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BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 TEXT-WORK IX PALESTIXE. 
 
 A HAXDBOOK TO THE BIBLE. 
 
 JUDAS MACCABEUS. 
 
 HETH AXD MOAB. 
 
 PRIMER OF BIBLE GEOGRAPHY. 
 
 SYRIAX STOXE-LORE. 
 
 PALESTIXE. 
 
 THE TELL AMARXA TABLETS. 
 
THE BIBLE AND THE EAST 
 
STATUE OF GUDEA. 
 (After De Sarzek.) 
 
The Bible and the East 
 
 BY 
 
 C. E. CONDEK, Lt.-Col. R.E. 
 
 LL.D., D.C.L., M.R.A.S. 
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS 
 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
 
 MDCCCXCVI 
 
 All Eights reserved 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 1 
 
 I. IN THE BEGINNING 
 
 5 
 
 II. THE PATRIARCHS . 
 
 19 
 
 III. THE EXODUS 
 
 35 
 
 IV. HEBREW CIVILISATION 
 
 53 
 
 V. THE PENTATEUCH . 
 
 79 
 
 VI. JOSHUA .... 
 
 101 
 
 VII. JUDGES .... 
 
 117 
 
 VIII. SAMUEL AND DAVID 
 
 127 
 
 IX. KINGS .... 
 
 143 
 
 X. THE PROPHETS 
 
 165 
 
 XI. HEBREW POETRY . 
 
 173 
 
 XII. THE PERSIAN AGE 
 
 193 
 
 XIII. DANIEL .... 
 
 201 
 
 XIV. THE TIME OF CHRIST 
 
 207 
 
 INDEX .... 
 
 231 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 statue of judea ..... Frontispiece 
 (After De Sarzek.) pAGE 
 
 HITTITES FROM ABU SIMBEL .... 21 
 
 (Author's Sketch, lent by Messrs George Philip & Son.) 
 
 MOABITE STONE . . . . . .54 
 
 (From Photo lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
 COMPARATIVE PLATE OF ALPHABETS . . .63 
 
 (Lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
 HAMATH STONE, NO. 1 . . . .75 
 
 (Author's Sketch, lent by Messrs George Philip & Son.) 
 
 LACHISH TABLET . . . . . 104, 105 
 
 (Author's Copy, lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
 SILOAM INSCRIPTION ..... 156 
 
 (Author's Copy, lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
 PALACE OF HYRCANUS ..... 209 
 
 (Author's Sketch, lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
 INSCRIPTION OF HEROD'S TEMPLE .... 212 
 
 (From Photo lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
 MAP OF PALESTINE 
 
 . At end 
 
THE BIBLE AND THE EAST. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Never was the Bible more read or more earnestly studied 
 than now ; for — imperfect though they be — the means of 
 understanding it daily become more and better. The 
 same spirit of freedom and love of truth which led to 
 its being rendered in the vulgar tongue, lead us still to 
 claim to read and study its pages without limits set to 
 the right of private judgment. They are viewed from 
 many standpoints by the student of natural science, of 
 literature, or of antiquities. These great departments 
 of knowledge have been pursued for their own sake, 
 and by men who cared little as a rule for other sciences ; 
 and they have led to various conclusions which often 
 are at discord. To understand the Bible aright, all of 
 these must be taken into account. But if private judg- 
 ment has taken the place of authority in the study of the 
 Bible, this is not less true of the study of science. No 
 dicta of even the greatest are to be accepted, unless the 
 
2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 reasoning on which they are founded proves to be sound. 
 With improved data we find such conclusions to be con- 
 stantly liable to change — i$ science, literature, and archae- 
 ology alike. The results of criticism have not always 
 stood the test of examination in the light of monumental 
 discovery ; and history once discarded as fabulous has 
 often proved to record actual facts. Contradictions which 
 seemed clear have been shown to be due to a false assump- 
 tion on the part of the student, and prejudice discovered 
 where impartial judgment was claimed. 
 
 Within the present century we have witnessed not 
 only the recovery of unhoped-for sources of knowledge, 
 and the growth of sciences founded on painful gathering 
 of unknown facts, but revolutions not less remarkable in 
 the principles on which studies of every kind are founded. 
 Comparative examination of independent facts is now the 
 basis of all true knowledge, and the comparison grows 
 ever wider. The slow growth of the future from the 
 past is accepted as explaining all that has happened in 
 our world, and the decay of all that once flourished is not 
 less to be remembered in tracing history aright. 
 
 In natural science the belief in a slow development of 
 life on the planet, and in the great antiquity of man — 
 historically speaking — is generally accepted. In literature 
 the minute examination of language and historic state- 
 ment has undermined many traditional beliefs. In the 
 study of antiquity the early civilisation of Asia has been 
 proved to have been more perfect, and more widely 
 spread, than scholars were willing once to believe. All 
 
INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 these changes have affected our study of the Bible, and 
 will yet more affect it in the future. But the Bible 
 needs no apology, and its words are as deeply rooted in 
 men's hearts to-day as ever they were in times of greater 
 ignorance. Neither science, literature, nor oriental study 
 can touch — or aim at touching — the teaching of love and 
 truth in its pages. The study of other Sacred Books of 
 the East only serves to show us the greatness of the Bible 
 compared with other books. It is only the timid who 
 fear the light poured on the Hebrew Scriptures by modern 
 science or discovery; for while the honest student may 
 be forced to give up much that he once believed, to own 
 that tradition among Hebrew writers in time, as in other 
 cases, sometimes overlaid the figures of great heroes with 
 popular legend, and that they speak to us in the tongue 
 of their own age, not in the language of to-day, — yet the 
 honesty, the power, the genius, and the inspiration of 
 prophets and psalmists in Israel are the more truly ac- 
 knowledged the more freely their scrolls are studied and 
 their statements examined. 
 
 It is a question how best to approach so wide a subject, 
 and what sequence of studies to follow ; but to conform 
 roughly to the order of the books of the Old and Xew Tes- 
 tament, and to take in order the various questions of his- 
 tory, civilisation, literature, and religion in various ages, 
 from the patriarchal to the Boman, seems the most easy 
 method for the reader. The main object in view is to 
 show the bearing of exploration and monumental study 
 on the understanding of the Bible, and to such study 
 
4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 natural science and criticism are secondary helps. No 
 student of critical writings can doubt that services of the 
 highest value have been rendered by scholars who have 
 spent their lives on the various languages required, on 
 comparison of versions, and on mastering the writings of 
 those who went before. Yet such purely internal study 
 has often led to conclusions which have been falsified 
 by the recovery of a single monumental text. No Bible 
 scholar can afford to neglect the teaching of such sciences 
 as geology, natural history, or astronomy. Yet even in 
 these, imperfect knowledge has created difficulties which 
 fade away in the light of a better study. Our aim should 
 be to read the Bible without bias in favour of Rabbinical 
 tradition, but also without too hastily accepting the latest 
 transient theory of any critic or writer on science. 
 
CHAPTEE I. 
 
 N THE BEGINNING. 
 
 The first chapter of Genesis no longer stands alone in 
 literature as an ancient story of Creation. The brick 
 tablets of Assyria contain more than one ancient poem 
 on Creation • the Persian account, preserved in sacred 
 writings of a late age, presents us with an almost exact 
 copy of the Hebrew six days. 1 But in the one case the 
 beauty of the story is marred by strange names for many 
 gods, and the sequence is imperfect and the details 
 tedious ; while in the other the present version is of 
 so late a date as to make it useless for comparison. 2 
 
 " At first God carved the heavens and earth, 
 And earth was vast and void, 
 And darkness on the face of the deep ; 
 And God's breath hovered on the waters' face, 
 And God said. Be there light ; 
 And there was light . . . 
 And eve and morn one day." 
 
 Neither in Assyrian tablets, in Greek cosmogonies, nor in 
 later philosophies, does any ancient writer reach the sim- 
 
 1 See Lenormant's Origines de l'Histoire, vol. i. 
 - Bundahish, Sacred Books of the East, vol. v. 
 
6 IN THE BEGINNING. 
 
 plicity of such words. The clumsy systems of the past 
 have died and left the Hebrew alone in face of modern 
 science. The Bible story tells us of the gradual growth 
 of earth itself, of land and sea, of herbs and trees ; of the 
 appearance of sun and moon and planets, the birth of 
 fish and fowl and beast, and, at the last, of man in a 
 world prepared for him — " male and female created He 
 them." 
 
 The astronomy of to-day speaks of a red-hot orb thrown 
 out from the sun, cooling gradually till land and sea were 
 separated under the dense clouds which hid the planet ; 
 of creeping things and herbs, succeeded by the dense 
 forests and marshes in which huge dragons waded and 
 flew, while giant monsters peopled the deep. In the 
 later birth of birds and beasts, and in the appearance 
 of man — the latest of all — there is no real discrepancy 
 between the results of natural science and the more primi- 
 tive language of the Hebrew poet. It has been argued 
 that the sun is said by him to have been made after the 
 earth — yet on the very first day " eve and morn " are 
 mentioned. No man of science doubts that, just as we 
 are still unable to see the surface of one great planet 
 through its thick garb of cloud, so on earth neither sun 
 nor moon nor stars appeared until the mighty vapours 
 were dissolved which once hid our planet also. The 
 great forests of the coal measures grew rank in their 
 swamps at a time when the sun's heat only reached them 
 through the fog. The Hebrew writer may have believed, 
 like his fellows, in a firmament of adamant and in a 
 
ANTIQUITY OF MAN. 7 
 
 central earth ; but the story of Creation as a whole is the 
 story of an evolution. 
 
 How long ago it was that man first began to conquer 
 the earth science cannot tell us surely. That at least 
 2700 years before our era there were in Asia various 
 civilisations and distinct races, is the testimony of the 
 monuments. That man in Europe lived in an early ago 
 when the mammoth and many other extinct beasts were 
 yet alive, — that he even had learned to sketch them on 
 bone before they became extinct, — is the testimony of the 
 caves. Long ages must have elapsed before the art of 
 writing in various scripts had attained to the stage it 
 reached in Mesopotamia and Egypt five thousand years 
 ago, or before the limestone flooring of the bone-caves had 
 hardened over the remains of men and beasts. But as 
 yet our knowledge of such ages is confined to diggings in 
 European caves and river-drifts, and the history of man 
 in his earliest home is unknown, and the age of his first 
 appearance incalculable. 
 
 We may ask, however, with more hope of an answer, 
 whether science and the Eible are agreed as to the first 
 centre of the race, and as to the history of its dispersion 
 over the earth. Science teaches us that early man passed 
 through two stages of rough culture, using at first un- 
 shapen stones for weapons and tools, and then polishing 
 the same — the palaeolithic and neolithic stages — before he 
 knew of copper, of bronze, and of iron last of all. Yet, 
 curiously enough, these stages have been thought to mark 
 successive ages, in spite of the fact that tribes still living 
 
8 IN THE BEGINNING. 
 
 in" remote regions have never passed beyond the use of 
 stone. Until about 600 B.C. the Europeans of the north 
 knew nothing of the use of bronze, which had been com- 
 monly worked in Asia more than a thousand years before. 
 The stone age in Egypt was immensely earlier than that 
 of Britain ; and most of the prehistoric relics of Europe — 
 the Swiss lake-villages, the Guernsey dolmens, the tomb- 
 mounds of our own country — belong to later times than 
 those in which literature and art already flourished in 
 Western Asia. To speak, therefore, of a "palaeolithic age" 
 is to ignore the facts of history. The "palaeolithic stage" 
 is by itself no mark of any measurable lapse of time. 
 
 Whatever the time, however, the verdict of science 
 now is 1 that in the palaeolithic period man appeared in 
 Asia on open plains, in a temperate or subtropical region, 
 where seeds, game, and fish abounded — to become first a 
 hunter, then a herdsman, finally a tiller of the earth, as 
 witnessed by the succession of palaeolithic remains in 
 Europe. This home was somewhere in the plateaux of 
 Persia or farther east, and to such a centre the traditions 
 of many early races point alike. The Greek looked to 
 Caucasus, and the " Aryan home " of the Persians was in 
 the same region. Indians and Chinese tribes had their 
 sacred mountains in the far north-west and west. The 
 early Akkadians came from the Kurdish valleys : the 
 Hebrew writer points to the uplands of Eastern Armenia, 
 and to the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates, where was 
 that garden in the East whence man came forth to till the 
 1 Wallace, Darwinism, p. 459. London, 1889. 
 
HISTOKY OF LANGUAGE. 9 
 
 earth. It is a region well fitted for the early home of 
 man, with temperate climate and natural fruits of the 
 earth, with great rivers and fertile valleys. From such a 
 centre many nations spread on every side — the Aryan to 
 the Volga, the Mongol over Asia, and the forefathers of 
 Semitic races to Chaldea, Arabia, and Syria, preceded by 
 the Egyptian, to whom they were akin. 
 
 The study of language is our only guide in this dim age 
 of early migration, 1 but the evidence, such as it is, all 
 points to one conclusion. It is admitted that a chain of 
 dialects connects the most distant regions of the earth 
 with early centres in Western Asia, where the first traces 
 of various families of speech are found. The languages 
 of Mongolia and China, the early speech of India, Bur- 
 mah, and Siam, are all connected by words and grammar 
 with the first Mongol dialects of Upper Chaldea. The 
 great families of American languages belong to the same 
 group, as do the dialects of Oceana and Australia peopled 
 from the Siamese peninsula. The Aryan languages are 
 traced to the earliest centre on the Volga, and on the 
 steppes of Southern Eussia. The languages of Africa 
 show close connection with the ancient Egyptian, which 
 again is linked with the Semitic group. Already it has 
 been perceived that a connection exists between Mongolic 
 and Aryan speech — a connection which may also be ex- 
 tended to the other groups which share a large common 
 vocabulary of roots. Western Asia is not only the home 
 of civilisation, but it is the region to which the various 
 1 See note, p. 13. 
 
10 IN THE BEGINNING. 
 
 families of human speech are traced — to a centre including 
 homes of Mongol, Aryan, and Semitic races alike. Dis- 
 tinguished as they are by racial type, — the heavy short- 
 headed Mongol, the fair Aryan, the dusky Semitic man, 
 the coffee-coloured Egyptian, or the black Negro, — such 
 types do not so differ as to make specific distinction. In 
 the earliest graves of Asia and of Europe the long and 
 short heads are found together as in Egypt, and some of 
 the older are less pronounced in measurement than are 
 later remains. The head of a Galla or of an Egyptian 
 differs little from that of a European. The prognathous 
 or protruding jaw is as marked in the more degraded type 
 of the Mongol as in the degraded Negro type. On the 
 equator alone is man really coal-black in colour. The 
 Kaffir, the Polynesian, or the Dravidian in India, are 
 scarcely darker than some of the Mongols and Arabs. In 
 the fens of North Eussia Aryan races are thought to have 
 been bleached by ages of cold ; and colour alone is not 
 enough to establish various human species. The study of 
 race and of language is still in its infancy ; but no dis- 
 covery of science forbids us to assume that man may 
 originally have descended from a single human pair, liv- 
 ing in Western Asia and speaking a language of the 
 simplest elements, from which all human speech has been 
 built up in time. 
 
 Yet another mark of common origin is found in com- 
 mon tradition, pointing, however, to a later time, since 
 it is unknown in Egypt or in Africa. 1 The European, 
 1 Lenormant, Origines tie l'Histoire, vol. i. See note, p. 16. 
 
THE FLOOD. 11 
 
 the Asiatic, and the American have all in common the 
 story of a Flood from which their ancestors escaped. The 
 Assyrian account (about the seventh century B.C.) is 
 nearest to the Hebrew, but forms part of a wild cycle 
 of legends belonging to the twelve months of the year. 
 The Greek may have taken it from the Phoenician. The 
 Persian story substitutes a terrible winter escaped by Yima 
 in his " enclosure," to which a bird (as in the Chaldean 
 story) brings the first news of spring. But the Flood story 
 was known also to the Celts in Europe — the earliest of 
 Western Aryans — and to the Northern Indians and the 
 Chinese. It has been found in America, and it was 
 known apparently to the early Akkadian Mongols. Con- 
 nected though it often is with legends of the months and 
 the mythical story of the year, there is still no reason 
 to deny that it may represent in every case the memory 
 of some great catastrophe in early times, and of the 
 escape of a few survivors in Asia. In earlier geologic 
 times such catastrophes are witnessed by the piles of 
 bones of beasts who perished on the uplands where 
 they found refuge from the rising tide. The variations 
 of the Flood story indicate rather a common memory, 
 handed down by tradition, than any borrowing of a later 
 finished tale. The widespread character of the tradition 
 points to an age earlier than that of the dispersion of 
 the various Asiatic races. The floods of the Tigris and 
 of the Euphrates continued to be feared much later by 
 the writers of Akkadian hymns and prayers, and the 
 time of year — the middle of the second month mentioned 
 
12 IN THE BEGINNING. 
 
 in Genesis — is that in which the Tigris and the Euphrates 
 are swelled by the melting snows of Armenia. Science 
 forbids us to suppose that at any time since man's first 
 appearance was the whole surface of the world submerged 
 at one time, or that all existing species of living things 
 were ever collected in an ark or boat ; but the tradition 
 of an early catastrophe, and of the escape of the few, was 
 handed down in all parts of Europe and of Asia among 
 races to whom the Hebrew Scriptures and the Assyrian 
 tablets alike were never known. 
 
COMPARISON OF LANGUAGES. 13 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 Comparison of Languages. — This subject will be found 
 more fully treated in the author's paper, read before the Vic- 
 toria Institute in 1893. The similarities between Aryan and 
 Semitic roots were noticed by Gesenius before the scientific 
 study of Aryan languages had been founded by Bopp and 
 Grimm. The similarities of Aryan and Finnic roots have also 
 been indicated by Donner and other scholars, and recently 
 urged by Dr Isaac Taylor in his work on the Aryans. The 
 relationship of Egyptian to Semitic speech was urged by the 
 late Dr Birch of the British Museum. The main objections 
 which have to be met are, first, the differences of grammatical 
 structure distinguishing inflected languages (such as the Aryan 
 and the Semitic) from agglutinative speech (such as marks 
 the Mongol and American languages); and, secondly, the 
 undoubted fact that a large vocabulary has often been bor- 
 rowed by one class of languages from another. The principles 
 on which comparative study of various classes of language 
 must be founded include, first, the comparison of the roots 
 from which words are formed rather than that of isolated 
 nouns or verbs ; and, secondly, the restriction of such com- 
 parisons to the earliest known languages. The Aryan lan- 
 guages have been reduced to certain recognised roots, of which 
 the simplest category does not probably exceed about 150 in 
 all. The Finnic languages are reduced by Donner to an 
 equally small number of roots ; and by Vambery the Turkic 
 dialects are similarly reduced to about 200 roots. The com- 
 parison of these categories at once shows the large proportion 
 of roots common to Aryan and to Mongol speech ; and in 
 addition it can be shown that the Mongol vocabulary is 
 comparable throughout with that of the ancient Mongol 
 language of Mesopotamia, commonly called the Akkadian 
 (see the paper by the present author in the 'Journal of the 
 Royal Asiatic Society,' October 1893). The pure Turkish 
 dialects of Central Asia appear to be nearest to the Akkadian, 
 
14 NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 especially in such important classes of words as those con- 
 cerned with numbers, metals, and colours. 
 
 The Turkic dialects, on the other hand, present a recognis- 
 able connection with the Mongol language proper, spoken 
 from Manchuria to the borders of Kussia. The oldest dialect 
 is said to be the Buriat, of which a grammar and vocabulary 
 were composed by Castren. In grammatical structure these 
 two groups of language are closely connected. The relation- 
 ship of the Dravidian and Kolarian languages of India to the 
 Turkic and Akkadian is also traceable in grammar and in 
 vocabulary ; while the Burmese and Siamese are in like man- 
 ner comparable with the non- Aryan languages of India ; and, 
 as recently shown (by Mr Sterndale in 1891), the Polynesian 
 and Australian languages compare with the Siamese. 
 
 Chinese is often called a "monosyllabic language," but the 
 term is misleading, as it only applies — as in other languages 
 — to the roots. The population of China contains many 
 distinct elements ; and under the name of Chinese many 
 distinct dialects are commonly grouped together. The civil- 
 ising element appears to have come mainly from Turkestan 
 (the Khitai) and Mongolia ; while a large element of popu- 
 lation also entered China from Thibet, Burmah, and Siam, 
 at an early historic period. The modern Mandarin language, 
 when compared with the Cantonese, which is said to be the 
 most ancient dialect, is at once seen to have suffered so much 
 from phonetic decay as to be unreliable for purposes of com- 
 parison ; and our earliest information as to Chinese speech 
 is so late as to render the study of the affiliation of this 
 language peculiarly difficult. Comparisons between Chinese 
 and Akkadian have been made by Lenormant and later 
 scholars, which in some cases are striking, but often illusory. 
 The ultimate connection of Mongol and Chinese speech is, 
 however, traceable through the Manchu, which, as Lenormant 
 shows (Magic, English edition), presents many peculiarities 
 of grammar found in Akkadian. 
 
 The American languages (see Greg's 'Comparative Philo- 
 logy,' 1893) present various phases of agglutination, the Otomi 
 approaching the Chinese, while others are more elaborate. 
 
COMPARISON OF LANGUAGES. 15 
 
 A large vocabulary, relating to very common objects and 
 actions, connects together the languages of North, Central, 
 and Southern America, and also connects them with Mongolic 
 speech. America appears to have been first peopled by un- 
 civilised tribes who used Mongolic words for "dog," "boat," 
 "sea," and "snow," and came apparently from the north. 
 They were followed within historic times by other races — such 
 as the Toltecs, Azteks, and Peruvians — whose languages and 
 civilisation alike connect them more closely with the extreme 
 east of Asia than with any other part of the world. 
 
 The Semitic languages form a small and closely connected 
 group, which is more advanced in grammatical structure than 
 any other. The roots are, as a rule, bisyllabic ; but it has 
 long been recognised that these answer to the secondary roots 
 found in Aryan languages, and that they are indeed often the 
 same, while the original roots, as in other cases, were mono- 
 syllabic ; and these may be traced in the imperative of verbs 
 formed from weak or reduplicated roots. 
 
 The comparison of Egyptian with Semitic speech extends to 
 grammatical structure, pronouns, and other important classes 
 of words — such as those for colour — although the ancient 
 Egyptian language is grammatically less advanced than even 
 the oldest Semitic dialects. The old language received large 
 additions by direct borrowing from Aramaic and from Mon- 
 gol speech in the Hyksos period ; but the vocabulary includes 
 also a large proportion of words for common objects and 
 actions which cannot be supposed to have been so borrowed, 
 and which show a clear connection with Asiatic vocabu- 
 laries of the earliest age. The Coptic is the direct descendant 
 of the Egyptian ; but Champollion observed that other Berber 
 languages of North Africa showed connection with Egyptian, 
 and a study of Berber grammars and vocabularies shows that 
 this is the case, and also connects with these the ancient 
 Guancho language of the Canary Islands. Even the Hottentot 
 and Bushman languages were thought by the late Mr Bertin 
 to indicate a connection with Egypt. 
 
 The study of African languages is rendered extremely 
 difficult by their rapid change from generation to generation ; 
 
16 NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 but the opinion of scholars appears to favour an ultimate, 
 though remote, connection with Semitic speech through the 
 Egyptian. Nearly half the great continent is covered by races 
 speaking languages of the Bantu group, and tracing their 
 origin to the north-east — Ab} r ssinia and the Soudan. The 
 Amharic language results from the admixture with African 
 speech of the Sabean or Southern Arabic, and the Sabean in 
 Abyssinia is traceable as a pure language of the conquering 
 Arabs in Africa from the second century B.C. down to the fifth 
 century a.d. 
 
 The comparison of about 170 ancient monosyllabic roots, 
 common to Aryan and Semitic speech, and found also in 
 Egyptian and Akkadian, will be found in the paper quoted at 
 the beginning of this note. These roots, with many nouns 
 relating to common objects, also recur in the American vo- 
 cabularies in all parts of that continent ; and although the 
 subject is still in its infancy, the reduction of all human 
 speech to a common origin, and to simple monosyllabic roots of 
 mimetic value, seems already to be clearly indicated, by com- 
 parison of the results reached separately by scholars working 
 on each class of languages, and independently of each other. 
 
 The Babylonian Flood Story. — The most recent trans- 
 lation by Mr T. G. Pinches of this famous tablet, first ren- 
 dered by Fox Talbot and G. Smith, will be found in Dr H. 
 H. Wright's ' Bible Reader's Manual,' p. 139, second edition. 
 The flood, which frightened the gods themselves, is said to 
 have increased for seven days (cf. Gen. viii. 1, 2). The Baby- 
 lonian Noah (whose name is doubtful) built a ship {eli^im) 
 and placed in it " the seeds of life." It was caulked with 
 bitumen (see Gen. vi. 15), and contained the family of the 
 hero, his slaves, his silver and gold, with cattle and other 
 beasts. The ship landed on the mountain of Nizir (see Gen. 
 viii. 4). On the seventh day a dove was sent out, and finding 
 no resting-place, returned (see Gen. viii. 8). A swallow was 
 sent out next, and returned ; and after that a raven, which 
 did not return (see Gen. viii. 7). The hero then issued from 
 the ship and offered sacrifice (Gen. viii. 21). 
 
THE BABYLONIAN FLOOD STORY. 17 
 
 This account of the Deluge, though at present only known 
 in Semitic speech, is believed to be of Akkadian origin. It 
 is only quite recently that the Creation tablet has been found 
 in a bilingual text — Akkadian and Assyrian — by Mr T. G. 
 Pinches, and this discovery renders it probable that the Baby- 
 lonian flood story is also a translation. It forms the eleventh 
 tablet of a series of twelve, giving the adventures of a hero 
 whose name is very variously transcribed. The other stories 
 are mythical, including the strange figure of Ea-bani, a mino- 
 taur friendly to the hero, with legends which recall Greek 
 myths such as that of Actseon. 
 
 The Mexican deluge story, in which Cox-Cox escaped to 
 the mountain Colhuacan, probably reached America from 
 Eastern Asia. In language, calendar, rites, symbolism, and 
 customs, the civilised races of America — known to the Chinese 
 Buddhists of the fifth century a.d. — are more closely con- 
 nected with the extreme east of Asia than with any other 
 civilisation. The Indian deluge is noticed in a Purana of 
 uncertain date. The Chinese legend refers to a great river- 
 flood ; the Persian to a severe winter, whence Yima escaped 
 in his vara or enclosure (Vendidad I.) — probably traceable to 
 the age of Cyrus. The Celtic story is not traceable to any 
 great age. The Greek deluge of Deucalion was derived ap- 
 parently from the Phoenicians. 
 
19 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 When history first opens to us on the monuments three 
 great races are found, in Western Asia and in Egypt, to 
 have already attained to civilised life, while farther from 
 the centre the Aryan and the Negro remained barbarians. 
 The Egyptian race appears to have been the first to 
 migrate from the common home, and its civilisation in 
 the age of the pyramid - builders was already complete. 
 The age to which the early wooden and alabaster statues 
 carry us back can only be roughly estimated at not more 
 than 3000 B.C. The true Egyptian language, though far 
 less developed than that of the Semitic races, still bears 
 so close a relation to theirs, in grammar and in vocabulary, 
 as to render an original connection certain. The hiero- 
 glyphic system also shows an original connection (especially 
 in numerals and in certain signs for country, deity, &c.) 
 with the Asiatic systems. But many centuries of separa- 
 tion must have elapsed, before the time of the earliest 
 known records, to account for the wide differences in 
 language and writing between the Egyptians and their 
 kinsmen in Asia. 
 
20 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 The Mongol race, represented by the Akkadians who 
 had spread all over Mesopotamia, was the first ruling 
 and civilised people in Asia. The monuments of Gudea 
 at the city of Zirghul, between the Tigris and the 
 Euphrates, show us that about 2700 B.C. the Akkadian 
 princes already ruled over a wide region in Western 
 Asia. They had conquered Elam — or Western Persia 
 — and were in trading relations with regions near the 
 Caucasus, with Phoenicia, and with Sinai. They brought 
 gold-dust from Upper Egypt, and sailed round the whole 
 of Arabia. They had a calendar of twelve lunar months, 
 and a complete system of writing. They knew all the 
 metals, and carved in granite and in alabaster. They built 
 great pyramids of brick in bitumen cement, and palaces 
 adorned with granite statues. They tilled the land with 
 hoes and ploughs, and built ships with sails. It is doubt- 
 ful whether already the Akkadian civilisation is not to 
 be traced even earlier than that of Egypt, with which 
 it had much in common. 
 
 The language of the Akkadians was a primitive Mongol 
 tongue, of which the nearest living representative is the 
 pure Turkic speech of Central Asia. 1 The Mongolian 
 proper, the Chinese, Burmese, and early Indian languages 
 are more remotely comparable with it in vocabulary and 
 in grammar. The racial type of the Akkadians was also 
 Mongol, and by race and language they were akin to 
 the Hittites and other tribes in Palestine and Asia Minor. 
 The religion of all these tribes was the same, and re- 
 1 See note, p. 31. 
 
THE AKKADIANS. 
 
 21 
 
 sembled that of later Mongols. Heaven, earth, ocean, and 
 hell were peopled by them with countless spirits good 
 and bad, over whom presided the two great gods — the 
 "spirit of heaven" and the "spirit of earth." 
 
 It was from the Akkadians that the first Semitic 
 peoples borrowed their earliest civilisation and earliest 
 written character. It is not until the time of Hammu- 
 rapaltu, the Cassite (or Cushite) conqueror of Babylon 
 and of Syria, that the Semitic language of Chaldea 
 
 Hittites from Abu Simbel. 
 
 begins to be used in historic records side by side with 
 the earlier Akkadian. The home of the Semitic race 
 was, however, near to that of the ruling Akkadians. The 
 evidence of common words, found in all Semitic lan- 
 guages, shows that the forefathers of the race came 
 from a region where barley and wheat were grown, 
 where the stork existed beside great rivers, and where 
 the olive, fig, pomegranate, and vine flourished. They 
 knew the horse, the ass, the goat, sheep, and dog. They 
 had domestic cattle, and also knew the wild bull and 
 
22 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 the lion. The pelican is yet more distinctive of their 
 home; but the panther, fox, hyena, bear, wild-cat, boar, 
 stag, and gazelle, with the wild ass of the Aramean 
 plains, were also early named. It is impossible to find 
 any region which would fit all these requirements in 
 Arabia, which some scholars have regarded as the Semitic 
 cradle. The plains of Assyria and the foothills of the 
 Taurus, the valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris, and 
 the Armenian mountains, seem to be clearly indicated 
 as the first home of the race which afterwards spread 
 to Syria, and yet later to Arabia. About 2000 b.c. they 
 carried with them to the West their syllabic system of 
 writing — originally borrowed from the Akkadians — and 
 a singularly perfect Aramean language, which appears 
 with a completely developed grammar in the texts of 
 Hammurapaltu about 2100 b.c. 
 
 The original Egyptians were followed to the Delta 
 about the same time by mingled tribes, Mongol and 
 Semitic. The ruling race, usually known as Hyksos, 
 called themselves the Men or Minyans, 1 and their broad- 
 cheeked racial type connects them with the Akkadians 
 and with the later Minni or Minyans in Armenia, who 
 spoke in the fifteenth century B.C. a language akin to that 
 of the Akkadians and Hittites. The condition of Western 
 Asia about 2100 B.C. appears to have resulted from the 
 migration of Semitic tribes into Syria, over whom, as well 
 as over the mixed Mongol and Semitic races in Mesopo- 
 tamia, Hammurapaltu at Babylon claimed to rule — a rule 
 1 See note, p. 31. 
 
ARIOCH ANT) AMRAPHEL. 23 
 
 no doubt only maintained, as in later times, by constant 
 and distant expeditions. On the east Eriaku, his con- 
 temporary in Larsa, had been conquered by this great 
 monarch ; and the two empires of the earliest historic age 
 are those of Babylon — under the Cushites, and of Egypt — 
 under the kindred Minyans. The Semitic peoples appear 
 to have been only divided tribes, under local leaders, own- 
 ing allegiance to Babylon ; while the farthest Egyptian out- 
 post seems to have been at the turquoise mines in Sinai. 
 
 Such is the general result obtained from study of the 
 Zirghul texts, the early inscriptions of Egypt, and the 
 records of Hammurapaltu. It casts an unexpected light 
 on the Hebrew records from the days of Mmrod to those 
 of Abraham, and it serves to fix independently the age 
 of the Hebrew patriarch contemporary with Hammurapaltu 
 and Eriaku — Amraphel and Arioch of the Hebrew. The 
 building of a great tower in Mesopotamia with brick and 
 bitumen is recorded in Genesis as occurring at Babylon ; 
 and at Zirghul the remains of such a tower, with texts 
 which show that it was built several centuries before the 
 date given to Abraham, have actually been found. These 
 towers, or ziggurs as the Akkadians called them, were 
 stepped pyramids with a shrine on the top. They re- 
 sembled the Egyptian pyramids except in orientation, and 
 served as altars to the "spirit of heaven." They must 
 have been familiar to the Hebrew ancestors long before 
 they left their home in Chaldea ; but they continued in 
 existence to a much later age, and were once again seen 
 by the children of the Captivity in Babylon. 
 
24 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 The list of races in Genesis presents us, however, with 
 conditions which ceased to exist in later times. Asiatic 
 man is there divided into three great groups, which clearly 
 answer to the three races of science — Aryan, Mongol, and 
 Semitic. The history of the early Aryans is unrecorded, 
 for the art of writing only reached them later from Syria ; 
 but the evidence of language shows how early the Slav 
 and Celtic stocks spread to Greece, to Asia Minor, and to 
 Italy, from Southern Eussia. Egyptian monuments of the 
 fourteenth and thirteenth century B.C. present us with the 
 Danai or Greeks and other light-haired, blue-eyed peoples, 
 who were then invading Syria and pushing south to the 
 confines of Egypt. 1 Under this head (Japhet, the " fair " 
 race) the Hebrew writer classes Cimmerians and Medes, 
 Ionians, and the Tuplai and Moschi of Armenia. The 
 Medes were already met in this region by the Assyrians 
 in the ninth century B.C., and are well known to have 
 been an Aryan people, who may have dwelt for centuries 
 in Georgia before the Assyrians pushed north to the 
 mountains round Lake Van. The other Aryan tribes of 
 Genesis include Ashkenaz and Togarmah in Armenia, 
 Elishah (the Alasiya of the monuments) in Cilicia, with 
 Tarshish, Cyprus, and Ehodes. At the time when the 
 tenth chapter of Genesis was written the Aryans had 
 spread all over Asia Minor and as far south as Cyprus. 
 
 The second race of Genesis is Ham (the " dark " people), 
 who ruled in Cush and in Egypt, and to whom the earliest 
 Canaanites were kin, as well as the people of Akkad in 
 1 See note, p. 32. 
 
SHEM, HAM, AND JAPHET. • 25 
 
 Mesopotamia and Elamite tribes on the Persian Gulf. 
 The Akkadian kingdom is said to have spread northwards 
 from Babylon to Assyria, where Nineveh was built later 
 than Babylon. At present our monumental notices carry 
 back the history of Babylon to 2300 B.C., and that of 
 Nineveh to about 1600 B.C.; but even this later date is 
 earlier than that at which Genesis is supposed to have 
 been written by those who place its antiquity at the 
 highest. The southern branch of Ham includes the 
 Egyptians and Philistines, with other unknown tribes. 
 The early Canaanites are said to have spread from the 
 north to Gaza, and first among them the Hittites are 
 reckoned. Such connection between the races of Chaldea 
 (the Cushites) and those of Egypt (the Minyans) ceased 
 to be truly racial about 1700 B.C., when the first great 
 Xubian dynasty expelled the Asiatics. The writer in 
 Genesis refers to an early age when as yet the Hebrew 
 tribes had not entered Canaan ; but he groups with other 
 Canaanites the Amorites, who — as known to us in the 
 fifteenth century B.C. — were not a Mongol but an Ara- 
 mean people, speaking the same language used by Baby- 
 lonians and Assyrians, and using the same character in 
 writing. Already, therefore — as in the Hyksos period in 
 Egypt — the population of Canaan appears, according to 
 the statement of Genesis, to have included mingled tribes 
 of the families of Shein and Ham. 
 
 The third race of Genesis is that of Shem (the 
 " brown "), and includes nations in Elam, Assyria, Lydia, 
 and Aram, with tribes in Arabia as far south as Sheba 
 
26 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 and Yemen. The colonisation of Arabia seems to have 
 been pushed along both shores of the great peninsula : 
 for in the earliest known texts of this region the dialects 
 of the west are nearest to west Semitic speech, and those 
 of the far east (in Hazarmaveth or Hadramaut) nearest to 
 the eastern Aramaic ; while the short texts of Northern 
 Arabia — of which the earliest belongs to about the 
 fourth century B.C. — present us with an Aramaic dialect 
 similar to that of Syria and of Petra. The limit of geo- 
 graphical knowledge in Genesis is marked by Persia on 
 the east and Ionia on the west, by Armenia on the north 
 and by Egypt on the south. The evidence of inscriptions 
 shows us that Armenia, Assyria, and Babylon were already 
 in constant communication with Egypt in the fifteenth 
 century b.c, and that both Elam (or Persia) and Egypt 
 were known to the Akkadians, with Sinai and Syria, 
 even ten centuries earlier. It also shows us the estab- 
 lishment of Aryan tribes in Asia Minor at least as early^ 
 as 1400 b.c. 
 
 The geography and races of Genesis alike, therefore, 
 belong to the earliest historic age. If, as some scholars 
 have supposed, this famous chapter was penned in later 
 years of Persian rule, it is difficult to suppose that, under 
 such changed conditions, the history of the diffusion of 
 earlier races would have still been known, and the writer 
 succeed in escaping from anachronisms which would at 
 once betray his age. The rude Aryan tribes of Armenia 
 had then been conquered. The Persians — who find no 
 place in this scheme of races — were dominant in Babylon, 
 
ANCIENT CITIES. 27 
 
 and far westwards in Ionia and Cyprus. The old Mon- 
 gol rulers of Egypt had long been forgotten ; the princes 
 of Philistia bore Semitic names ; the Hittites had been 
 exterminated by Assyria ; and the names of Canaanite 
 tribes, as existing in Palestine, are unnoticed by JSclie- 
 miah or by Ezra. Colonists from Hamath and from yet 
 farther east had long been planted in Samaria, and Arab 
 tribes had invaded the north and had settled round 
 Petra. The old world known to the writer in Genesis 
 had long since passed away when the Jews returned from 
 captivity, but in the days of Moses the conditions of race 
 and language differed little from those set forth in the 
 table of races in Genesis. 
 
 The cities mentioned in this chapter are also very 
 ancient. Babylon and Nineveh were built long before 
 the Exodus, and Arvad, Zemar, Hamath, Arkah, Sidon, 
 Gerar, and Gaza are mentioned on monuments of the 
 sixteenth and fifteenth centuries B.C. Damascus, noticed 
 in a later chapter, is equally ancient, being mentioned in 
 1600 B.C. ; Jebus or Jerusalem (by its latter name) in 
 the fifteenth century B.C. ; and Dothan a century earlier. 1 
 Haran also in northern Mesopotamia is once mentioned 
 in the fifteenth century B.C.; and only one town — Dan at 
 the sources of the Jordan — bears a name which, accord- 
 ing to the Bible itself, was given it in the times of the 
 Judges. There is no allusion in Genesis to later cities, 
 such as Tirzah or Samaria ; and it is remarkable that 
 among Phoenician towns Sidon stands alone, and its 
 1 See note, p. 32. 
 
28 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 later rival Tyre is unnoticed. Tyre, however, is traced 
 on monuments to the fifteenth century B.C., and is per- 
 haps omitted, with Gebal, Batrun, and other early Syrian 
 cities, as having been founded by Semitic, not by Hamitic, 
 emigrants. Excepting Dan, the only indication of a late 
 date in Genesis is the notice of Eameses in the time of 
 Jacob ; for if scholars be right in supposing that this 
 name cannot be older than the time of the nineteenth 
 dynasty in Egypt, the narrative would thereby be dated 
 as having been completed not earlier than about 1300 B.C. 
 Such a date would suit not only the notice of the Aryans 
 in Asia Minor, but also that of Dan under its later name. 
 The Hebrew ancestor is represented to us as leaving 
 Ur, the great city near the mouth of the Euphrates, and 
 travelling north to Haran, near the foot of the Taurus, 
 whence he crossed the river and came south to Central 
 Palestine, and to the desert of Beersheba, visiting Egypt, 
 then ruled by Asiatics. Phoenician tradition of a later 
 age traced the origin of this kindred Semitic race of the 
 Syrian shores to the same region near the Persian Gulf ; 
 and it is clear that any tribe which meant to enter Canaan 
 from Chaldea must have crossed the Euphrates far to 
 the north. The Syrian desert is an impassable barrier, 
 which only disappears north of Hamath, and where Car- 
 chemish guarded the fords of the Euphrates. All the 
 great expeditions of the eighteenth dynasty from Egypt 
 followed the same highway to Carchemish, when attempt- 
 ing to subdue Assyria, that Abraham is said to have 
 followed from Haran towards the Delta. The fact that 
 
THE FIRST HEBREW MIGRATION. 29 
 
 the earliest Semitic tribes — Amorites and others — came 
 from Assyria is now attested by the evidence of language 
 and of writing ; and to suppose that the first emigrants in 
 Palestine were Arabs from the south is to set up .a theory 
 based on no foundation, and contradicting the evidence 
 that we possess. 
 
 The date of the first Hebrew migration is fixed by the 
 names of Amraphel and Arioch, 1 kings of Shinar (^Ieso- 
 potamia), and of Ellasar, which was apparently Larsa. 
 These monarchs — the Hammurapaltu and Eriaku of the 
 monuments — were contemporaries who, according to the 
 monumental canon of Babylonian kings, lived about 
 2100 B.C. The former speaks of himself, in one of his 
 texts, as ruling in the Phoenician regions ; and the incur- 
 sions of the Akkadians into Sinai are mentioned some 
 centuries earlier. The account in Genesis of Amraphel's 
 great raid on Bashan, Moab, and the regions round Petra, 
 and of his retreat towards Damascus, thus fully accords 
 with the scanty notices on monuments as yet discovered. 
 Even the lands of Ham and Hobah, which are noticed in 
 the same narrative, have been discovered on monuments 
 as places near Damascus attacked by the Hittites in the 
 fifteenth century B.C. 
 
 Not less interesting is the allusion to Hittite tribes as 
 living in Hebron in the time of Abraham, and to their 
 settled life in cities, and their wealth. The Hittites were 
 driven out of Southern Palestine about 1G00 B.C. by 
 Thothmes III. In the Book of Joshua they appear as 
 1 See note, p. 33. 
 
30 THE PATRIARCHS. 
 
 inhabitants of Northern Syria, and this was their home 
 from about 1500 to 700 b.c. But in the lowest strata of 
 the ruins of Lachish, not far west of Hebron, a Hittite 
 seal has been found, with others bearing titles of the 
 Egyptian eighteenth dynasty, and the seal of Teie, consort 
 of Amenophis III. The mention of Hittites in the far 
 south thus points to an early age, and agrees with the 
 contemporary notice of Amraphel and Abraham. 
 
 There are several other indications in the history of the 
 Patriarchs on which the monuments throw light. The 
 jewels offered to Eebecca recall those, of which a long list 
 exists, which were brought from Armenia by Tadukhepa, 
 the Mongol bride of Amenophis IV. The Midianite 
 caravan which brought Joseph to Egypt reminds us of 
 the many recorded expeditions of ambassadors bearing 
 presents to Egypt in the fifteenth century B.C. ; but the 
 merchandise that the Midianites bore — styrax, balm, and 
 cistus gum — like the pistachio nuts of Jacob's present, are 
 natural products of Palestine itself. The difference noted 
 between the Hebrew speech of Jacob and the Aramean of 
 Laban is illustrated by the Aramean language of existing 
 Amorite letters, as contrasted with the language of the 
 Bible. 
 
 Viewed in the light of extant monuments, the story of 
 Genesis presents to us a true picture of the state of Asia 
 before the great Egyptian conquests of the sixteenth 
 century of our era. 
 
THE IIYKSOS. 31 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Akkadian Language. — The original discovery of 
 a non-Semitic language in Mesopotamia was made by Sir 
 H. Rawlinson. The subject is exhaustively treated by F. 
 Lenormant (' fitudes Accadiennes '), by aid of about thirty bi- 
 lingual texts in Assyrian and Akkadian ; and the Mongolic 
 character of this ancient tongue is established by the pecu- 
 liarities of its grammatical structure. The present writer 
 ('Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,' October 1893) has en- 
 deavoured to show that out of the small Akkadian vocabulary 
 as yet known some 200 words are closely comparable with 
 pure Turkish, — including numerals and names of colours, — 
 and that the Akkadian noun possessed also the eight cases 
 of the Turkish. Further materials have been found at Tell 
 Loh (the ancient Zirghul) in the shape of semi -historic, 
 semi-religious texts on statues of Gudea, dating probably from 
 2700 B.C. (De Sarzek, ' Decouvertes en Chaldee '), and in the 
 new bilingual Creation tablet (T. G. Pinches, 'Journal of the 
 Royal Asiatic Society,' July 1891). 
 
 The Hyksos. — The Jlen or Hyksos are said to have come 
 from a country near Assyria, and east of Ruten or Syria, and 
 ruled in the Delta for 511 years as the fifteenth and sixteenth 
 dynasties, according to Manetho. George the Syncellus (sixth 
 century a.d.) believed that Joseph came to Egypt in the reign 
 of Apophis or Apepi. This king worshipped Set, who was 
 a Hittite god, according to the records of Rameses II. (see 
 Brugsch, ' Hist. Egypt,' vol. i. p. 239). The term Men, and 
 the geographical indication, connect the Hyksos with the 
 Minyans of classical writers who lived near Lake Van. About 
 1500 B.C. Dusratta, the ruler of Mitani (or Matiene) in Ar- 
 menia, wrote to Egypt a letter in his own language, from 
 which it appears that his race was also Minyan (see the paper 
 by the present author in the ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
 Society,' October 1893). The language of this letter is clearly 
 
32 NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 
 
 Mongolic, and connected with the Akkadian, and with the 
 Hittite, as shown by another letter in the same collection 
 (No. 10, Berlin), which was written by Tarkondara, the 
 Hittite prince of Rezeph. These indications, taken in con- 
 nection with the portrait' statues of the Hyksos kings in the 
 Gizeh Museum, point to a Mongolic race from Armenia 
 ruling for five centuries in Egypt, and akin to the Mongols 
 of Syria and Chaldea. 
 
 The Aryan Invaders of Egypt. — The casts and de- 
 scriptions by Dr Flinders Petrie show that these invaders 
 were a light -coloured people with fair hair and blue eyes. 
 There has been much controversy as to the identification of 
 many of the tribes named in the texts. The' great league 
 against Barneses II. about 1328 B.C. (see Brugsch, ' Hist. 
 Egypt,' vol. ii. p. 44) included, in addition to the Hittites and 
 men of Aradus, Aleppo, and Aram-Naharaim, others named 
 Leka (Ligyes), Dardani (Dardanians), &c, " from the extreme 
 end of the sea." The league against Mineptah in 1300 B.C. 
 (' Hist. Egypt,' vol. ii. p. 116), included the Leku (who are also 
 noticed in Asia Minor in the Tell Amarna letters), with the 
 Shairdana (possibly Sardians) and other "people of the 
 north." The league against Barneses III., in 1200 B.C., in- 
 cluded the Danau, Danai or Greeks, with others who came 
 both by sea and by land (p. 147). The names and the types 
 of these invaders are alike Aryan. The Palesta, or Purosata, 
 who accompanied the last invaders, are variously thought to 
 have been Philistines, and inhabitants of Prusia or Broussa. 
 
 Cities taken by Thothmes III. in Palestine. — This 
 famons list of 119 towns in Palestine, conquered about 1600 
 B.C. by Thothmes III., includes many which are mentioned 
 in the Old Testament. Itjaias studied by Mariette at Karnak. 
 The latest identifications will be found in the volume of 
 translations of the Tell Amarna tablets, published by the 
 present author in 1893. Among the more certainly identified 
 Bible cities are Megiddo, Dothan, Rabbith, Damascus, Edrei, 
 
AMKAPHEL. 33 
 
 Abih*-, Hammath, Madon, Lasharon, Ashtaroth, Hazor, Adami, 
 Shunem, Aclishapli, Taanach, Kadesh, Anaharatli, and Ne- 
 keb, in Baslian and Galilee ; Joppa, Lydda, Ono, Shoclioh, 
 Naamah, Saphir, Eakkon, Gerar, Aroer, Rehoboth, Adoraim, 
 Gezer, Zoreah, Engannim, and Zepbathah, in the Philistine 
 plains. The forms of the names arc Aramaic rather than 
 Hebrew, and the list gives conclusive evidence thai the 
 nomenclature is older than the Hebrew conquest, and Oanaai i- 
 itepnot Hebrew, in origin: As regards cities farther north, 
 Kadesh, Semyra, and Arvad are noticed, ki th e - thirticth year 
 of the same conqueror (' Hist. Egypt,' vol. i. p. 331), and Shinar 
 in the thirty- third year (p. 333)^ Assyria gave tribute in the 
 thirty -second year (p. 328) ; and Arkah, with Kadesh on the 
 Orontes, and Tunep (Tennib), are noticed in another campaign 
 (p. 343). Aleppo and Carchemish are also mentioned (p. 353) 
 in the same reign. Sidon, Tyre, Accho, Semyra, Arvad, 
 Gebal, Arkah, Beirut, and Tunep, are noticed in Phoenicia 
 in the Tell Amarna letters, as is Damascus with the lands of 
 Ham and Hobah ; while in Philistia letters were sent from 
 Gezer, Lachish, Joppa, Ascalon, Zoreah, and Makkedah ; and 
 Gaza is also noticed ; while the letters from Jerusalem are 
 still more important (1480-1440 B.C.) 
 
 Amraphel. — The name of this early Babylonian conqueror 
 has been variously read Hammurabi (G. Smith), Hammuragas 
 (Sayce), and Hammurapaltu (Hommel) ; while that of Eriaku 
 has also been rendered as though a Semitic name, Aradsinu, &c. 
 These variations are common in cases where the names are 
 not checked by variant signs, but there is no doubt that Dr 
 Hommel's rendering is possible, and, as compared with the 
 Hebrew, probable. Hammurapaltu seems to have been the 
 first great king of Babylon, and claimed to rule the land of the 
 Amurri or Amorites of the Lebanon. He also made a canal 
 in Babylonia. His principal inscription in the Semitic lan- 
 guage is now in the Louvre. A contract tablet in the British 
 Museum relates to the sale of a field and house in the " month 
 Adar" during his reign, and another to "ten manehs of 
 
34 NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 
 
 silver " in the reign of Eriaku. The main inscription in six 
 columns, on a monument of black basalt, contains 126 lines of 
 writing (see British Museum Catalogue, Nimrucl gallery, pp. 
 16 and 75). The date of his reign is fixed by the canon of 
 Babylonian kings, translated by Mr T. G. Pinches of the 
 British Museum. 
 
:;:» 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EXODUS. 
 
 In order to compare the narrative of the Exodus with 
 what is now known of the early history of Egypt and 
 Syria, from monumental records, it is first necessary to 
 know the probable date of that event. There is no notice 
 of the Hebrews in any Egyptian record, but the relations 
 between the native dynasties and the foreign Hyksos, 
 and the history of the expulsion of the Asiatics by the 
 first Nubian kings, are clearly indicated in several texts. 
 Some writers have doubted whether Israel ever dwelt in 
 Egypt at all, but there is no dispute as to the rule of 
 Asiatics in the Delta from about 2200 to 1700 B.C. 
 
 The date which is commonly assumed by some Egyptian 
 scholars is more than a century later than that given in 
 the Bible, and Barneses II. is by them supposed to have 
 been the great oppressor of Israel. This view was first 
 advocated by Bunsen, but it does not rest on any state- 
 ments found in Egyptian records. It was based partly 
 on the history of Manetho — who lived in the third 
 century B.C. — and partly on the occurrence of the name 
 Raamses (Exod. i. 11) as that of a store-city built by 
 
36 THE EXODUS. 
 
 Israelites for the Pharaohs. The objections to such a 
 view are, that it ignores the whole chronology of the 
 Old Testament, and that the period is not one suitable 
 to the event. The Hebrews appear in Palestine much 
 earlier, according to the tablets of the king of Jerusalem 
 who wrote to Amenophis early in the fifteenth century. 
 The notice of Eaamses has no force, since the land of 
 Rameses is noticed in Genesis (xlvii. 11) in the time of 
 Jacob. The monuments tell us nothing of the Exodus, 
 but such evidence as they afford favours a date more in 
 accord with the statements of the Bible. 
 
 The author of the Book of Kings states that 480 years 
 (according to the Hebrew text) elapsed between the fourth 
 year of Solomon and the conquest of Palestine by Joshua 
 (1 Kings vi. 1); and Solomon reigned forty years and 
 was succeeded by Rehoboam (1 Kings xi. 42), who was 
 attacked by Shishak king of Egypt (1 Kings xiv. 25), 
 whose reign is independently fixed. Exact chronology at 
 this early period is not yet attainable, but the accession 
 of Solomon must roughly have coincided with the year 
 1000 B.C., which would carry back the Exodus to about 
 1520 B.C. This lapse of time is independently checked 
 by the statement that Israel had been settled for three 
 centuries in Gilead in Jephthah's time (Judges xi. 26), 
 and by the statement in the New Testament (Acts xiii. 
 19-21) that Israel was ruled by Judges for 450 years. 
 The date of Solomon is further checked by the details 
 of chronology between his time and that of Sargon's 
 conquest of Samaria, and of Sennacherib's attack on 
 
DATE OF THE EXODUS. 37 
 
 Jerusalem, which latter event took place about 260 years 
 after Solomon's death, and coincided with the year 702 B.C. 
 When we consider the details contained in the Books of 
 Samuel and Judges, we find that a complete through 
 reckoning is not possible, since the length of Saul's reign 
 is unknown. The rule of Eli, Samuel, and David covered 
 a century. The details of the rule of the Judges amount 
 to 370 years, and Jephthah's rule begins about 320 years 
 after the conquest. The total leaves us ten years, to 
 include Saul's reign, and is as close as could be expected 
 to the through reckonings in each case. It seems clear 
 that Hebrew historians all believed that nearly five cen- 
 turies elapsed between the conquest and the death of 
 David ; and we have no reason to doubt that the Bible 
 record is to be preferred to the much later and less re- 
 liable statements of Manetho. It is impossible to crowd 
 the details of the Bible chronology into the three cen- 
 turies between Barneses II. and Shishak, and Bunsen's 
 hasty theory must therefore be abandoned, in view of 
 increased monumental information. 
 
 The early date thus fixed for the Exodus — about 
 1520 B.C. — also agrees with that to be assigned to 
 Abraham as a contemporary with Amraphel, whose reign 
 commenced in 2120 b.c. Out of the six centuries inter- 
 vening 430 years were passed by Israel in Egypt, which 
 leaves the very natural interval of 170 years for the 
 lives of three generations — Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob — 
 in Palestine. The date of the going down of Israel into 
 Egypfris thus carried back to about 1950 b.c. The Book 
 
38 THE EXODUS. 
 
 of Exodus states that another king arose " who knew 
 not Joseph," and we may understand that under a new 
 dynasty the favour formerly shown to the Hebrews was 
 changed to a bondage which led finally to their leaving 
 Egypt. 
 
 The relations of the Egyptians to the Asiatics of the 
 Delta, and to the Canaanites in Palestine and in Syria, 
 can be independently studied on the monuments. About 
 1600 b.c. Egyptian dates begin to be fixed with some 
 accuracy by astronomical statements which can be cal- 
 culated from fixed data. 1 Hence the results given by 
 Dr Brugsch rest on a firm basis, and may be used for 
 comparison with Bible dates. The monumental notices 
 of the Hyksos show them to have been in constant rela- 
 tions with Asia : "all good things came from the north " 
 in the reign of Apepi, and the invading Minyans adored 
 no Egyptian gods, but worshipped Set, who is monu- 
 mentally known to have been also a Hittite deity. The 
 descent of Hebrews into Egypt, in the time of this 
 friendly dynasty, presents no natural objection, nor is 
 the rise of a Hebrew vizir to power unnatural when 
 Egypt was ruled by Asiatics. But about 1700 b.c. the 
 new Nubian dynasty attained power and waged war 
 against the Hyksos. Under the famous queen Hatasu 
 the power of the native race increased steadily, and 
 Egyptian fleets sailed down the Bed Sea to Somali-land, 
 while the riches of the Soudan were brought by the Nile 
 boats to Thebes. The reign of Thothmes III. began 
 1 See note, p. 51. 
 
THE EGYPTIANS IX PALESTINE. 39 
 
 about 1G00 B.C., when the Asiatics were driven out and 
 the conquest of the Syrian shores effected after a terrible 
 battle against Hittites and Phoenicians at Megiddo in 
 Central Palestine. The famous list of 119 towns con- 
 quered in Palestine by Thothmes III. includes all those 
 in the Philistine plains, in Lower Galilee and Sharon, 
 and in Bashan, as far as Damascus. The conquest was 
 pushed north along the shores of Phoenicia to the inland 
 plain of Ivadesh on the Orontes, to Carchemish on the 
 Euphrates, and to the plains of Assyria south of the 
 Taurus. The Egyptians held all the trade-route between 
 Haran and Gaza, with that running from Carmel by 
 Megiddo to Ashtaroth-Carnaim and Damascus. They 
 had posts, garrisoned by chariots, in all the plains, and 
 exacted regular rations from the Canaanites for their 
 troops at every " resting-place " along the roads. Only 
 the mountains of Hebron and Shechem escaped the power 
 of their chariot forces, with the rugged regions of Edom, 
 Moab, and Gilead. The old posts in Sinai were garri- 
 soned with archers, and Egypt became the leading power 
 in Western Asia. 
 
 The conquests thus gained were retained during the long 
 and peaceful reign of Amenophis III. The Pharaohs 
 were allied by marriage to the kings of Armenia and of 
 Babylon, and constant embassies went to and fro between 
 these countries and Egypt. The "kings of Canaan" 
 were recognised as "slaves" of Egypt; and Dusratta, 
 from Armenia, conquered the rebel Hittites, receiving 
 part of the north of Syria as the dowry of Tadukhepa, 
 
40 THE EXODUS. 
 
 his daughter — the bride of Amenophis IV., then heir 
 to the throne of Thebes. His sister Gilukhepa was 
 married to Amenophis III. himself; and Teie, the chief 
 wife and mother of the heir, seems also to have been 
 his relative, if we may judge from the familiar letters 
 which passed between the two when Amenophis III. 
 " went to his fate," and was mourned by Dusratta as an 
 old and faithful friend. 
 
 But in the last years of Amenophis III., and during the 
 reign of his son and heir, a long- threatened rebellion 
 broke out in Syria about 1480 B.C. The Hittites con- 
 quered all the plains south of Kadesh, as far as Damascus 
 and Ashtaroth-Carnaim in Bashan, and remained inde- 
 pendent for more than a century. The Amorites of 
 Tennib in the Lebanon captured Semyra on the coast of 
 Phoenicia, and swept down on the cities of Batrun, Gebal, 
 Beirut, Sidon, and Tyre. The Egyptian forces were driven 
 out, and Tyre was besieged by Aziru the Amorite, aided 
 by the fleet of Arvad. In the same years (during the life- 
 time at least of the same Egyptian general Yankhamu) 
 troubles in Southern Palestine also arose. The Philistine 
 chiefs of Gezer, Ascalon, Lachish, and other cities had 
 for several generations owned the Pharaohs as their over- 
 lords, and forces of chariots garrisoned their towns. Even 
 in Jerusalem itself Egyptian bowmen supported the Amo- 
 rite ruler, and all the borders of the Hebron hills were 
 guarded by Egyptian posts. But a fierce people from the 
 East, coming from Seir, fighting at Ajalon, reducing to 
 tribute Gezer, Ascalon, Lachish, Keilah, and other towns, 
 
INVASIONS OF EGYPT. 41 
 
 overturned the power of Egypt in Jerusalem and in the 
 Philistine plains. These facts we learn from the extant 
 letters of the princes of Philistia and Jerusalem; and 
 the name of the conquerors is often given as the Ahiri 
 or Hebrews. The power of Egypt rapidly declined. 
 Amenophis IV. is believed to have been murdered, and 
 his successor Horns is addressed by an Assyrian prince, 
 who speaks of the interruption of relations between his 
 country and Egypt. The great eighteenth dynasty came 
 to an end, and when, under Seti L, a more vigorous rule 
 was established, the conquest of the trade-route, and the 
 subjugation of the Hittites, had to be once more under- 
 taken from the far south — the first battles being at Sha- 
 ruhen and Ascalon. In spite, however, of the success of 
 Rameses II., about 1350 B.C., the power of Egypt was 
 never fully re-established. In the reign of Mineptah the 
 Asiatics again pressed down on the Delta. The Shasu or 
 shepherds of Sinai were " allowed to pass from Edom," 
 and to pasture their flocks in the Delta ; and fierce in- 
 vaders from Asia Minor (Greeks and other Aryans) at- 
 tacked the Hittites, and fought their way along the shores 
 of Palestine to the mouths of the Nile. 
 
 This brief review of the actual condition of Palestine 
 between 1600 and 1300 B.C., which is established by the 
 Egyptian texts, and by the Tell Amarna letters on tablets 
 of brick, found in the library of the Theban kings, shows 
 us very clearly that the reign of Mineptah was not a 
 period when an exodus of Asiatics took place, but, on the 
 contrary, one when they were once more invading the 
 
42 THE EXODUS. 
 
 Delta in a time when Egyptian rule was weak. It shows 
 us that from the time of Ahmes (1700 B.C.) down to that 
 of Amenophis IV., the power of Egypt was paramount in 
 Palestine, attaining its height between 1600 and 1500 
 B.C. After this date it was destroyed by native rebel- 
 lions, and only for a time re-established — a century 
 and a half later — by Eameses II, after whom it passed 
 away for ever. It is just during this time of rebellion 
 that the name of the Hebrews first meets us on the 
 monuments about 1480 B.C., and the date coincides 
 with that which is to be derived from the Bible for 
 the Hebrew conquest, 480 years before the reign of 
 Solomon. 
 
 The descent of Israel into Egypt thus coincided with 
 the rule of the Hyksos or Minyan dynasty ; and for 250 
 years they would have flourished under friendly Asiatic 
 rulers. But the " new king " (Exod. i. 8) who arose was 
 Ahmes from Thebes, and the oppression and expulsion of 
 the Asiatics was the task of the first rulers of the eighteenth 
 or Nubian dynasty, whose capitals were at Tell Amarna — 
 half-way between Thebes and Memphis — and at Thebes 
 itself. The sculptures of Thothmes III. were set up at 
 Thebes, and the more northern palace seems to have been 
 built by Amenophis III., and remained the royal residence 
 till the reign of Horus. The Egyptian outposts, it is well 
 to note, were held at the copper mines of Sinai till the 
 time of Thothmes IV., but abandoned during the great 
 rebellion. The Exodus (if occurring about 1520 B.C.) 
 coincides with the reign of this monarch, who pursued 
 
GEOGRAPHY OF THE EXODUS. 43 
 
 his father's policy in Asia ; and the greatest oppressor of 
 the Hebrews was the greatest of Egyptian conquerors — 
 Thothmes III. 
 
 But it is evident that if this date be established, the 
 immediate conquest of Palestine by the Hebrews was 
 impossible for at least forty years. Gaza, Ascalon, and 
 other cities on the " way of the Philistines " were strongly 
 held during most of the reign of Amenophis III. by forces 
 of chariots. It was only in the desert of Sinai, or among 
 the kindred tribes of Edom, that the fugitives could find 
 refuge, until the great opportunity came in 1480 B.C., 
 when all Palestine rose in rebellion against the weak son 
 of Anienophis III. If it be admitted that Israel descended 
 into Egypt in the time of the Hyksos, it follows that 
 their expulsion would most naturally be ordered by the 
 Xubian kings who drove the Asiatics from the Delta. It 
 also follows that the Hebrew conquest could not have 
 happened before the power of Egypt was broken half a 
 century later. 
 
 The geography of the Exodus route is the next question 
 of importance in judging of the narrative. A list of 
 stations in the desert is said in the Bible to have been 
 written down by Moses himself (^ T um. xxxiii.), and the 
 possibility of tracing on the ground the line of Hebrew 
 migration will much affect our reading of the whole 
 account. As regards the numbers of the Hebrews great 
 difficulties arise, which were studied by Bishop Colenso 
 with much minuteness. As they now stand it is difficult 
 to regard them as historical ; but numbers are more subject 
 
44 THE EXODUS. 
 
 to alteration than any other statements. 1 The various 
 versions of the Bible show that much alteration was made 
 by scribes, and usually the later numbers are increased 
 by hundreds, or even thousands, as compared with the 
 Hebrew text. The question of numbers is one, therefore, 
 which it is probably hopeless to treat with our present 
 sources of knowledge. 
 
 This, however, is not the case as regards geography, on 
 which subject exploration of the ground has cast a clear 
 and certain light. It is generally agreed that the land of 
 Goshen was that part of the Delta which had been ruled 
 by the Hyksos or Minyans, including Zoan (the present 
 ruin of San), which was called later the city of Barneses, 
 and Succoth (now Tell el Maskhuta) on the way leading 
 to Gaza. The route of the Exodus led along the valley 
 which now reaches the lakes at Ismailieh, and which 
 may at that time have been an arm of the Nile. Here 
 Israel " turned " to the south towards the wilderness, and 
 crossed the shoals at the head of the Eed Sea. The 
 falling tide, in the uncertain April weather, was driven 
 back by a "contrary wind," and the passage lay between 
 the lagoons, so that the waters were a " defence " on either 
 side against attack. The change of wind and rising of the 
 tide are recorded to have delayed the Egyptian pursuit, 
 and led to the disaster in which they perished. 
 
 The exact site of the great mountain Horeb or Sinai is 
 not noticed, but it was " eleven days' journey " (Deut. i. 2) 
 from Kadesh Barnea on the Edomite border. It was also 
 1 See note, p. 51. 
 
HEBREW STATIONS IN THE DESERT. 45 
 
 on the "west side of the desert" (Exod. iii. 1), and only 
 about " three days' " rapid march (Exod. v. 3) from Egypt. 
 Josephus the Jewish historian says that Sinai was the 
 highest mountain in the desert, and all these indications 
 point to the accepted site at Jebel Miisa — the highest 
 and most remarkable mountain block in the desert. The 
 details of the Hebrew march, from their first camp east of 
 the Red Sea, confirm this conclusion, although but few 
 of the stations have been certainly recovered. The first 
 camp was probably by the springs now called Ayun 
 Miisa, about ten miles from the point of passage. Their 
 journey, encumbered as they were with women, children, 
 flocks, and herds, was slow, and a day's march cannot 
 have exceeded ten or fifteen miles at most. A long halt 
 was made at Elim, and Sinai was not reached till May. 
 Here Israel abode some two months, and Kadesh Bamea 
 on the east of the desert was not approached till early in 
 autumn. At this city the Hebrews lingered " many days," 
 apparently a whole year, before they began to wander in 
 the Arabah, visiting various camps between Mount Hor 
 and Elath on the Gulf of Akabah. Their nomad life in 
 this region is stated to have continued more than thirty- 
 seven years, and in April, on the thirty-ninth Passover 
 after that first held in Egypt, they returned to Kadesh 
 Bamea, where Aaron died in July. In spite of a victory 
 over the Amorites at Arad — on the plateau east of Beer- 
 sheba — the south border of Palestine was found to be too 
 strong for their attack, and they retraced their steps to 
 circle round the Edomites of Kadesh Barnea, entering 
 
46 THE EXODUS. 
 
 Moab by a painful journey over the desert plateau. Zered, 
 east of the Dead Sea, was reached in the autumn, but the 
 next five months witnessed a rapid raid over Moab, Gilead, 
 and Bashan, until the fortieth Passover was held, after the 
 death of Moses and the passage of the Jordan, at Gilgal, 
 east of Jericho. 
 
 That Hebrew tribes should have been able to penetrate 
 through these regions by the usual route to Edom, re- 
 quired the existence of springs of water such as are rarely 
 found on the Tih plateau north of Sinai. In the Arabah 
 itself, south of Kadesh Earnea, no such difficulty arose, 
 since there is an abundant supply both at Petra and also 
 near the site of Ezion Geber. This region, as well as 
 Sinai itself, and that farther west in Wady Feiran which 
 has now a fine stream, has always supported a nomadic 
 population, owning camels, flocks, and herds. There is 
 no physical reason why Hebrew tribes might not have 
 lived on for any length of time at such centres, until the 
 occasion for conquest came with the decay of the Egyptian 
 power. The scene of their wanderings is defined (Deut. 
 i. 1) as being in the Arabah, between Tophel (now Tufileh 
 in Edom, south of the Anion) and Hazeroth (Ain Hadireh), 
 east of Sinai. The site of Kadesh Barnea, placed by 
 Josephus near Petra, has been there shown alike by Chris- 
 tian and Jewish tradition, which agrees with the statement 
 that it was on the "edge" of the Edomite dominions. 
 Some scholars have sought to show that it was the same 
 as the Kadesh which Hagar visited, between Beersheba 
 and Egypt, the site of which is probably found in the 
 
THE MARCH TO SINAI. 47 
 
 present Am Kadis in the Till. 1 But it is certain that 
 there were two towns of the name in this region, and the 
 attempt to place Kadesh Barnea so far west confuses the 
 whole of the Bible topography. Kadesh at Petra was 
 just eleven days' ordinary journey from the traditional 
 site of Sinai. 
 
 Leaving the first camp at Ayim Musa, the Hebrews 
 went three days' journey in the desert before they reached 
 the bitter waters of Marah. Ain Huwarah, the usually 
 accepted site for this camp, is thirty-seven miles (or three 
 days' journey) from Ayim Musa, and presents only a 
 scanty supply. Elim, the next camp, where were twelve 
 wells and seventy palms, appears to coincide with WMy 
 Ghurundel, a march to the south of Ain Huwarah. It 
 still possesses a running brook and stunted palms. The 
 next day's journey led once more to the shores of the Bed 
 Sea, for the plain east of the Gulf of Suez here narrows 
 — a spur of the inland hills projecting towards the shore. 
 There is a small supply of water for sixteen miles at 
 intervals along this route. 
 
 The exact line of march between this point and Sinai 
 is doubtful. Four stations (Sin, Dophkah, Alush, and 
 Bephidim) are mentioned, and the latter is usually placed 
 at the stream of Wady Feiran. The total distance from 
 the shore to Sinai is less than forty miles, giving four 
 short marches between the four stations. At Bephidim 
 the Amalekite attack was repulsed, and it is possible 
 that Egyptian bowmen from the copper-mines may have 
 1 See note, p. 52. 
 
48 THE EXODUS. 
 
 taken part in this final attempt to stop the Hebrew 
 march. 
 
 The site of Sinai is remarkable for the broad plain to 
 the west, stretching to the very foot of the mountain, and 
 fitted as the camping-ground of a large force. But water 
 is scanty, except close to the mountain, and it is possible 
 that Israel was scattered in several small camps, assem- 
 bling from some distance " at the sound of the trumpet." 
 Between Sinai and Moserah — at Mount Hor — sixteen 
 stations are mentioned, which agrees with the estimated 
 eleven days' journey of another passage. The third camp 
 was at Hazeroth — now Am Hadireh — which is about 
 thirty miles from Sinai in the required direction. The 
 sixth station from Hazeroth was Mount Shapher, which 
 may be the present Tell el Asfar, six miles north of the 
 Gulf of Akabah and sixty miles from Hazeroth. From 
 Mount Shapher, so fixed, to Mount Hor is a distance of 
 fifty -five miles, and in this section of the inarch seven 
 stations are mentioned. The total distance thus agrees 
 with the details between the known sites, giving an 
 average daily journey of about ten miles, which in our 
 own time is the usual limit of progress for an Arab 
 tribe when changing camp with their families and flocks. 
 The slow progress in the desert contrasts with the rapidity 
 of the marches in Moab, Gilead, and Bashan ; but when 
 invading the lands of the Amorites the Hebrews left their 
 wives and flocks in the standing camp at Shittim, under 
 Mount Nebo. 
 
 Of the stations in the Arabah, where Israel dwelt 
 
THE MAKCII TO MOAB. 49 
 
 during the rest of the forty years, less is known. Gud- 
 godah is probably the present Ghadaghit — a valley some 
 twenty miles west of Mount Hor. Jotbath, a place where 
 there were " torrents of water," appears to be the present 
 Et Tabah — a ruined site in the Arabah some twenty 
 miles south of Gudgodah. The streams are here abun- 
 dant, flowing towards the Gulf of Akabah. The site of 
 Ezion Geber near Elath is fixed at 'Ain Ghudhian, north 
 of Jotbah ; and these identifications agree with the general 
 limits of the scene of wanderings mentioned in the first 
 verses of Deuteronomy. 
 
 The stations between Kadesh and Moab are little 
 known ; but Iim is possibly the present Aimeh — a 
 ruin sixteen miles south of the brook Zered, which was 
 the next camp. From Dibon in Moab to Mount ISTebo the 
 various stations coincide with well-watered valleys, and five 
 marches covered sixty miles. There is thus throughout 
 the itinerary nothing which causes any difficulty, either 
 as regards distance or as regards the water-supply of the 
 camp. Critical scholars assert that this list of stations, 
 attributed in the Bible to Moses when he "wrote their 
 places of departure according to their journeys" (Num. 
 xxxiii. 2), was really written down by a Jewish priest 
 during or after the Captivity, who either drew on his 
 imagination or was singularly well informed on the sub- 
 ject. How it became possible for a priest in Babylon 
 to gain such accurate knowledge of the distances and 
 routes in the desert of Sinai — a region then unvisited 
 by either Jews or Chaldeans — it is not easy to under- 
 
 D 
 
50 THE EXODUS. 
 
 stand. The writer represents Edom as peopled by a 
 rude tribe akin to the Hebrews, but with admixture 
 of Hittite and Ishinaelite (or half-Egyptian) blood. In 
 the days when Judah languished in Babylon, the region 
 round Petra was held by Nabathean Arabs, who came 
 up from the ISTejed; for Gileacl and Moab and Edom 
 had been crushed much earlier by Assyria, when Tiglath 
 Pileser III. took captive the sons of Gad and Eeuben. 
 The topography of the Exodus is an actual topography, 
 easily followed on the ground ; and the chronology of the 
 Hebrew text of the Old Testament agrees, from Abraham's 
 time downwards, with monumental dates. There would 
 be nothing strange in the preservation of an original list 
 of stations written by Moses, among a people to whom 
 the art of writing was already known, and it may in 
 time come to be recognised that the words of the 
 Pentateuch form a better foundation for history than 
 the fragments of Manetho, or the baseless theories of 
 those who set aside its dates and its geography as 
 fabrications of a later priesthood. 
 
NUMERALS IX THE OLD TESTAMENT. 51 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 
 
 Egyptian Dates. — The reign of Thothmes III., beginning 
 about 1600 b.c, was fixed by Dr Brugsch from the notice of 
 the rising of the star Sothis on the 28th Epiphi, or (at that 
 period) 20th July, during his time ('Hist. Egypt,' vol. i. p. 395), 
 checked by certain observations of the moon. The dates of 
 the earlier dynasties are still uncertain, and the chronology of 
 Manetho is still accepted as a rough guide, but the average 
 of thirty years for a king's reign appears to be much too high. 
 The early kings of Babylon (like our Saxon kings) ruled on 
 an average only eight years. The Turin Papyrus disagrees 
 with Manetho as to the reigns of the fourth and fifth dynasties, 
 Suphis ruling six years (Manetho, 66), Mencheres twenty-four 
 (Manetho, 63), and Tatcheres twenty-eight (Manetho, 44) : the 
 average for seven reigns of the fourth dynasty is only sixteen 
 years. If the Table of Abydos is correct in giving sixty-five 
 kings between Mena and Ahmes (or before about 1700 B.C.), 
 an average of sixteen years' reign would bring Menes down to 
 about 2800 B.C. The Turin Papyrus, however, gives an average 
 of twenty-seven years for eight reigns of the twelfth dynasty, 
 and this dynasty would have begun about 2400 B.C. The thir- 
 teenth Theban dynasty consisted of forty-seven kings according 
 to the Turin Papyrus, but Manetho says sixty kings. The 
 Theban and Hyksos kings were contemporary, and some of 
 the earliest dynasties were probably rulers of only part of 
 Egypt. The early chronology is therefore at present very im- 
 perfectly known (see 'Brugsch, ' Hist. Egypt,' vol. i. pp. 33, 67, 
 120, 188). The average reign of the Theban kings (thirteenth 
 dynasty) was only seven years. 
 
 Numerals in the Old Testament. — The fact that the 
 numerals were very liable to be miscopied is clearly shown 
 by comparison of the versions. In addition to the changes 
 made in the Samaritan and the Septuagint respecting the 
 lives of the earliest patriarchs, where the corrections seem to 
 
52 NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 
 
 be deliberate, there are many other instances, some of which 
 appear to have no motive for alteration, and merely indicate 
 a different text. Thus, for instance, in 1 Sam. xiii. 5 the 
 Peshitto Syriac reads 3000 for 30,000 chariots, whereas in 
 1 Kings v. 11 the Septuagint gives 20,000 for 20 measures of 
 oil. In 2 Kings i. 17 the Septuagint reads eighteenth for 
 second year of Jehoram. In 2 Chron. iii. 4 the Septuagint 
 makes the Temple 20 cubits instead of 120 in height. These 
 are only specimens showing the alterations noticeable through- 
 out the Bible. The early monuments make use of numeral 
 signs instead of writing numerals in full, and to the misco]}y- 
 ing of such signs the variations are probably due in many 
 cases. 
 
 Kadesh. and Kadesh Barnea. — The discovery by Row- 
 lands of a fine spring called 'Ain Kadis, in the Tih desert, 
 has led to a controversy as to the site of Kadesh Barnea. The 
 new site agreed well with the account of the Kadesh to which 
 Hagar fled (Gen. xv. 14) on the Avay to Shur, near Egypt 
 (verse 7, compare Gen. xx. 1). There was a Kedesh in this 
 region (Josh. xv. 23) near Adadah ('AcVadeh), but in neither 
 case is this site stated to be the same as Kadesh Barnea or the 
 " Holy place of the desert of Wandering." The latter is called 
 a " city " on the extreme border of Edom (Num. xx. 16), near 
 Mount Hor (verse 22, see xxxiii. 36, 37). It is probably the 
 Kadesh attacked by Amraphel (Gen. xiv. 5) near Mount Seir 
 and Paran (see Num. xiii. 26), and at the south-east corner of 
 the Hebrew territory (Num. xxxiv. 4), eleven days' journey 
 from Horeb "by the way of Mount Seir" (Deut. i. 2, 19); 
 and it marks the east limit of conquest as compared with 
 Gaza on the west (Josh. x. 41). It was east of Hezron (Jebel 
 Hadtreh), and near the Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 3), and Ezekiel 
 points (xlvii. 19) to the same situation. There is no reason 
 for discrediting the Jewish tradition, preserved in the Talmud 
 and by Josephus, which places Kadesh Barnea at Petra close 
 to the traditional site of Mount Hor ; and this indeed is the 
 only place — except Elath — in the desert where a " city " has 
 ever existed. 
 
53 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 Having thus followed the thread of history over the 
 whole period covered by the Pentateuch story, it is 
 necessary to consider, before treating of critical opinion, 
 questions relating to language, writing, civilisation, nat- 
 ural history, and religion, which are illustrated by monu- 
 mental records, and which are of the highest importance 
 in forming an unbiassed opinion as to the character and 
 age of the five books which formed the Torah or " Law " 
 of Israel. 
 
 Lan<niao-e is one of the surest marks of date in writing. 
 When we compare modern English with that used in the 
 Bible three centuries ago, or again with the Anglo-Saxon 
 whence it mainly springs, we mark the slow and constant 
 change of speech from age to age. This change is less 
 rapid among peoples whose literature preserves a written 
 standard than among savage races. The Semitic lan- 
 guages were slow to move, and the Aramaic of Hammu- 
 rapaltu differs little from that of Nebuchadnezzar. But 
 the language of various parts of the Bible offers to our 
 study very remarkable changes at different periods. 
 
54 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 The study of monumental texts, though still very- 
 imperfect, because they are still so few west of the 
 Euphrates, forms a sure basis for comparison with Bible 
 language. The Eastern Aramaic, spoken not only in 
 Babylon and Assyria, but commonly used throughout 
 Canaan in the fifteenth century B.C., gives us a language 
 at once older in character and more elaborate in grammar 
 than the Hebrew. The tendency in all speech is to clip 
 the words, and the pronunciation of the older dialects 
 is marked by longer forms, as a rule, than that of the 
 later. The Eastern Aramaic, when compared with the 
 Hebrew of Isaiah, not only presents these longer forms, 
 but also those ancient inflections which tend to die out 
 of language. The three cases of the noun, for instance, 
 which survive in Arabic but are lost in Hebrew, mark 
 the Eastern Aramaic. In our own language the inflec- 
 tions of the Anglo-Saxon have been lost, just as modern 
 Persian lacks those of the age of Darius. The voices of 
 the verb in East Aramaic are more numerous than in 
 Hebrew, and, generally speaking, the language which we 
 meet earliest on the monuments presents us with a more 
 archaic speech than that of the earliest books of the 
 Bible. 
 
 Of pure Hebrew we can as yet judge only from one 
 inscription — that of the Pool of Siloam, dating about 
 700 B.C. It is the same language used in the contem- 
 porary prophecies of Isaiah, and we thus obtain a datum 
 for study of Hebrew. The various Phoenician texts 
 between 600 and 200 B.C. give us a dialect closely akin 
 
MOABITE STONE. 
 {From Photo lent by Palestine Exploration Fund.) 
 
SEMITIC DIALECTS. 55 
 
 to later Hebrew, yet by no means identical. Of the 
 languages spoken by surrounding tribes we have many 
 examples in the later Roman times, but only two sources 
 of knowledge which carry us back to the ninth century 
 B.C. The Moabite Stone presents a dialect very closely 
 akin to Hebrew, yet not the same. The Moabite lan- 
 guage in 900 B.C. possessed a voice of the verb found in 
 Aramaic but not in Hebrew, and the text indicates other 
 Aramaic tendencies. Of the Western Aramaic, spoken 
 in Syria between 800 and 750 B.C., we have precious 
 examples in the texts of Samala, which preserve words 
 thought to be only of late occurrence in the Bible. 1 This 
 dialect stands between the Hebrew on the one hand and 
 the later Aramaic of the Roman age preserved in the 
 Targums. It is more remote from Assyrian than from 
 Hebrew, and witnesses the common dialect of the Syrian 
 tribes which lived nearest to the Hebrew kingdoms. 
 Hebrew itself is not the same in all early works, but its 
 peculiar features — most marked in the south of Pal- 
 estine — do not serve to* support the theory that the 
 Hebrew ancestors came from Arabia, for Arab dialects 
 are far closer to the Eastern Aramaic. 
 
 In this group of languages spoken from the Taurus to 
 Yemen, and from the Tigris to the Mediterranean, we 
 distinguish therefore three great families — the Assyrian, 
 the Hebrew, and the Syrian. Their relative antiquity, 
 as preserved in literature, is in this order, pure Hebrew 
 
 1 See Quarterly Statement, Palestine Exploration Fund, Janu- 
 ary 1896. 
 
56 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 being linguistically the most advanced in simplicity, and 
 the most worn by time in its forms. What Hebrew be- 
 came in later times we know from the language of the 
 Mishna — written in the second century a.d. — and from 
 certain texts on the Jerusalem tombs and Galilean syna- 
 gogues. The progress of Western Aramaic we trace at 
 Palmyra, where a dialect approaching the later Syriac 
 was used in the Eoman age, and from the contemporary 
 texts of Bashan, Petra, and the Sinaitic desert. But 
 sharp distinctions of speech, marking geographical boun- 
 daries, are unknown in any age or in any language. The 
 various dialects shade off into those of neighbouring 
 regions, and we find the Moabite of the ninth century 
 affected by the Aramaic of the neighbouring Syrians, 
 just as we trace eastern and western influences on Arab 
 dialects in the east and west of Arabia. Hence in 
 Hebrew also geographical position must be remem- 
 bered, as well as date, in judging of language ; and the 
 admixture of new stocks transported by the Assyrians 
 into Palestine also affected language in later times. 
 
 The earliest note connected with language in Genesis 
 (xxxi. 47) contrasts the Aramaic speech of Haran with 
 Hebrew, and the difference is supposed to have existed 
 as early as Jacob's time. The latest refers to the mixed 
 speech of Ashdod in Nehemiah's age (Neh. xiii. 24) ; but 
 between these limits very few linguistic notes occur ex- 
 cept the dialectic differences east and west of Jordan 
 in the age of the Judges, to which we have a pass- 
 ing allusion (Judges xii. 6). It is through comparative 
 
HEBREW AND ARAMAIC. 57 
 
 study of the Bible itself that further knowledge is 
 obtained. 
 
 The differences between Hebrew before and after the 
 Captivity are clearly marked, not only in vocabulary but 
 in grammar also. The later style, which culminates in 
 the Hebrew of the Mishna, first appears in Malachi about 
 450 B.C. The appearance of Aramaic words and new con- 
 structions is still more marked in the Books of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah, and a further decay of the pure language of 
 Isaiah is clearly seen in Chronicles. The Hebrew of 
 Ecclesiastes appears to be yet later, and that of Daniel 
 latest of all. Persian words — which are common in the 
 Mishna — stand naturally side by side with others which 
 are Aramaic in the later Persian age. In Ezra Aramaic 
 passages appear, and the Aramaic of Daniel approaches 
 yet more closely to that which is known on Jewish monu- 
 ments about the Christian era. The Hebrew language, 
 though saved from extinction by the Scriptures, suffered 
 by long contact with Aramaic-speaking peoples in Babylon, 
 and yet more from the Western Aramaic of the Syrian 
 tribes brought down by Sargon and his successors to 
 colonise the lands from which the men of Israel and 
 Judah were taken captive to the east. 
 
 When we turn from later books to those of the Pen- 
 tateuch, we find throughout a pure Hebrew language like 
 that of Isaiah. Persian words, later forms of grammar, 
 and later Aramaic terms, are all alike absent from the 
 Torah, and the painful research of scholars has not led 
 to the discovery of any marked indications of late date in 
 
58 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 the language of any part of the Law. Whatever may be 
 judged of style, the Hebrew of the Pentateuch is prac- 
 tically the same throughout, and presents the pure classic 
 speech of the earlier prophets. It is impossible to find 
 more than a very few expressions, in parts of the Torah 
 regarded as late, which do not occur in others admitted to 
 be early ; and as regards some of these also, monumental 
 evidence proves that they may be ancient. Thus, for 
 instance, the terms nasi ("prince"), sabaoth ("hosts"), 
 mad mad (" exceedingly "), which have by some scholars 
 been regarded as late terms, occur on the Assyrian monu- 
 ments and in Canaanite letters long before the Torah was 
 written. Eemarkable as is the eloquent style of Deuter- 
 onomy, the most characteristic terms used by its author 
 are found also in other parts of the Pentateuch, and in 
 the Books of Kings, in the early prophets, and in Ezekiel. 
 Nowhere in the Pentateuch can the peculiarities of lan- 
 guage so marked in Chronicles be discovered, nor is the 
 language of any part that written by priests in Ezra's age. 
 There are, on the contrary, archaisms in the Torah which, 
 however often denied, are not the less certain marks of 
 ancient language carefully preserved by scribes. 1 The 
 evidence of language tends to show that all the Penta- 
 teuch existed before the corruption of the Hebrew lan- 
 guage began during and after the Captivity in Babylon, 
 and attests the careful preservation by later scribes of 
 their sacred text. 
 
 When we turn to other books of which the date is 
 
 1 See note, p. 74. 
 
LANGUAGE IN THE BIBLE. 59 
 
 doubtful, geographical questions become important. It 
 is remarkable that the Book of Ruth, which refers to 
 the Moabite ancestress of David, is slightly tinged with 
 Moabite words. The language of Job, which on the one 
 hand compares with early prophets like Amos, on the 
 other hand includes many terms nearer to Aramaic and 
 Arabic. The scene is laid in the region near Petra, and 
 the language appears to be that of a Nabathean writer of 
 early date. The Song of Solomon, in like manner, pre- 
 sents peculiarities which may lead us to think that it was 
 written by a Gileadite kinsman of the Ammonite bride. 
 It has been suspected from the grammatical peculiari- 
 ties of the song of Deborah that the dialect of Northern 
 Palestine differed somewhat from that of Jerusalem. Lut 
 when we turn to the Pentateuch, we find that the language 
 of those parts which critics have assigned to a priest of 
 Ezra's age resembles at latest that of Ezekiel, whose 
 Hebrew still is pure. Honest scholars who still adhere 
 to the modern theory of the Pentateuch, but whose 
 knowledge of Hebrew is deep and sound, are thus forced 
 to conclude that the language of the supposed later editor 
 is " largely traditional " ; yet it is almost impossible for any 
 writer of a later age affecting earlier style to escape from 
 the use of later forms and words. Of such anachronism 
 there has not been found any clear instance in the Penta- 
 teuch. The language of later writers, such as Jeremiah 
 and Ezekiel, is naturally influenced by their study of 
 the Scriptures, and forms, therefore, a very weak basis 
 for comparison. No distinction of language divides the 
 
60 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 priestly laws of the Torah from the narrative itself, and 
 the whole Pentateuch is knit together by its uniform use 
 of that pure Hebrew which was used alike by the authors 
 of the Eooks of Joshua and Judges, Samuel and Kings, 
 and by the prophets from Isaiah down to Ezekiel. 
 
 But if the language of the Pentateuch affords us no 
 reason for regarding any part of it as late, it may be 
 argued that in written form it cannot have existed early 
 among a people who were ignorant of letters. This 
 argument, which used to be maintained a century ago, 
 has also fallen before the growth of monumental know- 
 ledge. It is certain that in Moses's age a knowledge of 
 writing was widely spread in Western Asia. We have 
 no reason to doubt that one " learned in all the know- 
 ledge of the Egyptians" would have been able himself 
 to write, or to suppose that the Hebrews who lived so 
 long among a writing race in Egypt were more ignorant 
 than the contemporary petty chiefs of Canaan, all of 
 whom had scribes beside them. 
 
 In the time of Moses there were three distinct systems 
 of writing in use. The Egyptians not only used the 
 hieroglyphic in monumental writing and on seals, but 
 they used a running hand (the hieratic) with ink on 
 papyrus scrolls. The Hittites and other Mongol tribes 
 in Syria had their own hieroglyphic system, which was 
 quite distinct from any other ; * and the general character 
 in use not only in Babylonia, Assyria, and Armenia, but 
 also in Phoenicia and Canaan, was the cuneiform or 
 1 See note, p. 74. 
 
THE ALPHABET. Gl 
 
 " arrow-headed " character. Letters sent to Egypt were 
 there read by special scribes ; and interpreters often ac- 
 companied the embassies from Asia. Letters so received 
 were docketed before they were placed in the archives, 
 these dockets being written in ink and in the hieratic 
 character on the brick tablet, which was usually baked 
 before it was sent. Letters from Egypt to Babylon 
 were written also in cuneiform, and in the Babylonian 
 language. 
 
 These facts seem to show that the alphabet had not as 
 yet come into use in the fifteenth century B.C. The 
 oldest alphabetic text known which can be dated with 
 certainty is the Atoabite Stone, about 900 B.C. ; but the 
 differences observable between its letters and those of 
 the Siloam text (700 B.C.), and of the Samala inscriptions 
 (800 B.C.), serve to show that the alphabet must have 
 been in common use throughout Palestine and Syria at 
 least as early as the time of David. We have an allu- 
 sion to the " pen of the writer " as early as the fourteenth 
 century B.C. (Judges v. 14), but the first notice of letters 
 is in the time of David, when Samuel is said to have 
 written a book and Seraiah was the court historian. In 
 Isaiah's time the "common character" (Isa. viii. 1) is 
 mentioned, and scrolls were used by Jeremiah, but it was 
 still customary in Judah to use tablets as late as GOO B.C. 
 (Hab. ii. 2). 
 
 Such indications as we possess seem to show that the 
 Semitic alphabet first appeared in Syria, and gradually 
 spread over all Semitic - speaking countries. It was 
 
62 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 adopted by the Greeks before 1000 B.C., and gradually 
 superseded all hieroglyphic systems, though the cuneiform 
 was still used as late as the Greek age in Babylon. The 
 number of signs to be learned in Egypt amounted to 400, 
 and in Assyria to 550 at least, while the Hittites used at 
 least 130 emblems. The more practical Phoenicians devised 
 a system which only needed 22 signs, by selecting some 
 of the later Hittite forms ; 1 and this system was specially 
 fitted for Semitic languages though adopted with modi- 
 fications by the Aryans. The original Syrian alphabet 
 had also the advantage that its emblems were extremely 
 distinct and much more easily read than the slovenly 
 hieratic, which never attained to the condition of a pure 
 alphabet. In later times this distinctness of form was 
 much, marred by hasty writing ; and the Hebrew letters 
 of the Greek period are often so much alike as to render 
 reading difficult, but the Phoenicians even then retained 
 the older forms only very slightly changed. 
 
 We are led, then, to suppose that any writings stored 
 in the ark by Moses would have been written in a syllabic 
 character, and very probably in cuneiform. The alphabet 
 was a later system, which sprang up in the days of native 
 independence, after the decay of Egyptian influence, about 
 1000 B.C., or some two centuries earlier. It is distinctly 
 recorded that the Ten Commandments were written on 
 tablets of stone, and on both sides of the tablet, in the 
 "divine writing graven on the tablets" (Exod. xxxii. 16). 
 The tablets of the fifteenth century B.C., written in Canaan, 
 1 See note, p. 74. 
 
COMPARATIVE PLATE OF ALPHABETS. 63 
 
 
 i* 
 
 r^ O 
 
 b3 35 
 
 O 00 
 
 d 
 
 IB 
 
 Ul 
 
 P 
 
 o 
 
 CD rq 
 1-3 
 
 M o 
 
 si 00 
 
 ffl 
 
 d 
 
 18 
 
 ui 
 
 S3 O 
 ^ I- 
 
 d 
 O 
 
 d 
 
 c o 
 c2 
 
 Aleph 
 
 ....+ 
 
 4 
 
 -£ 
 
 4 
 
 T 
 
 * 
 
 X 
 
 Both 
 
 9 
 
 "3 
 
 6 
 
 ^ 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 e 
 
 Gimel 
 
 .... ^ 
 
 A 
 
 
 A 
 
 -1 
 
 A 
 
 a 
 
 Daleth 
 
 .... A 
 
 A 
 
 ^ 
 
 <* 
 
 ^ 
 
 A 
 
 A 
 
 Heh 
 
 .... -4 
 
 ■^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 <\ 
 
 A 
 
 4 
 
 Vau 
 
 .... Y 
 
 H 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 Zain 
 
 .... t. 
 
 i 
 
 X 
 
 z. 
 
 -=C? 
 
 -V 
 
 •-U 
 
 Kheth 
 
 .... M 
 
 N 
 
 B 
 
 N 
 
 £ 
 
 ^ 
 
 & 
 
 Teth 
 
 .... 
 
 <8> 
 
 
 <S> 
 
 
 
 
 Yod 
 
 .... \> 
 
 H. 
 
 ^U 
 
 T. 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 "/ 
 
 Caph 
 
 .... jr 
 
 y 
 
 H 
 
 y 
 
 y 
 
 r 
 
 */ 
 
 Lamed 
 
 .... L 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 t 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 4 
 
 Mini 
 
 .... ^ 
 
 «* 
 
 ■i 
 
 1 
 
 V 
 
 v 
 
 7 
 
 Nun 
 
 .... y 
 
 y 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 > 
 
 • 7 
 
 Samech 
 Ain 
 
 .... © 
 
 o 
 
 * 
 
 <5> 
 
 6 
 
 a 
 
 o 
 
 
 Pe .... 
 
 .... ^ 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 ; 
 
 Tsade 
 
 .... >- 
 
 > 
 
 h 
 
 f- 
 
 ^ 
 
 v- 
 
 r 
 
 Koph 
 
 .... f 
 
 f 
 
 <P 
 
 <f 
 
 ? 
 
 % 
 
 r 
 
 Eesh 
 
 .... ^ 
 
 1 
 
 "1 
 
 1 
 
 ^ 
 
 \ 
 
 <=i 
 
 Shin 
 
 .... u/ 
 
 IV 
 
 w 
 
 IV 
 
 IV 
 
 to 
 
 u< 
 
 Tau ... 
 
 .... x 
 
 f 
 
 t 
 
 f 
 
 y- 
 
 A 
 
 f 
 
64 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 were graven on clay afterwards baked, and they are very 
 generally written on both sides. Stone was, however, 
 sometimes used from the earliest period for such records 
 in Chaldea, and clay would not easily have been found 
 in the desert. Whether this "divine writing," as con- 
 trasted with the " common character " of Isaiah's age, 
 represented the cuneiform as contrasted with the alphabet, 
 we can only conjecture. The Ten Commandments could 
 easily have been written in cuneiform, on two tablets 
 about six inches square, and these no doubt resembled 
 the brick epistles preserved to us from the time of 
 Moses. 
 
 But if the original Law had thus to be transcribed in 
 later times from syllabic tablets on to alphabetic scrolls, 
 various difficulties must have arisen. Unless the tablets 
 were very carefully numbered their sequence would not 
 always be certain, and the syllabic character is often dif- 
 ficult to render as regards the sounds, even when the 
 meaning is clear. Thus when a sign for king is used, it 
 may be rendered by various words, such as sar, melek, 
 nasi, &c, at the will of the transcriber ; and the true 
 sound of personal names is for the same reason very often 
 doubtful. A curious case in which uncertainty may have 
 arisen from this cause is found in the name of Saul's son 
 Ishbosheth, who is also called Ishbaal. If the original 
 document transcribed was written in cuneiform, the sign 
 for deity, which formed the second part of the name, may 
 have been variously read by different scribes as Baal or 
 Bosheth — the latter being a Phoenician deity called Bast, 
 
EL01IIM AND JEHOVAH. 65 
 
 whose name occurs on an existing text. In the Penta- 
 teuch the name of Moses's father-in-law is variously given 
 as Eeuel and Jethro. It is not impossible that the reading 
 of the original may have been doubtful. 1 
 
 The cuneiform tablets are generally so arranged as to 
 contain in each a complete document. In later times 
 these were numbered, but the Canaanite letters which 
 contain no dates are now difficult to arrange in sequence 
 when found in large numbers. A Hebrew scribe copying 
 out a succession of tablets would have found the same 
 difficulty, unless they were carefully arranged in an order 
 which was never disturbed. A disconnected narrative 
 would naturally result from taking the tablets as they 
 stood if the order had been lost. 
 
 Another peculiar feature of the Pentateuch might also 
 be explained by the same considerations. In some nar- 
 ratives the word Elohim (" the Almighty ") is used ex- 
 clusively, in others the name Jehovah (" the living God"); 
 in others, again, both names occur — rendered God and 
 Lord in our English version. When we turn to the 
 Canaanite letters we find that, in some cases, the word 
 Elohim (used of the Pharaoh) is written in syllables, but 
 in others it is represented only by the cuneiform emblem 
 for deity. If this latter stood alone, without the syl- 
 labic spelling, the actual word would be unknown, and 
 various transcribers might render it Baal or Yeliu at will. 
 In some cases modern scholars have long been accustomed 
 to render one cuneiform group of signs by the sound Malik 
 1 See note, p. 74. 
 E 
 
66 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 or Baal, while more recent discoveries show that it should 
 be rendered Yeliu at least in many cases. 
 
 It is conceivable, therefore, that what has happened to 
 the modern scholar might also have happened to some 
 ancient scribe. Certain tablets may have contained the 
 name Elohim fully written in syllables, others the sign 
 for deity not so spelt. In the latter cases the pious 
 Hebrew would naturally have transcribed this sign by the 
 name of Jehovah (" the living God ") whose servant he 
 was ; but respect for his original would prevent his alter- 
 ing the word when fully spelt. In yet other cases, when 
 the writing was partly syllabic, partly emblematic, his 
 copy in a single narrative would contain both words. In 
 Genesis we have instances of each case — chapters in 
 which the name Elohim alone occurs, and others with 
 only the name Jehovah ; but again episodes in which 
 both words are used, and even combined, as Jehovah- 
 Elohim. 
 
 The occurrence of these differences, if they are so to be 
 explained, would show that more than one scribe was em- 
 ployed in writing down the Law ; for it is usually the 
 case that in cuneiform letters one scribe will shorten his 
 labour by the use of emblems, while another, more careful 
 to make clear his writing, uses syllables instead. But 
 such differences do not show that the real author is dis- 
 tinct in each case. Ribadda, king of Gebal, wrote fifty 
 letters to Egypt by aid of scribes, and at least four dif- 
 ferent handwritings are to be distinguished in them; 
 but the true author, whose name heads all the letters, 
 
TABLETS AND SCROLLS. G7 
 
 is the same, and the style of his expression is the same 
 throughout. 
 
 If the true history of the earliest scrolls were as here 
 supposed, the first scribe who copied the tablets in alpha- 
 betic letters on skins or papyri would have had before 
 him distinct documents each complete in itself. First he 
 placed the story of Creation, in which the name Elohim 
 was written in full. His second tablet told the story of 
 Eden, and the original scribe had used a sign for God 
 which the transcriber was at liberty to render by the 
 name Jehovah. Pursuing the rest of the narrative, it 
 seems only necessary to suppose that a third writer 
 on the tablets used both forms of writing, so that both 
 Elohim and Jehovah would. appear in the transcript. As 
 a rule, the separate episodes seem to suggest separate 
 tablets, completed by different scribes. The argument 
 casts no light on the authorship of any such documents, 
 but it serves to show that what has been attributed to 
 difference of authorship may be due to difference of 
 writing, and to the employment by the same author of 
 two or three scribes. It seems to be certain that alpha- 
 betic writing was unknown in the age of Moses, and any 
 documents that were preserved in the ark, and copied 
 later by the Hebrew scribes, must of necessity have been 
 in syllabic and emblematic writing, like that of the con- 
 temporary Canaanites, Amorites, and Hittites. 
 
 In addition to the art of writing, the Pentateuch records 
 a considerable civilisation in the days of Moses. The 
 ark, the tabernacle, the engraved gems on the ephod, the 
 
68 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 use of precious metals, the notice of chariots, of walled 
 cities, and cultivated fields, — all indicate a civilised age, 
 and a civilisation not confined to Egypt. The evidence 
 of monuments and of existing remains shows us clearly 
 that in the fifteenth century B.C. such civilisation did 
 exist, not only in Chaldea but in Syria and Palestine as 
 well. It is unnecessary to expand the subject at length, 
 for the wealth of material proves to us that Syria, about 
 the time of Moses, was everywhere occupied by civilised 
 races. 1 The temples were full of treasure, with statues of 
 ebony and gold : the cities were walled, the fields were full 
 of wheat, barley, olive-trees, and vines. The Canaanites 
 had chariots plated with silver and gold, and armour of 
 bronze and iron, and battle-axes of flint. The tents of 
 kings had pillars of gold and bronze : the art of cutting 
 gems was known, and all the precious metals used. A 
 gem with the name of Kurigalzu of Babylon, still pre- 
 served, belongs to this age. The expeditions of Egyptians 
 and Babylonians were headed by the sacred arks of their 
 gods, and precious woods adorned with metals were used 
 in tents for the field. The great leather tent of Queen 
 Hatasu, and her chair, are still preserved to us, and they 
 were made long before the Exodus. Nothing that is said 
 in the Pentateuch of civilisation in the fifteenth century 
 B.C. betrays the state of Asia in a later age. Even the 
 foreign spices from Arabia and Ionia, noticed in Leviticus, 
 may then have been known, for the Akkadians had reached 
 Egypt by sea ten centuries earlier, coasting from the Tigris 
 1 See note, p. 76. 
 
NATURAL HISTORY IX THE LAW. 69 
 
 round the great peninsula ■ and Egyptian fleets went to 
 Somali-land in Hatasu's time, while copper was carried in 
 trading vessels from the Cilician coast to the Delta in the 
 reign of Amenophis III. It is no doubt difficult to under- 
 stand how Israel in the desert obtained so much gold, and 
 found acacia-trees large enough to make from them the 
 Tabernacle boards ; but the profusion of precious metals 
 among the Hittites and Amorites of this age is most 
 astonishing, and the use of tents with pillars of gold is 
 mentioned by Thothmes III. 
 
 When we turn to the natural history of the Torah, 
 we are again able to compare it with that of Sinai and 
 Palestine in our own times. Only two wild animals 
 mentioned in the Bible are now extinct — the lion, which 
 is mentioned by the later prophets, and whose bones 
 are found in the Jordan gravels ; and the reem or wild 
 bull (rendered "unicorn" in our version), of which also 
 the bones occur, and which was hunted in the Lebanon 
 by Assyrians as late as the twelfth century B.C. The 
 other beasts and birds, noticed in Leviticus and Deuter- 
 onomy, belong to the fauna of the Sinaitic desert, to the 
 sea-shore, and to the Jordan valley and woods of Gilead. 
 It is not a fauna distinctive of the land of exile, or of 
 a later period, with which we have to deal, nor are the 
 names those which the Assyrians gave to birds and beasts. 
 Among the more distinctive are found (Lev. xi. ; Deut. 
 xiv.) the gull and the ostrich, the pelican and stork, the 
 roebuck and fallow-deer, the ibex, the antelope, the 
 bubale, and the wild sheep. Of these, the gull would 
 
70 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 not be found in Assyria ; the ostrich still is found in the 
 Syrian deserts, with the wild sheep and ibex. The 
 bubale survives in the far east of Moab, the roebuck in 
 the woods of Gilead, the fallow-deer on Tabor. The 
 antelope courses over the plains, and the pelican rocks 
 on the smooth Mediterranean. The crane and quail fly 
 across the desert, the stork delights in the Jordan swamps. 
 Last of all, the " coney " or hyrax is common among the 
 rocks of Sinai and of the desert of Judah. The ibex is 
 represented on an early Egyptian monument as brought 
 by Asiatics from Edom. The lion in Lebanon is mentioned 
 in the fourteenth century B.C. by an Egyptian traveller. 
 
 In the Pentateuch we find no notice of domestic fowls, 
 which were known to the Persians, or of silk or cotton. 
 There is no allusion even to elephants and ivory, 1 though 
 elephants then existed in herds on the Euphrates, near 
 Carchemish. The flax of which the priests' robes were 
 spun was one of the oldest plants cultivated in the East : 
 the almond was native to Palestine, with the pistachio 
 and the spices carried with Joseph to Egypt. Mules, 
 such as Hezekiah owned according to Sennacherib, are 
 unnoticed in the Torah ; while iron, which is mentioned, 
 has been shown to have been known to the Egyptians by 
 its Hebrew name before 1300 B.C., and has been found 
 with flint and bronze in the lower strata of the mound at 
 Lachish, together with seals of the time of the Exodus. 
 The evidence of natural history, as noticed in the Torah, 
 points to an age earlier than that in which domestic 
 1 See note, p. 77. 
 
THE NAME JEHOVAH. 71 
 
 fowls, cotton, and silk became known to the Hebrews 
 through Persi^i ; and the fauna of the Torah is that of 
 Eastern Palestine, Sinai, and the shores of the sea. 
 
 In conclusion of this brief sketch of Hebrew civilisa- 
 tion, the question of religion must be noticed. The Tell 
 Amarna tablets show us that the Canaanites worshipped 
 Baal and Ashtoreth, Dagon and Asherah ("the grove" 
 of our translation), with the famous Baalath of Gebal. 
 They used the word Eloliini as it is sometimes used in 
 the Bible, as applying to kings and judges, and the 
 Pharaoh is often called the " Sun-god " in these tablets ; 
 but, as far as can be discovered, the name of Jehovah was 
 unknown among the Canaanites. The Moabite Stone 
 proves to us that Istar-Chemosh was the deity of Moab 
 about 900 B.C., and that Moabites then regarded Jehovah 
 as the national God of Israel. Certain seals of the ninth 
 century B.C., found at Jerusalem and elsewhere, are en- 
 graved with Hebrew names which are compounded with 
 the sacred Yah for Jehovah. It is still more remarkable 
 that the same name appears quite as early in Assyria, 
 in the Aramaic form Yahu. 1 Thus it appears clear that 
 long before the Captivity the name of Jehovah was 
 known in Mesopotamia ; and Sennacherib, and Balaam 
 from Pethor, near the Euphrates, are both said in the 
 Bible to have known Jehovah. 
 
 In the Book of Genesis it is stated that men began to 
 call on the sacred name in the earliest ages (Gen. iv. 26), 
 but as translated in our English version another pas- 
 1 See note, p. 78. 
 
72 HEBREW CIVILISATION. 
 
 sage seems to say that Jehovah's name was unknown to 
 the Patriarchs (Exod. vi. 3). It is doubtful, however, 
 whether this discrepancy should not be removed, for 
 Hebrew grammar admits of another rendering: "Was 
 not I known to them" by my name Jehovah? The 
 nations surrounding Israel looked on this sacred name 
 as indicating only a national god, and the Jerusalem seals 
 — in contradiction of the Law — present us with the orb 
 and wings of the Sun-god. But these belong to an age 
 when the Torah was forgotten, and when the Prophets 
 were lamenting idolatry in Israel. Common men con- 
 tinued down to Jeremiah's time to regard Jehovah as 
 the rival of the "Queen of Heaven," and to attribute 
 their misfortunes to neglect of the service of Ashtoreth. 
 Only for a time under Hezekiah and Josiah 1 was idolatry 
 suppressed ; and under the early Judges all Hebrews still 
 worshipped Baal. Yet the higher conception of Jehovah 
 as the one true God was preserved by prophets from 
 Samuel to Isaiah, and from Isaiah down to Jeremiah. 
 The only reason for supposing that it may not have been 
 known in the time of Moses lies in its abstract nature, 
 hardly conceivable in an age of general idolatry. When, 
 however, we turn to Egypt and find how early Amen is 
 hymned as the one true and unknown God, of whom 
 there was no real image, and who was the maker of all, 
 we see that even as early as the Exodus other nations 
 besides the Hebrews had risen to this great concep- 
 tion of a single Creator. To Bibadda of Gebal, the 
 1 See note, p. 78. 
 
THE SINGLE CREATOR. 73 
 
 pious worshipper of Baalath, Amen was only the god 
 of Egypt. Dusratta of Mitani in Armenia invokes side 
 by side his own deities with Amen, and prays to Ashtor- 
 eth to watch over his friend in Egypt. But the Egyptian 
 poet who wrote the famous hymn to Amen had a truer 
 conception of a single Creator; and in like manner 
 Jehovah, who, to the ordinary Hebrew or to the Moabite, 
 was only the Sun-god of Israel, is in the Pentateuch and 
 in the Prophets the God of all the universe, the only 
 Creator, to whom it was impious to ascribe material form. 
 To sum up our inquiry into Hebrew civilisation, we 
 find that in the age of Moses the art of writing had as 
 yet not attained to an alphabet, and that his records were 
 most probably preserved in tablets written in cuneiform 
 signs. That pure Hebrew may have been already spoken, 
 differing from that of later times. That the Pentateuch 
 shows no signs of Persian or Assyrian influence on lan- 
 guage or civilisation : that the geography and ethnology, 
 the natural history and chronology, are accurate and real, 
 as referring to the earlier ages of the world, and present 
 no signs of a later time. Finally, that the use of scribes, 
 to set down the words dictated by king or lawgiver, may 
 account for variations which are commonly supposed to 
 denote independent authorship, and for repetitions which 
 arose from the possession of duplicate tablets. The wor- 
 ship of Jehovah is traced back monumentally to the time 
 of Ahab ; and there is no true reason for denying that the 
 conception of a single Creator may have been formed as 
 early in Israel as the days of Moses. 
 
74 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Archaisms of Language in the Pentateuch. — These 
 have been controverted but not explained. The pronoun hua 
 is used for both masculine and feminine, "he" and "she"; 
 the feminine hia only occurring eleven times in the Torah. It 
 has been supposed that the pronoun was originally written ha 
 for both genders, but this does not help to explain why this 
 peculiarity was preserved by the scribes. It certainly dis- 
 tinguishes the Law from the later books, and was not a 
 feature of later Hebrew. Gender is a very ancient character- 
 istic of Semitic grammar, but not a primary feature of 
 language ; and the use of one form for both genders cannot 
 but be regarded as archaic. In the same way nar (masculine), 
 " a boy," is used in Genesis instead of narah (feminine) for a 
 "girl." In the first chapter of Genesis the absence of the 
 definite article (verse 28) has been remarked as a peculiarity. 
 This also appears to be archaic, for the definite article is 
 absent in Assyrian and on the early Phoenician monuments. 
 
 Hittite Hieroglyphics. — Although the study of this 
 system is in its infancy, there is no longer any doubt that the 
 system was distinctive of Syria and Southern Asia Minor, and 
 existed as early as 1400 B.C. The latest results will be found 
 in a paper by the present author ('Journal of the Royal 
 Asiatic Society,' October 1893) where it is urged — (1) that the 
 language was Mongolic and akin to the Akkadian ; (2) that 
 the system was syllabic with a few ideograms for " king," 
 " country," &c. ; (3) that the sounds of about half the emblems 
 — which number some 130 in all — are recoverable from the 
 Cypriote syllabary derived from the earlier forms, and in a 
 few cases from the short bilinguals as yet known ; (4) that 
 the system was used by Hittites and other cognate tribes. 
 
 Origin of the Alphabet. — The Ionian alphabet contained 
 
 and which are found in the 
 
IDEOGRAMS. 
 
 75 
 
 Cypriote syllabary. The attempt to derive the alphabet from 
 the cuneiform has failed ; and De Rouge's theory of Egyptian 
 derivation fails to account for more than 21 letters, and 
 neglects the Ionian letters. Pliny (' H. N.,' vii. 57) was un- 
 certain whether the alphabet came from Assyria, Egypt, or 
 Syria, and modern scholars have the same doubt. It is 
 probable, however, that it is traceable to a single source, and 
 
 
 
 IIL 3 t^o>ips 
 
 Hamath Stoiie, No. i. 
 
 the Cypriote offers the closest comparison of forms, especially 
 in the cases of the syllables He (for Kheth), Wa (Vau), Ye 
 (Yod), Ke (Caph), Ra (Resh), and Se (Shin), as compared with 
 the oldest Semitic types. Our information is, however, at 
 present very imperfect. The history of the alphabet is best 
 studied in Dr Isaac Taylor's great work on the subject, in 
 
76 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 which, though advocating the Egyptian derivation, he yet 
 allows the possibility of an origin from the Syrian hiero- 
 glyphics. 
 
 Ideograms. — This term is used of picture emblems used 
 to define certain classes of words in cuneiform, such as the 
 sign for mountains or countries (originally a picture of three 
 hill-tops), for king, for personal names of men (a vertical 
 stroke), or of women (an emblem of the kteis), or of cities (an 
 enclosure), or of gods (a star). Originally the inscriptions I 
 were entirely ideographic, but syllabic writing is known 
 earlier than 2700 B.C. Such ideograms might be read ifi> 
 various ways, as more than one word existed to describe them. 
 Instances in which various readings in the Old Testament may 
 be due to the use of ideograms in the original records are of 
 considerable interest, including the name Ishbosheth or Ish- 
 baal noticed in the preceding chapter (2 Sam. ii. 10 ; 1 Chron. 
 viii. 33), and Mephibosheth or Meribaal (1 Chron. viii. 14 ; 
 2 Sam. iv. 4). Jerubbaal (Judges viii. 35) becomes Jerub- 
 besheth (2 Sam. xi. 21), and in each case the name of the deity 
 may have been written ideographically. The Joram of 2 
 Sam. viii. 10 in like manner becomes Hadoram in 1 Chron. 
 xviii. 10, probably for Hadad-ram, the name Yo for Jeho- 
 vah being replaced by that of Hadad the Syrian god. The 
 names of deities are very commonly ideographic in cuneiform, 
 the sign im standing for Addu or Hadad, and NIN for Baalath, 
 in the Tell Amarna letters. The sign an for the deity 
 (originally a star) stands for Elohim in the same letters in 
 the plural, and it is very rarely written in syllables. 
 
 Civilisation of the Canaanites. — The chief sources of 
 knowledge are the spoil-lists of the records of Thothmes III. 
 (see ' Hist. Egypt, 5 vol. i. pp. 325-353), and the Tell Amarna 
 letters. In the former we find notice of silver, gold, gems, 
 copper, lead, wheat, wine, incense, balm, oil, and honey ; of 
 innumerable chariots painted and plated with metal; of statues, 
 tables, thrones, footstools, armour, weapons, and ploughs ; of 
 ivory, ebony, and cedar; of metal vessels with elaborate de- 
 
DESTRUCTION OF CAXAAXITE IDOLS. 77 
 
 signs ; and of horses, goats, cattle, sheep, and even apes from 
 Asia. In the Tell Amarna texts a century later we read 
 of merchants trading in ships from Asia Minor (Alasiya or 
 Elishah) in copper, silver, and gold. From Babylon was 
 sent ivory, with gold and precious woods and thrones. Balsam 
 was also sent to Egypt. From Matiene in Armenia came cop- 
 per, iron, gold, silver, and tin. The dower of Taclukhepa sent 
 from this region included necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, ank- 
 lets, and rings j boxes of wood and vessels of bronze were sent 
 with precious stones and cloth ; chariots with harness adorned 
 with gold lions and eagles are noticed in the same list, and 
 horns of the wild bull. Similar presents were sent in the 
 fifteenth century B.C. to Egypt by the Hittites. Dusratta 
 mentions the treasures of the Temple of Baalath at Gebal ; 
 and this civilisation is traceable in all parts of Syria and 
 Palestine. 
 
 Elephants on the Euphrates. — The fact that the range 
 of the Asiatic elephant in early times extended to Mesopo- 
 tamia seems to be established by the record of Amenenhib, 
 an officer who, under Thothmes III., attacked one of a herd on 
 the Euphrates near Ni or Ninus Vetus (Brugsch, ' Hist. Egypt,' 
 vol. i. p. 354). There are also various references to ivory 
 sent to Egypt from Asia. In the catalogue of spoils taken at 
 Megiddo ivory is noticed, and an elephant's tooth was sent 
 from Asebi or Cyprus. In the list of presents from Babylon 
 (Tell Amarna letters, No. 4, British Museum collection), biri 
 or ivory is also noticed. The Egyptian name for the elephant 
 (eb) is apparently the same as the Hebrew hah and Assyrian 
 habba, also the Sanscrit iblias. This question is interesting in 
 connection with Solomon's ivory throne (1 Kings x. 18) ; and 
 an ivory throne of Hezekiah is noticed in Sennacherib's record. 
 In later times, ivory was well known to the Hebrews coming 
 from Dedan on the Persian Gulf (Isa. xxi. 13; Ezek. xxv. Il- 
 ls) and from Cyprus (Ezek. xxvii. 6), and yet earlier it came 
 with apes from Tarshish to Solomon (1 Kings x. 22). The 
 Coptic eboy preserves the Egyptian name of the elephant, and 
 the name of the ape — Hebrew Jcoph, Latin cepus, Sanskrit 
 
78 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 kcqri — is also found in Egypt as hafi, while apes are noticed 
 as sent to Thothmes III. from Syria (' Hist. Egypt,' vol. i. p. 
 521). These indications also affect the question of the situa- 
 tion of Tarshish (see Notes to chap, ix.) 
 
 The name of Jehovah in Assyria. — According to the 
 Book of Genesis (iv. 26), the sacred name was known from 
 a very early time. Baalam from Pethor on the Euphrates 
 (Num. xxii. 5, 8) also appears as a worshipper of Jehovah; and 
 Sennacherib claims (2 Kings xviii. 25) to come up against 
 Judah in the name of Jehovah. According to another passage 
 (2 Sam. viii. 10), Joram, son of Toi, king of Hamath in David's 
 time, had a name compounded with Yu or Jehovah, and monu- 
 mentally a king of Hamath named Yehu-bihdi is believed to be 
 noticed. But the most important evidence is that collected by 
 Mr T. G. Pinches (see 'Proceedings of the Biblical Archaeologi- 
 cal Society,' 1st November 1892), showing that a deity named 
 Yau or Yahu was worshipped in Assyria as early as the ninth 
 century B.C. The names Belyahu (Bealiah, 1 Chron. xii. 5), 
 Nadbiyahu (Nadabiah), and Nuriya (Neriah) occur on these 
 early texts with others. A coin of Gaza, of about the fourth 
 century B.C. (' Journal Asiatique,' i. 83), represents Yahu driv- 
 ing in a chariot. The sacred name is, however, not found in 
 the Tell Amarna letters of the fifteenth century B.C. 
 
 Destruction of Canaanite Idols. — The fact that the 
 provisions of the Law were carried out in Palestine, probably 
 by Hezekiah and Josiah, seems to be indicated by the absence 
 of bas-reliefs and of rude stone monuments west of the Jordan. 
 Canaanite Teraphim, or small images, have been found in the 
 mound at Lachish. Rude stone altars and bamoth, or standing- 
 stones, occur in great numbers east of Jordan, but not a single 
 bas-relief or statue of early date has been discovered in Pales- 
 tine. One such has been found at Damascus, and others in 
 Phoenicia and in Northern Syria. Stone altars also occur 
 at Dan near the source of Jordan, and a few remain in the 
 wildest part of Upper Galilee ; but in Judea and Samaria 
 all such monuments appear to have been destroyed if they 
 existed. 
 
79 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 The Law or Torah has always stood alone in Jewish 
 estimation as separated from all other sacred books. It 
 was so when Josephns wrote, and when the son of Sirach 
 (about 200 B.C.) spoke of "the law and the prophets, and 
 the others who followed them." It was so also when the 
 Law was rendered into Greek (250 B.C.), and when the 
 Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch, but adopted no 
 other Hebrew books. The Torah is never known to 
 have included anything beyond the five books into which 
 it was divided later ; and Jewish tradition is in this re- 
 spect probably a better guide than modern theory. 
 
 The later Jews regarded all the Law as having been 
 written by Moses, although no such assertion is found 
 in its pages. Parts of Deuteronomy are indeed cast in 
 the first person, and the early laws in Exodus are said 
 to have been written by Moses himself. But it is diffi- 
 cult to suppose that he would have written an account 
 of his own death ; and the expression " unto this day," 
 found frequently in the Torah, points to some lapse of 
 time. Yet the indications of a later age are few and 
 
80 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 uncertain, for it can hardly be held that the menace of 
 exile (Lev. xxvi. 33), with the promise of victory attached, 
 must of necessity point to the later days of the kingdom. 
 Invasions of Palestine began in Abraham's time, and con- 
 tinued in all later ages. The king of Babylon, allied by 
 marriage to Amenophis III., threatened to invade Canaan 
 if its inhabitants rebelled against Egypt in the fifteenth 
 century B.C. The Assyrians came as far south as Beirut 
 in the fifteenth and in the twelfth century ; and the 
 Assyrian king buried a century later at Abydos may 
 have passed through Palestine. 1 The certainty of in- 
 vasion must thus have been present to the minds of 
 Hebrews as early as the time of Moses. 
 
 Several other indications of a date later than that of 
 Moses are said to occur in Genesis. The first is the 
 notice of Dan (Gen. xiv. 14), a place not so named till 
 the time of the Judges. The second is the notice of 
 Hadad or Hadar in Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39), who is as- 
 sumed to have been the contemporary of David. The 
 third is the allusion to Shiloh (Gen. xlix. 10), also sup- 
 posed to point to the age of Joshua at least. To these 
 the reference to Barneses (Gen. xlvii. 11) may be added, 
 since that name occurs in Egypt only in the times of the 
 nineteenth dynasty. These, however, are but feeble in- 
 dications of date. The words "unto Dan," if really 
 referring to that town, may have been added as a gloss, 
 as may the famous allusion to the kings of Israel (Gen. 
 xxxvi. 31). The name Hadad was a common one among 
 1 See note, p. 96. 
 
THE CENTRAL SHRINE. 81 
 
 Syrians ; and the translation of the passage as to Sliiloh 
 is doubtful, and differs in various versions. The notice 
 of Barneses is less easily explained ; but none of these 
 indications carry us down later than the time of David, 
 when the transcription of the original Torah might be 
 supposed to have been made. The name of Agag, men- 
 tioned by Balaam, is in like manner not of necessity that 
 of the king conquered by Saul. 
 
 It is argued, however, by critics that the various books 
 of the Torah contain contradictions which point to differ- 
 ent ages in which different authors lived. The three 
 important arguments concern the central sanctuary, the 
 position of the Levites, and the dignity of the sons of 
 Aaron. In Exodus " all sanctuaries " where the name 
 of Jehovah is recorded are blessed (Exod. xx. 24) ; but 
 in Deuteronomy (xii. 13) Israel is warned not to worship 
 "in every sanctuary that thou seest," but only in the 
 central shrine chosen out of all the tribes. On this 
 weak foundation a critical theory rests ; but it seems 
 clear that the warning in the second case refers to 
 Canaanite temples, while it is not clear that in the 
 former passage several contemporary shrines are meant. 
 The Jews have always understood this passage to refer 
 to the various central shrines at which the ark rested. 
 In the desert these rapidly succeeded each other as the 
 Hebrews marched on. In Palestine various centres were 
 established successively at Shechem, Sliiloh, Kirjath- 
 jearim, Nob, and Gibeon, before Jerusalem became the 
 final centre. In Deuteronomy the Israelite dwelling too 
 
 F 
 
82 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 far off is exempted from the duty of annual pilgrimage ; 
 but in Samuel it is recorded that pious Israelites came 
 year by year to Shiloh before the loss of the ark. Even 
 in Joshua's time the tribes beyond Jordan showed signs 
 of defection, and under the Judges men did what was 
 "right in their own eyes." The central shrine was never 
 fully re-established after the ark had been captured by 
 the Philistines ; for until David's time the tabernacle at 
 Nob and Gibeon formed one sanctuary, while the ark at 
 Kirjath-jearim constituted another. Only under David 
 and Solomon was the concentration of worship really 
 effected, for the severance of Israel from Judah at once 
 led to the establishment of new centres at Bethel and 
 Dan. 
 
 As regards the Levites, it is urged that in Deuteronomy 
 they occupy a position as local priests in all the cities of 
 Israel, but that they were afterwards concentrated at 
 Jerusalem and given cities as property. Finally, in the 
 latest age, it is urged that they became servants of the 
 priests who belonged to the family of Aaron, and ceased 
 to be priests themselves as they were in the time of 
 Micah, according to the Book of Judges. These various 
 differences are supposed to distinguish the age of the 
 earliest Law, and of the author of Deuteronomy, from that 
 later period when the supposed " Priests' Code " was 
 written during and after the Exile. 
 
 When, however, we study closely the various passages 
 concerned, this distinction becomes less clear. The Levit- 
 ical cities are in two cases mentioned in the early history 
 
THE LEVITES. 83 
 
 in connection with Levites — Bethshemesh in the time of 
 Samuel (1 Sam. vi. 13-15) and Anathoth in that of Solo- 
 mon (1 Kings ii. 26) ; but "when we turn to the time of 
 Nehemiah we find, no distinct separation of Levitical 
 cities. It would have been quite possible that the Levites, 
 like the modern Dervishes, should have possessed pro- 
 perty — such as is ascribed to them even in Deuter- 
 onomy — and should have also been sent as instructors 
 in the Law to the various cities of Israel, without deny- 
 ing that they may also have come up yearly to Jerusalem 
 with the rest of Israel. It is nowhere stated that these 
 Levites acted as priests, except in the case where Micah 
 — in an age of lawlessness — made of a Levite the priest 
 of his idol shrine, and in the later case of certain apostate 
 Levites, who were excluded from the Temple as having 
 also offered heathen sacrifices in Samaritan sanctuaries. 
 Every priest was a Levite, but every Levite was not a 
 priest. 1 The superior dignity throughout the Torah is 
 reserved to "Aaron the Levite," chief of the tribe, and 
 to the descendants of his sons. 
 
 The early existence of a written Law is attested both 
 by various passages in the Prophets and by two distinct 
 statements in the Book of Kings. Hosea wrote about 
 730 B.C., and condemns Israel for neglect of the Torah: 
 " I have written for him the great things of my Law, but 
 they were counted as a strange thing" (Hosea viii. 12). 
 In Isaiah, Jeremiah, Amos, and Micah similar allusions 
 occur. The Book of Kings is believed to have been 
 
 1 See note, p. 96. 
 
84 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 written before the Captivity, and it is therein stated that 
 King Amaziah of Judali about 820 B.C. obeyed an in- 
 junction found in Deuteronomy, which is described as 
 " written in the Book of the Law of Moses " (2 Kings 
 xiv. 6). But two centuries later we find (2 Kings 
 xxii. 8) that the Law had been so utterly forgotten that 
 its existence in the Temple was unknown. The high 
 priest told the scribe, " I have found the book of the 
 Law in the house of the Lord," and its discovery was 
 followed by a new reformation. This second passage is 
 often quoted ; and Hilkiah is even charged with having 
 imposed a recent forgery on the Jews as the original Law 
 of Moses. But the earlier statement must be considered 
 to have equal weight, if we attach any value to the words 
 of the Hebrew historian. 
 
 It is equally clear that the whole thread of traditional 
 history, and many of the special institutions noticed in 
 the Torah, existed in the eighth century B.C. when the 
 great prophets wrote. In their pages we find allusions 
 to Minrocl, to Abraham, to the destruction of Sodom, to 
 the story of Jacob's flight to Haran and his marriage, to 
 Israel leaving Egypt and abiding forty years in the desert, 
 to Moses, Aaron, and Miriam, to Balaam and to Balak. 
 We also read of the Levites, the Xazarites, the ephod, 
 the distinction of clean and unclean food, the new moons 
 and Sabbaths, and other festivals of the Hebrews. These 
 passing allusions do not prove the existence of all that 
 is found in the Pentateuch, but they at least show 
 that there is no marked difference between its con- 
 
THE LAW IMMUTABLE. 85 
 
 tents and the conditions and traditions of the eighth 
 century B.C. 
 
 But there are other indications in later books which 
 show that the ceremonial of the Pentateuch received 
 additions not noticed till later. In Ezra and Nehemiah 
 we read of the J^ethinim, the singers, the porters — classes 
 not mentioned in the Torah — and of the " wood-offering," 
 which became an important Jewish rite, but which does 
 not appear as an early institution in the Law. There is 
 in the Pentateuch no allusion to a permanent temple, 
 no notice of Jerusalem, no allusion to Tirzah or Samaria, 
 or to the existence of a rival shrine at Bethel. Nega- 
 tive evidence is no doubt weak, but we might certainly 
 have expected that later additions to the Law would have 
 borne some reference to later conditions. 
 
 We are forced thus to ask why it is that critical 
 opinion demands that the Torah should be regarded as 
 consisting of many fragments of various ages, compiled 
 and edited by a later priest, in direct disobedience of 
 the injunction which he left standing in Deuteronomy'? 
 " What thing soever I command you, observe and do it : 
 thou shalt not add thereto, nor diminish from it " (Dent, 
 xii. 32). "Ye shall not add to the word that I command 
 you, neither shall ye diminish from it" (Deut. iv. 2). 
 These commands are preserved in passages which, accord- 
 ing to critical theories, are by no means the latest in the 
 Pentateuch. 
 
 The earliest observations on which critical objections 
 1 See note, p. 97. 
 
86 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 were raised have already been mentioned. Astruc, a 
 Belgian doctor, to whom Voltaire alludes as wasting his 
 time on the subject, was the first to point out the exist- 
 ence of supposed parallel passages in Genesis, distin- 
 guished by the use of the names Jehovah and Elohim. 
 These two documents were regarded twenty years ago 
 by critics as forming a double work in Genesis, and dis- 
 coverable also in the later narrative of Exodus and Num- 
 bers. A third author was supposed to have added the 
 Book of Deuteronomy, while Leviticus and parts of Ex- 
 odus and Numbers, which refer to the ritual of the 
 Hebrews, were finally separated out as a " Priests' Code " 
 and attributed to the age of the Captivity. 
 
 The more, however, this theory was studied, the more 
 difficulties was it seen to involve. The distinction of 
 the two documents in Genesis proved to be far less easy 
 than at first thought, and differences of opinion arose 
 as to the dates of the authors. It was also found that 
 similarities of style and language connect the early nar- 
 rative with the legal chapters, and that Deuteronomy 
 contains matter only elsewhere found in Leviticus. 
 Neither by style, by language, nor by historic statement, 
 could the various periods be distinguished so as to lead 
 to general consent. The more the writers the greater 
 the number of opinions. 
 
 It has thus resulted that the theory now maintained 
 differs entirely in principle from that of the last gener- 
 ation of critical writers. An editor is supposed to have 
 gathered together, during the Captivity, numerous docu- 
 
UNITY OF THE LAW. 87 
 
 ments which he somewhat clumsily strung together, 
 taking extracts at will, and connecting them with a 
 thread of his own writing, and even adding important 
 chapters. The manifest unity of design in the Pen- 
 tateuch is thus explained as artificial, and the whole 
 work becomes a series of cuttings from various sources, 
 so ill assimilated as to be divisible, and supposed to con- 
 tain contradictions which the editor failed to see. Some 
 of the chapters (such as the first of Genesis and the 
 account of the purchase of Machpelah by Abraham) which 
 used to be regarded as the oldest of Hebrew writings by 
 critics, are by the younger school assigned to the editor 
 and become the latest. Some of the criteria which used 
 most to be urged as decisive are now abandoned, and 
 instead of four books by four writers we are now asked 
 to suppose that many separate fragments, some of which 
 were composite themselves, have been loosely welded 
 together by the later compiler. 
 
 On what basis does such a theory rest 1 ]S~ot on lan- 
 guage ; not on the evidence of versions ; not on historic 
 statements ; not on manuscripts. The whole language of 
 the Torah is ancient : the variations of the versions of the 
 Law are comparatively so few and so small as to prove 
 the careful preservation of the text from an early age ; 
 the historic statements of the Pentateuch point also to 
 an early age and not to that of Ezra ; the oldest Hebrew 
 manuscripts hardly differ at all in any important features 
 from the received text. The only appeal that remains is 
 to literary style — to the critical taste of the scholar, which 
 
88 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 has differed so much in a generation that what was once 
 regarded as oldest is now supposed to be the most recent 
 addition. There is surely nothing which eludes the critic 
 more than literary style. It rises and falls with its sub- 
 ject, and differs within the lifetime of any author. After 
 the dry laws in Leviticus, the last chapter rises in an elo- 
 quent strain similar to that maintained throughout Deut- 
 eronomy. The Assyrian scribe in like manner will insert, 
 in a single inscription, a poetic notice of the army's ad- 
 vance over rugged mountains, and a mere list of con- 
 quered tribes. A vision of a prophet of Istar interrupts 
 the history of an Assyrian war. In all ancient Semitic 
 writings this sudden change of subject and tendency to 
 repetition is observable, and most of all in the Koran. 
 But repetition is not regarded by critics as a sign of 
 dual authorship, for they refer to one writer the most re- 
 markable repetition in the whole Pentateuch — namely, 
 the account of the Tabernacle and its furniture in Exodus 
 (xxv.-xxx. and xxxv.-xl.), first as commanded and then 
 as made. 
 
 AVhen we examine more closely the results which are 
 supposed to have been established, many difficulties and 
 differences arise. The task of dividing exactly the Elo- 
 him and Jehovah documents in Genesis leads to no cer- 
 tain result. Critics admit that the style is not sufficiently 
 distinct to lead to certainty, and though the writer who 
 uses the term Jehovah is thought to be freer and more 
 detailed in his accounts, yet the language of both is alike. 
 In Numbers (xiii. 1-23) a double account of the journey 
 
THE TRIESTS CODE. 89 
 
 of the spies is supposed to be traceable — the priestly 
 editor supplying the preface with an occasional interpo- 
 lation in the older account. It is argued that in one 
 case they start from Paran, and in the other probably 
 from Kadesh. The text says that Kadesh was in 
 Paran (verse 26), and the only difficulty seems to be that 
 the episode as a whole is out of proper sequence in the 
 story. The greatest uncertainty, however, occurs when 
 the work of the editor and the date of the " Priestly 
 Code " come to be considered. Here we find that the list 
 of genealogies and of places, the dry details of priestly 
 ceremony, and other prose portions, are all allotted to this 
 later priest. Yet he is supposed to have penned the mag- 
 nificent first chapter of Genesis, and the graphic account 
 of Abraham's dealings with the Hittites. So far, there- 
 fore, criteria of style and subject escape us : and as re- 
 gards the " Priests' Code," it is admitted by critics that 
 in some respects it appears to be earlier than Deuteronomy, 
 but in others later, in some more elaborate and therefore 
 later than Ezekiel, but in other passages simpler, and so — 
 it is urged — earlier than that prophet. Thus the " Priests' 
 Code" has again to be divided up, and the process of 
 subdivision has now been carried so far that when in- 
 terpolations, distinct sources, glosses, and other corrup- 
 tions are added, many chapters read in sentences sup- 
 posed to result from the additions of four or five writers 
 composing a single clause. 
 
 The tree must be judged by its fruits, and the cardinal 
 assumptions of the theory have produced a result which 
 
90 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 has no known parallel in actual literature. We know 
 quite well what was the Jewish practice of later times. 
 They were zealous to preserve the text of the Law, in 
 obedience to the commands in Deuteronomy. They wrote 
 Targums or paraphrases in Aramaic, and separate treatises 
 on the observance of various laws forming the Mishnah. 
 When this last in turn was rendered sacred by increas- 
 ing antiquity, they wrote commentaries in Aramaic on its 
 text. But we have no knowledge of a Jewish scholar 
 mutilating the writings of his ancestors, or of his compos- 
 ing a book of fragments from unacknowledged sources, 
 linked together by a few words of his own writing. That 
 kind of book-making is characteristic rather of our own 
 times ; and no editor who so presented to us as the Law 
 written by Moses a composite later forgery could escape 
 the charge of literary dishonesty. 
 
 The Book of Deuteronomy stands last in the Pentateuch, 
 and sums up the whole of the Law, including passages 
 only found in what is called the "Priests' Code." It 
 adds new and important material, but the attempt to 
 show that it is at variance with what precedes is generally 
 confined to minute differences which have small import- 
 ance, and in some cases the subject considered is not 
 the same as in another passage compared by critics. The 
 magnificent eloquence of Deuteronomy thus seems to set 
 the seal on what goes before, and in part it echoes the 
 very voice of Moses ; but it can hardly be doubted that 
 the author, when speaking in the historic third person, 
 and recording the death of Moses, lived at a somewhat 
 
DEUTERONOMY. 91 
 
 later time. " Xo man knoweth of his sepulchre unto this 
 day " (Deut. xxxiv. 6), are almost the last words in the 
 Torah, which ends with praises of the great national hero, 
 which would not have been written by so meek a man as 
 himself. 1 
 
 The general conclusion from such study seems to be 
 that, while we have distinct statements which refer 
 certain laws — including the Ten Commandments — to the 
 hand of Moses himself, the Law as transcribed in a later 
 age from its original tablets cannot be wholly ascribed to 
 the first Hebrew age. Additions were no doubt made, 
 but internal evidence does not help us to say exactly 
 Avhen. Samuel is recorded to have written in a book the 
 "manner of the kingdom" (1 Sam. x. 25) ; and the duties 
 of a king as laid down in Deuteronomy (xvii. 16) might 
 well have been so described in Samuel's time. Even if 
 we accept all the indications which have been mentioned, 
 no historic statement carries us down later than David's 
 time. The preparation of rolls of the Law in alphabetic 
 writing may easily be supposed to have been undertaken 
 when first the Temple was established in Jerusalem. 
 Finally, as regards the various repeated narratives in the 
 Torah, it is possible to conjecture that more than one 
 copy of the original existed ; for in Assyria this has often 
 been found the case, various copies of one tablet having 
 been found which, though slightly different in wording, 
 are substantially correct. If, when the Torah was so tran- 
 scribed, one of the tablets spoke of the order to make the 
 1 See note, p. 98. 
 
92 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 Tabernacle, and another of its making, it is possible that 
 both were transcribed in order that nothing might be lost. 
 To endeavour exactly to follow out the process of 
 transcription would be a hopeless task. It has led to 
 the extraordinary and impossible division of the Torah 
 into fragments labelled E, J, H, D , D y , P , P 9 , by critics 
 — not including other "sources"; and the older and 
 younger schools of critics are not agreed, and differ in 
 principle as well as in details. Where such scholars 
 have failed, it is not likely that others in the future 
 will succeed. We must be content with very general 
 results, and views held with great reserve ; but the theory 
 of a " Priests' Code " dating as late as the Captivity is one 
 certain to be abandoned, because unsupported by cogent 
 argument. The laws in Leviticus are often quite as 
 archaic as those of the " Book of the Covenant " in 
 Exodus : the allusions to Moloch worship, witches, and 
 the scapegoat point to early times. The elaboration of 
 ritual and wealth of priests do not of necessity point to 
 a late age. During the Captivity all such rights were 
 lost, and never afterwards acknowledged by the whole 
 population of Palestine. In Egypt and in Western 
 Asia generally there was, on the other hand, an early 
 organisation of priests, who levied dues and received 
 offerings and tithes. The age of Solomon is one in 
 which the priestly organisation was perhaps more com- 
 plete than in any later time ; but even in Abraham's 
 days, and yet earlier, the monuments of Chaldea re- 
 cord the regular establishment of dues in Akkadian 
 
TABLETS OF THE LAW. 93 
 
 temples. Why need we, therefore, seek to bring down 
 the date of Hebrew laws concerning the sacred service 
 or civil duties to the latest period of the ruined 
 kingdom 1 l 
 
 If ever it should come to be generally acknowledged 
 that transcription is the true explanation for those literary 
 features which have been supposed to mark late date and 
 various authorship, it will be seen that each episode, com- 
 plete in itself, was probably recorded on a separate tablet. 
 Thus in Genesis the scribe would have before him the 
 Creation tablet standing alone, and next to it the tablet 
 of Eden. He had two versions of the list of ancient 
 patriarchs (Gen. iv., v.), one of which gave the length of 
 their lives ; and the fifth tablet was the story of the sons 
 of God and daughters of men. The sixth was the Flood 
 story, with a separate account, perhaps, of the clean 
 beasts ; the seventh was the tablet of Races ; the eighth 
 the story of Babel ; and the ninth the list of Abraham's 
 ancestors. In some of these divisions the name Jehovah 
 is used exclusively, in others that of Elohim ; but, as 
 already urged, the difference may originally have been 
 graphic, and due to later copying of syllabic and em- 
 blematic signs used by older scribes. 
 
 The same division into separate sections continues 
 throughout Genesis ; and the tenth tablet gave the early 
 history of Abraham, while the twelfth is devoted to the 
 raid by Amraphel. Two versions of the story of Hagar 
 seem to have been copied, and this is the most remarkable 
 1 See note, p. 99. 
 
94 THE PENTATEUCH. 
 
 parallelism in all Genesis (Gen. xvi. and xxi.) ; but in 
 one case Hagar's flight precedes the birth of Islimael, 
 while in the other it follows it. It is not unlikely, of 
 course, that she should twice have fled from her mis- 
 tress. There is a similar parallelism between the story 
 of Abraham in Egypt and of Isaac at Gerar (Gen. xx. 
 and xxvi.), yet the fraud practised by the patriarch in 
 either case is the only real connection. There is a 
 curious break in the history of Joseph when the episode 
 of Tamar is introduced (Gen. xxxviii.), but this would 
 easily be explained if Joseph's long story occupied more 
 than one tablet of the original. As to the number of 
 words that any tablet would contain, we have only to 
 remember that several hundred lines are often found on 
 tablets not more than 18 inches in length. 
 
 The same system of explanation will be found to apply 
 equally to the rest of the Torah : it would serve to ex- 
 plain alike the interruptions of the text and the recurrence 
 of one subject repeated with but little alteration. Whether 
 it would, however, account for the summary to be found 
 in Deuteronomy seems doubtful. The book reads rather 
 as a general reflection on the Law as a whole by some 
 later prophet, whose eloquence and inspiration rise with 
 his subject. To such a prophet following Moses the book 
 itself alludes immediately after the " manner of the king- 
 dom" has been described (xvii., xviii.) It may be that 
 to Samuel we should ascribe these passages which have 
 no counterpart in the rest of the Law, and that the 
 final transcription of the original tablets was carried 
 
TRANSCRIBING THE LAW. ( .>~> 
 
 out iii the time of Saul and of David, or early in 
 Solomon's reign, from those documents which had been 
 stored in the ark, with perhaps some additions of later 
 times. 
 
 The suggestions so made are not due to any previously 
 formed literary theory, but are the consequence of what 
 seems to be established by the discovery of ancient re- 
 mains. If we accept the statement that there was once 
 an ark in which laws written by Moses were stored, 
 those tablets must have been transcribed later from syl- 
 labic characters to alphabetic, and the results would be 
 such as have been sketched. If, on the other hand, we 
 deny that any such documents existed, and attribute the 
 whole of the Pentateuch narrative to the invention of 
 later priests, we are still confronted with the results of 
 monumental study, which serve to show that the tradi- 
 tion preserved in Genesis of early times was historically 
 correct. While, on the one hand, the Rabbinical belief 
 that all the Law was written by Moses is not supported 
 by the Bible itself, on the other the very contrary results 
 which have arisen from a century of critical study serve 
 to show that the origin of the Pentateuch is still little 
 understood, and that literary criticism by itself leads to 
 no satisfactory solution. 
 
96 NOTES TO CHAPTER 'V. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Assyrians in Egypt.— The early relations between 
 Egypt, Assyria, and Babylon in the fifteenth century B.C. 
 are proved by the Tell Amarna texts, and an Assyrian visit 
 to Egypt appears to have occurred as early as the time of 
 Rameses XVI., who married the daughter of Pallaskharnes, 
 the "great king of Assyria." A tablet in the language of 
 Babylon was erected to " Naromath, king of kings, the great 
 king of Assyria," who was buried at Abydos, and he appears 
 to have been the grandfather of Shishak, who reigned 966-933 
 B.C. ('Hist. Egypt,' vol. ii. pp. 196-202). These notices are of in- 
 terest in connection with the prophecy of Balaam (Num. xxiv. 
 22) speaking of Assyrian inroads, and of attacks on Assyria by 
 the Cyprians ; and also with the inroads of Cushan Rishathaim 
 (Judgesjii. 10) about 1400 B.C. ; but monumental information 
 about this time is unfortunately very imperfect. 
 
 Priests and Levites. — The position of the Levites, as 
 being at once teachers of the Law in various cities, ministers 
 at the central shrine, and owners of land, was exactly that of 
 the modern Dervish orders, who possess lands and monas- 
 teries, but are scattered as teachers among the villages of 
 Palestine, and assemble in bands at certain festivals. The 
 antiquity of the cities assigned to Levites is monumentally * 
 proved in many instances. Gibeon and ^Bethhoron, for in- 
 stance, occur in Shishak's list, Gezer in the Tell Amarna 
 letters with Ajalon ; Eltekeh is mentioned by Sennacherib, 
 and Taanach by Thothmes III. with Ashtaroth. 
 
 The extreme critical theory regards the Levites as being the 
 local priests of the Hebrews, and Aaron as a later creation of 
 priestly tradition. Aaron is, however, called a Levite in a 
 passage not regarded as being late (Exod. iv. 24), and is men- 
 tioned in Deuteronomy (v. 20) in evident allusion to the nar- 
 rative of the golden calf (Exod. xxxiii. 5). The expression 
 " the priests the Levites" is by no means peculiar to Deutero- 
 
THE LAW AND HISTORY OF ISRAEL. 97 
 
 nomy, for it occurs in the later prophets (Isa. lxvi. 21 ; Ezek. 
 xliv. 15). There is no passage in the Torah which attributes 
 to Levites not of the family of Aaron an established situation 
 as priests. In Deuteronomy (xviii. 6, 7) the Levites appear 
 both as living in the various cities, as pilgrims to the central 
 shrine, and as possessing a patrimony. In Ezekiel the idola- 
 trous Levites are excluded from the sanctuary (xliv. 10). In 
 Deuteronomy the priests of the tribe of Levi are noticed as 
 teachers of the Law (xxxiii. 10). Aaron is mentioned by the 
 prophet Micah (vi. 4) with Moses and Miriam, but in all parts 
 of the Torah the Levites not of the family of Moses appear as 
 ministers of the sanctuary only. 
 
 The Prophets on the Law and History of Israel. — 
 AUusions in the prophetic books before the Captivity are of 
 great value for critical research. The Law is distinctly noticed 
 as " written" (Hosea viii. 12), and is often mentioned as known 
 but neglected (Isa. ii. 3 ; Jer. viii. 8, ix. 13, xxvi. 4 ; Micah 
 iv. 2 ; Zeph. iii. 4). The Sabbath is also specially noticed as 
 a day of rest (Jer. xvii. 24. Compare Isa. i. 13 ; Hosea ii. 11 ; 
 Ezek. xx. 12). AUusions to circumcision (Jer. ix. 25) and to 
 Nazarites (Amos ii. 11 ; Lam. iv. 7) occur, and Jeremiah 
 alludes to the setting free of Hebrew slaves (Jer. xxxiv. 9 ; 
 Exod. xxi. 2). The ephod is noticed by Hosea (iii. 4), who 
 also speaks of unclean food (ix. 4). Incense — which is monu- 
 mentally noticed before the time of Moses — is also mentioned 
 by Isaiah (i. 13 ; see Jer. xi. 13, xvii. 26). Hebrew festivals 
 are also indicated (Hosea ii. 11, ix. 4, 5 ; Amos v. 21, viii. 10). 
 References to the narrative of the Torah also occur — to Nim- 
 rod (Micah v. 6), to Abraham (Micah vii. 20), to Sodom, 
 Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim as destroyed (Isa. i. 9 ; Amos 
 iv. 11 ; Hosea xi. 8), to Jacob's marriage in Aram (Hosea xii. 
 3, 12), to Moses, Aaron, and Miriam (Micah vi. 4; see Jer. 
 xv. 1), to the Exodus (Jer. ii. 6, xxxii. 21 ; Hosea xi. 1, xii. 9), 
 to forty years in the desert (Amos ii. 10, v. 25), to Balaam, 
 son of Beor, and to Balak (Micah vi. 5), to Oreb (Isa. x. 26), 
 to the crime of Gibeah (Hosea x. 9), to Samuel (Jer. xv. 1), 
 and to Shiloh (Jer. vii. 12, xxvi. 6). In the later part of 
 
98 NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 
 
 Isaiah Sarah is noticed (li. 2), and Abraham and Jacob (xli. 
 8, 14), as is also the passage of the Ked Sea (lxiii. 11, 12). 
 In Ezekiel there are references to Eden as the garden of God 
 (xxviii. 13, xxxi. 8, 16, xxxvi. 35). The sin of Adam is men- 
 tioned in Job (xxxi. 33). There are, on the other hand, no 
 allusions in the Torah, or in the prophets, to the Nethinim 
 (1 Chron. ix. 2 ; Ezra ii. 43), or to the singers and porters 
 of the Temple (1 Chron. ix. 17 ; Ezra ii. 41), or to the wood- 
 offering (Neh. x. 34). The Urim and Thummim mentioned 
 in Samuel were non-existent in Ezra's time (Ezra ii. 63). 
 
 "Writings ascribed to Moses. — Certain passages of the 
 Torah alone are directly stated to have been written by Moses 
 himself, including the curse on Amalek (Exod. xvii. 14), and 
 the Book of the Covenant (Exod. xx.-xxii. ; see xxiv. 4, 7, 
 10-26), with the tablet of the Commandments (Exod. xxxii. 
 15), and the journeys of Israel (Num. xxxiii. 2). In Deut- 
 eronomy there are more general allusions to the Law written 
 in a book by Moses (xxxi. 9-11, 24-26), and stored in the 
 ark (see 1 Kings viii. 9). The song and blessing of Moses 
 are also said to have been spoken by him (Deut. xxxi. 30, 
 xxxiii. 1). There are, on the other hand, notes in the Book 
 of Deuteronomy which seem to indicate later additions, such 
 as the geography of the desert (ii. 2), the ancient populations 
 (ii. 10, 23), the old names of Hernion (iii. 9), the account of 
 Og's throne (iii. 11), the origin of the name Havothjair (iii. 14) 
 " unto this day " (xxxiv. 6) ; while in Numbers there are 
 allusions to early songs (xxi. 17, 18, 27-30), as well as to the 
 "Book of the Wars of Jehovah" (xxi. 14, 15). It is not 
 absolutely necessary to suppose that the description of the 
 king (Deut. xvii. 14-20) must have been written after Saul's 
 election. The writer in the Torah says, "Thou shalt say 
 I will set a king over me like as all the nations that are 
 about me," and in the Tell Amarna collection occurs a letter 
 (No. 58, British Museum collection) addressed to "all the 
 kings of Canaan," in the fifteenth century B.C. But such 
 notes as that which speaks of the kings who ruled in Edom 
 " before there reigned any king over the children of Israel " 
 
ANTIQUITY OF LAWS IN ASIA. 99 
 
 (Gen. xxxvi. 31) must clearly have been added later to the 
 category, if it was written before Saul's time. 
 
 Antiquity of Laws in Asia. — Some indications of the 
 existence of early laws, civil and religious, are found in 
 monuments. A fragment of an Akkadian code exists which 
 prescribes the punishment for those who denied their obliga- 
 tions to father, mother, wife, or son. The wife who denied 
 her husband was drowned, but the husband who denied his 
 wife was only fined, so that the inferiority of women was part 
 of the Akkadian as of every other early system. We have 
 also the account of a boundary fixed between Babylonia and 
 Assyria by Assur Uballid and Burnaburias in the fifteenth 
 century B.C. Trade documents, relating to agreements before 
 witnesses, are preserved as early as 2100 B.C., including the 
 sale of fields. The regular payment of bequests to a temple 
 is noticed on the statue of Gudea at Tell Loh yet earlier, 
 and a tablet of the time of Nebuchadnezzar (in 603 B.C.) 
 speaks of the tithes of the temple of Istar at Sippara. The 
 treaty of Rameses II. with the Hittites, in the fourteenth 
 century B.C., mentions the extradition of criminals, and pro- 
 vides (compare Deut. xxiv. 16) that the relatives of a criminal 
 are not to be punished in his stead. The extradition of 
 criminals seems also to be noticed in one of the Tell Amarna 
 letters from Armenia (No. 24, British Museum collection). 
 The Akkadian hymns (see chap, xi.) speak of laws binding 
 on kings as sacred obligations. The antiquity of a priestly 
 caste in Egypt who owned lands is clearly indicated on the 
 monuments, where — as in Mesopotamia — the king was not 
 only the head of the priesthood, but was regarded as a divine 
 incarnation. The priestly duties of a king are indicated in 
 Deuteronomy (xvii. 18), and these were carried out not only 
 by David or Solomon, but even by Agrippa, as mentioned in 
 the Mishnah. Moses is called a king in the blessing (Deut. 
 xxxiii. 5). 
 
101 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 JOSHUA. 
 
 A new era in the history of Israel dates from the passage 
 of the Jordan and the conquest of Palestine. In the 
 Bible we are told that the Hebrews first gained the 
 mountain plateau at Ai, near Bethel, and made peace 
 with the Hivites, who lived between Shechem and Jeru- 
 salem. They fought the Amorites at Gibeon, and pur- 
 sued them into Philistia. The route then led by Lachish 
 up the broad valley of Elah to Hebron ; and Debir on 
 the hills overlooking Beersheba was the most southern 
 town attacked. The Canaanites of Sharon, who had 
 chariots, were not driven out ; and there is no account 
 of any fighting in the Samaritan mountains. The second 
 campaign was against the northern nations who gathered 
 at Hazor in Upper Galilee ; and a great victory was gained 
 near the waters of Merom, where even the chariots failed 
 before the Hebrew charge. It would seem that seven 
 years were occupied in reducing Western Palestine, but 
 many fortified towns which did not actively oppose the 
 Hebrews were left untaken. The great raid had not the 
 character of a complete conquest, for many years were 
 
102 JOSHUA. 
 
 occupied after the death of Joshua in further conflicts, 
 and towns like Debir rose from their ashes, and with- 
 stood Caleb and other survivors of the generation follow- 
 ing Moses. The Canaanites and Philistines in the plains 
 remained, indeed, unconquerecl to the time of Solomon, 
 and regained their independence after his death. When, 
 in the days of the Judges, the power of Israel died out, 
 invaders from south, north, and east pressed hard on 
 the Hebrews in the mountains of Judah and Ephraim, 
 and not till David's time was the ruler of Israel the 
 master of all Palestine and of Southern Syria. 
 
 The rivalry of Judah and Joseph dated from the first 
 days of the conquest, when these two great tribes divided 
 Southern and Central Palestine between them; but ac- 
 cording to the Book of Joshua a regular division of the 
 land between twelve tribes (including the two sons of 
 Joseph — Ephraim and Manasseh — and excluding the 
 sacred tribe of Levi) was made after the victory of Hazor, 
 and the geographical chapters of Joshua are the fullest 
 in the Bible. It is remarkable that during the wars of 
 Joshua's age we find no allusion to any conflict with the 
 Hittites. They lived in his age in Northern Syria, and 
 are not mentioned at Hebron. This, as has been already 
 shown, agrees with the historic fact that the Hittites 
 had been defeated at Megiddo a century earlier by 
 Thothmes III., and driven northwards. It is only in 
 the earlier age of Abraham that their occupation of the 
 Hebron mountains is noticed. In the Tell Amarna cor- 
 respondence no single letter attributable to a Hittite 
 
THE CANAAXITE EEYOLT. 103 
 
 exists which shows their presence in the south. The 
 Canaanite princes of that region seem to have been all 
 Arameans — Amorites and Philistines — owing allegiance 
 to Egypt. The attack of Hittites on Damascus and 
 Bashan is mentioned ; and a Hittite prince of Eeseph, 
 north of Tadmor in Syria, wrote one letter to Egypt 
 in the fifteenth century B.C., penned in his own non- 
 Semitic language. The power of the Hittites in the 
 north had been broken by Dusratta of Armenia before 
 the time of the Hebrew conquest, and their raid on 
 Damascus, during the period of the great rebellion, led 
 perhaps to no permanent result. The greatest conquer- 
 ing tribe among the Canaanites was the Amorite nation, 
 which was purely Aramean. In Syria they extended 
 their victories as far south as Tyre. They also occupied 
 the Jerusalem mountains and those of Hebron. East 
 of Jordan they had conquered Moab before the approach 
 of Israel, and had divided the whole country between 
 Dibon and Hermon into two equal kingdoms, under Og 
 of Bashan and Sihon of Heshbon. 
 
 The monumental notices of the Abiri are of the highest 
 interest in studying the history of the Hebrew conquest 
 about 1480 b.c. They occur in the letters sent to Egypt 
 by the Amorite king of Jerusalem. They show that the 
 Abiri came from Seir, and fought at Ajalon ; that they 
 invaded the Philistine plains, and destroyed all the Ca- 
 naanite rulers. These notices agree exactly with the Bible 
 account of Joshua's first campaign ; and although the only 
 name mentioned as belonging to one of their leaders is not 
 
104 
 
 JOSHUA. 
 
 noticed in the Book of Joshua, it is still a well-known 
 Hebrew name (Elimelech) which belonged to a descendant 
 of Caleb in Bethlehem (Euth i. 2) in the days of the 
 Judges. 
 
 The principal passages in the Jerusalem letters clearly 
 indicate the path of conquest, and the terror of Canaanite 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 r 
 
 LacMsh Tablet. 
 (Front.) 
 
 princes. The Amorite in various passages writes as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 " I ask the resident of the King my Lord why dost 
 thou tremble before the Abiri." " They have destroyed 
 all the rulers. There is no ruler now, King my Lord." 
 " The Abiri chiefs plunder all the King's lands, since the 
 
THE ABIRI. 
 
 105 
 
 Egyptian soldiers have gone quitting the lands this year." 
 " The King's land rebels to the chiefs of the Abiri." " Lo ! 
 the land of Gezer, and the land of Ascalon, and the land 
 of Lachish, they have taken to themselves — this tribe 
 who have caused the destruction of the town of Ajalon." 
 " They have fought against me from the land of Seir to 
 
 Lachish Tablet. 
 (Back.) 
 
 the city of Gibeah of Carmel." " Lo ! the land of Labaya 
 and of Shaalbim is inhabited by the Abiri chiefs." He 
 alludes also probably to the taking of Shiloh and Eimmon 
 north of Ai, and very clearly to the conquest of Lachish. 
 He makes preparation for leaving Jerusalem ; and one 
 letter on a different kind of clay seems to have been 
 
106 JOSHUA. 
 
 written after his flight, while on the way to Gaza. Ac- 
 cording to the Book of Joshua the king of Jerusalem was v 
 captured at Makkedah near Ekron, after the defeat of the 
 Amorite league at Ajalon. Nor is it only this king who 
 mentions the Abiri, for Princess Basmath, widow of the 
 king of Gezer, describes her flight to Zabuba in Lower 
 Galilee, and speaks of the attack made by these conquer- 
 ors on Zoreah near Gezer. It is also remarkable that the 
 name of one of the princes writing from Gezer is Japhia, 
 which (Josh. x. 3) is stated in the Bible to have been that 
 of the Amorite king of Lachish. Two fragmentary letters 
 from Hazor also form part of the Tell Amarna collection, 
 written by a chief whose name may read Yebaenu or 
 Jabin. These likewise refer to a powerful attack by 
 enemies whose name is not given, and ask for aid from 
 Egypt. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that the Abiri conquest was not a 
 mere local rising. It was the invasion of a people from / 
 the " land of the Abiri," who came from Seir, and who 
 destroyed all the rulers, and apparently wrecked the Ca- 
 naanite temples. They refused to give tribute, and swept 
 over all the country of Judah as far as Carine! south of 
 Hebron. That they did not meet Egyptian troops seems 
 clear from the repeated complaint of the king of Jerusa- 
 lem as to the withdrawal of the Egyptian garrison. The 
 tone of all the Canaanite letters is a despairing cry for help 
 to Egypt, but none of them record that any help was sent, 
 though eagerly expected. They relate no victories over 
 the Abiri, and the history of the reign of Amenophis IV. 
 
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. 107 
 
 shows ns only defeat and disaster. In the Book of \ 
 Joshua there is no account of any fighting in Central 
 Palestine — the Hivite region, — and it is remarkable that 
 none of the Canaanite letters come from this region. There 
 is a gap between Megiddo and Accho to the north, and 
 Joppa, Ascalon, and Jerusalem on the south. It may per- 
 haps be explained by supposing that the Hebrew treaty 
 with the Hivites gave to them peaceful possession of the 
 country round Shechem; for, if the chapter relating to 
 the great ceremony at Shechem stands in its proper place 
 in the Hebrew text, this ceremony took place after the 
 first campaign, but before the great battle near Hazor in 
 the Amorite region of Upper Galilee. 
 
 The text of the Book of Joshua does not appear to 
 have been preserved by the Jews with that scrupulous 
 care which marks their veneration of the earlier Penta- 
 teuch. In the Greek Septuagint translation the order of 
 the chapters is changed, and a whole verse is added to 
 the lists of cities in Judah — a gloss which seems to be 
 of late date, since it does not agree with the account of 
 the border of Benjamin. The language of the book is 
 very similar to that of the Pentateuch, and many passages 
 are in the eloquent style of Deuteronomy. It consists of 
 two parts — the first relating the conquest of Palestine, the 
 second describing the lots of the tribes, and ending with 
 the burial of Joshua. The geographical chapters are 
 attributed by recent writers to the same priestly editor 
 of later times whose work is supposed to be found in the 
 Law. It is important, therefore, to examine this geo- 
 
108 JOSHUA. 
 
 graphy, and to ask whether it bears evidence of late date, 
 and agrees with the condition of Palestine under the 
 Persians. 
 
 The Book of Joshua is not said to have been written 
 by that great soldier. It contains an ancient extract 
 from the Book of Jasher concerning the miracle of 
 Gibeon, which is related solely on the authority of that 
 early song. The Book of Jasher, as is clear from another 
 passage (2 Sam. i. 18), contained also songs of the time 
 of David, and the natural conclusion would be that the 
 Book of Joshua, as at present existing, was not earlier 
 than David's age, and was written five centuries after the 
 conquest. It contains the tradition of two great miracles, 
 that of Gibeon taken from an older source (Josh. x. 13), 
 and that of the passage of Jordan. It is remarkable that v 
 a stoppage of the river is historically stated, by an Arab 
 author, 1 to have recurred in the thirteenth century a.d., 
 when Bibars the Egyptian conqueror was building the 
 Damieh bridge over Jordan. The marshy banks of the 
 river, in a part of its course which is narrow, were under- 
 mined by the floods and dammed the stream for several 
 hours, leaving the river-bed dry below the dam. Not > 
 only is this recorded, but the scene of the stoppage is 
 the same as in the Book of Joshua ; for the Damieh ford 
 is the probable site of the " city Adam " where Jordan, 
 swelled by the melting snows of Hermon in April, " rose 
 up on a heap very far off, by the city " (Josh. iii. 16). 
 
 1 See Quarterly Statement, Palestine Exploration Fund, July 
 1895. 
 
JERUSALEM. 109 
 
 But if the notice of the Book of Jasher points to the 
 later age of David, other indications seem to show that 
 the narrative of Joshua cannot have been written much 
 later. It is difficult to believe that a Jewish writer of I ■' 
 later times would willingly have admitted that the first 
 centre of worship for Israel was at Shechem, and this 
 applies to the author of Deuteronomy as well as to the 
 writer of the Book of Joshua. In Deuteronomy Joseph 
 and Judah are equally blessed, as also in the song of 
 Jacob. The latter bears marks of being yet more ancient, 
 for Levi is not a sacred tribe in Jacob's song, whereas in 
 Deuteronomy they appear as teachers of the Law, and 
 ministers of the altar (Deut. xxxiii. 10). The language 
 of the Hebrew prophets regarding Ephraini is very dif- 
 ferent to that of the earlier books, and Gilgal, which 
 in the Book of Joshua is a sacred centre, was to them 
 an idolatrous shrine. In Samuel's time it was still a 
 sacred place where justice was administered, and only in 
 the eighth century B.C. is it first noticed with disfavour. 
 
 The mention of Jerusalem by the author of the Book *s 
 of Joshua has been thought to mark a later age. The 
 letters now discovered prove, however, beyond dispute, 
 that the city was so named as early as Joshua's time. 
 There is no allusion in this book to Jerusalem as a sacred 
 centre, or to any temple there established. It appears 
 as the home of Jebusite and Amorite, and as a city 
 fighting against Israel. In the geographical portion we 
 read that "the Jebusites dwell with the children of 
 Judah at Jerusalem until this day" (Josh. xv. 63), a 
 
110 JOSHUA. 
 
 condition which existed in David's time, but which is 
 unnoticed afterwards, and not applicable to the time 
 of Ezra. 
 
 The geographical chapters are most clearly explained 
 by aid of the long list of 119 towns conquered by 
 Thothmes III. in Palestine before the Exodus. We thus 
 are able to prove that many of them were standing long- 
 before the Hebrew conquest. Others are mentioned in 
 the Canaanite letters as already detailed. On the other 
 hand, several towns noticed in the Book of Nehemiah 
 are not found in that of Joshua. Tirzah in Samaria is 
 noticed (Josh. xii. 24), but Samaria itself is not mentioned. 
 No mark of late date is therefore discoverable in the names 
 of the cities. 
 
 As regards the boundaries of the tribes, it is to be noted 
 that those of Judah and of Benjamin are much more 
 minutely described than the rest, although in every case 
 the account is sufficient to allow of border lines being laid 
 down on the map with great exactitude. The information 
 regarding western Manasseh is especially defective, and 
 very few Samaritan towns except Shechem, Tirzah, and 
 Tappuah, with the torrent of Kanah, are noticed. The 
 author distinguishes the hills of Judah from those of 
 Israel (Josh. xi. 21), and claims the cities of Philistia for 
 Judah, though in the narrative we have no account of the 
 conquest of Gaza, Ascalon, or Joppa. On the other hand, 
 in the first section of the book we find the Philistines 
 still unconquered (Josh. xiii. 2-6), with many places in 
 the north, and the whole of Syria to Gebal and Hamath. 
 
THE TWELVE THEBES. Ill 
 
 These regions were subdued by David, and the author 
 clearly refers to a former age. 
 
 The twelve tribal lots agree closely with the twelve 
 provinces into which Palestine was divided under Solo- 
 mon (1 Kings iv. 7-18), but they do not accord with later 
 divisions of the country. In Ezra's age the tribe of 
 Benjamin occupied Lydda, which in the time of Joshua 
 belonged to Dan, and Judah occupied towns which are 
 given in the earlier book to Simeon. The topography 
 of Joshua's division does not even accord with condi- 
 tions existing in David's age, for Simeon is stated by a 
 later writer to have been then dispersed, apparently 
 migrating to Moab from the plains of Beersheba (1 Chron. 
 iv. 31). In Hezekiah's time they conquered Mount Seir, 
 and dwelt there down to the times of the Greek dominion 
 (verse 43). The Moabite Stone speaks of "men of Gad" 
 in cities which are given to Eeuben in the geography of 
 Joshua. The Gadites were taken captive in 734 B.C. by 
 the Assyrians, with Eeuben and Manasseh (1 Chron. v. 
 26), on the occasion of Tiglath Pileser's raid on Edom ; and 
 yet earlier the same conqueror invaded Galilee (2 Kings 
 xv. 29) and took all the land of ISTaphtali, Galilee, and 
 Gilead. The topography of the Book of Joshua is a real y 
 topography, penned by an author to whom the neighbour- 
 hood of Jerusalem was familiar, but who had also general 
 knowledge of the whole of Palestine. It is not the topo- 
 graphy of later times, while its accuracy forbids us to 
 suppose that it can have been written down in Assyria 
 by a priest who had never been in Palestine. The 
 
112 JOSHUA. 
 
 Levitical cities bear, in many cases, very ancient names, 
 and were inhabited by priests and Levites — as already 
 explained — in at least two cases, as early as the times of 
 Samuel and Solomon. There is no discord between the 
 geography of the narrative and of the geographical 
 chapters, and no evidence of late date in either, but, on 
 the contrary, much that only applies to an age earlier 
 than that of Solomon. 
 
 The natural result of such inquiry seems therefore to 
 be, that while the story of the conquest may have been 
 written five centuries after the events, and drew from 
 ancient songs of the Hebrews the account of miracles 
 like those at Gibeon and Jordan ; and while the twelve 
 tribes represent a condition of Israel still existing in 
 Solomon's age, but not in that of Ahab, a century later, 
 — yet the tradition was true, and the line of Joshua's first 
 campaign exactly that recorded for us by the Amorite 
 king of Jerusalem, whom he conquered. Eespect for V 
 boundaries was a peculiar feature of Semitic civilisation 
 even earlier than Joshua's time. We find the early kings 
 of Babylon and Assyria laying down a boundary between 
 their dominions before the Exodus. Dusratta the Ar- 
 menian, in Joshua's age, has described for us the borders 
 of his conquests from the Hittites from Haran westwards. 
 The Book of Deuteronomy inculcates respect for land- 
 marks, such as were set up between fields in Chaldea 
 long before the days of Moses. It is quite possible that 
 the borders of the tribes, still preserved under Solomon, 
 may have been established at the time of Joshua's con- 
 
THE LOT OF BENJAMIN. 113 
 
 quest. In that account we have both the original line 
 separating Judah and Joseph, and also its later modifica- 
 tion when lots were given to Benjamin and to Dan. 1 A 
 priestly editor in Ezra's age woidd have been apt to 
 describe Benjamin's possessions as existing in his own 
 time ; and the Danites in Judges desert their original 
 home to wander north to Hermon. On no book of the 
 Bible has recent exploration cast more light than on that 
 relating the story of the Hebrew conquest of Canaan. 
 1 See uote, p. 111. 
 
114 NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Topography of the Book of Joshua. — The recovery of 
 about 160 cities unknown previously, which is clue to the 
 Survey of Palestine, has led to a much better understanding 
 of the topography of this book. The boundaries of the tribes 
 can be laid clown with great certitude (see Conder's ' Hand- 
 book to the Bible '). The lot of Judah ran on the south to 
 Petra, and thence to Hezron (Jebel Hadireh), and to the Wddy 
 el 'Arish. On the north from the Jordan mouth, by Beth 
 Hoglah ('Ain Hajlah), it passed to Gilgal \Tell Jiljulieh), to 
 Adummim (Tal'at ed Dumm), and to En Rogel ('Ain Umm ed 
 Deraj) : following the Hinnom valley south of Jerusalem, it 
 reached Nephtoah ('Ain 'Atdn), south-west of Bethlehem, and 
 by Kirjath-jeanmj('l?ma) and Chesalon (Kesla), it entered the 
 plain at Bethshemesh ('Ain Shemes) and Timnah (Tibneh), 
 going north to Ekron (Akir) and to Jabneel (Yebnah) on the 
 sea-coast (Josh, xv.) The original border of Joseph (Josh, 
 xvi.) ran from Jericho ('Ain es Sultan) to Bethel (Beitin), 
 Archi ('Ain 'Arlk), and Ataroth Adar (ed Darieh), and by 
 the lower BethhWon (Beit 'Ailr et Tahta) to Gezer (Tell 
 Jezar) and the sea. The north border of Ephraim ran from 
 Ataroth Adar and Bethhoron the upper (Beit 'Ailr el Foka), by 
 the valley of Kanah (Wady Kanah), to the plain east of 
 Shechein, and by Taanath Shiloh (Ta'na) and Janohah 
 (Yanitn) to Jericho. After the final division of the country 
 the north border of Benjamin is described, coinciding with 
 that of Ephraim to Bethhoron, where it turned south to 
 Kirjath-jearlm ('Erma) and Nephtoah ('Ain 'Atdn), Rachel's 
 tomb being on this border (Josh, xviii. ; 1 Sam. x. 2). Gezer, 
 which was not occupied by Joseph (Josh. xvi. 10), thus fell 
 within the border of Dan, which (Josh. xix. 40) included 
 Zoreah (Sur'ah), Eshtaol (Eshu'a), Ir Sherfiesh ('Ain Shemes), 
 Ajalon (Yah), Thimnathah (Tibneh), Ekron ('Akir), Gibbethon 
 (Kibbieh), Jehud (El Yehudiyeh), Bene Berak (Ibn Ibrak), Rak- 
 kon (Tell er Bakkeit), and the coast east of Japho (Ydfa), the 
 
TOPOGRAPHY OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. 115 
 
 exact line on the north being unstated. Manasseh appears to 
 have claimed Northern Sharon and Carmel. Issachar held 
 the plains of Lower Galilee, and the towns of Jezreel (ZerHn), 
 Chesnlloth (Iksdl), Shunem (Stilem), Haphraim (el Ferrlyeh), 
 Shihofr (JAyHn Sh'ain), Anaharath (en N'azirah), Rabbi th 
 (Rdba), Remeth (Rdrneh), Engannim (Jenhi), and others. The 
 south border of Zebnlon is described from Daberath (Debilrieh), 
 by Sadid (Tell Shadud) and Japhia (Ydfa), to Jokneam (Tell 
 Keimun) : on the north, by Gittah Hepher (el Mesh-hed) and 
 Rimmon (Rurnmdbneh), it passed to Hannathon (Kefr } Andn) 
 and to Dabbasheth (Tell Dabsheh), and thence west to Cab nl 
 (KabiU) and Beth Dagon (Tell Ucntk) : the shore of the bay 
 north of Carmel seems to have belonged to Zebulon, though 
 the expression " to Carmel seaward " (Josh. xix. 26), as belong- 
 ing to Asher, is difficult to understand. The lot of Asher, 
 from the vicinity of Accho along the shores to Sidon, in- 
 cluded the cities Achshaph (el Ydsif), Hammon ('AinHamfd), 
 and Kanah (Kanah), with Tyre (es Silr). Naphtali occupied 
 the mountains of Upper Galilee, and the plateau west of the 
 Sea of Galilee, including the towns of Adami (ed Ddmieh), 
 Nekeb (Seiyddeh), Jabneel (Yemma), Hukkok (YaMk), Ham- 
 mai;h (Hammdm Tabariyeh), Adamah (Admeh), Ramah (Rameh), 
 Hazor (Jebel Hadireh), Kedesh (Kedes), Edrei (Y'ater), En 
 Hazor (ffazireh), Iron (Yar&n), Migdalel (Mujeidil), and 
 Beth Anath (Ainatha). The lot of Simeon, on the extreme 
 south, was carved out of that of Judah, including Beersheba 
 (Bir es Seb'a), Sharuhen (Tell esh SherVah), En Rimmon (Umm 
 er Runiamin), with other doubtful towns. Beyond Jordan the 
 tribe of Reuben occupied the country east of the Dead Sea, 
 from Aroer ('Ar'air) on the Arnon, by Medeba (Mddebeh) to 
 Hesnbon (Hesbdn), and farther south Dibon (Dhibdn) and 
 Beth-baal-meon (Tell M'ain) : on the west limits were Kirja- 
 thaim (el Kureiydt), Sibmah (Silmieh), and Beth Jeshimoth 
 (Smveimeh) — see Josh. xiii. 15-20. The tribe of Gad held the 
 country from Heshbon northwards as far east as Rabbath 
 Amnion (Amman), and Mahanaim (el Mukhmah) — Betonim 
 (Josh. xiii. 26) being perhaps the Butein district in North 
 Gilead. In the Jordan valley their towns included Beth 
 
116 NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Aram {Tell Rdmch), Beth Nimrah (Tell Nimrin), Succoth (Tell 
 Der'ala), and Zaphon (probably 'Amdteh, in the north-west of 
 Gilead), or all the western slopes of Mount Gilead. Manasseh 
 occupied Bashan and the eastern part of Gilead, with the 
 towns of Ashtaroth (Tell 'Ashterah) and Edrei (edh Dhfa), 
 Mahanaim (Mukhmah) being on the extreme south-west 
 border (Josh. xiii. 29-31). These boundaries, proposed by the 
 present author in 1879, will be found on most recent maps, 
 and they differ considerably from those proposed by writers 
 who studied the subject before the survey of Palestine had 
 been undertaken. 
 
117 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 JUDGES. 
 
 The history of the Book of Judges carries us from the 
 death of Joshua to the time of Eli, and covers 370 years 
 — for Samson is clearly stated to have judged, in the 
 "days of the Philistines," who oppressed Israel for forty 
 years (Judges xiii. 1, xv. 20). We are thus carried from 
 the conquest to about the year 1100 B.C. The book re- 
 sembles in style and language that of Joshua, but was 
 clearly written after the establishment of the kingdom. 
 It includes, however, in the song of Deborah, a Hebrew 
 ode probably as old as the fourteenth century B.C. 
 
 The period of the Judges was one of weakness and 
 confusion, when the worship of Canaanite gods was com- 
 mon among the Hebrews, and when they were oppressed 
 by Aramean, Midianite, and Philistine rulers. The epi- 
 sodes which it contains relate to all parts of Palestine, 
 but do not form an exhaustive history of the whole 
 country. The various heroes who arose in various tribes, 
 and who for a time asserted the old supremacy of Israel, 
 are noticed in historic order, but some episodes are only 
 dated by the sequence of the story. 
 
118 JUDGES. 
 
 The period is one also of which as yet we have no 
 continued monumental history. A great gap occurs in 
 the history of Assyria before the twelfth century b.c. ; 
 and the latest Tell Amarna letters only bring us down 
 to the time of Horus, when Assur Uballid, the ruler of 
 Assyria, re-established relations with Egypt. It was per- 
 haps in his reign that Chushan-rishathaini, king of Meso- 
 potamia, invaded Palestine and enslaved the Hebrews for 
 eight years after the death of Caleb. After this period 
 the nineteenth dynasty arose in Egypt about 1400 B.C., 
 and King Seti began his attack on the south of Palestine, 
 penetrating to Kanana close to Hebron — now the ruined 
 site Kan'aan. 
 
 A very valuable indication of early Assyrian inroads 
 into Palestine has quite recently been recovered (' Journal 
 of the Royal Asiatic Society,' October 1894), showing that 
 Assur Uballid — the same Assyrian ruler who wrote one 
 of the letters of the Tell Amarna collection — attacked 
 Beirut about 1400 b.c. He had made peace with Baby- 
 lon, and established a boundary line between the two 
 kingdoms, but was subsequently involved in war with 
 Cassite invaders, whom he conquered at Babylon. A 
 rising of all the peoples, " from sunrise to sunset," 
 occurred during his reign, and the Assyrian army "be- 
 sieged the city Beirut near the land of the Amorites." 
 The walls appear to have been undermined, and the 
 people were taken into captivity. This account is in- 
 teresting in connection with that in Judges of the eight 
 years' servitude of the Hebrews under Chushan-rishathaim 
 
JABIN AND SISEEA. 119 
 
 of Mesopotamia about the same period (Judges iii. 8), 
 and with the allusions in the Law to Assyrian captivity 
 (Xum. xxiv. 22 ; Lev. xxvi. 32-44). 
 
 The famous Eameses II. commenced his conquests by 
 the capture of Ascalon about 1325 b.c. or later. 1 He 
 entered Galilee and besieged Tabor and towns in the 
 mountains near Kadesh Naphtali. According to the Bible 
 chronology, Jabin II., king of Hazor, lived in this same 
 age, and was supported by a sar of the army, with a 
 chariot force stationed at Harosheth, north of Carmel. 
 The word sar, which is uncommon in the early books, 
 is often found in the Tell Amarna texts as meaning 
 a "chief." The name of Sisera does not appear to be 
 Semitic, but is easily explained as Egyptian — Ses-Ra 
 being the "child of Ea" the Sun-god. The coincidence 
 seems to show that the old conditions of the fifteenth 
 century B.C. were re-established by Eameses II. after his 
 conquest of Upper Galilee, and that an Egyptian general 
 with a force of chariots was left to secure the fealty of 
 the king of Hazor. This would explain why Sisera, in 
 the song of Deborah, appears as leader of several "kings 
 of Canaan," not merely as the native general subject to 
 Jabin of Hazor. 
 
 The conquests of Eameses II. were carried northwards 
 to the Hittite country, and Kadesh on the Orontes fell 
 after a stubborn battle. The Egyptians then advanced to 
 Tennib and along the shores of Cilicia, even as far as 
 Ephesus, but we have no account of any attempt to pene- 
 1 See note, p. 125. 
 
120 JUDGES. 
 
 trate into the mountains of Israel. There is no mention 
 of Shechem or Jerusalem, or of any of the cities in the 
 hills of Southern Palestine, as attacked by Barneses II. 
 After his conquest of the independent Hittites in the 
 north, a famous treaty was made which granted to them 
 equal rights as allies ; and Eameses married the daughter 
 of Kheta Sar, the Hittite king of Kadesh. 
 
 The attack on Asia Minor led, however, to reprisals, 
 and after the death of Eameses II. the Aryan tribes, 
 about 1300 B.C., descended to the borders of Egypt and 
 attacked the unfortunate Mineptah, as already mentioned. 
 A second and more terrible inroad was made a century 
 later, in the time of Eameses III. ; and the PuJesta, rep- 
 resented on his monuments as joining the invaders, are 
 thought to have been Philistines, who also first appear as a 
 growing power about 1200 B.C. in the Bible (Judges x. 6). 
 
 There is no discrepancy between the account in Judges 
 and that in Joshua as regards geography. The tribes 
 occupy the same positions in both books. Thus Ben- 
 jamin and Judah (Judges i. 8, 21) alike attacked Jerusa- 
 lem after Joshua's death, but failed to root out the Jebu- 
 sites. Jerusalem was on the border of these two tribes. 
 The position assigned to Joseph, Manasseh, Ephraim, 
 Zebulon, Asher, jSTaphtali, and Dan is the same in both 
 accounts. The Danites, however, are recorded to have 
 left their proper lot near Zoreah and migrated to the 
 Hermon valleys. Zebulon occupies the country near 
 Tabor in Barak's time, just as in the Book of Joshua; and 
 in the song of Deborah the neighbouring tribe of Issachar 
 
ASSYRIAN INVASIONS. 121 
 
 is noticed, as well as Dan and Asher on the sea-shores, 
 farther off from the scene of battle. 
 
 The history of Gideon is not illustrated by any monu- 
 mental notices, but the goddess Asherah (Judges vi 28) 
 is known to have been worshipped by the Amorites in 
 Lebanon long before his time. The topography of his 
 victory can be traced with great precision, from Beth- 
 shittah in the valley of Jezreel to Succoth east of Jordan, 
 and north of the Jabbok, and to Jogbehah on the borders 
 of the desert near the summit of the hills of Gilead. 
 
 Xo further notice is found in the Book of Judges of 
 any attack by the Assyrians or Egyptians, and no monu- 
 mental notices exist of victories in Syria after the reign 
 of Eameses II. Under Mineptah the power of Egypt 
 rapidly decayed, and a period of weakness and internal 
 dissension occurred in Assyria. About 1150 B.C. Assur- 
 risisi came as far south as Beirut, in the time of Jephthah ; 
 and in 1120 Tiglath Pileser was attacking the Hittites, 
 and advanced as far as the sea-shore near Arvad, but none 
 of these expeditions seem to have penetrated into the 
 country of the Hebrews. 
 
 An interesting account is left us of the travels of an 
 Egyptian in Palestine in the later years of Eameses II., 
 when Egypt was at peace with the Hittites, and Galilee 
 and Philistia gave tribute. 1 This traveller passed by 
 Tyre to Accho, and across the plains of Lower Galilee in 
 his chariot, and reached the "land of waters," and 
 Tarichaece south of the Sea of Galilee. Thence he went 
 1 Chabas, Voyage d'un Egyptien. 
 
122 JUDGES. 
 
 on to " the fords of Jordan," and to Megiddo, and across 
 the plains and low hills to Joppa. He speaks of the 
 interior of Lower Galilee as a lawless region, where he 
 was in danger from various enemies, and where apparently 
 the Egyptian power was not recognised. But from Joppa 
 to Gaza he passed through the Philistine plains without 
 any adventures. His account thus confirms what has 
 already been said of the partial character of the second 
 Egyptian conquest. It supplements what we learn of 
 Hebrew history in the Book of Judges, but is in no ways 
 discordant with the conditions of the age of Barak and 
 Sisera. 
 
 The story of Jephthah is an episode of Mount Gilead, 
 as that of Samson belongs to the low hills east of Phil- 
 istia. In each case the topography is easily followed on 
 the ground, and agrees with that of the Book of Joshua, 
 but no monumental notices are known for comparison. 
 The episode of the " sin of Gibeah," which occupies the 
 last chapters, is one of the most remarkable, and appears 
 to refer to the same Levite who became an idolatrous 
 priest in Mount Ephraim. It might be thought a recent 
 addition on account of one allusion to the " captivity of 
 the land " (Judges xviii. 30), but the ancient manuscript 
 of St Petersburg resolves this doubt, for it contains the 
 reading " captivity of the ark," referring to the days of 
 Eli. The "sin of Gibeah" is, moreover, incidentally 
 mentioned by Hosea (ix. 9, x. 9) early in the eighth 
 century b.c, when the story contained in Judges seems 
 to have been already known. 
 
THE CENTRAL SHRINE AT SHILOH. 123 
 
 During this period the Law and the worship of Je- 
 hovah were very generally disregarded, though Samson 
 was a Nazarite, and other judges worshipped the Lord 
 in local shrines not allowed by Deuteronomy. The state- 
 ment that the Levite was " of the family of Judah," and 
 lived at Bethlehem, is difficult to understand (Judges 
 xvii. 7) ; but intermarriage between the tribes of Levi 
 and Judah may account for the relationship; and that 
 Bethlehem was not a city of the Levites has little im- 
 portance, since they were distributed in all the cities of 
 Israel as teachers of the Law, according to the Book of 
 Deuteronomy. 
 
 The period of the Judges was one when men "did 
 that which was right in their own eyes " ; and non-ob- 
 servance of the Law in such an age does not prove its 
 non-existence any more than the loss of the Torah in 
 Josiah's time shows that it was not hidden in the Temple. 
 The central shrine at Shiloh continued to exist from the 
 time of Joshua down to that of the latest judges, and we 
 read of a feast of Jehovah still yearly observed there, with 
 dances in the vineyards (Judges xxi. 19). But the ark 
 was brought out in time of war to other cities, and is 
 found at Bethel, where Israel assembled (Judges xx. 26) 
 to offer burnt-offerings and peace-offerings to Jehovah in 
 a time of penitence, before the attack on Benjamin in 
 Geba immediately to the south. The tablets placed in 
 the ark by Moses according to the Pentateuch — two 
 tablets of stone — were still there, according to the author 
 of the Book of Kings (viii. 9), when Solomon placed it 
 
124 JUDGES. 
 
 in the Temple ; and the remaining tablets of the Law 
 may have been likewise preserved in the Temple at 
 Shi loh, which grew up, apparently, round the Tabernacle 
 before the time of Eli. Yet the position of Shiloh is 
 considered to require special description in the age of 
 the Judges, as though forgotten by the men of Ben- 
 jamin. The Levite travelling from Bethlehem, and 
 passing by Jerusalem, "a city of strangers " (Judges xix. 
 12), is said in the Hebrew text to have been on his way 
 to the "house of Jehovah" (verse 18), though the Greek 
 translators read " to my own house." A pilgrimage to 
 the central shrine at Shiloh seems thus to be supposed, 
 even earlier than the days of Eli. 
 
 The natural impression which we thus obtain in read- 
 ing the Book of Judges is that a period of decay suc- 
 ceeded that of Joshua's conquest, when the Law was for- 
 gotten and the tribes gradually grew estranged, when 
 there was no central power, and when only the few 
 visited the central shrine : yet when the worship of Je- 
 hovah, and some at least of the Hebrew ceremonies and 
 customs, were preserved till Samuel arose. The monu- 
 mental notices so far agree with this narrative as to show 
 a period of confusion and weakness, of partial conquests 
 and barbarian invasion, preceding the rise of a strong 
 independent kingdom under David, during a time when 
 Egypt and Assyria were both decaying Powers. 
 
CONQUESTS OF R AMESES II. 125 
 
 NOTE TO CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Conquests of Rameses II. — The conquests of Seti I. and 
 Barneses II. are described by Brugsch (' Hist. Egypt,' vol. ii. 
 pp. 10-15 and 44-75). The former king attacked Kanana (Tell 
 Kan&'an), near Hebron ; he afterwards penetrated to Kadesh 
 of the Amorites (now Kades, a ruined town on the Orontes). 
 Raraeses II. stormed Ascalon, and in his eighth year (about 
 1325 B.C.) he took (Shalama, Maroma, Ain Anamim, and 
 Bapur, w4th Kalopu, and Beith Antlia in the land of the 
 Amorites. These towns seem to represent, Shunem, Shimron, 
 Merom, Tabor, Beth Anath, and possibly Shalabun in Galilee. 
 Advancing to Beirut (where he erected a statue at the Dog 
 river), he crossed the Lebanon, and attacked the Hittites of 
 Kadesh and Aleppo ; and after capturing the southern capital 
 he fought against Tunep (Tennib) in North Syria, and 
 followed the coast of Asia Minor to Ephesus. In the thirty- 
 fourth year of his long reign (about 1300 B.C.) he married the 
 daughter of .Kheta Sar, the Hittite prince of Kadesh.. The 
 celebrated treaty with the Hittites is fully discussed by 
 Chabas (' Voyage d'un Egyptien '), and throws light on their 
 religion and civilisation. Since the great revolt under 
 Edugama they had remained independent of Egypt, and the 
 alliance was concluded on equal terms. The Hittites re- 
 mained allies of Mineptah, who had perhaps a Hittite mother. 
 Traces of the presence of Rameses II. are found in inscrip- 
 tions still extant in Palestine and Syria, including that at the 
 Dog river north of BeirCit.J Another stela has been found 
 near Gebal ; and a graffito bearing his name is said to occur on 
 the "stone of Job" in the Hauran, indicating his advance on 
 Damascus. There is also a fragment at Arvad, found by 
 Renan ; and another, quite recently found, is said to come 
 from Sidon ( k Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archae- 
 ology,' December 1894). 
 
127 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 The two Books of Samuel close the older history of the 
 Hebrews with the account of the establishment of the 
 independent kingdom of David, extending over all Pales- 
 tine and Southern Syria. In style, they have much in 
 common with Deuteronomy, and with the Books of 
 Joshua and Judges : they are even more graphic and 
 more full of human interest. They contain very little of 
 the marvellous element, excepting the voice that spoke 
 to the child Samuel, and the visit of Saul to the witch. 
 They cannot have been penned very long after the time 
 of the latest events described, though the allusion to Zik- 
 lag, which " pertaineth to the kings of Judah unto this 
 day " (1 Sam. xxvii. 6), if it be not a note added by a 
 late scribe, points to a time when Philistia had regained 
 its independence, and when Israel and Judah had sep- 
 arate kings — perhaps to the reign of Eehoboam. 
 
 The text of these two books does not appear to have 
 been as carefully preserved as that of the Pentateuch. 
 The Greek translation of the Septuagint contains several 
 very remarkable omissions, whether intentional or due to 
 
128 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 a defective manuscript is not certain. That the manu- 
 script used was written in the later Hebrew character 
 seems probable, from the occasional confusion of the letters 
 d and r, which is seen by comparison of the Greek and 
 Hebrew ; and it is also clear that no points were used 
 in the Hebrew. Thus the Greek reading Edom for the 
 Hebrew Aram (" Syria ") gives us both these indications ; 
 and the Greek appears to be the more correct in this case, 
 since the " Valley of Salt " was probably near the Dead 
 Sea (2 Sam. viii. 13), while in another case Hadadezer 
 and Hadarezer are both given in the Hebrew — the first 
 being probably the true name (2 Sam. viii. 5, x. 19). 
 
 A very important difference occurs between the versions 
 in the case of "Kadesh of the Hittites " (2 Sam. xxiv. 6), 
 where four MSS. of the Septuagint agree against the 
 Hebrew " Tahtiin Hodshi," and clearly preserve the true 
 reading. In the Hebrew manuscript in this case we see 
 that the letters Heh and Kopli were indistinctly written. 
 The confusion could not occur in the earlier character, but 
 is easily made in the later letters used in the Greek age. 
 In several other cases the Greek reading of proper names, 
 such as Gath, Tebah, and Edom, is the best ; but in others 
 the readings Dan and Eephaim are less correct. There is 
 occasionally a difference in numerals — a thousand in the 
 Greek for a hundred in the Hebrew (2 Sam. viii. 4), and 
 four for forty in a case in which the Greek is clearly right 
 as compared with another passage (2 Sam. xiii. 38, xv. 7). 
 
 The additions in the Greek text are as noticeable as the 
 omissions. The words "and all the tithes of his land" 
 
THE HEBREWS UNDER SAMUEL. 129 
 
 (1 Sam. i. 21) may have been added by a later priest, but 
 in other cases no motive for the additional words is to be 
 noticed, and the Greek translators would seem to have 
 had before them a fuller Hebrew version. The old Syriac 
 version also sometimes supports the Greek. There is, in 
 short, no early book in the Bible in which the differences 
 of the versions are as numerous and important as they are 
 in the Books of Samuel. 
 
 The picture of Hebrew life during the century when 
 Eli, Samuel, Saul, and David ruled, is of the highest 
 value for comparison with that found in the Pentateuch. 
 It shows us a nation gradually emerging from anarchy, 
 and establishing the worship of Jehovah once more. The 
 Law in some cases seems to be ignored ; but this was 
 generally the case under the Judges, and it gives no evi- 
 dence of the non-existence of that Law. 
 
 The central sanctuary is shown to us as established still 
 at Shiloh, and visited by the pious ; but the Tabernacle is 
 replaced by a more permanent structure with doors (1 
 Sam. iii. 3, 15). The boiled flesh of sacrifices (Deut. 
 xviii. 3 ; Lev. viii. 31) still furnished the priests' due, 
 but was wrongfully chosen by the arrogant sons of Eli (1 
 Sam. ii. 13). The Levites are mentioned (1 Sam. vi. 15) 
 at a Levitical city; and there is allusion to Moses and 
 Aaron (1 Sam. xii. 6, 8) as bringing Israel from Egypt, as 
 well as to the whole thread of the history down to Sam- 
 uel's time (verses 9-11). The more usual name for the 
 deity is Elohim, and in one case the Greek uses that 
 name where the Hebrew reads Jehovah (1 Sam. xix. 9). 
 
 i 
 
130 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 On the other hand, some of the acts described do not 
 accord with the Law. The eating of the shewbread (1 
 Sam. xxi. 4) was a deed of dire necessity, and the story- 
 shows ns that this offering was already held sacred. This 
 may, indeed, have served as a pretext for Saul's massacre 
 of the priests at Nob. But it is remarkable that teraphim 
 were still used, as in Jacob's time, by Hebrew women 
 (xix. 13); and the sacrifices of Samuel at various shrines 
 can only be explained as due to the destruction of the 
 central sanctuary, or to its distance from the places 
 named — Gilgal, Bethlehem, Kirjath-jearim, &c. The 
 law of Deuteronomy as to hanging offenders was observed 
 by Joshua, but not in David's time (Deut. xxi. 23 ; Josh. 
 x. 26 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 10) ; but in the latter case the Gibeon- 
 ites, who were Hivites, could not perhaps be expected to 
 conform to the Hebrew custom. It is more difficult to 
 understand how David's sons could have been priests (2 
 Sam. viii. 18), for though the term is rendered "chief 
 rulers," it is that generally used of priests. That David 
 himself should have filled priestly functions (2 Sam. vi. 
 13, 17, 18), if indeed we are to understand that he him- 
 self sacrificed, is less remarkable ; for down to the time of 
 Agrippa, the king — whose duty it was to write a copy 
 of the Law (Deut. xvii. 18) — was allowed to take part in 
 the service of the Temple. In David's time the privilege 
 seems to have been extended to all the king's sons. 
 
 Indications of early date are not wanting in various 
 passages. The statement that the new family of priests, 
 which superseded that of Eli, should walk before the king 
 
THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL. 131 
 
 "for ever" (1 Sam. ii. 35) could not have been written 
 after the time of Nebuchadnezzar, and Solomon's throne 
 was not established "for ever" (2 Sam. vii. 13), or even 
 " for a great while to come " (verse 19). The psalm attrib- 
 uted to David (2 Sam. xxiii. 5) clearly looks forward to 
 a long-continued rule of Israel by David's children, even 
 if we omit the words " for all time " found in the Greek. 
 The translation of this verse in the English is faulty, and 
 the true rendering gives a clearer meaning. " For is not 
 my house so [just] before God, that he hath made with 
 me an everlasting covenant, ordered for all time and sure ? 
 for all my salvation and all my desire will not he make it 
 grow ? " 
 
 The critical views as to the Book of Samuel, which 
 regard it as equally fragmentary and overgrown by later 
 additions with the Pentateuch, are curiously ill supported. 
 It is admitted that, as a rule, the narratives "point forward 
 and backward to one another, and are in other ways so 
 connected together as to show that they are the work of 
 one writer " ; yet this is said " not to be the case in all," 
 and certain passages are asserted to contain a double narra- 
 tive by different writers. The three earlier cases brought 
 forward refer to the choice of Saul as king, to his relations 
 with David when young, and to the adventures of both in 
 the south of Judah. A double account of the Philistine 
 battle near Jezreel is also asserted to be traceable in part. 
 The reasons for such statements require to be carefully 
 studied, as they affect our general views on Hebrew 
 literary growth. 
 
132 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 In the first instance, two independent accounts are 
 asserted to be traceable. In the older, Saul's success 
 against Nahash the Ammonite is held to have led — after 
 his nomination by Samuel — to his coronation by the 
 people at Gilgal. The later story is supposed to be at 
 discord, and to begin with the request of the people for a 
 king, and the election of Saul by lot at Mizpeh. In the 
 older tale Samuel is supposed to show no reluctance, in the 
 later he treats the request of the people with disfavour. 
 The statement that the kingdom was "renewed " at Gilgal 
 is regarded as the editor's attempt to harmonise the two 
 accounts. 
 
 It is hard to see how any scholar who reads the story 
 with care, and who remembers the tone of Hebrew thought 
 concerning the dealings of God with man, can have reached 
 such a result. The whole story of the choice of Saul reads 
 continuously from point to point. The son of Kish, leav- 
 ing his home at Gibeah, wanders in search of the asses 
 of his father through Mount Ephraim and the land of 
 Benjamin until he reaches an unknown city, probably 
 Kirjath-jearim. Here he is chosen by Samuel by com- 
 mand of God, and given signs of the prophet's mission. 
 Samuel's early reluctance to give up his power as judge 
 over Israel (1 Sam. viii. 6) yielded to the direct command 
 to hearken to the voice of the people (verse 9), though he 
 delivers the protest as directed, and describes the "manner 
 of the kingdom " (verse 9), which he also wrote in a book 
 (x. 16, 25). From Kirjath-jearim Saul follows the valley 
 of Sorek to the watershed near Rachel's tomb on the border 
 
THE CHOICE OF SAUL. 133 
 
 of Benjamin, and thence returns to Geba, or Gibeah of 
 the Elohim, where was his home under a Philistine ruler. 
 The " matter of the kingdom " was, however, kept secret 
 (x. 16), and all that Saul reveals to his uncle is Samuel's 
 reply to his question whether the asses had been mean- 
 time found. The two chapters (viii., x.) thus refer to 
 each other, and the divine choice remained a secret, as in 
 the later case of the anointing of David. The Hebrews 
 were then invited to choose a king by lot ; but such lots, 
 in other cases in the book, are always supposed to have 
 been guided by God, who had in Saul secretly appointed 
 the king so revealed to the people at Mizpeh. The 
 Hebrews, though they shouted "God save the king," 
 thought little of the unproven leader. They scoffed at 
 him as inspired (x. 12) in popular proverbs, and the 
 worthless despised him and brought him no presents 
 (verse 27) : all which he patiently endured. 
 
 The first proof of kingly powers was given by Saul 
 when Jabesh Gilead was saved from the Ammonite tyrant 
 (xi.) ; and the party opposing the chosen king became 
 powerless against him, and were treated with mercy (verse 
 12). Samuel then invited the people to "renew" or 
 "confirm" the kingdom at Gilgal (verse 14), and the 
 original protest was repeated. It is hardly possible to 
 suppose that any later writer, in times when the family 
 of David had long been established, would have recorded 
 this change of system, from the government by Judges 
 to a hereditary kingdom, with the suspicion shown in the 
 account of the founding of the monarchy. But it is easy 
 
134 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 to understand that the failure of Saul was so regarded 
 by the early historian of David or of Solomon. The 
 narrative bears no clear marks of double origin : the 
 chapters refer to one another in such a manner as to link 
 them together, and style and language are the same 
 throughout. 
 
 Turning to the second case, we find it asserted that 
 there is again a double story to be traced. It is said that 
 in one David is of "mature age" (1 Sam. xvi. 14-23), 
 brought to Saul as a harper, and made his squire. In 
 the second account he is " a shepherd lad inexperienced 
 in warfare," who first is made known to Saul by his 
 victory over the giant (xvii.-xviii. 5). In the first story 
 Saul is told who David's father was (xvi. 14-23), and 
 knew him well. In the second (xvii. 55-58) he is 
 obliged to ask David his father's name. It is remark- 
 able that the Greek version omits this latter passage, 
 as well as several that follow in the next chapter; 
 but this appears to have little bearing on the ques- 
 tion, and to show a defective manuscript used by the 
 translators. 
 
 When we examine the story with care it appears that 
 some of these critical statements are quite unfounded, 
 and that others raise unnecessary difficulties. David was 
 the youngest of the family of Jesse — a shepherd (1 Sam. 
 xvi. 11) whose age is not stated, but no mere child when 
 Samuel chose him king (verse 13). Saul's servants spoke 
 of David as a "man of war, prudent in matters" (verse 
 18), but not as one of " mature age." A shepherd among 
 
SAUL AND DAVID. 135 
 
 the wild tribes of the desert near Bethlehem had needs be 
 a " valiant man," and may have had early experience of 
 fighting. No mere boy would have been able to confront 
 the lion and the bear (xvii. 34), but David's age is not 
 given in any part of the story. That Saul was told the 
 name of David's father, and that David became a favourite 
 servant, is stated (xvi. 21) ; and it was perhaps for this 
 very reason that he found easy access later to the king, 
 who showed his favour again in lending him armour 
 (xvii. 38). Saul contrasts the age of Goliah with that 
 of David (verse 33), but speaks of David not as a boy 
 but as a " youth " — a term of no great precision. David 
 speaks to the king not as a stranger first brought before 
 him (verse 32) ; and though neither Saul nor Abner could 
 remember his father's name (verse 55), it does not follow 
 that they had not heard it. Eoyal remembrance of 
 favourites is not always very lasting, and amid State 
 affairs a king may not always recall the name of even 
 a favourite's father. The evils of system are notable in 
 the gratuitous attempt to split up the Book of Samuel 
 after the same fashion as the Pentateuch — according to 
 the latest " modern theory " of its growth. 
 
 The third case needs no special study : it is admitted 
 to be weakly supported, and the various adventures 
 (1 Sam. xxiv. and xxvi.) have nothing in common ex- 
 cept the bearing of David to his enemy. The last case, 
 however, requires special notice, because recent critical 
 assertions are here even more misleading. Two stories 
 are said to be distinguishable. In one case (chap, xxviii.) 
 
136 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 the story of the witch of Endor is believed to represent 
 the Philistines with David gathered in Shimeni, and the 
 episode is said to interrupt the story, which places the 
 Philistines at "Aphek in Sharon," and Israel near Jezreel 
 — David leaving the invaders before their advance. It is 
 to be specially noticed that critics thus assume that Aphek 
 (xxix. 1) was in Sharon, though there were there other 
 towns so named — Aphek in Asher (Josh. xix. 30), Aphek 
 east of the Sea of Galilee (Josh. xiii. 4), and Aphek in the 
 Lebanon. The name, which means "the stream," was 
 common ; and it is not only not stated that the Aphek 
 of this passage was in Sharon, but it is quite clear that 
 it was not. What reason would Saul have had for 
 gathering in the far north of the kingdom near Jezreel 
 an army to oppose the Philistines gathering far south near 
 Gath, where Aphek of Sharon (Josh. xv. 53) lay 1 How is 
 such a theory to be reconciled with the words that David 
 "returned into the land of the Philistines" (2 Sam. xxix. 11) 
 if he really left them in Philistia itself 1 Ziklag, south of 
 Beersheba, was not farther than three days' distance from 
 Jezreel for men mounted on swift dromedaries (xxx. 1), 
 and the Amalekites no doubt waited to attack until the 
 Philistine army had gone to the north. It is by no means 
 certain that the Hebrew Ha ApJwJc is to be taken as the 
 name of a town. It means " the stream," and may well 
 apply to that which gushes out at Shunem itself, and still 
 waters the gardens of the village opposite to Jezreel. We 
 cannot but conclude that the critical theorist is perversely 
 
THE DEATH OF SAUL. 137 
 
 determined to carry on the same view of double narrative 
 which fails in three preceding cases, and that the words 
 of the text are carelessly considered. The story of the 
 witch of Endor stands in its natural place, after Saul's 
 arrival in the north at Jezreel, within a few miles dis- 
 tance, and before the closing scene of his defeat and 
 death. The departure of David just before the battle, 
 and his return to Philistia, agree with the inroad of the 
 Amalekites on the unprotected town of Ziklag. Ex- 
 pressions like the oath " As the Lord liveth " (xxviii. 10, 
 xxix. 6), which are selected by critics as characteristic 
 of this book, are not confined to either of the two sup- 
 posed narratives, and often show close connection in style 
 between the books of Samuel and of Judges. Critical 
 views are apt to be adopted on the authority of great 
 scholars, by those who do not study for themselves 
 questions of geography all- important to the subject, or 
 who disregard the beliefs of the age, and think of the 
 Hebrews as acting from such motives as might influence 
 ourselves. 
 
 The story of David and Solomon is as yet not illus- 
 trated by any monumental discovery. 1 Xo remains of 
 Solomon's Temple have survived its rebuilding by Herod ; 
 and neither Egyptians nor Assyrians had any victories to 
 record in Palestine during the greatest age of Hebrew 
 power. The first monumental account of victories, after 
 the time of Barneses II, is that of Shishak's attack on 
 1 See note, p. 141. 
 
138 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 Jerusalem when Solomon was dead. The 2d Book of 
 Samuel is at present our only source of knowledge for 
 David's reign. From it we gather that the capital was 
 first placed at Hebron, in a region where David was already 
 well known and had many friends. Saul's heir reigned 
 in Gilead (2 Sam. ii. 8-10), and was recognised by 
 every tribe but Judah. The first contest was waged in 
 the country of Benjamin (verses 24, 25) at Gibeon, and 
 the victories of David's nephews gradually established 
 his power. After seven years and a half Israel sub- 
 mitted, and Jerusalem was conquered and became the 
 central capital. The united nation turned its arms against 
 the Philistines, who were driven back to their plains ; 
 and the ark was brought from Kirjath-jearim to the new 
 "city of David." The building of a temple was already 
 proposed ; and the victories of David not only took the 
 "control of the people" from the Philistines, but ex- 
 tended his sway over Moab, Damascus, and Edom. The 
 king of Hamath, in North Syria, sent presents like those 
 which had been sent five centuries earlier to Egypt, and 
 the new family of priests faithful to David succeeded 
 that of Eli. Even the Ammonite capital fell, after the 
 insolence of Hanun had led to war with a people who had 
 been peaceful under ]N T ahash (2 Sam. x. 2), and in spite 
 of Syrian aid from near Damascus. 
 
 Court intrigues for the succession, and the rebellion 
 of Absolom, embittered the later years of Israel's first 
 great king. He fled to the old capital of Saul's house at 
 
HISTORY OF DAVID. 139 
 
 Mahanaim in Southern Gilead. The faithful guards 
 from Philistia, men who came from Keratiya near Gath, 
 but who — like Obed Edom of Gath — may still have been 
 Hebrews, followed their master with the Pelethites and 
 Gittites (2 Sam. xv. 18), but the ark and the Levites 
 were left in the capital. The decisive battle was fought 
 in oak-woods south of Mahanaim, which still nourish on 
 the slopes of Gilead ; and David's power was once more 
 established over Israel and Judah, though the rivalry 
 which led to later separation already existed (xix. 43), 
 as indeed it had survived from Joshua's time. Rebellion 
 in Galilee was put down by Joab, but famine and pes- 
 tilence followed the wars. The Philistines once more 
 fought round Gath, but David, growing old, was not 
 allowed to lead his army. The gradual growth of order 
 and system is shown by Joab's census, which extended 
 all over the kingdom to the borders of the allied kings of 
 Tyre and Hamath. The north boundary of David's time 
 reached from south of Kadesh on the Orontes to Dan- 
 jaan on the Mediterranean south of Tyre (2 Sam. xxiv. 6). 
 The site of the Temple was chosen, but the author tells 
 us that only a tabernacle had as yet been commanded for 
 Israel (vii. G). The first treasures of the new sanctuary 
 were warlike spoils and presents from Syria (viii. 11); 
 and immediately after the conquest of Jerusalem Hiram 
 of Tyre sent cedars, carpenters, and masons to build 
 a palace for David (2 Sam. v. 11). The kingdom was 
 secured in an age when no great rival empire in Egypt or 
 
140 SAMUEL AND DAVID. 
 
 in Assyria had power to crush Hebrew liberty, and by a 
 man who knew the secret of all authority, as recorded in 
 his own words (2 Sam. xxiii. 3) : — 
 
 " He that ruleth over men justly, 
 Ruling in the fear of God, 
 Is as the light of morn at sunrise, 
 A morn without a cloud, 
 With green grass from out of earth, 
 And flowers after rain." 
 
 The close of the Books of Samuel marks a period in 
 Hebrew literature, and the end of the earlier chronicles 
 of the history of Israel. The Book of Kings, as now 
 existing, dates from four centuries later, and the gap is 
 only filled by Isaiah and the prophets preceding Ezekiel. 
 We have so far considered history, religion, civilisation, 
 and language, down to the reigns of David and Solomon ; 
 and we have found no reason to doubt that the history 
 is real, or that the Law existed in the earliest ages of 
 Joshua and the Judges, however little regarded by Israel 
 at large. We see that it is probably to ancient scribes, 
 in the days of Samuel, David, and Solomon, that we 
 must attribute the first transcription of the earlier tablets 
 on rolls written in alphabetic letters, together with the 
 history of Israel from the conquest to the first years of 
 Solomon's reign. The Pentateuch itself clearly contains 
 passages at least later than the times of Moses, to whom, 
 however, the Law itself is ascribed. The mutilation of 
 such records by a later compiler is not found to be proven 
 by any evidence of language or of teaching. 
 
TOPOGRAPHY OF THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL. Ml 
 
 NOTE TO CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Topography of the Books of Samuel. — This topography 
 has been illustrated by the exploration of Palestine, and the 
 discovery of newly found sites. Among the more important 
 instances are the recovery of Kirjatli-jearim ('Erma) close to 
 Bethshemesh (1 Sam. vi. 19, 20), and of Gilgal (Tell Jiljulieh) 
 east of Jericho. Bezek (1 Sam. xi. 8) is found at Ibzik, north- 
 east of Shechem and opposite Jabesh Gilead — a place distinct 
 from the southern Bezek (Bezkah) noticed in Judges (i. 4). 
 Raman of Samuel is probably er Ram, close to Gibeah of Saul 
 (Jeba'), although the " Ramathites of the Zuphite clan " are 
 noticed as living in "Mount Ephraim" (1 Sam. i. 1) — a term 
 of vague application. The site of the contest of David and 
 Goliah in the valley of Terebinths is indicated by the position 
 of Shochoh (Shuiceikeh, 1 Sam. xvii. 1), and Gath appears to 
 be fixed at Tell es Sdfi at the mouth of the same valley by an 
 allusion in the Tell Amarna letters, while Ekron ('Akir) lay 
 to the west near the same valley (verse 52). Adullam is fixed 
 at 'Aid el Mia immediately east of Shochoh (1 Sam. xxii. 1), 
 and a cave still exists by the ruins. Hareth and Keilah 
 (Khards and Kileh) are on the east slopes of the same valley 
 (xxii. 5, xxiii. 1), whence David retreated south of Hebron 
 to Ziph (Tell Zlf) and Maon (Tell Ma'in), and to the Jeshimon 
 or desert west of the Dead Sea (xxiii. 14, 24, 29) at Engedi 
 ('Am Jidy). Carmel (Kurmul) was close to Maon (xxv. 2). 
 The Aphek or "stream" in Shunem (xxviii. 4, xxix. 1) is 
 immediately opposite the spring of Jezreel, which lay on 
 Mount Gilboa. The site of the well Sirah (Ain Sarah) is 
 immediately north of Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 26). Baal Hazor 
 (xiii. 23) is the lofty summit of Tell 'Asitr in Mount Ephraim. 
 The Cherethites (xv. 18), a people often mentioned in con- 
 nection with Philistia, appear to have inhabited the town 
 of Keratiya in that region. Mahanaim is at no great distance 
 (at Mukhmah) from one of the chief oak - woods of Gilead 
 (xviii. 9) : finally, the site of Kadesh of the Hittites (the 
 
11:2 NOTE TO CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 true reading in 2 Sam. xxiv. 6 for Talitim Hodshi) was dis- 
 covered by the present writer in 1881, at Kedes, a mound on 
 the Orontes south of Emesa, in a position, between the river 
 and the tributary stream to the west, which exactly answers to 
 the representation of this city at the Eamesseum. 
 
 The exactitude of this topography shows the intimate ac- 
 quaintance of the author of the Book of Samuel with all parts 
 of Palestine, from Gath to Eabbath Amnion, and from Ziklag 
 to Kadesh on the Orontes ; and the wanderings of David on 
 the Philistine border, and in the extreme south of Saul's 
 dominions, can now be traced by aid of the new discoveries 
 of places like Adullam, Hareth, &c, not previously known. 
 
H3 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 KINGS. 
 
 The Book of Kings was written four centuries after 
 Solomon's time, and is believed to date in Jeremiah's 
 age, if indeed it was not written by Jeremiah himself. 
 The latest date mentioned is 562 B.C. The author tells 
 us that his materials included two ancient chronicles of 
 the kings of Israel and of Judah, to which he refers us 
 for further details. He also repeats the historic chapters 
 concerning Hezekiah's reign which are found in Isaiah. 
 He further adds accounts of Elijah, Elisha, and other 
 prophets, but does not state his authority, and these may 
 have been preserved only by oral tradition for the three 
 centuries between their lifetime and that of the author. 
 Their style differs from that of the Royal Chronicles, 
 and agrees with the author's own style in other parts. 
 According to the Greek translation (1 Kings viii. 12), a 
 " Book of Odes " contained Solomon's song at the opening 
 of the Temple, and this is thought to represent the Book 
 of Jasher, already mentioned as being at least as late as 
 the time of David. It is to be noted that hi this chapter 
 and elsewhere the author gives the names of the months, 
 
144 KINGS. 
 
 Ethanim, Bui, and Zif (1 Kings vi. 1, 38), according to 
 tlic ancient Hebrew calendar, which the Phoenicians con- 
 tinued to use till the Greek age. So also in Exodus the 
 old name of the month Abib appears. After the Captivity 
 these months were called by their Assyrian names, Nisan 
 for Abib, Iyar for Zif, Marchesvan for Bui, Tisri for 
 Ethanim. In the Pentateuch Abib stands alone without 
 explanation, as though well known, but in Kings it is 
 thought needful by the author to explain what month of 
 the year is meant. The Assyrian calendar differed from 
 that of the Hebrews, and came, no doubt, into use after 
 the destruction of the kingdom by Nebuchadnezzar. The 
 author of Kings found in the older chronicles the native 
 month names, and this slight indication serves to show 
 us the reality of his reference to older sources. 
 
 In Chronicles we have a much later account of the 
 kingdom, by an author who carries down the history six 
 generations later than Zerubbabel (1 Chron. iii. 21) if 
 rightly understood That he was a priest well versed in 
 the Law, in the earlier books of Joshua and Judges, and 
 in the history of the kings of Judah and Israel, is clear ; 
 but the Hebrew of Chronicles is a later language which 
 contains many features not found in earlier books. Some 
 of the words he uses are early known in Assyrian, but 
 the syntax of his sentences resembles that of Esther, 
 Ezra, and other later books, while the singers and porters 
 to whom he refers are not mentioned as distinct classes 
 before the Captivity. There can be little doubt that 
 Chronicles is a book written in the Greek age, or in the 
 
THE BOOK OF CHRONICLES. 145 
 
 last days of Persian domination, as a summary of the 
 history of the Hebrews. The author cites his authorities 
 for the times of the Kings, and other ancient documents 
 (1 Chron. iv. 22) now lost to us perhaps for ever. The 
 " Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah," whence he 
 seems to have drawn his facts, contained, however, 
 passages not found in the existing Book of Kings 
 (1 Chron. ix. 1 ; 2 Chron. xxvii. 7, xxxiii. 18, xxxvi. 8), 
 and either another work, or a manuscript fuller than that 
 now known, seems clearly to be meant. The words of 
 Samuel, Nathan, and Gad quoted as authorities (1 Chron. 
 xxix. 29) may perhaps be found in the Book of Samuel. 
 The words of Iddo, Shemaiah, Jehu, and Hozai may have 
 been known to the author of the Book of Kings, who 
 does not, however, quote such authority. A register of 
 the tribe of Gad seems to have been made in the days of 
 Jotham and Jeroboam II. (1 Chron. v. 17), and known 
 to the author of Chronicles. There is no reason for 
 suspecting historic statements merely because they are 
 not found in the earlier history, unless they conflict with 
 known facts ; but when we compare the Book of Joshua 
 with the lists in Chronicles, we see that defective or 
 obscure manuscripts were sometimes used by the later 
 scribe. The descendants of Jehoiachin are traced down 
 later than the date at which the Book of Kings closes. 
 The history of the dispersion of Simeon is peculiar to 
 Chronicles. The genealogies of families after the return 
 to Jerusalem are given by the chronicler. Many of 
 David's heroes are noticed (1 Chron. xi. 41-xiv. 22) who 
 
 E 
 
146 KINGS. 
 
 are not noticed in Samuel ; but they belong to towns like 
 Carmel, Gibeah, Azrnaveth, Anathoth, Gederah, Haruph, 
 &c, which were all in the south, in Benjamin and Judah, 
 and no improbability is noticed. The source of his calcu- 
 lation of David's army (1 Chron. xii. 23-40) is not stated 
 by the chronicler, nor is that of the list of Levites (xv. 
 1-24), or of the longer lists of Levites, gate-keepers, 
 treasurers, generals, princes, and ministers, in Solomon's 
 time (xxiii.-xxvii.) From the chronicler only we learn 
 that the Tabernacle was set up at Gibeon (2 Chron. i. 3-6, 
 13), and that Solomon made a second census (ii. 17), and 
 an altar of bronze (iv. 1). He speaks of the cloud and 
 fire in the Temple, and adds words to Solomon's prayer 
 (v. 13, 14, vi. 40-42, vii. 6), and gives us Solomon's dream 
 (vii. 12-22) more fully. He adds Hamath to Solomon's 
 kingdom (2 Chron. viii. 3, 4), where the older account 
 (1 Kings ix. 18) speaks only of Tadmor or Palmyra, to 
 the south-east of Hamath. For Solomon's reign, however, 
 he quotes authorities not noticed in the Book of Kings. 
 
 In the reign of Kehoboam the chronicler gives us a 
 valuable list of the frontier fortresses on the low hills 
 west and south of Jerusalem (2 Chron. xi. 5, 12). He 
 quotes the prophet Iddo for the victory of Abijah, which 
 carried his frontier northwards to Bethel and Jeshanah 
 from the earlier border of the Michmash valley, thus 
 recovering the whole country of Benjamin (2 Chron. xiii. 
 19). He records (xiv. 6-15) Asa's victory at Mareshah 
 over Zerah the Ethiopian, and his dealings with Azariah 
 and Hanani the prophets. He speaks of the prosperity 
 
THE BOOK OF CHRONICLES. 147 
 
 of Jeliosliaphat (xvii.), and of the presents brought to 
 him by Philistines and Arabs, as also of his victory over 
 the Moabites near Tekoa (xx.), and quotes Hanani as his 
 authority (verse 34). He states that Jehorarn killed his 
 brothers when he acceded (xxi. 2-4), and relates the 
 stoning of a prophet in the time of Joash (xxiv. 14-22). 
 Again, he mentions an army of Israelites hired by 
 Amaziah (xxv. 5-17), and gives us a full account of the 
 attack on Edom. The successes of Uzziah against the 
 Philistines and Ammonites (xxvi. 5-15), and the defence 
 of Jerusalem by engines of war, we learn only from the 
 later chronicle ; but the texts of Sennacherib inform 
 us that such engines were in use a century later. Nor 
 is it improbable that Jotham should have fortified 
 Jerusalem and conquered Amnion (xxvii. 3-7), or that 
 the Philistines in the time of Ahaz should have overrun 
 the low hills of Judah and Dan (xxviii. 18, 19). 
 
 In Hezekiah's reign the chronicler speaks more fully 
 of the great aqueduct made to control the water-supply 
 of Jerusalem (xxxii. 2-8, 24-33), which still exists, and 
 contains an inscription of Hezekiah's age. 1 He also de- 
 tails the new fortifications of Manasseh (xxxiii. 11-19), 
 after his return from captivity under the Assyrians in 
 Babylon. The captivity of Manasseh and his restoration 
 are not noticed in the Book of Kings (2 Kings xxi.), but 
 it is known that Babylon was subject to Assyria in his 
 time. 
 
 It cannot be said that any of these passages in 
 1 See note, p. 158. 
 
148 KINGS. 
 
 Chronicles arc suspicious, from a historic point of view. 
 Some, like the account of the frontier fortresses and 
 of the great aqueduct, are easily understood by the light 
 of modern exploration. The chronicler records victories, 
 but he also records defeats. No motive can be traced 
 for falsifying history, and many lost books seem to have 
 been at his disposal. 
 
 The story of the four centuries between David and 
 Nebuchadnezzar is thus — like that of the conquest — only 
 preserved to us in works written much later. But the 
 authors drew their facts from tablets or. scrolls preserved 
 in the archives of Jerusalem and Samaria ; and the truth 
 of their history is abundantly proved by the archives of 
 Sennacherib, and of other Assyrian and Babylonian kings 
 from the eighth century B.C. down to Nebuchadnezzar's 
 reign. It is only as concerns the stories of Elijah and 
 Elisha that we fail to trace the author's authority. It 
 is notable, therefore, that Hebrew chroniclers were not 
 accustomed to ignore their sources in writing history, 
 but quoted them by name both before and after the 
 Captivity, as the author of Joshua also quotes the Book 
 of Jasher, and the Pentateuch itself refers to ancient 
 songs of Israel. 
 
 The dates contained in the Book of Kings do not 
 always accord with one another. 1 They seem to have 
 suffered either at the hands of copyists or in transcription 
 from the original records. Such difficulties as to numbers 
 meet us throughout the Bible, and the versions prove 
 1 See note, p. 158. 
 
siiisiiak's invasion. 149 
 
 that the copying was often imperfect. But there is 
 nothing fabulous in any statement as to the lengths 
 of lives or reigns in the period considered ; and, generally 
 speaking, there is not more than ten years' difference 
 between the modern calculation of Bible dates and 
 the modern calculation of those noticed in Assyrian 
 records. The supposed notice of Ahab is abandoned, 
 yet the Moabite Stone shows us that he had reigned 
 in the period mentioned in the Bible. Ahabu of Sirlai 
 in Syria was once hastily assumed to be Ahab of Israel ; 
 but this is impossible, and the first king who actually 
 met the Assyrians appears to have been Jehu of Israel. 
 
 The history of Palestine after the death of Solomon can 
 be reconstructed from the monumental records without 
 reference to the Bible. But it presents no historical dis- 
 crepancy with the Bible account, and serves to show the 
 accuracy of the Hebrew records. Shishak has left us his 
 list of 133 cities taken from Behoboam in Lower Galilee, 
 Philistia, and the mountains round Jerusalem about 965 
 B.C. The last name is the mutilated Iura . . . which is 
 thought to represent Jerusalem itself. Among the more 
 certainly identified names of other cities in the list are 
 Rabbith, Taanach, Shunem, Behob, and Haphraim in 
 Galilee, with Gibeon, Beth Horon, Ajalon, Makkedah, 
 Jehud, Shochoh, Ekron, Eglon, and Aroer in the moun- 
 tains of Judea and in the plains of Philistia. Mesha, 
 king of Moab, has described for us, in the ninth century 
 B.C., his victories over Israel (2 Kings iii. 4-27) in accord 
 with the Bible account. He recovered in Ahab's time 
 
150 KINGS. 
 
 the cities of Moab which had been subject to Omri, who 
 is mentioned in this famous text, and he records the 
 destruction of altars to Jehovah and the triumph of the 
 Moabite god Istar-Chemosh. 
 
 The balance of power in the west of Asia was most 
 complete in Solomon's age. His rule extended over all 
 Palestine to the borders of Egypt ; and by marriage he 
 was allied to the Pharaohs, who relinquished Gezer as the 
 dower of his bride. On the north he held Damascus, and 
 extended his conquests to the Euphrates, founding a cara- 
 van depot at Tadmor or Palmyra, which still retains its 
 native name in the bilingual texts of the Eoman age. 
 Solomon was allied to the Phoenicians of Tyre and to 
 the Hittite princes of North Syria. He held Eastern 
 Palestine as far south as Elath on the Eed Sea, and 
 married princesses from among the Ammonites, Moabites, 
 and Hittites. The power of the Hebrews, then trading 
 with Yemen on the south and with Tarshish 1 (or Tarsus) 
 in Asia Minor, reached its zenith under the only king 
 after David whose rule extended over all the country. 
 After his death not only was the kingdom divided and 
 invaded by Shishak, but a strong Syrian state arose at 
 Damascus which warred for many years against Israel. 
 
 In the tenth century B.C. Asa sent the usual presents 
 interchanged between kings to Benhadad of Damascus, 
 and made alliance against Israel ; but Ahab defeated the 
 Syrians at Aphek on the cliffs east of the Sea of Galilee, 
 though Ramoth Gilead (now Reimiin) in North Gilead 
 1 See note, p. 162. 
 
THE ASSYRIANS IN SYRIA. 151 
 
 was retained by Syria after three years' war. About half 
 a century later another Benhadad was slain by Hazael, 
 who attacked Gilead and marched into Moab. These 
 internal conflicts were only abated when the Assyrians 
 pressed down from the north and forced Jehu to give 
 tribute to Shalmaneser II. 
 
 The " black obelisk " of this Assyrian invader records 
 his victories in Syria. At the beginning of his reign, 
 in 858 B.C., he captured Carchemish, and so gamed the 
 passage of the Euphrates, after defeating the Hittites 
 at Pethor, west of the river. A league of Syrian kings 
 was formed against him, including Hittite princes and 
 Phoenicians from the western shores ; and though he 
 claims a victory over their forces, in which 20,500 men 
 were slain, his advance was stayed by the Syrian allies. 
 In the eleventh year of his reign he penetrated to Hamath, 
 and in 846 B.C. he attacked the land of Yadai in the 
 extreme north of Syria. Pour years later he cut down 
 the cedars of Amanus — the northern Lebanon ; and in 
 the next year he took from Hazael of Damascus 1121 
 chariots and 470 horses. He visited Amanus in the two 
 following years, and took four cities from Hazael ; but 
 later expeditions were led against tribes in the Taurus, 
 and the revolt of Hamath was not put down till an 
 Assyrian general advanced south in 832 B.C. 
 
 A generation elapsed before Eimmon Xirari, grandson 
 of Shalmaneser II., in 803 B.C., again entered Syria, and 
 advanced as far as Tyre and Sidon ; and during this 
 interval Jeroboam II. attacked the exhausted Syrians, 
 
152 KINGS. 
 
 and conquered Damascus and Hamath for Israel. The 
 inscription of Panammu L, recently found at Samala, 
 shows us that native Syrian princes were still indepen- 
 dent of Assyria about the close of the ninth century B.C. ; 
 but about 745 B.C. Assur Mrari II. advanced on Aleppo 
 and on Arpad, and the conquest of Syria was only delayed 
 by revolution in Assyria itself. 
 
 A new dynasty arose under Tiglath Pileser III, the 
 conqueror of Syria. After two years' siege he took Arpad 
 and advanced on Hamath. In 743 B.C. he was ruler of 
 Carchemish, Samala, Hamath, Gebal, and Tyre ; and in 
 738 B.C. he replaced rebellious Hamathites by colonists 
 from the Tigris. The author of the Book of Kings (2 
 Kings xiv. 28) agrees that Hamath was allied to Azariah, 
 king of Judah. In 734 b.c. Tiglath Pileser took 700 
 captives from Samala, with sheep and oxen, to Assyria. 
 The policy of deportation — pursued later against Israel 
 and Judah — seems to have begun during this reign ; but 
 as early as the sixteenth century B.C. the Egyptians held 
 as hostages the sons of Hittite and Amorite chiefs. 
 Captivity began before the Exodus, and was the fate 
 of the vanquished in all later ages. 
 
 In 732 b.c. Damascus fell, and Samala submitted to 
 Assyrian rule, as we learn from the inscription left by its 
 Syrian prince, Bar Becab, son of Panammu II., son of 
 Bar Sur, who contrasts the prosperity of his kingdom of 
 Yadai with its misery while opposing Assyria, and speaks 
 of the restoration of the captives whom Tiglath Pileser 
 III. states that he had taken thence. This condition of 
 
THE FALL OF DAMASCUS. 153 
 
 semi-independence in Samala did not last long, for in G80 
 B.C. we find an Assyrian ruler established in the city. 
 The conquests of Tiglath Pileser were pushed to Hamath 
 and Gebal, and among his tributaries we read of Eezin 
 in Damascus, Hiram of Tyre, Pekah of Samaria, and 
 Ahaz of Judah. He overran Bashan, Amnion, Moab, 
 and Edom, and subdued Ascalon and Gaza in Philistia. 
 The tribute of Ahaz was sent to Damascus when it was 
 taken in 732 B.C. The Bible tells us also (2 Kings xvi. 
 7) that Ahaz allied himself with Tiglath Pileser, in con- 
 sequence of Eezin's raid on the Jews in Edom, and that 
 he sent the treasures of the Jerusalem temple as a present 
 to the invader, going himself to Damascus to meet him. 
 Both date and names and historic statements are thus in 
 accord as regards these events independently recorded by 
 Hebrew and Assyrian chronicles. Ten years later, in 722 
 B.C., Hamath revolted against Sargon, but the conquest of 
 Syria was practically made by Tiglath Pileser III. 
 
 Menahem of Israel had also presented tribute to this 
 conqueror ; but the fall of Samaria followed shortly, when 
 Sargon took it in 722 b.c. The attack on Jerusalem 
 began in 702 B.C. ; but here the Assyrians were checked 
 for a time, and Judah was saved from ruin for a century 
 by Hezekiah's courage. 
 
 Sennacherib's court historian tells us that his master 
 defeated Tirhakah of Egypt near Joppa, and advanced on 
 Ekron. He established a king of the Philistines inde- 
 pendent of Hezekiah, from whom he claims to have re- 
 ceived thirty talents of gold and eight hundred talents 
 
154 KINGS. 
 
 of silver, an ivory throne, with precious woods, gems, 
 eunuchs, horses, mules, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep. 
 Forty -six fortresses of Hezekiah's kingdom were be- 
 sieged with engines of war ; but the capture of Jerusalem 
 is not recorded, and the scribe passes on to relate the 
 victories of the next twenty years in the farther east. 
 He tells us nothing of the reasons for the Assyrian retreat, 
 though the murder of Sennacherib, and accession of his 
 son, Esarhaddon, in 681 B.C., are monumentally con- 
 firmed. In the Bible account, and in Herodotus, a dis- 
 aster is noticed which led to the failure of the attack on 
 Egypt. An inscription of Tirhakah, while saying noth- 
 ing of the first defeat near Joppa, informs us that the 
 Egyptians pursued the invaders to Syria, and drove them 
 over the Euphrates. It was to Egypt in Isaiah's time 
 that the Hebrews looked for help. The history is only 
 made complete by comparison of Hebrew, Assyrian, and 
 Egyptian records. The Bible tells us nothing of the later 
 years of Sennacherib, but only that " he departed, and 
 went and returned, and dwelt at Nineveh " (2 Kings xix. 
 36). The Book of Kings (xx. 12) speaks, however, of 
 a later alliance between Hezekiah and Babylon against 
 the common enemy. Merodach Baladan, the king there 
 mentioned, had suffered from Sennacherib in 703 B.C., 
 when his palace was spoiled, and he again revolted in 
 696 b.c. To conclude that the Hebrew historian believed 
 that Sennacherib died immediately after returning to 
 Nineveh is to ignore his exact words, and to make a 
 needless difficulty in the history of Hezekiah. 
 
THE CAPTIVITY OF JUDAII. 155 
 
 Iii 670 b.c. Esarhaddon took Memphis, after which ho 
 reckons among his tributaries the kings of Tyre and 
 Gebal, Arvad, Cyprus, and Palestine. He rebuilt Baby- 
 lon, and he speaks of Manasseh as his tributary. It is 
 therefore by no means impossible that this king was 
 carried captive by Assyrians to Babylon itself. There is 
 a gap in the monumental comparative history at this 
 point, due to the weakness of Assyria after the prosperous 
 reign of Assur-bani-pal. In 606 b.c. Nineveh fell to the 
 Medes and Babylonians, and the independence of Josiah 
 coincides with this period. After the great battle at 
 Carchemish, between Necho of Egypt and Nebuchadnezzar, 
 in 609 b.c, the tide of Babylonian conquest rolled south- 
 wards over Palestine. In 586 B.C. Jerusalem was taken 
 by Nebuchadnezzar (or, as he is more correctly called, 
 Nebuchadrezzar), and fifty years of exile for Judah fol- 
 lowed, until the power of the Persians was established by 
 Cyrus, after his conquest of Nabonidus of Babylon. The 
 priests and princes of Judah were carried to Babylon, as 
 Israel had been carried a century earlier to Nineveh, and 
 only the " poor of the land " were left as " vine-dressers 
 and husbandmen" under a Babylonian governor. The 
 story of the Book of Kings, drawn from the archives of 
 the two kingdoms, is thus confirmed by independent 
 records. Only the tradition of the lives of Elijah and 
 Elisha, penned three centuries after their death, remains 
 unnoticed in the Assyrian chronicles, as seemingly in 
 those which related the acts of kings of Israel and of 
 Judah. It used to be argued that the power and civil- 
 
THE SILO AM TEXT. 157 
 
 isation of the Hebrews in Hezekiah's age were over- 
 represented by the Hebrew writers. We have now, on 
 the contrary, Sennacherib's own account of Hezekiah's 
 wealth : we have an extant inscription at Siloam which 
 shows us the language and written character of Judah in 
 his time : we have the actual remains of the great tunnel 
 from the Upper Gihon, which led " by an underground 
 channel" "westwards to the city of David," just as 
 described in Chronicles. The suspicions of those who 
 denied the early civilisation of the Hebrews, and the 
 truth of their history, are not confirmed, but, on the 
 contrary, confuted, by what is known up to to-day from 
 monuments of Egyptians, IToabites, Syrians, and Assyri- 
 ans, from one Hebrew text at Jerusalem itself, and from 
 the actual remains of the aqueduct prepared before the 
 Assyrian armies had advanced on Judah. 
 
158 NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Siloam Inscription. — The translation of this text, 
 from the squeeze made by the present author in 1881, is as 
 follows : — 
 
 1 The cutting. Now this is the method of the cutting : while the 
 
 workers raised 
 
 2 the axe each to his fellow, and three cubits were left, each heard 
 
 the voice of the other calling 
 
 3 to his fellow, for there was an excess of rock to the right and . . . 
 
 4 the cutting, the workers hewed each to meet his fellow axe to axe, 
 
 and there flowed 
 
 5 the waters from the spring to the pool a thousand two hundred 
 
 cubits, and . . . 
 
 6 cubit was the height of the rock [over the heads of the workers ?] 
 
 The point of junction was determined by the Survey party 
 near the middle of the tunnel, and the length as chained 
 proved to be 1200 cubits of about 16 inches, which length of 
 cubit also agrees with the measurements of the Galilean 
 synagogues and of the Temple ramparts, as well as with the 
 statements of the Jewish scholar Maimonides concerning the 
 cubit. See Conder's ' Handbook to the Bible,' and ' Memoirs 
 of the Survey of Western Palestine ' — Jerusalem volume, under 
 Birket Silwan. The " conduit " is mentioned in 2 Kings xx. 
 20, and more fully in 2 Chron. xxxii. 30. The object appears 
 to have been to collect the waters of Gihon (now 'Ain Umm 
 ed Deraj), flowing originally down the Kidron valley, and to 
 bring them " by an underground channel westwards to the 
 city of David," where, in the Pool of Siloam, they were within 
 bow-shot of the wall above. A staircase in the rock led down, 
 from within the wall, to the back of the rock-cut pool of 
 Gihon. 
 
 Chronology of the Book of Kings. — The difficulty in 
 treating Old Testament chronology by itself lies in the vari- 
 ations between the versions. Thus while the Hebrew text 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF THE BOOK OF KINGS. 159 
 
 gives a total of 194G years, from Adam to Terah, the Samari- 
 tan makes this total 2247 years, and the Greek Septuagint 
 3412 years. In the Book of Kings not only are there differ- 
 ences between the versions, but the different totals of the 
 kings of Israel and Judah are only explicable by supposing an 
 interregnum. Joram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah died at 
 the same time (2 Kings ix. 22-27), and the fall of Samaria is 
 said to have occurred in the sixth year of Hezekiah of Judah 
 — the ninth of Hoshea of Israel ; but the details of the inter- 
 vening kings of Israel amount to 143 years for ten kings, 
 whereas the seven kings of Judah (including six years for 
 Hezekiah) are reckoned as amounting to 165 years during the 
 same interval. Only one invasion of Palestine is monument- 
 ally recorded of Sennacherib, in 702 B.C. That mentioned in 
 the Bible is said to have occurred in the fourteenth year of 
 Hezekiah (2 Kings xviii. 13), or eight years after the fall of 
 Samaria in 722 B.C. There is thus a discrepancy of twelve 
 or thirteen years, and as Hezekiah reigned for twenty-nine 
 years it is probable that the numbers have been corrupted, 
 and that the invasion occurred in his twenty-sixth year. In- 
 stances of the differences between the versions include the 
 reading eighteenth for second year of Jehoram (2 Kings i. 17) 
 in the Greek, thirty-ninth for thirty-seventh year (2 Kings 
 xiii. 10) for Joash, according to the Greek, with other vari- 
 ations in the chronology of Jeremiah. As already noticed, 
 the numeral signs used on monuments, and probably used 
 in the records consulted by the author of Kings, are very 
 liable to corruption. The total of the kings of Judah from 
 the fall of Samaria to the close of the reign of Zedekiah (136 
 years) appears to be correctly preserved within one or two 
 years. 
 
 Under these circumstances the monumental dates are of 
 high value, since we are able to consult originals which have 
 not suffered at the hands of later copyists. The eponym lists, 
 which give the names of Assyrian officials for consecutive 
 years in the ninth, eighth, and seventh centuries B.C., wire 
 discovered by Layard and other excavators at Nineveh, and 
 studied by Sir H. Rawlinson (' Athenceum,' 1862, &c.) : four 
 
160 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 copies exist which supplement each other's deficiencies, and 
 three other brief summaries of historic events. In one case 
 an eclipse of the sun, occurring in the month Sivan, fixes the 
 eponym year of Purilsagali in 763 B.C. Hence the contem- 
 porary reigns of Jehu, Menahem, Pekah, and Hoshea of 
 Israel, and of Azariah, Ahaz, and Hezekiah of Judah, are 
 checked by the reigns of Shalmaneser II., Tiglath Pileser III., 
 Sargon (who refers to the capture of Samaria), and Sen- 
 nacherib. The reference on the Moabite Stone to the days of 
 Omri and half the reign of Ahab, as amounting to " forty 
 years," is less important. The Bible gives 33 years for the 
 total of the two reigns, but the Moabite statement is probably 
 only a rough estimate. When we remember that our earliest 
 manuscripts of the Old Testament only take us back to about 
 the tenth century a.d., or 1600 years later than the time when 
 the Book of Kings was written, we can only wonder that the 
 numerical discrepancies are so slight,' and must recognise the 
 genuine character of the Hebrew records, as compared with 
 the ancient tablets of the century preceding the captivity of 
 Judah. 
 
 The chronology of the kings, checked by monumental dates, 
 appears most perfect in the list of Judah, as below : — 
 
 
 
 FIRST 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 
 
 Reigns years. 
 
 
 Reigns years. 
 
 Rehoboam 
 
 IS 
 
 
 Jeroboam 
 
 22 
 
 Abijain . 
 
 3 
 
 
 Nadab 
 
 2 
 
 Asa . 
 
 41 
 
 
 Baashah 
 
 13 from 3rd Asa 
 
 Jehosaphat 
 
 25 
 
 
 Blah . 
 
 1 M 16th M 
 
 Joram 
 
 8 
 
 
 Zimri . 
 
 11 ii 17th ., 
 
 Ahaziah . 
 
 1 
 
 
 Omri . 
 Ahab . 
 Ahaziah 
 
 Joram 
 
 11 .. 2Sth „ 
 22 
 2 
 12 
 
 Total 
 
 Total 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF THE BOOK OF KINGS. 
 
 161 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 
 
 
 Relgna yean. 
 
 Reigns years. 
 
 Atlialiah . 
 
 
 
 Jehu . 
 
 31 
 
 Joash 
 
 40 
 
 Jehoahaz . 
 
 12 (O.T. 17) 
 
 Amaziah . 
 
 29 
 
 Joash . 
 
 17 from S8th Joash 
 
 Azariah . 
 
 52 
 
 Jeroboam II. 
 
 52 ii 15th Amaziah 
 
 Jot ham . 
 
 6(O.T. 16) 
 
 Zechariah . 
 
 1 n 88th Azariah 
 
 Aliaz 
 
 13 (O.T. 16) 
 
 Shallum 
 
 
 
 6th Ilezekiah 
 
 6 
 
 Menahem . 
 
 20 ti 39th h 
 
 
 
 Pekahiah . 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Pekah . 
 
 2 Monuments 
 
 
 
 Hoshea 
 
 12 
 
 
 Total 152 
 
 Total 
 
 152 
 
 The resulting dates agree with all monumental notices : — 
 
 B.C. 
 
 970. 
 966. 
 965. 
 952. 
 949. 
 948. 
 946. 
 933. 
 932. 
 921. 
 910. 
 908. 
 
 875. 
 874. 
 867. 
 852. 
 840. 
 828. 
 826. 
 811. 
 803. 
 796. 
 759. 
 758. 
 743. 
 
 Rehoboam accedes in Judah, Jeroboam in Israel. 
 
 Shishak accedes in Egypt. 
 
 Sliishak attacks Palestine. 
 
 Abijam accedes in Judah. 
 
 Asa accedes in Judah. 
 
 Nadab accedes in Israel. 
 
 Baasha accedes in Israel, 3d Asa. 
 
 Elah accedes in Israel, 16th (for 26th) Asa. 
 
 Zimri accedes in Israel, 17th (for 27th) Asa. 
 
 Omri accedes in Israel, 28th (for 38th) Asa. 
 
 Ahab accedes in Israel. 
 
 Jehosaphat accedes in Judah. 
 
 Ahaziah accedes in Israel. 
 
 Joram accedes in Israel. 
 
 Joram accedes in Judah. 
 
 Ahaziah accedes in Judah. 
 
 Jehu's revolt. Athaliah in Jerusalem. 
 
 Joash accedes in Judah. 
 
 Shalmaneser attacks Damascus. Syrian league. 
 
 Jehu's tribute to Shalmaneser. Jehoahaz succeeds him. 
 
 Joash accedes in Israel two years before Amaziah. 
 
 Amaziah accedes in Judah. 
 
 Jeroboam II. accedes in Israel : 15th Amaziah. 
 
 Rimmon Nirari attacks Samaria, Edom, Philistia. 
 
 Azariah accedes in Judah. 
 
 Zechariah accedes in Israel : 38th Azariah. 
 
 Shallum and Menahem accede in Israel : 39th Azariah. 
 
 Tiglath Pileser attacks Arpad. 
 
162 NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 742. Azariah's tribute to Tiglath Pileser. Jotliam succeeds iu Judah. 
 
 738. Meuahem's tribute to Tiglath Pileser. Pekahiah succeeds. 
 
 736. Ahaz accedes in Judah. Pekah iu Israel. 
 
 731. Tribute of Ahaz to Tiglath Pileser. Attack ou Galilee, Samaria, 
 
 Amnion, Edom, Moab, Gaza. Pekah killed. Hoshea set up 
 by Assyrian king. 
 
 732. Capture of Rezin in Damascus. Tribute of Ahaz. 
 729. Accession of Hezekiah in Judah. 
 
 722. Capture of Samaria by Sargon : 6th Hezekiah. 
 
 711. Ashdod taken by Sargon. 
 
 705. Accession of Sennacherib. 
 
 704. First attack ou Merodach Baladan in Babylon. 
 
 702. Sennacherib attacks Philistia and Judah. 
 
 701. Defeat of Sennacherib by Tirhakah of Egypt. 
 
 699. Manasseh accedes in Judah. Tributary 671-668 B.C. 
 
 681. Sennacherib murdered by a son. Esarhaddon accedes. 
 
 680. Esarhaddon attacks Egypt. 
 
 668. Assurbanipal accedes iu Assyria. 
 
 664. Assurbanipal takes Thebes (Nahum iii. 8). 
 
 643. Anion accedes in Judah. 
 
 641. Josiah accedes in Judah. 
 
 609. Necho attacks Assyria. Death of Josiah. 
 
 606. Fall of Nineveh. 
 
 605. Nebuchadnezzar accedes in Babylon. 
 
 598. Jehoiakin accedes in Judah. First captivity of Judah. 
 
 597. Zedekiah succeeds iu Judah. 
 
 586. Destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 This chronology differs from that of Professor Kamphausen, 
 who cuts off ten years from the reigns of Amaziah, Azariah, 
 Jotham, and Manasseh, for which changes there is no literary 
 or monumental authority. 
 
 The Site of Tarshish. — The old theory that Tarshish was 
 Tartessus in Spain was based on the supposition that tin was 
 only to be found, in ancient days, in the Scilly Islands, and 
 brought by the Phoenicians from the far west to Asia. The 
 Scilly Islands were not unknown to Herodotus in the Persian 
 age, but the Phoenician trade with Spain and Britain was 
 founded by the Carthaginians between 800 and 600 B.C., and 
 the colony at Tartessus cannot be supposed to have existed as 
 
THE SITE OF TARSHISH. 163 
 
 early as Solomon's time, since Carthage was not founded till 
 about two centuries later (143 years after the Temple was 
 built, according to Josephus, against Apion, i. 18). Silver, 
 lead, iron, and (by trade) tin could be found in Spain ; but 
 they were known from the earliest age in Asia, tin coming 
 either from the Caucasus or perhaps from the Altai Mountains. 
 In Genesis (x. 4) Tarshish is named with Ionia and Cyprus 
 as inhabited by the "fair" race. In 1 Kings x. 22 we read 
 that the Hebrew and Tyrian fleet brought from Tarshish gold, 
 silver, ivory, apes (kophim), and peacocks (tukJceim). "Ships 
 of Tarshish" are, however, noticed as trading with Ophir 
 (near Sheba in Arabia, Gen. x. 28, 29) in 1 Kings xxii. 48 ; 
 2 Chron. xx. 36. The captives of Judah are to return from 
 Tarshish (Isa. lx. 9), which is again named with Lydia, 
 Tubal, and Ionia in Asia Minor (Isa. lxvi. 19). Ezekiel 
 speaks of the Tyrian trade with Tarshish in silver, iron, tin, 
 and lead (xxvii. 12), and also apparently of the other Tarshish 
 near Sheba (xxxviii. 13). The trade in metals w r ith Asia 
 Minor was ancient ; for in the Tell Amarna letters ships from 
 Elishah are noticed bringing gold, copper, and silver (Nos. 5, 
 6, 7, British Museum collection ; 12, 15, Berlin collection), as 
 well as bronze, wdiich supposes the existence of tin (No. 6, 
 British Museum), and apparently ivory (No. 14, Berlin), which 
 also came from Babylon (No. 4, British Museum). Hence the 
 trade products of Tarshish could all be obtained in Solomon's 
 time from Tarsus on the Asia Minor coast, which appears to 
 have been the Mediterranean Tarshish (Jonah i. 3, iv. 2). It 
 is not probable that ivory, apes, and peacocks would have 
 borne Indian names at Tartessus in Spain, and they must 
 have come by the overland route from the east to Tarsus, 
 unless the southern Tarshish in Arabia is intended, when 
 they may have come from Somaliland — a view favoured by 
 the Egyptian names (eb) for elephant and (Jcafi) for ape. 
 Tarsus on the Cydnus was still approachable by galleys in 
 Cleopatra's time. 
 
165 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE PROPHETS. 
 
 The great historic value of the prophetic books lies, as 
 already shown, in their references to past events in 
 Hebrew history, and to the rites, the customs, and the 
 Law of Israel. The high religious tone of Isaiah and his 
 brethren contrasts with the idolatry of the nation at large, 
 while the decay of the Hebrew race is witnessed by the 
 denunciation of tyranny, luxury, and drunkenness among 
 their rich men and princes. We learn also more of 
 Hebrew beliefs regarding God and the future from the 
 Prophets than we do from the Law, concerned rather 
 with worldly affairs. The hope that a future ideal king 
 would arise from David's house is often expressed ; but 
 the prediction of a Messiah, such as all the world ex- 
 pected in the century before Christ, does not find distinct 
 expression in the Prophets before the Exile. 
 
 It is often said that the early Hebrews had no belief in 
 any future life. That there is no allusion to a kingdom 
 of heaven on earth, and to a thousand years in which the 
 risen righteous should live under the Messiah in the 
 Holy Land — as the Pharisees taught later — is no doubt 
 
166 THE PKOPHETS. 
 
 true; but the picture which Isaiah draws (xiv.) of a 
 tyrant entering Sheol, and sadly received by royal ghosts, 1 
 shows us that, like the Akkadians, the Egyptians, the 
 Assyrians, and Phoenicians, the Hebrews believed in a 
 dim under-world, where shades of the departed lived in 
 peace or in sorrow, according to the judgment passed 
 upon their earthly life by the great Judge of the dead. 
 There is no distinction between this common Asiatic 
 belief and that of the Greeks in Homer. The under- 
 world of Sheol is also mentioned in the Pentateuch itself, 
 and the judgment-day by Joel (Num. xvi. 30 ; Joel iii.) 
 
 Up to the fortieth chapter the Book of Isaiah is full of 
 reference to the politics of his age, and includes the 
 historic chapters relating Hezekiah's deliverance from 
 Sennacherib. Two chapters have been suspected by 
 critics (xiii. and xxi. 1-10) because of references to Baby- 
 lon, to the Medes, and to Elam. But when we consider 
 that the Assyrians were already in conflict with the Medes 
 in 850 B.C., that their quarrel with Elam was ancient (for 
 Elam was attacked by Rimmon Nirari in the ninth cen- 
 tury B.C.), and that Merodach Baladan was attacked in 
 Babylon by the Assyrians in 710, 703, and 696 B.C., we 
 gather that a reference to the destruction of Babylon is 
 natural in Isaiah's time. Hezekiah allied himself to 
 Merodach Baladan in the latter year, 696 B.C., but on 
 this alliance Isaiah looked with disfavour. It is not, 
 therefore, unnatural that he should rejoice in the de- 
 struction of the city in 703 B.C., before the Assyrians 
 1 See note p. 171. 
 
THE UNKNOWN rROPIIET. 167 
 
 had become the open enemies of Judah. Another chapter 
 (xxvii.) has been doubted mainly because it speaks of 
 the outcasts of Israel in Egypt and Assyria ■ but Israel 
 was already captive in Nineveh in 722 B.C., and other 
 Hebrews may have been removed by Tirhakah to Egypt 
 after his defeat of Sennacherib. The first allusion to a 
 doctrine of immortality is found in an early chapter of 
 Isaiah (xxvi. 19), "Awake and sing, ye that dwell in the 
 dust : ... for earth shall bring to life the shades." 
 
 But, as is well known, the last twenty-six chapters of 
 our Book of Isaiah have long been attributed by scholars 
 to a later age, and to an unknown prophet of the time of 
 Cyrus. The reasons are simple, and require no great 
 learning to understand. Cyrus is mentioned not as a 
 future but as a present ruler (xlv. 1), and Babylon as 
 conquered (xlvi., xlvii.) The sons of Judah are about to 
 leave the land of exile (xlviii. 20), to become priests of 
 Jehovah among the strangers who had been brought into 
 Palestine by the Babylonians (lxi. 6). The Assyrian is 
 mentioned as an oppressor in the past (Hi. 4), and though 
 the exhortation is addressed to a despairing people (xl. 27), 
 it is not to the same faint-hearted nation in Jerusalem 
 itself whom Isaiah addressed, but to a nation exhorted to 
 return thither. The prophet seems to refer (xlii. 9) to 
 the fulfilment of Isaiah's former prophecies of general 
 destruction to the ancient world, and of captivity for 
 Judah in Babylon, — "Behold, the former things are come 
 to pass, and new things do I declare." He laments the 
 unbelief of the nation (liii. 1), and perhaps alludes to 
 
168 THE PROPHETS. 
 
 Isaiah himself as despised and rejected. The time of 
 Cyrus is one which answers well to the requirements of 
 these chapters, and they are hard to reconcile with an 
 earlier age. 
 
 Among the minor prophets Amos, who wrote about 
 746 B.C., is probably the oldest. His prophecies concern 
 the history of his age, and contain many allusions to 
 Hebrew customs, to the " songs of the Temple " (viii. 3), 
 to the music of David (vi. 5), to the idol shrines at Bethel 
 and Gilgal. Hosea, his contemporary, preserves yet more 
 allusions to the early history of the Hebrews, and speaks 
 of the written Law. The latest date given for his writ- 
 ings is 722 b.c. Micah, about this same date, resembles 
 both the preceding. Zephaniah follows a century later, 
 just before Josiah's reformation in 621 b.c. ; and Nahum, 
 who records the ruin of Nineveh and the earlier destruc- 
 tion of Thebes in Egypt, appears to have written after 
 607 b.c. Habakkuk was his contemporary. Haggai and 
 Zechariah prophesied after the return from exile, about 
 520 b.c. ; and Malachi closes the list of minor prophets in 
 430 b.c. Three books remain, however, less clearly dated 
 — namely, Joel, who is sometimes thought to have lived 
 in the ninth century B.C., and who mentions the Ionians 
 with the Egyptians and Edomites — an uncertain mark of 
 date ; Obadiah, who speaks of the pride of Edom, which 
 may refer to several periods of history ; and, finally, the 
 story of Jonah — undated save by its language, which 
 seems possibly to be late. The expression " God of 
 heaven" (Jonah i. 9) is one commonly used after the 
 
JEREMIAH. 169 
 
 Captivity ; and the date at which Jonah himself lived 
 (2 Kings xiv. 25), in the ninth century B.C., does not of 
 necessity date the book which contains his story. It may 
 have been written four hundred years later. 
 
 In thus considering the twelve minor prophets, we have 
 passed beyond the age of Jeremiah. His book is one of 
 the few which have not been questioned by critics, and it 
 contains a storehouse of illustrations for Hebrew history 
 about the close of the seventh century and opening of the 
 sixth century B.C. It is remarkable that the Greek text 
 presents more differences from the Hebrew than in any 
 other book except Samuel ; and about an eighth part of 
 the Hebrew is missing in the Septuagint translation, 
 while the order of chapters is different. It is probable 
 that it was translated much later than the Pentateuch, 
 and an imperfect copy seems to have been used for the 
 Greek. The name of JSTebuchadrezzar is correctly given 
 in this book (li. 34), which closes with a historical chapter, 
 and tells us something also of events after the Babylonian 
 destruction of Jerusalem. Acquaintance with the Law 
 influences Jeremiah's tone and language, and his spirit is 
 less sacerdotal than that of Ezekiel his successor, who was 
 carried to Babylon in 597 B.C., and prophesied as late as 
 570 b.c. in the land of exile. The language of Ezekiel is 
 thought to bear some traces of Aramean influence, but 
 differs from that of the age of Ezra ; and it was not until 
 more than a century after Nebuchadnezzar's time that the 
 new Hebrew began to be distinguishable from the classic 
 tonmie of Isaiah's age. To Ezekiel ^ve 0A\e the remarkable 
 
170 THE PEOPHETS. 
 
 account of Tyrian trade about 600 B.C. (xxvii.), when 
 Armenia, Syria, and Arabia, Asia Minor and Egypt, sent 
 their wares to the Phoenician capital. His description of 
 the Temple served in part as a model in the later time 
 of Herod ; but the new division of Palestine among the 
 tribes, and the new arrangement of land for the Levites, 
 were ideal, and never carried out. They are chiefly in- 
 teresting in connection with the Bible account, as showing 
 that the allotment of Joshua is ancient and actual, while 
 that of Ezekiel is future, and never put into real operation. 
 This short sketch of the writings of the Prophets serves 
 to control the references already made to their evidence. 
 They allude generally to the events of their own times, or 
 of the immediate future ; but they look forward also to 
 the " branch " to spring from David's house, and to rule a 
 united Israel. The Book of Daniel has not been forgotten 
 in this enumeration, for it has never formed part of the 
 Hebrew canon of the Prophets. The distinction of a 
 second writer, following Isaiah in the times of Cyrus, is 
 perhaps one of the soundest — but by no means of the 
 most recent — results of literary study of the Bible itself. 
 Similar results must be mentioned later, which stand on 
 a very different basis from that of the critical theories 
 propounded lately as to the Law and early Hebrew records. 
 
THE IIEBKEW BELIEF IN THE ITTUBE. 171 
 
 NOTE TO CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Hebrew Belief in the Future. — Nothing is more 
 unfounded than the statement that the Hebrews bad no belief 
 
 in existence after death. In Isaiah (xiv.) the king of Babylon 
 is represented as entering Sheol (verse 9), where he is met by 
 the dead, and the rephavm or "ghosts" of other kings, who 
 say, "Art thou become weak as we 1 " The rephavm or ghosts 
 are also mentioned in the inscription of Eshmunazar of Sidon 
 (third century B.C.) There are allusions to Sheol in the Pen- 
 tateuch itself (Num. xvi. 30, 33 ; Deut. xxxii. 22) ; and in 
 Samuel the prophet is represented as dwelling in Sheol (1 Sam. 
 xxviii. 13, 19). The common Semitic belief is indicated by 
 Assyrian tablets, and by designs on seals. The supreme judge 
 of the dead was believed to dwell under the sea, and the ghosts 
 were brought before him for judgment. Those who had been 
 righteous enjoyed peace in Hades, under a "silver sky," while 
 the wicked were tormented. As among the Greeks, this con- 
 dition appears to have been regarded as final and unending. 
 The Egyptians, on the other hand, believed in a final return 
 to the body, which they embalmed — a practice which seems 
 to have been uncommon among Semitic peoples. 
 
173 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 HEBREW TOETRY. 
 
 We have found no reason to suppose that the Hebrews 
 were inferior to their neighbours in literary power. The 
 religious tone of Isaiah surpasses anything known in 
 monumental texts, and the very early date at which 
 eloquent poetry is found, both in Egypt and in Meso- 
 potamia, witnesses the early date at which it also existed 
 among Hebrews. The psalm of Xhothmes III., and the 
 poem of Pentaur on the victory of Eameses II. at 
 Kadesh, are good Egyptian examples, 1 dating earlier than 
 David's time ; but yet more ancient passages in Akkadian 
 texts may be quoted, as bearing strong resemblance in 
 thought and style to Hebrew poetry. 
 
 The most ancient example — older than the days of 
 Abraham — is found in the curse, written in Akkadian, 
 on Gudea's statue at Zirghul — written "for him who 
 knows not, in future days after many generations." The 
 man who should remove the statue or injure the in- 
 scription is thus denounced : — 
 
 '•'May the mighty in his time destroy, may the power of the 
 multitude rise as a storm. May the man who does this t<> me sit 
 
 Brugsch, Hist. Egypt, vol. i. p. 370 ; vol. ii. p. 44. 
 
1 7 1 IIEBKEW POETRY. 
 
 in the dust as a slave. May his name of renown become a name of 
 weakness. May his name be smitten by the gods. May the seed of 
 his posterity perish, his name becoming a perished name. The gods 
 destroying his people before his eyes, may heaven's wind destroy, 
 may the waters destroy his land. The people that is a foe of that 
 man's land being enemies, may his city perish from the light of hea- 
 ven. May the gods so teach the people, their hand making an end." 
 
 The vigour and eloquence of this language is very 
 remarkable at so early a period. But other Akkadian 
 songs and psalms were copied from the " ancient original," 
 and translated into Assyrian for Assurbanipal, in the 
 seventh century B.C., and to these translations our know- 
 ledge of Akkadian is due. 1 The date of the originals, 
 which were already ancient, is not known ; but it is 
 thought that Akkadian began to become a dead language 
 as early as 1500 b.c, and their antiquity must at least 
 be equal to that of any Hebrew poetry. 
 
 One of these poems is a short war -song of early 
 
 character : — 
 
 " Leading the herd, The corn grows high, 
 
 You trod the young corn. What care we. 
 
 I go knee-deep, The corn is ripe, 
 
 I stay not my foot. What care we. 
 
 Not first in fault The lot of death 
 
 My host obeys me. Be tWne tQ ^^ 
 
 You come and waste The lot of life 
 
 The foeman's field. May I enjoy." 
 
 He comes and wastes 
 Thy field, foe. 
 
 Such a war-song we may well imagine sung by invaders 
 even in Abraham's days. 
 
 1 See note, p. 192. 
 
AKKADIAN HYMNS. 175 
 
 Another early poem recently found is the Akkadian 
 account of Creation : — 
 
 "The bright abode of gods on high was not created. No plant 
 had grown, no tree had been created. No brick was laid, no beam 
 was hewn, no house was built, no town was founded." " He made 
 mankind." " He made the beasts of the field, and living tbi 
 the desert. He made the Tigris and Euphrates, and set them in 
 their place, and called them by name. He made the herb, the reed, 
 and the forest. He made the grass of the plain, the field, the 
 marsh and the wood alike, oxen and their young, the cow and her 
 calf, the sheep in field, meadow, and forest, the goat and the 
 stag." 1 
 
 The general resemblance of this fragment to the first 
 chapter of Genesis is notable, but over-elaboration weakens 
 its power as compared with the Hebrew. Creation is, 
 even in the Akkadian account, attributed to a single 
 Creator. Such poems addressed to a single god are, how- 
 ever, in some cases only in praise of one among many, 
 as in another instance when Merodach the Sun -god is* 
 thus hymned : — 
 
 "Who may escape thy terrors ? . . . Thy word is a great decree 
 which rules the heaven and the earth. It bade the sea, and >he 
 stayed her waves. It bade the storm, and it was still. It bade 
 the flood of the Euphrates — the word of Merodach troubled its 
 waves. Thou art great among gods, Merodach, who is like 
 thee 1 " 
 
 The fate of the wicked is the subject of another of 
 
 these Akkadian poems translated into Assyrian : — 
 
 "With aching head he wanders, as in a desert when the storm 
 blows, and the lightning flashes and falls from on high. He who 
 
 1 Translated by Mr T. G. Pinches, 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
 Society,' 1893. 
 
176 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 fears not his god is broken as a reed, and his sore runs as a stream. 
 He who has not Ashtoreth for his guide, his flesh is wasted : he 
 fades as a star from heaven : he goes to the night like water. He 
 is hated by all who pass by, and is as though the daylight burned 
 him. That man is bowed as if by pangs of the heart, he is dis- 
 tracted as one whose heart pants. He burns as one on fire, as the 
 wild ass raging when the storm is in its eyes. For his life is de- 
 voured and he hastens to death, distraught as when the storm is 
 mighty. None knows whither he goes. None knows the last fate 
 that overtakes him." 
 
 There is a general resemblance between this ancient 
 poem and passages in Job ; but other Akkadian psalms 
 are yet closer to the Hebrew in thought and ima- 
 gery :— 
 
 " How long, God, who knowest the unknown, shall Thy heart 
 be wroth ? How long, mother Ashtoreth, who knowest the un- 
 known, shall thy heart be wroth ? She has made a narrow way for 
 men, and none knows it ; of all men who are named none knows it. 
 Lord, Thou wilt not reject Thy servant. grant me this, to 
 take his hand in the waters of the stream. Turn away my sins 
 that I have wrought for Thy mercies' sake. Let the wind carry 
 away the sin that I have wrought. The greatness of my shame 
 covers me as a garment. my God, forgive the sins that I have 
 wrought till seven times seven. pardon my neglect, defend 
 Thy servant. Let Thy heart turn to this place as a mother to her 
 child. return as father and as mother to this place." 
 
 This prayer, entitled " The lamentations of an humble 
 heart," was no doubt originally carved on some Akka- 
 dian statue or stored in a temple. Another fragment 
 refers to sickness : — 
 
 " I sit and mourn : the heart faints by the curse of sickness. I 
 mourn as a dove night and day. The groans of the sick are made 
 to his God as a child for pity. His face is bowed with lamentation 
 to his God." 
 
AKKADIAN CREATION TABLET. 177 
 
 Yet another tablet contains prayers to Ashtoreth in 
 both languages : — 
 
 " The face of all creation is bowed." " give rest to thy servant, 
 I said, merciful one, thou receivest him who has erred. The 
 man thou favourest that man shall live. power in all things, 
 Lady pitying man, receiver of lamentations, whom it is good to 
 seek : Mother Goddess, thou takest the hand of him who thus 
 earnestly calls on thee. There is none greater than the gracious 
 Goddess. favour thou me fully, hear my cry, decree my pardon, 
 and let thy wrath be appeased. How long, Lady, shall thy face 
 be dark ? I mourn as a dove, I groan groans, let me rest in peace." 
 
 "How long, Lady, shall the foe lay waste ? " " In thy great 
 city of Erech there is fasting. In the temple of star-gazing — the 
 temple of thy oracle — the blood flows like water. I have made the 
 fires hot throughout the land." " my Lady, I have restrained 
 the slanderer, my hand has broken the wicked man as a reed. I 
 wrest not the law, I am not proud. Yet I waste away like water 
 daj T and night. I am thy servant, I testify to thee. Let thy ser- 
 vant be exalted, let thy people increase." 
 
 This last passage is interesting as showing that the 
 Akkadian psalms belonged to Erech, the great temple city 
 in Southern Chaldea, which was the capital of the early 
 Akkadian princes. The antiquity of the originals copied 
 — before the captivity of Judah — for Assurbanipal may 
 thus be carried back possibly to 2000 B.C. The language 
 often recalls that of Hebrew psalms of later date, but the 
 double appeals to god and goddess are distinctive of an 
 earlier heathen creed. 
 
 By the light of such comparison we may read the Book 
 of Job, the Psalms, the Song of Solomon, the Proverbs, 
 and the Preacher, without supposing that all such works 
 among the Hebrews must have been written in a later 
 
178 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 age, when the spirit of the nation had decayed, and when 
 the language of Isaiah's time was corrupted. 
 
 The Book of Job is remarkable, it is true, for many 
 words comparable with Aramaic and Arabic, but its lan- 
 guage also compares with that of Amos and Isaiah. The 
 scene is laid in the country round Petra, and the notices 
 of the ostrich and the wild ass, of mines and gems, of 
 frost and heat, all point to the southern deserts ; while the 
 horse, the city with its gates, the astronomical knowledge 
 of the rising of stars in their seasons, forbid us to suppose 
 an author entirely unacquainted with settled life. The 
 land of Uz, though wrongly placed by Christian tradition 
 in Bashan, is very clearly indicated in the Bible to have 
 lain in Edom, where Arab tribes of JSTabatheans were 
 settled as early as the eighth century B.C., according to 
 monumental records. The language of Job — like that of 
 the Moabite Stone — was apparently affected by local 
 dialects. The author speaks in no part of Israel or of 
 the Law, and though probably a Hebrew, may have lived 
 among the Nabathean tribes, and have spoken an Edomite 
 dialect of the Hebrew language. We have already seen 
 that Hebrew tribes invaded Edom in the times of David 
 and of Hezekiah, and were there found much later (1 
 Chron. iv. 31). 
 
 There is little to indicate the date of this magnificent 
 poem. The name of Satan, found in its first chapter, 
 only occurs in other cases in books written in Ezra's age 
 or later, but the language is not that of Ezra's time. The 
 name of Job, like that of Daniel, was known to Ezekiel 
 
THE BOOK OF JOB. 170 
 
 (xiv. 14, 20 xxviii. 3) ; but this does not prove the 
 existence of the present Book of Job. The subject of the 
 poem is the reason for evil in the world, explained as 
 being hidden from man, but known to God. The pros- 
 perity of the wicked and the misfortunes of the good are 
 shown to be due to hidden purpose. The justice of God 
 is slow but sure ; and if not in this world, yet in the fu- 
 ture the wicked will give account for their evil deeds. To 
 the very end the cause of Job's downfall — intended by God 
 as a reproof to the sneering Satan — is never revealed to 
 Job. His friends suspect some sin committed by their 
 fallen friend, and goad him to madness by their hints that 
 punishment must have a reason. He answers always that 
 he knows his own innocence, and would plead it with God 
 were he able. Elihu alone strikes a truer note, though 
 equally ignorant of the great cause. He exhorts Job to 
 humble himself before God, and foresees that his misery 
 is but a passing cloud. It is strange that some authors 
 should regard the speeches of Elihu as later addition?, in- 
 terrupting the poem, which without them would be im- 
 perfect. They argue that Elihu does not appear earlier in 
 the book, and is unnoticed in the last chapter. The book 
 itself explains most clearly why he is not noticed at first 
 (Job xxxii. 2-6), while in the end he is not mentioned be- 
 cause he was not condemned, and needed no intercession 
 with God. Elihu is a Hebrew name (1 Sam. i. 1), but 
 his tribe was Edomite : his speech lea<ls up to the final 
 crisis of the poem, as he watches the great thunderstorm 
 approaching (xxxvi. 26-33, xxxvii. 1-22), and likens its 
 
180 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 passing, when " fair weather comes from the dark," to 
 Job's passing troubles. The voice of Jehovah from the 
 whirlwind is thus naturally the sequel (xxxviii. 1). If 
 Elihu's speeches are cut out no answer is given by man to 
 Job's complaint, and no teaching completes the book ; for 
 the cause of evil is not explained in the magnificent chap- 
 ters which describe creation by the mouth of God. If 
 Jehovah answered Job at once there is a manifest break 
 in the notice of the whirlwind, which is described by 
 Elihu at the close of his speech. 
 
 The antiquity and unity of the Book of Job are on 
 these grounds evident, although the date cannot be estab- 
 lished very closely. The author was a servant of Jehovah, 
 but the name is not supposed to have been known to the 
 Edomites, and Job — until Jehovah reveals Himself to 
 him — seems rather to have been a pious foreigner than 
 a disciple of Moses. He eschewed idolatry, and offered 
 sacrifices to God (i. 5, xxxi. 26), and acted justly to all : 
 but the Syrians also sacrificed in 800 B.C., as the Samala 
 inscription tells us ; and ethical precepts go back to a very 
 early age in Egypt, and in Akkadian tablets, which com- 
 mand the veneration of parents and justice to the poor. 
 " I have heard of Thee by the hearing of the ear ; but 
 now mine eye seeth Thee " (xlii. 5), are the words of Job, 
 as though a stranger to the name of Jehovah before that 
 time, hearing His name as that of a distant God among 
 the Israelites. The worship of Jehovah among other 
 nations besides the Hebrews is not only clear from monu- 
 ments, but is noticed in the prophets from the eighth 
 
THE PSALMS. 181 
 
 century b.c. downwards. 1 The answer of the philosopher 
 in Job, to the ever-recurring question of the origin of 
 evil, is that which was commonly given by many nations 
 from the earliest historic ages — the hidden purpose of 
 God. Even the visible creation, he says, is beyond our 
 understanding, how much more the purpose of the Creator 
 who guides it, and bends the good and the wicked alike 
 to that purpose. Nor can we say that modern philosophies 
 give us more light on such a question, or tell us more cer- 
 tainly of the future, or of the mysteries whereby we are 
 surrounded. The Hebrew answer remains still true — 
 "Such knowledge is too wonderful for me." 
 
 The Book of Psalms is commonly ascribed to David, 
 although the titles of the Psalms — which are as old at 
 least as the time of the Greek translators — ascribe several 
 to Asaph, Korah, and others, and to Moses and Solomon. 
 No careful reader is likely to hold that the sad psalm of 
 captivity " by the waters of Babylon " (exxxvii.) can have 
 been written in David's time. The Hebrew text divides 
 the Psalter into five books, of which the first three con- 
 tains 64 psalms attributed to David, 12 to Korah, 12 to 
 Asaph, and 1 to Ethan. If all David's psalms originally 
 stood together (i.-xli., li.-lxxii.), the other psalms might 
 be later ; but as they are now arranged, the original collec- 
 tion seems to close with the words (Ps. lxxii. 20), "The 
 prayers of David the son of Jesse are ended. " In this 
 collection two of the psalms which are alphabetic were 
 1 See Isa. xxxvi. 7-10, lxv. 1 ; Mai. i. 11. 
 
182 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 once clearly one (xlii.-xliii.), as in some manuscripts, and 
 this gives us a total of 88 ancient psalms, including six 
 which are alphabetic (Ps. ix., xxv., xxxiv., xxxvii., xlii., 
 xliii.) Alphabetic psalms suppose the existence of an 
 alphabet ; but as this was probably in use in David's time, 
 this indication is unimportant. Nor is the use of the 
 words Elohim and Jehovah of great value, if graphic rather 
 than literary reasons be assigned for the difference. In 
 the Psalter are found repetitions (Ps. xl. 13-17 and lxx. ; 
 and Ps. cviii. compared with lvii. 5-11, lx. 5-12), in some 
 cases showing the name Jehovah instead of Elohim. If 
 the original psalm was written on a tablet, and the name 
 of the Deity marked by an emblem (as explained already), 
 these differences in transcription would easily be under- 
 stood. This peculiarity in the Psalter serves, therefore, to 
 confirm that view of Hebrew writing. 
 
 As regards the date of the Asaph psalms, one of them 
 (lxxvi.) is ascribed in the Greek version to Assyrian 
 times ; but even this does not indicate date, since Assyria 
 and Israel may have been in conflict at least in Solomon's 
 time. It is otherwise with another Asaph psalm (lxxix.) 
 which speaks of the destruction of Jerusalem. It may 
 refer to the attack by Shishak after Solomon's death, but 
 cannot allude to Sennacherib, who never " laid Jerusalem 
 on heaps" (verse 1): the language alone is sufficient to 
 confute the theory that it was written in the Greek age. 
 In yet another Asaph psalm (lxxxiii.) Assur is noticed 
 (verse 8), and it is possible that the psalms not attributed 
 to David are the latest. 
 
THE SONG OF SONGS. 183 
 
 A second division (Ps. xc. to end) begins at the end of 
 the present third book, and the language of these psalms 
 is generally later than that of those in the first three 
 books. The name of Jehovah is almost exclusively used ; 
 
 and though some which bear David's name may be recen- 
 sions of older hymns, they cannot as they now stand 
 belong to David's time. The "songs of degrees" were 
 written for the Temple : the alphabetic psalms (cxi., 
 cxix., cxlv.) are much longer than before : one psalm 
 at least is as late as the Captivity (cxxxviii.) ; and in 
 another case the Greek bears a title, " When the Temple 
 was built after the Captivity " (xcvi.) To attribute any 
 of these psalms to the later time of the Maccabees (the 
 Greek age) is linguistically impossible, but it is clear that 
 the Psalter was gradually formed between the time of 
 David and of Ezra. One of the earlier psalms (xviii.) is 
 directly attributed by the Hebrew historian (2 Sam. xxii.) 
 to David himself. 
 
 Turning to the Song of Songs, we find still more in- 
 teresting indications of literary variety. The Song of 
 Solomon was only added to the canon by the later Jews, 
 because a mystical meaning was explained to underlie its 
 passionate language. There can be little doubt that the 
 wording is often highly symbolic, and not to be taken 
 in its literal sense as dealing with shepherds oi 
 deners. The bride is herself compared to a garden and 
 a spring; and the style is not very different from that 
 of later Arab love -songs. Two fragments of Egyptian 
 
184 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 poems, closely resembling the Song of Songs in style, 
 are known to have been written before Solomon's age. 
 The language of the Song itself is highly peculiar, and 
 though it shows no sign of being late, it is tinged with 
 Aramaic expressions, showing a dialect somewhat differ- 
 ent from classical Hebrew. 
 
 The critical views as to the explanation of the Song of 
 Songs are hardly satisfactory. It is necessary to remem- 
 ber that the seclusion of women, among the upper classes, 
 is of great antiquity in the East. It is mentioned in 
 patriarchal times in the Bible. It is also necessary to 
 remember that dramatic performances are unknown to 
 have ever occurred among Semitic peoples before the 
 Greek and Eoman ages. They are still regarded with 
 disfavour in the East. Again, we must not forget that 
 women were accustomed to share their husband's love 
 with others. iSTo Hebrew woman would have ever de- 
 manded that she alone should be her husband's wife. 
 
 All these facts are disregarded by critical writers, who 
 advance various explanations of the Song of Songs. In 
 one the engaged couple are supposed to take a walk in 
 the fields, like European lovers of to-day. In another 
 the Shulamite is supposed to escape from Solomon's 
 harem, and to join a rustic lover. The fate of Uriah 
 seems to be forgotten, and the idyl, though possible 
 enough in Schiller's time, does not represent realities of 
 Eastern life. Both these critics agree in supposing a 
 kind of drama, with chorus, dances, and change of scene, 
 of which we have no indications in Semitic antiquity. 
 
THE BRIDEGROOM AND BRIDE. 185 
 
 To the student of Arab life the Song of Songs reada very 
 differently from either of these explanations. Its pas- 
 sionate love-language resembles that of Arab songs sung 
 before Muhammad's time; its tone suggests a royal 
 bridal ode, composed perhaps in the distant province 
 whence the Shulamite was brought. Bride and bride- 
 groom answer one another, but such language is hardly 
 to be attributed to an affianced maiden in Hebrew 
 times. 
 
 We may, then, attempt briefly to show the indications 
 which the poem includes, and thence draw conclusions as 
 to its origin and meaning. The translation often obscures 
 the latter, and the assumption that the scene is laid in 
 Jerusalem limits the explanation of its origin. 
 
 The Song, which stands first among the Hebrew Megil- 
 loth or "rolls," and which was read in later times during 
 the glad spring feast of Passover, is called distinctly " a 
 song of songs to Solomon." The bride speaks to her lord 
 and says, "If the king brought me to his chambers we 
 would rejoice and be glad." She invokes the daughters 
 of Jerusalem not to scorn her as darker than the Hebrew 
 women of the city, because of her life in the open country. 
 She speaks (after the custom of oriental poetry) symboli- 
 cally of following a shepherd's journey with his Hocks, 
 and is answered in the same strain by the bridegroom. 
 Her humility is expressed in the single verse, " I am bul 
 a wild flower of the plains, and a lily of the valleys," 
 with the answer, "As a lily among thorns, is my love 
 among girls." She calls her bridegroom to hasten 
 
186 HEBREW POETEY. 
 
 deer, and proclaims her love ; but charges the daughters 
 of distant Jerusalem not " to awake love till it please " — 
 a refrain repeated by her at times. She relates the bride- 
 groom's invitation to leave her home, in spring-time, for 
 better lands where the flowers bloom, the dove calls in the 
 woods, and the fig-tree buds, contrasted with the barren 
 mountains and deep valleys of her own country. She 
 speaks of her dream, during the bridegroom's absence, in 
 which he seemed once more to reach her home ; and she 
 repeats the refrain — let him not come till he please. She 
 pictures his advance in royal state from the wilderness, 
 crowned with a marriage crown. The bridegroom answers 
 with imagery borrowed from the flocks of Gilead, and 
 David's tower of shields. He calls her from Lebanon and 
 Amana, from Hermon, the wild haunt of lions ; and speaks 
 of her as a garden and as a fountain sealed. A single 
 verse accepts the image in reply. 
 
 A verse by the bridegroom follows in the same strain, 
 and once more the bride relates a dream of absence. She 
 calls on the Hebrew ladies to say where her master is, and 
 supposes their answer to tell of his absence. The bride- 
 groom repeats the imagery of Gilead, and prefers her to 
 all his queens and other wives. He tells her how she 
 first appeared beautiful in his eyes when he went down to 
 the valley : "Or ever I was aware, my spirit took me to 
 the chariots of Amminadib," where the veiled beauty was 
 seen (vi. 12). His emblems of herself are borrowed from 
 the fish-pools of Heshbon, and from the tower of Lebanon 
 above Damascus, as well as from the copses of Carmel. 
 
THE BHULAMITB. I -7 
 
 Her answer is contained in a single verse (vii. 10), and 
 the bridegroom again invites her to come with him, 
 through plains and villages, vineyards and gardens "1* 
 pomegranate. The closing chapter gives the bride's reply, 
 yearning for the bridegroom's presence yet with the refrain 
 — let him not come till he please from the Hebrew land. 
 She pictures her progress from the wilderness t<> the 
 bridegroom's native land where the apple grows. She 
 proclaims her jealous love in the finest passage in the 
 poem, and speaks of a younger sister not to be compared 
 with her in full-blown beauty. She is herself Solomon's 
 vineyard in Baal Hermon, and once more she calls for his 
 return. "Dweller in gardens, the companions hear thy 
 voice : let me too hear it. Make haste, my love, as a deer 
 or a roe upon the mountains of balm." 
 
 There is surely nothing strained in such a reading of 
 the Song. The bride is a Hebrew or Syrian princess 
 from wild regions near Damascus or in Gilead. Am- 
 minadib was the name of the king of Amnion in the 
 time of Assurbanipal of Assyria, and according to the 
 Greek version (Cant. vii. 1) it was that of the father of 
 this "prince's daughter." If by Shulamite (vi. 13) we 
 are to understand that she was named from a town called 
 Shulem, we gain little further knowledge, since Shnlem 
 is an unknown place. The same passage seems to con- 
 nect it, according to one reading, with the " dance of 
 Mahanaim" in Gilead. "Keturn, return, Shulamite, 
 that we may look on thee. Why will ye gaze on the 
 Shulamite, as at the dance of Mahanaim?" Amminadib 
 
188 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 may therefore have been an Ammonite prince ruling in 
 Gilead and Bashan, and the Shulamite may have been 
 one of Solomon's Ammonite wives. But, on the other 
 hand, Amminadab (Exod. vi. 23 ; Euth iv. 19) was also 
 a Hebrew name meaning " nobly born," and it may have 
 belonged to a Hebrew prince beyond Jordan. Whatever 
 be the race to which the Shulamite princess belonged, 
 there is no epoch in which imagery gathered from all 
 parts of Palestine and of Syria is more natural than in 
 the age of Solomon. The fact that the poem was rever- 
 enced by the Jews, in spite of its peculiar nature, points 
 to its antiquity. The word "Paradise" (iv. 13), which 
 occurs in one passage, with other foreign terms,* have 
 been thought to point to Persian and to Indian influence. 
 But Solomon's age was one of wide trade, when ivory, 
 apes, and peacocks came by caravan routes (1 Kings x. 
 22) to the port of Tarshish, or Tarsus, in Asia Minor, and 
 thence to Palestine, bearing Indian names, and when the 
 Queen of Sheba from Yemen herself visited his Court. 
 Cases are known in which words once supposed to be 
 Persian have been traced to the earlier Assyrian; and 
 nothing in the language of the Song of Songs points to 
 the later age of Tyrian trade. 
 
 The Book of Proverbs in like manner belongs as a 
 
 whole to the best age of the Hebrew language. The 
 
 "Maxims of Ani" in Egypt are the earliest examples of 
 
 monumental proverbs, and they are older than Solomon's 
 
 1 See note, p. 192. 
 
PROVERBS AND ECCLESIASTICS. ISO 
 
 time. The first twenty-four chapters are attributed in 
 the Hebrew text to Solomon, and five arc added as 
 "proverbs of Solomon which the men of Hezekiah copied 
 out" (xxv. 1), as though already extant on earlier tablets 
 reduced by them to scrolls. The last two chapters differ 
 in language, and arc referred to Agur son of Jakeh of 
 Massah (Pro v. xxx. 1 ; CI en. xxv. 14) on the borders of 
 Edom, and to Lemuel king of Massah (xxxi.) There is 
 an Aramaic tinge in the language of these two chapters, 
 resembling that found in the Edomite Book of Job ; but 
 this does not suffice to show late date for the works in 
 question. The word Bar for "son" — also found in the 
 second Psalm — is now known to have been used in Syria 
 at least as early as the time of Ear Eecab in the eighth 
 century B.C. 
 
 When we turn, however, from Proverbs to Ecclesia>ti is, 
 Ave find apparently a later language in use, as shown by 
 grammar rather than by words. A Persian word for an 
 "edict" (Eccles. viii. 11) occurs, as in Esther, and many 
 phrases of the later Hebrew are used. The teachi] 
 the Preacher — although Solomon is represented as the hero 
 of the book — seems to argue not a mere disgust with the 
 world, but some acquaintance with a scepticism uncommon 
 in early days, and brought by Greeks to Palestine. " Who 
 knoweth if the spirit of man goeth up, and the Bpiril of 
 the beast goeth down to earth?" (iii. 21.) The problem 
 of the Preacher is the same as in Job. lb' Bees the 
 vanity of wealth and of power, of sacrifices and of mirth, 
 
190 HEBREW POETRY. 
 
 of deceitful women and of philosophy. He proclaims 
 that God's justice is sure if it is slow : that wisdom and 
 moderation alone bring happiness. " Whatsoever thy hand 
 findeth to do, do it with thy might ; for there is no work, 
 nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, in Sheol, whither 
 thou goest" (ix. 10). "Fear God," he concludes, "and 
 keep His commandments ; for such is the judgment on 
 man" (xii. 13). The book which so sums up the "whole 
 matter " is not the cynical utterance of a disgusted world- 
 ling ; it is the wholesome warning against vanity, ambition, 
 and selfishness of one who knew where true wisdom lies. 
 But it belongs to the Wisdom literature, of which another 
 fine example (Ecclesiasticus) is only known to us in Greek, 
 and it seems to be the latest of the great poetic books 
 received into the Hebrew canon. 
 
 Such, then, appears to be the history of Hebrew poetry. 
 The early Psalms of David were supplemented with others 
 in the Assyrian age, and others during and after the Cap- 
 tivity. The Book of Job and the Song of Songs preserve 
 to us works not written in Jerusalem, but in Gilead and 
 Edom, and little concerned with Hebrew laws or rites. 
 In Proverbs we find the wisdom of the Hebrews under 
 their kings, with maxims taken from ancient copies, and 
 even from distant tribes. In the Preacher we find re- 
 peated the verdict of Job on human life in an age when 
 tyranny and corruption, scepticism and worldliness, were 
 common — perhaps in the last years of the decaying Persian 
 rule. 
 
THE PSALMS OF DAVID. I '.» I 
 
 The testimony of monuments shows us, however, that 
 psalms and songs had been written in Asia long before 
 the time of David which approach in character those 
 attributed to the "sweet singer of Israel." To suppose 
 that most or all of these belong to the later Greek age of 
 the Maccabees, is to ignore the language in which they are 
 written as compared with that in use after Ezra's time, 
 
192 NOTES TO CHAPTER XL 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER XL 
 
 Akkadian Hymns. — The bilingual texts which Sir H. 
 Rawlinson published in the 'Cuneiform Inscriptions of 
 Western Asia ' have been collected and studied by F. Lenor- 
 mant in his work called 'Etudes Accadiennes.' The transla- 
 tions given in the preceding chapter are due to study of the 
 latter work, which gives throughout the cuneiform text in 
 facsimile. They are, however, not always in accordance with 
 Lenormant's results, and are the outcome of independent 
 study by the author. The specimens selected represent the 
 highest attainment of the Akkadian psalmists. They occur 
 side by side with litanies to the " Spirit of Earth " and " Spirit 
 of Heaven," who presided over the countless genii and demons 
 in whom the Akkadians believed. Some of the documents 
 describe charms for exorcising demons, or relate to the mis- 
 chief done by them. One bilingual is an agreement for 
 renting a house and garden and keeping it in repair. The 
 short Akkadian texts of the earlier kings of Chaldea, such as 
 Urbau, Gudea, &c, occur only in that language, as well as 
 the long texts from Tell Loh. The Semitic language first 
 appears in the great inscription of Hammurapaltu about 
 2100 B.C. 
 
 Language of Canticles. — The word Paradise used in this 
 Song (iv. 13) is usually regarded as Aryan — Persian paradesa, 
 " a garden " ; and several other strange words have been noted. 
 As, however, the Persian is known to have borrowed from the 
 older Assyrian, and Assyrian trade with India goes back to 
 the ninth century b.c. (Obelisk of Shalmaneser II.), such 
 conclusions are at present very doubtful. The use of shi for 
 asher (" which ") found in Canticles, and also in the song of 
 Deborah (Judges v.), is dialectic, but not a mark of date : it is 
 the Assyrian sa, used also in the Tell Amarna letters of the 
 fifteenth century b.c. 
 
193 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE PERSIAN AGE. 
 
 Three books of the Bible relate the fortunes of the Jews 
 under the Persians — Esther, Ezra, and Nehemiah. 
 
 Esther relates the origin of the later festival of Puiim, 
 and speaks of the Hebrew wife of Xerxes by her Persian 
 name, " the Star." It uses the Persian words for rulers 
 and satraps ; and Purim itself is an Aryan word, connected 
 with the root whence the Latin fors is derived. The 
 syntax, no less than the words, of its language, belongs to 
 the later Hebrew, and Persian terms remained in use 
 among the Jews as late as the second century a.d. The 
 author seems to speak of Xerxes (i. 1) as living in a former 
 age, and though he is well informed on Persian customs — 
 such as the establishment of the famous postal service — 
 yet it is difficult to understand how a Jewish maiden 
 could have become the queen of a Persian king, because 
 the law of Persia limited his choice to certain noble 
 Persian families. This discrepancy would be easily un- 
 derstood if the book was written somewhat later. 5 
 we have no reason to doubt that it contains the true 
 tradition of an Esther whose influence saved her race 
 
 N 
 
194 THE PERSIAN AGE. 
 
 from persecution — a memory which, in the times of the 
 Maccabees, seems to have still been preserved by the 
 celebration of "the day of Esther," or feast of Purim. 
 The artistic merit of the book, and the vividness of its 
 descriptions, are generally allowed. Nor is it historically 
 improbable that Xerxes should have had a Jewish wife. 
 Cotton is first noticed in the Book of Esther (i. 6), and 
 was, like silk, unknown in Palestine till the later ages of 
 Persian rule. 
 
 The Book of Ezra is distinguished as consisting of an 
 introduction, an original memoir, and a final addition, by 
 the use of the third and first persons in its pages. The 
 introduction connects it with Chronicles, repeating the 
 last words of that later history of Israel. It records the 
 return of the Jews in the time of Cyrus, and passes on by 
 the reigns of Darius and of Xerxes down to the age of 
 Artaxerxes. It then includes an Aramaic letter (iv. 8-23) 
 of that reign, to which is apparently added a gloss refer- 
 ring to Darius II. in 425 b.c, which causes great confusion 
 in the history (verse 24). The Aramaic letter of the time 
 of Darius I., when apparently Haggai and Zechariah pro- 
 phesied (v. 1-vi. 18), is thus out of place, and the later 
 compiler seems to have been little acquainted with Persian 
 history. Another Aramaic decree of Artaxerxes follows 
 (vii. 12-26), and Ezra's own memoir begins at this point 
 in 458 b.c. The sequel by the compiler (x. 1-44) is again 
 in the third person. 
 
 This composite work is interesting as showing the official 
 
EZRA AND XKIIKMIAII. I 96 
 
 use of Aramaic in Ezra's age, and as preserving an authen- 
 tic record in his own words of the return of the Jews to 
 Jerusalem. From what has been said of Chronicles it 
 seems that the additional matter was added to the scat- 
 tered documents about the end of the fourth century B.O., 
 in the last days of Persian rule. 1 
 
 The Book of Nehemiah presents the Bame composite 
 character, and its parts are distinguished in the same 
 manner. It begins in 444 b.c. with Nehemiah's own 
 
 memoir, to which a long addition is made by the later 
 scribe (viii. 1 to xii. 26, 44-47). He refers in the last 
 verse to the " days of Xehcmiah " in the past, and inserts 
 (xii. 27-43) another fragment of the original manuscript. 
 He appears to carry down the history to the time of the 
 last Darius, about 332 b.c. (xii. 22), and this .i 
 with his notice of the high priest Jaddua (verse 11) 
 living in the time of Alexander the Great. The last 
 chapter of this book is Nehemiah's own account of his 
 second visit to Jerusalem in 432 b.c. — according to the 
 usually accepted chronology. 
 
 Although the composite character of these books is only 
 clearly seen when they are studied in the original, yet the 
 change from first to third person is sufficient to mark the 
 separation, and the later author in nowise attempts to 
 conceal his personality. The vigour and eloquence of 
 Nehemiah's own writings are in agreement with the 
 1 See note, p. 100. 
 
196 THE PERSIAN AGE. 
 
 energy of his patriotic nature. The history of Persia is 
 now so well known, through the monumental records of 
 its kings, that we no longer are forced to depend on the 
 Biblical account or on Herodotus alone. The original 
 documents in Ezra and in Nehemiah present by them- 
 selves no historical difficulties, but the succession of the 
 kings was perhaps partly forgotten when the later scribe 
 collected and arranged fragments more than a century old. 
 
 Of Palestine itself under the Persians very little is 
 known from monuments. The ancient silver shekel coin- 
 age belongs, however, to this age, and shows us a charac- 
 ter not very different from that used before the Captivity. 
 "When we compare these coins — the first struck by the 
 Jews, who in Ezra's age used the Persian Daric — with 
 those struck by the Hasmoneans in the second century 
 B.C., we see that the change in character after the return 
 from exile was very gradual. When these, again, are 
 compared with the character used on tombs in the Herod- 
 ian age, which are much closer to square Hebrew, the 
 gradual change is still more clearly seen. Hence we may 
 gather that the character of the Hebrew manuscripts, 
 from which Greek translations of Samuel and of later 
 books were made, was that in use about .a century before 
 Christ. The Law itself was rendered into Alexandrian 
 Greek as early as 250 B.C., but a later school of translators 
 added the other Jewish books. 
 
 The shekel coinage thus appears to show us the char- 
 acter used by Ezra, and it came probably into use in 
 
HEBREW SHEKELS. 197 
 
 the later Persian time for temple tithes. The coins are 
 
 dated by the Sabbatic years. They were in value about 
 two shillings and sixpence, whereas the older Bhekel, 
 used — as a weight — before the Captivity, was three shil- 
 lings and fourpence value of silver. It weighed 320 
 grains, against 220 of the later coinage. A Hebrew 
 quarter shekel- weight of about the eighth century B.C. 
 shows us a shekel of 160 grains. But we know that even 
 as late as Roman times the shekel of Galilee was half the 
 Jerusalem shekel. The coinage is almost our only relic 
 of Persian times in Palestine, when the Jews, allowed 
 freedom of worship, lived in submission, till Alexander 
 took Tyre, and Palestine passed without a struggle to the 
 Greeks. Only one work was added to the Hebrew canon 
 after this event, and a consideration of its contents closes 
 our review of Hebrew writings. 
 
 The Book of JSTehemiah contains valuable notices of 
 Jewish customs, in a time when the few priestly families 
 round Jerusalem observed the Law, which none of the 
 Aramean peasantry followed in the country. New rites 
 and new classes, not mentioned in the Torah, are — as 
 already noted — found established in Ezra's time. New- 
 distribution of the tribes in the cities of the south nat- 
 urally occurred, and such notices confirm the antiquity 
 of earlier books. 1 But the ancient spirit of Hebrew 
 freedom was lost, and later literature does not compare in 
 eloquence with that of the first days of independence. 
 1 See note, p. 199, 
 
198 THE PERSIAN AGE. 
 
 The bounds of separation from the mixed heathen in 
 Palestine were drawn ever closer, but we have found no 
 reason to think that Ezra tampered with the ancient 
 sacred writings, which became daily more precious to the 
 Jews, or that a spirit of unscrupulous corruption of such 
 texts existed, in a time when Jewish priests once more 
 established the ancient service of Jehovah in Jerusalem. 
 
DATE OF EZRA. ETC. 199 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Date of Ezra. — The arrival of Ezra in 458 B.C. under 
 Artaxerxes I. (Longimanus) is usually accepted, following 
 
 Joseplius. It lias recently been proposed to bring down his 
 history to the time of Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), following the 
 
 apparent understanding of the Aramaic chapters, which speak 
 after Cyrus, Darius I., and Xerxes (iv. 5) of Artaxerxes I. 
 (verse 8), and then of Darius II. (Nothus), when the building 
 of the Temple was stopped (iv. 25), then "after these things" 
 of an Artaxerxes (vii. 1) who would he Mnemon. Nehemiah's 
 visits would in this case occur in 385 and 373 B.C., in which 
 case Sanballat might still have been alive under Alexander 
 the Great (333 B.C.), as stated by Joseplius. 
 
 Topography of the Persian Age. — In Nehemiah xi. 25- 
 36 we have a list of the towns occupied by the children of 
 Judah and Benjamin after the return from Captivity. It 
 includes places which in the earlier topography of Joshua 
 are stated to have belonged to Simeon and to Dan. Thus 
 Moladah, Hazar Shual, Beersheba, Ziklag, and Rimmon were 
 assigned to Simeon (Josh, xix.) Hadid and Neballat (Hadttheh 
 and Bir Nebala), with Lod and Ono (Ludd and Kcfr 'Ana), are 
 known to have lain in the territory of Dan, being west of the 
 very carefully described border of Benjamin running from 
 Bethhoron to Kirjath-jearim. This point is worthy of notice, 
 because the topographical chapters of Joshua are assigned by 
 some critics to the age of Ezra, whereas they do nol describe 
 the conditions of that age when Benjamin occupied the old 
 country of Dan, and Judah that of Simeon. 
 
201 
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 DANIEL. 
 
 The Book of Daniel has never been reckoned by the 
 Jews as belonging to the library of the earlier propheta 
 It was always classed with the later works in the canon, 
 and was long doubted before it gained admission. 
 
 The book consists of two parts — one written in very late 
 Hebrew, the other in an Aramaic dialect like that in use 
 about the Christian era, 1 Yet, curiously enough, the same 
 critical writers who distinguish two periods in the Books 
 of Ezra and of jSehemiah attribute all Daniel to a single 
 author. 
 
 The Hebrew fragments used by the Aramaic compiler 
 seem to have been disconnected, and were arranged by 
 him in a wrong order. The first part refers to the history 
 of Daniel about G05 B.C., and down to the first year of 
 Cyrus (i. 1-21). The dream of Nebuchadnezzar, winch 
 follows, appears to have been written on a separate aheel 
 or scroll (ii. 1-3), which was imperfect ; and the authority 
 for the Aramaic addition (verses 4-49) is unknown. Tin- 
 prophecy contained in this part refers t«> the four king- 
 
 1 Sec note p, 205. 
 
202 DANIEL. 
 
 doms of Assyria, Persia, Greece, and Borne, and to the 
 expectation of an approaching Messianic reign. Another 
 episode of Nebuchadnezzar's time is added, and three 
 Greek names for instruments of music — the kitharis, 
 pscdterion, and sumphonia — mark the late period of the 
 Aramaic writer. The Song of the Three Children, with 
 other additions, are found only in the Greek version. In 
 subsequent chapters Nebuchadnezzar is represented to 
 have been followed by Belshazzar, in whose reign the 
 kingdom was taken by Darius the Mede (v. 31) — a king 
 unknown to history ; and after him Cyrus the Persian is 
 noticed (vi. 28). It is not impossible that Daniel should 
 have lived in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar and of Cyrus 
 also, but he can hardly have survived from 620 b.c. to the 
 time of the second Darius in 424 B.C. ; yet the Hebrew 
 speaks of his prophecy under the son of Xerxes (ix. 1). 
 That there was a Prince Belsaruzur in the time of Cyrus 
 is monumentally known ; but it is certain that Nabonidus 
 was the last Babylonian king, from whom Cyrus took the 
 capital in 536 B.C. There are dated documents in cunei- 
 form to show us that no Darius ruled before Cyrus, and 
 the simplest explanation seems to be that the Aramaic 
 compiler was not familiar with Persian history. He gives 
 us Hebrew prophecies attributed to Daniel, under Cyrus 
 (x. 1) and Darius I. (xi. 1), in 533 and 522 b.c. ; but one 
 of his fragments, which he refers to 424 b.c. (ix. 1), pre- 
 cedes both of these. He probably added the words " son 
 of Xerxes " to his text, and confused the second Darius 
 with the successor of Cyrus. 
 
THE SEVENTY WBEK& 203 
 
 The later Aramaic chapter (vii.) relates the vision of 
 four great beasts, the last of which typifies the rale of 
 Rome. This also contains a clear description of the 
 Messiah, and of the expected end of heathen rule over 
 Israel. When, however, we turn to the concluding 
 Hebrew chapters (viii.-xii), the references carry us only to 
 the time of the Seleucid dynasty (viii. 22), and to the 
 great oppressor Antiochus Epiphanes — or to about 168 
 b.c. In this chapter the ram is noticed as representing 
 Media and Persia, and the rough goat is " the king of 
 Greece," followed by his four successors — the generals 
 who shared between them the conquests of Alexander 
 the Great. 
 
 The famous prophecy of seventy weeks of years (ix.) 
 belongs to the Hebrew part of Daniel. The seventy years 
 of Jeremiah (verse 2) reached from 606 to 536 B.C. (Jer. 
 xxv. 11, 12), and ended with the reign of Cyrus. From 
 the commandment to rebuild Jerusalem (verse 25), which 
 thus seems to be dated in the reign of Cyrus, the prophet 
 reckons seventy weeks of years to be ordained, until the 
 time of a certain Prince a Messiah. If solar years are 
 meant, this would bring us down to the year -46 b.c. The 
 wall of the city was to be built seven weeks from the era, 
 or in 487 b.c. — in the reign of Darius I. In 46 B.C., ac- 
 cording to this reckoning, Messiah would be cut off in 
 times of trouble (verse 26), and a few years lain- the 
 sanctuary would be destroyed. This date coincides with 
 the deposition of the Hasmonean family, and the appoint- 
 ment of the Idumean Antipater as raler of Palestine. It 
 
204 DANIEL. 
 
 is, on the other hand, possible that the reference is to 
 an era dating later, when Ezra returned in 458 B.C. to 
 Jerusalem ; and seventy weeks of years would bring us 
 to the date of the Crucifixion, in 32 a.d., which is the 
 usual explanation of the prophecy. It is not here in- 
 tended to enter into such questions, but merely to note 
 that writers who assume the Hebrew to have been written 
 about 170 b.c. can scarcely avoid the further conclusion 
 that the Aramaic chapters must date from a later time, 
 when Eoman power was established in the East by the 
 victories of Pompey ; and that if the allusion to the 
 destruction of the Anointed Prince be not understood to 
 be prophetical, it is to be regarded as historical, and as 
 referring to the destruction of the native house, super- 
 seded by Antipater, the nominee of Julius Caesar, the 
 Hebrew author fearing that the overthrow of the Temple, 
 and of Jewish religion, would immediately follow. 
 
THE LANGUAGE OF DANIEL. 205 
 
 NOTE TO CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Language of Daniel. — The Aramaic langnagi 
 especially distinguished from Hebrew by tin- substitution of 
 the letters Daleth, Teth, and Tau for Zain, Tsade, and Shin. 
 Thus the Aramaic words da, Tur, and Th>,r, answer to the 
 Hebrew za, Tsur, and Shor ; and the later Aramaic «'f the 
 Targums, like the Assyrian, shows these dialectic distinctions. 
 But when we turn to the older language of Syria, which 
 presents many Aramaic features, we find it to agree with the 
 Hebrew in the use of the demonstrative pronoun za. If the 
 Aramaic of Daniel were an ancient Syrian dialect, we Bhould 
 expect its phonology to be in accord with the Western Ara- 
 maic, whereas it agrees with the Eastern Aramaic of the Book 
 of Ezra and of the later Targums. The pronoun za is found 
 at Samala, in the north of Syria, in the eighth century B.C., 
 while on a Jewish tomb of the Herodian age at Jerusalem we 
 find in its place the pronoun d. The recovery of the older 
 Aramaic in Syria does not therefore point to the antiquity of 
 the Aramaic language in Daniel. 
 
207 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 The four centuries which passed between the time of 
 Nehemiah and that of the Advent were not fruitful of 
 literature arnon^ the Jews. The author of Chronicles 
 lived apparently in the days of the last Darius and of 
 Alexander the Great. The prophecies of Daniel were 
 written down, it would seem, yet later. The memoirs of 
 Ezra and Nehemiah were preserved also by a scribe of the 
 latest Persian times. The Book of "Wisdom appears to 
 have been penned about 100 B.C. or later, and Ecclesias- 
 ticus a generation earlier. To the same period of Elas- 
 nionean rule, under Alexander Jannseus, belongs the valu- 
 able history of the great revolt against the Seleucidae, 
 contained in the 1st Book of Maccabees. But none of 
 these works — written in Greek — found any place in the 
 Hebrew canon. They show us how strong became the 
 Greek influence in Palestine after Alexander's time, and 
 especially after Jewish freedom was re-established for a 
 century by Judas Maccabaeus. The Greek philosophy 
 stood side by side with the mixed idolatry of Syrians and 
 Greeks, and it permeated the thoughts of Bueh writers as 
 
208 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 the Son of Sirach, — the Jewish mind being ever adverse 
 to foreign thought, and contrasting the pure religion of 
 the Prophets of Israel with the vain imaginations of the 
 heathen. But the ideas of rulers were not always in 
 accord with the pious orthodoxy of Pharisees. The Sad- 
 ducees, who maintained a more primitive belief in Scrip- 
 ture as it stood without the interpretation of later tradi- 
 tion, were indeed the dominant school till Alexander Jan- 
 nseus died. He himself began to stamp his coins with 
 Greek inscriptions, and called himself " king," departing 
 from the earlier attitude of the Hasmonean house, which 
 claimed only to lead the nation till the expected prophet 
 should come. The palace built in Gilead, about 176 b.c, 
 by a fugitive priest named Hyrcanus, still stands in ruins 
 by the stream of Tyrus. Here, in defiance of the Law, the 
 figures of lions were carved on the cornice — as early Hit- 
 tites and Syrians also adorned the corners of their palaces ; 
 and a few Aramaic letters on the rock give us an alpha- 
 bet like that of the contemporary Hasmonean coins. No 
 scholar doubts that in this age the law against images 
 existed, and was observed by the Jews ; yet here — as on 
 the Galilean synagogues of the second century a.d., when 
 Eabbis of Tiberias were already busy making " a hedge 
 about the Torah " — we find the plain commands of the 
 Pentateuch set at nought. When we compare these facts 
 with the earlier existence of Hebrew seals marked with 
 the orb of the winged sun, or with the yet earlier case 
 of Solomon's lion throne, and carved cherubim in the 
 Temple, we see that the existence of a law against images 
 

210 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 is not, in any age, refuted by the fact that kings and 
 princes disregarded its precepts. Even priests and Eabbis 
 did so in times when the " Law of Moses " was most 
 sacred in their eyes. 
 
 Inscriptions of the Persian and Greek periods, and 
 buildings in Palestine which can be safely referred to that 
 age, are as yet few. We possess the fine silver coins of 
 the Seleucidse, and the rougher coinage of the Hasmoneans, 
 on which latter the representation of animal life seems to 
 have been forbidden. We also possess the Greco-Phoeni- 
 cian sculptured sarcophagi of Sidon, which seem to be as 
 old as the age of Alexander the Great. We have inscrip- 
 tions of this same city, and others near Tyre and in Joppa, 
 which belong to the third century B.C., when King 
 Eshmunazar was made the ruler of Sharon by one of 
 the Ptolemies. From his great text we gather that the 
 later Phoenicians continued to worship Baal and Ashtoreth, 
 the old gods of the Amorites ; and indeed as late as 
 Eoman times the texts found at Beirut show that the 
 same ancient idolatry prevailed, while those of Palmyra 
 carry it on to the third century after Christ. 
 
 Architecture was borrowed from the Greeks by Jews 
 and Phoenicians alike. The drafted masonry of the 
 Acropolis, and the cornice decoration, the triglyphs, and 
 frets and honeysuckle patterns of classic Greece, are found 
 in use at the palace of Hyrcanus early in the second 
 century B.C. The ancient form of tomb used by Hebrews 
 and Phoenicians was gradually replaced, about the Christian 
 era, by the Greek tomb, in Cyprus, Phoenicia, and Pales- 
 
GREEK AND ARAMAIC. 21 1 
 
 tine alike. 1 The Greek language replaced the Persian as 
 
 the official tongue, and continued to be so used in the 
 East — even to the confines of Persia — down to the seventh 
 century a.d., when it was superseded by Arabic. But it 
 must not be supposed that the Semitic people ceased to 
 use their own language, and their own characters in 
 writing. Abundant evidence exists to show that this 
 was not the case. Not only do Phoenician inscriptions 
 occur in the Greek age, but Palmy renc texts, from the 
 time of Herod down to that of Zenobia, arc bilingual, and 
 preserve to us the Syrian character and Syrian Lang 
 side by side with Greek written in Greek letters. 
 
 In the time of Christ three pagan temples were stand- 
 ing in Palestine, — two built at Caesarea and at Samaria 
 by Herod in honour of Augustus, of which remains exist ; 
 and a third at Siah in Bashan, dedicated to the Arab sun- 
 god Aumo, but built in honour of Herod the Great. The 
 last is interesting from its resemblance to the Jerusalem 
 Temple, having a paved court to the east, and a vine 
 carved over its gateway, but differing in so far as the 
 facade was adorned with the image of Aumo. This 
 temple also yields bilingual texts, in Greek and in an 
 Aramaic dialect and character. Thus no less than five 
 alphabets were known in Syria and Palestine in Eerod's 
 time — the Phoenician, the Samaritan, tie- early square 
 Hebrew, the more ornate Palmyrcnr, and tie- classic 
 Greek, to which local scripts, with Aramaic dialer' 
 to be added in Bashan, ami at Petra, where Nabathean 
 1 See note, p. 228. 
 
212 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 princes ruled, belonging to the same Idumean race from 
 which Herod also sprang. At Jerusalem, about the 
 Christian era, the priestly family of the Beni Hezir 
 carved a Hebrew text in the square character upon 
 their tomb, which was, however, adorned with a Doric 
 frieze and pillars after the most severe type of Greek 
 architecture. 
 
 The outer courts of Herod's Temple at Jerusalem 1 were 
 in like manner Greek in style, with Greek inscriptions. 
 The great ramparts still standing here and at Hebron 
 are built of drafted stones like those of the palace of 
 Hyrcanus in Gilead. The roofs of the Huldah gate — 
 domes supported by primitive imitations of Corinthian 
 pillars — are adorned with classic coffer patterns, among 
 which the Jewish vine meanders. All tombs of the 
 Herodian age, with the later tomb of kings of Adiabene, 
 show us this curious mixture of Greek and native style. 
 Yet in the latter the coffin of Queen Sarah bears an 
 Aramaic text, although the frieze of the facade is semi- 
 Greek in ornament. 
 
 Such monuments make clear to us the existence of an 
 Aramaic pagan population side by side with Jews and 
 Greeks. The Greek texts of Bashan are remarkably 
 numerous, and seem to indicate a Greek population in 
 Decapolis side by side with the Arab and Aramean stocks. 
 Greek deities were here adored after the Christian era, 
 together with the earlier Baal, and with gods of Arabia. 
 All such indications are valuable as throwing light on the 
 1 See note, p. 228. 
 

 
 
 
 Q 
 
 : * 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 *s 
 
 /. 
 
 5 
 
JEWS AND GREEKS. 213 
 
 Gospels. Thus it is possible that the Gadarene swine- 
 herds were Greeks rather than Semitic peasants. To the 
 Phoenician, the Syrian, and the Arab the pig was hardly 
 less unclean than to the Jew. We see also that while Jesus 
 Himself is recorded to have spoken Aramaic, and to have 
 read the Hebrew scriptures, it is by no means unnatural 
 that the Gospel to the Gentiles should have been written 
 in Greek — the official language of the Eomans in the 
 East, and the lingua franca of the Eoman world. Jose- 
 phus himself so wrote for Eomans, and yet earlier the 
 Hasmonean historian, under Alexander Jannseus, wrote 
 his chronicle in the language of the Syrian Court. 
 
 Architecture and written texts thus form our surest 
 sources of knowledge as to the conditions prevailing in 
 Palestine in Greek and Eoman times. About 150 a.d., 
 when the Mishnah was written at Tiberias in the later 
 Hebrew, Greek and Persian words were used in Hebrew 
 speech. These words, referring to civil law, government, 
 trade, physic, and other matters, bear witness to the close 
 relations which existed between the Jews and their neigh- 
 bours. Probably the earliest indication of such inter- 
 course is found in the Aramaic chapter in Daniel — 
 already noticed — where Greek names are given to in- 
 struments of music. But monumental texts tell us little 
 of the religious and intellectual movements of the age 
 preceding the Advent, and for such questions we must 
 rely on the writings of Philo and of Josephus, and on 
 the earlier apocalyptic books written in the Herodian age. 
 
 Josephus himself was a Pharisee of broad views. He 
 
214 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 regards the story of Eden as an allegory in which " Moses 
 speaks philosophically." His creed seems to have been 
 affected by the current fashion of attempting to reconcile 
 the ancient Scriptures with the Greek philosophy of 
 Athens and of Alexandria — a fashion which is visible 
 in the Book of Wisdom, and which led to Philo's attempt 
 to reconcile the Torah with the Platonic theory of the 
 Logos and Anastasis. Such views, no doubt as early as 
 the time of Alexander Jannaeus, found favour with the 
 Hellenists, whose admiration of all Greek culture con- 
 flicted with the sterner precepts of the Law. Jewish 
 opinion was thus naturally divided between the schools 
 of the Sadducees, who found in the Torah no teaching 
 of resurrection ; of the Pharisees, whose traditions often 
 show marks of Persian influence ; and of the Hellenists, 
 whose view of the future was based on Plato. 
 
 But other influences were at work in Hasmonean and 
 Herodian times. The Stoics had appeared in Syria, and 
 their doctrines were accepted by Athenians and Eomans. 
 Yet earlier (according to Josephus, Apion, i. 22) an Indian 
 colony of hermits seems to have been established in Syria, 
 and bore the name of " Sugar-cane " people — the name of 
 the family of Buddha. There seems, therefore, to be 
 reason for supposing that Buddhist missionaries, who 
 began to spread from the kingdom of Asoka about 250 
 B.C., had already penetrated to the Phoenician shores 
 before the time of Christ. That Asoka knew the names 
 of the Greek rulers of the West we learn from his own 
 inscriptions ; and the same Ptolemy for whom the Law 
 
BUDDHISTS AND ESSENES. 215 
 
 was rendered into Greek is said to have collected Bud- 
 dhist books in his library. The hermits had long prac- 
 tised self -mortification in India, and had been met in 
 Persia by Alexander the Great — one even being recorded 
 to have come to Greece. In the second century a.d. 
 Buddhists were found in Alexandria, and the legend of 
 Buddha was known to St Jerome. It is not impossible, 
 therefore, that the appearance of monastic sects in Pales- 
 tine as early as the Hasmonean age, and in Egypt before 
 the time of Philo, may yet be traceable to Buddhist 
 influence. There is much in the description of the 
 Essenes by Josephus that recalls the rules of the 
 Buddhist Sangha or religious society. The existence of 
 monasteries, the simplicity of dress, the common fund, 
 the wanderings from place to place, are characteristic 
 both of Buddhist missionaries and of the Essenes. The 
 Egyptian Therapeutoa had the same customs as described 
 by Philo. But the Essenes were not Indians, nor were 
 they Buddhists only. They observed Hebrew rites, and 
 read Hebrew Scriptures, although they abandoned sacri- 
 fices, and are said to have held peculiar tenets of their 
 own. The resemblance between the Essenes and the 
 early Christians has often been pointed out ; but the 
 celibacy of this Jewish sect was contrary to the plain 
 teaching of Jesus concerning marriage, and to the practice 
 of his wedded disciples. 
 
 Another feature of the age preceding Christ was the 
 widespread expectation of a future Saviour of the world. 
 In Persia it was already believed that Zoroaster would 
 
216 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 return in the last days together with the risen righteous, 
 — born of a virgin mother in an eastern lake, he was 
 expected to conquer the world and re-establish the creed 
 of Orrnuzd. In India the expectation of a World-king, 
 and of a future Buddha — also virgin-born — was already 
 ancient. Even in Virgil we find an echo of the same 
 hope in the days of Augustus, due perhaps to the influ- 
 ence of the earlier so-called Sibylline oracles, penned in 
 Greek hexameters by a Jewish poet of Alexandria before 
 the Christian era. 1 In the Hebrew prophets we read of 
 a kingdom of God, a judgment-day, and a future king 
 of David's house ; but in the Greek age the author of 
 the 1st Book of Maccabees speaks only of an expected 
 prophet. The Prince Messiah first appears distinctly 
 in the Hebrew of Daniel, but during the Herodian age 
 many works existed in which the Messianic kingdom was 
 fully described. The strange Book of Enoch, with its 
 description of an inferno like that of Dante, is probably 
 older than the Christian era. The so-called Psalms of 
 Solomon belong to the Herodian age. The 3d Book of 
 Esdras was known to Josephus ; the Book of Baruch 
 existed perhaps in 100 B.C. Such comparisons show us 
 that not only the Jews in Herod's time expected a 
 Messiah, but that the Gentiles also looked forward to a 
 Saviour of the world. The first Gospel tells us that 
 wise men from Persia came to seek that Saviour in the 
 rocky stable at Bethlehem. 
 
 The Roman peace descended on a war-worn world in 
 1 See Drummond's ' Jewish Messiah.' 
 
JEWS AND ROMANS. 217 
 
 the time of Augustus : the Idumean tyrant Herod died 
 in the year of the Advent, and was buried in the great 
 round palace at Herodium, which still stands facing 
 Bethlehem : ten years later Archelaus was deposed in 
 6 a.d., and Cyrenius became governor of Palestine. 
 During the lifetime of Jesus, Coponius, Marcus Ambi- 
 vius, Annius Bufus, and Valerius Gratus succeeded each 
 other as procurators of Judea, before the placeman Pon- 
 tius Pilate became the unworthy and unsuccessful rep- 
 resentative of Tiberius in Jerusalem in 25 a.d. His 
 recall was ordered by the Emperor in 36 a.d., probably 
 five years after the Crucifixion. The coins of Augus- 
 tus and Tiberius replaced the native coinage of Herod 
 and his sons. The tribute " penny " rendered to Caesar 
 was stamped with the image of the master of the world, 
 and other coins were issued by the procurators. Whether 
 the Temple tithes were paid in ancient silver shekels we 
 do not know from any existing coinage, but the statement 
 of the Mishnah concerning the new shekels of the sanc- 
 tuary seems to refer to the Eoman age. Nothing is 
 more remarkable in the Gospels than the scarcity of 
 reference to Eoman affairs. The names of Cyrenius 
 and Pontius Pilate occur, with notice of the Herodian 
 party, bent on re-establishing the Idumean family, which, 
 under Agrippa, they succeeded in doing after the time 
 of Christ. But the scene of the ministry is laid in 
 regions remote from the central capitals at CsBsarea, 
 Sepphoris, or Samaria, and only in the last episode 
 of the entry to Jerusalem does the narrative bring 
 
218 THE TIME OF CHMST. 
 
 before us the Eoman governor, with the crafty Herodian 
 intriguer. 
 
 The central part of Palestine in this age — between 
 Shechem and Galilee — was no longer a sacred land to 
 the Jew. The law of the seventh year, which was not 
 binding in Syria, was no doubt observed in Samaria ; but 
 the schism which dated from the days of Ezra was already 
 complete. It was based on the ancient jealousy of Joseph 
 and of Judah, which we trace back to the times of Joshua 
 and of David. It was rendered more bitter by the idol- 
 atry of Hamathite and Assyrian colonists, who worshipped 
 Jehovah with other gods after 721 B.C. in Shechem. The 
 Hebrew priestly family which observed the Law on Geri- 
 zim, and clung to the earliest of Hebrew shrines where 
 Joseph's and Eleasar's tombs were shown beneath the 
 mountain, with Jacob's well, had been estranged already 
 when Neheniiah rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem and Ezra 
 re-established its Temple service. But the people whom 
 they led were of mixed blood — Cutheans from beyond the 
 Euphrates, and Syrians from the north; and separation 
 from the heathen was not more strictly enforced from 
 Ezra's time than separation from the priests of Samaria. 
 The Pharisees especially were bitter against them, and 
 John Hyrcanus destroyed their temple. Yet in some 
 respects the Law was observed more exactly in Shechem 
 than in Jerusalem during the Herodian age. The Passover 
 on Gerizim was eaten in haste with loins girt. At Jerusa- 
 lem, as we learn both from the Gospels and from the 
 Mishnah, it was eaten by the Jews seated at ease (as in 
 
THE GOSPELS. 219 
 
 our own times) ; and the sacramental cup of wine, to which 
 both the Gospels and the Mishnah refer, formed no part of 
 the original rite as described in the Torah, although the 
 custom (still extant) dates back to the Christian era. 
 
 It is not here proposed to enter at length into literary 
 questions regarding the Gospels. Critical opinion has of 
 late undergone a change in this question quite as remark- 
 able as the change which has occurred in criticism of the 
 Pentateuch. But in the case of the Xew Testament the 
 critical view has receded, and the dates for the Gospels 
 now proposed differ by only about thirty years from those 
 deduced from the testimony of Papias (130 a.d.), as pre- 
 served by Eusebius. Towards the close of the second 
 Christian century the four Gospels of the Muratorian 
 canon bore the same names still known to us, and were 
 received as scripture by Christian writers. The Epistle 
 of Barnabas so quotes the Gospel of Matthew, and is 
 dated not later than 100 a.d. The Gospels bear in two 
 cases the names of disciples of the second generation ; and 
 even those "according to Matthew" and "according to 
 John " were not of necessity penned by those apostles. 
 The first Gospel was that of the Church in Palestine, and 
 is the most strictly Jewish in tone. The third is be- 
 lieved to be the Gospel of the Church of Antioch, and 
 the second the Gospel of the Church of Eome. Irenaeus 
 believed that the fourth Gospel was the latest, and repre- 
 sented that of the Church of Ephesus. The ancient 
 Hebrew Gospel, of which Jerome speaks, has never been 
 recovered. It may be represented by that common ele- 
 
220 THE TIME OF CHEIST. 
 
 merit which is found in the three first Gospels ; and in 
 this respect the Gospel of Mark seems most closely to 
 approach it. But the extant Gospels are not translations 
 from Hebrew or from Aramaic. They were written in 
 Greek, except perhaps the first, but written by Hebrews, 
 who have at times preserved their native idiom when 
 writing in the common tongue of the Eoman world. The 
 third Gospel is remarkable for its tolerance of the Gen- 
 tiles ; and the fourth employs phrases of the current 
 Platonic philosophy of Athens, Ephesus, and Alexandria. 
 Accounts not seemingly known to every Church distin- 
 guish Matthew, Luke, and John from Mark, and from 
 each other ; and unless it should hereafter be shown that 
 Cyrenius was ruling in Syria in the time of Herod the 
 Great, 1 and that a census was made of the Eoman world 
 other than those of Augustus mentioned in the great 
 Angora inscription, it would seem — according to our 
 present information — that the Church in Palestine and 
 the Church in Antioch differed, by ten years, in the date 
 to which they referred the Nativity. Christian opinion 
 differed much in the time of Irenseus as to the length of 
 the Saviour's life, but all the Gospels place the Cruci- 
 fixion in the time of Pontius Pilate. 
 
 There were, no doubt, many other early accounts of the 
 history of Jesus which have not been preserved. To 
 such the fourth Gospel and the third alike refer. The 
 early fathers speak of a " Gospel of the Egyptians " and 
 of a " Gospel of the Hebrews," which, from the extracts 
 1 See note, p. 229. 
 
APOCRYPHAL GOSPELS. 221 
 
 quoted, differed from those received by all the Churches. 
 They seem to have belonged to early Gnostic sects, 
 and were succeeded in the fourth and fifth centuries 
 by others still well known. That which distinguishes 
 the four Gospels from such heretical books is the preser- 
 vation of all that we most love and reverence in their 
 pages. We look in vain in Apocryphal Gospels, of Peter 
 or of James, for the parables of the Sower, of the Prodigal 
 Son, of the Good Samaritan, for the Sermon on the 
 Mount, or for that " sweet story of old " of Jesus and 
 little children. They are full of marvels — the bowing 
 palm and the Egyptian dragon — with malevolent miracles 
 of the infant Christ ; they often remind us of the legend 
 of Buddha ; and the Gnostics are known to have welded 
 into one chaotic mixture the Christian teaching, the Per- 
 sian legends, the Eleusinian mysteries, and the Buddhist 
 beliefs. The reason why the four Gospels became so 
 generally accepted, in Italy, in Alexandria, at Carthage, 
 in Palestine, and in Asia Minor, is not hard to find 
 when they are compared with such works of the 
 Gnostics. 
 
 Literary discoveries of the highest value have recently 
 widened our knowledge of the early Christian age. The 
 recovery of the Epistle of Clement (in Turkey) and of 
 that of Barnabas (preserved with the Gospels in the fourth 
 century at Sinai) was followed by that of the " Teaching 
 of the Apostles," which seems to give us the belief of 
 Ebionite Christians at Pella and Kokaba in Bashan, 
 where — according to tradition — the brethren of Jesus 
 
222 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 lived after the fall of Jerusalem. To the Ebionites He 
 was but a prophet and servant of God. The sacred Supper 
 was but a symbol of the approaching time in which the 
 scattered Church should be gathered " into one loaf " : 
 the prayer of the cup relates only to the truth and immor- 
 tality revealed by " Thy servant Jesus " ; and the prophets 
 still ranked with apostles, bishops, teachers, and deacons 
 among those who yet expected immediately a second Ad- 
 vent. It is curious that the presbyter or priest is not 
 mentioned in this ancient work of the second Christian 
 century ; for the title — like that of bishop — was ancient, 
 and was of civil origin. It belonged to the political 
 system of the Eoman world; and pagan presbyters are 
 noticed, as well as pagan bishops, in the texts of Bashan 
 and of Asia Minor. The Ebionites are known to have 
 accepted a Gospel which did not include the first chapters 
 of Matthew. They survived in Bashan until the power 
 of the Greek Church was established, when they were 
 persecuted for heresy. The works of Justin Martyr show 
 us, however, that about a century after the Crucifixion 
 the " Memoirs of the Apostles " were read in the gather- 
 ings of Syrian Christians on the " Lord's day " — the first 
 day of the week — side by side with Hebrew scriptures, 
 and that the simplicity of Christianity allowed, in that 
 early time, of extemporary prayers long before any ritual 
 had grown up in any of the Churches. We have the 
 testimony of Pliny to the innocent life of the early 
 Christians in Pontus ; and we have allusions to John the 
 Baptist, to Jesus Himself, and to James, in Josephus, 
 
CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS. 223 
 
 which there is no reason to regard as forged interpolations. 
 But we have no account in early times of one united 
 Church. The Bishop of Rome was not acknowledged as 
 the head of all Churches in the days of Irenseus or of 
 Chrysostom, or indeed in any age after the great schism 
 between Greeks and Romans. The early Fathers — except- 
 ing Clement — were chiefly Syrians and dwellers in Africa. 
 The liturgies of the Churches differed from the first ; and 
 that of Gaul was very different from that of Jerusalem 
 when St Sylvia visited Palestine in the fourth century a.d. 
 
 Such discoveries have thrown more light on Christian 
 history than any inscriptions yet recovered. The cata- 
 combs of Rome, and a few texts in Palestine and Asia 
 Minor, are as yet our only monumental sources of know- 
 ledge. The Christians were persecuted and afraid to own 
 their faith. Till Constantine's time they never used the 
 cross upon their brief mortuary texts. The fish (ichthus), 
 symbolising "Jesus Christ the Son of God," was their 
 most daring emblem, and is recommended by Clement of 
 Alexandria as a sign on Christian signets. The letters 
 X.M.G. — for " Christ born of Mary "—are found in Syria 
 on Christian inscriptions of the early centuries before the 
 Council of Xicaea ; but as a rule it is almost impossible 
 to distinguish Christians from worshippers of Mithra and 
 Serapis, or of other heathen gods, in the first ages of the 
 Church. 
 
 The ancient pagan systems had in these ages become 
 mingled together. The worship of Baal survived in Syria 
 with that of Apollo, and hermits stood on pillars at the 
 
224 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 great Carchemish temple, as they stood ranch earlier in 
 India, and stood again, later, in Syria and on the banks of 
 Jordan, when the Stylites copied the heathen custom. In 
 Eome itself the Madonna-like worship of Isis and her 
 babe, and the mysteries of Mithra, including the sacred 
 Tiaoma drink and the cake — regarded by the Fathers as a" 
 parody of the Christian rite — had almost superseded the 
 Eoman native rites of Jupiter. The dogma of transub- 
 stantiation was part of the Mithra worship, which Pom- 
 pey's soldiers had brought from Persia before the Christian 
 era. But as yet no cardinals of a Eoman Church had 
 donned the garb of the Flamens : no Pope had called 
 himself Pontifex Maximus — successor of the pagan high 
 priest of Eome, or "Vicar of Christ" — a term which 
 Tertullian uses of the Holy Ghost. The pagan systems 
 long opposed the silent growth of Christian belief; but 
 when defeated and neglected, paganism found its revenge, 
 in Italy, in the corruption of the simplicity of Christ. 
 
 Exploration of Palestine has done much to establish 
 the genuineness of the fourth Gospel, by showing its 
 accuracy in matters of geography. Not only does its 
 author quote the Hebrew Scriptures as opposed to the 
 Greek variations, but it is clear that the topography of 
 all parts of Palestine was known to him when he wrote. 
 Christian tradition from Constantine's time placed the 
 scene of the baptism on Jordan near Jericho — a site not 
 to be reconciled with the distance from Beth-Abarah, 
 "house of the ford" (where the baptism is said in the 
 fourth Gospel to have occurred), to Cana in Galilee, which 
 
THE SITE OF CALVARY. 225 
 
 was but a day's journey distant. The name Abarah is, 
 however, now known to apply to a ford much farther 
 north, and near to the vicinity of Cana. The site of 
 Enon near Salem is also found east of Shechem, and 
 Sychar by Jacob's well at 'Askar (the Samaritan Ischar), 
 immediately east of Shechem. To the fourth Gospel 
 we owe the only clear notices of the position of Calvary, 
 near the gardens " nigh unto the city." The site which 
 Constantine chose — the hill of Akra — has been shown, 
 by the recovery of the second wall, to have lain not near 
 but within the city in the time of Christ. Josephus 
 speaks of gardens, in 70 a.d., north of Jerusalem; and it 
 is here, upon a rounded knoll, that Jewish tradition still 
 preserves the site of that " House of Stoning " noticed in 
 the Mishnah, where the criminal executed by order of the 
 Sanhedrin used to be crucified after stoning. We can 
 hardly doubt that the site so pointed out is the real place 
 of execution, and the Calvary which — like the knoll in 
 question — was near the city but visible from " afar off." 
 When Godfrey of Bouillon set up his engines against the 
 city, striving to win the Holy Sepulchre, his mailed feet 
 must often have pressed upon the very spot where in truth 
 Christ had suffered, and the blood of men slaughtered in 
 the cause of Christian dogma deluged the great cathedral 
 of the holy tomb ; but the true Calvary was not so defiled 
 by fanatics, who passed it by unnoticed and unknown. 
 
 This slight sketch of Bible history, as viewed in the 
 light of modern discovery, must here close. The only 
 
226 THE TIME OF CHRIST. 
 
 object set before the reader is the discovery of truth 
 concerning the history of the Hebrews. Cases in which 
 literary criticism leads to results supported by monu- 
 mental records have been duly noticed, but these belong- 
 to the later books of the Bible. The second author in 
 Isaiah, the composite character of the Books of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah, the late date of Chronicles and Daniel, and 
 probably of Esther, have been set forth. The confusion 
 caused by hasty assumption in the cases of the Exodus 
 and of Ahab of Sirbai, have also been charged against 
 the early students of monumental texts. The antiquity 
 of the Pentateuch has been advocated solely on historic 
 and monumental evidence, although the latest theory of 
 its nature has been incidentally explained to lead to un- 
 tenable results. The unity of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, 
 Job, and Solomon's Song, and the antiquity of the 
 " prayers of David the son of Jesse," have been argued 
 by reference to yet older writings preserved for us in 
 Assyria, and by explanation of the more recent results of 
 exploration, as bearing on geography in Palestine — a 
 question which also affects our study of the " Gospel after 
 John." The existence of a collection of ancient tablets, 
 transcribed later on rolls in alphabetic character, has been 
 shown to explain many difficulties in the literary struc- 
 ture of the Torah. It is only by using every means at 
 our command that we can hope at length to read the 
 Bible aright. Valuable as is internal study of its con- 
 tents, the testimony of independent accounts is yet more 
 conclusive. Nor must we ever forget that the Hebrews 
 
THE VOICE OF THE EAST. 227 
 
 were an oriental people, whose thoughts and beliefs and 
 customs are best studied by the light of oriental character 
 in our own times. Theories of the scholar's chamber, 
 which are natural to those who have never lived in the 
 East, often betray a modern cast of thought, which has 
 little in common with the facts of oriental antiquity. 
 The wind of the desert blows over the pages of Job, and 
 the Song of Solomon pictures the rocks and woods of 
 Gilead. The voice of Moses in the wilderness echoes 
 in the Law ; and the imagination of captive priests in 
 Babylon can never have given birth to the archaic enact- 
 ments of the Torah. It is the voice of the Hebrews in 
 times of power and freedom which we still hear in stories 
 of Samuel or of Joseph, which no writer of to-day can 
 rival in their simplicity and tender human interest and 
 beauty. 
 
228 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTEK XIV. 
 
 Hebrew and Greek Tombs. — The ancient form of Hebrew 
 and Phoenician tomb was a square rock-cut chamber, with 
 tunnels for the bodies at the sides. The corpses lay with 
 their feet towards the chamber, and the tunnel was closed by 
 a slab. About the Christian era (in the tombs of the kings 
 of Adiabene and that of the Bene Hezir priests at Jerusalem) 
 we find this form of tomb gradually replaced by one which 
 had rock-cut sarcophagi, under arches so placed at the sides 
 of the chamber that the body lay parallel with the wall. The 
 sarcophagus was covered over with slabs, having an arched 
 recess above. The door of the tomb was often closed by a 
 cylindrical stone rolling on its edge. In some tombs the 
 outer or older chambers are Hebrew, while the inner have 
 this later Greek arrangement, which continued to be used by 
 Christians in Palestine at least as late as the ninth century 
 a.d. The tomb described in the Gospels, with a rolling-stone 
 and a sarcophagus so placed that an angel could be seated at 
 the head and another at the foot of the body (John xx. 12), 
 was clearly a Greek tomb ; but the change was only just 
 occurring about the time of Christ. 
 
 Inscriptions of Herod's Temple. — The Greek pro- 
 hibitory text, found by M. Clermont Ganneau, and which was 
 v one of those set up to divide the outer court of Gentiles from 
 the inner court of Israel, is written in fine classic capitals, 
 which are evidence of the Greek character used in the time of 
 Christ. At the base of the outer wall of the Temple Sir C. 
 Warren, however, discovered Semitic letters, on the stones 
 near the south-east corner, which the late Dr E. Deutsch 
 hastily assumed to be of the age of Solomon. We are now 
 able to compare them with specimens of various ages, from the 
 ninth to the second century B.C., and there can be little doubt 
 that these mason's marks could more properly be assigned 
 to the Herodian period. The character of the masonry on 
 
CYRENIUS. 229 
 
 which they occur is distinctively Greek, and we have no ex- 
 ample of such drafted masonry before the Greek age. The 
 earliest known example belongs to the Acropolis at Athens. 
 In Palestine it is found in the palace of Hyrcanus (176 B.C.), 
 and it was used later by Romans, Byzantines, and Crusaders. 
 Wherever it occurs in Phoenicia it is, as a rule, accompanied by 
 Greek details of architectural ornamentation. It is unknown 
 as a Hebrew finish to masonry. 
 
 Cyrenius. — The passage (Luke ii. 1-3) which speaks of the 
 taxing under Augustus, when " Cyrenius was governor of 
 Syria," appears clearly to refer to a period after the death of 
 Herod the Great. P. Sulpicius Quirinus was Legate of Syria 
 from 5 a.d., and was preceded by P. Quintilius Varus (3 B.C. 
 to 5 a.d.), and by C. Sentius Saturninus (7 B.C. to 3 B.C.) 
 The history of Quirinus has been studied, and it is not known 
 where he may have been about 4 or 3 B.C., but he was not then 
 the Legate of Syria. These verses may have been added as a 
 gloss, and the " taxing" of Joseph (verse 4) thus connected with 
 the census of a later period, by a writer who had not before 
 him the second chapter of Matthew, which places the Nativ- 
 ity in the " days of Herod the king." 
 
3,5* 
 
 StatJ/iles 
 
 m. 
 
 v.. .// 
 Noh r cl 
 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Aaron, 96. 
 
 Abiri (Hebrews), 36, 41, 103. 
 
 African languages, 9, 15. 
 
 Aliab, 149. 
 
 Ahmes, 42. 
 
 Akkadian language, 13, 20, 21, 
 
 31. 
 Akkadians, 20, 29, 173-177, 192. 
 Alphabets, 61, 74, 211. 
 Amenophis, 30, 36, 39, 40, 41. 
 American languages, 9, 14, 17. 
 Amminadib, 186, 188. 
 Amorites, 25, 29, 33, 40, 45, 101, 
 
 103, 118, 121. 
 Amrapbel, 23, 28, 33. 
 Antiquity of man, 7. 
 Apes, 77, 163. 
 Aphek, 136. 
 Apophis, 31. 
 
 Arabs, 16, 25, 27, 211, 213. 
 Aramaic language, 25, 30, 33, 54, 
 
 56, 194, 201, 205, 212. 
 Archaisms in Pentateuch, 74. 
 Architecture, 210, 212. 
 Arioch, 23, 28. 
 Arkah, 27, 33. 
 
 Arvad, 27, 32, 33, 40, 121, 155. 
 Asaph Psalms, 183. 
 Ascalon, 40, 41, 43, 110. 
 Asherah, 121. 
 Ashkenaz, 24. 
 Assur-bani-pal, 155, 174. 
 Assur Nirari, 152. 
 Assyrians, 25, 33, 96, 99, 118, 147, 
 
 152. 
 
 Australian language, 9, 14. 
 
 Babylon, 25, 26, 29, 77, 112, 118, 
 
 147, 154, 155. 
 Babylonian Canon, 29, 34. 
 
 Flood Story, 16. 
 Batrun, 28, 40. 
 Beersheba, 28. 
 Belshazzar, 202. 
 Bethabara, 224. 
 Bethel, 85, 101. 
 Book of Covenant, 92. 
 
 „ Jasher, 108, 143. 
 
 „ Odes, 143. 
 
 it Wars of Jehovah, 98. 
 Buddhists, 17, 214. 
 
 Calvary, 225. 
 
 Canaanites, 25, 27, 33, 39, 78, 98, 
 
 101, 117. 
 Canon, Babylonian, 29, 34. 
 
 ii Eponym, 159. 
 Ouvliemish, 28, 39, 151, 224. 
 Cassites, 21. 
 Celts, 24. 
 
 Central shrine, 81, 123, 129. 
 Chaldea, 25. 
 Chinese language, 9, 14. 
 Chronolgy, 148, 158-162, 194, 195, 
 
 201. 
 Cimmerians, 24. 
 Cities taken by Thothmes III., 33, 
 
 110. 
 Civilisation, 19, 53, 67, 
 Coins, 196, 210. 
 
232 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Comparison of languages, 13. 
 
 Creation tablet, 175. 
 
 Critical views, 81-90, 131-137, 184, 
 
 219. 
 Cross,' 223. 
 Cubit, 158. 
 Curse of Gudea, 174. 
 Cushites, 21, 25. 
 Cypriote syllabary, 75. 
 Cyrenius, 217, 220, 229. 
 
 Damascus, 27, 32, 39, 40, 150, 152, 
 
 153. 
 Dan, 27, 28, 80. 
 Danai (Greeks), 24, 32. 
 Dardani, 32. 
 Date of Exodus, 35. 
 
 Ezra, 199. 
 Dates (see Chronology). 
 
 ii Egyptian, 51. 
 Deuteronomy, 90, 109, 112. 
 Dothan, 27, 32. 
 Dusratta, 31, 39, 71, 77, 112. 
 
 Ebionites, 222. 
 Edom, 41, 45, 50, 168, 178. 
 Egyptian language, 9, 15, 19. 
 Egyptians, 19, 38-41, 51, 106, 119- 
 
 121, 149, 154. 
 Elam, 20, 25. 
 Elephants, 77. 
 Elishah, 24, 77. 
 Ellasar, 29. 
 
 Elohim, 64, 88, 129, 182. 
 Epouym lists, 159. 
 Eriaku, 23, 34. 
 Esarhaddon, 155. 
 Essenes, 215. 
 Exodus, 35. 
 
 Fauna of Pentateuch, 69. 
 Finnic languages, 13. 
 Flood, 10. 
 
 Gaza, 25, 27, 39, 43, 110. 
 Gebal, 28, 40, 77, 110, 152, 155. 
 Genesis, 1, 175. 
 Geography, 26, 43, 107, 114, 120, 
 
 141, 199. 
 Gerar, 27, 33. 
 Gezer, 33, 40. 
 Gihon, 157, 158. 
 Greek words, 202. 
 Greeks, 24, 62, 207, 212, 228. 
 
 Ham, 25. 
 
 Ham (land), 29, 33. 
 
 Hamath, 27, 75, 152. 
 
 Hammurapaltu, 23, 29. 
 
 Haran, 27, 28, 39. 
 
 Hebrew language, 54, 205. 
 
 Hebrews (see Abiri). 
 
 Hebron, 30, 39, 103, 106. 
 
 Herod, 211, 217. 
 
 Hieroglyphics, 19, 60, 74, 75. 
 
 Hittites, 25, 27, 29, 39, 41, 62, 74, 
 
 75, 99, 102, 119, 121, 125. 
 Hobah, 29, 33. 
 Home of man, 8. 
 
 ti Semitic, 22. 
 Hyksos, 25, 31, 38. 
 Hyrcanus, palace of, 208. 
 
 Ideograms, 64, 76. 
 
 Invasions of Palestine, 24, 32, 80, 
 
 118, 120. 
 Ionians, 24, 25, 26, 74, 160. 
 
 Japhet, 24. 
 
 Jehovah, 65, 71, 72, 73, 78, 88, 
 
 129, 182. 
 Jerusalem, 27, 40, 101, 109,120,154. 
 Joppa, 33, 110, 122, 154. 
 Jordan, passage of, 108. 
 
 Kadesh Barnea, 44, 45, 46, 52, 89. 
 
 „ of Hagar, 46, 52. 
 
 „ on Orontes, 33, 39, 119, 
 128, 139, 142. 
 Keratiya, 139. 
 Kings, Hebrew, 80, 91, 98, 99. 
 
 Lachish, 30, 40, 105. 
 
 Language, 9, 13, 53-60, 74, 87, 
 
 107, 117, 144, 169, 188, 189, 192, 
 
 205, 211, 213. 
 Laws, ancient, 99, 112. 
 Leku, 32. 
 
 Levites, 82, 83, 96, 123, 129, 146. 
 Leviticus, 92. 
 Lydda, 33, 199. 
 Lydians, 25. 
 
 Manetho, 35, 51. 
 
 Manuscripts, 87, 128, 160, 196. 
 
 Massah, 189. 
 
 Matiene, 31, 77. 
 
 Medes, 24. 
 
 Megiddo, 32, 39, 107, 122. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 233 
 
 Merodaeh Baladan. 154, 166. 
 Messiah, 165, 203, 216. 
 Mineptah, 32, 41. 120. 125. 
 Minyans, 22, 23, 25, 31, 38. 
 
 Mitani (Matiene), 31, 77. 
 Moab, 46, 50, 56, 103, 147. 
 Moabite Stone, 55, 71, 111, 149, 
 
 160. 
 Mongols, 9, 10, 20. 
 Month names, 144. 
 Moschi, 24. 
 
 Nabonidus, 155, 202. 
 Natural history, 30, Q9. 
 Nebuchadnezzar, 155, 169, 202. 
 Necho, 155. 
 Nethinim. 85, 93. 
 Nineveh. 25, 154, 155. 167. 
 Numerals in Bible, 44, 51, 128, 
 159. 
 
 Palmyra, 146, 150. 
 
 Paradise, 188, 192. 
 
 Parallel passages, 86, 93, 94. 
 
 Passover, 218. 
 
 Pentateuch, 57-67, 79-99. 
 
 Persian words, 57, 1S8, 1S9, 213. 
 
 Persians. 193, 196. 
 
 Petra, 27, 29, 46, 52, 178. 
 
 Philistines, 25, 27, 32, 102, 110, 
 
 117, 120, 121, 147. 
 Phoenicians, 28, 39, 40, 62, 151. 
 Poetry, 173-192. 
 Polynesian languages, 10, 14. 
 Priests (David's sons), 130. 
 Priests' Code, 89. 
 Prophets, 84, 97, 109, 146, 147, 
 
 165. 
 Psalms, Akkadian, 175, 192. 
 
 Hebrew, 181. 
 Purim, 193. 
 Pyramids, 23. 
 
 Paces of Genesis, 24. 
 Barneses (city), 28, 35. 
 Rameses II.," 41, 99, 119, 125. 
 
 „ III., 32. 120. 
 
 „ XVI., 96. 
 Red Sea, 44, 45. 
 Bepbaim, 171. 
 Rimmon Nirari, 151, 166. 
 Romans, 217. 
 Roots of language, 16. 
 Route of Exodus, 44. 
 
 Rude stone monument-. , i. 
 
 Samala, 152 
 
 Samaria, 27, S~>, 110, 159. 
 Samaritans, 218. 
 Saul, 132. 
 Semitic home, 22, 29. 
 
 ., languages, 9, 15, 53, 74. 
 Sennacherib, 153. 
 Setil., 41, 118,124. 
 Shairdana, 32. 
 Shalmaneser II., 151. 
 Sbasu, 41. 
 Sheba, 
 
 Shechem, 39, SI, 101, 109, 110. 
 Shekels, 197. 
 Shem, 25. 
 Sheol, 166, 171. 
 Sbinar, 29. 33. 
 Shisbak, 36, 96, 149. 
 Shulamite, 187. 
 Siamese Languages, 9. 
 Sidon, 27, 33, 40, 151, 210. 
 Siloam text, 54, 61, 147. 156. 
 
 158. 
 Sinai, 20, 26, 29, 39, 41, 42. 44. 
 
 48. 
 Sisera, 119. 
 Solomon, 36, 102. 
 Song of Jacob, 109. 
 Songs, IS: - 
 Spirits of earth and heaven, 23. 
 Stations in the desert, 43-49. 
 Stone stages, 8. 
 Style, 88. 
 Succoth. 44. 
 Sychar, ~si'<. 
 Symbols (Christian), 223. 
 
 Tablets, 62, 66, 67, 91, 93. 
 Tadukhepa. 30, 39, 77. 
 Tarshish, 24, 150. 162. 
 " Teaching of the Ap 
 
 Teie, 30, 40. 
 
 Tell Amarna tablets, 32, 41. 71. 
 
 77, 98, 103, 118. 
 Temple, 138, 139. 212, 228. 
 Teraphim. 130. 
 Thebes, 168. 
 
 Thothmes III., 2 
 Tiglath Pileser HI.. 111. 152 
 Tin, 162, II 
 Tirhakah, 153, 167. 
 Tirzah, 27. 85, 11". 
 
234 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Tithes, 99, 12S. 
 
 Togarmah, 24. 
 
 Tombs, 223. 
 
 Torali or Law, 79-99, 20S. 
 
 Transcribing the Law, 93, 95. 
 
 Tunep (Tennib), 33, 40, 119. 
 
 Tuplai, 24. 
 
 Turkish languages, 13. 
 
 Twelve Tribes, 111, 114, 115, 116, 
 
 120. 
 Tyre, 33, 40, 212, 151, 152, 155, 
 
 170. 
 
 Unicorn, 69. 
 
 Unity of Pentateuch, 87. 
 Unknown prophet, 167. 
 Ur, 28. 
 
 Versions of Old Testament, 87, 
 107, 127, 159, 169, 202. 
 
 War-song, 174. 
 Writing, 60-64. 
 Writings of Moses, 91, 98. 
 Written Law, 83. 
 
 Zemar (Semyra), 27, 33. 
 Ziggurs (pyramids), 23. 
 
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 GUTHRIE -SMITH. Crispus : A Drama. By H. Guthrie- 
 
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William Blackwood and Sons. 15 
 
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1 6 List of Books Published by 
 
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 KERR. St Andrews in 1645-46. By D. R. Kerr. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. 
 KING. The Metamorphoses of Ovid. Translated in English 
 
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William Blackwood and Sons. \j 
 
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1 8 List of Books Published by 
 
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 Life of John Knox. Crown 8vo, 6s. Another Edition, 3s. 6d. 
 
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 Defects of Modern Christianity, and otto QS. By 
 
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22 List of Books Published by 
 
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William Blackwood and Sons. 23 
 
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24 List of Books Published by 
 
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26 List of Books Published by 
 
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28 List of Books Published by 
 
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BS1171.C74 
 
 The Bible and the East, 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 
 
 1 1012 00155 6101 
 
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