there. The first was danirer- ously ill, the last hesitated and delayed to come. At last he appeared, as if for armed conference, with soldiers and armed cavalry. But his real strength was in his own resolute and unbendinir will. The fire of ambition glowed like a volcano in the old man's heart, and he met the emperor in no cringino- or fawning manner. He was resolved to fall — if fall he must— a pope to the last. He had kept the iii'st appointment of the conference for June, and when the emperor did not appear, had the insolent assur- ance to accuse him of contumacy, and issued a pro- clamation publishing the fact that he had not kept his appointment.^ When Sigismund reached Perpig- nan, Benedict was absent at Valentia. To the em- peror's notification and request to meet him, he re- plied by demanding a safe-conduct which should be granted to him as supreme pontiff. The emperor escaped the dilemma which would force him to a fatal acknowledgment, by replying that on the territory of a foreign ruler it was not for him to grant a safe- conduct. Nor did he hesitate to say that he alto- gether ignored the claims of Benedict. He might come as cardinal, but could not be received or recog- nized as pope. Benedict scorned the offer as an insult. He replied by demanding, as the conditions of his renunciation of the papacy, the assembling of a coun- cil in the immediate neigh l)orhood of his jurisdiction, ' L'Enfant, S29. VOL. n. 0 130 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. IV. in which his claims should be confirmed ; after which, he should remain perpetual legate a latere^ with full temporal and spiritual power throughout his whole obedience — saving only the name of pope, which should be given up. The emperor refused the con- ditions, and summoned Benedict to appear at Per- pignan. He came at last, but not to surrender his claims.^ The emperor was soon to find that he dealt with a wily foe. The council made but slow progress during Sigis- mund's absence. Some of its members were well content that this should be the case. Many showed a strong disposition to leave the city, either willing that the council should be broken up, or dissatisfied with the little progress made, and disgusted with its proceedings. Surely they might imagine that the Holy Ghost had taken his departure, if indeed he had ever been pi-esent. Never did any city present a more vivid picture of Vanity Fair than Constance had presented, up to the time of the emperor's depar- ture. It was Europe in miniature. It was the com- pendium of its splendor and its vice. It was the focus of ecclesiastical and princely inti-igue. Each nation, each ruler, had diplomatists there to look after their interests. A very small fraction of the council had any concern to secure more than an individual and personal advantage. The knights and nobles had their sports and tourneys. Cardinals, bishops, and doctors tilted with the weapons of logic and sophistry, and, if more deeply in earnest, played a more hazardous game. ' L'Enfant, 354. Cn.IV.] ACTS OF VIOLENCE. 131 Acts of violence in tlie streets and neighboi'lioods of the city were not infrequent. It was difficult to control the immense multitude, made up of all classes and characters, and impelled by so many diverse and conflicting interests, with which the city was filled. Pillage and assassination were of frequent occurrence, not only without, but even within the walls.^ The princes did not hesitate to use their authority to the prejudice of the liberty of the council. Many were forced, by fear, to vote against their conscientious convictions. The council was under the necessity of passing a decree for the protection of its members, in coming to and going from it, in which they threat- ened with severest penalties all persons — emperor, pope, kings, princes, ecclesiastics, seculars — ^who should make any attempt on the life, person, or property of any connected with the body. The disposition to leave the city had become so manifest, and threat- ened such dangerous consequences, that, in the session held previous to the emperor's departure for Spain, the council appointed a commission to look after the absentees, and, under threat of the severest penalties, bring them back or keep them at their posts. Some, doubtless, were led to believe that the emperor's de- parture would be the signal for a general dispersion. In fact, but little was expected of, and little accom plished by^ the council in his absence. The time was mostly spent in fruitless and angry discussions. Gerson preached a sermon before the council, at or about the time of the empei-or's departure,^ in which he endeavored to bring the action already taken by ' L'Eniant, 299. « lb. 303. Fleury, xxvi. 145. Gcr. op. ii. 273. 132 LITE AND TniES OF JOHIN- IITTSS. [Ch. TV. the council to bear upon the case of John Petit. Assuming " that a general council holds its authority immediately from Jesus Christ, and that every man, even the pope, is bound to obey such a council in all matters of faith, extirpation of schism, and reform- ation of the church, in head and members," he pro- ceeds to lay down the rules of procedure by which it should be guided. He maintains that, the author- ity of the council being supreme, it should shrink from the examination of no error, by whomsoever held or defended. "The general council may, and should judge, in cases of heresy, all classes of persons, however high in position, without fear, favor, or ac- ceptance of person." " It must condemn all errone- ous or heretical propositions, even though it finds itself thereby necessitated to proceed against such as assert them." Gerson then lays down other rules, certainly not above criticism, — as that many propo- sitions with their authors may be condemned, al- though, by the rules of grammar or logic, or by some gloss, they admit of being understood in a good sense; that propositions may and ought to be con- demned, which cannot be disproved by scrij^ture, without calling in the exposition of the doctors and the usage of the church. These positions were in- deed implied in the action of the council, with re- spect to Wickliffe, Huss, and Jacobel, and it would have been difficult for any one to deny it. Gerson adroitly makes use of this fact, to take away eveiy excuse for not proceeding further, even to the con- demnation of Petit's propositions, and to process against the Duke of Burgundy himself. But the Cu. IV.] THE COU:?f oil's letter to PRAGUE. 133 emperor had left the council. The weakness of the king of France was despised, and, notwithstanding the frequent letters of the emperor enjoining action in the condemnation of Petit's propositions, little progress could be made. The Duke of Burgundy and his partisans were too powerful to be summarily dealt with. It was a few days after Gerson's sermon, when the council at last found leisure to give the Bohemians a tardy notice of what they had done with Huss.* Twenty days had already elapsed since his execution. The popular feeling in Prague was in a state of in- tense excitement, and the letter of the council was only calculated to increase it. It was but attempting to quench the flame by covering it with new fuel, and it blazed the more fiercely. The letter is ad- dressed to the bishop, the chapter, the suffragans, and the whole of the clergy of Prague. It begins with a protestation, on the part of the council, of the evils that had sprung up from schism and heresy, to the grievous affliction of the church, and of the profound grief and anxiety with which the council were con- strained to regard them. It sets forth their estimate of the perverse doctrines of Wickliffe, to whom it concedes the first rank among pestiferous heretics, and states the sentence which had been passed in the condemnation of his doctrines, the burning of his books, and the exhumation of his bones. It then proceeds to show how his heresy had spread, infect- ing the minds of IIuss, Jerome, and others, to the manifest injury of the church, and the destruction of « Mon. Hub., I 81. 134 LIFE AND Ti:\rES OF JOnN HUSS. [Cn. IV. the Catholic faith. Impelled by the earnest desire of restoring peace and delivering Bohemia from the desperate men who filled it with their pestilent doc- trines, the council had yielded to the urgency of persons of the Bohemian nation, and carefully de- liberated on the course to be pursued. The matter was not one of small moment. The evil was like to spread, not only among the ignorant, but the learned. The council, therefore, had proceeded to the examina- tion of Huss and his writings, and employed all the means in their power to induce him to recant his false doctrines. The letter then states briefly the measures that had been taken, his examination, his public au- dience, the testimony against him, and the charity with which he had been treated. But all efforts had proved vain. The benevolence of the council, which sought not the death of the sinner, but rather that he should turn and live, was utterly defeated. Huss was convicted of the most manifest and intolerable heresy, and, after being condemned and degraded, had been given over to the secular arm. The letter then ui'ges upon the Bohemian clergy the most strenuous efforts to perfect the work thus begun. It gives Wenzel, the king, credit for a deep anxiety to witness and aid such a desirable work. It praises the Bishop of Leitomischel for his diligence in defence of the honor of the king and kingdom, and the defence of the Catholic faith.^*"' It then be- seeches them, " by the bowels of Jesus Christ, to silence all those pestiferous men v/ho teach or preach the doctrine of Wickliffe and his zealot Huss, so that this most dangerous corruption may be extirpated Cu. IVJ EXASPERATION AT PRAGUE. 135 from the very extremities of the kingdom." If^ any should offer opposition to this good work, they were hereby denounced beforehand, and threatened with process, according to canonical sanctions, so that their correction should serve as an example to others. The admonitions and directions of the letter were en- forced by the terrors of the greater excommunica- tion, the deprivation of benefices, and degradation from the priesthood.* But all these threats were of no avail. An indig- nant and outraged people treated them with con- tempt. Jacobel still preached without molestation. The offended nobles and princes of Bohemia were strengthened in their regard for the memory of Huss, and in their confidence of the soundness of his doc- trines, by the measures of the council, rendering itself continually more and more odious. Even the king, steeped as he was in the brutality of a sensual nature, showed some signs of resentment at the affront which had been offered him in the violation of the liberty, and in the execution, without his as- sent, of one of his own subjects. Daring thoughts and bold designs grew up in the minds of many dur- ing the few weeks that followed the death of Huss.* He was gone from among them — and was no more present to repress and restrain the popular tumult by his saintly presence and calm counsels. The mul- titude were impelled by motives of a more worldly and personal character than he would have allowed. The importance attached to the communion in * MansL Council of Constance, xxvii, '?81. ' JEneas Sylvius, ch. 36. Cochlaeus. 136 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHIST HUSS. [Cq. IV, both. kinds — an outward visible symbol calculated to appeal to fanatic feeling — swelled the tide of indig- nation and vengeance. This, undoubtedly, Huss would have sought to restrain. He would never have allowed a mere rite to engross to itself the place of a fundamental truth, however much he might admit or even urge its propriety. The princes, knights, and nobles of the kingdom were many of them rude, bold men, who little appreciated orthodoxy of docti'ine, but who did not lack the sensibility to wrong and outrage which urged them to resentment. They met at once, and drew up a letter of protest and remonstrance addressed to the council. We shall have occasion to notice it more fully hereafter. The attention of the council was now directed, in a somewhat different spirit than heretofore, to the case of Jerome. No efforts or persuasions were spared to induce him to recant.^ He had already been twice examined, first at the time of his arrest, (May 24th, 1415,) and again briefly on the nine- teenth of July, when he had been brought before the council assembled in the church of ISt. Paul. For nearly two months more he was left in prison. His third examination took place on the eleventh of September. Meanwhile, however, the most stren- uous exertions had been put forth to induce him so far to submit that the council might be spared the necessity of inflicting capital sentence. We can well believe that in his circumstances they would be not without effect. He had for four months been pining in chains. The greatest harshness and severity had • De Vrie, apud Von der Hardt, i. 170. Cu. lY.] FEAELESSNESS OF JEROME. IST" been shown in Lis treatment. He Lad been pros- trated by sickness in Lis noisome dungeon, and Lis legs were already afflicted witL incurable ulcers. Sufferings so protracted may Lave well depressed Lis spirit and exLausted Lis energy. In tLese cir- cumstances, Le was taken out of prison and brougLt before tLe counciL Under terror of being burned, Le was called upon to abjure Lis errors and subscribe to tlie justice of tLe execution of Huss. Had one been asked beforeLand in regard to tLe two men, Huss and Jerome, wLicL was most like to meet tLe ordeal unmoved, Lis answer probably would Lave been — Jerome. Nature seems to Lave endowed Lim witL an eminently fearless spirit, a resolute energy, a noble generosity of soul, and a cLivalrous oblivion of self, wLicL Lis religious views Lad nurtur- ed ratLer tLan repressed. He seemed born to be a Lero. Had it been Lis destiny to Lave led armies to tLe field, Le would Lave been found sLaring every danger, nor sLrinking from tLe LardsLips of tLe meanest soldier. In days like tLose of EnglisL sLip- money, Le would Lave been seen breasting tLe storm, tLe foremost man of all to expose Limself for otLers — a Hampden or a Cromwell, to bid tyranny concentrate its bolts upon Lis Lead. But tLere was wanting in Jerome wLat was found in Huss — tLat truly CLristian self-distrust, wLicL would lead Lini in prayerful Lumility to tLrow Limself into tLe arms of Omnipotence. Jerome was self-reliant. Under tLe impulse of conscious strengtL, Le rusLed too reck- lessly to tLe Lazardous encounter. By sore trial Le Lad to learn tLe lesson tLat taugLt Lim to be a bet- 138 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IV. ter man, and a nobler because a Christian hero. The hardships of his imprisonment had unnerved him — had made the bold man fear and quail. The terrors of a cruel death awed him to a base submis- sion. Human weakness prevailed. The promises and threatenings of the council shook his purpose. He signed a pa2:)er by which he declared his submis- sion to the council, and approved the condemnation of the errors of Wickliffe and of Huss. Yet it was at no slight sacrifice of feeling that this compliance was wrung from him. He gave as an. excuse for his course, that he was not aware that the errors imputed to Huss had been truly held by him. We can scarcely admit the sincerity of such a defence. If any one should have known what Huss taught, Jerome was the man. He must have heard him and read his books. As his intimate friend and associate, lie must have frequently conferred with him, and may almost have been said to have read his heart. But a prison was an irksome place ; and death at the stake was no pleasing prospect, and in a weak hour the strong man fell.^ And yet there lingered so much of conscience and self-respect, that Jerome was forced to add conditions or explanations of his submis- sion, that could have been in nowise acceptable to the council. While he subscribed to the condem- nation of the articles of Wickliffe and Huss, he added that he was not to be considered as thereby doing any prejudice to the holy truths which these men had taught and preached. Explaining himself after- * Many facts in regard to Jerome's two narratives contained in the last treatment are brouglit out upon his volume of Huss' Monumenta. trial. Others are to be found in the Cn. lY.] Jerome's SUBMISSION. 139 ward iij)()n the subject, he said, of Huss particularly, that he still repeated that he did not mean to do anything tending to the prejudice of his person, and his excellent morals, any more than to the many truths which he had heard from his mouth. He con- fessed that he had been his intimate friend, and that he was disposed to defend him toward and against all, for the gentleness of his conversation and the holy truths which he had heard him explain to the people, but that now, on being better informed by reading his works themselves, he was unwilling to be- fiiend his erroi'S, though he had loved his pei-son. Esto quod &i7it amici et Plato et Socrates^ sed mcigis arnica Veritas mild est et esse debet. Let Plato and So- crates be my friends, yet I love and ought to love truth more. Such was his attempt at justification, by which he essayed — and perhaps for the time success- fully— to deceive himself. He added still other re- marks. He declared, that in condemning the errors of Huss he did not thereby intend to make a recant- ation, because, althous^h he had often heard and read the condemned articles, he never had held them to be articles of faith, and had never preferred his own judgment to the authority of the church. The terms of this submission were too vague and ambiguous to satisfy the council. It was not the unequivocal condemnation of Huss which they de- manded. They saw the necessity of using further influence to secure a more unqualified submission. The time between this present and the following session was employed to secure this object.^ » L'Enfant, S83. 140 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. IV. The nineteentli general session was to have been held on the twentieth of September, but was defer- red until the twenty-third of the mouth — doubtless in order to bring Jerome to better terms. The greater part of it was taken up with the effort to induce him to retract unconditionally. The articles of Wickliffe and of Huss were again read, that he might publicly anathematize them. The Cardinal of Cambray announced the form of retraction drawn up by Jerome in his own hand-writing, conceived in the following terms.^ "I, Jerome of Prague, master of arts, acknowl- edging the true Catholic church and Apostolic faith, do anathematize eveiy heresy, especially that in re- gard to which I have hitherto been defamed, and which in past times was taught and held by John Wickliffe and John Huss, in their works, books, or sermons to the clergy and the people, on which ac- count they were condemned with their dogmas and errors, as heretical, by this the said council of Con- stance, and their doctrine aforesaid was especially condemned in sentence passed by this sacred council, upon certain express articles. I assent, moreover, to the holy Roman church, to the Apostolic See, and to this sacred council, and with heart and mouth pro- fess, in and in respect to all matters, specially the kej^s, sacraments, orders, offices, and censures of the church, indulgences, relics of the saints, ecclesiastical liberty, rites, and whatever pertains to the Christian religion, — as the Roman church itself, the Apostolic See, and this sacred council profess: and specially ' L'Enfant, 334. Fleury, xxvi. ITl. Cn, IV.] RECANTATION OF JEIIOME. 141 that of the aforesaid articles many are notoriously lieretical, and long since reprobated by the holy fa- thers, some are blasphemous, others erroneous, others scandalous, some offensive to pious ears, and some of them rash and seditious. As such, the aforesaid articles were by this sacred council recently con- demned, and Catholics were forbidden, each and all, under threat of anathema, venturing to preach, teach, or hold the said articles, or any of them. " Moreover, I, the aforesaid Jei'ome, inasmuch as in some scholastic exercises, in order to enforce my views on the tenet of Universalia a parte rei^ and to show that many qualities of the same species might be speci- fied by one essence, described, in order to present an illustration obvious to the senses, a triangular figure which I called the shield of ftiith ; therefore, to pre- vent any erroneous or scandalous understanding, which some might perhaps receive therefrom, I say, assert, and declare, that I did not draw the said figure, or name it the shield of faith, with any such intention of exalting the doctrine De Universalihus over its op- posite, as if it was in such a sense the shield of faith, that, without it, faith or catholic truth could not be protected or defended, since I Avould by no means stubbornly adhere to it. But the reason of my call- ing that figure by such a name was, because, in the figure of the triangle describing the three different persons (supposita) of the divine essence, the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, I regarded this article of the Trinity as the principal shield of faith, and the foun- dation of Catholic truth. " Besides, that it may be plain to all what were 142 LIFE AKD TOIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IV. the reasons for whicli I was reputed an adherent and an approver of the said John Huss, I make it known by these presents, that when on many occasions I heard him in his sermons and scholastic lectures, I believed him to be a good man, and not in any way proceeding contrary to the traditions of holy mother church, and the holy doctors. Yea, even when of late certain articles laid down by him, and condemned by this sacred council, were shown to me, I did not believe them to be his, at least in that form. And when, from certain eminent doctors and masters in the sacred page, I had heard it affirmed that they were his, I asked fuller information, and that the books might be shown me in which the said articles were reported to be contained. These being presented to me in his own hand-writing, which I know as well as I do my own, I found that the said articles were written, each and all, in that very form in which they had been condemned. Whence I have apprehended, and do now apprehend, that he and his doctrine, with those that follow it, were not undeservedly con- demned by this sacred council as heretical and insane. And all these things aforesaid, I say sincerely and absolutely, as now having been fully and sufficiently informed of the aforesaid sentences pronounced by this holy council against the doctrines of the said Wickliffe and Huss, and against their persons, to which sentences, I, as a devoted Catholic, in all and regarding all, consent and adhere. " Also, I, the same aforesaid Jerome, who on an- other occasion voluntarily, freely, and of my own accord explaining and declaring my views before the Cn. IV.] PROFESSION OF JEROME. 143 most reverend fathers, etc., in this same place, made a threefold distinction, which as I afterward perceived by some was understood as if I meant to say that there was ftiith in the church triumphant, while nev- ertheless I believe that with them, there is beatific vision excluding doubtful knowledge, — I do now say, assert, and declare, that it was never my intent to say that there was faith there as fait\ but a knowledge which, implying all that faith could apprehend, ex- ceeds it. And in general, whatever I there or before said, I refer and submit with all humility to the de- cision of this holy council of Constance. " I moreover sweai*, both by tlie holy Trinity and by these most holy Gospels, that I will abide undoubt- iugly in the truth of the Catholic church ; and I do pronounce all those that shall contravene this ftiith, with their dogmas, worthy of eternal anathema. And if I myself shall ever presume (far be it from me) to think or preach anything to the contrary, I will subject myself to tlie severity of the canons, and shall be found exposed to eternal punishment. This copy of my confession and profession, before this holy general council, I freely and voluntarily present, and the same and each of these have I subscribed with my own hand." ^ Such was the form of recantation whicb Jerome had been induced to subscribe. "When his purpose to present it had been announced by the Cardinal of Cambray, Jerome came forward to read it before the council, prefacing it with a few remarks. Ad- dressing himself to each and all the members of the * Mansi Concilia, xxvil 791, 793. Von der Hardt. iv. 499, 506. 144 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. IV. council, whom he embraced iu one " glorious assem- bly," he proceeded : " Since from the history of the Holy Bible it is evident, indeed and truly, that in the temple of God all may not present offerings of equal value, but each according to his ability, as some gold, some silvei", some precious stones, etc., if I, with the meanest of the people, shall present in this temple of God, acceptably to God and to yon, but skins of goat's hair, I shall account that I have done enough ; since the poor woman in the temple, giving from her poverty, according to the words of our Saviour, is said to have bestowed more than kings, who furnished cedar, onyx-stones, gold, and silver for the structure of the temple. Nor is this to be wondered at, since it is not things presented, but the spirit of the one that bestows them, that is to be taken into ac- count. But by the temple of the Lord, I mean this present most holy general council. Nor as I imagine without reason, since the apostle Paul, writing to a particular church, says. The temple of the Lord is Jioly. which temple ye are. As to you, therefore, most eminent men, and those who resemble you, like the men of the days of Solomon, here present in this sacred temple of God, long time have you ]3re- sented and offered the gold of shining wisdom ; and you that are less eminent, the silver of divine elo- quence ; and others still of a lower order, by your various virtues and efforts, the scarlet, pui'ple, and hyacinth, for the larger vessels of the temple, for restoring the curtains and roof of the militant hie- rarchy. I, after you, so many, so great, so distin- guished men, who in comparison with you am but Cii. IV.] PREFATORY SPEECH. 145 nothing, having my head bowed down by almost every kind of fanltiness — what shall I offer ? Lest, however, placed in this holy temple in the presence of God and of you, I may appear entirely destitute, I may offer at least the skins of my beast-like deeds, md the goat's hair of my unworthy conduct, with a free heart, beseeching you each and all with deep earnestness that I may not be wholly despised or condemned in this, nor be driven forth and ejected with obloquy from this temple of God, which ye are. For even these offerings of mine may be of service, in their own way and time, in the temple of God. Thus to show, with your approbation, that not only clusters of grapes, but leaves also, may con- tribute to render the vineyard of the Lord of Hosts not only spacious, but specious, I have prefaced this much, like one who goes through steep and hidden ways, forewarning of their nature. After this en- trance upon them, follows this my offering, which I present voluntarily for the honor of God and of the holy faith." Jerome then read the paper which he had drawn up, and which seemed to meet the demands of the council. They had forced him by the terror of the flames to an act of hypocrisy, and of treason to his own convictions. How far at the time the sophistry of his own fears led him to believe his course to be justifiable, it is difficult to say. None could con- demn it more heartily than he afterward did him- self. For the present his declaration satisfied the council. He was led back to prison and ti'eated less harshly. VOL. n. 10 CHAPTER V. VIOLENCE OF THE TIMES. LETTERS OF THE BOHEMIANS. ZISCA. New Commission on Heresy. — Annates. — Ravages of the Turks. — Conference OF Benedict XIII. and Sigismund. — Canonization. — Commission Appointed. — Gerson's Treatise. —Violence and Anarchy op the Times. — Narrative op Bernard Witt. — Frederic op Austria and the Bishop op Trent. --Measures o-p the Council Against the Former. — Caroline Constitution. — Nason's Complaint. — Letter from Bohemia. — Mission of the Bishop of Leitomischel. — Reply of the Bohemian States. — Vindication of the Bohemians Presented to the Council. — The Principles Avowed by the Latter on Keeping Faivh with Heretics. — They Fail to Convince the Bohemians. — Measures Adc<-»- ED AT Prague. — Zisca. — Permission Granted Him by Wenzel. Sept. 23, 1415— Dec. 19, 1415. In the same session in which Jerome abjured, a decree was read, which intimated the purpose of the council to follow up the task which it had begun, of extirpating heresy. The Patriarch of Constantinople and the Bishop of Senlis were appointed a commis- sion to examine such as adhered to Huss, and inquire into their doctrines, as spread throughout Bohemia and Moravia. Other heresies, that might call for notice, were also to be referred to them. They were to hear, decide, and judge them, with all things thereto appertaining. No state, grade, rank, order, or condition was allowed exemption from their juris- diction. They were empowered to cite before them, in person, all who were subject to suspicion, and to Cii. Y.] ANNATES. TUIIKISTI INVASION. 147 proceed in tlieir case to a definitive sentence.^ This commission was appointed over another to wliicb tlie general subject of heresies had been committed. It was doubtless the intention of the council, by its appointment, not only to expedite business, but to place the matter in safe hands. Many matters of local as well as general interest occupied, from time to time, the attention of the council. The subject of the papal abuse of annates had been strongly urgpd, especially by the German and some of the French nation, but the question what means should be provided for the support of the Roman court, if annates were disjDensed with, fur- nisbed a problem for which a satisfactory solution was difficult. After long, tedious, and often angry discussions, the subject was for the time deferred. The absence of Sigismund in Spain had furnished an occasion for the Turks to renew their inroads up- on the provinces bordering on his kingdom of Hun- gary.^ Relieved of all apprehension by his distance from the scene, they extended their invasions so far that the council itself was not altogether free from anxiety upon its own account. Startling reports reached Constance of the terrible ravages by fire and sword which had been already committed. Sigis- mund's territories were singled out for vengeance. His purpose to unite Christendom in a grand crusade as^ainst the Turk was no secret. The council felt that in his absence it became them to repay the gen- erosity of his service by exerting themselves in his * Von der Hardt, iv. 562, 573. ' Xiem, apud Von der Hardt, ii. Fleury, xxvi. 176. 416. 148. LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. V behalf. They wrote to the king of Poland, urging him to interfere to restore peace. They sent one of the bishops present at the council to engage the nobles of Hungary to remain, faithful to their master. The influence of the king of Poland was at once ex- erted, and the negotiations for peace were like to be successful, when the violence of the Hungarians, in arresting the Polish ambassador as a spy, excited the resentment of the Turks, and hostilities were resumed. The Hungarian army was defeated, and many of its nobility were slain. Meanwhile the council, anxious that the nego- tiations with Benedict XHI. should be brouo;ht to a fav^orable conclusion, despatched the Archbishop "VVallenrod of Riga to aid the emperor with his counsel. His influence with Sigismund was well known. His energy and decision were not checked by any conscientious scruples, or enfeebled by any feelings of sympathy or humanity. The treatment of Huss, who had been committed to his charge, could attest the harsh, unscrupulous sjijirit of the man. The council feared lest the attention of the emperor, whose plans looked toward the securing of such a peace among the nations as to favor his pro- ject of a crusade, might be somewhat withdrawn from the matter of the union of the church, or be misled by the artifice of Benedict. But they had no good reason to distrust his perseverance or fidelity in the task in which he was engaged. He had already gained over the king of Aragon, who resolved to withdraw obedience from Benedict if he would not abdicate his office. The latter too gave such signs Cn. Y.] benedict's hypockisy. 149 of readiness to consider tlie projiosals of tlie empe- ror, in bis fii'st conference witli him, that some were deceived with the hope that he would acce})t the terms offered.* He received the emperor with all respect, in a castle which bore his own name. In a conference of two or three hours, he seemed to give such evidence of good intentions, that the report of it at the council was welcomed with joy. He wept freely during the interview, but his tears had the virtue of the crocodile's. The hypocrisy that belonged to the part he played called for tears, and they were shed as a matter of business. It was not long before their true value was discerned. It was at about this time that the subject of the canonization of new saints by the church was brought, in a special manner, before the council. The king of Sweden had written to John XXIII. soon after his arrival at Constance, urging him to grant the canonization of three of his subjects who had sustained a high reputation for sanctity ^ But John XXIIL, however facile he might have shown him- self in complying with the request, was too much absorbed in the conduct of his own affairs to pay much attention to othei's, and St. Bridget alone se- cured his favorable regard. He was soon placed in such circumstances that any further action on his part would have been strongly opposed, or at least sharply controverted. The ambassadors of the Swe- dish king, therefore, laid their letter before the coun- cil. A commission was appointed, to which the ' L'Enfant, 354-358. Von der Hardt, iv. 1240, et seq. » Von der Hardt, iv. 490. 150 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. V subject was referred. They were to examine into the claims of the pretended saints, the life they had led, and the miracles they had performed, and to consider generally whether it were not better to diminish the number of saints than to increase it. The members of the commission were selected from the cardinals, bishops, and doctors. Beside the cardi- nals of Cambray and Cologne, and the bishop of Lodi, Gerson was placed upon it. The subject which they were now to consider was one that for a long time had claimed the serious consideration of thought- ful minds. Wickliffe had denounced in the most severe terms that worship of the saints, which was derogatory to the honor of Christ as the one and only mediator. There are those, he says, that deem it right that all other intercessors should be dis- carded. The frequency of canonization he imputes to cupidity and ignorance of the true faith. It was obvious that the possession of a saint's bones often ensured, to the body that held it, a large income. It was but a just inference that the frequent appeals to the court of Rome for canonization were connected with the profits that were to be the result. But, said Wickliffe, some would choose a king's fool to intercede for them with his master ; and these saints are but the buffoons — fools of the court of heaven. Moreover, in the multiplication of saints through the cupidity of men, there was great danger that mis- takes would be made, and it might even come to pass that men would adore and serve the devil can- onized as a saint. But such views as these were not shared by Wick- Cii. Y.] EVILS OF CANONIZATION. 1/51 liffe alone. Ileni-y de ILissia, or Langstein, as lie was also called, a member of the Uuiversity of Paris, and afterward a teacher at Vienna, Lad written on the subject in a manner that seen I'ed the approbation of Gerson who had for a time known him — and per- haps been his pupil. Clemengis too, the Cicero of the university, and friend of Gerson, while exhaust- ing the store of his wonderful eloquence in depict- ing the vices of the chui'ch, did not suffer the evils of frequent canonizations to escape his notice. He pronounces the advent of a new saint in the calen- dar a tremendous curse.^ Gerson entered upon the subject with an earnest- ness which showed that he had not been an inatten- tive observer of the evils connected with it. In re- gard to the pretended saint and vision, he lays down the rule of investigation grounded on the principle, " By their fruits ye shall know them." The formula was: "Ask who, what, why, to whom, how, and whence." ^ Under these several heads, he enters into a close and searching investigation of the claims put forth in behalf of pretended saints and their visions. These last might present a thousand truths ; but if they contained a single falsehood, that would be fiital to them. If they came from the Spirit of God, and were intended for men, they would be intelligible, instead of obscure, as they often were. They would declare some truth which was consonant with scrip- ture, but not rendered unnecessary previously by Bible revelation. They would be concise, lest their * Clemcng. Op, 104. ^ Tii, quis, quid, quare, cui, qualiter, unde, require, Ger. Op. i. 39. 152 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS, [Cu. Y. prolixity should at length make them more burden- some than the law of the Old Testament. Gerson, moreover, represents visions as sometimes springing from injury or weakness of the brain. A person's temperament might supei'induce a tendency to vis- ions, with which nothing but a mere human spirit had any concern. Gerson expresses, in connection with the examples he cites, his conviction that the claims of pretended saints were to be closely scrutinized, and that J9nm6f facie there was strong reason for rejecting them. " The demon once presented himself," so Gerson re- lates, "transfigured as Christ, to one of the holy fathers. ' I am Christ,' said he, ' personally visiting thee, because thou art worthy.' But the holy father at once shut his eyes, covering them with both hands, and cried out, ' 1 have no wish to see Christ here, it is enough to see him in glory.' Upon this the de- mon immediately vanished." Another of the fathers had a similar vision, but he kept his humility, and was kept by it. "But see," said the holy man, "to whom you have been sent; for surely I am not such a one as is worthy to behold Christ here." Another person was unwilling to enter the church, saying, that it was enough for him that with his bodily eyes he had seen Christ ; but by harsh disci- pline of chains, and fasting from flesh and wine, his swollen fanaticism was reduced, and he was cured. Gerson declares that it was impossible to say what deception had grown out of this prevalent curiosity to know future and hidden things, or see and per- form miracles. It had turned many away from the Cu.Y.] gerson's views. 153 true religion. Superstition had spread abroad in Christendom, like the demand for signs and wonders of old in Judfea, till men put more faith in the un- canonized, and in writings that were not even au- thentic, than they did in holy men and in the gospel,* Few Avere able to judge the claims put forth by those whom the people would regard as saints. Many were, consequently, deceived. Gerson's sound sense placed him on this question by the side of Wickliffe and of Clemeugis ; more mild in tone, he was, in reality, scarcely less severe than they. Clemengis undoubtedly would have said, if the question in its present shape had been brought before him, that it might be worth while to make the council itself holy, before multiplying saints of a character almost as questionable as their own. In his deference for general councils and their decisions, he stands on the same ground with Huss himself "It seems to me," he says, "rash to say that a gen- eral council cannot err or be deceived." In this case, however, partly through Gerson's influence, they took the right course. They declined to increase the num- ber of the saints. Among matters of less importance which now claimed attention, were those that respected the lib- erty of ecclesiastics, the privilege of prelates of the council to receive the fruit of their benefices, while absent at Constance, and rules for the better observ- ance of the constitutions of the mendicant orders. These last had been for a long time the light infantry of the papal army. They had gone all over Chris- ' Ger. Op., i. 41. 154 LIFE AISTD TIMES OF JOHIST HUSS. [Ch. V tenclom, at first welcomed for tlieir poverty, their moral superiority to the ordinary clergy, and the earnestness of their preaching. But with their rep- utation they increased in wealth and power, till at last, in their corruption, they were very generally regarded as the nuisance of the church. The Uni- versity of Paris had complained of their rapacity, vice, and violence, and Gerson was their bitter opponent. He had attacked them in his writings, almost with Wickliffe's severity. But they could not be suppressed, and it only remained for the coun- cil to make a feeble and ineffectual attempt to reform them. The attention of the council was moreover directed to acts of violence which had been committed against its members. Europe generally, as well as France, was torn by feuds and dissensions. The bishops and counts were at continual strife. Bernard Witt, a Benedictine monk, gives us, in Ms history of West- phalia, a picture of the anarchy which prevailed a few years previous, and whicb even still defied the power of the emperor to restrain it. " Here," lie says, " you might hear the clashing of battle ; there, the shrieks of fugitives, and the complaints of the oppressed. Now, dwellings are torn down or burned ; and again, villages ravaged, and the crops trampled to the earth. These things and others of a like character — the acts of insolent power, abusing the defenceless — are frequent." ^ Nor could the church, or ratlier the papacy, be regarded as guiltless in the premises. Many of these evils sprang directly from • Ber. Wit., p. 464. Cn. Y.] VIOLENCE OF THE TIMES. 155 the extortion or the perfidy of the pontiffs. Some- times rival claimants for a benefice deluged in blood the diocese for which they contended. The history of the archbishops of Cologne for successive cen- turies might furnish a parallel to the enormities that rendered the history of the last days of the empire, founded by Constantine, illustrious in crime and car- nacre. Sometimes dissensions arose between the clergy and the people. This was the case at Worms in 1406.^ For three years the clergy were expelled from the city. Although the Emperor Robert was on theii side, they succeeded at last only by force of spiritual arms, against which, the steel of their enemies was no sufficient defence. Henry of Lunen- berg, only two years previous, had been taken cap- tive by Count Bernard, who released him on his oath to pay as his ransom 100,000 florins. But he had only to go to Rome to receive absolution from his oath by the abuse of papal authority. We have already seen the turbulent character of the Duke of Burgundy. France without an energetic king was torn by factions. The nobility were them- selves sovereign in their own territories, and were continually at variance. There was no common authority to command respect. Nor within the bounds of the German empire was the state of things much bettei-. On every side there were turbulence and lawless license. Frederic, Duke of Austria, though reconciled formally with the emperor, was still busy with his plots and schemes. With restless impatience he endured the restraint of a forced sub- 1 Ber. Wit., p. 484. 156 LIFE AND TEVIES OF JOII]^- HUSS. [Cu. Y. mission. At last lie proceeded to tlie overt act of arresting the Bishop of Trent, and seizing upon the city as his own domain. The matter was brought by complaint before the council. They issued their monitory against the duke, commanding him to re- store, within twenty days, what he had taken away, "with damages for the evil done. They authorized the bishop to invoke against him, in case of refusal, the secular arm. The penalty of disobedience was most severe. The council — assuming a right which they had exercised in the decree concerning the em- peror's absence, — authority over secular princes — threatened his disobedience with a deprivation of all the feojffs and privileges which he held from the church or the empire, stripping him of all authority, power, and title to reign, and his posterity after him to the second generation. The subjects of Frederic were to be released from their oaths of allegiance. He, with his accomplices who were to share his fate, was to be summoned before the council, and the ecclesiastics who should favor him, were to be ex- communicated. The council probably would have scarcely dared to assume such an attitude toward any other prince than Frederic of Austria. The emperor hated him still, notwithstanding their formal reconciliation, and gave-some credit to the report of attempts made by the duke to take his life. The council were confi- dent of being sustained by Sigismund in their course. Frederic was not the powerful Duke of Burgundy — a criminal whom they dared not touch. Despoiled of a large part of his possessions, and deprived of the C". ^ •] FREDERIC OF AUSTRIA. 157 tavor of the emperor, lie was just tlie object over which they might safely presume to domineer. Vio- lent and reckless as he may have been, his conduct in this instance demanded more judicial formality, more investigation in regard to its justice or injustice, than was allowed by this summary sentence. The facts of the case were these. George of Lich- tenstein had been appointed Bishop of Trent, to the great dissatisfaction of its inhabitants. They had, as their leader, a nobleman by the name of Rodolph, who aspired to occupy the post of the unacceptable official. This could only be secured by acts that bordered at least on violence, and tended to the expulsion of the bishop. But the latter found a friend and ally in Henry of Rottenberg, who marched upon Trent with his army and took summary ven- geance upon the inhabitants. He seized and kept possession of the city, having first ravaged it with fire and sword, and put Rodolph to death. Frederic of Austria observed with anger and indignation this harsh and violent proceeding. It is not to be pre- sumed that he was much moved by such a method of installing a bishop in his diocese, for on another occa- sion, if his own interests had demanded it, he would probably have been willing to have adopted it him- self without a scruple. But Trent was a friendly city bordering on his own domain. Undoubtedly, as he looked around upon his lost jewels — the territories that had been taken from him for his adherence to John XXIII. — he felt an anxious desire for their recovery. But whatever motives may have influenced him, he 158 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIIJS^ HUSS. [Cii. V, marclied to Trent, drove out the obnoxious bishop, and took the citizens under his protection. All this seems to have taken place after the emperor had set out for Spain. In the twentieth session of the coun- cil, (Nov. 6,) the decree against the duke, already referred to, was read. His advocate, John Eling, protested against the decree as a nullity. For months after this, the matter made little if any progress. Frederic appeared at Constance.^ But he found little hope of justice in the action of the council. He seized the occasion that offered, to escape secretly from the city back to his own dominions, which had been plundered in his absence. He left behind him a public placard, in which he complained of the in- justice of the council, " who," he said, " had shut the mouth of his advocate." This was the thirtieth of March, 1416, after the matter had been depending for more than six mouths. The council, however, were indignant, not only at Frederic's escape, but at his placard, which they considered libellous. They wrote to the emperor against him, and found Sigis- mund only too ready to put the turbulent duke un- der the ban of the empire. Frederic, moreover, found a dangerous rival in his brother Ernest, who liad in his absence seized upon large portions of his estates. Yet notwithstanding all the influences and terrors that were arrayed against him, the duke maintained his ground. He defied alike the emperor and tlin council. He still kept the Bishop of Trent in durance, and deprived of his diocese. The effort ' Some difficulties appear in the to liave taken place before Frederic's fitatement of the matter, only to be first arrest. met by supposing the assault on Trent Ch. v.] slow progress of reform. 159 to induce his subjects to renounce his allegiance was but partially successful, and the threatening decree of the council fell at his feet as a mere hrutum ftilmen. The duke was, however, in the course he pursued, but a fair specimen of the petty princes and nobles of Europe. To restrain their violence, the council revived the memorable Carolina Constitution by Charles IV., on the subject of the liberty of ecclesi- astics. It affixed the severest penalties to the crime of trespassing on the rights, person, or privileges of the clergy. They who transgressed it were to be accounted infiimous, deprived of their honors, and no more to be admitted to the privileges or councils of their order. All this was aggravated by the tei-rors of the imperial ban, and the canonical as well as di- vine judgments which were denounced upon the of- fender. Undoubtedly severe restraints and penalties were necessary to repress the prevalent violence ; but when the clergy and prelates were often the chief offenders, their immunity only the more provoked indignant reprisals. The justice of the council should have tausrht them not to launch the terrors of the Caroline Constitution and their own anathema, till their project of reform had become so fiir effectual that the clergy could be regarded as deserving of such protection. The work of reform, however, made but slow progress. At a congregation held on the nineteenth of December, John Nason, president at that time of the German nation in the council, gave utterance to his complaints on this subject. " The council," said Yan der Ilardt, iv. 623. 160 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHjST HUSS. [Ch. V. he, "has been assemhled for three principal objects, — to put an end to the schism, to condemn heresies, and to reform the church in its head and members. John Huss has been ah-eady most justly condemned, and John XXIII. has been deposed. But those same crimes are still every day committed which were the ground of his deposition, and especially the crime of simony. The German nation has hitherto re- doubled its urgency for the condemnation of this and every other abuse, as well as for the exemplary pun- ishment of those that are guilty. But, to the shame of the council, the most criminal indulgence and dis- simulation have been practised." After this complaint and protestation, he besought the members to proceed without delay in the matter. Nor did he fail to call attention to a subject in which his own personal feelings were enlisted — the case of Jerome. He seemed dissatisfied with what had already been done, and put no faith in the recanta- tion which Jerome had made.-^ In this respect he was probably a fair representative of the feeling of the German nation. They were earnestly bent upon a reform of the church. They had complained re- peatedly of the abuses which they wished to have corrected. In the discussion of the papal claim of annates they had been especially interested, but their defeat in regard to these matters was only a premonition of what they were still to expect. In regard to Jerome, their complaint was more success- ful. If there were those in the council who preferred to save him, and avoid again provoking the Bohe- * Von der Hardt, iv. 566. Cii v.] LETTER FROM BOHEMIA. IGl mians, many of them were still more cautious of of- feudincr the German nation. It was less hazardous to give up an unfriended and powerless individual, whose cause, without a Duke of Burgundy or a Teu- tonic order to represent it, might be trampled upon, perhaps with impunity. And yet they might well have hesitated, on mere principles of worldly prudence, to deal harshly with Jerome ; for this same day another letter from Bohe- mia was laid before them.^ The bearer of it was a friend of Jerome, and yet he boldly ventured to pre- sent it to the council, although its contents could not but have been exceedingly offensive. It bore the seals of four hundred and fifty-two persons of the Bohe- mian nation. Some of these were barons and nobles, and most of them persons of distinction. The lan- guage was plain, direct, and earnest. They blamed the council for the condemnation and punishment of Huss. They declared Huss to have been a holy and just man, whose equal for integrity and sanctity could not be found. The council had sinned and wrought evil in what they had done, and on this ac- count the Bohemians declare that they will neither adhere to it, nor yield it obedience. This was indeed a bold step to take, but the council had provoked it. The popular feeling in Bohemia resented the injustice offered to their countryman, and it was felt that it would be treason to his memory, to honor his murderers.^ ' The principal lettera from Bohe- barons. The third is from Bohemia mia and Moravia, addressed to the and Moravia. The fifth is from fifty- council in a tone of bold remonstrance, four Moravian nobles, are to be found in Mon. Hus. 58-63. ' Von der Hardt, ii. 425. The first two are from the Bohemian VOL. 11. 1 1 162 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. V. The state of feeling in Bohemia Is still more clearly seen in another letter which at about the same time must have been laid before the council. The barons and magnates of the kingdom met to reply to the letter which the council had written them, informing them of the execution of Huss, and vindicating their own proceedings. The letter had been despatched to Bohemia by the hands of the Bishop of Leito- mischel. He was charged, moreover, with the task of endeavoring to extirpate the heresy of Huss from the kinsfdom. But he found that the work exceeded his powers. Although noble by birth and rank, and a man of great ability and iron will, rank, ability, eloquence, and energy were of no avail. He found few disposed even to listen to him. On all sides he was met with coldness or hostility. Scarcely did he dare to show himself in public. He professed fear of person as well as of property. Certainly his pres- ence, as a member of the council, and charged to ex- tirpate the heresy of Huss, was peculiarly obnoxious to the nation at large. The first meeting of the magnates to reply to the letter of which he was the bearer, was held at Stern- berg. A second meeting was held at Prague on the second of September, when the assembly united in a detailed statement of their grievances and complaints. Their letter was addressed "To the most reverend, the fathers, lords, lord cardinals, patriarchs, primates, archbishops, bishops, ambassadors, doctors and mas- ters, and the whole council of Constance," and was signed by nearly sixty of the Bohemian and Moravi- an magnates, embracing the most important officers ^"•^•J VINDICATION OF HUSS. 1G3 and nobility of tlie land.^ " Inasmuch," say they, "as each one, by natural and divine law, is com- manded to do to others as lie would have them do to himself, and is forbidden to do to another what he would not have done to himself, according to the words of our Saviour, 'All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets,'— yea, he who was a chosen vessel, cries out, 'Love is the ful- filling of the law, and the whole law is fulfilled in one word. Thou shall love thy neighbor as thyself;' we, therefore, walking as near as we may to the aforesaid divine rule and direction, as God is our witness, express our affection as neighbors to him who was our dearest neighbor, the reverend master, John Huss, of blessed memory, bachelor of sacred theology, and preacher of the gospel, whom lately you— we know not by what spirit led— have con- demned,— neither confessing his crime, nor lawfully convicted, as was becoming, and no manifest errors or heresies being brought against him, but at the accusation, instigation, and information, unfair, folse, and urgent, of those who were his capital em3mies and traitors, as well as those of our kingdom and of the march of Moravia,— as an obstinate heretic, and have put him, thus condemned, to a cruel and most shameful death, to the perpetual infamy and disgrace of our most Christian kingdom of Bohemia, and the most renowned march of Moravia, as well as of us all. As we before transmitted in writing to Constance, to the most serene prince and lord, Sigismund, king * Mod. Hus., i. 78. 1G4 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cu. V. of the Romans and of Hungary, lieir of our king and master, which writing was read and published in your congregations, and — which we would be glad to disbelieve — thrown, to our contempt and dis- honor, to the flames : so also now we have thought that our letters patent, by these presents, should be addressed to you in behalf of the said Master John Huss ; publicly, by heart and mouth, professing and protesting that Master John Huss was certainly a man excellent, just, and Catholic, for many years spoken of as praiseworthy, in life, conduct, and reputa- tion, in our kingdom. The gospel law, and the books of the prophets, both of the Old and New Testa- ments, according to the exposition of the holy doctors, and those approved by the church, did he teach and preach in a Catholic mannei* to us and our subjects ; and many of the same things has he left to us in writing, uniformly detesting all errors and heresies, and faithfully admonishing all believers of Christ to detest the same ; exhorting to peace and charity, as far as possible by words, writings, and woi'ks, so that we never heard, or could learn by diligent inquiry, that the aforesaid Master John Huss taught any heresy or error in his sermons, or preached or asserted the same ; neither in any way, by word or deed, did he scandalize us or our sulgects ; but ever in-Christ, living in piety and gentleness, did he ex- hort all to keep the gospel law, and the institutions of the holy fathers, for the edification of holy mother church, and the salvation of our neighbors ; and this he did in word and deed with the utmost diligence. Yet all these premised — perpetrated to our confusion Cii. \.] COlilPLAIXT OF THE BOHEMIANS. 165 and that of our kinixdom of Moravia — did not suffice for you ; but that honorable master, Jerome of Prague, a man indisputably a flowing fountain of eloquence, master of the seven liberal arts, as well as an illustrious philosopher, him, not seen, heard, con- fessed, or convicted, but at the malicious information of those that w^ere traitors to him and us, you have mercilessly arrested and thrown in prison, and per- haps even now you have put him, as you did Master John Huss, to a most cruel death. " Besides, it has come, we regret to say, to our hear- ing, and from your letters we plainly gather, that certain slanderers, odious to God and men, and ene- mies and traitors of our kingdom and Moravia, before you and the council, have calumniated us most gravely and basely, asserting, though falsely and treacher- ously, that in the aforesaid regions diverse errors have sprung up, grievously and extensively affecting our hearts, and the hearts of many faithful inhab- itants, so that unless the rule of correction is soon applied, the aforesaid regions, with their Christian believers, will be sul)jected to in-e vocable loss and ruin of souls. Such atrocious and prejudicial wrongs as these, which, notwithstanding our many demerits bring them upon us and our kingdom, etc., are yet falsely and lyingly imputed, — how can we endure them ? Since, by the grace of God, while almost all other kingdoms of the w^orld are often vacillating, cherishing schism and antipopes, our most Christian realm of Bohemia, and the most reputable mai-ch of Moravia, have, from the very time when they re- ceived the Catholic faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, 166 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. V. adhered most firmly and unceasingly, without rebuke, to the holy Roman church. At what exceeding charge and effort, and with how sacred regard and reverence, holy mother church and her pastors have been regarded by the princes and their followers, is manifest, beyond dispute, to the whole world. And you yourselves, if you are willing to confess the truth, can testify to all these things. But in order that, according to the apostolic doctrine, we may provide that which is good, not only in the sight of God, but of men : and lest, throus^h a neo^lis^ence of the most untarnished reputation of the aforesaid kingdom, etc., we be found guilty of cruelty, toward those who are our neighbors ; therefore, having in Christ Jesus our Lord a firm hope, a sincere conscience and purpose, and a sure orthodox faith, we, by the tenor of these presents, to you and to all the faithful in Christ, make known, and maintain, professing it publicly with heart and mouth, that whatsoever man, of what- ever state, eminence, dignity, condition, grade, or religion he be, shall say or assert, that in the afore- said king:dom of Bohemia, etc., errors and heresies have sprung up, and infected us and other Christian subjects of the aforesaid realm, every and each such individual, the person only of our most serene prince, our Lord Sigismund, king of the Romans and of Hungary excepted, whom we believe and hope to be guiltless in the premises, — each such individual directly lies in his teeth, as a most wicked wretch and traitor toward the aforesaid kingdoms, and is our most perfidious, and our only most injurious heretic, the child of all malice and iniquity, as well as of the Cii. v.] TONE OF THE LETTER. 107 devil, who is a liar, and tlie father of the same. Nevertheless, leaving these aforesaid wrongs to the Lord and his vengeance, which will abundantly mete retribution to the proud, we shall prosecute them further before the apostle to be elected, whom God will place as only and unquestioned pastor of his holy church ; to whom, God willing, we, as faithful children, in all things lawful and honest, and conso- nant to reason and the divine law, exhibitinir due reverence and obedience, shall seek and demand in regard to each and all the matters aforesaid, accord- ing to the law of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the institutions of the holy fathers, that fitting remedy be devised for the satisfaction of us and the aforesaid kingdom, etc. These things aforesaid notAvithstand- ing, we will defend and protect the law of our Lord Jesus Christ, and his devoted, humble, and constant preachers, even to the shedding of blood, all fear, and human statutes enacted to the contrary, being cast beneath our feet. — Given at Prague, Sept. 2, A. D. 1415, in full council of magnates, barons, lords, and nobles of the realm of Bohemia and the march of Moravia, with the aflSx of our seals." *^^" The council could not mistake the tone of this letter. It was bold, manly, and even defiant. It breathed a deep and indignant sense of wrong. It expressed the only too unanimous convictions of the nation. The violation of the imperial safe-conduct was an act, the infjimy and outrage of which were palpable to the most rude and unlettered. The com- mon people and barons alike were already arraign- ' Mod. Hu3., i. 78, 79. 168 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. V. ing and condemning it in no measured terms. And now the letter of the Bohemians, with the report of what was taking place at Prague, forced the council so far to pay homage to the sentiments of public morality as to make at least an attempt to vindicate the breach of public faith with which they them- selves and the emperor stood charged. The council first discusses the validity of safe-conducts, given to heretics by secular princes.-^ "The joresent synod declares that every safe-conduct granted by the em- peror, by the kings and other secular princes, to heretics, or persons accused of heresy in the hope of bringing them back from their errors, must in no way serve to the prejudice of the Catholic faith or ecclesiastical jurisdiction, nor prevent these persons from being examined, judged, and punished according as justice shall require, in case these heretics shall re- fuse to revoke their errors ; and this to be, although they shall have come to the place of judgment merely and only on the faith of the safe-conduct. And he who shall have promised them safety shall not in this case be under obligation to keep his promise, by whatever pledge he may be engaged, since he has done all that depended on him." This general prin- ciple, that faith is not to be kept with heretics, and which outraged the public sentiment even of that age, finds its specific application in the case which it was designed to cover — that of Huss. The decree stands recorded on the same page with the letter of the Bohemians, and was evidently intended to meet objections from that source.^ "The most holy ' L'Enfant, 385. » Vim der Ilardt, iv. 521-522. Ch. v.] ON FAITH WITH HERETICS. 1G9 council, etc. Inasmuch as some persons, ill-disposed or ill-informed, or perhaps assuming to be wiser than they should be, slander not only his royal majesty, but even the sacred council, as is reported, by their cursed tongues, in public and in private, saying or sug- gesting that the safe-conduct given by our most in- vincible prince and Lord Sigismund, king of the Romans and of Hungary, to the late John Huss, heresiarch of damnable memory, was unduly violated against justice and honor, while nevertheless the said John Huss, perversely assaulting the orthodox faith, has forfeited all safe-conduct and privilege, so that no faith or promise is, by natural, divine, or hu- man law, to be kept with him, to the prejudice of the Catholic ftiith ; therefore this said holy council de- clares, b}^ the tenor of these presents, that the said most invincible prince, in respect to the late John Huss aforesaid, had done, according to the obligations of justice, what was permitted, and what became his royal majesty, commanding and requiring all and each of the faithful of Christ, of whatsoever dignity, grade, eminence, condition, state, or sex they may be, that none shall hereafter detract from, or speak against, the holy council, or his royal majesty, in re- gard to what was done in the case of the late John Huss aforesaid. And he who shall violate this com- mand, is to be punished as a favoi-er of heretical pravity, and guilty, beyond pardon, of the crime LcBSCB Majestatis^ ^ It was indeed fitting, that deeds which would not bear the light, should be cloaked with apologies. * Mansi 170 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cn. V. Few criminals like to have their conduct canvassed, unless they furnish the commentary by the light of which it is to he judged. The council at least found that their policy did not bear discussion well, and therefore employed all their art and skill to draw up a plausible defence. But their apology was only an endorsement of their ci"irae. No slander of their enemies could be so damaging as their li1;)el upon themselves, when, to excuse the infamy of a single act, they adopted tke broad principle that faith was not to be kept with heretics. And yet this was the only resource left them. It was the only semblance of a moral rule which could be invented, on which to base and defend their extraordinary course. But the Bohemians were not duped by its sophistr}^ It required some deeper casuistry to satisfy them, or suppi'ess their instincts and convictions of what was right and just. They never forgot the outrage on public faith of which their enemies had been guilty. And yet up to this point they had no intention of breaking with the Komish church. With their let- ter to the council, they sent deputies who were to speak publicly in defence of their course. Anxious for the spread and success of the gospel as they had heard it from the lips of Huss, they resolved that all the churches throughout the kingdom should be provided with faithful pastors, who should preacb the word of God without molestation ; that if a priest was accused of any error, he should be cited before his bishop, in order, if he should be convinced of having taught any doctrine contrary to the word of God, that he might be punished and expelled ; that Cii. Y.] RESPECT FOR SCRIPTURE AUTHORITY. 17 1 if a bishop should chance to condemn and punish secretly, of his own individual impulse and through hati-ed of the gospel, any priest not convicted of error, no such bishop should be any more allowed to cite a priest before him, but the matter should be referred to the judgment of the university, to be examined according to holy scripture ; that priests of their dependence should be required to allow the excom- munications of their bishops, and obey them when they were legitimate, but, on the contrary, resist them when they were unjust or precipitate, and launched through hatred of the word of God, or any other cause which could not be lawfully known. And they declare that they are fully purposed to obey from the heart the lawful citations and excommunications of their bishops. The assembly then expresses its ear- nest prayer that it will please God speedily to bestow upon the chui-ch a good pope, in order that they may bring before him their lawful complaints ; and they declare that they will obey him in all which he shall command conformable to the word of God.* Notliing more strikingly manifests the influence of the doctrines of Huss, or their prevalence through- out Bohemia, than the respect which is here, and throughout all their proceedings, testified by the as- sembly for the authority of the scriptures. They did not as yet perceive the f:\tal inconsistency be- tween the claims of the council or the church, and the position which they had themselves assumed. They were simple enough to believe that if they were faithful to the spirit and precepts of the gospel, ' Mod. Hus. i 11, Is. 172 LIFE A.ND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. V. they were faithful subjects of the Romish church. The council, however, was more fully aware of the bearing and tendency of the principles avowed by the Bohemians. They saw that if scripture was al- lowed to be the test of truth and doctrine, the coun- cil itself was but of secondary authority. Its claims were invalid. Its sentence was of but small account. ^Nor were they stupid enough to disregard the signifi- cance of the popular commotion at Prague. There was no one there on whose fidelity they could rely. The archbishop himself was powerless, and it is pos- sible that he already leaned to the doctrines of Jaco- bel, which he subsequently embraced.^^^ The king was unreliable and ineflficient at the best, while all the fragments of manliness left in him were but so much tinder for kindling his resentment against the coun- cil. Among the nobles of his court, moreover, the one who had perhaps the strongest influence over him was John de Trocznow, his chamberlain. This was the man who afterward became so famous under the name Ziska, or one-eyed, for the bold hero had lost an eye in battle. Ziska proved to be one of the greatest and most successful generals of his age. He was born of a poor but noble family in the village whose name he bore. The memory of a sister, so it is narrated, who had been seduced and violated by an ecclesiastic, had kindled and fed bis resentment against the whole monkish and priestly order.^ The treatment of IIuss and Jerome had reawakened all his past indignation, and excited within him the * L'Enfant, 331. Ch.v.] zisca's purpose. 173 deep but temporarily smothered purpose to avenge the outrage. He brooded gloomily over the national insult. His features bore the marks of his abstrac- tion,— engrossed in the one thought of avenging the wrong which he, as an individual, suffered in common with the nation. The king observed him, on one oc- casion, walking in the court of the royal palace, lost in revery. He called him, and asked what was the matter that occupied his thoughts so intensely. " The grievous affront," said he, " which the punish- ment of John Huss has offered to the Bohemian nation." " Neither you nor I," said Wenzel, " are in circumstances to avenge this affront ; but if you can devise the means to do it, take courage, and avenge your compatriots." These words confirmed Ziska in his bold purpose."^ He at once began to devise measures to execute it. The permission of the king, who was but a cipher, gave him yet an immense ad- vantage, by the mere authority it conferred. It re- lieved him from all apprehension, for the present at least, of any obstruction to his designs from the fickle and dissolute monarch. The magnates and nobles of the land would now venture to speak out, in the fear- less tone they had used in their letter to the council. The doctors at Constance could judge by that tone, of the strength and unanimity of the national feel- » L'Enfant, 331. CHAPTER VI. NEW CHARGES AGAINST JEROME. CONFERENCE WITH BENE- DICT. VINCENT FERRARA. More Lenient Feeling Toward Jerome. — Nason's Taunt. — Resignation of the Commission in Jerome's Case. — A New One Appointed. — Gerson on the Method of Dealing With Heretics. — New Charges Against Jerome. — Re- port FROM the Conference with Benedict. — His Terms. — The Emperor's DiSGDST. — Spanish Propositions. — Cheering Intelligence. — Defection of Vincent Ferrara from Benedict. — His Wonderful Career as a Preacher — His. Gifts, Eloquence, and Virtues. — The Emperor at Paris. — He En- deavors TO Secure a Peace Between France and England. — Petit's Case IN the Council. — Sermon of Theodoric op Munster. — Invective Against the Clergy. Dec. 19, 1415 — Feb. 16, 1416. In the council there were those who were decid- edly in favor of treating Jerome with leniency. They doubtless, and wisely, imagined that it was the most prudent course to be satisfied with his retrac- tion. More would thus be gained for the authority of the council than by sending him to the flames. There might, moreover, be danger in offering a new provocation to the Bohemians. But the enemies of Jerome were bent on burning him. They professed to have no faith in the retraction he had offered, and probably they were sincere. They knew that he had been " convinced against his will," if convinced at all, and they did not intend that he should thus escape. They therefore busied themselves in raking together (174) Cii. VI.] NASOn's TAUNT. 175 new accusations. Causis and Paletz clLstinguisbed themselves by their zeal in the matter. They urged his enemies at Prague to draw up new accusations.* Charges that before had not been thought of, were now devised. His enemies insisted that he should be called to undergo a new trial. His judges, the cardinals of Cambray, Ursinis, Aquilea, and Floi-ence, opposed the application. They represented — with pi-udence, if not some lingering of conscientious feeling — that such a course would be unjust, and that Jerome, having shown obedience to the council, must be set at liberty. But this show of clemency only irritated the ene- mies of Jerome. Nason, the president of the German nation, whom we have seen urging the condemnation of the prisoner, is said to have replied to these rep- resentations with much asperity.*^ " We are much surprised, most reverend fathers," said he, " that you are willing to intercede for this wicked heretic, who has done us so much mischief in Bohemia, and who might yet do you the same. I am quite apprehen- sive that you have received presents from these here- tics, or from the king of Bohemia."^ Such language was extremely irritating. The cardinals regarded it as an insult. Unwilling to be driven by such invid- ious accusations or suspicions to further process against Jerome, they chose to throw up their office, and ask as a commission to be discharged. Their request was granted. The enemies of Jerome tri- umplied in securing the appointment of a new commission. At the head of it stood the Patriarch ' L'Enfant, 340. ' lb., 341. » Mon. Hus., ii. 352. 176 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. VI. of Constantinople, who bad shown the spirit of an unrelenting persecutor, in urging forward the sen- tence and execution of Huss. Gerson, moreover, joined the assailants of Jerome. On the twenty- ninth of October he had produced a treatise on the subject " Of Recanting and Protesting in Matters of Faith." ^ Jerome's name is not mentioned in it, but it is evident that it was aimed at him. Its whole scope is to show, that though a man may recant, he may do it in such a way, or it may be accompanied with such evidences, as to leave him still under sus- picion of heresy. Gerson thus volunteered to become the casuist of the enemies of Jerome. He maintains that there are men with whom is^norance is crime; and among these he classes those whom he describes in drawing the picture of Jerome himself — men pos- sessed of natural vivacity of mind, a shrewd judg- ment, the faculty of discernment, remarkable learn- ing, extensive acquaintance with scripture, or with canon and civil law. Moreover, the question is asked. May not a man sin against his conscience by recanting? "The answer," says Gerson, "is plain. He must lay aside his conscience in the case supposed, of his obstinacy." The treatise of Gerson is a fine piece of casuistry. He evidently disliked boldly to arraign the case of Jerome ; but he weaves his web skilfully around it, and overlays it with suspicions. The tendency of his argument would be to encourage Jerome's assailants. Gerson's dislike of the man seems to have been even greater than that which he felt toward Huss. Undoubtedly he was conscien- * Von der Hardt, iii. 40. Cn. VI.] NEW CHARGES AGAINST JEROME. 177 tious ill considering liim a dangerous heretic. He was, perhaps, the only man in Europe who could fairly be considered Gerson's rival in those very arts in which he excelled. As a disputant, he would have hesitated on no occasion to challenge the great chan- cellor himself. The two men were, moreover, opposed in their philosophical views, and Jerome had shown himself an able champion of the Realists. Could Gerson's mind have been warped by these consider- ations? It is more than possible. The fervency of his feehngs sometimes blinded his judgment. The noble bearing and matchless eloquence of Jerome won him friends in the council, but Gerson was not among them. The generosity of his heart was seared by prejudice, and in cherishing that prejudice he thought to do God service. But the most diligent efforts were made, by persons even less disinterestecl than Gerson, for Jerome's condemnation. Intelli- gence of his retraction had reached Prague, and his enemies there became apprehensive lest, after all, he- might escape. The monks especially, who had been^ stung by his insults and contempt, were resolved to- spare no effort to secure the doom of their destined victim.* New charges were drawn up against him and forwarded to the council, where the sincerity of his abjuratiim was already strongly suspected. The bearers of the new list of accusations wei'e Carmelite friars from Prague. They demanded that Jerome should again be put upon his trial, and required to- answer to the charges which they should present.^' In spite of the protest of Jerome against this new ' Mod. Hus., ii. 351, 852. ' L'Enfant, 340, 380. VOL. II. 12 178 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. YL injustice, and the objections of the commission who had hitherto conducted his case, the monks, aided by Paletz and Causis, and especially by Gerson, finally succeeded in carrying their point. In this they were materially aided by the sympathies of the new com- mission, composed of members more of their own stamp. On the twenty-ninth of January, 1416, the am- bassadors who had accompanied the emperor to Spain, returned to make their report to the council.* The king of Aragon had died ; but Ferdinand, his successor, had manifested a disposition to comply with the views and sustain the policy of the emperor. He resolved to withdraw obedience from Benedict, unless he would abdicate the pontificate. But the old man was not to be moved by any such terrors. He still refused to recede from his terms.^ He de- manded the rejection of the council of Pisa, the dis- solution of that of Constance, the convocation of another near his own obedience, his own confirmation as pope, and provision for his honorable mainte- nance on his resigning his dignity. He maintained, throughout all the conferences, that he was the true pope, and that though this might I'easonably have been doubted before, it could be doubted no longer, since one of his rivals had resigned, and the ■other^had been deposed. He maintained that it was ■not he who was guilty of keeping up the schism, but the council of Constance, since, in order to end it, it •was only necessary to recognize his claims ; that to proceed to a new electic^n would be only to renew ' Von der Tlanlt, iv. 5S3 ' De Vrie, apud. Von der Hardt. L 203, 204. Cii. '. '.] INFLEXIBILITY OF BENEDICT. 1Y9 111? seliism, since there would then be two popes ; that Ik* wms resolved to maintain his right to his last breath, because he could not in conscience abandon the vessel which God had committed to his care ; that as his age increased, he was the more bound to dis- charge his duty, and resist with all his might the storm raised against him ; moreover, if for peace' sake another pope was needed, he alone could be elected, for he was the only one of the cardinals that had been promoted to that office before the schism by Gregory XL, and that consequently lie, as the only one whose promotion was indisputable, was eligible to the office, even on the principles of his enemies themselves. It is said that for seven long hours the old man continued his harangue, without showing any fatigue either in his countenance or the tones of his voice, although he had almost reached his threescore years and ten.^ The emperor saw that any attempt to conquer the resolution of Benedict was vain, while his conditions were utterly inadmissible. His show of compliance had been but part of the game which he was re- solved to play out, and thus amuse the world with hopes never to be realized. The emperor, with the ambassadors of the council, withdrew in disofust. He was about to return to Germany. But the king of Aragon, with the ambassadors of Castile, Navarre, and Scotland, as well as othei-s of Benedict's obe- dience, who had now come to a better knowledge of his character, sent to the emperor at Narbonne, beg- ging him not to hasten his departure. They assured ' L'Enfant, 866. ISO LIFE A:XD TLMES of JOHN HUSS. [Ch. ^1. L'mi tliiit Benedict should yet cede, or be abandoned by liis wbole obedience. Negotiations were consequently resumed. The ambassadors of the emperor returned to Perpignan. The kings and princes exerted themselves to the utmost to overcome the old man's obstinacy. They were met at every point, however, by the artifice and subtlety of Benedict. All their persuasions and arguments were lost upon him. Their threat of with- drawing their obedience produced no effect. At last matters reached such a crisis of exasperation and ex- citement, that there was dang er of violence. Bene- dict seized his moment, and withdrew secretly from the city. He did this, says Niera, in concert with Ferdinand, with whom he had a secret understanding. This, however, was but a public rumor. Benedict withdrew to Callioure on the sea coast. But even here he was followed by deputies, who urged him to cede and acknowledge the council of Constance, which he might do by sending his attorneys to Perpignan, or by coming there in person. In case of his refusal, he was to be threatened with harsher measures. But even here, Benedict, who saw himself virtually a prisoner — for the deputies had taken pains to seize his galleys and prevent his escape — replied haughtily that he should still abide by the declarations which heiad made at Perpignan, whence he had withdrawn only that he was restricted of his liberty, and tliat he should not give any more explicit answer till he had reached the place for which he had set out. Even this was not enough to show his defiant spirit. He ridiculed the pretended care of Ferdinand for the ^"- ^^■'\ FLIGHT TO PENISCOLA. 181 Catholic clmrcl). That was his own business, he said, as legitimate pontiff. He moreover hurled his fulminations against all,— cardinals, patriarchs, arch- bishops, bishops, kings, and emperors, — threatening them with the spiritual and temporal power, if they dared on this point to usurp any of his rights. Bene- dict's cardinals also were summoned to Perpio-nan, At fii-st they replied in the spirit of their master. On the second summons — with the exception of the cardinals connected with his own family — they all forsook him for the conference at Perpignan. Benedict's affairs were in a desperate condition. But the heroic old man did not despond. A tame submission he despised. He found means to escape from Callioure, and fled to Peniscola, some two hun- dred miles from his enemies, upon the sea-coast. The place was a strong one, and it was said to have be- longed to the house of Luna.* Here Benedict could at least more safely defy his enemies. But they fol- lowed him even to Peniscola. A third and last deputation was sent him, requiring him to cede. But like those that preceded it, it proved futile. Bene- dict replied,* that he could not recognize the council of Constance, inasmuch as it was held in a city subject to the emperor, who managed everything there just as he chose, as was exemplified in the case of John XXHL, whose safe-conduct had been violated. He maintained that the emperor persisted in continuiu'"*" the council in that city, only in order to elect a pope devoted to his own interests, that he might do as he pleased in Italy, and seize upon the possessions of » L'Enfant, 356. » Von der Hardt, iL 515. 182 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. Vi. the church. He declared, moreover, that he could not accept a council composed of the cardinals of John XXIII. and Gregory XIL, because this would be joining schismatics to his own Catholic subjects; and beside all, he did not deem that the place where the council was to be held should be left to the op- tion of the emperor ; that for these reasons he could not cede the pontificate without sinning against God and scandalizing the church, at least since his enemies were unwilling to accept the conditions on which he offered to cede. He added, also, that it did not be- long to the council to choose a pope, but to the col- lege of cardinals ; that his reasons for withdrawal were not false, as had been pretended, and that the attempts that were made upon him every day were his sufficient justification. Moreover, he protested against all that should be done in regard to himself, on the ground of his being schismatic, as null and void. As to the reports that were circulated, that the king of Aragon was on the point of withdrawing from his obedience, and engaging others to unite them- selves with him in aiding the emperor and council in proceeding against him, and deposing him from the pontificate, he besought them by tlie bowels of di- vine mercy not to afford occasion for such a scandal, which, so far from putting an end to the schism, would only cherish and extend it. He represented that the king of Aragon, especially, could not listen to such counsels without rebellion against himself, since of him he held his states, was his feudatory, and had given him the oath of fidelity. He added, that even though these protestations should not reach Ca. VI.] DISGUST OF BENEDICT'S ADHERENTS. 183 the ears of those for whom they were intended, he should not fail to proceed against them in all i-equi- site ways, as he was authorized and even Lound by the interests of the church to do ; and be referi-ed them, for a commentary upon his words, to one of his Lulls, given at Marseilles in 1407. Yet, to show that he had ever at heart the union of the church, he de- clared that with this object he had already convoked a council foi" the month of February next ensuing, and he urgently besought the kingof Aragon not to employ menace, as he was said to have done, to prevent the prelates from assembling. He said, finall}', that hav- ing learned that his enemies had published that he had advanced in his discourses or writings proposi- tions contrary to the Catholic faith, he declared that if such were the case — thousjh he did not believe it — he disavowed them, as having been always inviola- bly attached to the faith of the church, to whose judgment he referred himself for all that might be alleged against him. Such obstinacy on the part of Benedict disgusted many of those who, up to this time, had still adhered to him, and they now determined to withdi-aw from him their obedience. By them propositions were sent to ISTarbonne, to the emperor and his council.* These were, in substance : 1. That the three obedi- ences assemble and compose a council without the permission of Benedict, and without being under the necessity of making any further requisition of him. 2. That they proceed against the said Bene- dict, and do all that they shall judge to be fitting • L'Eiifant, 359. 184 LIFE AND TLMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. VL for the union of the church. 3. That whatever process or anathema be designed against Benedict, it shall be sustained by all, or a greater part of, those who in the council were of the obedience of Bene- dict. Upon this ensued a war of protests and manifes- toes. The Archbishop of Tours took up the defence of the emperor and the council, in a document ad- dressed to the Catholic church. He gave a brief history of the schism, the means employed to put an end to it, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the obstinacy and inconsistencies of Benedict. The archbishop closed by exhorting all Christendom to regard him as a common enemy. The ambassadors of the princes now entered into consultation with the emperor, and, in view of the obstinacy of Benedict, agreed, on the thirteenth of December, 1415, to twelve articles known as "The Capitulation of Nar- bonne." ^ These articles were skilfully framed. They allowed the council of Constance to be called merely an assembly, and not a council, until those of the obedience of Benedict were united with it. Both parties were to write letters of summons to form a council at Constance, while those already there were to speak of themselves as " the cardinals, patriarchs, archbish(ips, bishops, etc., assembled at Constance." In general nothing was to be done or allowed to the prejudice of those who had hitherto been of the obedience of Benedict. The proceedings of the council of Pisa were to be regarded as null, since in case of tlieir validity the Spaniards would be con- • Von der Hardt, ii., 642. Cn VI.] PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. 185 victed of having obeyed a deposed pope. All the decrees of Gregory against the obedience of Bene diet were to be quashed. The cardinals of Benedict were to be received ad eundem in the council. The members of his court were to be provided for. Those who had hitherto adhered to him should see to it, that in case of his death no successor was elected in his place. Safe-conducts were to be pro- cured by the emperor for Benedict or his officials, if the}'' wished to attend the council to prosecute the business of his cession. With these articles, the archbishop presented to the council two other documents. One of these Avas an edict of the king or Aragon, by which he re- nounced the obedience of Benedict, and enjoined his subjects to follow his example. The other was a letter, stating that the kings of Castile and Navarre, with the counts De Foix and Armagnac, had resolved to pursue the same course. The result was hailed with the greatest joy. Public thanksgivings were ordered for the favorable issue of the negotiations, so soon as they were known at the council. They were published by the sound of trumpet through the whole city of Constance. A public procession was announced, which took place the next day (January 30, 1416) with imposing pomp. One of the greatest blows to the cause of Ben(^ diet was the defection of Vincent of Ferrara, by univei-sal consent the most eloquent preacher of his age. He belonged to the Dominican order, and was at this time its most distinguished ornament. He had been Benedict's confessor, and master of the 186 LIFE AND TUSIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VJ sacred palace. He was born at Valencia, A. D. 1350, and early distinguished himself foi- his extraordinary attainments. His days and ni^s^hts were devoted with tireless assiduity to study. He read and re-read the fathers ; but the Bible was his fiivorite book. In this we recognize the fountain from which he im- bibed that zealous, humble, and devoted spirit, which he manifested in the midst of all the corruptions of his age. His eloquence and sanctity soon won for him the title of the Apostle of the West.^ His labors were wonderful. He travelled over Europe, master- ing the language of each people, and addressing them with unwonted earnestness in their own ver- nacular. The discernment of Benedict led him to attach to himself and his court the most able and talented men. He induced Clemengis to become his secretary, and Vincent his confessor. One was the most eloquent writer and the other the most eloquent preacher of the age. Both long cherished an affec- tionate regard for Benedict, even after the vices of his court had driven them from Avignon for purer air. In fact, the most valuable testimony to the merit of Benedict is found in the continued adher- ence of two such men, — both able, both incorrupti- ble, both indignant protestants against the corrup- tion of the chui'ch, and diligent students of the Sacred Scriptures. To Vincent, the common people ascribed the power of working miracles — a claim in ' A quite full account of the life, and " Historic dea Hommes Illustres labors, and charaotor of Vincent Fer- d I'Ordre de St. Dominic, torn. iv. Pa- rara is to be found in an article of the ris, 1746. With tlie fervor of a Bax- " Pres. Quarterly Review," for July, ter, Vincent combined tlie missionary 1860. The materials for it were drawn zeal and activity of a Whitefield, mainly from the Letters of Clemengis, Cii. VI.] ELOQUENCE OF VIXCEXT FERP.ARA. 187 his behalf wliicli in tlicm was natural, in view of his ainazing gifts, his wondrous eloquence, and the mul- tiplied conversions of whicli he was the instrument, — but a claim which we have no evidence that he sanc- tioned himself. The stories of his ability and success as a preacher bolder indeed on the miraculous, but are well at- tested. He was the itinerant apostle of Western EurojK\ Wherever he went his fame preceded him, and thi-oiiging thousands hung entranced upon his lips. "Men of every grade, order, and dignity," says Clemengis, " welcomed him as if he had been an angel of God." His knowledge of scripture, his lucid exposition and apposite adaptation of it, ex- cited the admiration of this learned ex-rector of the University of Paris. The word of God, fi"om his mouth, had such a burning, blazing power, that the coldest and most frozen hearts were melted into penitence.^ The most obdurate were forced to cry out in the groans and anguish of conviction. His delivery, his gesture, the whole expression of his person, contributed to the effect. Sometimes he per- sonated others, and made his sermons assume the foi-m of dialogue. The farmer quitted his harvest field, the artisan forsook his workshop, to catch a sight or to hear the voice of the wonderful man. Nor did he speak only in the cities or villages. No church could have held the crowds that flocked to hear him. He took his stand in the broad plain, where thousands might be gathered to listen to his voice. They came from leagues around, and many of them * Clemengis Lit, p. 316. 188 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIIIS^ HUSS. [Cn. VI. came not in vain. They saw and heard, only to be convicted, converted, and reformed. They found in Vincent a John in the wilderness, a man severely simple and abstemious, whose life corresponded with his words, and who practised what he preached. "He did not belong," says Clemengis, "to the Phari- see class, who occupy Moses' seat, who say and do not." The gifts that were offered him he refused. True to his vow of poverty, his fare was simple and his raiment plain. He would not own a change of raiment, and only accepted the offer of a new gar- ment when the old was worn out. Thus he went from province to province, and from kingdom to kingdom, leaving behind him in the results of his labor, and the reform effected, the seals of his min- istry. One of the noblest testimonies to his true worth and integrity is the fact, that all the public applause that trumpeted his name over Europe left him still the same humble, devoted, incorruptible witness to the truth that he was when he first tremblingly ventured, at repeated solicitations, to ascend the pulpit. His ability and integrity are at- tested by the fact of his appointment as an arbitrator in various matters, but especially in one that con- cerned the inheritance of the Castilian crown.^ The defection of such a man from the cause of Benedict gave it a mortal blow in the popular es- teem. The last evasions of the obstinate old man had satisfied him that he was fully determined to persist to the last in his schism, and Vincent was no longer his dupe. He did all in his power to persuade ' Godeau, xxxvl 318. Cn. VI.] VINCENT OPPOSES BENEDICT. 189 Benedict to yield, but tlie eloquence that had swayed nations was powerless to change the purpose of his former master. From a devoted adherent, Vincent became a zealous opponent. It was he who preached on the occasion of the publication of the edict for withdrawing obedience, which he himself read from the pulpit. Vincent's course seems to have been conscientious throughout. In no instance do we discover him in- fluenced by motives of selfish interest or personal advantage. His renunciation of the pope bears, therefore, those marks of sincere conviction which entitle it to our respect. We find the efibrt after- ward made by Gerson to induce Vincent to come to Constance.^ Undoubtedly he would have found in him a congenial spirit and a well-wisher, if not a co- laborer in his projects of reform. But there is rea- son to believe that Vincent felt that Constance was no place for him, and that his powers would be wasted upon an assembly of whose real character he must by this time have been fully aware. Like Clemen- gis, he chose to keep space enough between him- self and the council. Was he suspicious lest they should be inclined to question his orthodoxy? They might have done so with almost as much reason as |in the case of Huss. His sympathy with the Flagellants at least might have raised suspicion of heresy. The Bohemian reformer and the apostle of the west were brothers in spirit, and we can scarce doubt that had they truly known each other, they would • L'Enfant, 487. 190 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHIS- HUSS. [Ch. VI. have bid and received a mutual good-speed in their noble work. Tbe emperor bad accomplished all that was possi- ble for him in Spain. The other princes, beside the king of Aragon, had given hopes of joining with him in renouncing Benedict's allegiance. But there was opposition in their states, and some wavered. The emjieror directed his course to Paris. Tbe great battle of Agincourt had been fought, but a few weeks previous, (Oct. 25, 1415,) and English valor had won the day. It was a terrible blow to France. The right hand of her power was cut off; her army and a large number of her nobles and knights were slain, or taken captive. The emperor sought to restore peace to the warring nations. The com- mon foe of Christendom was thundering at the gates of the empire, and the story of Turkish invasion and cruelty was ever ringing in Sigismund's ear. He wished to unite the nations in a crusading warfare against the infidel. By his mediation he succeeded in procuring between England and France a truce of ten years. But already the blow struck at Agincourt was producing its effect. The humiliation of the weak king of France was relatively the exaltation of the powerful Duke of Burgundy. Henry V. of England had only fought the duke's battles. The fruits of victory did not cross the English channel. The most obvious result was that the murderer of the Duke of Orleans was delivered from all danger on the side of France. It was all in vain that at this moment the French king wrote to the council to Cn. YI.] THE COUNCIL EVADES A DECISIOISr. 191 urge the condemnation of Petit's propositions.^ It was in vain that the university reiterated its coni- plaints.® It was in vain that the emperor himself wrote once and again expressing his indignant ab- horrence of principles that exposed his own life to the stroke of the assassin.' The advocates of the Dnke of Burgundy became more bold and earnest in their opposition. A majority of more than two- thirds of the eighty-four doctors, who were directed to give in their written opinions on the subject, were against Gerson and France.* These last appealed to the council in full session. The discussions were violent and protracted. The difficulties in the way of proceeding were continually aggravated. Day after day the nations assembled to discuss the sub- ject, but no advance was made. Nothing could be concluded. The council declared expressly that no condemnation of the propositions should prejudice the person or honor of individuals. The intelligence of the articles of " The Capitu- lation of Narbonne," meanwhile, (Feb. 4, 1416,) reached Constance. The council assembled to hear them read, and to swear to their solemn observance. They did this, not as a council, but as an assembly of cardinals, bishops, etc. Instead of the Cardinal de Viviers, the president of the council, the Arch- bishop of Tours was the moderator of the assembly. Sixteen cardinals, more than fifty bishops, more than twenty abbots, and more than one hundred ambas- sadors and deputies took oath to observe the articles of "the capitulation." Some, however, protested ' L'Enfant, 312. » lb., 368. ' lb., 354. « lb., 373. 192 LIFE AND TIDIES OF JOHN HUBS. [Cu. VL against portions of them, or against their being un- derstood in a sense j)rejudicial to what they claimed as their ris^ht.^ It was while these matters and those of John Petit were occupying the public attention of the council, that Theodoric of Munster (Feb. 16, 1416) preached a sermon, in part with reference to Bene- dict XIIL, but mainly bearing upon the vices of the clergy and the abuses of the church.^ It serves to show the feelings and opinions of at least a re- spectable minority of the council, and how strongly some of them must have sympathized in a portion of the views of the man whom they had sent to the stake. He took for his text the words, " Go ye also into my vineyard," and improved the occasion, natu- rally, to condemn the indolence of the ecclesiastics, and the abuses and disorders in which it resulted. By the vineyard he understands, first, the Holy Scrip- tures, which the bishops and priests are to cultivate by study ; and, in the second place, the church, which is confided to their care. The negligence, idleness, and vicious life of the clergy are severely rebuked, and their conduct in leaving their flocks to indulge in luxury is sharply arraigned. "Yet," says the preacher, "it would be something tolerable if, in their dislike to labor in the vineyard, they would at leas^ serve as scarecrows, to drive away the birds ; but since they merely spread around them the stench of their vices, they can only be regarded as carrion, to attract ravenous beasts to trample and ravage the vineyard of the Lord. Such prelates deserve to be * L'Enfant, 365 ' lb., 8T0 Cii. VI.] ^ SCATHING SEEJION. 103 deposed, not only as useless servants, but as nuisan- ces that make others breathe their pestilent corrup- *^^^ It is a great error to believe, as some do, that a pope should be deposed only for heresy, if by this we are not to understand sins public, scandalous, and maintained with shamelessness and obstinacy." In these words he refers to the grounds on which Benedict might be proceeded against. He then goes on to condemn other faults of the ecclesiastics : their neglecting the study of Holy Scripture, to apply themselves to canon law and the decretals, for pur- poses of gain. Not that he would have the latter absolutely neglected ; but the principal study of pre- lates and pastors should be the word of God, in order to preach, inasmuch as this is the original au- thority by which all positive law— which, moreover, is necessarily faulty and subject to change— must be tried. Enforcing his position by examples, he re- marks, in language little respectful to the papacy, "That the convocation of the council and the deposi- tion of one of the rival pontiffs would have been im- possible, if it had been required to follow the new canon law which gives to the popes alone the right of assembling councils, and which lays down the principle that the pope cannot be judged except for heresy alone." Again the preacher remarks, " ISlow we see positive laws,— that is, the canon law, the decretals, and constitutions of the popes, exalted above the law of God and the commandments of Jesus Christ. This is the case even in this council where the prelates fear more to disregard the authoi-- ity of the Clementines, than that of the decalor^ue. VOL. n. 23 194: LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VI. They take more pains to see that court rules are ob- served, than to prevent propositions being advanced opposed to faith and to gospel morals." Such language was bold enough, and could scarce- ly have been acceptable to the majority of the coun- cil. But many of its positions had fully been illus- trated in the proceedings that had taken place, especially in the case of Huss. The speaker's refer- ence to the scriptures as above all the authority of what he called positive law, fully coincided with the position taken by Huss upon his trial. It seems difficult to explain how such language could have been used, — so much in the spirit of invective em- ployed by the Bohemians, and so fully justifying what the council had branded as heres}^ But it is evident that there were those at the council — and if united, forming a powerful minority — who were yet anxious and earnest on the subject of reform. It was impossible to silence them altogether, and it might have been a politic measure to allow them the satisfaction of having their views expressed. The statements which they presented* were, moreover, so indisputably true, that the only answer they could receive was a silent acquiescence. CHAPTER VII. JEROME BEFORE THE COUNCIL. Citation OP the Bohemians. — The Decree. — Disposition op the Council To- ward Jerome. — His Condition and State op Mind in Prison. — Refuses to Recognize His New Judges. — The List of Charges Against Him. — His Re- plies. — On Wickliffe. — On Contumacv. — Various Charges. — Philosoph- ical Subtleties. — Transubstantiation. — Songs Written and Sung. — All Mat Preach. — Cnjust Excommunication Invalid. — Indulgences. —Treat- ment OF Them that Sold Them. — Papal Bulls. — Pictures of the Saints. — Relics. — Martyrs of Prague. — Favor to the Greek Church. — Jerome's Recantation Hypocritical. — His Letter to Vienna. — Dishonest Purpose in Coming to Constance. — Will Not Acknowledge His Errors. — Refuses to Fast. — Demand that He Should Answer on Oath. — Extended Period of Jerome's Life Covered bt the Charges. — Jerome's Replies. — Admissions, Explanations, and Denials. — Jerome Allowed a General Defence. — His Views and Feelings. — His Speech. — Refers to Ancient Martyrs. — Uni- versity of Prague. — Eulogy op Huss. — His Course. — Jerome's Visit to Constance. — His Treatment. — His Recantation Disavowed. — His Views op Wickliffe. — His Substantial Orthodoxy. — His Fate Sealed by His Ap- proval OF Huss. — Heroism of Jerome. — Poggio Bracciolini. — His Letter in Praise of Jerome. — Able Defence of the Latter. — His Manly Bearing. — His Retorts. — Wonderful Powers. — His Memorable Eloquence. Feb. 16, 1416 — May 26, 1416. The condition of things in Bohemia had now be- come such as to excite the well-founded alarm of the council. Their proceedings were boldly arraigned, and their authority contemned. The Bishop of Lei- tomischel, bearing their commission, found himself unable to execute it. His person, and even his life, were considered as endangered in the attempt. The (195) 196 . LIFE AND TDIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. YII. whole nation was in a ferment. At length, on the twentieth of February, 1416, the matter was brought before the council. It was decreed that the follow- ers of Huss, in Bohemia and Moravia, should be cited to appear and answer such accusations as had been, or should be, brought against them. The main ground of citation was the charge against the council, implied in the statement that Huss " had been unjustly executed, and in violation of all truth ; " in the assertion that " he was a good and holy man, of excellent and innocent life and pure in faith ; " and in ascribing his execution to " the envy of a luxuri- ous and wanton clergy." The citation therefore ex- tended to all those who had signed or affixed their seals to the letters addressed to the council. It comprehended the ablest and most learned men of Bohemia, as well as officers of the royal court.^ " We are confident that all Christendom is fully aware, as well by previous councils as by the present one, that Satan has, in these last times especially, excited heretics or ministers of d;imnation against the whole ecclesiastical edifice ; that these attempts have been to overthrow the Catholic faith, and the laws and usages given by the holy fathers, and till the present time inviolably observed by Catholics ; and among these men are John Wickliflfe and John Huss7heresiarchs, as plainly appears from their works and writings. These persons unwarrantedly assume to be doctors, and wishing to pass among the people for new law-givers and rabbis, have plunged into ex- • Von der Hardt, iv. 610, Ch. VII.] CITATION OF THE BOHEMIANS. 197 travagaut and damnable errors, in contempt of the holy doctrine and the traditions of the fathers, in such sort that the greater part of them are sectaries of Satan, who, wishing to rise above all that is wor- shipped in heaven, have been plunged to the bottom of hell, and cease not to draw men after them into the pit of their damnation. These men, wishing to raise themselves and their traditions above the hie- rarchy of the church militant, have associated many with them, even of the priestly order, who, after the manner of Theudas the Galilean, boasting to be new law-givers, have seduced multitudes. And what is more surprising is, that the number of the followei*3 of these heresiarchs goes on increasing continually, as we know, alas ! too well, by the report of many, and by public rumor, especially in Bohemia and Moravia. There are among them even persons of rank, who are leagued together to maintain John Huss and his errors, and who, adding sin to sin, nor content with their malicious speeches and feigned devotion, write out slanderous documents, confirmed by their seals, in which they undertake the defence and eulogy of John Huss, though he has been burned by the just judgment of God and by our holy sentence. They venture also to declare that they are resolved to defend, even to the shedding of blood, these execra- ble heresies, and to maintain those who favor them. And, as if to make themselves a spectacle to the world by this monstrous error, they have been bold enouGfh to write us letters full of their venom and poisoned lies. Touched, therefore, as a tender mother by the ruin of so many unfortunate ones, whose eyes 198 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HDSS. [Cn. VII. have been fascinated by the devil, we have spared no pains to recover them from this diabolical obstinacy, and heal them of their frenzy, by writing to instruct them, sending them legates, and pi'actising in regard to them a simulation, flattery, and patience that has, perhaps, been pushed too tar. But, alas ! all these remedies have only serv^ed to their injury. They refuse all obedience, they will not listen to the salu- tary instructions of the church, and instead of profit- ing by the counsels of peace and truth that have been given them, they rise up against the orthodox church, and strengthen themselves in iniquity. For these reasons we have resolved, by the aid of the Ti'iuity, to oppose strenuously this damnable doc- trine, and to proceed against these sectaries and fol- lowers of John Huss, through fear of incurring the indignation of the Most High by dissembling in regard to such great evils, after the example of the chief priest Eli, who, though in other respects a good man, drew down upon himself the divine ven- geance for not having corrected the sins of his chil- dren, and sadly perished along with them. There- fore it is, that, wishing to proceed against them according to the royal way^ after summary informa- tion ; and having learned, on the testimony of people worthy of faith, that Czenko de Wesele, alias War- temberg, suj^reme burgrave of Prague, Lasckow de Crauvartz, captain of the marquisate, and others who signed the letter of which we have spoken, are publicly charged and suspected in regard to the faith ; and inasmuch as they may not safely be sought at their own dwellings, we cite them peremptorily, Cn. vri.] Jerome's remorse. 190 T)y the present edict, winch shall be publicly affixed to the doors of all the churches of Constance." ^ Leaving this citation to find its way to Bohemia, let us retui-n once more to the affairs of Jerome of Prague. More than six months had passed away since his recantation, and nearly a year since his first arrest. The first term of his imprisonment had been one of severe hardship. His treatment afterward was more mild. There were those in the council who were ready to set him free, or at least unwill- ing to subject him to a new trial. But over these, the more moderate portion, embracing nearly if not quite all those who had served on the commission in bis case, the opposing party prevailed. His enemies, led or spurred on by personal hostility, welcomed the announcement that new charges were to be presented against him. Many of them, from the first, had been suspicious of his sincerity in recanting. Doubtless the conduct of Jerome must Lave tended to confirm those suspicions. His Avas not a nature adroitly to play tlie hypocrite. It was too frank, too impulsive, too sensitive to self-disgrace, not sometimes to revolt at the thought of his belying his own convictions. During the last six months of his prison probation, he had time to reflect. Memory could not but be busy. Conscience must have sometimes reasserted her sway ; and, from his own confessions, we know that the prisoner must have experienced an intense wretchedness in reflecting upon his guilty weakness. To the misery of a life prolonged on such conditions, death was preferable. Jerome felt this. Remorse * Von der Hardt and ManaL 200 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. VII. for the past was restoring him to himself, and when the hour of trial came again, iis it now did, he was ready to meet it. On the twenty-seventh day of April, (1416,) the council met, and the principal business before them was the case of Jerome. The processes for his trial had been issued more than two months previous^ (Feb. 24). The Patriarch of Constantinople, and Nicholas Dinckelspuel, a theological doctor from Vienna, were directed, as a commission, to receive and examine testimony that should be adduced against him. These men visited Jerome, submitted to him the charges made, both the old and the new, and heard his answers. Their report was drawn up, and was now made to the council. It was read by John de Rocha, a theological doctor, a former friend and present defender of Petit, and in that matter one of Gerson's antagonists.^ An old author of the " Life of Jerome" says, that he was reluctant to recognize this new commission that had been appointed for his second trial.^ He certainly had the right to protest against its appointment over a previous commission, which had discharged its duty under the eyes and with the approval of the council. He refused at first to recognize the new commission, or reply to their questions. He demanded, as his right, a public audience.^ Probably upon the assurance of this, he finally consented to defend himself in piison from the charges now presented. The first head of accusation turned upon the con- * Von der Ilardt, iv, 60Y. * Mon. Hus., ii. 352. • L'Enfant, 380. « L'Enfant, 380-383. Ch. VII.] JEROME AND WICKLIFFE. 201 nection of Jerome with Wickliffe.^ The answers of the former to the several points, as they were read, were also given. They were brief and direct. He admitted that lie had read the works of Wickliffe ; that he was aware of their having been condemned ; but to the charge of having taught the errors and heresies contained in his books, he replied, — " For myself, this much I have to say in answer, that it is false that I taught errors and heresies out of his books. But this I confess, that when I was a youth, ardent in the cause of learning, I came to England, and hearing of the reputation of Wickliffe, that he was a shrewd and talented man, I transcribed, as I could obtain copies, his Dialogue and Trialogue, and carried them with me over to Prague." The articles charged went over the most promi- nent acts of Jerome's life, bringing up as far as possi- ble every instance in which he had shown a leaning toward, or a disposition to defend, the views of Wick- liffe. They maintained that he had been banished from Bohemia for his violation of the edict in regard to Wickliffe's books. He replied that he. had not been banished, but that when, through the letters of the Archbishop of Prague, containing false state- ments, the king had been induced to deliver him up to the archbishop, he had by the latter been gently dealt with for some time, till the king sent one of his barons, and ordered him to be released. Jerome was charged, at the discussion in regard to Wickliffe carried on in the university, with having main- tained that Wickliffe was a Catholic, and that what • Mon. Hus., il 352. 202 LIFE AND TIMES OF .TOIIJT HUSS. [Cii. VII. was contained in liis books was most true. "I an- swer," said Jerome, " that I said that John Wick- liflfe had composed and written many good things in his books, but I did not say that all things contained in the said books were and are most true ; for I had not seen them all. But this I do say, what good things Wickliffe wrote, let them be to his credit and not mine ; and what lie wrote ill, let him be blamed for, and not me." He was then charged with having gone to Vienna, and there, on being arrested on the suspicion of heresy, having taken an oath to abide his trial and submit to his sentence, but instead of doing this had fled away by stealth. "I was violently arrested," replied Jerome ; " but nothing was done judicially in regard to me, for I was of another diocese, and they had no jurisdiction; neither did I escape by stealth or through contumacy, but I did not choose to wait for their violent measures, as I was not obliged or bound to do." Keminded that on the term for his appearance to be tried, having expired, he had incurred by their sentence presumptive guilt of heresy, he answered, that after his departure they could have written in regard to him according to their caprice. The said processes, they continued, were published at Vienna, Cracow, Prague, and other places. " I am aware that they were published at Prague," said Jerome ; " whether they were elsewhere or not, I do not know." He was then charged with contemning the keys of the church, in disregarding his sentence of excommunication for five years or more. He denied xM. VII.l CHARGES A.GAIJN&T JEROME. 203 that lie had contemned the authority of the church, adding that if he had ever been excommunicated, he had sought absolution. The Archbishop of Prague had prosecuted against him the process of Vienna, but without summoning him before him. As to his being incorrigible, he denied it. If he had been ex- communicated, he even to this day was not aware of it; but whether lawfully excommunicate or not, he does not treat it with contempt, but asks to be ab- solved. Jerome was next accused of having slandered the pope, prelates, and lords ; of having published these slanders abroad ; of having, in the Bethlehem chapel while Huss was speaking, thrust his head out of the window and slandered the Archbishop Sbynco before the people ; of having violently thrown the sacred relics, kept by a friar in the Carmelite monas- tery, to the ground; of having assailed the monas- tery with an armed crowd, and borne off a preacher who was speaking against Wickliffe, and kept him in durance for several days. Some of these charges Jerome denied. Other he explained. As to the last, he said, " I confess that in the case referred to, when I entered the monastery I found the monks contending with two citizens, Avhose servant they had thrown into prison. And when I spoke with them in a peaceable way, many of them, armed with swords, made a rush upon me. And although I liad no means of defence at hand, I forcibly seized a sword from a certain layman who stood by, and protected myself as well as I was able. I then gave up two of the monks for trial, but one I kept with myself." Other charges were added, some of them trivial, 204 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHiST HUSS. [Ch. YIL and many of tliem referring to facta evidently dis- torted to bis prejudice. He was then accused of being a chief adherent of John Huss, approving of him, in his doctrine and in his heresies, justifying him, and seeking out defenders for him from Bohemia and Moravia. To this he replied, that he loved John Huss as a good man, and one who had diligently per- formed his duties, not drawn off by unchastity, and of whom he had heard nothing heretical. Many things, moreover, had been imputed to him, for which he deserved no blame. As to his having been cited to the court of Home to abjure the heresy of adher- ing to Huss, Jerome denies that any citation had reached him. As to his having excited seditions at Prague by appearing in the streets at different times with one and sometimes two hundred armed men in company, he denied it, except as he had joined, with a smaller number, the royal escort. Other articles of accusation betrayed their origin in feelings of per- sonal spite or malice. He was charged, moreover, with having maintained, at different places, especially at Paris, Cologne, and Heidelberg, certain proposi- tions, more of a philosophical than theological nature. Among them were the following : — " In God, or the divine Essence, there is not only a trinity of person, but a quaternity and quinternity of things {rerum)^ such that each of these is not another and yet each is God : in created things there may be a trinity in a single essence, as memory, understanding, will, in the essence of the human soul : the soul of man is a perfect image of the trinity, with the single excep- tion that it is created, and has but a finite perfection : Cu. VII.] NEW ACCUSATIONS. 205 the memoiy, tlie intelligence, or will of an anp^el is his essence, and yet not a person : God the Father could not beget the Son by the absolute power of deity : all things to come will take place by a con- ditionated necessity: the substance of the Thread is not, by virtue of consecration, changed into the body of Christ: John Wickliffe was not a heretic, but a holy man : God cannot annihilate any thing." These propositions Jerome was charged with having main- tained. Even as they stand, they fall far slioi't of that speculative wantonness of disputation which only a few years before had prevailed at the Univer- sity of Paris. Jerome's reply to them was, that these propositions, understood in the proper sense, were true, though they were not presented in his style, yet, in regard to some of them, what sounded as his lan- guage had been employed in order to express them. ^ These charges and their answers having been read, the council, by the instigation of his enemies, and at the demand of its prosecuting officer, determined that more should be added to the already extended catalogue. After some other business had been trans- acted, these also were read. They were much more extended than the first, and in fact substantially re- peated them, though in a more ample manner, with many additions. They go back in their specifications so as to cover a space of more than twelve years. The mere recital of them, aggravated as they were by the ingenious malice that drew them up, Avas well calculated to prejudice the cause of the prisoner in the minds of his judges. Yet they are valuable — * Van der Ilardt, iv. 646, 206 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VII. even from the hostile source from whlcli we derive them — as giving something of a picture, however distorted, of Jerome's life.***' The first and main point charged in the new indict- ment, was the dissemination and defence of Wick- liffe's doctrines. It stated the methods which Jerome had employed for this purpose : copying WickliftVs books ; recommending them to others ; circulating them as he had opportunity, at Prague and else- where, declaring that those students who had not read them had but attained the mere bark of learn- ing instead of discovering its roots ; persuading them to reject their ordinary and approved text-books, to peruse those of Wickliffe ; defending the reputation of the man, and showing himself so zealous a favorer and champion of him and his errors, that many per- sons, of both sexes, formerly Catholics, had been drawn away from the faith, and fallen into heretical pravity, becoming so blind and obstinate in their error, as to assert that their ffilse opinions were gos- pel truths, and to boast that in all respects they fol- lowed the gospel and the doctrines of Christ. The indictment asserted, that after the various condem- nations pronounced upon the writings of Wickliffe at Oxford, Rome, and Prague, Jerome, who could not be ignorant of the facts, had still persisted in maintaining Wickliffe's opinions, had defended them publicly, had disputed and offered to dispute in their favor, and had dared, in the lecture-room of Prague, and in the Bethlehem chapel, to speak of Wickliffe as a most holy man, a preacher of the gospel, and a teacher of the true faith. He had, moreover, pro- Cu. VII.] JEKOJIE ON TEANSUBSTANTIATION. 207 ceeded to use violent means to silence opposition. Here the indictment recapitulated charges already mentioned. The opinions of Wickliffe on the euchar- ist, indulgences, etc., were then cited as endorsed by Mm. For the space of ten years, at different times, Jerome had maintained that in the sacrament of the altar the material bread remained after consecra- tion, and that in this sacrament the bread is not transubstantiated into the body of Christ ; and this he had induced many to believe, who still persevere in their error. He had maintained, that in the sacra- ment of the altar Christ is not truly present, and the argument used was this : Christ suffered on the cross ; but the host never suffered, nor does suffer ; therefore, Christ is not in the host, in the sacrament of the altar. Again : Mice cannot eat Christ ; but mice can eat the consecrated host ; therefore, the host in the sacrament of the altar is not Christ. Again : The host in the sacrament of the altar is not God, — for a priest can- not consecrate his Creator, that is, God ; but the priest consecrates the host ; therefore, in the host of the altar, the Creator, God, is not. Jerome was accused of maintaining, that no one could receive the heavenly crown who did not confess with heart and mouth the doctrines of Wickliffe ; of promising, after this life, the triumphs of gloiy to those of all classes who should defend Wickliffe's doctrines, and impugn the contrary; of writing, and procuring to be written, songs and doggerel verses, ridiculing the mass, which were learned and sung by the artisans, who said, that by these they also could make the body of Christ, so that the priests were 208 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHX HUS3. [Cii. VII. subjected to seditions, wrongs, and insults. He more- over took the language of scripture, and versified it, so that it might be sung, as it was in the streets, leaving the impression, to the confusion of the eccle- siastics, that they (the singers) alone, and not the church of Rome or any of the clergy, undei'stood the scriptures. After he had taught men these, he had said and preached that the laity who had learned them, and that too of both sexes, that is, men and women of the Wicldiffite sect, and holding Wick- liffe's doctrine firmly and devotedly, might make the body of Christ, baptize, hear confessions, or bestow other sacraments of the church, provided they use fit words, and adapted to the consecrating or sacra- mental act ; and that the sacraments performed by these are as efficacious and valid as if they were per- formed or bestowed by priests, according to the church form. He had taught, moreover, in various parts of Bohemia, but specially in the Bethlehem chapel, the heresy held by John Huss — we may add, by Clemengis, Gerson's intimate fi'iend, also — that the excommunication of the pope, or of any other bishop or minister of the church, is not to be feared or re- garded, unless it is evident that it has been preceded by the divine excommunication ; and he had taught, moreover, that the excommunication of the defend- ers of Wickliffe's doctrine at Prague was to be ac- counted null, and to be disregarded, for God had never bestowed on the pope, nor any other servant of the church, any of his own attributes ; and there- fore, in sjjite of the interdict, the priests had been compelled, in many places and cities of the diocese Cn. VII.l VIOLENCE TO THE PRIESTS. 209 of Pracfue, to celebrate and administer the divine offices. Jerome, moreover, was accused of maintaining tliat no authority for granting indulgences resides in the pope or the bishops, and that no faitli is to be extended to letters, apostolic or episcopal, which con- tain indulofences. Such indulsrences were of no avail. Those that preached them had been obstructed by him in doing it, and been forced to desist. The in- dictment recounted the circumstances of the violent opposition with which he had met them. On one occasion, John of Altamuta, and Benesius of Opta- wich, had entered a manse belonging to a parish church in a village of the diocese of Prague, intend- ing to publish in the said church indulgences granted by John XXIII. Jerome heard of it, and gathering a company of armed men around him, rushed into the house in a state of excited passion, and with fury in his looks. He addressed the priests in harsh and threatening language. " Out with you, you deceiv- ei's, with your lies ! Your lord the pope is a false heretic and a usurer. He has no authority to grant indulgences." Jerome then threatened the priests, drove them fii-st into the church and then forth from it, and followed them till he saw them outside the walls of the village. It was with difficulty, it waa said, that they escaped. The indictment set forth, moreover, that Jerome had said and asserted, in con- tempt of the keys and of the Apostolic See, that the papal bulls were not to be credited, nor any faith put in them, neither were the indulgences of the pope to be believed in, inasmuch as they were null and void ; besides, it was out of the pope's power to give and VOL. II. 14 210 LIFE AXD TIMES OF JOHN" nU6S. [Ch. VIL grant indulgences. When present himself at the preaching of them, he had hindered it ; when absent, he had incited others to do it, and these men ran about through the city of Prague during sermon- time, entering the churches, disturbing those who preached indulgences, asserting that they were the deceivers and seducers of those among the people to whom they asserted that indulgences were of any avail. He had, moreover, taken the ^^apal bulls, the letters apostolic containing the indulgences, and, put- ting them into a chariot with prostitutes, to whose breasts he bound them, had them drawn through the city. As the chariot moved on, it was surrounded with men crying aloud and shouting, " These are the letters of a heretic and a Kussiau, which we are taking to be burned." And in the street, near the centre of the city, he caused these bulls to be pub- licly burned. Jerome, moreover, was accused of having held and taught, at Prague and elsewhere, that any educated or intelligent la3mian might, in any place, in a church or outside of it, without being licensed by pope, bishop, curate, or any one else, preach the word of God. He had, moreover, himself, though a layman and unshorn, preached, and thus practised what he preached, in different localities in Bohemia, as well as Moravia, on the ground that tlie}^ who are called and sent of God seem to be sufficiently licensed. He had, moreover, said, asserted, and publicly preached, that pictures of Christ, of his crucifixion, of the Virgin and of canonized saints, are not to be painted, and that it is heretical to worship them. An image Ch. VIT.] EELICS CONTEMNED. 211 of the crucifix lie had insulted, and pelted with dung, and procured others to treat it in the same way, though many thronged to it in devotion. The relics of the saints he had declared were by no means to be worshipped or adored. He had said that the veil and robe of the Virgin, in the cathedral church at Prague, though reverently venerated by the faithful, were of no more account, and to be held in no greater reverence, than the skin of the ass on which Christ rode. Saci'ed relics he had torn from the altar, cast to the earth, and trampled under foot. He had maintained, that those who died in defence of the doctrine of Huss, which he claimed to be true and Catholic, were true and glorious martyrs of Christ. He had caused them to be borne in procession to the grave, while the attendants chanted, " These are they who gave up their bodies to punishment, according to the will of God." He had procured mass to be said for them as martyrs, in the Bethlehem chapel, and excited the multitude of that sect in such a way that for several davs scores of them went aofain and again to the council-house of the city, saying that those who had been ^jeheaded were true martyrs, and had died for the true faith of Christ, and that they themselves were ready to undergo a like death for the same faith. The indictment then proceeds to specify other articles classed by themselv^es, and evidently of less weight or certainty, a<^ that Jei'ome in Kussia had, on one occasion, openly forsaken the communion of the Latin f)r that of the Greek church, publicly offering insult to the former; that he had attempted 212 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIIX HUSS. [Ch. Vk to seduce the Duke Witbold, brother of the king of Poland, as well as others, to imitate his example ; that when arraigned for his conduct before the Duke of Wilna, he had expressly declared that the afore- said schismatics and Kussiaus were good Christians. This he had done and repeated, in spite of the bish- op's admonition to the contrary. At Pleskov again, Jerome had pursued the same coui'se, giving his pub- lic approval to the infidelity, schism, and heresy of the said Russians. The indictment then set forth that Jerome was not to be believed on oath, whether now or in time to come he should be sworn. His promises and ab- jurations were feigned, one way expressed by his mouth, but otherwise conceived in his heart. They had been made through hypocrisy, not with the pur- pose of abandoning his errors, but to afford him a chance to escape and scatter them abroad anew. A similar evasive course Jerome had pursued at Paris, where Gerson and others had endeavored to force him to recant, at Heidelberg, at Cracow, and again at Vienna, whence, notwithstanding his oath to sub- mit to trial, he had secretly fled. It was stated, that after his flight from the latter place he wrote to the official of the church of Passau the following let- ter : " Venerable father, master, and lord ! know that I am now at Wyetow, sound and well, in the com- pany of many friends, and ready to serve ever you and yours. Hold me excused', if you please, from the promise extorted from me in respect to you, as you will do if you duly consider the nature of it. Not that we would prejudice justice, to which with due pre- Cn. YII.] JEPvOME CIIAEGED WITH PEllFIDY. 213 caution we are ever ready to submit. But to stand among so many hundred enemies, alone, is what, if you love me, you would never advise. For my ene- mies have ploughed upon my back, and made long the furrows of their iniquity. But my soul has escaped like a bird from the snare of the fowler. The net has been broken, and we are at large. But I thank you, and ever shall thank you. Refer all my adversaries with their witnesses to me at Prague, and I will there take issue with them. Or, if it seem more fitting to them, let us each plead without wit- nesses in open court. But you must know that I was in your church in Laa, and there visited the master of the school and the notary of the city in memory of your kindness, and if I am ever able, I will serve you and yours. Farewell. Written at Wyetow. Yours ever, Jerome of Prague." The same perfidy also, it was said, had been shown by Jerome in his coming to Constance, ostensibly to vindicate the purity of his orthodox faith, yet only with the intent to show himself ofi*, and procure tes- timonials to strengthen his sect at Prague, in the be- lief that he had come off triumphant, and that the doctrine of Wickliffe was holy, just, and Catholic, and in no way to be reprobated. And yet he had secretly fled from Constance, and after having been brought back, and having, in his abjuration of the errors of Huss and Wickliffe, also promised that he would write to the king and the queen of Bohemia, the University of Prague, and others, that the condemnation of Wickliffe and Huss with their doctrines was canonical and just, he had yet, though 21-i LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. YII. often admonished, refused to fulfil his promise afore- said. Saying one thing while purposiug another, he had hitherto deferred writing; and even more than this, — he had openly declared that he would not write. In the hope, moreover, that he had already satisfied the council, and had taken measures to escape their hands and custody, he had given himself up to an elated, rebellious, and reprobate mind, refusing to answer under oath to the ai-ticles charged against him, and still refusing, in violation of Lis promise. Instead of showing contrition, lie maintains also that he has evei* been a good Christian, and free from all stain of error or heresy. Neither will he submit to be in any manner reproved. If this is attempted, or he is charged with any guilt, he at once becomes angry. He even asserts that injustice has been done him in the imprisonment in which he is now held, and demands damages therefor. He says expressly, " I am an innocent man. Who will refund me dama- ges ? " In his perverse obstinacy he still continues, notwithstanding all his feigning in regard to his pa- tient endurance of his imprisonment and his profes- sions of apparent compunction, always intending to defend the doctrine of Wicklifte, as argued by Huss. This is plain, from his wiitten statements, read in this place of public session, where he said expressly, among other things, "I call God to witness, that I never have seen in his (Huss) conduct, or heard in lectures and sermons by him, any thing exceptional. Nay, I confess, that for his gentle and correct life, and the sacred truths which he explained to the Cn. YII.] DEMAND OF THE PKOSECUTION. 215 people from tlie word of God, I was his intimate friend — for bis person, and for truth's sake, a defender of his honor in whatever phice I might find myself." From this, it is plain that he refused to write to the king and queen of Bohemia and the University of Prague. The same also may be inferred from many other things which evidence his extraordinary presumption, which was sufficient ground for his con- demnation. Nor did the adversaries of Jei-ome for- get to bring against him in the indictment the charge brought against Christ of old, that he did not practice listing. They represented him as fond of good living, and more luxurious in his diet in j^rison than when at large. They then ask that, as Jerome is a layman, and has ever borne himself as such, wearing a lay dress and a long beard, and notoriously bearing himself as a layman in public session, he may be forced, under pain of torture, to answer to each of the articles credit or no7i credit, to the end that he might no more, through hypocrisy, contrive to escape or secure relaxation from the severity of his imprisonment, so that, like hardened Pharaoh, he might afford comfort to his followers in their errors. If, however, after the matters aforesaid shall have been credibly proved against him, and he shall persevere in his contumacy, then, as an obstinate and incorrigible heretic, let him be given over to the secular court, according to the rules of the sacred canons.^ Such was in substance the long and tedious indict- ment against Jerome, which had been drawn up by ' The document is given in full by Von der Hardt, torn. iv. 216 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VII. the ingenious and unrelenting malice of his enemies. It occupies more than twenty folio pages of Van der Hardt's compilation. The reading of it must have been enough for a single session. It was in some respects most artfully framed. It went over a large part of Jerome's life, — followed him from Oxford to Paris, to Heidelberg, to Cracow, to Vienna, to Prague, and to Constance, — gathering up whatever could be found which could be so distorted or misrepresented as to excite prejudice against him. Many of the charges of the indictment were unquestionably true. Others, the prosecution would not be held responsi- ble to prove. Undoubtedly they had been exagger- ated, and in some instances must have been based merely on rumor. The statements in regard to his communing with the Greek church in Pussia, Jerome pronounced false. Other charges he could undoubt- edly have explained, in a manner to suffice for his per- fect justification. These charges were read on the twenty-seventh of April. On the ninth of May the judges of the com- mission made a report, by the mouth of the Patri- arch of Constantinople, their president, in regard to the merits of the case and the forms of process to be adopted. This report was unanimously concurred in by the seven judges of the commission who were present. As Jerome was unchanged in his purpose of demanding a public audience, and refused to an- swer on oath before the commission which had been last appointed, a general congregation was assembled on the twenty-third of May, in order that he might be heard. He still refused to answer on oath in this Cn. vn.] jerojie's admissions. 217 assembly, unless they would first assure him full lib- erty of speech. This the council refused. The last portion of the indictment, containing the articles to which he had not answered, was now read, and Jerome replied to each, briefly, as the council re- quired. This part of the indictment was drawn up in one hundred and one items^ as the first part, already referred to, was in forty-five. As each article was read, the number of the witnesses by whom its truth was attested was also given. No names were mentioned, neither do we find the qual- ity or office of the persons recorded, as in the case of the trial of John XXIII. There was the same or even greater mockery of the claims of justice than in the case of Huss. To some of the articles read Jerome made no re- ply. Either he admitted their truth, or felt that the brief answer which he would be allowed to make would fail to set forth the facts in their true light. As a general thing, the articles charging Jerome with violence were met by him with a prompt denial of their truth.* As to the matter of the soncrs which he was said to have taught and procured to be sung at Prague, in derision of the priesthood, as also with re- gard to the burning of the pope's bulls, he maintained that these charges were false. He admitted that he had studied the writings of Wickliffe, yet not with- out discriminating the good from the evil ; that he had eulogized him as a philosopher and a learned man, not as a heretic ; that he had placed his picture in his study just as he had the portraits of other em- ' L'Enfant, 390, 391. 218 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. Vll. inent men, but had not placed a crown upon it as was charged. He cLaimed that he had not disputed in the Bohemian tongue on the sacrament of the altar ; but admitted that he had spoken of John XXIII. as a usurer; that he had said that an unjust excommunication was of no validity ; that there might be such a thing as indulgences, lawfully granted, — maintaining, however, that those which were bought and sold by the fiscal agents of the pope were mere extortion — they were not indul- gences, but abuses of them ; that, in regard to the privilege of every layman to preach the word of God, he had taken for his theme, on one occasion, the words, " As I do, so do ye also," — and in this ad- dress he had introduced the remark that laymen and unordained clergy might preach. Jerome had answered to scarcely more than half the articles, when the time of the sitting was consumed, and the assembly adjourned over two days, to the twenty-sixth of May.^ On this occasion, he was still pressed to clear himself by oath in regard to the articles charged. But he refused to do it. Such a demand, he said, seemed to him to be strange and unwarranted, but he would continue his answers as he had begun. Many of the articles first read turned upon the subject of relics, and the violence which he had shown them. These he declared gen- erally to be either false, or distortions of the truth. On many points we have no record of his answers. And yet, all the objectionable positions which he It is said, (Mon. Hus. ii. 352,) that the council was unable to go through Jerome was not led forth to execution with all the articles before the time on the previous day, sinijily because of closing the session. Cn. VII.] JEUOME PEKMITTED TO SPEAK. 210 was said to have maintained at diffei'ent universities, were i-ead to liiin. To many of tliem, doubtless, no reply was made ; on others, his answers, if we had tliem, would in all pi'obability throw light enougli to show that they had been misunderstood or misrep- resented by his enemies. At the same time it must be observed that the scholastic arts of tlie universi- ties claimed, even in this age, large liberty of discus- sion, abused, sometimes with impunity, to the defence of monsti'ous pi-opositions, by the side of which the most extravagant of Jerome's appear tame and mod- erate. The Patriarch of Constantinople, with the approv- al of his colleagues, then summed up the several chai'ges against Jerome, taking notice also of his replies. He concluded that a fourfold conviction of heresy was proved- against him. But, he said, that since Jerome had repeatedly besought a public au- dience to be allowed him, his request had been genei-ally acceded to, so that he might now be heard in public audience and expose whatever vain obloquy rested upon him.^ He then turned to Jerome, and told him that if he had anything to say, he was at liberty to say it, since the present congregation had been called for his sake, and no other. If he wished to say, allege, or propose anything in defence of his innocence, he might do it ; and, moreover, if he cliose to revoke his error, the council, proceeding with gentleness and mercy, would receive him back to the bosom of holy mother church, — since there had been in the church many ' Von der Hardt, iv, 756. 220 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VIL heretics, who had recanted their errors, reformed their lives, and received penance for the sins which they had committed. But in case he should decline to pursue this course, the council would then be under the necessity of proceeding against him ac- cording to the forms of law.* Jerome was prompt to improve the privilege he had so long and so anxiously desired. The hours of his tedious imprisonment had restored him to him- self. Pale and worn as he was, he arose and boldly faced the assembly. All could see at a glance that he was master of himself, and, notwithstanding his long imprisonment and suffering, of all his wonder- ful powers. The memory of his shameful and cow- ardly recantation had filled him with remorse, but a remorse that stung him to the purpose of a noble disavowal of what he now accounted his disgrace. His whole appearance must have commanded re- spect. His bearing throughout betrayed neither timidity nor weakness. In the portrait of him, which has preserved his features for us, we read the restless energy and the daring promptitude of the man. Nature had stamped upon his face the chivalry of a heroic nature. No common soul spoke out in those large piercing eyes, and that bold high forehead, and those lips that seemed instinct with the eloquence they uttered. Men gazed upon him with admii-ation. He felt himself that he stood before the world, and was resolved, with death before him, to bear a noble testimony to the justice of his cause. Jerome prefaced his defence with a prayer that > L'Enfant, 391. Ch. VII.] jekome's defence. 221 God would deign to aid him, and inspire him to speak only such words as should be fitting and consistent with the well-being and safety of his soul. lie then besought all those present, that they would pray God, the Blessed Virgin, and the whole heavenly host in his behalf, that they would so illuminate his mind and his understanding that he might speak nothing that could tend to the prejudice of his eternal wel- fare. " I am aware," said he, " most learned men, that many excellent men have suffered things unworthy of their virtues, borne down by false witnesses, con- demned by unjust judges." He proceeded to the statement of his own case, in which he wished to show that his own innocence had been subjected to a like hardship. "Although certain judges had been deputed by the council, to whose examination he had submitted, and who had found in him nothing on which to ground the charge of heresy, yet now, at the instance of his jealous enemies, new judges had been deputed in his case — those who now occupied the bench — an act which he had ever considered most abhorrent and repugnant to justice and his own rights. To the further examination of these judges he never had submitted himself, nor would he ever recognize them as his judges. He then passed in review many eminent and heroic men, who had been put to death, driven into banishment, or unjustly thrown into prison. " If I, myself," said Jerome, " should in like manner be condemned, I shall not be the fii'st, nor do I believe that I shall be the last, to suffer. Still I have a firm hope in God my maker, that yet, when this 222 LIFE AISTD TIMES OF JOHJST IIUSS. [Ch. VIL life Is past, they wlio condemn Jerome unjustl)'', shall see him take precedence of them, and summon them to judgment. And then shall they be bound to answer to God and to him, and give an account for the injustice with which he was treated at their hands." He then spoke of Socrates, unjustly con- demned yet refusing the opportunity offered for his escape, unmoved alike by the fear of prison and death, although so terrible to mortal flesh. He then spoke of the captivity of Plato, the banishment of Anax- agoras, and the tortures of Zeno, as well as the un- just condemnation, the exile and shameful death of many distinguished heathen, referring to Boethius, Kutilius, Virgil, Seneca, and others. He then passed in review eminent men of the Hebrew nation — Moses, a deliverer and lawgiver of his people, yet by them wTonged and slandered ; Joseph, sold into bondage through the envy of his brethren ; Isaiah, Daniel, and many of the prophets, reviled as impious or se- ditious, and wrongfully condemned. He referred to Susanna, sentenced on the false witness of two priests, though delivered by the wisdom of the prophet, and to the fate of many who, though most holy men, had perished by unrighteous judgment. He then came down to the New Testament record, spoke of John the Baptist — of Christ himself, condemned by fiihe witnesses and false judges — of Stephen the proto- martyr, who, in like manner, through false witnesses, was arraigned, imprisoned, and stoned. The apostles themselves were all condemned to death, not as good men, but as seditious, contemners of the gods, and doers of evil deeds. It was no wonder, therefore, if Cii. YII.] AFFAIRS OF THE UNIVERSITY. 223 he, by Lis jealous and lying enemies, should be con- demned to the fire. "Yet," said he, " it is an odious thing that a priest should be condemned by a priest : and yet this has been done. It is more odious to be condemned by a college of priests : yet this too has taken j^lace. But the crowning point of iniquity is, when this is done by a council of priests : and yet we have seen even this come to pass." As Jerome ut- tered these words every eye was fixed upon him. His indignant eloquence thrilled and awed the assem- bly. Yet they did not venture to interrupt him. Jerome bearded the lion in his den. The wild beast quailed before the steady, searching gaze of conscious integrity and power. After this eloquent and impressive introduction, Jerome proceeded to particulars. He said that no one had ever condemned him but his former friends, now alienated by hostility, and the Germans, who had gone forth from Prague. He gave a brief and concise statement of the origin of the university, its endowment by Charles IV., for the especial benefit of the Bohemian people — compelled to go abroad from a land rich in nature's wealth, to reap in a for- eign land the harvests of learning. In this university, the old jealousy between the Germans and the Greeks, who were represented by the Bohemians, their descendants, was revived. "The Germans formed the majority, and engrossed to themselves the offices of honor and profit, to the prejudice of the Bohemians, who were stripped of all. If a Bohe- mian graduate had not other resources, he must, in order to live, leave the university and go out into 224 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VII. the towns and villages and support liimself by teach- ing school. The whole government of the university, moreover, was in the hands of the Germans. They disposed of its benefices. They kept its seal. They had charge of its keys. They had three voices out of four in its suffrages, instead of being counted as a single nation. They could do as they pleased. The Bohemians were of no account. The same was the case in the city government of Prague. Of the eighteen members of the council, sixteen were Ger- mans and two Bohemians. The whole kingdom was governed by Germans, who held all the offices. The Bohemian laity were of no account. I perceived this, as did Master John Huss, whom I always held as a valiant, just, and holy man. We, therefore, in our anxiety to put a stop to these things, went to the present king of Bohemia to explain to him, in the presence of some of the nobility, how things were, and what ill effects might follow to the destruction of the Bohemian language." Jerome then stated the measures he had employed — persuading Huss to add his influence with the people. At the mention of that name, all the tender memories of their former friendship were revived, and Jerome proceeded to speak of his former asso- ciate as a just, holy, upright, devout man, and one who had been found abiding inflexibly by the truth. With such aid as could be obtained, through Huss and the Bohemian nobles, Jerome stated that he se- cured a complete revolution in the relations of the two nations, so that the Bohemians occupied the place previously filled by the Germans. Such, he Cii. VII.] Jerome's estimate of iiuss. 225 represented, were some of the grounds of hostility thiit had incited his persecution. Subsequently to this, Huss had inveighed against the clergy and the ecclesiastical orders. He had pointed out how the priests indulged in pomp and show and luxurious living, spending in feasts and ostentation the money which belonged to the poor. He had spoken of the benefices as designed by God, that the poor might be fed, churches built up and maintained, and that they should not be j)erverted to vile and unworthy ends. Upon this — Jerome pro- ceeded to say — the clergy rose up against Huss and himself. They persecuted Huss through envy, and sent Michael de Deutschbrod (Causis), not a Bohe- mian, but a German, to the court of Rome, to secure the citation of Huss before it. The result of all this was, that John Huss was at last eycommunicated by the judges deputed by that court. Yet Huss himself appealed from that excom- munication, and still, by virtue of it, he was forbidden to preach. Things being in this state, Jerome stated that he had persuaded Huss that he ought to go to the council, at Constance, where he might fully set forth the real state of things, vindicate his innocence, and defend himself in reference to the penalties and pains unfairly imposed. Jerome then stated the fficts of Huss' going to Con- stance, his imprisonment, and tlie charges of heresy brought against him. He said that on learning these things, he himself fulfilled his promise made to Huss, and followed him to Constance. Thence, by the advice of men of power and influence, and from ap- VOL II. 15 226 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. VII, prehension of imprisonment, he had fled the distance of a few miles to a village, where he remained for the space of five days, writing meanwhile to the emperor that great injustice was like to be done to Huss since he had come provided with a safe-conduct, and even a Jew or a Saracen ought to be free and unmolested in coming, staying, stating and pleading his case, and in departing, at his own pleasure, and according to the tenor of the safe-conduct granted to Huss. Many similar documents also he had sent to Constance, which were affixed to the doors of the churches and to. the gates of the dwellings of the cardinals. Re- ceiving no reply to these, he had departed from the place where he had tarried, and set out on his return toward Bohemia. On his way he was arrested, and sent, by the council's direction, bound in chains to Constance. Here, on his arrival, he had been cast into prison. All these circumstances Jerome dwelt upon, and then described the treatment which he had received at the hands of the council. He had been charsred with heresy. A commission was appointed to direct the process against him. He had been over-per- suaded, by certain great men, to refer himself to the council, and submit to the conditions it should im- pose. It was their hope and expectation that he would be kindly treated. In these circumstances, afraid in his human weakness of the fire, the heat of which was most cruel, and death by which was most fearful, he had yielded to these persuasions, and abjured, and had moreover written his abjuration to Bohemia. He had also given his assent to the con- Cn. VII.l VARIOUS TOPICS. 227 demnation of the books of John Huss and their doc- trine. But in this, said he, " I did not express my true belief." This much he confessed he had done in vioh\tion of his conscience, since the doctrine of John Huss, like his life, was holy and just, and in this conviction he would abide, and to it he would firmly adhere. And to confirm this impression, he had recalled the letter written to Prague, in whicli he had recanted the doctrine and the opinion whicli he had of Huss. He said, moreover, of the books of Wickliffe and of his doctrine, 'that he never had met with the man whose writings were so excellent and profound.' This opinion he would adhere to, and he had done wrong in speaking otherwise. For as to what he had done in his recantation of his views of Huss and of his doctrine, he had not done it with the intention of desisting from them, but, through cowardice and fear, he bad suffered the dread of the fire to extort it. But whatever Huss or Wickliffe may have said erroneous in regard to the sacrament of the altar, and against the doctors of the church, he rejects, and, in this respect, does not follow or hold their opinion. His own views are those held by Gregory, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and others, whose au- thority is admitted throughout the church. He also declared, that he considered the conduct and practice of the popes and cai-dinals, their disposal of bene- fices, their luxurious indulgence and style of dress, to be unwarranted, and indefensible on the grounds of truth and reason, as well as opposed to scripture and the order of the church. And on this point he 228 LIFE AND TOIES OF JOHN HDSS. [Cu. VII. holds as Wickliffe and Huss hold, and he believes that he is correct in so believing. These scattered fragments of a sjDeech, the impres- sion of which must have been extraordinary, and the spirit and ability of which filled even his enemies with admiration, furnish us with a mere outline of the plan and course of Jerome's argument. He seems to have caught an inspiration in those prison hours, when the thought of what others had endured before him consoled his solitude, that lifted him as it were above himself. On some points he is careful to state his conformity to Catholic formularies, but on others he avows his obnoxious opinions with a firm and un- compromising boldness. His doctrine on the subject of the eucharist was not the one invented, in the middle ages, for Berengar to tilt at, but the one held by the early fathers. There was no real ground of proceeding, however, against Jerome, except his en- dorsement of Huss and Wickliffe. The fact of his approval of these men he did not attempt to conceal. He frankly avowed it, and, as an act of simple justice to the injured men, vindicated their memory. But for this he might perhaps have yet been saved. He had strong friends. His ability had found admirers ; men listened in astonishment and awe to his wonder- ful and impressive speech. But his enemies were unrelenting, and his friends were disappointed. In- stead of submitting to the council, he had impeached its wisdom in the sentence of Huss. Instead of con- demning the latter as a heretic, he had eulogized him as a martyr. Thus his fate was sealed. None could safely venture to be any longer his apologist. The Ch. VII.] JEROME AN ORATOR. 229 council appointed the following Sabbath, May 30th, as the time for pronouncing definitive sentence against Jerome.* Thus passed from a transitory present into the permanent records of history, a scene that will be for ever memorable while truth is revered, or the martyr-spirit honored. Jerome was an orator. Na- ture had made him such. All the various learning of the age had helped to furnish his mind and disci- pline his powers. Gersou was perhaps the only man in Eui-ope who could have been considered fairly his intellectual rival. But he was more than an orator — more than a learned man. It was the love of truth that made him eloquent, and rt made him a martyr also. His false recantation had humbled him, but only to restore him to himself. He rose from his fjill a wiser, a stronger, and a better man. He came from his prison, as if from the mount of transfiguration. There he had held communion with the mighty spirits of the past. There he had girded himself, in a more than human strength, for the mor- tal conflict. He remembered the example of Soc- rates, but he remembered also the example of Ste- phen ; and his words and bearing remind us of both. Yet the philosopher is lost in the Christian martyr ; and the man who does not gaze upon him with admi- ration, has lost, if he ever had, the power and sensi- bility to appreciate the noble and sublime in human action. If any one was fitted to form a just estimate of the man and the occasion, it was one who witnessed it, « Von der Hardt, 756-761. 230 LIFE AXD TI."\IES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cu. VII and who lias left us tlie I'ecord of tlie impression whicli it made upon Lis own mind. This man was Poggio Bracciolini, who went to Constance as the secretary of John XXIII. He was a scholar. His taste had been formed on classic models. John of Ravenna taught him in the Latin tongue. A knowl- edge of the Greek language, as well as of its orators, poets, and philosophers, he had gained through the celebrated Emanuel Chrysoloras, himself a native Greek. Above most of his Italian countrymen, Poggio was an enthusiast in the cause of classical learning. To him we are indebted for the discovery and preservation of the writings of Quintilian, Lucre- tius, and others. He travelled over Europe, and even extended his journey to England, in search of the lost treasures. His merits continued him in office as pa- pal secretary under seven popes. He was a close observer, careful and severe in his critical judgment, and must be regarded a witness fi-ee from all suspi- cion of prejudice in Jerome's favor.-' Yet his account of the scene of Jerome's trial re- minds us of Burke's eulogy of Sheridan's eloquence. In spite of every bias against the prisoner, the papal secretary was forced into an enthusiastic panegyric of him. Some portions of his letter to Leonard Aretin, which have not ali-eady been incorporated into-4:he account of Jerome's speech, are of special interest. His descriptions are those of an eye-wit- ness, and are truthful and vivid. ^ " After having spent some time at the baths, I wrote thence a let- * Moreri. IMc. Ilistor. ' iEneas Sylvius, p. '73. Von der Hardt, i. 203. Moil. Has., ii. 358. Cii. VII.] POGGIO'S EULOGY OF JEROME. 231 ter to our friend Nicbolaus, which 1 think 3'<)ii must have read. A few days subsequent, and sliortly after my return to Constance, the case of Jerome, charged with heresy, was brought before the council. I de- termined to pass the matter in review before you, as well for its own impoi'tance, as especially for the eloquence and learning of the man. I confess that I never saw one who approached so near, in pleading bis own cause — and that a capital one — to the elo- quence of those ancient models which we regard with such admiration. It was wonderful to see with what language, what eloquence, what arguments, what countenance, what oratory, and with what con- fidence he answered his prosecutors, and summed up in his own defence. It is sad that so noble, so supe- rior an intellect should have been led off to heretical pursuits — if indeed the reports in regard to him are true. But it is no business of mine to determine this, for I but acquiesce in the sentence of those who are accounted more wise. Do not expect from me a documentary history of the case. That would be .tedious, and would require the labor of days. I will only touch on some of the more prominent points, by which you may understand the doctrine of the man. "After having produced many articles against him to convict him of heresy, and corroboi'ated them by witnesses, they allowed him to answer to each point urged against him. He was led into the midst of the assembly, and required to reply to eacli charge by itself. For a long time he refused to do so, de- claring that he would plead his own cause before he 232 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. VII. replied to the malice of his enemies. After lie had spoken and been heard in his own behalf, then he said he would speak to the accusations and invidious charges of his enemies. This condition the council refused to grant. Jerome replied in an indignant strain : ' What injustice ! you have kept me shut up for three hundred and forty days, chained, in differ- ent prisons, in the midst of filth and stench, and in want of every thing. You have given ear to my enemies and slanderers, but will not listen to me for a single hour. I do not wonder that when your ears have been so long open to their persuasions, they should have led you to believe that I was a heretic, an enemy of the faith, and a persecutor of the clergy, and that no chance of defending myself should be allowed. You have by prejudice been led to account me a criminal, before you could know that I w^as one. But you are men — not gods, not immortal, but mor- tal men. You may err, be deceived, be misled. The lights of the world, the wisest of the earth, are said to be assembled here. It becomes you to see to it that nothing be done rashly, unadvisedly, or contrary to justice. I am a man, and my life is at stake. For myself I do not speak. Sooner or later I must die. But it seems an unworthy thing, that the wisdom of so many men should proceed against me in violation of equity, a course not so injurious for present results as for future precedent.' ^ " Much more did Jerome utter in the same noble strain. But the noise and murmurs of the assembly interrupted him in his speech. At length it was ' Mon. Hus., ii. 858. Cn. YII.1 POGGIO'S ESTIMATE OF JEROME. 233 decided that he should answer first to the charges against him, when full liberty of speech, as he de- manded, should be allowed. The articles of accu- sation were read to him, one by one, with the testi- mon}' by which they were sustained, and he was then asked what objections he had to offer to them. It was wonderful with what ability he replied, and what arguments he urged in his own defence. He adduced nothing that was not worthy of a good man ; and if his real belief was what he professed, not only could no cause of death be found in him, but not even the lightest ground of accusation. He declared that all that was urged against him was false, made up by the envy of his enemies. Among other things, when the article was read charging him with being a slanderer of the Apostolic See, an op- ponent of the Eoman pontiff, an enemy of the car- dinals, a persecutor of the prelates and the clergy, and an enemy of the Christian religion, he rose, and in tones of pathos, with lifted hands, exclaimed, 'Whither shall I now turn? Fathers, whose aid shall I implore ? Whom shall I deprecate ? Whom beseech ? You ? But these my persecutors have alienated your minds from me, in declaring that I am the enemy of all that are to judge me. For they imagined that, if the accusations which they have framed against me should seem light, you would con- demn by your sentence one who is the common en- emy and assailant of all, as they have falsely repre- sented me to be. So that if you give ear to their words, I have no more hope of safety left.'^ Often > Mon. Hus., ii., 359. 234 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. VII. his sarcasm was stinging. Often, even in his sad and perilous situation, lie forced the council to laughter as he exposed the absurdity of the charges against him, or met them with ridicule and sarcasm. " When asked what he thought of the sacrament, he replied, 'First, bread in the consecration, and after- ward the true body.' 'But,' said one, 'they say that you said, after consecration there remains bread.' 'Yes,' replied he, 'at the baker's.' A Franciscan monk inveighed against him : ' Silence, you hypo- crite,' said Jerome. Another swore by his con- science. ' It is the safest way,' said Jerome, ' to carry out your deception.' One of his chief opponents he treated with derisive contempt. He spoke of him never except as ' dog' and ' ass.' " Such was Jerome's defence on his second day of audience (May 28). Poggio characterizes it as able and pathetic. As he appeared at the next audience, (May 26,) the remain- ing accusations, with the testimony, were read, at somewhat tedious length. When the reading was ended, Jerome arose. "Since," said he, "you have listened so attentively to my enemies, it is befitting that you should give ear to me with equal readiness." Many clamored against it, but the opportunity at last was given him to proceed.^ Commencing with prayer to God for that spirit and that power of utterance which should tend to the advantage and salvation of his soul, he addressed the council in the language which we have already noted.^ His exposition of his own life and pursuits, says Poggio, was admirable. It showed him great ' Mod. IIus., ii. 359. * Pages 221-228. Cu. VIL] JERO:^IE ON SPECULATIVE DIFFERENCES. 235 and virtuous. The hearts of all \vere moved to pity. As he discussed the differences of men iu matten\ of speculative opinion, lie manifested a largeness of mind and ap]>rehension \vhich was worthy to be admiivd. '' Of old, learned and holy men iu mattera of taith had differed in opinion, yet not to the prej udice of faith itself, but to the discoveiy of truth Augustine and Jerome disagreed, nay opposed each other on some points, yet neither was on this account suspected of heresy." Poggio pronounces Jerome to have been a man of most remarkable aljility.^ ''When interrupted, as he often was in his speech, by clamors, or persona carping at his language in a manner most provoking he left not one of them unscatlied. All felt liis ven geance, and were put either to shame or silence. If murmurs arose, he paused and protested against the disturbance. He would then resume his speecL, again and again interrupted, yet begging and be- seeching them still to allow him liberty of speech, whom they would never hear again. All the confu- sion did not break him down. He retained through- out his firmness and self-possession. How wonderful was his memor}-, that never failed him, though for three hundred and forty days thrust in the dungeon of a dark and filthy prison ! Yet of this grievance, which he indignantly complained, he said ' that as a brave man it did not become him to moan about it that he was treated with such indignity, but he was surprised at the inhumanity which others had shown him. In this dark prison he had no chance to I'ead, * Maximi ingenii fuit, Mod, Hus., iu 359. 236 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHK HUSS. [Cii. YII. nor could he even see to do it.' I say nothing of his anxiety of mind by which he was harassed day after day, and which might well have destroyed his mem- ory. Yet he adduced in his favor the authority of so many men of the highest wisdom and learning, so many doctors of the church whose words testified in his behalf, that you could not have expected more if the whole space of his imprisonment had been devoted in undisturbed leisure to the studies of wis- dom. His voice was sweet, full, sonorous, impressive in its tones. His gesture was that of the orator, adapted, as occasion required, either to express in- dignation or to excite pity, which nevertheless he neither asked for, nor showed an anxietj?" to obtain. He stood before the assembly, so fearless and in- trepid, not only scorning to live, but welcoming death, that you would have called him a second Cato. O man ! worthy art thou to be forever re- membered among men ! I do not praise him in any respect in which he was opposed to the institutions of the church. I admire his learning, his extensive knowledge, his eloquence, and his skill in argument. I only fear that all nature's gifts have been bestowed to work his ruin." CHAPTER VIII. SENTENCE AND EXECUTION OF JEROME. Disposition" of the Council Toward Jerome. — Efforts to Save Him. — His Firmness. — Trying Circumstances. — Twenty-First Session op the Council. — Efforts to Induce Jerome to Recant and Submit to the Council. — The Conference. — Jerome's Eloquent Reply. — The Bishop of Lodi's Sermon. — The Necessity of Severe Measures. — The Guilt of Jerome in Uis Presump- tion AjiD Defence of His Errors. — Charity of the Council in the Treatment OF Jerome. — How a Heretic Should be Dealt With. — Six Mischiefs Jerome Had Done by his Speech. — Jerome's Reply to the Sermon, and His Own De- fence. — His Catholicity. — His Appeal. — The Sentence. — Caspar Schlick's Protest. — Jerome Prepared for Execution. — His Conduct on the Way to THE Stake. — Scenes at the Execution. — Jerome Addresses the Crowd. — His Protracted Sufferings. — His Death. — The Dust Removed. — The Earth About the Stake Carried to Prague. May 26, 1416 — May 30, 1416. Jero]me was borne back from the council to his dungeon, there to await his final sentence. The severity of his imprisonment, which had been some- what relaxed, was now increased. He was more strictly fettered than before. His hands, his arms, and his feet were loaded with irons. The members of the council were variou.sly dis- posed toward him. Some were gratified, undoubt- edly, that a stop was now to be put to his bold and agitating career. Others exulted over him as a fallen foe, and triumjihed in his doom as the victim of their personal malice. Nearly all despaired of rescuing (237) 238 LIFE AIS^D TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. YIII. him. Those who had listened to his speech, and heard its candid and manly avowals, said to each other, " He has pronounced his sentence." Still there were many that could not thus abandon him. Nu- merous members of the council, embracing the most learned of the body, interested themselves in his be- half.^ Poggio is said to have employed his influence to the same purpose. The Cardinal of Florence con- versed with him, and endeavored to dissuade him from the resolution he had adopted. But all was in vain. Jerome saw no honorable way of escape from the fate to whicli he was doomed through his refusal to abjure. He was now at last resolved, living or dying, to remain true to his convictions. He scorned any more to dissemble, as he had done, and betrayed no longer any sign of weakness or hesitation. Death by fire was not so terrible as the disgrace and guilt of a feigned recantation, — the only one which it was possible for him to make. If, in the earlier period of liis imprisonment, Jerome showed himself tremulous and timid, as com- pared with Huss, these closing hours of his trial dis- play his character in a nobler light. His prison ex perience was aggravated by some hardships from which Huss was spared. The latter had his friends^ warm and true, who refused to desert him, and remained faithful to the end. In the enthusiasm of his gratitude, he writes of the generous countenance and sympathy afforded him by the Knight John de ' Poggio says tliat after his audi- sum a sua sententia dimoverent, inter ence, (May 26tli,) " Datum dcine spa- quos Cardinalis Florentinus eum adiit, cium pjenitendi Liduo. Multi ad il- ut flecteret ad viam rectam." — Mon, lum accessere viri erudilissimi, ut ip- JIus. ii. 360. Cn. YIII] JEROME URGED TO RECANT. 5 39 Chluin, and speaks of the consolation and strength which were thus ministered to him in liis hours of weakness and despondency. The presence and coun- sel of those in whom he could confide lightened the load of his anxiety and anguish. They stood by him, and stood by him to the last. But when the deed was done, — when Huss was executed, — Constance was no longer the place for them. They departed, and Jerome was left alone. We hear no more of Chlum, Duba, or Peter the Notary. Jerome was kept a close prisoner; and, even had they remained, they would, probably, have been denied access to him in his prison-cell. Who can enter into the anxieties and agony of the prisoner, wearing out his solitary honrs in a close, foul, and gloomy cell, cheered by no friendly face or kindly word ? And yet how noble, in such circum- stances as these, was the self-recovery of Jerome ! Uncounselled but by his conscience and his God, ho rose from his fall, in the intrepidity and courage of a genuine martyr, blotting out, b}^ an honest and hearty avowal of his error, the stain of what he thence- forth accounted his weakness and his disgrace. The council met in its twenty-fii'st session on Sun- day, May 30th, 1416, to pronounce sentence upon the prisoner. There was no longer any doubt of the result — no chance, so far as any change in him was concerned, for averting his doom. A French writer,^ quoting from Theobald's history of the Hussite war, gives a detailed account of the efforts employed to induce him to recant, some of which have been * BonnecQoae, 122. 240 LIFE A:N^D TniES of JOHIT HUSS. [Cn. VIII. already referred to. " I will abjure," replied Jerome to their urgent entreaties, " if you demonstrate to me from the Holy Scriptures that my doctrine is false." " Can you be to such an extent your own enemy ? " inquired the bishops. • " What ! " replied he, " do you suppose that life is so precious to me, that I fear to yield it for the truth, or for Him who gave His for me ? Are you not car- dinals ? are you not bishops ? and can you be igno- rant of what Christ has said : ' He that does not give up all that he hath for my sake, is not worthy of me ? ' . . . Behind me, tempters ! " The Cardinal of Florence presented himself He sent for Jerome, and said to him, "Jerome, you are a learned man, whom God has loaded with the choic- est of gifts ; do not employ them to your own ruin, but for the advantage of the church. The council has compassion on you, and, on account of your rare talents, would regret to behold you on your way to execution. You may aspire to high honors, and be a powerful succor to the church of Jesus Christ, if you consent to be converted, like St. Peter or St. Paul. The church is not to such a point cruel, as to refuse a pardon if you become worthy of it. And I promise you every kind of favor, when it shall be found that neither obstinacy nor falsehood remains in you. Keflect whilst it is yet time ; S2:>are your own life, and open your heart to me." Jerome replied, " The only favor that I demand — and which I have always demanded — is to be con- vinced by the Holy Scriptures. This body, which has suffered such frightful torments in my chains, will Cn. VIII.] d'aILLY and JEROME. 241 also know how to support death, by fire, for Jesus Christ." "Jerome," asked the cardinal, "do you suppose yourself to be wiser than all the council ? " "I am anxious to be instructed," rejoined Jerome, " and he who desires to be instructed, cannot be in- fatuated by ideas of his own Avisdom." " And in what manner do you desire to be in- structed ? " " By the Holy Scriptures, which are our illumina- ting torch." " What ! is every thing to be judged by the Holy Scriptures ? "Who can jDerfectly comprehend them ? And must not the fathers be at last appealed to, to interpret them ? " " What do I hear ! " cried Jerome. " Shall the word of God be declared fallacious? And shall it not be listened to ? Are the traditions of men more worthy of faith than the holy gospel of our Saviour? Paul did not exhort the priests to lis- ten to old men and traditions, but said 'the Holy Scriptures will instruct you.' O Sacred Scriptures, inspired by the Holy Ghost ! already men esteem you less than what they themselves forge every day ! I have lived long enough. Great God ! receive my life ; thou canst restore it to me." " Heretic ! " said the cardinal, regarding him with anger, " I repent having so long pleaded with you. I see that you are urged on by the devil." As the twenty-first session opened, the report of Jerome's firmness, as well as of his previous bearing in the prison conference, which had been noised abroad, VOL. n. 16 242 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. VIII. drew multitudes together. His condemnation and execution made it to them, in anticipation, as it did to others afterward in retrospect, a memorable day. The emperor was still absent, but the Elector Pala tine occupied his place as protector of the council. By his orders the troops were called out and placed under arms. The Bishop of Riga then had Jerome led into the cathedral, once more to be cited to re- tract, and, in case of refusal, to hear his sentence.^ When he was formally called upon to retract, according to some historians, previous to other pro- ceedings of the council in his case, he exclaimed, " Almighty God ! and you who hear me, be w^it- nesses ! I swear that I believe all the articles of the Catholic faith, as the church believes and observes them ; but I refuse to subscribe to the condemnation of those just and holy men whom you have unjustly condemned, because they have denounced the scan- dals of your life, and it is for this that I am about to perish." ^ Jerome then repeated aloud the Nicene creed, and the confession of Athanasius, and spoke for a con- siderable time with as much ability as eloquence. All were lost in admiration at his knowledge and his admirable language. Several drew near him, and presented him with a new form of retraction, exhort- ing him to allow himself to be prevailed upon ; but he refused to listen to any exhortation on that point. The Bishop of Lodi then ascended the pulpit, and chose for his text ^ Mark xvi. 14. ^'Afterward he appeared unto the eleven, as they sat at meat, and ' Mon. IIus. ii. 353. « lb. ' L'Enfant, 394. Cii. VIII.] THE BISHOP OF LODl's SERMON". 243 upbraided tbeiu with their unbelief and hardness of heart." The sermon is curious in many respects. It betrays with a kiss — it stabs under the mask of char- ity. The logic of persecution whines and weeps, and recounts the evidence of its tenderness, as it strikes the victim. The introduction of the discourse is an attempt to show, that where milder measures fail more severe ones must be applied. " A hard knot cannot be split but by a heavy bloAv." " A vir- ulent disease requires a more active remedy ; a dan- gerous wound a more skilfully bound ligament. To bend the hard iron into shape, it must be subject to a hotter fire, and beat with a heavier hammer." He then applied these principles to Jerome's case, and turning to the prisoner addressed himself directly to him : " I knew that thou wert stubborn, that thy neck was iron, and thy brow brass. But be assured that a hard heart shall have evil at last, and he that loves danger shall perish in it. "Consider, also, that though my i-eproof sounds harshly to the outward ear, yet a charitable delight in mercy dwells within it. And, as by word and speech I ought not to spare you, so do I purpose, with good will and with gentle charity, to rebuke your faults. . . . Wherefore, think not that I wish to add afflictions to one already afflicted, or stir up the fire to a new heat ])y the sword. But that you may assuredly know with what charity you are to be reproved, with what love you are to be shielded, with what long-suffering and considerate kindness exhorted to relinquish your folly, I have selected for my proposed theme the words of the text," 244 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. YIII. The speaker tlien proceeded to state what had been the guilt of Wickliffe and Huss. Jerome like- wise had come under the same condemnation. His unbelief, which had led to heresy and perfidy, was bad, but the hardness of his heart was worse by far. "Those who defend their error without stubbornness or obstinacy, and are still ready to be set right, are by no means to be reckoned heretics. But they who, despising the decisions of the fathers, endeavor, with all their might, to defend their perfidy, are more fit to die than to be corrected. . . . Error and unbelief are alike to be reproved, but stubbornness of heart is to be condemned. . . . Evils that might grow with time are at once to be met. Due correction should instruct ignorance, and severe discipline control obsti- nacy and hardness of heart. It is better, says Isidore, that one guilty one be punished for the good of many, than that many be endangered by the impunity of one. Wherefore, heretics are to be publicly extir- pated, lest they ruin others by their evil example, false doctrine, and contagious influence. Unbelief, when it submits to correction, merits pardon ; but stubbornness and obstinacy are only to be dealt with by exterminating them. Let no one then be pre- sumptuously stubborn and contumacious in heart ; let no one be confident in his own vain fancy. He is too hasty who resolves to enter where he has seen others fall, and he too reckless who is not struck with fear when others perish. When a fault is defended, it is repeated, and he adds sin to sin who shame- lessly and obstinately defends his evil deeds. Hard- ness of heart is therefore to be detested, especially Cu. VIII.] THE BISHOP OF LODl's SERMON. 245 tliat w'liich is not healed by contrition, controlled hy devotion, or moved by prayers, whicli does not yield to threatenings, and is confirmed hy blows. Hence he is inexcusably criminal who refuses to repent, and retains his pride. " There are two things among human errors too hard to be tolerated: presumption before truth is discovered, and a presumptuous defence of what is false, afterward. No presumptuous man will confess his fault, because he does not believe himself guilty. If he sees it, he will not suffer himself to be con- vinced, or be regarded as delinquent. Most damna- ble, therefore, is a presumptuous pride, and a proud presumption, which, in the absence of truth, would arrogate to itself a fictitious justice, and ceases not to be proud of its own knowledge." Applying these principles in the case of Jerome, the bishop expresses his fear lest presumption should prove his ruin. Here was the hidden precipice ; here, in this, the labyrinth of his errors. "This obstinacy of yours has pro- cured your doom. Though you are a learned man, and have been a teacher, you have been deceived, as I think, by your excessive presumption. Error has led, step by step, to further error. "I hav^e purposed to smite you, Jerome, upon both cheeks, though ever with that fitting charity which heals while it wounds, and soothes while it pierces. Wherefore, turn not your fiice upon me like a flinty rock. But rather, according to the gospel, when you are smitten on one cheek, turn the other also. I will smite you, therefore, and would that I might heal. You ought to be softened in spirit by the memory 24G LIFE AND TIME3 OF JOHX HUSS. [Cii. VIIT. of the crimes you have committed, and in view of tlie excessive benignity of your judges." Premising tliat be does not throw another's filth in Jerome's face, but his own, that he may see and repent his crimes, the speaker proceeds to set forth the mischiefs done in Bohemia by Jerome and Huss. " Happy kingdom," he excUiinis, " if this man had not been born ! .... Of how great evils was the presumption of these two men the root ! What violence, exiles, robberies, desolations, have spj'ung from it ! " Such, according to the bishop, was the blow ou the one cheek. The other is, to say the least, hypo- critically odious, though the tender mercies of the Bishop of Lodi were, beyond doubt, conscientiously cruel. He proceeds to contrast the way in which a heretic deserved to be treated, with the gentleness used in Jerome's case. " Heretics ought to be carefully sought after, arrested, and committed to close prison. Articles of accusation should be received against them, and in their case, all sorts of persons, the in- famous, usurers, the ribalds, or even public prosti- tutes, should be allowed to testify. Heretics, more- over, should be adjured and required under oath to declare the truth. On their refusal to do tliis, they are "to be put to the torture, which should be severe and varied. None should be allowed admittance to them, except in extraordinary cases. They ought not to be allowed a public hearing. If they re- nounce their folly, they are to be mercifully par- doned ; if they persist in it, they are to be condemned, Ch. VIII.] ON DEALING WITH HERETICS. 247 and given over to tlie secular arm." Siicli was the theory, and such should be the practice, in dealing with heretics, according to the Bishop of Lodi ; and no voice in the council was ever heard to contradict or even question this public announcement. The background of his picture, thus prepared, was cer- tainly black enough to make even the dark forms he was to place upon it, seem light in comparison. Addressing Jerome, he said, " You certainly have not been treated with such rigor as this, although in the worst repute for your heresies. In this respect you surpass Arius, Sabellius, Faustus, Nestorius, and all others, at least during their lifetime. The story of your heresy has spread through England, Bohe- mia, France, Hungary, Poland, Lithuania, Russia, Italy, and all Germany. You were arrested, as all like you should be, and brought to the council, and, through urgent necessity alone, shut up in prison. And in regard to this imprisonment, the most rev- erend my lord cardinals, De Ursinis, Aquileia, Cam- bray, and Florence, personally interested themselves to see if you could not be removed to some more commodious place. And if they had not been ap- prehensive of your flight — a thing you had often practised — each of them would have been willing- to receive you kindly to his house, and even to his table and his chamber. " Against you none but respectable witnesses were admitted to testify — such as masters of theology, doctors, bachelors, curates, and other venerable men, in whom you could find no fault. The articles ad- duced against you w^ere mostly proved to be true. 248 LIFE AND TEVIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VIII. "You were not subjected to torture. Would that you had been ! In this case, you might have been humbled and led to give up your errors. Pain would have opened your eyes, which your guilt had closed. Those, moreover, who chose to visit you, were allowed. Remember how kindly, how gently the most reverend lord cardinals, as well as many others, exhorted you, while they heartily pitied you also. A public audience has several times been granted to you, as you wished. Would that you had not been allowed it ! I fear lest it have increased your daring presumption." The bishop then enumerated six evils or mischiefs that had befallen, through the public audience al- lowed. "In the first place, you put it out of the power of those who kindly wished to apologize for you, to do so. It was their affection for you that made them sjDcak of you as delirious, demented, foolish, or insane. Who, I ask, would say you were mad and delirious, unless he were delirious himself! What ! of a man who could speak with such elegance, and plead with such precision ! Those that excused you must now be silent. They can say no more. Your speech has closed their lips." The bishop enumerated other things of an unfor- tunate nature, to be attributed to the same cause. In his- speech Jerome had overlooked some of the numerous charges, directing his attention mainly to those which designated the real offences. His silence in regard to others was interpreted as a confession of guilt. His attempt, moreover, to show that the witnesses against him had testified falsely, was inter- Ch. VIII.] EVILS OF JEEOMe's PUBLIC AUDIENCE. 249 preted to liis prejudice. Again, lie had insisted that the testimony against him was not necessarily conclu- sive, and had employed the word demonstrative. The bishop reproves him for imagining that the rules of mathematics could apply to evidence, or that there was no distinction between logic and rhetoric. " Who," asked the bishop, " could demon- strate more against you than you have yourself de- monstrated f You alone are your own enemy. You alone are your own adversary. You alone are most inconsistent with, and opposed to yourself. All of us sym[)athize with you ; you alone deal cruelly with yourself All these regard you with kindly feeling, but you alone cherish malice against yourself." A fifth evil of Jerome's public audience was the praise of Huss, whom he had previously anathema- tized on oath. The bishop did not pretend to deny the virtuous life of Huss, but he made his heresy an offset for the lack of other sins. Thouf^'h chaste in life, his heresy was fornication. Though never in- toxicated with wine, yet he was intoxicated with pride and contention. But the crowning mischief of all to Jerome was, that in his public audience he had condemned him- self by his own testimony. " Would that you had been silent! What could have been so forcibly urged against you, as your own confession that you had spoken falsely, perjured yourself, and in your perjury relapsed into heresy ? you recalled what you had solemnly sworn, and fell back in an error worse than the first. Wherefore, this sacred council, upon which all authority upon earth has been conferred, 250 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VIII. will judge you according to your ways .... In judg- ment or rebuke, the law has three objects which the judge should regard: the reformation of the one punished ; the effect of the punishment on others ; and their security from the evil removed. Having regai-d to these, this holy council purposes to proceed to give judgment. And would that you would re- nounce your folly, and break down the stubbornness of your heart ! But you will be judged according to the rules of equity, and the sanctions of the sacred canons. And although you will not be converted, yet the council must judge in such a way as to con- vert the unbelieving to wisdom, — that is, to prepare, through the holy knowledge of faith, a people per- fect for God. Which may He grant who is the just Judge of living and dead, Jesus Christ, blessed for- ever." ^ With this prayer the bishop closed his discourse, and Jerome was permitted to speak previous to pass- ing sentence. He took his stand in the midst of the assembly, upon a bench, by which he was so elevated as to be seen and heard by all. Addressing himself to the council, and specifying as he did so the seve- ral classes that composed it, he preceded the state- ment of his case by a reference to the sermon that had been so directly addressed to himself In what spirit the bishop had sermonized, Jerome confessed he could not tell. For he had throughout perverted all that could possibly be perverted into a wrong sense, and one that he himself had never intended. He besought the council, by the blood of Christ by * Von der Ilardt, iii. 60. Cii. VIIl.] FINAL SPEECH OF JEIK^ME. 251 wliicli nil wvve redeemed, to allow liim to repel the charge iiuplled in the words of the sermon, tliat he scorned and spni-ned the clergy. He -was confident, moreover, that in his discussions in the schools, and elsewhere, and in his various speeches and disputa- tions, as a loyal citizen he had sought- the good and prospei-ity of the Bohemian realm. Yet his enemies had perversely interpreted his course and conduct. The sermon he condemned as false, and, under the eye of God, a fiction."^ He then entered directly upon his own case. He atti'iLuted his first recantation to the persuasions of the Cardinal of Florence, by whom he had been induced to write to that effect back to Bohemia. Judges had been appointed in his cause, with whom he was satisfied ; but they had been changed for others, — after which he would no longer answer under oath, when questioned as to his opinions, although he had no Avish to conceal them. He said, that all the charges last presented had not been read by the com- mission deputed for the purpose. He protested, how- ever, that he did not say this through any stubborn- ness or obstinacy. He quoted the example of Paul, persecuted by the Jews, and said, that for himself it was not strange if he too must suffer for Christian faith and doctrine. He professed his belief in One holy Catholic church. This he defined as composed of the whole multitude of those that should be saved. He recognized also the chui-ch trium])hant, as well as the church militant upon earth. There was, moreover, the Catholic church — embracing all * Mon. nu8., iL 353, 357. L'Enfant, 395. Also, You der Hardt, il 458. 252 LIFE AIN'D TIIMES OF JOIIl^ IIUSS. [Cn. YIII. that professed the Christian faith. He recognized the authority, moreover, of prelates and rectors, en- joining the law of God upon men. He said that he held to the articles of faith. He spoke approvingly of the mass, of the sacred offices, and of fasts, when all these were kept free from the rites and ceremonies with which they were sometimes connected. He said, moreover, that the extravagance of the clergy, their pomp and pride, should be put off. They were not to convert the patrimony of Christ, which was meant for the poor, into excessive parade, as houses, horses, rich garments, or into means to feed their lust. He recalled also the letter which he had written to Prague, containing his recantation which he had made in public session. He said that he was unwill- ing to occasion the mischief he must, by consenting to the condemnation of John Huss. If he had ever said anything wickedly, it was when he recanted and spoke against his conscience. He had done it, he said, through fear of the fire and its torturing and cruel heat. This had induced him to write as he had done to Prague. Here, by the direction of the coun- cil, Jerome's abjuration of the views was read, and his own subscription to it exhibited. Jerome con- fessed that it was his signature, but the fear of the fire hail extorted it. He had acted a false and fool- ish part in writing out his recantation, and fijr this act he was overwhelmed with bitter grief. Espe- cially did he condemn himself for recanting the doc- trine of Huss and Wickliffe, and consenting to the condemnation of the former, whom he believed to Cu. VIII.] PROPHETIC WORDS OF JEROME. 253 Lave been a just and holy mau. lu all tliis, lie Lad done most wickedly.^ Jerome repeated tLat Le sLould die a CatLolic, as Le Lad lived. He defied tLe council to cite any point of Lis doctrine AvLicL was erroneous or Lereti- cal. His offence was Lis fidelity to tLe memory of Lis friend. " You wisL to see me die," said Le, " be- cause I Lonor upriglit men wLo Lave stigmatized tLe pride and avarice of priests. Yet is tLat a sufficient cause to warrant my deatL ? WLy ! before you found in me any evil wLatever, you Lad resolved tLat I sLould die. Courage, tLerefore, and proceed ! But believe me, tLat in dying I will leave you a sting in your Learts, and a gnawing worm in your consciences. I appeal to tLe sacred tribunal of Jesus Clirist, and witLin a Lundred yeai-s you sLall answer tLe re for your conduct to me." ^ TLe providence of God turned tLese words of Je- rome almost into a propLecy. TLeir remarkable ut- terance is attested by tLeir stamp upon a coin of tLe age. Jerome, Lowever, in all probability. Lad no idea at tLe time of any reformer tLat was to succeed Lim in Lis task. He merely meant, as Le Lad said on a previous speecL of Lis trial, tLat Heaven's unerring judgments would revei'se tLe decisions of tLe coun- cil. Less tLan a Lundred yeai-s would bring all Lis accusers and judges togetLer at tLe bar of God. TLe PatriarcL of Constantinople now read Je- rome's sentence.^ It began by making a strange ap- plication of tbe words of CLrist in regard to the uu- * Von der Hardt, iv. 768. ' Mansi Coun. xxvii. 784 ; also, Moa * Mod. Hus., ii. 357. Hub., il 353. 254 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN" HUSS. [Cii. YIII. fruitful l:)ranch to be cast out and left to wither. It was based on the violation of his abjuration by Je- rome, and his approval of Wickliffe and Huss. "He has turned like a dog to his vomit," said the sentence, " and therefore the sacred council orders that he shall be torn from the vine as a barren and rotten branch." It declared him heretical, backsliding, and excom- municated. It condemned him as such, and cursed him. It finally abandoned him to the secular arm, in order to receive the just punishment due to so great a crime ; and, although this punishment was capital, the council expressed its confident assurance that it was not too great. Then it was, if some accounts are to be received, that the emperor's chancellor, Caspar Schlick, advanced into the midst of the assembly, and protested in his master's name against the condemnation of Jerome, threatening all the persons engaged in it with the anger of Sigismund. This tardy interposition was not attended to, and " the chancellor retired without gaining anything." * Jerome was now given over into the hands of the civil magistrates. It was still an early hour of the morning; and on this Sabbath, while the crowds should have been gathering to the churches, the out- raged victim of the council's bigotry was on his way to pass through the gates of flame, as he believed, to the communion of the church triumphant in heaven. Before he left the council, a high paper crown, like the one which Huss in similar circum- stances had worn, was brought in ; ^ upon it were 1 Von der Hardt, iv. 766. ' Mon. Hus., ii. 357. Ch. yilT.] JEROME AT THE STAKE. 255 pictures of demons surrounded by tlie flames. Jerome saw it, and throwing down his own hat on the floor, in the midst of the prelates, placed this on his head with his own hands, repeating the words which Huss had used before him on the like occasion, — " Jesus Christ, who died for me, a sinner, wore a crown of thoi-ns. T will cheerfully wear this for Him." The soldiers then took charge of him, and led him away to execution. As he turned to leave the cathedral, he chanted the creed in a firm voice, with eyes uplifted to heaven, and a face radiant Avith joy.^ On his way to the stake he chanted, first, the Litany, and then, as he passed outside the Gottlieben gate of the city, a hymn in honor of the Virgin. The last commenced with the words, "Blessed art thou among women." As he reached the place of execution — the same where Huss had been burned — he knelt down, with his fiice to the stake, and spent some time in prayer. The executioners raised him up while still engaged in his devotions, and stripped him of his garments. They then bound him to the stake, first about the loins with a linen bandage, after which other parts of the body were made fast with cords and chains. As they piled the wood around the stake, mingling bun- dles of straw to kindle the conflagration, Jerome sang the hymn, "Hail, Festal Day''— ''Salve, feste diea^ He then, in a loud voice that all might hear him, chanted the Nicene creed. When this Avas done, he turned and addressed the crowd in the German lan- guage : " Beloved youth, as I have now chanted, so, * Mon. nus., ii. 354-357. 256 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. VIH. and not otherwise, do I believe. This is the symbol of my fiiith. Yet for this I die, because I would not assent to and approve the decision of the council, and hold and assert with them that John Huss was holily and justly condemned by the council. For I knew him well, and I knew him as a true preacher of the gospel of Jesus Christ." He saw among his executioners a poor man, bring- ing a fagot to heap upon the pile. It did not excite him to anger. He smiled and said, " O holy sim- plicity ! a thousand times more guilty is he who abuses thee." When the fagots had been piled to a level with his head, his garments were thrown upon them, and fire was applied by a lighted torch. But the exe- cutioner who bore the torch approached from behind, unwilling to be seen. " Come forward boldly," said Jerome ; " apply the fire before my face. Had I been afraid, I should not have been here." As the flames began to spread, he exclaimed aloud, " Into thy hands, O Lord, I commit my spirit." When the fire began to penetrate to his flesh, he prayed again, " O Lord God, Almighty Father, have compassion on me, and forgive my sins. Thou knowest that I have ever de- lighted in thy truth." His voice was now lost, for the smoke and flame had become suftbcatiug; but though no words were heard, all could see by the motion of the lips that he was still engaged in prayer. The agony of his martyrdom was protracted ; it was unusually long before life was extinct. Blisters of water of the size of an egg might be seen over his whole body. " One might have gone," says a spec- Cii. YIIT.] THE CLOSING SCENE. 257 tator, " from the St. Clement Church at Prague to the bridge over the Moldau, before he ceased to breathe." ^ At last, all that belonged to him, — his bed, cap, clothing, shoes, and whatever he had had with him in prison, — was brought and thrown upon the blazing pile, to be consumed with him. His ashes, like those of Huss, were carefully gathered up, borne away, and cast into the Rhine. The council were appre- hensive lest some fragment or relic of their victim should find its way back to Prague, and be cherished as the memorial of a condemned heretic. The least particle that could be associated with the names of either of the sufferers was sought out and carefully burned, lest it should become an object of veneration. But all their precautions were vain. The soil which their dying feet had pressed — in lack of other ob- jects— became the prized memorial, and was borne to Prague to be guarded with religious care.^ But more than the portraits even of the departed, was the imasre of themselves which these men had en- stamped upon the minds and hearts of their country- men. When the last surviving member of the coun- cil that sentenced them to execution should have been laid in his grave, the memory of these two Bohemian martyrs would still bloom fresh and green upon their natal soil. ' Mon. Hub., u. 354. * ^neas Sylvius. VOL. II. 17 CHAPTEK IX. INEFFICIENCY AND TUMULTS OF THE COUNCIL. ILL-SUCCESS AND RETURN OF THE EMPEROR. Absent Members of the Council Summoned. — The Citation op the Bohemians Considered. — The Knioht De Latzembock. — John Creith of Liege. — Dila- tory Proceedings and Tumults of the Council. — The Cardinal of Cambrat ON Ecclesiastical Power. — The English Nation in the Council. — New Members. — Gerson and " The Immaculate Conception." — The Council's Let- i'ER TO SiGISMUND IN ReGARD TO BoHEMIA. — ACCUSATIONS AGAINST WeNZEL. — Sigismund's Method for Quieting Bohemia. — Ill-Success of His Plan. — Ser- mons IN the Council. — Vices of the Clergy Classified. — Sigismund's De- feated Projects. — His Reception and Treatment in England. — Council's Proceedings Against Benedict. — Stipiltz and Plancha Cite Him. — Scene op Their Reception. — Ludicrous Incidents. — Sigismund's Return to Constance. — His Reception. May 31, 1416 — Jan. 27, 1417. The execution of Jerome, amid the clashing schemes and conflicting interests which marked the progress of the council, was passed lightly by. A gallant ship had gone down upon a stormy sea, and the wild waves of passion rolled on as nladly and fiercely as if there had been no human victim of their murderous j^lay. No expression of regret or remorse bubbles up visibly to the surface, to speak, in the actors, any bitter memory of the deed. No doubt it was remembered, — no doubt, in later years, minds like Gerson's recurred to it sadly, — but the death of Jerome, at the time, produced scai'cely a pause in the struggle of conflicting parties and interests. (258) Cii. IX.] CITATION OF THE BOHEMIANS. 259 On tlie next day after the execution, (May 31,) a decree of the council was issued, summoning its ab- sent members to return, under penalty, in case of dis- obedience, of incurring the indignation of Almighty God, and St. Peter and St. Paul, his apostles.'' The council felt that it was now incuni1)ent upon it to prosecute with energy the matter of the union of the church. Tliis was manifest in the congregations held upon the follc»wing days. In spite of a letter of Sigismund, urging upon tliem the business of reform, the members showed themselves more inclined to remove the difficulties that stood in th-e way of the deposition of Benedict and the election of a new pope. The case of the Bohemians, moreover, called for the notice of the council. The execution of Jerome was not calculated to soothe the feelings or repress the indignation of his countrymen. Their letter of remonstrance had reached the council at the close of tlie previous year. Their citation for their pre- sumption and suspicion of heretical pi-avity in ad- hering to Huss, had been demanded by the prose- cuting officers of the council, in its name, on the twentieth of February, 1416. This citation was issutid on the fifth of May, and was publicly affixed to the church doors and gates of Constance. A com- mission to attend to the process of trial — which was to be summary in the case of those cited — was ap- pointed on the third of Jane. It was now, upon the non-appearance of the Bohemians summoned to an- swer before the council, that they were to be de- * Von der Uar.Jt, iv. 775. 2 GO LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IX. clared guilty of contumacy. The number of these is variously stated from four hundred and fifty to five hundred and fifty.^ They embraced, as we have already seen, some of the most powerful and distin- guished members of the Bohemian nobility. To them the threats of the council were a mere hrutum fulmen. They treated them with contempt. Secure in their distance from Constance and the conscious- ness of their own strength, they were driven into a more defiant attitude by the steps taken to awe them into submission. The execution of Jerome, following upon that of Huss, was in their eyes a new outrage, tending to destroy the last vestige of respect which they could ever have entertained for the body by whose order the deed was done. A different course from theirs was the one pursued by one of their countrymen at Constance, the Knight De Latzembock.* He had gradually risen till he stood high in the emperor's favor. He it was who bore the news of the emperor's coronation at Aix la Chapelle to Constance, on the opening of the council. Since that time he had been employed in high po- sitions, and had had charge of important matters. But still, in spite of all this, the stain of heretical leprosy clung to him. It was not forgotten that he was one of those whom the Bohemian king had com- missioned to escort Huss to Constance. Although he had since had but little to do with him, and showed in his character and life more of the courtier than the friend, he yet fell under suspicion. The * Probably all who had signed the * L'Enfant, 406. Von der Ilardt, letters of remonstrance to the council, iv. 795-6. Ch. IX.] RECANTATION OF LATZEMBOCK. 261 council felt that it was at least dangerous that such a man should not be committed with themselves to the guilt of their own deed. There was something ominous in his silence. It could not be tolerated. He must speak out. He must seem at least to en- dorse the condemnation of his countrymen, or he could not be trusted about the person of the em- peror. He was cited — according to a historian hos- tile to Huss — and required to abjure the doctrine and approve the condemnation of Huss and Jerome. With this requisition he complied. Doubtless his conscience excused him for the crime under the plea of necessity ; but the suspicion of his sincerity which was still entertained, while it commends his intellect- ual convictions, suggests the policy and pliability of the courtier. To this man — this new convert — letters were given by the council to be carried into Bohemia and delivered to his countrymen ; but we hear no more of them, and it is doubtful whether he who would abjure his convictions for fear of the council, would be forward to thrust before the eyes of his own countrymen the provocation of his infamy not unattended by danger. Never was the difference between preaching and practice better illustrated than in the history and proceedings of the council. We have seen how loud had been the cry of remonstrance and the complaint of corruption. It was notorious that the most simoniacal arts had raised many of the prelates of the council to the position they occupied. The channels of promotion were not through merit, but money. Again and again this crying infiimy of the 262 LIFE AISTD TOIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IX. cliurcli had been exposed. Except the deposition of John XXIII. no noticeable steps had been taken in the direction of reform. Two men had been pnt to death, npon whose characters there rested not a stain of corruption or impurity, and who were angels by the side of their judges. At last a victim was found — a poor insignificant copyist — of prelatical and pontifical simony. A scapegoat was wanted, and John Creith of Liege was the one selected.^ He had — unfortunately for himself, though to his great pe- cuniary advantage — been one of the minions of John XXIII. Acting as his secretary, he had employed his knowledge and skill to his own emolument, coun- terfeiting, to this end, apostolic letters and documents. He was accused of having sold thirty benefices, and of having reserved in his own hands others, which were incompatible in the hands of one man. Upon this victim, punishment, therefore, must alight. He, at least, will be made a signal example. But what is his sentence ? Suspension from office ! No won- der the preacher of two or three days later, (June 7,) should remark — when speaking on the text, "They were filled with the Holy Ghost," — that instead of the seven graces which were bestowed on the apos- tles at the day of Pentecost, he feared that the devil had had his Pentecost in the hearts of most of the clergy, and had insj^ired them with vices directly contrary to the graces of the apostles.^ But little, however, was accomplished by the coun- cil after Jerome's death, for several months. They were reluctant to enter upon any measures of reform. ' Niera apud Von der Hardt, ii. 444, 457. " L'Enfant, 405. Ch IX.] THE CONTROVEIisY IN THE COUNCIL. 263 The emperor was absent, and private interests and party purposes acknowledged no supreme authority to over-awe them. The council assumed the charac- ter for the most part of a great debating club, except as party policy mingled with the intrigues of the caucus. The affair of Petit was still warmly contro- verted, yet little if any progress was made toward its settlement. The Cardinal of Cambray issued his treatise on ecclesiastical power, some portions of which contain sentiments in advance of his age, and strongly savoring of a protestant character. Yet this very treatise gave rise, by the doubts which he threw out in its concluding chapter, to some of the most agi- tating and angry controversies. Should the English, on the union of Spain with the council, be recognized still as a separate and independent nation composing it ? It was a firebrand thrown in among a mass of inflammable materials, and the conflagration at once burst forth. The pride of England, fresh from the glorious field of Agincourt, resented the doubt as an insult. Yet the French could not look with compla- cency upon the exaltation of their great rivals. The Spaniards, who had now arrived with a view to join the council, found their place preoccujoied by the English, who had always heretofore been recognized as an integral portion of the German nation in the councils of the church. The controversy kindled to a flame. Fierce passions were indulged, and fierce Avords spoken. The Cardinal of Cambray was uot allowed to touch upon the subject, as he had pro- posed, in a public discourse. He complained of this restriction upon his liberty. It was but a poor satis- 264 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IX, faction to be informed that lie must be careful liow he appeared in the streets, for armed Englishmen sought his life. More than once the matter threat- ened to proceed to open violence, but by the inter- vention of the princes, aud a mass of national protests against present privileges being allowed as precedents, passion was cooled and the danger deferred. The council meanwhile had received new and large accessions to its numbers. England was more nu- merously represented. Among others came Robert Cliflbrd, bishop of London, the two chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, and twelve doctors, ostensi- bly to maintain the rights of the English nation. The kingdoms of Portugal, Aragou, Castile, Na- varre, and Scotland sent delegates to Constance, who were, most of them, successively received with similar formalities to those upon which the representatives of Grregory XII. had insisted. Some of them were quite leisurely in making their appearance. Months passed, bi'inging from them to the council only letters and promises. Nothing could be done, meanwhile, that could be regarded as final and conclusive in re- gard to Benedict XIII. His trial and deposition, in order to be acknowledged legitimate, must be par- ticipated in by all the nations. It was during this period, j^revious to taking fur- ther and more decisive measures against Benedict, that the council presented a most singular scene of turmoil and recrimination. Questions of national precedence and representation — the complaints of the cardinals that they were not notified previously of the subjects of discussion- — the affiiir of John Petit Cn. iX.] "the niMACULATE CONCEPTION." 265 still dragging its slow lengtli along — vain and futile attempts to draw up plans on the subject of reform, which the emperor still urged upon the attention of the council — all conspired to render that body the scene of angry and bitter controversy. It was dur- ing this period, also, that Gerson signalized himself, not only by his zeal in controverted matters, but by peculiar manifestations of what at the present day might be regarded as ultra orthodoxy. We have recently seen the doctrine of "The immaculate con- ception of the Virgin Mary " solemnly adopted by the Roman Catholic church as one of the iuteo-ral o elements of its creed. Gerson, on this subject, was in advance of his times. At Paris he had manfully contended in behalf of the doctrine, and had classed its principal opponent with Huss himself. But now his devotion went still further.^ He urged publicly upon the council the immaculate conception of St. Joseph, and, opposed as he was to the multiplication of saints'-days, went so far as to insist that to this rule of restriction St. Joseph should be excepted. But the council were not ready to endorse the sug- gestion. More than four hundred years more were destined to pass away, before the question in regard to the Virgin Mary could be put at rest. Another century may yet honor the logical consistency of Gerson, that ranks Mary and Joseph together as to their claim on this jioint. It vias near the close of the year (1416) that the council replied to a letter of Sigismund, informing him of the state of affairs at Constance. He had * See his treatise in his works, iii. 1346. 266 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IITSS. [Cn. IX. ever a liori'or for all that tended to civil commotion. His hostility to the doctrines of Petit was aggravated by what he saw in the anarchy and violence of France — results as he regarded them of his incendiary prin- ciples. His prejudice against Huss had been skil- fully aggravated by the enemies of the reformer, when they imputed to his views and preaching sim- ilar tendencies. For this reason, he was ui'gent that the council should prosecute the Bohemian heresy to its extinction. But this was a task beyond their power. They wrote to the emperor now to implore his aid.^ There was good reason for doing so. The council found themselves contemned by heretics. Their threats were despised ; their authority was disre- garded ; their own conduct was arraigned, and the Bohemian nation boldly declared its purpose to per- sist in the course upon which it had entered. In these circumstances their only hope of help was in the emperor. He must enforce the authoi'ity of the council by his imperial power. The letter which the council wrote him is important for the picture which it gives of the state of things in Bohemia, as well as on other accounts. It commences with a statement of the daily complaints .made to the council of evils that prevailed in Bohemia; the scandalous dangers, and dangerous scandals, through errors, hei-esies, seditions, ■and persecutions, which had given disturbance to the clergy, and which were spread over a country inflamed by " more than material fire." It speaks of the dis- ciples of Wickliffe, Huss, and Jerome as the followers of Belial, and abounding in impiety and perfidy. The • Von der Hardt, iv. 1079. Cn. IX.] council's LETTER TO SIGISMUND. 26 Y two former, condemned by tlie council, were repre- sented as saints in the churches, Avei'e spoken of as such in sermons, were honored in the divine offices, and had masses celebrated for them as martyrs. Their followers sought to disseminate and perpetuate tlieir errors, drawing off to themselves all classes of persons, learned and ignorant, and of both sexes. They are spoken of as treating lightly holy mother church, and holdina^ sentences and censures in con- tempt. The evil was rising to an alarming height. The intelligence of the council's proceedings had only urged them to new and more detestable excesses. The council then sets forth in a more specific form the evils of which they complain ; members of the university, and other priests infected by them, con- tinued to preach the errors of Wickliffe and Huss, which the council had condemned. They had been cherished, defended, and protected by certain barons and nol^les of the kingdom, who, in letters- to the council witli their seals affixed, had avowed their acts. The communion of the cup was preached and practised in the cities and villages, notwithstanding the decision of the council upon the subject, and the threatened penalty of eternal damnation. The clergy were ill treated and abused, and even the Jews en- joyed a greater liberty than was allowed to them. The interdict was still continued in many monasteries and churches, on account of the presence among them of that wretch, John Jessenitz, by which means many hundreds of masses are every day omitted. The metropolitan church had been long unoccupied, l:)oth on acount of the interdict, and the robbery of its 268 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IX. revenues, out of which three hundred ecclesiastics had foi'merly been sustained. The relics which had been deposited there, which the people had been ac- customed to visit daily, had been plundered for years. S(5me of the barons were defaming the holy council, and preventing the clergy from complying with its commands. Such as had obeyed had been plundered and expelled from their posts. The letter then sets forth the sad condition of the university, once foremost in rank among all of the German nation, now almost a desei'ted habitation, and driving from it those who are unwilling to be polluted by its errors. The nation, too, once sub- missive to its prelates, and religiously faithful to the divine worship, and to all things required by ecclesiastical obedience, is now disi^raced throusjhout the world by perfidy and error. Against these evils the council declares that it has done what it could. Convoked to exterminate heresy and reform the world, it has b}^ the grace of God proceeded to the task assigned. One of the leaders of heresy it has given over by sentence to the secu- lar court, the other remains in custody,-^ wliile pro- cesses have been fulminated against their favorers and adherents. Yet, in the need of more ample re- sources of defence, the council invokes, and pi-ess- ingly demands, through its venerable and eminent bishops, doctors, masters, and ambassadors, the arm of his imperial majesty. It calls upon him as the ' This letter, in my judgment, be- dently Jerome was still in custody longs to an earlier date than the one when it was written, thus requiring which is here — on the authority of the letter to date some months pre- Von der Hardt — ascribed to it. Evi- vious. See Von der Hardt, iv. lOVZ. CilIX.] council's letter to sigismund. 209 defender and advocate of the church, to destroy the perfidious, defend the holy church itself and its faith- ful members, no less than restrain the enemies of the Christian name. It incites him as^ainst the Bohemi- ans as errorists and persecutors of the church of God, urging him to expel the seditious, and drive out intruders. It then sets forth the character of Wenzel, king of Bohemia, in language which his brother Sigismund could appreciate. These excesses never disturbed him. He dissembles in every thing. He lets every thing take its course. The evils which he should resist even to blood, and at the risk of his life, he tolerates in the heart of his kingdom, or even, as was more lamentably reported, cherishes and sup- ports. " Proceed, therefore," the council say, " with all dispatch ; all lingering is dangerous ; all delay does mischief. Act for the salvation of all who are like to perish before the eyes of the council, before your own, and the eyes of all beholders. Act at once, while any hope of safety remains. If the dis- ease continues, and the time to arrest it is neglected, there is fear that the evil will become irreparable. Faith and the church, spiritualities and temporalities, souls and bodies, are threatened with a like ruin. Act heartily, glorious in the triumph of virtue, noble worshipper of justice and merit, so as to reign for ever with the Saviour of the world, of whom you are the type. Your exalted piety may aspire to such merit." * It was indeed time to cull upon the emperor for aid. To calm the storm it had raised was beyond the power of the council. The letters * Von der Hardt, iv. 1077; also, L'Enfant, 430. 270 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOirN HUSS. [Cn. IX. of the Bohemian nobles already noticed, wei'e not the only ones that reached them of the same tenor. Some less numerously signed, some written by indi- viduals, attested the strength of the indignation ex- cited by the provocations which had been offered. The absence of the emperor in Spain left them for a while to feel the bitterness of that contempt to which they were exposed by their own deeds, while unprotected by the imperial sword. But the emperor's method of quieting the insur- rectionary spirit was by fiir the wisest. He sought to .reform the clergy, and urged the subject with re- peated importunity upon the attention of the council. Successive failures to secure any advance in this direction might have satisfied him that moral suasion is a poor and ineffectual motive to arrest a party like that with which he had to deal, in a course where their own interest is at stake. He employed, how- ever, one of his ministers to draw up for the council a plan of reform ; but all the reward of the servant for speaking out his master's views, as he undoubt- edly did, was to be called "a Hussite rather than a Christian."^ "There must first," said these gi*andees of the council — to put off the evil day, and prevent their own exposure, — "There must first be a pope to authorize the reform." There were those who ursred Sigismund to take the matter into his own hand, to fix the yearly salary of the popes and bishops, reserv- ing what remained of the ti'easures of the church to further his darling project of a crusade against the Turks. But from such a step as this even the empe- ' L'Enfant, 503 Ch. IX.] PRIDE AND VICES OF THE CLERGY. 271 ror shrunk. It would be committing the unpardon- able sin with wliich Luther stood charged a century later, of " attacking the monks' bellies." The well known views of the emperor contributed undoubtedly to secure for those who ventured to express them, freedom of speech in the council. The sermons preached abounded, as we have seen, with most unpalatable statements of the corruption of the clergy. These public discourses were the safety- valve by which the pent up convictions of the neces- sity of reform were allowed harmlessly to escape. Yet sometimes the truth must have stung deeply. Just before the emperor's return, at the beginning of the year 1417, a sermon was preached before the council, which gives a fearful picture of the state of the clergy.^ Their vices are coolly and philosophi- cally classed. The first of these classifications repre- sents the ostentation and luxury of the clergy grasp- ing at the goods of the poor and the revenues of the church, for selfish indulgence. " In our pride," says the preacher, " we surpass the princes of the world : scorning the example and command of Jesus Christ, we would set up as kings ; we march at the head of armies ; we make ourselves terrible and inaccessible, especially to the poor." Other crimes recounted were — the ill-disposal of benefices, by bestowing them on the incapable and vile — the mal-adminis- tration of the sacrament, extended to the notoriously impure, unjust, and excommunicate — neglect of sci'ip- tural study and gospel preaching — unjust decisions by ecclesiastical judges, who make them a matter of ' L'Eflfant, 486. 272 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. IX. traffic — and similar charges in abundance. The pic- ture of ecclesiastical manners or morals is too foul for the modern page. Yet it was presented in all its fearful colors in full council, and no one called it a slander. Each one knew only too well that it was drawn to the life. The time was now drawing near for Sigismund's return to Constance, He had promised in one of his letters to the council to hasten his return, if in their judgment his presence should be deemed necessary. But it was a year and a half that his absence had been protracted. He left Constance on the twen- tieth of July, 1415, and entered its gates, upon his return, on the twenty-seventh of January, 1417. The success of his mission could not have been very flat- tering to his imperial pride. Benedict XHI. had virtually defied him, and still assumed the full exer- cise of papal prerogative. His attempt to negotiate a peace between France and England would have been utterly futile, had not the policy of Henry V. led him to adopt the purpose of leaving France to wear out its strength in intestine conflict. The Duke of Bui'gundy and the Constable d'Armagnac were sworn foes. Henry fjxvored the duke, and even contracted with him a conditional alliance, while in a seeming compliance with the emperor's pei^uasions he entered into a truce with France for the space of a few months. Yet Sigismund must have sorely felt that his in- fluence would have been altogether in vain but for other causes, more eflective than his personal influ- ence. As the vessel that bore him across the chan- Cn. IX.] SIQISIHTTND IN ENGLAT^D. 273 nel apjiroached the English coast, several English lords, headed by the Duke of Gloucester, stepped into the water, -with their drawn swords in their hands, and stopped the boat. The emperor, surpi'ised at such a reception, asked the reason of it. The duke replied, that if he came to challenge any authority in England, he had orders to forbid his landing ; but if he came only as a mediator of peace, he should be treated with all the respect due to his imperial dig- nity.* Henry V. had the spirit of an independent sovereign. The proceedings of the emperor in France, in his assumption of authority, were not to be re- peated on the shores of England. Sigismund show d his regard for the spirit of the English monarch, when, after months of useless negotiation to secure for France a short and worthless truce, he concluded himself, like the Duke of Burgundy, an alliance with Henry V. The only result of his journey northward seems to have been the strengthening the hands of the ally of the Duke of Burgundy, and increasing the im- probability that the doctrines of Petit would be con- demned at the council. A slight which he offered to William of Bavaria, while in England, led that prince indignantly to withdraw from the English coast with all his ships. Sigismund was left a sort of state prisoner in London, unable, till he had signed the treaty with England, to reach the continent, and then only in English ships. On one occasion the mob rose against the emperor, and he was obliged to flee for refuge to Canterbury. Kapin, i. 616. VOL. 11. 18 274 Ln'E XSD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. IX. All this was humiliating enough. Undoubtedly English manliness, that spurned the perjury of Sigis- mund in giving up Huss to the flames, had something to do with the threatened violence. But there was still another dreg in his bitter cup. To defray" the expenses of his journey he had sold the whole of Brandenburg, together with the electorate, to Frederic of Zollern for 300,000 ducats,^ and for a smaller sum created the Truchsesses of Waldburg governors of Swabia. Thus he had alienated instead of adding to his dominions, and in some respects his journey was a marked failure. He had indeed induced Spain to withdraw from Benedict, but the obstinate old pope was not to be cajoled or terrified even by an emperor. He still maintained his state, and fulminated his ter- rors in all the pride of his prerogative. It was now time for the council to try their hand at a task which the emperor had left incomplete — the removal of Benedict as the lingering obstacle which ol^structed the union of the church. At the twenty-third session, Nov. 5, 1416, a commission was appointed to draw up charges and hear testimony against the " schismatic, heretical, and tyrant" pontiff. This commission proceeded to business, and were ready to report at the next session, (Nov. 28,) when the citation of Benedict was decreed.^ He was summoned to appear at Constance within one hun- dred days from the present session, or within seventy days from the issuing of the citation. The citation was decreed by edict, through apprehension that the criminal could not be personally reached. But two ' Schmidt's Gescli. der Deutsck, iv. 101. " L'Enfant, 428. Ch. IX."! THE MONKS CITE BENEDICT. 2T5 monks were found bold enough tobeartlie summons to Peniscola, and into the presence of Benedict him- self. These monks belonged to the Benedictine ordei, and their names were Lambert Stipiltz and Bernard Plaucha.^ The recital which they gave of their mission, showed that the idea of its danger was scarcely exaggerated. As they drew near to Peniscola, accompanied by two nobles and several notaries, they were met by a doctor despatched by Benedict to request them to' defer their entrance till the next day, under the pre- text that they might be greeted then by a more hon- orable reception. With this request they refused to comply. "These devils," said they, "imagine they have gained everything if they can postpone the union a single hour." As they entered the town, a nephew of Benedict, escorted by two hundred well- armed soldiers, came to meet them. Their reception had every appearance of a welcome, the value of which, however, they could well appreciate. They amused themselves at the fright which the presence of two unarmed monks had created in Benedict. The next day they were admitted to an audience. Benedict had with him three cardinals, several bishops and other ecclesiastics, and about three hun- dred laymen. These monks then read the decree of citation, which Benedict heard with extreme impa tience. When they came the passage which spoke of him as schismatic and hei-etical, he could contain himself no longer. " It is not true," he cried out at one time ; and again, "They slander me." At length, ' L'Eufant, 449. L'76 LIFE AND TLMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. IX, in a more formal reply, he declared that the matter was one of great importance, and his answer should be given the next day, after deliberation with his cai'dinals. He improved the occasion, however, to go into a lengthened defence of his own course, moi-e, probably, for the ears of his auditors, than the satis- faction or conviction of the monks. " The church," said he, "is not at Constance, but at Peniscola. Here," he exclaimed, striking his hand upon the chair he occupied, — " Here is the Noah's ark, the true church. These people of Constance call me schis- matic and heretic, because I will not put the church into their hands ; a thing I will take good care not to do. Already there would have been peace for six months but for them. On their heads rests the guilt of heresy and schism." The monks thought such an answer enough. They demanded a copy of it, which the pope was reluctant to grant. But leaving behind them a notary of the king to take charge of the document after it -should be drawn up, they withdrew to Tortosa. Serious as the business was, it is connected with some amusing incidents. It is said that as the monks approached, dressed in black, accoi-ding to the stat- utes of their order, in order to cite Benedict, the lat- ter said to those around him, " Let us hear the ravens of the council." But monkish repartee was equal to pontifical wit. " There is nothing surprising," said one of the monks boldly, " that ravens should come near a dead body !" One historian ludicrously rep- resents the monks as dressed in black, the devil's color, entering into hell to cite Beelzebub, the great Cn. IX.] RETURN OF SIGISMUND. 277 devil, to come to jiulgment. Undoubtedly tlie sin- cerity was about equal on both sides. The monks themselves considered the whole affair, notwith- standing their indignation against Benedict, as a good joke. The letter, in which they gave to the council an account of their expedition, is dated Tortosa, Jan. 22, 1417. Five days later, on the 27th of the month, Sigismund returned to Constance. The announcement of his approach was enthusias- tically received.* He was met several miles distant from Constance by an imposing procession of princes, nobles, and ecclesiastical dignitaries. He entered the city amid the discharge of cannon, the ringing of bells, and applauding shouts of w^elcome. The Eng- lish saw with exultation that he proudly wore the decoration of the Order of the Garter, which he had received from the hands of Henry V. They were themselves treated with distinguished honor. The Bishop of Sarum greeted the emperor in the name of the council. Sacred comedies, previously acted in the presence of the authorities of the city, were repeated by the English in the presence of Sigis- mund, and to his great delight and satisfaction. A sermon was preached before him in the highest strain of eulogy. If anything could compensate the em- peror for the hardships of his journey, it was the welcome he received, as well as the presence of the Spanish nation joining in the deliberations of the council. ' Voa der Hardt, iv. 1089, 1091. CHAPTER X. BENEDICT DEPOSED. PROGRESS OF REFORM. MARTIN V. ELECTED. Affairs of Benedict. — Bishop of Cuenza. — The English Nation. — Disputb AS TO THE Precedence of Reform or the Election op a Pope. — Measures or Reform. — Sermons of Maurice and Stephen op Prague. — The Cardinals Aggrieved. — Demand their Passports to Leave. — Refused. — Divisions in the Council. — Prater for Election. — State of Bohf.mia. — Wenzel a Cipher. — He Banishes Nicolas de Hussinitz. — Scenes of Anarchy and Vio- lence.— The University Favors the Communion of the Cup. — Peter d'Um- etzow. — Wenzel Leaves Prague. — Urged to Return. — Anniversary op the Death of Huss. — Sermon on the Occasion. — Eulogy of Huss. — William of Rosenberg and His Vassals. — Violence and Robbery. — Measures of the Council. — Satire on the Romish Church. — The Flagellants. — Sketch op their History and Doctrines. — Favored by Vincent Ferrara. — Gerson's Views. — Measures of the Council. — Benedict XIII. Deposed. — Question op Reform. — The Nations Divided. — Sermons on Reform. — English Nation. — Document of THE Cardinals. — Reply of the Germans. — Irritation of the Emperor. — Alarm of the Cardinals. — Death op Robert Hallam. — Bribes. — The German Nation Wavers. — Conditions for Proceeding to an Election. — Scheme of Reform. —Electors Appointed. — Otho de Colonna Chosen Pope. — Coronation. — Splendor of the Procession. — Incidents. — Pontif- ical Triumph Over Reform. Jan. 2Y, 141T— Nov. 21, 1418. The presence of the emperor infused new life and energy into the proceedings of tlie council. The more arduous matters, whic-h in his absence had been deferred, almost of necessity, might now be disposed of. The first in order of these, if nc^t the most important, was that which concerned the depo- (278) Cn. X.] THE BISHOP OF CUENZA. 279 sition of Benedict. His answer to the citation sent him by the hands of the two monks, was read, (March 7, I'll?,) but only confirmed the impression that he was obstinately resolved not to cede. He had indeed sent the Bishop of Cuenza to Constance, ostensibly to make propositions which should be a basis of negotiation, but only, as his enemies asserted, to sow division in the council. His representative manifested a temper and spirit worthy of his master. An English ambassador disputed with him the ques- tion of precedence. The Bishop of Cuenza, prefer- ring to use the most decisive arguments, seized his adversary, who was a small man, about the body, and taking him from his seat, carried him out of the church, and threw him into one of the vaults, which chanced to be open. Resuming his place, he quietly remarked to his colleague, Martin Fernandez of Cor- dova, " As a priest, I bury the English ambassador ; as a man of the sword, and a cavalier by birth, do you perform what remains to be done." But no arts or measures that Benedict could now take would enal)le him to evade the purpose of the council. He had been repeatedly cited, but did not appear. He had deigned no reply, and no one ap- peared for him. He refused steadftistly and consist- ently to recognize, in any manner, the authority of the council as more than that of a mere assembly. The charges against him, as finally drawn up, had been read as early as November 5, 1416. They wei-e supported by multitudes of witnesses, most of them of hie^h ecclesiastical or secular rank. Amonir these witnesses was the emperor himself, as well as some 280 LIFE AKD TniES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. X of the bishops of Benedict. He was charged with obstinate perseverance in schism. His various ob- noxious acts, — regarded as fatally prejudicial to the peace of the church, — were attested, and he was again cited to answer. This was the last citation. The period allowed was extended, at the instance of the Spanish nation, and in order that the proceed- ings of the council might not be open to the charge of harshness or precipitation.^ The blow was merely suspended. MeauAvhile the council itself was not secure from dangers within its own body. The incongruous ele- ments of which it was composed, and the incongru- ous interests which it represented, made it repeatedly a scene of the wildest discord. More than once its warmest friends had reason to fear that its only achievement would be to render itself the Babel of Christendom. The English composed by themselves an entire nation in the council. Other nations were jealous of the influence which they were thus ena- bled to exert. The Spaniards, moreover, who had only of late joined the body, disputed with them the question of precedence.* The French seemed to resent the increasing importance of a nation which had given them reason to remember their own last- ing disgrace, as well as inferioi'ity, at Agincourt. The dispute waxed warm. All order was at an end. The consultations of the council more than once were characterized by the violent clamors of a mob. The English indeed carried their point at last, conceding to the Spaniards, on the question of precedence, a • L'Enfant, 424. Von dcr Ilardt, iv. 969. « L'Enfant, 424, 447. Ch. X.] SEKMON OF STEPHEN OF PRAGUE. 281 riglit wliicli they were willing to surrender only for the occasion, and for the sake of peace. But another matter soon gave occasion for the renewal of similar scenes. The emperor and the German and English nations were earnest in favor of ecclesiastical reform. With them this was the fii-st and most important measure to be initiated. Ger- many, especially, complained of the simony of the cleigy, and the abuses of pontifical and prelatical prerogative. INIaurice of Prague preached a sermon at this period, (May 9, 1417,) in which he exposed the disorders of the clergy to unsparing rebuke.* Huss could not have exceeded his former associate, and one of his late judges, in the freedom of invec- tive. Maurice spoke of the prevailing opinion — which he declared, however, that he regarded as a heresy — that Huss had been put to death mainly because he had spoken so energetically upon this very point. His friend and associate, Stephen of Prague,^ a few days later, did not hesitate to add his testimony. He exposed in like manner "the hor- rible simony" of the clergy, which had filled the highest posts of the church with incapable and un- worthy occupants. " Is it i-ight," ^ he asks, " that fools should rule, and the wise obey them ; that the young should give oi-ders, and the old be their servitors ; that the ignorant should have charge of what calls for the most discriminating management ; that the learned should not dare to open their mouths ; and that grooms should be preferred to doctors, and to * Von der Ilardt, I 860; iv. 128V. ' Probably Stephen Paleti. " Voa der Hardt, i 823. 282 LITE AKD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. X. preachers of the word of God?" Nor did lie hesi- tate to declare in his sermon, in language indirectly condemnatory of the council, that this matter of reform was more essential to promote the interests of the Christian faith, than the union of the different obediences. The election of the pope he did not hesi- tate to pronounce a matter of secondaiy importance. He could have said nothing more seriously in con- flict with the cherished pui'poses f.nd avowed policy of the cardinals, and of many prelates of the differ- ent nations. These contended that tlie election of a pope should precede all measures of reform.^ Their plea was, that in order to be \alid these must have the sanction of the pope. The plea was specious, but self-interest was at the bottom of it. The em- peror and the German nation were fully aware that the hope of a reform in the abuses of the church was only warranted, while the pontificate was vacant. Let it be filled, and the pride of prerogative would deny the right of the council to proceed in the mat- ter, or would restrain and control its action. The event justified this fear. For a while the emperor, with the English and German nations, stood firm. The others were irritated. The French even com- plained that their rights of free deliberation were encroached upon by the emperor. But none were more asfi^rieved than the collec^e of cardinals. They went so far as to demand of the Elector of Brandenburg safe-conducts, that they might withdraw from the council.'^ But the Elector of Brandenburg was not the man to confer such a favor. * Von der Hardt, iv. 1354. " Von der Ilardt, iv. 1416. Ch. X.] REBUFF OF THE CARDINALS. 283 lie shared himself with the Gerniaii nation tliei/ convictions of tlie jKiraniount and urgent necessity of reform. His long experience of public life had made him fully acquainted with the disorders of the ecclesiastical state. "The clergy," said he, "push themselves into secular matters ; they use their rev- enues merely for their own selfish purposes. They are ever making new acquisitions, and already they have usurped a large pai't of the empire." Such language could serve only as a still greater provo- cation to the cardinals. But their passports could not be had. The elector not only refused their re- quest, but told them plainly that the dissolution and transfer of the council belonged not to them, but to the emperor, as advocate and defender of the church. Compelled to remain at Constance, the college of cardinals could speak of nothing, could think of nothing, but the election of a new pope. They had frequent consultations by themselves on the subject. They were apprehensive lest the prerogative of elec- tion should be wrested from their hands by the authority of the council. A contest which had arisen between the Castilians and Aragonese in regard to the representation of the Spanish nation, and the union of the former to the council, aided them in their projects. The Cardinal of Cambray, in a public discourse, urged that immediate steps should be taken for an election. lie would not allow any measure of reform to take precedence of this. But, firm as the cardinals might be in their purpose, their opponents were not less decided. The contest grew more and more desperate. Fierce passions were excited. Harsh 284 LIFE A:EiD TEMES OF JOJI^ HUSS. [Cn. X. words were spoken. At a congregation lield on the IGtli of June, there seemed no possible alternative but the dissolution of the council.^ The position of the Castilians aggravated matters. They were secretly in favor of Benedict, or apprehensive at least of the result, if another pope was not soon elected. They refused to unite with the council — though they had already been long at Constance — till some order should be taken on the subject. It was not without the greatest difficulty that their resolution was over- come, and the storm weathered for the present. It was, however, soon seen to which side the scale must eventually incline. The Italian, Spanish, and French nations sided already with the cardinals. The Enoflish and German nations were in the mi- nority, and only sustained their position by the aid of the emperor. Against Sigismund, therefore, the measures of the cardinals, and three tiations, were now directed. " Had he," they asked, " any right to mix himself up in ecclesiastical matters ? " While he favored them, the strength of the imperial arm was a welcome ally. Now that he opposed their measures, he must be rebuked and kept within his own sphere.^ It was in these circumstances, and after vainly seeking a decree of the council prescribing the man- ner of a new election, that the cardinals adopted a line of policy which did much to promote their plans. They petitioned the emperor to appoint a season of public devotion, to obtain from Pleaven an election favorable to the welfare of the church. Sigis- ' Von der Hardt, iv, 1435. * L'Enfant, Ho. Cu. X.] SIGISMUND FOILED IN HIS PURPOSE. 285 mund could scarcely refuse the request. He ordered their devotions to be publicly announced for a day of the following week. Why did he not order, first of all, prayers for reform ? It was a sad mistake, as he found at last. Popular feeling was now changing in favor of the cardinals. Sigisniund had virtually signed the death warrant of his most cherished pur- pose. The question of all questions, which Germany demanded should be met — which she redemanded in more imperative tones a century later, and before which cardinals and prelates turned pale and trem- bled— was put by for the time, and, to all practical purposes so far as this council was concerned, finally. During all this time the case of the Bohemians, though overshadowed by matters of more pressing importance, had not been altogether overlooked. New commissioners to attend to their case were ap- pointed to replace such as had not been able to serve. But there was no danger of their being overbur- dened with business. None appeared before them in answer to the citation of the council. Huss and Jerome had at Prague a greater power than ever. Living, they were but men. The council had I'ashly promoted them to that of martyrs. They had can- onized them as unhesitatingly as John XXIII. did the Swedish Bridget, and, although against their in- tentions, far more effectually in the esteem of the Bohemian nation. Bespect for the memory of these martyrs, and indignation at the injustice that doomed them to the stake, blazed up out of the smouldering grief of their recent loss into flames of fierce defiance. At this moment, when the national spirit was 286 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. X. roused to desperation, when tlie passions of men were in a ferment, when the violence of antagonistic parties and opinions demanded a sharp eye and a strong arm to control them, Bohemia found itself practically without a ruler. The drunken wretch who occupied the throne was the laughing-stock of the world, and a disgrace to the nation over whom he pretended to reign. None feared him as a king. None respected him as a man. Nothing could show this better than the manner in Avhich the question of deposing him was discussed. Nicholas of Hussi- nitz, the friend and patron of Huss, was the princi- pal leader of the Hussite party. By his position as well as by his ability — for he was one of the most powerful of the Bohemian barons — he commanded great influence. But his course had excited the ap- prehensions of the dissolute monarch. Wenzel sus- pected him of aspiring to the throne, and banished him from Prague. He withdrew to his own district, where his authority was great, and gathered around him a powerful army of near forty thousand men. To these, animated with the enthusiasm of their new faith, and terrible in the desperateness of their re- solves to avenge their wrongs, or at least to maintain what they regarded as their rights, he proposed the election of a new king who should be of their own belief^ Whether Nicholas himself aspired to the post is not entirely clear, but his proposition was subsequently rejected on the ground that they had now a king who answered their purpose well enough. The priest Coranda, who was a popular and power- ' See L'Enfant, Guerre des Hussites, i, 88. Cn. X.] VIOLENT PROCEEDINGS. 287 ful speaker among the Hussites, maintained before the armed assembly, that the spectre of a king now occupying the throne — though a mere mockery of royalty — was far better for them than one who, in bearing their name, would only produce division in the nation, or excite prejudice against their cause. Never would AYenzel be any thing but a tool ; and when so ready at hand, why not use him ? Into such contempt had the royal authority fiillen. There was no government, except the self-restraint of infuriated parties. The Hussites were stung to vengeance by the mad and imbecile bigotry of the council, who had given back wrong and outrage in answer to their demand for truth and justice. But if they had asked for an egg and had received a scor- pion, they were not like to forget the gift or its sting, any more than the giver. The apologists of the council at Prague represented to them the coun- cil itself, and thus volunteered to make themselves objects of a vengeance not always restrained within the limits of the law. The absence of a real execu- tive power gave the country over into the hands of the Hussites. Many of their leaders were men of strong passions, and more impelled by party zeal than the spirit of him they reverenced as a martyr. Some joined them more for their own selfish advancement than from notions of sincere anxiety for the public cause. In these circumstances, scenes of violence were almost a necessary result. Deeds were committed, which the great majority could only view with ill- dissembled regret. Some of the priests, who adhered 288 LIFE AND TlilES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. X. to the council, and who refused to regard the edict which allowed, or perhaps was construed to require, the administration of the cup, were driven from their parishes. Churches were pillaged. Monasteries were plundered and burned. The stern spirit of John Knox miixht have smiled to see the rookeries torn down, but Huss himself could never have approved the violence which the vengeance of the council had provoked. And yet the war-cry was in his name. Yive WicMiffe et Huss was answered feebly by the party cry, Vive le Pa^e. The withdrawal of Zisca and Nicholas de Hussi- nitz to their estates, was for Wenzel a fatal policy. Zisca was already the hero of many a hard-fought field. His name alone was a tower of strength. While Nicholas de Hussinitz was gathering his thou- sands on Mount Tabor — as a scriptural enthusiasm had named the height he had selected for his for- tress^— Zisca was not less successful in gathering around him bold and daring spirits kindred to his own. Resistance was completely overawed. The communion under both kinds became the common practice throughout Bohemia. The violent oppo- sition of the clergy and the anathemas of the council were laughed to scorn. The University of Prague, already almost to a man on the side of Huss, could hesitate no longer in its choice of parties. Like the universities of Eng- land in the time of Cromwell, it allowed itself to be swept along in the popular current. On the tonth ' Some derive the name from Tha- making Tabor signify merely an en- bor — in Bohemian, a camp — thus campraent. Cn.X.] DECISION OF THE UNIVERSITY. 289 of Marcli, (1417,) it issued a public declaration in lavor of the communion of the cup.^ Jolm Cardi- nal, now rector, who had shown himself the secret friend of IIuss at Constance, was employed to draw it up. The university fii*st of all protests, that it does not presume to introduce any novelty of custom or doctrine in opposition to the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman church. Its only aim is to enlighten the faithful upon the subject of the eucharist. It then expresses its greater readiness to decide in fiivor of the communion under both kinds, as the council of Constance had itself already declared that Chi-Lst had so appointed in his institution of the ordinance of the Holy Supper, and for many centuries the church had practised its observance. The university then exhorts all the ftiithful to maintain with religious fidelity the institution of our Saviour, notwithstanding opposing customs and con- stitutions, however venerable. Whether Christ en- tire was present in each kind, as the council main- tained, the university does not decide. This is spoken of merely as a tradition which may or may not be true. And yet the language of the univer- eity is by no means hai-sh toward its opponents. It urges indulgence in behalf of such as through past observances, or ignorance and simplicity, had never adopted their own opinion in regard to the cup. There is reason to believe that many took this oc- casion to change their 2:)osition on the great question before the nation — some through policy doulitle,ss, others through conviction. Peter of Umetzow, a ' Mod. Hub., ii. 364, VOL. II. 19 290 LIFE AXD TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. X tlieological professor, wlio had been one of tlie most determined opponents of Huss and liis doctrines, in a full meeting of the university publicly avowed the change that had taken place in his views. -^ He asked pardon of God and the king for having perse- cuted so holy a man and so orthodox a teacher as John Huss. He declared that, rejecting the decision of the council of Constance, he could hold no other view in regard to the use of the cup than the one which the university had approved. "Wenzel, at this period, had himself withdrawn from Prague. The absence of the principal Hussite nobles did not reassure him. Either they might return, or others might visit him with complaints that would sadly disturb his easy and drunken indo- lence. He had taken refuo-e in a fortress called Tos- senicz, where he refused to see any one. On one occasion, the Bohemian nobility, in large numbers, went to visit him ; but he saw them coming, redoub- led his guards, and refused them admittance. They consulted together, and resolved to send a deputation who might be more readily received. Two of their number, venerable with their grey hair and long beards, were sent to demand audience. Their request was granted, but they were directed to go to another fortress, where the king promised to meet them. He kept his word, and treated them to a magnificent en- tertainment. After the repast was finished, one of the nobility addressed th.e king: "Sire," said he, "the lords and all the nobility of the Bohemian nation most humbly ask to be informed why you do not, ' Mon. Hus., ii. 365 Ch. X.] wenzel's eeply to the nobles. 291 like tlie king your ' fatlier, of blessed memory, and like previous kings of Bohemia, reside at Prague, the capital of your kingdom, to the welfare and peace of your subjects. They are surprised at the indiffer- ence shown by your majesty, while the kingdom is exposed to violence and desolated by plunderers. They therefore pray you to return to Prague, promis- ing you all fidelity and affection." The king, who knew how to use plain language, and who had no pride to be wounded by a frank confession, replied in this manner : " My dear Wil- liam"— William of Rosenberg was the one who had addressed him — "you say that the grandees of Bo- hemia are surprised, that instead of remaining at Prague I keep myself here among these rocks ; but you must know that I am afraid of Spinca.^ You must not think it strange that I keep away ft'om you, when I could not be even safe, either in the monas- tery of Konigsaal, near Beraun, nor in the royal palace. I find myself much more comfortably situ- ated here in Ziebrak, than I could be in the tower of Vienna." " The nobility at once pledged their honor to Wen- zel for his security, if he would return. At last he yielded, and took up his residence once more in the royal palace. But a few days after, the magistrates of the city, accompanied by nobles and barons, vis- ited him with the request that certain churches might be allowed them in which to worship after their own manner, and celebrate the Holy Supper ' The name of a prison for criminals, at Prague, where he had been shut up for a year. ' Mon. Hus., ii. 359. 292 LIFE AND TEMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. X according to Christ's institution. The request was granted, and from this time the memory of Huss and Jerome was celebrated at each anniversary of the sixth of July. We have some light on the progress of the refor- mation at Prague, in a sermon preached in the Beth- lehem chapel at some time during this month, and, more than possibly, on this very day (July 6).^ It is introduced by no Ave Maria^ as till then had been the uniform practice, adopted usually even by Huss. The preacher invokes only the aid of Jesus Christ. Scriptural simplicity and usage were evidently gain- ing ground in other things than the use of the cup. The preacher fitly takes occasion to speak of the " blessedness of those who are persecuted for right- eousness' sake." He dwells upon the character of Huss, confidently appealing to the assembly for the truth of what he uttered. He sets forth in lansruao^e of eulogy — yet not extravagant — the holiness and purity of his life. "God gave him," he adds, "a tongue discreet to speak, or to be silent. Like a second Elias, his zeal was inflamed against Antichrist, and a simoniacal clergy. His life was spent in preach- ing or writing, hearing confessions, converting sinners, consoling the afflicted. He was chaste, grave, God- fearing, without avarice, envy, pride, or hypocrisy; listening with equal readiness to rich and poor, and giving counsel to one and aid to the other. After enduring protracted persecution in Bohemia, he was kejDt near six months in harsh imprisonment at Con- stance, where he suffered hunger, thirst, and innu- » Mon. Hus., ii. 358. Cn. X.] ROSENBERG AND HIS VASSALS. 203 merable vexations from Lis enemies, beside all the sickness and disease produced by his harsh treatment. At last, regardless of his replies, he was condemned, degraded from the priesthood, given over to the secular arm, on the testimony of his enemies and false extracts from his works. As his life ended so piously — while he besought God for pardon, and prayed for his enemies — we are constrained to believe that his spirit, like that of Elias, mounted to heaven in a chariot of fire, to be received into the company of the angels." The preacher passes hastily over Jerome, briefly reciting the main facts of his trial, imprisonment, and execution. He speaks, however, of five other mar- tyi-s to the same cause who had suffered death. Three of these were those who had been decapitated at Prague: two had been burned at Olmutz. He urges his hearers to imitate the patience and un- worldliness of these men, and do it in hope to attain like them to a martyr's crown. It is easy to see in what light the Hussites regarded their fallen leaders. They did not bestow upon them the honors that Rome paid to her saints. They did not pray in their name. They cherished (^pie credi- nius) the fond hope of their salvation. We have seen that William of Rosenberg was spokesman for the Bohemian nobility in addressing the king at Ziebrak. He, with all his vassals, joined during this year the party of reform. If the method of conversion which he adopted was not unexcep- tionable, it was at least decisive. All the clergy belonging to his dependence were assembled in one 294 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. X of his cities, and summoned to the church. A dea- con, John Biscupec, (or the little bishop, as he was called, and whom we meet again at the council of Basle,) mounted the pulpit from which it liad been the custom to exhibit the sacred relics, and addressed the assembly. "The Lords of Rosenberg will and ordain," said he, "that all pastors in their jurisdiction adopt the communion of the cup, and teach and practice all that John Huss preached against the pope. Such as refuse to obey, will be driven from their churches after the space of six weeks." The announcement was listened to in silence, and silence was favorably construed. Invited to a great dinner, the priests were asked to explain their views. They demanded a month to deliberate. The result was, that from two priests only were their parishes taken and given to the Hussites. Undoubtedly numerous instances of a similar kind must have occurred, where the favor- ite arguments of the papal party were retorted upon themselves, and force was substituted for rejison. Such a result was almost inevitable. The rights of the individual conscience were too little understood even by the Hussites. But, as if to show the vanity and fruitlessness of such methods of convei'sion, we find the Lord of Bosenbei-g himself, a few months later, returning to the imperio-papal party with as little scruple as he now abandoned it. Doubtless his vassal priests — with the exception of Biscupec — ■ proved as pliant then as they were now. Yet the adherence to the Hussites at the present juncture, of such a man as the Lord of Rosenberg, was significant of the strong current of national feeliug. Each day Cn. X.] THE COUNCIL IN SELF-DEFENCE. 295 what the council accounted heresy was growing stronger in Bohemia. Amoiio^ the measures which the council found it necessary to adopt, were some in its own defence. Europe, notwithstanding all that Sigismund had accomplished, was yet in a most lamentable condi- tion of civil anarchy. Scenes of violence, revolu- tion, revolt, and conflict were of daily occurrence. Cities were at war with their bishops or feudal lords. Princes seized the occasion to plunder one another of exposed provinces. Armed banditti, sometimes with strong fortresses as places of refuge, infested the ti'avelled routes, and, reckless alike of law and justice, plundered the unarmed and defenceless. Membei*s of the council, coming to Constance or returning to their homes, were arrested and impris- oned till ransom was exacted. The emperor, with the princes and lords present at Constance, held frequent consultations with a view to restrain and correct the prevalent disordei's. Much was indeed effected toward restorins: the amicable relations of cities and provinces, but the council found itself constrained to exercise also its authority. Such as interfered with the liberty of its members, in coming or returning, were threatened with excom- munication. Yet instances of violent arrest were repeatedly occuri'ing, and had to be met as they arose. But the enemies from whom the council had most to fear, were not the banditti, or the temporal lords. Its weakness was in itself — in its own corruption. Its own acts had stripped it of its true defence, and 296 LIFE A]S^D TlilES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. X. exposed it to the sliaffcs of opprobrium and ridicule. It liad made itself a subject for satire, and satires were not wanting. The conduct of the council and the condition of the church were freely exposed in anonymous writings extensively circulated, and which the council chose to regard as libels. The evident disinclination of the majority of the body to engage in measures of reform, provoked the indignation of many, who found at last that they had built their hopes upon the sand. This indignation found vent in writings which a decree of the council stamped as defamatory. One of these was torn up unread, at the time of the reading of the decree. We can- not fully determine what were its contents, but it is not improbable that it was a paper drawn up under the guise of a petition addressed to the emj)eror in behalf of reform, and which has been preserved in the pages of Van der Hardt. Its irony is keen and bitter. Its exposure of the abuses and corruptions of the church is unsparing, yet fully warranted by the tes- timony of many, themselves membei's of the council. "Most serene prince," — so it commences, — "to secure the welfare of the commonwealth, each faith- ful and honest man should put forth his exertions : For I, Henry Move-About, * Bishop of no diocese, Vagrant of vagrants, Although least among the other servants of our congregation, Deputed for this purpose, legate or special messenger. Sent into the whole world, to observe all things, Coming to visit the portals of Saints Peter and Paul, * Ego enim Hcnricus mobilis, The last line intended to parody the Episcopus nullius dioceseos, assumed title of the pope, servus ser- Vagorum vagus — vorum. Cn. X.] SATIRE ON STATE OF THE CnURCH. 297 saw tliere such things as it is indecent for a man to speak, and specially the truth of that — Duini caput aegrotat ccetera membra dolent. ^ For I saw there a crowd which no man could numlDcr, and, among the rest, the very head of holy mother church, diseased in all her membei-s, even to the sole of the foot ; for the whole head was sick." The writer then ingeniously canies out this scrip- tural figure in its aj^plication. Various complicated diseases had seized upon the body and aifected the brain. The fever of schism, the morbid appetite of simony, the threatened apoplexy from accumulating the life-blood of the church on an oppressed brain, the corruption of the entire body, represented by cardinals, patriarchs, prelates, etc., who were its in- ternal organs, yet all diseased, are vividly and forci- bly presented. The gross corruptions of the court of Rome are portrayed in such a manner as still further to caiTy out the figure. The abuses to be connected, are classified by their reference to the diifereut parts of the body. The writer gives a sketch of what he observed at Rome — " the arch- bishoj)s and bishops, disorderly in life, setting no good example — promoting the least worthy — mak- ing their relatives bishops — ^performing no spiritual duties canonically — walking as proud worldlings. " O holy church, how wilt thou sink away in decline ! I saw princes and laymen assuming the care of souls — religions pei^sons deserting their regular life — the physicians themselves destroying and putting to death — Benedictines adhering to worldly things, ' When the head is sick, the other members suffer. 298 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. X lurking about at taverns, plays, illegal shows, in slovenly habit — professors of canon law unjustly holding a plurality of benefices, without charity, thanksgiving, or devotion." After an extended picture of the prevalent cor- ruption, the writer addresses the emperor. " Now then it belongs to thee to assemble Hippocrates, Avicenna, Galen, and the doctors of every healing art, that they may give energy to the exhausted, heal the sick, and prescribe effectual remedies. And direct them to make ointments to cure the head, pills that may serve to regulate the system, clysters that may be applied. Invincible king, summon with thy holy and sacred council now at Constance, the physicians themselves of the world, but only the just and holy lights of the sacred council, fearing God, and heal and cause to be healed the aforesaid sick one, not only through the whole head, but in hands and feet which are full of ulcers, and send the dogs to lick the sores." "I came into the world to look after that which holy mother church long had lost ; I found it not, but rather all kinds of iniquity." He then exhorts the emperor to contend against the evil, and merit thereby eternal praise. For himself the wi-iter ex- presses his freedom fi'om all apprehension as to being questioned, "Friend, how camest thou in hither?" althoucrh he confesses that he had not on the wed- o ding garment. Each passing day gave new force and appropriate- ness to the language of this strange petition. The hopes of speedy and prompt reform were fast dying Cn. X.] THE FLAGELLANTS. 299 out. The emperor's purpose, in spite of all his au- thority and his influence over the council, was des- tined to defeat, while the latter thereby was aggra- vating its own infamy. It was policy therefore to shut the mouths and stop the pens of those who as- sumed to judge its infallibility. This was attempted ; but if men wrote with more caution, they were not disposed to think the leas boldly. The Hussites had really allies in the council itself, who spoke their sentiments w4th a foi'ce and precision which, in many respects, could not have been exceeded at Pi'ague. During the summer of this year, the attention of the council had been drawn to the sect of the Flaofel- lants, or Brothers of the Cross. The French Abb^ de Boileau,^ has attempted to trace their history. He ascribes their origin to Peter Damien, an Italian ecclesiastic of the eleventh century ; but it is easy to see that the germ of the sect was planted in that principle so long at work in the church of the early centuries, which approved the self-imposed austerities and mollifications of the body, in order to promote the welfare of the soul. The views of the abbe are altogether too scriptural to accord fully with that monkish superstition in which the sect found full patronage for many of its excesses. It was not, however, till about the year 1260, that the Flagellants began to attract much attention. Italy at that period presented a sad picture of com- mingled vice, crime, and superstition.*^ It was thei-e that the sect firet sprang up, spreading from city to ' Boileau, Ilis. des Flag. ' Justin of Padua, as quoted by Boileau. 300 LIFE AND TIJIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. X. city, and province to province. The general belief that the end of the world was approaching, excited and sustained their enthusiasm. The apprehension of the approaching advent of the Saviour, and of the final judgment, took so strong a hold upon the minds of the community, that nobles and peasants, the aged and young, were affected by it. They formed them- selves into processions, marching two by two through the streets, exposing their naked limbs and almost naked bodies to the blows of the lash which each bore with him, and employed to lacerate his own flesh. All were deeply affected by the general con- viction that their sin must be expiated by self-in* flicted torture. Their appearance was at once pitia- ble and affecting. AVith groans and tears and un- dissembled grief, they endured the suffering admin- istered by their own hands, till the blood flowed in streams from their bodies. Yet it was their spiritual condition, and not their bodily sufferings, which occupied their thoughts. They cried aloud to God for mercy, and prayed for his pardon and grace. It was not enough that these practises were followed by day. By night also, in the cold of winter as well as in summer's heat, they continued their processions. Priests might often be seen at their head, bearing with them crosses and standards. They went from village to village, and from church to church, bowing down before the altars in deep humility. The excitement became general — al- most universal. A great change was wrought in the aspect of society. Instruments of music and songs of gladness were no more heard. Penitential moans, Ch. X.] SKETCH OF THE FLAGELLANTS. 301 and cries of grief and self-accusation, took their place. Nor was the change merely external. It affected the convictions and conduct of men. Enemies were reconciled. Usurers and extortioners restored what had been unjustly acquired. Criminals confessed their guilty deeds, and gave evidence of reform. Pris- oners were enlarged, slaves were set at liberty, exiles were recalled. Deeds of charity and kindness were performed, while the fear of some near approaching and terrible judgment awed all spirits. Men were astonished at the strange phenomenon. Philoso- phei-s could not explain it. The pope had not au- thorized it. It had not been excited by the eloquence of popular orators. It had no acknowledged leader. Shut out from other countries, it was for a Ions: time mostly confined to Italy, and after a short time its fanatical zeal appeared to be on the decline. But the scenes of the pestilence, about the middle of the fourteenth century, seemed to kindle it anew. It crossed the Alps, and appeared in Germany with renewed vigor. Two hundred of the sect visited Sj^ires, where their evident devotion secured them a welcome entertainment. At Strasbourg and Aix la Chapelle their appearance is recorded. But, with the progress of things, corruptions had begun to spread among them. They were joined by hypo- crites and knaves, who would cloak their deeds under the mantle of the Flagellants. The most grievous charges were made against them. It was said that they accounted it no sin to lie ; that they indulged in acts of grossest vice and crime. The tide now turned against them. Popes fulminated bulls, and 302 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. X. the emperor published edicts denouncing the sect. They were driven out of Bohemia, Bavaria, and Poland, and the University of Paris urged, and not without effect, that they should not be tolerated in France. But in vain were they persecuted. Their numbers continued to increase. The Inquisition was glutted with victims ; and in the very year when the council of Constance was opened, many were burnt at Sangerhausen by the authority of the Inquisitor of the Faith. Undoubtedly they had by this time become, many of them, confirmed fanatics. Their leader, a Conrad Smith, is said to have pretended to be the prophet Enoch, and to have been authoi-ized by God to jadge the world. He is reported to have annulled the sacraments, and to have put the self-inflicted flagel- lation of his followers in their place. Some of the reputed doctrines of the sect were far from compli mentary to the church. They maintained that God had deposed the entire clergy, from pope to monk, for their corruption, as Christ of old drove the money- changers from the temple ; that since their own in- stitution, churches, cemeteries, and places and objects reputed holy, were such no longer; the churches were but dens of robbers ; holy water was poisonous because mingled with sparks of hell ; and the oflSces of tke priests, ministering death to themselves and others, were no more sacred than the howling of dogs. Baptism of blood had taken the place of baptism by water ; confirmation was a cheat and a mockery ; the real presence was a figment ; the sacra- ment of the altar, a mummery of the priests; and Cu. X.] VINCENT FAVORS THE FLAGELLANTS. 303 confession to a priest, useless and vain. They rejected the doctrine of indulgences, the worsliip of the Vii'gin and the saints, fasts, and purgatoiy. Some of these docti'ines, however, were replaced, according to the charges of their enemies, with others more excessively ftinatical and extravagant. These charges, liowever, evidently were applicable to but a small portion of the sect. But what to do with them was a question that puzzled the wisdom of the council. Severity had already been employed. The arm of the Inquisition had grown weary in its work. Kings and popes had attempted to crush them, but it was all in vain. The trampled seed sprang up under the feet that bruised its shell and pressed it to the earth. Gerson was now for trying more lenient measures. He urged this policy upon the council. They should pity these poor misguided men. Would he have said this, if the wliole sect had been represented by its leader, chained fast, as Huss had been, in a Constance dungeon ? It seems doubtful. But one thing may have turned the scale. The celebrated Vincent of Ferrara was reported to favor the sect of the Flagellants. We have no reason to believe that he ever joined them, but they at least claimed the sanction of hi^ name. Vincent was a man not to be lightly dealt with. He wielded a power over the masses at that day, unrivalled by any other man in Europe. With all the peculiari- ties of his order, — the Dominican, — that still clung to him, he was the great popular preacher of his age. He was the John the Baptist of the European wilderness. It would not do, even for the council, to 304 LLFE AXD TUIES OF JOHK HUSS. [Cn. X. deal harshly with such a man. It could not afford to alienate him. It would only condemn itself in arraigning him. Gerson endeavored to draw him to Constance. He and D'Ailly both wrote to him, urg- ing him to come. They undoubtedly believed that if he were once with them they could bring him over to their views. But he declined their overture. What his reasons were we may surmise. He deemed, undoubtedly, that his presence elsewhere would be more useful, and Constance evidently had no attrac- tion for one whose life is a sort of oasis in the cor- ruption of his age. But would Vincent have been safe at Constance ? If the question of the Flagellants had come before the council, and he, though not of their number, had defended their conduct in many things, as he had enjoyed a full opportunity of inspecting it, would he have left Constance as he entered it — w4th a reputa- tion and character untarnished ? For the sake of our poor w^eak nature, we may be thankful that he was spared a trial that might not have spared even him. Gerson's treatise on the sect is, on the whole, a most just and sensible examination of the case. He condemns the immodesty and cruelty which it occa- sioned, while he places penitence of spirit before God far above all self-imposed austerities. He urges upon those who belonged to it, submission to the council, and^^rescribes as a remedy for the mental hallucina- tions of the Flagellants, that they should be required to labor, instead of running from place to place. This was for the most part sound and sensible ad- Cu. X.] BENEDICT DEPOSED. 305 vice, aud the council seems to Lave acceded to its wisdom. But where was its consistency ? If the Hussites were heretics, much more were the Flagel- lants. Why should Vincent of Ferrara be dealt with so gently, while Huss and Jerome are sent to the funeral pile ? Let the assumed infallibility of the council answer. The fiite of Benedict XIII. was at length decided. Aftei* all necessary formalities of process and cita- tion, he vias deposed by the council, in its thirty seventh session, held July 26th, 1417.^ The Cardi- nal of St. Mark read the sentence. It declared Ben- edict perjured, a scandal to the Catholic church, a favorer of schism, a disturber of the peace and union of the church, an obstinate and incorrigible schis- matic, a heretic devoid of faith ; in a word, a man reprobate of God, and unworthy of every dignity, specially of the pontifical. As such, the council de- grades, deposes, and deprives him, and forbids any one to recognize him as pope under the severest pen- alties. Thus at last the council might consider the unions of the church restored. After nearly thi-ee years- of study and effort, the work seemed accomplished. But the deposition of Benedict, though uniting the church, more effectively than ever divided the coun- cil. The question as to whether measures for reform or the election of a new pontiff should be allowed, pi'ecedence, acquired a new and pressing importance The emperor persisted in his efforts for an immediate reform. The cardinals were equally determined in ' Von der Hardt, i v. 1374. VOL. II. 20 306 . LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. X. their purpose to postpone it. The month of August was spent in intrigues by each party to carry its point. The Italians sought to win over the Gerraans, bat these still stood firm by the emperor. Some of the Italian and French prelates also might be reck- oned— although in the minority of their nations — the partisans of reform. The sei'mons that were preached before the coun- cil became pleas in behalf of the one or the other party. Those that urged the importance of reform were startling in their exposures of corruption, and terrible in their invective. One preacher declared — no doubt truly — " that almost the entire clergy were under the dominion of the devil." ^ He represents the council as an assembly of Pharisees, who play the game of religion and the church, under the mask of devotion. "In the world, falsehood is king; among the clergy, avarice is law. In the prelates are found only malice, iniquity, negligence, ignorance, vanity, pride, avarice, simony, lust, pomp, hypocrisy. At the court of the pope there is no holiness. It is a diabolic court." Another preacher is scarcely less severe. He declares that the clergy spend their money on buffoons, dancing girls, dogs, and birds, rather than in charity to the pooi'. They frequent taverns and brothels, and go from their concubines and prostitutes to mass without any scruple. It has passed, he says, into a proverb, that "the prelates have as many mistresses as domestics." The convents are not spared. " It is a shame," he says " to speak ■of what is done in them ; more a shame to do it. In ' L'Enfant, 494. Cn. X.] ELECTIOIS- URGED BY THE CARDINALS. 30T all these abominations, the court of Rome sets the example, even in the place where it is assembled for the reformation of manners." Other preachers spoke in the same strain. But the partisans of a new election had their ora- tors. The Cardinal of Cambray preached before the council. He did not attempt to controvert the state- ments that had already been made, — he rather con- firmed them, — but urged that it was monstrous to think of reforming the body of the church while it was without a head. The English nation remained as yet firmly attached to the emperor's project of giving precedence to the matter of reform. The king of England wrote to his bishops, urging unanimity in the matter, for he had heard that some of the English members of the council were inclining to the side of the cardinals. Such persons were to be commanded in his name to desist from their course, and, in case of refusal, were to be sent back to England to answer for their con- duct. The cardinals, however, did not fail to urire their favorite project, more and more strenuously. They presented a protest (Aug. 4) against the course of their opponents. Nor was this enough ; they endeav- ored to overwhelm them, or at least weaken their influence, by exciting against them suspicion of her- esy. A paper was adroitly drawn up in the form of queries, suggesting the various ways in which they seemed to favor the opinions of Huss. The whole document betrays malice and impudence. The Eng- lish and Germans had been the most forward in con- 808 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHISr HUSS. [Cu. X. clemning, or securing the condemnation, of Huss. They could not justly be accused of complicity with his cause. But they felt, for all this, only the more deeply the pressing necessity of reform. They would have all the arguments of men like Huss — drawn from the indisputable and gross corruption of the church — taken out of their mouths. This was the extent of their heresy, at least before the council. But the cardinals, and the three nations that held with them, became more bold and daring with each succes- sive day. The former, on the ninth of September, renewed their protest, and now in stronger language. Sigismund was present when its reading was com- menced. It stung him to indignation. He rose at once, ere the reading was finished, and left the assem- bly. As he went out, accompanied by the Patri- arch of Antioch, among others, some one cried out, " Let the heretics go ! " This was reported to Sigis- mund, and did not tend to soothe his irritation. It was reported, probably on good grounds, that he meant to arrest some of the cardinals under pre- tence that they were engaged in consultations dele- terious to the interests of the council. He forbade them the use of the cathedral church and the epis- copal palace, in which they had been accustomed to meet. But such measures, failing to overawe, could only irritate. The Germans, meanwhile, were restive under the imputations of heresy which were cast upon them. They drew up their defence, in Avhich they took occasion to argue anew the necessity of reform, and pointed out some of the gross abuses of which they complained. Ch. X.] CAUSE OF REFORM ABANDONED. 309 The condition of tlie council was one exceedingly critical. It was divided into two great parties — on one side the English and Germans, headed by tlie emperor; on the other, the Italians, French, and Spaniards, led by the cardinals. What would have been the result had neither party yielded, it is diffi- cult to say ; we can scarcely doubt that it would have led to the dissolution of the council. But at this critical period the emperor lost his fidem Acliaten^ as the historian calls him. On the 4th of September, Kobert Hallam,' Bishop of Salis- bury, died.* He had been from the outset a strenu- ous supporter of the emperor's project. Previous to the council of Pisa, Richard Ullerston had writ- ten, at his instance, his celebrated work on the neces- sity and methods of reform. While the bishop lived, the English nation stood firm by the emperor. But now they could no longer be depended on. The solicitations and intrigues of the other part}^ were working wonders. Even the German nation began to waver. The Archbishop of Riga, who cruelly and harshly had taken charge of the imprisonment of Huss, was won over b}^ a bribe. He was promised, in place of his present dignity — which had become unaccept- able, through the hostility of the Teutonic order which he had incurred — the diocese of Liege. An- other leader of the German nation, John Abundi, Bishop of Coire, was won by the promise of beiuo- placed in the vacant See.* The result could no longer remain in doubt. The desertion from the emperor had commenced. Some ' Von der Hardt, iv. 1414, « L'Enfant, 511. 310 LIFE AND TEMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn, X. of the Italian and Frencli bishops, wlio liad resisted liitlierto the decisions of tlieir nations, made haste to leave the sinking ship. The question was now only one of time. The emperor could not long hold out. He at length capitulated, on the condition that the council should initiate the measures of reform, by a public decree, before the election should take place. Vain condition ! Some of the cardinals even now did not hesitate to say, that such a decree could not bind the future pope. Yet the condition was assent- ed to. The cause of reform had made hitherto but slow progress. Difficulty after difficulty had blocked up its way. The council now, however, resolved that on certain points a reform should be perfected. Two months had passed away in party negotiation and intrigue, when at leng-th another (the twenty-ninth) session was held (Oct. 9 th). ^ The measures which were declared to be settled by public decree, related to the frequent and regular convocation of general councils — precautions against the renewal of schism — the profession of faith and duty to be made by the pope on his election — the translation of bene- fices, and exactions from vacant bishoprics. It is easy to see that all this implied but an external and insufficient reform, while the disease was too deep to be reached by any such appliance. It was equally in vain that it was determined, a few days later, to enlarge the project, and add new measures tending to the check of ecclesiastical abuses. They all had respect merely to that which belonged to the externals of the church, its dignities, offices, reve- » Von der Hardt, iv. 1432. Ch. X.] PAPAL ELECTORS. 311 nues.^ Germany vainly demanded reform now ; a cen- tury later she would demand it in more emphatic tones. The very point on which nearly all the na- tions had insisted most strenuously, and in regard to which there seemed most hope of success, that of annates — the first year's income when a benefice was vacant, and which was claimed for its support by the court of Rome — was the one about which great diffi- culties were now raised. The emperor and othei-s would have the officers of the court of Rome provid- ed with a fixed annual salary. Doubtful of so un- certain a provision, the cardinals could not relinquish the annates, and the whole question must of necessi- ty be left to the future pope. Who he would be, was now the question of most engrossing interest. On the thirtieth of October, the council decreed to proceed to his election. '^ The cardinals had at first somewhat humbly dared to put forward their claims to the right of sole electors as their prerogative. Some of their opponents, in view of the manner in which they had previously exer- cised it, would have excluded them altogether from the conclave. A compromise was at length effected, by which six prelates or j^ersons of distinction from each of the five nations should be joined to the college of cardinals, in order to form the body of the electoiu The number of these, includinir the twenty-three cardinals, was therefore fifty-three. For each of these a chamber was provided in the Mer- chants' Exchange, where the sessions of the conclave were to be held. Every precaution was taken to ' L'Enfant, 521. * Von der Hardt, iv. 1449. 312 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. X. prevent any communication "between tliem and others outside the building. Persons of high state and authority were to guard all the passages, and all were warned by sound of trumpet not to approach within a certain distance of the place where the con- clave was in session. Even the food of the electors and their servants — for each was allowed two — was to some extent prescribed, and was passed into the building, not by the door, but by a window, in order that none might have a pretext or opportunity to enter. Even after the food had been passed in, it was to be examined before it was sent to the electors, lest some letter or line should be enclosed in it by which some communication or information should be conveyed to them. The electors entered the conclave Nov. 2, 1417.^ For some time there seemed no prospect of their effecting a choice, as two-thirds of the votes must be given to the successful candidate. Each nation would undoubtedly have been glad to have had for pope one of its own countrjmien. But the Germans were the first to yield their preference. The Arch- bishop of Riga, who seems by this time to have acquired the art of seizing upon and improving occa- sions that could fkvor his own interests, led the way. At length the other nations so far consented to yield their claims, that the necessary vote was cast for Otho de Colonna, an Italian cardinal. He had been one of the cardinals of John XXIII., and had borne a reputation as free fi^om stain as it was perhaps pos- sible for a member of a college with such a head. > L'Enfant, 529. Cn. X.] ELECTION OF MARTIN V. 313 He was undoubtedly less able than many of the othei's. The cardinals of Cambray and St. Mark were by far bis superiors, but tbey had made them- selves offensively conspicuous; and their compeer, Zabarella of Florence, had gone out a few days before from one of the assemblies — exhausted by the effort of a speech which he truly said at the time might be called his dying testimony — never to re- turn. He died on the twenty-sixth of September, the most dangerous competitor — had he survived — for the pontifical dignity.* Otho de Colonna took the title of Martin V. Different estimates were formed of his character.^ But whatever he might have been before his elec- tion, he was, after it, but a wheel in the ecclesiastical machine, and was governed by laws that would have overi'uled his own will had he not chosen to submit. The news of his election spread at once through the city. Through a breach made in the walls of the building where the conclave was assembled, the fact had been first announced, and was received with loud acclamations. The people, gathered by thou- sands, could not restrain their enthusiasm as they shouted the name of the new pope. The emperor, regardless, as some say, of his dignity, hasted to prostrate himself before him, kissing his feet, and thanking the electors for the excellent choice they had made. The pope replied with a fraternal em- brace, and with thanks to the emperor for his zeal for the peace of the church. The enthroning of the newly elected pope pre- » L'Enfant, 513. ' lb. 538, 639. 314 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn, X. sented a scene of imposing splendor. The emj)eror, princes and nobility, the clergy of all ranks, be- side men of every civil office and station, formed the escort which accompanied him from the conclave to the cathedral. His ordination as deacon took place November 12th, his consecration and corona- tion as pope, Nov. 21st.-' These were marked by scenes of scarcely less splendor and magnificence. As the procession on this last occasion moved through the streets of the city, it was met by the Jews, who assured the new pope of their obedience, and be- sought of him a confirmation of their privileges, while presenting him at the same time a copy of the Old Testament. The pope paused a moment, re- ceived the volume — according to some — but handed it back with the remark, " You have the law, but do not understand it. Behold, old things have passed away, all has become new." According to another account, the pope refused to receive the volume. Sigismund took it for a moment, however, I'emarking as he handed it back, "The laws of Moses are just and good — let no one reject them ; but as to you, you keep none of them as you ought." Upon this the pope, turning toward them, said, " May Almighty God take away the veil from your eyes, and grant that you may behold the light of eternal life ;" then adding the apostolic benedic- tion. The power and intrigue of the cardinals had thus secured their triumph. With a pope to head them, they could do more than they had done already — ■ » L'Enfant, 54Y. Ch. X.] REFORM POSTPONED, 315 they could safely defy the emperor. Each party now strove to gain the favor and patronage of the pope. The imperial power occupied but a secondary place. All measures of reform must be such as to be acceptable to the court of Rome. It was as much as a defeat already, of ])rojects for which the best men of the age had toiled, and wi'itten, and plead. The woi'k of reformation was in reality postponed. The heart of the emperor was sickened within him. The Fi-ench urged him to promote their measures of reform. His reply was bitter: "You would have a pope first. You have one now. Go to him. It is his business, not mine." CHAPTEK XI. MEASURES OF THE POPE AND COUNCIL AGAINST THE BOHE- MIANS. State op Bohemia. — Alarm of the Clergy who Adhered to the Council. — Disorder. — Flight op Wenzel. — Apprehensions of the Cocncil. — Gerson's Treatise on the Eucharist. — Maurice op Prague. — Sigismund's Letter to Launa. — Threatens a Crusade. — His Letters to His Brother, Wenzel. — Their Insolence and Duplicity. — Letter of Martin V. to Bohemia. — De- mands OF THE Council. — Process Against Such as are Suspected of Heresy. — The Bull of Martin V. — Its Contexts. — Its Severity. — Points of Exam- ination FOR the Suspected. — How the Trial was to be Conducted. — Execu- tion OP Lord Cobham. — Terror of a Crusade. — Crusade Against the Moors. —Indignation of the Bohemians. — Nicholas de Hussinitz. — Boldness of Zisca. — Course op John Dominic. — He is Convinced that Arms are Nec- essary to Subdue the Bohemians. Nov. 22, 141Y — Apeil 15, 1418. While tlie council at Constance was rent into fac- tions by intrigues to elect a pope, Bohemia became more than ever a scene of civil discord. The Huss- ites were steadily increasing in numbers and in confi- dence. The course of the council, instead of regain- ing its lost adherents, alienated many who might otherwise have sustained it. Nothing was done to restore to that body the respect and confidence which had been destroyed by the execution of Huss and Jerome. The action of the universit}^ carried with it many who, until that time, had remained wavering and undecided. The clergy who adhered to the council became more thoroughly alarmed. They had (316) Cu. XI.] PAPAL PARTY AT PRAGUE. 317 exhausted all their energies in attempting to breast the storm ; but their very efforts only recoiled upon themselves. They provoked and exasperated where conciliation would have been policy. Justifying, as they did, the execution of Huss, and invoking the interference of the secular power, they forfeited that respect and security which they might have claimed had they quietly attended to their own duties. They by no means limited their demands to being left unmolested in their own persons and spheres of labor. The storm which they invoked upon the heads of others, was thus brought down upon their own. Refusing toleration, it is not strange that the meas- ure which they meted should have been. measured to them again. They occupied the position, and were regarded in the light, of allies to an invading army — ■ designed to oppress, crush, and extirpate the follow- ers of Huss. They were not merely misguided men and teachers of error, but — in the circumstances of the kingdom — revolutionists in principle, and traitors in fact ; and so the Hussites, on repeated occasions, felt constrained to deal with them. Stripped of a large part of their revenues, the edge of their ortho- doxy was sharpened by the exasperation of their feelings. Some of their churches — we may presume already vacated by them, or perhaps closed by in- terdict— were given up by Wenzel to the services of the new worship. Amid the civil disorder, it was not surpi'ising that men destitute of principle, and fond of fishing in troubled waters, should abound. Robbers and bandits gladly seized the occasion to commit deeds of violence, which could be charged 318 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XI. to the persecuting zeal of the Hussites, but of which the latter were innocent/'^^ The craven and timid monarch, who would sooner see both parties overthrown and his kingdom a desert than have his own indolence or gluttony dis- turbed, abandoned at this moment the duties of his post. Unwilling to commit himself fully to either party, fearful on the one side of being accounted a heretic, and on the other of offending the partisans and followers of Huss, who were overwhelmingly in the ascendant, he withdrew from Prague, and left it the spoil and prey of conflicting parties — torn by faction, or private malice and violence, now loosened from restraint. We are only surprised that the party of reform should have exhibited so much self-con- trol. The king, intent only upon bis own ease and indulgence, had fled to his castle in the country, leaving his whole kingdom to the mercy of insurrec- tion and anarchy. The presence and authority of the more powerful Bohemian nobles, sometimes per- haps encouraging revolution and violence, were gen- erally the best security for peace and order. Each controlled his own vassals ; and the overwhelming majority of this nobility on the side of the reform- ers, overawed all organized opposition. The council had good reason for anxiety as to the effect of their own proceedings upon the Bohemian people. They saw themselves virtually defied. Their authority was contemned, and their spiritual claims were openly derided. Not one of tlie four hundred nobles whom they had summoned before them had shown regard enough foi* their commands or threat- Cu. XI.] gerson's treatise on the cup. 319 enings to appear before the commissioners appointed to sit in judgment upon their case. In the present state of affairs, it Avas vain to think of suLduing them by violent measures. The forces necessary for such an attempt could not easily be got together. In these circumstances the council did what it should have done first and only — employed the weapons of reason and argument. Gerson was employed to draw up a treatise on the communion of the cup, in order to refute the positions and opinions of the Bo- hemian heretics.^ His work is a strange mixture of sound sense and absurd assumption, of indisputable truth and unwarranted inference. He concedes nearly, if not quite, all upon which Jacobel based his argument — the plain command of scripture, the prac- tice of the eai'ly church, and the authority of the Christian fathers. He admits the scriptures more- over to be the supreme authority, paramount to all else, whether traditions, or decrees of councils, oi- papal bulls, or canon law, and, in face of all this, places the authority of the church, and the dangers of desecrat- ing the sacred symbols, over against the clear au- thority of the word of God. It was the doctrine of transubstantiation that blinded him. His work is a psychological curiosity. The intellectual giant of his age is caught in his own toils ; he is the dupe of his own logic. His treatise was a mere waste of ink and labor. It proved to be perfectly harmless and ineffectual in Bohemia. Jacobel could afford to leave it unanswered, or rather, he had answered it before it was written. * Von der Ilardt, iiL 766. 320 LIFE AT^D TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. XI. Nov could the difficulty of the council have been much relieved, when, at its instance, Maurice of Prague took up the pen against the Calixtines — as the advocates of the communion of the cup now be- gan to be called. His treatise was brought out towards the close of the year (1417). But more forcible arguments were needed to con- vert to the views of the council those whose innate sense of justice had been so outraged by the execu- tion of Huss. The emperor exerted himself to check the torrent of innovation that was sweeping over the land. Some of his letters have been preserved, but however they may attest the strength of his feelings, or the energy of his will, they do little credit either to his head or heart. One of them is addressed to the inhabitants of Launa,^ a city on the Eger, among whom the views of Huss had made such progress before -he left Prague for Constance, that he ad- dressed them words of counsel and exhortation. In this letter Sigismund speaks of the urgency with which his brother and some of the Bohemian nobles had prayed him to unite with the council, in order to put an end to the troubles introduced into the king- dom by pernicious innovations; he makes mention of his brother, whom he despised and at this very time was accusing of heresy, in terms of fraternal and affectionate regard — as though he had never robbed him of the imperial crown, or thrust him in prison — and declares the deep anxiety he feels tliat nothing may occur to the prejudice of him or his kingdom. After this exordium, in which the hypocrite stands * Mon. Hus. L, Epis. xiv. Launa is sometimes written Launy. Ch. XI.] sigismund's letter to launa. 321 confessed beneatli his too transparent mask, lie pro- ceeds to picture the state of the country, subject to the violence and rapine which had been reported to him. The council, he says, had resolved to proceed against Wenzel as a favorer of heresy, and conse- quently of these disordei-s, but by his interposition had been dissuaded from their purpose. This state of things had continued now for the space of three years, but how much longer he should be able to hold back the bolts of vengeance which the council were ready to launch against his brother if he re- fused to change his course, it was impossible to say. He exhorts the Bohemians to resist the innovating opinions, declaring that he who failed to prosecute their defenders, denying them all rest, was guilty of cherishing them. He directs them not only to ab- stain from what he calls the persecutions of the church and clergy, but diligently to promote the cause of faith, than which no object could be more precious or important. If these his counsels and commands are rejected, the council of Constance will proceed against them, and, if ecclesiastical censures are insufficient, will invoke the aid of the secular arm.^ Why this letter should have been addressed to the citizens of Launa instead of Prasrue, is some- what doubtful. Launa might be more easily over- awed, or possibly the emperor might have appre- hended that the magistrates of Prague would have returned a reply in a tone too bold and defiant. But his correspondence, both with his brother and with the Bohemians, was of the most indiscreet and ' Von der Ilardt, iv. 1408. VOL. n. 21 322 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XL haiiglity kind. The Jesuit historian, Balbinus, who saw the empei'or's letters in the archives of Prague, was at first disposed to regard them as a foi-gery, devised by the disciples of Huss to cast odium on. their reputed author. He could not believe that Sigismund would have written in such a style of bit- ter and exasperating severity. But the evidence of the manuscripts before him was so thoroughly con- firmed by the after-wiitings and conduct of the em- peror, as to leave no room for doubt. If the council had acted an unwise part, the letters of Sigismund betrayed equal folly. The tendency of the whole treatment of the Bohemian nation was to alienate them from all sympathy with the council, and force them to assume the attitude of open rebellion. One of the emperor's letters to Wenzel shows the policy employed to overawe the royal imbecile. Sigismund sets before him the hazard which he in- curs of provoking the publication of a crusade against him, in which it would be necessary that the Ger- man emperor should march against his own brother. Sigismund well knew that the strength of Wenzel's orthodoxy was to be measured by his terror of an invading army, and, to strengthen his faith, adopted this measure of playing upon his fears. In another of Sigismund's letters, written to the Bohemian nobles sometime during the year 141Y, he attempts his own vindication, especially in regard to the i^te of Huss. He candidly acknowledges that he was overpovvered by the council. They threat- ened him with its dissolution, unless he would accede to their demands. The question was at once reduced Ch. XL] LETTER TO THE BOHEMIAN NOBLES. 323 to this : should he, for the sake of one man's life, defeat all the hopes of Christendom which centred in the fate and proceedings of the council ? Sigis- mund reproves the Bohemians for presuming to take up the defence of a man whom the council had con- demned, and threatens them with a crusade unless they shall desist from their purpose. At the result which must necessarily follow, he professes to shud- der, as well he might. He beseeches them to con- sider the consequences of persisting in what he de- nominates their leagues and conspiracies ; urges them to abide — if one has anything against another — by the decision of his brother, the king of Bohemia ; assures them that if his own intervention is neces- sary to the quieting of the disputes, it shall not be found wanting. He interposes in behalf of the clergy, intimating unwarrantably, so far as the action or authority of the council were concerned, that they would be guided by scripture, the profundity of which he confessed himself too uninstructed to investigate. In this letter he is not wanting in expressions of affection and regard for the besotted Wenzel. At one time we see him employing terms of respect toward a brother whom he detested — for he is speak- ing of him to the Bohemians. Anon, he treats him with the contempt he deserves — for he is speaking where there is no need of disguise. He threatens him, as he had just threatened his subjects, with the terrors of a crusade. Truly he attempted to cai-ry out his maxim in regard to dissimulation, a maxim which, translated into plain words, is that — no man is 324 LITE AND TBIES OF JOHN HU6S. [Ch. XI fit to rule who cannot play the hypocrite. But the Bohemians were discovering very plainly already the difference between pretence and purpose, the mantle and the man. We shall soon see the emperor, con- scious of detection, speaking with an irony in which the sneer was only too transparent. At the close of the year 141 Y, safe-conducts had been sent into Bohemia to those who had been cited to appear and answer before the council.^ But the friends of Huss, warned by his fate, had no desire to involve the council in new perfidy on their account. We have no knowledge of so much as a single Bo- hemian accepting the safe-conduct sent him, or im- proving the opportunity which it afforded. Even when the new pontiff subsequently wrote (March, 1418) to the Bohemians, exhorting them to submis- sion, and threatening them with the secular arm if they refused compliance, nothing was effected.^ That violent measures had not been already resorted to, he attributes, and probably with truth, to the inter- position of the emperor, who had already too much on his hands to venture upon a rash conflict with the Bohemian nation. In February, 1418, when those who had been cited did not appear, the council passed a decree,^ consisting of twenty-four articles, setting forth authentically its demands. These were, in sub- stance, that the king should swear to maintain invio- late^ the rights and prerogatives of the Roman and other churches, unrestricted by the impositions of the Hussites ; that all who had taught the doctrines of Huss and Wickliffe should abjure them, and approve * L'Eiifant,580. ' lb., 589. ' lb., 580, 583w Ch. XI.] DECREE OF TIFE COUNCIL. 325 the sentence of the council pronounced against these men and their writings ; that such as refused, in con- tempt of the keys, to obey this command, should be condignly punished ; that the priests and clergy who had been driven from their benefices should be re- stored, and left unmolested ; that the relics and treas- ures that had been taken from the churches should be replaced ; that the university should be reformed, and that the followers of Huss and Wickliffe should be excluded therefrom; that the principal here- siarchs, nine of whom are mentioned by name,* should be compelled to appear before the council ; that all who had communed under both kinds should abjure the heresy of Jacobel ; that the treatises of Wickliffe, Huss, and Jacobel should all of them be surrendered and burned ; that the songs sung in de- rision of the council, and in praise of Huss and Je- rome, should be suppressed under the severest pen- alties ; that none should be allowed to preach unless by the authority of the ordinary; that the latter with other prelates should be allowed full liberty in the exercise of their office, and whosoever should interfere to prevent it should thereby incur sentence of excommunication ; that all who should favor or promote any measure tending to the spread of the opinions of Huss or Wickliffe should be proceeded against, according to the canons ; that every league or compact having this for its object should be dis- solved; that the former rites of worship should be all restored, and that all who should be convicted of « Jessenitz, Simon of Tisnow, J»- Prachatitz, Zdenko of Labaun, and cobel,.John Cardinal, Cbristionn of others. 326 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. XI. teaching the doctrines of Hiiss or Wickliffe, or main- taining the sanctity of these men, should be commit- ted to the flames. The laity were required, under pain of being regarded as favorers of heresy, to aid in the execution of these injunctions.^ Such a decree was directly calculated to defeat every purpose for which it was framed. It was the exhibition of senile malice and bare authority, and was conceived in the very spirit that had sent Huss and Jerome to the stake. Its violent tone awed less than it provoked. Its demands, moreover, were ex- orbitant. Many might have been disinclined to break altogether with the council, who would scorn compliance with terms like these. The circum- stances of the case, indeed, rendered compliance im- possible. A nation could not be bridled by a word. The convictions of years were not to be mastered by the sentence of a body of men, whose notoriety for in- trigue and corruption, according to testimony above impeachment, had scandalized the world, and for- feited for themselves all respect. Nearly at this same time (Feb. 22, 1418) Martin V. issued his bull against the followers and favorers of Wickliffe and Huss.^ It is addi*essed to all ai-ch- bishops, bishops, and inquisitors throughout the world, and is a model fi'om which bigoted intolerance and persecution might copy. It exhausts the odium of language in describing the character of the objects of its vengeance. They are "schismatic, seditious, impelled by Luciferian pride and wolfish rage, duped by devilish tricks, tied together by the tail, how- ' Von der Hardt, iv. 1514. ^ lb., iv. 1618. Ch. XI.] BULL AGAINST HERETICS. 327 ever scattered over the world, aud thus leagued in favor of WicklifFe, Huss, and Jerome. Tliese pesti- lent persons had obstinately sown their pei-verse dogmas, while at first the prelates and ecclesiastical authority had shown themselves to be only dumb dogs, unwilling to bark or to restrain, according to the canons, these deceitful and pestiferous heresi- archs." The bull then proceeds to describe the wide spread of the mischief, lamenting it in the most lugu- brious tones. It recites what had been done by the council to check the growing heresy, and ordains that all archbishops, bishops, and ecclesiastical au- thorities shall hasten to the rescue. They were to try and adjudge as heretics all who should be found "to think or teach othei'wise than as the holy Roman and Catholic church thinks or teaches" — all who held the doctrines or defended the character of Huss or Wickliffe, and they were to deliver such over to the secular arm. Such as received or favored these per- sons -were to be exemplarily and severely punished for their "enormous crime," that others might take warning. All kings, princes, lords, nobles, kniglits, cities, universities, etc., were to be admonished, and required to banish all such persons as bore this char- acter for heresy from their territories, and all places subject to their dominion. They were not to suffer such persons to preach, dwell, possess property, en- gage in business, or have any thing to do in common with the faithful, in any place subject to their con- trol. If they died heretics, even though the church had not formally declared them such, they wei-e to be denied Christian burial. No masses should be 328 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XL said for them. Their property should be confiscated and withheld from those to whom it would other- wise descend, at least until competent ecclesiastical authority had pronounced sentence in the case. Such as were suspected of heresy were to purge them- selves under oath. If they refused or neglected to do it, they were to " be struck with the sword of anathema," and after a year's lapse condemned as heretics. All lay lords, magistrates, and judges, of what name or dignity soever, were required and commanded, as they prized the Christian name, to afibrd all necessary aid, whenever they should be called upon for it by the inquisitors or ecclesiastical authorities, for the arrest, restraint, or imprisonment of heretics, or their favorei's. These last were to be carefully secured by " iron handcuffs and fetters," till their case had been carried through the ecclesiastical court ; and any one who should be neglectful in guarding them while under his charge, was to be condignly punished. The bull then requires the archbishops, bishops, commissaries, inquisitors, etc., diligently to search out, in all places subject to their jurisdiction, all that are guilty of heresy, or of show- ing it favor ; to pronounce against them sentence of excommunication, suspension, or interdict, as the case may require. All who should refuse or neglect to obey this command, should be deposed and deprived, and punished with other and more severe penalties, according to the enormity of their crime. But even this was not enough. To aid the slow wit of any less facile persecutor, he was furnished in the bull itself with a full list of the points on which those Cfl. XI.] POINTS OF EXAMINATION-. 329 suspected of heresy were to be excaminecl, and from which they were to purge themselves on oatli. These points embraced the forty-five articles of Wickllffe, and the thirty charged against IIuss which the coun- cil had condemned, beside thirty-nine others, extend- ing to subjects not included in the former. Of these thirty-nine the first eleven pertained to the persons and works of Wickliffe, Huss, and Jerome.^ The person arraigned was asked whether he had known them, or had conversed with them, knowing them to be excommunicate ; whether he had prayed for them, had spoken of them, or accounted them as holy ; whether he approved their condemnation, and the acts and authority of the council ; whether he pos- sessed any of their works, or knew any that did possess them; and whether he condemned the articles of the heretics aforesaid, in the words of the council. Of the other points of examination, some had reference to various sects that had arisen in that, or the previous age; some represented a peculiar phase of the opinions of Wickliffe, or Huss, and some had reference to ecclesiastical authority, the legiti- mate election of the pontiff, or the inMlibility of the council. One had respect to the venial nature of perjury, a subject which the perjured violators of the safe-conduct of Huss had better have let alone. One had reference to the subject of lay preaching ; another to the right of a priest to preach out of his own parish. On these points the suspected heretic was to be » L'Enfant, 585. 330 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOILN" HUSS. [Ch. XI. examined under oath. He was to appear in person before the bishop or inquisitor, and give answer as he shouhl be asked. No attorney or advocate was to be allowed him. The whole trial was to be conducted in the manner which the judge should deem most expedient. The sentence might extend to excom- munication, suspension, or interdict ; to deprivation of dignity or office ; to fine and confiscation of prop- erty ; to deposition from rank or j)rofessorships in universities ; to imprisonment, and such corj^oreal inflictions as were allowable in the case of heretics. The judgment was to be summary and without appeal, and the delinquent, if it was found neces- sary, was to be given over to the secular arm. All these processes were made obligatory on the bishops and inquisitors, and their neglect would be accounted a crime. ^ Such was the document by which the new pontiff signalized his zeal against the Bohemian heresy. Every line and letter of it breathed the spirit that sent Huss to the stake. Nor was it meant to remain a dead letter. The news of Lord Cobham's death in England followed, in Bohemia, with scarce a day's interval, the announcement of the bull. That great and noble man, once the bosom friend of the king, had been hung in iron chains and roasted alive, as a sacrifice to the bisfoted zeal of the church. His death by fire showed that he died, not as a traitor to the state, but as the victim of ecclesiastical intol- erance. Such an event was all that was necessaiy to fill to ovei-flowing the odious cup which had been » Von der Hardt, iv. 1518. Cu. XI.] THE TIIllKAT OF CRUSADE. 831 put to tlie lips of tlie Bohemians by tlie bull of Martin V. If the council had studied measures of exasperation instead of conciliation, they could not more wisely have calculated on the result. They were continually strengthening the party whom they souo-ht to defeat. The threat of a crusade, thrown out by the coun- cil, as well as the pope and emperor, and employed alike to overawe Wenzel and his subjects, however exasperating it might be, was by no means to be lightly treated. If sincere zealots for the papacy had become more rare than in a former age, their place in the ranks of invasion could be well supplied by the banditti and soldiers of fortune, who stood ready to engage in any feasible work of j^lunder, — none the less prompt that a pontiff lent them the sanction of his authority, and covered their violence with his absolution. Indeed, at this veiy juncture the pope published a crusade aofainst the Moors, at the solicitation of the king of Portugal. John XXIII. had employed similar measures against his enemy Ladislaus, king of Naples. Europe had not yet forgotten — was not likely soon to foi-get — the merciless cruelties of the crusade ao^ainst the Albig^enses. Euthless havoc and indiscriminating massacre had changed the garden of Southern France into an uninhabited desert. The very name of crusade — notwithstanding the schism and decline of the papacy — was still terrible. But even the danger of its fulmination against the Bo- hemians, did not shake their purpose, or their stead- fast adherence to their convictions. Its only effect 332 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HDSS. [Ch. XI. was to aggravate their indignation — already glowing with scorn and defiance — against the council. It was to no purpose that Martin V. sent John Dominic, one of his cardinals, as legate into Bohe- mia,^ The leo-ate could effect nothincr. The bull that had preceded him had done its work. Dom- inic threw up his mission in despau*, and returned to report his ill success. He wrote to Sigismund and the pope that the Bohemians could only be brought back and reduced by force of arms. Tongue and pen were no longer weapons with which to vanquish them.^ Instead of receding from their position, they had only assumed its responsibilities more boldly. The churches they demanded were granted them by the feeble monarch. It would not have been safe to refuse. His half-threatening remark to Nicholas of Hussinitz — who spoke on this occasion in the name of his countrymen — that he was twisting a rope for his own neck, had only served to cause him to with draw from Prague to his own estates, where he could strengthen himself and his party in all security. Zisca (April 15) soon after appeared before the king, at his summons addressed to the Hussite leaders to meet him unarmed ; but he came with a body of men fully equipped for battle.* " Here we are, all armed, sire," said he, " according to your orders, to shed the last drop of our blood against your ene- mies, if we may but know who they are." Zisca's * L'Enfant, 590. Bower says (iii. 11, 1418, so that Dominic's mission 204) that John Dominic was sent as could not have been discharged before legate to Bohemia, by Martin V., July or August of that year, after the arrival of the latter at Gene- ■' Fleury, xxvi. 359. va. The pope reached this city June ' L'Enfant, 591. Fleury, xxvi. 891. Cu. XI.] VIOLENCE OF THE LEGATE. 333 boldness secured his impunity. If the kino- had cherished hostile intentions, they were for the time abandoned. He did not care to confront such reso- lution and energy as the Hussite leader had shown. But this course, pursued by the reform party — wise as it was in its very boldness — was induced in part, undoubtedly, by the manner in which Dominic had discharged his mission. Instead of gentle measures, which alone could have succeeded, he showed him- self true to the spirit which had dictated the papal bull. At Slany, a few leagues from Prague, he en- tered one of the churches of the Hussites, and fiudino- upon the altar a box, which probably contained the CU2DS used by them in the celebration of the eucharist, he dashed it to the earth, and ordained that the for- mer methods of worship should all be resumed. Not content with this, he is said, in conjunction with the Archbishop Conrad, to have burned a preacher and a layman at the same place. Nothing more was necessary to drive the Hussites to desperation. Such a premonition of the significance of the bull, was not lost upon them. Zisca knew well how to take ad- vantage of it. No personal violence was offered to the legate, but he was everywhere greeted with dog- gerel songs, reproaches, invectives, ridicule, and in- sult. Threats were made against his life, unless he withdrew at once from the kingdom. It is more than possible that if he had not taken so plain a hint they would have been executed. One thing, how- ever, he had learned, that nothing short of the im- perial power could bring the Bohemians back to their allegiance to the pope. It remained to be seen 334 LLB'E AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XI. whether even this would suffice. Dominic himself returned from Bohemia to accompany the emperor into Hungary, where his efforts against the opinions of the reformers are said to have been more success- ful. But ah'eady the lines began to be drawn in a marked manner between the radical and the con- servative elements of Bohemian reform. At a synod held at Prague, Feb. 7, 1418, certain inno- vations were condemned, ^o new doctrine might be preached without having first been submitted for approval to the masters of the university. The letter of Scripture alone was not to be the standard of doctrine, nor was every one to assume to de- termine its spirit. Purgatory must not be denied. Prayers and masses for the dead must not be rejected. Intercession of saints was allowable. Oaths were lawful, and capital punishment might be inflicted in extreme cases. Confession and extreme unction were to be retained, and images were to be tolerated. Only the Gospel and Epis- tles were to be read in the vernacular. Other portions of the service were to be in the Latin language. We may judge from this document what were the contrasted opinions of the more zealous party around Tabor. CHAPTEE XII. . FUTILE ISSUE OF THE COUNCIL. ITS DISSOLUTION. Martin V. Announces His Election. — Reception of the ANNOtmcEMENT. — Thk King OP Aragon Dissatisfied. — Favors Benedict. — The Refoumatory Col- lege. — Concordats. — Measures for Reform. — Dissatisfaction. — Toe Span- ish Nation. — Parody of the Mass. — Presented to the Pope. — Other Com- plaints.— Martin V. Eager to Return to Italy. — Greek Church. — The Emperor. — Want of Money. — Disappointment. — Language of Gerson. — King of Poland. — Voladimir. — His Protest. — Simony of Martin V. — The Emperor's Question. — Anxiety of Members to Leave. — Humiliation of the Council. — Liberality of Martin V. in Granting Indulgences. — The Empe- ror's Dissatisfaction. — The King of Poland Aggrieved. — The French Con- cordat. — England. — Spain. — Italy. — Martin V. Leaves Constance. Jan. 1, 1418 — April 28, 1418. The council was now approaching the close of its proceedings. "With the election of Martin V. the interest in its continuance at once began to decline. The prospects of reform were more hopeless than ever ; for it was soon seen that the election had only given a head to its enemies. The new pontiff showed much alacrity in the an- nouncement of his election.^ He wrote to the uni- versities, and the different states and kingdoms, a circular letter, in which he attributes the choice that had been made to the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. The reception of his letter was not everywhere ' L'Enfant, 599. (335) 336 LIFE AND TI.AIES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. XIL equally welcome. Pontifical nature had, for more tlian forty years, excited deep distrust throughout Christendom. Otho de Colonna as cardinal had been highly spoken of; but what would he be as Martin V. ? His family was a noble one.^ For centuries it had abounded in great men. Kings, pontiffs, and, as some said, even emperors had sprung from it. Its importance, if nothing more, was attested by the foct that Boniface VIII. had excommunicated the whole family, even to the fourth generation. But Boniface VIII. had secured his election as pontiff by " terrify- ing his predecessor at midnight, and threatening him with eternal damnation if he did not immediately resign." Beside, more than a century had passed away, and the curse of excommunication had well- nigh spent its force. Succeeding pontiffs, moreover, guided by a wisdom equally infallible with that of their predecessor, had cancelled the decree of his pious vengeance. The Colonnas, moreover, had shown themselves men not lightly to be assailed. Martin V. had grown old in the discharge of important ecclesiastical offices connected with the papacy. He was one of the electors of Alexander V., and helped give him a successor in the person of the notorious John XXIII. When the latter fled from Constance, Otho de Colonna accompanied him. Some might have asked what light this fact threw upon his character. He was certainly a learned man — at least in canon law, which he had taught in his youth as a professor at Perusia. Platina praises him as prudent, gentle, 'L'Enfant, 538. Ch. xii.] character of martin v. 337 temperate, just, and dexterous in the management of aftairs. Whatever he may have l)een as cardinal, as pope he was the author of the bull against the Huss- ites, and disappointed the hopes of all that earnestly longed for reform. But the office was greater than the man. His position mastered him. He trod in the footsteps of his predecessors, because he did not fancy the thorns he must meet in diverging from the beaten path. " As cardinal," says Windeck, the em- peror's prime minister, " he was poor and modest ; but as pope, Martin V. was greedy of gain, and made himself very rich." His election as pope ranged the greater part of Christendom on his side. Congratulations came in upon him from almost every direction. Some, however, were inclined to hesitate in the declaration of their allegiance. France resented the part which the emperor had taken in his election. Sigismund had leagued himself with England, and was regarded as an enemy. Should Fi'ance accept as pope the creature of his choice ? He had governed the coun- cil, and had not left it free to act. Martin V. was but a tool of the emperor. The French parliament declined to recognize any one as pope till the depu- tation at the council had returned safe. Other matters soon conspired to aggravate the difficulty. The king of Aragon had not entirely re- covered from his leanings toward Benedict XIH. If he threw aside his old friend, he demanded some equivalent in return. Money was needed, and he cast a greedy eye on the property of the church. He, as well as his father, had been at considerable VOL. II. 22 338 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN" HUSS. [Ch. XII. expense and trouble to bring about tine measures whicli had ranged Aragon on the side of the council, and which had resulted in the election of Martin V. This was the ground of his claim. He had demanded the right to dispose of benefices in Sicily and Sar- dinia, independent of the pontiff, with a share of tithes on ecclesiastical property in Aragon belong- ing to the Roman See.^ Martin V. thought the 18,000 florins which he could draw yearly from Sicily and Sardinia, too much to surrender for a good-will now no longer necessary, and he refused the terras, offering in their stead others, which the king of Ara- gon treated with scorn. The result was that Benedict XIII. received thenceforth, first the secret, and then the open support of the king. Thus was he enabled to defy the bull of excommunication launched against him by Martin V., on his refusal to lay down the pontifical dignity. But this was not all. Benedict was not content to act merely on the defensive. When he heard, at Peniscola, of the election of Martin V., he assembled the four cardinals and the few clerks he had with him, and calling his assembly a general council and the Catholic church, he solemnly excommunicated as schismatics all who had shared in the election of Martin V., and all who should acknowledge or obey him.^ It was in vain that many of the Spanish bishops repaired to Peniscola, and entreated Bene- dict to yield, and not any longer oppose himself to all Christendom. It was in vain that some of his car- dinals seconded the request. To all alike he made *Fleury, xxvi. 377. L'Enfant, 574. "Bower, iii. 208. Ch. XII.] BENEDICT URGED TO YIEI D. 339 the same answer, that Christ had entrusted him, as his vicar on earth, with the care of his church, and he would never betray the trust, or yield the See of St. Peter to a usurper. At last, jinding himself almost entirely deserted, he declared that if he must treat, it should be with Martin V. alone. " If Martin is so reasonable a man as you say," so answered Benedict to the ambassador who announced to him the new election, "T am quite willing to have a conference with him in regard to the means of giv- ing peace to the church." This was all the submis- sion that could be wrung out of the old hero, calmly defying the world from his fortress of Peniscola, and resolved to live and to die — a pope. Even the coun- cil of Constance must leave the church to some ex- tent divided by allegiance to two heads. But it was when measures of reform, so long promised and so long delayed, were at last taken up by Martin V., that the dissatisfaction of the na- tions began to manifest itself in a marked manner. The grave complaints and urgent demands which issued in the appointment by the council of the re- formatory college, could not be altogether ignored. The schemes of this latter body were laid before the pope, and he found that something must be done. But he showed himself equal to the emergency, the needed Fabius of corruption. Although he had sworn to the article of the reformatory college, by which he bound himself to suppress the most crying abuses of the court of Rome, one of his fii"st acts as pope betrayed his real purpose to evade the obliga- tion. The rules of the Roman chancery had been 340 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIl, regarded, and to a great extent justly, as the source of simony and papal usurpations. It was necessary, therefore, that these should first of all be set right. The pope examined and corrected them. They were at length published ; but only a skilful critic could have discovered any marked difference be- tween these, and those that had been issued by John XXIII. Scarce a single abuse was given up. Reservations, vacancies, dispensations, tithes, annates, indulsrences — all was in fact retained. Other abuses were complained of. The five na- tions demanded of the pope, a few days after his ejection, that he should fulfil his promise.^ He told them each to draw up a list of their grievances. He then proposed to treat Avith each nation by itself, and instead of a general reform, adopt the measure of concordats with each.^ There was wisdom in this. It was easier to deal with them singly. They were less formidable when thus divided. Beside, from one nation terms could be secured to which another would not consent. England had a tei'rible statute o^ prcemunire^ which Martin V. would not choose to see thrown in his way as a barrier in dealing with the French or Germans. Concordats were accordingly arranged. In these the pope managed with great prudence. He gave up only what it was impossible to retain, nor did he yield even this without seeking to secure in return some equivalent. On some points he was met with direct and persistent opposition. England, for eight years, would not receive his cardinal legate. The ' L'Enfant, 653. * Von der Hardt, iv. 1512. Ch. XII.] SCHEME OF REFORM. 341 Archbishop Chichely would not consent to a step that infiiuged the prerogatives of his primacy, or contemned, as he maintained, the laws of England.* France was strengthened in her aversion to the con- coi-dat offered her, by her jealousy of papal preroga- tive threatening to encroach on the liberties of the Gallican church, and by her hatred of England and the emperor. But in truth the concordats were of small account. They met some of the complaints of the nations, but betrayed throughout an entire aversion to any real or thorough reform. One article limited the cardi- nals to twenty-four;* but of what avail was this, except for the moment ? Another was on the sub- ject of the abuse of indulgences; and yet, in less than a single century, this was to be the exciting cause of a revolt that would rend the church in twain. Others still were directed to the subjects of dispensations, plurality of benefices, restrictions upon the monks, and matters of order and ecclesiastical regulation, attempting to remedy the more gross and crying evils, lopping off limbs indeed from the tree of corruption, mutilating its fair proportions, but in fact only pruning it for a more vigorous and luxuri- ant growth.* It needed a Luther to lay the axe at the root of the tree, but no Luther was to be found at Constance after the death of IIuss. There were some regulations adopted by the conn, cil generally, with the sanction of the pope, beside the concordats, that were intended to answer the purpose of reform. But the whole movement was >L'Eniant,569. 'lb.. 569. ^ Fleury, xxvi 372, 394. L'Enfant, 597-600. 342 LIFE A]S^D TIMES OF JOmS" HUSS. [Cu. XIL regarded by many members of the council as a mere feint to ward off the charge that might be made against that body of neglecting its appropriate work. The pope himself knew what he was about. He conceded just what he might safely yield, or what he could not safely retain. Provincial councils should be held every three years, to last eight or ten days. The pope should decide nothing important without the advice of his cardinals. He should not take the title of Most Holy^ unless in his life and conduct he showed himself worthy of it. The cardinals were to be distinguished for their learning, morals, and ex- perience, and none could be elected at an age short of thirty years. The officers of the chancellor's court were to be of a fixed number, and the charges allowed them were specified. Reservations were to be abolished ; dispensations to be granted only with the concurrence of a majority of the college of car- dinals. The pope should no longer impede the course of justice. He should not protract suits, or annul them after sentence, unless for legitimate causes. He should not impose tenths unless authorized by a gen- ei'al council. Restrictions were imposed upon ex- emptions and translations. Simony was to be pun- ished by deprivation in an ecclesiastic, and by excom- munication in a layman.^ Such were the measures for the reform of the papal court. In matters pertaining to episcopal jurisdic- tion, the council pronounced on the subject of bene- fices and the right of patronage, church property, matrimonial suits, dowries, the estates of widovrs and ' L'Enfaut, 658, ct seq. Ch. XII.] REFORM OF THE PRIESTHOOD. 343 wards, heresies, schisms, legacies, donations, the con- flict of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The duty of provincial synods was declared. They were to maintain ecclesiastical liberty and union ; nor were they to make war, except when commanded by the sovereign, or on the failure of ecclesiastical censures to attain their object. The priesthood is next looked after. The bishops must exercise a shaVp surveillance over it. If one lived with a concubine, he was to lose his benefice unless within a month he sent her away. The chil- dren of priests could not be admitted to orders, or allowed to hold a benefice, without a dispensation from Rome.* Residence, on curates, was rendered imperative. They were always to wear the ecclesi- astical habit. None was to serve in a parish where he could not speak the language. The age, the rev- enues, and the mode of. electing canons were pre- scribed. Unjust oaths, imposed as a condition of choice, were null. Bishops were allowed a similar release. On a bishop's death, the canons were not allowed to despoil his house or property. The monks also were bound more strictly to regard their vows of obedience, charity, and poverty.* The nuns were required to conform to certain rules prescribing age and conduct. If a man presented himself to be received into holy orders, he was strictly to be ques- tioned whether his father or grandfather had not treated ecclesiastics with violence, in their persons or goods. Civil interference with ecclesiastical courts was to be repelled, and punished by interdict. The » L'Enfant, 681. ' lb., 686. 344 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XII. consecration of chapels, the observance of festivals, the exposure of relics to public view, afforded matter of tleliberation for the grave wisdom of the reform- ing college acting in concert with the pope. The last article can speak for itself. It mildly decrees, in regard to that much-abused people whom Martin V. at his coronation had treated with insult, "that when a Jew is converted, and adheres to Christianity, he shall give up only half his property, whether landed or personal, in restitution of usury practised on Christians, and shall charitably be allowed to re- tain the other half, for his own support and that of his family."^ Such were in substance the acts of the reformatory college. The church had asked for bread : the council gave her a stone. She asked for an egg : the council gave her a scorpion. The decrees of reform read like a libel on the ecclesiastical order of the age. Could the hierarchy have become so cor- rupt, we ask, that these prohibitions of gross inde- cency and injustice could assume the name of an organized reform ? There were some who regarded them in their true significance — as a plaster to cover up tbe sore which they could not heal. In fact, they deceived no one. The pope wished merely to save appearances. In regard to the article proposed by th.e reformatory college bearing upon the cii'cum- stances in whicb a pope might be deposed by the council, he avoided giving any answer. He would not allow of a decree which might trench on his own prerogative. What the council had done ' L'Enfant, '707. Cu. XII.] HUMILIATING RESULT. 345 in declaring its supremacy over the Papal See, lie chose to ignore. There was a significance in the fact, that in the questions to he proposed to the Hussites, and enumerated in his Lull, there was one on this very point. Thus, nearly four years had passed away, and nothing of importance had been accomplished in regard to one of the chief objects for which the council had been convoked. The result was ridic- ulous— humiliatinoj. The nations were dissatisfied. They were loud in their complaints. But Martin v., secure in his seat, met them all with philosophical equanimity. The council had served his purjDose, and he wished now to get rid of it. Unless it was speedil}' dissolved, he feared its activity. It might do mischief. It was only too easy to see whither- ward things were tending. The emperor was disap- pointed, disheartened, disgusted. He had been foiled and beaten at his own game of dissimulation. The pope could do all that he had done, and not hlu-sh. Tlie Spanish nation, especially, was indignant. They wished to carry back from Constance some equiva- lent for having thrown Benedict XIII. overboard. How were they now better off than before, if there was to be no reform worthy of the name ? In j^er- sonal merit, Benedict XIII. might claim to be at least equal to Martin V. Why should the former be given up, if the j^apal court was to continue what it was before ? The indignation of the Spaniards found vent in satu-e. ^ " A mass against simony " — such was the ' L'Enfant, 66Y. 346 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHI^ HUSS. [Cu. Xll. singular name of tlie article in whicli tlieir scorn for papal corruption was expressed. A man dreams of going as a pilgrim to tlie Churcli of the Holy Cross at Rome. As lie approaches it, he sees the house of a peasant, Simon by name, rising higher than the church itself, though the house was yet without a roof. While gazing with surprise at its heiglit, a certain person meets him and says, "A truce to your surprise : take a seat here now, and write out a new mass, or a new office touching simony ; for the house you see represents the estate of Simon Magus, who is ever at work to raise it above the church." The pil- grim obeys the direction, and seats himself to write. " Introduction. — We deplore, all of us in the Lord, the sad times in which we live. We groan over the horrible simony that prevails at present. For this, poor human wretches mourn and grieve, according to the saying. My heart utters forth one word^ that is. Simony^ a word hard to be heard. Gloria Patri. "O God, who for the sins of men, and by the little care shown to distinguish the good and bad, hast permitted simony to make such great jirogress, insomuch that where the more holiness should abound, there the more simony reigns, so that churches are taxed, benefices are reserved, elections are abolished, sacraments are sold and bought, — we pray thee to pm-ify the church from these pollutions, granting to those guilty of simony, converting grace, or, if they refuse to be converted, smiting them as Peter smote Simon Magus, or as Elisha smote Gehazi, those traf- fickei*8 in sacred thinsrs. Per Dominum, Cu. XII.] A ilASS ON SIMONY. 347 " (Scripture to be read — Revelation of St. John, chap, xvii.) " In those days came one of the seven angels and spake with me, saying, Come, and I will show thee the judgment of the great whore that sitteth upon many waters, with whom the kings of the earth liave committed fornication, and the inhahitants of tlie earth have been made drunk with the wine of her prostitution. So he carried me away in the spirit into the wilderness ; and I saw a woman sit upon a scarlet-covered beast, full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns. And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet color, and decked with gold and precious stones and pearls, having a golden cuj) in her hand full of abominations, and the filthiness of her fornication. " Grad. ^ Lord, who shall abide in thy taberna- cle ; who shall dwell in thy holy mountain ? " Ver. He that hath clean hands and a pure heart, uncontaminated with simony, who does according to the righteousness of God. Hallelujah. " He hath grown fat, he hath become gross, his heart is lifted up, and he hath forsaken the Lord his Maker, and hath given himself up to the iniquity of simony. Hallelujah. " Seq. Matt. X. Jesus said to his disciples, Go ye, and preach, The kingdom of heaven is at hand. Heal the sick, raise the dead, recover the lepers, drive out demons, freely give as ye have freely received. Take neither gold nor silver in your puree. ' The successive oflBces of the mass are indicated by the abbreviated headinsrs. 348 LIFE AKD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XII. " Offert. All seek their own, not the tilings that are Jesus Christ's. " Seceet. O God, who of the abundance of thy mercy hast commanded to bestow the sacraments and the benefits of the church gratuitously, grant converting grace to those who buy and sell. And if they will not be converted, do to them according to their iniquity, that others better than they may take theii' bishoj)ric. JPe?' Dominum nostrum. " CoMMUisr. If my children shall not play the master in benefices wickedly acquired, then shall I be without spot, and I shall be pure from the great sin of simony. " Post Commun. O Lord, who hast freely bestowed thyself upon us, we pray thee that those who sell and those who buy these same gifts of thine, may ever receive the portion of Judas, who sold thee — thee who livest and reignest with God the Father, in the unity of the Holy Spirit. " (This mass to be chanted immediately after the festival of the See of St. Peter.)" When the mass had thus been wiitten, the one who had dictated it said to the pilgrim, " In the name of the true spouse of the church of Jesus Christ, I command you promptly to inform King Alfonso what is therein written, that he may present it to the poj)e, boldly and without delay, prajdng him, in the name of God, and as pastor and head of the church, that he himself pray, and cause othere to pray, that this cursed sin of simony may be removed from the church. For I know that the smoke thereof hath risen up to heaven, and that divine Justice is CH.XII.] COMPLAINTS OF THE NATI0N8. 349 SO provoked, that if this pope does not provide some remedy, he may be assured that he shall soon be smitten by a great plague, so that he shall fall and be reduced to nothing. While, if he shall coiTect abuses, he shall reign upon the throne of the church, and triumph over his enemies. Yet, let him know that he has not been raised to the See of St. Peter through his own merit, but by God's permission, to reform the church in all humility and fidelity, while exercising his power against such as refuse to obey its commands." Nothing could more plainly manifest the deep dis- content that prevailed, than the appearance of such a document in spite of the decree of the council against all defamatory and libellous compositions. Undoubtedly the dissatisfaction of the king of Ara- gon with Martin V. was mainly due to the fact that the latter would not alienate in his favor the posses- sions of the church. But the utter neglect of the council, through the pope's management, to initiate any thorough reform, gave, in the eyes of many, a pretext for his com*se. Nor did those who sided with him fail to impeach the character of the council as legit- imate, on the ground that it was not properly convoked, and that the church was not properly represented. Other nations had complaints to ofter. But all were vain. They had to devour their gi'ief in silence. The pope was master of the council, and they who had placed him over them, had to mourn — like the Israelites when a king had been granted at their re- quest— the impolicy and folly of a course that had made them the slaves of another's will. 350 LIFE AND TIJVIE3 OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. XII. In tlie little tliat had been now accomplisTied, more than thi'ee months had been spent, and the pope was eager to return to Italy, and recover from the grasp of his enemies the ravaged states of the church. It was in vain that Sia^ismund uro-ed him to delay. Every thing was expedited to secure the speedy dissolution of the council. Even an embassy from the Greek church, which reached Constance at the beginning of the year, (1418,) and which pro- posed the important subject of the union of the Greek and Latin churches, could not retard the ar- rangements of Martin V. for closing the council. Something indeed was done to encourage the union, which the Greeks, pressed as they were by the Turks, manifested an unusual readiness to promote. Latin women — some of princely houses — were sent back as brides for Greek husbands ;^ and perhaps this was the best argument for union which the council had to offer. Meanwhile the emperor was busy with civil as well as ecclesiastical affairs. He was anxious to harmonize his distracted and turbulent provinces and princes. Frederic of Austria had been received back to the im^Derial favor.'^ The Duke of Milan was constrained to acknowledge his feudal allegiance, and was urged on by the emperor to attack Genoa, thus endanger- ing the peace of Italy, and especially the safety of Florence.* But the perfidious wretch, Philippo Maria, stained with blood and crime, fought for the promo tion of his own selfish interests, and Sigismund had too many matters on hand to impose upon him — had • L'Enfant, 677. » lb., 605. ' lb., 572. Cii. XII.] SIGISMUND IN WANT OF MONEY. 351 he boen so disposed — any restraint. lie was anxious above all to replenish liis exhausted treasury. More complaisant to him than to the king of Aragon, Martin V. allowed him, in consideration of what he had done for the church, a share of the ecclesiasti- cal revenues of Germany for the space of a year.^ It was in vain that the several dioceses which were affected by this project, uttered their complaints ; in vain that they appealed to the bull of the j^ope which they had regarded as protecting them from such an imposition. The logic of their skilful advo- cate, Dominic de Geminiano, might expose the pajDal inconsistency and injustice, but it was powerless against interest armed with imperial patronage, espe- cially when the pope, by express reservation, had secured all pontifical revenues from being touched. From the Duke of Austria, Sigismmid wrung out 50,000 florins, as the condition of peace and a ran- som for his states. He was ready enough to accept the money, and recover to his allegiance one of his rebellious subjects, of whom he had too many on his hands already. The Swiss had seized the occasion of the duke's being put under the ban of the empire, to rob him of several of the cities which he had held of the empire. Sigismund now demanded them back. The Swiss refused compliance with the de- mand, and the emperor accepted in place of them — what he most needed — money. The cities of May- ence, Spires, and Worms, anxious to secure privileges for themselves, found all negotiations vain without — money. The em2:)eror's coffers were replenished — » L'Enfant, 616. 352 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHI^ HUSS. [Cn. XII. only again to be exliausted. Sonietliing of a satis- faction to liim it must have been to be recognized as emperor — as lie now was in solemn ceremony — by tlie newly elected pontiff. Tlie golden rose was bestow- ed upon liim ;^ but tbe still unsettled state of tlie em- pire, tlie futile measures of reform in tlie council, tlie growing strength of the Hussites in Bohemia, all tended to provoke and irritate him. He was contin- ually busy, ever anxious, going from and suddenly returning to Constance, none could tell why. The Turk threatened him in Hungary. He anxiously awaited intelligence fi'om the embassadors sent by the council to restore peace between France and England. He sympathized with Gerson in his dis- appointment that the writings of Petit and Falken- berg had never been condemned in full council, and when he saw Martin V. about to leave the city of Constance, he must have reviewed with saddened heart the labors and anxieties of the last four years. It was certainly a most significant fact that, in spite of Gerson's eloquence and logic, the urgency of the French monarch, the deep feeling and anxious effort of the emj^eror, as well as the letters of the king of Poland and the arguments of his embassa- dors, the pope and council could not be induced to touch the books of Petit and Falkenberg. Gerson was indignant. " Why," he asked — and the council would have been at a loss for an answer — " Why con- demn the writings of Huss and Wickliffe, and leave writings far more pernicious unsentenced ? Well may the Bohemians accuse the council — and with justice ' L'Enfant, 592. Cu. XII.] TKKAT.MKNT OF IXFIDELS. 353 — of a most criminal partiality, in judging with such severity heresies for less criminal than'tliose of Petit and Falkenberg, which it treats with indifference. The autliority of the council is made cheap ; its acts become null and void ; it is made a lauc:hin2:-stock for schismatics, infidels, and especially Peter de Luna and such as fovor him, when they see so little accom- plished on the election of a pope from whom so much was expected." ^ But the ambassadors of the kinsr of Poland were resolved to make one more effort, full as much char- acterized by the spirit of humanity and justice, as that of which Gerson was the champion against Petit. Is brutal violence the proper instrument for converting infidels to Christianity ? — that was the question. Protesting against the violence and car- nage of the Teutonic knights, the king of Poland, and Voladimir, his ambassador, plead the cause of reason and truth. Should their plea be heard ? It was in advance of the age. It was a gleam of light from a brighter future. Should it be quenched in the darkness of papal bigotry? Should it yield to the prejudices against which it clashed ? Let us see. Otho de Colonna had signed, while yet cardinal, the condemnation of Falkenberg's as well as Petit's writings. He now wore the tiara, and presided over the council at this its forty-fifth and last session, (April 22, 1418.) At the fitting moment the advo- cate of the Polish ambassadors arose, and presented to the council the book of Falkenberg.^ It had been • Gers. Op., v. 1014. ' Von der ITardt, iv. 1549. VOL. 11. 23 354: LIFE AXD TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. XII. condemned by the commission appointed to examine it, by tlie nations severally, by the college of cardi- nals, and all this with perfect unanimity. He there- fore submitted humbly that it should also be con- demned in full council, otherwise the ambassadors of Poland and Lithuania would protest against this denial of justice, and would appeal to a future coun- cil. The statement of the advocate was disputed. The patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch main- tained that the book had not been unanimously con- demned. Two notaries pronounced the assertion false. In the midst of the confusion consequent, Paul Voladimir arose and demanded audience. His advocate had omitted some things that should have been spoken. As he reached his hand, however, to take from the advocate the paper which he wished to read, the pope imposed silence, and declared by the mouth of one of his officers, that what had been passed in full council in matters of faith, he regarded as inviolably binding — but nothing more. This declaration was meant to be final. But Vo- ladimir was not thus to be put oflP. He went on with his reading. Again the pope silenced him, threat- ening excommunication unless he should desist.-^ He then presented his protest in the names of the king of Poland and the duke of Lithuania, solemnly ap- pealed to the next general council, and demanded the cei-tification of his protest and appeal. The language employed is bold and manly. The chief purpose for which the council was convoked — the extirpation of heresy — had been neglected. Desir- • L'Enfant, 609. Ch. XII.] Sli^rONY OF MARTIN V. 355 ing to obey God rather than man, he declares that if sentence is not pronounced against the book of Falkenberg, and justice done in the premises, he ap- peals to a future councih All was in vain. Martin did not wish to provoke the vengeance or risk the allegiance of the Teutonic knights. Strangely enough, moreover, at the close of the council the Duke of Burgundy is his fast friend. Shall he be alienated by the condemnation of his advocate, Petit ? Surely Martin V. was, as Platina says, "a prudent man." But before the council's close, he gave evidence of it. John of Bavaria, Bishop of Liege — the See by which the Archbishop of Riga had been bought over — was merely a worldly prince. He wished to resign his bishopric, and marry a fortune in the person of the widow of the Duke of Brabant, a near relative. For this, a dispensation from the pope was necessary. A thousand crowns bought the dispensation, and Martin V. pocketed the fruits of his simony. What a fit commentary on the reforms he had initiated, as well as on his " prudence ! " Such conduct con- founded the emperor.* He went to the pope, and met him with the blunt, but significant question, " Holy Father, why are we here at Constance ? " " To reform the church," replied the pope. " One would not be apt to say so," rejoined the emperor, "when you allow cousins-german to marry. Pardon sins you may, perhaps, but not grant a permit for them." The emperor, however, could go no further. His own robes were far from being free of stain. He • L'Enfant, 608. 856 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIIX nUSS. [Cn. XII. had already used the pope to perform a shnilar service for some friends of his own. Thus many seemed to see in Martin V. a John XXIII. redevi- vus. The man might die, but the system lived. The name of pope was but the new dial-plate to cover the same mechanism working out the same results. Futile as the results of the council appeared, there was no hope of mending them, and most of the mem- bers were as ready as Martin V. to depart. Some would haste away, in order to enjoy at leisure the fruits of their treason or intrigue ; some to remedy the mischiefs occasioned by their absence ; some, like Gerson, to weep in solitude over the disappointment of their fondest hopes. What must have been the reflections of sincere, enlightened, and earnest men, like Voladimir, as they retraced their steps fi'om the council to their homes ? The Polish ambassador saw the cause of sacred and Christian charity trampled under foot. The head of the church himself had silenced the voice of justice — had virtually con- demned a just cause unheard. . Nay, more, he had taken " prudent " precautions that it never should be heard. He had published a constitution, ad j)erpet- uam rei memoriam^ by which he declared that ^' it is not permissible for any one to appeal from the sovereign judge, (/. 6., the supreme pontiff,) who is vi^ar of Jesus Christ, on earth, neither to decline his judgment in matters of faith." Well might Gerson declare, and Voladimir feel, that " it tended to over- throw the authority not only of the council of Pisa, but of Constance also, and to annul all that they had Gi. XII.] FUTILE ISSUE OF THE COUNCIL. 357 done, whether in electing a new pope, or deposing sueli as had intruded into the pontificate. The council in fact lay at the mercy of a terrible contradiction that bereft it of all moral power. It had begun by asserting its supremacy, and deposing a pope. It ended by giving itself a master, and bend- ing its neck to his yoke. It was far more indepen- dent when it assembled, than when the time of its dissolution approached. Cromwell, dismissing the Long Parliament with a " Get you gone," could have humbled them, not more than the council was hum- bled by the assumed authority of the pontiff. They had become his tools merely, and when he had done with them he flung them away. The terrible ques- tion had been started, Which is supreme, pope or council ? — but the issue at Constance foreboded sadly, to thoughtful minds, that future when popes should rule, independent of councils, summoning, or leaving them unsummoned, at their pleasure. The tyranny of the monarchical principle was already, in fact, en- throned in the church, by the weakness of a council that had presumed to bind it in fetters of iron. We follow the better minds of the council with a sad sympathy, as they withdraw to their homes or to their places of exile. They feel that they have acted a humiliating part in the great tragedy of the church. The catastrophe has thrown its dark shadow on all their future years, and on the future of Christendom. They have learned what they would have been hap- pier, if not wiser, never to have known. They have fathomed around them depths of depravity that fill them with foreboding and despair. Bohemia 358 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XIL Lad no such ally against the council as the council itself. But before the final leaves-taking, the pope wished to manifest his generosity. He could do it easily, and, what was more, cheaply. If money was scarce, and piety a thing still moi-e rare, the bank of Papal In- dulgences could discount to meet any demand. In the latter part of March, (1418,) his bounty was sig- nalized by an invitation addressed to the people, by heralds, to assemble at the episcopal palace to re- ceive indulgences.-' A great multitude was soon col- lected, in the midst of whom the pope exercised a liberality that cost him — nothing. The ceremonies of the occasion occupied most of the afternoon, and closed with a more substantial and expensive tribute to the emperor, princes, and cardinals, of a public dinner; at the close of which, the pontifical humility was manifested in washing the feet of his guests. Day after day the treasury of Indulgence was drawn upon, and the graciousness of the pontiff expressively signalized. But all this was nothing to what took place on the dissolution of the council. As the pope declared its sessions closed, he " accorded, by the authority of God Almighty, the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, as well as by his own, full absolution to all the members of the council, for all their sins," ^ and extended his fiivors to the members of their families, on condition of their " ftisting every Friday for the space of a year." To make the matter more easy, fasting might l)e dispensed with, in some cases, by the substitution of good works. ' L'Enfant, 600. " L'Enfant, 610. \ CH.XII.] POLAND AND FllANCE. 359 The emperor, by the mouth of his advocate, returned thanks to the several members of the council for what they had done, promising, on his part, an inviolable allegiance to the Roman church and the pope, and declaring that in whatever respects the council had come short, it had not been through his fault.^ Such language plainly intimated the dissatisfaction of the emperor ; nor did he stand alone in this feeling, as we have already seen. But the king of Poland felt most deeply aggrieved. He seems to have shown great zeal, as well as humanity, in seeking the con- version of the infidels bordering upon his states, and his ejffbrts had been eminently successful. The vio- lence and rapine of the Teutonic knights were most odious and reprehensible. The king of Poland now saw them shielded by the action of the pontiff, and himself left exposed to the shafts of Falkenberg's malice. He wrote to the pope a letter of complaint "^ which seems to have been not without efi'ect, although Falkenberg w\is still uncondemned. Some of the friends of the king of Poland counselled him, as the "wisest and most effectual measure, to select some monk, as violent, virulent, and able as Falkenberg, and set him, with his pen, to maul and demolish his adversary. If such a one could have been found, the counsel might not have been unwise. The French concordat, on its arrival at Paris, was any thing but welcome. The parliament refused to receive it, and even drew up reasons against it, to be presented to the pope. Years passed before France would accept it. The nuncios, whom the pope sent » L'Enfant, 611. * lb., 613. 360 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIL to urge its approval, were driven to maintain the desperate j)osition that a sentence of the pope was to be obeyed, even though it was unjust. Such a maxim roused the spirit of Gerson in his exile, and he met it with a bold and manly refutation. The Germans felt that they had been cheated by tie council. The dioceses, whose revenues had been given over to the emperor, were loud in their com- plaints. The Archbishop of England, in a spirit worthy of the nation, met the demands of the pope on the privileges of his primacy and the laws of Eng- land, in an attitude of defiance. Spain was already almost in open revolt against Martin, and ready to league with Benedict XIII. Bohemia was, for the present, hopelessly lost to the papacy, — volcanic in its indignation and resentment at the proceedings of the council. Italy was too much absorbed in the wretch- ed conflicts that tore her into parties and factions, to have any thought left except for her own misery. In the midst of all this widesjiread dissatisfaction, it is a most significant fact that the only hearty support- ers of the pontiff were the Duke of Burgundy and the Teutonic knights — the patrons respectively of Petit and Falkeuberg. Well might Gerson, in his sad and lonely meditations over the doings and results of the council, lament that he had toiled and worn himself out to no purpose. The bright hopes he had cherished were but dreams. The ideal of his life, the image he had worshipped, had vanished. A Gorgon's head, that he dared not look upon, had taken its place. Where a temple should have been, he saw a Babel. Rome was not to be reformed Ch. XII.] DEPAKTUIIE OF MARTIN V. 361 Reform would annihilate her. Her disease was past cure. And now all were intent upon quitting the scene where so much of good and bad, of learning and power, of eloquence and intrigue, of integrity and corruption, had mingled and fermented together. The pope was in most haste to leave. The emperor begged him, with all earnestness, to stay a few months longer. He represented to him that many things yet remained to claim his attention. But these en- treaties were vain. The pojie wished to see Rome ; he wished to snatch it from the grasp of its invaders. On the sixteenth of May (1418) he left Constance for Geneva. The procession that accompanied hiin was splendid and imposing. The "servant of serv- ants " went forth as the prince of the kings of the earth. Ten horses, caparisoned in scarlet and led by hand, preceded. Four horsemen, with pikes, each surmounted by a cardinal's hat, followed them. Then came two priests, one bearing a cross of gold, another the sacrament. The cardinals, in their red caps, with priests, theologians, senators of the city, and canons, bearing wax tapers, made way for the pope, who fol- lowed, mounted on a white horse and dressed in pon- tifical habits. The tiara which he wore shone brill- iant with precious stones, while four princes supported the dais above his head that shielded him from the sun. The emperor was on his right, and held the bridle of his horse. The electors and princes of the empire stood near to render their assistance. Then followed the clergy, the nobility, and the various orders, till the procession swelled in number to forty 362 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XII. thousand men. In such state the pope passed the gate of the city. The emperor and princes accompa- nied him to Gottlieben, where he embarked upon the Rhine, to finish, by water, his journey to Geneva. The emperor himself did not long linger at Con- stance, and in a short time its former glory had departed. CHAPTER XIII. ^ VIOLENCE OF PARTIES IX BOHEMIA. SIGISMUKD'S ARMY BEFORE PRAGUE. Reckption op the Decree of the Council in Bohemia. — The Reply of the Hnss« iTES. — Its Propositions. — Doctrines. — The Celebrated Four Articles.— ZiscA. — Ills Tact and Energy. — His Letter to Tausch. — Popular Indigna- tion.— Communion of the Cup on Tabor. — Plan for Attacking Prague. — Wenzel Absent from the City. — Attack on the New City. — Acts of Vio- lence.— Release of Prisoners Demanded at the Town House. — Tumult. — Assault. — Germans Thrown out the Windows. — New Magistrates Appoint- ed. — Continued Attack upon the New City. — Zisca Withdraws to Pilsen. — Danger of the Citizens.— The Queen Seeks Aid of the Emperor. — Death of Wenzel. — Its Circumstances. — Projects of the Emperor. — Citizens Call on Zisca for Aid. — Scenes of Violence. — Conflicts at Prague. — Fight at the Bridge. — Conflict Renewed the Next Day. — Continued Skirmishes. — A Truce Effected. — Movements Elsewhere. — Negligent Observance of thb Trcce. — John Naakuasa Burned. — Gurim Assaulted. —The Succession to the Crow.v. — Convention Summoned by Sigismund at Beraun. — His Promises. — Presence of THE Bohemians at Beraun. — Their Submission. — Conditions Imposed by Sigismund. — His Letter to Prague. — Compliance of the Huss- ites.— Insults Offered Them. — Proceedings of Sigismund at Breslau. — Hussites Divided into Calixtines and Taborites. — Policy and Views of Each. — The Adamites. — The Fanaticism of the Taborites in Regard to thb Advent of Christ. — Its Effects. — Danger of Dissensions. April 15, 1418 — Jan. 9, 1420. The dissolution of the council of Constance, and the effort necessary on the part of Sigismund to re- store the peace of his empire, gave a short respite to ' The nuthorities which have been Gnerre des Ilnssites, Diarium Belli mainly relied upon for this and the Hussiitici, by a Calixtine author. Life two following chapters, are Cochlaeus' of Zisca, and Life of Procopius, History of the Hussites, ^Enens Syl- (Prague, 1789,) and the general vius' History of Bohemia, L'Enfant's Church Histories during this period. (363) 364 LIFE ATfD TIMES OF J0H:N- HUSS. [Cu. XIIL the Bohemians, — if respite that condition could be called, in which the exterminating and persecutino^ bull of Martin V. was continually suspended over them. This fulmination was to them the parting word of the council, its farewell of bitter malediction. It showed plainly enough on what terms alone peace could be made. Unable to secure the persons of the Bohemian countrymen of Huss, whom they might subject to a similar treatment, the council translated the act of his execution into words, and, in the bull itself, despatched into Germany a written auto defe^ a legible funeral pile, every line ao*low with the spirit of the inquisitor. But the logic of this document was a two-edej-ed sword. It cut both ways. Jacobel's treatises on the cup did not contain arguments half so effectual to strengthen the faith of his party, as were contained in the decrees of the council and the bull of the pope. No conclusion is more firmly held than that which is reached by a reductio ad ahsiwdum. The papal fulmination might have been headed by the creed of the Hussites, and followed by a Q. E. D., to signalize the fact that the ti'uth of the theorem was demonstrated. At least this must have been so to many minds. But the Bohemians did not choose to pass over in silence so extraordinary a document as this bull of a pope, elected for the purpose of evangelical reform. They answered it, and circulated the reply far and wide through the land. Although it does not appear to have been issued until some months after the pul> licatiou of the bull, it may as well be given here, aa Ch. XIII.] MANIFESTO OF THE HUSSITES. 365 showing the spirit in wliicli the bull was received It is entitled " A faithful and Christian exhortation of the Bohemians to kings and princes, to stir them up to the zeal of the gospel." It speaks of the in- dustrious efforts that had been made in certain quar- tei*s to excite hostility and persecution against the Bohemians.^ " As well on your part as on ours, many men, both noble and untitled, have foolishly lost their lives. Yet never hitherto have ye in any part understood our faith by our own confession ; neither whether we be able to prove the same out of the scriptures or not, and yet in the mean time kings, princes, lords, and cities have sustained great damage. And hereof we do greatly marvel, that you do so much trust and believe the pope and his priests, which give you drink full of poison, and such com- fort as no man can understand, in that they say they will give you forgiveness of sins, and grant grace and pardon to this end, that you should war upon us and destroy us, whereas their graces and pardons are none other than great lies, and a great seducing of the body and soul of all them that believe them, and put their trust in them. This we would prove to them, and convince them by the Holy Scripture ; and we would suffer that whoever is desirous to hear, the same should hear it. For the pope and all his priests herein deal with you as the devil would have dealt with our Lord Jesus Christ. . . . " So the devil deceiveth the pope and all his priests with the riches of the world, and witli worldly ' I have preferred to retain the lator, rather than change it to more language of the early English trans- modern pliraseology. 366 LIFE AND TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIH. power; and they think they can give grace and pardon when they will ; and they themselves shall never find favor before Almighty God, except they repent, and make amends for their great deceiving of Christendom. And how can they give to others that which they themselves have not? So did the devil, who was rich in promising and poor in giving. And like as the devil is not ashamed to tell a lie, so all they are not ashamed to speak that which shall never be found true, nor be proved by the Holy Scriptures ; because, for no cause they stir up kings, princes, lords, and citizens to make war against us, not to the end that the Christian faith should thereby be defended, but because they fear their secret vices and heresies shall be disclosed and made manifest. For if they had a true cause, and a godly love to the Christian faith, they would then take the books of the Holy Scripture, and would come to us, and con- fute us with the weapons of God's word ; and that is our chief desire. For so did the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ, who came to the pagans and the Jews, and brought them from their infidelity to the true faith of our Lord Jesus Christ ; and this they did in the spirit of meekness. ... So ought they also to do, if they perceived that they were just and we un- just. . . . The truth ought not to be afraid of false- hood. . . . Zerobabel declareth that the truth is of all things the most mighty, and overcometh all things. For Christ is the truth. John xiv. . . . Therefore, if the pope and his priests have the truth, let them overcome us by the word of God. But if they have lies, then they cannot long abide in their presumption. Cn. Xlir.] MANIFESTO OF THE HUSSITES. 367 " Wherefore we beseech and exhort all the imperial cities, all kings, princes, noblemen, rich and pooi-, for God's sake, and for his righteousness, that one of them write hereof to another, and that there may be some means devised by which we may commune with you, safely and friendly, at some such place as shall be fit for both you and us ; and do you brinf»- with you your bishops and teachers, and let them and our teachers fight together with the word of God, and let us hear them ; and let not the one over- come the other by violence or false subtlety, but only by the word of God. " And if your bishops and teachers have better proofs of their faith out of the Holy Scripture than we, and our faith be found untrue, we will receive penance and satisfaction ac- cording to the gospel. But if your bishops and teachers be overcome of ours by .the Holy Scrip- ture, then do ye repent and hearken to us, and hold with us. And if your bishops and teachers will cease from their spiritual pride, and repent and make sat- isfaction, then will we help you according to our power. . . . "And if ye will not determine to do any other thing than to fight against us, then will we take the Lord to our help, and his truth ; and we will defend it to the death, and we will not be afraid for the excommunication or curse of the pope, or his cai-di- nals, or of the bishops, because we know that the pope is not God, as he maketh himself, so that he may curse and excommunicate when he will, or bless when he will ; who has now these many years cursed and excommunicated us, and yet, notwithstanding, 368 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIII. God and his gracious blessing hath been our help." To the objection supposed to be made, that they could not do without priests and bishops to baptize, hear confessions, and minister the holy mysteries, and that even though they should be evil and wicked, it was impossible to do without them, the Bohe- mians reply, that " when wicked bishops and priests shall be banished, then place shall be made for good priests and bishops." As to the charge that they did not believe in pur- gatory, the Virgin Mary, or the saints, they claim that they will prove by Holy Scripture how they ought to believe in regard to these things, better than the bishops or priests could tell them. As to obedience to the pope, they declare that they will render him obedience when he should be holy and just. In regard to their overthrow of public wor- ship, " destroying monasteries, and banishing thence the wicked monks and nuns," as was charged upon them by their enemies, they reply, "Truly we did it, thinking once that they were holy, that they did the reverend service of God ; but after that we well ob- served and considered their life and works, then we perceived that they were hypocrites, falsely aping humility, and wicked builders on high, and sellers of pardons and masses for the dead, and such as devoured in themselves the sins of the people. . . . Forasmuch as their selling of tlieir prayers and masses for the dead for gifts, is no better than hy- pocrisy and heresy, — therefore if we do speak against them, and destroy their monasteries, we do not there- in destroy the service of God, but rather the service Cu. XIII] SUBJECTS FOR DISCUSSION. 369 of the devil, aud the school of heretics. And if ye knew them as we know them, ye would as diligently destroy them as we do. For Christ our Lord did not ordain any such order .... aud he said, Every plant which my Heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up." In the close of their apology, the Bohemians bring forward several subjects to be considered. They are disposed in sixteen articles, intended mainly to expose the corruptions of the church, the avarice, extortion, lewdness, and hypocrisy of the clei-gy. Theii* articles are then, stated, which they declare they will strive for and maintain unto the death. These are, the prohibition of gross public sins, whether in laity or clergy ; the inconsistency of large revenues' and pomp with the simplicity of ministers of Jesus Christ ; the freedom of the word of God to be read and preached in all places, " without any in- hibition of either spiritual or earthly power ; " and the communion of the body and blood of Christ as he ordained. This apology of the Bohemians is signed by four of their leading captains, Procopius, Conrad, Sams- smolich, aud Smahors. It is honorable at once to their courage, their prudence, their Christian intelli- gence, and their regard for the supreme authority of the word of God. It undoubtedly expressed the general feeling and conviction of the nation. To attempt to confute them by the logic of an armed invasion was but madness. Persecution would only exasperate. Nor were they wanting in men who dared, and who were competent, to place them- VOL. II. 24 370 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIII. selves at their head. Years before, Zisca had won high renown as a bold and able general. His promp- titude and energy in dispelling the storm that threat- ened the Hussites when they had been summoned to appear unarmed before Wenzel, had secured the confidence and respect of the Bohemians. He was finally acknowledged their leader by an indisputable preeminence, and he was worthy of the post. His abilities, attested by subsequent campaigns, rank him as the greatest general of the age. Never did any man unite in himself qualities more eminently fitting him to be at once the head of a party, and the leader of an army. His genius for planning a campaign or assault, was only equalled by his pi-ompt energy in putting his plan in execu- tion. He understood perfectly the art of rendering himself the master of the minds of the multitude. Bohemia was in arms for the communion of the cup. He holds up a sacramental cup before the army, and tells tliem to behold their standard. He has no troops but infantry. By an unexpected assault he surprises the army of the emperor, and carries off a thousand horses, thus at onae providing himself with cavalry. He is without a fortified town to afford security for his troops. He ascends a high mountain with his soldiers, and there addresses them : " Do you want houses ? Set up your tents here, and make youi' camp your city." The thing is done, and Ta- bor is at once a fortress. From its impregnable heights Zisca can defy his foe. Thither, moreover, he may always securely retreat. Cromwell's Iron- sides could not surpass Zisca's soldiers. The latter Ch. XIII.] zisca's letter. 371 also felt the inspiration of their leader's words — words derived from scripture, and glowing with the enthusiasm which it inspired. To the inhabitants of Tausch he wiites : ^ " May God grant, dear brethren, that performing good works, like the true children of your Heavenly Father, you may remain steadfast in his fear ; if he has visited you, let not affliction abate your courage ; think of those who labor for the faith, and who suffer on account of the name of Jesus Christ. Imitate the old Bohemians, your an- cestors, always read}^ to defend the cause of God and their own. Let us constantly have before our eyes the divine law, and the good of the common weal ; let us be vigilant ; and let whoever knows how to handle a knife, or to throw a stone, or to brandish a club, be ready to march. . . . Let your preachers encourage your people to war against Antichrist ; let every one, young and old, prepare for it. When I shall arrive among you, let there be no want of bread, or beer, or forage ; lay up a store also of good works. Behold, the time is now come to arm your- selves, not only against your outward enemies, but also against those that you have within yourselves. Remember your j&rst combat when you were few in number against many, and without arms against those that were well-provided. The hand of God is not shortened : courage, therefore, and be ready. ZiscA of the CupT This letter shows at once the spirit of Zisca, his skill in touching the chords of popular feeling, and his watchfulness over the cause which he had taken * L'Enfant's Guerre des IIus., i. 93. 372 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. XIII. in hand. Cromwell, before tlie battle of Dunbar, charging his soldiers to " trust in God and keep their powder dry," was manifesting the same exquisite combination of religious enthusiasm and good sense that Zisca did, when he urged the people in the same breath, to " let there be no want of bread, beer, and forage," and to " lay up also a store of good works." The soldiers of Zisca were trained by him as the great Englishman trained his Ironsides. The laity as well as clergy preached for both. The camp was a church, the army a religious assembly. Tabor was, in a new sense, the Mount of Transfiguration. Fi^om all parts of Bohemia thi-ongs came flocking thither, and there — as a kind of national covenant — the communion of the cup as well as of bread w\as freely administered. The intelligence of what was taking place at Tabor spread over Bohemia. The friends of Huss and of the cup were encouraged. The popular tide, directed by such a man as Zisca, was certain to bear down all before it. His army was not composed of mere soldiers of fortune. They were men of deep relig- ious convictions — some of them, indeed, driven w^ell- nigh inad by persecution — reckless of life in theii' indignant defiance of Martin's bull, which seemed to combine in it the cruelty of the inquisition, the bru- tality of the dragoon, and the malice of the fiend. Many, undoubtedly, like Zisca himself, could speak of their own private wi'ongs. The image of an out- raged sister, or of a friend bound in chains to the stake about which the flames raged, rose up before them at the sight of a monk or priest, and led them to Cn. XIII.] GEEAT MEETING AT TABOR. 373 those acts of resentmeut and vengeance Tvith wLicli tliey were so heavily charged. " If ye knew them as we know them," said they in their apology for destroying the monasteries, " ye would as diligently destroy them as we do." These institutions were undoubtedly excessively corrupt, and so far as their friends at the council and the approvers of the violence of the bull were con- cerned, there could be no ground for reproof Even for us, who regret the violence, it is difficult to say how for circumstances justified it, or how far, as John Knox urged, it was necessary to destroy the rook- eries in order to drive out the foul birds, the harjoies, from their roosts. As favorers of the bull, they were pul:)lic persecutors, and their urgent application for foreign intervention and invasion, justly led to their beins; res^arded as traitors. It was on the twenty-second of July (1419) that the grand communion of the multitude was held at Tabor.^ Undesignedly, the priests in many places had contributed to favor the plans of Zisca. They had refused the communion of the cup to the laity in their own neighborhoods, and had thus forced them, in order to enjoy a privilege which they most highly prized, to swell the ranks of the Hussite leader. They would, of course, in the state in which things then were, go armed, and thus, beyond his expectations, the multitude of his followers was swelled by thousands. It is not surprising, when we consider the feelings with which they were inflamed, and the confidence which their visible strength and * Guerre des Hus., i. 91. Diari. Bel. Hus., 143. 374 LIFE AND TI:MES OF JOIIX IIUSS. [Cii. XIII. numbers must liave inspired, that a plan should have been adopted for seizing or assaulting the city of Praorue.'^*^^ The multitude could not all remain lonsr together. Many of them doubtless belonged in Prague itself, or its neighborhood, and a march upon the city might be made as they returned to their own homes. The elements of disaffection were abundant within the walls, and on the thirtieth of July they broke out into open violence.-^ The kino; himself had withdrawn from Pra^-ue to one of his castles, some miles distant; but already the fear of his bi'other, the terrors of a crusade, or the levelling principles of some of the reformers, who imagined that monarchy might be superseded by a republic, had driven him over toward the side of the papal party. His officei's and soldiers who were left behind, showed themselves similarly dis- posed with their master. Violent assaults were made, and individuals were seized and imprisoned. The citi- zens of Prague could not therefore feel themselves safe while the soldiers of the king possessed within the walls a fortified position like that of the castle or royal palace, from which they might at any moment be assaulted. The host of Zisca, by his training, had now assumed the aspect of a regular army. He led them on to the attack of the new city — the part of Prague occupied by the party which was opposed to tke reformers, and supported by the court. The inhabitants of the city joined in the assault. Zisca seems however to have been content for the present merely to intimidate the papal party. ' Guerre des Hus., i., 92, 93. Diari. Bel IIus., 143. Cn. XIII.] INSURKECTIO:^ AT PUAGUE. 8<0 Some of liis army — more intent on observing their religious rite, and improving tlie occasion for regain- ing tlie places of pu1)lic worship, from wliicli, in the absence of their advocate, Nicholas de llussinitz, they had probably been again excluded by Wenzel'a ordei-s — sought to enter St. Stephen's church. They found it locked. Indignant at this exclusion, they assaulted it, and burst open the doors. Tlie priest, who had ventured to resist them, became the object of their vengeance. They broke open his parsonage, and huns: him from one of the windows. After having enjoyed the freedom of the church and performed their favorite ceremonies, the party withdrew, and proceeded to the Carmelite monastery. Here the}' resolved to array themselves in proper order, and, forming themselves into a procession, march to the council-house of the new city,^ demand- ing that those of their friends who had been impris- oned should be released. The demand was presented. The council hesitated to grant it. Some were for holding out to the last. The people stood without, quietly awaiting an answer to their demand. At this moment, some one from one of the uj^per win- dows threw a stone, which struck the Hussite priest who bore the host. The people were enraged. Their patience was exhausted by delay, and they regarded the act as a signal for an assault. Resist- ance was vain. The indignant vengeance of the people, led on by Zisca, swept all before it. The council-house was taken by storm. Eleven of the councillors escaped ; but the seven others, all Gei"- » Diar. Bel. IIus., 14. 376 LIFE AND TI5IES OF JOIII^ HUSS. [Cn. XIII. mans, and, as such, hateful to the Bohemians, were thrown from the upper windows as they were seized, and impaled on the spears and lances of the mul- titude below.^ The prisoners were of course re- leased.^ It is a singular but instructive fact, that at this moment, when violence seemed to rule, when the attack of the royal garrison had been foiled, and when some of the council had been put to death, and others had fled, no thought of lawless license or rav- age was allowed a place in the minds of the triumph- ing party. Their fii'st care was to restore the forms of civil government. Proclamation was made, and, under pain of death or exile, all citizens were sum- moned to meet together at the council-house, to elect four magistrates, to whom the authority and seal of the city should be committed till the time for the next regular election of councilmeu should substitute others in their place. Meanwhile the assault upon the new city was con- tinued. For five days, scenes of violence were con- stantly occurring. The court, it was now known, had taken an open stand against the Hussites. It was resolved that the leaders of the reform party should all be put to death. The attacks which had been made upon the Hussite processions by the officers and soldiers of the king, and which had aggravated difficulties, had evidently been by the king's order, or at least his connivance. The people saw nothing before them but victory on the one hand, and, on tlie other, persecution with a suppression of their worship. '^neas Sylvius, cb. xxxvii. ' Life of Zisca, p. 9. Ch. XIII.] ZISCA LEAA'ES PRAGUE. 377 They therefore pui-sued the siege with ardor. But the queen with the royal party liad retired to the castle ill the upper city, and while they resisted the assault, despatched, for the second time, messages to Sigismund for aid. Zisca at this moment withdrew from the city. His biographer^ informs us that the excesses of the citi- zens, which he could not approve, was the reason of his departure. It is more probable that he foresaw the storm about to burst upon the city in response to the summons of Wenzel, and wished to be pre- pared for it. lie withdrew to Pllsen, gathering his troops around him. The place was at the safe dis- tance of fifty or sixty miles from Prague, and se- cured its defence from the direction of Nuremberg. Here Zisca quietly watched the progress of affairs, ready to suppress any attempt that might be made to carry into execution the designs of the enemy. He was sufficiently strong and secure to defy any probable assault. Meanwhile the citizens of Prague bore with the greatest impatience the presence of the royal gar- rison within the walls. There it was, perched upon the lofty heights of the hill upon which the castle stood, ready at once to swoop down upon its victims. Though they had been forced to give over their as- sault upon it, the garrison was exposed to continued molestations. Efforts were made to secure a truce or a compromise, but the citizens would consent to none which did not allow them free liberty of wor- ship. Thus negotiations were protracted. The cas- •Life of Zisca, p. 11, 12. 378 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. XUI, tie was in fact in a state of siege, with little prospect of relief But at tliis juncture, and while Sigismund, who had been appealed to for aid, was busily engaged in Hungary in protecting the rights of his hereditary states, a summons, more effectual than any that had been sent him hitherto, roused him to prompt and energetic action. This was the announcement of the death of his brother, the king of Bohemia. He died in a manner worthy of his life. Upon being in- formed of the commotion that had taken place at Prague on the thirtieth of July, he broke out in a torrent of passionate invective against its authors. Several of the courtiers who were present expressed their detestation of the enormities tjiat had been perpetrated. One of his attendants, however, ven- tured to say that he had foreseen what was about to take place ; probably intending to attribute it to Wenzel's withdrawal from Prasrue. Such freedom of lan2:uaQ:e aroused the ticker in the heart of the irascible and passionate king. He sprang upon the bold attendant who had dared to speak words so uncourteous to royal ears, and dashing him to the ground, was about to consummate his violence by plunging his dagger into the bosom of his prostrate victim. From this he was withheld by his attend- ants, and could scarcely be persuaded not to order the bold speaker at once to be executed. The ex- citement and frenzy which had thus been produced were too much for a frame already worn out by dis- sipation. He was struck with paralysis,^ and after ' Guerre des IIuss., 99. ^neas Sylvius, ch. xxxvii. Ch. XlII] ALAinr AT TKAGUE. 3<9 lingering eiglitet'U (l:iy,^, expired. He had marked the names oi' several Hussites whom he had doomed to death, but the blow that smote him rescued and delivered them.^ The death of Wenzel (Aug. 16, 1419) left the kingdom of Boliemia, in default of other heirs, to his brotlier Sigismund. The queen, Sophia,'^ sought, on hei- husband's death, not only to secure the aid of Sigismund, but to engage the citizens of Pi-ague to conditions of peace, by which the emperor should be at once adopted as their king. But they refused to acknowledge him. His whole course had been such as to commend him only to the abhoi'rence of all who chei'ished the memoiy of Huss. Meanwhile Sigismund himself was making prep- arations for taking possession of the kingdom, which he claimed to inherit from his brother. The citizens of Prao-ue became alarmed. Their enemies still held the royal castle, as well as the Vissehrad, and anx- iously awaited tlie emperor's approach, to retaliate upon the citizens for the assaults they had endured. The only security of the latter was in a speedy re- duction of the castle. They at once applied for aid to tbeir allies. Zisca saw the importance of the en- terprise. Accompanied by Coranda and Nicholas de Hussinitz, he hastened to the rescue. The new city, with the Vissehrad, was taken by the combined forces, on October 25, 1419. The castle hardly escaped. * The liody of Wenzel, according to it was purchased bj- Sigismund, wlio 8ome authorities, was first deposited had it properly entoml)ed. Godeau, in its tomb, and afterward taken xxxvii. 26. Also, ^Eneas Sylvius, cli. up and flung into the Moldau. Here xxxvii. Diar. Bel. Hus., 145. it was found by a fisherman, of whom " Jilneaa Sylvius, ch. xxxriii. 380 LITE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIII. In order to understand fully the apprehension, on the part of the citizens of Prague, which led them to invite Zisca to their aid, we must recur to what had taken place since his first assault of the new city. The writer of the " Diary of the Hussite War" gives us a version of what transpired, which, though it differs in some respects from the statements of other histori- ans, commends itself to our confidence by its supe- rior credibility. The rage of the king on the an- nouncement of what took place on the 30th of July was due, not so much to the scenes of violence which then transpired, as to the presumption of the citizens in electing their own magistrates, without waiting for his sanction. The fear that haunted him, was that of being deposed from the throne. He watched with intense jealousy every movement which seemed to indicate the least disposition to put any other in his place. His threat, addressed to Nicholas de Hussi- nitz,^ grew out of this extreme sensitiveness to a dreaded danger. These fears were fully understood by the members of his court, some of whom favored the Hussite party. By their means a temporary peace was negotiated, the conditions of which were, that the citizens should humbly submit themselves to the king, while he, on his part, and in maintenance of his authority, should acknowledge the four magis- trates elected by the people, and give them his sanc- tiom The Hussites, moreover, were to be allowed liberty of worship. On these conditions, peace was restored, and the commotion subsided. But is was » This threat was, that in leading which Hussite worship might be held, the citizens who came with the de- he was spinning a cord for his own mand for some of the churches in neck. Cu. XIII.] ACTS OF VIOLENCE. 381 only till the iutelUgence of Wenzel's death excited new distrust. On the next day scenes of violence again occurred. The fury of the populace was directed, chiefly, against those churches in which the communion of the cup was not allowed.* The oi-gans and images were broken and destroyed. The clergy, apprehen- sive of danger, fled. As night drew on, the violence increased. The Carthusian monastery was attacked, and the wine found there was freely drunk, until many were intoxicated. The monastery itself was plundered, and the monks within were borne off to the council-house, to be restrained of their liberty, and perhaps otherwise punished for having consented to the death of Huss, and opposed the communion of the cup. On the next day the Carthusian monas- tery was taken anew by assault, and burned, leaving only its walls standing. The tomb of Archbishop Albic, in the Church of the Holy Virgin, was broken open, and the images dashed in pieces. The commo- tion spread to the neighboring cities and villages. The monastery of the preaching friars at Piska was completely sacked. A great multitude, drawn from various parts of the kingdom, assembled on a moun- tain ^ near Ladwy, and after listening to various ex- hortations to love God, and abide by the truth, and enjoying the communion of the cup, marched in pro- cession to Prague, and were hospitably welcomed by the citizens. Torches were carried and drums beaten as they entered the gates, and the multitude took possession of the Ambrosian monastery, where they » Diar. BeL Hus., 145. » Diar. BeL Hus., 146. 382 LITE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIII. were supplied witli food for several days by the in- habitants of the city. The presence of the multitude had doubtless been sought, and it contributed effect- ually to expedite a second truce between the two parties. Upon this, the strangers, who had also tried their skill at image breaking, withdrew from Prague.^ For several weeks the city continued quiet. The queen, however, — and certain ])arons of the kingdom, the principal of whom were Czenko de Wartenberg, the governor of the castle, William of Hazmburgk, and John Chudoba, availing themselves of the treas- ures which Wenzel left behind him, — called in the f^id of the German forces, and began to act upon the aggressive.^ The citizens of Prague, asking for free- dom of worship only, were too well aware of the vengeance which had been provoked by the violence of some among them, nor did they fail to arm them- selves against the enemy. The city was thus in a state of insurrection. Its inhabitants felt that, with Sigismund advancing against them, there could be no security while the castle held out.'^"^ In these circumstances Zisca was appealed to. The cause in many respects was a common one, and he hastened to comply with the summons. Probably but a small part of his forces accompanied him. The report was spread in Prague that his enemies were disputing with him access to the city. The great drums ' were beaten. Multitudes obeyed the signal. The forces were joined, and the assault commenced. At first the royal party had the advantage. They ' Diar. Bel Hus., 146, 147. ' ^neas Sylvius, ch. xxxviii. ' Magnse Companffi pro concursu populi. Cii. XIII.] ATTACK ON THE KLEINE-SEITE. 383 disputed the passage of the bridge, and wei-e able to do it l)y the strong positions which they held in the royal castle, the archiepiscopal palace, and the house of the Duke of Saxony. They were armed, more- over, with mortars,^ — though these did Init little exe- cution, whethei' from want of skill in their manage- ment, or from their imperfect structure. The passage to the Kleine-Seite, (^parvam partam^ though hotly disputed, was at length secured by breaking open a gate adjoining the house of the Duke of Saxony, althouc^h numbers were slain on both sides. The royal party at once commenced their retreat to the castle. Horses, arms, and various spoils left behind them, were eagerly seized and appropriated.^ The whole night long the uproar continued. The bells were rung as if in defiance, and in order to con- tinue the alarm. A.t midnight th.e queen fled, ac- companied by but a small number, among whom was the Baron Ulric de Rosenberg. There was great danger that the castle itself would be forced to yield. During the night, however, the invading party had largely withdrawn to their homes. The royalists improved the occasion, and sallying forth ft'om the castle, seized upon the council-house of the Kleine- Seite, and bearing ofi* the treasures and records, set the building itself on fire. The flames spread to the adjoining houses, wdiich were rapidly consumed. These events took place at an early hour in the morning (Nov. 5, 1419). The attack of the citizens was not resumed till a late hour of the day. The strengthL of eacli party — one fiivored by position, and ' Bombardifl. » Diar. Bel. Hus., 148, 149. 384 LITE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIII. the otlier by numbers — was nearly equal. The royal party burned several bouses and dwellings, some of tbem of great value, among tbem the School of St. Nicholas. They bore off moreover to the castle a number of prisoners. The citizens on their part plundered and sacked the archiepiscopal palace and other buildings. Thus each party seemed to aspire to exceed the other in vandalism. Those of the castle could command, from theii' high position, an extensive view, and, among other means of oifence, sought to prevent the entrance of provisions within the walls of the city. Thus the contest lingered on undecisive. For several days there were fi-equent skirmishes. The citizens were reinforced by four thousand Taborites, who cut their way through the enemy and succeeded in making good their entrance into Prague, where they were received with acclamation. The royalist party saw themselves again forced to oifer terms of peace. This was effected by the promise that the Bo- hemians should be allowed the communion of the cup, and that the law of God and the truth of the gospel should be maintained throughout the kingdom. On the other hand, the citizens bound themselves to refi'ain from any further violence toward the churches, and any further breaking of images. The Vissehrad also was to be no further molested.^ This truce was doubtless unacceptable to Zisca, who, with the Ta- borites, withdrew at once from the city. Subse- quent events made its impolicy manifest. It left their enemies a stronghold, from which they could » Diar. Bel. Hus., 150. Cn. XIII] CRUELTMS TOWARD THE UUSSITES. 385 at their i:)leasure commence to act upon the aggres- sive. Meanwhile the enemies of the Taborites, who had opposed them on their march to Prague, had not been idle. They were encouraged and directed by the emperor. Led on by Peter von Sternberg, they had begun to act upon the offensive. They had assaulted those cities which had contributed men to aid the citizens of Prague. At Ausch^ they had taken a number of prisoners ; but when, encourao-ed by success, they had ventured an attack upon the heights of Knin, they were completely routed. As Zisca, dissatisfied with the results at Prague, had now rejoined his aimy, the enemy were constrained to limit their operations to mere skirmishes of little imj^ortance. The truce agreed upon was to continue from Nov. 12, 1419, to April 21, 1420. It was destined, how- ever, soon to be broken. The Hussites zealously im- proved it, while it lasted, in preachings, communions, and lamentations over the death of liuss. They were, however, subject to continual molestations. "Wherever their enemies prevailed, they were forced to undergo the greatest vexations and sufferings. Such of them as had been taken captive, were treated with great harshness. Some were cruelly imprisoned, and left in theii- dungeons to endure hun^i-er and thii-st. Some were sold ^ for money, or subjected to every species of abuse. A favorite mode of dispos- ing of them was to throw them, sometimes alive, and sometimes after being beheaded, into deep wells or ' Frequently written Aussig. « Pescheck., i. 14, VOL. 11. 25 388 LIFE AKD TDIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XIII. ever, of all distrust, the citizens of Prague were pres- ent by deputation at Beraun. The barons of the kingdom of Bohemia and the march of Moravia, as well as the magistrates of the royal cities and the officials of the kingdom generally, were present. The Queen Sophia, the legate of the pope, with many princes and magistrates, accompanied the emperor. The embassy from Prague reached Beraun on the twenty-seventh of December ^ (1-119). They entered the city with sound of trumpets, and in somewhat imposing array. The emperor, with the magnates of his court, and many of the clergy as well as laity, witnessed the entrance of the procession, and gazed with surprise at its numbers and array. It was hos- pitably received, in quarters set apart specially for its entertainment. Priests from Prague accompanied it, and performed their favorite rites of worship free from all molestation. The priests of the other party refused, however, to perform any of the sacred offices pertaining to their function, while the citizens of Prague remained within the walls. Beraun should suffer for permitting the entrance of the heretics. Such was the spirit in which the Hussites were still reo-arded.^ On the third day the embassy presented itself before the emperor. On bended knees they saluted him in the name of their city, and accepted him as their hereditary king and master. Sigismund up- braided them with great severity, and imposed the conditions on which he was willing to i-eceive them into favor. His feelings toward them were exceed- ' Guerre des Hus., i. 111. ' Diar, BeL Hu3., 153. Ch. XIII.] IROXICAL LETTER. 389 ingly embittered. The conduct of the clergy and legates of the papal party had increased his exasper- ation. The events that had taken place at Pi-agne had aggravated his purpose of vengeance, and the disappointments which he had elsewhere experienced had only soured his spirit, till he was ready to sanc- tion any measures, however atrocious, that might be necessary, in order to subdue his rebellious subjects. Several weeks before the meeting of this convention at Beraun, he had written to the magistrates at Prague a letter, in which, forgetful of the imperial dignity, he had indulged in a tone of sarcasm which was only calculated to irritate rather than conciliate revolt.* Addressing the magistrates, he says, in bitter irony, "Especially are we anxious that you should not give up your Wickliffite sanctity. Oh ! what pleasure must it give a prince to have so large a number of such rulers and such subjects ! He will establish his throne, and his glory will spread from the East to the West. Therefore, most dear and loyal, our heart is cheered to learn what is your pru- dence, wisdom, union ! Indeed, you are a mirror for other lands, the light of the ignorant and such as wander in darkness, and the council of Constance is nothing but obscurity compared with your wisdom. Have you not illuminated Prague and all Bohemia ' The author of the Diary of the kingdom, induding the governors of Hussite war (p. 157) saj's, that Sigis- tlie royal castle, burgomasters, and mund wrote letters, which were sent judges, to constrain, persecute, and throughout the kingdom, in which he exterminate from the kingdom all commanded all the barons, and es- Wickliffites, Hussites, and favorers pecially all the magistrates of the of the cup." 390 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. XIII. by the fame of your learning? You may pass for pope, or even king, since you are so wise." The em- peror then reproaches them for the manner in which they had dealt with monasteries, convents, and par- ishes from which they had expelled the curates, because, as they said, they would not receive the law of God. Their treatment of the senators and judges — their iconoclastic propensities, which they indulged by breaking to pieces the images of the saints as useless idols — their disrespect for the relics of the saints, while they exalted Huss and Jerome to the rank of martyrs — their refusal to bow before the host — their neglect of the festivals of the saints — their readiness to hear preachers of both sexes — are the crimes which the emperor charges upon them. In view of these, he asks, " Who can suffice to chant your praises, if you are every day to make new prog- ress in these holy innovations ? Certainly the kings and princes of Christendom have admired, now do, and ever will admire, the extraoixlinary wisdom that has been infused into you, and of which the ancient fathers knew nothing. Thus, most ])eloved, if in time past we have written to you not to renounce the obedience of the Roman church, we have done it through ignorance, unaware of your exquisite dis- cernment." He then ironically pi-aises their conduct on the occasion of the death of Wenzel, when, armed with- vai'ious weapons, they ran through the city, in cloisters, churches, and chapels, singing their fine funeral songs. " It only remains," he adds, " for us urgently to beseech you to associate us with your college^ and employ all your means to fit us for the Ch. XIII.] THE TERMS IMPOSED. 391 government of Bohemia. But do not go about to say, as in the gospel, ' We will not have this man to reign over us,' or, 'This is the heir— let us kill him,' for we wish to profit by your counsels, and to be governed by your lights." Such a letter gave little assurance of favorable conditions for the citizens of Prao;ue. Nothing but the emperor's weakness forced him to temporize. Yet even under the pressure to which he was sub- jected by the state of his affairs, and notwithstand- ing the evident strength of the Hussite party, the conditions he imposed were sufficiently onerous. They were such as might most effectually promote any measures for completely subduing and suppress- ing the Hussite party. The citizens, as a pledge of tbeir submission to his power and authority, w^ere to remove all the chains from the streets of the city, aa well as the statues which they had set up. They were to level and destroy all the entrenchments and fortifications w^hich had been constructed since the death of Wenzel, for the sies^e or the stormiuir of the castle. The monks and priests should no longer be molested in any respect, and the citizens should make all ready for the coming of the emperor himself^ Not content with this, Sigismund deposed from office all those magistrates w^ho adhered to the com- munion of the cup, substituting in their place such as were distinguished for having opposed this inno- vation. Several forts and strong places were at the same time to be given into the hands of the empe- ror, who stationed in them faithful partisans. Some ' Guerre des Hus., i. 117. 392 LITE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUS.S. [Ch. XIIT. of tliese contained lai'ge treasures, "wliicli were after- ward employed to sustain the imperial arms. After little more than a week's absence, the em- bassy of the citizens returned to Prague^ (Jan. 4, 1420.) Hard as the conditions imposed were, and although accompanied by the act that substituted enemies in place of magistrates of their own choice, there seemed to jorevail a sincere disposition to sub- mit to Sigismund's authority. The chains and stat- ues were taken down from the streets and deposited in the council-house. The fortifications erected against the castle were levelled, even amid the deri- sion of the Germans of the garrison and the royal party. " Now," cried they, as they saw the works demolished by the hands of the builders, — " Now these "Wickliffite and Hussite heretics will be de- stroyed, and we shall have an end of them." At the same time many of the royal party, who had fled the city, returned. Priests, monks, canons, and common people, who had withdrawn upon the vio- lence that took place on occasion of the death of Wenzel, boldly appeared. Proclamation was made through the city, in the name of the king and magis- trates, that all persons who had left the city might now freely and safely reoccupy their dwellings. It was forbidden, morever, to offer insult to priests or monks, as had been the practice of men as well as boys, when any passed them along the street. The enemies of the Hussites, however, showed no disposition to relax their persecuting spirit and zeal. On the ninth of January (1420) Jolni Chodk, of » Diar. Bel. Hus., 154. Cn. XIII.] IMPOLITIC COUKSE. 393 Gurini, wlio had been taken prisoner some we(^ks before by the enemy, and who had hitherto been kept a close prisoner, was put to death. He admon- ished his murderers of the guilt which tliey were committing in the cruelties which they practised upon Christian believers, warning them to repent of these and their other sins. He, with three others, who were priests of the Hussite party, was thrown into a deejD well (ad foveam p'ofundafm sen Sacli- tarn.) On the same night many laymen were put to death in a similar manner. ^ But the emperor himself more than approved — ^he encouraged, by word and example, this persecuting and barbarous treatment of the Hussites. From the conference at Beraun, he had withdrawn to Breslau. Here he had manifested such a disposition to proceed against the followers of Huss, as to destroy the last vestige of confidence in his character or promise. He could not have pursued a course more directly calculated to defeat his own projects. The Hussites were already divided in sentiment upon many points. Some of them up to this time had been in favor of Sigismund for king, while others were bitterly op- posed to him, and preferred a republic, or at least another pei'son for their monarch. Persecution, too, had had its usual effect. Many had become wild enthusiasts. Driven to desperation, they had com- pared themselves to the ancient Israelites, and, as God's chosen people, dealt out threatenings and de- nunciations against their foes as impious Canaanites and heathen. Political and religious interests, vari- ' Diar. Bel. IIus., 154, 155. 394 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIII. ousl}'' combined, had served to widen the divisions that already existed in the views and sentiments of such as bore the common name of Huss. The thi-ee principal parties were the Catholics, the Utraquists or Calixtines, so called fi'om their devotion to the communion of the chalice or cup, and the Taborites. The first had lost much of their influence, or had become merged in the party of the Calixtines. These last were called the limping Hussites, by those who were more radical than themselves in their views of reform. And yet they were the most consistent and intelligent in their demands. They held to the com- munion of the cup, the free preaching of the word of God, the severe repression of public sins, as well of clergy as of laity, and the wrong of allowing to the priests landed proj^erty, or a share in the civil administration. The Calixtines were, in fact, the moderate or conservative party. They numbered among them the most influential men of Bohemia, and it was not long before they were joined by Archbishop Conrad himself The Taborites were so called, as composing mainly the army which founded the city of Tabor, of which they continued to retain possession. They were the soldiers of reform, and shared a deeper enthusiasm in the cause for which they bled, than their more peaceful brethren. They had lost, far more than their compatriots, all regard for the authority of popes, councils, or the church of Rome. They rejected al- together a hierarchy of priests, nor would they allow amy mere outward symbol or external ceremonial, as a spot upon the purity of a scriptural worship. C>i. XIII.] THE TABOIIITES. 395 Many of them went Leyond tlie views of IIuss, Je- rome, and Jacobel, wlioni tliey still reverenced, and rejected entirel}'- the doctrine of trausubstantiation. A great majority of the Taborites belonged to the lower classes, and some of them were excessively ignorant. Some doubtless, in rejecting priestly rule, gave themselves over to wholesale license. Contempt for the horrid vices and cupidity of the sacerdotal order would naturally smooth the way to violence and outrage, especially when that order became the aggressors. In this terrible reaction, the lower and more ignorant class would act a prominent part. Their leaders would almost insensibly be forced to conform to their tastes and yield to their prejudices. These were the men, some wild and raving in their vengeance, some more scriptural and even evangeli- cal in their sentiments, who composed that tenible force that supplied Zisca with his armies, and made the name of Hussite terrible over all Europe.^ Among the Taborites, and enjoying the liberty which they allowed, were mingled persons of other sects from which they must be carefully distinguish- ed. The freedom which was vindicated in Bohemia, drew to it the free-thinkers and heretics of other Ian is. Some of these were possessed of a spirit, and adopted sentiments, utterly discordant with those of the Hussites. Among them were the Adamites,' whose views of clothing much resembled those of the more fanatical of the early Quakers, who exposed themselves half naked to the public gaze. On other points they rendered themselves still more obnoxious. ' Diar. BeL Hu9. ' ^Eneas Sylvius, ch. xlL 396 LIFE AIS-D TIMES OF JOIIX HUSS. [Cii. XIII. Tliey carried tlie doctrine of modern free-love to a most licentious extreme. They do not seem at any time to have actually united themselves with the Taborites, nor do their views appear to have been adopted by the latter. Zisca considered them so criminal and dangerous, that he slew and extermi- nated them almost to a man. The Taborites themselves were fanatical mainly in their forced interpretation of the prophecies. They made abundant use of the obscurities of the book of Revelation, yet, like some of the preachers of the council of Constance, applied them mainly to the harlotiy of the Roman church. They held and preached the speedy coming of our Lord, to judge and to punish the world. The destruction of Sodom was a favorite figure, with them, of the approaching judgment of the nations. They went so far as to specify the cities of refuge — the Zoar of the purified church. These were five in number — Pilsen, Saatz, Launa, Slany, and Laatowia. The first of these they called the city of the Sun, and to it was conceded a preeminence above the others.^ The preachers of the Taborites scattered through Bohemia, propagated their peculiar views with great effect. Multitudes sold their possessions, no longer valuable to them, for a small sum, and hastened to take uj) their resi- dence in the five cities of refuge. JLetters were written and dispersed abroad, in which the doctrine of the coming of Christ was supported by prophecies ill undei'stood and falsely applied. Whole families would come, bringing the proceeds of their property ' Diar. Bel. Hug. Ch. XIII.] DANGER OF DIVISIONS. 397 with tliem, to swell tlie numbei-s of tlie Taborite liosts. Their money was fi-eely devoted to promote the cause which they had espoused. Nothing could ha^e been more fixvoral)le to the plans and mejisures of Zisca. The ranks of his army were kept full, and he was careful to train it to the most exact discipline. The enthusiasm of his soldiers, and their relioious ardor, fitted them to follow the command of one whose genius as a General was combined with a de- votion that made him, as a leader of armies, the Cromwell of his ao-e. There was obvious danger of a serious division among the Hussites, some favoring the Calixtines, some joining themselves to the Taborites. In fact, so strongly had the prejudices of men already taken root, that strong jealousies and rivalries had even now sprung up at Prague. The CalLxtines prevailed in the old town, and the Taborites in the new— where their battles had been fought and their victo- ries won. For twenty years there was a state of ri- valry, sometimes approaching to open war, between the two parts of the city. It was owing to this fact undoubtedly in part, and the consequent jealousy produced by the presence of Zisca, that he was pre- vented from making a longer stay when he marched at different times to the relief of the city. The folly of Sigismund was manifest in adopting measures of severity which united, even temporarily, the discord- ant elements of opposition. CHAPTER XIV. DEFEAT AND RETREAT OF THE EMPEROR. The Camxtine Nobility. — Their Political Sympathies. — Violence of thb Imperialists. — John Krasa. — Nicholas of Bethlehem. — The Burgomaster OF Leitmeritz and His Cruelties. — Twenty-four Drowned. — Reaction op Feeling AT Prague. — John of Zelew, the Premonstrant Monk. — Circular Letters. — Some of the Taborites Leave Prague. — Zisca a Leader. — Bohe- mian League. — Pilsen Held by Taborites. — Besieged by the Imperialists.— AfiANDONED BY the TaBORITES. — The LaTTER ATTACKED ON ThEIR ReTREAT TO Tabor. — Alarm at Prague. — John, the Premonstrant Monk. — Sigismund at Breslau. — John Krasa. — The Bull op Crusade. — Its Scope and Spirit. — Indulgences Promised in It. — Danger to the Bohemians. — Popular Feeling Against Sigismund. — His Directions to the Royal Governors. — Success op THE League Against Him. — Aosch Taken. — Hradisch. — Crusade Known at Prague. — Imperialists Flee to the Castle. — Covenant of the Citizens. — Measures Taken. — Army of Sigismund. — The Fortress of Tabor. — Visseh- rad in Danger. — Efforts of the Emperor for its Relief. — Attack on Tabor. — Defeat of the Imperialists. — The Taborites Triumphant. — The Lord of Rosenberg. — Voticz and Hradisch Taken. — Sigismund AppR0.\.CHEa Prague. — Krussina and His Horebites. — Demands of Sigismund. — His Cru- elties. — The Monasteries. — Sigismund's Army. — Bohemia Between the Two Contending Parties. — Sigismund Reaches Prague. — Proceeds to the Castle. — CzENKO. — The Army Encamps. — Cruelties to Bohemians. — The Enemy Repulsed from the Walls. — Zisca Fortifies the Galgenberg. — Is Attacked by the Imperialists. — The Rout. — Religious Exultation of the Citizens. — Dissension in the Imperial Army. — Acts of Violence and Cruelty. — Scene at Budweis. — Camp OP the Imperialists Destroyed by Fire. — Retaliation of the Taborites. — Proposals to Negotiate. — Favored by the Calixtines, — Their Motives. — Basis op Negotiation. — Rejected by Sigismund. — The Four Articles op the Calixtines. — Their Apology. — Coronation of the Emperor. Jat^. 9, 1420-JuLY 28, 1420. On the side of the Calixtines was ranged the larger portion of the Bohemian nobility. Among the Ta- (398) Cu. XIV.J MUTUAL ANIMOSITIES. 399 borites, the common people almost exclusively were to be found. The former inclhied to accept Sigis- mund as their king. The latter preferred, if not a republic, at least some other monarch than the em- peror. Had the two parties been left to themselves, the issue might have been somewhat doubtful. Bo- hemia might have shared the fate of England in the seventeenth century, for Zisca manifested a signal ability, and a tact for managing popular enthusiasm and religious impulses equal to that of the Lord Protector of England. But the folly of Sigismund only tended to band together the repugnant ele- ments into one common rebellion. The proceedings of the royal party had already alarmed the citizens of Prague. They were so far excited by their fears, as once more to lay aside their party aversions in. presence of a common foe. Zisca was, by conceded ability, if not by general consent, acknowledged as the champion of the nation, although there were some, not enough perhaps to be called a party, who were in favor of placing Nicholas de Hussiuitz upon the throne. Mutual animosities, however, were for the time suppressed by the cruel policy pursued by the im- perialists. The pretext for this was found in the ex- cesses of the Taborites. The latter were fiei'ce and relentless in the vengeance which they meted out to priests and monks. Their violence at Prague was copied throughout Bohemia. In some places their devastations were terrible. In the course of a few months, several hundred monasteries were sacked and burued. In Prague alone, during the year 400 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOKN" HUSS. [Cu. XIV. 1419, forty are said to have been destroyed by the Hussites.-^ But the imperialists needed no example from which to copy. They reduced cruelty to an art, and practised their barbarities on system. If any one was found, priest or layman, young or old, male or female, who refused to abjure the doctrine of the cup, the fate of such a one was sealed. No pity was shown, and no entreaty could rescue them from the flames, drowning, or the pits. The mines of Cuttemberg were pestilent with the stench of vic- tims. The convention at Beraun did not stay the rage of the imperialists, who seemed to regard it as merely binding their enemies, and giving them over to their hands in unresisting submission. Some of Sigismund's letters fell into the hands of the Huss- ites, and betrayed his bittei* purpose of vengeance. To Czenko of Wartemberg, governoi- of the royal castle, he wrote, — " Exterminate the Horebites." At Breslau, the Hussites in a tumult had killed a mams- trate. Sigismund took ample vengeance by putting twelve of them to death.* The passions of the Taborites were inflamed almost to madness by the studied cruelties and insults to which all those who adhered to the communion of the cup — whenever occasion offered — were subjected. In the early part of March, John Krasa, a mei-chant, oiy according to others, a Calixtiue priest of Prague, had visited Breslau whither Sigismund had with- drawn from the conference of Beraun on matters of business. In conversation, he happened to speak ' Guerre des IIus., 104. ' lb., 120. yEneas Sylvius, xxxix. Godeau, xxxvii. 80. Ch. XIV.] EXECUTION OF KRASA. 401 with disapproval of tlie burning of Hus^s, and in favor of the practice of the communion of the cup For this crime he was seized and thi'own into prison. On the following day, Nicolas of Bethlehem, who liad been deputed from Prague to the emperor to inform him that he would be recognized as king of Bohemia only when he had declared himself in favor of the Calixtine dogma, was also seized and cast into the same prison with Kraza. The indignation of Sigismund against Nicolas was extreme. He was condemned to be burned. Krasa cheered him in the pnson, reminding him of the sufferings of the old martyrs, and of the everlasting joy that would fol- low their momentary pains. On the 14th of March, 1420, Nicolas was led out to die ; but when the ropes were fastened to his feet by which a horse was to drag him to the place of execution, he was seized with a panic fear, and, yielding to the fair promises of the legate, who was then present, he renounced the doctrines of Huss.^ But Krasa, not- withstanding the fiite of his companion, and the promises and terrors by which it was attempted to shake his own constancy, continued immovable. He refused all the terms of pardon offered him. He was then slowly dragged through the streets. The legate, who would have preferred his recantation to his execution, followed him, several times oi'dering the procession to halt, and exhorting Krasa to re- cant and save his life. But his steadfast reply was, " I am ready to die for the gospel of Jesus." He was already half dead when he reached the place of * Pescheck's Reformation and Anti-reformation in Bohemia, i. 12, VOL. II. 26 402 LIFE A:N^D times of JOIIN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. execution, where he was devoted to the flames. It was on the next day that the papal bull of excom- munication and crusade against the Bohemians was published from the pulpits, and placarded on the walls of the churches. Every where the most barbarous cruelties were practised against the followers of Huss. A price was set upon the heads of the Taborites.^ For a priest, the sum paid was five guilders ; for a layman, one. The most horrid butcheries were the result of this barbarous measure. In May the burgomaster of Leitmeritz, Pichel by name, a cruel and deceitful w^retch, seized in one night twenty-four respectable citizens, among whom was his own son-in-law, and threw them into a deep dungeon near St. Michael's gate.^ When they were almost inanimate with cold and hunger, he took them out, with the assistance of some of the imperial officers, and, attended by a guard, pronounced upon them the sentence of death. They were then chained, borne in wagons to the banks of the Elbe, and thrown into the river. A great crowd, embracing the wives, children, and friends of the prisoners, wit- nessed the murderous spectacle, and could not re- strain the utterance of their grief The Burgomas- ter's daughter — his only child — cast herself with clasped hands at his feet, interceding for the life of her husband. " Spare your tears," was the stern and merciless reply ; " you know not what you desire. Can you not have a better husband than he ? " The father was inexorable, and the daughter, driven to ' Pescheck. ' lb. Cn. XrV.] TRAGEDY OF LEIT.MEllITZ. 403 desperation, exclaimed, "Father, you shall not give me in marriage again." Smiting her breast, and tear- ing her hair, she followed her husband with the rest. The victims, as they were cast into the river, pro- tested their innocence, and, bidding their friends farewell, exhorted them to constancy and obedience to the word of God, rather than the commandments of men. They then prayed for their enemies, and commended their spirits to Heaven. With their hands and feet bound together, they were conveyed in boats to the middle of the river and then cast into the stream. Lest any should escape, the banks were lined with executioner armed with pikes, who stood ready to stab and force back any that floated toward the shore. All perished. The burgomaster's daughter, after a vain struggle to save her husband, perished with him. The next day both were found, clasped in one another's arms, and buried in the same grave. Such ^^olence produced a powerful reaction. At Prague it was like a spark falling on tinder. The passions of the Calixtines as well as the Taborites were inflamed anew. A violent leader, John, a Premon- strant priest of the Monastery of St. Mary, formerly a monk of Zelew, put himself at the head of the popular movement. He harangued the citizens, taking for his text the barbarous cruelty of the im- perialists. He pronounced Sigismund the red horse of Apocalyptic vision — the sworn enemy of the cup — the author of the terril)le excommunication which had overtaken the great body of the nation.* " Will 'Diar. Bel. IIus., 161. 404 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cu. XIV. he treat you better," lie asked, " than lie has those of Breslau?" The excitement produced was intense. The pop- ulace swore never to receive Sigismund as their king. Circular letters were sent out to the several cities which the convention had agreed to give up to Sigis- mund, exhorting them never to admit him or his forces.^ He was pronounced an enemy of the Scla- vonian language, and responsible for the execution of Huss. He was charged with alienating portions of Bohemia for his own selfish interests, and with laboring for the excommunication and death of all the Hussite teachers.' In such circumstances, any further attempt to ful- fil the terms of the convention was scarcely to be ex- pected. Many of the Taborites of Prague, apprehen- sive of the result of the measure agreed upon at Beraun, had already left the city, and indignantly withdrawn to Tabor, or joined the forces under the command of John of Hussinitz. Wherever they went, they imparted to others their own indignation, and encouraged an open violation of the terms of the convention. Zisca saw no prospect of peace for the kingdom if Sigismund was allowed the undisputed succession to the crown. With several Hussite knights, he fore- swore obedience to a man who had allowed his safe- conduct to be violated with impunity in the case of Huss, and who already was appearing at the head of armies to subdue the kingdom, and trample upon its freedom of worship. This league, thus com * iEneas Sylvius, ch. xxxlx. ' Guerre des Hus., i. 120 Cn. XTV.] ZISCA AT TILSEN. 405 menced, grew rapidly. Barons, kniglits, and cities joined it. They swore never to receive Sigismnnd as tlieir king. With the increasing danger from abroad, the prospects of a fierce resistance from the union of the Hussites against the emperor brightened. His own cruelties, and the perfidy and violence of the royal party, were taking effect. The Taborite preachers had been instrumental in filling the five " cities of refuge," but especially Pil- sen, full to overflowing.^ It became therefore an ob- ject for the enemy to gain possession of it. Indeed, it had been pledged to the emperor by the terms agreed upon by the convention ; but to defeat them in this purpose, Zisca threw himself with his forces into the place, and held it for a time, refusing all conditions of surrender. He declined all negotiation with an enemy whom he dared not trust. He had with him in the city several eminent barons of the kingdom ; among them Brzenko de Sswihow and Walkun de Adlar. Of the party opposed to the communion of the cup, many were driven without the walls. Several monasteries and palaces adjoining the city were destroyed, at the instance of Wenzel de Coranda, one of the Hussite priests. But Zisca was not suffered to remain unmolested. The royal party, led by Bohwslaus de Swamberg, made an assault with a view to recover the city. He was defeated in his attempt, and put to flight, though the loss was considerable upon both sides.^ But the anxiety of the queen and the royal party to regain the place, led them promptly to reinforce the army * Dmr. BeL Hus., 155. Guerre des Hub., i. 119. ' Diar. Bel. Hu3., 150. 406 LIFE AND TlilES OF JOIIX IICSS. [Ch. XIV. of the siege. Skirmishes between the hostile armies were frequent, and the captives on both sides were treated with great cruelty. Unable to make much progress, the royal party proposed to negotiate for the evacuation of the city by the Hussites. The latter declined all terms with a party in whose pledges they could place no confi- dence. At length, urged by a deputation sent to them from Prague, who still wished to conciliate the em- peror by surrendering this as one of the cities claimed, they consented to treat for an evacuation of the place. The conditions were, that the city should enjoy the freedom of the communion of the cup, and that such as wished to leave the city might with- draw unmolested to Hradisch, with their wives and children. To these conditions the royal party obli- gated themselves, under severe penalties. But, like the members of the council of Constance in the case of Huss, they seem to have fully imbibed the doc- trine that no faith is to be kept with heretics. Seve- ral of their generals with a large force of cavaliy lay at Pisek, to whom information of the capitulation of the city was dispatched, with directions to attack the Hussites on their march to Hradisch, or Tabor. The necessary march of twenty miles in order to reach the latter place, would naturally afford the enemy many opportunities for assaulting them by a sudden and unexpected attack. The advice was not neglected. The royal party overtook the Hussites near Sudomertz, and a battle was there fought. The Taborites, destitute of cav airy, were in danger of being surrounded. They CH.XIV.] INFLAMMATORY DISCOURSE. 407 protected tlielr flanks by drawing their l)aggage- wagons in a circle around them, and thus were ena- bled for several hours to repel assault. The enemy, foiled in their purpose, at length withdrew from the field, bearing off thirty of the Taborites prisoners. The army of Zisca, leaving its wounded to the care of the villagers, resumed its march unmolested to Tabor, where they received a hearty welcome, with rejoicings over their escape. The battle of Sudo- mertz was fought on March 25, 1420. While these events were occurring at Pilsen, af- fairs were assuming at Prague a more threatening aspect. The Hussites became alarmed at the denun- ciations and threats of the royal party. Pilsen had been surrendered at their suggestion, partly, doubt- less, in order to fulfil their promise to the empei-or, as well as that Zisca might be left free to march, when necessity should require it, to their rescue. The zeal of the Hussite preachers was enkindled as their fears were excited. John, the Premonstrant priest, distinguished himself by his fervid declama- tions. Though possessed of no great learning, his eloquence w\as most effective. He was at this time expounding the revelation of St. John, and took occasion to apply its predictions to the events of the day. He was especially severe upon the emperor — the great red dragon of the Apocalyptic vision. The fact that he had allowed his courtiers to wear as a badge upon their breasts a dragon of gold, made the application more striking. The ardor of the people was aroused to a higher pitch, than ever. In the cause which they had espoused 408 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. many of them were ready to risk at once property and life. Other causes, however, beside the fervid eloquence of their preachers, contributed to animate the spirit of the Hussites, and rouse them from their despond- ing submission to Sigismund to an attitude of bold defiance. The emperor's violence at Breslau in Silesia, whither he had withdrawn from Beraun, was a great political 1)1 under as well as crime. The cruel treat- ment of Krasa furnished an inexhaustible theme for fervid declamation. The emperor had consented to his execution. The grounds of his condemnation were,^ "that he would not hold, believe, affirm, and approve the following articles : that the council of Constance was legitimately congregated in the Holy Spirit; that whatsoever the aforesaid council enacted, de- creed, and defined, was just, holy, and to be held by all Christian believers, under pain of mortal sin ; that in whatever it reprobated and condemned, it acted justly, holily, and well; that the aforesaid council, in condemning John Huss to a most cruel death, proceeded in accordance with justice and holi- ness ; and that its condemnation of the communing of the people under both kinds was just." These articles Krasa refused to approve, and his cruel death renewed and aggravated among the Hussites the bitter memories of Constance, and stimulated the thirst for vengeance. This execution took place on the fifteenth of March, 1420. On the seventeenth, a crusade against the Bohemians who favored the communion of the cup » Diar. Bel. Hus., 158. Ch. XIV.] THE BULL OF CKUSADE. 409 was published by tlie papal legate.* On his ill-suc- cess in attempting to bring l)ack Bohemia to the obedience of the pope, he had withdrawn to Hun- gary. Soured with disappointment and disgust, he declared that nothing but force would subdue the spirit of the rebels. His representations, undoubt- edly enforced by Sigismund, had so much weight with Martin V., that the latter was induced to pro- claim throughout Christendom (March 1, 1420) a crusade against the heretics of Bohemia.^ They were to be proceeded against as " rebels against the Roman church, and as heretics." The crusade was announced in the cathedral of Breslau, at the preaching of the sermon, while the emperor was present; and he ex- erted himself for the publication of the bull through- out the whole of his dominions. This Bull of the crusade is a most remarkable document for the age in which it was published.^ It shows the same blind zeal and persecuting bigotry which charactei'ized similar measures of preceding centuries. A Christian instead of a Mohammedan people were now, however, the objects of its ven- geance— a people whose great heresy was, that they made the word of God their supreme authority, and contended for the institutions of the gospel in their primitive simplicity and integrity. The pope addresses the bull "To the venerable brethren, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops; to his be- loved children the administrators, abbots, priors, and other officers of churches and of monasteries, as well * Cochleii. Hist Hus., p. 187. ' Godeau, xxxvii. 23. Fleury, xxvl 289. ' Diar. BeL IIus., 159. 410 LIFE AND TniES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cn. XIV. as to all professing the Christian religion, in what place soever, to whom these presents shall come." After speaking of his duty and anxiety to recover the wandering sheep of the fold of that Lord of all, whose vicar he is on earth, he declares his purpose, "by the cooperating grace of God," to restrain, by due sever- ity, the minds of those who had cast off the divine fear. By the counsel of his venerable brethi-en, the cardinals of the holy Roman church, he had resolved, " by the treasures of the mystic dispensation," to ex- cite the soldiers and athletes of Christ more fervently to pursue this object. He praises the celebrated faith of his most dearly beloved son in Chi'ist, the Emperor Sigismund, who, as it were by a divine in- spiration, strove with great effort, and at great cost, to restore the church to its integrity. The zeal of his faith, the ardor of his devotion, the gentleness of his compassion, had led him to seek the wider diffu- sion of the Christian religion, in opposition to those reprobate men of profane malignity and iniquity, the followers of Wickliffe and Huss, as well as others, the eyes of whose understanding had been blinded ; children of darkness, who by their superstitious doc- trines and crude dogmas would put the Catholic church under restraint, overthrow the orthodox fiiith, and give over the flock, led astray by error, to the bondage of hell. These men, their favorei's, abettoi's, and defenders, unless they give up their errors, and submit themselves to the traditions of tlie holy fa- thers, were to be exterminated from among the faith- ful, and the deadly virus of souls was to be eradicated even by the destruction of the body. So happy a Cii. XIV.] THE BULL OF CRL'SADE. 411 consiiniiiKition is earnestly hesought l)y tlie emperor, of tlie |)<»j)e and of the Catholic church. Extolling the ])urj)i)se of the emperor with the most em|)liatic eulogy, with eyes directed to heaven in prayer for his success, he exhorts "all kings, dukes, mai-graves, princes, barons, counts, lords, captains, magistrates, and all officials; states, free cities, universities, and villages, l)y the sprinkling of the blood of tlieir most glorious Redeemer, and in hope of the remission of tlieir sins, to the extermination of the followers of Wicklifire, Huss, and other heretics, wdth their favorers and abettors; and to this end they should mightily exert themselves in whatever should be necessary to the pi'osecution of this work." He therefore charges and commands all ecclesiastical officers to whom the bull is directed, "to contribute all their power and in- fluence to promote the purpose of the emperor, even to the raising and equi|>ping of armies, if they are called upon to do it, in order to proceed against heretics and all who favor them." They were to act as valiant hei'alds, lifting their voices loud in all states, dioceses, and regions where it should be found fit. They were to select such persons as they should deem proper, to extend the proclamation to all Christian believers as they might chance to be met, and who could be led to volunteer in the crusade. These were to be al- lowed, by the apostolic authority, relaxation for a hundred days of imi)osed penance, in considei'ation of their enlistment. By the preaching of the word of the cross, and by setting forth the symbol pub- licly, by exhortations and fitting admonitions, they were to be ui-ged to put forth all their efforts for the 412 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XIV. overthrow of the heretics. The ecclesiastics were themselves to bestow the cross freely upon those who volunteered, and were to fasten it to their shoulders with their own hands. To animate them to greater fervor, the pope himself, " by the mercy of Almighty God, and the authority of the holy apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, as well as by the power of binding and loosing bestowed by God upon himself, grants to those who shall enter upon the crusade, or to such even as should die upon the road, plenary pardon of their sins, if repented of and confessed, and, in the ret- ribution of the just, eternal salvation. Such as could not go in person, but contributed to the cause by sending others, and equipping them according to their ability, should have full remission of their sins. Even such as had laid violent hands upon the clergy, or had been guilty of arson or sacrilege, might hope to fight their way to heaven by warring against the followers of Wickliffe and Huss." The ecclesiastics were to take special care to have this bull circulated as widely as possible. The long dreaded blow was thus struck at last. All Christendom, with its generals and armies, was summoned to crush out the heresies of men whom the council chose to burn rather than refute. The affaii^s of the Bohemians presented indeed an omi- nous aspect. The imperial and papal powers leagued together, and summoned all bearing the Christian name to aid them in suppressing and exterminating a people, numbering at the most not more than three or four millions, who were at the same time beset by domestic foes, and who were far from unanimous Cu. XIV.] ZISCA'S LEAGUE. 413 among themselves in religious and political views. But the result disappointed all human expectations. The forces of the empire dashed and shattered them- selves against the invincible resolution and desperate courage of a band of men sustained by religious enthusiasm, and conducted by able generals. In fiict, previous to the publication of the cnisade, the tide had begun to set strongly in Bohemia against the pretensions of Sigismund. He had himself an- ticipated its fuller announcement, by an edict charac- terized by cruelty and injustice. He sent written orders through the land to all barons, and to all the magistrates, to the chief governor of the nation, (Czenko,) to the governors of royal towns, the officers and judges, to drive out, persecute, and as far as possible utterly exterminate the followers of Wick- liffe and Huss, as well as the adherents to the com- munion of the cup.^ This was enough to satisfy any that had hitherto been hesitatinof and doubtfid in their alleo-iance, that Sisfismund was the last man that should be allowed to ascend the vacant throne. Zisca's leao;ue as^ainst him grew rapidly. Zatec, Slany, Launy, and other cities formed a mutual alliance to resist him.^ Multi- tudes, driven to desperation, banded themselves to- gether for security, or aggression in their own neigh- borhood. It was in this way that the city of Ausch was taken. The governors had driven out of it all the Hussite citizens. A band of men composed of these, with Taborites and rustics from the villages, and led * Diar. Bel. Hus., 157. ' Guerre des Hub., i. 123. 414 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. on by Zisca, lay hid in ambusli in tLe woods for several days and nights, till, aided by friends within the walls, they seized upon an occasion when the city was given up to feasting and drunkenness, and were enabled successfully to assault it. (Feb. 2, 1420.) Driving out their enemies, they took possession of the city, and were at once rendered secure in retain- ing it by the crowd of their friends who rushed thither as to a place of safety. It was shortly after this that the foi'tified town of Hradisch, in the im- mediate vicinity of Tabor, fell into their hands, and was delivered over into the charge of Procopius of Kamenitz, one of the ablest of the Hussite generals. On the destruction of Ausch by fire shortly after- ward, its inhabitants transferred themselves with their wives and children to Hradisch of Tabor, whither Zisca and his forces directed their steps on withdrawing from Pilsen.^ But at Prasfue the announcement of the crusade produced a most marked effect. Men could not but tremble at the thought of what that teiTible word meant — with its signification written out in the havoc and carnage of past centuries, when the innocent and guilty. Catholic and heretic, were swept indis- criminately to one common doom. Indecision was allowable no longer. Even the moderate and non- committal must take their side, and choose the party by which they would abide. The enemies of the Hussites were full of exultation. " These heretical wretches," said they, " will now be burned at last, or they, with their wives and children, will perish by ' Diar. Bel. Hus., 162. Cii. XIV.] ALARM AT TKAGUE. 415 the sword of tlie emperor. Let us fly fi'orn among them, to the most secure places, lest we miserably perish along with them," ^ This was a wise precaution. There was cei-tainly danger of indiscriminate massacre, when all alike were exposed to the blind fanaticism of a crusading army — at least judging by the precedent of the last crusade against the Albigenses ; and however consol- atory to the blind actor in the tragedy it might be to know that in slaying all " God would know his own," it did not present to the one in danger of be- coming a victim, any very soothing reflections. The enemies of the Hussites in Prague were able fully to appreciate such considerations as these, and fearful of losing life and 2:)ro2^erty together, they took refuge with their families and eflects in the castle and Vis- schrad. Seven hundred of the wealthiest citizens of Old Prague, and as many more of the New city — a large number of them Germans, and cherishing a national hostility against the Bohemians — were re- ceived within the fortified district, on condition of obligating themselves, under oath, on the ex2:>iration of the truce, (Apr. 23,) to render then- assistance in subduing the city, and, on the destruction or extirpa- tion of the adherents of the cup, to return to their dwellings.^ The citizens, alaiTned at the intelligence of the crusade, and the measures and vaunts of their ene- mies, were not idle. Incited Tjy their preachers, and especially by John, the Premonstrant monk, of whom mention has been already made, they assembled at > Diar. Bel. Hus., 160. * lb., 161. 416 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XIV. the council-liouse of the Old city in order to deliber- ate on what it was most expedient for them to do. The assembly was large, and their priests and magis- trates were present. They bomid themselves together, in a covenant or league of mutual defence, against all persons whomsoever who should presume to impugn the communion of the cup. They swore to be faith- ful in defence of the truth, and the oath was adminis- tered to them by the magistrates who still remained in office. Four captains were elected for the Old, and four for the New city, ^ to whose charge the keys of the council-house and gates were entrusted, and to whom an authority was committed, limited only by their discretion, for promoting or devising measures of defence. Beside these, forty persons were appointed from the Old, and forty from the New city, who were to act as officers or leaders, upon any emergency that might arise. After drawing up in a public act the doings of their assembly, and depositing the written document in safe hands, the people withdrew peaceably to their dwellings. Calixtine and Tabor- ite were ready to join hands in a league of mutual defence. The Old city and the New forgot tempora- rily their aversions, and united to resist a common foe. The prospects of the Hussites were dark indeed. Sigismund had already gathered a large army, con- stantly recruited from all parts of the empire. It was said to amount from 140,000 to 150,000 men. He moved on somewhat slowly, allowing the differ- » Diar. Bel. Hus., 162, Cn. XIV.] TABOR FORTIFIED. 417 ent reinforcements to overtake liim, and endeavoring to make sure of tlie fortified places wliick lie passed. Zisca was not unmindful of the threateninc: danorer. He saw the necessity of having some secure place upon which he might Ml back in case of reverse. None appeared more favorable for his project than Tabor itself. Its natural position was such as to render it almost impregnable to the foe. It was ahnost a peninsula in shape, bounded on one side by the river Luznice, and on the other by a tribu- tary stream of deep and rapid cmTcnt. The place itself was lofty and precipitous. It was girt about by steep and almost inaccessible rocks. The only passage to it was by a narrow neck of land, which a few valiant men could make a posse of Thermopylae. Even this was defended by a deep fosse which Zisca caused to be dug, and by a triple wall, of such streng-th as to defy the assault of the most powerful engines. The walls were protected by numerous towers fitly located, and means of defence were de- vised by men who had rendered themselves already masters in the art of takinc; cities.^ Here Zisca directed his followei's to build houses on the place where their tents stood, and at once the camp of the Taborites became a fortified city. These precautions taken, Zisca listened to the urgent request of the citizens of Prague to aid them in the siege of the royal castle. Leaving Tabor itself to the hazard of an attack, he hastened to their aid. The Vissehrad was closely besieged, and sulijected to great extremity. The garrison wei-e reduced to .^neas Sylvius, ch. xL VOL. II. 27 418 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIIISr IIUSS. [Cu. XIV. the necessity of subsisting on the most loathsome food. Dogs, cats, and rats were ravenously devoured. At last the garrison agreed to surrender unless they were relieved by the emperor within fifteen days. Meanwhile, the emperor was making his way to Prague. Czenko had sent him word of the danger to which the Vissehrad was exposed. He despatched at once a force of cavalry, in order to raise the siege. Nor did he neglect other means for the relief of his friends at Prague. In order to draw off a portion of the besieging army, an attack upon Tabor was re- solved upon. The Lord of Rosenberg, who had em- braced the party of the Hussites, but who was now inspired by terror at the report of the invading army, was wilUng to make his peace with the empe- ror by turning his arms against his late allies. In proof of his sincerity, he prohibited, in his own dis- trict, the communion of the cup, and declared his readiness to assist the emperor in the prosecution of the war. To him, therefore, the attack upon Tabor was entrusted. The occasion was the most favorable, while so many of its inhabitants were absent at Prague. Accompanied by a powerful force, he ad- vanced to the assault. But intelligence of his movements was communi- cated to Zisca, who at once despatched a force of three hundred and fifty cavalry, under Nicholas de Hussinitz, to the relief of Tabor. This force left Prague on the night of June 25, (1420.) On the thirtieth of the month a severe and decisive battle was fought. The Taborites came down from the mountain, and made an attack upon the enemy on Cii. XIV.] IMPERIALISTS DEFEATED. 410 one side, while Nicholas de Hussinitz, of whose com- ing the Taborites had been made aware, assaulted them upon the other. The terror of the enemy was such that, after standing their ground for a short time, they turned and fled. Never was there a more signal rout. The imperial forces outnumbered those of the Taborites, it is said,^ twenty to one. They ■were pursued in their flight, and large numbers were slain or taken captive. An immense booty was left behind. Gold and silver goblets, ornaments and vestures of the most costly kind, warlike weapons and engines, provisions for the sustenance of the army, in great abundance and variety, rewarded the valor of the Taborites. Songs of thanksgiving to the God who had given them the victory, succeeded to the clasli of resounding arms, and the conquering host, laden with spoil, exulted, as they retraced their steps, over the enemies of their faith. The result of this attack was sadly ominous of the fate of the whole campaign. The Lord of Rosen- berg was stung with shame at his ignominious defeat. In his resentment he sought to wreak a weak and unmanly vengeance upon the adhei'ents of the cup. He hunted them out wherever they could be found, took them captive, and, shutting them up in prison, vainly endeavored to force them to abjure the doc- trine which he himself had once avowed. Several of his castles were filled with these unfortunate men. Most of them were subjected to the severest and harsh- est treatment for many months. Some of them were put to death. But the Hussites did not foi'get the ' Dial-. Bel. Uus., 163. 420 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN' HUSS. [Cn. XI Y. traitor. They exacted a severe penalty for his treason and his cruelty, in the ravage of his estates. Other victories were won by the Hussites. At Voticz, between Tabor and Prague, a battle was fought, in which an imperial army of four thousand cavalry was routed.^ The walled town of Hradisch had been taken by surprise. A band of rustics and colliei's, led by three zealous Hussites, and accom- panied by a priest who encouraged them, secured possession of it on the night of June 25. The ene- mies of the communion of the cup were driven out of the city, of which the Hussites maintained pos- session, forming themselves at the same time into a military organization, and choosing themselves leaders. The fall of Hradisch was a sore blow to the im- perial cause. Sigismund sent at once an ai-my of ten thousand men to retake the place. These were composed of the elite of his army. But they did not choose to make any assault. They contented themselves with seeking to regain the city under false pretences of negotiation ; but the Hussites were not to be duped by them, and they were forced to return without accomplishing their object. But all eyes were now directed anxiously toward Prague. As the capital of the kingdom, its posses- sion was of the greatest importance to each party. On the twelfth of June the news arrived that the eniperor was on his march, accompanied with an overwhelming force of more than 100,000 men. The citizens of Prague pressed the siege of the Vissehrad, and endeavored to increase the number of their ^ Guerre des Hus., i. 121, Cn. XIV] KRUSSINA AND HIS HOREBITES. 421 allies. Among these came Hinko Krussina, with his Horebites.^ These were the most fierce and cruel of all the Hussite forces. They breathed vengeance against all priests and monks, and seemed to find no satisfaction equal to that of torturing, mangling, insulting, and murdering them. Merciless as they were desperate, Prague needed them, with all their fanatic thirst of blood, to defend her against the hosts of the crusading army. They were received with congi-atulations and shouts of welcome. Krus- sina was made one of the chief commanders of the city. The emperor had sent forward a body of eleven thousand men to the relief of hi» party in Prague. He stopped himself for a short time at Koniggratz,* where he had met a friendly reception, and sent an embassy to Prague, reminding the city of its promise of fealty, and requiring it to keep its word. He de- manded that the citizens should give up their arms, and deposit them in the Vissehrad. This message was delivered on the twenty-fourth of June, the emperor meanwhile resuming his march, and advancing toward Prague. His conduct was marked by a vindictive cruelty. Under pretence of retaliation, he drowned twenty-four Hussites in the Elbe.' The monasteries fared little better in his hands than in those of Zisca. He plundered them to pay his troops. Some of them were immensely wealthy, and invited spoliation. The Hussites might rob them as enemies, but it was hard that they ' Godeau, xxxvii. 31. ' Godeau (xxxviii. 83) says seven- ' Guerre des Hus., i. 126. teen were drowned. 422 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ca. XIV. stould experience the same fiite from the hands of one wlio came as their avenger. Yet the pillage of churches and convents was the resource of both parties, and the immense wealth of the church fur- nished fuel for the fire that consumed it. The number of monasteries destroyed by Zisca Las been reckoned by historians at more than five hundred.^ None had manifested a more bigoted hostility to reform and to the communion of the cup, no class had become more corrupt, and none could be more properly regarded as implicated in compassing the death of Huss, by invective and false accusation, than the monks ; and Zisca's memory treas- ured the affront* that had been offered to his own sister — an affront to be expiated by blood alone. His vengeance was terrible. By flying marches he swept the country, and spread on every side the terror of his name. Convents and monasteries were sacked and burned, sometimes with all who resided within the walls. Krussina, with his Horebites, did not yield to Zisca in tlie promptitude and energy of a cruel vengeance. The Cistei'cian monastery of Graditz fell into their hands, and was utterly de- stroyed. The monastery of Cromau was possessed of such wealth and splendor as to be an object of attractive curiosity to travellers. They turned aside to behold it. The Taborites paid it a visit — curious also in their way to see what it contained — and only its ruins were left to invite the curiosity of the pil- grim. At Prague, the Cistercian monastery of the royal court was doomed to a similar fate. One of its * Gaerre des Hus., i. 12*7. Ch. XIV.] A MOTLEY HOST. 423 inmates, James, a scholastic of wonderful eloquence, and former rector of the university, was spared by Zisca only at the earnest intercession of the senate. Truly it might be still said, as it had been months before, that " the cart drew the horse." Laws were silent in the midst of arms. Zisca was the dictator of Prague. The emperor's army in all recklessness and cruelty was fully equal to that of Zisca. It was only infe- rior in strong religious conviction, fanatic feeling, and desperate courage. It was a conglomerate of all the refuse of Christendom, though led by kings, margi'aves, dukes, barons, princes, and knights, and accompanied by archbishops, bishops, doctoi's, pre- lates, and a host of ecclesiastics. Some twenty years before. Cardinal D'Aill)^ had expressed his wish that the pope would proclaim a crusade as a means of drawing ojff the festering masses of corruption, and relieving the church by the Sangrado prescription of letting of blood. His wish was now realized. With all the splendor of the empire, the scum of the nations accompanied and mainly composed the im- perial armies. Almost eveiy tril^e and nation of Europe was represented in the motley host. * Bohe- mians and Moravians in arms against their country- men, Hungarians and Croatians, Dalmatians and Bulgarians, Wallachians and Servians, Sclavonians and Thuringians, Bavarians and Austrians, met in * Ibi diversarum nationum fuere Aust.rales, Franci, Franconcs, Ani;li, trihiis et linguaj, Boliemi et Moravi, Brahanti, Ve?tpliali, Holaiidi, Hel- Hungari et Croati, Dalmati et Bui- vetii, Liisatii, Silesii, Carintliii, Arra- gari, Walaehi et Siculi, Ciini lasi, gonii, Hispani, Poloni, Tculonici, de Ruteni, Rasi, Slavi, Pruteni, Suevi, Rheno, et alii quam plurimi. — Diar. Turingi, St^rii, Misnenses, Bavari, £el. Hus., 161. 424 LIFE AND TDEES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. tie same host witli inhabitants of England, France, Brabant, Westphalia, Holland, Switzerland, Aragon, Spain, Portugal, Poland, and Italy. The East and West joined hands for the plunder and the vengeance of a crusade. There was a Babel of nations and of tongues. If the council of Constance could claim to be Oecumenical, much more might Sigismund's army. Such was the host which had been marshalled to maintain the cause of the papacy, and put down a cause that vainly had challenged the council to con- fute it from scripture. How well it performed its task the sequel will show. , Bohemia presented, certainly, between the two contending parties, a strange picture of anarchy, rapine, cruelty, and sacrilege. Here we shall find the tombs of kings profaned, their dust no longer protected by coffins, the golden plates of which could pay the wages of a ruffian soldiery. There the frag- ments of marble altars, and pavements on which the knees of devout pilgrims had rested, are used to charge the catapults of the invading host. The car- casses of the slain putrefy and poison the air, or are flung piecemeal into besieged towns, till pestilence helps famine to do its work. Indiscriminate mas- sacre involves the innocent and guilty, friend and foe, in one common doom. Retaliation and ven- geance, sometimes, though rarely, conducted under legal forms, supply each party with its hosts of mar- tyrs. " Dreadful traditions have perpetuated the memory of so many frightful scenes : near Toplitz, it was said, might be seen a pear-tree, which blossomed every year, and never yielded fruit — a tree accursed Cn. XIV.] THE E:\rrEr.o li's appro a on. 425 from tlie streams of blood that had saturated its roots. At Commotau, near a church where thou- sands of victims perished, slaughtered by Zisca, it was asserted that the soil was formed of the remains of bones, and that at whatever depth search was made, nothing could be found but human teeth." ^ Sigismund himself acted as if he considered Bo- hemia a land doomed and accursed. The progress of his march was signalized by new atrocities, and deeds of reckless cruelty. He, as well as Zisca, would inspire terror. But in his case the project failed. There was alarm, but there was resentment and desperation also. The soldiei-s of Zisca were ready to be martyrs. The soldiers of Sigismund showed but a feeble faith, and a weak desire for that eternal glory awarded to those that fell, by the bull of the pope. The heterogeneous mass of plunderers and rol)bers lacked the spirit that animated the ter- rible soldiers wlio took the cup for a banner. It was on the thirtieth of June, that the emperor with the body of his army approached the neigh- borhood of Pracrue.^ He was fortunate in findins: any part of the city still retaining its allegiance. Czenko, by a double treason — or perhaps, and more probably, by stratagem — had preserved for him the castle of Wenzel. He had pretended to surrender it to the demands of the citizens who closely besieged it, and who offered him his choice, to proclaim the freedom of the communion of the cup, or witlidraw from the castle. He assumed to yield to the last demand, and, it was said, withdrew with a large treas- 'Bonnecboee. * Guerre des Hus., i. 123. 426 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS, [Cii. XIV. ure to his own chateau. He had however secretly informed the emperor of the step which he had taken, ui'ging his speedy advance, and by his conniv- ance or treachery the castle was still held ; or, if it had been surrendered, was regained for the emperor. The first step therefore of the latter was, if possible, to raise the siege of the Vissehrad. A single day only remained for the term of its surrender to ex- pire. The approach of the imperial army to its re- lief was announced by drums and trumpets and bells, while strains of martial music mingled with the hymns and songs of the clergy, as they accom- panied the emperor in grand procession to the royal castle.^ The army itself encamped on the wide plain about Bruska and Owenecz, ready to commence the siege of the city. Its numbers, if not its strength, received continually new accevssions, till the pride of superiority, and the taunts of bigotry, found vent in insults that would more wisely have been reserved for a vanquished foe. From day to day the soldiers of the imperial army, from a height on the bank of the river overlooking the city, and over against the Monastery of the Holy Cross and the Church of St. Valentine, uttered their bowls and barkings like dogs, accompanied by sneers and taunting words, and cries of " Huss, Huss ! Here- tic, Heretic ! " ^ If a Bohemian fell into their hands, unless speedily rescued by parties of his friends who still maintained themselves in roving about the pre- cincts of the imperial army, he was mercilessly burned, Avithout regard to the fact of his favoring »Diar. Bel Hus., 166. ' lb., 168. Cu. XIV.] rnAGUE to de invested. 427 tlie (Inctriiie of tlir cominuuioii of tlie cii}>. His nationality was accounted a sufficient crime. Skii*- niislies were of frequent occurrence. Small bands of Tahoiites, issuing from the city, would sometimes rout great numbers of the foe. With their favorite weapon, an iron flail, they threshed down the invad- ei's, armed in all the ])ride and pomj) of wai'. The enemy attempted to take or ])ui"n the machines l)y which the citizens hurled masses of stone upon those who approached the walls, but all their attempts w^ere vain. They were repulsed with loss upon all occasions. Sigismund soon perceived that in order to re- duce the city, the c)nly method which promised suc- cess was to starve it to surrender. For this purpose it was necessary for him to occupy some position which would command the Moldau, by which pro- visions were still brought into the city. He deter- mined therefore to take possession with a strong force of the high steep hill Witkow^, or Galgen- berg,^ (Gibl)et-hill,) as it is called. Zisca had either had some intimation of his purpose, or discerned the danger to which the city was evidently exposed. Sigismund in possession of Witkow would moreover be able to invest Prague upon three sides at once. Anticipating his movements, the Hussite general promptly seized upon the height, and fortified it, by wooden entrenchments, a fosse, and walls of stone and earth.'^ The extreme promptitude with which Zisca acted, prevented any measures of opposition from the imperial forces being taken till his en- ' Qodeau, xxxvii. 35. * Guerre des ilus., i. 129. 428 LIFE a:nd temes of jonisr iiuss. [Cn. xiv. trencTiments were nearly complete. An cassault was made upon the city, (July 13,) in which the citizens, although they repulsed the eneni)^, suffered some loss. But on the next day (July 14) preparations were made for an attack upon the Galgenberg, which it was determined to carry by storm. The city, moreover, was to be assaulted at the same time from three different directions, mainly with the purpose of rendering any measure of sending aid from the city to Zisca impracticable. From the castle it was ordered that there should be a sortie against the palace of the Duke of Saxony, which the citizens had strongly fortified, and 16,000 men were detailed for this purpose. From the Vissehrad a like sortie was to be made against the New city, while from the plain on which the army lay encamped, a force was to march to the assault of the Old city. Wldle these arrangements were taking effect, eight thousand calvary of Misnia, led by their margrave, and strengthened by a large force from the imperial army, marched to storm the Galgenberg. They ascend- ed the hill at quick step and with sound of trumpets, and took possession of some of tlie advanced works. A defensive roofed tower was taken, which was aban- doned by all but twenty-six men and three women, who emulated one another in the courage and energy with which for a time they repelled the assailants. They defended themselves with stones and pikes. One of the women, thouirh herself destitute of defen- sive armor, encouraged her associates by refusing to fly, and exhorting them not to yield. " A Chris- tian believer," she said, " ought not to give ground Ch. XIV.] THE IMPERIALISTS DEFEATED. 429 to Autlclirist." Slie fell fighting at her post. Zisca himself was at one time in great danger. He had lost his footinjx and had ftdlen to the g-round, when his fi-iends with their flails rushed to his rescue, and saved him from being captured by the enemy. The cit}- itself was meanwhile full of alarm. All human help seemed vain, and the greatest apprehen- sion was felt lest the combined assault should prove successful. At this moment a strange sight presented itself The citizens gathered with the women and children in sad groups, and with teal's and groans supplicated aid from Heaven. While fathers and brothers stood by the walls or marched to the terri- ble encounter, those who were left behind commend- ed them to the God of annies. The voice of prayer mingled with the clash of anns, and at the critical moment a priest, filled with enthusiastic courage, and bearing with him the holy sacrament, rushed forth from the gates, followed by only fifty bowmen and a crowd of peasants armed with flails. The bells rang, and the shouts of the people echoed far beyond the walls, as the little band issued fi'om the gate of the city to face thousands of the invading host. A sudden panic seized the imperialists, who probably imagined that the whole force of the city was marching out against them. Zisca and his sol- diers were inspirited by this opportune aid. The enemy were driven back from the entrenchments, and hurled headlong down the steep rocks. Horse and rider perished alike by the fall, and in a sinole hour several hundred were slain, beside many fiitally wounded, or carried oflf as captives. The rout was 430 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. complete. The emperor, from a lilgli point on tlie banks of the Molclau, witnessed the defeat of his most cherished hopes. Overwhelmed with grief, in- dignation, and shame, he withdrew fi'om the field, and led the army back to the camp. The citizens regarded their success as a deliverance wrought out for them by the hand of God. They knelt down upon the field of battle, and sang their Te Deum with grateful joy. In long processions they marched through the streets of the city, ascribing their success to the interposition of Heaven. It was not by their own strength, but by the wonderful power of God, (iniraculo-se^) that a small band had won such a victory over a numerous host. Hymns and songs filled the air with the music of triumph. Grief was turned into joy, and the whole city echoed. with exultant praise. The little children sang hymns which were composed on the occasion, and which breathed the spirit of the song of Moses over the defeat of the Egy|)tian host. The scene of the battle was made memorable by the name of the great general whose skill and courage had foiled the power and designs of the emperor. The hill, formerly known as Galgenberg, or Witkow, was now known as Ziscaberg. The results of the battle were made more manifest in the imperial camp than in the rout of the army. National animosities were awakened among the sol- diers, composed in large part of Bohemians and Ger- mans. Many things conspired to aggravate these dissensions. The very name of Bohemia became a term of reproach. If a Bohemian fell into the hands Ch. XIV.] HUSSITES BURNED AS HERETICS. 431 of the Germans, it made little difference whether he was Hussite, Calixtine, or Catholic, so far as the treat- ment which he received was concerned. The cruelties which were perpetrated upon their countrymen arous- ed the indio-nation of those Bohemians in whose bosoms a spark of nationality yet glowed. Deeds of atrocity were committed, the recital of w^hich could awaken only horror or a spirit of vengeance — • such vengeance as Zisca took, in ample measure. On the sixth of July, a few days previous to the assault upon the city, while the Duke of Austria with a large reinforcement for the imperial army was on his march from Militcz to Prague, a band of sixty calvary turned aside to the neighboring village of Arnosstowitsch, and at the treacherous suggestion of certain priests, seized upon the Calixtine preacher of the place, and his vicar, and placing both upon one horse, brought them to the Duke at Bystizitsch,^ presenting them as heretics to be punished for their stul'>born pertinacity. The preacher, whose name was Weuzel, was a man greatly respected and beloved. He and his vicar had become known as decided Calixtines. The duke sent them to the bishop of the place, that he might determine how they should be dealt with. The bishop sent them back again to the duke — thus from Caiaphas to Pilate, says the old historian. They were insulted and abused, and threatened witli the flames unless they would recant. Calmly but firmly they resisted all the efforts made to induce them to yield. " It is the gospel," ^ said Wenzel, " and the practice of the primitive church, and thus • Pescheck, 1. 16. " Diar. Bel. Hus., 169. 432 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cu. XIV it is in your missal : blot out the scripture, and de- stroy this gospel." At this, one of the knights who stood by, struck Wenzel with his iron glove. The blood flowed in streams from his face. At last, as night wore on, the soldiers, wearied in their insults, left them. The next morning they were led out to be burned. But the nmnber of the victims was now increased by three old men, peasants of the neighbor- hood, and four children, — one of seven, one of eight, and aiiother of eleven years, — who had been found guilty of the same crime of holding the doctrine of the cup. When all had been broyight near to the funeral pile, they were urged, if they had any wish to live, to abjure. " Far be it from us," replied Wen- zel,— " far be it from us to yield to your persuasions ; sooner would we undergo not one, but a hundi-ed deaths, rather than deny so plain a doctrine of the gospel." Upon this the executioners lighted the fagots. The children, leaning upon Wenzel's bosom, sang aloud as the flames rose around them. One after another yielded up his life, and at last Wenzel himself expired. At Budweis a similar scene was witnessed. Two Hussite preachers, after a harsh and tedious imprison- ment, were burned, on their refusal to abjure the communion of the cup.^ Similar occurrences, which took place in various parts of the kingdom, could only aggravate the existing divisions, and excite anew the thirst for vengeance. Their frequency, and the odium wliich at the same time rested upon all that bore the Bohemian name, or whose national spirit 'Diar, BeL Hus,, 110. Cn. XIV.] VIOLENT OUTBREAK. 433 resented the barbarous cruelties and unjust preju- dice of the Germans, aroused the most excited pas- sions in the camp of the imperial army. There was great danger that the mighty host would dissolve and melt away. It was evident that further as- sault upon the city would be for the present utterly futile. It was at this moment, in itself critical, that an- other event came to fill to overflowing the cup of the emperor's disappointment and humiliation. On the nineteenth of July the tents of the imperial army caught fire and were utterly consumed. The loss in other respects was great. The high wind which pre- vailed prevented the success of all the efforts made to quench the conflagration. The fire was attributed, although there seems no valid ground for the charge, to the malice of a Hussite.^ The Taborites, envenomed against the Germans, who slew all the Bohemians indiscriminately that fell into their hands, insisted that such of them as had been taken captive should be dealt with as they had dealt with others. National animosity strength- ened, or at least combined with fanatic passions, to demand these victims. A rush was made upon the council-house where the prisoners were confined, and the demand was made that they should be given up to be burned.^ The authorities unwillingly yielded, for they had no power to resist. Sixteen prisoners * Godeau (xxxvii. 85) states that the time, and it was found impossible the camp of the imperial army was to stay the progress of the flames, set on fire at the instigation of tlie L'Enfant gives the story as a mere Hussites, by a woman of Prague, who rumor, but seems not to put much found the opportunity to apply the failli in it. brand. A strong wind prevailed at ' Diar. BeL Hus., 184. VOL. II. 28 434 LITE AND TIMES OE JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. were led forth without the walls, and all, with one exception, were burned in sight of the Germans of the imperial army. The one who was spared was a monk, who promised that he would administer the communion to the people under both kinds. The citizens of Prague, exulting in their present deliverance, were not unmindful of future danger, when the imperial army might be reinforced or equipped anew. They were ready to treat with the emperor on the basis of the four famous articles, which may be said to have composed their creed. They were the more ready to do it from the aversion , which was generally felt toward the Taborites, and their peculiar opinions and practices. The fol- lowers of Zisca had little taste for hierarchical pomp. The simple letter of the gospel was their supreme authority. Traditions and ceremonies were with them like images and statues — only the rags of super- stition, the flaunting robes of Rome's harlotry. The splendor and magnificence of churches and monas- teries they deemed to be libels upon the simplicity of the gospel. Scarcely had the imperial army fall- en back from the walls of the city, when the priest Coranda, accompanied by a multitude of Taborites, many of them women, among whom were " the sis- ters of Pilsen," rushed into the Church of St. Michael, xmd tore up the seats of the priests as well as the laity, asserting that their best use and true value was to strengthen the entrenchments and fortifications of Zisca on the Galgenberg. The issue showed, how- ever, that his aim was more to rebuke the vanity of superstitious worship, as he would undoubtedly Cn. XIV.] DISPOSITION TO NEGOTIATE. 435 have pbrased it, than use the phindered materials for the purpose which he avowed. Most of them were carried off and burned. Few at least ever reached the Galgenberg, although Zisca did not neg- lect to provide for the defence of a fortress that now bore his name — though by some it was called " the mountain of the cup." The well-known disposition of the Taborites, which threatened ruin to some of the most splendid structures of the city, combined with the daily ravages of the enemy to urge the barons of the kingdom, most of whom were Calixtines, to propose negotiations for peace. The emperor showed him- self not altogether disinclined to see what could be done by treaty, now that force had failed. He saw the sad divisions and dissensions of his army, which had now risen to such a pitch that there were con- tinual broils between the Bohemian and the German soldiers, the latter charging the former with treason, and declaring that if they had been left alone to fight the battle, they would have won the victory. The German soldiers had, moreover, learned of their superiors at Constance the art of burning hu- man beings, and their taste for it had become so strong that it was difficult to restrain its indulgence. The whole region about Prague was ravaged with a merciless ferocity. Villages and castles were sacked and burned. Women and children, with indisci'imi- nate cruelty, were thrown into the flames. In such a work of desolation and atrocious crime, the pride and ferocity found vent which had at first insulted the citizens, but now, leaving them unmo- 436 LIFE AISTD TEVEES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XIV. lested, turned to wreak their vengeance upon the helpless and unoffending. The barons sighed for peace. The citizens of Prague were equally anxious to be relieved of the presence of the imperialists and Taborites — the first, terrible enemies, the last, unwel- come guests. But these could not be dismissed till those had withdrawn. The Bohemian barons, Calixtines and Catholics, held a conference to consider what measures could be taken in order to secure a cessation of hostilities. Those who represented Prague declined to enter into any compact, v/ithout the knowledge and con- sent of other cities with which they were in league. Anxious, however, for peace, they besought, for their own sake and for that of the kingdom, that with their teachers and priests they might obtain an au- dience of the king, at which they might in the four languages, — Bohemian, Hungarian, German, and Lat- in,— publicly declare the truth of their four articles, which were the ground of dispute — might be allowed to sustain them clearly by scripture before the whole army, and thus vindicate the nation from the slan- ders which had covered it with inftimy. If it was thought necessary, the doctors on the emperor's side might answer, as they saw fit, whatever was pre- sented. These terms seem at first to have proved acceptable, as a basis for initating negotiation, to the Bohemian barons of the imperial party. A question was raised at this point in regard to an exchange of hostages pending the negotiation, in which the impe- rial party were allowed their own terms. But when the whole matter was submitted to Sigismund, he Cu. XIY.] CALIXTINE ARTICLES. 437 refused to approve the proposed measures. His dis- incliuation to do so was doubtless strengthened by the bigoted refusal of the papal legate, Ferdinand of Lucca, to sanction any such step as the one which the citizens of Prasrue desired to have taken. O Foiled in their purpose therefore, the latter re- solved to publish, in their defence, the four articles on which they mainly insisted, and with this end in view drew them up, and addressed them "to all Cliristian believers," prefacing them with the expres- sion of their purpose to abide by them, living or dying, and to maintain them to the utmost of their power. The four articles as thus drawn up were, (1) The full and unrestricted fi'eedom of the preach- ing of the gospel throughout Bohemia; (2) the freedom of the communion of the cup ; (3) the ex- clusion of the clergy from large temporal possessions or civil authority ; and (4) the strict repression and punishment of gross public sins, whether in clergy or laity .^ Embodied in the articles are the complaints which the Calixtine party, represented b}^ the citizens, have to make of the more reprehensible abuses of the church, and of the more grievous corruptions of the clergy — their pride, sensuality, tyranny, the sale of in- dulgences, simony in the disposal of ecclesiastical ben- efices, etc. Each article is fortified with a mass of scriptural quotations, and under the one on the sub- ject of the communion of the cup, figure the names of popes, councils, and fathers. We shall soon have ' Godeau, xxxvil 36. They are to be found in full in Diar. Bel. Hus., 176, 180. 438 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cji. XIV. occasion to notice these articles — the formal manifesto of the Calixtine party — more at length, and pause here only to remark, that any compromise which did not concede them freely, on the part of the emperor, was out of the question. His whole course, from the outset, Avas one continu- ous blunder. The very measures adopted by him to regain his authority in Bohemia, led to results the di- rect reverse of what he had intended and expected. He had forced those who had hitherto wavered, to a decision. The invading army must be welcomed, or resisted ; and many, who would have preferred to have remained in the old communion, were under the necessity of doing so, if at all, at the expense of their patriotism, and in face of the manifest injustice and horrors of the crusade. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that the more moderate portion of the nation, averse alike to the excesses of the Taborites and the atrocities of the imperialists, should incline to take sides with the Calixtines. We shall soon see Czenko, governor of the castle, as well as Archbishop Conrad himself,^ open and avowed advocates of the communion of the cup. Sigismund's present campaign, notwithstanding the mighty host which the publication of the crusade had ranged under his banner, had proved a total failure. The only object for which he still lingered at Prague, after all hope of conciliation had vanished, was his coronation. This took place at mid-day, July 28, in ' The letter of Archbishop Conrad cles, is to be found in Jlon. Hus., i. to Sigisnumd, in which he ronouiices 84. His adherence to the cup dates allegiance to him, and declares his July 7, 1420. — Fcschcck. adlieronce to the four Calixtine arti- Ce, XIV.] CORONATION OF SIGISMUND. 439 the castle of Wenzel.^ Few of the barons of the kingdom were present ; and the knights whom he created upon the occasion only disgraced the cere- monial by which it was attem]-)ted to honor them.^ Most of them were unacquainted with war. Some had never shared in a battle. The coronation scene was a mockery. Those who should have been present were regarded as rebels, and Sigismund only assumed the crown to fly before the terror of their trium- phant arms. * jEneas Sylvius, ch. xlii, " Diar. Bel. Hus,. 181. CHAPTER XV. TABORITES AND CALIXTINES.' The Taborites and Calixtines. — Diverse Views of Civil Polity. — Articles OP THE Calixtines. — Articles of the Taborites. — Rejected by the Calix- tines. — Violence of the Taborites. — Their Character. — Their Assemblies. — Primitive SniPLiciTY. — Tabor. — Scriptural Authority. — Rejection of THE Ceremonial of the Roman Church. — The Articles Scandalize the Calix- tines.— Martin Loqui. — Views op Prophecy. — Hatred of Monasteries. — Idolatry, Superstition, and Traditions. — Views on Various Subjects. — Letter op .iEneas Sylvius. — Diversity of Opinion. — Valor of the Tabor- ites.— The Calixtines. — Their Conservative Attachment to the Roman Church. — Balance of Parties at Prague. — The Barons of the Kingdom Calixtines. July 28, 1420-Aug. 5, 1420. The retreat of the imperial army from Prague withdrew that external pressure which had con- strained the Calixtines and the Taborites, notwith- standing their mutual repugnance, and diversity of taste and opinion, to unite in league against a com- mon foe. With the proposal for a truce, by the barons of the kingdom, one of the conditions of which, of course, was, that Sigismund should be ' As the differences wliich arose have given their articles and their among the followers of IIuss after liis practice, as noted bj' those who were death, and which divided them into eye-witnesses and capable observers. two ultimately distinct parties, have The substance of the cliapter was been passed over so lightly by the first published in an article in the general church historians, I have columns of the "Presbyterian Quar- thought it important to present them terly Review" for June, 1856. here somewhat more in detail. I (440) Cn XV.] ARTICLES OF THE CALIXTINES. 441 acknowledged as king, Zisca had nothing to do. The Tiiborites almost unanimously preferi-ed a republic, at least an elected king ; the citizens of Prague, with the barons of the kingdom, were willing, and even anxious, to receive Sigismund as their monarch, on the sole condition tbat their demands in regard to the four articles should be granted. These diverse views of public policy, although held by some on the bare ground of their fitness and expediency, were yet, as a general thing, rooted in a diversity of religious sentiment. The citizens of Old Prague, and the Bohemian barons, were mostly Cal- ixtines, and they were confirmed in their conserva- tism by what they regarded as the insane fancies, the barbarous taste, and radical views of the Taborites. Although there was unquestionably great diversity, even among them, some leaning to the most radical reformers, and others scarcely differing, except on the single point of the cup, from the Roman Catholic church, yet as a body they stood, from the first, com- mitted to the four articles already referred to, in which the peculiarities of their creed were substan- tially embodied. For a full century at least, these articles were uniformly and consistently maintained. They were drawn up with great care and deliber- ation, and after full conference of the Calixtine nobles and citizens of Prague. They were intro- duced by the declaration, " Be it known to all Chris- tian believers, that the faithful in the kingdom of Bohemia insist, and by the help of God, propose to insist, in life or death, as far as may be, in behalf of the following: articles : 442 LIFE AKD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XV " 1. That the word of God be preached orderly, without let or hinderance, throughout the kingdom of Bohemia, by the priests of the Lord, according the charge of Christ in the last of Mark, ' Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature ;' for, according to the apostle, ' The word of the Lord is not bound,' but is to be declared, so that ' the word of the Lord shall run and be glorified.' 2 Thess. iii. ' And no one shall be prohibited from speaking with tongues in the church of God.' 1 Cor. xiv. " 2. That the sacrament of the divine eucharist under each kind, viz., of bread and wine, be freely administered to all the faithful of Christ, not dis- qualified to receive it by reason of mortal sin, ac- cording to the sentence and institution of the Saviour, who said, ' Take, eat ; this is my body,' and ' Drink ye all, from this ; for this is my blood of the New Testament, which is shed for many.' " This article is sustained at length by large cita- tions from the scriptures and the Christian fathers. The council of Carthage, the twenty-sixth canon, and the authorities of Gregory, Augustine, Jerome, Dio- nysius, Cyprian, Ambrose, Origen, Beda, Fulgentius, Remigius, Innocent, Paschasius, Lyra, and Albertus Magnus, are adduced in support of this article. "3. That the secular dominion which the clergy exercise, against the precept of Christ, over worldly goods and possessions, to the prejudice of their office and the damage of civil rule, be taken away and withdrawn from them, and the clergy itself be brought back to the evangelical rule and the apos- tolic practice, as Christ lived with his disciples, ac- Cu. XY] CALIXTINE ARTICLES. 443 cording to tlie charge of the Saviour, Mat. x., saying, 'Possess neither gold nor silver nor money in your puree.' And Mat. xx., ' The princes of the Gentiles exercise lordship over them, and they who have au- thority over them are called benefactors ; but it shall not be so among you ; but whoever is greatest among you, let him be your servant; and w^hoever is pre- eminent, let him be your minister.' So also Mark x." Numerous other passages from scripture are cited to the same purport, beside the authority of Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, and Boniface, in his letter to Pope Eugenius. " 4. That all mortal sins, especially such as are public, and other disorders contrary to the law of God, in each estate soever, be prohibited and pre- vented, by those to whom it pertains. For not only those who do these things, but those who consent to them, are w^orthy of death, occasioning among the people fornications, revels, thefts, homicides, false- hoods, perjuries; vain, knavish, or suj^erstitious arts; avaricious gains, usury, and the like. Among the clergy, moreover, are simoniacal heresies, exactions of money for baptism, confirmation, confession, the sac- rament of the eucharist, holy oil, marriage, wafers, prayers for the dead, festivals, preachings, burials, consecrations of churches, altars, and chapels, pre- bends, benefices, prelatic dignities, episcopal acts, sale of indulgences, beside many other hei'esies Avhich arise from these and pollute the church of Christ. "Moreover, there are impious and unjust practices, as unchastity of concubinage, and other fornications; anger, sti-ife, contentions ; frivolous citations, and vex- 444 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XV. ations and spoliations of simple men, according to caprice ; exactions of assessments, and innumerable deceptions of the simple by false promises. Each and all of these, every Christian believer and true son of mother church is bound to exterminate, in himself and others, even as he should hate and detest the devil himself, the order and estate of his calling being ever observed. " And if any one ascribe to us, beyond this our pious and holy intent, any thing that is unchaste and scan- dalous, let him be held by Christian believers as a false and unjust witness, since we have this only in our hearts, with all our strength and according to our entire ability, to please the Lord Jesus Christ, and to follow and fulfil his law and precepts, and these four catholic articles, with all fidelity." They then declare their purpose to stand firmly m defence of the truth of the gospel, and to oppose all that shall impugn it, with such means as they can command, withstanding them to the last as the most cruel tyrant and Antichrist. And if, by any that adhere to them, anything should be done of a scanda- lous nature, they protest that it is against their inten- tion, and their earnest purpose to prevent it, and that they hold themselves ever ready to be better in- structed from Holy Scripture. Such were the articles of the Calixtines, deliber- ately,^ adopted and firmly maintained. The authors of them did not seem to perceive that their appeal to scripture was inconsistent with their assumed con- servative position, and with some practices which they still retained. They were still in bondage to Cn. XV.] TABORITE ARTICLES DISCUSSED, 445 the ancient usages of the cliurch, and revolted from the greater liberty of their Taborite brethren. But if the former were superior in education, re- finement, and the general moderation of their views, the last were immensely superior in deep feeling, earnest conviction, and that desperate and fanatical courage which made them terrible on the battle-field. Without them, Prague lay at the mercy of the em- peror. Zisca's soldiers alone had earned the epithet of invincible. They could not be vanquished till the last man was slain. Nor were they altogether uncon- scious of their power, although under Zisca's general- ship they were not inclined to employ it to secure any undue advantage. As occasion demanded, or the pressure of external attack was applied, the Cal- ixtines asked and received the aid of their terrible allies, the Taborites. The distinction betwen them, however, was already marked, and was continually widening, as the senti- ments and tastes of each became more fully devel- oped. Each party naturally desired that its own views might prevail. On Aug. 5, 1420, less than a week after the imperialists had withdrawn, the Ta- borites presented their articles to the city, with the alternative that if not accepted they would leave the city at once. The New city, where the Taborites were in the majority, accepted them without hesita- tion. The Old city demanded time for deliberation ; and one of the masters of the university, an Eng- lishman named Peter, discussed the articles, each in its order, in presence of the magistrates and the citizens, showing how far and in what sense they 446 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOim HUSS. [Ch. XV. miglit be approved or rejected " witli a safe con- science." The articles thus discussed pertained rather to moral conduct and rules of life, than to points of faith. They condemn gross public sins among laity and clergy ; require the severe repression and pun- ishment of all forms of licentiousness, tavern-drink- ing, luxury and extravagance of dress, fraud, robbery, and usury. They demand that laws, which they describe as " Pagan and Teutonic," inconsistent with the law of God, shall be repealed, and all things be ordered and arranged according to the rules of divine justice ; that the priests shall observe an apostolic simplicity, in keeping with the divine command ; that the magistrates be held subject to the law of' God, and that their enactments be registered in the council-house, where they may be read by all the people; that such enemies of the truth of God as had shown themselves faithless to God and man, should be banished the city and no favor shown them ; that heretical monasteries be broken up and destroyed, as well as unnecessary churches and altars, with their images, robes, gold and silver chalices, and every antichristian abomination savoring of idolatry or simony, all which are not from God our Heavenly Father. In the defence of the truths expressed by these articles, the Taborites declare that they have already, in obedience to the divine will, risked property and life, while many of their brethren had shed their blood to maintain them. They declare their own purpose, whether the articles shall be received or rejected, to stand by them to the last. But these Cu. XV.] ASSAULT BY THE TAIiOHITES. 447 articles were not accepted or approved by the magis- trates and citizens of Old Prague, who were for the most part Calixtines. The last article, on the subject of destroying monasteries and unnecessary churches, which the Taborites would have called rookeries of superstition, was especially objectionable. Nor was the conduct of the Taborites such as to smooth the difficulties which lay in their way. On the next day after the articles had been presented, a portion of the Taborites made an assault on the St. Clement monastery, and a few days later, sacked and burned the cloisters of the Royal Court, thus reducing — as they had often done already — the theory of their articles to practice. They bore off with them frag- ments of the broken images and tables of the mon- asteries, and, forgetful of their wonted sobriety, made a large and free use of the wine found in the vaults of the cloistei's. As evening approached, some of them projected an attack upon the Vissehrad, which still held out for Sigismund ; but the tumultuous and disorderly assault was repulsed with great loss, by the garrison. The Taborites of New Prague wished still to re- tain their brethren within its walls. The only con- dition on which this wish could be realized was the acceptance by the Old city of the articles of the Taborites. But the magistrates opposed them. It was therefore resolved to call a meeting of the citi- zens, depose the present magistracy, and elect a new, who should be known to favor the Taborite articles. This project was executed on August 18th. In spite of this measure, however, Zisca, with his followers, 448 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XV left the city a few days after. He did not, however, abandon liis project for bringing Prague over to Lis views. As be left the city, his followers pledged themselves not to rest till they had routed or de- stroyed the enemies of the cup. ^ His plan was, to conquer the Calixtines by annihilating their allies throughout Bohemia. As it was, he saw clearly the impolicy of attempting at present to force uj)on the citizens the objectionable articles. The articles themselves, not excepting the last, expressed the sincere convictions of the Taborites. While terrible on the battle-field, and signal in their vengeance, even their enemies are, to a remarkable degree, unanimous in testifying to their sobriety, and their exemplary freedom from the gross vices of the age. A Puritanic severity characterized their de- meanor. The corruptions of the priesthood, as well as persecuting edicts, repelled them from the com- munion of the Roman church. With a stern and inexorable justice they repressed whatever they deemed inconsistent with the truth of the gospel. If Zisca took exemplary vengeance upon the Adam- ites, with their free-love doctrine and licentious prac- tices, it was because, whatever their heresy, their teachings and proceedings struck at the root of all purity, and of social order and morals. At first the views of the Taborites had coincided almost entirely with those of the Calixtines. ^ They ' Godeau, xxxvii. 38. rentii de Byzan Cancellarii Regalis, ' One of the principal authorities Belli Hussitici, ah anno, 1414, ad an. npon which the account of the Tabor- 1423." The author, although a Calix- ites and Calixtines, with their doc- tine, evidently aims to give an iinpar- trinal views and relative position tial account of the Taborites. The toward each other is based, is " Lau- Dlarium is to be found in the sixth Cu. XV.] MEETINGS AT TABOE. 449 liad no distinct name except as tliey held it in common Avitli all wlio were known as Hussites. They were brought together in one community, as the Pi-esbyterians of Scotland were under Charles II., that they might enjoy the privilege of worship without molestation. It was during ilie year 1419 that their assemblies were first held in the neigh- borhood of Bechin, not far from Tabor, some twenty leagues distant from Prague. The people gath- ered, reared their tents, and for several days engaged in religious services, enjoying also the communion of the cup. The vast multitudes, on some occa- sions, numbered more than forty thousand people. ^ Everything was conducted with the utmost de- corum. Some of the Taborite priests preached, some heard confessions, and others administered the communion under both kinds. Different groups were formed, which were severally addressed by speakers or preachers selected for the purpose. The men, the women, and the children formed each a body by themselves. These days, thus observed, were a sort of pentecostal season, and from far and near came the multitudes who thronged to the sacred festivity. Peaceably they came, and peaceably they returned. Songs of praise and joy lightened the tedium of the journey, as the processions moved volume of " Reliquiae Manusciptorum magistro Job. Hus. faventes . . . cum Omnis yEvi Diplomatum ac Menu- populo scxus utriusque, ex diversis mentorum ineditorura adhuc," by J. rcgni Bohemia partibus, civitatibus et P. de Ludwig. Balbinus — a Roman villis, cum sacramento Eucharistiie, in Catholic historian — speaks highly montem quendam prope castrum Be- {landat septus ac itfrum) of the work, chian, quern montem Thahor appella- The author was chancellor of New nerunt, frequentare cjeperunt .... Prague. Ultra quam 40,000 communicavcrunt * Sacerdotes Evangelii(A. D. 1119) cum devotione. — Diarium, p. 143. VOL. II. 29 450 LIFE AKD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XV. along their way. Xothiug was allowed inconsistent with the objects of the assemblage. No wantonness or levity, no dancing or drunken- ness, was to be witnessed. Everything which could tend to disturb the seriousness, or interfere with the devotion proper to the occasion, was carefully re- pressed.^ Even the sportiveness of childhood was checked, and no sound of musical instruments was allowed to break in upon the quiet of the place and the solemnity of the worship. At the close of the religious exercises, each partook of a moderate repast which they had brought with them from their homes. All outward distinctions were neglected, or forgotten. The rich and the poor sat down together, and priest and layman were undistinguished by garb. They addressed one another by the appellation of brother and sister, each sharing his portion with such as were more needy than himself. As in the apostolic and primitive church — says the Calixtine narrative — there was but one heart, one will. Nothing was thought of, nothing was transacted, save what per- tained to the welfare of souls, or concerned the restoration of the church to its primitive model. Their humble repast was concluded by a solemn thanksgiving to God ; and the exercises of the day closed with a procession of the vast multitude around Tabor — where the assemblies were usually held — in which all united in singing psalms of praise to God. They then bade one another farewell — strangers before, but brethren now — and each retui-ned by the way he came, back to his own dwelling. They were » Diar. Bel. Hus., 188. Ch. XV.] MULTITUDES AT TABOR. 451 even careful in this respect, that they might not unnecessarily trample down the harvest fields. As these seasons continued to be observed, the multitudes who assembled increased. From the most distant parts of Bohemia — from Pisek, Wodnian, Necolicz, Heyman, Ausch, Janovicz, Ledlezan, Pil- sen ; from Prague itself, and from many parts of Moravia — they came, some with horses, others on foot, pilgrims to that spot, precious above ev^ery other, because there they might enjoy, unmolested, their peculiar worship and the communion of the cup. Undoubtedly many were drawn thither by curiosity. Nor would it always be as easy as at first, to restrain and repress the tendencies to excess or unwarranted indulgence. Sharp things would naturally be spoken of a corrupt clergy, opposed to what these Taborites believed the authentic anel authoritative command of Christ in the institution of the Supper. With all the general quietness of their demeanor, the Taborites had bitter enemies ; and Wenzel himself, taught by experience how easy it was for him to pass from a throne to a prison, grew suspicious. He feared lest the report, indus- triously spread by their enemies, that such a multi- tude would soon choose their own kino: and their own archbishop, might be true. An effort was therefore made to suppress these assemblies. The barons forbade their vassals and subjects to visit Tabor, under penalty of death or confiscation of their goods.^ But all these measures were vain. The cuiTcnt ' Diar. Bel. IIus., 189. 452 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. XV of popular religious feeling ha/I acquired a force and fervor tliat defied resistance. Sooner than forego his privilege, the peasant chose to abandon his home altogether, and, disposing of his property, escape at once the oppression of priest and baron. Tabor attracted them, says the old annalist, as the magnet attracts iron. Thus the very attempt to repress the popular enthusiasm defeated its own object. The people were taught rebellion by unwise restrictions ; and Tabor, from a camping-ground of religious assem- blies, became at once a populous city. The oppor- tune death of Wenzel favored this movement. Zisca, with his rare combination of sagacity, enthusiastic devotion, and military genius, found the materials of an army already at hand. They needed only to be moulded by that discipline of which he was so perfect a master, and inspired with confidence in their cause as the cause of truth, and in the indis- putable ability of their leader, to become well-nigh invincible. Tabor thus became the refuge and the fortress of the Hussites. But already many had advanced be- yond the point that had been reached by him whom they still honored as a martyr. He had bequeathed to them, with his dying breath, and amid the fires of the stake, the invaluable principle of the sole authority of the word of God. With this as their starting-point, they went beyond him. Even Jacobel and the Calixtines generally were laggards in their views of reform. Not only a single sacrament, but all the institutions, doctrines, and rites of the church were to be subjected to a scripture test. Ambrose, Ch. xy.] puritan views of the taborites. 45^ Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory, the}^ said, were but men. There was no need of consulting the sen- tences of the schools, or giving heed to learned doc- tors, when all things essential to salvation were to be found in scripture. On the basis of these principles, they maintained that no sayings or writings of learned men wei'e to be held or believed as catholic by the faithful, unless they were contained explicitly in the canon of the Bible ; ^ that every one who pursues the study of the liberal arts or accepts degrees in them is vain and heathenish, and sins against the gospel of Christ; that no decrees of the holy fathers, no institutions of the ancients, no rites or traditions of human in- vention, were to be held, but all such were to be abolished and destroyed as works of Antichi-ist, since Christ and his apostles had nowhere enjoined them in the New Testament, On this ground they re- jected chrism, the anointing with oil, and sprinkling with holy water ; the exorcising, blessing, hallowing of the chalice, church furniture, and robes ; the ob- serving of canonical hours ; the dress, ceremonies, and order of the mass ; the chanting of the priests, and the baptizing of children with exorcisms, holy water, and sponsoi*s, instead of the simple rite by the ajiplication of pure water. For books of missals, or chants, gold and silver chalices, priestly vestments, etc., they felt equal aversion. All these things were to be destroyed or burned, and it was more proper for the laity to wear the priestly robes, or cut them up for their own apparel, than for the priests themselves * These articles are to be found in full in Diar. BeL Hus., 191, 193. 454 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOIIIT HUSS. [Ch. X"V to perform in them the divine offices. Auricular confession, the fast of Lent, vigils, festivals of saints, or other seasons of special devotion, except the Lord's day, were treated with no more respect. A priest, tricked out in his robes with their useless ornaments, and celebrating mass in the customary manner, was but like the harlot of the Apocalypse, to be despised by the faithful. The sacrament of the eucharist should be celebrated in the manner practised by Christ and his apostles, in the ordinary garb, without an altar, and in any place that might fitly serve. The bread was not itself to be lifted up for the adora- tion of the worshippers, but was to be administered in a plain and audible tone of voice. The clergy, moreover, were to be like the Levites of the Old Testament in regard to the possession of property ; they were to be directly dependent on the contribu- tions of the people. As to purgatory, and prayers for the dead, or works of piety in their behalf, all these were rejected as silly and inane superstitions. Livocation of the saints was condemned as savoring either of heresy or idolatry. All images, or the likeness of anything as an object of worship, stood charged with savoring of idolatry, and all such, as idols, were to be destroyed and burned. These articles were published in the year 1420, soon after the Taborites had withdrawn from Prague. They gave great scandal to the Calixtines, who ap- pealed to the world for testimony to the moderation of their views.^ It is evident that from the time » The author of the Diarimn Bel. Taborites led to the report, through- Hus. says that the practices of the out the kingdom aud foreign lands, Cn. XV.] FREEDOM OF TUOUGIIT AT TABOE. 455 when the Taborites first commenced their assemblies during the previous year, there had been great prog- ress made in breaking away from the ceremonies, institutions, and doctrines of the Roman church. The explanation of this is to be found in the free and friendly conferences enjoyed at Tabor by men who interchanged their views on religious subjects, with the open Bible before them as their only su- preme authority. Tabor was the one asylum for the persecuted in the kingdom, where perfect freedom of religious opinion was allowed. "You may think as you like here," wrote an orthodox Roman Catholic, on a visit to Tabor, to one of his friends. Thus persecution abroad drove into a single com- munity the men who were foremost in their viewg of reform, and most advanced in apprehending the true spirit of the gospel, and the simplicity of its rituaL With the scriptures acknowledged, on all sides, as the only supreme authority in matters of faith, it was no difficult or tedious work to adduce ample testimony of the superfluous ceremonies and false doctrines with which the purity of the gospel had been overlaid by a corrupt chiu'ch. With the views of the Taborites on religious sub- that the Hussites had abolished the missals etc., were sold for a mere distinction between laity and cler- trifle ; and that relics of the saints gy ; that shoemakers and mechanics were taken from the altars or show- performed the divine offices ; that cases, and thrown into nooks and mass was celebrated by the unshorn, corners. By such reports Boliemia without priestly vestments ; that the was defamed in other lands. The Taborite priests ordered the dcstruc- Calixtines were provoked and exas- tion of all ornaments and musical in- perated at the Taborites for fjiving Btruments in the churches, requiring occasion for such stories, and wished all, willing or unwilling, to accept to vindicate themselves from all com- their own rites; that books, chalices, plicity in such excesses. — P. 196. 456 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XV jects, some of a peculiar cast, in regard to social and political matters, were naturally allied. They were all anti-imperialists, and nearly all republicans, or at least in favor of an elective king. Their experience of a corrupt priesthood had produced in them an aversion to the learning of schools and colleges, whose degrees they treated with contempt as hea- thenish and antichristian innovations. Their study of the Apocalypse — a favorite book of the Bible, from its denunciations of the Great Apostasy — led them into many extravagances of belief and practice. All however did not go to the same extreme with Martin Loqui, one of their preachers, who dei-ived his name from his eminence as a speaker, and whose principal associates wei-e John Oilezin, Marcold, Co- randa, and a certain "VVenzel of Prague.^ These men, with a large portion of the Taborites, held the doc- trine of the speedy advent of Christ, and the ap- proaching mission of "the seven last plagues," by which all Christ's enemies should be destroyed. In this vengeance the faithful of Christ are to bear a part : all who shall hear the word of Christ, are to receive the warning to "flee to the mountains," where the Taborites were already assembled ; and whoever neglects to do tliis, shall perish by the plagues. At this time, the Tal)orites should be the holy angels sent out to rescue the faithful and bring them to a place of safety, as Lot was rescued from Sodom ; they should be the executioners of God's justice upon the guilty nations, while only the five cities, which they named " places of refuge," should ' Diar. Bel. IIus., 203. Cn. XV.] FANATIC VIEWS. 457 "be spared.^ The riches of the Gentiles, or the prop- erty of Christ's enemies, should be taken from them by the faithful, and desti'oyed or burned. In this consummation of all things, Christ will himself visi- bly descend to earth and assume the government of the world ; and all who have not on the weddinc* garment, will be cast into outer darkness.^ All the kingdoms of the world will come to an end. There will be no more exaction, no more paying of tribute. Sin will be destroyed. There will be no more scandal, abomination, and falsehood ; no more persecution or suffering, for all will be the elect children of God. The glory of this kingdom, tlius restored, will be greater — before the resurrection of the dead — than that of the primitive church. The sun of human intelligence will no longer shine ; none will need to teach another to know the Lord, for all shall be taught of God. The law of grace will then no longer have place ; it will be done away. The use of churches wdll be dispensed with, for God himself will be the temple, and, like hope and faith, lost in sight and fruition, all outward structures will disap- pear. Then shall come the resurrection of the dead — the first resurrection, in which the dead in Christ shall be raised, among whom John Huss shall appear; and thus for his elect's sake God would hasten the final destiny of the world. In this renovation of all things, man will be re- stored to the state of innocence enjoyed by Adam before his foil. There will no longer be pains attend- ing childbirth, no such thing as original sin, no neces- * Diar. Bel, Hns., 155, 204. » lb. 205. 458 LIFE AUD TBIES OF JOHIST nUSS. [Ch. XV. sity for tlie waters of baptism, no more need of the sacrament of the eucharist, for men shall eat angels' food, and never die.^ These peculiar views were an excrescence upon the religious system of the Taborites, and were shortly modified very essentially by succeeding events. The prophecy in regard to the five cities of refuge was effectually defeated, and many of the peculiar teach- ings in regard to Christ's advent were abandoned. They were all based upon an unwarranted interpre- tation of obscure texts ; and when their novelty wore off, they were for the most part cast aside. The Taborites however clung fondly to the notion that they were God's peculiar people, and were spe- cially designated by him for the reformation of the church and the defence of the faithful. This belief led them to interpose for the destruction of what they regarded as idolatry, superstition, and Antichrist. Their creed on these points was not a dead letter, and they went about their work with an energy and a courage which might challenge the reproach, but was too serious and earnest for the derision of their foes. They did not shrink — however it might scan- dalize their Calixtine brethren, or the so-called Cath- olic chui'ch — from carrying the theory of a creed which they embraced with all the fervor of their spirits, to a practical application. Wherever they went, they observed with all fidelity the simple rites of their worship. Their priests ministered the com- munion under both kinds, without the aid of rubric, missal, priest's robe, or the Latin tongue. They spoke ' Diar. BeL Bus., 200, 207, Cii. XV.] IIATUKD OF JIONASTEKIES. 459 and prayptl in tlieir own vernacular. They were not careful to use a gold or silver clmlice for the wine of the conimunion. An iron, earthen, or wooden cup answered their purpose full as well. If they declared the chui'ches and altars, which had been deseci-ated by " the mammon of uni-ighteousness" and the simony of the pi-iests, to be churches and altars " of the devil and of idols," or spoke of monasteries as dens of robbers, sties where the swine of lazy and useless monks were fattened, they sometimes suited the action to the speech, sacked the church, shivered the altar, and burned the monastery. If some unfortunate monk attempted to remonstrate — " Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel," was the prompt reply. "Christ never told men to serve him by shutting themselves up in indolence," — such was the argument by which the Taborites answered all objections. Monasteries thus became the special objects of their vengeance. Hundreds of them were sacked and burned. Some of the nuns, whom the terror of the Taborites had effectuall}^ converted to the communion of the cup, married — to the horror and scandal of the Calixtines. The Taborites treated many of the reputed holy things of the age with the most sacrilegious disre- spect. Kelics of the saints were ruthlessly flung out of the churches, like common earth. The holy oil was unceremoniously applied to a most proftine use, unless it was emptied, like the chrism and holy water, upon the ground. The vessels that contained these liquids were broken, or polluted ; for the Taborites held in contempt holy sprinklings and extreme unc- 460 LIFE AND TDIES OF JOHN HFSS. [Ch. XV. tion. Their form of baptism was the application of water, with the simple formula of administration in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.^ Auricular confession they dismissed with the brief logic of adopting the formal division of sins by the church, and declaring that if venial — by this probably meaning sins of the heart — ^it was enough to confess them to God ; if mortal, (public and gross,) they should be confessed in presence of the brethren. As to purgatory, they maintained that by the disci- pline of probation God prepares such as will be saved, to enter upon their reward and their eternal immu- nity from sin with the close of their earthly exist- ence. They who die in mortal sin go at once to their retribution of eternal justice in hell. Consequently prayer for the dead is vain and futile.^ The Tabor- ites neither prayed to the saints, nor paid regard to their images and pictures in the churches. " What was Peter, or Paul, or any other of the saints ? " they asked. " Were they not men, saved like us by the help of God alone, and in prayer to him, by the in- tercession of no saint, but of Christ only ? " They resented the superstitious worship which the pictures and statues of the saints received. The sternness of the prophet on Carmel, while he mocked the wor- shippers of Baal, seemed to relax into a grim smile ; and we can imagine with what cool derision the Ta- borite could look up, in the presence of his gaping ' The author of the Diar. Bel. Tins, the rite. Even the infant, after bap- Bays the rite of baptism was perform- tism, was required to commime sub ed by a flowing stream, or with water utraque specie. P. 199. brought from any place indiscrim- "lb., 255. inately. Sponsors were rejected in Cu. XV.] PURITANISM OF THE TABOKITES. 461 and credulous enemies, to the gouged eye or slit nose (erutie oculi-s- et 7iasis ahscl-S6'is) of some mangled image, crying out, in his so-called blasphemy, " If you are God or his saint, defend yourself, and we will believe you." (Si Deus aut ejus sanctus es, tunc te defende, et credimus tibi.) The place of His worship was to be disfigured by no image, desecrated by no sculpture. A handful of filth, or a thrust of his sword, or a blow of his terrible flail, relieved him from all the apprehension which a beautiful painting might excite as to his worshipping in a desecrated place. Monasteries were "dens of robbers," and wickedly founded against the law of Christ. The disciples were commanded to go forth into all the world, and not shut themselves up as hermits ; hence the cloisters and monasteries were to be utterly over- thrown and destroyed.^ The fasts of the Roman church were unhesitatingly rejected. Only such days were observed as the Taborite preachers directed. On these occasions no one ate or drank, from morning till night, or even till the following day. As to naming churches after particular saints, the views of the Taborite would have fully accorded with the sentiments of the most rigid Puritan of the Commonwealth. Even Jerome and Augustine, whom Huss and Jacobel loved to quote as authority, did not pass unquestioned by the Taborites. By confirm- ing or multiplying ecclesiastical rites, it was possible — they maintained — that these men had done the church more evil than good. To give churches their * Diar. Bel. Uus., 197. 462 LIFE AISTD TIMES OF JOIIlSr HUSS. [Ch. XY. names, or the names of others who were merely men, was an impious and accursed thing, and such churches, with the splendid dwellings of their pastors, ought to be burned and destroyed. The apostles never consecrated churches by such titles, or dwelt in such houses ; they were content with alms, and went about all over the world, preaching the gospel, without tithes or endowed churches. The leaders of the Taborites laid it down as a fundamental principle, that the law of Christ was sufficient for the government of his church. All that was necessary to salvation, he had declared in the New Testament.^ Human institutions and ceremo- nies were of no account. As Christ said to the scribes and Pharisees, " ye have nullified the law by your traditions," so also might modern scribes and Pharisees be addressed. Unless they desisted from their error, they might expect all the plagues of the Apocalyse to light upon them. In consistency with these views, the Taborite priests endeavored to reduce the ordinances of worship to the simplicity of the primitive church. They reject- ed the use of sacerdotal vestments, declined observ- ance of canonical hours, administered the divine rites, not from the altar, but from a simple table, in the open air, or in houses where they might be assembled. First of all, the priests knelt, with heads bowed toward the earth, while one repeated the Lord's prayer. He that was selected to solemnize the sacra- ment then rose, uttered in a clear voice the words of consecration, and broke and administered the ' Diar. Bel. Hus., 194. Cn. XV.] TENETS ASCRIBED TO THE TABORITES. 4G3 bread ; afterward tlie wine, in a vessel of iron, clay, wood, or other material, as might happen to be con- venient. The Taborites evidently knew how to defend their doctrines by word ; but their most effectual logic re- sided in their terrible flails, that threshed down all opposition that dared to lift its head. Councils, and crusades, and denunciations of all kinds, were ineffec- tual to put them down. They relinquished none of their peculiar tenets, except those which they derived from the study of the Apocalypse. Time showed the futility of many of the interpretations which some of their preachers gave to the prophecies of this book. Others seem to have been generally abandoned, insomuch that the Roman Catholic his- torian, Natalis Alexander, in giving account of their doctrines, makes no mention of those which are said to have originated with Martin Loqui. The only tenets which he ascribes to them, beside those of which the Calixtine author of " The Diary of the Hussite War" makes mention, and which have been already given, are such as we might naturally sup- pose would be associated with them. He speaks of their denial of the supremacy of the Papal See, their doctrine of the parity of 'the clergy, their maintain- ing that whoever was guilty of mortal sin was, ipso facto^ deprived of all secular and ecclesiastical au- thority, and was not to be obeyed. According to him, they held, that prayer for the dead was an inven- tion of the avarice of the priesthood ; that there was no need of consecrated cemeteries, for it made no difference with what kind of earth human bodies 464 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. XV. were covered ; and tliat the religious orders of the monks were a device of devils. It is easy to perceive, that notwithstanding some fanatical views, and some opinions which were nur- tured by the ignorance and prejudice of many among them, their sincere as well as avowed purpose was to restore the church, as near as possible, to its primi- tive model. Most of their doctrines were based clearly upon the authority of scripture ; and we are only surprised to find them, within so short a period after the death of Huss, so far in advance of what Huss and Jerome, or even Jacobel, had taught. Many of them — not all, however— utterly rejected the doc- trine of transubstantiation, which Huss and Jerome had avowed to the last, and which Jacobel had main- tained in his peculiar sense, by distinguishing between Christ's material and his spiritual body, the latter of which only was present in the sacrament of the altar. The doctrine of justification by faith alone, so dis- tinctly apprehended and taught by Luther, does not appear to have attracted their special attention. Their circumstances and position ranged them on the negative side of most of the questions between them and the Roman church, and their principal work was more to tear down than construct, more to refute a false system than to build up a new theology. They had little leisure and little learning, or intellectual discipline, to apply themselves to the philosophy of their own belief, or study the order and harmony of doctrines which they derived from the simple word of scripture, and adopted with an unquestioning faith. The doctrines of the Taborites proved especially Oh. XV.l LETTER OF .EXEAS SYLVIUS. 465 disastrous to the monasteries. These were regarded as nuisances to be abated. Monks and nuns were dispersed, or forced to accept the communion of the cup. Refusal to comply was met with violence. This was tlie case even in Prague. The INIonastery of the Holy Spirit was given up to the Germans for the preaching of the word of God. Those of St. Francis and St. James were stored with warlike machines and implements. The cups and furniture were sold for money. The sacred chrism and holy water were emptied on the earth. Zisca carried out these principles, in letter and in spirit. As city after city came into the hands of the Taborites, the monasteries were devoted to de- struction, and their inmates scattered. In the spirit of th(i ancient Israelites invading Canaan, the idolatrous rites of the Roman church were all to be suppressed. This picture of the Taborites would be incomplete, without adding to it the features preserved to us by a letter of ^neas Sylvius to the Cardinal de Carvajal, in which he gives an account of the visit paid them by himself, in company with others, at a date some years after the siege of Prague.^ As ambassadors, sent to treat with the Taborites, they demanded and received their hospitality. They were cheerfully welcomed by the Taborites, who went out to meet them; and they were entertained with cordiality and respect. "A most remarkable spectacle was now wit- nessed— an indiscriminate rabble, mostly composed * The date of this letter is 1451. this account in his narrative of liLa ^ncas Sylvius, sent by the pope to conference with George Podiebrad. — Bee what could be done to bring back Gner, des Hus., ii. 224. the Calixtines to the church, gives VOL. II. 30 4G6 LIFE AND TniES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XV. of peasants, who wished however to appear genteel and refined. Although a cold rain-storm, such as frequently occurs in Bohemia, prevailed at the time, many had no other protection than a mere frock. Some wore robes made of skins, some of their horse- men had no saddles, some had no bridle, and others were without stirrups. One was booted, another not. One had lost an eye, another a hand, so that, to borrow the language of Virgil, it was a shame to see populataqiie tempora raptis aurihus^ et tmncas iiiJion- esto vulnere nares. There was no order of proceeding, no reserve in speech, and we were received in a rough and peasant style. Yet presents were made us of fish, wine, and beer. Having entered the town, we took a view of it ; and if I were not to call it a town or asylum for heretics, I should be at a loss for a name to give it. For whatever monsters of impiety and of blasphemies are unmasked among Christians, flock together here, and find security in a place where there are as many heresies as there are heads, and full liberty to believe what you like. On the outer gate of the city there are two shields suspended. On one of these is a picture of an angel holding a cup, which he is represented as extending to the people as if to invite them to the communion of the cup. On the other there is a portrait of Zisca, who is represented as an old man and entirely blind. . ^ . What more fitting for such a people, who have no understanding of divine things, no religion, no apprehension of what is just and right, than a blind leader ! In this case that word of the Saviour is fulfilled, ' If the blind lead the blind, both fall into Cn. XV.] FORMS OF WORSHIP. 4G7 the ditch.' . . . These people have no greater anxiety for anything, than to hear a sermon. If any one neg- lects this, and lies asleep at home, or busies himself with work or play during the time of sermon, he is beaten for it, and is compelled to obligate himself to hear the word of God. Their place of worship is built of wood, and is much like a barn ; this they call their temple. Here they preach to the people ; here they daily expound the law. They have here but one altar, neither consecrated, nor to be conse- crated, and from this they exhibit the sacrament to the people. The priests neither wear crowns, nor shave their beards. The Taborites voluntarily pro- vide by gifts for their support. They offer nothing upon the altar ; they condemn tithes ; of first fruits, they hold neither to the name nor to the thing itself. Yet they do not accord in one and the same l)elief One thinks in one way, and another in another ; each follows his own liking. Neither do they live by a single rule." It is to be borne in mind that we have no account of the Taborites, excej^t from persons who were either their avowed enemies, or were strongly prejudiced against them. They undoubtedly were guilty of many imprudent acts, many deeds of violence, many excesses utterly unwarrantable. Many elements of fanaticism were mingled with their creed. Manv and strong prejudices, peculiar to the class of which they were mostly composed, possessed their minds ; but when their circumstances are considered, — th(; persecution that drove them from their dwellin<^ ; the crusade that forced them in self-defence to take 468 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HU6S. [Cu. XV. the weapons of war into tlieir hands ; the contempt and cruelty with which they w^ere treated ; and the necessities of their outLawed condition, — the severe measures which they dealt out to the monasteries, whose inmates they regarded as accomplices of the council that burned Huss, and the terrible examples of vengeance, provoked by their own sufferings and wrongs, and by which they made themselves formida- ble to their foes — these excesses of a ferocity fit only to foil and frighten a crusading army — cease to wear that aspect of utter and ruthless malignity which they would otherwise bear. The creed of the Tabor- ites was in the main scriptural, and we cannot but approve that wise policy by which they allowed all the diversities of opinion which prevailed among them, a full and perfect tolerance. Centuries passed away, and their representatives were seen spreading themselves over the world in the persons of the Moravian missionaries, to whose simple confidence in God, John Wesley acknowledged himself indebted for lessons of a fiiith wiser and stronger than his own. On the battle-field the Taborites maintained their undisputed superiority and preeminence, even after the death of Zisca. They fought under the impulse of the most powerful motives which can inspire the soul. Each soldier was a hero. He was ready to be a martyr. His valor was not that of the soldier of fortune, inspired by earthly ambitions and panting for an earthly prize. He was a champion of his ftiith ; and his firm belief was, that in pouring out his blood, and laying down his life, he was rendering Ch. XV.] CONSERTATISM OF THE TABOKITES. 4G9 but a poor and unworthy tribute to that " truth of God," in defence of which it was an honor to die. The Calixtines formed — as they would wish to be re- garded— the conservative reformers of the Bohemian nation. They remained steadfast in their regard for the memory of Huss, and in their attachment to the celebrated four articles which formed that portion of their creed in which they differed from the church of Rome. Once only they compromised matters with the Taborites, by declaring the wearing of priests' vestments a matter of indifference, a non-essential. They wished to preserve the order and the institu- tions of the church intact, except so far as they would be modified by the admission of the four arti- cles. They declared themselves opposed to all un- necessary innovations. They wished to commend themselves to the Christian world as faithful adher- ents to the Catholic faith. They took pains there- fore to distinguish their cause and views from those of the Taborites, in as marked a manner as possible. In a council held at Prague, in tlie year 1421, they drew up twenty-three articles, which they set forth in a document intended to serve as the exponent of their faith. In these they maintained transubstan- tiation, the necessity of the seven sacraments, the Catholic forms and rites of baptism with sponsors, chrism, the holy oil, and triple immersion in holy water, auricular confession, episcopal authority, the exclusive power of the keys by the priesthood, ex- treme unction, the invocation of the saints, purgatory and prayer for the dead, the propriety of the priestly robes, and the offices connected with the mass, the 470 LIFE AND TIDIES OF JOHX HUSS. [Cii. XV observance of fast-days and the festivals of the saints, the consecration and sanctity of churches, the neces- sity of sacred vessels and ornaments, as well as a pe- culiar and distinctive dress for priests, the observance of canonical hours, and obedience to episcopal au- thority. On all these points, the Calixtines, however inconsistent or neglectful of the consequences flowing fi'om their first article, as to the supreme authority of scripture, wished to abide by the rule and observ- ance of the Roman church. In reply to the twenty-three articles of the Calix- tines, the Taborites drew up an equal number of an op- posite tenor. But for a long time the two parties were 80 evenly balanced, that neither could claim a manifest preponderance. The great majority of the barons of the kingdom, with the citizens of Old Prague, were Calixtines, and Zisca himself, though the gen- eral of the Taborites, had evidently a strong leaning toward this party, at least on many points. The citizens of the New city, and the lower classes of the nation generally, composed the body of the Tabor- ites. The dan2:er of foreic^n invasion did not allow the two parties to risk their common security in fratricidal quarrels. It was evident, however, that only the power and wisdom of Zisca prevented an open division and hostility between them. If a com- promise was ever to be effected with the so-called Catholic church, it could only be on a Calixtine basis. CHAPTER XVI. THE CAMPAIGNS OF ZISCA. Retreat op the Emperor. — Departure of the Taborites from Prague. — Rav- ages OF ZiscA. — Attack on PRAcnATirz. — Sigismund's Conferences with the Nobles. — His Second Army and Campaign. — Taborites and Calixtines Com- promise Differences. — Crown of Bohemia Offkreu to the King of Poland. — zlsca and the monks. — bohuslaus von schwambero. — secession of sol- DIEBS FROM ZiSCa's ArMY. — DefEAT OF THE IMPERIALISTS AT KlADRUB. — LeAGUK OF Bohemian Cities with Prague. — Martin Loqui. — His Opinions. — He is Burned. — Policy of Zisca. — His Freedom from Fanaticism. — Growth of the League. — Convention at Czaslau. — Vindication of the States. — Their Complaint against Sigismcnd. — Defence of Sigismund by Cochleius. — Inva- sion FROM Silesia. — Zisca Loses His Sight Entirely at the Siege of Raby. — Still Heads His Army. — Plans of Invasion from the East and West. — Cere- monies OF Taborite Worship. — Kuttenberg Revolts. — Zlsca in Danger, — Extricates Himself. — Victory at Deutschbrod. — Disastrous Retreat of thk Imperialists. — Generalship of Zisca. — Bishop of Leitomischel Defeated. — Invasion of Moravia. — The Crown of Bohemia. — Executions at Prague.— CoRYBUT. — Diet at Prague. — Zisca Dissatisfied. — Hostilities with the Calixtines. — March on Koniggratz. — Defeat of the Calixtines. — Zisca Becomes a Taborite. — Marches into Moravia. — Returns. — Successive Bat- tles.— Marches Against Prague. — Zisca's Speech. — Its Effect. — Negotia- tions.— Peace Secured. — The Emperor Treats with Zisca. — His Humilia- tion. — Zisca's Sudden Death. — His Epitaph, Person, and Character. Aug. 5, 1420 — Oct. 11, 1424. Although the emperor had been forced to raise the siege of Prague, he did not abandon his designs against Bohemia. He determined to levy fresh armies, and make another attempt to recover the kingdom. His retreat fvom. Prague was as desola- ting to the region through which he passed as his invading march had been. With his hussars, he (471) 472 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cb. XVI. stopped for a while at Kuttenberg, and tlie valor and energies of his army were devoted to the work of ravage and plunder. His retreat allowed the differences that existed between the Calixtines and Taborites to show them- selves. The twelve articles of the latter, for which they demanded the approval and sanction of the city, and one of which threatened danger to the churches and monasteries, were at first rejected, and afterward approved only through a revolutionary movement that secured new magistrates, whom the Taborites nominated. In spite of this, however, they determined to leave the city. Their friends in New Prague strongly urged them to remain, but the Calixtines of Old Prague were more than willing to have them depart. Their radical views of reform, and their unyielding hostility to images, statues, pictures, the old church forms, and whatever savored in their opinion of superstition and Antichrist, di- verged so far from the moderation of the Calixtines, who would be satisfied with securing the granting of their four articles, that Zisca acted only a prudent part in withdrawing his forces from Prague, (Aug. 22 1420.) But his object in doing this was not merely to prevent a collision between the Taborites and Calix- tines. He wished to keep his forces employed, and suppress through Bohemia any movements in favor of iSigismund. The monks and priests soon felt the weight of his vengeance. With sword in hand, he swore never to rest till the power of the papacy in Bohemia was utterly prostrate. The cities which Cu. XVI.] CAPTUEE OF PIIACIIATITZ. 473 resisted the freedom of the communion of the cup, but especially the monasteries, were marked for assault and pillage.* Kniczan, about a league from Prague, was the first to feel his vengeance. The castle was taken, the church destroyed, and seven priests burned. Zisca then directed his steps to the Circle of Prachin. Desolation marked his course. The city of Pisek fell into his hands. He presented himself before the ■walls of Prachatitz. It stood charged with having treated the Hussites with harsh cruelty. Zisca for once was disposed to be lenient. It was at Pracha- titz that he had spent his early years as a student. He wished to spare the city, if possible, as a tribute to the memory of the happy days and the friend- ships he had enjoyed there. He summoned it to open its gates to him, promising it fxvorable and lenient terms, but was met by a blunt refusal. Upon this he stormed the city, (Nov. 12, 1420.) It was taken, and no mercy shown. Two hundred and thirty were left dead in the streets, and more than fourscore persons were burned. Even women and children were driven into exile. To the plea for mei'cy, Zisca's stern reply was, " AVe must fulfil the law of the Lord Christ in your blood." Meanwhile Sigismund had gathered a new army, and advanced to resume the siecfe of Prasrue. Dur- ing the past two months (September and October, 1420) he had amused the barons of the empire by frequent assemblies, which he summoned with the ostensible purpose of restoring peace and order throughout the kingdom. But all these efforts were » Guerre des IIus., i, 130. 474 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cn. XVI. futile. His own character would not allow his sub- jects to trust bim. His complicity in the death of Huss could not easily be blotted from the memories of men who regarded the victim of his perfidy as a martyr for the truth. By great exertions this second army had been brought together. The march of the emperor was expedited by intelligence of the danger which threatened the garrison of the Vissehrad. With his Moravian recruits, and all that he retained of his former army, he reached Prague before the Visseh- rad fell into the hands of the besiegers. But a letter which he had written to the garrison, revealing his plans, fell into the hands of the Hussites and put them on their guard.^ The arrangements which he had made to raise the siege by an attack upon the city simultaneous with a sortie by the garrison, were frustrated. The latter remained quiet, whether they had lost hope of successful resistance, or did not understand the emperor's signals. The next day they surrendered. Great was the rejoicing of the citizens, and great the mortification of Sigismund. Yet he was not disposed to abandon his purposes without again trying the fortune of arms. He haz- arded a battle, but it proved disastrous to his army. In the absence of Zisca, the citizens of Prague had called in Krussina, with his Horebites, to their assist- ance. They had the reputation of being full as brave, and more merciless even than the Taborites. The emperor saw his forces beaten and flying like chaffs before the terrible blows dealt by the flails of * Guerre des Hus., i, 134. * Godeau, xxxvli. 40. Cii. XVI.] ROUT OF SIGISMUND's ARMY. 4^5 the undisciplined peasantry. "I want to come to blows," said he, "with those flail-bearers." "Sire," replied Pliimlovisc, a Moravian nobleman, "I fear that we shall all perish ; those iron flails are exceed- ingly formidable." "Oh! you Moravians," replied Sigismund,— " I know you ; you ai-e afraid ! " The Moravians were stung to desperation by the rash and unworthy taunt. Flinging themselves from their horses, they rushed — where the empei-or did not choose to venture — upon the entrenchments of the Hussites. But their assault was futile. A sortie from the city rushed to the resQue of its brave de- fenders. The besiegers were forced to give way. They fled on all sides, and fell by thousands before the swords and flails of their pursuers. A great part of the ]\[oravian nobility were left on the fleld of battle. The rout of the army was complete ; and again Sigismund was constrained to retire from be- fore the walls of Prasfue. The patience and hopes of the Hussites, who bad . relied upon Sigismund's disposition to conciliate and give peace to his kingdom, were alike exhausted. The Calixtines even, by the force of circumstances, found themselves brought to occupy the position, politically, of the Taborites. The pride of Sigis- mund, his haughty demeanor, and his intractable pur- pose to subdue Bohemia and dictate his own terms had forced the great majority to the conviction that he was unfit to occupy the throne. It was finally determined to call a convention of the states of the kingdom, and elect a new king (Dec. 30, 1420.) An eftbrt also was made to compromise the differences 476 LIFE A]^D TIMES OF JOn:N- HUSS. [Ch. XVI between the Calixtines and Taborites. This was a difficult matter. One main subject of controversy was, whether the priests should wear their robes in celebrating mass, according to the old rites of the church. Some favored and some opposed it, and each party was strenuous. In some places even the Bohemian women had interfered to prevent the priests wearing the robes. The difference was at last compromised, on the suggestion of Jacobel that the wearino^ of the robes should be accounted a mat- ter of indifference. It was easier to frame the decree than to carry it into effect. It however answej'ed its purpose of effecting a present conciliation in the con- vention. In regard to the choice of a king there was some division. Nicholas de Hussiuitz had as- pired to be a candidate. His claims, however, were set aside, and he withdrew in angry disappointment from the city, swearing never again to enter it. At a short distance from Prague his horse fell. He was seriously injured, and was brought back to the city to die. His followers, on the loss of their leader, went over to Zisca.^ The crown was offered to the king of Poland.'' But the embassy, sent to announce the proceedings of the Bohemians, was captured by the emperor and thrown into prison. The pope, moreover, interfered to prevent the khig of Poland from listening to the proposal, or accepting the offered crown. In this measure of the states Zisca had taken part. Leaving most of his troops behind, he accepted the invitation, extended to himself and other barons, to * Guerre des Hus., i. IS^. ' Fleury, xxvi. 483, Ch. XVI.] SIGISMUND REJECTED. 4^7 be present at tlie convention which was held at the council-house of Prague.^ On his entering the city he was received with great honors, and his views harmonized with those of the great majority of the assembly. The discords of the kingdom were now for a time hushed, and Sigismund found himself almost unanimously rejected by the nation. Zisca again left Prague to pay visits to his " good friends," the monks. He marched in the direction of Pilsen. The rich cloisters of Choteschau and Kladrub were seized, and fortified instead of being destroyed. Zisca had resolved to make his conquest of permanent service to his cause. Whatever he could garrison and maintain as a Hussite fortress, was seized and held for this purpose. In fact, this method of procedure was essential to the success of the plan which he had projected, of driving his enemies out of the kingdom. Sigismund's third defeat was due to the wisdom of this policy. One of the emperor's generals was still maintain- ing his cause in Bohemia. Bohuslaus von Schwam- berg held himself secure in the strong fortress of Kastikow. Zisca surprised him by a night march, and took the castle. Bohuslaus was imprisoned at the instance of the Taborites, who wished to have him treated harshly ; but Zisca, feigning compliance, at length set him free. Some of the soldiers who followed him, whether from this or other causes, or both combined, left him. They formed an army by themselves, and attempted to prosecute their plans under leaders of their own ' Diar. Bel. Hus. 478 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHlSr HUSS. [Ch. XVL clioice. But the imperial general, Flascliko, of Kut- tenberg, fell upon and routed them. This partial success encouraged Sigismund, and he expedited measures, in order again to invade the kingdom. He saw that Zisca was the great obstacle to his success. His spirit seemed to diffuse itself throughout Bohemia, and his name alone was a tower of strength. The occasion seemed favorable, since the Hussite general was weakened by the loss of a part of ^ his army. But the emperor's movements were too dilatory. Allies from Prague and Tabor flocked at once to Zisca's standards. The enemy who had ventured to besiege Kladrub were suddenly confronted by the Taborite hosts. A panic terror seized them, and instead of a battle there was only a rout and pur- suit. Sigismund fled first to Leitmeritz, then to Kuttenberg, and at last to Moravia. His defeat and absence from the kingdom left room for divisions and jealousies to spring up anew. Pilsen, in some way, had merited Zisca's displeasure. He marched against it, but the city shut its gates. Zisca besieged it for the space of seventeen days, but it still resisted. At length a truce was effected. The cities of Pilsen, Miess, Domatzlitz, and others entered into a league with Prague, on the basis of ratifying the four articles of the Calixtines. This truce was effected in the early part of 1421, and continued in force through the year. Zisca was not idle, however. Commotau, Launy, and Slany fell into his hands. Other places were threatened, and some priests were burned. The junction of the Calixtines and Taborites in Cq. xyl] jiartix loqui. 479 their measures for rejecting Sigismund and electing a new king, seems to have tended to restrain the ex- cesses of the Taborites. Strange views had been adopted by some of them, especially by those who followed Martin Loqui. Beside his extravagant in- terpretations of the Apocalypse, he seems to have taught other doctrines peculiarly offensive. He de- nied transubstantiation — although on this point many of the Taborites agreed with him. He taught, that God was in man ; that neither was He to be sought in heaven, nor the devil in hell ; that all books, and forms of faith, and church ceremonies were needless and supei'fluous ; that the marriage vow was not in- dissolubly binding. To these doctrines, of which we can only gather a general idea, he added others which he appears to have derived from the Adam- ites, or to have held in common with them. His fol- lowers, to whom he gave the promise of eternal life, became numerous. He was first banished from Ta- bor, but afterward pursued by Zisca, who heard of his proceedings at Beraun, where he was dissemina- ting his views. The Taborite general determined to put a stop to his course. Although a Calixtine himself, he had allow^ed a perfect toleration among his own soldiers ; but when their doctrines were carried to licentious- ness, or an excess which threatened dangerous re- sults, he was promj^t in putting a check upon them. At Beraun some of Loqui's followers were burned, and some recanted. Loqui himself was also put to death ^ — according to some, by Zisca, according to ' Guerre des Hus., I 168. 480 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. XVI. others, by ArchbislioiD Conrad. The probability is, that Zisca, who was a Calixtine, banished the unfor- tunate and misguided man from Taboi", or possibly sent him to Conrad, that he might determine what should be done with him.^ It seems quite evident, at least, that he fell a victim to that jealousy which the Calixtines felt for their reputation. It is fully evident, that although Zisca well under- stood how to manage the enthusiasm, not to say the fanaticism of his followers, his own good sense was not blinded by any fanatic views of his own. It was * Pescheck (i. 19) gives quite anoth- er version of the case of Loqui. He says, " Martin Loqiiis was accused of introducing the errors of the Walden- ses into the sacrament, and of teach- ing, 'with horrid profaneness,' that the bread and the cup should be handed to the communicants. At the intercession of the men of Tabor, he escaped ; and to avoid the hatred and rage of his enemies, he fled to Mora- via with another clergyman, Proco- pius Jednook. Passing tlirough Chru- dim, they were recognized, and put in irons. When examined as to their views of the holy suppr-r, Martin said ' that the body of Christ is in heaven, and that he has one only, and no more.' Such a presumptuous blas- phemy, the officer who had seized him could not bear. He struck the prisoner, and then sent for the execu- tioner to commit the heretic to the flames. Ambrosius, curate of Hradek, who happened to be present, begged to have^ them given into his own charge. He took them to Hradek, kept them fifteen days, and took all imaginable pains to bring them to confess and renounce their errors. But finding them immovable, he sent them to Raudnitz, where they were detained two months in a dungeon, and tor- mented in various ways. There they were so tortured by fire, in order to force them to declare whence they learned their errors, and who were their accomplices, that their intes- tines came out. " When admonished to return to the way of truth, they answered, smilingly, 'It is not for us, but for yourself to think of such a return ; you have departed from the word of God to erroneous and antichri^tian opinions ; ye worship the creature in- stead of the creator.' In consequence of this— on August 21, 1421— they were condemned to the flames. When the priest exhorted them to request the people's prayers in their behalf, they answered, ' We do not stand in need of their pra3-ers; but you. Christians, pray for yourselves, and for tliose who mislead you, that the Father of mercies may deliver you fi'om your darkness.' Having ar- rived at the place of execution, they were put into a barrel and burned." If this narrative is correct, it re- lieves the memory of Zisca from a stain which was once regarded as his best title to honor. Cu. XVI.] GOOD SENSE OF ZISCA. 481 the policy of the general, full as much as any taste for religious symbolism, that led him to adopt the plau of having a priest bearing a cup in his hand, lead the army in its attacks. At the crude fancies of some of his followers, he only smiled, except when he could employ them as his allies in the camp or on the battle-field. He even delighted oftentimes in seeing the would-be prophets of the army exposed to derision. On one occasion, wishing to encamp upon a certain field, the prophets forbade it, with the assurance that the next day fire from heaven would descend to consume the harvests that covered it, and endanger the safety of the army. The next day, however, proved rainy, and the prophets found themselves exposed to the derision of those whom they had attempted to overrule. It became a prov- erb in the camp, that the prophecies of the priests and their fulfilment came as near together as fire and water. However Zisca and his soldiers might favor the pretended inspiration of some of their spiritual guides, no dreams, or impressions, or inspired fancies were allowed to prevent their assaults when they promised success, or induce the hazarding of a battle when good sense or military sagacity forbade it. The alliance of the Bohemian cities on the basis of the articles of Prague, continued to extend. New accessions were continually made to this — which might now be called a national league. Chrudim, Mant, Polictzka, Leitomischel, Trautenau, and Kon- igshof joined it. Jaromirtz, which refused, was sacked, and many of its inhabitants were drowned or burned. Twenty-three priests fell victims to their VOL. II. 31 482 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [On. XVI obstinacy in resisting the liberty of the communion of the cup. Leitmeritz still held out against the league. Zisca with his forces marched against it, but the city refused to surrender to him. " Let them of Prague come," said they, "and we will yield the city up into their hands." Zisca chose to make another assault, but it proved unsuccessful, and the citizens had the satisfaction of capitulating to the army of Prague, which hastened to receive their surrender, and witness their oaths to maintain invio- late the four articles. Thus each day saw the hopes of Sigismund for recovering the crown, becoming weaker and more desperate. The castle of Wenzel still held out for him in Prague ; but it was now resolved that this should be reduced. Zisca from Leitmeritz marched to Prague, with this object in view. He built a fort over against the city for the security of his own soldiers, and from this he directed his attacks against the castle. It surrendered after a resistance of four- teen days, and the last vestige of Sigismund's au- thority vanished from the capital of Bohemia, Czenko, the governor, had now thrown off all re- serve, and boldly united himself with the Calixtine barons, with whom he was already agreed in religious sentiment. At this opportune moment, and after unprece- dented successes against the enemy, the convention of the states met at Czaslau, (July, 1421.) Repre- sentatives appeared in large numbers, not only from every part of Bohemia, but also from Moravia. A regency was appointed, of twenty members, taken CiJ. XVI.] A REGENCY APPOINTED. 483 from the different orders of the nation. Zisca ap- peared in it, in the first rank of the nobles. It was resolved, with remarkable unanimity, that the four articles of Prague should be universally received ; that they should be maintained and defended to the last extremity, to the risk of property and life. Some wished that to these, two others should be added — one, to the effect that Sigismund should be for- ever excluded from the throne ; the other, that instead of a king, a commission should be appointed to dis- charge his duties. To these two, however, the Mora- vians objected. Much as they disliked Sigismund, they wished to leave the future policy of the king- dom open, to be modified by circumstances. They may, moi-eover, have been apprehensive — f^ir more than the Bohemians — of the vengeance of the em- peror upon such a step being taken. His ambas- sadors in fact appeared before the convention, and attempted by threats to overawe the body, and induce them to accept Sigismund as king. But it was all in vain. The barons, however, were not content with a mere rejection of the demand. They replied by drawing up an apology and vindication, containing fourteen articles, in which they stated their reasons for solemnly refusing to Sigismund all allegiance.^ They complain of the atrocious injuries, as well as slanderous calumnies of their enemies, the desola- ting and burning of their cities and villages, the inhuman and cruel massacres, not only of men, but of women and children, that had been j^erpetrated ' Guerre des IIus., i. 164. 484 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Ch. XVi. by a foreign foe, and the loss and damage which they had suffered from the invading army. They then arraign the conduct of Sigismund for his com- plicity in the death of Huss ; for the various acts of injustice from the council which he had sanctioned ; for the publication of the crusade, his levying armies against the kingdom, and studiously defaming it abroad, in order to swell the league against it ; for his acts at Breslau in burning a Calixtine, and put- ting many eminent citizens to death ; for the plunder and devastation committed by his army ; for carry- ing off the crown of the kingdom, with its tables and the treasures for the poor ; for giving away and alienating the march of Brandenberg, which be- longed to Bohemia ; for his slanders against the barons of the kingdom, calling them all traitors, and industriously circulating reports, far and near, preju- dicial to the reputation of Bohemia, and tending to its irreparable injury ; for his violation of the liber- ties and rights of the kingdom ; and his unjust exac- tions, cruelly enforced, to the ruin and desolation of many cities. On these grounds, they demand that reparation be made, and that the freedom of their four articles be granted them without reserve or limitation. To these articles Sigismund attempted a reply, but it made only a feeble impression. ^ It is amusing to observe how the historian, or rather the carica- turist of the Hussites, Cochleius, attempts to vindi- cate Sigismund from the charges of the barons. He begins by assuming that the barons are all here- ' Guerre des Hus., i. 165. Cn. XVI.] ZTSCA's LOSS OF HIS EYE. 485 tics ; and, on the authority of Jerome, he defines the heretic, iu the language of scripture, as one in whose mouth is no trutli, wliose heart is vain, whose throat is an open sepulchre, and whose tongue is full of deceit. He tlience infers that the apology of the barons, as the production of heretics, is fiilse and vain, and that Sigismund, whose faith and virtue have been so highly praised, could not have been guilty of the things laid to his charge. His carrying away the crown and the archives of the kingdom, how- ever, is defended on the plea of its necessity. The convention had not yet dispersed, when news arrived of an invasion on the borders of Silesia. The barons at once made arrangements to repel the enemy. Czenko and Krussina — a strange alliance of Horebite and Calixtine — marched against them. The Silesians were awed by the opposing force, and hastily retreated across the border. Zisca, previous to this, had gone to Wodnian, near Prachin. Thence he marched to the siege of Raby.* It was here that he met with the misfortune of the loss of his other eye. He had mounted a tree in order to inspect the entrenchments of the enemy, when an arrow from the walls pierced it. After he had fully ascertained his danger, he consented to be removed to Prague that he might have the aid of the physicians of that city, in the hope that its sight might possibly be restored. But his own impru- dence and recklessness destroyed the last chance of any such favorable result. The old hero was incura- bly and hopelessly blind. Yet even now he could ' The date of this event is given hj' some authorities as March 15, 1421. 486 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN IIUSS. [Cu. XVL not forego Lis favorite employment. His friends sono:lit to retain him at Pra^'ue. But he withstood all their entreaties. " Let me go," said he ; " I have blood yet to shed." A message from his army reached him. It urgently pressed his return. The soldiers would march under no other general. This determin- ed the matter, and Zisca hastened to rejoin his army. It was time for him to do it. The emperor had made extensive though ill-advised preparations foi* an- other invasion of the kingdom. A large army from Germany was to enter Bohemia from the west, while lie was at the same time to march against it from the east. But his own dilatoriness defeated his plan. The western army, soon after the time agreed upon — the day of St. Bartholomew, destined to become still more memorable in the annals of persecution — crossed the Bohemian frontier and commenced the siege of Sozium. But the resistance they met, togeth- er with their disappointment in hearing no tidings of the emperor, disconcerted and disheai'tened them^ and leaving their work undone, they returned to Ger- many. Their immense force, estimated at 200,000 men, w\as dissolved and scattered. The emperor at length appeared on the Bohemian fi'ontier toward the close of the year,* (Dec. 25, 1421.) Great efforts had been made to gather an army capable of resisting him. It was agreed that its officers should be appointed by the city of Pi-ague. But all would have been in vain probably, without the aid of Zisca. The mere presence of the blind old warrioi* was a terror to the foe. ' ^neas Sylvius, ch. xliv. Guerre des Hu3., i. 172. Ch. XVI.] DISGUST OF THE KUTTENBERGERS. 487 Sigismund with his powerful army was now a])- proacliing Prague. Several places had already been taken. Zisca, meanwhile, had been busy in suppress- ing all movements throughout Bohemia in favor of the emperor. At Pilsen, however, he was met with an obstinate resistance, and was forced to raise the siege and retreat before the foe, who had reassembled and resumed the offensive upon receiving intelligence of the emperor's invasion. Blind as he was, Zisca con- ducted a three days' retreat to Saatz in a most master- ly manner. But already the emperor had collected his scattered forces, and was prepared to encircle, with his mighty host, the doomed city. Prague was alarmed, and summoned the blind old hero again to her aid. Zisca was received within her walls, almost with royal honors.^ Gathering his forces, he marched first to Kutten- berg, and then to Czaslau. But the citizens of Kut- tenberg were ill-pleased witli the visit of the Tabor- ites. The occasion was not a favorable one. The invading army strengthened at once their fears and their orthodoxy. They saw for the first time the cere- monial, or rather the want of ceremonial, of Taborite worship. Scarcely had the soldiers entered the city, when they hasted to improve their privilege of the freedom of communion. With all their dusty cloth- ing upon them, just as they were when they dis- mounted from their horses, they made their appear- ance in the sacred assembly. It seemed to the Kut- tenbergers almost a sacrilege thus to hurry from their horses to the altar; and when they had wit- ' Guerre des Hus., i. 173. 488 LITE AND TBIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XTL iiessed their communion with common bread, and the use of a tin or wooden cup for the wine, with the short prayer and simple words of consecration, they turned away in disgust. So strong was their aver- sion to such allies, so widely divergent was the prac- tise of the Taborites in the communion from the old forms of the mass which the Kuttenbergers still retained, that scarcely had Zisca with his forces left the city, when they opened their gates to receive the army of the emperor. Zisca strengthened the fortifications of Czaslau, and then returned to cope with the hostile army. Sigismund had already marched upon Humpoletz and Ludetz, when the antagonist forces approached each other, and the pickets of the two armies exchanged blows. At this critical moment the treason of the Kuttenbergers gave Sigismund the advantage. Put- ting their city in his I'ear to protect it, he prepared to confront Zisca. The Hussite general saw himself forced to retreat. The citizens of Prague, uncertain of the issue, fearful of incurring the vengeance of Sigismund, and encouraged by the example of Kut- tenberg, began to drop away from Zisca's array. As the enemy approached, he fell back upon the hill 'Transkauk ; and here it was that the emperor felt that he had his sure grasp upon his destined victim. He carefully spread out the wings of his army to en- close the Taborites. Night settled down in darkness over the scene, and the morning threatened to dawn upon a beleagured host, with no alternative but that of sure and hopeless defeat or unconditional sur- render. Ch. XVI.] BATTLE OF DEUTSCIIBIIOD. 489 But the blind Zisca was not to be so easily caught. He waited, indeed, another day, retaining his position upon the hill, whence his enemies did not venture the attempt to dislodge him ; but on the second night his plans were matured and ready for execution. Quietly marshalling all his army, he led them, nearly without loss, and with scarcely striking a blow, through the camp of the enemy. The emperor saw himself again defeated in his plans — completely outgeneralled by an antagonist whom he regarded as already within his toils. Zisca marched first to Colin, thence to Gicziu and Turnau, recruiting his forces. Sigismund was not prepared to attack him before he had recovered him- self sufficiently to be able to turn and face his pur- suer. He encamped on the banks of the Nebonid, ready for battle. But Sigismund no longer thought of attacking him. He withdrew to Moravia, layiuo- Kuttenberg — probably deeming its fidelity to him in this time of his reverse utterly unreliable — in ashes. Zisca followed him in his retreat. He overtook him (Jan. 9, 1422) at Deutschbrod, where a fierce battle was fought, which lasted for three hours. At length victory declared in favor of the Taborites. The en. emy fled, but their retreat proved more disastrous than the battle-field. The crowd of fugitives was such that, in attempting to cross the bridge of the Sazanna, their progress was checked, and fifteen thou- sand cavalry, led by their general, Pipo of Florence, attempted to cross the river on the ice.^ But the weight of men and horses proved too much for its '^neas Sylvius, cli. xliv. 490 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHIST HUSS. [Cn. XVI strengtli to support. It gave way beneath them, and nearly all were drowned. Sigisraund continued his retreat to Iglau. He left behind him seven standards, five hundred baggage-wagons, and an im- mense booty, which Zisca distributed to his soldiers. Blind though he was, the Taborite general could not content himself with merely acting on the de- fensive. The loss of sight forced him to employ the eyes of others, and from their observations he formed his plans of attack or defence. His memory of local- ities was wonderful. His frequent campaigns had made him familiar with almost every part of Bohe- mia. The whole region was spread out before his mind's eye like a map, and his measures were taken with the utmost wisdom and precaution. In battle, he took his stand upon a baggage-wagon, near the standard, and, by the eyes of others, closely watched each stao^e of the conflict, and the necessities of his position. Nothing escaped him. He discerned as if by instinct, and by a military genius for which the age in which he lived could not furnish a parallel or a rival, the strong and the weak points of each army, and the measures by which they might bo turned to his own advantage. As a general, friends and enemies vie with one another in elevating him to the first rank. "Scarce any history of Hebrews, Greeks, or Latins," says Cochleius,* " brings before us any leader of armies of such capacity as Zisca was." An undisciplined peasantry were trained by him to withstand and repel the shock of imperial cavalry. A restless * Cochleiu3, p. 206. Cu XVI.] THE IRON BISHOP. 491 energy in liis iron frame defied fatigue, and scorned to I'est, and into his troops he infused his own activity and daring. But prudent sagacity supplied the means of energy and courage, and new expedients •wei-e devised as necessity required, till his soldiers attained a perfect confidence in the almost magic skill and enterprise of their leader. Many of his most signal and successful battles were fought after he had hecome entii'ely blind ; and never, till the breath left his body, did the terror of his name cease to make his foes tremble. Returning from the pursuit of Sigismund, lie found some of his partisans still active in Bohemia. The Bisliop of Leitomischel, the bitter enemy of Huss and Jerome at Constance, and the persecutor of the Cal- ixtines, now appears again upon the stage.^ He had been promoted to the bishopric of Olmutz, and on Conrad's secession to the Calixtines he vi^as elevated to the vacant archbishopric. Sigismund had not a more faithful and daring ally, nor the Bohemians a more bitter or dangerous foe. At the moment of the threatened invasion, with a sword for his crosier and an armed band for his flock, he attempted to promote at once the cause of the emperor and his own by violent methods. He had deservedly earned the epithet of " The Iron Bishojx" From the altar where he celebrated mass, he would haste to the camp, mount on horseback, with his helmet on his head and his body cased in armor, and sink the church- man in the warrior, the bishoji in the general. His rage against the Hussites was almost fiendish. He ' Guerre des Hus., i. 175. 492 LIFE AND THIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XVL boasted of the number he had slain with his own hand. But the defeat of Sigismund was the prelude to his own. His army was cut to pieces in the neigh- borhood of Broda, and completely annihilated. Zisca, assuming the authority which his victories assured him, seated upon the ruins of the fortress, and under the captured standards, knighted the bravest of his sol- diers, and distributed among them an immense booty. Not content with thus prostrating the enemy in Bohemia, Zisca extended his arms into Moravia. He had already reached the borders of the Austrian terri- tory, when he was summoned back to Prague. Leav- ing behind him his ablest general, Procopius Magnus, or Basus as he was called, to prosecute the war, he returned with a portion of his army into Bohemia. Events at Prague had assumed, suddenly, an omi- nous aspect. On the refusal of the king of Poland to accept the crown, it had been offered to Withold, Grand Duke of Lithuania.^ He also had declined to accept it, but had recommended to the Bohemian barons his near relative, Sigismund Corybut. Accom- panying him to Prague, they had both sealed their Calixtine faith by partaking of the communion of the cup. But at this juncture, many of the nobility, disappointed, perhaps gladly, by the king of Poland's declinature of the crown, had fallen back upon their old preference for Sigismund. Doubtless they im- ao-ined that successive defeats had made him wiser, while freedom from foreign invasion allowed the antagonistic elements of the Taborites and Calixtines again to show themselves. * Fleury, xxvi 484. Ch. XVI.] EXECUTION OF JOHN OF ZELEW. 493 At Prague the Calixtine party had recovered their supremacy, and had elected magistrates who favored their views. The old hostility against the Taborites was revived. They cited before them the bold Pre- monstraut monk, John, whom they accused of tyranny and sanguinary acts.^ The monk obeyed the sum- mons. With nine of his companions he presented himself at the council-house. He was at once ar- rested, and the whole number were summarily tried and executed. It was attempted to keep the deed secret ; but the blood of the victims flowing out into the street, told their friends of their sad fate. This was the signal for vengeance. Jacobel, whom we now find on the. side of the Taborites, encouraged the multitude. He held up to their view the head of the monk, whom he called a martyr. In their rage, the Taborites assaulted and massacred the mag- istrates who had ordered the execution. The coun- cil-house was taken, and the library destroyed.^ This event was the signal for hostilities to recom- mence. The presence of Corybut had no effect to repress passion or restore order. Although a Calix- tine, there was a strong party opposed to him. When the coronation was to take place, it was found impos- sible to obtain the regalia. Some of these Sigismuud had carried away with him. But for this, it is pos- sible, as Cochleius suggests, that Sigismund would never have recovered his throne. At first Zisca favored the cause of Corybut. He urged the people generally to accept him as king. But the favorable moment had now passed. The nation was divided ' Guerre dea Hns., i. 169. ' iEneas Sylvius, ch. xliv. 494 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cu. XVI. into fierce parties, embittered by prejudice and mu- tual aggressions. The old church party began again to raise its head, — and these at one extreme, and the Taborites at the other, were irreconcilably opposed to Corybut. It was in vain tliat Zisca, here difiPering from the Taborites, espoused his cause. The diet that was held at Prague toward the close of the year (Nov., 1421) to determine the question in regard to the election of a king, was much divided. Zisca urged harmony, and the exercise of a kindly and forbearing spirit. " Forgive one another," said he, " that you may unite in saying ' Our Father.' " On the other hand, he did not fail to reprove the violence of the Taboi'ites. He exhorted them to " honor the elders, and deal justly, not with violence, so that God may be with us." But his counsels and persuasions were vain. There was an utter lack of unanimity. Corybut, for the present at least, de- spaired of the election, and prepared to leave Prague. It was not such words as those of Zisca that would heal the division. The veno^eance of the Taborites for the murder of the Premonstrant monk had been signal, and had embittered their foes. They had unwittingly given the latter a great advantage. In their excitement the mob had proceeded to great lengths. They had plundered the library of the university, and destroyed the records of the council- house. They had sacked the houses of the council- lors, and had even assaulted the dwellings of the Jews. As if this provocation was not enough, the citizens of Prague were indignant and took offence at the Cu. XYI.] CALIXTINES UNITE AGAINST ZISCA. 405 tone in which Zisca had addressed them. They com- phiined of it as too authoritative. They disliked him the more that, while on many points he differed from the Taborites, he was still their general, and lent to them the strength and sanction of his name. Against him therefore their animosity was now directed. But Zisca was not a man to be trampled upon by those whom he had so often protected from invasion. Their insults could not be directed against him with impunity. He saw, moreover, that unless the present movement in favor of Sigismund was checked, Bo- hemia would be subjected to his control, and not only the Taborites, but the Calixtines would be given over to the counsels of such men as the Bishop of Leitomischel, who were living embodiments of the spirit of the crusade. Even Corybut, favoring the Calixtines as the stronger party, and the one from whom he had the most to expect, was, however un- wittingly, playing into the emperor's hands. Zisca withdrew from Prague, brooding over his plans of vensfeance, which he was not slow to execute ao:ainst those barons whose counsels were betraying the freedom and the interests of their country. He at- tacked their partisans and ravaged theii' estates. The Calixtines promptly armed to repel his as- saults,^ and endeavored to crush him whom they now regarded as an open enemy. All their former jealousies were revived and embittered. He stood in the way of their coming to terms with Sigismund — terms which, however ignominious, they were will- ing to accept. Czenko of Wartemberg, former gov- Guerre des Hus., i. 195. 496 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XVI. ernor of the castle, gathered an army, largely com- posed of the nobility, and marched against Zisca. But the Taborite general was victorious, and the Calixtines were severely beaten. Distributing the booty among his soldiers, Zisca with only three days' delay pushed on to Kozagedy, which he took by storm. Terror preceded him, and devastation marked his track. He mercilessly cut down all that opposed him, and laid castle and fortress, as well as all that offered resistance, in ashes. But his incessant activity and unwearied energy were too much for his soldiers. When he ordered a night march upon Koniggratz, they began to com- plain. "Zisca," said they, "is blind, but we are not. We cannot fight like him in the dark." They threat- ened to halt upon their march, and tke plans of their general against Koniggratz were in danger of being defeated. Zisca reasoned with them. He endeavored to overcome their reluctance to follow him. Him- self a Calixtine in sentiment, though not in sympa- thy, his arguments were the more forcible. " It is for your sake," said he, " that I fight. It is no con- cern of mine, personally. I could make peace for myself if I chose. All is for your good." Soothing their minds with these reasonings, he at once changed his course of remark, and surprised them by one of those strokes of policy which showed the inexhaustible resources of his mind. "Come, now," he added, "listen to counsel. In what neigh- borhood are we now ? " " Between the hills Pod- mokly and Cziniswes," was the reply. Zisca, who in a moment apprehended the position of the army, was Cii. XVI.] CHANGE IN ZISCA's POLICY. 407 ready with an expedient to meet their ol)jecti()n of the darkness of the night. " Go with all dispatch," said he, " and light up the village of Miestecz, so that we may see our way." The command was obeyed, and the conflagration of that village lighted their march to the walls of Koniggratz. The city fell into Zisca's hands, with scarce the show of resistance. A friendly party within aided the victors." ^ But the Calixtines of Prague felt the loss of the place too severely not to make strenuous efforts for its recovery. Borzek, a former governor of Prague, led out an army to attack Zisca and regain Konig- gratz. The Taborite general did not decline the offered battle. He marched out to meet the foe, and a terrible conflict ensued. The Calixtines suftered a complete and annihilating defeat. The course of events had wrought a change in Zisca's policy. Driven to desperation by the Calix- tines, he now conformed to the Taborite ceremonial. The priests before him no longer said mass in their robes, according to the rites of the old church. He had been willing and even anxious before, that former differences between Calixtine and Taborite should be compromised by uniting upon Corybut as king. But this expedient failed to secure unanimity, and Corybut, in throwing himself into the arms of the Calixtines, had alienated himself more than ever from the Taborites. Zisca now treated him as an enemy. He had, in fact, introduced foreign troops to the aid of the army of Prague, and stood ready to lead them against the Taborites. At this aspect ' Guerre dea Hus., i. 196. VOL. n. 32 498 LIFE AND TIJIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cn. XVI. of things Zisca felt the necessity of strengthening Lis army. Procopius, whom he had left behind him when summoned to meet the diet at Prague, and who had followed the enemy across the frontier, was probably recalled ; at least he now rejoined Zisca with his forces (May, 1422.) Borzek, on his defeat, in which he was badly wounded, withdrew to his castle. Zisca returned to Koniggratz and, destroying its fortifications that it might be defenceless in case it was seized by the enemy, marched to Czaslau. Here he stengthened himself, and put the place in a state of defence against the new army which was marching against him from Prague. One of his generals, Lupak,' with the force under his command, was cut off by the enemy. Zisca upon this seems to have withdrawn from Czas- lau, willing probably to have it stand a siege and delay the foe, while he hastened to Moravia, ^ where the Archduke Albert, nephew of Sigismund, was recovering the cities which Procopius had taken. The archduke laid claim to Moravia as a gift from the emperor, and exerted all his energies to drive out the Hussites and subject it to his own dominion. He was engaged in beleaguering Suntenberg, when Procopius was dispatched to relieve it. At the news of the approach of Zisca's army, (Aug. 12, 1422,) the archduke consulted his safety by a hasty retreat. He was not anxious even to face the ter- rible army of the blind old Taborite general. Zisca, taking summary vengeance upon all parties that had shown any inclination to fixvor the arch- ' Guerre des Hus., i. 196. Cb. XVI.] ARDUOUS TASK OF ZISCA. 499 duke, followed him in bis retreat. He advanced into Austi-ia as far as Stokerau, on the Danube, and only four leagues from Vienna. The archduke, how- ever, had escaped him, and lay upon the opposite bank. Zisca turned aside for the siege of Kremsen, when the army from Prague, which had followed on his track, came up with him. Procopius promptly marched to his relief; and the army of Prague, led by John — possibly the archbishop — was foiled. Zisca, secure for the present from the archduke, whom he left to be looked after by his general Procopius, returned to Bohemia. Never had a harder task than the present one been confided even to his hands. The Calixtines and the imperialists were virtually in league together against him. The one within, and the other without the kingdom, attempted to crush him as the common enemy of both. But the spirit of the blind hero breathed defiance, and his genius and skill were equal to the emergency. With Procopius left be- hind him to hold the foreign enemy in check, he now turned to suppress internal hostilities. At Cka- litz, in the neighborhood of Koniggratz, he fell in with a body of troops from Prague, which he cut to pieces and dispersed. Arnau, however, nine miles north of Koniggratz, repulsed his assault, (Jan. 6, 1423.) The castle of Mlazowicza was less fortunate. It fell into his hands, and he signalized his vengeance by hewing its commander in pieces. For several months he continued his ravages by flying marches, increasing as much as possible the strength of his army. Klattau was taken by storm ; T)ut when 500 LITE AKD TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Cii. XVI Zisca reached Saatz, his whole force consisted of only T,000 foot and 500 horse. Yet with this force he directed his marshal, John Bzdinka, to march in the direction of Czaslau and Prague. At Kostelez he fell in with the Calixtine army, under the command of Czenko. The Elbe now threatened to cut off all opportunity of retreat, and Czenko's army was too strong to be safely withstood. The Taborites, how- ever, discovei'ed a ford by which they were enabled to cross the Elbe, and for three days the army of Czenko followed in close pursuit. Zisca was over- taken near Kuttenberg, and finding the ground fa- vorable, no longer declined battle. Corybut, who now made common cause with the Calixtine army of Prague, arrived with a reinforcement, and Zisca, who had animated his soldiers by a speech, in which he pointed them to the ruins of Kuttenberg as an illustration of imperial mercy, saw the opportunity of gaining a decisive victory unexpectedly snatched from his grasp. Feigning an apprehension of defeat, he slowly retreated, till by his manoeuvres he had drawn the enemy into a position in which he could safely engage. Again victorious, Zisca now commenced his march directly for Prague, which he reached on Sept. 11, (1423.) He had now thrice defeated the most pow- erful armies which his enemies at Prague could marshal, and the intelligence of his approach filled them with consternation. ^ They determined, how ever, to resist his attack, and closing the gates against him, forced him to the necessity of storming the ' Guerre des Hus,, L 202. Ch. XVI] ZISCA's speech to 1118 SOLDIERS. 501 city. But here his soldiers began to hesitate and murmur. They had too often fought to defend those walls wliioli they were now to assault, not to shrink from an act, however necessary in their circum- stances, which only the genius and the vengeance of Zisca could have conceived and dared. Though accustomed to blood, and hardened to all the atroci- ties of the battle-field, their hearts were affected, and complaints were heard when Zisca proceeded with his measures for storming the city. But the blind old warrior could speak as well as fight, and could marshal and guide the passions of men with a skill equal to that with which he con- ducted armies. Standing on a cask, where he might be seen of those whom he no longer saw, he harangued his troops, and his powerful voice at once kindled all hearts by its familiar yet stirring tones.^ " Com- panions," said he, " why do you murmur ? I am not your enemy, but your general. It is by me that you have gained so many victories — by me that you have won fame and wealth. And yet, for you I have lost my sight, I am condemned to ceaseless darkness. . . . For all my labors, what is my reward ? Noth- ing but a name ! It is then for you that I have acted ; that I have conquered. It is not my own interest that arms me against this city. It is not the blood of a blind old man that it thirsts after, but it dreads j^our intrepid hearts and your invincible arms. When they shall have taken me in their nets, they will lay snares for you, from which you will scarcely escape. Let us therefore take Prague. Let us crush ' Guerre des IIus., L 203. 502 LIFE A]N^D TBIES OF JOHXHUSS. [Cu. XVI. the sedition before Sigismund is informed of it. A few men, well united, will do more against the em- peror than a vast multitude divided. Let no person therefore accuse me, for I act in your interest. Now make your choice. Will you have peace ? Take care that it does not cover some ambush ! Will you have war ? Here I am !" These words had the desired effect. There was no more murmurinof. The Taborites invested the city, and suffered no one to issue forth from the gates. Every thing was ready for the assault, but Zisca delayed his order to storm the city. Perhaps he had ever hoped, and still believed, that he would be spared the terrible necessity. If he had laid his plans to subdue the city by terror, he was not disap- pointed. The citizens had no wish to engage in con- flict with the man who rarely lost a battle — never succumbed under defeat — never abandoned his pur- pose. They could not bear to imagine what results might follow the storming of the city, or the revival within it of the spirit of the Premonstrant monk, a spirit suppressed and almost stifled, but still ready to show itself, if occasion permitted, as fierce and as terri- ble as ever. They met to deliberate, and determined to send a deputation to Zisca to induce him to relent. At the head of the deputation was John of Roky- zan, a CaHxtine preacher of great credit and ability, subsequently ai'chbishop, who from the obscurity and poverty of his birth had raised himself by his talents to a high position. His representations were effectual with Zisca, who in all probability was only too will- ing to listen to counsels which might at once spare Ch. XVI.] HUMILIATION OF SIGISMUND. 503 Lis own honor and tlie execution of liis terrible threat. To the entreaties of the deputation he lent a favorable ear, and the terms of the treatj^ of peace were at once settled. It was signed in the camp ; and, as a monument of the alliance, and from regard for ancient customs, a pile of stones was raised upon the spot, as if to intimate that the party which should violate its provisions should perish beneath the stones that formed the rude altar. Zisca then made a public entry into Prague, where he was re- ceived with the greatest honors, and was allowed to exercise a paramount authority. The emperor's hopes, which he had based upon the divisions of the Bohemian nation, were baffled by the truce which restored to Zisca the control of the kingdom. He saw that arms and counsels were alike futile to regain it, while he had such a foe to watch and counterwork his designs. He sought therefore to win him over by the most liberal prom- ises. "For himself," he said, "it was sufficient that he should merely be proclaimed king of Bohe- mia. To Zisca should be left the government of the kingdom." To all these honors Sigismund joined the promise to Zisca of immense wealth.* This was to the emperor a most humiliating pos- ture of affairs. After all his efforts, supported by the bull of the pope and successive crusading ar- mies, he saw himself reduced to the ignominy of offering to accept the aid and reward the valor of the man who, in defence of wliat had been branded as heresy, had demolished and annihilated all his Guer. des Hus., i. 205. Fleury, xxvi. 521. Also, Cochlseus, liy. v. 504 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XVI. armies. JEneas Sylvius grows indignant in narra- ting a proceeding which he condemns as a disgrace to the emperor, and a stain upon his royal name.-' That a man whom all Christendom venerated, and of whom heathen nations stood in awe — the son of an emperor, and an emperor himself — in the vigor of his years, should be reduced to treat upon such terms with " a man hardly noble by birth, old, blind, heret- ical, sacrilegious, with audacity for any enormity;" that he should offer him the government of the kingdom, the command of its armies, and an immense yearly revenue, in order to secure his alliance and aid ; all this was indeed, in the eyes of the Koman historian, as disgraceful as it was humiliating. If Huss had ever longed for revenge upon his murder- ers, if he had wished them an earthly i-etiibution for their crime, he could not have imagined anything more bitter as a dreg in their cup, than that they should see their chosen champion, supported by the papal bull and immense armies, forced to bend the knee to a man who was regarded at once as a rebel and a heretic, and whose very blindness made the homage paid him more bitterly if not ludicrously humiliating. But the terms proposed were never executed. We do not even know how they were regarded by Zisca. It is more than possible that he thought favorably of them. Specious pretexts were not wanting for their acceptance. He might have been king himself in all but name, and none better than he united a knowledge of the people with a capacity to govern them. ' iEneas Sylvius, ch. xlvi. Cu. XYI.] DEATH OF ZISCA. 505 But at tliis culminating point of Zisca's fortunes death overtook him. He lived to foil the purposes of Sigismund, and died at the moment when his death was in some respects another defeat to blast his hopes. Had he been longer spared to his coun- try, it is reasonable to suppose that the nation would have been harmonized, if that were possible, and that under his government national prosperity and freedom of worship would have gone hand in hand. The plague, however, which was at the time ravaging Bohemia, numbered him among its victims. He died Oct. 11, 1424, while engaged in the siege of a small town on the Moravian border. Perhaps, with a foresight of the hostility that might hunt out his bones and drag them like Wickliffe^s from their grave, he ordered his soldiers to abandon his body to the birds of prey, and to have his skin made into a drum, the mere sound of which would make their enemies tremble.^ The command of Zisca was not, however, obeyed. His body was interred with honors in the cathedral church at Czaslau, and his iron mace was suspended near his tomb. Upon his monument was placed, according to Theobald, in his history of the Hussite wars, the following inscription : " Here lies John Zisca, inferior to no other general in military science, the rigorous punisher of the pride and avarice of the priesthood, and the zealous defender of his coun- try. What the blind Appius Claudius did for the Romans by his counsel, and Curius Camillas by his actions, I accomplished for the Bohemians. I never * Fleury, xxvi. 522. Guer. dcs IIus., i. 206. 506 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XVI. failed fortune, nor sLe me ; and altliongli blind, I always perceived what ought to be done. I have fought eleven times with standards displayed, and I have always conquered. I was unceasingly seen de- fending the cause of the unfortunate and the poor, against sensual and bloated priests, and therefore did God sustain me. If their hatred did not oppose it, I should be reckoned among the most illustrious ; and yet, in spite of the pope, my bones repose in this holy place." In the biography of Zisca published at Prague, ^ another epitaph is given, more in keeping with the character of the man, and which may have been inscribed after the former was defaced. " Here rests John Zisca, the leader of oppressed freedom in the name and for the name of God." We are told, moreover, that not far from his tomb was en- graved the inscription — " Huss, here reposes John Zisca, thy avenger ; and the emperor himself has quailed before him." Zisca's person was of middle stature, of a strong and muscular frame, especially in the shoulders and chest. His head was large, round, and closely shaven. His nose was aquiline, and his long mous- taches added to the ferocity of a countenance that spoke out, in its bold and eagle eye, the penetra- tion and the enei'gy of the man. His complexion was dark and bilious, bes2:)eaking his capacity for long and patient endurance ; and his forehead pre- sented that indenture, falling perpendicularly down it, which has been remarked in several famous war- » Edition of 1789. Cn. XYI.] GENIUS OF ZISCA. 507 rioi's — and lias in consequence been called the mar- tial line.^ Ilis outward aspect was no unworthy index of the spirit within. In all that pertained to war or strat- egy, Zisca was the man of his age, and it is even douhtful whether the world has ever presented any leaders of armies who might not be honored by being accounted rivals of Zisca in ability. With a kingdom rent by dissensions, and the weaker and less powerful class only on his side, he had to repel successive assaults from armies immensely superior, and led by able generals. He had to stand — single- banded as it were — against the hosts of Christendom animated by the spirit of religious bigotry, and breathing exterminating vengeance against all that bore the name of Huss, or expressed sympathy for him. But he met the tide successfully ; he stemmed it and turned it back. In the most desperate cir- cumstances, he never quailed or wavered. Unfore- seen and overwdielming difficulties only brought out the inexhaustible resources of his genius and sagac- ity, and he never offered to caj)itulate, but always waited to accept terms of surrender from the foe. He did not make his suit to Prague, but Prague made its suit to him. He did not solicit the empe- ror's alliance ; the empei-or, however, solicited his. The tactics, equipage, and defences of his army, as ■well as their unshrinking courage and resolute energy, betrayed the impress, and manifested at once the sagacity and the inspiring power of Zisca's genius. His enemies might condemn him as a heretic. They ' Bonnechose. 508 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN nUSS. [Cn. XVI, might blacken his memory with charges of crimes that make us shudder, but his ability as a general, and his unapproachable mastery in the art of con- ducting battles and managing armies, were never questioned. What his real character was as a man, is some- what more doubtful. His enemies have drawn his portrait ; and no fi-iendly hand, unless that which inscribed his epitaph, has rescued it from their cari- cature. It is evident that his soul glowed with the deepest resentment and indignation at the wrongs of Huss, and the injustice of the council that ordered his execution. He saw a whole nation virtually condemned unheard, and hemmed around by a league of Christendom, marshalled by a papal crusade to carry out the sentence. He felt himself called to be an avenger of the wronged, and he fulfilled his mission with an inexorable severity. No tears flowed from his blind eyes. Pity was in his view a weakness, of which he was rarely known to be guilty. His system of army discipline was inflexi- bly rigid, and it extended to all the acts and cir- cumstances of a state of war. It was truly a mili- tary code, and every infraction was punished wdth death. Zisca was undoubtedly ambitious, as he was cruel, but grosser vices were foreign to his character. He distributed the plunder to the army, never anxious to retain it himself Every soldier was a brother, and that was the epithet which he employed in his familiar intercourse with his army. He was more- over a Bohemian in heart and soul. He loved his CH.XVI.] CHAKACTER OF ZISCA. 509 country. He resented ber wrongs, and burned to avenge her insulted honor. With too sound a mind to be carried away by fanaticism, he knew liow to employ the fonaticism of others ; and yet, in his own way he was scrupulously devout and religious. In spite of all his cruelty and his ambition, we must account him a great and an honest man, sincere in his convictions as he was terrible in his vengeance. CHAPTEE XYII. THE LAST CRUSADE. DEFEAT OF THE IMPERIALISTS. The Council of Sienna. — Its Persecuting Decree. — The " Orphans." — Proco- PIUS Magnus. — A New Invasion. — Diet at Frankfort. — The Four Armies. — Defeat of the Imperialists. — Variance Between the Calixtines and Ta- borites. — Convention at Beraun. — It Proves Futile. — Sigismund's Claims. — Measures of Procopius. — His Campaigns. — Martin V. Urges a Crusade. — Letter to the King of Poland. — Diets op Presburg and Nuremberg. — The Final Crusade. — Letter of the Cardinal Legate. — Letter of the Bohe- mians. — Rout of the Army. — Booty. Oct. 11, 1424 — Jan., 1432. The success of the Taborites was largely due to the impolitic and cruel measures of the papal party. At the very time when Zisca was most closely pressed by the imperialists, he found a most effective, al- though involuntary, ally in an unexpected quarter. In its thirty-ninth session, the council of Constance had decreed that another council should be convoked, to prosecute still further the reform which it assumed to have initiated. It was to be convoked within the space of six years from the close of its own sessions. The council thus decreed, was convoked by a bull of Martin V., and its opening session was held at Pavia early in May, 1423. But the thin attendance, and the dread of the plague, which had commenced its ravages in the city, led to its transfer to Sienna, whither the members were directed to repair by the (510) Ch. XVII.] COUNCIL OF SIENNA. 511 first of November of the same year. The first ses- sion was held upon the 25th, and the council pro- ceeded to fulminate the most sevei-e decrees ae:ainst the followers of Wicklifle and Huss. Temporal princes were enjoined to drive them out of their do- minions ; spiritual rewards were promised to such as should inform against them, or give them over into the hands of the inquisitors. It was ordained, more- over, that the decree granting indulgences should be read yearly to the people, in an audible voice, on the first and fourth Sundays of Lent, and on several of the festivals of the church. All intercourse with the condemned heretics was forbidden. Such as fur- nished them with food, spices, salt, or weapons of w\ar, were to be subjected to severe penalties.^ Secu- lar princes were to spare no effort for their complete extermination. No measure could have been more unwise than this of the council. It could not fail to stren^rthen the prejudice, and exasperate anew the feelings of the Bohemians against the papal party. Undoubt- edly it strengthened the cause it was meant to crush, and deferred for years the hope of compromise. The death of Zisca left the Taborites without an acknowledged leader. Some of them — to indicate their deep sense of the loss which they had sustained — called themselves, The Orplian-s. Zisca had been a father to them, and his death was bewailed with an unaffected grief. Others were absorbed by the Horebites, while others still chose to retain their old name.^ ' Richerius, iii. 279, 282. ' Fleuiy, xxvi 623. 512 LIFE AND TUIES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XVn. Among the ablest generals who survived Zisca, were Procopius Magnus (or Rasus, for he had origi- nally been a monk-^) and Procopius Parvus, the for- mer of whom had been thoroughly trained in Zisca's school, and had eminently justified the confidence which the latter reposed in his ability. The course of events soon elevated him to the position of virtual, if not acknowledged, leader of the party. But the death of Zisca had been equivalent to a sore defeat. It was impossible that some degree of disorganiza- tion should not follow upon the loss of a leader of such preeminence. Civil disorders again prevailed. Sigismund and Martin V. were not inattentive ob- servers of events, and with renewed hope, determined to avail themselves of this favorable moment for the execution of their long-cherished but oft defeated designs. A renewal of tlie crusade was preached at the instigation of the pope, and an army 100,000 imperialists was gathered under the invading ban- ners. They marched to the relief of the town of Ausch which had been besieged by the Hussites, but were repulsed with a severe loss of from nine to twelve thousand men. The battle was fought June 15, 1426, and the intelligence was speedily carried to Nuremberg, where a diet had been assembled, and where another invasion of Bohemia had been re- solved upon, at the instigation of the papal legate, Pontanus Orsini. But the terror caused by this de- feat was such, that all measures for executing this resolve of the diet were at once stayed. A year was sufiered to pass before the electoral and ' Life of Procopius. Prague, 1789. Cn. XVII.] CRUSADING ARMY DEFEATED. 513 other princes could unite on any further measures. A diet was then held at Frankfort, at which it was unanimously resolved that four distinct armies should be assembled for the invasion of Bohemia. Every sokiier was required to confess and hear mass once a week. Nothing was neglected to secure, by ritual devotion, the divine favor. The Cardinal of Win- chester assumed the chief command. Actins: under the special directions of the pope, and authorized to use at discretion the spiritual or the temporal sword,^ he ui'ged forward the preparations for a decisive campaign. A numerous army was gathered, a por- tion of which proceeded to the siege of Miess, a small town on the western borders of Bohemia, in the circle of Pilsen. Intelligence of the invasion soon reached the Ta- borites. All internal dissensions were immediately at an end. They marched with the utmost promptitude to the relief of the beleaguered city. Scarcely was the German army aware of their approach, when they appeared within sight of the walls. A panic terror seized the imperial host. Without waiting to meet a foe which their fears magnified, they broke and fled in confusion. Their terror was infectious. The next division of the imperial army was thrown into hopeless disorder, and the iron flails of the Horebites did feaiful execution upon the broken, ranks of the invaders. An immense booty, com- posed of almost every description of military stores, was the reward of Bohemian valor.* The princes of the empire had learned a lesson ' Fleury, xxvL 651. ' ./Eneas Sylvius, ch. zL VOL. II. 33 514 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN n^JSS. [Cu. XVII wticli was not soon forgotten. Several yeara passed before the attempt to subdue Bohemia was renewed. The removal, however, of external danger, again allowed scope for internal dissension. The Calix- tines and Taborites were soon at variance. No one showed himself more anxious to conciliate the oppos- ing parties, and restore peace to the kingdom, than Pi'ocopius Magnus. By his able generalship and terrible victories, he had acquired a fame second only to that of Zisca. But he was less ambitious of military distinction than anxious to secure civil peace and order. As occasion required, he appeared by turns the theologian, the negotiator, the general. At the commencement of the year 1428, a con- vention was held at Beraun to see what could be done toward a general pacification of the nation. The Taborites, Orphans, and Calixtines from Prague were present. But there was no possibility of bring- ing the different parties to stand upon a common platform. Procopius and his Taborites contended that sacerdotal habits were not necessary to the proper solemnization of the eucharist, and that there was no need of elevating or adoring the host. The Calixtine view of the seven sacraments was rejected by those Avhom he represented, while differences were also developed in regard to the doctrines of free-will, justification, and predestination.^ The convention broke up without accomplishing anything. Procopius, somewhat provoked at the course of the Calixtines, withdrew to Raudnitz, there to meet and welcome the Taborite Smirckzic, who ' Guerre des Hus., i. 267. Cii. XVII.] THE TABOKITES AND ORPHANS. 515 Kacl been imprisoned at Prague for sedition, but who had managed to escape. The Orphans of Kuttenberg phmned and executed an invasion of Silesia, marking their way by ravaged villages and desolated monas- teries. At Nissa they were arrested b)^ an obstinate resistance ; and, even when Procopius had marched to their relief, were forced to retreat with loss. This was only the earnest of a more serious defeat suffered by the Taborites and Orphans at Briinn, in Moravia. The imperialists prudently declined to pursue their advantage. They did not wish to confront men who might be goaded to desperate courage by another assault. The Taborites were suffered to withdraw to Austria, and the Orphans to Bohemia. They first extended their ravages to Cornenbui'g and Vienna; but, apprehensive of an attack from Hungary, with- drew to Tabor. The fortified town of Bechin had meanwhile begun to act upon the offensive. Proco- pius took it, after a siege of four months, and gar- risoned it with Taborites. The Orphans, at the same time, prosecuted the siege of Lichtenberg. In want of food, they marched into Silesia, leaving but a small portion of their forces behind them. The besieged did not fail to improve the occasion to make a sortie. A partial success encouraged them in their hopes of a successful resist- ance, but in December (1428) they were forced to surrender. Assisted by a junction with a portion of the Tabor- ites, the Orphans now executed their plan of a new invasion of Silesia. Every thing was put to fii-e or sword. Several of the nobility who offered resistance 516 LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUSS. [Ch. XVH. were slain. After a bloody conflict the Silesians were completely routed, and left to the Bohemians their wagons and baggage. The severity of the winter arrested the progress of the invaders, and they returned to Bohemia. The emperor had been no inattentive spectator of wliat was taking place. While the different parties were vainly seeking a common basis of conciliation, he again proposed, by a deputation — which at Kutten- burg met the citizens of Prague, the Orphans, and the Taborites — that the Bohemians should accept him as king. He urged his rights to the kingdom, and seemed to be willing to make some concessions. But the Bohemians could not trust him. They replied, that Sigismund, by the effusion of blood which he had occasioned, and by his complicity in the death of Huss and Jerome, as well as in the crusades to the dishonor of the nation, had forfeited all right to the kingdom, since his whole conduct showed that he had sworn its destruction. Procopius, who was still at Bechin, invited the ambassadors to visit him at Tabor. It is more than possible that he hoped to obtain for himself the same conditions which had been offered by the emperor to Zisca, and thus close the war with honor to himself, and restore peace and security to a desolated laud. The ambassadors furnished him a safe-conduct, that he might visit Sigismund and confer with him in person. He did so, but the emperor spurned the terms which Procopius was disposed to offer; and the latter, irritated by such treatment, returned to Tabor " meditating vengeance." Cii. XVII.] DISSENSIONS AT PRAGUE. 517 The motives of Sigismund it is not difficult to sur- mise. Events throughout Bohemia, and especially at Prague, showed that the division between the two parties of the Bohemians was bitter and irreconcila- ble. Early in the year (Jan. 30, 1429) the citizens of Old and New Pi-ague had come to an open rup- ture. Each party chose itself leaders, and the city was for the whole day a scene of desperate and deadly conflict. A truce for a few days was effected, which was subsequently extended till the 25th of July, when the states of the kingdom met at Prague, to effect, if possible, a general pacification. Procopius was present at the assembly. He proj^osed to receive Sigismund as king, provided that he, with his Hun- garian subjects, would receive and follow the Holy Scripture, commune under both kinds, and grant such requests as they should see fit to make. These terms were laid before the diet which soon met at Presburg. Procopius was at the head of the Bohemian dej^utation, which consisted of several nobles and Calixtines from Old Pracrue. For eii. " Buttle of, II. 100, 190. Agnes, Pope Joan, i. 611, 612, 014. AiLLT, Peter d", Canlinal of Cambray, l. 44, S3, 101, 124, 243, 245, 253, 326, 344, 358, 305, 307, 393, 398, 400, 407, 410, 43;3, 4;34, 443, 45:3, 454, 465, 543, 556, 560, 570, 572, 573, 691, 595, 597, 600, 603. 607, 611, 616, 619, 629. n. 42, 51, 76, 98, 102, 113, 127, 143, 150, 175, 247, 20:3, 304, 313, 424. AlX LA fllAl'ELLE. I. 352. II. 301. Albic of Umetzow (Archbishop of Prague) I. 17S-1S1, 226, 3S1. Albioenses, II. 106, 331. Albert. See Austria. Albert of Saxony, ii. 569. " Chancellor of Uohemia, :i. 572. Alexander, Natalis, ii. 403. Alexander V., i. 116, 120, 121-123, 143, 150, ISO, 187. 507, 565. Alexander VI. ii. 603. Altembeko, II. 519. Alexandria, Bishop of, ii. 21, 61. Alsace, i. 463. Altamuta, John of, n. 209. Amusing incidents, ii. 276, 277. Anabai'tists, I. 05. Anagnl I. 91. Anaxaooras, il 222. Angelis, Cardinal d', I. 225, 232, 431. Angocea, Battle of, i. 279. Annates, i. 92. ii. 147, 160. Anne of Luxembourg, i. 41, 67. Anselm, I. 546. ANTicnEiST, I. 23, 26, 30-34, 86, 205, 214 " contrast with Christ, i. 79. "Airn-HnBSUs," i. 25S. ANTiocn, Patriarch of, i. 170, 425, 442, 452, 632, 542. II. 43, 308, 854. Ahocalypse, II. 463, 479. Apostles, il 11. Apostolic Mandates, L 181, 182. Appeal of Gregory's Cardinals, i. 100. " of IIuss, I. 153-156, 231-233, 566, 595. II. 53. " Subject of, discussed, i. 234, 567. " from a Pope to a Council, n. 856, 357. Application of Sbynco to the Pope, 1. 161. Aquileia, Cardinal of, ii. 175, 247. Aquinas, Thomas, i. 493. ii. 65, 91. Araoon, ii. 264, 283. King of, I. 427. n. 126, 129, 178. Ferdinand of, ll. 178, 179, 180, 185, 190, 337, 34S, 349. Aretin, Leonard, ii. 230. Arezzo, I. 115. Argillt, Forest of, ii. 100 Aristotle, i. 15.5. Armenia, ii. 566. Arnau, II. 499. Arnosstowiscii, n. 471. Akras, Martin Porree, Bishop of^ i. 515. u. 97, 98. Arrest of John XXIII. proposed, i. 482. Articles against John XXIII. i. 417. against Huss, i. 347, 552, 555, 562, 580,602-632. ii. 50; on relative authority of Pope and Council, i. 424; of Wicklitfe, I. 70. II. 50; against Jerome, 200, 217; for heretical iuiiuisition, 329; of Calix- tines, 44-2-444; of Taborites, 445, 446, 454; of Bohemian Protestants, 606. Arundel, Thomas. Archbishop, i. 372, 623. AsTi, Bishop of, !L 21, 61. Astie, I. 240. Audience of Huss, i. 523, 532, 540, 553, 580- 6;32. " Huss insists on a further, L 622. " Final, of Huss, ii. 28. " of Jerome, I. 47&-478. 11. 124 140-145, 200-254. Augusta, John, ii. 584, 590. Augustine, St., i. 14. 245, 247, 404, 494, 582, 5S5, 587, 603. ii. 10, 23.5, 461 Auscii, n. 385, 413, 451, 512. Austria, ii. 499, 515, 518, 605. " Protestantism in, il. 556. Austria, Frederic, Duke of i. 307, 3S4, 422, 431, 434. 430, 439, 442, 448, 449, 4.54, 45.S, 459, 462, 463, 513. ii. 125, 154-159, 360^ 636 INDEX. 361 ; he arrests the Bishop of Trent, ii. 156 ; is received back to favor, ii. 350, 351. Austria, Albert of, n. 481, 498, 527, 534, 648, 549. avebbach, ii. 519. aveekoes, i. 165. avicenna, il 298. Avignon, i. 23, 61, 63, 91, 92, 101, " University of, i. 327. Babylon, (Eome) i. 62, 92. Babylonian Captivity, i. 91. Bajazet, I. 219, 278. Balbinus, I. 19, 48. ii. 322. Baltenuagen, Eector, Henning von, i. 134. Bamberg, Bishop of, n. 520. Bangoe, Bishop of, ii. 21, 61. Banishment of the Theological Doctors from Prague, i. 272. Baptism among the Taborltes, m. 460. Barbaka, I. 3S3. Baei, Cardinal de, il 118. Basle, u 60, 455. " Council of, II. 522, 528, 629, 633-545, 54g, 631. Bath, Bishop o^ i. 869. Batuori, Zadislaus, 1. 158. Bavaeia, 1. 61, 135. II. 386, 518. " "William, Duke of, deserts Sigis- mund in England, ii. 273, 527, 543. " John of, Bishop of Liege, il 365. Bechin, II. 449, 515, 616. Beoket, Thomas a, l 869. Beghaeds, I. 35. Benedict IX. l 404 XI. I. 91. XIII. I. 93, 97, 98, 101, 102, 107- 128, 137, 342, 396, 399, 400, 569. ii. 92, 93, 97, 112, 125, 129, 14S, 17S, 264, 274, 337, 345; character of, 126; gives signs of yield- ing, 148; terms otfered by him, 178; his harangue, 179 ; leaves Perpignan, ISO ; haughty reply of^ ib. ; reaches Pcniscola, 181 ; second reply, and his obstinacy, 181- 183; commission for his trial, 274; his ci- tation decreed, ib. ; cited in person, 275, 276 ; his answer, 276 ; read at the Council, 279 ; charges against him, 280 ; deposed, 305 ; reply to the summous of Martin Y., 838. Benedict, Church of St., l 167. Benesch, l 332. Benesius, 1. 555. n. 209. Beraun, il 291, 387, 3SS, 393, 400, 479, 614. BEENAED,^t., I. 545, 5S5, 6S7, 603, 610. " Count, II. 155. Besancon, Bishop of, i. 464. Bethlehem Church, i. 49, 72-76, 139, 140, 226, 245, 656. ii. 19, 292, 601. " Nicolas of, 11. 401. BiBEEAcn, I. 322. Bible, Hubs without one in prison, il 6. " Translated into Bohemian, l 168. " Sclavonian, L 481. " Translation of, u. 596. See United Brethren. Biceps, Nicholas, l 38. BiDSCHOw, II. 590. BiscuPKC, John, ii. 294, 538. Bishop and Presbyter the same, L 414. Bishops, Proposed Reform of, n. 342. Black Forest, i. 474. Blanoa, h. 86. BoccAcio, I. 60. Bohemia, i. 1, 3, 4, 9, 49, 56, 66, 90, 96, 103, 105, 106, 119, 128, 132, 367, 388. ii. 146 196, 316, 333, 360, 424; its condition, 1. 1- 6; civil strife in, ii. 517; invasion of, sco Crusades, 522; prepares to resist, 525; letter to, ib. ; at the Council of Basle, 534 ; civil war in, 545; ravages in, 566; inva- sion of, 608 ; abandoned by its allies, 619. Bohemian Nation, College of, i. 8. " Literature, i. 7, 8. " Nobles, (see Bohemians,) i. 811- 318 ; confer with Wenzel, ii. 290 ; in the University, i. 670 ; become Protestants, ii. 604. " States, 613. See Bohemians. BoiiEjnANS, Vindicated by the course of the Council, IL 111 ; alienation of, 115 ; League to avenge Huss, 121 ; informed by the Council of his execution, 133 ; reply of, 161-167; measures taken by them, 170; cited by the Council, 196 ; declared contu- macious, 2G0 ; their heresy declared by the Council, 266-270; new commissioners for them, 285 ; none answer the citations, ib., 818; threats against, 321; decree ag.iinst, 825; Bull of Martin V. against, 364 ; their reply, 364r-369 ; convention to electa king, 475, 482 ; regency appointed, 4S3; reply to Sigismund, ib. ; defy the Euiperor, 526 ; are invited to Basle, 629 ; accept, 537 ; de- mand hostages, 540 ; dissatisfied, 543 ; their ultimatum, 544 ; complaints of, 548. BoiLEAU, Abbe de, il 299. Bologna, i. 103, 186. 187, 190, 191, 607. n. 533, 534, " University of, l 148. BOMISHBROD, L 262. BONAVENTUKA, II. 85. Boniface of Ferrara, i. 108, 120, 122. " VIII. L 90. n. 336. " IX. I. 87, 92, 93, 137, 138, 189, 879, 507. Book, A Bohemian, rare, n. 625. Books of Huss, l 209-211. 251-272, 292-295; his view of their tre.atmcnt. n. 15, 69 ; they are condemned, 59 ; burn- ing of them, 67 ; to be sought after and burned, 825. » of Wicklifte. See Burning. ** of Jerome, il 15. " of Hussites sought and burned, it 623. BORZEK, II. 497, 498. BoTA, George, l 270. n. 497, 498. BoircicAUT, Marshal, i. 98. BOZELISLAUS, L 173. Brabant, Duke of, iL 855. Beadazius, Michael, il 557. INDEX. 637 Bkancas, Cardinal, i. 1T8, 858. Bbandeis, II. 690. Brandenbubo, n. 618, 562; sold by Sigis- mund, II. 274, 484. " Elector of, I. 884, 462. n. 282, 519, 525, 52T. " Albert of, ii. 691. Bbaitnait, n. 616. Breisach, I. 45T, 460. Bremen, ii. 104. Breslau, Bishop of, n. 658. Breslau, 11. 393, 400, 404, 408, 484. Bridget, St., 1. 104. Beoda, Andrew, i. 132, 133, 145, 229, 25T, 270, 273, 275, 332, 333, 490-494, 655, 565. Broda, n. 492. Beogni, i. 552. Britck, n. 569. Brttnx, ii. 386. Bruska, II. 426. BucER, n. 588. BuDWEiss, n. 432. Bttdowa, Wenzel, n. 606, 621. Bull against Wickliffe's books, 1. 148, 565 ; against the preaching of Huss, i. 151; against Ladislaiis, 1. 181, 1S5; concerning the Mendicants, 1. 195. " of Crusade, i. 204. See Crusade. Burgundy, Duke of, i. 47, 96, 109, 457. n. 94, 96, 97, 99. 101, 190, 273, 360, 534. BuENma of Wickliffe's books, i. 147-153, 156, 565, 566, 570. " of Huss' books, n. 67. Burial in consecrated ground, I. 173. Btstizitsch, n. 431. BzDiNKA, John, Zisca's Marshal, n. 500. C^SAEiNi, Juliano, Papal Legate, n. 522, 525, 527, 523, 530, 532-535, 540-543. Calixtine Controversy, i. 39, 285, 483-528, 539. IL S3, 135, 186, 294, 319, 320. Calixtines. See Utraquists, 440-470, 617, 513, 539, 545, 554, 563, 5S3; defeated, il 496, 497; persecuted, 502, 564; disposed to per- secute the Brethren, 570 ; union of, with Eome, proposed, 585 ; persecuted, 589, 593 ; tendencies of, 680-632. Calliouee, n. ISO, 181. Calvin, i. 64. n. 578. Cambbat. See Ailly. Cambridge, Chancellor of the University of, XL 264 Campian, the Jesuit, n. 621. Canonization of St. Bridget, i. 404; of Saints, n. 149; commission on the subject, 11. 150 ; Gerson on the subject, ib. ; Wick- liffe on, ib. Canterbury, n. 273. " James and Conrad of, i. 78. " Archbishop of, u. 100, 841, 860. Capito, n. 588. Capitulation of Narbonne, n. 184. 191. Cardinal, John, n. 235 ; Kector of the Uni- versity of Prague, ii. 2S9. Cardinals, The, See Council of Pisa, j. 8.34, 843, 849, 352, 359, 360, 397, 899, 445, 446, 466, 472, 510, 536 ; when not successors of the Apostles, i. 691 ; dissatisfied that no Pope is elected, n. 282, 807; harshness toward them, 808. Caroline College, 1. 175. Caroline Constitution, n. 169. Cabvajal, Cardinal de, n. 465. Cassamir, II. 550. Castile, ii. 126, 264. " Ambassadors of, n. 179 " Benedict XIII. abandoned by, n. 185. Cauchon, Peter, n. 97. Causis, Michael de, (Deutschbrod,) i. 225, 232, 815, 331-383, 347, 358, 462, 52S, 535, 540, 542, 555, 557. ii. 38, 41, 79, 175, 226. " Protestation of, concerning Huss, i. 629. Censures, Ecclesiastical, how of Antichrist, I. 600. Certification of Huss' orthodoxy, i. 810. Cession. See Way of Cession. Chalant, Cardinal, i. 121. Charles IV., Emperor, 1. 1, 7, 11, 18, 16, 18, 40, 41, 48, 50, 51, 52, 96, 482, 570. n. 86, 159. Charles V., of Spain, ii. 588. Charles VI., King of France, i. 4, 187, 826, 441. II. 96, 97, 99, 190. Chaucer, i. 62. Chiciielt, Archbishop. See Canterbury. Chlum, John de, i. 318, 322, 328, 344, 345, 847, 348, 350, 886, 8SS, 895, 478, 500-502, 682, 534, 639, 549, 550, 553, 573, 574, 5S0. n. 18, 27, 28, 34-36, 43, 289 ; his advice to Huss, u. 44. Chlumee, II. 590. Chotek, Bernhart, L 227. CnoTESCiiAU, 1. 130. n. 477. Christ, n. 222 ; Person of, i. 345. Christendom, State of, i. 82, 384. Christiann of Prachatitz, i. 167, 240, 272, n. 26. 28, 325. " Letter of Huss to, ii. 85. Chkudim, n. 481. Chrysoloeas, Manuel, i. 825. CnnYSOSTOM, i. 492, 608. CuuECH, Treatise of Huss on the, i. 236, 245- 250, 581, 582. " Views on the foundation of the, i. 285. " Endowment of the, i. 568. " Catholic composed of the Predesti- nate, I. 582, 586. " Christ the Head of the, l. 614. " Corruption of, see Clergy, ii. 297, 869, 579-582. " Best ruled without monstrous head«, I. 614. " Catholic views of the United Breth- ren on the, n. 573-576. Churches asked by the Hussites, n. 291 ; given up to them, 817. Chytraus von Rostock, il 596. Citation. See Bohemians. 638 INDEX. Citation by John XXIII., 1. 166, 441, 448. " of John XXIII., I. 461, 464. « of Jerome, i. 401, 4C2. Civil authority over ecclesiastics, l 594. Ckalitz, II. 4y9. Clemenois, Nicholas de, i. 4. 48. 83, 101, 107. 120, 123, 2S2, 290, 376, 379, 3S4, 39S, 625. n. 127, 151, 153, 1S7. Clemens of Mnichowic, 1. 182. Clement V., i. 91. VI., 1. 14, 91. VII., I. 92, 93. VIII., n. 610. Clergy. The, on Huss, ii. 75, 76. " Vices of the, l 2S5. ii. 117, 118, 193, 262, 271, 281, 306, 600. See Sermons. Clesel, Melchior, Jesuit Confessor of Mat- thias, II. 60S, 611. CoBHAM, Lord. See Oldcastle. Cocul^us, 1. 158, 244, 250, 263, 271. n. 474, 490, 493. CoLDiciCM, Baron of, n. 572. Coldits, II. 519. Colin, n. 4S9. " Stephen of, i. 38, 78. " Collectors," ii. 579. College, Theological, of Prague burned, i. 135. Cologne, i. 197, 204. " University of, i. 827. " A Doctor of, I. 477. " Cardinal of, n. 150. " Conflict at, l 155. CoLONNA Otho de, 1. 165, 167, 197, 234, 464. IL 312, 353. See Martin V. Comedies acted at Constance, il 277. CoMENius, Bishop of the United Brethren, IL 602. Commission in the case of Huss, 1. 165, 170, 172, 349. " to examine his writings, i. 358. " on Wickliflfe, i. 451. " on John XXIII., L 465, 505, 511. " of the faith, ii. 98, 99. COMMOTAU, II. 478. Communion of the Cup. See Calixtine Con- troversy. " Compactata," n. 545, 547, 554, 556, 563, 564, 631. Complaints of Papal Avarice, L 224, 243. of John XXIII., L 422, 431, 435, 441. " ^ of IIuss, L 552. Compkomise, I. 182, 170, 272, at Prague, n. 884 Concordia, Bishop of; ii. 56. Concordats, ii. 340. Condulmer, Gabriel (Eugenius IV.), IL 531. Conference between Procopius and Sigis- mund, XL 516. " for peace, ii. 524. Confession, i. 276, 295. ii. 460. Confessor, Huss asks a, ii. 28. CONEAD. See Waldhauser. Conrad, Archbishop, i. 170, 180, 261, 272, 276, 811, 485. ii. 172, 333, 394, 438, 491. Constance, City of, 1.303; Kaufhaus of, 304, 323; Consternation at, 1.439; Scenes at, ii. 130; Violence at, 131. " Council of. See Council. " Bishop of, I. 830, 835, 349, 467. CoNSTANTiNE, I. 563, 688, 5S9. " Donation of, i. 246. Constantinople, its treasures of learning, i. 50 ; Emperor o^ seeks aid, 279. II. 554. " Patriarch of, i. 337, 349, 582. II. 146, 176, 200, 216, 219, 253, 354. Controversy, i. 230, 251-272, 485. Contumacy of John XXIIL, L 465. CORMENIN, L 437. Cornenbero, II. 515. Coronation of Alexander V., 1. 117; of John XXIII., I. 192; of Martin V., ii. 314 Corruption ecclesiastical, i. 56, 96, 97, 365, 866, 371, 375-378, 398, 524 See Vices. Corybut, II. 492, 493, 494, 497, 500. CossA, Balthasar. See John XIII., 1. 103, 116, 186. Council. See Rome, Friuli, Perpignan, Pisa. " of Pisa proposed, i. 102, 108-128, 191, 196. " of the Faith at Paris, ii. 96. " A general, needed, i. 277 ; reasons for it, 277-280; authority of, II. 11. " of Constance, I. 802; summoned, 304; members, 307, 822-327; day for its opening, 336, 337; rules for, 840 ; member- ship of, 361 ; voting by nations, 361 ; splcn dor of, 384 ; order of business, 816 ; char- acter of the body, 524 ; answer to the Bo- hemians, 532; takes up the case of Huss, 549 ; tumult, 550, 552 ; noise and confusion, 553 ; decrees silence while Huss is degrad- ed and sentenced, ii. 49 ; decree on the communion of the cup, ii. 83, 84 ; violent scenes in, 120; decree for the Emperor's security, 128; dilatoriness of, 130; on Canonization, 153 ; on violence toward ecclesiastics, 154 ; slow progress of meas- ures of reform, 159 ; decree on safe-con- ducts, 168; on faith with heretics, 169; adopts the "capitulation of Narbonne," 191 ; condemns Jerome, 258 ; recalls ab- sent members, 259 ; condemns John Creith, 262; dilatoriness of, 264, 265; letter to Sigismund on the Bohemian heresy, 266, 270; invokes the aid of Sigismund, 268; violent proceeding, 279 ; confusion, 280 ; dissolution threatened, 284; reform in, 806-311; order a Papal election, 311 ; re- formatory measures adopted, 840-344 ; on Petit and F;ilkenberg, 854; members anx- ious to leave, 356. Councils, Views on, i. 400. " Counsels " concerning Huss, L 261-271. INDEX. 639 CotTRTNAT, Eich.inl, I. 875. Ceacow, II. 202, 212, 216, " University of, I. 82T. n. 109. Cracowec, I. 240. Crato, Jolin, II. 595. Ckauvartz, Lasckow of, ii. 198. Cressy. I. 369. Creitii, Jolin, of Liege, ii. 262. Cromwell, ii. 357, 370, 372, 397, 399. Cross, Worship of tlie, i. 276. Crown, lluss' Paper, ii. 65. Cruelties toward the Hussites, ii. 8S5, 386, 393, 400-403, 419, 431, 482. " toward Protestants, ii. 622, 625, 626. CsusASK against Ladislaus, 1. 181, 198, 404 " " the Moors, ii. 331. " " Bohemia, n. 408 - 413 ; threatened, ii. 322, 331 ; renewed, ii. 512 ; urged, 520 ; proclaimed, 522, 663. CcENZA, Bishop of, n. 279. Cup, The. See Communion of, i. 820. n. 629 ; enjoined by the Lord of Rosenberg, 11. 294 ; Gerson on, iO. ; concession of, 544. Cyprian, St., i. 603, 604. Cyprus, King of, i. 507. CzASLAU, II. 4S7, 488, 498, 505 ; Convention at, II. 482. CzENKO of Wartemberg, u 893, 400, 413, 418. 425, 438, 4S2, 495, 500. ii. 198, 882. CziNiswES, II. 496. CzoECA, Pardo von, n. 5i7. Daijlen, u. 519. D'AiLLY. See Ailly. Dalmatia, l 220. Damages claimed for the burnt books, 1. 161. Damien, Peter, ii. 299. Daniel, it. 222. Debts of IIuss, l 578. n. 28. " De Auferibilitate Pap.e,'" 1. 114, 123, 864 " De Ecclesia." See Church. " De iieretico combubendo," writ, i. 372. Defeat of the Turks in Hungary, n. 148. Defence of Huss, i. 534 Degrading of Huss by the Council, n. 62. Demands of John XXIIL. i. 454. Deposition of Gregory XIL, and Benedict XIII, I. 115; of John XXIIL, I. 504,515; of Benedict X.XII., li. 805. Deputation of Sbynco, i. 148. to John XXIII., I. 440, 443, 457, 460; to Huss, n. 43. " De Eegulis vet. et Nov. Testamenti," i. 80. Deutsciibp.od. See C.iusis, n. 489. " Dialogue," Wickliffc's, i. 71. ii. 201. Diary of the Hussite war, (Diarium Belli Hussitici.) n. 3S0, 463. DiDACUS, The Monk, i. 345, 846. DiNCKELSPUEL, Nicholas, ii. 200. DiOGKKES, IL 119. Disease of the Church, i. 378. n. 297. Disputation on WickJiflfe's books, l 162. Dispute by Huss before the Town Council, I. 208. Disturbances In the churches, i. 214. DoiiNA, Count, II. 625. DoLA, Stephen of, I. 255, 257, 259, 260, 267, 276. Domatzlitz, It. 478. DoMiNiA, John, II. 832. Dominican Monastery, I. 850, 426. Dominicans, ii. 85. Dorcester, I. 60. DoRRE, John, I. 878. Dreams of Huss, i. 74 n. 31, 82. Dresden, Peter of, i. 88, 4S3, 519. DUBA, Wence.slau3 de, i. 313, 822, 828, 852, 886, 549, 550, 553, 574, 580. IL 18, 27, 28, 43, 239. " Huss on the marriage of, ii. 84 DwoRsiiEZKY, Procopius, II. 622. Dysse, Walter, i. 879. Eber, Paul, n. 596. Ecclesiastical Power, D'Ailly's Treatise on, n. 203. Eclipse of the Sun, l 554 Edward IIL, i. 62. Egra, ii. 539. Elbe, n. 402, 421. Elia, John, I. 181-133, 280, 270. Eleazar, ii. 9, 10. Election of Clement VIL, i. 92. " " Alexander V., I. 116. " " John XXIIL, 1. 187. " " a Pope, I. 431. n. 93, 282, 284, 807 ; prayer for, 285 ; ordered to be made, 311 ; precautions for it, 812. " " Martin V, ii. 812 Electors of the Pope, ii. 809. Eling, John, n. 158. Elizabeth of Bosnia, i. 888. Emperor. See Robert, Sigismund, Maxim- ilian, Rudolph, Ferdinand. " Sphere of the, i. 394 England in the fifteenth century, i. 869- 3S0. " refuses to receive the Legate of Martin V., ii. 340. " Sigismund's visit to, 273. English Deputation to Constance, i. 869, 407, 432 ; favors reform, ii. 807 ; has a separate vote in the Coun- cil, I. 415. n. 268; in conflict with the Spanish, ii. 263, 280. Doctors, I. 558, 559, 597. Enns, n. 596. Enoch, The Prophet, ii. 802. Epinge, Frederic, i. 267. Erasmus, n. 581 ; his view of the United Brethren, 574. Erfurth, I. 60, 81, 89. " University of, r. 827. n. 77. Euythrius, Matthias, ii. 588. Eucharist, Taborite observance of the, n, 462. 640 INDEX. EuGENirs, Pope, i. 587, 610. Eugenics IV., ii. 531-536; opposes the Coun- cil of B.isle, 5:33 ; cited by it, 537. Excommunication of Huss, i. 167, 226. n. 53 ; of his defenders threatened, 11. 185. " Jerome on, n. 208. " Httss on, I. 595. « of Jacobel, I. 485. " of his cardinals by Greg- ory XII., I. 100. Execution of three offenders, i. 217, 625. " " Huss on the, I. 595. " of Huss, n. 70-73. " of Jerome, 11. 255-257. " of John of Zelew. See Zelew. Falkenbkeo, John von, n. 110, 112, 352, 853, 859. Fanatical views of the Taboritea, n. 466, 457. Fel8, n. 609, 613, 614 Feltri, Bishop of, 11. 21, 61. Ferdinand of Austria, 11. 569 ; King of Bo- hemia, 587, 588, 594, C02. Ferdinand II., 11. 609, 612, 617, 620; his character, 609 ; elected King of Bohe- mia, ib. ; his bigotry, 610, 611 ; elected Emperor, 617. Fberaba, Vincent of, n. 185-189, 803 ; aban- dons Benedict XIII., 185; Ger- 8on urges him to come to Con- stance, 189. " Marquis of, 1. 193. FiDA, I. 327, 344 Firmness of Huss, n. 12, 13. Flagellants, The Sect of the, I. 59. n. 189, 299-303. Flaschko of Kuttenberg, ir. 478. Flight of John XXIII., I. 421, 434 43&-438 445; second flight, 447. See John XXIII. Florence, i. 103, 108, 111, 119, 148, 186, 191. Forces, Moral, that led to Reform, i. 5, 6. Formula of Cession, i. 425. France, i. 96, 97, 112, 457 ; on Martin V., 11. 387. " on the Popes, i. 90-94 n. 887, 841. " King of. See Ch.irles VI. Franciscan Monastery, i. 426, 548. 11. 41. Franciscans, n. 85. FKANKFORT-on-the-Main, Diet at, 1. 110. n. 513, 521. FraueSbero Forest, n. 527. Frederic. See Austria, Nuremberg. Frederic, Elector Palatine, chosen King of Bohemia, n. 617. Free-Will, il 514 Freiberg, 1. 450, 457, 460. Freistadt, II. 596. French deputation to the Council, i. 863, 379, 432, 451. " " jealous of English in- fluence, IL 263. Fbiends of Huss in the Council, i. 679. Friuli, 1. 108, lis, 119. " Council of, L 108, 117, Funeral of the three offenders, i. 21S. Galeazzo of Mila-n, 1. 189, 197. Galen, il 298. Galgenberg, il 427, 428, 430. Gallus, ii. 27. Geminiano, Dominic de, IL 851. Geneva, 11. 361, 362, 588. Genoa, i. 103, 108, 122, 187. Gentian, Benedict, l 440, 443, 447, 456. German zeal for reform, n. 160, 360, 530, 578. German Kation on Huss, n. 77 ; on Annates, 147. German immigration into Bohemia, i. 6, 7. Germans, Animosity of, toward Bohemians, IL 430. Germans at Prague, l 6, 227, 272, 570. n. 415. German party in the University, i. 80, 135, 140, 215. 571. Germany, l 55, 96, 109, 110, 119, 424 519. Gerson. John, I. 4 34, 43, 62, 83, 112, 113, 123, 127, 234 253, 255, 281, 326, 864, 367, 384, 484, 476, 525, 543, 545, 562, 605, 618. IL 42, 101, 102, IO4 110, 118, 126, 127, 212, 304 852, 356, 860. " on Canonization, 1.405. il150; on Petit's propositions, 95-100; charged with heresy, 103; assaulted by F.ilkenberg, 118; death of, in exile, 114; on Mendi- cants, 154; on recanting, 176; on immac- ulate conception of Mary and Joseph, 265; ou the Flagellants, 304 ; on the commun- ion of the cup, 819 ; indignant that Petit is not condemned, 852. Giiibelines, l 198. GicziN, IL 489. Glatow, il 386. Glatz, il 590, 617, Gmunden, il 596. GocH, John of, II. 580. GODELBERO, 11. 519. Goebel, Dr., L 211. Golden Rose, The, l 430. ii. 852. GoREL, John, i. 126. Gottlieben, I. 468, 498, 522, 527, 535, 536, 538, 540, 547. iL 2, 8, 362. Geaditz, il 422. Greek Church, l 10, 40, 51; seeks union with the Latin, ii. 850, 583. Gregory, nephew of Rokyzan, n. 555, 567, 559. Gregory I., l 597. " VII., L 90. " XL, L 91, 92. " XII., I. 93, 98-103, 106, 108-128, 186, 190, 191, 234 842, 899, 400, 401, 406, 569. n. 42, 92, 93. " XIIL, IL 603. Grim, il 519. Gkubenheimer, (Pit-dwellers,) n. 658k Guelphs, l 198. INDEX. 641 Qttbim, ir. 3S6. GusTAvuB Adolphus, ii. 619. Hallam, Kobert, Bishop of Sarum. See Sa- rum. Hapsbukgs, 1. 138. n. 569. Uarant, il 622. Hassia, Henry de (or Langstein), ii. 151. Hawlik, I. 231. II. 26. Hazmuurgk, William of, n. 882. llKiDKLnEBG, I. 477, 534 ii. 204, 212, 216. llBNEY IV., of France, ii. 596, 603. " of England, i. 371. ii. 102. " v., of England, i. 369, 373, 374. IL 100, 190, 273, 277, 307. « VIL, I. 48. H KEEFOED, Bishop O^ I. 369. BcREsr, Investigation of; at Prague, 1. 131. " Methods of dealing with, i. 283 284, 622. " of John XXIII., I. 440, 466. Hbeetical Books, the reading of, 1. 155. Hebetics. Faith with, ii. 168. See Infidels. " How to be treated, ii. 246, 330. " Character of, drawn, ii. 4S5. Hbrkai^n the Eremite, i. 270. Hebnhdt, II. 558. Hbksbruck, i. 320. Heyman, II. 451. HiLDESis. John, I. 270. Hippockates, il 298, HiESCHAir, I. 474. History of the Use of the Cup, n. 85, 86. Hoffman, John, ii. 522. HooENLOHE, Count 0^ IL 525. HoLONUz, n. 556. HoEEBiTEs, The, n. 400, 421, 474, 511, 513, 545. Horowitz, Paul de, L 462. hof.zowitz, il 556. Heapisch, il 406, 414, 420. Headscuin, il 620. HuBMAiER of Waldshut, il 687. Hubner, John, l 70. HcDEK, John, L 215. Hcmilitt of Huss, l 81. HUMPOLF.TZ, II. 4SS. Hungarian Xobilitt, il M9. HuNGAET, I. 87, 96, 219, 278. Invaded, ii. 147, 352; abandoned by Germany, 619. Huss, John, L 5. n. 134, 138, 139, 140, 142, 204, 213, 249, 2S5, 292, 303, 305, 408, 519, 5i2, 547, 605, 62S ; l reformer and patriot, 8 ; birth of, 43 ; his early life, 44-46 ; at the university, 47 ; his character, 48 ; progress, 52; student life, 5.3, 54; opportunities of observation, 55 ; acquaintance of, with Wickliffe's writings, 69 ; in the pulpit — confessor of Queen Sophi.i. 72; popularity of, 77 ; drawn toward Wickliffe, ih., SO, SI ; his wish, 84; unsuspected of heresy, 86; exposes a false miracle, SS; date of suspi- cions against him, 89 ; illness, 105: view of the Council of Pisa, 120; remonstrates with the archbishop, 133; rector of the university, 135; defends Ihe Pisan Coun- cil, 140; approves Wickliffe, 144; his con- ference with the archbishop, 147 ; opposes the pope's bull, 151 ; forbidden to preach, 151 ; his appeal, 153 ; sermon on the burn- ing of the books, 160; defends Wickliffe's articles, 162; cited at Koine, 166; sends procurators, 167; loses his case, ib.; ex- communicated, ib. ; defends his preaching, 16S; vindicates his refus.il to ap[)ear at Rome, 169; compromise, 171; interview with the archbishop, 173 ; sermon on burials, 174; summoned before the arch- bishop, 181; opposes the crusade, 19S; his statement before the university, 203; op- poses the crusade, 205; refutes the bull, 209-211; appears before the town council, 215; sermon on the death of the three young men, 218 ; issue of his case at Rome, 225; excommunicated, 226; leaves Prague, 231; appeals to Christ, 231-233; in exile from Prague, 235-301 ; pre.iches still, 235- 237; reputed an heretic, 241; his contro- versies, 251-272; view of Wickliffe, 253; his counsel, 262 ; sometimes present .it Prague, 273; prepares for the council, 2S0; oppo- sition to, 2S1 ; writings of, 292-295; letters of, 296-300 ; his journey to Constance, 309, 318-322; steps taken before leaving Prague, 310-318; farewell letter, 314; sad presentiment, 815; lodgings at Constance, 327-329; prepares two discourses, 330; denounced as a heretic, 332 ; cited before the cardinals, 334 ; his enemies encouraged, 342; appears before the cardinals, 343; absurd stories concerning him, ib. ; his conversation with the monk, 845 ; charges against him, 347; imprisoned, 350; his sickness, ib. ; his release ordered by thjo emperor, 856; denied an advocate, 357; new accusations and vexations of, 358; re- moved to the Franciscan monastery, 426, 466; left without food, 467; given over to the Bishop of Constance, 468 ; removed to Gottlieben, ib. ; on the cup, 4S2, 496 ; his liberation demanded, 499; his vindication by the Bohemian nobles, 499-502 ; condi- tion at Gottlieben and prison examination, 522; petition for his release, bSl ; discour- aging circumstances, 5.34; contrast with John XXIII., 536; private examination, 541; his philosophy, 546; reading of the charges in his absence, 518; before the Council, 550; required to recant, 553; sec- ond day of his audience, 554; required to recant, 55.3, 561 ; his reply, 561 ; on Qer- son, 562 ; charged with teaching Wickliffe's views, 563; on tithes, 564; wishes his soul with Wickliffe's, 567; reads and ap- proves Wickliffe's theological books, 568; charged with violent measures, 56S-572; objected to for saying he h.ad not come to Constance unless he had chosen, 572; ad- vised to submit, 573; treatment of, 576; desires an audience, ib. ; hope of esc;ipe, 577; his debts, 578; third audience o^ 580- 632; charged with writing false statements 642 INDEX. to Bohemia, 681; terms imposed by the Council, 016, 617, 619; protestation of, 629; siclcness in prison, ii. 2; treatment in prison, ib.; ditliculty of making a de- fence, 3 ; his reason against accepting the Council's form of abjuration, 8; his flrm- ncss, 12; his opinion of the Council, 16; his letter to Prague, lT-39; time of his execution deferred, 20; hope of deliver- ance, 23 ; asks Paletz as a confessor, 29 ; his great anxiety, 37; his kindly feeling for all, 3S ; not revengeful, 38, 39 ; urged to recant, 41; his reasons for refusing, 42; final audience of, 45; denied the privilege of answering to each article, 51 ; charged with denying transubstantiation, 52; charg- ed with claiming to be the fourth person added to the Trinity, 53 ; his appeal charg- ed against him, 53; contempt of his ex- communication, 54 ; his writings con- demned, 59 ; his sentence, 59-61 ; degraded from the priesthood, 62-66; the mock crown placed on his head, 65, 66; he is given over to the secular arm, 66; burn- ing of his books, 67; the scene of execu- tion, 68-73; iEneas Sylvius on the death of Huss and Jerome, 73; causes of his condemnation, 74-81 ; his character, 81-83 ; indignation at his execution, 115, 116; effect of It at Prague, 120 ; insult to his memory, 121 ; vindicated by the Bohemian nobles, 161-167; Jerome's statement of the case of, 224-226; eulogy of, 292 ; course of the enemies of, 317; partial in judging him, 353. HussiNiTZ, I. 43, 196. " Nicholas de, i. 147. ii. 286, 288, 332, 375, 379, 380, 399, 404, 418, 476; banished from Prague, ii. 2S6 ; gathers an army, ill. ; death of 476. Hussite Hymn Book, i. 9. " Hymns, ii. 555, 564. HtrssiTES, II. 345, 498, 523, 527, 583, 539 ; to be cited, 146 ; cited, 196 ; ask for church- es, 291 ; Bull against, 326, 340 ; cruelties to the, 385; divided in sentiment, see Ta- borites; distrust Sigismund, 406 ; decrees against. 511; charges against, 523; perse- cuted, 551, 565. iGLAr, II. 490, 551. " Compactata of. See Compactata. Ikoyma, Peter de, i. 270. Image worship, ii. 400. Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary, _ II. 265. " " " St. Joseph, II. 265. Imperialists, Defeat of, ii. 419, 427, 428, 429, 513, 527. " Tents of the burned, ii. 433. " Vandalism of the, ii. 435. Indtjlgences, I. 15, 207, 224, 243, 296. ii. 128, 209, 522, 523, 579. Infidels no right to reign, i. 407, 004. " Treatment due. to, ii. 106, 110, 353. ruNOCENT III., I. 90. » VI., I. 50. Innocent VII., l 93, 117, 190. Insincerity of Huss in case he should re- cant, \. 581. Interdict, i. 228 ; not imposed by Christ, i 601. " on Prague, 1. 168, 170, 227, 275. Interbtiption of Huss in preaching, i. 23T. Intrigues at the Council, i. 338, 403, 429. Invocation of Saints, ii. 368. Isaiah, ii. 222. Israel, George, ii. 591. Israelites, n. 465. Italian party in the Council, i. 341, 361. Italy, i. 92. n. 360. See Flagellants. Jacob, Dean of the Vissehrad, i. 272. Jacobel, i. 5, 38, 44, 47, 52, 132, 162, 266, 461, 464, 476, 493. ii. 125, 135, 319, 364,547. " on the Cup, l 483^98. ii. 83, 84, 86-92. " on Religious persecution, ii. 90. Jagellan. See Poland. Jailors of Huss, ii. 2, 70. James, a scholastic of Prague, ii. 423. Janovicz, II. 451. Janow, Matthias of, L 5, 14, 18, 21, 26-87, 52, 53, 55. 74, SI, 126. ii. 85, C2S. Jaromirtz, n. 481. Jaroslow, The Inquisitor, i. 132, 148, 565. Jenstein, John, Archbishop of Prague, I. 76. Jerome of Prague, l 53, 68, 105, 142, 212- 214, 257, 534, 571, 572. ii. 285, 292, 293, 605, 629; travels of, L 68; transcribes Wickllffe's books, ih. ; gets up a mock pro- cession of bulls of indulgences, l 213, 257; parting with Huss, 313; citation of, 461 ; comes to Constance, 469 ; escapes to ITber- lingen, 470 ; asks a safe conduct, 471 ; ar- rested at Hirschau, 474 ; carried back to Constance, 475; examination of, 475-478; imprisoned, 479; his place of confinement, 547; before the council, n. 124; prison examination of, ib. ; urged to recant, 136 ; his condition in prison. 137 ; he submits, 138; his justification of himself, 139; his submission unsatisfactory, ib. ; the form of his recantation, 140; his introductory speech, 143-145 ; Nason calls attention to the case of, 160 ; lenient feeling in the council toward him, 174; new accusa- tions against, 175; favor of his judges on the commission, ib. ; Nason's bitterness against, ib; his first commission discharg- ed, and a new one appointed, ib. ; Ger- son's treatise against, 176, 177 ; Carmelites of Prague bring new charges, ii. 177 ; he is to be tried again, 178 ; his treatment, 199 ; his repentance, ib. ; before the council, 200; hesitates to recognize the new com- mission, 200; charged with sympathy with Wicklifife, 201; with fleeing from Vienna, 202; with contemning excom- munication, 202, 203; with slandering the clergy and lords, 203; with acts of vio- INDEX. 643 jeiice, ib. ; with errors on the Trinity, 204 ; on Transubstaiitiation, ib. ; new articles njr.iinst, "205; charged with copying, circu- latiusr, and eulogizing Wicklilt'e's writings, 206, 20T; with erconeous views on excom- munication, 208; with denying the Pope's authority to grant indulgences, 209 ; with violent acts, ib. ; with the mock proces- sion, 210; with claiming that all may preach, ib.; with saying that pictures are not to be worshipped, ib. ; with con- temning relics, 211; with calling the cri- minals martyrs, ib. ; with forsaking the Latin for the Greek Communion, ib. ; is not to be believed on oath, 212; his letter from Wietow, ib. ; his flight from Constance, 213 ; of reprobate mind, 214 ; vindicates Huss, ib. ; his refusal to write to Prague, 215; his luxurious living, 215; his torture demanded, ib. ; his delivery to the secular arm demanded if he does not submit, ib. ; demands an audience, 216; refuses to answer on oath, till as- sured full liberty of speech, 217; last part of his indictment, ib.; his songs in derision of the ck'rgy, ib. ; his defense, 217, 218; prepared to clear himself by oath, 21S; deserves a fourfold conviction, 219 ; his speech in his own defence, 220- 228; his bearing, 220; on the University of Prague, 224; on Huss, ib.; on his own treatment, 226; reasons of his abjuration, 226 ; on Wickliffe, 227 ; on transubstantia- tion, ib. ; an orator and christian, 229 ; his satirical replies, 234 ; his harsher treat- ment, 137; sympathy for him ; he is urged to recant, 238 ; his firmness, ib. ; Zabarel- la's conference with him, 240, 241 ; called to retract before the Council, 242 ; charged with obstinacy in the Bishop of Lodi's Sermon, 245; should have been tortured, 24S; his eloquence, j6. ; his final speech, 250-253; his prophetic language, 253; his sentence, ib.; is given over to the secular arm, 254 ; scene of his execution, 255-257 ; relics of him treasured, 257. Jerome, St. See St. Jerome. Jessenitz, John of, 1. 167, 203, 252, 267. n. 325. jESurrs, The, ii. 593, 594, 600, 603, 607, 610, 612, 616, 619, 620, 621, 624, 625, Jews, The, i. 18, 193, 194. ii. 314, 344. Joan, Pope Agnes, i. 611. See Agnes. John The Baptist, n. 222. John XXII, i. 91. " XX.III. See Cossa,Bttlthasar, 187-201, 220, 225, 232, 243, 280, 305, 806, 829, 33.5-342, 344, 34S, 849, 354, 356, 858, 360-363. 867, 394, 895, 898-411, 415- 450, 454-462, 404-406, 50:3-521, 623, 525, 535-538, 605, 608. li. 50, 96, 97, 149. " " leaves for Constance, i. 806; attendance of, 306, 807 ; re- ception of, 807; flight of, 421, 434, 436-438, 445, 447; deposition of, 515; impri- sonment of, 5sl. See Flight, Deposition, Sentence, etc. Joim of Bavaria, i. 109. See Bavaria. " " Kbel, I. 132. " " Leitomischel. See LeitomischeL " " Luxemburg, i. 48. Joseph, ii, 222. JosT, Margrave of Moravia, I. 144, 150, 156. Jubilee, ii. 519. See Waldhanser. " of 1350, 1, 1.5. 50. Judas, i. 605, 609, 610; no member of the church, I. 5S5, 588. Judas and his Seven Sons, ii. 11. Judges of the Papal Court appointed, i. 336. Justification by faith, ii. 464, 514. Kapliztz, II. 613. Kastikow, II. 477. Kekski, II. 523. Keys, Power of the, i. 269. Kladrub, II. 477, 478. Klattau, II. 556. Kleine Seite (Lesser Prague), ii. 383. Kniczan, II. 473. Knighton, i. 871. Knin, ii. 385. " Matthias of, i. 131. Knox, John, ii. 378. KOLDITZ, II. 519. Konigqratz, I. 148. ii. 421, 496, 497, 49l> KONIGSBERG. II. 591. KONIGSHOF, II. 481. Koranda, II. 286. See Coranda. KosKA, II, 546. Kostelez, ii, 500. Kozagedy, II. 496. Koei-Hradek, I. 240. Krasa, John, II. 400, 408. Keemsen, II, 499. Kreutz, founds Bethlehem Chapel, i. 73, 761 Krschiuesco, Martin, i. 215. Kru.man, II. 617. Krussina, Hinko, ii, 421, 422, 474. KUNEWALD, IT. 557. Kuttenberg, I. 105. II. 400, 472, 487, 4S5), 500, 516. Laa, II. 213. Laatowia, II. 896. Labaun, Zdenek of, i. 1.34, 272. h. 825. Lacek of Krawar, 1. 170. Lackland, John, of England, l 57. Ladislaus of Naples, l 90, 99, 103, 108, 111, 115, 117, 14;?, 185, 197, 198, 201, 208, 219, 220, 278. " of Poland, King of Bohemia, il. 56:3, 565, 569, 572. Ladwt, n. 381. La.mermain, Confessor of Ferdinand 11., a. 625. Lancaster, Duke of, i. 66, 870. Lanoees, 1. 101, 120. Lascar, Andrew. See Posen. " Last Age of the Church," x- 69» 644 INDEX. Latzembock. Henry de, i. 352-354, 386. n. 28 ; he recants, ii. 260. La0f, I. 320. Laufenberg, I. 447, 449, 450. Launa, II. 320, 396, 413, 478. LAnRENTIUS, St., I. 54. Lavaue, Bishop of, n. 61. Lazan, Henry of, i. 240. League against Sigismttnd, n. 404, 413. " at Prague, ii, 416, 424. '• with Prague, ii. 478. " Catholic, II, 604, 617, 632. Lebus, Bishop of, i, 349, 582. Ledlezan, II. 451. Leipbio, II. 519, 556. Legate, Papal, to Bohemia, n. 409. Legitimacy of the Papal dignity, i. 608, 611. Leitmeritz, 1. 16. II. 478. LEiTOMiscnEL, I. 176. II. 481, 590. " Nicholas of, i. 38. " John, Bishop of; i. 226, 260, 265, 4S5, 497, 499. IL 83, 134, 162, 195, 491, 495. Leo, Pope, i. 247. " Doctor, I. 211. Leopold, Archduke, of Austria, ii. 607. Letter, of Wenzel to the Cardinals, 1. 106; of Huss to, 238 ; of John XXIII. to Wenzel, 243 ; of Sbynco to the Pope, 171 ; to "Wen- zel, 176 ; of Huss to Stephen of Dola, 258; from England to Huss, 280, 300; ofGer- son to Conrad, 282 ; of Chlum to Sigismund, 853; of John XXIII. to Sigismund, 354, 440, 512; of Huss to priest Martin, 316; from Nuremberg, 320 ; of the Bohemian Nobles to Sigismund, 889 ; of Paris Uni- versity, 445; of Council of Constance to the Bohemians, ii. 133; reply of the latter, 136, 161, 162-167; of the Council to Sigis- mund, 266; of Sigismund to Launa, 320; to Wenzel, 822; to the Bohemian Nobles^ ib. ; Zisca's to Taush, 871 ; Sigismund's to Prague. 389-391 : of ^neas Sylvius on the Taborites, 465; of Martin V. to the King of Poland, 520; of the Cardinal Legate to the Bohemians, 525; of the Le- gate to Eugenius IV. 531, 533, 524. Letters of Huss in Exile, l 296-300; his farewell letters, ii. 1-39. Leytra, n. 569. Liciitenberg, n. 515. LicuTENSTEiN, GcorgG of, Blshop of Trent, _ II. 157. " dragoons of, rt. 625. LlDERITB, n. 27. Liege, i. 109. ii. 809. See John of. LiNTZ, iL 596. Lithuania, ii. 354. LiTiTZ, II. 556, 559. Little Cousins, ii. 519. LiVORNO, L 102. LoBKOWiTZ, Nicholas of, 1. 184. " Chancellor of Ferdinand XL, n. 613. Loot, Bishop of, ii. 47, 150. See Sermons LoiiELius, Archbishop of Prague, il 611. Lollards, i. 370, 371, 628. Lombard, Peter, 1. 155. n. 10, LOMBAKDY, I. 137, 346. LoMNiTz, John of, I. 388. London, i. 66. " Bishop of, Pvobert Clifford, i. 873. n. 264. LORETTO, II. 610, 616. LoQUi, Martin, u. 456, 463, 479. LoTiiE, II. 561. Louis of Anjou, 1. 108, 117. '• " the Palatinate, i. 458. » " Bavaria, i. 460, 462, 475, 549, 603. II. 66, 242. LuBECK, n. 104. " Bishop of, I. 335, 849. Lucas of Prague, ii. 564. Lucca, i. 100, 101. ludetz, ii. 488. Lunenburg, Henry of, n. 155. LuPAK, n. 498. Lutuer, 1. 64. II. 5S1, 632 ; first knowledge of Huss, I. 81 ; on the treatment of Huss, 554; on the United Brethren, n. 560 ; prints their confession, 5S3; his letter to Melanchthon, ib. ; declines to adopt the discipline of the Brethren, 584. LUTTERWORTn, I. 63. Luxemburg, Anne of, i. 41, 6T. " John of, I. 48. LuzNicE, II. 417. Lyons, i. 91. See death of Gerson. Maccabees, The, ii. 9. M.ESTRICIIT, I. 101. Magistrates at Prague ; new ones elected, n. 376, 8S0. 448 ; deposed, 891. Magna Charta, i. 67. Maimbouro, I. 11, 535. ii. 123. Malatesta, Charles Lord of, 1. 193. n. 92. Maldoniewitz, Peter, i. 478, 548, 551, 580. II. 27, 86, 239, 555. Mant, II. 481. Marcus of Koniggratz, 1. 148, 170. Martin Fernandez of Cordova, n. 279. Martin, Priest, l 316. ii. 27, 37. " Preacher at Prague, banished, ii. 585. " V. See Colonna, n. 824, 328, 331, 838, 339, 340, 345, 349, 352, 372, 512, 520; his election, ii. 312; enthron- ing of, 818 ; ordination and corona- tion, 314; bull against Wickliff- Ites and Hussites, 327; announces his election, 835; his family, 336; anxious to leave Constance, 350; his allies at the close of the coun- cil, 855; simony of, 855; liberal grant of Indulgences, 858 ; leaves Constance, 861 ; bull against the Bohemians, 364 ; convokes the Council of Sienna, 510; urges a crusade, 520; death of; 531. INDEX. 645 M ARTiK, of Tabor, burned, ii. 666. Martinitz, II. 606, 611, 612, 614-616. Martyrs, The three executed at Prague ac- counted as, II. 211. " of the Brethren, lu 593. Mass, Pontifical, i. 8S3. Masses, a vanity, i. -287, 295. Matthew the inonk, i. 270. Matthias, (see Janow, Knin,) the hermit, Lutheran preacher at Prague, II. 5S2. " of Hungary, ii. 663, 569. " of Austria, Archduke, ii. 605, 608, King of Bohemia, ib, ,* death of, 617. Maurice of Pn^ue, ii. 820. See Sermons. MAXDin-IAN I., II. 569. II., II. 594, 597, 603, 626. Matench, (Mentz,) ii. 352. " Archbishop of, i. 137, 430. Melanchthon, II. 5S3, 595. Membeeship of the church, i. 683. Mendican-ib, I. 124-12a ii. 86, 153. " bull in favor of the, 1. 124, 126, 195. MlESTECZ, IL 497. Miess, il 478, 613. Milan, L 103,112,116,137 " Archbishop o^ ii. 21, 61. " Duke of; II. 350. MiLicz, II. 431. " John, I. 14, 18, 19-26, 27, 40, 63, 55, 72, 74, 81. MiLToy, L 294. Mis.viA, II. 428, 618, 519, 522. Miracle, a pretended, exposed, l. 87. :Mi88ionaries of lluss, I. 276. Mlazowicza, n. 499. Mock Procession, u 213. MOGELN, IL 619. MoLDAU, L 49, 66. n. 427, 430. Monarciiism Ecclesiastical, i. 368, 412, 520. Monasteries, n. 363, 373, 405, 421, 422, 447, 459, 461, 465, 518. " plundered, ii. 288, 399, 421. Monks, The, l 16, 17, 62, 161 ; insults to, u 256. " reform of, proposed by the council, 11. 343. Monstrelet, Eg. de, l 193. Montfort, Simon de, u. 106. MoRAVLA, I. 130, 144, 150, 367, 390. ii. 498, 625, 527, 541, 605, 612. " heresy in, il 146. " citation of heretics in, il 196. " margrave of. See Jost. Moravian Church. See United Brethren. Moravians, il 475, 4S3. Moses, il 222, 314, 4-30. Moslem Invasion, i. 96, 278, 505. " Most Holy " as a Papal title, l 163 MrLOEiM, John of, l 73, 74. MtTNICU, IL 616. Munzee, Thomas, at Prague, n. 582. Naakuaba, John, il 837. Naples. Bee Ladislans, i. 96, 100. Nason, Dr. John, i. 332, 570, 571, 605, 608. IL 1.59, 175. Karbonnb. See Capitulation, n. 129, 179, 188. National feeling in Bohemia, l 6. Navarre, il 126, 264. " college of, I. 126, 397. " embassadors of, ii. 179. " abandons Benedict XIII., il 185. Nazareth, The Inquisitor, Bishop of, u 810, 581. Necolicz, il 451. Netter, Thomas, l 373-378. Neutrality, edict of, in France, l 101. Nbwhauss, il 546, 617. Nice, l 431. n. 129. " Council of, L 589. Nicolas of Podwein, i. 332. " of Vissehrad, i. 322. NicoPOLis, battle of, l 219, 278. Nicomedi, The patriarch, il 564 NiEM, Thierry de, l 325, 337, 339, 363, 884, 461, 525. NlENBERG, L 458, 459. Nigra Rosa, church of, i. 70. Nix, John, ii. 664. Nominalists, l 70, 282, 545, 556, 557, 559. IL 141. " Huss a victim to the resent- ment of, L 557. IL 76. Norway, l 404. Nuns, plan for reform of the, n. 343. Nuremberg, l 137, 320, 322, .352. n. 377, 512, 520, 521, 539, 570. " Frederic, Burgrave of; L 464, 549, 603. Obedience to authority ; when due, r. 249, 259, 236. " Ecclesiastical, Huss, on, i. 594 Obstinacy, Huss vindicates himself from the charge of, l 575. n. 62. OiLEZiN, John, IL 456. Oldcastle, Sir Jolm, Lord Cobham, l 373. n.330. Olmctz, See Leitomischel, n. 491, 612. Olsnisch, il 619. Ordinance of Sbynco against Huss, l 142, Origek, 1. 165. n. 10. Orleans, Duke of, i. 96. n. 94 190. Orphans, The, u. 511, 517, 523-525, 545. Orsini, Paolo, J. 143, 186. " Pontanus, n. 612. Ostia, Cardinal John of, i. 617, 552, 553. n. 7,8. Owenecz, il 426. Oxford, l 14, 41, 62, 93, 241, 371. n. 216. " University of, i. 66, 327. " " " on Wickliffe, i. 62T " " " Chancellor of, at Con st;ince, n. 264 Palatine, The Elector, i. 439. See Bavaria Louis of. Paletz, Stephen, l 86, 104 182, 170, 1S4, 203, 204 206, 203, 226, 229, 251, 257, 260, 263, 270, 273, 275, 293, 815, 831-333, 347, 646 INDEX. 858, 535, 540, 542, 555, 562, 563, 572, 591, 601, 603, 605, 610, 623-626, 630. ii. 3, 28- 31, 38, 79, 175; protestation of, i. 629; In- terview with lluss. II. 12, 30 ; articles from IIuss' reply to the treatise of, i. 602. Papacy. The, i. 56. " " in the fourteenth century, l 90-94. " " proposed reform of, n. 342. " " in the fifteenth century, i. 97. " " revived power of, ii. 603. Pappeniieim, II. 619. Pardon, various kinds of, n. 625. Pakis, I. 14, 62, 93, 101, 111, 241. n. 204, 212, 216. " University of, i. 50, 104, 261, 284, 827, 367, 455. 11. 151, 154, 302. " Bishop of, II. 96, 97. Parties in tlie University of Prague, r. 130. Passack, John, ii. 585. Passau, il 212, 607. " Bean of. Papal Legate, i. 205. ** Bishop of. Archduke Leopold, n. 607. Pater, Priest, i. 131. Patriac^h. See Constantinople, Antioch. Paul. See St. Paul. " Dr., I. 376, 378 ; his " Golden Mirror," I. 377. " Tower of St., i. 479. Paul II., ii. 551, 563. " IV., II. 603. Pavia, II. 510. Payne, Putcr, the Englishman, n. 538, 542. Pkcklo, I. 55.5. Peletz, Nicholas de, ii. 542. Pelzel, n. 600, 617, 626. Peniscola, I. 195. II. 191, 276, 338, 339. Perjury, To recant, ii. 10. I'eepignan, I. 102. 11. 129, 180. " Council of, 11. 110. Persecution by the secular arm, i. 494, 592. II. 326. " Huss on, I. 592. " and exile of the clergy through IIuss, I. 569, 572. " in Bohemia, ii. 333, 511, 558, 586, 620, 623. See Violence, Bohemians, Cruelties. " impolitic, ii. 601. " advocated, ii. 626. Pehvies, Henry de, i. 109. Pessina, ii. 626. Peter. «ee St. Peter, Maldoniewitz, Dres- den. " of Znoyma or Znaym, i. 184. Petit, John, i. 302, 605. ii. 42, 101, 125, 263, 265, 852. " his propositions and defence of the Duke of Burgundy, it. 94-97; con- demned, 101; further process against, urged, 191 ; no conclusion reached, ih. Pbtition of IIuss, I. 203. " for the relief of the Church, ii 248. Petrarch, r. 1, 15, 61. Puarisee, The, i. 593. Philargi, Peter. See Alexander V. PuiLip, the Fair of France, i. 90. " II, of Spain, ii. 611. Puilippo-Maria, of Milan. See Milan. Picards, II, 558, 563, 577, 592, 600. PiciiEL, Burgomaster of Leitmeritz, ii. 402, Pictured Sermon, i. 79. Pictures not to be worshipped, ii. 210. Piers Plowman, i. 62, 370. PiLBEN, I. 52, 162. n. 377, 396, 405, 407, 451 477, 478, 487, 513, 546. Pipo of Florence, ii. 489. PiRO, Henry de, i. 519. ii. 57. Pisa, i. Ill, 127, 139, 140, 188, 238, 836, S&% 374, 399, 402, 410. " Council of, 139, 140. PiSKA (or Pisek), il. 881, 406. 451, 473. PiSTOIA, 1. 186. Pius L, i. 4S8. " II., II. 551, 563. " IV., II. 596, 603. " v., II. 603. Plague of 1347, i. 60, 186 ; of 1424, ii. 605, Plancha, Bernard, li. 275. Platina, II. 355. Platter, Philip Fabricius, ii. 215. Plato, il 222. Plea for Huss, l 529. Pleskov, il 212. Plumlovisc, II. 475. Plumlow. XL 18. PoDiEBEAD, George de, ii. 550, 555, 5C2, 569. Podmokly, II. 496. PoGGio Bracciolini, I, 825. II. 230. " his account of Jerome's trial, ii. 230- 236. Poictiers, I. 369. Poland, i. 51, 96, 223, 407. ii. 354, 520. " King of, u. 105, 110, 148, 353, 359, 4-76, 520, 548. " Ambassador of. See Voladimir. " and the Teutonic Knights, il 104, 105. " The United Brethren in, il 598. Polish Nation in the University, i. 135. Pollack, Michael, ii. 564. POLITZKA, ir. 481. PoLLENTz, John of, H. 519. POLYRENA, II. 615. Pope, power of the, discussed, l 78, 246, 268, 339,-365, 393, 445, 448, 451, 504, 589, 590, 603, 606, 611, 613, 61.5. Popular sympathy with Huss, i. 267, 292. Pop.ree. See Arras. Portents in the fourteenth century, i. 59. PoSEN, IL 590, 591, 598. " Bishop of, L 418. Porto Venere, l 102. Portugal represented at the council, ii. 264. " King of, XL 831. Praciiatitz, il 473. Praciiin, l 43. iL 474, 485. Prague, l 49, 62, 98; its situation, 1, 2; af. fairs at, 129. n. 378-404, 407, INDEX. 647 414, 42S436; bull of crusade at, L 2U5; indignation at, 3S8; ap- prehension ut, II. 414 ; Sigis- mund^s army approaches, 420, 425; is assaulted, 42S; edict of 1421 at, 4S9, 4'I4; Diet at, 494; yields to Zisca, 503. See vio- lence. Civil strife at, 51" ; depu- tation from, to Sigismund, 623 ; conflict at, 545; Lutheranism op- posed at, 5s6; persecution at, 5S6; attacked by Ferdinand's army, 618. PKA.OITE, town council of, i. 215, 227. " meeting of Bohemian nobles at, II. 162. " University of. i. 1, 33, 41, 48, 50- 53, 55. 103-105, 130, I4V, 327,484, 570. II. 213, 607; struggle in, I. 8; founded, 50, 51; convoca- tion of, 70 ; sentence of against Wicklitfe, ih.; troubles in, 80; meeting ot 132 ; new order o^ 133; on the burning of the books, 162 ; on the bull for the crusade, 206, 208, 212; character of the members of, 497; on Wickliife, 565; theologians of, ij). ,• Huss''s letter to, ii. 25; sentence of, on the death of Huss, 122, 123; Je- rome on the withdrawal of the Germans, 223; its condition ac- cording to the council, 206-270. Pbeachiso, No license needed for. il 210, 21S. " a duty in spite of excommunica- tion, L 59S, 599. Prbdesthtate, the body o^ compose the church, L 586. Predestination, l 582-605. il 514. Premtsl dynasty i. 6. Pbesburg, l 177. n. 517, 521. Peesbytees and Bishops, i. 64; ordination of Presbyters, il 561. Pkiestly abuses, l 5S8. See Vices of the Clergy. " " Eeform of the Council, ll 343. Peiests at Prague required to continue their offices, i. 229. " " " Salaries of withheld, 1.272. " Unworthy, i. 607. Pbocop of Pilsen, l 162. Pbocopics Magnus, il 414, 492, 498, 499, 512, 514, 510. 518, 519, 523, 527, 52S, 537, 533, 5:39, 542, 545, 543. » "at the Council of Basle, n. 537. •* " death of, il 546. PEOCOprub Parvus, ii. 512, 545, 546. PEOClTBATOBa of Huss, L 167, 203, 232, 233, 267, 502. Procuratoes of the Council. See Piro, Scribanis. Prohibition of Huss's preaching, i. 150. Protest of John XXIII. i. 447 " " Voladamir, n. 354. Protestants, (ierinan, ii. 604. Protestants, Bohemian, their articles for religious freedom, il 600; their charter, 607; their provocations, 603; persecution and suppression of, 022-627. Protestant Union, il 604. Protiva, John, i, 73, 76, 555, 500. Prussia, il 591. Prussians, il 104. Ptaczeck, il 550. Purgatory, i. 238. il 480. Puritans, i. 64, 605. Quakers, ii. 395. Baby, il 4S5. Eaczko, il 3S6. Kagusa, Cardinal de, l 400. " John of, XL 542. Ratisbon, il 527. Ratolfcell, I. 510-513, 520, 536. Racdnitz, I. 145. II. 514, 566. Eaupowa, il 613, 615. Ravaillac, il 102. Eavensburg, I. 453. Realists. See Nominalists. Reasons of Huss for leaving Prague, l 239, 297. Recant, Huss not to be allowed to, l 623. Recantation of Huss requlreil, i. 553. 561, 620; urged, il 10, 41, 43, 71. " Form of, proposed, il 7. " of Jerome, I L 140; distrusted, 160 ; Gerson on it. 176. REBtTEB of Ecclesiastical corruption, ii. 84- 91. Reform, Cause of. In the Council, il 159, 194, 2S1, 232, 306-311, 315, 339-344; defeated, 349. Reichembac, il 519. Reiciientiial, Ulric, il 68. Reform movement at Prague, L 5. See HusSw Eegensbeeg, II. 527. Remonstrance of the Bohemians, l 383. " " John de Chlum, i. 395. " Refutation of the Eight Doctors," i. 270^ 293. Reiner, l 11. Release of Hues ordered, i. 858, 359. Relics. Contempt for, l 87, 256, ii, 211. Reprobates not of the church, l 534. Popes, L 612. RUEIMS, L 137. " Archbishop of, l 443. Richard II,, i, 370, 372. EiciiENAU, II. 506, Riga, Archbishop Wallenrod of, l 464, 479. 519, 572, 030, ii, 242, 355. " " sent to Spain, il 148. " " abandons the Emperor, lU 809, 312. 648 INDEX. Egbert, Emperor of Germany, i. 103, 107, 114, 119, 134, 1%, 221, 569. ii. 105. EocHA, John de, ii. 200. EocK on which the Church is built, i. 587. RODOLPU. See S-ixony. " of Trent, ii! 157. EOKYZAN, .John of, I. 44, 47. il. 538, 540, 543, 544, 547, 550, 55:5. 555, 557, 559, 623. EosENiiERG, The Lord of, ii. 291, 293, 294, 383, 418, 419, 446. EOMAN ClIUROII, 1. 51. " Court opposed to reform, ii. 535. EoME, I. 15, 23, 24, 92, 99, 108, 143, 186, 196, 337. " Council of, I. 242. EoTTENUEKG, Henry of, u. 157. KoscELiN, I. 545. EuDOLF, Bishop of Lavant, ii. 563. EuDOLi-u II., II. 597, 600, 603, 604, 607, 622. " grants the demands of the Prot- estants, II. 606. Euxruus, II. 222. EziczAN, Paul of, n. 614. Saatz ii. 396, 487, 500. Sacekdotal habits, ii. 514, Sacrilege, ii. 424. Bafe Conduct of IIuss, i. 313, 852, 386, 499- 502, 540, 674, 576; violation of the, 834. ii. 115. " asked for by Jerome, i. 471. " " Benedict XIII., II. 129. " assured, i. 399. Safe Conducts, The council on, ii. 168. " sent to Bohemia, ii. 324. 8t. Augustine. See Augustine. " Bernard. See Bernard. " Clement's church, i. 560. " Denis, monk of, i. 116. " Gregory, i. 560, 603. " Jerome, i. 368, 497, 603. ii. 235, 461. " Joseph, Immaculate Conception of, n. 265. " Mark, William Philastre, cardinal, I.3S6, 407, 410, 4;39, 455, 465, 466. ii. 306, 313. " Martin's church, i. 484. " Michael's church, i. 167, 483. " Omeu, i. 872. " Paul, i. 368, 582, 595. ll. 11. " Peter, i. 583. " Sylvester, i. 508. " Wencelaus, 1. 570. Saints' Days, i. 289, 290. Salmasius, I. 294. Saltzhacii, i. 474, 477. Saluces, Cardinal, 1. 117. Sardinia, ii. 338. Sarepta. See Jaroslaw. Saeum or Salishury, Robert Hallam, Bishop of. I. 809, 375. 441. ii. 277, 309. Satires, ii. 296, 845; repressed, n. 299. Savanauola, i. 294. Sawtre, William, priest of St. Omer, i. 372. Saxony, i. 51, 135. ii. 518, 563. " Elector of, i. 170, 383, 384, 527. " House of the Duke of, n. 383, 428. Sazanna, il 489. Sbynco, Archbishop of Pra^e, i. 89, 93, 103, 104, 117, 120, 123,''l30, 131, 133, 135, 136, 139, 141. 142, 150, 156-158,161, 168. 555, 563, 565. 569. ii. 203. " Contempt toward, i. 157, 163, 166, 171. 176, 177, 238, 255; death of; i. 177. Scandals of Hnss's doctrine, i. 569. Sciiakfhausen, i. 437, 440, 443, 446, 447. Sciianow, Baron of, ii. 592. SCHI8.M, The Papal, l 56, 92, 96, 109, 223, 268, 505. SciiLicK, Caspar, protest of, ii. 254. Count, n. 550, 61.3, 622. Scholars of the Age, their practice, L 68. SciiORAND, Ulric, II. 69. ScuwAMBERG, Bohuslaus de, n. 474. " Baron, ii. 573. Scotland, n. 126, 264; embassadors of, 179. ScRiBANis, John de. Procurator of the coun- cil, I. 426. Scripture as authority, i. 254, 268, 291, 295, 498, 496, 542, 543, 650. ii. 171, 193, 194, 365, 462, 628. " appeal of Huss to, ii. 8. " " Jerome to, ii. 240. Seal of the council, i. 447. See of Kome declared vacant, 1. 11^ Srndomir, Consensus of, ii. 599. Seneca, il 222. Senlis, Bishop of, ii. 146. Sentence of deposition, i. 511, 515-517. " against Hnss's books, il 57, 5^ " " Huss, n. 59-61. " " John Petit, ii. 96. Sermons of Huss, i. 81, 284-291, 330-332. " before the council, D'Ailly's, i. 393; Ewder's, -397; Bishop of Lodi's n. 47, 118; on Jerome's case, 243- 250; of monk of Mayence, il 117; of Carmelite, Doctor of Mont- pclier, ib. ; of an English preach- er, 119; of Gerson on Petit and the Council. 182; of Tbeodorio of Munster, 192; on the vices of the clergy, 271 ; of Maurice of Prague, 281 ; of Stephen of Prague, ib. Sermons in Memory of Huss, il 292. " in reproof of clerical vice, ii. 806. " of the Taborites. See Taborites. Sessions of the Council of Constance. First, l337; second, 425; third, 444 ; fourth, 447; fifth, 448; seventh, 461 ; eighth, 464; ninth, ift.,- tenth, 465, 481 ; eleventh, 509; twelfth, .514; thirteenth, ii. 84; fourteenth. 93; fifteenth, 45; sixteenth, 127; seven- teenth, ib. ; nineteenth, 140; twentieth, 156 ; twenty-first, 239 ; forty-fifth, 353. Sicily, ii. 33S. Sienna, L 115. 119, 186. n. 510. SioiSMUND, King of Hungary, l 87, 138, 175, 219-223; emperor of Germany, 222, 278. 803, 304, 336, 354-6, 358, 888, 896, 401, 407, 415, 424, INDEX. 649 42T. 428, 430, 4S1, 433-436, 489- 442, 446-449, 462, 463, 4G6, 471, 609, 512, 520, 529, 531, 549, 554, 672, 573, 575, 603, 605, 620, 621. II. 25, 26,41,45,48, 79,93,111, 115, 125, 129, 156, 17S, 270, 295, 30S, 311, 314, 837, 361, 377, 37S, 382, 399, 425, 427, 430, 471, 474, 476, 47S. 4S;?, 4S4, 503, 512, 51S, 521, 523, 5:31, 5;36. 546, 548, 6;32. • Policy of, I. 219, 278, 385; elect- ed cmi)eror, 222; his character, ill., 308; reaches Constance, 3S2; abandons IIuss, 3S6; his apology, 391; enjoins the Council to hear IIuss, 549 ; his view of the case, 631 ; his blush, II. 55; leaves for Spain, 127; gains over the king of Aragon, 14S; proposes to re- turn, 179; at Paris, 190; urges reform, 270, 282 ; his heresy insinuated, ib. ; humili-ated on his journey, 272 ; rebuff in England, 273; sells territory, 274, returns to Constance, 277 ; his interference complained of, 284; letter to Launa, 321 ; to Wenzel, 322 ; to Bohemian nobles, ib. ; defends his course in regard to Huss, 323 ; allow- ed church revenues in Ger- many, 351 ; wants money, ib. ; reproaches Martin V., 355; dissatisfied with the Council, 359; rejected as King by Bo- hemia, 379; his succession to the throne, 387 ; upbraids the deputation from Prague, 388; imposes conditions, 391 ; his cruelties, 400; denounced at Prague, 403, 407; opposed, 404; orders the extermination of the Ilorebites, 413; ap- proaches Prague with his ar- my, 420; his army and its rav- ages, 421 -43;5; refuses to com- promise, 437; coronation, 438; gathers an army, 473; is de- feated, 475; charges against, 4S4; invades Bohemia, 4S6; retreats, 490; baffled in his plans, 503; his humiliation, 504; distrusted. 516, 526; in- dignation of, 521 ; abandons hostile measures, 531 ; crown- cd, 536 ; death of, 550. BiLESiA, 11. 4S5, 515, 556, 563, 590. Simon, of Tisnow, i. 134, 162, 170. ii. 325. " one of the Brethren, ii. 572. SiMONISTS. I. 5SS. II. 117. Simony, A mass against, ii. 846-343. SeeVicee. of Martin V., ii. 355. SrxTUS v.. II. 603. Slavic Students, i. 135. Blast, ii. 333, 396, 413, 47& Slaw ATA, ii. 611, 612, 614-616. Smalcald, League of, li. 688. Small-Caps, ii. 519. Smirkzic, II. 514^ Smith, Conrad, ii. 802. SOUIESLAU, II. 556l Socrates, ii. 117. Soi)O.M, II. 896, 456. SoLTOw, Conrad, i. 8. Songs, Derisive, i. 157, 227, 255, 262. ii. 21T. " " Prohibited, i. 160 175. Sophia, Queen, i. 72. ii. 377, 379. SoziUM, II. 486. Spain, L 120, 520. n. 125, 603; abandons Benedict XIII., 185; jealous of England at the Council, 263,280; indignant at Martin V., 345, 860. " King of, I. 396. Spies of John XXIII., i. 408, 41T. Spinka, I. 137. Spires, i. 313, 352. ir. 801, 852. Spread of Bible Knowledge, i, 159. Spretten, Paul von (Speratus), ii. 5S6, 591. Sswiiiow, Brzenko de, ii. 406. Sternbeso, count of, n. 614; Peter Vci, ii. 385. " Meeting of Bohemians at, II. 162. Stephen, Bishop of the Waldenses, ii. 562. Steter, II. 596. Stibor of Stiboric, i. 170. Stobeus of Laybach, u. 609. Stbaiiow, II. 616. Strasbottro, II. 588. Stuiilwiessenberg, II. 600. Synod at Sleza, ii. 598; at Buntzlan, ib. ; at Xyans, ib. ; at Posen, ib., 699 ; at Sendo- mlr, ib. ; at Ostrog, ib. Tabor, ii. 372, 416-418, 449, 452, 466, 616. '• Meeting at, ii. 872, 873. Taborite soldier. The, ii. 468. Tabobites, II. 3S4, 394, 403^06, 427, 433, 519, 524. 630-632. " attacked, n. 385, 406; violence and cruelties of the, 399 ; character and views of the, 434, 485, 441, 445-470; ar- ticles of the, 445, 446, 472; fanatical views of the, 456, 457 ; practices of, 45S, 459, 487 ; described by .lEneas Sylvius, 465, 466; at variance with the Cali.xtines, 472; 493, 514, 517; conciliated, 518, 528, 626; at the Council of Basle, 540; dissatisfied, 615; defeated, 546; disappear, 551. Tamerlane, ii. 219, 279. Tasciiau, ii. 527. Tapler of Vienna,' n. 687. Tausch, ii. 870, 527, 528. Tetzel, \. 201. Teutonic Knights, l 96, 223. IL 104, 109, 858, 860 ; sketch of, 104. "The Abo.mination of the carnal priests and monks." i. 84-86. Theobald, ii. 2.39. TiiEODORic of Munster. See Sermons. Theological faculty at Prague, L 206, 229, 264. 650 INDEX. Thiett years' war, ii. 618, G24. Thukn, Count, II. G09, 612, 613. TiEFEKN. See Lebus. Tilly, ii. 619. TiSNOw, Simon of. See Simon. Toledo, Kules of the Council of, I. 341. Tolerant spirit of Huss, i. 592. " " " Jacobel, n. 90. ToNSPRE of Huss removed, ii. 64, 65. ToPLiTz, II. 424. Torture, Demand that Jerome should be subjected to, n. 215; complaint that he had not been tortured, 248. TossENicz, Fortress of, ii. 290. Tournament, i. 436. Tours, Aeciibisiiop of, ii. 184, 191, Teanskauk, ii. 488. Translation of the Bible, Wickliffe's, i. 62. Teansubstantiation, I. 63, 131, 139, 295, 846, 565, 556, 558, 559. « Jerome on, 205, 20T, 227. Tkautenatj, II. 481. Trent, City and Bishop of, u. 156-158. " Council of, II. 594. Teialogue, Wicliliffe's, l 63, Tl, 144, 201. Trinity, i. 477. Trocznow, John de. See Zisca. Teuce at Prague, u. 384, 385, 517. " between England and France, 1. 190. Tucap, Matthias, of, i. 76. Turks, The, i. 223, 278. ii. 147, 190, 521, 544, 554, 570, 687, 600. TuRNAU, II. 489, 590, 591. Tyrol, i. 463. Tytiies, merely alms, I. 275, 664. Uberlingen, I. 382, 470. ii. 41. Ullerston, Pachard, i. 4, S3, 375-377. " his " Petition for Church Re- form," I. 375, 376. II. 309. Ulm, I. 455. Ulric, II. 538, 542. Umbtzow, Peter of, n. 289. Union of the Church, Plans for the, i. 862, 363. 407. United Brethren, The, n. 552, 570, 627, 632. " Persecuted, ii. 555, 556 ; exile of, 556 ; assume their name, 557 ; church order of, 660; liberal spirit of. 562; "Agree- ment" of, 506; false testimony against, 668; purity of, ib.; prosperity of, 570; procure the printing of Bibles, ib.; non- resistance principles, 571 ; accept the chal- lenge to discuss, ib, ; persecution of, 572 seek foreign sympathy, 573 ; send a depu- tation to Luther, 582; another deputation of, 584 ; brighter prospects of, 587 ; influ- ence of, on Luther and Calvin, 588 ; perse- cution of, 589 ; exile of, 590; hardships of 592 ; left in peace, 594 ; plan to persecute them defe.ated, 595 ; testimony in their favor, 596; their Hymn-book, Bible, and Confession, 597 ; sought after by Luther- ans and Calviuists, ib.; Synods of, 598, 599 ; persecution of, renewed, 600 ; peac* and prosperity of, 601 ; persecution of, 004; decree of banishment, ib. ; obtain religious freedom, 605; thanksgiving of, 607 ; Hymn- book, 626. Univeksals, I. 476. University of Prague, decides in favor of the Calixtines, ii. 288. Universities. See Oxford, Cambridge, Cra- cow, Prague, Heidelberg, Erfurth, Bologna. " Scholastic license of, ii. 219. Urban VL, i. 92, 234. Uesinis, Berthold de, i. 341. " Cardinal Jordan de, i. 339, 448. IL 175, 247. Utkaquists. See Calixtines. " II. 394, 397, 398, 403, 436, 454, 469. « Articles of, ii. 437, 441-444. " Political views of, ii. 441. " Eeligious views of, ii. 469, 470. " gain the ascendancy at Prague, n. 493. Valentia, n. 129, 186. Valla Laurentius, i. 12. Von dee Hardt, i. 223. ii. 296. Venice, i. 103, 108, 117, 118, 137, 197, 220, 222. II. 570. Veeden, II. 519. Vicar of Christ, or of Peter, i. 587, 591. VlCENZA, I. 116. Vienna, l 14, 15. n. 151, 200, 202, 212, 216, 291, 499, 615, 621, 569, 586, 5S7, 595, 59C, 615, 617. " university of. l 327. " manuscript of, i. 506. Vincent Ferrara, i. 107. See Ferrara. Violence of the Age, il 154-166, 295. " in Bohemia, il 33.3. " at Prague, ii. 287, 374, 375, 381, 883, 433, 447. Violent proceedings, i. 161, 255. *' " Huss charged with, l 568. ViscoNTi, r. 137. Virgil, ii. 222. Virgin, ii. 610. See Mary, worship of, 303. Virtuous and vicious men, ii. 696. VisSEiiRAD, The, II. 379, 884, 415, 417, 420, 421, 426, 428, 474. Vitus, i. 479. ii. 556. ViviERS, Cardinal de, n. 45, 191. VffiCKLABRUCK, II. 696. VoLADiMiR, Paul de, II. 106, 109, 853, 854. " his "Demonstration," il 106- 109. Von Falkenbeeo. See Falkenberg. VoTicz, II. 420. Voting by nations in the council, l 361, 415i 418. Vrie, Theodore de, l 83, 12.3, 384. "Walphero, Truchsesses of, ii. 274. Waldenses, I. 11, 40. n. 561, 662, 573. Waldiiauseb, Conrad, i, 14-19, 25, 72. n. 628. mDEX. G51 Wallexrop, .Tolin. See Riga. Wallenstein, II. C19, C'20. W'alsciiim, George de, i. 462. War for religion. Is it right? ii. 106. W'ARRENTRAPrE, Albert, rector of Prague University, l 184, 571. "U'artekiiero. See Czenko. Way of Cession, i. 93, 402,406, 40S-411, 416 419-421, 423-426, 429, 432, 439, 460, 454, 461. Welexsky, Luke, l 179. Wels, 11. rm. Wenda, Simon, i. 270. Wexzel, a preacher of the Hussites burned, II. 432. " a preacher, beheaded, ii. 556. " King of IJoheiniiv i. 4, 40, S7, 96, 10.3, 105, 106, 107, 12S, 130, 13.3, 130-139, 143, 150, 100. 175, 182. 199. 202, 206^ 219, 221, 223, 22S, 229, 260, 352, 569, 625. II. 35, 134, 135, 173, 213, 321, 823, 451. " chan-icter of, i. 136-139; reply to Zisca, II. 173 ; contemned, 286, 287; leaves Prague, 26S, 290, 374 ; to be treated as a heretic, 321 ; opposes the Hussites, 376; death of, 378- 8S0. Wesley, .John. ii. 552. White Hill, Battle of the, ii. 618, 621. WiCKLri-FE, John, i. 5, 41, 53, 57, 66, 77, 78, SO, 81, 82, 84-86, 104, 129, 131, 141, 145-150, 1.^6. 161, 184, 203, 241, 25S, 263, 2,^2, .341. 342, 369- 374, 448, 451. 544, 555, 558, 562, 665,611,616,623. ii. 60, 76, 102, 150, 15:5, 196, 201, 213. " Spread of his doctrines in Bo- hemi.o, i. 67 ; condemned in London, 69; at Prague, 70; condemnation of his books objected to by IIuss, 563 ; philosophic.-il works of, 568 ; unjust condemnation of. 610, WiETOW, II. 212. WiLDUNGEN, Ikrthold de, 1.542. WiLNA. Duke of, II. 212. WiLSNACK, I. 87. Winchester, Cardinal of, ii. 513. WiNDECK, II. 3:57. WiTHOLD, Duke, II. 212, 492. WiTKOW, iL 427, 450. Witt, Bernard, ii. 154. WiTTEMBEKG, II. 581. " Theologians, n. 69T. WiTTEMiiERO, Ordination, ii. 6S2. WODN'IAN, II. 451. 485. WoKSA. Wok, I, 213. Wolf-Bands, ii. 519. Wolff, Doctor, i. 211. WoR.MS, II. 155, 352. Wkan, I. 133. WitiTiNos OF IIuss, I. 240, 244-260, 292-295. Zabarella, Cardinal of Florence, i. 88, 172, 825, 836, 340, 358, 445, 440, 455, 465, 518, 560, 561, 564, 599, 621. ii. 51, 52, 105, 175. 247, 813. Zaciiaiu.f., .John, ii. 77. Za(;et/,, II. IS. Zaiieua-Gallus, Preacher at Prague, ii. 585, 587. Zara, I. 220, 222. Zatec, II. 413. Zdenek. of Labaun. See Labaun. Zdislaw, of Warteinberg. i. 150. 157, 162. Zelew, John of, II. 403, 407, 415; put to death, 493. Zeno, II. 222. Ziebrak, II. 291. " Conferences at, I. 230, 294. ZiCKO, Peter, i. 89. Zitte, Aug, I. 42. Zisca, John, (de Trocznow). n. 172, 288, 332, 879, 880, 387, 395, 897, 399, 404, 405, 407, 413, 414, 417, 422, 427, 428, 429, 445, 477, 487, 499, 506, 623. " his genius, n. 870, 490,507; letter to Tausch, 871, 872; attacks Prague, 874 ; leaves Prague, 877 ; returns, 882; leaves again, 884; ravages of his army, 472, 473 ; loses some of Ids soldiers, 477; increases his army, 478; deals with Martin Loqui, 479 ; free- dom of from fanaticism, 481 ; loses his sight, 485; rejoins his army, 486 ; forced to retreat, 488 ; called to Prague, 492; favors Cory but, 498; opposed by the Cali.xtines, 494; leaves Prague, 495; defeats the Calixtines, 500; marches against Prague, j6.; conciliates his soldiers, 501 ; enters Prague, 503 ; offered the regency by Sigismund, 508; death of, 505; epitaph of, ib.; character of, 508. ZreoABERo, n. 430. Znoima, il 549. ZcL, Nicholas, of Ostrodek, L 180t APPENDIX. NOTE 1, (Vol. I., p. 7, 1. 27.) The merit of Huss in promoting the cause of Bohemian literature is pre- eminent. On this subject I quote the following from an article — prepared at the suggestion of Rev. E. De Schweinetz — which appeared in the Neva Englander for Oct., 18G4. " Unquestionably a large share of the influence which he exerted was due to the eflfective use which he made of his native Bohemian. His merits in this respect are now freely conceded. In all his Bohemian writings he paid special attention to the language, and ' exerted a decided and lasting influence on it.' To render the alphabet more interesting and attractiv^e to learners, he imitated Cyril's ingenious mode of giving to each letter the name of some well-known Bohemian word, which had that letter for its initial, e. g., H, Hospodia, lord ; K, Krai, King. He wrote a Latin treatise on the principles of Bohemian orthography, in which he laid down rules ■which are regarded as authoritative even at the present day. To his larger treatises he was accustomed to prefix a preface, touching on matters of grammar and othography, for the instruction of copyists, in whicli he ad- monished them not to fall back into the old method of writing. With a patriotic zeal he strove against that blending of German and Bohemian ■which had begun already to prevail at Prague, and which threatened to dis- place both languages by a mongrel or patois, which was an offence alike to true national feeling and to literary taste. As a Bohemian writer, therefore, he cherished the ambition of a purist, and endeavored to mould his native lan- guage in graceful and becoming forms. He studied simplicity, precision, and consistency, not only in the structure of sentences, but in the structure of the alphabet and the spelling of the words. The correction and distri- bution of the Bfjliemian Bible is said to have been his constant care. He ■was, indeed, as really a reformer of Bohemian orthography as of the Bohe- mian Church. This is a most significant fact. It warrants us in classing him with the first great English reformer, Wickliffe, whose translation of the Scriptures contributed in no small measure to give greater precision to Englisli orthog- raphy, and to shape the language, as well as with Luther, the publication of whose German Bible is the great landmark in the history of his native language. Had it not been for the superior importance of the labors of Huss as a Reformer, we might still have been called to recognize his merit.-? as the most enterprising and practical student of his native language, as the man to -whose labors and critical skill it is most deeply indebted." (653) 654 APPENDIX. NOTE 2, (Vol. I, p. 45, 1. 29.) Palacky has carefully gleaned from the writings of Huss such fragments of an auto-biographical character as they contain. (Documenta Mag. J. Hus, p. 722-9.) These will be referred to in other notes. I give here only what concerns his early life. However susceptible of enthusiastic admira- tion for the martyrs he may have been, worldly aspirations at first shaped Iiis aims, and inspired nis efforts. His desire to become a priest, a de-ire which he felt as a boy at school under monkish tuition, was cherished in the hope that he might attain the means of comfort and the privileges of hij^her culture. It was only when he entered upon sacred studies that he came to see his error, and to feel that he should be governed by higher and purer motives. Up to this time his life had been simply worldly. He had entered into the sports of boyhood with a boyish zest. He had participated in those sacred farces that form such a strange feature of the age, though so little noticed by historians generally. He has described what he participated in and enjoyed, when the populace with an amusing travesty of sacred rites, robed some priest whom they caught, in vestments extravagantly large, mounted him upon an ass, and with shoiits conducted him into the church, where saluting him bishop, they waited upon him in his mock dignity as he ate and drank. Such proceedings were afterwards reprobated by him, and when not long after he removed to Prague they were prohibited by the Archbishop, lie approved their suppression. NOTE 3, (Vol. I., p. 5G, 1. 14.) "When Huss commenced his labors as Preacher in Betlilehem Chapel (1399) the condition of ecclesiastical affairs occasioned him serious reflec- tion. He saw the need of popular instruction, a work almost utterly neg- lected by the priesthood. Eagerly did they pursue their worldly, ambitious, and selfish aims. In one of his treatises, * he remarks upon the extent to which secular ofl[ices were filled by priests. " The priests," he says, "do not discharge their spiritual office, but omitting preaching, prayers, administra- tion of the mass and other spiritual works, they usurp the offices of the laity, so that now almost all the posts wherein they scent gain, are filled by them. For, lo! the burgrave is a priest, a priest is the judge, a priest is publican, a priest is scribe, and if the office of apparitor were productive, and not so abject and laborious, the priest would be apparitor." He adds also the statement that belongs to a later stage of his experience, " The Pope receives a piece of gold for each harlot, of which class there are very many in his city." NOTE 4, (Vol. I., p. 71, 1. 31.) In such circumstances Huss from the first must have felt how much bold- ness and firmness were necessary to the free expression of his convictions of the truth. He confesses that at times he was tempted to keep silence. " Some of us," he says, " are weak and fearful, lest we lose the praise and * Adversus Sacerdotcm Archimrtgirum, Doc. Hus, 729. APPENDIX. 655 favor of tliis world ; others of us are apprehensive for our benefices, while we fear, lest in defending the truth, we brinj? upon us the reproach or the inflictions of men." * This timidity he afterwards contrasted with the boldness of even humble laymen in expressinjr their convictions of truth which they had learned from the pulpit or from the Scriptures. His own weakness and failinpfs he freely confesses. On repeated occasions Le refers with self-reproach to his induljrence of a love for dress. When he left Prague for Constance, he warned his friend Martin to beware of imitat- ing him in this respect. Doubtless his connection with the court as the Queen's chaplain, had led him to pay more attention to his personal appear- ance than otherwise he would have done. In other respects, also, he seems to have given way to fashionable excesses, for which he subsequently endured self-reproof. The time which he had spent in games of chess became afterward a subject of regret. Rigidly did he judge himself. How the puritanic cast of his conscience finds expressions when he says, " We who have lapsed to the world, and yielded to it our inclinations, cannot utter our brief prayers, without daily sin ! We sin therefore always, as often as we pray." Never had he, by reason of infirmity, been perfect in the discharge of sacred duties. " When have I done anything, or prayed ' Our Father,' without fault? Never, surely.''f NOTE 5, (Vol. I., p. 77, 1. 21.) Huss had been engaged in his public ministry but two or three years, when a notorious case of simony came under his notice. The Archbishop- rick of Prague was vacant. There were numerous candidates for it, each aiming to secure it by outbidding the others. A man named Puchnico, however, secured the appointment, by paying the Pope " many thousand florins " for the oflBce. He died, however, (1403) before entering upon the discharge of its duties, or reaping any of the revenues which he had an- ticipated. Nevertheless his officials, Kbel Malesic and others, were forced to advance the full sum of money. Nine years later, on the death of Archbishop Sbynco, IIuss states that twenty-four candidates, whose names he could mention, aspired to succeed him. We can scarcely believe that the sordid and unscrupulous Albic, who was the successful competitor, was the most worthless of them all. J NOTE 6, (Vol. I., p. 78, 1. 3.) Huss relates, evidently with a high relish, an anecdote which he had from the lips of Nicholas Faulfisch, who had studied at Oxford, and which illus- trates the popular appreciation of the new doctrine. A certain cook, with whom Nicholas boarded at Oxford, was once asked by a bishop, whv, con trary to the prohibition, he read the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue. He replied to the question by arguments drawn from Scripture. " Do you * De Simonia, Doc. IIus, 72.3. + Tractatus dc Precatione Dei, Doc. Hus, 723, X Doc. Hus, 724. 656 APPENDIX. know ^vith whom you talk ?" he was asked. " With a man that is a bishop," was the reply. " But do you," the bishop continued, "do you, a lay wretch, dare to contend with me in the Scriptures ? " "I know, indeed," replied the cook, " that you are not greater than Christ, and I hope that I am not worse than the devil. But now, if our most gentle master, Christ, quietly heard Scripture from the devil why may not you hear it — you who are less than Christ — from me a man 1" The Bishop is said to have angrily broken oflf the conversation. (Doc. Hus, 729) The author of this anecdote, has been mistaken (See p. 68, note) for Jerome. Both had studied at Oxford. NOTE 7, (Vol. 1., p. 78, 1. 20.) When one after another, who had studied at Oxford, visited Prague sometimes with difficulty repressing their enthusiastic admiration of the English Reformer, it is not strange that Huss should have been drawn into sympathy with them. His Christian feelings made Wickliffe to him more than a countryman. That feeling breaks forth in his treatise on the Deca- logue, where he says, " I profess that if I know any stranger, come whence he may, virtuously endowed, who loves God more, and is more diligently devoted to what is honorable, than my brother, I shall hold him in love above my brother; on this account, good English priests are nearer my heart than slothful Bohemian priests, and a German is dearer to me than a wicked brother." Such was the character of that broad Christian fellowship which at so early a period of his ministry, led Huss to speak as warmly as he did of Wickliffe. (Doc. Hus, 724.) NOTE 8, (Vol. I., p. 133, 1. 3.) On the 80th of June, 1408, priest Abraham was summoned before the Archbishop's court. He was asked by John Kbel, the Archbishop's official, by what authority he preached. He replied, by the sacerdotal character, and in the second place by the authority of Christ. But " you have no authority," he was told, " unless the Archbishop has granted or allowed it." In reply. Priest Abraham maintained that it was lawful not only for priests but also for laymen to preach the Gospel. " That," said Kbel, " is hereti- cal," and he committed the priest foi- examination to Jaroslaw, Bishop of Sarepta, requiring that he should not be released till he had given bonds to submit to the orders of the Archbishop. The priest declared that he would not give security, and he was therefore committed to prison. Another offender, John, Priest of Gistebnitz, bachelor of arts, was then summoned. He too, was forbidden to preach. He would not promise to regard the prohibition, but would deliberate whether he would or would not obey. A period for such deliberation was allowed him, but with what result we find no record. Priest Abraham was released, on a qualified sub- mission, after an imprisonment of two days. The policy of such prosecutions was highly obnoxious to Huss. It hung a sword of terror over the head of every fearless preacher of the Gospel. He therefore made the cause of these arrested priests, and doubtless of APPENDIX. 657 others tlircatoncd ■with arrest, his own. The Archbishop had invited IIuss to point out such abuses as came under his eye. He did so now. Remind- ing the Archbisliop of his former friendliness, he yet in a letter to him,* expressed his indignant sense of the outrage committed. After referring to the facts, he proceeds, " What piety is there in prohibiting the preach- ing of the Gospel, ^\ hen Christ charged his disciples to preach the Gospel to every creature. What sense is there in restraining from his work the diligent and faithful laborer? What poor priest will dare to assail ini(iuity ? Who win venture to arraign vice? Truly, the harvest is plent'ious, but the laborers are few indeed." It seems to him that the time will come, spoken of by the apostle, when men should turn aside their ears trom the truth, and be turned to fables, wh6n they should heap up to themselves teachers, having itching ears. Among the clergy love had grown cold, and among the people iniquity abounded. All sought their own and not the things of Christ. On these grounds he exhorts the Archbishop to look about him, to discern the wicked and favor the good, not to yield to the proud and avari- cious, but urge the indolent to labor, nor allow those who labor to be hindered. He would add more, but his labors in preaching prevent. NOTE 9, (Vol. I., p. 142, 1. 23.) Palacky, (Doc. Hus, 153,) gives the articles of accusation against Huss, presented to the Archbishop, in 1408, after the offence he had committed in the matter of Priest Abraham, and his letter, more faithful than soothing, in which he remonstrated with the Archbishop. The articles were drawn up by the clergy of Prague. They complained of Huss that he had publicly asserted that the priest who demanded of his parishioners, and especially from the poor, money for confession, for sacraments, baptism, etc., and would not desist from such exactions, was a heretic. Ho had, moreover, defamed the clergy and praised Wickliffe. Huss replied, supporting his assertions against clerical simony by synodi- cal and canonical decisions. But it was not true that he had made a general charge of heresy against priests. " I know many," he says, " whose shoes I am not worthy to bear, and whose feet, for their holy conversation, I would willingly kiss." As to Wickliffe, he denied having used the expressions charged, but of the state of those concerning whom we do not know that they have died in impenitence, we should maintain a charitable hope. Hence he had spoken of the blessedness into which Wickliffe's soul had en- tered, which he would fain enjoy. Of the clergy, he had said nothing false, flattering or ambiguous, lie had followed Scripture in laying bare their sins. Christ exposed the wickedness of the Pharisees, and declared that every plant which his heavenly father had not planted, should be rooted up. This had given offence. Christ himself was accused, and the disciple could not expect to fare better than his master, in preaching the Scriptures, it was not he but the Holy Spirit, Christ or his apostles, that spoke. As to his vindication, he cherished no revengeful feeling. He would leave that to the Omnipotent and Omniscient Judge, subjecting himself to the Arch- bishop's fatherly instruction, correction and protection. * Doc. Hus, 3. Letter of Huss to Sbynco, July, 140S. 42 658 APPENDIX. NOTE 10, (Vol. I., p. 142, 1. 28.) So the position of Huss was popularly understood. But Huss need scarcely have admitted it. This is seen in a letter of remonstrance which Huss addressed the Archbishop. (Doc. Hus, 5.) Even the unjust steward, he said, had been allowed an opportunity to reply to charges against him, and give an account of his stewardship. Christ would allow no one who wrought miracles in his name to be rebuked. If he had erred, there was a proper correction to be administered. The Archbishop should know that he had never intended to withdraw from obedience to the church, but to be siabject to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake. Whatever, there- fore, the Roman Pontiff, Gregory XII., or hqly mother Church, yea, the Archbishop himself should lawfully command, he desired to obey in all humility. As to the strife between Pope and Anti-Pope, he admits that he is neutral, yet only as a child, when his father and mother quarrel, can take sides with neither, while he will obey both in all lawful things. He closes his letter by saying, " Most dear and reverend father ; my enemies hurl re- proaches at me, as they for a long time have done. It would be tedious to write them, but it may suffice if you discover wrong in me, that I willingly subject myself to the penalty. But for God's sake, I beg you not to give ear to all my slanderers, and suspend me from the office of preaching, while you have full evidence that 1 have not withdrawn from the obedience of Gregory XII. ; yea, on the last Lord's day I said publicly from the pulpit, that I had not withdrawn from Pope Gregory, but desire to obey him and the holy Roman Church in all lawful things. So that if you had known this, perhaps you would not have represented me in your letter as a leader in disobedience, setting me up as a mark for the arrow. But I ought to suffer with humility, since our Saviour says, rejoice and be exceeding glad, for great is your reward in heaven, which may the Lord Jesus Christ deign to bestow upon you." NOTE 11, (Vol. I., p. 144, 1. 10.) The affairs of Huss at Prague cannot be clearly understood without a flclear view of the Papal question. Gregory XII., by his equivocation and perjury in refusing to fulfill his promise to resign had alienated most of the Cardinals who adhered to him, and on the 12th of May, 1408, they fled from Lucca, where the Pope was residing, and escaped to Pisa Thence tlie next day they issued their appeal. Two days after the appeal of the cardinals, he issued a solemn ordinance, sanctioning the foundation and endowment of Bethlehem Chapel. Doubtless he wished to gratify the King, and secure to his side the influence of Huss. But his scheme failed. The project of a general council, now Avidely agitated in Europe, was popular in Bohemia. The King favored it, on the express condition that his embas- sariors should be recognized as representatives of his imperial dignity. Gregory XIL, was, of course, deeply offended at the step which seemed to imply a rejection of his claims to the Papacy. He entered therefore into a mut'ially defensive league with Robert, who had been elected Emperor (1400) in place of Wenzel, thus rendering himself specially obnoxious to patriotic Bohemians, and to the King himself Huss now seems to have APPENDIX. 659 l)ecome more decided in opposinpf Gregory. Sbynco therefore specifies him by name, in his prohibition, affixed to the doors of the churches, in which he forbade all masters of the University who opposed Gregory, to exercise the priestly office in his diocese. From this Prohibition Huss appealed, not to Gregory, but to the College of Cardinals. He had reason to anticipate from them a favorable hearing, since they were opposed to Gregory XII., whom they had forsaken, and by implication, to Sbynco, who adhered to him. They were anxious also for the support of the king, and in Huss they could but recognize a champion of that phase of the policy of union which they had espoused. His warm friends — soon to become his opponents and accusers— Stephen Paletz and Stani-laus de Znoima proceeded to Bdogna to maintain his cause before the court to which he had appealed. Balthasar Cossa, — ere long to be elevated to the Pontificate as John XXIIl. — was then the " tyrant " of that city. By his connivance, if not procurement, Paletz and Stanislaus were thrown into prison. Here they remained for some time, before information of their condition reached Pragne. On the eighth of December, 1408, the University took steps to secure their release. They wrote (Doc. Hus, 345) to the College of Cardinals, expressing the surprise and regret with which they had heard of the arrest of two of the most es- teemed members of their body, and of the violence to which they had been subjected in being stripped of their property and cast into prison. Most humbly therefore does the University entreat that they may be released and that their goods may be restored. A similar request emanated also from " a congregation of the mast ms of the Bohemian Nation." They intimated that they had suffered a nation' 1 wrong. The king and kingdom were alike disturbed. They ask that the two prisoners may be released and allowed to return to Bohemia, to serve the church as they had before. The Cardinals seem to have been favorably disposed toward the petition- ers. On February 12th, 1409, they interposed to secure the release of Paletz and Stanislaus. To Balthasar Cossa, Papal Legate at Bologna, and Vicar General, they addressed a letter, (Doc. Hus, 303,) requesting him, out of respect to the King of Bohemia to set the two men at liberty. They were well satisfied, they said, of the King's sincere disposition in favor of the union of the Church ; they had read his letters and heard the statement of his messenger, John Cardinal , of Reinstein, and they desired that their hor-es, and whatever else had been abstracted from them, might be restored. Let every Bohemian coming to Bologna be welcome ; let the royal messengtr be provided with a safe conduct. This would be pleasing to the king and grateful to themselves. While affairs were in this state, the enemies of Huss renewed their accusations, which the Archbishop was only too willing to entertain. They were now disposed to be more specific in their charges. He was accused (Doc. Hus, 164,) of saying that a priest in mortal sin could consecrate or perform the sacramental service. This he denied, appealing for the truth of his denial to those vvlio heard his sermon. He was accused of maintaining that the interdict of sacred rights was not justified by the detention of a priest. He replied that his language was, " Suppose one had been imprisoned or killed ; why should there be a cessation of sacred rites throughout the kingdom?" When a certain matter had been urged on the 6G0 APPENDIX. ground that it. had been sanctioned by the canons and canonists, and was held by the Roman Church, he was said to have brouo;ht down his hand forcibly upon the table, exclaiming, " What is the Roman Church ? There Antichrist has planted his foot, and it is not an easy thing to move it." To this, riuss answered that he had never rejected the Roman Cliurch. He had spoken of it as St. Jerome, Augustine and other saints had s])oken of it, nor coiild Antichrist overthrow the faith of Jesus Christ, specially in the Roman Court. It was said moreover that Huss had not ceased to defame the clergy, or alienate their subjects from obedience and instruction. Huss denied that hia preaching had given just cause for offence. To destroy the evil in our neighbors was commendable. Well would it be for any one who by hear- ing preaching directed against his own sins, forsakes them, and thereafter promotes God's glory. Never had he sought to withdraw men from priestly obedience, but only to deliver them from their evil. The accusations of the previous year were also in substance renev.'ed. He was charged with having preached before the Synod his error concerning the heresy of the exactions of money. To this he answered, " If in the Synod I preached anything erroneous, why did Doctor Adam, the Vicar of the Archbishop, ascending the pulpit immediately after the sermon, make the exhortation he did, praising the sermon throughout ? And that sermon I presented to the Archbishop Sbynco, who sat and heard it, yet neither he, nor his officials, nor any of the prelates ever uttered a word to me against it." As to Wickliffe, he still maintained his charitable opinion, quoting in his defence the words, "Judge not. and ye shall not be judged." It was said that he had taught that no prelate could excommunicate any one who had not first been excommunicated of God. " I said and still say," he replied, " that a prelate cannot excommunicate any one so that the ex- communication be just, unless God first excommunicates him. Otherwise the Prophet would not say, ' They shall curse, but thou shall bless/ nor woald God say, 'I will bless in your cursings.' " He was charged with having occasioned the quarrel in the University between the Bohemians and Germans, by his preaching. " I deny it," he replies, " unless they take occasion of enmity from an unwarrantable cause. Then perchance it is true ; for Christ was a stone of stumbling to those that did not believe — Christ, who knows I love a good German more than a wicked Bohemian, though he were my own brother." His preaching it was said, had excited tumults, so that the people had gathered before the Archbishop's court using seditious language, and that but for the prudence of the Archbishop in inducing them to withdraw, mischief would have been done. To this Huss replied that the accusation was like that against Christ, of stirring up all Judea. The enemies of Huss did not hesitate after this, publicly to charge him with heresy. Among those who reviled him. Zawiss, the parish priest of Prachatitz, where Huss had spent several of his early years, was conspicu- ous. Huss was evidently sensitive to slanders affecting his reputation among those with whom he had been intimately associated. He wrote to him (Doc. Has, 9,) (1409) " The report has reached me that you have said expressly that I am a heretic. If it is so, I beg of you to write back to me, and by the grace of God, you shall see that the faith which 1 hold, I wiU APPENDIX. CCl publicly confess and defend, not by dran:{ring it off into corners, bat in a manner becoming a true Christian. And would that you knew yourself, and how, perhaps for thirty years or more, you have shorn the sheep in Prachatitz, and where is your residence? Where your labor? Where your feeding of the sheep ? Do you remember the word of the Lord, Wo to pastors who feed themselves, but not the sheep? Wherein have you ful- filled the Gospel of Christ ? The good shepherd goeth before the sheep and the sheep follow him, because they know his voice. I ask, how do you go before the sheep, or how do they follow or hear you when for many years they have rarely a sight of you ? The day will come in which you shall render an account of the sheep and of your benefices, concerning which you read in your own laws that he who can live by one, cannot retain another without mortal sin. These things you ought to consider, and not bring the charge of heresy against your neighbor. Or, if you know him to be hereti- cal, admonish him the first and second time, according to the apostle, and if he decline to receive the admonition, then shun him as a heretic." It was in vain that accusations were brought against IIuss. The Arch- bishop was on the wrong side. He could effect nothing against Huss, and at length, in conjunction with his suffragan, Conrad of Olmutz, he went over to Alexander V. The event was publicly celebrated, Sep. 2, 1409, by a Te Deum in all the churches of Prague, ringing of bells, illuminations and a procession of the magistrates of the city. His new policy prospered. On Dec. 20, 1409, the Pope wrote to Sbynco — as he wished, and doubtless re- quested— to proceed against those who held or favored obnoxious doctrines. It was the signal of persecution. NOTE 12, (Vol. I., p. 149, 1. 9.) The command of Alexander V., Dec. 20, 1409, authorizing and requiring Sbyi.co to proceed against heresy, forbade any one to hold or defend any of Wickliffe's articles under penalty of being accounted a heretic, and dealt with as such. The prohibition of certain churches, was intended directly to close Bethlehem ChapeL Whoever was suspected of holding the obnox- ious doctrines, and refused to abjure them, was to be deprived of his bene- fice and disqualified from holding one. Moreover, he should be entitled to no appeal, and the civil power, if necessary, should be invoked against him. This bull, which the friends of IIuss said * had been procured by bribery, had been obtained by the efforts of Sbynco and other Prelates in Bohemia and Moravia, through the legatine agency of Saroslaw, a titular bishop. It did not reach Praizue till .March 9th, 1410. It was three montlis later before the Archbi.shop had laid, and was n-ady to fire his train. On June 16th, he issued his mandate which was to kindle the conflagration. Hq states that by the advice of his chapter and several doctors and nnisters of theology and canon law, he had ordered all persons, including members of the University of every grade, who were possessed of any of Wickliffe's writings to surrender them, within a limited time for examination. Many *Huss says (Postillarum II., 112-114. Doc. Hus, 725.) "Papa Alexander V., pecunia accepta bullam edidit, qua interdixit, ne usquam in sacellis vcrbum del populo jjredicaretur." QQ2 APPENDIX. Lad complied with this requisition. But several whom he named, members or students of the University, in their own behalf and that of those who chose to adhere to them, had frivolously appealed to the Apostolic see, and procured therefrom, a citation for the Archbishop.* The Pope however had taken the cause into his own hands, and had constituted him (the Arch- bishop) delegate j udge in his stead, by formal comrai.5sion. Process should be commenced against those who had appealed and who had refused to sur- render the obnoxious books, unless within six days they saw fit to submit. Within the same period those who knew of persons secretly retaining stch books should give information of the fact. No one thenceforth was to teach, hold or defend, any of the condemned articles. The penalties ot dis- obedience were such as had been specified in the Papal bull, and the civil power shoud be invoked if necessary, to enforce them. Preaching to the people except in Cathedral, Parish and other specified churches was utterly prohibited. All who should impede or obstruct the execution of the decree in any respect, should be excommunicated, and every parish priest was directed to publish — after six days had elapsed — the sentence of excommuni- cation against the offending students, and their adherents, as disobedient and suspected of heresy. The six days of grace had not elapsed, when a meeting of the members of the University was held (June 24th, 1410.) Recurring to their dissent (June 15th), already expressed, they declare that on no condition will they ever seem to be participants in the measure proposed. NOTE 13, (Vol. I., p. 163, 1. 15.) According to /the report of his enemies theraselves,f the tone of Huss was if possible more resolute than before. Speaking to the people in their national tongue, he mentioned what the late Pope had said in his letters to the Archbishop of the spread of heresy, but ' thank God," said he, " I have never seen a Bohemian heretic." At this the people shouted, " He lies ! he lies!" | Again he spoke of the last Pope, whether in heaven or hell, he knew not, who on his parchments had written that the .Archbishop might burn the books of Wickliffe, in which many good things were contained. Against the mandates of the Archbishop he appealed, as he did now, and asked the people, " Will you adhere to me !'' He was answered by tln' peo- ple, " We will and do adhere." He resumed again, " You are to know also that which I have proposed, and do propose — since I must either preach or be driven out of the country, or die in prison, for Popes may and do lie, but God lies not. Deliberate ye, therefore, who will adhere to me and fear not excommunication, for by rite and usage of the church you have appealed along with me." * Ancient authorities (quoted Doc. Hus, 733,) intimate that the " WicklifHtes " had procured (Dec. 8, 1409,) the Archbishop to be cited to the Eoman Court. Twelve days later, however, the citation was annulled and Wicklilfe was con- demned as an hcre^iarch. tDoc. Hus, 40.5. JHusi corrects this. Doc 333. The exclamation was " They lie, they lie," that is, the authors of the story, not the Pope. APPENDIX. 663 NOTE 14, (Vol. I., p. 1G6, 1. 9.) The decision of Otho de Colonna was given at Bologna, Aug 25tli, 1 110. In less than a month it was known at Prague. TJie .Vrchbishop was now resolved to complete the burning of the books. The King was determined to prevent it. He wrote letters of remonstrance i^Sept. 13-16) to the Pope and Cardinals. Other letters of a similar tenor were written by the Queen, (Doc. Hus, 409-14.) Several of the most distinguished and powerful of the Bohemian nobility wrote to the Pope, informing him of the confusion and disturbance which the Papal bull and the Archbishop's measures had already produced. " Of what avail will our chapels in our castles be," they asked, " where the word of God has often been preached? or how, when in camp, when we most of all need it, shall we hear the word of God? All the people arc wondering that Betlilehem Chapel, in the heart of Prague, confirmed by the diocesan and the Aposiolic See. for the preaching of the Divine word, where so many thousands may gather, should be deprived of the word of the Lord." They asked, to prevent scandal and distraction, that the obnoxious sentence might be set aside, and the freedom of the word of the Lord be allowed in Bethlehem Chapel. So wrote the Barons of Krawar. Those of Potestein, as well as the magistrates of Prague urged the same request. The latter speak of the strifes and hatreds, liomicides and conflagrations that had already taken place. Emphatically did they urge that the word of God might be still more freely prc^ached. The King did not limit his efforts to letters to the Pope. He bade Jerome Seidenberg to cease his efforts to secure the burning of the books, (Doc, Hus, 421,) giving him to understand that disobedience would be attended by uncomfortable consequences. He checked the zeal of Sbynco, and deter- mined to try the effect of an embassy to the Pope. The King and Queen both wrote in behalf of their "beloved chaplain," praying that his personal appearance might be excused. The King a.'sked that perpetual silence might be imposed upon both the contending parties, that the privilege of Betlilehem Chapel might be confirmed, and that then Huss might be allowed to preach in peace. Let him be judged, if need be, by the University, or any other competent judge, but it was not for the good of the kingdom that so useful a man should hazard his life among his enemies. (Doc. IIus, 422.) The Queen the next day, (Oct. 1st, 1410,) wrote a letter to the Pope of the same tenor. To the Cardinal Otho de Colonna, the King also wrote, asking that the proceedings against Huss might be annulled, and expressing the wish that he might himself come to Bohemia, and see and hear the aforesaid Master. (Doc. Hus, 424.) This letter also was accompanied by a similar one from the Queen. This correspondence was put into the hands of John Cardinal and John Naso to be delivered to their address. >.'aso was charged to exert liimself to prevent tin; burning of the books, and procure for Huss release from his citation and liberty to preach. He was to hint to the Pope that the King could manage the matter himself, but out of deference to the .Ajmstolic See, he sought its interposition. Nearly two months intervened before the conclusions of the Doctors of 6fi4 APPENDIX. Bolo^a, to whom the question of the burning of the books was submitted, could be reached. On Nov. 25th, a meeting was called, at the instance of John de Jesenitz, by Thos. de Utino, Dean of the theological faculty of the University, at which as many doctors of the Universities of Bologna, Paris and Oxford, as could be got together, were convened. They met at the house of the Cardinal Otho de Colonna to consider the question concerning the burning of the books. Jaroslaw, Bishop of Sarepta, and Dames, a canon of Prague, appeared in behalf of Sbynco. Some few of the doctors at first were inclined to approve his policy, but after a protracted discussion, it was finally concluded by all that Wickliffe's books should in no wise be burned. It would scandalize the University of Oxford ia which Wickliffe had been a doctor of theology ; it would give oflfence to the University of Pragiie and result in a greater schism in the Bohemian Kingdom. It would moreover be absurd, and opposed to truth, that Wickliffe's books of logic, philosophy, morals and theology, in which many things, true, good and useful are con- tained, should be taken from the hands of students and scholastics. While the issue of the new appeal was protracted, the excitement at Prague became intense. The mutual exasperation broke out in derisive songs and acts of violence on both sides. For some oflfence, Sbynco had arrested John of Prague, a member of the University, and cast him into prison. It was evidently but one of a series of acts indicative of his spirit and policy. The University remonstrated. They expressed their surprise that the Archbishop should in various ways (variis modis) encroach upon the privileges of the University which his predecessors had favored and honored. It might seem that he wished to effect its dissolution. They could only account for such an animosity by his giving ear to its enemies. The evils that must follow he could discern. They ask, therefore, the release of their imprisoned member. The violence of the Archbishop was retaliated. The priestly party which adhered to him was obnoxious to the people. They were sometimes in- sulted and plundered. At length, by the order of the King, the magistrates of the city proceeded to lay violent hands upon some of the possessions of the obnoxious clergy. The Archbishop forthwith proceeded to judgment against the offenders, mentioning nearly fifty of them by name, and threat- ening them with excommunication, unless the abstracted goods were re- stored without delay. But the threat was vain. The plundered goods were not restored, and the Archbishop laid the city, together with a circle of two miles around it under interdict. A collision had coiure. The civil and ecclesiastical authorities were in open hostility. The interdict closed the churches and prohibited the performance of the sacred rites. Some of the priests refused to regard it, and thus incurred the sentence of excommunication. The demand was loud and earnest that the interdict be removed. It was said in behalf of the Archbishop that he was not aware that the magistrates had acted by the King's orders. It was argued moreover that the case of those priests who had disregarded the interdict must be referred to the Pope. Paletz, whom we now find at Prague, released from his Bologna prison, took up the question. Ihe Archbishop might recall his censures, he said, the interdict was null. It had been laid in ignorance of the facts of the case. Canonical rules of laying it, moreover, had not been observed. But APPENDIX. 665 these arguments do not seem to have convinced the Archbishop. Perhaps it was politic in liim to plead his present inability to recall his censures. Prague was really divided into two hostili; camps. The University could not forgive the burning of the books, or the excommunication of some, and the impiisonment of others of its membei's. The magistrates, under eccle- siastical censure for obeying the King, were in sympathy with them, and arrayed against both was the Archbishop and his clergy, armed with ex- communication and interdict, and plying their arts to secure the favor and support of the papacy. Such was the state of things when the sentence of excommunication against Huss was published, March 15th, 1411. It only added fuel to the flame. NOTE 15, (Vol. I., p. 170, 1. 10.) The excommunication of Huss rendered the imposition of the interdict imperative. Whether the previous interdict mentioned in the preceding note, had been removed, is not clear. The private feelings of Huss, at this juncture, find expression in a letter, (May 35th, 1411, Doc. Hus, 160,) to a friend. He says, " I begin for the first to be tempted, but in this I rejoice, that for the gospel's sake, I am called a heretic and excommunicated." He consoles I imself by recalling the experience of the Apostles, when, forbid- den to teach or preach in the name of Jesus, they replied, " Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye ; for we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard." From the writings of the Christian fathers he quotes language showing that the command of a superior is to be preferred to that of an inferior, and that one may not cease to preach at the dictate of wicked men. " Relying upon the.se things," he adds, ' I had rather obey God by preaching, than the Pope, the Archbishop and other satraps who oppose the command, ' Go ye into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature.' I have put my name to this that ye may know how to face the dogs of the devil." NOTE 16, (Vol. L, p. 170, 1. 28.) According to the Dacumenta, p. 434-441, it was on the 3d of July tliat the .Archbishop and the University agreed to hiave their controversy to the King and Council. Tiie letter which the Archbishop was to write to the Pope was to contain — besides other things mentioned, a request that all parties that had been excommunicated, might be released from the sentence, while it was agreed on the part of the King, that those ecclesiastics who had been driven from their benefices, should be restored. The letter of the Archbishop, notwithstanding the statement p. 171, lines 12, 13, was not sent. If it had been it would have been of no av.iil. The ecclesiastics were not restored to their b'-nefices — so he complained to the King, till the latter, who barely tolerated the office, and hatted the man who di.scjuieted him, re- fuse'! to hear or even see him. Sbynco soon after his departure irom Prague (Sept 5th, 1411,) wrote a letter of remonstrance to the King, piteous in its tone. It was da'ed at Leitomischel, on the borders of the kingdom. Probably Sbynco hoped to be invited back, but he wa3 disappointed. QQQ APPENDIX. NOTE 17, (Vol. I. p. 180, 1. 28.) Palacky in his Documenta, (p. 24, 447, 22,) enables us to fill up to some extent the brief interval between Huss' triumph in his conflict with Sbynco, and the publication of tlie bull of crusade, mentioned in ti.enext paragraph. Huss' excommunication was regarded by the mass of the citizens as null and void. The canons of Prague devised a new plan to crush him. They employed that crafty priest and slippery specu'ator, Michael de Causis. to stir up new disputes and devise new charges, to be forwarded to Rome. It was at about this time, Sept. 13, 14ll, that Htiss came into contact with John Stokes, an Englishm:in, whom he was to meet again at the Council of Constance. Stokes had said — so it was reported— that no one, however well-disposed, could read WickliSe's books, without Iccoming involved in heresy. Huss challenged Stokes to maintain that position publicly. He declined, on the ground that he had come simply as an embassador from the Englisli monarch to Sigismund, Emperor elect ; but if IIuss or his ad- herents would meet him at Paris, at the Roman Court, or at any reputable University, where impartiality could be secured, he would be ready to accept the challenge. He knew very well that Huss would not follow him into the lion's den for the luxury of a di-pute. The letter of Huss to the Christian believers in Pilsen (Doc. Hus, 24,) belongs to this period. He reproves them for their growing worldliuess and manifest backslidings. A report had just reached him that their priests had forbidden them to read the Scriptures in their native language, Bohe- mian or German. One of these had claimed, before performing mass, to be the Son of God, but after it, asserted that he was the father of God and Creator of the divine body, lie had also asserted that the worst priest was better than the best layman, and no one had opposed these errors. It was a strong sign that they had fallen away from the truth, especially on the part of those who had been instructed and could think for themselves. But let them not fear those who could only kill the body. If Mark wrote his Gospel in Latin, John in Greek, Matthew in Hebrew, and Luke in S}-riac, why should they suflfer priests to hinder their reading the law of God in Bohemian or German 1 NOTE IS, (Vol. I., p. 205, 1. C.) A letter of Huss, which belongs to this period, given by Palacky, (Dec. 1411,) throws some light on the views and aims of the reformer. It is ad- dressed to the Supreme College of the Judges of the Kingdom. In this let- ter, Huss expresses his gratitude to the King for so arranging matters that he might continue to preach, and for having effected his reconciliation with the late Archbishop. As to excommunication, he does not fear it, yet he grieves that on this account preaching and v.orship should be prevented. No matter how great his fault, should the people on that account be de- prived of their religious privileges V Karons, nobles, and tlie needy are oppressed and driven into exile. Let this evil be arrested and the Word of God be freely preached to the people. If any one chooses to accuse him, lie stands ready to answer. Yet the only charge against him had been that of disobedience. And indeed he would not obey the Pope nor the Arch- APPENDIX. (5(3 J bishop when they forbale him to preach. " You, my beloved lords," ho said, " d ) n-)t objy, a3 I full vvjll kiijw. thj cinimanl {riven in tliat bull of tho Pose n>\vdead, which they bought for a lar^e sum, which forbade the preachin'T of (iod's word in chapels, for some of you have proachin;? in your cha;).'ls and dwellin^rs. I have not betaken myself to the Papal court, for I had my procurators to act for me, whom, though innocent, they cast into prison, and wao offl^rad to submit to the ordeal of fire against any one that would onvict me of error." He leaves them, therefore, to adopt such measures as Almighty God shall deign to direct. NOTE 10, (Vol. I., p. 213, 1.20.) It may seem strange that after the course taken by the university in the matter of the burning of the books, its voice should be lieard on the i-ide of the I'ope's bull and against IIuss. But the main opposition to him wag frcmi the theological faculty. Tauglit timidity by past controversies, and having acknowledged John XXIII, as Pope, they found the King also in- disposed to sustain Huss. He doubtless felt that opposition to him now would make the attempt to recover the imperial dignity quite hope ess. The S3rond meeting of the university is spoken of. The first, not men- tioned in the proper place occurred before Huss opened his public discussion, and was controlled by the influence of the masters in theology, who were unanimous in the opinion that it was best to let the bull of crufade alone. The papal authority was in question, and the King had allowed the publica- tion of the bull. This was enough for them. This discussion, they thought, must prove disastrous. They disavowed and repudiated moreover as an error, the opinion that would identify the Antichrist of the last days with the Pope. (Doc. Hus. 449.) They pronounced the calling in question of the papal bull and the royal mandate, rebellious and rash. For themselves, they were unanimous in declaring that it did not pertain to them to define or judge determinately the papal letters, and they appointed two of their own number to visit the Archbishop, and ask him to arrest and prohibit the proposed discussion. No bachelor of their faculty should be allowed to call the papal bull in question. Of course, the discussion and views of Huss. condemned their course by implication, and as the pe pie largely sympathized with Huss, the doctors were reviled. Of this they complained, asserting in self-justification that they believed as their fathers believed, and as Christendom for hundreds of years had hold and believed, that the Pope may and can give plenarv re mission of all sins. To this end were the Jubilees instituted, and indulgen- ces conferred on many churches. They believed also that the Pope might call the faithful to his aid, to defend the Roman city and church, and re- pulse his foes as schismatics and her«>tics. The Archbishop only half acceded to the request. In his letters he com- mended the jireaching not of the word of the life-giving cro.ss (crucis vivifi, ca) but of the word of the (Jospel. Huss availed himself of this fact, and also of the Archbishop's injunction that the people should not be taxed in their confessions. Paletz was evidently the leading ,«i)irit of the theological faculty. At first he had said, on tho publication of the bull, that it con- tained palpable errors. Now lie would not allow it to be criticised or dis- cussed. From this moment he and Huss were irreconcilably opposed. gG8 APPENDIX. Doubtless at his instigation, the doctors — although they are said (Doc. Hus. 451.) to have done it at the King's command — drew up, July 10, 1412, a series of articles which they pronounced erroneous, seditious or heretical. They are said to have done it at the King's command. The Archbishop was required to publish them, with the injunction that no one should hold or teach them. Most were derived from WickliflFe's writings, but several were such as Huss must maintain, in opposing the bull of crusade. To transgress the injunction was to incur the penalty of deprivation of goods. Many, perhaps most of the bachelors aud students dissented from the doc- tors. (Doc. Hus. 724, 5.) They are credited to the University, instead of to the doctors exclusively. But they represent the latter properly. NOTE 20, (Vol. I., p. 224, last line but one.) The charges against Huss, which, after the death of Sbyuco, Michael de Causis had been employed to draw up, were to the effect (Doc. Hus, 724,5) that Huss and his associates, Jessenitz, Ladislaus of Wartenberg, James of Misa, Procopius of Pilsen and Marcus of Koniggratz, were complained of as having drawn away an infinite number of men and women to their obnox- ious opinions, — many of these persons being of great authority. Not con- tent with this, they were trying to seduce others, and the Pope was requested to pronounce them heretical and jjunishable. He v^as urged to subject all their abettors to deprivation of benefices and goods. Kings should be for- bidden to receive them in their lands ; if they could be seized, they should be punished, while those of the opposite party who had been cast out, should be restored to their benefices. (Doc. Hus. 458.) The material of accusation was procured professedly from Huss's own lips. Persons went to Bethlehem Chapel, to take down his very words. They heard him say (Doc. Hus, 171) in an audience of 3,000 persons—" If the Pope sells benefices, if he is proud, avaricious and opposed to Christ in morals, then is he Antichrist." As to the Roman court he said he had been told by those who had been there, that it was the synagogue of Satan. And if the ambitious, the avaricious, and proud are there, as Bernard says, writing to Pope Eugene, then it is true. They heard him say that Pope Alexander was induced by citizens of Prague to draw up his bull prohibiting preaching, that no man ougUt to be excommunicated except for mortal sin, that an unjust excommunication could not hurt him, or any innocent man. Such words and others bearing sharply upon the bull of Crusade were gathered n) and framed into charges against Huss. They were forwarded to Rome, with the request that their author should be required to revoke and abjure them, that he should be pronounced a heretic and heresiarch, a contemner of apostolic authority, and that he be punished according to canonical sanctions. (Doc. Mu^ 174, 459.) It was added— against others as well as Huss— that the offence committed had been aggravated by the fact that IIuss had consented to remain for more than two years under ex- communication, that he had contemned the indulgences, and disseminated his reasons for it, through Bohemia, Poland, Hungary and Moravia. (Doe IIus, 401.) APPENDIX. 669 Of course, when the new charges were referred to Otho de Colonna, the decision was not doubtful. The sentence of excommuuication against Husa was confirmed. NOTE 21, (Vol. I., p. 226, 1. 20.) How had the sentence against Huss been so readily secured ? The con- firmation of it, after he had opposed the Pope's bull, might have been anticipated. Huss himself assorts (Doc. Hus. 72G,) that the Judges to whom the Pope had committed his case, were influenced by bribes. The Pope persistently refused to listen to his advocates, while the deputed judges, receiving presents of fine horses, silver cups, and valuable rings from his adversaries, refused to do him justice. When, in their i)laces,"a new commission was appointed, the same happened. After the death of several of them, &c., the Pope resumed the case and said that he would de- cide it. " All of them," said he, " have now reaped their harvest from it, and I have reaped none." No wonder he was eager to thrust in his sickle. Audience was again demanded of him, but refused, for he sought, says Huss, Yellow Knights (gold coin), and to secure them, he ordered Huss' advocates to be thrown into prison, where for eighteen months they re- mained, until, by the help of God, they could return home. Huss says that they were robbed of their horses and 207 gold pieces. NOTE 22, (Vol. I., p. 228, 1. 4.) Anticipating the events that soon followed the confirmation of his sen- tence of excommunication, Huss wrote (June 10, 1412,) to the king of Poland : " Woe to me, if I shall be silent. For it is better for me to die, than not oppose such wickedness, which would expose me to the damnation of hell." After the interdict (Doc. Hus. 33) he wrote to his two friends Martin and Nicholas, the last his colleague in Bethlehem chapel, laying open his anxieties to them. He had meditated, he said on the good Shepherd's lay- ing down his life, and the hireling's fleeing, and also the direction, when they persecute you in one city, flee ye into another. Between the two, he was at a loss what to determine. He falls back, however, on Augustine's sentence, that he obeys Christ who flees only when the ministry which the church needs shall not cease by his flight. He would not flee to rob the flock of food, but he would not forbid them following better counsel if they could find it ; only pray God that holy and prudent men may not desert the churches. Would they acquiesce in Augustine's counsel ? His own conscience urged him not to afi'ord scandal by his absence. Yet he scrupled lest his presence, leading to the enforcement of the interdict, should become the occasion for suppressing sacred rites. His final refuge is to pray to Al- mighty God to direct him. Palacky, in his History of Bohemia, says that Huss left Prague at the special request of the king. NOTE 23, (Vol. I., p. 230, 1. 18.) According to Palacky (Doc. Hus. 12,) to whose judgment I defer, this let- ter from England was w.itten in 1410, instead of 1412, as stated in the text. Huss in his reply to it, says that he had read it to an audience, as he judged. 670 APPENDIX. of nearly 10,000 people. This may not appear so strange, when we know that his enemies complained that he uttered his objectionable doctrines la the hearing of from 3,000 to 5,000 persons. The reading of the letter he prefaced by saying, " Lo ! my beloved brethren, great .is the anxiety which the most faithful preachers of Christ in foreign parts feel for your salvation since they long to pour out their whole hearts for us, if they may keep us in the law of our Master, Christ." He subjoined, " Behold our most dear brother Richard, an associate of John Wickliffe in the labors of the Gospel, has written you a letter so comforting that if I had no other Scripture, I ought to expose myself even to death for the Gospel of Christ, and by the help of our Master, Jesus Christ, I am willing to do it." He adds, "The Christian believers were so animated by that letter that they begged me to translate it into our own language." Other portions of this letter to the English " associate " of Wickliffe, are worthy of notice. " It only remains," says Huss, " that I beg and beg again the help of your prayers, and render thanks that from blessed England, so great benefits, through the help of the Lord Jesus Christ have been re- ceived by Bohemia. . . . For so thoroughly had the enemy of men sown tares in our kingdom, that scarcely and rarely was a grain of wheat to be seen. . . . But now, the people that walked in darkness have seen the great light of Jesus Christ . . which the people, barons, knights, counts and common peasants most eagerly receive. Which if your holy commun- ity of England should see, it would break forth with exultation of heart. Be assured, my most beloved brother, that the people will only listen to the Sacred Scriptures, especially the Gospels and the Epistles. And wherever, in city or town, a preacher of the holy truth appears, the people flock to him in crowds, holding the indifferent clergy in contempt. Whence it is that Satan has risen up, because already the tail of Behemoth is disturbed, and it remains that the Lord Jesus crush his head. Lo ! I have touched his tail gently and he has opened his mouth, and would swallow me up equally with my brethren. Now he raves, and now with falsehood makes the charge of heresy ; now he soothes, now he enlarges the flame of cen- sure ; he flings abroad the fire-brand of horrid fulmination in the dioceses of neighboring lands, and at home dares not touch my head, for his hour has not yet come, since the Lord has not yet by me and my brethren, plucked out of his mouth those whom he hath chosen beforehand to the life of glory. Whereupon he will give boldness to those who preach the Gospel. Greatly have I rejoiced, and so do we all who love the Gospel, that your charity has kindly manifested itself to us in giving us cheering inform- ation. Our royal master, all his court, the queen, the barons and the com- mon people are on the side of the word of Jesus Christ. The church of Christ from Bohemia salutes the church of Christ in England, desiring to be a partaker of the holy confession of faith, in the grace of our Lord Jesus. The glorious Lord be your reward, that amid so great labors, you have set examiDles before us in our need. To you be the peace which passeth all understanding." NOTE 24, (Vol. I., p. 239, 1. 27.) During his absence from Prague, Huss wrote repeatedly, (Doc. Hus 34, 51,) in words of counsel or comfort to his friends. " Stand firmly," he says, " in the truth which ye have learned, and do all that ye do as the Sons of APPENDIX. 6Y1 God." He bade them observe Christ's example, and remember that the eetvant is not above his lord. He had heard t)t" the assaults made by their enemies upon churches and chapels, and of tlie threats of violence against Bethlehem chapel. Such violence should not be allowed. It would, he said, be a national disgrace ; to themselves, a shame and wrong. They ■would not, he was confident, succeed in their plans. God would send hawks and eagles, instead of one poor goose, (Huss,) whom they had atti'm))teti to snare in their citations and anathemas. Ho asks their prayers for himself, that he may write and preach more fully against the wickedness of Anti- christ and be strengthened by God to defend his truth. He speaks of his itinerant preaching as an imitation of Christ, yet he addn, '• Jesus went preaching on foot ; he was not borne proudly in a chai lot, as priests at this day are borne. I too, alas ! am borne in a chariot, and I reproach myself for this luxury, because I do not go to preach on foot, as my Redeemer was wont to do, and I do not know whether it will be a sufficient excuse that in these distant places I could not travel so expedi- tiously on foot." NOTE 25, (Vol. I., p. 257, 1. 31.) Stephen of Dola was Stephen Paletz. This fact I had su.spected, but at the time my previous edition was published, I was unable to verify it. It might, however, have been presumed from the fact that the only " Stephen " with whom Huss appears to have been engaged in controversy, or who is prominently brought to view, either in his treatise, or the history of the time, is Stephen Paletz. The first attack on Huss was under cover of a refutation of WicklifFe (Anti-Wiclefus.) Subsequently, doubtless in 1413, Anti Hussus was written. Both treatises are found in Mart. Anccd., Vol. IV. They indicate vigor of intellect, but great rancor of feeling. Of course Anti-Hussus was written subsequent to the proceedings, mentioned in the following note, which show how Paletz, with his great antagonist, was driven out of Prague. On his trial, when cliarged Avith having written against Paletz, he admits it and says, " I pray for God's sake, that it may be read in the public audience of the Council." He professed his willing- ness to subject any error it might contain to their judgment. He makes the same replj' in substance to the charge of liaving written a book against Stanislaus, (Doc. Hus. 222.) NOTE 26, C^^ol. I., p. 272, 1. 5.) As the troubles continued after Huss had left Prague, the king determined to refer the subject — as stated, Vol. I., p. 2G2 — to a national council. Con- rad of Olmutz was fulministrator of the archiepiscopal office, although he •was not formally archbishop till July 17, 1413. He was directed to summon a meeting of the clergy (Feb. 2, 1413,) v.iule the king took care to convoke an assembl}^ of laymen. It is not probable that the two parlies united in their deliberations, yet they evidently harmonized in their conclusions. The several parties in the council presented their views, or " counsels." The " counsel " of the theological doctors was controverted by the masters 672 APPENDIX. of Prague. At one of their sittings, tlieir counsel (Doc. Hus. 495) was read ; they pronounced the assertion that the Pope was to be obeyed in all things — as asserted by the doctors — notoriously false. Many Popes had been heretical. Some had retracted their own bulls. The course of the French, in withdrawing obedience from both Popes, had been approved by the Council of Pisa. To make the processes against Huss valid one must justi- fy Pilate in condemning Christ, for the High Priest favored it. To say that the clergy could not judge whether Huss' excommunication was just or un- just was to take reason away, and where would be the use of doctors of laws to explain and interpret the Papal decrees? One of the " Doctors " was peculiarly vulnerable, and the masters had an arrow for him. Who are the ' pestiferous clergy ?" they ask. Are they Simonists, or is Stanislaus one of them, who has received the venerable sacrament, and erred in dogmatizing upon it more gravely than any ? But the king was resolved to effect a compromise of some kind, and the current of opinion and feeling was against the doctors. Week after week passed before the king appointed the commission (Vol. I., p. 272) to whom the matter was referred. Paletz foresaw the issue. He learned that he and his friends would be required to certify that there was no heretic to be found in Bohemia. Unless they would certify to this effect, banishment was in- evitable. Paletz writes his various and extended complaints to his fellow doctors (Doc. Hus, 507,) in which he gives us a picture of the strife caused by the " counsels " and a statement of the penalty which he and his party would incur, if they still held out. He advises his friends to enter into no conference lest they should be entrapped. He urges them rather to with- draw and abscond, before they could be summoned. This letter is dated, on Palacky's authority, April, 1413. Four of the doctors, who refused to submit, were banished, and the authorities of the university were directed to appoint men to fill their vacant posts. Apprehension of a fate like that of the doctors, or of a loss of their benefices, silenced now for a time the troubles at Prague. After the decision had been pronounced, Huss wrote (Doc. Hus. 55,) to his friend Christiann of Prachatitz, rector of the university, reviewing the " Counsel " of the doctors. He would sooner face the flames, he said, than accept it. Of Paletz and Stanislaus, who had once stood by his side, and confessed the truth, who had indeed been his advocates, he spoke sharply. He could not but account them traitors to their convictions. Then he adds, " Let the world speed as God shall permit it, it is better to die well than to live ill. We are not to be driven to sin by the penalty of death. To end the present life graciously is to go forth from misery. Whoso increases knowle'dge, increases labor. He who speaks the truth, thumps his own head. He who fears death, loses the joys of life. Over all things, truth is victor. He conquers who is slain, for no adversity can hurt him, if no iniquity masters him." By such truths as these, was his own spirit refreshed and strengthened. He turns again to the doctors. They forsooth claim that they cannot violate their consciences, yet he says, " You know how Paletz spoke before you in your house, and I know assuredly what Stanislaus held and wrote out concerning the bread remaining (in the sacrament.) He asked if I would hold the same with him, yet he afterward abjured, and two yeara APPENDIX 673 later wlion Stickna came with his treatise, when he feared the archbishop, and could discover no subterfuge, lie said with an oaih that he Avas not the author of the treatise. . . How then can I choose to believe that they would not act afjainst their conscience? And shall they on the grounds of conscience call us infidels, perfidious and erring and accursed clergy ?" He concludes with the remark, " I suppose I sinned in laying down preaching at the will of the King, and so I am now unwilling to sin thus." NOTE 27, [Vol. I., p. 284, 1. 2.) The correspondence between Gerson and Archbishop Conrad of Prague, indicating no great zeal on the part of the latter, is given in the Bocumenta 523-7. Gerson especially objects to the Wicklifie doctrine of dominion founded in grace. He had private as well as public reasons for it. NOTE 28, (Vol. I., p. 297, 1. 22.) A somewhat memorable letter of Huss belongs to this date— probably the midsummer of 1413. (Doc. Hus. 55.) It is directed to Christiaun Pracha- titz, then rector of the University. In it he criticises the " Counsel " of the Doctors. " I would not accept it," he says, " the Master, Christ, helping me, though I were brought face to face with the flames. And I hope that death will send me or the two perverts from the truth, to heaven or to hell, sooner than 1 shall give my assent to their opinion. For I have known both that heretofore they indeed confessed the truth according to the law of Christ, but smitten by fear, they were converted to flattery of the Pop*;, and to falsehood. And Paletz calls us Wickliffites, as though in the entire faith of Christianity, we had deviated ; and Stanislaus calls us infidels, fore- sworn, mad, and a cursed clergy. But these things I would not notice, provided they did not strengthen Antichrist in his malice. But I hope by the grace of God, if it shall be fitting, that I shall stand firm against them, even to being burned with fire. And if I cannot throughout secure free- dom for the truth, I am at least unwilling to be the enemy of the truth. . . For the Apostle Peter says, Who is there can harm you if ye zealously pursue that which is good ? Ye are happy when men shall curse you, says the truth. Think it all joy, brethren, when ye .ihall fall into various temptations. Happy is the man who endureth temptation, for when ho shall ha\c been tried, he shall receive the crown of life. These things are my support and confidence, by which my spirit is refreshed and made strong against all opposers of the truth. And those doctors (forsooth) of whom yon speak, are unwilling to act against their conscience. You know how Paletz spoke before, in your house. And I know assuredly what Stanislaus held and wrote out distinctly concerning the bread remaining (in the Sacrament.) And he asked of me, before the disturbance began, if I would hold the same with him, yet lo! he afterward swore and abjured, and two years afterward, when Stickna came with his treatise, since that he was afraid of the Archbishop, and could discover no subterfuge —he said with an oath that he was not the author of the treatise. And before he was called to the Archbishop's court, he said, it is fitting that the monk Stickna 43 G74 APPENDIX. kneel before me and besr my pardon, tliat be dared to annotate my treatise, as a new plant of error. How tben can I believe tlicm tbat they would not will- ingly act against their conscience? And is it safe for them, on grounds of conscience, to call us infidels, perfidious, insensate, astray from the whole faith of Christ, an accursed clergy ? Of this let God be judge. . . To those whom you have named, I will write. When they shall have drawn up a treatise in reply to Stanislaus' writings, I will direct it to you. I suppose that I sinned in laying down preaching, at the will of the King. And so I am now unwilling to sin thus." Palacky gives four letters of Huss addressed to Christiann, during the year 1413 Beside the one quoted above, there is another in which Huss defines, in answer to the question of Christiann, his positions with respect to the Roman Church, stating what he was willing, and what he was un- willing to admit. To one proposition concerning which the enquiry was made whether lie would assent to it, viz : that the Pope is the head of the Roman Church, and the Cardinals the body, and their determinations and decisions are to be allowed, he replies Vere latet anguis in herba. Grant this, he says, and "Satan incarnate, with twelve of his proudest devils, might sit in Peter's place, with this as his maxim and principle, that what- ever he, with his monstruous body should define, was to be held as the faith" Huss traces out somewhat minutely the consequences that would follow from conceding the proposition. One would be that neither Wenzel nor Sigismond was King, for so Pope Boniface had determined. The Doctors would join Christ with Belial, yet so that Christ should be inferior and powerless. In a subsequent letter Huss says, " By this, I am willing to stand, that I hold the Pope for Vicar of Christ in the Roman Church. But it is not to me matter of faith. If the Pope is predestinate, and exercises the pastoral oiBce after the manner of Christ, then is he head of so much of the Church militant as he rules, and if he thus, according to the law of Christ, rules the entire church now militant, then is he its true captain, under its arch- captain the Lord Jesus Christ. But if he lives contrary to Christ, then is he a thief, a robber climbing up some other way, &c." . . So also 1 stand by this; whatever the Holy Roman Church, or the Pope with his Cardinals, shall decree or command to be held according to the law of Christ, that, with all humility, as a Christian believer I would revere and reverently accept. But not whatever the Pope with his Cardinals should indiscrim- inately define or command ; for already I have done the contrary, and I stand upon the contrary, on which account I am excommunicated, as you know, for-this very thing. " Hostiensis (in lectura super 50 decretalium) holds that the Pope, as like- wise the whole Roman Court, may err in morals, as it often errs in the judgment of the truth. That exposition I boldly hold. For since the twelve apostles erred in their judgment of the truth and the way of morals, though chosen by Christ, and having the Holy Spirit, how should the Pope with his ('ardinals not possibly come short in their judgment of the truth, and in the matter of morals ?" In still another letter to the Rec'or, Huss expresses the conviction that peace was impossible on the basis laid down by the doctors. This basis was APPENDIX. 675 a sufficient ground for the claims of Anti-Christ himself. " For," he asks, " what could more largely exalt Antichrist above all that is called God. i. e., the deity and humanity of Christ, than to say that (Jod cannot give other successors to his church, than the Pope and his Cardinals? If they had laid down that God cannot give other worse successors to his church than the Pope is, with his Cardinals, they would have larger evidence of the asser- tion. Therefore 1 suppose that by means of their inventions, from time to time, God reveals Antichrist with his disciples to us ; and he will give us wisdom and a spirit of endurance to oppose seducers of this kind." NOTE 29, (Vol. I., p. 304, 1. 21.) The Pope was very reluctant to consent to Constance as the place for the council. His ambassadors discussed with Sigismond (Doc. Hus, 516,) for about eighteen days, before (Oct. 3, 1413,) they could agree as to time and place. NOTE 30, (Vol. I., p. 313, 1. 13.) Palacky gives the farewell letter of Huss to his friends, on leaving Prague for Constance. (Doc. 73.) He urges them to diligent attendance " upon preaching, attending to hear, hearing to understand, imderstanding to take heed, &c., and so to know the most precious Saviour as to love him with the whole heart, and their neighbor as themselves." He calls upon them to stand in the ways, and ask for the old paths. He urges them to repentance, quoting Bernard's words in praise of it, and admonishing them not to cease to do well, for when the end should come, they should live in heaven for- ever. NOTE 31, (Vol. 1., p. 313, 1. 15.) The question has been raised whether the safe-conduct given to Huss by the Emperor was intended to secure his safe return to Bohemia, in case of his being condemned by the council at Constance. So far as the document itself is concerned, there is, and can be no question that its scope was all that Huss or his friends could have desired. It assured him of full libertv transire, stare, morari et redire, nor was any restriction coupled with it. There is also ample and decisive evidence that it was drawn up honestly and fairly, and without any disposition to betray the trusting confidence of Huss. The Imperial Notary, Michael de Priest, who penned it, was the friend of the reformer, and in a kindly letter, in which he indicates that he had been himself a citizen — and he might have been a native — of Prague, communicates the fact. He speaks of himself in such a manner as to mani- fest his acquaintance and sympathy with Huss, and his consciousness of having performed a deed of grateful service. The emperor also was evidently prepossessed in favor of Huss. He had received his accounts of him from a friendly source. Bohemian noblemen who had accompanied him in liis Italian campaign, and in whom he reposed 676 APPENDIX. great coufidenee, liad spoken to liim freely of their countryman, and in liis provision of an escort for Huss on his way to Constance, he had selected those who were most strongly attached to the reformer. It is impossible to imagine such men as Chlnm, Duba and Lazan, conscious accomplices in inviting confidence in a document which would leave Huss at the mercy of the council. That Huss was cheered by the measure of good will toward Mm manifested by the emperor, is evident from his letter of thanks. (Doc. Hus, 71.) He speaks gratefully of the consolation which it aflPorded him, and says, " I have been consoled by what the noble and valient Lord Mikess Diwoky, your majesty's eminent embassador has reported, that your high- ness remembers me so affectionately and considerately, desiring to bring my affair to a favorable issue." This evident friendliness, in full accordance with that of the Bohemian nobles about Sigismond's person, as well as of the imperial notary, who drew up the document, gives renewed assurance of the complete security it was designed to afford, and that it was in no re- spect defective. It may be true that Huss and his friends were so assured of his innocence as to entertain but little apprehension of the result. This might lead them sometimes to speak in an unguarded manner, and in the confidence that Huss would be acquitted, to echo his own expressions, that if found guilty he refused not to suflFer. From such language it may perhaps be inferred that he was ready to admit that in case he was condemned by the council, his safe conduct should be null and void. But such expressions weigh little against the specific terms of the safe- conduct, and we have very sufficient reasons to believe that its deliberate violation was entirely an after-thought. It stood in the way of the designs of the coimcil, and they first labored with the emperor to induce him to acquiesce in its violation. At first he was deeply indignant, but his reluc- tance was overcame by the necessity of the alternative before him. He must see his own favorite projects defeated, or allow the council to have their own way. Whether by the suggestion of members of the council, or at his own instance, Ferdinand of Arragon wrote to Sigismond (April 28, 1415,) urging him to deal with IIuss in the most summary manner, lie intimates that if Huss were his bosom friend or his own brother, his eye should not pity him, but rather he should be put to death. He prays him therefore not to let the heretic escape, or allow him a public hearing, but punish him without delay. He adds that this punishment was dne, since it was not breaking faith with one who had broken faith with God. He urges Sigismond not to allow the worst work of the devil to prosper, but at once punish his servant, ■which shall be reputed a deed, of righteousness, upon which God would bestow an everlasting reward. Such argitments and exhortations as these would necessarily imply the endorsement of the grossest violation of the safe-conduct given to Huss. That violation becomes thereby a deed of righteousness, entitled to an eternal reward. In the circumstances in which he was placed, Sigismond would naturally be impressed by it. It accorded with the interests and urgent advice of the council. It cut a knot which it was difficult to un- loose. It familiarized the mind of the Emperor wiih an atrocious violation of faith which lost its horror by familiar contemplation. The letter must APPENDIX. 077 have reached him while the case of IIuss was absorbing public attention, and the endorsement which it gave to the direct violation of the safe-con- duct makes Ferdinand, equally with Sigismond, responsible for the infamy of it. The way had been in a measure prepared for the justification of the viol- ation of lluss' safe-conduct, by the measure of tlie Emjieror, adopted April 8, 1415. In a proclamation of that date, he retracts and abolishes all the letters of " safe-conduct " which he had granted to those who were present at the council. It is indeed probable that this was intended to bear prin- cipally against those adherents of John XXIIl., who might be disposed to follow him ill his flight from Constance, and could use their " safe-conducts," to make their escape more secure. But it was an exercise of authority which seemed to vest in the Emperor the power to set aside the obligations which he had voluntarily assumed, and which might be interpreted as war- ranting a sovereign disregard of the claims urged in behalf of Huss. The " safe conduct," as it was called, which was granted to Jerome, was designedly in contrast to the one granted to Huss. It assured him safety in coming to the Council, but not to return from it. The very fact, that it was so phrased, indicates that one drawn up in the form of that granted to Huss, would not have answered the design of the Council. It indicates also that the latter was all that the friends of Huss could have desired. It as- sured beyond all doubt or equivocation the privilege of a safe return. It may indeed be said that in granting it, his acquittal by the Council was implied as necessary to its subsequent validity. But in the document itself there is no hint of such implication. It was di-awn up under the eye of those who were especial friends of Huss, and with the good-will of the Emperor, as well as in response to the demand of the Bohemian Estates. It' was designed to give the broadest possible securitj^ and to remove every scruple which might be entertained by Huss and his friends, as to his per- sonal safety. Its violation therefore cannot be excused on the ground of any uncertainty as to its meaning, or as to what was implied in granting it. The argument of Ferdinand of Arragon, would have lost its pertinence if he had supijosed that the safe conduct ceased to have any validity through the action of the Council in condemning Huss. lie urges its bold violation, and bases his justification of it on the argument that no faith is broken with him who breaks faith with God. To him, and his sympathizers, the violation of the "safe-conduct" — whatever its scojje — was not only ju.stifiable, but com- mendable. The only plausible ground for questioning the security for his return to Bohemia afforded by the safe-conduct of Huss, is derived from the language of the Bohemian nobility at Constance pleading for the release of the Re- former and his public audience. They say that if he is found guilty, he may be left to suffer, as if the safe-conduct would not have validity in such a case as this. But the truth is that Huss himself before leaving Bohemia, was so confident of his innocence that he publicly — in the document affixed, Aug. 30, 1414, to the royal palace — challenged his enemies to appear before the council and cliarge him with any heresy they had ever heard him utter; adding, " For if I shall be convicted of any heresy, I do not decline to suffer the penalty of a heretic, but yet I trust in the God 1 love that he will not 678 APPENDIX. allow slanderers and adversaries of the truth, to overcome the truth." (Doc, Hus. G9.) Huss was manifestly too enthusiastic in his confidence that his orthodoxy could be vindicated before such a body as the Council of Constance, yet hia friends could not well go back of his own words, or demand that he should be released in case the Council condemned him. The difficulty of their position, however, cannot in any manner aflfect the validity of the safe- conduct. It secured or was intended to secure — what was demanded by the Friends of Huss, including the Bohemian Estates — the safety of Huss in returning from, as well as going to the Council. NOTE 82, (Vol. I., p. 343, I. 12.) When a deputation of the Cardinals, accompanied by the Mayor of Con- stance, and a Knight, Hans von Poden, visited IIuss, Nov. 28, 1414, John de Chlum an-wered them with much spirit. He replied to the cardinals in Latip, but to the Mayor he said in German, " You know that if the devil should come to look after his own trial, he ought to be honestly heard." He added, addressing the Cardinals, that he bad been charged by the Emperor to say to Huss, Let him speak nothing of his matters except in my presence, when by God's help, I shall come to Constance. (Doc. Hus. 248.) NOTE 33, (Vol. I., p. 345, 1. 13.) Upon the arrest of Huss, Paletz and Michael de Causis were exultant. During the deliberation of the Cardinals on Huss' case, they " danced " about, exclaiming, " Aha ! now we have him, nor shall he escape till he pay the last farthing." Paletz met his old friend John Cardinal, long devotedly attached to Huss. " O master John," said he, " I am grieved for you, that you al- lowed yourself to be seduced. Before, you were famous at this (Papal) court ; more distinguished than all the Bohemians, and now on account of this sect they account you a nobody." " Master Stephen," was Cardinal's reply, " I am more grieved for you, just as you, if you knew any evil that I have done, would be bound to sympathize with me." With these words they parted. (Doc. Hus. 250 ) It may here be stated (lb. 252,) that for the eight days succeeding his arrest, Huss was under the charge of the Bishop of Con- Btance, and was guarded by soldiers. - NOTE 34, (Vol. I., p. 468, 1. 32.) This expression can scarcely be considered exaggerated, if we consult the language in which the Bohemian nobles gave expression to their feelings. As soon as they heard of the removal of Hnss to Gottleben, they wrote the Emperor, May 8, 1415, in his behalf. Four days later another letter to him was drawn up. (Doc. IIus. 549, 550.) In the latter, mention is made of the assurance given by the Pope in convoking the council, that all persons, good and bad, Christians and heretics, might safely go to the council and return again. Possibly the Pope had some apprehension of the need of such a provision to which he might be subjected. APPENDIX. 679 NOTE 35, (Vol. I., p. 571, 1. 14.) Compnre this with tho Innmiafre of Jerome, Vol. II., p. 224. From Huss* annotations upon the articles of charge we learn the part he took in refjard to the University. (D^c. Hus. 181.) When the accusation of having eff(!ct- ed the revolution in ti\e L'niversity and the expulsion of the Ucrmans, was brought against lluss in 1414, on the testimony of Broda, iiuss replied by saying that he did freely procure from the king letters relating to the con- Btitution of the University, wliich the University still held, and he did it with the advice of Broda himself. " l-'or I adjared him to say," Hues remarks, " whether it was a righteous thing." His reply was, " 0, Huss, is there no one who will effect our deliverance in this matter?" To whom I said, " I hope that we shall have a deliverer." And after this, while I waa lying on my bed in extreme debility, I asked him, coming to see me with John Elias, which both stood before my bed, if it was right that we should have the three voices. And both of them exclaimed, " Would that God ■would grant it, but we never shall believe this " To whom I said '■ Lo ! a messenger has just come from the king, with a letter to the University. Here you have a copy ; read." Perusing it, both were exultant, and e.xpress- ed their approval. To whom I said, " Behold, I am at the point of deaih ; if I die, therefore, I beg of you that you will insist on justice and the en- largement of our nation." NOTE 36, (Vol. I. p. 592, 1. 14.) It is a significant fact that Huss should have been accused of holding that no heresy should be extenninated by violent measures, but only by disputa- tion. Of this charge he was undoubtedly guilty, although it was so odioua that in his final reply he felt constrained to assert that he had not defended that position. Indeed to have conspicuously maintained it might have sub- jected him to grave suspicion. Yet he admits that he had said, that a heretic ought first to be convinced by Scripture or reason, as St Augustine and Bernard maintain, (Doc. Hus. 231.) NOTE 37, (Vol. II., p. 26, 1. 25.) In his imprisonment at Constance Huss wrote numerous letters, but his means of communicating with his friends were kept as secret as possible. He closed one of his letters to John de Chlum, by saying " Salute, I pray you, all my friends, but with caution, lest they say, how do you know that I salute them?" (Doc. Ilus. 95.) In a letter to John de Chlum, March 4, 1415, lluss says, " 1 l)lame myself that suddenly beholding Master Christiann, I cou'd not restrain myself from the teajs which burst forth upon seeing my faithful master and special benefactor." (Doc. Hus 98.) Huss undoubtedly was the more deejjly affected from his apprehension of the danger incurred by his old friend in coming to Cons'anre. Tliis danger was not merely imaginary. It is said (Doc. Ilus. 541,) that < hristiann was actually arrested in Constance and forced to sign his name to articles drawn up against him, and that this arrest had been effected by Michael de Causis. 680 APPENDIX. The articles numbered more than thirty. Christiann cleared himself by oath, and immediately left for Prague. NOTE 38, (Vol. II., p. 20, 1. 7.) Several letters of Hues previously unknown, have been brought to light by Palacky, and are included in the Documenta. To these I have been in- debted for some facts worthy of special notice. For the welfare of his friends, Huss, during his imprisonment, manifested a becoming anxiety. " I beg," he writes, " that Master John Cardinal be cauticms, for all are tempters, who seemed to him friends. From one of those who examined me, I heard, ' one John Cardinal confounds the Pope with the Cardinals, saying that they are all Simonists ' Let him keep close to the court of the king (emperor) lest they arrest him as they did me." He Titters the warning, " Say likewise to Doctor Jessenitz that he must by no means come, nor Master Jerome, nor any of our friends." He wonders that not one of the Bohemians at Constance visits his cell, but he adds, " Perhaps they do what is for the best." Again he says, " I wonder that the king is forgetful of me, and that he does not communicate to me a word." On another occasion, just before his death, Huss writes to Chlum, " For God's sake, take special care of my letters, and let them be cautiously taken to Bohemia, lest great danger of individuals be involved." (Doc. Hus, lOG.) He is specially anxious that the work begun in Bohemia be not arrested. " I pray you of Prague, especially," he says. " to take an interest in Bethlehem Chapel, so that permission be granted that the word of God be preached there." (Doc. Hus, 117.) NOTE 39, (Vol. II., p. 82, 1. 15.) A terrible tragedy at Olmutz preceded, probably only by two or three days, that which oi\ July 6th was enacted at Constance. A letter of indig- nant remonstrance from the University of Prague, under date July 8th, (Doc. Hus. 561,) gives us the facts. A member of the University described as verum zelatorem legis dei, together with a companion, was seized violently, subjected to torture, and committed to the flames within the space of twelve hours from the time of his arrest. He was the victim of that fanatical bigotry which had been fanned into flame by the council, and ■with which the citizens of Olmutz were possessed. The University com- plains that to their shame, he had been burned as a notorious and manifest heretic, ^uch an incident could only have served to prepare the way for the explosion of popular feeling which followed the death of Huss. NOTE 40, (Vol. II., p. 134, 1. 28.) The popular indignation in Bohemia was strongly manifested against the Bishop of Leitomischel. The council forwarded a letter to one of the lead- ing magistrates of the kingdom (Doc. Hus, 572,) on his behalf, directing that his property should be respected. They ahso invested him (Doc. Hus, APPENDIX, 681 574,) with plenary powers to execute his commission in a summary manner, callin