Sec 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY AND LITERATURE 
 
 0? THE 
 
 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM, 
 
 /oil 
 
 AND OF ITS 
 
 Jtttroduttian inta the gfith^rlands. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN OF VON ALPEN, 
 
 BY J. F. BERG, D. D., 
 
 Professor of Didactic and Polemic Thf.ology in thk Seminary oy thk 
 Reformed Protestant Dutcu Church, New Brunswick, N. J. 
 
 •PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 WILLIAM S. & ALFRED MARTIEN, 
 
 606 Chestnut Street. 
 1863. 
 
Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1863, 
 
 Bt WILLIAM S. & ALFRED MARTIEN, 
 
 In the oflSce of the Clerk of the District Court for the 
 Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 
 
THE HISTORY AND LITERATUKE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 PREFATORY NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR. 
 
 The following sketch of the history and literature of 
 the Heidelberg Catechism, and of its adoption in the 
 Netherlands, is a translation of Von Alpen's "Ge- 
 schichte und Literatur des Heidelberg Catechism." It 
 will be found interesting to the general reader, and 
 especially worthy of the attention of those to whom all 
 authentic information touching the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism is important. The original intention of the 
 translator was simply to prepare a course of historical 
 lectures on this subject, for the benefit of the students 
 in the Theological Seminary, in New Brunswick, pre- 
 paratory to a series of expository lectures on the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism, and a portion of the first part was read 
 to the members of the middle and senior classes before 
 the close of the last terra ; but it was deemed best, as 
 the historical discussion pertains to another department, 
 to finish the work at once, and make it accessible to 
 all whn may feel an interest in the subject. Dr. AVood- 
 bridgc courteously and cordially assented to the original 
 arrangement, -and«-I wish thus to put on record my 
 appreciation of hi§ generous co-operation in this work. 
 
 The reader will confer a favour by bearing in mind 
 a few points, to which his attention is called. In the 
 first place, the translator is not responsible for the 
 1 
 
2 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 opinions of the author, and though the doctrinal plat- 
 form upon which Von Alpen stands is sound and firm, 
 his views, in relation to established forms of religion, or 
 church establishments, supported by the civil power, 
 will not be shared by American readers ; and yet those 
 views are rather incidentally suggested, than formally 
 vindicated, or asserted. In the second place, the trans- 
 lation is not, in every instance, literal; it is, however, 
 throughout, as literal as the diverse idioms of the two 
 languages will allow. 
 
 The history, herewith submitted, is only a portion of 
 Von Alpen's work; it is, however, complete, so far as it 
 goes, and will be followed in successive numbers of the 
 Quarterly^ as Providence shall permit, with the history 
 of the introduction of the Catechism into Switzerland ; 
 Germany in general; into Julich, Cleve, Berg, Mark, 
 &c. ; into others of the German States ; and into France, 
 England, Poland, and Hungary. 
 
 The first five pages of Von Alpen's history of the 
 adoption of the Catechism in the Netherlands are 
 omitted in the translation, because they are occupied 
 altogether with a panegyric, which, however eloquent 
 it may be be, is none the less irrelevant. Some pas- 
 sages of his preface are also ruled out, for want of 
 space, but mainly because they consist of abstract 
 speculations or discussions, which have nothing to do 
 with the subject in hand. 
 
 The list of authorities, bearing on other portions of 
 the history, will be given in their proper place. 
 Believing that this work will supply a want which has 
 been often acknowledged, the translator commits it to 
 the students of the Theological Seminary, and to the 
 Church, with the prayer that the blessing of our Cove- 
 nant Head may attend it, 
 
 V Joseph F. Berg. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 VOX ALPEN'S PREFACE TO THE HTSTOTIY AND LITE- 
 RATURE OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 
 
 Ix accordance with my promise, I herewith present 
 the History and Literature of the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 which I hope will be acceptable to my cotemporaries. 
 In a period, in which the field of history is cultivated 
 by so many distinguished labourers, I had for some time 
 hoped to have the privilege of reading the History of 
 the Heidelberg Catechism, (which is so remarkable in 
 every respect,) prepared by a competent hand. I\Ir. 
 Kortum, in his day, remarked: "In Saxony they write 
 about single small cities, monasteries, and villages of 
 single families, and if one finds only an old penny, or an 
 old vase, it must be made a public matter; and it is 
 right, it should be so." What would Mr. Kortum say, 
 were he living now"? And yet, wc have not any his- 
 tory of the Heidelberg Catechism adapted to our wants I 
 It will be readily believed that I am familiar with all 
 that has been written on this subject; but it must be 
 acknowledged also, that this does not obviate the neces- 
 sity of elaborating this material. The value of such a 
 history, which exerted so much influence on the changes 
 of the sixteenth century, and upon succeeding ages, will 
 hardly be questioned by any one. 
 
 The history itself is exceedingly attractive; it is a 
 flowery field, over which the thoughtful man delights to 
 walk, and seldom returns unsatisfied. In its freshness, 
 we forget the cares and sorrows of life ; there wc may 
 repose quietly^ when wearied with official duty. That 
 is a pretty incident, which Anthony Phanormitanus^ and 
 Ericius Puteanus relate concerning the two kings in 
 Arragon, Ferdinand and Alphonsus, that they regained 
 their health b)* having Livy and Curtius read to them. 
 
4 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Bodinus tells a similar anecdote of Laurentius-Medices, 
 when the story of the siege of the Castle of Winsbergen 
 was read to him. In general, it may be said, that all 
 history is attractive. It shonld be studied for the plea- 
 sure which it affords; at least I can avow, that I have 
 enjoyed pleasant hours in this work, have forgotten many 
 a care, and have been cheered in the dark moments of 
 sorrow. Perhaps, for this purpose, this history, too, 
 
 may be useful 
 
 The History of the Heidelberg Catechism contains 
 much that is instructive for all classes and orders of 
 people, and this renders it worthy of the consideration 
 of every reflecting mind. History is, in general, the 
 best school of wisdom and prudence. From time imme- 
 morial, it has educated the greatest, the most skilful and 
 deserving men of our race. That throng of heroes, art- 
 ists, philosophers, lawgivers, and teachers, whose names, 
 to this day, fill us with admiration, chose it as their 
 guide on the glorious path to immortality, and never 
 yet has any one gone out of this school untaught. 
 Where could we hope to gather more knowledge of the 
 world and of men, than just here"? The physical and 
 moral world have, once for all, their immutable laws, 
 according to which they move and work, and these lead 
 us to the study of nature and of history. The ignorant 
 man is amazed at many occurrences, appearances, and 
 events; he is carried away with emoUons of horror or 
 fear; he does not know the causes, the laws, and the 
 effects of these things, and he is at a loss what to do; 
 but the disciple of nature, the eager, student of history, 
 views them with an inquiring mind, estimates them 
 according to their effects and consequences, and thence 
 deduces the most salutary rules, which govern his con- 
 duct. Here we learn what man is, what he can do; 
 what lies hidden in him; hisS'irtues and his infirmities. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 5 
 
 Here we become acquainted with the springs, the power, 
 and the effects of truth and error, of wisdom and folly, 
 of virtue and vice, of customs, prejudices, and passions. 
 Here we gather the clearest ideas upon religious and 
 civil government, ideas which are so important to our 
 inward and outward peace, and which, through recent 
 occurrences, and occasional shallow and imprudent 
 administration, to which they have given rise, have 
 obtained such a degree of vagueness, confusion, and 
 absurdity, that there is danger of their becoming very 
 unsafe guides of conduct for some time to come. 
 
 If it is true that history in general is a school of 
 wisdom, this may be especially asserted of the history 
 of the Heidelberg Catechism. Let it not be said that 
 the history of this Catechism is so unimportant, and its 
 influence so small, that it does not deserve to be the 
 subject of special elaboration; or that it would be bet- 
 ter, in these days, when so many other things are 
 claiming the attention of the world and evoking revo- 
 lutions, to let it rest in peace, as a subject which has 
 
 lost its interest The Heidelberg Catechism 
 
 exerted the most powerful influence upon the destinies 
 of entire nations and kingdoms. It decided the con- 
 stitution of a whole republic. It was the basis upon 
 which the freedom of a .powerful religious party was 
 founded. Admit, that the ideas formerly entertained 
 on many subjects have undergone a change, and that 
 the days are gone by when men denounced and perse- 
 cuted each other as heretics, solely on the ground of 
 difl'erences in religious doctrine or opinion, and refused, 
 even to an iqDright man, all love and intercourse, all 
 help and social kindness, simply because he adho^'ed to 
 another church, or to another confession of faith; still, 
 it is not a matter of indifl'erence by what way a man 
 
() HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 attains the goal which he seeks. Praiseworthy as it is, 
 that in our day, in the ordinary transactions, business 
 and intercourse of life, men look not on outward con- 
 fessions and symbols of faith, but on disposition, 
 honourable conduct, and morality, and that Jewish 
 bigotry, fanaticism, and pharisaism, are branded with 
 indelible infamy; just so blameworthy is it, on the other 
 side, to be indifferent to every thing which concerns 
 God and religion. Our want of prosperity originates, 
 after all, invariably, from opinions and views, and is 
 rendered complete by an ever-increasing immorality. 
 AVhoever believes that the history of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism presents nothing adapted to our times, has 
 reason to regard this opinion as a very unfavourable 
 indication of his mental structure, and may well be 
 concerned about himself. .... Pliny justly observes: 
 "History must aim not at vain boasting, but at fidelity 
 and truth." Formerly, our histories bore upon their 
 title pages the epithets, "impartial," "reliable," "com- 
 plete ;" but, for some time back, they claim the honour- 
 able designation of pragmatical. A good name! Poly- 
 bius and Tacitus wrote pragmatically, and the word 
 originated with the former of them. He writes prag- 
 matically, who reveals the origin of human virtues and 
 vices; the peculiarities of the age and the people, and 
 their genuine character; but the essence of such a his- 
 tory is not exhausted by this means. We may say that 
 history is presented pragmatically, when not only facts 
 are stated, whose result and development might seem to 
 have occurred merely by accident, but, when inquiry is 
 made also, particularly into their causes and secret 
 springs. These seldom lie so deep that they cannot be 
 brought to light. . The varied motives of human con- 
 duct, and often the slightest traits, open the human 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 7 
 
 heart to us, in all its folds. In this history, especially, 
 it will be seen how often religion has been perverted 
 into a pretext, in order to glut passion the more 
 securely. Countless transactions may seem to be 
 engaged in, from devotion to religion, but their real 
 sources are pride, ambition, and other poisoned springs. 
 Here, it will be seen, that the slightest occasions are 
 often sufficient to produce the most astounding changes. 
 A dream leads to a truth, which, for a thousand years, 
 had been hidden from mortal man. llic word of a poor 
 monk shakes a monster, which had scoffed at the com- 
 bined powers of the world; a tree decides the issue of a 
 murderous battle. Call it accident — call it chance — 
 whoever believes the providence of God, finds in these 
 facts the confirmation of the divine word — that not even 
 a hair shall fall from our head, without God's know- 
 ledge and wdll. 
 
 . This history was prepared in manuscript, on a scale 
 more extended than that in which it appears in print; 
 it has been condensed to make it better adapted for all 
 readers. For the learned, therefore, some things will 
 be too briefly stated, and for Dilettanti, others too dif- 
 fusely. This is a circumstance which I could not 
 change, without failing to accomplish my purpose of 
 rendering service to a large number; and yet both 
 classes of readers will find enough to satisfy them. The 
 man of learning, to whom an extensive library is accessi- 
 ble, will find a road prepared upon which he may easily 
 advance farther — and the reader, whose engagements 
 do not allow the leisure requisite for laborious investi- 
 gations, has in tliCse pages a short resume of facts, and 
 with this he will be content. ^ 
 
 I feel bound, above all, to mention the sources from 
 which I have derived the History of the Heidelberg 
 
8 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Catechism. Every historian who wishes to earn credit, 
 is bound to indicate these authorities. The more 
 reliable and copious these sources are, and the more 
 they are made the subjects of reference, the more sure 
 and complete will be the knowledge obtained of the 
 history. Without these authorities, there can be no 
 accurate acquaintance with the subject, and no faithful 
 presentation of it. 
 
 List of Autliorities. 
 
 Sketcli of the Church History of the Palatinate, from the planting 
 of Christianity in the regions of the Rhine and the Nekkar, up to the 
 death of the Elector, Charles Philip, 1742. By D. L. Wundt. (Ger- 
 man.) 
 
 Wei'rdtvein nova subs. dipl. ad sel. Juris Eccl. Germ. 
 
 Kayser's historischer Schauplatz der Stadt Heidelberg. 
 
 D. Parei hist. bav. palat. 
 
 Henry Hottingeri Bibliothec. quadripart. 
 
 Henry Altingii hist, de eccles. palatin, 
 
 Burk. Gotth. Struven's ausflihrlicher Bericht von der pfalzischfen 
 Kirchenhistorie. 
 
 Akta des Gesprachs zwischen den Pfalzischen und Wirtem- 
 bergischen, und Gegenbericht der Pfalzischen Theologen. 
 
 Magazin f iir die Pfalzische Kirchen-und Gelehrten Geschichte. 
 
 Ludwig Christ. Mieg's ausfiihrlicher Bericht von der Reformation 
 der Kirche ein Churpf. 
 
 Rittmeyer's Anmerkungen iiber den Heidelbergischen Katechis- 
 muni, nebst den christlichen Erinnerungen. 
 
 Putter's systematische Darstellung der Pfalzischen Religious besch- 
 werden nach der Lage worin sie jetzt sind. 
 
 Authorities on the Translations of the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 Martini Lipenii Biblioth. theol. 
 
 Jac. Prieder. Reimanni eatal. bibL theol. 
 
 J. P. Niceron. Memoires pouij servir a I'histoire des hommes 
 illustres. 
 
 Heinrich Ludolph Bentheim hdland. Kirchen-und Schulenstaat. 
 
 Henry Altingius Script, theol. T. III. Historisch kritische na ch 
 richt von einer sehr selteueii Aiisgabe des Held, Katech. 
 
THE EEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 9 
 
 Authorities on the Histori/ of the Heidelberg Catechism in Sicifzerland. 
 
 Kocher's katechetische Gcschichte. 
 Jo. Henry Hottingeri Biblioth. quadripart. 
 
 Joh. Jacob Hottinger's Historie der Reformation in dor Eid 
 Genossenschaft. 
 
 Abrah. Ruchat, Histoire de la Reformation de la Suisse. 
 
 Hieronymus Von Alphen prol. cccon. catechet. 
 
 Conr. Gcsneri, Biblioth. Theod. Bezae. Vita Calvini. 
 
 Authorities in relation to the adoption of (he Catechism in Holland. 
 
 Geschicbte dcs Abfalls der vereinigten Niederlande von der Span- 
 isclien Regierung, von Fried. Schiller. 
 
 Famiani Strada3 de Bello Belgico Dccad. I. et II. 
 
 Emanuelis Van Meteren, historie der Nederlandscher ende hrcrer 
 Nabureu orlogen ende geschiedenisse. 
 
 Joh. Christ. Kochers Katech. Gesehichte der Reformirten Kirche. 
 
 Gerh. Brandt, historie der rcformatie. 
 
 Joan. Vytenbogairt kcrkelyke historie. 
 
 Brantii Vita Arminii. 
 
 Walsch's Eiuleituiig in die katech. Gesehichte. 
 
 Acta Synodi nationalis Dordrechtana3. 
 
 Henry Lud. Benthem, Holl. Kirchen und Schulen-staat. 
 
 Jean D'Outrein, Vorbereitung zu dcm Heid. Katech. 
 
 Jacob Leydekker Eere van de nationale Synode von Dordrecht. 
 
 Ilieron. Von Alphen prol. oeconomiae catech. 
 
 Controversial Writings on (he Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 Zacharias Ursinus, Streitschrift die seinien Ubrigen Werkon und 
 der Ausgabe des Heidelbergischen Katechismus zu Neustadt an der 
 Hardt, 1575; bei gedruckt ist. 
 
 Ernst Salomon Cyprian abgetrungener Unterricht von kirchlicher 
 Vereinigung der Protestanten. 
 
 Burk. Gotth. Struve Ausflihrlicher Bericht der pfiilzischen 
 Kirchen historie. •*■ 
 
 Henr. Altingii hist.'de eccles. Palatin. 
 
 Mart. Lipenii tlieol. biblioth. ' 
 
 Joan. Hoornbekii Miscel. 
 
 Valerii Andr. Desselii biblioth. Belgic. 
 
10 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Hicrony. Von Alplien prol. oecon. catecli. Palat. 
 
 Ernst Friedrich Neubauer Nachricht von den jetztlebenden ev. 
 Luther, und Ref. Theologen. 
 
 Theod. Strackii epist. nuncupat viudic. catecli. 
 
 Ger. Brandt, hist, der reformat. 
 
 Joan Vytenbogairt Kerkel historie. 
 
 Preestantium ac eruditorum viroruni epistolse eccles. 
 
 Casp. Brantii hist. vitiB Armin. 
 
 Jac. Leydekker Eere von de nationale Synode von Dordrecht. 
 
 Epistolae Remonstrant. 
 
 Haagsche Conferentie. 
 
 Sim. Episcopii examen thesium theolog. 
 
 Jac. Capelli opera theol. 
 
 Limborchii Vita Episcopii. 
 
 Theod. Hasffii de nupera Schoristorum et Hattemistorum in Bel- 
 gico secta ej usque auctoribus relatio in Museo historio-philolog. 
 theolog. 
 
 Magazin ftir die Pfiilz. Kirchen und Gelehrten Greschichte. 
 
 Lud. Chr. Miegs Ausfiihrlicher Bericht. 
 
 Rittmeyers Anmerkungen iiber den Heid. Catech. 
 
 Apologies for tlie Heidelberg Catechism. 
 Besides those already named : 
 
 Bullingeri responsio apud J. Hottingerum in Bibl. quadripart. 
 
 Rudolphi Hospiniani hist. Sa^ram. Christoph. Lehmauuus de 
 pace relig. Sleidanus continuatus. 
 
 Jac. Lenfant Discours sur le Catechism. 
 
 Lcescheri hist. Mart. Joan van der Sande Epitome Belg^. hist. 
 Acta Synodi nat. Dordr. Samuel Maresius in foed. Belg. Orthodox. 
 Herm. Witsius de oecon. foed. Joan A. Marck Merg der Christ. 
 Godgeleerth. 
 
 George Christ. Joannis Miscel. hist. pol. . Fabers Staatskanzlei. 
 Europteische Fama. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 11 
 
 HISTOEY AXD LITERATURE OF THE HEIDELBERG 
 CATECHISM. 
 
 [Translated from the German of Von Alpen.] 
 
 One of the most remarkable events which give charac- 
 ter to the illustrious sixteenth century, is the pubUcation 
 of the Heidelberg Catechism ; to the Reformed Church, 
 certainly, it is of vast interest and importance. This 
 Catechism, which was, from its first appearance, cher- 
 ished with the greatest veneration by the various branches 
 of the Reformed Church, was designated by two names. 
 By some it was called the Catechism of the Palatinate ; 
 but it was more widely known as the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism. The former name finds its origin in the foct, that 
 it was prepared in the Palatinate for the benefit of the 
 schools and churches in that province, and was first intro- 
 duced there ; but it was more commonly called the Heid- 
 elberg Catechism from the renowned city of the Palati- 
 nate, Heidelberg, on the Neckar, where it was prepared 
 by learned men, approved by a National Synod, and first 
 published in printed form. 
 
 Heidelberg was renowned for its University, which was 
 founded in the year 1346. This seat of learning con- 
 tributed greatly to the education and cultivation of the 
 Palatinate and circumjacent country. In the fifteenth 
 century, Jerome of' Prague came to Pleidelberg, and en- 
 deavoured, but with indifi'erent success, to give currency 
 to his doctrinal views. The Elector Frederic I. was, at 
 that time, the reigning prince. His character resembled 
 that of the age ; he was a wild man, and war-like, but 
 
12 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 devout in his way, in accordance with the idea of piety 
 prevalent in that age, i e., he was not disposed to offer 
 much favour to new doctrines ; but the seed which was 
 destined so soon to bear fruit, was already beginning to 
 germinate. Under the reign of his successor, the Elec- 
 tor Philip, science began to exhibit the power of a new 
 life in the E-henish Palatinate. John of Dahlberg, 
 Bishop of Worms and Chancellor of the Elector, Theo- 
 dore of Pleiningen, John Wessel of Groningen, Rudolph 
 Agricola, Jacob Wimpfling, John Reichlin, and John 
 Drittheim, laboured strenuously for the intellectual ad- 
 vancement of their cotemporaries. The Elector Philip 
 rewarded their good counsels and noble endeavours by his 
 cordial personal esteem and earnest co-operation. Much 
 good seed was sown in hope, but the unhappy war of the 
 Bavarian succession suppressed its growth, and the ter- 
 rible devastation of the Palatinate checked the progress 
 of the promised reformation. The Elector Philip died 
 in 1508. He was succeeded in thq government by his 
 brother, Lewis the Gentle. The Reformation began 
 during his reign. The favourite tastes of this Prince were 
 the chase and architecture; and his devotion to these 
 pursuits was much in the way of his personal interest in 
 the religious movements of this period ; but his peculiar 
 goodness of heart, the happy gentleness of his disposi- 
 tion, and his utter aversion to all religious controversy 
 secured peace to his country, and the undisturbed enjoy- 
 ment of life, evign to the friends of the new opinions. In 
 the month of April, 1518, the Augustinian monk, Mar- 
 tin Luther, comes from Wittemberg to a general Chapter 
 of his order at the Augustinian convent in Heidelberg. 
 A letter of recommendation from the Elector of Saxony 
 opens his way to qourt. John Hausschein, called Oeco- 
 lampadius (according to the prevalent mode of Helleni- 
 cising German names), had already impressed the young 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISJI. 13 
 
 Count "Wolfgang, who was his pupil, with a favourable 
 idea of this remarkable man, and Luther finds at Heid- 
 elberg more friends than he had reckoned in anticipation. 
 At the suggestion of his Augustinian brethren, he ap- 
 points a public disputation, and finds among the clear- 
 est heads of the young men, who were students in the 
 University, and in whom his reputation had awakaned 
 great personal interest in The 3fan, the most enthusias- 
 tic approbation and applause. Martin Buccr, Ehrhard 
 Schnepf, John Brenz, and Theobald Bilican, together 
 with a great portion of the German nobility, declared 
 themselves for Luther. These men, but particularly 
 Martin Bucer and John Oecolampadius, laboured with 
 united energy in spreading the Keformation, which is 
 everywhere introduced. The danger of the utter over- 
 throw of the Papacy aroused the zeal of the opponents 
 of the new doctrine, at the court of the Elector Louis. 
 The public lectures of the friends of Luther are forbid- 
 den. John Brenz and Theobald Bilican are cited to 
 appear before the Academic Senate and the electoral 
 Chancellor Florcntius of Wanningen, to give account of 
 their alleged errors, but escape all further punishment, 
 beyond the prohibition to continue their public lectures. 
 The Peasant war rouses the stormy passions of the people. 
 Prince Louis succeeds in calming the tumult in his prin- 
 cipality, and the tragedy has not so many sad results for 
 the reformation of these provinces as had been appre- 
 hended. Louis died March 16, 1544, and was succeeded 
 by his brother, the Elector Frederic II. Thoroughly 
 versed in the religious controversies of his age, and 
 devoted heart aifd soul to the new doctrine, he began, 
 immediately on his accession, to treat with the Confed- 
 erates of the League of Smalkald. This promoted the 
 practical commencement of the external reformation of 
 the Church* iii the Palatinate ; but before it could be 
 
14 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 completed, the unfortunate issue of the war put an end 
 to the League.. The disastrous battle of Muhlberg, 
 April 24, 1547, where the leader of the Protestants, the 
 Elector of Saxony, lost both the field and his freedom, 
 and the Prince of Hesse also became the Emperor's pri- 
 soner, gave the Emperor power to institute certain 
 articles of agreement, which were to be binding until a 
 council should finally settle the religious doctrines which 
 were in dispute. According to the articles of this so 
 called Interim, all the seven sacraments were to be 
 retained, and the mass, with other abrogated ceremonies, 
 was to be restored ; even the absurd doctrine of tran- 
 substantiation was to be reinstated in the public faith. 
 The Elector of the Palatinate, Frederic II., purchased 
 the grace of the Emperor by accepting and introducing 
 the Interim in his principality. But opinions once 
 adopted cannot be laid aside like one's clothes ; the 
 advocates of the old and new doctrine continued the 
 same as before. The triumph of the Emperor by a 
 blessed providence was not of long duration. He was 
 suddenly attacked and surprised by Prince Maurice, and 
 compelled to accord complete religious liberty to Ger- 
 many. The memorable treaty of Passau, August 2, 
 1552, an enduring memorial of German freedom 
 against the outstretched arm of Austrian despotism, 
 produced, in this instance also, the most glorious results. 
 The Elector applied the income of ten suppressed and 
 deserted convents to the endowment of the University 
 of Heidelberg, and founded a scientific college in this 
 city. The annual revenues of the.suppress.ed convents 
 were estimated by the Papal l^uncio at 630 ducats of 
 the then currency. ^ 
 
 The Elector^ F];edcric II.. died at Alzei, February 26, 
 1556, the father and benefactor of his people to the last 
 moment of his life. The disastrous result of the war of 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 15 
 
 the Smalkaldian League greatly depressed his s])irits 
 and made him weary with its memories, although he 
 remained steadfastly devoted to the new doctrine. His 
 successor in the Principality, Otto Henry, the son of Fre- 
 deric's elder brother, laboured for the reformation with 
 greater courage. At the commencement of his reign he 
 put away the idolatrous mass, and other superstitious 
 usages of the Eomish Church. He suppressed the 
 monastery of the Holy Ghost, and applied the revenues 
 to a rational and useful purpose, viz., the endowment of 
 the University of Heidelberg, and the better support of 
 the churches and schools. He ordered the pictures in 
 the church of the Holy Ghost to be removed, and in the 
 city of Heidelberg almost every thing was Protestant. 
 He ordered the preparation of a new Liturgy and offices 
 for public worship. These were composed by Henry 
 Stolo, Michael Diller, and Dr. Marbach,who had recently 
 arrived from Strasburg, and were put in print, and every- 
 where introduced by his authority. In order to secure 
 the observance of this church order, Otto Henry insti- 
 tuted, under the name of the Church Council, a new 
 College, to which he entrusted the general oversight of 
 the Church in the Palatinate. The first members of this 
 board were the Court Preacher, Michael Diller, and the 
 two electoral counsellors, Christopher Ehem and Thomas 
 Craft, and to these, A. D. 1557, on the recommendation 
 of P. Melancthon, the new Superintendent, Thieleman 
 Hesshus, was added. Several more convents, for the 
 most part deserted, were suppressed. Zwingli had already 
 some friends in the. Palatinate, and gradually three dis- 
 tinct parties were'Organized in Heidelberg, who main- 
 tained and propagated difterent opinions, especially with 
 respect to the Lord's Supper, and the points of doctrine 
 in dispute between Luther and Zwingli; strict followers 
 of Luther, Philippists, and Zwinglians. The Elector 
 
16 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Otto Henry died February 12, 1559. Gentle and kind 
 as his own heart was his reign. Patient endurance of 
 affliction, temperate enjoyment of prosperity, humane 
 toleration of those who rejected his own religious opin- 
 ions, rear for him a more enduring memorial than the 
 monument which he ordered to be erected to his me- 
 mory in the church of the Holy Ghost, and which 
 occasioned the bitter disputes that arose under the admin- 
 istration of his successor. His successor was a great 
 Prince, whose name is dear to the Reformed Church, 
 who was the originator of the Heidelberg Catechism; 
 and by its means gave endurance and perpetuity to the 
 Reformed Church. His name can never be forgotten. 
 Apart from all the insignia of princely power, he was a 
 truly great man. For schools of learning and benevo- 
 lent institutions, he did more than all his predecessors 
 had effected. The entire revenue of the suppressed con- 
 vents was devoted to these objects. He renounced the 
 customary pomp of the court, ancj introduced a simple 
 style of living, in order to enable him to devote twenty 
 thousand ducats of his yearly revenues to the endow- 
 ment of seats of learning and charitable institutions. 
 With a diligence that never abated, he proved the sys- 
 tems of doctrine which then divided religious attention, 
 and adhered with warm and unshaken devotion to that 
 form of faith, which, after painful and earnest thought, 
 he had adopted as the truth. The -successor of Otto 
 Henry, who was childless, was Frederic the Third of 
 Simmern. At the commencement of his administration, 
 he gave evidence of his preference for the. Zwinglians, 
 and also of a wisdom which was rarely exhibited by the 
 princes of that age. The fire which had ghmmered for 
 some time under.the ashes,, broke out into flames of vehe- 
 ment controversy in the early part of his reign. Thiele- 
 man Hesshus accused Bernard Hexammer, a learned 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 17 
 
 professor at Edenkoben, of Zwinglian opinions, and 
 refuted on this occasion certain dogmas, which, accord- 
 ing to his representation, were maintained by Calvin and 
 Zwingli. The Superintendent's deacon, William Kle- 
 bitz, reproached him in writing with having misrepre- 
 sented these doctrines. This private controversy broke 
 out into a public dispute on the occasion of the promo- 
 tion of Stephen Sylvius of Groningen to a doctor's 
 degree, and the University, incensed by the proud and 
 despotic bearing of Hesshus, took part in the quarrel. 
 These occurrences gave the existing parties the opportu- 
 nity of consolidating their strength, and standing out in 
 open antagonism. The strict Lutheran party espoused 
 the side of the Superintendent. The Philippists and the 
 Zwinglians quietly united against their common oppo- 
 nent, and soon were welded into one party. Through 
 their support, William Klebitz obtained from tlie Uni- 
 versity, in the absence of Hesshus, the honour of a bache- 
 lorship in theology, and now openly defended the Theses, 
 which Hesshus, on his return, condemned as errors. 
 Unfortunately, the new Elector had made a journey to 
 Augsburg, having, before his departure, enjoined silence 
 on both the disputant parties. They thus gained a wide 
 scope for their controversy ; most of the preachers took 
 part in the strife, and the pulpit was degraded to a plat- 
 form on which embittered passions were displayed. The 
 electoral Mayor, Count George of Erbach, did all he 
 could, and commanded the disputants to await the return 
 of the Prince, and in the meantime, to keep quiet. 
 Thielemann Hesshus, instead of yielding his assent to 
 this praiseworthy coiunsel, placed the Count and Deacon 
 Klebitz under the' ban of the Church. Tljie smaller 
 number of the wiser and more moderate men, laboured 
 in vain to make peace between the enraged parties. 
 At length the* Elector returned from Augsburg, and 
 
 
 
18 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 attempted to pacify them by a reunion. In vain! The 
 angry quarrel still rings from the pulpit. Thielemann 
 Hesshus and Deacon Klebitz are both dismissed from 
 their stations, and peace is restored. In order to make 
 this permanent, the Prince takes counsel of Philip 
 Melanchthon, and introduces the alteration of the formula 
 for the celebration of the Lord's Supper, suggested by 
 this noble and gentle man. The strict Lutheran party 
 is not content with this modification ; some preachers 
 are dismissed, and the electoral Judge, Erasmus Von 
 Wanningen, resigns his office ; but the entire party has 
 so diminished in the course of the controversy, both in 
 numbers and influence, that the Philippist and Zwin- 
 glian party are altogether in the ascendant. Prince 
 John Frederic of Saxony, son-in-law of the Elector, a 
 violent enemy of the Philippists, comes with his bro- 
 ther, John William, to Heidelberg, accompanied by 
 Maximilian Morlin and John Sto^ssel, two Saxon theo- 
 logians, who are, according to his plan, to gain a victory 
 over the Heidelberg doctors. The two princes take 
 great pains, but all to no purpose, to change the mind 
 of the Elector. Frederic investigates the doctrinal basis 
 and forms of both parties, and after a careful personal 
 proving of them all, holds fast to the Zwinglian doctrine. 
 Still, he is of the opinion, that external church fellowship 
 with other German Protestants may be maintained, not- 
 withstanding their various opinions and modes of pre- 
 senting doctrinal views, and therefore, without hesitation, 
 he allows the Saxon theologians to preach in the pulpits 
 of Heidelberg. His two sonsrin-law are, of a difterent 
 opinion. At their request^ a public discussion is insti- 
 tuted between the Palatinate and Saxon theologians, but 
 its issue is unprpfitable. '_Th,e two Princes leave Heid- 
 elberg in great displeasure, and tlie means employed by 
 them to detach the Elector from his Zwinglian convic- 
 
TOE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 19 
 
 tions, produce, to their great disgust, the very opposite 
 result. Frederic now introduces a change in external 
 ecclesiastical order, and the Church of the Palatinate 
 adopts the forms and order of worship of the Swiss 
 Church. The Scientific College is transformed into a 
 theological seminary; monasteries and convents are gra- 
 dually suppressed ; the confiscated revenues are em- 
 ployed to the support of the Church, to the establish- 
 ment of new schools, to the education of poor orphans, 
 and the sustenance of sick and infirm persons. 
 
 After Frederic III. had thus wholly identified himself 
 with the lleformed party, and had manned the Univer- 
 sity of Heidelberg with theologians of the same persua- 
 sion, he turned his undivided attention to the preparation 
 of a Catechism for the churches and schools in his pro- 
 vinces. The reasons which impelled him to this step, 
 are set forth by himself in a prefiice, which is prefixed 
 to the first editions of the Heidelberg Catechism, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " We, Frederic, of this name the Third, by the grace 
 of God, Elector Palatine on the Rhine, &c., present to 
 all and each of our Superintendents, Pastors, Preachers. 
 Officers of the Church, and Schoolmasters, throughout 
 the whole Province of the llhenish Palatinate, our 
 kindest greeting, and do them, herewith, to wit: — Inas- 
 much as we acknowledge, that we are bound by the 
 admonition of the Divine word, and also by natural duty 
 and relation, and have finally determined to order and ad- 
 minister our office, calling, and government, not only to 
 the promotion and maintenance of quiet and peaceable 
 living, and to the support of upright and virtuous walk 
 and conversation aiiiong our subjects, but also and above 
 all, constantly to admonish and lead them to devout know 
 ledge and fear of the Almighty and his holy word of 
 salvation, as tke only foundation of all virtue and obedi- 
 
20 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 ence, and to spare no pains, so far as in us lies, with all 
 sincerity to promote their temporal and eternal welfare, 
 and contribute to the defence and maintenance of the 
 same ; and, although apprised on entering upon our 
 government, how our dear cousins and predecessors, 
 Counts Palatine, Electors, &c., of noble and blessed 
 memory, have instituted and proposed divers Christian 
 and profitable measures and appliances for the further- 
 ance of the glory of God and the upholding of civil dis- 
 cipline and order — notwithstanding this purpose was not 
 in every respect prosecuted with the appropriate zeal, 
 and the expected and desired fruit did not accrue there- 
 from — we are now induced not only to renew the same, 
 but also, as the exigencies of the times demand, to im- 
 prove, reform, and further to establish them; therefore, 
 we also having ascertained that by no means the least 
 defect of our system is found in the fact, that our bloom- 
 ing youth is disposed to be careless in respect to Chris- 
 tian doctrine, both in the schools ^and churches of our 
 principality — some, indeed, being entirely without Chris- 
 tian instruction, others being imsystematically taught, 
 without any established, certain, and clear catechism, 
 but merely according to individual plan or judgment ; 
 from which, among other great defects, the consequence 
 has ensued, that they have, in too many instances, grown 
 up without the fear of God and the knowledge of his 
 word, having enjoyed no profitable instruction, or other- 
 wise have been perplexed with irrelevant and needless 
 questions, and at times burdened with unsound doctrine 
 — and now, whereas both temporal and spiritual offices, 
 government and family discipline, cannot otherwise be 
 maintained — and in order that discipline and obedience 
 to authority and, all other_ virtues may increase and be 
 multiplied among subjects — it is essential that our youth 
 be trained in early life, and aibove all, in the pure and 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM, 21 
 
 consistent doctrine of the holy gospel, and be well exer- 
 cised in the proper and true knowledge of God: 
 Therefore, we have regarded it as a high obligation, and 
 as the most important duty of our government, to give 
 attention to this matter, to do away with this defect, and 
 introduce the needful improvements; — and accordingly, 
 with the advice and cooperation of our entire theologi- 
 cal faculty in this place, and of all Superintendents and 
 distinguished servants of the Church, we have secured 
 the preparation of a summary course of instruction, or 
 Catechism of our Christian Religion, according to the 
 word of God, in the German and Latin language ; in 
 order not only that the youth in churches and schools 
 may be piously instructed in such Christian doctrine, and 
 be thoroughly trained therein, but also that the Pastors 
 and Schoolmasters themselves may be provided with a 
 fixed form and model, by which to regulate the instruc- 
 tion of youth, and not, at their option, adopt daily 
 changes, or introduce erroneous doctrine — and we do 
 herewith affectionately admonish and enjoin upon 
 every one of you, that you do, for the honour of God and 
 our subjects, and also for the sake of your own soul's 
 profit and welfare, thankfully accept this proffered Cate- 
 chism, or course of instruction, and that you do dili- 
 gentlv and faithfully represent and explain the same 
 according to its true import, to the youth in our schools, 
 and churches, and also from the pulpit to the common 
 people, that you teach, and act, and live in accordance 
 with it, in the assured hope, that if our youth in early 
 life arc earnestly instructed and educated in the word of 
 God, it will please Almighty God also to grant reforma- 
 tion of public and private morals, and ten-jporal and 
 eternal welfare. Desiring, as above said, that all this 
 may be accomplished, we have made this provision. 
 "Given at -Heidelberg, Tuesday, the nineteenth of 
 
22 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 January, in the year 1563 after the birth of Christ, our 
 dear Lord and Saviour." 
 
 Henry Alting, commenting upon this preface, observes, 
 that there was a necessity for the preparation of a new 
 Catechism, on two grounds: because, in the first place, 
 in addition to the Catechism of Brentius, adopted by 
 the Elector Otto Henry, Luther's Catechism had been 
 introduced by Hesshus, and besides, others had been 
 adopted, according to individual preference, thus giving 
 occasion to continual quarrels; and secondly, in order 
 that a single, accredited form might be used in all the 
 churches of the Palatinate, thus securing agreement, 
 especially one in which, among other doctrines of reli- 
 gious belief, the doctrine of the Person of Jesus Christ, 
 and of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper, 
 should be clearly and soundly set forth. Niceron, in 
 his memoirs, quotes an author whom he does not name, 
 who supposes that the Elector ordered the preparation 
 of the Catechism for the purpose of uniting the Calvin- 
 ists and Lutherans, and thus arresting the farther pro- 
 gress of alienation between them. 
 
 The arrangement and perfection of the new Catechism 
 was entrusted by the Elector to two learned men, Cas- 
 par Olevianus and Zachariah Ursinus, in the year 1562. 
 They had both been recently called to Heidelberg; both 
 were very young men, having scarcely entered upon 
 their twenty-sixth year; but they wel'e, both, the most 
 talented and distinguished men of their age, and the 
 most esteemed teachers in the Reformed Church. Ursi- 
 nus was Professor in the University and Scientific Col- 
 lege in Heidelberg. Olevianus was the favourite and 
 the Court preacher of the PHnce. Both were Oermans, 
 and accustome^d to write in-the German language. Both 
 participated equally in the materiel of the work; the 
 form of the Catechism was furlaished by Ursinus. Each 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 23 
 
 of them prepared a composition of his own. Olevianns 
 had arranged his as a comprehensive and simple expo- 
 sition of the Covenant of Grace. Ursinus, on the other 
 hand, prepared a double Catechism— a larger one for 
 such as had made some progress in the experience of 
 Divine truth, and a smaller one for children and begin- 
 ners. Such was the origin of the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 Kot only did these two learned men labour in its prepa- 
 ration, but the Elector, Frederic himself, took part in 
 the arrangement and perfection of the Catechism. This 
 is the declaration of the Heidelberg theologians in the 
 Christian memorial upon the catholic remarks upon the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, as made to Counsellor llittmayer: 
 "Although the Elector availed himself of the services 
 of the Palatinate doctors, Ursinus and Olevianus, in the 
 preparation of the Catechism, yet they did not venture 
 to insert anything which the Elector had not approved." 
 A memorial is also extant, in his hand-writing, from 
 which it appears that the very words were submitted to 
 his approval. For, in it, he writes thus: "The answer 
 in the Catechism on the question, 'Does then the 
 bread and wine become the real body and blood of 
 Christr was originally in these words: 'Just as little as 
 before, out of the body of Christ, a real, natural bread 
 had been present, when He calls himself the living 
 Bread, and was yet true in what He said.' This answer 
 is taken almost word for word from the Greek discourses 
 of Theodoret; but it was changed and put into its pre- 
 sent form, in order to avoid the impression that it was 
 intended to represent the Sacrament as a mere emblem, 
 or sign; if this Catechism might be adopted with this 
 singfe alteration, I should not only be content, but I 
 believe it would conduce to the glory of God, as well as 
 afford me pecahar pleasure." 
 
 After th J Catechism had been thus prepared, it was 
 
24 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 submitted to his electoral highness. Frederick here- 
 upon convened a Synod at Heidelberg, A. D., 1562, 
 consigned the new Catechism to the superintendents and 
 pastors of the whole Palatinate, and commended it to 
 their close and accurate examination, in order that they 
 might pass a just opinion upon its merits. This they 
 did in several sessions, examined it conscientiously and 
 carefully, according to the prescription of the Divine 
 word, and were filled with admiration at the clear 
 apprehension of the doctrines of Scripture, by which it 
 was marked, at the just expression of the Reformed idea 
 of the doctrinal system, and with one voice commended 
 and approved it, requesting the proper authorities to 
 furnish it in printed form. At the same time, the com- 
 mission was given to Joshua Lago, a preacher at Heidel- 
 berg, and Lambert Pithozaeus, an efficient schoolmaster, 
 who had come to Heidelberg from Deventer, to trans- 
 late the approved Catechism into the Latin language, 
 in order that it might be used in the Latin schools, 
 gymnasia, and colleges of the Palatinate. His transla- 
 tion was soon ready, and by the direction of the Elector, 
 it was printed, and the Catechism was published in both 
 languages, Latin and German, under the following title: 
 "Catechism, or Christian Instruction, as taught in the 
 Churches and Schools of the Electoral Palatinate. 
 Printed in the city of Heidelberg by John Mayer, 
 1563." The order of the Elector, above presented, was 
 printed as a preface. Both impressions, the Latin as 
 well as the German, may be regarded as original edi- 
 tions ; but the German edition will retain its claim as 
 the authentic edition, because the Catechism was origi- 
 nally composed in the German language; and Henry 
 Alting, in his history of the Church of the Palatinate, 
 justly remarks*: "The only authentic edition is the Ger- 
 man, in which not only is everything presented more 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 25 
 
 elegantly, but also with greater impressivcness aiul 
 emphasis." This first edition, which is now very rare, 
 had much which was peculiar to it, and differed from 
 our present editions. The division of the Catechism 
 into Lord's Days, was not yet adopted. The questions 
 also were not separate and marked. Questions and 
 answers follow one another without being numbered. 
 The proof-texts are not numerous, and are very awk- 
 wardly inserted. The eightieth question is entirely 
 wanting. The reason of this omission is not known. 
 The first edition was speedily exhausted ; it was imme- 
 diately followed by a new one, with the title: "Cate- 
 chism, or Christian Instruction, as tauglit in the Churches 
 and Schools of the Palatinate. Printed in the city of 
 Heidelberg by John Mayer, 1563." We might be 
 tempted to believe that this edition is the same as the 
 first; but on the last page we read a notice wliich at 
 once removes all doubt, in the words: "That whicli was 
 overlooked in the first impression, especially folio oo, 
 is now, by order of the Elector, appended," If we 
 read this page, we find that it is the eightieth question 
 which treats of the Lord's Supper and the Popish mass. 
 The Elector, therefore, had already more courage. He 
 allowed this question, which he perhaps had left out on 
 account of the Papists, to be boldly printed; but the 
 close of the question was not yet as it now stands in our 
 Catechisms. The close was then in these words: "And 
 the mass is, in fact, nothing but an idolatrous denial of 
 the only sacrifice and passion of Jesus Christ." 
 
 In the same year, and under the auspices of the same 
 publisher, a third edition was issued. In one edition 
 of this same year,' we find the closing words of the 
 eightieth question expressed in the following style: 
 "And the mass is, therefore, in fact nothing else than a 
 denial of the ©nly sacrifice and passion of Jesus Christ, 
 
26 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 and an accursed idolatry." It may indeed be objected, 
 that, in the midst of the printing of the second edition, 
 an alteration had been effecte4 in the eightieth question, 
 and that thus the variation may be accounted for ; but 
 it is more natural to suppose that it was a third edition. 
 
 The inconvenience resulting from the indiscriminate 
 succession of the questions and answers without division 
 or numbers, was soon perceived, and it was therefore 
 remedied, A new fourth edition was prepared with the 
 title: "Catechism, or Christian Instruction, as taught in 
 the Churches and Schools of the Palatinate; together 
 with the Church ceremonies and prayers. Printed anew, 
 with the addition of the verses. Printed in the city of 
 Heidelberg by John Mayer, 1573." In this edition we 
 find the usual division of our Catechism into distinct 
 Lord's Days. The questions and answers no longer 
 follow in indiscriminate succession, but are designated 
 with numbers. 
 
 The most valuable edition .was , published at Neustadt 
 on the Hardt, with the title: "Catechism, or short com- 
 pendium of Christian doctrine ; together with the Church 
 ceremonies, prayers, and complete proof-texts from 
 Holy Scripture. Also, the Refutation, by the Theolo- 
 gians of the University of Heidelberg, of the unjust 
 imputations and misrepresentation with which said 
 Catechism, and the testimony adduced in it from sacred 
 Scripture, have been, by some persons, unjustifiably 
 assailed. Also, Doctor Martin Luther's opinion respect- 
 ing the breaking of bread in the Lord's Supper. Also, 
 the answer and questions in reply to six questions con- 
 cerning the Lord's Supper, and in what articles, the 
 evangelical churches are uiiited, and in what they differ 
 concerning the. Holy Communion, proposed by Zacha- 
 riah Ursinus. Neustadt on the Hardt." On the last 
 page, besides the place, the** year of this impression is 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. "J 7 
 
 also noted: "Printed at Xeustadt on the Ilaidt, anno 
 MUXCV." This edition is the most valuable; the 
 apologies which it contains, are masterly. 
 
 The contents of the Catechism are as follows: One 
 hundred and twenty-nine questions and answers consti- 
 tute the matter of its composition, and these are divided 
 into fifty-two Lord's Days. The Treatise consists of 
 three parts, the order and connection of which arc pre- 
 sented in the second question and answer. The first 
 part treats of man's miser}', from the third question to 
 the eleventh; the second, of man's deliverance, from the 
 twelfth to the eighty-fifth question; the third, of grati- 
 tude, from the eighty-sixth question to the close. In 
 these parts, the dogmatic and moral import of catecheti- 
 cal theology are discussed ; namely, in the first part, the 
 doctrines of sin and the punishment of sin; in the 
 second, the doctrines of deliverance, the apostle's creed, 
 doctrine of Justification, and the Sacraments; in the 
 third, the Ten Commandments and the I^ord's Prayer. 
 This division the authors chose according to the model 
 of sacred Scripture. Ursinus expresses his views on 
 this point very forcibly, in his Prolegomena to tlie Body 
 of Orthodox doctrine, or to the Catholic expositions 
 which were published by Dr. David Parens. Theodore 
 Strack, in his Catechetical Vindications; John D'Outrein, 
 in the Golden Treasury of the Doctrine of Truth, accord- 
 ing to Godliness; and Jerome Van Alphon, in his Pro- 
 logue to the Economy of the Palatinate Catechism, 
 maintain, that the autliors of tlie Heidelberg Catechism 
 followed the Epistle of Paul to the llomans, in the order 
 of the subjects which are introduced; thus, we find, first, 
 concerning man's misery. Chap. I — III. ; of deliverance, 
 Chap. Ill — XL; and of gratitude, Chap. XII— XVI. 
 
 The Catechism will always appear admirable, if it is 
 judged in th» light of that age. Beautiful is that first 
 
28 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 question at the beginning of the Catechism, and it will 
 always be held as a masterpiece in the estimation of 
 every discriminating reader. The very pith and mar- 
 row of the whole Christian religion is nowhere presented, 
 either in ancient or modern times, in words so few and 
 yet so weighty. In what a captivating and lovely aspect 
 the object and design of the Christian religion are pre- 
 sented 1 How every thing in religion is made to bear on 
 the practice] What doctrine of Christian faith is not 
 included in this question'? What expression can be indi- 
 cated, which does not insist upon practical obedience to 
 the precepts of Christ ■? What motives, what incentives, 
 what means, are here laid to our hands, to render the 
 practice of Christian virtues easy! And all this in that 
 age! Beautiful and beyond all commendation is the 
 twenty-eighth question ; and the exposition of the Apos- 
 tle's Creed, of the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's 
 Prayer, is, to this day, the admiration of every theologi- 
 cal scholar. No Catechism up to that period had so 
 clearly, comprehensively, and truly presented the dis- 
 tinctive doctrines of the Reformed Church, as the Heid- 
 elberg. Even Zwingli's and Calvin's Catechism had 
 given no such clear and beautiful exhibition of these 
 great truths. 
 
 The doctrine of the Person of Christ, of the Eternal 
 Godhead of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, of Justifi- 
 cation, and especially that of the Sacraments, were more 
 clearly expressed than the statements of Zwingli and 
 Calvin on the same subjects. In the division of the Ten 
 Commandments, the Catechism follows in. the first, the 
 Origenian analysis, and in this respect, it differs frpm 
 other Churches. In relation to the doctrine of election 
 and church disci^iline, tha.Catechism maintains a happy 
 medium, because these subjects were, in that period, 
 matters of bitter controversy. The strict. doctrine of 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 29 
 
 Calvin respecting unconditional election, is not stated in 
 round, full terms; indeed, men of great learning, sucli 
 as Hugo Grotius, Holzfus, Jablonski, John Fabricius, and 
 others, in the answer to the thirty-seventh question, in 
 which it is asserted that Christ endured the wrath of 
 God against the sin of the whole human race, insist that 
 there is a confession of the general grace of God, and of 
 the redemption of all men through Christ; but all expo- 
 sitors of the Heidelberg Catechism have liitlierto 
 declared against this view. 
 
 "Christ," for so they explain tlie passage, "has en- 
 dured the wrath of God against the sin of the whole 
 human race, not as though lie had reconciled all men, 
 the lost as well as the elect, and had procured for all 
 the forgiveness of sin. This, Christ himself denies; but 
 Christ has suffered for the whole human race, first, in 
 this respect, that his atonement and passion are perfect 
 and sufficient, because, in themselves considered, Christ's 
 sacrifice and passion are of such value, that tlu y are 
 sufficient for all men and for every individual of the 
 liuman race; and further, because they are the atone- 
 ment and suffering, not merely of a righteous man, but 
 of the true and eternal God. Then, also, Christ has 
 suffered for the whole human race, in this respect, be- 
 cause all men and every individual of the human race 
 in the whole world, who are deli\ered from the wrath of 
 God, find reconciliation with God alone through Christ. 
 Finally, the whole world denotes nothing else than the 
 whole company of the elect and faithful." John D'Out- 
 rein also explains "the wrath of God against the sin 
 of the whole human race," as meaning all the elect out 
 of the whole human family, against the Remonstrants 
 and other partisans, of the general grace and atonement 
 of Christ. The whole assembly of lleformcd divines at 
 the Conventioii of The Hague, answers the Remonstrants, 
 
30 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 who refer to the Heidelberg Catechism in vindication of 
 their doctrine of general atonement: "'If you will com- 
 pare this passage with the other which we also adduce 
 from the Catechism, you may readily perceive that the 
 expression, the whole human race, is to be understood, not 
 of all and every one. without exception, even unbeliev- 
 ers, impenitent, and such as persist in their unbelief and 
 impenitence, who, on account of their sins, shall endure 
 the wrath of God for ever; but only of believers in the 
 whole world, of whatever country or people they may 
 be. This is certainly plain from the answer, for it is 
 expressly said, ' that so, by his passion, as the only pro- 
 pitiatory sacrifice, he might redeem our body and soul 
 from everlasting damnation, and obtain for us' — not for 
 all and every one, as the brethren say, but for us, i. e., 
 for believers — 'the favour of God, righteousness, and 
 eternal life.' This answer concerns only believers." 
 
 In order to form a correct opinion of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, and to appreciate its beauty and excellence, 
 we must not be controlled by expositions, but adhere to 
 its original source. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism aroused an uncommon sen- 
 sation and ferment in all the churches. It encountered 
 friends and foes; it was eulogized and denounced;. it was 
 assailed and defended. Throughout the Palatinate it was 
 introduced, without opposition, in churches and schools. 
 The Elector Frederic III. prefixed to the first edition 
 the preface, iii which his decision was contained, and by 
 this introduction, crowned the benefits which he con- 
 ferred upon the Reformed Church. He also issued spe- 
 cial ecclesiastical laws in relation to catechization, which 
 are still extant in the church-order of the Palatinate. 
 He appointed the catechization on the afternoon of the 
 Lord's day, and the Palatinate theologians, who attended 
 the famous national Synod at JJordrecht, stated that the 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 31 
 
 catechetical classes in the provinces of the Palatinate, Avere 
 arranged in three classes, namely, boys and girls; young 
 men and young women ; old people and adults ; and that 
 the first were taught in the schools, and the two otlicr 
 classes were instructed in the fundamental doctrines of 
 Christianity. All attempts to exclude the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, or to bring it into disrepute, utterly fiiiled. 
 The Elector gave it his strong support in all his provinces. 
 Frederic III. and Prince Christopher of Wurtcmberg, 
 held a conference in the small town of Hilsbach, near 
 Singheim. A warm friendship had for many years sub- 
 sisted between the two princes, founded on congeniality 
 of character and religious convictions; but the publica- 
 tion of the Heidelberg Catechism had kindled the llanics 
 of discord between their theologians. The princes were 
 persuaded by a flattering unction, that a friendly confer- 
 ence between the disputants, might perhaps lead to some 
 compromise. The divines of the Palatinate endeavoured 
 in vain to convince the Elector that this opinion was a 
 delusion. The conference was held in the Wurtcmberg 
 Convent, Maulbrun, in the presence of both princes, 
 from the 10th to the 15th of April, 156J:, and ended as 
 all such conferences end. The eftect of it was seen in 
 bitter polemical writings, which aggravated the estrange- 
 ment of the parties. Count ^^'olfgang, the Ilhenish 
 Palatine, Charles Margrave of Daden, and Christopher, 
 Prince of AVurtemberg, declared to the Elector Frederic, 
 in an elaborately written opinion, their apprehensions 
 concerning the new Catechism, denounced it for openly 
 advocating the views of Zwingli and Calvin; they ap- 
 pended an index, is which the defects of the Catechism 
 were sharply censured. The Elector sent tl^iis Essay to 
 the great Swiss theologian, Henry Bullinger, with the 
 request that he would answer it. Bullinger did so, and 
 defended the -Palatinate Catechism. Frederic set out for 
 
32 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Amberg in company with Olevianns, who was a member 
 of the Church Council. His endeavours to effect an 
 organization of the Church of the Upper Palatinate, 
 similar to that of the Rhenish Palatinate, were fruitless; 
 however, he succeeded in founding a school at Amberg, 
 on the model of the Heidelberg pedagogium. In the 
 year 1556, the famous Diet of Augsburg was held. The 
 Bishops along the Rhine, and the Chapters of the sup- 
 pressed Convents brought their complaints before the 
 Emperor. Many Protestant princes joined the opposi- 
 tion to Frederic III. The newly organized Reformed 
 Church was in great danger of being overwhelmed. 
 The whole assembly denounced the prince of the Pala- 
 tinate, and called him to account for the Catechism which 
 he had introduced. The Emperor and the States insisted 
 that the Catechism should be rejected and forbidden. 
 By his wise and resolute conduct, Frederic III. averted 
 this peril. With great boldness and magnanimity the 
 Elector spoke before this assembly. Said he, "As 
 respects my Catechism, I know all about it ; it is so for- 
 tified in the margin with proof-texts from Sacred Scrip- 
 ture, that it has maintained its ground, although some 
 theologians have thought they could overthrow it, and 
 have attempted to do so ; but they have failed, and with 
 God's help, I trust it will continue to stand." In the 
 confession of his faith, the Elector thus expresses him- 
 self: " Especially, have certain restless spirits, moved by 
 sheer ambition and determined malice, undertaken to 
 condemn our Christian Church order and Catechism as 
 contrary to true religion, and have cavilled at the same, 
 and endeavoured to bring it into suspicion among simple 
 folk, although they themselves cannot furnish a better, 
 as may readily be proved'.from their own books, which 
 they have put in print — but all which we, with the help 
 and grace of the Almighty, have endured, and overcome, 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 33 
 
 because we have not allowed ourselves to be directed 
 from the infallible guidance of his Divine word, nor to 
 be deterred by fear of outward violence, but have ad- 
 ministered our office and calling faithfully and with con- 
 stancy; and have lately seen wonderful and manifest 
 advantages accruing from the same, to the temporal and 
 eternal profit, blessing, and welfare of our subjects, who 
 have obediently submitted themselves to the acknow- 
 ledged truth; and have also, with the word of God, 
 stopped the mouth of the gainsayers, aforesaid, who 
 have opposed our Christian Catechism and Church order, 
 whereby also, the eyes of many have been opened, and 
 they have been brought to the knowledge of the pure 
 doctrine and to the right understanding of the true 
 Christian religion." 
 
 After this storm ensued a brief calm; many exiled 
 Netherlanders brought their industry and wealth into 
 the Ehenish Palatinate. Fresh commotions arose among 
 the theologians of Heidelberg, respecting the Church 
 discipline, which Calvin had introduced into the little 
 Genevan Republic. Some requested the Elector to in- 
 augurate this system in the Talatinate also; others, fo): 
 good reasons, opposed it. After protracted disputes, the 
 Elector decided in fevour of introducing Calvin's system 
 of Church discipline, and it was established accordingly; 
 but in the inflamed prejudices of the partisans, a thorn 
 was rankling which soon developed dangerous sores. 
 
 The doctrines of Arius, who denied the eternal God- 
 head of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, found advocates 
 in the Palatinate. . The subtle speculations of certain 
 learned Italians, who had come to Heidelberg, would 
 probably have made but Uttle progress, had the advo- 
 cates of the Genevan discipline borne their triumph 
 over their opponents with greater moderation. Into the 
 embittered min^s of the dell^ated party, these erroneous 
 3 
 
34 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 presentations of doctrine were insinuated with a power 
 of temptation proportioned to their alienation from the 
 system to which the dominant party adhered. These 
 speculations found their declared friends, who could not 
 long remain concealed. John Sylvan, the Superintend- 
 ent of Ladenburg, Jacob Suter, Pastor at Feidenheim, 
 and Matthew Vehe, Deacon at Lantern, were brought 
 under arrest to Heidelberg, July 15, 1570. Casper 
 Neuser, the preacher in the Church of St. Peter, at 
 Heidelberg, who was intimately connected with them, 
 escaped a similar fate by flight. The Elector Frederic 
 requested an opinion on their case from the Heidel- 
 berg and Swiss divines. The Heidelberg divines and 
 the vSaxon Judges of the Court declared John Sylvan 
 guilty of a capital crime. To the honour of the head 
 and heart of the civil judges of Heidelberg, let it be 
 said, that they dissented from this opinion ; but the Elec- 
 tor sided with the severer judgment, and the unhappy 
 Sylvan, after a long imprisonment, was beheaded in the 
 market square, at Heidelberg, December 13, 1572. The 
 tragedy was not yet over; many learned men, who had 
 deserved well of their country, were exposed to the 
 arrows of suspicion, and in order to avoid them, volun- 
 tarily resigned their stations. Some years before the 
 death of the Prince, the desired rest was granted. The 
 evening of his honoured life he devoted to science and 
 the dissemination of Christian knowledge. Ever since 
 the period of the Peasant war and the disturbances of 
 Mimzer, partisans of this sect had lived in the Palati- 
 nate, and from the first they hadljeen dangerous fanatics; 
 but the disastrous and bloody issue of their insurrection 
 had already contributed greatly to the purification of 
 their moral and political principles. They now lived in 
 quiet, and prosecuted with skill and profit, the peaceful 
 arts of agriculture. Frederid sought to win them over 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECIIlSJf. 35 
 
 entirely; kindly relieved them of the restrictions \vliich 
 had been imposed on them, provided liberally for their 
 sustenance during their sojourn at Frankenthal, and 
 when he found that they were not to be won, gener- 
 ously gave these Anabaptists a home in his provinces. 
 
 The two distinguished Heidelberg divines, Tremellius 
 and Francis Junius, published in the year 1574, the 
 translation in Latin of the Bible, prepared by them from 
 the original languages. The Elector and their learned 
 cotemporaries held them in high appreciation for this 
 noble work. Frederic made another attempt to gain 
 the approbation of the Upper Palatinate for his Confes- 
 sion; but the excitement which ensued in consequence, 
 at the Residence in Amberg, induced him to abandon 
 the effort, and like its predecessor, this endeavour was 
 fruitless. Another noble deed cheered the evening of 
 his eventful life. He founded a school for the nobility 
 at Setz. His design was to afford the young Protestant 
 nobility a compensation in some degree for the loss of so 
 many prebends at the Cathedral and Collegiate churches. 
 Whilst this institution was gradually giving promise of 
 good fruit, Frederic finished his course, October 26, 1576. 
 Peace to thy ashes, noble, immortal Prince ! 
 
 Whilst the Elector Frederic defended the Heidelberg 
 Catechism against the persecution of the Princes, ^^'olf■ 
 gang, Count Palatine of tlie Hhine, Christopher, Prince 
 of Wurtemberg, and Charles Margrave of Baden, and 
 personally, with equal courage and wisdom, vindicated it 
 at the Diet of Augsburg, Ursinus contended against 
 other learned men,, who attacked the established Cate- 
 chism of the country. In the preface to tlie vindication 
 acfainst the unfounded accusations and misfepresenta- 
 tions, with which the Catechism of Christian doctrine, 
 published at Heidelberg in 1563, was unjustly laden, 
 he expresses liimself thus : " Whereas the serene and 
 
36 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 noble Elector, the Palatine Frederic, our most gracious 
 sovereign, not only in respect of the office devolved by 
 God upon his Highness, but also, as is well known to 
 many truth-loving people, from a Christian and most 
 laudable disposition and desire to promote the honour 
 of Christ and the edification of his Church, regarded this 
 as the highest and most excellent object of his govern- 
 ment and care, that a due knowledge and fear of God 
 and Christian walk should be more and more planted 
 and diffused among his subjects, and be transmitted to 
 their posterity ; and inasmuch as His Highness, together 
 with all whose understanding is exercised in such sub- 
 jects, saw and well considered, that such laudable edifi- 
 cation of the Church could not be promoted with good 
 and abiding results, vi^ithout this prior foundation, that 
 the youth be diligently and intelligently instructed in 
 the true knowledge and fear of God; therefore, His 
 Highness has enjoined upon and earnestly commanded 
 divers God-fearing and experienced men, to prepare and 
 publish a consistent and certain form of a Christian 
 Catechism derived from the sacred Scriptures, which 
 shall be adapted to the instruction of the youth and 
 uneducated people of this land, in the most important 
 articles of our true Christian faith. And now, when 
 these persons, with becoming obedience and all possible 
 diligence, have acquiesced in this command, and might 
 certainly indulge the hope, that no one would be found 
 who would manifest displeasure at this work undertaken 
 for the true and fruitful edification of the Christian 
 Church — it has happened to them, even as is wont, to 
 those who exert themselves most earnestly and faithfully 
 for the common welfare — ^yea even as it befel Christ 
 himself. Foe, although mar^y God-loving and sensible 
 people have duly estimated and appreciated the zeal and 
 labour expended for the proi^otion of such Christian 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 37 
 
 doctrine; yet have there been found many, who have 
 rejected the greater part of the doctrine, which they 
 have neither heard nor read, perhaps not so much out 
 of hatred and ill will against us, as from prejudice 
 formed through the absurd representations of others, 
 partly because they are so nfuch devoted to the opinions 
 of men, that they reject without understanding that 
 which they have read, so soon as it does not agree with 
 their preconceived stupidity; or also, notwithstanding 
 they do not understand it, yet because it is not pleasing 
 or acceptable to themselves and others, contrary to their 
 own conscience, condemn its doctrine as filse. Espcci- 
 allv have certain men acted in an evil and unchristian 
 manner, who (to say nothing of their calumnies against 
 innocent persons,) have ventured to slander and suppress 
 right doctrine, which is conformable to God's word, with 
 false imputations and misrepresentations. And some of 
 these, either because they dare not come to the light, or 
 because it is not convenient for them to do so, have cir- 
 culated divers flying rumours among the people, and with 
 impudent, malicious lips, have scattered, hither and yon, 
 false reports, and issued tracts smeared with untruths and 
 blasphemies. These, inasmuch as they sliun the light 
 and by such conviction of conscience publicly infiict 
 more disgrace upon themselves, than we could possibly 
 inflict by exposing them, are in our judgment, to be 
 refuted in no other way, than by constant confession of 
 the truth and diligent watch against those things of 
 which they falsely accuse us. Some, but of these there 
 are few, have ventured, out of heedless presumption and 
 malice, openly to attack the truth. And, first of all, one 
 man in the neighbourhood, when the Catechism was first 
 published, issued a tract warning all people against it, 
 who, as he is himself our neighbour, did mucli more 
 warn against Jiis own poison, those wliom he sought to 
 
38 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OP 
 
 attach to himself and prejudice against us; and inas- 
 much as all Christian and sensible people were much 
 more disgusted not only by his flippant and manifold 
 falsehoods, sarcasms, and calumnies, but also by his un- 
 godly and monstrous perversions of Christian doctrine, 
 than prepossessed against the truth, which he defamed 
 and scorned like a buffoon and a knave — he may justly 
 be regarded as unworthy of any farther answer. This 
 man was Laurentius Albertius, who composed a treatise, 
 warning against the poison contained in the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, and addressed it to the cities of Speier, 
 Worms, and other neighbouring towns. He was fol- 
 lowed by another, Franciscus Balduinus, who, not so 
 much from want of understanding, as from hatred of 
 the cross of Christ, had given himself up to the worship 
 of the Roman Antichrist, and sought to defame the 
 truth (which he had formerly, in many places, openly 
 proclaimed and taught,) with all sorts of calumnies and 
 abuse which he had scraped together; and therefore, 
 when one of tlie aforementioned tracts, written by a 
 venomous, and, in his blindness, conceited enemy of the 
 truth and defender of notorious error, and scattered here 
 and there in German provinces, had come into his 
 hands, he smeared and scribbled an appendix to it, add- 
 ing his glosses not unlike the text, which was composed 
 in part of articles which were wickedly perverted and 
 maliciously condemned, abusing us, and all Churches 
 which maintain the true doctrine, with divers false- 
 hoods and opprobrious heretical epithets, according to his 
 wont, and then published his sci'eed, albeit without his 
 name. 
 
 "Finally, a certain Matthaeus Flacius Illyricus, who, 
 for some years back, to the scandal of honest and Chris- 
 tian people, aiid the occasion of much unnatural discord, 
 has disquieted many consciences and churches in Ger- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM:. 39 
 
 many; in order that he might satiate his envy and 
 hatred, and be regarded by his party as the only light 
 of the Christian churches, upon whom error has devolved 
 the maintenance and defence of the truth ajjainst all 
 heresies, and in order that no one may remain unassailcd 
 by him who will not labour for his advantage, has 
 run at us also, and lias thrust forth a treatise, which he 
 calls a refutation of the Catechism, published in this 
 place." 
 
 So much for Ursinus's notice of the first adversaries 
 of the Heidelberg Catechism, given in the preface to 
 the vindication. This polemical essay is printed sepa- 
 rately; and is also appended to some German and Latin 
 editions of the Catechism. It is found also in the com- 
 plete published works of Ursinus, prefixed at the begin- 
 ning; and in the edition of the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 at Neustadt on the Hardt, 1595, it stands page 3*27. 
 The full title is as follows: "Vindication against the 
 unfounded allegations and perversions with which the 
 Catechism of Christian doctrine is burdened; written 
 by the Theologians of the University of Heidelberg, 
 A. D. 1569." In the preface, Ursinus explains the rea- 
 sons why, among many opponents, he regarded Flacius 
 as worthy of answer. " Although three of them have 
 come forward with public attacks upon the Catechism, 
 we have proposed at this time especially to answer the 
 accusation and perversion of the third and last, who has 
 set himself forth as a rcfutcr of the Catechism; and tliis, 
 not only because this man is, in his own opinion and in 
 that of his crew, specially regarded as the only steadfiist 
 and invincible chiimpion of the truth, whose dreams 
 and sophistries the whole world ought to hear and accept 
 as the word of God; but also, because he kteppcd out 
 last of all, and threw into a heap the best armour of all 
 the others, that he might, as he thought, do good scr- 
 
40 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 vice against us. Therefore, although lie has given his 
 name, and supposes that he will earn special honour for 
 the victory which, in advance, he assigns to himself, we 
 shall not name him, partly, because honest people must 
 henceforth be ashamed to have anything to do with him 
 personally, but above all, because we wish herewith to 
 answer not only him, but other perverters and defamers 
 of the same ilk." 
 
 Ursinus prepared another treatise in reply to the 
 attacks of John Brentius and Jacob Andreas. These 
 two had written a criticism upon the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism, in which they censured eighteen of the questions, 
 and appended six special questions to the Elector, in 
 relation to the Lord's Supper. Ursinus wrote in reply: 
 "An answer to the criticism of certain theologians 
 on the proof-texts from sacred Scripture, adduced in the 
 margin of the Heidelberg Catechism, together with the 
 answer and counter-question to six questions pertain- 
 ing to the Lord's Supper. Written by Zachariah Ursi- 
 nus. Neustadt, 1564, 1584." TMs vindication is also 
 found in the German edition of the Catechism published 
 at Neustadt, and in another Latin edition of 1585, and 
 in the theological works of Ursinus. Thieleman Hesshus, 
 notorious in the Palatinate history, the bitterest enemy 
 of the Zwinglians and Calvinists, also stepped forth 
 upon the arena, and wrote "a faithful warning against 
 the Heidelberg Catechism, Erfurt, 1588." Not a soul 
 answered him,. and he endured the mortification of not 
 being noticed. At the command of the Prince, the 
 Saxon theologians were required to deliver their opinion 
 concerning the Heidelberg Catechism, but it was rather 
 a forced affair. These were, exclusively opponents oiit 
 of the Lutheran Church. , The number of its enemies 
 in the llomish Church was much greater. We shall 
 become acquainted with some of them in the sequel. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 41 
 
 During the reign of Frederic, no one concerned himself 
 about them, and, in fact, their attacks were made so 
 clumsily, and were so pitiful, that they needed no refu- 
 tation; they fell of themselves, powerless to the ground. 
 The author of the Catechism, Zachariah Ursinus, ren- 
 dered another good service in connection with its publi- 
 cation. Immediately after it was issued, Ursinus began 
 to lecture upon it in the College, and explained it from 
 beginning to end, once every year, — a work which he 
 continued up to the year 1577. His pupils, in their 
 eagerness to improve, gathered up a large portion of 
 these lectures with ready pens, and secured the publica- 
 tion of these notes under Ursinus's name. This was 
 first done at Neustadt, 1584, and afterwards at Geneva 
 and Leyden. From the manifold discrepancies of such 
 copies, it was soon evident how little part Ursinus had 
 in the doctrinal statements and expressions contained 
 in them, and therefore Parous, who had himself heard 
 Ursinus's lectures on the Catechism, was requested to 
 examine them, remodel, and so arrange them, that they 
 might present a greater resemblance to the style and 
 matter of the original lectures. Parens applied himself 
 to this work, and gave to the Catechetical exposition of 
 Ursinus a new form, in which it appeared for the first 
 time at Heidelberg, in 1591, in four parts, with as many 
 prefaces by Parens; it was published again in the same 
 place, in the years 1598 and 1607, and afterwards in 
 repeated editions, in various places, incorporated with 
 the works of Ursinus. Concerning other editions of 
 the Catechetical works of Ursinus, Martin Lipenius and 
 Jerome Van Alphear give authentic accounts, both in 
 relation to those which under various titles preceded, 
 as well as those which followed the improved edition of 
 Parens. The title of the genuine editions prepared by 
 Parens, is: "Zachariah Ursinus' Body of Christian doc- 
 
42 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 trine of the Church Reformed from Popery, containing 
 the Catechetical Expositions, variously presented in 
 divers editions, but now finally, and recently, so revised 
 and arranged from beginning to end, that it has been 
 regarded as a new work, by David Parens, with a double 
 Index. Appended are Catechetical miscellanies of the 
 first issues, revised and improved. Bremen, 1623." 
 
 Ursinus, from whose pen the Heidelberg Catechism 
 flowed, might reasonably be expected to write the best 
 commentary upon it; and so it is. The numerous edi- 
 tions of this book present a silent, and the loud eulo- 
 gies of learned men, an eloquent testimony respecting 
 it. Henry Alting justly adds, after boasting of the 
 number of expositions and explanations of the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism: "Among all these expositions, those 
 of Ursinus are the first and most excellent." D'Outrein 
 and other divines express a similar opinion, and count- 
 less pastors of churches were trained for their work by 
 the diligent use of them. Parens, however, shares the 
 honour of the exposition of Ursinus, inasmuch as he 
 furnished them to his companions in the faith. Ancil- 
 lon, in his miscellaneous critical writings, is right when 
 he says: "David Parens has prepared a capital Com- 
 mentary upon the Heidelberg Catechism, through Zacha- 
 riah Ursinus." 
 
 The value and use of the Heidelberg Catechism were 
 almost destroyed in their first developement, when after 
 the death of Prince Frederic in the year 1576, his son, 
 Count Palatine Louis, who was addicted to the Lutheran 
 doctrine, entered upon the government of the Palati- 
 nate, and ordered Luther's Catechism to be introduced 
 in his dominions, instead of the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 His brother. Prince John Casimir, however, retained 
 the Heidelberg Catechism in the provinces entrusted to 
 his rule. Hence, copies of t^e same are found, which 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 43 
 
 were printed about this time, upon whose title-page we 
 read: "The Catechism, as used in Churches and Schools, 
 formerly of the electoral^ now of the prina'paliti/ of the 
 Palatinate." Frederic III. had prepared a Will, in 
 which he had manifested the greatest solicitude for the 
 maintenance of his institutions. On his dying bed he 
 requested his son, who was to follow him in the govern- 
 ment, to grant him a personal interview, in which he 
 proposed most urgently to enjoin upon him the mainte- 
 nance of the Church order, and strict obedience to this 
 last will and testament. Louis VI. declined to com[)ly 
 with the request of his dying father for an interview, 
 and the regulations, contained in his will, respecting 
 Church order, were treated with contempt. Sixteen 
 days after his father's death, he comes to Heidelberg and 
 orders the funeral sermon of the deceased Elector to be 
 held by his Court preacher, Paul Schcchzius, whom he 
 brings with him for that purpose. Daniel Tossan, his 
 father's Court preacher, is dismissed, and Caspar Olevia- 
 nus, the most eminent teacher of divinity in the Uni- 
 versity, is visited with house-arrest. Booksellers are 
 forbidden to sell any books which tended to the support 
 of the Reformed Confession. Thence, the Elector 
 returns to Amberg, dismisses the Reformed preachers 
 from their stations, and reinstates on their former foot- 
 ing, the old usages, in the churches which had been 
 assigned to them, under the former government. The 
 preachers of Heidelberg, the mayor, and the magistracy, 
 send a petition to the Elector at Amberg, in which they 
 ask freedom for the. exercise of tlieir worship, and ofter 
 to transfer the ChuJch of the Holy Ghost for the use of 
 the advocates of his Confession. The Elector's brother, 
 Prince Casimir, endorses this petition; but the Elector 
 returns the petition to tlie Councils, witli a severe 
 rebuke, and answers his brother, that he will not, for 
 
44 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 sake of his own conscience, accept, and much less can 
 he grant the request of the petitioners. 
 
 In the following year, 1577, Louis comes with his court 
 to Heidelberg, dismisses the Church Council and all the 
 preachers from their stations, closes the only remaining 
 church, (that of the Barefoot order,) the chapel of the 
 Theological Faculty, which had been assigned as a place 
 of public worship to the refugees from Frankfort, occu- 
 pies all the stations with Lutherans, commands a new 
 Church order to be prepared, and all who refuse to adopt 
 it, are informed that their services are no longer required. 
 Many families leave the city, and take refuge in the 
 country of Prince Casimir. The new ministers who 
 have come to Heidelberg, and to the country towns, 
 constitute a strict and a more moderate party, and are 
 designated as Ubiquitarians and Non-Ubiquitarians. 
 The Elector Louis VI. seems to be more favourable to 
 the latter party, to which both his court preachers, Paul 
 and John Schechzius are attached, and makes it his 
 business to let these opinions be known to the people. 
 In the year 1580, the Elector Louis VI. subscribes the 
 Book of Concord, and thereby completes the triumph 
 of the Lutherans over the Heformed. All remaining 
 public teachers in the University, and professors in the 
 colleges, who, in matters of doctrine, incline to the 
 views of Zwingli, or even only of Melanchthon, must 
 subscribe the Form of Concord, and whoever declines to 
 do this, is declared unfit for the office of a public teacher. 
 A general church visitation is the final measure in this 
 revolution of ecclesiastical order under the government 
 of Louis. According to the report of this visitation, in 
 the city of Heidelberg, much had already been gained, 
 and the party of its opponents, now utterly weakened, 
 would no longer have been able to offer any opposition 
 to the measures proposed for i,the effecting of unity of 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHlS>f. 45 
 
 faith; but before these measures can be applied, the 
 Elector Louis VI. dies, in the strength of his manhood, 
 October 12, 1583. 
 
 Soon after the death of Louis, the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism and the whole Swiss system of doctrine and 
 church order were restored. Most opportunely, tidings 
 of this event recalled Casimir from a theatre which was 
 just beginning to be dangerous for him. From the 
 camp at Deuz, opposite the city of Cologne, the Prince 
 comes to Heidelberg three days after his brother's 
 death, and assumes the guardianship of the young 
 Prince Elector, and the government of the Palatinate. 
 True, Louis VI. had left a last will and testament, as 
 eight years ago his father had done before him; but 
 neither was this respected. Contrary to the express 
 arrangement of Louis VI., teachers of the Reformed 
 faith are appointed for the education of the young 
 prince. The leaders in Church and State, who have 
 been expelled eight years ago, return. The adminis- 
 trator orders a consultation to be held with the Evan- 
 gelical Lutheran Church commissioners and preachers 
 at Heidelberg, concerning the restoration of the Church 
 of the Holy Ghost to those of the Reformed persuasion. 
 The resolute refusal of these men to accede to the 
 wishes of the administrator does them more harm than 
 good. Notwithstanding their objections, the Church is 
 given over to the Reformed. The number of the Re- 
 formed, who are now in favour with the court, increases 
 daily, and soon the ascendency of their opponents be- 
 comes doubtful. Both Louis's court preachers are dis- 
 missed from their stations; the General Superintendent, 
 the Church counsellors, and others of the^ so-called. 
 Evangelical party, are obliged to leave. The overthrow 
 of the party opposed to the court seems inevitable. The 
 fury of party s^ii;it is rampant, and all attempts of the 
 
46 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 administrator to restrain it, tend rather to fan the flames 
 of discord than to quench them. The court resolves 
 once more to exhibit the rare spectacle of a public dis- 
 cussion. It is instituted on the 4th and continues until 
 the 10th of April, 1584; but its issue is without the 
 desired result; there is great clatter and outcry, and 
 both parties claim the victory. All the churches come 
 into the possession of the Reformed; all vacant posi- 
 tions, both in the University and in the College of the 
 Church Council, are occupied, for the most part, by the 
 men who have, eight years before, been dispossessed. 
 Throughout the whole country the Church order of 
 Federick III. was restored. The Church Council de- 
 mands from the preachers and schoolmasters, who have 
 subscribed the formula of the Concord, a declaration, that 
 they will henceforth have nothing to do with this sym- 
 bol of faith, except in so far as it agrees with the Divine 
 Word, the Augsburg Confession, and the Apology for the 
 same, and with other acknowledged symbolical books. 
 The majority decline to make this declaration, and are 
 dismissed from their positions. The Administrator Casi- 
 mir is succeeded in the government of the country by 
 his nephew. Prince Frederic the Fourth, who has been 
 educated by him, and who adheres to the principles of 
 his predecessor. The celebrated David Parens, pro- 
 fessor at Heidelberg, labours under, his auspices; the 
 Church enjoys rest, and the fame of the University 
 reaches a height which it has hitherto not attained. 
 He dies in the flower of his life, Sept. 9, 1610. Under 
 the guardianship of Prince John of Deuxponts, his son 
 Frederic V. succeeds him in the government, and is faith- 
 ful to his father's example,^ and maintains the Church 
 in all its interest^, in the .same condition in which his 
 father had left it. He raises the estimation in which 
 the Heidelberg Catechism is held; sends Palatinate 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 47 
 
 divines to the General Synod, at Dordrcclit, 10)18, by 
 which the Heidelberg Catechism is exalted to the 
 rank of a symbolical book. 
 
 Dark and heavy storm clouds gathered over the 
 Church, and especially over the Palatinate, and broke 
 in fearful tempests of fury and cruelty upon them. The 
 dissatisfaction of several Catholic Courts in Germany, 
 whom the treaty of Passau, and the religious peace 
 which followed it, had for a time kept at bay, but had 
 not yet subdued, exhibited itself in various occurrences, 
 and threatened serious troubles to the German empire. 
 The Protestant princes banded themselves under the 
 name of the Union, against all assaults of the Papacy, 
 and the Catholic princes, in opposition to it, formed 
 themselves into "The League." A war was inevitable, 
 and would have broken out, even had there been no dis- 
 turbances in Bohemia. The position of President of 
 the Evangelical " Union," which Frederic IX. had already 
 occupied, was retained by his son, Frederic Y., and 
 involved him deeply in all the religious strifes of the 
 German empire. Unfortunately for him, the most 
 powerful of all the then Protestant Courts arrayed itself 
 against the evangelical Union, whilst the powers of the 
 League were consolidated in a compact alliance. At 
 last, the fire which had long smouldered under the ashes, 
 burst forth in flames. The explosion began in Bohemia, 
 Moravia, and Silesia, and all Europe was convulsed. 
 The royal Brief accorded by the Emperor Rudolph II., 
 in 1609, to the Hussites and Protestants in Bohemia, 
 Moravia, and Silesia, by which religious freedom was 
 secured to them; the liberties gained with so much 
 diflficulty, from the various regents of the .provinces, 
 extorted rather by the force of circumstances, than freely 
 conceded to them, were assailed and violently with- 
 drawn. Thus,- the confidence, which is so essential 
 
48 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 between rulers and people, was destroyed. In the midst 
 of this contest between the Court and a jealous people, 
 the Emperor Mathias died in 1619. The states of 
 Bohemia^ Moravia, and Silesia, declared themselves 
 independent of the government of his successor, Ferdi- 
 nand II., and chose the Palatine Elector, Frederic V., 
 as their King, August 16, 1619. Frederic hesitated to 
 accept the proffered crown. His mother, Louisa Juliana, 
 the wisest princess of her age, exerted all her influence 
 to dissuade Frederic from accepting the crown: "Envy 
 and hatred," said she, " are the real names of the friend- 
 ship on which you rely; a religious War will grow out 
 of this political contest." The Elector's wife, a daughter 
 of James I. of England, Prince Christian of Anhalt, 
 Prince Maurice of Orange, and the Prince of Bouillon, 
 urged him to accept the crown, and Frederic consented. 
 He travelled from Heidelberg to Bohemia, and the 
 peace and prosperity of his subjects in the Palatinate 
 went with him; he was crowned, Qctober 25, 1619, with 
 great pomp ; he issued a very mild declaration in favour 
 of the Catholic portion of his subjects ; the pictures were 
 removed only from the Cathedral at Prague. He entered 
 upon a campaign against the Emperor, and was already 
 at the gates of Vienna, but the Emperor, Ferdinand II., 
 concluded a treaty with the Pope, the King of Spain, 
 and the Elector of Saxony, against the King of Bohemia; 
 and the French Court arranged a compact at Ulm, 
 between the Evangelical Union and the Catholic League. 
 Ferdinand II, , and Prince Maximilian, of Bavaria, 
 formed a secret alliance against.Frederic. The Spanish 
 Field-Marshal, Spinola, made an incursion with an arpiy 
 from the Netherlands, and gained possession of the 
 greater part of ^he Lowet Palatinate, on the left bank 
 of the Rhine. At Krcuznach, a Spanish regency was 
 established, and the established Church institutions were 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISiT. 49 
 
 overthrown. Prince Maximilian and the Emperor's 
 general, Bourquoi, invaded Bohemia, and Frederic, the 
 King of Bohemia, was beaten at AVeissenberg near 
 Prague, and fled for his life. He and all his adherents 
 were declared by the Emperor to be under the ban of 
 the empire. Prince Maximilian gained possession of 
 the Upper Palatinate. The imperial general, Tilly, sub- 
 jugated all the cities of the Palatinate on the right bank 
 of the llhine, as far as Heidelberg and Manheim. A 
 ray of hope dawns upon the unhappy Kinsr. A few 
 German princes, faithful adherents of Frederic V., raise 
 a considerable body of troops for his assistance. Fre- 
 deric himself returns to the Rhenish Palatinate; but 
 after various adverse occurrences, the terrified King 
 allows himself to be induced by the fallacious promises 
 of his father-in-law, James L, to renounce the fortune 
 « of war. The imperial general, Tilly, seizes Heidelberg, 
 and assigns the electoral palace as a residence to the 
 Jesuits who had accompanied him. On the second day 
 after this event, the first mass is held in the principal 
 church in the city; the other churches are given over 
 to secular priests and monks. The costly library is pre- 
 sented by Prince Maximilian to the reigning Pontifl", 
 Paul. All ministers of the gospel are expressly ordered 
 by Marshal Tilly to leave the city. Whole herds of 
 foreign Monks come into the llhenish Palatinate, and 
 contend for the possession of the Convent property. 
 The governments of Spain and Bavaria issue a decree, 
 that every inhabitant must either go to Mass, or leave 
 the country. The . University is reorganized by the 
 fathers of the Sociel'y of Jesus; and the whole external 
 ecclesiastical condition of the country is no\v Romish. 
 Hope has died out, when, all at once, the scene shifts. 
 The Northern Hero, Gustavus Adolphus, lands with a 
 small army in* Pomerania, gains a decisive victory at 
 4 
 
50 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Leipzic in 1631, and in the same year recovers a large 
 portion of the Rhenish Palatinate, and changes the reli- 
 gious condition of the country. The noble Gustavus 
 dies on the field of Lutzen, 1632, a glorious death for 
 the liberty and prosperity of Germany, and the cup of 
 the unhappy Frederic's misery is full. When on the 
 point of taking possession of his hereditary realm, he dies . 
 at Mayence, November 10, 1632. Under the guardian- 
 ship and administration of the Count Palatine, Philip, 
 of Simmern, Prince Charles Louis entered upon the 
 government. The churches and church property were 
 assigned to their former owners. An agreement was 
 entered into between the Administrator and the Swedish 
 C'hancellor, Oxenstiern, respecting matters of religion 
 and church order in the Palatinate, by which not only 
 the free exercise of religious worship was secured to the 
 evangelical Lutherans throughout the Palatinate, but it * 
 was stipulated also, that whenever, in any city, town, or 
 village, they constituted the majority, the churches, 
 parsonages, and parsonage revenues, should be conceded 
 to them. The superintendencies and pastorates were 
 again filled, and preaching, and catechization according 
 to the Heidelberg Catechism, were conducted as formerly. 
 Multitudes of refugees returned to their liberated father- 
 land; a rich contribution from Scotland assisted them 
 to reorganize their churches and schools, and a joyful 
 harvest promised to succeed the days of weeping; but the 
 disastrous defeat of the Swedes at Nordlingen, August 
 26, 1634, blasted all these fair prospects. Heidelberg 
 was again overrun with imperial and Bavarian troops. 
 The whole land became a vast scene of rapine and plun- 
 der. The distress of the country reached its climax, 
 when famine^ ai^d pestilence added their scourge to the 
 horrors of war. The Protestant preachers were all 
 banished from the state. DesQlation and sorrow increased 
 
TOE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 51 
 
 from day to day, and from the year 1636 until 1648, 
 the distress of the few remaining inhabitants surpassed 
 
 all power of description Golden days — days of 
 
 rest and peace — returned at last, when the fury of the 
 storm was spent. After negotiations continued through 
 many years, the peace of Westphalia, 1648, at length 
 brought rest to the oppressed country and the ruined 
 church. The Elector Charles Louis was restored to all 
 the temporal and spiritual rights and privileges which 
 pertained to his station ; only one single institution, that 
 of Starkenberg, on the beautiful Bergstrasse, was lost, 
 and the few Protestants who still remained in it either 
 moved away, or gradually died out. The Elector did 
 not obtain complete possession of the country until after 
 the Nuremburg treaty in 1649. In the same year, the 
 College of the Church Council was reorganized. Out 
 of three hundred and forty-seven preachers, who lived 
 in the Rhenish Palatinate before the war, only forty-two 
 remained, and these were in the cities and towns held 
 in possession by the Swedes. Of those driven into exile 
 during the war, and scattered through all the countries 
 of Europe, only fifty-four returned to their native land. 
 Loth indeed were the enraged monks to retire from the 
 convents and churches which they held in their pos- 
 session; they protested and appealed to the terms of 
 occupancy of the year 1624; but the restitution through- 
 out the Palatinate was based on the articles of 1618, and 
 they were compelled to give up everything. The autho- 
 rity of the Heidelberg Catechism, and the Swiss reforma- 
 tion in doctrine and Churcli discipline, are reestablished. 
 The College of the'Church Council, the pastorates, the 
 schools, are again occupied according to thd old order. 
 The Elector accords perfect liberty of conscience to the 
 Papists; but the public celebration of "their worship is 
 confined to those localities in which it is secured to them 
 
52 . HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 by special agreements with the neighbouring Catholic 
 princes and bishops. The Lutherans enjoy the Hberty 
 and immunities which the peace of Westphalia guaran- 
 ties. The Elector Charles Louis deserves great com- 
 mendation for the flourishing condition of the Palatinate, 
 which had recently been so cruelly devastated. The 
 mental cultivation of the clergy, which had been terribly 
 depressed by the tedious war, was a matter of great 
 concern to him. He is the first Prince of the German 
 empire who professed to be the patron of principles of 
 religious toleration. LLis endeavours to eff'ect a union 
 of the different Christian communions were of no avail 
 in that particular respect; but it was much, that he pro- 
 cured the preparation of a common liturgy for all Pro- 
 testants in his provinces, although it was never perfectly 
 introduced. In the midst of these noble efforts, Charles 
 Louis died, August 28, 1680. He was succeeded by his 
 son, Charles, whose entrance upon the government was full 
 of rich promise, and gave strong support to the interests 
 of the Reformed Church ; but a melancholy disposition, 
 the result of sickness, kept him aloof from public affairs ; 
 he died. May 16, 1685, and with him falls the main 
 stay of the Zwinglian Confession. The Heidelberg 
 Catechism became, from this time forth, an arena of 
 perpetual strife; the most violent persecutions assailed 
 it, and an end of it, in the Palatinate, had well nigh 
 been made by fire and fagot. 
 
 Up to this time all attempts of the Papal court to 
 uproot Protestantism, and keep the Roman hierarchy 
 erect, had been . frustrated. All the strokes of policy, 
 and the power of the mightiest among men, had b^en 
 invoked in vain; all the hew orders which had been 
 organised, laboured in \mn ■ for the overthrow of the 
 new doctrine. Another plan was now adopted; the 
 idea was nothing less than to" bring over to the Papacy 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 53 
 
 the princes and regents of those countries in which Pro- 
 testantism preponderated, by brilliant promises, and by 
 liolding up before them the prospect of earthly crowns. 
 Already they had succeeded in winning over to the 
 Papacy the Elector of Saxony, by the offer of the crown 
 of Poland, and the provinces of the Palatinate came 
 under the government of Catholic princes. The Elec- 
 tor Philip William, formerly Prince of Neuberg, and 
 an adherent of the Church of Pome, enters, in the year 
 1685, on the government of the Palatinate. Vain is 
 the protest of the Count of Palatine, Louis Leopold of 
 Veldeuz. The close relation to the imperial house 
 secures to the Elector Philip William the peaceable 
 possession of the Palatinate. From Dusseldorf Philip 
 W^illiam sends a written assurance to the Grand Stew- 
 ard, and the Privy Council, that he will maintain intact 
 the Swabian treaty, and repeats this assurance to Fre- 
 deric W^illiam, Elector of Brandenburg. His regula- 
 tions concerning matters of religious and church order 
 breathe the spirit of moderation and equity; but certain 
 suspicious expressions occur in them, to which, when 
 his attention is called by the Church Council, he gives 
 explanations calculated to allay the anxieties of his 
 Protestant subjects. The choir of the Garrison Church 
 must be given over for two years to the remaining 
 Catholic inhabitants of Heidelberg, and, in 1686, the 
 Jesuits are already in Heidelberg. The former court 
 preachers of the Elector Charles are thrown into prison, 
 and condemned to an ignominious and severe punish- 
 ment. Notwithstanding the profound agitation of the 
 people, the Gregorian Calendar is introduced, and, in 
 1687, the Catholic worship has been already eyvery where 
 established. By order of the Elector, the Catholics 
 must have the free use of the bells of the Reformed 
 churches, and* of the church-yards. Fresh Catholic 
 
54 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 clergy, and members of various orders make their 
 appearance. Public processions are held, and a con- 
 vent is built for the Capuchins. The Jesuits, the 
 Monks, and other Romish priests insult the Protestants 
 in various ways ; their attacks are directed mainly upon 
 the Heidelberg Catechism. Among all the questions 
 of this Catechism, none endured so much contradiction 
 and assault as the famous 80th question, concerning the 
 difference between the Lord's Supper and the Popish 
 mass. The Jesuits instituted a Thesis against it, at 
 Heidelberg, in 1685; the Lutherans joined them in the 
 attack, although from different motives and reasons. 
 At the suggestion of the Reformed theologians, Fabri- 
 tius and Mieg, a certain Nicolas Gtirtler answered 
 them both, and published, anonymously, a dissertation 
 in defence of the Heidelberg, or Palatinate Catechism, 
 notwithstanding the Elector had enjoined silence upon 
 the disputants. John Louis Fabritius himself gave 
 occasion to another dispute about this question, in 1687. 
 On the 18th of January, he delivered a controversial 
 lecture at Heidelberg, in the form of a dialogue 
 between Philopistis and Anagnostis, in which he main- 
 tained, that in the 80th question nothing more was 
 taught than what the Lutherans themselves held; and 
 he laid special stress on the fact, that the ecclesiastical 
 regulations of the Electors, Otto Henry, Frederic III., 
 and Louis, agreed entirely in this resp.ect. In answer 
 to this discussion another made its appearance: "A 
 new method of the Heidelberg Reformed to attack the 
 Lutherans, on the occasion of the dissertation upon the 
 80th question of the Heidelberg Catechism, held at 
 Heidelberg, January 18, 1687;. a theological discussion 
 under the presidency of John Frederic Mayer, April 29, 
 1687, subjected to' examination by M. Nathaniel Falk, 
 at Wittemberg. Dr. Mayer here endeavours to prove 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISif. 55 
 
 that this new method had been invented by the Re- 
 formed only in order to excite the Catholics against the 
 Lutherans. Both dissertations, Mayer's, and that of 
 Fabritius, are printed together, and translated from 
 the Latin into the German language, with the following 
 title : " Some Notice and Explanation of the 80th Ques- 
 tion of the Heidelberg Catechism, as it was set forth in 
 a dialogue between Philopistis" and Anagnostis, by John 
 Louis Fabritius, Heidelberg, 1687, and refuted by John 
 Frederic Mayer, so far as it is contrary to Lutheran 
 doctrines. By this means put in print out of regard 
 for those who may desire information on this matter. 
 Published at Leipzig, 1720." The arrangement of the 
 above Latin treatise is somewhat changed in this pub- 
 lication; the corollaries which had been appended to 
 the dissertation of Fabritius were omitted, and some 
 remarks and explanations on the 80th question were 
 added. 
 
 The unhappy French war broke out in 1688. The 
 miseries of this war were aggravated by the terrible 
 evils of intolerance, and the spirit of persecution. The 
 blame of all the disasters and confusion which arose 
 from it, is due to the malicious frivolity with which the 
 French generals favoured the unlawful assumptions of 
 certain of the country clergy, which the Elector Philip 
 William, who was soon dispossessed of his provinces, 
 was unable to hinder. The bailiwicks of the Palatinate 
 on the left bank of the Rhine, were taken possession of 
 by the enemy in this year, and the ecclesiastical condi- 
 tion of the Protestants in that district was subjected to 
 the most deplorable change, through the violence of the 
 French, The property and revenues of the churches 
 were seized by the generals of the hostile armies. In 
 the bailiwick Germersheim, which France designed to 
 retain, all the -churches, parsonages, and schoolhouses 
 
56 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 were transferred to the Catholic priests and orders, and 
 in other Reformed churches, under favour of the French 
 generals, the Simultaneiim was introduced. The fortune 
 of war subjected the Palatinate on the right bank of 
 the Rhine to the French, and the city of Heidelberg 
 was surrendered by agreement, October 25, 1688. True, 
 as usual, the promise was given to attempt no change 
 in church affairs; but it is well known how little regard 
 is shown to the sacredness of a promise once spoken; the 
 chief commanders of the French army paid no respect 
 to it. 
 
 On the left bank of the Rhine the distress was ex- 
 treme, and the heaviest blows fell on the Reformed 
 preachers and schoolmasters. A large number of them 
 were taken as prisoners to Alsace and Mayence, because, 
 bereft of all income, they were unable to pay the heavy 
 contributions levied upon them; others, terrified by this 
 barbarity, betook themselves to flight. The Reformed 
 worship was almost entirely suspended, and the schools 
 could no longer be held. The Church Council appealed 
 to the court at Paris; but obtained neither answer nor 
 mitigation of the sufferings of the oppressed. The 
 Elector Philip William issued an order from Neuberg, 
 on the Donau, to reduce the number of the Palatinate 
 councillors, and officers in the Reformed courts of jus- 
 tice in the country, and also that of the preachers and 
 schoolmasters. In this way many were dismissed. 
 
 Philip William died at Vienna, September 2, 1690. 
 In the midst of these sad events, the Papists celebrated 
 their triumph over the Protestants, and the Jesuits 
 scoffed in the most wanton manner at the Heidelberg 
 Catechism.. They deemed it. especially proper to make 
 a noise at this time, about, the 80th question. They 
 published two t^'acts againsfiti ' The first bears the title 
 — "Prosecution for defamation, instituted in the court 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 57 
 
 of naked and simple Reason, by Truth against the Cal- 
 umny which is imputed to the Catholics in the 80th 
 question of the Heidelberg Catechism." The other 
 bears the inscription: "Calumny between Sacrum and 
 Sapum." James L'Enfant, who then resided at Heidel- 
 berg, opposed them courageously and vigorously. He 
 wrote against these tracts two letters, which were 
 appended to his " Preservative against reunion with the 
 Roman See," and constitute the fifth part, or volume, of 
 this book, with the title, " The Innocence of the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism." L'Enfant inflamed the Jesuits with 
 such hatred by this means, that his superiors advised 
 him, on the ground of his personal safety, to betake 
 himself to some other place. His vindication of the 
 Catechism met with a sad fate; the greater part of the 
 copies was burnt in a fire which broke out in Heidel- 
 berg. Thirty-two years afterwards, this resolute de- 
 fender determined to reprint it with an appendix. It 
 appeared with the following title, in the French lan- 
 guage: "The Innocence of the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 in opposition to two tracts of a Jesuit of the Palatinate; 
 to which are appended, Discourses on the Catechism, 
 the Formularies and Confession of Faith. By M. L'En- 
 fant, Amsterdam, 1723." 
 
 Under the successor of Philip William, his son, the 
 Elector John William, the distress of the country, and 
 the misery of the Protestants were terribly aggravated. 
 The armies of the powers which were allied against 
 France gained some advantage over the enemy, and one 
 part of the Rhenish Palatinate was wrested from him; 
 but the fortune of •War again declared itself for the 
 armies of France, which had been heavily^ reinforced. 
 By one of these armies Heidelberg was taken, May 11, 
 1693, and after unheard of cruelties inflicted on the 
 inhabitants, their city was laid in ashes. 
 
58 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 The mischief resulting to the Protestant Church in 
 the Palatinate from this sad calamity, was irreparable. 
 In the country occupied by the enemy, law and order 
 have no voice; the vacant stations are not occupied; 
 the College of the Church Council is composed, in the 
 year 1693, of two persons, John Louis Fabritius and 
 John Salmeith, of whom, the former resided at Frank- 
 fort, the latter at Nuremberg. The untiring energy of 
 Fabritius wrestles against the storms of adversity, and 
 saves all that can be saved in these unhappy times. 
 The majority of the inhabitants flee from the devastated 
 cities and towns. The Romish orders remain and 
 occupy the greater part of the churches and parsonages. 
 Before the close of the year 1693, a hundred Reformed 
 churches, with a great many parsonages and school- 
 houses, have fallen into the hands of monkish fraterni- 
 ties. At last, in the year 1697, the peace, so long 
 desired, is concluded at Ryswick; but the clause of the 
 fourth article of this treaty of peace, embitters all the 
 joy which the Protestants might huve derived from it, 
 and places them in a position more disadvantageous 
 than that in which they had been during the war, 
 because, by virtue of this treaty, all the changes in the 
 Church establishment, effected during the war, are 
 made permanent by law. The condition of the Protest- 
 ants now becomes deplorable in the extreme. In the 
 bailiwick of Germersheim, the subjects of the Palati- 
 nate lose not only the churches and church property, 
 but freedom of conscience and worship also. The fate 
 of these people was, beyond description, wretched. 
 In the bailiwick of Kreuznach, the Cl^rk of the district 
 seized, by military execution, many of the churches and 
 parsonages. The entire church property of the Re- 
 formed was sequestered, and a commission composed of 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 69 
 
 members of the Electoral Council was appointed to 
 caiTy the sequestration into effect. 
 
 By an electoral edict, the Simultaneum for the three 
 Confessions adopted in the German empire, is intro- 
 duced in all churches throughout the country. This 
 blow strikes none but the Protestants, because the 
 churches which have been taken from them, remain, by 
 express restriction, in the private possession of the 
 Catholics; the churches connected with Convents, enjoy 
 exemption by virtue of another decree to that effect. 
 The edict respecting the Simultaneum was carried into 
 effect by military force. The charity funds in the 
 Reformed churches were declared common by an elec- 
 toral decree, and great changes were introduced in the 
 magistracy, in the cities and throughout the country. 
 
 Like an angel of mercy, the Elector of Brandenburg 
 steps forth and takes an affectionate interest in his 
 oppressed brethren of the Reformed faith. But for his 
 mediation, neither the Heidelberg Catechism nor the 
 Swiss Confession would have preserved their existence 
 in the Palatinate. An appeal had already been made 
 to the Body of the religious states, at Regensburg, on 
 account of these ecclesiastical grievances. The evan- 
 gelical States had already transmitted an exposition, 
 through the ambassadors of the Palatinate, to the Elec- 
 tor John William ; but little attention was paid to it. 
 The attempt was made to evade the matter by artifices. 
 The Elector Frederic, of Brandenburg, now empowered 
 the Baron Von Wylich, at Botzlaer, to make earnest 
 representations, in the name of the evangelical States, 
 to the Elector John William, in relation to a removal 
 of these religious grievances. The ambassa4prs of Eng- 
 land and Sweden, together with the Dutch Republic, 
 joined in this demand. Protracted negotiations were 
 instituted with -the Electoral Court by these ambassa- 
 
60 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 dors. The Electoral Court attempted to evade the main 
 point and a final settlement. At last, the Elector of 
 the Palatinate communicated his ultimatum to the 
 Baron Von Wylich, March 18, 1700; it did not satisfy 
 the evangelical States, and on the 10th of April, the 
 ambassadors took leave of the Elector's Court. 
 
 The Corporation of the evangelical States now appealed 
 to the Court of the Emperor, and a deputation of the 
 empire was appointed to investigate the religious 
 grievances in the Palatinate; but the Catholic portion 
 of this committee could not agree, as was always the 
 case, with the evangelical portion, in relation to the 
 mode of redressing these grievances. King Frederic I., 
 of Prussia, gave the Catholic clergy of the three princi- 
 palities of Halberstadt, Magdeburg, and Minden, to 
 understand, that if, within the space of six weeks, the 
 state of affairs in the Palatinate was not changed, the 
 threat which he had already made respecting the seques- 
 tration of their property and restrictions upon their pub- 
 lic worship, would positively go' into effect. Full of 
 anxiety and alarm, Father Briininghof, the Superior of 
 the Capuchins at Halberstadt, sets out with all despatch 
 to Hegensburg, and makes a remonstrance to the Catho- 
 lic States, but without result. King Frederic, without 
 farther parley, appointed a commission, June 9, 1705, 
 which at once took possession of the property of the 
 Convents and Catholic churches of the three principali- 
 ties, Magdeburg, Halberstadt, and Minden. By these 
 earnest proceedings, the imperial Court was induced to 
 send an admonitory note to the Electors of Brandenburg 
 and the Palatinate ; from this ensued the first declaration 
 from the Elector John William, which was not alto- 
 gether unfavourable; but it was not deemed satisfactory. 
 The negotiations* were continued at Dusseldorf, and the 
 interim compromise was put in effect, and appeared in 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 61 
 
 print in November, 1705, under the title of the Palati- 
 nate Declaration. 
 
 On all occasions, when attacks were made on the 
 Reformed, the Heidelberg Catechism was the target at 
 which the main blows were aimed. A noted enemy 
 appeared against it in the beginning of this century. 
 Christian E,ittmeyer, a member of the Elector's privy 
 council, went over to the Romish Church, and in 1707, 
 wrote "Catholic remarks on the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 in several sections." In this treatise, he attacks certain 
 questions of the Catechism, proves that they tend to the 
 defamation and dishonour of his prince, defends the 
 Popish doctrines of the Mass, the Invocation of the 
 Saints, the worship of pictures. Tradition, Good works, 
 Purgatory, etc. Many theologians arrayed themselves 
 against this influential enemy. The Professors of Theo- 
 logy at the University of Heidelberg, Louis Christian 
 Mieg, and John Christian Kirchmeyer, who had been 
 challenged by name in Rittmeyer's treatise, issued, in 
 reply to it, "Christian Observations respecting the first 
 section of the Catholic Remarks on the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism by Mr. Christian Rittmeyer, of the Elector's 
 Council, in which an inquiry is instituted, whether the 
 article touching the Sacrifice of the Mass, agrees with 
 the Faith of the Primitive Christian Church, by the 
 Reformed Professors of Theology at Heidelberg ; printed 
 in 1707." Another title is in these words: "Christian 
 Observations of the Reformed Professors of Theology at 
 Heidelberg, on the Catholic Remarks upon the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism by Christian Rittmeyer, of the Elector's 
 Council. Heidelbecg, 1704." Judged by the title, this 
 treatise is distinct from the former ; but in the discussion 
 they agree fully ; for in the latter, also, there is a refu- 
 tation of the first section of Rittmeyer's remarks, and 
 nothing more. . Rittmeyer was not silenced. He was 
 
62 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 particularly provoked, that the Heidelberg Professors 
 had represented Vincentius Levinensis, in their refuta- 
 tion of the preface to the Catholic Remarks, as a semi- 
 pelagian and a heretic. Thereupon, he published the 
 following treatise: "Christian Rittmeyer's, member of 
 the Elector's Council, introductory admonition, and 
 earnest request, addressed to the resident gentlemen, 
 Professors of Theology, that they would be pleased here- 
 after, in answering his Catholic Remarks, to adhere more 
 closely to the truth than they have done in the recent 
 publication of their Observations, wherein twenty-live 
 untruths, on one-half sheet, are detected, and with all 
 modesty, are pointed out, together with the assured 
 promise, that between two and three hundred similar 
 instances shall, in a future refutation, be exposed. 
 Heidelberg, December 31, 1707." 
 
 In reply to this rejoinder, the Professors published 
 "The Christian Warning of the Reformed Professors of 
 Theology at Heidelberg, on the preceding Admonitions 
 of Mr. Christian Rittmeyer, member of the Elector's 
 Council, and their pertinent request addressed to him, 
 that in his future answers to their Christian Observa- 
 tions, he would be pleased to adopt another method, and 
 first refer to the authors whom he quotes, before he 
 accuses them of false allegations, and then investigate 
 the matter in the fear of God; wherein, also, the nullity 
 of the twenty-five untruths, and of other rejoinders from 
 him, is shown, Heidelberg, January 17, 1708." 
 
 Here the controversy stopped; neither the one party 
 nor the other published anything more on the subject. 
 The Elector gave the parties to understand, that these 
 polemical writings displeased him. The Elector was, 
 in fact, so great a friend of the Papists, and a still more 
 devoted supported of the Jesuits, that he could not bea;r 
 to have anything written against them. He gave the 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 63 
 
 Jesuits various positions as Professors in the University, 
 the rich Convent of Neuburg, near Heidelberg, and the 
 revenues of the Branchweiler Hospital, which formerly- 
 belonged to the Church property of the Reformed. The 
 Jesuit, Paul Usleber, defended, in a public lecture at 
 Heidelberg, certain Theses, which gave occasion to vio- 
 lent commotions. The Elector John William died, 
 June 8, 1716. 
 
 Under the administration of Charles Philip, who took 
 possession of the Palatinate immediately after the death 
 of his father, a terrible tempest burst upon the advocates 
 of the Heidelberg Catechism. The storm was preceded 
 by a pleasant calm. Charles Philip introduced many 
 good and beneficial regulations in the country, and 
 golden days were expected under his government. All 
 at once, April 24, 1719, a decree is issued by the Elec- 
 tor, which forbids his subjects all farther use of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism; this decree was repeated, May 2; 
 and notwithstanding the intense excitement produced 
 by it, the order was put in force in most places by the 
 magistrates. All that had hitherto been done against 
 the Catechism seemed trivial compared with the uproar 
 which was now made against it. A Romish publisher 
 ventured to issue a new edition of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism; he printed on the title-page the Electoral coat 
 of arms, and the words, " with permission of his High- 
 ness, the Elector." This gave the Papists an opportu- 
 nity for strife, and persuaded the Elector, who was 
 naturally of a mild disposition, to issue the following 
 mandate: "That in all the Electoral provinces, the Cate- 
 chism, the use of which in the Reformed churches, was 
 a source of great scandal, and which had been printed 
 in his name, and with the Electoral arms, should be sup- 
 pressed, not only because this proceeding was impudent, 
 scandalous, and^worthy of punishment, but also, because 
 
64 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OP 
 
 the 80th question, and other articles, were contrary 
 to the Elector's majesty, the laws of the realm, and 
 other imperial decrees, which had recently been promnl- 
 ged. Wherefore, the Reformed Consistories, and all 
 subject to them, were admonished to yield obedience to 
 the present order within three months at farthest, and 
 to secure all copies in which the 80th question and 
 other articles were contained. And in order that this 
 Electoral decree might go into force at once, the govern- 
 ment issued a decree to the Reformed Church Council, 
 May 2, in which they were commanded to call in all 
 copies of the new edition, and in addition, to take mea- 
 sures, that in future no copies in which the aforesaid 
 80th question, and other offensive things which were 
 not to be endured, should be brought into the Electoral 
 provinces. 
 
 The Reformed Church Council reported, hereupon, 
 that the new edition had been published, not by them, 
 but by a Catholic book-printer, who had secured the 
 Elector's permission, as far back 'as 1699, to print the 
 school books and catechisms of the Reformed Church; 
 that, without the knowledge of the Council, he had 
 affixed the arms of the Elector, together with the words 
 which had given such offence, respecting the permission 
 and authority of the Elector; that, so far as concerned 
 the use of this Catechism, ever since the Reformation, 
 it had been used as a symbolieal bookby the Reformed, 
 in churches and schools, both in this country and in 
 other kingdoms, and also, in the year 1618, had been 
 declared and established as such, by the Synod of Dort; 
 and, inasmuch as the Elector Philip AVilliam, of blessed 
 memory, when his Privy Council had held a conference 
 with the Church Council in 1685, upon this very 
 80th question, had allowed the Reformed to retain 
 the use of their Catechism, without molestation, and 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 65 
 
 had enjoined only this, that they should neither con- 
 demn his Electoral Highness personally, nor denounce 
 other Catholics as idolaters; and that therefore it could 
 not he forbidden, either by the decree of the empire, or 
 by the mandate recently promulged, just as little as 
 from a Catholic stand-point, the anathemas of the Coun- 
 cil of Trent, and the Bull of Pope Pius VI., could be 
 included in the defamatory articles which were pro- 
 hibited. In view of all this, they hoped that his Elec- 
 toral Highness would not regard the use of their Cate- 
 chism as an innovation, but rather, serenely take into 
 consideration, how painful it must be to his Reformed 
 subjects if they were deprived of their Catechism, which 
 was their only symbolical book, and their sole means of 
 instructing the youth in religion; moreover, that if the 
 same should be changed, they would be compelled to 
 separate from their co-religionists, and from their doc- 
 trinal confessions, inasmuch as they constantly used the 
 Catechism, just as it is printed in questions and answers. 
 In addition, the Church Council assured him, that as 
 the Reformed refrained from condemning others, it 
 would always be borne in mind, at this point, that there 
 is a great difference between the condemnation of a doc- 
 trine and of persons, and that least of all, should any 
 inference be drawn prejudicial to the noble person of 
 the Elector, or any other Catholics. Finally, they most 
 humbly beseech his Electoral Highness, inasmuch as he 
 is bound by official obligation, to see to it that the Cate- 
 chism which has been assailed, shall be retained, on the 
 one hand, not to take it amiss that they cannot give the 
 desired order, and, ott the otlier, to command his officials 
 to refrain from the Suppression." -^^ 
 
 This written representation was accompanied by a 
 verbal message; but nothing was accomplished by 
 either. The apswer was returned, that the mandate 
 5 
 
6«| HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 which had been issued was final, and all those who pre- 
 sumed to defend the Catechism by declarations of this 
 sort, or to exert themselves in any way for its retention, 
 should be severely punished. At the same time, the 
 government of the Elector demanded the nave of the 
 church of the Holy Ghost, at Heidelberg. The Church 
 Council resisted the demand, and the Government took 
 forcible possession of the church. The Church Council 
 reported the matter, citing other grievances also, to the 
 Corporation of the Evangelical States, at Regensburg. 
 Nearly all the Protestant powers of Europe, particularly 
 the Kings of England and Prussia, the States of Holland 
 and West Friesland, and the Prince of Hesse-Cassel, 
 took a deep interest in this matter, and endeavoured to 
 persuade the Elector to annul these innovations. Pope 
 Clement V. took pains to confirm the Elector in the 
 principles which he had expressed. 
 
 After several fruitless endeavours to bring the Elector 
 to another decision, the deplorable measure of reprisals 
 was adopted by some of the Evangelical States. The 
 Prince of Hesse-Cassel ordered the Catholic church 
 at St. Goor and Langenswalbach to be closed; the 
 King of England that of Zelle, and the King of Prussia 
 shut up the Cathedral at Minden, and sequestered 
 some monasteries in the Principality of Halberstadt. 
 Moved by these decided measures, the Elector Philip 
 surrendered the Church of the Holy Ghost to the Re- 
 formed. The Reformed courts took the part of their 
 oppressed brethren of the same religious persuasion, in 
 relation to the suppression of the Catechism, and urged 
 the Elector, both by writing and by embassies, to grant 
 the public the free use of this symbolical book ; but, 'at 
 first, their application met with little attention. The 
 Elector, through* his mini'ster, declared himself to this 
 efl'ect: "That his intention never had been to enjoin 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 67 
 
 upon his Eeformed subjects the least command which 
 could affect their principles, in matters of faith, in the 
 smallest degree ; but he desired only that which was con- 
 tained in the 80th question, and other articles, implying 
 disrespect and contempt of his majesty, the Emperor, 
 together with other crowned heads of the Catholic faith, 
 and of his own person, as king of the country, should be 
 omitted, because such abusive language and maledic- 
 tions, which were infused into the children, in churches 
 and schools, as it were, with their mother's milk, were 
 not only in themselves scandalous in the commonwealth, 
 injurious, and altogether intolerable on the part of 
 subjects toward their Catholic rulers, but had also been 
 declared unjustifiable by Protestant theologians and 
 lawyers." 
 
 To this, the Prussian Envoy, M. Von Hecht, replied: 
 "Just as little as the evangelical princes and states of 
 the empire presumed to make any alteration in the free- 
 dom of conscience, so wisely secured in the articles of 
 compromise, though the propositions and decrees of the 
 Council of Trent, and the Confession of Pius VI., and 
 other symbolic books of the Catholics, were inconsistent 
 with that liberty, notwithstanding it was plain as the 
 light of day, that curses and maledictions were contained 
 in these, not only against the doctrines of the Church, 
 but also against persons; would they be content, that 
 his Electoral Highness should undertake to change any- 
 thing in the Heidelberg Catechism, or to forbid its 
 unrestricted use, seeing that more than 150 years ago, 
 at the Diet of Augsburg, it had been defended, and sub- 
 sequently introduced into all Reformed Churches as a 
 symbolical book, arid its doctrines had lieen adopted, 
 and by virtue of the toleration of the Reformed faith, 
 had been established by treaty in the German empire. 
 What was taught in the 80th question, concerning the 
 
68 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 ♦ 
 
 difference between the the Lord's Supper and the Popish 
 Mass, belonged to the fundamental doctrine of the Evan- 
 gelical Reformed religion, and its open and unrestrained 
 profession to liberty of conscience, by virtue of which 
 those churches included in the Roman empire, Avere 
 free to confess openly whatever they believe, according 
 to their principles, and therefore might not, and could 
 not be compelled to leave out, or alter what they say in 
 their symbolical books, and by this means, in a measure 
 to retract their former doctrine." 
 
 Even this representation failed to produce the desired 
 effect. The states of the Palatinate insisted on the 
 alteration of the 80th question, which could not be sym- 
 bolical, because it was first printed with the Catechism 
 in 1684. The Prussian minister adhered to his opinion, 
 and proved that the gloss, "accursed idolatry," had 
 always been in the Catechism, and might be found in 
 the first edition of 1563. Upon this the envoys of 
 Prussia, England, Holland, and Hesse-Cassel, engaged 
 in a verbal conversation with the mi'nister of the Palati- 
 nate. The Palatine President, M. Von Hillesheim, 
 spoke strongly, and with great bitterness, against the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, and maintpned: "His Electoral 
 Highness had a perfect right to forbid it; the 80th ques- 
 tion contained real calumnies, and was appended only 
 to retaliate on the Council of Trent; the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian had expressly forbidden, it; audit could not be 
 proved that it had been allo^yed by subsequent enact- 
 ments of peace: the adoption by the Synod of Dort did 
 not concern the empire: the arrns of the Elector, and 
 the assumed permission, had been fraudulently imprinted, 
 and the offence demanded punishment; the Question 
 must be altered ; then the ,use of the Catechism would 
 not be prohibited, ^nd complete religious liberty would 
 be allowed." 
 
TOE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 69 
 
 The ambassadors maintained, on the other hand: 
 "There were no calumnies in the Catechism, but simply 
 the fundamental articles and doctrines of the Evangeli- 
 cal Reformed religion; they knew notliing about the 
 special prohibition of the Emperor Maximilian II. ; but 
 they did know that the Elector Frederic III., in the 
 year 1566, had laid the Heidelberg Catechism before 
 the Emperor, and the whole Roman empire, at the Diet 
 of Auirsbur<^ and had defended it; also, subsequently, 
 without this Catechism ever having been forbidden in 
 any treaty of peace, or in any other decrees of the empire, 
 the Reformed religion had been adopted and established 
 by the Peace of Westphalia, and the same religious 
 privileges had been conferred and settled upon them as 
 upon others. The adoption of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism by the Synod of Dort, had been done, not for 
 Holland only, but all foreign churches represented at 
 this Synod, had also accepted and publicly adopted it 
 as a symbolical book, so that it neither could, nor would 
 be permitted to other religious denominations to pre- 
 scribe what should be believed and taught. Besides, the 
 Electoral arms and the alleged authority might be omit- 
 ted; the Church Council had nothing to do with that; the 
 Catholic publisher had inserted these without their know- 
 ledge, and he was the proper person to answer for it." 
 
 Whilst these public disputes about the 8()th ques- 
 tion of the Heidelberg Catechism, and other reli- 
 gious grievances of the Reformed, in the Palatinate, 
 were under consideration, the matter came before the 
 throne of the Emperor. An imperial manifesto was 
 addressed to the Mector, in the beginning of 1720, in 
 which he was advised and admonished io charge the 
 Church Council, and other learned men, to investigate 
 the offensive and objectionable question, and arrange, 
 explain, and state it, both in respect to the matter and 
 
70 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 the words, in accordance with the ordinary principles 
 and regulations of the empire, and if this was introduced 
 into the work, immediately to allow the free use of the 
 Catechism to his subjects. This imperial order induced 
 the Elector to command the Reformed Church Coun- 
 cillor, Prof. Mieg, to consult with the Vice-Chancellor, 
 Von Metzger, and Privy Councillor Bush, and also 
 with the Lutheran Consistorial Director, Schlosser, and 
 mutually to take into consideration the amendment of 
 the 80th question. Doctor Mieg hesitated, for good 
 reason, to consult with the persons above named; there- 
 fore, another order was addressed to him by the Elector, 
 and to the President of the Reformed Church Council, 
 that they should draw up an opinion as to the best mode 
 of adjusting this matter of the Catechism, in accordance 
 with the gracious intention of his majesty, the Emperor. 
 In pursuance of this commission, they transmitted to 
 the Elector an elaborate discussion, in which they, in 
 the first place, show, by many and weighty reasons, that 
 it is not in their power to alter the Catechism in the 
 least. Secondly, they declare solemnly, that the answer 
 to the 80th question was inserted, not with the design 
 to insult and defame others, but only under the impulse 
 of a conscience persuaded by the word of God ; and that 
 the reference is made, not to persons, but to doctrine, 
 concerning which, judgment must be expressed accord- 
 ing to truth, while personal opinions are to be uttered 
 in love. Finally, they humbly beseech the Elector gra- 
 ciously to allow his Reformed subjects to retain their 
 Catechism without any alteration ; but, in order that there 
 may be no possible derogation from the respect and 
 honour due to his Highness, tjiey deem it advisable that 
 he issue a manifesto, in which he should assign as rea- 
 sons for the orde?r, suppressing "the Catechism, first, that 
 his arms and name and permission had been imprinted 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 71 
 
 without authority, because without his knowledge and 
 consent; secondly, because it had appeared to him, that 
 in the 80th question and the subsequent comments, the 
 persons of Roman Catholics were accused of a damnable 
 and accursed idolatry; but that after the Electoral 
 Church Council had given a written and most humble 
 assurance and declaration that, on this point, it was to 
 be specially borne in mind, that there is a distinction to 
 be made, in respect of judgment, between doctrine and 
 persons; and, moreover, that this judgment is not pro- 
 nounced against the person of his Highness, or of any 
 other Catholics, he, at the earnest entreaty, and as proof 
 that his intention had never been to oppress his Re- 
 formed subjects in matters of religious worship and con- 
 science, would permit the said Reformed Catechism to 
 be printed and sold in his dominions, and to be used 
 without restriction, in churches and schools, but with 
 the following provisos: 1. That the Electoral arms and 
 alleged permission, or authority, should be omitted; 
 
 2. That the gloss in the 80th question, which is not 
 authorized, should be left out, or more mildly expressed; 
 
 3. That in churches and schools, it should be strongly 
 impressed upon the Reformed, that the Catechism speaks 
 of doctrine, and not of persons, and therefore does not 
 call any one an accursed idolater; therefore, also, all 
 Reformed persons shall refrain from applying such terms 
 to their fellow Christians; 4. That the Catechism, in 
 this doctrine, is concerned more with the instruction 
 and admonition of the Reformed, and of youth, than 
 unnecessarily to pronounce judgment and condemnation 
 upon other churches; therefore, also, 5. That on all 
 sides, religious denominations, both in the pulpit and 
 elsewhere, shall refrain from all condemnation of per- 
 sons, and from all cursing, defaming, and abuse of 
 others; 6. Those, however, who shall do such things, 
 
72 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 shall be severely punished as transgressors of the Elec- 
 tor's command, of the laws of the kingdom, and of the 
 recent manifesto of the Emperor." 
 
 This opinion was approved by the Elector, who imme- 
 diately published an order, in almost its very words, at 
 Schwezzingen, May 16, 1720, by means of which he 
 declared his gracious pleasure, that the Catechism which 
 had by a former decree been suppressed, might again 
 be printed and used, without restriction, by all the 
 Reformed in the Palatinate, until such time as might 
 be otherwise ordered by the entire kingdom; with this 
 express and well understood condition, however, that on 
 the title-page of the Catechism, the Electoral arms, 
 together with the words, "by the Elector's authority," 
 also, "with the Elector's permission," shall be erased; 
 and as to the contents of the same, the comment on the 
 answer to the 80th question, which contains an un- 
 founded, offensive, and obnoxious opinion, which is 
 incongruous with the text, shall be left out; and, be- 
 sides, this declaration and order shall be printed word 
 for word, and appended to the new edition. 
 
 The Court of the Elector attempted, subsequently, to 
 excite new scruples, because it was intimated to the 
 Elector, that the gloss on the 80th question had been 
 first inserted in the year 1686 by the Court preacher, 
 Langhausen, and although the Prussian minister pro- 
 duced a copy, published in 1609, in Avhich the gloss, 
 together with the texts of sacred Scripture, was printed, 
 yet a brief was issued by the Electoral government, 
 August 17, 1720, in which a report was demanded from 
 the lleformed Church Council, what kind of Heidelberg 
 Catechism had been presented . to, and adopted. by the 
 Synod held at Dordrecht in, the year 1606] But inas- 
 much as the date of the year mentioned in this brief, 
 as that in wdiicli the Synod of Dort was held, contained 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHIS.Af. 73 
 
 a gross error, for it was held, not in 1606, but in 1618 
 and 1619, the scruple which had been excited, was of 
 the less importance, because the lleformcd Church 
 Council had sufficiently acknowledged, in the memorial 
 already adduced, that such glosses were not valid, and 
 had voluntarily consented to their omission. Thus the 
 famous dispute about the 80th question was settled at 
 the close of 1720, and the Reformed retained their 
 cherished Catechism, together with the contested ques- 
 tion, without the slightest alteration. 
 
 This controversy involved another dispute, which, 
 although not very important, was conducted with great 
 acrimony. The celebrated Hamburg theologian, Erd- 
 mann Neumeister, criticised in a characteristic treatise, 
 the distinction which the Reformed Church Council of 
 the Palatinate had made, in order to save their Cate- 
 chism, between doctrine and person in respect to the 
 Mass, which the Catechism calls an accursed idolatry, 
 and also, between material and formal idolatry, of which 
 the one is sufficient to ensure condemnation, but the 
 other is not always. On this he made the remark: 
 "Oh! how this must sooth the Papists, when they wor- 
 ship the wafer, the saints, pictures, and relics I In all 
 this, the Reformed recognise them as fellow Christians ! 
 No nian of the Reformed dare say to them, that they 
 commit idolatry in so doing; suppose it is only a mate- 
 rial idolatry, which is not always sufficient for condemna- 
 tion, the form is necessary to give the thing existence; 
 if the Popish idolatry were not formal, it could be no 
 real idolatry ! Let a Papist hear this. Oh ! how it will 
 confirm him in his \<^brship of the wafer, the saints, and 
 other things which are not (jod! How softly he will 
 repose on this Reformed cushion ! How eagerly he will 
 persist in his accustomed idolatry !" 
 
 In opposition to this, a tract made its appearance 
 
74 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 in the Palatinate, with the title: "A short answer 
 to the Extract of Mr. Neumeister, in which the distinc- 
 tion between material and formal idolatry is affirmed, 
 and is also confirmed by the testimony of some Lutheran 
 theologians, particularly the elder and younger Calixtus." 
 At Regensburg, also, a small tract was circulated, on 
 material and formal idolatry ; the author of it, probably 
 a layman, pushes the matter still farther, and takes a 
 loftier and more earnest view of it. He is of the opinion, 
 that all who were saved in the Romish Church before 
 the Reformation, notwithstanding they believed the 
 transubstantiation of the wafer, and worshipped it on 
 this ground, were not idolaters. In this connection, he 
 observes, that in all conditions of peace and decrees of 
 the empire, all opprobrious epithets, abuse, and denun- 
 ciation of the persons of those who are of a different 
 religious persuasion, was most strictly forbidden, but 
 that no abuse can be more gross than to represent any 
 one as an idolater. Finally, he draws this conclusion, 
 that in order to regard a Catholic as an idolater, some- 
 thing more is requisite than to believe transubstantia- 
 tion, to assist at the Mass, or to read it, which is com- 
 mon to all Catholics; therefore, a distinction must be 
 made between idolatry in the abstract, and idolatry in 
 the concrete, or between general idolatry and special; 
 or between idolatry in itself considered, and an actual 
 idolater and a worshipper of images! .The learned men 
 who mark the course of these disputes, append some 
 one thing, others another. They reject the distinction 
 between material and formal idolatry, with which the 
 Syncretists are accustomed to help themselves, and jus- 
 tify, on the other hand, th^t. between idolatry in the 
 abstract and idolatry in the concrete, which the author 
 of the Regensburg treatise had confounded with the 
 other; only, this distinction ijiiust be used in a right 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 75 
 
 way, and prudently. The main point depends always 
 upon its special application to this person, or the other, 
 in which Christian wisdom and modesty should always 
 act prudently, and, except in a case of reproof, or in 
 representing the soul's peril, abstain most tenderly from 
 judging and condemning. 
 
 After various imperial rescripts, a manifesto is pro- 
 mulged by the Emperor, addressed to the Elector Charles 
 Philip, by virtue of which all changes in matters of 
 religion, adopted subsequently to the conditions of peace 
 agreed upon at Baden, shall be done away with within 
 four months. This regulation, instead of deciding 
 everything, gives occasion to the contending parties to 
 raise new questions of dispute. The Elector Charles 
 Philip appoints a mixed religious commission, which is 
 to abrogate all changes introduced since the stipulations 
 of the treaty of Baden. The Evangelical States regard 
 the measures adopted by the Elector as unsatisfactory, 
 and send an envoy to the Court of the Elector, in the 
 person of John Von der Reck, a member of the Elector 
 of Hanover's Council. The commission, on religious 
 matters, makes, as usual, but slow progress. The Elec- 
 tor issues strict and repeated orders to the commission 
 and the magistrates, respecting the abrogation of these 
 grievances, and an earnest rescript, enforcing obedience, 
 is sent from the Court of the Emperor. John Von 
 Reck publishes a book which occasions uncommon 
 sensation. It is entitled: "The Incompleteness of the 
 restoration of the . stipulations of the Baden Treaty, 
 respecting religious matters in the Palatinate." The 
 Elector changed the^membership of the commission by 
 substituting other persons. The new coipmissioners 
 were, however, hampered by the injunction, not to enter 
 into any inquiry respecting the church property and 
 revenues, of which the Reformed had been deprived 
 
76 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 since the declaration settling the religious condition of 
 the country, but only to make the changes which had 
 been introduced since the peace of Baden, a subject of 
 investigation. With this limitation, it was, of course, 
 impossible to remove the source of these protracted dis- 
 putes. John Von Reck endeavoured to allay the ani- 
 mosity between the two evangelical churches of the 
 Palatinate, by conciliatory propositions. The efforts of 
 the Commission on religious affairs, were gradually sus- 
 pended. The Emperor Charles VI. proposed, June 11, 
 1727, a compromise respecting the question of property; 
 but this also was without result; the external condition 
 of the Protestants in the Rhenish Palatinate remained 
 much as it had been. The originating cause of the 
 disputes was not touched; but opinions began to be 
 more moderate. The gentle spirit of toleration gained, 
 although gradually, more and more scope. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism was edited and published 
 in the Palatinate, we might almost say, times without 
 number. In the first year of its existence, 1563, it was 
 issued three times by one publisher, John Mayer, at 
 Heidelberg. In every succeeding year, new editions 
 appeared. Neustadt, Amberg, Manheim, furnished re- 
 peated publications of it. The editions were indeed 
 different; the form, the quality, the language, the sup- 
 plements, and appendices varied. In the oldest edi- 
 tions the common division into Lord'^ Days is wanting; 
 this is first seen in the Heidelberg edition of 1573. In 
 the first edition, questions and answers succeed one 
 another without being numbered, and the proof-texts 
 are marked in the margin. In some issues, the pas- 
 sages of Scripture are more copiously adduced, and 
 there is a more exact index of the Scripture texts which 
 are cited as probfs. Some ^ are supplied with various 
 remarks in the margin, or under the text. The 80th 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 7*7 
 
 question is altered in some editions, and in the first 
 edition, for what reason is not known, it is omitted; 
 but, on the other hand, the preface of the Elector, which 
 we liave given, is inserted in the first editions. The 
 common title is: "Catechism, or Christian Instruction 
 as taught in the Churches and Schools of the Palati- 
 nate." 
 
 In addition to its distinct publication, the Catechism 
 was appended to other books; e. g.^ to various editions 
 of the Bible, to hymn-books, and church liturgies. 
 Extracts were also published. A short summary, making 
 three or four pages in small print, and consisting of 
 only twenty- two questions, is also found in some issues 
 of the Catechism at Heidelberg, in 1601. The revised 
 Church Liturgy of the Palatinate, Heidelberg, 1585, 
 contains the abbreviated catechism. The preface which 
 is affixed to the smaller catechism, explains its nature 
 and design; this was not to supersede the larger one, 
 but only for the benefit of common and uneducated 
 people and children, for whom some answers of the 
 larger Catechism were too long and difficult to present 
 the most important and necessary articles of Christian 
 faith in a simple and regular form. 
 
 Many learned men did good service in editing the 
 Heidelberg Catechism. Almost every year, larger or 
 smaller works on it were published. 
 
 Balthasar Corius is everywhere known. He pub- 
 lished 54 sermons on the Heidelberg Catechism, Xeu- 
 stadt, 1588. In the same year, a translation of it 
 appeared at Amsterdam. 
 
 QuiRiNius Peuteb- published, in Latin, an Explana- 
 tion of the Heidelberg Catechism, with critical remarks 
 of some divines. Heidelberg, 1585. 
 
 Tobias Fabricius wrote : " Explanation of the Cate- 
 chism of the Palatinate. Neustadt, 1586, 1596." 
 
78 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 George Spindler published: "Fifty-two Sermons on 
 the Heidelberg Catechism, in which the main points of 
 Christian doctrine, and the substance of the whole Scrip- 
 ture are accurately and briefly discussed. Together 
 with an Examen, etc. Amberg, 1597, 1607." 
 
 John Philip Pareus wrote a Latin analysis and exe- 
 gesis of the Catechism of the Palatinate. Neustadt, 
 1615. 
 
 Well known is George Mieg's godly Exposition in 
 57 sermons, 1746. This book has been extensively used 
 in many Reformed churches and families, as a collection 
 of homilies for edification. 
 
 ''The Doctrine of Truth unto Salvation, of the Evan- 
 gelical Reformed Church, or compend of instruction for 
 children on the Heidelberg Catechism, for the benefit 
 of all inquiring souls, and especially for the training of 
 the dear youth, explained by the text-language of the 
 Catechism, and confirmed with passages from Holy 
 Scripture, together with grounds of faith, for confirmands 
 who are coming to the Lord's Supper, with approba- 
 tion of the Universities at Herborn and Heidelberg. 
 Heidelberg and Herborn, 1748." 
 
 In conclusion, another old volume may be cited, 
 which is regarded by many as a precious treasure: 
 "Short and Simple Statement, 1. Of the great sorrow 
 and misery of the whole human race; 2. How mankind 
 may be delivered from this njisery and be saved; 3. Of 
 the ofiice of Christians, how they shall demean them- 
 selves in their life, towards God and their neighbour, 
 and be grateful to God for such deliverance, through 
 Jesus Christ. Together with ample explanation of these 
 points. All included in questions and answers, and 
 confirmed with testimonies adduced from the Divine 
 word; by Melchior Angerus. Heidelberg, 1593." 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 79 
 
 ADOPTION OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE 
 COUNTRIES BEYOND THE PALATINATE. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism produced a sensation, not 
 only in its native home, the Palatinate, but in all 
 European countries. It was translated into most* of 
 the languages of the known world, into dead as well as 
 living languages. In all Reformed Churches it was 
 received with the warmest enthusiasm and the highest 
 reo-ard. It was honoured as no book ever has been, 
 except the Bible. It was elevated to the rank of a 
 symbol, or acknowledged exponent of the faith of the 
 Eeformed Church. The foundation of all this was, 
 doubtless, laid in the Palatinate, where it originated. 
 The Preface, which the Elector Frederic III. prefixed 
 to the first edition, and which was also in fact, a com- 
 mand, obliging all pastors and schoolmasters to intro- 
 duce it, procured its adoption every where in the Pala- 
 tinate. By virtue of this electoral mandate, the new 
 Catechism was every where introduced, and all preach- 
 ers who refused to accept it were dismissed from ser- 
 vice. It was made a duty to explain it in public 
 sermons, and Zachariah Ursinus was directed to deliver 
 public lectures npon it, in the College at Heidelberg, 
 throughout the whole year, without interruption, in 
 order by this means to aid the future teachers in its 
 explanation. This order, however, had no force in 
 other countries. The nature of the Catechism must, 
 therefore, have effeCfed this respect and general adop- 
 tion. In no Catechism were the doctrinal views of 
 Zwingli and Calvin so clearly expressed as in it; in 
 
 * Von Alpen says, '^all." 
 
80 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 none of its congeners were the beautiful, the strong, 
 and the practical presented, as they are found in every 
 question and answer in this Catechism ; in none were 
 the distinctive doctrines of the Keformed faith more 
 accurately defined. The borders of the Palatinate were 
 too narrow to confine this book exclusively to their 
 own limits. It was relished in all other countries. 
 Although the Swiss Reformed Churches have various 
 other catechisms, the Heidelberg was more highly 
 esteemed in most of them. In St. Gall it was intro- 
 duced, and when an alteration or amendment of the 
 Catechism of Zurich was attempted, the Heidelberg 
 Catechism was so carefully consulted and used, that a 
 remarkable similarity and agreement have been percep- 
 tible from that time. Throughout all Germany all 
 Keformed Churches adopted it as their symbolical book 
 and the exponent of their faith. The public confessions 
 of faith of distinguished persons were prepared and 
 arranged according to its substance. When the build- 
 ing of the Reformed Church was -undertaken at Berlin, 
 a quarto Bible in Hebrew print, and the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, both bound in black, and with large gold 
 clasps, were deposited and well secured in the corner- 
 stone, with other costly memorials. In the remote 
 kiugdom of Hungary, the Heidelberg Catechism was 
 introduced soon after its appearance, translated into the 
 language of the country, and read and explained to the 
 children in the schools. Preachers and schoolmasters, 
 and even students who were going to the Universities, 
 were bound, in some instances, by an oath, to adhere 
 with cordial fidelity to the doctrines of Scripture con- 
 tained in the Heidelberg Catechism, and to teach and 
 disseminate the same in (Churches and schools, in all 
 sincerity and^ without any^ defalcation. A law was 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 81 
 
 enacted, that the Heidelberg Catechism should always 
 be maintained and taught. 
 
 In no country, however, was more honour shown to 
 the Heidelberg Catechism than in the United Nether- 
 lands. Here it was not only, at a very early period, 
 appointed and used for the instruction of children and 
 the common people, but was also publicly expounded in 
 sermons. Here it subsequently attained the high dis- 
 tinction of a general and formal symbol of the Reformed 
 Church. No one could become preacher, schoolmaster, 
 magistrate, or member in the Reformicd Church, with- 
 out swearing to adhere to the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 In the dreariest periods of the persecutions, Peter 
 Gabriel expounded the Catechism at Amsterdam, and 
 comforted and strengthened the oppressed Christians 
 with its teachings ; but the foundation of its adoption 
 was chiefly laid in an assembly at Wesel, 1568, of the 
 Churches of the Netherlands, who had been driven from 
 their native country, and lived, scattered, here and 
 there. At this meeting it was ordered, that in the 
 French Churches of the Netherlands the Genevan 
 Catechism should be used, and the Heidelberg in the 
 German Churches. The full adoption followed at a 
 National Synod of the Netherland, German, and French 
 Churches, native and foreign, at Dordrecht, 1574. As 
 early as the year 1576, the sermons were appointed in 
 a Schedule of certain church laws, by the Prince of 
 Orange, as Stadtholder, and the States of Holland and 
 AYest Friesland. The influence of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism was still further enhanced in 1586, by the 
 insertion of this rul^.in the Church order — that minis- 
 ters of the word, professors of theology, and school- 
 masters, shall affix their signatures to the Confession of 
 Faith of the Church of the Netherlands, i. e.^ the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, and confirm the same with an 
 
82 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 oath. The great National Synod at Dordrecht, 1618 
 and 1619, ordered three formulas to be prepared for 
 this purpose; one for Professors of Theology at acade- 
 mies and gymnasia, also for the regents and sub-regents 
 of theological colleges; another for ministers of the 
 sacred word; and a third for rectors, schoolmasters, and 
 visitors of the sick, which they were required to sub- 
 scribe. The highest position of honour and regard 
 which can be conferred on a book, was attained by the 
 Heidelberg Catechism at this same Synod. The divines 
 of all the Reformed Churches in Europe, who were 
 invited and present at its sessions, examined the Cate- 
 chism with all carefulness, approved it in all its doc- 
 trines, extolled it with high encomiums, and declared it 
 a symbolical book. Thus the Catechism was, by this 
 Synod, in behalf not only of Holland, but of all Re- 
 formed Churches, declared to be the only symbolical 
 book, without whose acceptance, no one could be recog- 
 nised as a Reformed Christian. 
 
 Jerome Van Alphen, one of the 'most eminent divines 
 who have written on the Heidelberg Catechism, says, 
 with justice, respecting it: "It is regarded as a sym- 
 bolical book, not only in the Palatinate, but throughout 
 all Germany also, in all Switzerland, and in all the Belgic 
 Churches, any one who departs from it, and teaches 
 anything contrary to it, can no longer be considered a 
 member of this communion." According to the 
 slanders of the Arminians, or Remonstrants, the contra- 
 remonstrants confessed publicly, " that in the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism the most complete divine doctrine was 
 contained, to be found in a compend;''' that ''holy 
 Scripture was a rule and guide of doctrine, in so far as it 
 is explained according to the view presented in the Cate- 
 chism." " The Catechism was a form of purity in doc- 
 trine and agreement with the same, in which nothing 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 83 
 
 may either be changed, or anything contrary to it be 
 tauo-ht." "Holy Scripture must be interpreted accord- 
 ing to the direction of the Heidelberg Catechism." 
 " The Catechism is a little Bible, yea, the marrow of 
 the Bible, and written by Divine inspiration." "We 
 must live and die by the Catechism, as tlie second rule 
 and guide of our faith." 
 
 In their contra-remonstrance, addressed to the States 
 of Holland and West Friesland, all the ministers of the 
 United Netherlands declare: "The Palatinate Cate- 
 chism is NOT to be held in equal honour with the Divine 
 word, nor to be regarded like papal mandates and 
 decrees; but it was written for the sake of peace, and 
 for the unity of the Church against sects." They stated 
 this same thing to the Arminians themselves. Jacob 
 Trigland gives the following testimony concerning this 
 Catechism. "The orthodox regard their Confession, 
 not as a rule of faith, or norm, according to which a 
 man's orthodoxy or heterodoxy shall be judged; for 
 this purpose they hold only the Divine word, which is 
 contained in the writings of the apostles and prophets; 
 but their Confession, together with the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, they do hold as the rule of judging whether 
 any one adheres to the doctrine of the Reformed 
 Church, and whether he can and may be recognised as a 
 teacher in any one of the Belgian churches." Theodore 
 Strack declares: "Not one of us puts the Catechism in 
 equal regard with the word of God. We hold, with 
 Augustine, that those holy Scriptures which are called 
 canonical are alone divine, and that their authors are 
 alone free from all- .error." Lenfant expresses himself 
 the most briefly and forcibly of all. "Besides, we must 
 ever remember, that although Calvin's Catechism, and 
 the Heidelberg, and all others which contain the same 
 
84 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 doctrines, are excellent works, they are, after all, the 
 work of man, and that they are to be held only con- 
 ditionally, as formulas of faith, or symbolical books, or 
 in so far as they agree with sacred Scripture, which is 
 the only infallible rule, by which every work upon 
 religion must be judged." The great Bullinger wrote 
 to a friend: "I have read the Palatinate Elector 
 Frederic's Catechism with the greatest avidity, and 
 while reading it, I have thanked God, who establishes 
 the work which he begins. The order of the book is 
 clear; the contents are true, and beautiful, and good; 
 all about it is lucid, fruitful, and pious; with great 
 brevity, it comprehends very many and great subjects. 
 It is my opinion, that no better catechism has been 
 published." 
 
 Jacob Hettinger calls it a complete system of sound 
 theology, which had been adopted, not only in Ger- 
 many, but also in Belgium, Hungary, and Switzerland; 
 a wall and breastwork against the attacks of strange 
 opinions. 
 
 The Hessian theologians, whose judgment Parens 
 quotes, in order to illustrate the excellence of the Cate- 
 chism, gave it as their opinion, "that a catechism could 
 not be furnished which could be more thoroughly or 
 completely adapted to the capacity both of adults and 
 of children." Even Lutherans were constrained to do 
 justice to the Catechism. L,udolph Bentheim, among 
 others, says: "If I except the doctrine of Calvin which 
 is contained in it, I must admit that the Reformed have 
 some reason to be proud of it; as Ursinus, in all his 
 other writings, excels almost all other theologians, in 
 the preparation of the Catechism he has surpassed him- 
 self. The method, according to the three divisions, is 
 adapted to the subject; the ' questions are well con- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 85 
 
 ceived, and plainly answered; the texts of sacred Scrip- 
 ture marked as proofs, are select, and the order, accord- 
 ing to the Lord's days of the year, is edifying." The 
 opinions of Church Councillor Walch, and of Miller, 
 the great catechist, are equally favourable. Some 
 Hollanders, in their excessive enthusiasm, cannot find 
 language or words enough to set forth the excellence 
 of the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism was translated into all 
 possible languages. There are translations in Latin, 
 Greek, Dutch, Spanish, French, English, Italian, Bohe- 
 mian, Polish, Hungarian, Hebrew, Arabic, Malay, and 
 Singalese. Henry Alting makes elaborate mention of 
 them in the third volume of the Heidelberg Theological 
 Authors. Frederic Sylberg prepared a Greek transla- 
 tion, which was sent to the Patriarch at Constantinople. 
 By the order, and at the expense of the States General, 
 another Greek translation was prepared for the use of 
 the Greek Christians. The States General in Belgium 
 also procured its translation into the Spanish language, 
 so that it might be used in the West Indies. 
 
 The Heidelberg Catechism has been illustrated by 
 countless commentaries, written in German, Latin, and 
 other languages. Men of the greatest learning occupied 
 themselves with it. Some reduced it to verses and 
 rhymes; others explained it in sermons, paraphrases, 
 and summaries; others laid it down as the basis of 
 entire systems and courses of theological lectures. The 
 history and adoption of this Catechism in different 
 countries is so remarkable, that it deserves to be made 
 everywhere a subjet!t of particular investigation. 
 
86 HISTORY AND LITERATUEE OF 
 
 ADOPTION OF THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM IN THE 
 NETHERLANDS. 
 
 Ix no country was the Heidelberg Catechism more 
 warmly welcomed, than in the Netherlands. It was 
 read with absorbing interest ; and was more extensively 
 circulated and expounded, than in any other land. 
 Here, too, it was exalted to the highest place of respect, 
 by its recognition as a symbolical book. The reasons 
 for this, are to be found partly in the prepossession of 
 the Netherlanders for the Germans. To a German 
 they were indebted for their national existence and 
 deliverance, and how then can we find fault with them 
 for loving that which came to them from Germany'? 
 This regard for the Heidelberg Catechism is to be 
 traced, also, to the want of catechisms of their own, and 
 to the earnestness with which they watched over the 
 new doctrine. It will repay us to inquire more closely 
 into these reasons. 
 
 The Reformation in the Netherlands is, beyond dis- 
 pute, the most brilliant and remarkable of all. The 
 fabric of the hierarchy was overturned by a glorious 
 revolution, and the new doctrine was exalted and 
 triumphed, with one grand effort, over the outstretched 
 arm of despotism and the most dreadful devices of papal 
 tyranny. The new doctrine, which Luther dissemi- 
 nated in Germany, and. Calvin in Switzerland, soon 
 made its way into Holland, and there found a most 
 favourable soil. The first germs were cast into the 
 Netherlands by the Protestant merchants, who came in 
 large numbers to Amsterdam and Antweiii. The Ger- 
 man and Swiss troops, who had been led into these 
 countries, and the va^tnumbe^* of French, German, and 
 
THE HEIDELBEKG CATECHISM. 87 
 
 English refugees, who had fled from the sword of perse- 
 cution in their native country, here sought a city of 
 refuge, and promoted the spread of the Reformation. 
 A considerable portion of the Holland nobility pursued 
 their studies, at that time, in Geneva. The new ideas 
 respecting religion, which were there publicly taught, 
 were brought back by the young students into their 
 fatherland. Here the germ was silently developed; 
 everywhere it found encouragement; it could not be 
 otherwise, in a country in which industry was the most 
 cherished virtue, and beggary, the most disgraceful vice, 
 and where monkery, as an order of idleness, had long 
 been regarded as a nuisance. The new religion, which 
 w^as zealous against it, had public opinion on its side. 
 Pamphlets, full of bitterness and satire, to which the 
 newly-invented art of printing gave a wide circulation 
 in this country, and numbers of public speakers, who, 
 at that time, itinerated in these provinces, and ridiculed 
 the abuses of the times in theatrical representations, or 
 songs, assisted in destroying all respect for the Romish 
 Church, and paved the way, in the minds of the people, 
 for a favourable reception of the new doctrines. Its 
 first steps were amazingly swift; the number of those 
 who, in a short period, declared themselves for the new 
 religion, was prodigious. This revolution, in matters 
 of faith, necessarily produced great sensation. The 
 Romish Court observed it with alarm, and already in- 
 structed by the German Reformation, that it could not 
 be put down by the thunders of excommunication, 
 meditated more potent measures. Enraged with hatred 
 and envy, tremblisg for their influence and their reve- 
 nues, and blinded ' by a bloody superstition, they deter- 
 mined to ofler a terrible sacrifice to tiieir cruelty, and 
 applied to the sovereign of the country. 
 
 The Xetherlands were then in the possession of 
 
88 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Charles V. He was, without doubt, the first and the 
 mightiest in all Europe; Emperor of Germany, Lord of 
 Spain, of the New world, of the Netherlands, King of 
 Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia. No State ventured to 
 meet him on the battle-field. France, his most danger- 
 ous neighbour, exhausted by a severe war, and still 
 more, by internal dissensions, which arose under a child- 
 ish government, was already, with rapid steps, hasten- 
 ing towards the unhappy epoch which, for nearly half a 
 century, made it the theatre of abomination and misery. 
 The throne of England was tottering amid the storms 
 of violent party strife. The monarchies of the North 
 still lay in barbarous night, or were just beginning to 
 assume shape, and the diplomacy of Europe did not 
 recognise them. The ablest generals, numerous ar- 
 mies, accustomed to victory, a formidable navy, and the 
 rich, golden tribute from the West Indies, were the 
 strong instruments by means of which Charles was 
 enabled to carry out his plans. Provoked by the power- 
 ful resistance with which the German princes had com- 
 pelled him to secure the free exercise of the new reli- 
 gion in Germany, he issued the most cruel edicts against 
 the Reformation in the Netherlands. The reading of 
 the Gospels and Epistles, all public, or private assem- 
 blies, with which the name of religion was in any way 
 connected, all conversations on this subject, at home 
 and at the table," were forbidden with, the utmost se- 
 verity, in these edicts. In all provinces of the land, 
 special tribunals were appointed to take cognizance of 
 the fulfilment of the edicts. Whoever cherished erro- 
 neous opinions, was deprived of his oifice, without re- 
 spect to rank. Whoever should be convicted of spread- 
 ing heretical doctrines, or ,of having merely attended 
 the secret conventicles of these reformers of the faith, 
 was condemned to suffer death— all male persons to be 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 89 
 
 executed with the sword — women to be buried aUve. 
 Lapsed heretics were to be delivered to the flames. 
 These terrible judgments could not be removed, even 
 by the repentance of the offender. The property of the 
 condemned was confiscated. The first two Reformers, 
 Henry Voes and John Esche, were burned at Brussels, 
 1523. 
 
 This fury went to still greater excesses. Charles Y., 
 emboldened by the success of his arms in Germany, 
 believed that he might now venture any thing, and was 
 earnestly meditating the establishment of the Spanish 
 Inquisition in the Netherlands. This Spanish Inqui- 
 sition was an institution sui generis, which in the 
 whole range of things temporal, has no representative, 
 and can be compared to no spiritual or secular tribunal. 
 There was always inquisition, ever since there have 
 been doubters and innovators ; but it was only about the 
 middle of the thirteenth century, after some examples 
 of defection had alarmed the hierarchy, that Pope Inno- 
 cent III. erected for it a judgment-throne of its own, 
 and united in an unnatural manner spiritual supervision 
 with the power to punish. To be all the more sure 
 that no human sympathy and no shrinking of nature 
 should enervate the severity of its statutes, he withdrew 
 it from the bishops and the secular priests, who were 
 too closely related to humanity by the bonds of civil 
 life, that he might entrust it to monks, who had fore- 
 sworn the holy impulses of humanity, and who were 
 monsters of the human name, and willing creatures of 
 the Homan Pontiff. • Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, 
 and France, received* them; a Franciscan monk sat in 
 judgment at the terrible sentence passed aii the Tem- 
 plars ; a few States succeeded in excluding the Inquisi- 
 tion, or in subjecting it to the secular power. Up to 
 the period of Charles Y.'s reign, the Netherlands had 
 
90 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 been free from this scourge; their bishops exercised 
 spiritual censorship, and, in extraordinary cases, it was 
 the custom to appeal to foreign tribunals of the Inquisi- 
 tion — the French provinces to Paris, and the German to 
 Cologne; but the Inquisition which Charles wished to 
 establish, was the most terrible of all ; it came from the 
 west of Europe, and had the following origin and form. 
 The last Moorish throne had fallen in Grenada in the 
 fifteenth century, and the worship of the Saracens had 
 vanished before the overwhelming power of the Papists, 
 but the gospel (!) was as yet not established in this 
 youngest of the Christian kingdoms, and in the dark 
 commingling of dissimilar laws and customs, the reli- 
 gions had not become, as yet, distinct. True, the sword 
 of persecution had driven many thousand families into 
 Africa, but a far greater portion, rivettecl to their homes 
 by their love of locality, purchased exemption from 
 this terrible fate by the farce of a simulated conversion, 
 and continued to serve their Mahomet and Moses at the 
 altars of Rome. So long as Grenada directed its pray- 
 ers towards Mecca, it was not subdued, and so long as 
 the new convert in the privacy of his home, was a Jew, 
 or a Mussulman, he was secured no more to the throne 
 than to the See of Rome. Now, it was determined to 
 bring this stubborn people into complete subjection, to 
 clash in pieces the entire old faith and the whole form 
 of the moral character, in order to convert it wholly to 
 the Catholic religion. For this purpose the Inquisition 
 was invented, which, in order to distinguish it from 
 human tribunals, is known as the Spanish Inquisition. 
 Cardinal Ximenes was its founder. A Dominican 
 monk, Torquemada, first opened this terrible hall of 
 judgment, instituted its statutes, and earned the eternal 
 curse of manlrind for the Order, which he represented. 
 This tool of despotic and hierarchical oppression soon 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 91 
 
 became the instrument of covetousness. The enormous 
 sums which fell into the royal treasury throui^h the 
 confiscation of property, presented a fearful temptation 
 to Ferdinand, at that time king of Spain. The Inqui- 
 sition put into his hand the key to all the wealth of 
 his subjects, as it w^as the organ of his power and the 
 strong chain by which he held the mighty fast. The 
 tribunal stood terribly firm, because it was sustained by 
 the united force of the two most powerful passions. Its 
 origin was fearful, and such too were its form and its 
 purpose. The great aim of this institution was, to 
 reduce reason into subjection to a blind faith, and 
 to destroy freedom of spirit by a dead uniformity. 
 The implements for these objects were terror and in- 
 famy. "Whoever dissented in the least from the common 
 Romish faith; whoever ventured the least doubt against 
 the established formularies and infallibility of the Pope ; 
 whoever entered upon investigations in relation either 
 to religion or religious usages, was a victim of the 
 Inquisition. Its spies and listeners were sent every 
 where; availed themselves of the holiest impulses of 
 nature, even friendship and wedded love, in order to 
 pry into the thoughts of individuals, and spread its 
 snares around every joy of life. Where its spies could 
 not penetrate, it secured its hold upon consciences by 
 means of terror, and diffused a gloomy belief in its 
 omnipresence over all the depths of the soul. Whoever 
 was suspected of heresy, or whoever from motives of 
 calumny, hatred, . enmity, treachery, or malice, was 
 accused as a heretic, was pursued by the Inquisition. 
 In the dread hou^*T)f midnight, the horrid rumbling 
 of the carriage of tKe Inquisition was heard^ as it rolled 
 to the heretic's door. No one dared approach it. The 
 victim was snatched away from the side of his best 
 beloved, and hidden for ever from the sight of his friends. 
 
92 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Tears and protestations were all powerless to effect his 
 deliverance. No hearing was given, no investigation 
 was instituted, no response or defence was permitted. 
 All appeals to humanity, in the case of a heretic, were 
 laughed to scorn; with the slightest deflection from 
 fidelity to the Church, he had forfeited the rights of 
 human fellowship. The arm of the Inquisition thrust 
 him down into deep subterranean dungeons, until 
 pressed by hunger and inhuman tortures, he accused 
 himself as a transgressor of the violated laws of God 
 and man. Then, with solemn pomp, the transgressor 
 was led forth to die. A blood-red banner waved in the 
 van of the procession, and all the bells tolled along its 
 route. First come priests in the robes of the mass, 
 singing a holy chaunt. The condemned sinner follows, 
 clothed in a yellow garment, upon which dark pictures 
 of devils are painted. Upon his head he wears a paper 
 cap, which tapers at the top into the figure of a man, 
 around whom flames are playing and horrid demons flit. 
 The image of the crucified Saviour reversed from the 
 wretch doomed to eternal damnation, was borne aloft 
 before him ; for him redemption avails no more. A gag 
 stops his mouth and forbids him to assuage his anguish 
 by lamentations, to rouse dead pity by his touching 
 story, or to blab the secrets of the holy office. The 
 priests, in festive garb, the magistrates, and the no- 
 bility, join the throng; the fathers who have adjudged 
 him, close up the horrible array. Usually these execu- 
 tions were ordered on high festivals, and a certain num- 
 ber of such Unfortunates were gathered from the prisons 
 of the Holy Office, in order to render the occasion more 
 imposing by the number of rthe victims, and then even 
 kings were present at the scene. These sat with un- 
 covered head^ oh seats low^er than the throne of the 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 93 
 
 Grand Inquisitor, to whom, on such days, the liighest 
 rank was conceded. 
 
 Such was the terrible and inhuman Spanish Inquisi- 
 tion. It was originally founded to purify the small 
 kingdom of Grenada from the petty remnant of the 
 Saracens and Jews ; now it was invoked in order to 
 suppress the revolution in religion, under the leadership 
 of Luther and Calvin. All the Inquisitions in Portu- 
 gal, in Italy, and Germany, assumed the form of the 
 Spanish. It followed Europeans even into India, and 
 erected a horrid tribunal in Goa, whose inhuman proce- 
 dures to this day, make men shudder at the recital. 
 The most terrible desolations were inflicted on the 
 countries where it was established, and whole provinces 
 and kingdoms were depopulated; but in no quarter of 
 the world were its excesses equal to its ravages in 
 Spain. It crushed the Spanish character into the dust, 
 arrested this proud and spirited nation midway in its 
 advancing civilization, banished genius from beneath a 
 sky in which it was at home, and left a stillness like 
 that which rests upon the grave, in the spirit of a people 
 who had more incentives to gladness than many other 
 nations. 
 
 This Spanish Inquisition, Charles, in all earnest, pro- 
 posed to set up in the Xetherlands. The apprehension 
 of it was of itself sufficient to bring all trade to a 
 sudden dead halt in Antwerp and other large cities of 
 the provinces. The most prominent foreign merchants 
 prepared to leave the country. Nothing was bought or 
 sold. Real estate fell in value, and trades were aban- 
 doned. Money w'a§, no longer in the hands of the 
 citizens. The ruin -of the flourishing commercial cities 
 would have been inevitable, if Charles \\', persuaded 
 by the representations of the States, had not abandoned 
 the dangerous experiment. Charles was yet wise 
 
94 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 enough to count the cost, and hold in check the insur- 
 rection which was on the point of breaking out in wild, 
 ungovernable fury. He relaxed his purpose, recom- 
 mended leniency towards foreign merchants, and 
 changed the name " of the Inquisition for the milder 
 designation of Spiritual Censors. Certain priests were 
 associated with the Inquisitor; but he himself was a 
 secular officer. 
 
 In the year 1530, with the consent and approval of 
 the States, the edicts against heretics were issued, which 
 were the foundation of all subsequent ones, and in 
 which express mention is made of the Inquisition. In 
 1550, Charles deemed himself compelled, through the 
 rapid increase of the sects, to renew these edicts with 
 increased severity. Still, the spirit of this Inquisition 
 in the Xetherlands was, in accordance with the genius 
 of the country, more humane than in the Spanish 
 kingdoms; and as yet, no foreigner, and still less a 
 Dominican, had been entrusted with its administration. 
 It was, therefore, less offensive, because, however severe 
 its judgments, it appeared less subject to caprice, and 
 did not, like the Spanish Inquisition, shroud itself in 
 secresy. 
 
 During the reign of Charles Y., according to Van 
 Meter and Grotius, a hundred thousand persons were 
 put to death by the executioner, on account of religion 
 alone. But Philip, the son of Charles, and his suc- 
 cessor, an ambitious, despotic, and bigoted ruler, deter- 
 mined to put in execution what his father, for wise 
 reasons, had declined, and resolved to introduce the 
 genuine Spanish Inquisition into the Netherlands. He 
 began by aggravating the severity of his father's regu- 
 lations concerning faith, extending the po\yer of the 
 Inquisitors more and moreJ^ and rendering their proce- 
 dures more arbitrary and independent of the civil power. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 95 
 
 Soon nothing was wanting to make the Spanish Inqui- 
 sition complete, except the name and the Dominicans. 
 Mere suspicion was enough to tear a citizen away from 
 the bosom of his family and of public tranquillity ; and 
 the weakest evidence was a justification of the torture. 
 Whoever fell into this abyss, never came out. All the 
 benefits of the laws were suspended in his case. The 
 maternal care of justice took no farther notice of him. 
 The delinquent never learned the name of his accuser, 
 and very seldom the nature of his offence. A rutliless 
 devilish cunning compelled the unhappy victim to be 
 his own accuser, or in the torture of the rack, or 
 through weariness of his long, living burial, to confess 
 offences which he had never committed, or were not 
 even known to his judges. The property of the con- 
 demned was confiscated, and informers were encouraged 
 by rewards and assurances of favour. No privilege, no 
 civil justice availed against the Holy Power. The arm 
 of worldly authority could not protect those whom the 
 Inquisition touched. This was permitted to exercise 
 no other duty at its tribunal, except with reverential 
 submission to put its sentences into execution. 
 
 The effects of this institution could not be otherwise 
 than unnatural and terrible. All the temporal pros- 
 perity, even the life of the man of irreproachable 
 character, were henceforth at the mercy of every mis- 
 creant. Every secret enemy, every envious wretch, was 
 exposed to the dangerous temptation of securing an 
 invisible and unfailing revenge. There was no longer 
 any safety to property, or sincerity in intercourse. AH 
 bonds of trade, all ;_c.laims of blood and love were dis- 
 solved. Social life, was poisoned by suspicious mis- 
 trust; the dreaded presence of a spy stified the glance 
 in the eye and the word on the tongue. No one 
 believed in the existence of an honourable man, and no 
 
96 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 one had the reputation of one; good name, the bond of 
 common country, brotherhood, even the sanctity of an 
 oath, and all that men hold dear, had depreciated in 
 value. No wonder that a tribunal so unnatural should 
 have roused a free State to resistance! Complaints 
 were laid before Philip concerning the spiritual edicts, 
 the Inquisition, and its unlawful encroachments. Never 
 more, they declared, would Hollanders submit to a 
 yoke, under which it might be that Spaniards w.ould 
 meekly bow, and if the attempt was made to force it on 
 them, they would rather dare the worst. But Philip 
 was inexorable. Rather not be king at all, than reign 
 over heretics, was his answer! Margaret of Parma, a 
 natural daughter of Charles V., by a lady of the 
 Netherlands, Vangeest by name, at that time Stadt- 
 holderess of the Netherlands, was under obligation to 
 see to the execution of the religious edicts, and with 
 what zeal she fulfilled it we may learn from the stern 
 monkish faith which her preceptor, and the adviser of 
 her conscience, Ignatius Loyola, had implanted in her 
 soul. Among the labours of love and works of penance 
 with which she crucified her vanity, one of the most 
 remarkable was, that in the passion-week of each year, 
 she, with her own hands, washed the feet of a certain 
 number of poor people, who had been strictly forbidden 
 to cleanse themselves in advance, then waited on them 
 at table, like a. servant, and dismissed them with rich 
 presents. This single characteristic may suffice to show 
 with what zeal she would insist on the execution of the 
 edicts. 
 
 Philip left the Netherlands -in 1559; a storm sank 
 his fleet, and as he stepped safely ashore at Laredo,- he 
 expressed his gloomy gratitude in the horrid vow to 
 the God wl\o had preserved him, to exterminate all 
 heretics. Anthony Perenot, Bishop of Arras, subse- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 97 
 
 qiiently Archbishop of Mechlhi, and Metropolitan of all 
 the Netherlands, whom the hatred of his cotemporaries 
 immortalized under the name of Cardinal Granvella, 
 was associated with Margaret, in order to exterminate 
 the Protestants. The Inquisition and the edicts seemed 
 to him insufficient to arrest the infection of heresy, so 
 long as the former had not an ample supply of over- 
 seers, and the latter had not a sufficient number of 
 instruments to give effect to its widely extended juris- 
 diction. He therefore proposed to institute thirteen new 
 bishoprics in the realm, in addition to the four hitherto 
 established, one for each of the provinces of tlie country, 
 and to raise four of them to the rank of archbishoprics. 
 Six of these episcopal sees were under the archbishopric 
 of Mechlin, viz., in Antwerp, Herzogenbusch, Ghent, 
 Briiges, Ypern, and Ruhrmond; five others, Haarlem, 
 Middelburg, Lauvarden, Deventer, and Groningen, 
 under the archbishopric of Utrecht; and the four 
 remaining ones, Arras, Tournai, St. Omer, and Namur, 
 under the Archiepiscopal See of Cambray. Mechlin, in 
 the midst of Brabant, and of all seventeen provinces, 
 was the primate of all the rest, and, together with 
 several rich abbeys, was the reward of Granvella. The 
 revenues of the new bishoprics were derived from the 
 treasures of the monasteries and abbeys. Some of the 
 abbots themselves attained the rank of bishops; and 
 these, with the possession of their monasteries and pre- 
 latures, also retained a vote in the Diet, which was 
 associated with it. To every bishopric nine prebends 
 were attached, which were entrusted to the most skilful 
 jurists and theologians, in order to support the Inquisi- 
 tion and the bishops in their spiritual^ office. To the 
 Archbishop of Mechlin, as the metropolitan of all the 
 seventeen provinces, full authority was given to appoint 
 or depose archbishops and bishops, according to his 
 7 
 
98 HISTORY AXD LITERATURE OF 
 
 pleasure, and the See of Rome had only the right of 
 approval. Against these encroachments upon the 
 most cherished rights of the country all the Pro- 
 vinces united, and the terrible voice of patriotism 
 shouted the alarm. 
 
 In this tumult, Prince William of Orange arose as 
 leader of the people and defender of the noblest human 
 rights against the assumptions of despots. William the 
 First, Prince of Orange, was descended from the 
 princely German house of Nassau, which had flourished 
 for eight hundred years, had contended, during one 
 period, with the house of Austria for the supremacy, 
 and had given an Emperor to the German State. 
 Besides various rich provinces in the Netherlands, 
 which made him a citizen of the State and an obedient 
 vassal of Spain, he possessed the still independent 
 principality of Orange, bequeathed to him in his last 
 will by Renatus of Chalons, son of Count Henry of 
 Nassau, who had married the heiress of the house of 
 Chalons, on a journey as ambassador to France. Wil- 
 liam was born in 1533, at Dillenburg, in the Duchy of 
 Nassau. Flis mother was the Countess of Stolberg. 
 His father, the Uuke of Nassau, had adopted the Pro- 
 testant reHgion, in which his son was educated by his 
 direction; but Charles V., who was early kindly dis- 
 posed to the boy, took him when very young to his 
 court, and let him grow up in the Roniish faith. This 
 monarch, who discerned in the child the futuje great 
 man, kept him for nine years near his person, honoured 
 him with his own instruction in, the affairs of state, and 
 bestowed on him a confidence far beyond what his 
 years would have justified^, He was the only oiie 
 who was permitted to remain in the presence of the 
 Emperor, wheli audience wa^ given to foreign ambas- 
 sadors — an evidence that, as^ a boy, he had already 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECniSlf. 99 
 
 begun to deserve the honourable surname of "The 
 Silent." William was twenty-three years old when 
 Charles abdicated the throne. A man like this prince 
 could not be acceptable to the suspicious and tyrannical 
 Philip. William belonged to the number of those lean, 
 pale men, as Cresar calls them, who do not sleep at 
 night, and who think too much. The quiet composure 
 of a never varying countenance concealed a restless, 
 fiery soul, which was inaccessible alike to craft or love, 
 a fertile, untiring, and capacious mind, sensitive and 
 soft enough to receive all impressions, strong enough to 
 bear up under eveiy change of fortune. The plan 
 which he had once adopted as the best, no opposition 
 could wear out, no accident destroy; for all these things 
 had stood in his view before they actually occurred. 
 Elevated above terror and joy, he could be moved by 
 fear; but that fear had been present before the danger 
 came; he was composed in the midst of tumult, because 
 in the time of peace he had trembled. No one was 
 ever born to be the leader of a conspiracy moro tlian 
 W^illiam the Silent. A penetrating, steadfast look into 
 the past, the present, and the future, readiness to seize 
 the opportunity, keen calculation of the long chain of 
 futurity, were under the guardianship of a free and 
 enlightened virtue, which walks with steady step even on 
 the crumbling verge. The opinion concerning his reli- 
 gion seemed ambiguous. William had faith in the Tope, 
 so long as his benefactor, the Emperor, lived; but the 
 prepossession which his young heart had conceived for 
 the Reformed doctrine, never forsook him. Whatever 
 Church he may have' preferred in various periods of his 
 life, he was wholly' addicted to none. ^In subsequent 
 years he went over to Calvinism with as little hesita- 
 tion as he in early childhood had forsaken the Lutheran 
 religion for the Roman Catholic. He defended the 
 human rights of Protestants against the Spanish tyranny, 
 
100 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 rather than their opinions. Their sufferings, not their 
 faith, had made him their brother.* 
 
 An accident developed the mighty thought, in the 
 soul of William, to break in pieces the yoke of Spanish 
 tyranny. AVilliam had been retained in France as a 
 hostage of the peace of Chateau-Cambresis, and through 
 the imprudence of Henry II., who supposed that he 
 was speaking with a confidant of the King of Spain, 
 had become possessed of a secret proposal, which the 
 French Court had suggested to the Spanish, against the 
 Protestants of both kingdoms. This important dis- 
 covery the Prince lost no time in communicating to his 
 friends in Brussels, and the letters which were ex- 
 changed on this subject, unfortunately fell into the 
 hands of the King of Spain. Philip was less surprised 
 by this decisive indication of William's opinions, than 
 he was enraged at the frustration of his project; the 
 betrayer of a state secret was lost to the good opinion 
 of the King; but this disaffection and mistrust were 
 still more aggravated offences in his estimation. 
 
 Lamoral, Count of Egmont and Prince of Gavre, 
 joined Prince William. He was a descendant of the 
 princes of Gelder, whose warlike spirit the arms of the 
 House of Austria had tamed. The battles at Quentin 
 and Gravelingen made him the hero of his century. 
 The Orange faction obtained an important acquisition 
 in Count Hoorne. He had accompai:iied the King as 
 admiral of the fleet to Biscay, and had resumed his 
 position in the council of the State. Hoorne's restless 
 spirit responded to the daring projects of the Prince of 
 Orange and of Egmont, and soon the dangerous trium- 
 virate was constituted by these three friends, which 
 shook the foundations of the royal authority, and finally 
 toppled it to the 'ground. Jealousy, private advantage, 
 
 * This is not a true estimate of William's character, as Motley has abun- 
 dantly proved. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 101 
 
 and religious differences, had separated the nobility for 
 a long period, the common fate of degradation and 
 hatred of the minister had reunited them, and the arti- 
 fices of the administratrix to divide them and form two 
 parties out of the nobility, were futile. 
 
 The dissatisfaction with the new Bishops was loudly 
 expressed in all the provinces. The cry was: "The 
 constitution has been trampled under-foot ; the rights of 
 the nation are assailed; the Spanish Inquisition has 
 opened its bloody court!" The nobility saw the royal 
 power in the Assembly of the States strengthened by 
 fourteen influential votes. The former Bishops com- 
 plained that their revenues had been diminished and 
 their districts curtailed. The abbots and monks had 
 lost both revenues and influence. Nobles and people, 
 laymen and priests, advanced together against the com- 
 mon enemy. Brabant was the loudest in its resistance. 
 A defeat which Philip sustained from the Turks, com- 
 pelled him to call away the Spanish troops out of the 
 Xetherlands, and use them on the Mediterranean Sea. 
 The horrible procedures against heretics exasperated 
 the whole nation. All executions of confessors of the 
 new religion now became just so many tempting exhi- 
 bitions of their excellence, so many theatres of their 
 triumph and glorious constancy. The heroic fortitude 
 with which they died, won converts to the faith for 
 which they sufl'ered. Ten new confessors lived for 
 every one that was murdered. Not in cities and towns 
 only, but on the public highways, on boats, in carriages, 
 discussions were held about the authority of the Pope, 
 the Saints, Purgatory, and Indulgences. In all these 
 places, sermons Were delivered, and people were con- 
 verted. From the country, and out of the towns, the 
 mob rushed forth to rescue the prisoners of the Holy 
 Oflice from tJie. hands of the sbirri, and the magistrates 
 
102 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 who ventured to uphold their authority by force, were 
 pelted with stones. Crowds accompanied the Protestant 
 preachers, whom the Inquisition sought to get into its 
 power, carried them on their shoulders to and from the 
 church, and concealed them at the peril of life from 
 their pursuers. The spirit of insurrection and riot was 
 everywhere aroused. Prisons were broken open, and 
 the victims were snatched by force from the hands of 
 the authorities. Five thousand men were seen present 
 at one Protestant sermon in Tournay and Valenciennes. 
 In the Northern provinces, where liberty was stronger, 
 and the government was more remote, and where the 
 neighbourhood of Germany and Denmark augmented 
 the sources of the infection, the number was still greater. 
 This manifestation, the disobedience of the edicts, the 
 necessity of levying new recruits, and the suspicious 
 movements of the Hugonots on the French borders, 
 distressed the Administratrix exceedingly. To all this 
 was added the command from Madrid, to order back 
 two thousand Netherland cavalry, who, in the stress of 
 the religious war, had taken refuge with Philip II. 
 They were to be driven back to the army of the Queen's 
 mother in France, for Philip was wont to regard every 
 matter which was an affair of faith, as his own personal 
 concern. The Administratrix communicates the will of 
 the King to the States' Council, and meets with the 
 most violent opposition on the part of the nobles. 
 Whilst the Kegent is wavering between the orders of 
 the King, and the urgent representations of her council- 
 lors, William of Orange rises, and proposes to summon 
 an assembly of the States General: -No policy more 
 fatal to the royal authority could be adopted, than this 
 national convention, so tempting an exhibition, at the 
 present moment, of its power and rights. The minister 
 was wide awake to the danger which the Prince was 
 
TUE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 103 
 
 preparing by this stroke. A hint from him admonished 
 the Diicliess to adjourn the assembly. He himself wrote 
 to Madrid that nothing could be more disadvantageous 
 to the Government than to give its consent to this 
 assembly of the States; that such a measure was at all 
 times dangerous, because it led the nation to inquire 
 into and restrain the rights of the Crown; but now it 
 was thrice prejudicial, especially as the spirit of insur- 
 rection was so widespread, and the entire nobility, 
 through the arts of the Prince of Orange, was increas- 
 ing the national disaffection. This letter produced its 
 full effect upon the King. The assembly of the States 
 was peremptorily forbidden; the decrees respecting the 
 punishment of heretics were renewed with great seve- 
 rity, and the Duchess was ordered to send the desired 
 auxiliary troops without delay. But to this the council 
 was not to be induced. Instead of subsidies, it agreed 
 to send money to the Queen's mother. In order to 
 deceive the nation with a shadowy representation of 
 republican liberty, the Regent summoned the Stadt- 
 holders of the Provinces, and the Knights of the Golden 
 Fleece, to an extraordinary assembly at Brussels, in 
 order to deliberate on the present dangers and necessi- 
 ties of the State. The object of the meeting was 
 explained, and three days' time given for deliberation. 
 Meanwhile, the Prince of Orange assembled them in 
 his palace, and represented the necessity of uniting 
 themselves before the session, and agreeing beforehand 
 on the measures which were to be advocated. Many 
 approved this proposal. Only Count Barlaimont, with 
 a. few adherents oi-^Xhe minister, spoke in favour of the 
 prerogatives of the Crown. The Duchess, advised of 
 this occurrence, occupied the Knights"§o adroitly, that 
 they had no time to arrive at any further understand- 
 ing. At last it was resolved to send an embassy to 
 
104 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Spain, in order to inform the King of the present pos- 
 ture of affairs; but the Duchess sent another secret 
 envoy to Madrid, in advance, who acquainted the King 
 with all that had been arranged at the caucus between 
 the Prince of Orange and the Knights. The public 
 ambassador was flattered in Madrid with empty protesta- 
 tions of the royal good will; but the Regent was secretly 
 commanded to frustrate the secret union of the nobility 
 by all the means in her power. 
 
 The embassy from Madrid returned, and communi- 
 cated to the State Council the highly favourable views 
 of the sovereign; but the Prince of Orange, who had 
 surrounded the King with spies, received information 
 which was entitled to greater credit. Prom them he 
 learned that Granvella had slandered him and his 
 friends in the most infamous manner, and had used the 
 most opprobrious epithets in relation to the conduct of 
 the nobility. 
 
 There was no help, so long as the minister was not 
 driven from the helm of the go'vernment, and this 
 luidertaking, bold and adventurous as it seemed, now 
 wholly occupied the Prince. In a common letter, the 
 Prince of Orange, Count Egmont, Count Hoorne, 
 brought accusations against the minister before the 
 King, and insisted strenuously upon his removal. The 
 Duchess received information concerning this letter, 
 and neutralized its effect by another, which she 
 despatched before it. The King answered, that it was 
 not his wont to condemn his minister on the accusa- 
 tion of his enemies, without a, hearing. With rare 
 courage, they ventured a second attempt, and wrote to 
 the King, that the general tranquillity was utterly 
 incompatible with the presence of this individual. If 
 it was not the* pleasure of his Majesty to remove this 
 person, they hoped that in future they would be 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 105 
 
 relieved of the duty of attending the Senate. As the 
 sovereign was altogether averse to grant their request, 
 they left the State Council, and even removed from 
 Brussels. By process of law, therefore, they could not 
 remove the minister; they now adopted another plan. 
 On every occasion they manifested their public con- 
 tempt, and placed every measure which he adopted in 
 a ridiculous light. The voice of the people was loud 
 and still louder against him. Every one hated him. 
 Every execution increased the public horror, and uni- 
 versal execration pursued him. The minister began to 
 totter at the court of the Duchess, and at last he fell. 
 Granvella was now hurled to the ground; but his 
 adherents still maintained their footing, and they, too, 
 must be cast down. Viglius, a worthy and a learned 
 man, a friend of Erasmus, but a weak and timid per- 
 son, was President of the Privy Council, State Coun- 
 cillor, and Keeper of the Seals, and was now the most 
 important personage, the strongest prop of the Crown 
 and Tiara. The faction had a no less formidable oppo- 
 nent in the President of the Council of the Exchequer, 
 Count Barlaimont. More than once the Prince of 
 Orange endeavoured to detach him from the interest of 
 the Cardinal, and incorporate him with his own party; 
 but Barlaimont remained faithful to the cause of the 
 King. 
 
 As every attempt had failed, the effort was made, at 
 all events, to introduce some new members into both 
 Courts, who should be more devoted to the interest of 
 the faction. When the Prince could not succeed, 
 either in winning tke Privy Council over to his plans, 
 or in insinuating his own adherents in^o these courts, 
 there was no other resource left but to render the effi- 
 ciency of both entirely nugatory, by transplanting the 
 business which- belonged to them into the State Coun- 
 
106 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 cil. In order to carry out this plan, the Prince sought 
 the assistance of the remaining Councils of the State, 
 alarmed the Duchess by exaggerated reports of the 
 increase of heresy, of the ruinous condition of the 
 citizens, of the administration of justice, and of the 
 finances. Reeling with terror, she assembled all three 
 Courts, in order to deliberate how these disorders 
 might be remedied. The majority of votes decided 
 that an Envoy Extraordinary should be sent to Spain, to 
 inform the King of the state of affairs, and to induce 
 him to adopt better measures. Count Egmont received 
 the commission to make representations to the King, in 
 order to persuade him to adopt a milder procedure 
 towards the Protestants, to merge the two other courts 
 in the State Council, and to effect the revocation of the 
 decrees of Trent, which were about to be introduced ; 
 but the Duchess admonished him to inform the monarch 
 respecting the opposition of the people of the Nether- 
 lands to the edicts, and the wretched state of the 
 military affairs and finances of the' State. 
 
 President Viglius drew up the Count's commission. 
 It contained earnest complaints concerning the decay of 
 the administration of justice, the growth of heresy, and 
 the exhaustion of the treasury. He urged strenuously 
 a personal visitation on the part of the King. The rest 
 w^as left to the eloquence of the Ambassador. The 
 Prince of Orange objected, that the Count's instructions 
 were too general and indefinite, and spoke so strongly, 
 that Viglius succumbed to the violence of his vexation. 
 He was found, the next morning, paralyzed, and in 
 danger of death. His position was assumed by Joachim 
 Hopper, a man of the old ^tyle, and of irreproachable 
 morals. He added some, appendices to the commission 
 of the Ambassador, which" ^vere favourable to the party 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISAT. 107 
 
 of the Prince of Orange, touching the suppression of 
 the Inquisition, and the blending of the three Courts. 
 
 When Count Egmont hereupon took leave of the 
 President, who had meanwhile recovered from his 
 illness, the latter requested him to bring back with him 
 his dismissal from his office as minister. The Count 
 set out on his journey to Spain in January, 1565, and 
 was welcomed with an amount of kindness and respect 
 which had never before been experienced by one in his 
 position. The Sovereign granted his requests, and 
 made him a present of fifty thousand gulden. The 
 simulated gentleness of the King, and the protestations 
 of good will which he did not feel, baffled the Count's 
 eloquence. Scarcely had he returned, when severer 
 edicts against heretics exposed the falsehood of the 
 joyful intelligence which he had brought with him, 
 touching the happy change in the mind of the King. 
 The Count, said William, has been cheated by Spanish 
 duplicity. 
 
 The treachery of the Spanish ministry was now laid 
 bare. The King commanded that the edicts against 
 heretics should be most strictly enforced, that the 
 Inquisition should receive the most powerful support 
 from the secular arm, and that the decrees of the 
 Council of Trent should be irrevocably and uncondition- 
 ally binding in all provinces of the Netherlands. Who- 
 ever among the stadtholders and judges should be 
 negligent in this matter was to be deposed from his 
 office. He would approve all that the Inquisition 
 might do, let it go as. far as it would. This royal man- 
 date, to which the-'party of the Prince of Orange 
 ascribed all the subsequent sufferings q|^ the Nether- 
 lands, produced the most violent sensation, and struck 
 terror into the people. Already the prison-doors 
 were heard grating on their hinges, chains and fetters 
 
108 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 were clanking, and the stakes and fagots were made 
 ready. These things were the common topic of con- 
 versation. Notices were posted on the doors of the 
 nobility, in which they were summoned, as Rome for- 
 merly invoked her Brutus, to come to the rescue of 
 struggUng liberty. Biting sarcasms appeared in rela- 
 tion to the new bishops. The clergy were ridiculed in 
 comedies, and the satire spared the throne as little as 
 the chair of the Pope. Alarmed by the rumours of 
 these things, the Duchess summoned all the State 
 Councils to decide the course of conduct she was to 
 pursue in this critical posture of affairs. The venera- 
 bL? Viglius advised, by no means, to give publicity to 
 the King's decree, until the sovereign had been ap- 
 prised of the reception which, under present circum- 
 stances, it would probably encounter. To the aston- 
 ishment of all parties, the Prince of Orange rose and 
 said: "What have the many representations which we 
 have made to the monarch — the many letters which we 
 have written to him — what has the embassy accom- 
 plished, which we so recently sent to him] Come on, 
 then, let us carry out his project." The party of the 
 Prince of Orange prevailed, and the King's decree was 
 openly promulgcd. This session destroyed for ever the 
 peace of the Duchess ; from tliis date, the Netherlanders 
 reckon all the storms which, without cessation, raged in 
 their country. An edict was accordingly issued to all 
 stadtholders of the provinces, in which they were com- 
 manded to put in force the mandates of the Emperor 
 and of the King against heretics, together with the 
 decrees of the Council of Trent. For this purpose, 
 every one was directed tQ choose a suitable man from 
 the council over which. he presided, whose business it 
 should be tcT travel through the provinces and institute 
 strict inquiries concerning the execution of these com- 
 
THE HEIDELBEEG CATECHISM. 109 
 
 mands. These mandates, which were publicly read in 
 every city by a herald, produced the effect upon the 
 people which completely justified the fears of President 
 Viglius and the expectations of the Prince. Nearly all 
 the stadtholders refused obedience, and threatened to 
 resign, if the matter was pressed; to deliver from fifty 
 to sixty thousand people to the flames was no commis- 
 sion for them. A general spirit of insurrection per- 
 vaded the people. They even demanded that the 
 Council of State should lodge a complaint against the 
 King of Spain before the Supreme Court of Spain, 
 because he had violated his oath and invaded the privi- 
 leges and rights of the land. The Calvinists published 
 their Confession of Faith, and in a preface, declared to 
 the King that, although they were one hundred thousand 
 strong, they still kept the peace, and paid all the taxes 
 of the country, the same as others; from which it was 
 manifest, they added, that they had no design to revolt. 
 Dangerous tracts were publicly disseminated, without 
 charge, which painted the Spanish tyranny in the most 
 odious colours, and reminded the nation of its privi- 
 leges and its strength. The warlike preparations of 
 Philip against the Porte, and those which Erich, Duke 
 of Brunswick, was making in the vicinity, strengthened 
 the general suspicion that the Inquisition was to be 
 imposed on the Netherlands by force. Many of the 
 principal merchants were desirous to sell their houses 
 and effects; others looked around for a leader, and 
 threw out hints of a forcible resistance and foreign aid. 
 The Prince of Orange resigned his place in the Council 
 of State, and wrote.- to the Duchess, that it would be 
 impossible to follow out the commands of the King 
 without kindling a civil war. He retired to liis City 
 of Breda, where he quietly awaited the development of 
 the crisis. _ . 
 
110 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Up to tills period, the general tranquillity had been 
 the honest desire of the Prince of Orange, Counts 
 Egmont and Hoorne, and their friends. Nothing had 
 happened as yet, which was inconsistent with the 
 duty which they owed to their sovereign. They had 
 demeaned themselves as men of uprightness and honour 
 in their various positions as responsible members of a 
 free State, as national representatives and advocates, as 
 advisers of the King. The weapons with which they 
 had contended against the assumptions of the court, 
 were remonstrances, modest complaints, and petitions. 
 They had never allowed themselves to be hurried so far 
 by a righteous zeal for their good cause, as to forget the 
 bounds of that wisdom and moderation which are usu- 
 ally so readily transcended by party spirit. Not all the 
 nobles of the kingdom, however, listened to these dic- 
 tates of prudence and forbearance. That class of the 
 nobility whose services and necessities, Philip, on his 
 entrance upon the government, deemed it not necessary 
 to notice, and who were now oppressed with debt, from 
 which they had no hope of extricating themselves by 
 their own unaided efforts, was an unmerciful judge and 
 censor of the royal acts, nourished the popular disaffec- 
 tion, and coveted the wealth of the Protestant mer- 
 chants, who deemed the purchase of liberty not too 
 dear at any price. Louis of Nassau, and Henry of 
 Brederoden, placed themselves at the head of the enter- 
 prise. Louis of Nassau, the brother of the Prince of 
 Orange, united in his person all the qualities which 
 were calculated to make him conspicuous in such a 
 position. In Geneva, where he' had studied, he had 
 imbibed a hatred against the hierarchy, and a love 'for 
 the new religion, and los.t no opportunity to win adhe- 
 rents to these pi'inciples m his native country. Popery 
 and Spanish rule were the greatest abominations to 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. Ill 
 
 him. The warm blood of his fiery temperament and 
 youth would not allow him to tread the devious paths 
 by which his brother moved towards the goal. 
 
 Henry of Brederoden, Lord of Viane, and Count of 
 Utrecht, was descended from the old Dutch counts, who 
 had formerly ruled this province as sovereign princes. 
 He, too, quietly favoured the evangelical Confession. 
 Besides these two, the following, who were among the 
 most prominent nobility of the Netherlands, the young 
 Count Charles of Mansfield, whose father had been a 
 zealous royalist; Count Culemburg, the two Counts 
 Bergen and Battenburg; John of Marnix, Lord of 
 Toulouse; Philip of Marnix, Lord of St. Aldegende; 
 and many others, joined the League, which was formed 
 about the middle of November, 1565, in the house of a 
 certain Von Hammes, King-at-Arms of the Golden 
 Fleece, and a most earnest Calvinist. Six men here 
 decided the fate of their country, as the sworn compa- 
 triots once secured the freedom of Switzerland, kindled 
 the torch of a forty years' war, and laid the foundation 
 of liberty. The brotherhood swore to resist the Inqui- 
 sition with all their might, to regard the Government 
 as sacred, and by no means to violate their oath under 
 any name, be it called rebellion, insurrection, or what- 
 ever else it might. This compromise was translated 
 into several languages, and rapidly distributed through 
 the provinces. Every one of the conspirators gathered 
 all he could together of friends, relatives, dependents, 
 and servants, in order to give to the League the prestige 
 of numbers. Great feasts were held, which lasted for 
 whole days. Every^-guest was added to the League by 
 prior assurances of friendship. The trick was employed 
 of counterfeiting the seals and signatures of the Prince 
 of Orange, of Counts Egmont, Hoorne, Von Megen, 
 and others, ai^d . this gained many hundreds for the 
 
112 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 League. Special attention was paid also to the officers 
 of the army, in order to be prepared on this side, in 
 case of emergiencies in which violence might be offered. 
 People of all classes and ranks subscribed to the 
 League. Religion made no difference. Even Catholic 
 priests joined it. The Catholics were concerned only 
 for the suppression of the Inquisition, and for the modi- 
 fication of the edicts; the Protestants aimed at unre- 
 stricted freedom of conscience. Count Megen gave the 
 Princess the first information concerning this conspiracy. 
 Count Egmont handed her a copy of the compromise. 
 The Prince of Orleans wrote to her, that an army was 
 being enlisted, four hundred officers had been appointed, 
 and twenty thousand men would soon appear under 
 arms. The Administratrix, stunned by the terrors of 
 this announcement, endeavoured to rally the scattered 
 Council of State, and in an urgent letter, invited the 
 Prince of Orleans and Count Hoorne to resume the 
 places in the Senate, which they had resigned, ordered 
 the forts to be strengthened and repaired, sent couriers to 
 Spain, and circulated the report, that the King was on 
 his way. After four months, the whole Council of State 
 assembled in March, at Brussels. The Prince of Orange 
 expressed, during its session, bitter truths and com- 
 plaints against the Court; several followed his example, 
 and the Duchess had trouble to quiet the tumult. She 
 begged simply a decision of the question, whether the 
 members of the League should be permitted to hand 
 in a petition to the Court, or nof? Some were against 
 it; but the Prince of Orange voted emphatically for it. 
 " The members of the League," said he, " are known to 
 me as upright and honourable men; a large number of 
 them stand in relations of friendship and kindred with 
 me. To present a petition, is the privilege of every 
 subject; a right whiph the meanest man in all the State 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 113 
 
 may enjoy, cannot be denied to so influential a society, 
 without injustice." A majority of votes was now of 
 this opinion ; it was resolved to give this permission to 
 the League. Before the decision was made, respecting 
 the answer to be given in relation to the petition of the 
 League, all Brussels rang with the rumour, that the 
 conspirators were approaching the city. The Duchess, 
 greatly excited, proposed the question, whether the 
 gates should be closed against them, or whether they 
 should save themselves by flight] Both propositions 
 were rejected as not worthy to be entertained. The 
 members of the Leaorue assembled in the Culemburof 
 House and renewed their oath. On the followinj>: dav, 
 April 5th, 1566, the fraternity marched in procession 
 to the palace, four abreast, to the number of four hun- 
 dred, headed by the Count of Nassau and Brederode ; 
 all Brussels followed the unusual spectacle with silent 
 amazement. The Administratrix Margaretta received 
 the procession, surrounded by all her councillors and 
 the Knights of the Golden Fleece, and promised to 
 return an answer to the petition of the fraternity on 
 the following day. The petition contained assurances 
 of fidelity to the King, and a request to despatch a 
 well disposed and properly instructed person to Madrid, 
 who might persuade the King, in accordance with the 
 unanimous wish of the nation, to abolish the Inquisi- 
 tion, to revoke the edicts, and instead of them, to 
 enact, at a general council of the States, new and more 
 humane statutes. Meanwhile, however, until the King 
 should make known his pleasure, it was desired that 
 the edicts might be suspended, and the Inquisition be 
 put out of active operation. The next day, the con- 
 spirators appeared in the same procession, but in still 
 greater numbers, before the Regent, in order to receive 
 her decision. _ It was written on the margin of the 
 8 
 
114 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 petition, and was to the effect: "It did not lie in her 
 power to suspend the operation of the Inquisition and 
 the edicts; but yet, she was willing, in accordance with 
 the wish of the League, to send one of the nobility to 
 Spain, and to support their request, with all her influ- 
 ence, before the King. Meanwhile, the Inquisitors 
 should be admonished to exercise their ofiice with 
 moderation ; but, on the other hand, the League must 
 undertake nothing against the Catholic faith." 
 
 The League was content with this answer. Three 
 days afterwards, they declared, in a new memorial to 
 the Regent, most emphatically, " that they had done 
 nothing but their duty, and that nothing but loyalty 
 to the King had been their motive." This declaration 
 the Duchess evaded. On the same day Brederode en- 
 tertained the conspirators in the Culemburg palace; 
 nearly three hundred guests were present ; wine made 
 them reckless, and their courage increased with their 
 numbers. Just then some of them remembered that 
 Count Barlaimont had whispered' to the Duchess, who 
 turned pale when the petition was handed in, " that she 
 should not be frightened by a crowd of beggars," 
 {guenx.) This expression was caught up, as one 
 which concealed the audacity of the affair under the 
 guise of humility, and the success of which was the 
 most biting satire upon the wealthiest of all kings. 
 Forthwith they drank to one another, under this name, 
 and with an uproar of applause the toast was. given — 
 "Long life to the Beggars!" After the table was 
 cleared, Brederode appeared with a bag, such as the 
 wandering pilgrims and beggars of that day carried, 
 hung it about his neck, drank the health of the whole 
 company in a wooden cup, and pledged himself to ven- 
 ture good arid blood, i. e., ' property and life, for the 
 League. All repeated the ^ords with a loud voice; 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 115 
 
 the Clip went round, and each one uttered the same 
 vow. The noise which this farce created drew the 
 Prince of Orange, Counts Egmont and Hoorne, who 
 were riding by, into the house, and Brederode, as their 
 host, insisted that they should drink a glass with them. 
 The arrival of these three influential men renewed the 
 rejoicing of the guests. The name of "The Beggars" 
 was made the designation of the fraternity, and the 
 insignia of the brotherhood w^ere borrowed from it. In 
 a few days the city of Brussels swarmed with garments 
 of ash-grey. Around the neck a gold or silver coin was 
 suspended, afterwards called the Beggar's penny, one 
 side of which presented the bust of the King, with the 
 inscription, " True to the King." On the other side were 
 two clasped hands, holding a provision-wallet, with the 
 words, " Even to the beggar's sack." 
 
 The brotherhood dispersed, and awaited the decision 
 of the King. The Duchess provided a new formula 
 of the edicts, and sent it for ratification to Madrid. 
 The report was spread that no one need now apprehend 
 anything on account of religious opinions. Imme- 
 diately after this intelligence, the Protestants who 
 had fled, came back to their homes. The new reli<rion 
 received a vast accession. The name of " The Begrsrars" 
 was held in high honour throughout the provinces. 
 The Protestants now ventured to hold public assem- 
 blies. Fifteen thousand persons crowded to one sermon, 
 in which the Pope, the fathers of the Council of Trent, 
 and Purgatory, were ridiculed in comical style; a 
 general clapping of hands, as in a theatre, rewarded the 
 speaker. At th©- conclusion of the service, they 
 conducted their preacher home in ^iumph with an 
 escort of armed horsemen. The Duchess now invoked 
 the League to make good its promises, and to lend a 
 helping han(i for the restoration of order. Count 
 
116 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Brederode availed himself of this pretext to summon a 
 general assembly of the whole League. Two thousand 
 came together in St. Truyn, Brederode and Louis of 
 Nassau at their head, and endeavoured to extort from 
 the Duchess a brief, insuring the safety of their persons, 
 inasmuch as the long delay of the royal answer from 
 Madrid augured nothing good for them. ' 
 
 The Catholic members of the League now heard, to 
 their no small amazement, a proposition for general 
 freedom of conscience, and, to their terror, became 
 aware in what a perilous adventure they had entangled 
 themselves. Young Count Mansfield immediately 
 withdrew, and an internal division began to undermine 
 the work, which had been accomplished in haste. 
 Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange were em- 
 powered by the Duchess to treat with the League. 
 The League returned a formal answer, and declared 
 that it had done all that it had promised. The 
 Duchess found herself obliged, as the answer from 
 Madrid had not yet arrived, to make the humiliating 
 proposition to the members of the League at St. Truyn, 
 that they should wait twenty-four days longer for 
 the decision of the King, before they took any further 
 steps. 
 
 At last the ambassador returned from Madrid. The 
 King declared the General Diet to be inexpedient, and 
 rejected it altogether, and, in a private missive, com- 
 manded the Duchess secretly and quietly to prepare for 
 war; to collect three thousand cavalry and ten thousand 
 infantry in Germany, for which purpose he transmitted 
 the sum of three hundred thousand gold gulden. The 
 moderation he rejected as too mild — but yet he sacri- 
 ficed the Papal Inquisition and retained only the Epis- 
 copal. This wisfe concession- came too late. When the 
 royal letters reached . Brussels, the iconoclasts were in 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISil. 117 
 
 the height of their fury. Churches and convents were 
 ruthlessly devastated, the most costly works of art were 
 destroyed, and precious libraries and manuscripts 
 perished in the flames. The Duchess, alarmed for her 
 personal safety, was on the point of fleeing to Mons in 
 Hunegan. The venerable Viglius persuaded her to 
 remain. A Council of State was held, whose final 
 decision was to yield to necessity, to allow preaching in 
 those places in which it had been already instituted, to 
 make the suppression of the Papal Inquisition public, 
 to abrogate the edicts against heretics, and, above all. 
 to accord to the nobility of the League, without any 
 reservation, the safe-conduct which they demanded. 
 The Prince of Orange, with Counts Egmont and Hoorne, 
 negotiated with the deputies of the League. Assurances 
 and counter-assurances were prepared and signed in 
 formal instruments of writing. The Protestants re- 
 store the plundered churches to their legal owners, 
 and a place is assigned to them in the city, where they 
 are at liberty to build churches for their own use. 
 Each religious society was allowed to have two minis- 
 ters, but these must be native Netherlanders. As to 
 the rest, they were to enjoy the same protection as the 
 established religion. This arrangement was to be bind- 
 ing until the King, by assembly of the States, should 
 otherwise order; but then every one should be at liberty 
 to leave the country with his family and effects. This 
 agreement the Prince of Orange made with the Pro- 
 vinces, without having the full authority. Other stadt- 
 holders, Noirkarmes, Megen, and Aremberg, acted 
 with more severity; they suppressed the Protestant 
 sect, and banished all its preachers. ^ 
 
 Philip soon received tidings of the outrages of the 
 iconoclasts, and committed the matter to his Council 
 for their con^deration. After much deliberation, the 
 
118 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 proposition of the Duke of Alva prevailed, viz., to 
 bring the rebellious subjects to obedience, by means of 
 a well disciplined and formidable army. In advance, 
 the Duchess was advised by letter to strengthen the 
 army, to perplex the Council of State, and detain it 
 with an announcement of his speedy arrival. Whilst 
 these deliberations were held in Spain, the Protestants 
 made the largest use of the privileges which they had 
 extorted. The building of churches advanced with 
 incredible celerity. Young and old, nobles and com- 
 mon folk helped carry the stones, and many women 
 parted with their ornaments in order to expedite the 
 work. They instituted their own Consistories, their 
 own Church Council, and collected money in a common 
 treasury ; but the picture outrages, far from promoting 
 the cause of the League, or advancing the interests of 
 Protestantism, had inflicted irreparable injury on both. 
 The sight of their ruined churches, which looked more 
 like stables than places of worship, enraged the Catho- 
 lics. All Catholics forthwith forsook the League. 
 The severity with which some of its members had pro- 
 ceeded against the iconoclasts, in order to ingratiate 
 themselves with the Duchess, impaired its popularity. 
 The Duchess availed herself of this misfortune, in order 
 utterly to destroy the League. The great part of the 
 confederates went over to the party of the Duchess, 
 who employed the private letters which the King had 
 transmitted through her to some of the nobles, for this 
 purpose. Among those who received such private 
 missives, which were overflowing with expressions of 
 good will, were Egmont and the Prince of Orange. 
 Egmont allowed himself to be entirely won over by this 
 means to the interest of the King; but the Prince was 
 a match for the cunning of the Spanish King. 
 
 The court of this most mysterious of all despots had 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 119 
 
 become accessible to William's tact and money ; in this 
 way he had secured, in her own hand-writing, many 
 letters which the Duchess had secretly written to 
 Madrid, and had had them circulated in Brussels, under 
 her own eyes, as though in triumph. William's vigi-* 
 lance penetrated even into the French cabinet. An 
 intercepted letter of the Spanish Ambassador in France, 
 Francis of Alara, to the Duchess, gave him the most 
 important information. In this letter the ambassador 
 expatiated on the splendid opportunity which had been 
 given to the King, by the disloyal conduct of the people 
 of the Netherlands, to establish an arbitrary government 
 in their country. Therefore, he advised her to deceive 
 the nobles by the very arts which they had employed 
 up to this time against her, and to secure them by 
 smooth words and an obliging demeanour. The King, 
 who knew the nobles well, as the secret springs of all 
 the troubles up to this period, would know full well 
 where to find them at the right time; he had sworn to 
 make an example of them, at which all Christendom 
 shovdd stand aghast, even if he imperilled all his heredi- 
 tary States in the venture. Orange understood, there- 
 fore, perfectly, what to make of the fine promises of the 
 King. 
 
 This letter of Alara, together with some others which 
 gave detailed notice of the near approach of the King 
 with an armed force, and of his evil designs against the 
 nobility, the Prince communicated to his brother, Louis 
 of Nassau, to Counts Egmont, Hoorne, and Hochstraten. 
 Count Louis proposed, without loss of time, to take up 
 arms, secure certain fortresses, dispute the armed pass- 
 age of the King into the provinces, arouse Switzerland, 
 the Protestant princes in Germany, and the Hugonots, 
 and meet him on the borders of the country with an 
 imposing arnjy. But WiUiam, more wary and wise, 
 
120 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 declared against the proposal; it was enough to keep a 
 watchful eye, and give the people a hint of the threat- 
 ening peril. Egmont did not believe Alara's letter, 
 trusted the flatteries of the King, and the Prince's plan 
 was frustrated. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Regent called in the troops from 
 Germany, which Erich, Duke of Brunswick, held in 
 readiness for her. Every stadtholder was obliged to 
 strengthen his military force, and to equip it with all 
 the munitions of war. Hereupon she changed her 
 demeanour, and spoke to the rebels a very different 
 language. The freedom accorded to the Protestants 
 was interpreted in an arbitrary way; their religious 
 usages and worship were declared to, be prohibited; 
 their mode of baptism, of marriage, of burial, was for- 
 bidden, under pain of death; several Protestant minis- 
 ters were hung. At a general Synod of the Pro- 
 testants, it was resolved to send deputies to the Regent 
 to remind her of her promises. All efforts were vain. 
 She gained possession of every city in which there were 
 Protestants, threw a strong garrison into each of these 
 towns, and struck down ail resistance. She had an 
 oath drawn up, by which people were pledged to pro- 
 mote the Roman Catholic faith, to persecute the 
 destroyers of pictures, and to aid in the extirpation 
 of heresies of , all sorts. Nearly all took this oath; 
 but in vain was the attempt made to induce the Prince 
 of Orange to, follow their example. He was resolved 
 to renounce the service of the King of Spain, and 
 to leave the country until better days. A depressing 
 experience had taught him how unsafe the hopes 
 are which are founded, by exigencies, upon the masses, 
 and how soon the zeal which promises so much, is dissi- 
 pated when actions are demanded of it. 
 
 One army stood ready in the field, and a still larger 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 121 
 
 one approached, under the command of the Duke of 
 Alva. The time of dissembling was past. Only at the 
 head of an army could there be any hope to make 
 advantageous treaties with the Regent. The money 
 requisite for such an army was wanting, for the Pro- 
 testants had taken back their boastful promises. Envy 
 and religious animosity separated the Lutherans and 
 the Reformed, and members were daily alienated from 
 the League by the arts of the Duchess. All these 
 things induced the Prince to postpone his project, to 
 which the times were not propitious, to a more auspi- 
 cious hour. The Regent sent her private Secretary, 
 Berti, to him once more, to induce him to take the 
 oath, and when Berti found he could not prevail on 
 him, he hoped to secure, through Egmont's eloquence, 
 what he despaired of effecting by his own. He pro- 
 posed an interview with Egmont, to which the Prince 
 was the more readily persuaded, as he was himself 
 desirous to embrace his friend once more before his 
 departure, and snatch the blinded nobleman, if possi- 
 ble, from the sure ruin which he saw impending. This 
 remarkable interview, the last which the two friends 
 ever held, took place in Villebrok, a town on the Rupel, 
 between Brussels and Antwerp. Young Count Mans- 
 feld was also present with the Secretary Berti at this 
 interview. The Reformed, whose last hope rested on 
 the result of this eftbrt, had found means to learn the 
 substance of the conversation through a spy, who was 
 concealed in the chimney of the room in which it was 
 held.* All three assailed the resolution of the Prince 
 with united eloquencse, but without making him waver. 
 " It will cost you your property. Orange, if you persist 
 in your determination," said the Prince of Gavre, 
 drawing him aside to a window. "And you, your life, 
 Egmont," replied the Prince, "if you do not alter 
 
 * Motley rejects this statement. 
 
122 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 yours." Again the Prince warned his friend, and when 
 it was all to no purpose, filled with sorrow and disgust, 
 he exclaimed: "Well, be it so; venture it on the grati- 
 tude of the King. But a sad presentiment tells me, 
 Egmont, that you will be the bridge over which the 
 Spaniards will pass into the country, and which they 
 will break down after they have crossed!" After saying 
 this, he drew him afi'ectionately towards him, and 
 embraced him with deep emotion. For a long time he 
 kept his eyes fastened upon Egmont, as though he felt 
 that he was looking at him for the last time. Tears 
 trickled down his cheeks. They never met again. 
 
 On the very next day the Prince of Orange wrote a 
 letter of respectful farewell to the Duchess, and went 
 with his three brothers and his whole family to his city 
 of Breda, where he had some private affairs to arrange. 
 His oldest son, Prince Philip William, alone remained 
 at Lowen, because he regarded him as sufficiently pro- 
 tected by the Constitution of Brabant and the immuni- 
 ties of the Academy. In Breda the Reformed appeared 
 to him once more with the inquiry, whether there was 
 any hope left for them, or whether all was lost, without 
 possibility of deliverance? The Prince advised them to 
 unite with the Lutherans, and to furnish him with six 
 hundred thousand gulden. He immediately left the 
 Netherlands, and repaired quietly to his birthplace, 
 Dillenburg, in Nassau. Many hundreds accompanied 
 him to Germany. Counts Hoogstraten, Culemburg, 
 and Bergen soon followed him. The nation felt that 
 their guardian angel was gone.. The last prop of the 
 Protestants sank with him; and yet they depended 
 more upon this man who had left them, than upon 'all 
 the rest who had remained. 
 
 The withd<i'a\tal of Egmont and the flight of the 
 Prince of Orange, dissolved the Beggars' Leagiie. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 123 
 
 Each one vied with his neighbour in forswearing the 
 old compromise, and taking the new oath which was 
 offered. In vain did the Protestant merchants exclaim 
 against this breach of promise on the part of the 
 nobility ; their feeble voice was not heard, and all the 
 money they had expended on the enterprise of the 
 League was lost. Everything yielded to the fortune of 
 the Duchess. Her victorious armies subdued all the 
 cities. Alva's dreaded approach wrought wonders. A 
 solemn agreement was made at Antwerp, by which the 
 Reformed worship was abolished, all preachers were 
 banished, the Romish religion was reinstated in its 
 former dignity, the pillaged churches were restored in 
 all their beauty, the new oath was taken, and persons 
 implicated in the picture riots were handed over to 
 justice. Forthwith all Protestant preachers were com- 
 manded, by the announcement of a herald, to quit the 
 country within twenty-four hours; three days were 
 allowed to such as belonged to the Consistories. All 
 the streets were crowded with fugitives. Husbands 
 bade farewell to their wives — fathers took leave of their 
 children for ever. On the 10th of April, 1567, the 
 preachers withdrew; tears flowed, a wail of sorrow 
 arose, and the parting scene was touching. 
 
 At the close of April the Protestant preachers had 
 left, all the schools of the heretics, all their churches, 
 were levelled to the ground. Out of the rafters of the 
 demolished churches gallows were erected; all the 
 high courts of law were filled with corpses, all the 
 prisons with doomed victims, all the highways with 
 fugitives. No city was so small but, during this year 
 of slaughter, between fifty and three hundred were led 
 forth through its streets to execution, to say nothing of 
 those who fell into the hands of the bailiffs in the open 
 country, and ivere strung up like robbers, without 
 
124 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 mercy and without hearing. In Amsterdam, the num- 
 ber of the fugitives was so great, that vessels could not 
 be furnished in sufficient numbers to transport them 
 over the North and South Zee. Germany and England 
 were crowded with refugees from the Netherlands, 
 and who retained, wherever they settled, their man- 
 ners and customs, and even their costume, because it 
 was too hard for them to be altogether alienated from 
 their country, and to give up all hope of return. Few 
 brought with them even the fragments of their former 
 wealth ; by far the greater part begged their way, and 
 enriched their new abode with nothing but their indus- 
 try and skilful hands. 
 
 And yet, all this was but the beginning of sorrows. 
 Notwithstanding the assurance of the Regent, that 
 tranquillity was perfectly restored, the minister Gran- 
 vella, the Cardinal Grand Inquisitor, Spinosa, and the 
 Duke of Alva, insisted that the Spanish army should 
 enter the Netherlands. With the remnant of the vic- 
 torious legions, at whose head Charles V. had made 
 Europe tremble, the Duke of Alva, a blood-thirsty 
 fanatic, set sail from Carthagena, May 5, 1567, and 
 within eight days landed at Genoa, and thence pushed 
 forward in three columns over Mount Cenis, by the 
 same road over which Hannibal is said to have passed 
 eighteen hundred years before. The army crossed the 
 Piedmontese Alps, in easy dp,y's marches. As it clam- 
 bered over the steep and slippery. rocks, up and down 
 the mountains, crossed the foaming Iser, or in single 
 file threaded the narrow ravines, a handful of men 
 would have sufficed to delay its march, to drive it 
 back on the mountains, and without any trouble ' to 
 have secured its overthrow. The Prince of Conde and 
 Admiral Coligny, in fact,- besought Charles IX. not to 
 lose so favourable an opportunity to inflict a deadly 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 125 
 
 wound on the hereditary foe of France ; they promised 
 to support him with fifty thousand Hugonots, Swiss 
 and Germans. But this offer, whose dangerous pur- 
 pose was not to be misconstrued, was declined. The 
 advance moved on without resistance, and under the 
 strictest discipline. A terrible star of prosperity guided 
 this army on its way to slaughter, along the borders of 
 Dauphiny and the course of the Rhone, through Lor- 
 raine, Franche Comte in Luxemburg, where newly 
 levied squadrons of Burgundian cavalry, and three 
 German regiments of infantry, joined the main army. 
 From Thionville, where the 13uke halted a few days, he 
 sent greetings to the Duchess. Crowds of Flemish 
 nobles appeared in the Spanish camp to congratulate 
 the Duke on his arrival. As Count Egmont approached 
 among them, Alva pointed him out to the by-standers 
 with the words, " flere comes a great heretic." Egmont 
 heard the remark and changed colour. When the 
 Duke, in order to gloss over his imprudence, ap- 
 proached him with a cheerful countenance and greeted 
 him with a friendly embrace, the Fleming laughed at 
 this ominous hint. The near approach of this army 
 had already deprived the provinces of a hundred thou- 
 sand citizens, but now still greater terror and anxiety 
 preceded his advance. Whoever could tear himself 
 away from family, property, and fatherland, betook 
 himself to flight. The 22d of August was the day on 
 which Alva stood before the gates of Brussels. His 
 army was immediately quartered in the suburbs; in 
 person he handed over his instructions to the Duchess, 
 in which he was empowered to conduct the war accord- 
 ing to his own pleasure, to erect fortresses, to nominate 
 or depose the stadtholders, commanders, and all officials, 
 to inqure into the disturbances, to punish the ring- 
 leaders, and to jeward the loyal. The Spanish tyranny 
 
126 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 planted its standard upon the Culemburg palace, 
 where the Beggar's League had been formed. The 
 stillness of death reigned in Brussels, broken at times 
 only by the sound of arms. Like bloodhounds, the 
 followers of the Duke scattered in all directions. Alva 
 hastened to the execution of his plans. By means of a 
 simulated friendliness, he lulled the first emotions of 
 terror, and cradled the nobles and people into their for- 
 mer sleep of security. Counts Egmont and Hoorne, 
 and some others of the nobles, soon began to go back to 
 their former life of pleasure. The Culemburg house 
 was constantly besieged by vast numbers. Meanwhile 
 the Duke was employing this security for the accom- 
 plishment of his purposes. He assembled all the Coun- 
 cils of State and Knights, as though he wished to con- 
 sult them respecting the affairs of the State. 
 
 At the close of the deliberation. Count Egmont was 
 preparing to return to the chambers of the Duke's son, 
 Don Ferdinand, in order to resume a game which he 
 had begun, when the Comman'der of the Body-guard 
 stepped up to him, and, in the name of the King, 
 demanded his sword. At the same time, he found 
 himself surrounded by a crowd of Spanish soldiers. 
 This demand, so sudden and unexpected, affected him 
 so deeply, that for a few moments he lost the power of 
 speech and self-control; but he soon rallied, and calmly 
 taking the sword from his side, handed it to the 
 Spaniard, with the words, "This steel has more than 
 once done good service to the King." At the same 
 time another Spanish officer arrested Count Hoorne, 
 whose first inquiry was concerning Egmont. Upon 
 being told that his friend _had just been served in' the 
 same way, he surrendered without resistance. "I 
 allowed myself'to be led by him," he exclaimed, "and 
 it is just that I share his fate!" 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 127 
 
 This occurrence terrified all the inhabitants; they 
 bewailed the blindness of Egmont and Hoorne, and 
 rejoiced that the Prince of Orange had escaped the 
 snare. It is said, that the first question of Cardinal 
 Granvella, when this news was brought to him at 
 Rome, was, "Have you the silent one alsof and 
 when told that they had not, he shook his head, and 
 replied, " Then you have gained nothing, if you have 
 let the Silent One escape!" The rumour of this event 
 met Count Hoogstraten on the road to Brussels; he 
 turned back in all haste, and escaped the / snare. At 
 the news of Egmont's arrest, twenty thousand citizens 
 took up the pilgrim's staff. No one regarded himself 
 as safe, after an attack had been made upon the life of 
 one so guiltless as Egmont. The Duke threw obstacles 
 in the way of escape; he blocked the harbours, and 
 forbade emigration, under pain of death. Forthwith, 
 the Inquisition was introduced in all its pomp; the 
 decrees of the Council of Trent were enforced; the law 
 of toleration was abolished, and the decrees against 
 heretics were reinstated with all their former severity. 
 The Spanish Inquisition had declared the entire nation 
 of the Netherlands guilty in the highest degree, laesae 
 7najestatis, Catholics and heretics, loyalists an.d rebels 
 alike; the one because they had transgressed in deed, 
 the other because they had acquiesced; and this judg- 
 ment the King had confirmed by a public manifesto. 
 Thus the property and lives of all were in the hands of 
 Alva. 
 
 That he might be the better prepared for his bloody 
 work, he institute^ a criminal court, composed of 
 twelve Justices, who should inquire concerning the 
 former disturbances, and pass judgment according 
 to the letter of their instructions. From the Coun- 
 cil of Twelve, which was called, also, from the 
 
128 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 object to which it was directed, the Council of the 
 Insurrection, and the Bloody Council, on account of its 
 cruelty, a name given to it by the exasperated nation, 
 and by which it is most commonly known, there was 
 no appeal ; no revision of its processes was allowed. 
 All whom this Council saw fit to summon were obliged 
 to appear. Whoever did not appear, as scarcely any 
 one did, was outlawed, and his property was confis- 
 cated; but if any one answered the summons, or was 
 in any way arrested, he was lost beyond recovery. 
 Twenty, forty, and fifty were frequently demanded at 
 once out of one city, and the wealthiest were the most 
 exposed to this fate. Many respectable merchants, who 
 possessed property to the amount of sixty or a hundred 
 thousand guldi, could be seen, their hands bound upon 
 their backs, dragged at a horse's tail to the place of 
 slaughter, and the heads of fifty were often struck off, 
 one after another, at a single execution. All the 
 prisons, of which the Duke, immediately upon his 
 arrival, had ordered a large number to be built, were 
 crammed full of delinquents. Hanging, beheading, 
 quartering, burning, were the ordinary modes of execu- 
 tion. Immense sums fell into the treasury, but these 
 rather whetted than satiated the avarice of the Duke 
 and his assistants. His insane determination seemed to 
 be to make the Netherlands a nation of beggars. 
 These confiscations are said to have brought a revenue 
 to the King of twenty million ducats. 
 
 William of Orange had foreseen all these deplorable 
 occurrences which devastated the beautiful and flourish- 
 ing Netherlands, and changed- them into a gloomy 
 wilderness, void of human life, over which a destroying 
 angel hovered with his dark wings. Not merely for 
 his own saf&ty 4iad he escaped. He was still, though 
 at a distance, the deliverer of his countrymen. His 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 129 
 
 determination to put an end to this tyranny was firm 
 and unshaken. No means were left untried to accom- 
 plish the great work of liberation. The first path which 
 he attempted was that of conciliation and peace. He 
 induced the Emperor, the German Princes, the King of 
 France, the Queen of England, all the great and mighty, 
 to besiege King Philip with entreaties to grant recon- 
 ciliation, peace, and the mitigation of this despotism. 
 But the answer was, "The King would listen to such 
 proposals only when the Prince was given up into the 
 hands of the Duke of Alva." The Prince then resolved 
 to kill Alva. This attempt upon the person of the 
 tyrant was committed to a Baron Rysoir. His brother 
 Carlo, of the house of Root, disguised himself in a 
 monk's hood, and went into the monastery of Groene- 
 dal, near Brussels, whither the Duke went on fast days 
 to perform his devotions. Seven hundred cavalry were 
 stationed in the neighbourhood of the monastery, and 
 five hundred infantry were quartered in and around 
 Brussels ; but the attempt failed, a soldier detected him 
 and informed the Duke. There was now no other 
 recourse left, but to overcome him in a regular war. 
 The Prince collected an army, and determined to attack 
 the tyrant on three sides at once. Count Montigni was 
 directed to assemble his corps in Jiilich, and thence to 
 fall upon Alva, through Roermond. Baron Coqueville, 
 of Normandy, gathered an army of French and Dutch 
 on the borders of Artois, and Louis, Count of Nassau, 
 was to invade Friesland. The troops in Jiilich rendez- 
 voused in silence, without arms. These were to be sent 
 forward, afterwards^ but Duke Alva was apprised of 
 the movement, and despatched Santio Davila with a 
 sufficient body of Spaniards and Walloons. Montigni 
 was attacked by this force at Dalen, and was himself 
 taken prisoner. This Spaniard committed fearful 
 9 ' . 
 
130 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 ravages in Jiilich. All Protestants were objects of his 
 wrath. Their property was plundered, their houses 
 were burned, their wives and daughters violated; the 
 dead were dug out of their graves, and hung up. The 
 details preserved in the archives of the Church at 
 Waldenkirchen, of these scenes of abomination, are 
 enough to make the reader shudder. 
 
 Baron Coqueville Normand made some progress with 
 his army on the borders of Artois; but the King of 
 France, who was still in debt to the Duke, was requested 
 to disperse this force. The King commanded Marshal 
 Cosse to proceed against Coqueville with the garrisons 
 of Piccardy. Coqueville retired to the small town of 
 Vallery, near Abbeville, and defended himself for a 
 long time; but he was at length overwhelmed by 
 superior numbers, and forced to surrender. He was 
 beheaded with his adherents. 
 
 Count Louis, of Nassau, penetrated Friesland, and 
 took it in the presence of the enemy. Duke Alva, 
 in alarm, gathered all his forces, and sent Count 
 Aremberg in advance, to prevent all farther progress. 
 Louis retreated as though he had been outgeneralled ; 
 but suddenly he took his stand in a position between 
 Heiliger See and Wynschoten, where a bloody battle 
 was fought. May 24th. Aremberg was beaten. Sixteen 
 hundred dead were left on the field. Among them was 
 Count Aremberg and Count Adolphus, the brother of 
 Louis. All the baggage of Aremberg's army, his silver 
 plate, and miUtary chest, fell into the possession of the 
 conqueror. Count Louis pursued the enemy, who threw 
 himself into Groningen. Grohingen was besieged; but 
 as the Count was in want, of heavy artillery, he cotild 
 do no more than closely invest the city. Enraged by 
 this victory of the Count, ^ the Duke ordered all the 
 nobles who were in prison to be beheaded, and their 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 131 
 
 heads and bodies to be exposed along the highway on 
 poles, where they rotted. Egmont and Hoorne also 
 received their sentence. 
 
 On the 5th of June, 1568, Egmont wrote another 
 letter to the King, imploring forgiveness, commended 
 his wife and children to his care, and having mounted 
 the scaffold at the market-place in Brussels, read the 
 fifty-first psalm at the side of the Bishop. After pacing 
 up and down several times, he asked the executioner if 
 there was no reprieve. On being told there was none, 
 he gnashed his teeth, threw aside his cloak, kneeled 
 upon the cushion, gave the signal to the executioner, 
 drew his cap over his eyes, and said, "Father, into thy 
 hands I commend my spirit." The result justified the 
 Warning of the Prince of Orange. In the same way, 
 and at the same time, Hoorne was executed. Their 
 heads were exposed to the people, on poles, for two 
 hours. Their death awakened universal sorrow. The 
 citizens of Brussels dipped their handkerchiefs in the 
 blood of these beheaded nobles, as a memento. 
 
 Immediately afterwards, the Duke of Alva marched, 
 w^ith a powerful army, to the relief of Groningen. 
 Count Louis retreated before this overwhelming force, 
 but the Duke came up with him at Jemmingen, and 
 defeated him. Count Louis gathered the wrecks of his 
 scattered army as well as he could, and went into Ger- 
 many to his brother, who was marching to his assistance 
 with a large force. His brother's disaster distressed 
 the Prince of Orange greatly; but his courage, and the 
 desire to avenge it, rose in the same degree. He now 
 issued a formal declaration of war against the tyrant, 
 published a printed manifesto, in which ^e detailed the 
 abominations of which Alva was guilty, and invoked the 
 help and protection of the Princes of Germany. With 
 a powerful army, the Prince marched down along the 
 
132 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 banks of the Rhine, pitched his camp below Cleves, 
 and offered battle to the Duke. Terrified by the power 
 and heroic boldness of the Prince, and oppressed with 
 horror of the scenes of murder which flitted before his 
 memory, like terrible apparitions of the dead, he did 
 not venture to join battle with the Prince, but deter- 
 mined to wage a defensive war, to wear out his adver- 
 sary by petty skirmishes, and to cut off, or at least em- 
 barrass, his supplies. The Prince defeated several corps 
 of the Duke's army, but could not bring him to a 
 general engagement. After holding a position for 
 some time between the Mouse and the Rhine, he 
 marched along the banks of the Mouse up to Liittich, 
 where he had expected to meet some reinforcements; 
 but owing to the precautions of the Bishop at that place, 
 the Orange party did not dare show itself. The citi- 
 zens of Liittich had, in fact, formed a corps to defend 
 their city against the Prince, and they almost succeeded 
 in exciting a mutiny in his army. In spite of all the 
 efforts of the Duke to impede the Prince's passage over 
 the Mouse, his army crossed the river, and came near 
 surprising the Duke with his troops. The Prince was 
 obliged to rest his army, which had waded across, and 
 was drenched with water; the Duke took advantage of 
 this, and fled to Maestricht. The next day the Prince 
 pursued him, and appeared before the city in order of 
 battle, but in vain. He captured some towns, and led 
 his army through Thiene, still indulging the hope that 
 he could provoke the Duke to a battle. When he 
 found all his endeavours fruitless, not wishing to spend 
 time to no purpose, he determined to march into 
 France to the aid of the . Hugonots, who, immediately 
 after Duke Casimir's departure from France, had 
 become involved in the" third civil war. Duke Alva 
 followed him in the distance, and endeavoured to 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 133 
 
 thwart his purpose ; the Prince turned upon him, and 
 for the last time offered him battle ; but he was able to 
 reach only a few corps, which he put to rout. He then 
 proceeded quietly on his way to France, and proposed 
 to unite his forces with the Hugonot array under 
 Conde, but his troops refused their consent; they 
 insisted that their oath obliged them only to fight 
 against the tyrant Alva, and not against the King 
 of France ; and besides, they demanded their arrears of 
 pay. No encouragement, entreaties, promises, or 
 threats, could pacify the soldiers. The Prince saw 
 himself obliged to lead his army through Champagne 
 and Lorraine to Strasburg. Here he sold his artillery 
 and baggage, and paid his troops as far as he could. 
 The army dispersed. Many became thieves and 
 robbers; many died from hunger and exposure; and 
 only a few cavalry adhered to the fortunes of the 
 Prince. 
 
 Thus disastrously ended this attempt of the Prince to 
 give freedom to the Netherlands. The exultation of the 
 Duke was unbounded, and the thank-otfering which he 
 made to his God, was the vow, that he would rage still 
 more inhumanly against the Protestants and utterly 
 exterminate them. The devastation which he commit- 
 ted was frightful, and the distress which ensued was 
 indescribable. The emigrations to England were so 
 numerous that whole cities grew out of them. The 
 refugees built Norwich, Sandwich, Colchester, Maid- 
 stone, and Hampton, and introduced the manufactures, 
 which are now so flourishing there. Pope Pius V. 
 sent to the Duke a;.* consecrated sword, garnished with 
 gold, and a holy hat of great value. He was honoured 
 with a solemn triumph in Brussels. 
 
 The Prince of Orange, nothing daunted by the 
 failure of his .first attempts, revolved in his mind new 
 
13 J: HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 plans to drive the barbarians from the country and 
 assist the oppressed Netherlands, Immediately after 
 the dispersion of his army, he went with his brother 
 and the Prince of Deuxponts, attended by the remnant 
 of the cavalry which had remained faithful to him, to 
 aid the Hugonots and the King of Navarre. Many and 
 valuable services were rendered by these heroes to the 
 Protestants of that country. The battle of Moncontour 
 is an abiding memorial of the valour of Count Louis of 
 Nassau. In the winter of 1568 and 1569 the Prince 
 returned to his paternal city, Dillenburg, in Germany. 
 On the way thither, as he travelled through France, 
 Netherland refugees came to him from all sides, and 
 offered him their services and property to save their 
 country. The Admiral of France, Count Chatillon, 
 had advised him to wage war against Alva, not only on 
 land, but on the sea also, because the ports of the 
 Netherlands were without garrisons, and the genius of 
 the nation was adapted to navigation, and by this 
 means he would have the best opportunity to obtain 
 money in abundance. At once the Prince took mea- 
 sures for a naval war, and issued letters-of-marque to 
 the boldest and most experienced sailors. Forthwith 
 some ships were equipped, and several more were cap- 
 tured. They had their harbours on the coast of Eng- 
 land, at Hochelle in France, on the Elbe, the Ems, and 
 the Vlie in Holland. The richest ships fell a prey to 
 them. Money in abundance flowed into the hands of 
 the adventurers. True, these privateers at first com- 
 mitted many excesses; but the, Prince soon introduced 
 more order, and disciplined an efficient navy. Alva 
 equipped some ships against them, and requested the 
 Queen of England to close her ports against these 
 pirates^ or "'Wliter-beggars,'^' as they were called in 
 those days. The , Queen did this; but this very 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 135 
 
 prohibition compelled the "Sea-beggars" to capture 
 Briel. 
 
 The means had now been discovered to break the 
 yoke of Spanish tyranny in the Netherlands. The 
 "fleets furnished supplies to a large number of soldiers 
 and marines, and the Prince was not reduced to the 
 necessity of disbanding his forces through want of 
 money. INIoney and men he had in abundance. In his 
 last disastrous campaign he had learned that he could 
 accomplish nothing without fortified places, and he 
 determined, therefore, to seize some seaports and border 
 cities. His plan was directed to the cities of Oberyssel, 
 Camp, Deventer, Dwolle, Ziitphen, Utrecht, Amster- 
 dam, Enkhuysen, Hoorn, Dordrecht, and the cities 
 along the inland seas. In all these cities he obtained 
 strong support. 
 
 The conduct of Alva, who demanded the tenth, 
 twentieth, and the hundredth penny, produced the effect, 
 that all deserted him, and went over to the Prince. In 
 a short time, Vliessingen, Zeeland, Rotterdam, Enkhuy- 
 sen, and other cities were in his possession. The Por- 
 tuguese fleet, the Spanish ships, Texel, and the Zuyder 
 See, fell into the power of the Prince. The foundation 
 of liberty was laid. At the peace of Munster and 
 Osnabruck, 1648, the Seven Provinces were recognised 
 as an independent republic. To the Prince they were 
 indebted for their freedom. No wonder that the 
 Provinces loved the Prince and all the German Protest- 
 ant Princes with enthusiasm, and that they adopted the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, and introduced it as a symbolical 
 book, even had thei;e been no other reason than simply 
 that it came to them from their German brethren and 
 deliverers. 
 
 There was another reason, however, and this was, 
 that they had jio catechisms of their own, and that they 
 
136 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 found the Heidelberg Catechism the best adapted to 
 their system. The Walloon, or French congregations, 
 had for many years used Calvin's catechism. The 
 German congregations at first used the large catechism 
 of Embde, which John Utenhoven had translated into 
 Dutch; and besides this, they employed the small 
 catechism of Martin Micronius ; but no sooner had the 
 Heidelberg Catechism made its appearance, than they 
 adopted this as the common text-book, and laid alside 
 all others. In a synodical assembly in 1568, it was 
 introduced as an acknowledged text-book, and at all 
 subsequent ecclesiastical conventions this resolution 
 was confirmed. Finally, at the Synod of Dordrecht, in 
 1619, it was solemnly declared to be an acknowledged 
 symbolical book of the Churches of the Netherlands. 
 From this time forth, the Heidelberg Catechism was 
 also called the Belgian, because it was adopted in this 
 church as a recognised norm of doctrine. Hence the 
 mistake of some learned men, who suppose that there 
 was a difference between the Belgian Catechism and 
 that of the Palatinate. 
 
 During the period in which the Arminian controver- 
 sies excited so much attention in the Netherlands, a 
 catechism was published with the title, " Korte onderwy- 
 singe der kinderen in de Christelyke religie, Gedrukt 
 tot Dienst von de Jeucht ter Goude. 1607." It is 
 short. Seven a,lphabets, printed in .letters of various 
 kinds, together with a course of syllables as an intro- 
 duction to spelling and reading, constitute the Intro- 
 duction. At the end, the prayers out of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism are appended. It is somewhat like an 
 extract from this Catechism, and treats in three chap- 
 ters of man's misery, deliverance, and thankfulness. 
 The circumstanbes which ^gave rise to it were the 
 following: The magistrates of Gouda would never 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 137 
 
 allow the Heidelberg Catechism to be explained from 
 their pulpits, because it was a human production. They 
 would not have it used in the schools, because it con- 
 tained some controverted points, hard to be understood, 
 which even adults, to say nothing of children, could 
 hardly comprehend. In order, therefore, that the youth 
 might no longer be deprived of instruction, a catechism 
 of their own was prepared, and the magistrates were 
 requested to allow it to be used in the schools for this 
 purpose. At first it was not printed, but only copied; 
 but the necessity of preparing so large a number of 
 these copies, induced its being put in print. James 
 Arminius was suspected of being its author; but he 
 declared in a letter to Conrad Vorst, that the preachers 
 in Gouda had prepared it, and had merely advised 
 with him in relation to it. Scarcely had it made its 
 appearance in print, before the preachers at Gouda were 
 called to account for it at the Synod of Dordrecht, and 
 received a public rebuke. It was resolved, at the same 
 time, to request the magistrates and Church Council 
 not to adopt it, but to introduce the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism. 
 
 It was contended, that the most important articles of 
 faith were either left out, or were treated too generally 
 in this Catechism, so that heretical opinions might be 
 concealed in it. Sibr. Lubbertus* wrote in a bitter 
 style to John von Oldenbarnevelt, that the Catechism 
 of Gouda was so framed, that Servetus himself, were he 
 to come to life again, could subscribe to it; and that the 
 whole affair showed that it had been gotten up accord- 
 
 * Sibr. Lubbertus ■wrote: Catechismus Goudensis pra^cipua doctrinte capita 
 tollit, vel saltern omittit. Csetera qutv; retinuit, ita ekplicat, ut Servetus, si 
 reviviscat, sit illis libenter subscripturus. • Res ipsa docet, auctorein Cate- 
 chismi omnia ad imitationem Fausti Socini, Ciui est geuuinus Serveti disci- 
 pulus censuisse. 
 
138 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 ing to Faustus Socinus, who was the genuine disciple 
 of Servetus. He addressed a sharp criticism on this 
 Catechism, in this letter to Oldenbarnevelt. Reynier 
 Donteklock wrote publicly against the Catechism of 
 Gouda. His treatise is entitled, " Proeve des Goufchen 
 Catechismi, ofte korte onderwysinge in de Christelyke 
 religie, tot Warschuwinge von andere steden ende 
 schadelike nieuwicheden in saecken de Leere ende 
 religie angaende. Geschreven door Reginald Donte- 
 clok, oudt Dienaer des heyligen Evangelii tot Delft. 
 8vo." The author does justice to the Catechism, de- 
 clares that nothing false, or contrary to the Divine word, 
 was contained in it, but he censures it, because the 
 design was, by means of it, to exclude the Heidelberg, 
 or Palatinate Catechism; he gives his warning against 
 it, because it proceeded from the suspected teachers of 
 Gouda ; because it had probably been prepared at Ley- 
 den by Arminius, or his assistants ; because it does not 
 treat explicitly of original sin, justification, and the 
 subsistence of both natures in the Person of Christ, 
 etc.; and he censures it farther, because it aimed at 
 uniting all parties in Christendom, and because all 
 heresies and errors might be concealed in its contents. 
 
 Several other excellent Catechisms were prepared by 
 learned men in the Netherlands, but even they could 
 not displace the Heidelberg Catechism. John Ghes- 
 chalius wrote a Catechism in rhyme.; Christian Scho- 
 tanus — First Elements of Theology^ — Groningen, 1653; 
 Peter Doulignon, Christian Instruction, Amsterdam, 
 1682; John de Bruine, First Principles of the Divine 
 Word, a learned and capital book, in questions and 
 answers, Hague, 1707; Philip Marnix, a learned Bur- 
 gomaster at Antwerp, also published a Catechism. 
 
 The renovvnecl and beloved French preacher at the 
 Hague, James Sauriri, wrote; in 1722, in the French 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 139 
 
 language, An Analysis of Christian Theology and 
 Christian Morality, in the form of a Catechism. In 
 the following year, Doctor Christian Frederic Boer- 
 ner translated it, and it was afterwards translated 
 into German, by C. F. Gellert. This excellent Cate- 
 chism consists of three parts. The first part treats, in 
 fourteen sections, of Natural Religion, of God, his 
 Attributes and Providence; the second developes, in 
 seventy-five sections, the necessity of Revelation, and 
 its agreement with natural religion and of the duties 
 toward God, our neighbour, and ourselves. The thiid 
 part contains the proof that Revelation proceeds from 
 God, and that Jesus Christ is the true Messiah. The 
 fourteenth and last section of this part is a resume 
 of the whole work, and a presentation of the true 
 Christian and the Church. This Catechism has a pecu- 
 liar excellence in this, that here and there, observations 
 are addressed to the catechists, which serve partly to 
 explain the subjects which are discussed, and partly to 
 admonish them to make these truths practical. Still 
 neither this work, nor any other, was able to supersede 
 the Heidelberg Catechism; once introduced, to this day 
 it has maintained its place. 
 
 The praiseworthy zeal with which the Reformed 
 Church of the Xctherlands provided for the instruction 
 of youth and of adults is noteworthy. At the Synod of 
 Dordrecht, a rule was inserted in the revised Church 
 Order, Article XXI. and LXVIII., that the Consisto- 
 ries should see to it, that competent teachers were every 
 where appointed, who should be able to teach the chil- 
 dlen, not only reading and w^riting, languages and 
 sciences, but also the fear of God, and^the Catechism; 
 and also that the pastors of churches should explain on 
 the afternoon of each Lord's day, in all the churches, 
 the substance- of Christian doctrine as taught in the 
 
140 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Heidelberg Catechism, so that, in accordance with the 
 arrangement in Lord's days, they might present it com- 
 pletely every year. This rule was repeated at every 
 ecclesiastical convention. Festus Hommius, who wrote 
 a Harmony of the Belgic Synods, expresses himself on 
 this subject as follows: 
 
 "The custom of catechising is derived from the 
 apostles, and must be observed in all the Churches. 
 The Heidelberg Catechism is recommended to the 
 Belgian Churches, in order that they may be in accord 
 with the German. In these catechisations, a familiar 
 style is to be used, adapted to the capacities of the 
 young people. Parents and schoolmasters are to be 
 admonished that they instruct the children thoroughly, 
 at home and in the schools, and so soon as their age 
 permits, send them to the catechisation."* 
 
 At the Synod of Dort, 1618 and 1619, a long con- 
 sultation was held upon the best means of improving 
 the mode of catechisation in the Netherlands, between 
 the foreign and native divines. The result was the 
 following: "In order that the young people of the 
 church may be carefully instructed from tender years in 
 the fundamental principles of true religion, a three-fold 
 catechisation shall be instituted and observed; family 
 instruction, by the parents; one in the schools, by the 
 teachers; one in the church, by the pastor, elders, 
 readers, and deacons. To this e^id, parents shall 
 instruct their children and domestics at home in the 
 
 * Festus Hommius in Hai'moxiia Sjnoclorum Belgicai'um, cap. xi., Num. 
 13 — 16, p. 155. Catechizandi consuetude ab apjostolis a'ccepta, in omnibus 
 ecclesiis observanda censetur; Belgicis ecclesiis commcndatur Heidelbergensis 
 formula, ut cum ecclesiis Germanicis;-unanimis Christiana declaretur consilio; 
 in explicanda catechesi sermone fa,miliari et ad juniorum captum accomodate 
 est utendum. P^areijtes et Ludiiaagistri sunt monendi, ut domi et in scholis 
 juventutem diligenter instituuot et simul ac aetas liberorum patitur, ecclesioe 
 catecliizandos afl'ereut. , " 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM:. 141 
 
 grounds of Christian doctrine, admonish them often to 
 the fear of the Lord, remind them of the duty of 
 prayer, take them to the house of God to hear the word 
 of God, go over the sermon with them at home, read 
 some chapters to them out of the Bible, or let them 
 read these themselves, and assign certain passages of 
 Scripture to be learned by heart; and to this duty 
 parents shall be frequently admonished, both publicly 
 and privately, by the pastors, elders, and deacons, and 
 those who are found negligent therein shall be reproved 
 by the Consistory. In the schools, no one shall be 
 be appointed as teacher who is not a member of the 
 Reformed Church, or who has no testimonials of his 
 faith and good conduct. He must be well versed in 
 the catechetical doctrine, and must have subscribed the 
 Belgic Confession and the Heidelberg Catechism with 
 his own hand-writing, and have solemnly expressed his 
 promise that he will catechise according to the mode 
 herein prescribed, and that he will diligently instruct 
 the youth entrusted to his care, in the fundamental 
 doctrines of the Christian religion. 
 
 " The duty of such schoolmaster's office shall be, to 
 instruct all their scholars, according to the difference in 
 their age and understanding, at least two days in the 
 week, in such manner, that they shall not only learn 
 the sentences of the Catechism by rote, but also rightly 
 comprehend the meaning and substance of the same. 
 For this purpose, a threefold form of the Catechism 
 shall be used in the schools, arranged according to the 
 capacity of the young people. The first shall be for 
 the use of little children, and shall contain the Apostle's 
 Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, the 
 doctrine of the Sacraments and of Church discipline, 
 besides some short prayers and very simple questions 
 bearing upon the three divisions of the Catechism, 
 
142 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 together with some notable passages of sacred Scripture. 
 The second shall consist of a short extract from the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, in accordance with which, those 
 who have well mastered the first Catechism may be led 
 to farther knowledge. The third shall be the ordinary 
 Heidelberg Catechism in use in the Churches, which 
 shall be employed in the instruction of adults, and of 
 those who have already had considerable experience. 
 In connection with this catechismal arrangement, the 
 schoolmasters shall give heed that the scholars not only 
 learn it by heart, but are thoroughly acquainted with 
 the doctrines therein contained; and in order to this, 
 they shall in a plain and intelligible manner explain it 
 to them according to their capacity, and frequently 
 examine and question them, in order to ascertain 
 what progress they are making. In addition to this, 
 the schoolmasters shall carefully take the children to 
 church, particularly to sermons on the Catechism, and 
 afterwards go over these sermons with them. 
 
 " The duty of the pastors shall be; in company with the 
 eldership, and if need be, with a person of civil author- 
 ity, to visit the public and private schools, to show the 
 teachers how to catechise efficiently, to encourage the 
 children, by exhortation, commendation, promises, and 
 presents, to the exercise of diligence and to piety, to 
 reprove negligent teachers, and in case they do not 
 improve, to request the magistrates to make them give 
 better attention to their duty, or to, put better men in 
 their place. Moreover, it shall be incumbent on the 
 pastors to deliver short discourses on the Catechism, 
 adapted to the capacity not only of adult people, but 
 also of younger persons, and as time may permit, 'to 
 repeat them in the schools, particularly in the country; 
 and as experience teaches "that the ordinary instruction 
 in the churches does not produce proper results in every 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 143 
 
 case, and that the best means of impressing the princi- 
 ples of Christianity upon the people, is by questions 
 and answers, the pastors shall see to it that such adult 
 persons as have either not enjoyed the advantages of 
 the schools, or have learned but little in them, shall 
 come, once every week, to a private house, or to the 
 room in which the meetings of the Consistory are held, 
 or to some other suitable place, that they may there be 
 taught the grounds of the Christian religion, according 
 to their capacity, in a friendly and familiar way. 
 Finally, they shall also carefully instruct those who 
 are about to come to the Lord's Supper, three or four 
 weeks before." 
 
 From the pulpits, pastors were required to explain 
 the Heidelberg Catechism in the afternoon sermons. 
 These sermons on the Catechism were made obligatory 
 by church law as early as 1576. The church-order 
 established by the National Synod at Gravenhaag in 
 1586, repeated these rules, and made them more strin- 
 gent. Inasmuch as the regulations were not followed 
 in all places, they were reenacted and made more 
 emphatic by Synods at Amsterdam, 1607; at Dordrecht, 
 1618; and at Gouda, 1620. D'Outrein, preacher and 
 professor at Dordrecht, proposed, in a printed pamphlet, 
 to omit certain preachings through the week, and to 
 introduce, in their stead, congregational examinations 
 on the Catechism; and farther, at the close of the 
 examination, to mention the subject which would be 
 discussed at the next meeting, and to recommend some 
 book which treats on the matter, and which every one 
 could consult. His,proposal was not generally adopted, 
 but several cities in Holland followed this plan ; and in 
 Zealand especially, such examinations are practised to 
 this day. 
 
 The history of the adoption of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 
144 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 chism in the Netherlands is, beyond dispute, the most 
 important and noteworthy of all. To review it in its 
 connection, is an instructive and profitable work. As 
 early as 1566, Peter Gabriel lectured on the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism at Amsterdam. On these occasions, 
 owing to the danger of the times, but few persons 
 attended. But the foundation of its subsequent adop- 
 tion was laid in a convention of the Dutch churches 
 scattered within and outside of the Netherlands, at 
 Wesel, 1568, at which it was resolved: " In the French 
 churches of the Netherlands, the Catechism of Geneva 
 shall be used; but the Heidelberg Catechism shall be 
 employed in the German churches. However, this is 
 left to their option until the next approaching Synod." 
 At a meeting of the same churches subsequent to this, 
 held at Embde, 1571, the above regulation was repeated 
 with this addition : " The brethren have resolved, that 
 the system of the Genevan Catechism shall be followed 
 in the French churches, and that of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism in the churches in wliich the language of 
 the Netherlands is spoken, but with this understanding, 
 that if any churches have another catechetical form in 
 use, which is in accordance with the word of God, they 
 shall not be compelled to change it." The full adoption 
 of our Catechism ensued at a National Synod of the 
 Dutch churches, German, and French, as well those 
 outside of the Netherlands, as those within the borders, 
 held at Dordrecht, 1574; and again at another, held at 
 the same place in 1578, where it was resolved: "In the 
 German churches, the Heidelberg Catechism shall be 
 used, together with the Psalms translated by Peter 
 Dathenus; and in the French churches, the Catechi-sm 
 heretofore in use, printed with the Psalms in French. 
 The German churches shall also, at their option, use 
 the brief examination of faith, which is extracted from 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 145 
 
 the Catechism, in order to instruct those who may wish 
 to unite with their congregations." 
 
 In this manner the Heidelberg Catechism was intro- 
 duced into public and constant use in the Keformed 
 Netherlands, with the single exception of the city of 
 Gouda, which could never be induced to consent to its 
 adoption. In the year 1576, the order of the preach- 
 ing was regulated, in a synopsis of ecclesiastical rules, 
 by the Prince of Orange, as Stadtholder, and the States 
 of Holland and West Friesland. This was more strictly 
 prescribed by means of the church regulations of the 
 Reformed Churches of the Netherlands of both lan- 
 guages, which were adopted in the National Synod at 
 Gravenhague, in 1586: "The Pastors shall explain, in 
 a brief manner, on successive Lord's day afternoons, in 
 regular order, the summary of the Christian religion, 
 contained in the Catechism, which is now adopted in 
 the Netherlands, so that the same may be concluded 
 and gone through with every year, according to the 
 divisions laid down therein." When it was found that 
 this regulation was not fully obeyed in all places, the 
 same rule was again enforced by the Synods, at Amster- 
 dam, 1607, at Dordrecht, 1618, and at Gouda, 1620. 
 The esteem in which the Catechism was held, was still 
 more enhanced by the obligation imposed upon the 
 teachers of churches and schools, to bind themselves, 
 by the signatures of their names, to teach, and without 
 interruption to use, the Catechism in their instruc- 
 tions. The highest position of honour and respect 
 was accorded to the Catechism of the Palatinate, by the 
 great Synod of Dorarecht, 1618, 1619. All the theo- 
 logians who were present as deputies,^in great numbers, 
 from all the Reformed Churches of Europe, examined 
 the Catechism with the closest scrutiny; after long and 
 exact investigation, they approved it in all its doctrinal 
 10 
 
146 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 statements, commended it with the warmest expressions 
 of satisfaction, and voted unanimously for its adoption 
 
 as A SYMBOLICAL BOOK. 
 
 Notwithstanding this public respect and formal adop- 
 tion, the Heidelberg Catechism encountered violent 
 opposition in the Netherlands. Among the Papists, as 
 a matter of course, there were many who denounced it. 
 They usually called it the pest of the country and 
 the poison of the world. They burned it publicly, 
 and whipped it to pieces with rods. They also wrote 
 against it. Martin Duncan wrote in Latin, a Catholic 
 Catechism in opposition to the Heidelberg, Antwerp, 
 1594. Engelhert Kenniphovius published a refutation 
 of the Heidelberg Catechism. An unknown author 
 wrote "The Reformed Thumb-screw." A learned man, 
 who wrote the continuation of Floremund Raymond's 
 History of the Rise, Progress,' and Fall of the Heresies 
 of the Fifteenth Century, makes mention of this book, 
 but the author's name is not given. The contents of 
 the book are amusing, and the design is rather to treat 
 the Catechism with contempt, and make it ludicrous, 
 than to refute it by thorough argument. Two Dutch 
 linen-weavers are introduced as holding a dialogue 
 about it; one boasts and brags that he understands the 
 art of putting tangled skeins of linen thread in the best 
 order. The other gives him the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 and bids him show his skill on this, by reconciling cer- 
 tain questions which occur in it with the Scriptures as 
 the rule of faith. They appoint the landlord at whose 
 house they are sitting over their cups, as the witness 
 and umpire of this deliberation; the landlord's wife 
 takes part in it too, and: the talk runs at. last into 
 abuse and vilification of the Catechism, whose doc- 
 trines cannot be reconciled with the teachings of sacred 
 Scripture. ^ 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. U7 
 
 The Catechism found enemies, and opponents also, 
 among the Reformed in Holland. The first dispute 
 about it arose in 1585, in the Church of St. James, at 
 Utrecht, where Erasmus van Bakker refused to ap- 
 prove and adopt it. He was followed with great zeal 
 by Caspar Colhaes, Hubrecht Duyfhur, Tako Sy- 
 brants, Herman Herberts, and Cornelius Wigerus, or 
 AVigerts. They not only censured the Catechism, but 
 refused to teach and subscribe it. The city of Gouda 
 also declined to adopt and introduce the Catechism, 
 and Dirck Volkartz Coornhart published a pamphlet 
 against the Heidelberg Catechism, with the title, 
 "Examination (Proeve) of the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 1583." He dedicated it to the States General, and 
 objected particularly to the fifth and one hundred and 
 fourteenth question; and yet all this was a trivial mat- 
 ter, compared with what followed. 
 
 By far the most violent opponent of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism was Arminius, and after his death, the 
 Arminians, or Remonstrants. The controversy respect- 
 ing the Heidelberg Catechism lasted a long while; it 
 extended through a period of ten years. It originated 
 in a small matter. When James Arminius was called 
 as Professor to Leyden, he wished to make the impres- 
 sion that he had no objection to the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism, and that he also taught nothing that was contrary 
 to it, on the contrary, that he heartily endorsed all its 
 doctrinal principles. It was soon apparent, however, 
 that various points, were contained in it, about which he 
 had some scruples and hesitation, and that he wished 
 tlte Catechism migkt be revised and carefully re-exam- 
 ined. After some time, he went sojar as to maintain, 
 that the commonly received doctrine of the Reformed 
 Church respecting Divine Providence and the election 
 of individuals to eternal life, was at variance with the 
 
148 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Heidelberg Catechism; but that, on the other hand, his 
 views on these articles of faith were perfectly in accord- 
 ance with it. On this subject several interviews were 
 held between him and his Reformed brethren, and 
 whilst these were still in progress, he died, without 
 changing his opinions. With his death, however, the 
 dispute was not settled ; it was continued by his disci- 
 ples, the Arminians. At one time, they represented 
 themselves as approving the essential contents of the 
 Catechism ; at another, they found fault with this thing 
 and the other, and particularly disapproved of its being 
 openly taught and expounded in the Church; this they 
 declined doing; anon, they prepared a Catechism of 
 their own, in order, by this means, to drive the Heidel- 
 berg out ; then, they pretended, that their doctrine was 
 contained and grounded in the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 but that of their opponents, the Contra-remonstrants, 
 was not. This they maintained in the petition to the 
 States of Holland and West Friesland, which became 
 so famous under the title, Remonstrantia, and gave 
 them the name of Remonstrants. Next, they threw 
 out intimations, that they had many doubts about the 
 doctrines of the Catechism. They declined, however, 
 to come out with those doubts, although repeatedly 
 invited to do so, and questioned in relation to them, 
 by the Provincial Synod, partly because they were of 
 opinion that the statement and adjudication of these 
 points belonged to a National Synod; partly because 
 they were not willing to make known and entrust their 
 objections indiscriminately to persons who might per- 
 haps abuse them to their disadvantage. At last, they 
 were compelled by a decree: to hand them in, sealed, to 
 ihd States General. This they did, and in the course 
 of these objections, they complained that passages were 
 found in the Catechism, whiclj could not be regarded as 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 149 
 
 scriptural; partly, because they did not properly ex- 
 press the mind of the Holy Spirit, and consequently 
 gave offence; partly, because the fundamental articles 
 of Christianity were not as carefidly distinguished, as 
 they should be, from other doctrines, whose scientific 
 importance or necessity was of less moment; and finally, 
 because contradictory propositions and doctrines were 
 contained in it. In general, they insisted upon a careful 
 investigation and close scrutiny of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism, and demanded this the more urgently, because, 
 according to their representation, the Catechism had 
 been adopted in the Netherlands without this prudent 
 deliberation. The magistrates consented to this inves- 
 tigation, and ordered that it should be instituted at a 
 great national Synod. 
 
 Another outcry arose about the clause of revision 
 {revisionis dcvisuhim) introduced into the edict, which 
 was issued in relation to it, and which greatly distressed 
 and racked the Churches of the Netherlands. The 
 national Synod had meanwhile been determined upon. 
 All Reformed Churches in Germany and other coun- 
 tries were invited to send their deputies to this im- 
 portant assembly. As the time drew near for the 
 appointed meeting of the national Synod, the Armini- 
 ans, or, as they were now already called, the Remon- 
 strants, were ordered, by a written decree of the magis- 
 trates, to hold in readiness, and at the proper time pro- 
 duce, that which they had to allege and object against 
 the Heidelberg Catechism. This same thing was more 
 than once demanded of them, both in writing and 
 verbally, after the' Synod had commenced in 1618, 
 at which they were also present, vin accordance with 
 this order and repeated demands, the llemonstrants 
 finally laid before the fathers assembled at Dordrecht, 
 their observations and objections to the Heidelberg 
 
150 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Catechism. They did this both unitedly and indi- 
 vidually. Simon Episcopius, Philip Pynakker, Edward 
 Poppius, Dominicus Sapma, Jo. Arnold Corvinus, 
 Samuel Naeranus, Bernard Dwinglo, and Henry Hol- 
 lingerus, had united, and expressed their opinions con- 
 jointly; but Charles Niellius, Thomas Goswinius, 
 Assuerus Matthisius, and Isaac Frederici, handed in 
 their objections, each one for himself. They had 
 arranged and collected them in general objections, 
 which concerned the Catechism as a whole, and. in 
 particular ones, which criticised the questions and 
 answers in regular order, and had brought so many, 
 that scarcely a single question was left without criti- 
 cism ; and their remarks, if they did not exceed in bulk 
 the matter of the Catechism, were at least equal to it. 
 They subsequently appeared in two books. The one 
 has as its title in Latin, " Acts and Proceedings of the 
 Synod of Dordrecht respecting the Remonstrants;" 
 the other is written in Dutch, with the title, " Rise and 
 Progress of the Divisions in the Churches of the Nether- 
 lands (verschillen) up to the national Synod at Dor- 
 drecht." 
 
 Adrian Coerbach, a lawyer of the Netherlands, also 
 contended against the Heidelberg Catechism. Accord- 
 to the statement of Jerome Van Alphen, a Dutch 
 preacher, Pontionus von Hattem, perverted the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism, in order to diffuse the errors of 
 Spinosa. - ^ ' 
 
 One of the most renowned men in the whole republic 
 of letters, Hugo Grotius, remarks, in his excellent 
 Latin book. Desire for the Peace of the Church: "Dr. 
 E-ivetus will admit that Iv have, during the- space of 
 thirty years, learned something, not only through study 
 and prayer, but also through manifold trials; and at 
 this age I am not to be moved, either by his Catechism, 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 151 
 
 which has never yet secured public respect in its own 
 native country, nor by the clamours of the multitude." 
 In another passage, he declares that the Heidelberg 
 Catechism had never been approved by any resolution, 
 or order of the States General; but Andrew Rivetus 
 answers him : " How can this sophist say that the Cate- 
 chism has never been approved by any resolution, when 
 he knows better 1 It is wonderful that he should not 
 know, what he might have known, and what Grotius 
 himself has acknowledged, that after the Convention at 
 the Hague, during the time that the meeting of the 
 National Synod was awaited, it was forbidden to utter 
 anything contrary to the sacred Scriptures and the 
 Heidelberg Catechism; and although Grotius was not 
 present at the Synod of Dordrecht, yet he knows what 
 was there resolved, viz., that the Heidelberg Catechism, 
 which had already been adopted in the Belgian 
 Churches, should be retained in the Netherlands, and 
 that the resolution of the Synod was based on this 
 decree of the magistrates." 
 
 If Grotius had lived some time longer, he would 
 have been convinced most abundantly of that, which, 
 without good reason, he doubted, and denied. For, 
 besides what the States General decreed at the Synod 
 of Uort and elsewhere, touching the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism, they confirmed its public and symbolical charac- 
 ter in a great assembly of the States, in 1651, and 
 settled it again in 1694, by the following ordinance: 
 "That all teachers, be they professors, rectors, or 
 preachers of the Reformed Churches in Holland and 
 'West Friesland, 4n their writings, sermons, catechisa- 
 tions, public and' private instructions and discussions, 
 shall abide by the common formularies of the Reformed 
 Church, which are comprised in the Confession of 
 the Catechisjn and the Canons of the Synod of Dort, 
 
152 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 and shall take care not to teach or write anything con- 
 trary thereto." 
 
 Let us look somewhat more particularly at the 
 defence of the Heidelberg Catechism. Strong cham- 
 pions of the Heidelberg Catechism arose in Holland 
 when the attack was made upon it. Dirck Volkart 
 Coornhart was the first who assailed it. The controversy 
 was therefore first begun with him. He had dedicated 
 his book to the States General. These delivered it- to 
 the theologians at Leyden, to prepare a synopsis of his 
 doctrinal opinions. Upon this, by their direction, and 
 in presence of the authorized deputies of the States, a 
 verbal conversation was appointed between Coornhart 
 and Adrian Saravia, who was assisted by two preachers 
 from Delft, October 27, 1583. In this however, the 
 real point in dispute was scarcely touched, and nothing 
 was done on the part of the magistrates. Coornhart 
 and Saravia continued the controversy in writing. 
 Others endeavoured to change his opinion concerning 
 the Heidelberg Catechism; among'the rest, John Gero- 
 bulus, Arnold, Cornelius, and Rienerus Donteklok, 
 who published a treatise with this object; but Coorn- 
 hart stuck to his opinion, and wrote an answer to these 
 men, which, however, did not appear in print until 
 after his death, in 1610, at Gouda. 
 
 The strongest weapons were opposed to Arminius 
 and his adherents, the Remonstrants. The chief 
 magistrate of the land issued public orders that no 
 one should presume to teach anything in public, con- 
 trary to the Heidelberg Catechism. The pastors of the 
 churches were required to subscribe this formula again, 
 and those who declined Wer_e dismissed from their sta- 
 tions. Those who made, objections to it were called 
 upon to state them openly.^ ' A new investigation of 
 the Catechism was finally reluctantly conceded. A 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 153 
 
 convention of Reformed Theologians was assembled at 
 Dordrecht, 1618 and 1619. On this occasion, the 
 scruples of the Remonstrants were considered. Theo- 
 logians from the Palatinate appeared, and protested 
 against any alteration of the Catechism, demanded the 
 objections of the Remonstrants, and offered to present 
 a refutation of them to the assembled fathers. At the 
 close of the Synod, the Palatinate deputies requested 
 that the Catechism should be once more examined by 
 them. All the questions and answers were then read 
 aloud before them, the votes on them called, and the 
 unanimous answer was, that it was in perfect accordance 
 with Holy Scripture. The following solemn resolution 
 was then entered in the proceedings: 
 
 ^'Resolved, unanimously and with the most cordial 
 approbation of all the theologians present, both foreign 
 and Belgian, that the doctrine contained in the Cate- 
 chism of the Palatinate is agreeable to the word of 
 God, and presents nothing which ought to be altered 
 or amended as imperfectly agreeing with it; and that 
 said Catechism is, therefore, a very accurate compen- 
 dium of sound Christian doctrine, adapted with pecu- 
 liar wisdom, not only to the capacity of children, but 
 also of persons of maturer years; and that it may, 
 therefore, be taught to great edification in the Belgic 
 Churches, and must, by all means, be retained." 
 
 The Remonstrants, in ridicule, said, that the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism had been cmioii-ized, before it had been 
 examined, according to the decree of the magistrates, or 
 their requests had been heard. It was true, in fact, 
 tliat the objectionSi-of the Remonstrants had not been 
 considered. A conversation was held respecting this, 
 but it was resolved to commit tfie vindication to the 
 Palatinate theologians. What the Synod of Dordrecht 
 omitted, was afterwards done by the learned Reformed 
 
154 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 theologians, — Henry Alting, in his Exposition of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism; Caspar Sibelius, in his Cate- 
 chetical Meditations, and Jerome Van Alphen, in his 
 Economy of the Palatinate Catechism. The learned 
 men of the Netherlands rendered most efficient service 
 in their defence of the Heidelbersf Catechism. It 
 would be useless to make the attempt to notice in 
 detail the various publications which appeared in this 
 country — they are countless. It is hardly possible to 
 enumerate all the commentaries, expositions, etc., which 
 were written on the Catechism. The most noted are 
 the following: 
 
 Jeremiah Basfinqius wrote, in the Latin language, 
 Exegemonata, or Commentary upon the Catechism of 
 Christian Doctrine, which is taught in the Churches 
 and Schools of Belgium and the Palatinate ; this Com- 
 mentary first appeared in 1588. A second edition was 
 published in 1590. Bastingius wrote also another 
 work, with the Dutch title, Exposition of the Catechism 
 of Christian Religion. Dort, 159'4. 
 
 Henry William WiUiamson^s Analysis of the Cate- 
 chism of Christian Heligion, which is taught in the 
 Churches and Schools of Belgium and the Palatinate, 
 1605-1612. Latin. 
 
 Ruardus Acsonius' Catechetical Narrative, in which 
 the answers of the Palatinate and Belgic Catechism 
 are explained. Scheidam, 1606. This is in Latin. In 
 the Dutch language, he wrote. Exposition of the Chris- 
 tian Catechism. Scheidam, 1608. 
 
 John luichUnus, The Catechism of the Dutch and 
 West Friesland Churches explained. By Samuel Cris- 
 pinus, 1612, without the ijame of the place, where it 
 was printed. Latin. 
 
 Festus Hofnm'ius, Treasuty of Explanations of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism. Leycjen, 1617. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 155 
 
 Henry Ludolph Benthem, who gives an account of 
 the authors upon the Heidelberg Catechism, observes, 
 that this book was most commonly used among the 
 Reformed. This book, can, however, properly not be 
 ascribed to Hommius alone, for several divines contri- 
 buted to it, among whom Zach. Ursinus was the first, 
 for which reason it was usually called Ursinus's Trea- 
 sury. John D'Outrein gives the history of this book. 
 Ursinus, who was President of the College, delivered 
 lectures on the Heidelberg Catechism, without inter- 
 ruption, until the year 1577. From these comes the 
 Latin Exposition of Ursinus, which was published in 
 1581:, and which was afterwards enlarged by his pupil, 
 David Parens, both whose works were translated by 
 Hommius, and furnished with analytical tables ; and this 
 work was again revised and enlarged with special refer- 
 ence to the consideration of genuine piety, by John 
 Spiliardus, and was thus printed in one book, with 
 the title, Treasury of Explanations of the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, 1657. Van iVlphen mentions the follow- 
 ing? title of another book of Festus Hommius: The Doc- 
 trine of the Reformed Church contained in the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism, presented in tables, improved and 
 enriched by L. V. Broeck, with a preface by II. Nicol. 
 AViltens, 2 vols. Amsterdam, 1723. This book is per- 
 haps nothing more than a separate edition of the ana- 
 lytical tables, mentioned by D'Outrein, with which 
 Hommius illustrated the Heidelberg Catechism. 
 
 Juhi Bed us on the Heidelberg Catechism. Dort, 
 1631. 
 
 William AmesiW Skiography of the Christian Cate- 
 chism, in which, under the tcxt,4he several Sundays 
 are briefly, thoroughly, and learnedly analysed and 
 exhibited. Amsterdam, 1635, 1650. In the complete 
 
156 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 works of Araesius, which were published at Amster- 
 dam, 1658, the Skiography is inckided. Latin. 
 
 Gishert Voetius' Questions on the Catechism. Utrecht, 
 1640. 
 
 William Maximilian Theeliuck, Simple Explanation 
 and Application of the Principal Questions of the Bel- 
 gic Christian Catechism. Middleburg, 1650. 
 
 Henri/ Diestius^ Catechetical Honey-maker, (Melli- 
 ficium Catecheticum.) Deventer, 1653. Catechetical 
 Sermons by the same, according to the fifty-two Lord's 
 days of the Heidelberg Catechism. Arnheim, 1670. 
 Diestius also published the writings of two celebrated 
 expositors of the Catechism, condensed in a short sum- 
 mary, with the Latin title, Epitome of the Ursino- 
 Parean Expositions. Harderwick, 1633. 
 
 John Martinis Dominicalia in three parts, of which 
 the third part contains a popular analysis of the Palati- 
 nate Catechism, and observations suggested by it. Gro- 
 ningen, 1653. This book is in Latin. He wrote also 
 in Dutch, Larger Catechisation ' on the Catechism. 
 Amsterdam, 1676. 
 
 Conrad Mylius, Catechetical Meletemata, or Homi- 
 lies on the Heidelberg Catechism. Amsterdam, 1654. 
 Latin. 
 
 Cornelius Poudrayen^ Catechisation, or Thorough 
 Indoctrination in the Teaching of the Christian Cate- 
 chism. Amsterdam, 1659. 
 
 Nicolas Heussenius, Catechism of the Peformed 
 Churches of the Netherlands, confirmed in their truth 
 by the testimony of the ancient Fathers. Eotterdam, 
 1657. He also wrote. Prayers on the Catechism. 
 Leyden, 1655. 
 
 John Beeltsni/der, Anatomy, or Exposition of the 
 Christian Catechrsm. Antsterdam, 1651. 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 157 
 
 Daniel Van Leren, Meditations on the Catechism. 
 Arnheim, 1636. 
 
 Peter de Witfe, Catechisation on the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. Amsterdam, 1658. A German transhition 
 of this book bears the title: "Catechetical Jewel; i. e.. 
 Scriptural and Copious Catechisation, or thorough 
 explanation of the Heidelberg Catechism, compiled 
 with godly zeal and great care, and given to public 
 print, by Peter de Witte. Now, for the sixteenth 
 time within a few years, printed and published in the 
 Netherlands." This book was eagerly bought up and 
 read. Even an English translation of it was published. 
 
 Henry Alt'mg^ Third Part of the Heidelberg Theo- 
 logical Authors, which comprises an explanation of the 
 Palatinate Catechism, with a refutation of the remarks 
 of the Newlings (innovators), and the objections of 
 Socinians. Amsterdam, 1646, 1662. Van Alphen 
 ascribes another book to this author: Catechisation on 
 the Heidelberg Catechism. Steenwick, 1662. This is, 
 perhaps, only a Dutch translation of the above Latin 
 work. 
 
 Paul Colonius^ Catechetical Discussions. Harder- 
 \v}^k, 1663. Latin. 
 
 Christian Schotanus, Theological Partitions, or the 
 Learning of Ursinus and Amesius in the Palatino-Bel- 
 gic Catechism. Franckker, 1663 — 1665. Latin. 
 
 Arnold Montanus, Catechism of the Christian Reli- 
 gion, as used in the Churches and Schools of Upper 
 and Lower Germany, with an Analysis, and Scriptural 
 passages noted in the margin, finally revised and 
 arranged, by order^-of the States of Holland and West 
 Friesland, for the Use of their schools. Latest edition, 
 enriched with an analytical compenaium of each Lord's 
 day, from Festus Hommius' Tables. Amsterdam, 1664. 
 
158 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 This book is written in very neat Latin. At the close 
 some prayers and sacred hymns are appended. 
 
 Jacob Stermont, Milk for Children, also Food for 
 Grown People, or Short Summary of the Christian 
 Religion, on the Catechism. Hague, 1665. 
 
 Gellms de Bouma, or de Bauma, Enlarged Christian 
 Catechism, or Sure Method of Catechising on the 
 same. Dort, 1658. He is the author, also, of Cate- 
 chism of the Reformed Religion, made plain with an 
 Analysis. Zutphen, 1651, The former book was 
 also translated out of the Dutch into the German 
 language, with the title, Catechism, or Short Instruction 
 in Christian Doctrine, as taught in the Reformed 
 Churches and Schools of the Palatinate, and also in the 
 United Netherlands. Whereto, also, a short and easy 
 form and method of exercising, instructing, and exam- 
 ining children in the Catechism; and for the benefit of 
 the simple; also, some very short, but exceedingly 
 necessary and edifying, examples of questions are 
 appended. First prepared in the Dutch language by 
 Gellius de Bouma, but now translated from the Dutch 
 into the German language, by John Valentine Rouser. 
 Hanau, 1664. 
 
 Balthasar Bekker, Strong Meat for the Full-grown. 
 Leuwarden, 1670, 1672. Amsterdam, 1682. On the 
 title-page no mention is made of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism, but it is nevertheless an exposition of it. The 
 Reformed theologians have not regardecl this book uni- 
 formly. Alting, Burmann, AVittich, Perizonius, and 
 others, commended it highly; but Voetius, Maresius, 
 and others, were loud in their censure, Maresius espe- . 
 pecially, was terribly incensed at it; denounced it to the 
 Classis of Groningen as erroneous and dangerous, and 
 succeeded in having the book rejected by a Synod at 
 Bolsw^art, in Friesland,.and procuring alterations here 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 159 
 
 and there, in which the theological faculties at Franek- 
 ker, Harderwyk, and Utrecht, lent zealous assistance. 
 Bekker defended himself, indeed, with more than one 
 apology, and Alting also wrote a special letter in vindi- 
 cation of it; but, by command of the magistrates, 
 Bekker's apology was suppressed, and Maresius attacked 
 him more fiercely than ever; other theologians also fell 
 upon him, but Bekker answered them so modestly and 
 impressively, that to this day he is held in honour for 
 it. Finally, the matter went from the Synod to the 
 States General, under whose judgment and order the 
 book was publicly rejected, and with the ringing of 
 bells, was forbidden. Bekker endured all this patiently. 
 He did good service to the Heidelberg Catechism by 
 various other books, and his name will be held in 
 remembrance. 
 
 John Cocceius, The Heidelberg Catechism of the 
 Christian Keligion, Explained and Illustrated by Holy 
 Scripture. Leyden, 1671. Amsterdam, 1672. Fra- 
 nekker, 168^. This catechetical work in Latin, 
 which is also contained in the sixteenth volume of 
 Cocccius' works, was published by his son, John Henry, 
 after his death, from his manuscripts. The son says, 
 very neatly, in the preface: "As for this treatise, it 
 needs not my recommendation; it will be its own pro- 
 tection. But if any one believes that matter is con- 
 tained in it, of which the authors of the Catechism had 
 not even thought, let him know, that my father's object 
 was not only to show what the authors of the Cate- 
 chism designed to say, but also what they could have 
 said, and must say,:in accordance with Holy Scripture." 
 This book was honoured with a translation into the 
 Dutch language, and with publicatK)n, under the title. 
 The Heidelberg Catechism of the Christian Religion, 
 explained from Sacred Scripture, published by John 
 
160 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 Cocceius, some time Professor of Divinity in the Uni- 
 versity of the city of Leyden, translated by Abraham 
 Van Foot, Doctor of Medicine. Amsterdam, 1673. 
 
 Jacob Crucius, Treasure of the Christian Soul. 
 Fifty- four Sermons on the Catechism. Amsterdam, 
 1671. 
 
 Samuel Maresius, Fublic Catechism, or Theological 
 Disquisitions on all the Lord's Days thereof, now 
 published at the request of many. Groningen, 1671. 
 Latin. 
 
 Francis Rider's Seven-fold Exercises on the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism, 2 parts. Rotterdam, 1671. 
 
 Anthonij Hulsius, Catechetical Didactico-polemical 
 Examen. 2 vols. Leyden, 1673. This author pub- 
 lished another polemical work, Leyden, 1676. This 
 work is Latin. 
 
 Adam Peeniiis, Catechisation on the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. Leyden, 1676. 
 
 William Momma's Meditations on the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. Leyden, 1684. Reflections of the same on 
 the Heidelberg Catechism, Amsterdam, 1685, are per- 
 haps a translation of the other, which was written in 
 Latin. 
 
 James Alting's Dissertation, or Notes on the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism. Also an Exegetical Analysis of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, which may be found in the sixth 
 volume of his complete works. Amsterdam, 1687. 
 
 Anthoni/ Vorster, Catechetical View of the Know- 
 ledge of Truth, according to the order of the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism. Leyden, 1691., 
 
 Cornelius Gentman, Dissertation on the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. Utrecht, 1692. Van Alphen mentions 
 another work of this author on the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism, Amsterdarh, 1705. "Perhaps only a new edition. 
 
 Barend Hakvoord, The School for Christ; comprising 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 161 
 
 Sixty-six Lessons, in whicli the whole Confession of 
 Christian Faith is briefly presented, and clearly ex- 
 plained, and confirmed by Holy Scripture, according to 
 the course of the Heidelberg Catechism. Third impres- 
 sion, Amsterdam, 1693; again, at Zwoll and Amster- 
 dam, 1706. Van Alphen is of the opinion that much 
 which is contained in this book is contrary to the 
 Christian religion. 
 
 Pontiomis Von Hattem, Dissertation and exact Inter- 
 pretation of the Heidelberg Catechism. Two Parts. 
 Amsterdam, 1692. Van Alphen calls it a wicked and 
 dangerous perversion, and no interpretation at all. 
 
 Peter Van Hagen, Fifty-two Sermons on the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism, besides four Introductory Sermons. 
 Amsterdam, 1676, 1684. These sermons were trans- 
 lated from the Dutch into German, by John Vogelsang. 
 ^ Everharcl van der Hoocht, The Heidelberg Catechism 
 discussed in the Nieuwendammer Church, for those 
 who desire to prepare themselves for the Lord's Sup- 
 per. Amsterdam, 1696. Another work of Van der 
 Hoocht is extant, with the title, Explanation of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism. Amsten, 17U. 
 
 David Knibbe, Doctrine of the Reformed Church, 
 according to the order of the Heidelberg Catechism,' 
 explained, confirmed, and applied to the practice of 
 Godliness. Two Parts, Leyden, 1692, 1694; and again 
 at Leyden, 1696. 
 
 Caspar Sibellhis, Catechetical Meditations, in four 
 parts, in which the chapters of the Christian Religion 
 contained and taught in the Catechism of the Palati- 
 nate are clearly explained, both as to theory and prac- 
 tice, and powerfully' vindicated from, the calumnies and 
 abuse of gainsayers, especially from the criticisms of 
 the Remonstrants. Preceded by Catechetical Prolego- 
 mena and Pai-alegomena. Amsterdam, 1650. The 
 11 
 
162 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 first part of this prolix Latin book came out separately 
 at Deventer, 1646; the second at the same place, 1647; 
 the third, 1649, and at last, the fourth also, 1650. 
 
 Hero Sihersena, Well of Salvation, exhibited in the 
 Heidelberg Catechism. Leuwarden, 1696. A transla- 
 tion of it appeared at Frankfort, 1699. 
 
 The zeal in cultivating the Heidelberg Catechism 
 was not yet cold. The eighteenth century produced 
 many men who rendered eminent service in this depart- 
 ment. 
 
 John William Feyling's Precious Catechism. Utrecht, 
 1705. By the same. The Truth of the Christian Reli- 
 gion, its duties and comfort, briefly proved by the Hei- 
 delberg Catechism. Amsterdam, 1710. 
 
 John JRodolph Rodolph^ The Palatinate Catechism 
 illustrated for the use of his hearers, which first 
 appeared at Bern, 1697, was published also at Franek- 
 ker, 1705. Franz Halma edited the last edition. 
 
 Jacob Breukland^ Dissertation on the Doctrine of the 
 Covenant of Grace, according to the order of the Hei- 
 delberg Catechism. Middleburg, 1711. 
 
 Peter Van HoeJce, Illustrations of the Fleidelberg 
 Catechism. Leyden, 1711. 
 
 Mathaeus Gargou^ Some Consolation, or the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism opened and explained. Leyden, 1713. 
 
 Van Pothui/sen, Key of Knowledge, or Explanation 
 of the Doctrine of Truth, according to the order of the 
 Christian Catechism. Utrecht, 1717. 
 
 Salomon Van Till, Catechetical Homilies. Utrecht, 
 1714. From the Latin they were translated into 
 Dutch. 
 
 John D^Outrein, Golden Jewel of the Doctrine' of 
 the Truth according to Godliness, comprised in the 
 Heidelberg Catechism; developed and illustrated. By 
 John D'Outrein. Amsterdam, 1719. Frederic Adol- 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 163 
 
 phus Lampe published it several times with notes and 
 
 additions. 
 
 Peter Venhuysen, The Complete, Sure Doctrine of 
 Consolation of the Reformed Church, opened for whole- 
 some instruction, and derived from the Heidelberg 
 Catechism. Groningen, 1721. 
 
 John van der Kern}), Christians wholly and every- 
 where in Possession of Christ. Presented in fifty-three 
 Sermons on the Heidelberg Catechism. Rotterdam, 
 1722. 
 
 Abraham van der Steeg, Food for Youth, or Short 
 Exposition of the Heidelberg Catechism. Utrecht, 
 
 1726. 
 
 Herman Alexander Boell, Explanation of the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism. Utrecht, 1728. Although Roell was 
 in his day learned and celebrated, his Exposition of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism was anything but satisfactory to 
 the learned men of his times. The author's son pub- 
 lished this book, and excuses the imperfection of the 
 work, because his father had not intended that it should 
 be printed. It is a book compiled from notes of lec- 
 tures. The copyists have often failed to secure the 
 right meaning of the author. 
 
 John van der Honert, Presentation of the Evangelical 
 Truths which are contained in the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism. Leyden, 1728. 
 
 Anthony Driessen, Helps to Explain the Heidelberg 
 Catechism, Methodically and Apodictically, and to 
 apply it to Practice. Groningen, 172-4. 
 
 Jerome Van Alphen, one of the most learned men of 
 his age, who rendered eminent service in the expo- 
 sition of the Catechism, ^vrote, in the Latin language, 
 Economy of the Palatinate Catechism, with a Prologue 
 on Catechetical exercises generally, and particularly, on 
 
164 HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF 
 
 the Origin and History of the Catechism of the Palati- 
 nate. Utrecht, 1729. 
 
 Anthony Stride, The Heidelberg Catechism briefly 
 explained in Questions and Answers; together with a 
 Catechisation for making a profession of faith, and 
 preparation for the Lord's Supper, and a short extract 
 from it. Leuwarden, 1739. 
 
 Engelbert Francis Le BoucJc, Explanation of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism. Hague, 17-11. This Latin 
 exposition is somewhat prolix, and strictly Calvinistic. 
 
 Besides these expositors of the Catechism, who are 
 known, there are many more whose names were either 
 not announced, or whose catechetical books have not 
 been accurately and perfectly noted by any one. Some 
 learned men in Holland have given the sense of the 
 Heidelberg Catechism in verses and rhymes, sometimes 
 in a summary, and sometimes in a more extended 
 form. 
 
 In the Latin language, Francis Plante wrote sacred 
 epigrams upon the Confession of Faith of the Reformed 
 lleligion and Catechism. Leyden, 1679. Another 
 poetical work bears the title: The Glory of the 
 Keformed Church, streaming from the short Compen- 
 dium of Divinity of the Heidelberg Catechism, with 
 the questions and answers of the same put in rhyme, 
 by Christian Klaarbout. Amsterdam, 1725. This 
 rhythmical version of the Heidelberg. Catechism into 
 Dutch and poetical language, is accompanied with a 
 long preface, in which Klaarbout overlays the Cate- 
 chism with the most honourable eulogies and names, 
 and relates its history, the greater part of which is 
 extracted from John D'Outrein, and sometimes in the 
 very words of that author. 
 
 Balthasar Befcker published,'Child-tcaching in Rhyme, 
 
THE HEIDELBERG CATECHISM. 165 
 
 or the Heidelberg Catechism put in rhyme for the 
 benefit of the memory of Children, in the year 1665. 
 
 Other learned men published original catechisms 
 according to the fundamental doctrines of the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism, so that by this means, they illustrated 
 and enriched it, or in the preparation of various theolo- 
 gical books, directed their aim to it. The following are 
 in the Dutch language : 
 
 Emil Cuylemhoorgh^ Beginning of the Doctrine of 
 Christ, presented according to the order, division, and 
 actual words of the Heidelberg Catechism. Rotter- 
 dam, 1698. 
 
 Henry Groenewegen^ Catechisation, or Exercise upon 
 all the principal grounds of Christian Faith, according 
 to the track of the Heidelberg Catechism. Enkhuysen, 
 1698. 
 
 Thaddeus de Lantmau, Short Guide to the Doctrine 
 of Truth. Hague, 1678. 
 
 George Meg, Brief Compendium of the principal dif- 
 ferences between the true Reformed and the present 
 Romish Church, according to the order of the Christian 
 Catechism. 1693. 
 
 Balthasar Bekker^ Nourishment of Spiritual Growth, 
 for the Youth of the Reformed Dutch Churches, consist- 
 ing of fifty-two questions for the smallest Children. 
 Milk for Children, and bread already cut, very conve- 
 nient for use in the schools of the Reformed and all 
 Christian Economies. 1668. 
 
 John Martin^ Shorter Catechisation on the Christian 
 Catechism. Utrecht, 1686. 
 
 ' Simon Moolenaitr, Bible-book, or Short Compend 
 of True Divinity, contained in the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism. Two Parts. Amsterdam, 1723. 
 
 Anthong Van Costnim, Short Compend of the Heidel- 
 berg Catechism. Dordrecht, 1701. 
 
166 HISTORY AND LITERATURE, ETC. 
 
 Simon Simonides, Short Compend, &c. Amsterdam, 
 1693. 
 
 The preachers in Dordrecht published in common, 
 1620, Short Compendium of Christian Doctrine, ar- 
 ranged in short questions and answers, according to the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, for the instruction of those who 
 are preparing for the holy communion. 
 
 At Herzogenbusch was published, in the French lan- 
 guage, Samuel Maresiiis' Familiar Sketch of the proper 
 Catechism of the Reformed Church in the United Pro- 
 vinces, divided into twelve sections. 
 
 The great Synod of Dort, during its sessions, entrust- 
 ed to certain theologians who were present, Francis 
 Gomarus, John Polyander, Anthony Thysius, Herman 
 Faukel, Balthasar Lydius, and Godfried Utemann, the 
 preparation of an extract from the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism for smaller Children. They finished it during 
 the sessions, and it was approved. 
 
 The General States of Holland .rendered another ser- 
 vice to the Heidelberg Catechism. They procured its 
 translation into modern Greek, for the use of those who 
 speak that language ; and Parens, in his history of the 
 Palatinate, says: "In Belgium they are preparing a 
 Spanish translation of the Heidelberg Catechism, in 
 order that it may be used in the West Indies." Mr. 
 Oelrich makes mention of another Spanish translation 
 in the following treatise: 
 
 D. John Charles Conrad Oelrich^ s Historical critical 
 account of a very rare edition of the Heidelberg Cate- 
 chism of the Reformed Churches, in the , Spanish lan- 
 guage. Berlin, by Nauck, 1793, 42 pp. This is pjer- 
 haps the same of which Parens gives an account in his 
 History of the I)alatinate'_