1S«^«*pYii de corps and its accompany- ing loyalty and irresistible energy were gone. We see this illustrated in the fortunes of the Church in those times in which the Culdees were most Culdee Decadence. 163 numerous, and had gained prominence in the Church. They were times of slow decadence and gradual disorganisation, alike in the old mon- astic foundations and in the Culdee communities. The old fire had burnt out. The Church wanted soUdarite, and union within itself. The solitary instance of united action on its part, in the Coun- cil of Scone, appears to have originated not with the Culdees or the monks, but with the temporal monarch on the one hand and the head of the gradually advancing body of secular clergy on the other — the king and the Bishop of Alban. The Celtic Church was drooping just because it was Celtic — because it lacked nerve and energy to grapple with the religious wants of a rapidly developing nationality — because it clung to the form of its old monastic methods, after these had lost their spirit and had ceased to be effective, and when the tribal and local peculiarities on which they were based, and to which in earher times they had been well adapted, were year by year being absorbed in the forms, if not of a higher, yet of a more comprehensive, civilisation. The religion of Scotland, in fact, instead of owing purity and vigour to the Culdees, was stagnating around their settlements, and was in danger of permanent decay, when God's provi- dence brought into our country a fresh and reviving influence, under which that religion was 164 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. to recover some, at least, of its former vitality and to renew its life, though the life was to flow in new channels, and to develop under an organisa- tion to which it had not hitherto adapted itself. This change and revival came about towards the end of the eleventh century, and is associated with the saintly name of Margaret, Queen of Malcolm Canmohr. Out of the mists of legend and fable that lie thick over the heights and levels of that distant era rises, with exceptional distinctness, the figure of Malcolm Canmohr — Malcolm with the big head — the son of '' the gracious Duncan." He was but a child at the date of his father's assas- sination by Macbeth ; and many years passed ere time brought about revenge and restitution. Duncan was slain in the year 1040 : Malcolm was crowned at Scone on the festival of S. Mark, in April 1057. The kingdom was beginning to consolidate, though it was yet but limited and disorderly, bounded on the south by lines equivalent to those of the present Border, but on the north and west encroached upon by the petty territories of turbu- lent earls and mormaers, who maintained an un- ruly and pugnacious independence. Malcolm discerned the weakness and danger which must threaten both kingdom and dynasty from these restless neighbours ; and set himself to reduce Malcolm Canmohr. 165 their strength, while he concentrated and en- larged the- power of the Crown. At the same time, he welcomed to his dominions the exiles whom the strifes and intrigues of the Saxons, and afterwards the advance of the conquering Normans, drove to seek refuge beyond the Tweed. Nor did he fail to take the opportunity, afforded by the intestine troubles of Northumbria, to push his frontier southwards. The region between the Humber and the Tweed was the theatre of per- petual turmoil and bloodshed, amid which Saxon, Dane, Norman, and Scot dealt indiscriminate ravage and slaughter. The victory of Hastings gave Norman William no secure hold over this ill-used debatable land; and it was again and again wasted by Danish piracy, Northumbrian insurrection, and Scottish foray. On one of his inroads Malcolm met his future queen, as she waited with her disinherited family at Wearmouth, for a fair wind to carry them out of the kingdom her brother had lost. The Scot- tish king offered the royal fugitives an asylum within his dominions. They had thought of retiring to Hungary, where Edgar's father had found shelter during the tyranny of Canute, and where he and his sisters had been brought up ; but they accepted Malcolm's promise of a nearer refuge, and agreed to come to Scotland. The result was their arrival, by-and-by, at Dun- 1 66 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. fcrmline ; and finally, Malcolm's asking the Saxon princess to share his throne. Her brother was, against the advice of his friends, averse to her marrying the Scottish king, and at first she re- coiled from it herself. She had seen enough of the stormy and distracted world, with its factions and battles, intrigues and murders. Young as she was, she had known the peril and bitterness of exile, of war, of homelessness, of disinheritance, of flight from enemies by land and sea. After all the restless tumult and confusion, the only note of peace was rung in her memory by the convent bells of Hungary. She and her sister made up their minds to seek the calm haven of the Church. Her sister, Christina, carried out her purpose and became the *' bride of Christ " ; but another des- tiny was reserved for Margaret. After a brief delay, she yielded to Malcolm's suit. The wed- ding was celebrated at Dunfermline with all the magnificence which the unrefined Scottish Court could display. This was in the year 1070 ; Margaret was about twenty -four years of age, and Malcolm some ten years older. They took up their abode at the King's Tower, which was enlarged and beautified, and of which a broken fragment still may be seen within the demesne of Pittencrieff. And from this " city set on a hill " — this stronghold of " grey Dunferm- line " — the light of Margaret began to shine. Queen Margaret. 167 graciously and beneficently, over her husband's realm. Like all good women, she first shed her in- fluence on her own home. Malcolm lived among his rugged chiefs, with little of the grace or culture of a Court about him or his retainers. Hard fighting and rough living were more familiar to them than domestic quiet or social intercourse. Even the king, though he could speak both the Latin and Saxon tongues, could neither read nor write. Into this rude and churlish circle Margaret, like a second Una, brought the unconscious charm of her own purity, piety, and refinement. Her religion was the ruling principle of her life ; and it was not with her, as it was with the later queen, whose name alone has left a deeper mark on Scottish annals, a ritual and a policy — it was a force, a passion. It was in most of its outward features very different from the religion of our day, which has, perhaps, lost as much in spiritual intensity as it has gained in intellectual breadth. Her love of relics, and special devotion to the jewelled crucifix, with its shred of the true cross, which accompanied her from Hungary, and which was reverenced for generations in Scotland as the '' Black Rood " ; her washing and kissing the feet of the poor ; her night-long vigils in the church, "herself assisting at triple matins — of the Trinity, 1 68 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJiurch. of the Cross, and of S. Mary — and afterwards repeating the Psalter, with tears bedewing her raiment, and upheaving her breast," — these bear to us, whose theory and practice are less rigorous and more " enlightened," an aspect of almost superstitious zeal. We are tempted to think of her, as of S. Elizabeth of Hungary, as a morbid devotee : yet the religion thus expressed was of the sincerest and most self-sacrificing character, and fitted to impress the spirit of the age, as no less demonstrative devotion could have impressed it. It wrought upon the bold and generous nature of the king like a humanising spell. Fearless and warlike in the field, and ready as ever to en- counter the foe, he set the example in his palace of the decorous and charitable life of a Christian knight. The home of the king of Scotland, under her influence, began for the first time to wear the aspect, never afterwards lost, of the residence, not of a mere chief amidst his retainers, but of a feudal sovereign, surrounded by the chivalry of a settled and polished Court. In two wide spheres beyond the palace gates the influence of Margaret was soon recognised as "quick and powerful." These were the national policy and the Church. As regarded the first of these, the two prin- ciples she held by were industry and order. It is somewhat difficult after more than seven cen- Her Policy and Influence. 169 turies to distinguish, with exactness, between the measures of Margaret and those of her illustrious and like-minded son David, but we are tolerably certain that the spirit which originated the policy that was carried to its completion by the son was the mother's; and that he, like his father, had learned the truth of the old Saxon belief that " something divine dwelt in the counsels of woman" — and especially of this one woman. While Malcolm strove to consolidate the royal power and to extend the area in which it was supreme, Margaret invited the settlement within that area of her own countrymen, and others from foreign lands, whose industry and skill stimulated those of the natives, and gradually raised the character and the value of Scottish produce and handicraft. She did all that royal patronage could do to encourage traders from Continental ports to visit Scotland. To the im- petus thus given to commerce and manufactures is directly referable the growth of those burghs and guilds, to which David afterwards granted charters, and which became the nursing mothers of traffic and enterprise, of civil liberty and popular rights. Although the formal and regular administration of justice and the construction of a code of laws were, in Margaret's day, still but promises of the future, the idea of them was familiar to her love I/O Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJiurch. of order and of peace ; and here, too, David was afterwards able to realise the prophetic visions of his mother. We trace to her the beginning and suggestion of the great popular movement, if we may so call it, which by degrees was to substitute the robust and practical civilisation of the Anglo-Saxon for the more visionary and graceful culture of the Celt ; to introduce, among the less coherent elements of national life in Scot- land, the Norman system of organisation and of feudal interdependence ; and thus out of the cluster of tribes and races over which Malcolm's predecessors had held uncertain sway, to form one homogeneous nation. All this, perfected by David, was commenced by Margaret. It was, however, as a Church reformer Mar- garet achieved her greatest work. The Whitby Conference, from which Colman of Lindisfarne retreated indignantly to lona, had committed the Anglo-Saxon Church to the discipline and unity of Rome. The Church in Scotland remained true to the traditions of Col- umba, and long continued to exhibit the Celtic characteristics with which his apostolic force and fervour had imbued it at the first. As Margaret's era approaches, we see the Church still Celtic in character, though more tinged than of old with Roman ideas and practices, and materially strengthened by the possession of substantial CJmrch Reforms. 171 endowments. The centres of such reHgious hfe and light as existed were beside the Culdee colleges or convents — at St Andrews, Lochleven, Monymusk, Abernethy, Dunkeld, Dunblane, and elsewhere. But the clergy had fallen behind the age. Isolated from the general interests and movements of the Church Catholic, the Scottish Church, which has in its later age been so often rent with schisms, then stood in peril of the sectarianism of tribal and local rivalries, and the blight of an unenlightened provincialism. Usage was lax — authority was vague — life was indolent — thought was unproductive. Not only the Church but religion was in danger, and Margaret set herself to the task of reformation. One might have expected that the zeal of a queenly devotee would have shown itself in lavish endowments, or benefactions to the clergy. But Margaret and her husband did comparatively little for the Church, in the way of bestowing worldly goods. Her love of the Church and religion was manifested in a more thoughtful way than in mere buildings and gifts. The richer a corrupt Church is, the more infectious grows the corruption. Margaret knew she might leave the endowing of the Church to her children, if she helped to make it worthy of their love and care. Her concern was to reform its usages, and to regulate its orders into harmony with the dis- 1/2 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJinrcJi. cipline of Rome. She began with the practical point of erroneous usage. As perhaps was nat- ural in a female reformer, questions of mere ritual were dealt with as earnestly as those of deeper moral meaning. One of her most solemn con- ferences with the clergy was occupied with the discussion of the right day for beginning the austerities of Lent — in the practice of which the queen was rigidly scrupulous. The king acted as interpreter between her and the Celtic clergy, who knew no Saxon, and for no less than three days *' did she employ the sword of the Spirit in combating their errors." *' Often," says Turgot enthusiastically, '' have I heard her, with admira- tion, discourse of subtle questions of theology in presence of the most learned men of the king- dom." So gifted a royal disputant was certain to prevail, and Margaret's three days' debate ended in her persuading the clergy to forsake the ancient usage, and to adopt that which Rome had introduced about two hundred years before, of beginning Lent on Ash Wednesday, instead of on the Monday following Quadragesima Sunday. The Lord's Day had come to be little regarded. The people went about their work and their plea- sure on that day as on any other day of the week. The queen remonstrated and urged, until the day was kept with decent propriety, as a day of rest and of rehgious observance. In Columba's time Conference with Clergy. 173 the "Dies Dominica" was observed as a day of special religious services ; but Saturday was still regarded, as by the Jews, as the day of rest — the Sabbath. Thus Columba on the day before his death said, '* This day is called the Sabbath ; and indeed it is to me a Sabbath, for it is the last day of my laborious life." This usage no doubt ac- counted for the practice of using Sunday, except as regarded its public solemnities, like any other day, for work or pleasure. Superstitions about the Lord's Supper, which hnger in the Highlands to this day,^ were rife among the Celtic priests. Some would not celebrate the holy sacrament at all, on the plea of dreading to communicate unworthily. They quoted to Margaret S. Paul's warning against so communicating. '' If none but the worthy are to partake," said the queen, " then no one dare, for no one is sinless." Her arguments at this point too prevailed ; as also in inducing the clergy to abandon (so at least we gather from Turgot's language) most of those national peculiarities in which theirs differed from the Roman, which to her was the type of the perfect, ritual. The loose system of marriage also felt her correcting hand ; ^ In the Synod of the Free Church of Sutherland and Caithness the Free Church minister at Dornoch stated that in his congrega- tion of 1200 there were only 100 communicants. — ' North Star,' i6th April 1896. 174 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Chnrch. and it was no longer possible for a man to wed his stepmother, his brother's widow, or within the Hke prohibited degrees, as hitherto. Reforms such as these, touching so closely ecclesiastical usage and domestic life, must have been as difficult as they were necessary, and called for no common firmness, wisdom, and tact, in their execution. But what Margaret, as a Church- woman, most desired was to do for the Scottish what Wilfrid had done for the Anglo - Saxon Church — to release it from the Columban tradi- tion, and to complete its union with Rome. The lax orders of the Culdees were letting Church pro- perty slip away to secular use and possession. The absence of recognised authority was engendering an easy and worldly mode of life. Norman feud- alism was close at hand, ready to *' grip greedily " the abbey or convent lands, which had lapsed or were lapsing to laymen. The old tribal episco- pacy, or the jurisdiction of the Columban abbats, was incapable of ruling a Church into which Saxon and Norman ideas had begun to penetrate. The queen's plan for keeping the ecclesiastical pro- perty together, and for providing a regulated government in the Church, for the security both of discipline and faith, was to weld it into the '* Catholic " unity, at the head of which stood the successor of S. Peter. Moreover, under a mon- archy which, year by year, was surrounding itself Her Success. 175 more formally with the orderly gradations of rank associated with feudalism and chivalry, a reverend hierarchy tended to lend greater dignity to society and support to the throne than the simple grades of the Culdee communities. Not improbably, besides all this, Margaret, like most pious women, had that secret love and reverence for spiritual authority, which delights in exalting its possessors. Educated too, as she had been, in Hungary, and not unfamihar with Enghsh life, she could not fail to see how widespread and how potent was the influence of the Roman hierarchy and system. Roman ecclesiasticism was destined to mould and govern the Western Churches for the next four hundred years, and Margaret was determined that Scotland should be weaned from its Celtic isolation. Neander laments the sacri- fice of local freedom involved in universal sub- mission to the central power; but the loss, she believed, would be compensated by the more uni- form order and discipline — the healthier energy — the wider sympathy and community of interest, which were attained by union. ^ It is noticeable that in her conferences with the clergy, and advocacy of reforms, Margaret never hints at any irregularity in their orders. This is 1 Turgot's Life of Margaret, in the 'Acta Sanctorum,' is re- printed in Dr Metcalfe's edition of Pinkerton's ' Lives of the Scot- tish Saints,' 1889. I "^6 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. the more remarkable because, both in Hungary and in England, she may very probably have heard doubts expressed as to the apostolic char- acter of the Scotic missionaries and itinerant bishops, and the validity of ordinances as ad- ministered in their Church. But if she did, she had too much common -sense to give weight to them. She accepted the ministry of the Church as she found it, though she strove to effect changes in it, as she thought, for the better. At the same time, she showed her veneration for the memory of Columba by rebuilding the monastery of lona, which the Danes had burnt ; and her respect for the true type of the secluded life, where that still survived, in its purity, either in the single cell or the coenobite group, by kindly and pious inter- course with many of the solitaries, visiting them in their retreats, and bestowing a grant of land on the Culdee fraternity of Lochleven. She was no fanatic, no revolutionary, no irrational prelatist. The change which she initiated was, however, a vital change ; but it was effected without vio- lence, or any visible break in the coherence of the Church's life. There was no forcible revolu- tion — rather we may say, the Church glided out of its sequestered Celticism into the broad stream of Western Romanism, without any rupture of its continuity or erasure of its nationality. For Ecclesiastical Changes. 177 by this time the force of the Celtic element in the life of Scotland had begun to run low. But for the changes that were modifying the character of the people, the queen could never have initiated the changes that were wrought in the character and constitution of the Church. The ecclesiastical and the national life developed together, and in harmony. The Church lost its distinctively Celtic character, which had prevailed for more than four hundred years, simultaneously with the people. The immigration, first of Saxon and then of Norman fugitives, who sought in Scot- land shelter from the Conqueror's tyranny, infused new elements of race and character into the nation, hitherto predominantly Celtic. The invasion was a peaceful one : the ecclesiastical revolution that accompanied it was peaceful too. Dioceses were erected, and the rule of the diocesan bishop took the place of that of the abbat. In some cases, as at Dunkeld, the abbat became the bishop. The old Celtic monasteries, which had dwindled down and in some cases been supplanted or succeeded by Culdee settlements, were gradually replaced by regular fraternities, all of foreign origin, into which the members of the ancient order were, in some cases, quietly absorbed — to which, in others, they yielded only after long conflict of claim and jurisdiction. The formation of parishes accom- panied and followed that of dioceses ; and en- M 178 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. dowment supplemented parochial division. The Church thus became territorial instead of tribal ; episcopal instead of abbatial : it began to own large property in the soil. Above all, it was no longer Celtic in usage and tradition, but Roman. By the end of the thirteenth century the old line of Celtic kings closed in Alexander, and the ecclesiastical transformation was complete. In its rites, doctrines, and government, the Church was much the same as all others that embraced the unity of Rome ; although the supremacy of the Pope was hotly disputed by the Scottish kings, and at last only admitted in a fashion, as a pro- tection against the worse evil of the supremacy claimed by the Archbishops of York and Canter- bury, each of whom would fain have included Scotland in his province. The transformation, however, was gradual, and proceeded mainly under the influence of Margaret's sons Alexander and David, — the lat- ter being especially zealous — the profusion of his benefactions earning, as we know, the pithy epithet from one of his less devoted successors, of "a sair sanct for the crown." Fothad, the last Celtic '' Epscop Alban," died in the same year as Queen Margaret ; but it was not till fourteen years afterwards (1107) that Alexander saw his way to nominate, for the vacant office, his mother's confessor and bio- Turgot, Bishop of St Andreivs. 179 grapher, Turgot, Prior of Durham. We are told Turgot was ^' the choice of the king, the clerg}^, and the people," though it does not appear how their respective rights were exercised. By the clergy were, no doubt, meant the Culdees, still holding their ground at St Andrews, whom it was the royal policy to conciliate as far as possible. By the people little more can be meant than some such representation of the general opinion as was obtainable on the spot ; but this recognition of the people here, as on the previous occasion of the Council at Scone, is significant as showing that in those early days the sacerdotal theory of what constitutes a Church had not established itself in Scotland. The idea of the Church was popular, not clerical; and the right of the people to a share in its management, and their assent to measures affecting its welfare, were respected by the authorities both of Church and State. This and the strongly national sentiment both of clergy and laity stand out, as characteristics marking the Church of the twelfth century as distinctly as that of the nineteenth. The election of Turgot involved the question of the national independence of the Scottish Church. The Bishop of York, on the strength of certain passages in Pope Gregory's commission to Augustine of Canterbury, claimed that the Bishop of St Andrews, under which title Turgot was to 1 80 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJinrch. be consecrated, should be one of his suffragans. Alexander refused to concede the claim ; the Anglican bishop refused to withdraw it. There were no bishops in Scotland able, according to the now accepted Roman theory, to impart a valid consecration. The king found himself in an embarrassing dilemma ; and it was finally agreed that Turgot should be consecrated, with- out prejudice either to the claims of York or the independence of Scotland. Consecrated he was accordingly at York on ist August nog, and thus began that succession of bishops of St Andrews in communion with the Church of Rome which was to last for over four cen- turies. The date marks the definite line of de- marcation between the old Celtic Church and the Scoto-Roman, into which it was now absorbed — the same Church, but under different conditions. From the landing of Columba in lona in 563 to this consecration of Turgot was 546 years ; from the consecration of Turgot to the adoption of the Reformed Confession in 1560 was 451 years, the Celtic epoch of the Church thus ex- ceeding the Roman by almost a century. A similar Anglican demand was advanced when King David founded the bishopric of Glasgow. This too was claimed as suffragan by York, and the claim was again refused. Papal sanction was added to these English A nglican Claims of Primacy. 1 8 1 aggressions by a bull of Pope Adrian's, who, in the second year after David's death, charged all the holders of the bishoprics the king had founded to submit to the primacy of York. Not one of them obeyed except the Bishop of Whitherne. The see of Whitherne, owing to its intimate civil connection with England, was regarded as an allowable exception. Probably in recognition of the fact that so stubborn and independent a nationality as that of the Scots was not likely to be coerced, a subsequent Pope, Clement III., in the year 1188 addressed a bull to William the Lion, putting an end to all these Anglican assumptions, and declaring that the Church of Scotland was the '' daughter of Rome by special grace, and immediately subject to her." The right of primacy was asserted by Rome over all the national Churches, and as a rule was tacitly — if not overtly — admitted in the West ; but it did not necessarily interfere with their national independence, nor did it impose any of the irritating restrictions, which subor- dination to a primate in a neighbouring, yet foreign, country would inevitably imply. At a subsequent date, in 1471, the Pope issued a bull erecting St Andrews into a metropolitan see, with the primacy of all Scotland. The Pope had come to be regarded as the 1 82 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. source of ecclesiastical honour and jurisdiction, and therefore entitled to arrange such matters. His intervention also, as the general arbiter of Christendom, in the decision of questions like those between York and St Andrews, was not resented as an invasion of the rights of the parties interested. It practically served the purpose of a modern arbitration in an inter- national difficulty. But the Pope's interference in the internal affairs of a national Church or State was not so readily acquiesced in, and no nation exhibited less disposition to bow to papal authority than the Scots ; or perhaps it would be more accurate to say, no nation show^ed more de- termination to maintain its independence, both civil and ecclesiastical. The acknowledgments of the Pope's authority which Scotland, no doubt, made on certain occasions (as when dur- ing the disastrous invasion of Edward I. an embassy was despatched to Rome to entreat the mediation of the Holy Father, and was instructed to plead that the kingdom was a fief of the papal see), implied no spirit of submission to the Papacy, but only served a diplomatic purpose in a time of great extremity. There was no objection to own ecclesiastical allegiance to Rome, if doing so would stave off the in- tolerable usurpations of England ; nor was there reluctance to recognise the Bishop of Rome as Scottish Independence. 183 supreme head of the Church, in the sense of his being the ultimate earthly source of spiritual authority, and as such empowered to ratify or to veto ecclesiastical appointments, to grant dispen- sations, to issue interdicts, and — generally — to supervise the affairs of Christendom. But any exercise of this authority which trenched on the rights of the crown, the clergy, or the people, or threatened their independence, was resented and resisted. The spirit which withstood Edward and won the battle of Bannockburn was not dormant within the ecclesiastical sphere, and the Church, no less than the State, of Scotland, made good the sturdy motto, "Nemo me im- pune lacessit." This note of self-reliant independence, of prompt disregard of any authority which out- steps its proper province and seeks to lord it over a heritage to which it has not a moral title, has always been a characteristic of the Kirk — manifesting itself occasionally, perhaps, with only too emphatic and wilful a decisive- ness. There are many instances of it through- out our history, in the papal period of the Church. Let us take one : when in the year 1317 two legates from the Pope, of cardinal rank, arrived in England on the errand of re- storing peace between the countries, and sent forward their letters to King Robert, the king 1 84 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. refused to receive them because they were not addressed to him under the title of King. The letters from the Pope bore the superscription to ^' Robert Bruce, governor in Scotland." "Among my barons," said the king, ''there are many of the name of Robert Bruce, who share in the government of Scotland. These letters may possibly be meant for some of them, but they are not addressed to me, who am King of Scotland." And he firmly, though with perfect courtesy — " in an affable manner and with a pleasant countenance," reported the cardinals — declined to receive the letters. In spite of this, a subordinate member of the papal mission ventured to proclaim a truce with England and an interdict against the realm ; but he was simply warned to get out of the country with all speed, and his proclamation was treated as a nullity. Amid the supersti- tious deference paid to the Pope and his bulls throughout Christendom, this bold attitude of the Scots says much for their inteUigence and self-respect. At no era of Scottish history was what we may call English influence more direct and potent than in the days of David, who, half an Englishman by birth, was wholly English by education, having up to the age of forty- four, when he succeeded to the Scottish throne, Anglican Influence. 185 passed most of his life in England. The principal advisers of Margaret and David in their ecclesiastical policy were English prelates ; and it was with priests of English birth and training that all the highest offices in the Scottish Church, when first organised on the Roman system, were filled. Indeed so strong were the English influence and element in the changes wrought by David, that the result has been described by a historian, though in exaggerated terms, as an ''ecclesiastical revolu- tion in which the Scottish Church was gradually overgrown by an English Church, transplanted to the northern hills, with its clergy, creeds, rites, and institutions."^ This is an extreme way of putting it ; but unquestionably the Anghcan modes of thought, of social hfe, of ec- clesiastical organisation, then gained an ascend- ancy that they never again possessed until after the union of the Legislatures. Scottish influences had invaded England at a much earlier date, as we have seen, and — until their progress was stemmed at Whitby — bade fair to mould the religious life of that country to their own pattern. At Whitby commenced the reaction, which was in full flood in the reign of Margaret, and reached its height in that ^ Quarterly Review, vol. Ixxxv. p. Ii6. (Article by the late Joseph Robertson.) 1 86 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJiurcJi. of David. Prelatic and Romanistic principles and practices have always reached Scotland through England. When, after the Reforma- tion, the Scottish Church had reverted to a purer type of government and ritual, we shall find that it was, as before, from England that the reactionary spirit proceeded, and its efforts to reintroduce mediaevalism began ; and, once more, they reached their height under a mon- arch who, though Scotch by birth, was, like David, English by education and association. Anglican influence, in fact, has all along been inimical to the primitive simplicity and demo- cratic independence w^hich have always been notes of the National Church in Scotland. The general establishment of the system of diocesan episcopacy over the whole of Scotland was one of the most serious parts of David's work; He did what he considered was best for the exigencies of the times. The old system of government by abbats and from monasteries, as I have said, had lost its force ; and as the pop- ulation grew less tribal and more homogene- ous and settled, it lost also its special adaptation to their circumstances. The emissary of the monastery did noble work as a missionary when Christianity was only making its way against heathenism, and civilisation was still grappling with ubiquitous forces of disorder ; but he was Diocesan Episcopacy. 187 less effective when Christianity had prevailed, v^hen education had extended, and savage law- lessness and ignorance had succumbed to in- telligence, order, and decency. The secular priest, with his own church to attend to, and his own flock to instruct, was better adapted to the altered conditions. The clearly defined area, to which the bishop's rule was restricted, gave the authority exercised within that area a force and stability, of which the absence of territorial jurisdiction deprived the authority of the abbat. We may regret that the primitive model of churches guided and governed by presbyters acting together, and seeking, when necessary, the advice of a council of' the whole Church of their bounds, was not that which was reverted to by Margaret and her sons. But we may question if, among a population not yet wholly united in race and sentiment, and in a thinly peopled country, the Presby- terian system could have been as easily and thoroughly administered as the Episcopal. And, in any event, the tendency to fall into line with the common system and usage of the Church at large was probably too strong to be resisted, had David and his advisers been inclined, as they were not, to resist it. The benefit he conferred on his kingdom by his profuse patronage of the monkery of the 1 88 Apostolic Mmistry in the Scottish Church. Roman Church is more questionable. The ulti- mate failure of the monastic system of Columba, as a mode of government, did not necessar- ily involve a condemnation of monasticism, as a wise and salutary mode of religious life ; but David might have been warned, by the sluggishness and the abuses which had crept into both classes of the older settlements, to pause ere he reintroduced monasticism, and afforded it fresh opportunities of development. At the same time, it must be remembered that, in the twelfth century, monasticism was in its richest flower. Luxury had not as yet debased the lives of the monks of those Roman orders which David domesticated in Scotland. No scandal had been laid at the convent doors. The monasteries were the homes of learning, industry, and charity. The bleak strath became a fertile valley under the conventual agriculture. The rough boors and wild clansmen grew more law - abiding and industrious, as soon as they became the tenants or retainers of the Church. Art and letters, which got but little encour- agement in the feudal castle, always found a fostering shelter in the cloister. So that an enlightened, patriotic, and pious prince might not unnaturally be led to do what seemed to be the best he could do for the culture and religion of his subjects, by promoting monas- David's Monasteries. 189 ticism through the length and breadth of the land. He erected and endowed the monasteries of Roxburgh, Jedburgh, Kelso, Melrose, Newbattle, Holyrood, Dryburgh, Cambuskenneth, and Kin- loss — to name no others — and gave an impetus to the establishment of such houses over all the kingdom which lasted long after he was gone, with the result of rendering the monastic orders in Scotland probably richer and more numerous than in any other European country. By the date of the Reformation it was calculated they owned nearly one -half of the whole wealth of the country, and were the possessors of not less than two hundred monasteries and convents — the larger number of which belonged to the Augustinians, or Black Canons. Without attempting active suppression, it was David's policy either to supersede the Culdee communities by the erection of the regular estab- lishments, or to absorb their members into the monkish ranks. A nominal primacy over all the Culdees of Scotland was granted to Turgot, on his accession to the bishopric of St Andrews. The language used is, " In his days the whole rights of the Keledei throughout the whole kingdom of Scotland passed to this bishopric." But whatever power this implied was evidently exerted in a very lenient fashion ; and in the case of St Andrews itself it was not till the 190 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Chnrch. year 1144, or thirty - five years after Turgot's election, that a priory of canons regular of S. Augustin was founded there, in the charter granted to which by David it was stipulated that the canons shall receive the Keledei of Kilrymont into the canonry, with all their possessions and revenues, if they are willing to become canons regular. If they refused, their life-interests were to be respected ; but on their demise their re- venues were to fall to the canonry, and as many additional canons regular were to be instituted in the Church of St Andrews as there had been Keledei. To David also we owe the erection of our parishes. The earliest nucleus of the parish was the cell or chapel of the Columban monk, in the spot where he planted the first seeds of the Church, and which — after he was gone — was held in reverence for his sake, and was used as the place of worship for the neighbour- hood. Hundreds of parishes still preserve in their names, or in the records of their dedica- tions, the memories of the preachers who first taught in them the faith and the doctrine they had received from Columba, or those who suc- ceeded him in lona. The other, and later, origin of the parish was the foundation of a church by the owner of the soil. When such a church was built, its founder tithed all, or some Parishes and Teinds. 191 of, his lands for its support ; and the lands so tithed, or his whole property if not too extended, formed, as a rule, the parish, dependent for re- ligious ordinances on that church. The manor and the parish were thus generally contermin- ous. As Christianity became more absolutely the national religion, and the Church became more homogeneous throughout the whole country, this mode of founding churches and providing for their support, for the behoof of a definite district attached to each, became more common ; and in the deeds of the twelfth century we begin to meet with the term "parish" as one recognised by the law. Consequent on the establishment of parishes, emerges into view, also in the reign of David, the practice of tithing the land for the support of their clergy. The income of the Columban communities was derived from sources indepen- dent of tithes, or, as we call them in Scotland, "teinds." The communities in some cases held lands of their own, as the monastery of lona held that island ; but their more certain and common source of income was the altar offer- ings, the dues paid for certain church services, and the fines levied for offences against certain laws. The regular and universal grant of tithe, which resulted from the development of the parochial system, formed the pecuniary strong- 192 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. hold of the secular, or parochial, clergy. In Scotland, as in England, where the grants of tithe are of earlier date, the practice of render- ing the tenth to the Church originated in no statute or royal decree, but in the freewill of the owners of the soil. It found a Scriptural precedent in the Mosaic law and the usage of the Israelites, and was, indeed, one of the survivals of Judaism. Its adoption in the Scottish Church was spontaneous, and was the voluntary expres- sion of the donor's devotion. It is worth while to remember the fact that no part of the revenue now enjoyed by the Kirk (and which forms but a small fraction of her ancient patrimony) was acquired by State legislation. It was voluntarily gifted, in compliance with a religious idea, with which public opinion was in sympathy. A practice by-and-by came into vogue, which to a marked extent neutralised King David's laudable design in founding the monasteries. This was the donation of parish churches to the rehgious orders. Patrons of churches, with the consent of the bishop, conferred them on the great houses of Regulars. The abbot sent down a monk to do the duty of the parish priest, with the result that the interests of the parish were sacrificed to the monastic greed. The officiating monk, or the poorly paid vicar, took care that the tithes and dues were collected. Change in Ritual. 19 J but their destination was the conventual ex- chequer. As long as they reached that sanctum safely, the superiors made no troublesome in- quiry about the ''cure of souls." The ''extra chalder" was keenly looked after. "The hungry sheep looked up, and were not fed." This abuse was one of the most patent causes of the religi- ous deterioration, both of priest and people, which preceded the Reformation. But this was a development that good King David could not have anticipated. Another element in the consolidation, and so- called reform, of the Church, which was defin- itely settled in his reign, was the Ritual. He caused the cathedral churches to fulfil what is one of the most important functions of such establishments — viz., to set the example of a decorous and uniform mode of celebrating public worship. In the Celtic Church there had been, as we have seen, much greater freedom and individuality in the forms of worship than was reconcilable with the strict order of Rome. The Celtic ritual was now disused — not compulsorily, so far as we can ascertain, but it fell out of use as part and parcel of a decaying system. Its place was taken by the Roman missal and brevi- ary, with those modifications which had been adopted in the Cathedral of Salisbury, and which constituted what was called " The Use N 194 Apostolic Minis try in the Scottish Church. of Sarum." The ancient use lingered longest in the seat of the Scottish primacy. There the Culdees continued, '' in a corner of their church which was very small, to celebrate their own office in their own fashion." ^ But their days, too, were numbered. In 1147 a bull of Pope Eugenius III. deprived them of their her- editary share in electing the Bishop of St An- drews. In 1220 Pope Honorius III. ordered an inquiry to be made into a dispute between the bishop, the prior, and convent of St Andrews, and the ''clerics commonly called Keledei," re- garding their respective possessions. The Culdee community was then called *'the Provost and Culdees of the church of S. Mary." *' In course of time the name of Culdee disappeared ; and we meet with it for the last time in the year 1332, when their exclusion in the episcopal elec- tion is again renewed. After this we hear only of the provost and prebendaries of the church of S. Mary, sometimes styled S. Mary of the Rock." *' At the Reformation the provost and twelve pre- bendaries still remained, the sole Scottish repre- sentatives of the once powerful Culdees."'-^ 1 Chronicle of the Picts and Scots, p. 190; Skene's ed. 2 Bellesheim, vol. i, p. 300, and translator's note. 195 LECTURE VI. The ambition of Rome was satisfied with the success of David's pohcy. The Scottish Church was Romanised. Its episcopate was conformed to the Roman pattern, under a primate whose consecration had been duly effected according to the Roman canons. The free and national Church of Scotland in both its main branches — the purely Columban, and the British or Cum- brian, in which the tradition of Kentigern lingered — was parcelled into dioceses, under bishops owing allegiance to the Pope — the vicar of Christ, the successor of Peter. What that allegiance meant then, as it means now, cannot be more clearly defined than in the words of the present Pontiff, in his Encyclical of last year (i8g6) : '' It must be clearly understood that bishops are deprived of the right and power of ruling, if they deliberately secede from Peter and his successors, because by this secession they separate from the 196 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJmrch. foundation on which the whole edifice itself rests, and for the very reason they are separated from the fold whose leader is the chief pastor. The episcopal order is rightly judged to be in com- munion with Peter as Christ commanded, if it be subject to and obeys Peter. Otherwise it necessarily becomes a lawless and disorderly crowd. It is not sufficient that the head should merely have been charged with the office of superintendent, but it is absolutely necessary that he should have received real and sovereign authority, which the whole community is bound to obey. The Roman Pontiffs, mindful of their duty, wish above all things that the divine con- stitution of the Church should be preserved. Therefore, as they have defended with all neces- sary care and vigilance their own authority, so they have always laboured, and will continue to labour, that the authority of the bishops may be upheld. Yet they look upon whatever honour or obedience is given to the bishops as paid to themselves." The Scottish Church, however, was never, any more than the Gallican, a complaisant vassal of Rome. The sentiment of national independ- ence was always strong, as was that spirit of freedom which breathes through the chivalrous " Aberbrothock Manifesto," in which the Scot- tish nobles, protesting against the papal coun- Coimcil of Basel. 1 97 tenance vouchsafed to the English aggressions, tell Pope John XXII. that ''not for glory, riches, or honour we fight, but for liberty alone, which no good man loses but with his life." ^ Nor were the Scots blind to the frequent delin- quencies and malpractices of the Roman Court — its greed of filthy lucre, its meddlesome inter- ference with national rights, its pretensions to infallible and absolute autocracy. In the great reforming Council of Basel the Scottish Church was represented by two bishops, two abbats, two secular priests, and two friars ; and we gather that these deputies supported the liberal principles of which John Gerson was the expon- ent, and on the critical question of the Pope's superiority to all councils took the side of inde- pendence and common-sense. On more than one occasion the intrusion of papal legates was resented, and the exactions of the Papacy were withstood. The Scots' desire for ecclesiastical independ- ence and autonomy was thwarted by their want of a metropolitan. Without that high function- ary the clergy could not meet in council, except at the pleasure of the Pope and by his authority, either exercised by a legate in Scotland or trans- mitted by rescript from Rome. From the days of King David onwards a few unnoticeable ^ The Aberbrothock Manifesto — see Appendix II. 198 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJuirch. legatine councils were held ; but in the year 1225 the Pope yielded to the national senti- ment, so far as to authorise provincial councils to be held in Scotland without the summons or presence of a legate. The Church at once took advantage of this concession, and the coun- cils acquired a definite importance and national character. The bishops met and ordained that all bishops, abbats, and conventual priors, as the leading ecclesiastical dignitaries and authorities, should henceforth assemble annually, and sit in council, if need be, for three days, under the presidency of a " conservator," elected by the voice of his brother bishops. The conservator presided in the council — opened it by raising the chant *' Veni Creator Spiritus," and closed it wath the benediction. The opening sermon was preached by the bishops in rotation, the Bishop of St Andrews taking precedence. The con- servator summoned the council by a writ ad- dressed to each bishop : he held office from one council to another, with special authority during the interval to deal with transgressions or neglect of the canons ; and the record of the Acts of the Council was drawn in the name, and authenti- cated by the seal, of the " Conservator of the Privileges of the Scottish Church." The conserv- ator was, in fact, for the year of his office, the re- presentative of the Church, and the guardian of Scottish Councils. 199 her discipline and interests. In this position and prerogative; in his duties as president of the council; in the system of more or less natural selection which guided his appointment, we see distinctly the prototype of the Moderator of the General Assembly. The council, also, in its character, proceedings, and composition, was in several respects an anticipation of the Assem- bly itself. Although at first only bishops, abbats, and conventual priors were summoned, later the attendance was required of the representatives of the cathedral chapters, of the collegiate churches, and of the conventual clergy ; so that it com- prised, in point of fact, a very fair and full re- presentation of the Church as a whole, while the State had also its place and voice in the deliber- ations. Two doctors of the civil law were com- missioned to attend on behalf of the king, to communicate his wishes, and to watch over the interests of the Crown and people. Except, however, as thus represented by the head of the State, the laity's right to any share in the coun- cils of the Church was not recognised, and in- deed was never urged. Whether these councils held the required yearly meetings or not cannot be determined. The earliest record of their action which we possess is a code of canons, probably drawn up between 1240 and 1280, and which remained in 200 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. force, and received little alteration or addition, till near the time of the Reformation. They were read at the beginning of each council after the opening sermon, and after an avowal of adher- ence to the first four (Ecumenical councils — Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon — and, laying down certain rules as to the order and constitution of the council itself, they enact that '' all the prelates are to hold firmly the catholic and apostolic faith, to instruct those under their jurisdiction in the same, and to urge parents to bring up their children in the know- ledge and observance of the Christian religion. The sacraments to be administered according to the form prescribed by the Church. The churches to be built of stone — the nave by the parishioners, and the chancel by the rector ; they are to be duly consecrated, and furnished with the proper ornaments, books, and sacred vessels. No church or oratory is to be built, nor the divine office celebrated therein, without consent of the diocesan. Masses not to be said in private places without the bishop's permission. Every parish church to have its proper rector or vicar, who is to exercise the cure of souls either person- ally or by deputy; and all ecclesiastics are to lead pure and godly lives, or suffer canonical punish- ment. A sufficient sustentation to be provided for vicars from the churches which they serve, David of Bernham. 20 1 amounting, all burdens deducted, to at least ten marks annually. The clergy to take care that both their mental acquirements and outward habit are such as become their state. No rector or vicar to enter upon any benefice without the consent of his diocesan, or other lawful superior. A proper parsonage-house to be built near every church, within a year's time." These canons are most wise and wholesome. Of the same tone and tendency are some others, adopted at a diocesan synod held at Musselburgh in 1242, by the good David of Bernham, Bishop of St Andrews — a man of vast zeal, energy, and piety, who in ten years consecrated no less than 140 churches within his diocese. Among the canons of his synod were these, which show how much care was expended, under a good bishop, in the endeavour to have all things in the church done decently and in order. " The churchyards to be properly enclosed and protected against wild animals. The chancel of the church to be kept in repair by the rector, the rest of the building by the parishioners. The clergy to wear a large and conspicuous tonsure, not to eat or drink in taverns except on a journey, not to play dice, and to lead chaste and devout lives. The duty of residence to be strictly observed by the clergy. Marriage not to be contracted save before lawful witnesses. Clerics not to exercise any secular 202 Apostolic Ministry in tJie Scottish Cimrch. trade or calling ; nor to dictate or write a sen- tence of death. To avoid the inconveniences of frequent clerical changes, no substitute to be appointed for less than a year. Vicars strictly bound to residence. Every rector either to pro- vide a suitable and well-educated priest for his church, or to be himself in orders, on pain of suspension and deprivation of his benefice." The regular convention of councils was hindered rather than helped by the erection of St Andrews into a metropolitan see in 1471. The theory of ministerial parity, which is known in its full bloom in Presbyterian Churches, was not with- out its prototype in the medieval Church, in Scotland. Not one of the bishops wished to see a brother elevated to a higher rank than his own. The Bishop of Glasgow especially, as the successor of Kentigern, and representative of the traditions of the British Christianity of Strath- clyde, repudiated the primacy of the prelate who could not now be said to have any peculiar right to pose as the " co-arb" of Columba. Each of the bishops had hitherto enjoyed in his turn the rank and prerogative of conservator, and saw with jealousy these submerged in the permanent office of metropolitan. Possibly, also, the growing worldliness and indifference of the bishops and clergy made all alike careless of holding as- semblies, which reflected little credit on the Council of \^i6. 203 Church, and whose records gave a painful pub- licity to their own professional shortcomings and neglect of the very canons of their own councils. We hear of no council, summoned or held, for sixt3^-six years after the creation of the primacy. The council of 1536 sat under the presidency of Archbishop James Beaton, the uncle of the notorious Cardinal, and was ostensibly called at the instance of the king, James V., who desired that it should ratify and enforce a tax he sought to impose upon ecclesiastical benefices, for the support of his newly instituted Court of Session. This was carried out, to the extent of levying a yearly assessment on the prelates for this object. Another proposal of the king's, the adop- tion of which would have done much to sweeten the relations of the clergy to the people, was set aside. This was that they should renounce ''the corse presents" — the Church cow and the upmost cloth — as the hateful mortuary dues were called, the exaction of which was as unpopular as that of a Welsh tithe in our own days ; and further, that they should grant every husbandman a lease of his teinds for a certain fixed payment. Long ere this the teind had lost much of its character of a voluntary benefaction granted by the pious landowner, and had come to be regarded, not, as it really was, a property of the Church, but 204 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. rather as an impost wrung by the parson from the tiller of the soil. This was partly owing to the fact that its payment had commonly been transferred from the owner to the occupier of the land, and that it was collected by the in- cumbent personally, who was thus brought into an unpleasant relation with his parishioners, as one who seemed to be not so much drawing the fruits of his own share in the soil as taxing their industry. The king's sound advice, however, was not accepted ; and in the wild days that were coming on, the clergy had bitter reason to regret that they had not taken the opportunity he offered them, of removing the grievances of their taxes on death, and the personal exaction of their teinds. They, possibly, were not altogether inclined to be ruled by the royal counsels, for King James V. made no secret of his impatience of the mis- demeanours of their order and his disrespect for its members. The Court of Rome, alarmed lest he should follow the evil example of his power- ful kirisman and neighbour the King of England, plied him with every flattery and attention : sent special nuncios to confer with him ; sanctioned large subsidies being paid him out of the ec- clesiastical revenues, in furtherance of his English war ; bestowed on him the mystic cap and sword blessed by the Pope on Christmas night ; offered King James V, 205 him the title of " Defender of the Christian faith," — but in spite of these blandishments the king did not even affect a friendliness he did not feel. He encouraged Buchanan to satirise the Mendicant Friars in his play '' The Fran- ciscan " ; and he sat and listened when Sir David Lyndsay's ^'Satire of the Three Estates" ex- posed the clergy and their misdoings, on the public stage, to the frankest popular ridicule ; v^hile in an interview with the prelates, in his Court at Linlithgow, he hotly charged them with neglect of duty and the attempt to foment dis- cord between himself and his nobility, and as he warmed with his subject, striking his hand upon the short sword at his belt, he exclaimed — " Wherefore gave my predecessors so many lands and rents to the Kirk ? Was it to main- tain hawks, dogs, and harlots to a number of idle priests ? The King of England burns you, the King of Denmark beheads you ; but I shall stick 5^ou with this same whinger." At the time he uttered this fierce invective the clergy of Scotland had fallen low in the moral scale. The enjoyment of near four centuries' " Catholic " apostolic succession had failed to sustain and invigorate their apostolic character. Never was their lineal descent from the source of Catholic unity and authority, in S. Peter, techni- cally more unimpeachable ; never was the boasted 2o6 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. threefold ministry more hopelessly unlike that of the apostles. At no period in the history of the Scottish Church do its records reveal a baser type of character and conduct in the clergy — a more scandalous neglect of duty — a more sacrilegious worldliness and profane immoraHty on the part of almost all who held high office in the Church, or concerned themselves in its affairs. There were no doubt some good men both among the bishops and the priests ; but they were Hghts shining in dark places. That Kennedy, Arch- bishop of St Andrews, wise, learned, and devout, was, when he died in 1466, " lamented as a public parent,"^ is the testimony of so keen a Protestant and partisan as George Buchanan. Reid of Orkney and Douglas of Dunkeld were both men who had imbibed the spirit of the New Learning, to which their Church at large was stupidly indifferent. The one beautified the massive Cathedral of Kirkwall, and provided the first endowment for the University of Edinburgh; the other "gave to rude Scotland Virgil's page," and — "noble, vaHant, learned, and an excellent poet" — left behind him, as the historian of his illustrious family records, "great approbation of his virtues and love of his person, in the hearts of all good men." 2 Gavin Dunbar, Bishop of ^ Buchanan's History, book xii. 23. 2 Hume of Godscroft, Hist, of the Douglases. Shining Lights. 207 Aberdeen from 1518 to 1532, pious, generous, and enlightened — the friend of Hector Boece the historian of Scotland — is said to have spent the whole revenues of his see in works of charity and public utility. His predecessor, Elphinstone, the founder of King's College, was at once a man of letters, a statesman, and a true overseer of the Church — whether as an ambassador abroad, or in the Parliament and in his cathedral at home, doing his devoir as a public-spirited and patriotic servant of the Church and State. Among the humbler churchmen, too, there were men of God who mourned the evils of the times, and held closely to the truth as they understood it, — such as Ninian Winzet, school- master at Linlithgow, and ultimately Abbot of S. James's, Regensburg, erudite and honest, a lover of the ancient ways, but grieving over *' the decline of the true faith " and the ignorance and vice of his brethren in the priesthood, — "Alas ! " he says, "we are right sorry that it is true for the most part or more, that they are unworthy of the name of pastors " : ^ such as Thomas Forret, vicar of Dollar — kind and tender to the poor of his flock — a diUgent pastor and faithful preacher — faithful to the death, for because of ^ Winzet's Tractates: with introduction, notes, &c., by J. K. Hewison, M.A., F. S.A.Scot., Minister of Rothesay. Scottish Text Society. 2o8 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. his fidelity his end was to be burned. These, however, were the rare exceptions. When we look beyond them we behold a turbid sea of harlotry, simony, ignorance, superstition, mere worldliness and carnality, into whose foul waters the stately fabric of the Church is sinking lower and lower, as into an abyss of shame and ruin. To take a few examples. Of the last two primates of St Andrews one was the perse- cuting Beaton, notorious for his amours. So debauched was the moral feeling of the time that this most reverend father in God thought it no shame to attend publicly the nuptials of one of his daughters and the Earl of Craw- ford, which were performed, says Archbishop Spottiswoode, " with an exceeding pomp and magnificence." The other, himself a bastard son of the Earl of Arran, was the father of three bastards. The last Bishop of Aberdeen is described by Spottiswoode as *' a very epicure, spending all his time in drinking and whor- ing," and wasting great part of the revenues of the Church on his lemans and their children. The last Bishop of Moray made away fraudu- lently with the revenues of his see, and did not deny the charge of having thirteen con- cubines. Chisholm, the penultimate Bishop of Dunblane, robbed the revenues of the Church to enrich his three illegitimate sons. Of the four Clerical Immorality. 209 bishops of Argyll, from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the year 1558, two were illegitimate members of noble families ; and one had himself illegitimate offspring. But one need not multiply instances of the clerical degeneracy. The preamble of the canons of the Provincial Council, held in Edinburgh in 1549, frankly declared that the two chief causes of the existing troubles and heresies in the Church were the " crassa ignorantia " and " profana obscenitas vitse " of the general body of the churchmen. They stood condemned by their own tribunal. Yet with all this clerical criminality, it is not just to pass such a severe sentence on the religious condition of Scotland as is pronounced by Dr M'Crie, the biographer of Knox, who is but one of a class of zealous Protestant writers who can see no good thing in the pre-Reforma- tion Nazareth. "The corruptions," says Dr M'Crie, ''by which the Christian reHgion was universally distinguished before the Reformation, had grown to a greater height in Scotland than in any other nation within the pale of the Western Church." 1 This is not accurate. Beaton was cruel and profligate, but he was also a genuine patriot and able statesman. Scotland might breed a Beaton and a Chisholm, but she pro- duced no parallel to Pope Alexander VI. and ^ Life of Knox, Period ist. O 2IO Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish ChurcJi. his son, "the monster steeped in every crime." The Scottish feuds and factions were embittered and unrelenting ; but the country never exhibited such scenes of savage fanaticism and brutal inhumanity as rendered the religious wars of Bohemia and Hungary a horror and scandal to Christendom; nor had the holy office of the Inquisition ever established itself and practised its diabolical arts within the Scottish border. Moreover, education in Scotland had gained a high level. The Papacy discouraged popular education ; but the Scottish Government and the medieval Scottish Church, always inde- pendent in its spirit, fostered learning in spite of the Papacy. We find the proof of this in the scholastic system established in this country as early as the thirteenth century, and maintained in efficiency until broken up by the storms which burst upon the Church in the sixteenth. From early times we distinguish in Scotland three classes of schools — "Sang schools," which were connected with the cathedrals or the more important churches, and whose primary intention was to train singers for their musical services ; " Grammar schools," which were founded in most of the burghs; and "Monastic schools," which were attached to the monasteries. All these had this in common, that the education they afforded was under the charge of the Church, Scottish Education. 2 1 1 and of the monastic orders specially; and the method of management adopted was generally to appoint a single monk as director or inspector of the schools of a burgh or of a district, under whose superintendence other monks taught. The interest in education, which had distinguished the Columban Church, was not seriously impaired by its amalgamation with the Church of Rome. It survived in active force ; and before the founda- tion of any of the existing public schools of England (the oldest of which is Winchester, founded in 1387), we find the charge of the schools of Roxburgh intrusted in 1241 to the monks of Kelso, over whom was an official called ''the Rector of the Schools." In 1256 the statutes of the church of Aberdeen imposed on the chancellor of the cathedral chapter the duty of supervising the discipline, and teaching of the schools, of that city. Of the three classes of schools the sang schools were the most rudimentary — teaching music, reading, and grammar. They, indeed supplied the place of a system of primary schools, so far as they went. Their close connection with the Church tended to insure their extinction when the Reformation came ; and in 1579, when the mischief had been done, an Act was passed ordaining that sang schools should be provided in burghs for the 2 1 2 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. instruction of the youths in music and singing, which, says the Act, '' is like to fall in great decay without timeous remeid be provided." But an Act of the Scots Parliament could not restore the school in the cathedral cloister, and the tuneful monks who had taught it ; and Scottish sacred song has only now begun to regain its voice. In the grammar schools the course embraced Latin, thoroughly taught, and whatever was included under the terms " gram- mar and logic," with instruction in some of the modern languages, and in the principles and practice of arithmetic. The monastic schools were of a still higher grade, and appear to have been intended chiefly for the education of candi- dates for the priesthood, and for the sons of the nobility and greater landowners. These schools virtually supplied the place of the universities ere these arose. Those only were received into them who had already passed through the grammar or secondary schools, or had acquired instruction equivalent to theirs. One of the requirements was ''perfect Latin," which we suspect would nowadays rather thin the list of entrants to our colleges, and even to our Divinity Halls ; and the curriculum included philosophy and law. It is evident that such was the education given in the monastic schools that men were able to General Culture. 213 go direct from them, and take that place among Continental scholars and thinkers taken in the fourteenth century by John of Duns, in the fif- teenth by John Mair and Hector Boece, and in the sixteenth by George Buchanan. The general culture which prevailed, at least in every class above the rank of the rural peasantry, may be inferred from many indications in the Scottish life of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Thus a commission was issued in Buchanan's day, of which he was president, to rectify the inconveniencies arising from the use of different grammars in the schools. The existence of such a multiplicity of grammars, as to call for a com- mission of the kind, is a proof of no little educa- tional activity. II is obvious that French was familiarly known and spoken in Scotland from the thirteenth century. In many of the grammar schools no language was allowed to be used but Latin. When the Reformation dawned there was an eager demand for the Reformation litera- ture ; and though by that time the corruption of the clergy had become notorious, and the Church had lost much of its native spirit of independence, education was still very generally diffused ; and the Reformers' charge against the priests and monks was not that they left the people ignorant of their letters, but that they never instructed them in the veriest elements of religious truth. 214 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJinrch. Had religious instruction been offered them, the people were ready to receive and benefit by it. They were sufficiently educated to read books, and to understand intelligent teaching. Sir David Lyndsay says he wrote not for scholars, but ''for colliers, carters, and for cooks"; and his works, with those of Dunbar, passed through several editions in the sixteenth century. Luther's writings, smuggled across from Holland, were eagerly sought. In 1542 the Scots ParHament authorised the use of the Scriptures in the ver- nacular tongue, and John Knox testifies " there might have been seen the Bible lying upon almost every gentleman's table. The New Testament was borne about in many men's hands." But those who should have been the religious instructors of the people had no instruction to give them. They were illiterate, and ignorant of theology. The bishop never preached ; the par- ish priest seldom. Such preaching as was to be heard was from the mouths of the monks and mendicant friars, and it was, as a rule, but little to edification. There was no private or cate- chetical tuition. The ministry had utterly broken down, and failed as a means of grace — as an in- strument of religious teaching — as a guardian of morals — as the custodian of the apostles' doc- trine and fellowship. *' Even among the higher clergy," a Roman Catholic historian testifies, Degeneracy of Clergy. 215 " too many were more than suspected of leading lives the reverse of edifying; while the inferior ecclesiastics were lamentably deficient in that trained theological learning which alone could meet and overcome the dominant errors of the time. Above all, it is impossible to doubt that the knowledge which the people at large pos- sessed of the doctrines of their religion was insuf- ficient to enable them to cope successfully with the coming storm. * There,' said Bishop Leslie, speaking of the causes which led to the over- throw of the faith in Scotland — ' there is the source and origin of the evil, that the people, neglected by the clergy, and uninstructed in the Catechism in their tender years, had no sure and certain belief.' " ^ The hideous excesses of outrage and sacrilege, which followed in the track of the *' Lords of the Congregation," proved too plainly how wholly the populace had become demoralised under a worthless priesthood, and how thoroughly all respect for religion, its ordinances, its holy things and places, had been rooted out of the popular mind. Like priest, like people. The general morale was pitiably low. The " horrible crimes " which abounded in the realm, and which ecclesi- astical discipline had left unchecked, formed one of the earliest subjects on which the Reformers 1 Bellesheim, vol. ii. p. 322, Hunter Blair's translation. 2i6 Apostolic Ministry in tJie Scottish Church. appealed to the Government. The reader of the ' Book of the Universal Kirk ' will see how con- stantly the Church, when awakened from her torpor, strove to arrest the prevalent crimes and vices. The great religious revolution, in which Luther's trumpet blew the first note of war, had changed the whole constitution of the Church in many kingdoms of the Continent, and had worn itself out in England, ere yet Scotland felt its force. The remoteness of our country from the central scenes of conflict ; the weakness of the Govern- ment ; the turbulence of the nobles ; and the emigration of the flower of the Scottish scholars, acted as a barrier between Scotland and the revolutionary influences. It grew plain, how- ever, as the reign of James V. passed on, that Scotland must sooner or later be involved in the general crisis. Had any prelate or ruler of the Church been able by skill, diplomacy, strength of will, and firmness of administra- tion, to postpone the evil day, it would have been Cardinal Beaton, who in 1539 became Primate, and in Church and State the foremost man in Scotland. But even under his sway the spirit of freedom and reform grew stronger ; and he and the clergy began to think of putting their house in order. The swell of the far-off Conti- nental storm was reverberating on the Scottish English Invasion 0/1^46. 217 shore : they could scarcely hope that the tempest would pass away and leave untouched the churches and cathedrals, the monasteries and manses, of Scotland. Beaton was too sagacious not to see that there must be two measures for the safety of the Church — the one the repression of heresy, the other the reform of morals. But, in a con- vention of the clergy and bishops held at Edin- burgh in 1546, the discussion of these subjects was postponed to the exigencies of the war with England. The English had crossed the Border, and already Melrose, Kelso, Dryburgh, and Jed- burgh had been burnt. The convention voted a liberal subsidy — to be levied on benefices of more than ^40 in annual value. The repulse of Henry and the maintenance of the French alliance were to the clergy of such vital moment, that many of them are said to have fought in person at Pinkie, under a banner bearing the legend " Afflictas sponsse ne obliviscaris." Indeed the political combinations, necessary to thwart the English and reforming party, appear to have engrossed Beaton's attention more than any attempts at Church reform. If indeed that matter was de- bated at all, there was no result as regarded the all-important point of restraint of the abound- ing clerical immorality. Beaton was murdered ; but under his succes- sor, Hamiilton, council after council was sum- 2i8 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. moned to devise schemes of reform, and plans for the repression of ''heresy." If highly moral canons could have extinguished immorality, the Scottish priesthood would have been a pattern to Christendom. Could ecclesiastical thunder- bolts have demolished heresy, Scottish ortho- doxy would have rivalled that of Athanasius. But it was too late. There is an eagerness, half ludicrous half pathetic, in the solicitude with which the moribund ecclesiastical system looks round for causes of scandal, and proclaims its correctives and antidotes, persuading itself that the time for their application is not really over and gone. And yet no one appears to have really understood the fatal depth of the Church's fall from its early purity, its wholesome discipline and government, its high standard of duty and self-denial on the part of its clergy. Demoralised by long familiarity with wrong, and blinded by devotion to the Vicar of Christ, the clergy — igno- rant and worldly — did not apprehend, like the angel of the Church of Ephesus, " from whence they had fallen." They evidently did not see the fatal contrast between themselves and their pre- decessors in the Celtic era of the Church, which even in its decadence had never shown the grace- lessness, the impurity, the sluggish decrepitude, the collapse of decency, of discipline, of self- General Decadence. 219 respect, which marked the close of the Roman era. The old Celtic delight in the Word of God, and constant study of the Scriptures, had given place to their complete disuse and prohibition. The once hearty services had dwindled down to per- functory masses scantily attended. The careful preparation of candidates for the ministry had succumbed to a glaring system of nepotism, favouritism, and simony, which scattered office in the priesthood and the Episcopate among the baseborn, the greedy, the Hcentious, the incompe- tent and illiterate. The rigid discipline and care- ful order of the monastic Church had lapsed into the self-indulgence which made the so-called fast- days mere objects of popular ridicule, and the irreverence which turned the sacred ritual into general contempt. The Celtic combination of devoted loyalty to the ecclesiastical chief, and free play of individual zeal and genius, had long since died down into apathetic and sluggish formalism and routine. The people had no longer any share in the choice of their spiritual overseers ; nor was there any conscientious over- sight. The authority of the revered abbat had been superseded by the nominal rule of the bishop, whom — in nine cases out of ten — nobody revered or could revere. The Church had fallen, and no 220 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJmrch. ingenious canons of alarmed councils, no arch- bishop's Catechisms or *' Godly Exhortations," no professions or promises, could lift her out of her Slough of Despond. The Provincial Council of 1559 received from "the Lords of the Congregation," as those who had assumed the lead in the reforming movement were called, certain articles of reformation, indis- pensable, they maintained, to the welfare of the Church. These were, amendment of the lives and habits of the clergy ; satisfactory examination and proof of the requisite qualifications before ad- mission to orders ; that there should be a sermon delivered in every parish church on every Sunday, and if not also on every holiday, at least on Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday; that after mass the common prayer and litanies should be read in the vernacular ; and that no one should be allowed to dishonour, or speak irreverently of, or connive at the irregular celebration of, the sacraments, or to despoil or injure church, chapel, or religious house. These and other equally reasonable demands were not altogether satis- factorily answered. The request that the common prayers should be read in the vulgar tongue was refused ; but strict rules were laid down for the frequent preaching of the parish priest and the due instruction of the people, for the abolition of certain irritating exactions on the part of the Efforts at Reform. 221 clergy, and for the speedy reform of their loose ways of living — as well as for the regulation of pluralities, the examination of presentees to benefices, and the visitation of monasteries and nunneries. The scheme of improvement, by which the exigency of the crisis and the claims of the new ideas were to be met with safety, was, on the whole, respectable as a scheme, except in that particular of denying the use of the vernacular ; but it was a scheme on paper merely. The council could write it out, but could not translate it into action. And so far from reforming the Church, it has been affirmed, and probably with a measure of truth, that this set of reforming canons, instead of being a strength to the Church, accelerated the very catastrophe it was designed to avert. For the rigorous statutes of this council, and the obligations and restraints they imposed, were so distasteful to the younger clergy, that the dread of the novel discipline with which they were threatened inclined them to take their chance of greater liberty among the ranks of the Reformed, and to desert the old communion in its last extremity. Certainly among the many members of the clerical order who adopted the principles of the Reformation, all were not actuated by religious motives. The last act of the Provincial Council of 1559 was to appoint another, to be held at Edinburgh 222 Apostolic Miftistry in the Scottish Church. in the following year, to make inquiry as to the due execution of the canons, and take counsel as to any further questions of ecclesiastical discipline that might arise in the meantime. That council never met. It was summoned for the nth Feb- ruary 1560. By that date John Knox had arrived from Geneva, and had inflamed the popular pas- sions to the pitch of zeal, at which the godly congregation and the "rascal multitude" dealt indiscriminate devastation to the most venerable and historical edifices in their country. The noble churches and monasteries of Perth, the stately Palace and Abbey of Scone, the glorious Cathedral of St Andrews, the High Kirk and the royal Abbey of Edinburgh, with many more, had been sacked and ruined. The Government of the queen regent had been openly defied, and a rival power — that of the so-called '' Lords of the Con- gregation " — had entered into negotiations with Elizabeth, a foreign sovereign, in which she en- gaged to assist them in an alliance, offensive and defensive, against France. In pursuance of these negotiations, the Treaty of Berwick was concluded about the very time the council should have been sitting ; in virtue of which an English army of 8000 men entered Scotland, and, attacking the Scots and French forces of the Crown, pro- ceeded to promote the cause of rehgious reform with the sword. Then followed the death of the End of the Roman Period. 223 regent, the proclamation of peace between the Government and the Congregation, and the virtual triumph of the Reforming party, result- ing in the proscription of the mass, the down- fall of the Roman hierarchy, and the adoption of the Reformed Confession by the Parhament of 1560. The catastrophe was startling in its suddenness, its completeness, and its revelation of the prevail- ing ill-will towards the Church, and the undis- ciplined violence of party and sectarian passion, which marked the progress of a movement that was, in its earlier stages at least, more a political revolution than a religious reformation. Other causes were at work, in making the way of the movement plain, than that dissoluteness of the clergy and those ecclesiastical abuses to which I have directed your attention. One of these, and the most essentially religious of them, was the presence of that leaven of Wycliffite doctrine in the Lowlands, which no rigour of persecution had been able to eradicate. In their days of peril, some of Wycliffe's '' poor priests " had found shelter there ; and witnesses for the simple Gospel they preached had never been wanting. Many had sealed their testimony with their blood ; but the persecution of the '' heretics " begat that which it sought to destroy. In Scotland, as else- where, the blood of the martyrs was the seed of 224 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJinrcJi. the Church, but not of the Church that did homage to Rome. The spectacle of the martyr- doms of Patrick Hamilton, of George Wishart, of Thomas Forret, and of Walter Mylne, hardened the people's hearts against the bigoted hierarchy, and embittered the silent rage with which those who loved liberty and truth marked its inhuman tyranny. The goodwill of the middle class — mainly the burghers and traders — which included most of the intelligence, the sagacity, and the religious principle of the community, was hope- lessly alienated from the secular clergy, bishops and priests alike. They saw in them no tolera- tion of free thought — no belief in those truths of the Gospel which Wycliffe and Luther had taught them to value, and which bore to them the promise of liberty, reform, progress, in every de- partment of life, thought, and action. To all this the regular clergy were as hostile as the secular. The popular favour had fallen away from the monasteries. These for several genera- tions had enjoyed a just popularity. But luxury and laxity had made their way into the cloisters. The wealth and power of the great abbeys and monastic houses by-and-by rivalled, if they did not exceed, those of the principal nobles. The mitred abbat sat in Parliament, and was an im- portant social and political personage, the equal of the bishop and the peer. Much as the monks Popular Destructiveness. 225 had done for the people, they were doing com- paratively little when Henry VIII. began to dis- solve the great English houses and to plunder their revenues. The news of what went on south of the Tweed no doubt was familiar in the north ; and the popular envy and cupidity, engendered by the sight of the riches and splendour of the abbeys and monasteries, were not counterbalanced by an}^ deep sense of gratitude for good works done and pious services rendered to the people by their owners. The pride which any intelli- gent and educated Scot must have felt at the mention of their famous names was probably little, if at all, shared by the multitude, and was not even a strong sentiment with the more culti- vated class. We can mark few signs of the rever- ence which ought to have been inspired by the aspect and traditions of the abbatial and cathe- dral churches. The churches of either order were unusually grand in their architecture and wealthy in their possessions. And yet, so estranged was the common feeling from those who took charge of these historical temples, that no general effort was made to save them from the violence of the mob that roamed the country at the heels of the preachers and the '' Lords of the Congregation." And not only so, but the angriest passions of these disorderly innovators expended themselves in working havoc among the very noblest of those p 226 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. buildings. The devastation could not have been possible had not popular respect and affection become wholly detached from the monasteries — had there not been a deep-seated jealousy of the wealth and splendour of the great dignitaries, and a desire to level those who had hitherto held their heads so high. Yet another, and a very potent, factor in the ecclesiastical revolution, was the character of the Scottish nobles. Nowhere was the title of noble less appropriate than to the great majority of the members of the Scottish peerage. They were poor, mean, greedy, and unprincipled. Again and again, in the reigns of the Jameses, they had showed themselves treacherous to their country and disloyal to the Crown. Some were in the pay of England ; some in the pay of France. A disinterested and honest patriot was hard to find amongst the whole gang. They had long cherished a grudge against the Church, because it generally — if not always — took the side of the Crown in the monarch's frequent encounters with the factions of the nobility. They had long envied the Churchmen their large posses- sions, their well -cultivated farms, steady feudal tenants, and costly church furniture of silver and gold, more splendid and precious than any they could display in their own ancestral halls. They had long, also, regarded whatever material profit The Scottish Nobles. 227 they could make out of the Church as fair spoil. In this they had been fatally encouraged by the example of the Crown, and by the criminal laxity of the Church itself. When James IV. appointed his natural son, Alexander Stuart, Archbishop of St Andrews, at the age of eighteen, and took him with him to the field of Flodden, he was only giving a more than usually conspicuous illustration of a system which had treated royal and noble bastardy as a title to ecclesiastical promotion, and had looked on office in the Church as no bar to civil or even military em- ployment. And this system was unblushingly connived at by the Church. For three hundred years before the Reforma- tion, we may say, the Scottish bishops had never made the previous admission to orders an indis- pensable preliminary to admission to a benefice. Those of them who had a proper respect for their profession, and for the character of the clergy, might try to make this qualification im- perative ; but they tried in vain. They could not cope with the insatiable desire of the beggarly nobles to provide for their kindred or dependents at the Kirk's expense. They could not with- stand the monarch's thrifty purpose of endowing his illegitimate offspring out of the ecclesiastical revenues. The records of the diocesan and pro- vincial councils bear frequent witness that rec- 228 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. tories and other offices were filled by men who were not clerics. And it is acknowledged, with shame, by the best champions of the Roman Church in her conflict with the Reformers, that rich livings, with the cure of thousands of souls, were held by persons utterly incompetent and un- qualified. The root of this laxity may probably be traced to the loose practices of the Culdees in sanctioning the hereditary tenure of benefices, and in allowing their endowments to lapse into lay hands : but the laxity had never been properly repressed ; and it grew with the growth of the Church, till, on the eve of the Reformation, it had gained a rampant and indecent notoriety. All these abuses had whetted the nobles' appetite for the plunder of the Church. As long as she stood secure and unassailed, fortified by the august authority of Rome and the pro- tection of the law, it was easy, by intrigue or evasion of canon or statute, to grasp at a benefice here and there ; but it was impossible to appro- priate, with the wholesale audacity of Henry VIII., the general possessions of abbey, cathedral, and well-dowered rectory. But, let the religious passions of the people only be stirred to the need- ful fervour, then the bishops might be driven off, the monks unfrocked, the parish priest frightened into submission, and the goodly heritage of the Church would be the prey of the strongest of the Their Rapacity. 229 depredators. There can be little doubt that the nobles argued thus; — that their reforming zeal was in most cases the mere stalking-horse of their wolfish avarice, and that their desire to rob the Church was one of the most efficient causes of the religious revolution called the Scottish Refor- mation. In no country were the various elements which combined to produce the religious revolu- tion of the sixteenth century of a more complex kind ; but certainly in none did the movement, as a whole, owe less to that class which should have set the example of disinterested patriotism, to say nothing of religious principle. I have spoken of those causes which helped to accelerate this great reforming movement, when it at last reached Scotland, and to secure its rapid and irresistible progress. In every such movement, however, the crowning impetus and final direction, which determine not only its success but stamp it with its special character, is a personal force. It was so here : the per- sonal force was John Knox, next to Columba the most striking figure and most creative influence in Scottish history. 230 LECTURE VII. The character, influence, and career of John Knox have been so often and so ably discussed and expounded by historians and critics, from many and different points of view, that I do not propose entering on a field already fully occupied.^ I wish merely to indicate the nature of his work as the leader of the Scottish Refor- mation. To become the leader of any national move- ment in Scotland was no easy undertaking. For generations the country had been divided, politically and ecclesiastically, between three factions : the faction of the king and the nobles who stood by him ; the faction of the nobles who were in revolt or opposition ; and the faction of the Church, which not unsuccessfully ^ And most recently, and in a very thorough and exhaustive manner, by Mr Hume Brown in his biography of the Reformer ; and by Mrs MacCunn in her brilliant contribution to the series of " Leaders of Religion." John Knox, 231 held its own between the other two, and which was upon the whole, although spiritually tyran- nical, not unkindly in its relations to the people. The difficulty of initiating and carrying out any general scheme of policy or reform, in a nation so disrupted, was seriously aggravated by the presence, in its northern regions, of a race differ- ing in language and in its degree of civilisation from its neighbours, and full of warlike and predatory instincts. Knox's achievement was that he, a man sprung from the middle class, and a simple member of the common priesthood, taking his own independent way, became the national leader. In spite of the anger of the Crown, the false friendship and the selfish duplicity of the majority of the nobles, the indifference of some and the unenlightened zeal of others of the commonalty, he was able to inspire the national mind with higher moral ideals than it had hitherto been conscious of, with a self-respecting desire for liberty of life and thought, and a consequent detestation of the unspiritual oppression of the Roman Church ; and so to combine and direct towards the great end of national enfranchisement all those feel- ings, desires, and forces, which were in sympathy with the world-movement of the Reformation. That his ways were often rude and his manners harsh and churlish, we do not deny ; nor, re- 232 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. membering that he had spent eighteen months of his manhood among the galley - slaves in a French galley, do we greatly wonder at it. That he was bigoted and intolerant is scarcely to be imputed to him for unrighteousness. Bigotry and intolerance were inextricably woven into the ideas of a time in which tolerance was an almost impossible virtue. Elijah on Mount Carmel could not tolerate the priests of Baal, if he was to overthrow the idolatry of Israel ; Knox in Edinburgh could not tolerate the mass, if he was to win civil and religious freedom for Scotland. So at least it appeared to him. The more liberal and tolerant spirit of Maitland of Lethington (as has been recently urged with singular ability in Mr Skelton's admirable book)^ desired a policy of comprehension, if not of compromise, theoretically more humane and just than Knox's policy of *' Thorough"; but such a policy, at such a time, was thrown away on the Irreconcilables whom it would fain have reconciled. Knox took a rougher but directer road. He fought intolerance with its own weapons. Any others would not have even dinted the breastplates of the foe. He had been less touched than any other reformer with the humane charm of the New Learning. He ^ Maitland of Lethington and the Scotland of Mary Stuart. By John Skelton, LL.D., C.B. His Intolerance. 233 had none of the "sweet reasonableness" of Melanchthon, none of ZwingH's urbane sense of civic equity and social charity. He was not troubled with humanitarian scruples about using the sword of the Lord and of Gideon, when he saw an enemy or evil-doer, however stalwart or pretentious, before him. His life's battle was against the enemies of Christ's Church, and in that battle he feared God and knew no other fear. "If Knox," says Dr Schaff — that his- torian and scholar, Swiss by birth, American by adoption, whose removal the whole Reformed Church deplores — " if Knox lacked the sweet and lovely traits of Christian character, it should be remembered that God wisely distributes His gifts. Neither the polished culture of Erasmus, nor the gentle spirit of Melanchthon, nor the cautious measures of Cranmer, could have accomplished the mighty change in Scotland. Knox was, beyond doubt, the providential man for his country. . . . Such fearless and faithful heroes are among the best gifts of God to the world." And just as truly says Mr Froude, who alone among English writers has shown a hearty ap- preciation of the character of the man he calls "the grandest figure in the entire history of the British Reformation," — " Toleration is a good thing in its place, but you cannot tolerate what will not tolerate you and is trying to cut your 234 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. throat. . . . Knox and the Covenanters fought the fight and won the victory ; and not till then came the David Humes w^ith their essays on miracles, and the Adam Smiths with their political economies, and steam-engines and rail- roads, and philosophical institutions, and all the other blessed or unblessed fruits of liberty." And this is all the truer because, though ani- mated throughout by the highest religious prin- ciple, and originating in the effort to reform the doctrine and practice of religion as then estab- lished in his native land, the mission of Knox was much deeper in its meaning, and wider in its scope, than any purely religious or mere dogmatic or ecclesiastical enterprise could ever be. His merit and power lay in this, that he recognised, more clearly perhaps than any other reformer, the essential character of the Reforma- tion as the revolt of humanity against dominant oppression — the assertion of the human right to liberty of life, intellectual, moral, political. In Scotland, as in Switzerland especially, the Reformation was the assertion and vindication of what may be broadly called '* popular rights." And notwithstanding all the rudeness of the methods — the coarseness and violence, at this point or that, in the struggle to clear the way — the Scottish Reformation, as led by Knox, was a long and resolute step in the upward path of His a Rough Work. 235 light and liberty. It involved much destruction of that which might have been reasonably held sacred from assault; the desecration of much which old association and reverence had con- secrated ; the waste of much that might have been saved for the highest ends of national wel- fare. The reckless overturn of many things that should have been the objects of popular respect, engendered a hardness of sentiment and a rough- ness of manner which have survived long enough to become a kind of national reproach ; but, rough and ugly as the process of transition from the old to the new and the means of emancipa- tion from the ancient regime were, the work in itself was substantially righteous and salutary. It probably could not have been wrought out more delicately, nor accomplished except at the cost of all the pain and travail, which must accom- pany moral, social, and political, new birth. " It was not a smooth business," as Carlyle says,^ " but it was welcome surely, and cheap at that price — had it been far rougher on the whole, cheap at any price, as hfe is." The tradition of ecclesiastical dignity and influence was broken ; the prerogative of the Crown was boldly ques- tioned ; the rights and privileges of the nobles were freely invaded ; the old bonds and usages of society were loosed, and knocked about ; but 1 Essays on Heroes : The Hero as Priest, 236 Apostolic ]\Iinistry in the Scottish CJnircJi. the people began to live a higher life, and a coherent Scottish realm became a possibility. Knox had imbibed at Geneva a large share of the spirit of austere discipline and relentless severity which characterised the administration and the theology of Calvin. " The Lord thy God is a jealous God, visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children," was an aspect of the Almighty's character much more to his mind than "the Lord retaineth not anger for ever, because He delighteth in mercy." Jael, the wife of Heber the Kenite, who drove her inhospitable spike through the temples of her sleeping guest, was in his eyes a nobler type of womanhood than Mary with her box of ointment, which was not sold for 300 pence and given to the poor. An intense conviction of the rectitude of his own course, and the truth of his own doctrine — a gloomy certainty of the hopeless perdition des- tined for his gainsayers and opponents — a pre- vailing sense of the justice and inevitability of God's ways and judgments, — these, coupled with an inexorable standard of morality, gave Knox a strong and stern hold upon the general mind and conscience ; but they also imparted to his influ- ence that character of hard - heartedness and uncharitableness, of Puritanic austerity and self- righteousness, which has too long infected the religion of Scotland. The same influence was General Morale. 237 unfavourable to the growth of a pure morale. Ethical purity and integrity will never result from laws of unmerciful stringency and discipline of unrelenting vigour ; and from the many lamentations which we find in the post- Refor- mation literature over the prevalence of crimes and vices of a flagrant sort, it is evident that the old corruptions had been by no means wholly rooted out of the general community. How little the upper and governing classes, the men of rank and estate, were swayed by religious principle in the part they played during the reforming period — how wholly selfish and par- tisan their motives were — how devoid they, on the whole, were of honesty and honour, is proved, as I have already indicated, by their frequent treacheries, by their lives, in many cases of gross licentiousness,, and by their unscrupulous robbery of the patrimony of the Kirk. It is not among the mere peasantry on the one hand, nor the nobility and great landowners on the other, that we find the fruits of righteousness during the life- time of Knox and his successors in the sixteenth century; but rather among the lesser landowners, and the members of the middle class, whose growth in general influence and rise in political and social power the Reformation did much to promote. Those who maintain the necessity of a three- 238 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. fold order in the Christian ministry, and deny the right of any Church not owning that order to be regarded as a true branch of the Church cathoHc, represent the reformation in Scotland as the close of the Scottish Church's ecclesias- tical existence, the collapse of its apostolic ministry, and the institution of a new form of schism in that country.^ Such a representation has no warrant in the facts of the case. I showed you, in my first lecture, that the threefold order of bishop, priest, and deacon is no part of the constitution of the apostolic Church ; that the only two orders recognised in the New Testament are those of the elder or overseer and the deacon ; that the episcopate emerged from the presbyterate, in post-apostolic times, by a natural evolution ; and that the con- gregational episcopacy of the early Church was essentially different from the diocesan episcopacy of the medieval. Further, I pointed out that the catholicity and apostolicity of a Church could not depend on its owning a certain mode of government ; but on its spirit and character, its holding the true faith, and possessing an 1 " Churchmen," to avoid the wrong done to their principles by calling the Church of Scotland by its proper name, use the term "Kirk" (which comes exactly to the same thing); but sometimes their "object is attained by the more splenetic periphrasis of 'that form of schism which is established in Scotland.' " — Duke of Argyll, Presbytery Examined, Preface. TJie Reformed Orders. 239 orderly and properly authenticated ministry. Moreover, we saw that, in the original idea of the Church, prominence was given to the great principle of the priesthood of the Christian people — the principle which strikes at the root of all sacerdotalist pretension and superstition. The history of the primitive Church had been long forgotten in Scotland, its principles had been ignored. That embodiment of them in the Columban Church, to which the country was indebted for its peculiar type of religious worship, life, church government, and organi- sation, had been overlaid by the cumbrous paraphernalia imported from Rome ; and the results had been what I described in my last lecture. The task that Knox and his coadjutors had to face was not the invention of any novelties : it was simply the removal of the accumulated abuses of ages, and the reassertion of the truths and rights which these had hidden out of sight — the clearing away of lumber and litter, that the ancient foundations and vener- able walls of the house of God might be re- stored to view. In the whole process there was no schism. To renounce '' the usurped authority of the Roman antichrist " ^ was not schismatic. ^ The King's Covenant of 1580 — known afterwards as "The National Covenant," and as such subscribed in 1590, 1638, 1639, and by King Charles II. in 1650 and 1651. 240 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish C/mrch. It was a necessary vindication of national inde- pendence. No national Church can be schis- matic so long as it holds the Catholic faith. Rome is not the centre and crown of Christian unity ; nor is the Pope the vicar of Christ, in any sense in which any faithful minister of His Word and bishop of a flock is not His vicar. It was not the spirit of schism, but the spirit of purity, freedom, and truth, that compelled the Church of Scotland to sever its communion with that of Rome, and to abjure its unworthy allegiance to the Roman bishop. In doing so, and in re- adjusting the conditions of the National Church, the reformers reverted to primitive and apostolic principles and models. They restored to the " brethren " (the general body of the faithful) their long - withheld rights as members of the Church, and their share in its self-government. They abolished the bloated and unapostolic prel- acy, which had too long lorded it over God's heritage. They cleansed the worship of the con- gregations from the superstitious and unscriptural accretions which had disfigured the once purer ritual of our fathers, and they gave its former place in that ritual to the reading and preaching of the Word. While retaining unaltered the CEcumenical creeds of the Apostles and of Nica^a, they drew up and obtained legislative sanction for a confession of the faith as held, in its in- Extent of Changes Made. 241 tegrity, by themselves and the rest of the re- formed Churches. All this was not accomplished without some concomitant outbursts of popular fanaticism and excitement, and selfish obstruction from professed friends of reform, much to be deplored ; but the work was attended with less disturbance in the external circumstances of the Church, and less change in the personnel of its clergy, than might have been expected. Though the Church lands and other endowments were freely plundered, her territorial position remained unassailed. The churches, manses, and glebes were let alone. Her parishes were not meddled with. The ruling power of the Church was transferred from the bishops to the General Assembly, which was only a modification of an institution already familiar in Scotland. Ever since the year 1225, when the clergy obtained the Pope's sanction to their holding provincial councils, these, as we have seen, had sat from time to time, and regulated the affairs of the Church. The General Assembly was the counterpart of those old councils, which had helped to pre- serve the Church's independence; but the intro- duction of the laity to a share of their delibera- tions made the reformed conventions at once more truly national, and liker to the primitive model of the Ecclesiastical Synod. Q 242 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. The change in the actual composition of the clerical body, effected by the Reformation, was slighter than is commonly supposed. The first General Assembly, or National Reformed Church Council, was held in 1560, and numbered but forty - two members, of whom only six were ministers, and of these six four were reformed priests. To them the national voice, speaking through the Parliament, intrusted the task of framing anew the constitution of the Church. It was done so ably and thoroughly, that in seven years the staff of the Church included five superintendents, 289 ministers, and 715 "readers" — over 1000 in all. These must have been found for the most part among the Romanist clergy. They were not foreigners ; and among the natives of Scotland the clergy were almost the only possessors, though by no means generally the possessors, of the quali- fications necessary for the duties of minister, preacher, and reader. Five of the Romish bishops — those of Orkney, Caithness, Argyll, the Isles, and Galloway — adopted the principles of the Reformation : but Roman Catholic writers question whether some of these had been validly consecrated under papal sanction ; and our information as to their posi- tion and functions in the communion of the Reformed is very vague. There is no doubt. Continuity of the Ministry. 243 however, that a considerable number of the secular clergy, and not a few of the regulars also, conformed. Some of the former remained in their old parishes, as ministers : others were appointed at the discretion of the General As- sembly, as readers, and were promoted from that office to the full ministry, when pronounced " most qualified for ministering the Word and sacraments." In the 115 parishes in the Synod of Perth and Stirling, Dr Hew Scott's^ researches in their records discovered at least thirteen appointments of those who had certainly been in Roman orders, and many more of those who presumably had been so. The proportion was probably not less in other districts. The fact is interesting, as illustrating the spontaneity of the process by which the Church reformed her- self from within, and without any violent rupture of the continuity of her ministry. Those who take a natural interest in tracing the regular sequence of office and order in the Church, and who attribute a proper value to the element of a true apostolical succession, find with satisfac- tion that the great transformation, which passed upon the Kirk in the sixteenth century, thus involved no break in that sequence and suc- cession. The old order changed, giving place to the new ; but between the two there was no ^ Author of the ' Fasti Ecclesire Scoticanre.' 244 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Chitrch. absolute disruption. Out of the Romanist emerged the Reformed ministry. As, four hun- dred years before, the Celtic Church had been amalgamated with the Church of Rome, so now, though the passage was more rapid and stormy, the Romanist was in part absorbed into, in part superseded by, the Reformed. The Church, from the days of David to those of Mary, had been under that government of bishops, in which the members of the Church in general had no share. The bishops were subservient to a foreign authority at Rome. This government was now set aside, and with it was discarded the sacerdotal conception of the Church on which it rested. The Reformers reverted to the apostolic conception of the Church, as the Christian community in the completeness of its whole membership. The government was vested in an assembly which, like the first Christian councils, contained both clergy and laity — "elders" and ''brethren." Under this General Assembly other courts were instituted, not im- mediately, but as the process of the Church's development and consolidation permitted. The lowest of these was the kirk-session, the next was the presbytery, the third the synod. The session consisted of the minister, elders, and deacons of one parish ; the presbytery of a minister and elder from each of a group of " Call " and Ordination. 245 parishes ; the synod of a minister and elder from each parish of the several presbyteries within the synodical bounds. Admission to the ministry had, under the Roman regime^ been at the pleasure of the bishops. The old scrupulous preparation and conscientious training of the Celtic Church had been utterly rehnquished ; and ordination had been profaned and bartered, while the people's right to a voice in the ap- pointment of their spiritual teachers and guides had been habitually flouted. All this was now amended. The " call " of the Christian con- gregation was recognised as the primary basis of admission to the cure of souls. Before the person so called could be admitted he must be strictly examined by the presbytery, or — before the definite erection of presbyteries — by the ministers of a district acting together in a pres- byterial capacity, who must satisfy themselves as to his adequate learning, good character, and general capacity for the work of the ministry. If he stood the examination, he might then be ordained — not otherwise. At first, and for a few years after 1560, the laying on of the hands of the presbytery, which was the visible sign of the commission granted to the candidate, was dis- used. This abrupt departure from apostolic usage was justified in the ' First Book of Dis- cipline ' by the curious plea, *' Albeit the apostles 246 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. used imposition of hands, yet seeing the miracle is ceased, the using of the ceremony we judge not necessary." Knox and the other authors of that book were evidently under the impression that the apostles, by the imposition of hands, imparted some miraculous gift — a superstition they ought to have rid themselves of when they bade farewell to ^*the works of men's invention," such as— to use Knox's own words — "pilgrimages, pardons, and other sic baggage."^ They might have remembered that of the earliest of all or- dinations it is recorded that Moses was com- manded to lay his hand on Joshua — not that he might receive the Spirit, but — because the Spirit was already in him.^ It is in connection with the reformed use in ordination, and the transference of the act from the bishop to the presbytery, that the charge is brought against the Church of having thereby separated itself from the Church Catholic. We cannot admit the charge as valid. The "laying on of the hands of the Presbytery," to which S. Paul refers as the warrant of Timothy's ministry,^ had gradually given way, as we have seen, to the laying on of the hands of the president of the presbyters, as the essential element in ordination. The old rite now recov- ered its original form. The diocesan bishop no ^ History, book i. - Num. xxvii. 18. •' 1 Tim. iv. 14. Ordination by Presbyters. 247 longer was allowed to usurp the privilege of admitting whomsoever he would to the minis- try. The congregational bishops, acting together in a recognised and orderly court, resumed their control of the function which guarded the sacred portal of the sanctuary, but which had been grievously abused. The episcopate, being a mere post-apostolic development from the presbyterate, could have no exclusive claim to appropriate a right of which the presbyterate was the original depositary, and to exercise a power which pres- byters had exercised before bishops, as distinct from presbyters, had been heard of. The theory of episcopal apologists that, while the apostles " ordained " in all the churches presbyters, who had no authority to confer ordination in their turn, they " consecrated " a few chosen men to a rank higher than the presbyters and equal to their own, " quahfying them to ordain deacons and presbyters, and, when necessary, to impart their full commission to others," ^ is a theory merely, without historical support. In the Roman Church ordination of a priest is a sacrament ; consecration of a bishop is not. Whatever peculiar and efficacious grace resides in the sacrament, must therefore be held, by that Church, to belong to the priest, not to the bishop. The bishop, at least, receives no fresh or ^ Dean Hook, Church Dictionary, p. 727. 248 Apostolic Mmistry in the Scottish Chiwch. greater share of the sacramental grace, through his (non- sacramental) consecration. This fact marks the priesthood as the order in which the sacred deposit of grace and authority, originally committed by the apostles to their successors (whatever that may amount to), is actually to be found. ^ The Scottish presbyters who arranged the organisation of the Reformed Church had no scruple in acting upon this principle. At the call of the people they examined a man's fit- ness for the ministry, — if fit, they ordained him. Having no more faith in episcopal government than in episcopal ordination, they vested the Church's administration in duly formed courts, ^ " To test the matter practically — the credentials of the apostles were the ability to cure diseases, to take up serpents, and to drink of deadly poison without harm : power was also given them to pardon sins. It is recorded in holy Scripture that they did actu- ally cure diseases, and of one of them it is recorded that the bite of a venomous reptile did him no harm ; but they seem to have seldom or never pardoned sins. Now, any who claim to be suc- cessors of the apostles by apostolical succession, and who claim by that succession to be possessed of similar graces and powers, should surely therefore show the credentials of apostles. Will they, then, cure diseases ? No ! Will they, then, handle the deadly rattle- snake ?. No ! Will they drink of poison ? No ! Will they pardon sins ? Yes ! — they, and those of the inferior grade of presbyters, will pardon sins. That is to say, that they cannot do what the apostles did, but profess to be able to do what the apostles seem not to have done — and that an easy matter, which any one can say he can do. According, then, to this Scriptural test, any who claim to be as the apostles of Jesus Christ, by apostolical succession, are but false apostles, and the doctrine a blasphemous figment." — Tod's Protestant Episcopacy in relation to Apostolical Succession, p. 22. The Deacon mtd the Elder. 249 in which the representatives of the people, called the elders, as well as the deacons, acted along with the ministers in all matters affecting the interests of the Church and congregation, except in the ministry of the Word and sacraments. The only orders recognised were two, those of the presbyter or minister and the deacon. The deacon now resumed his proper place in the Church, not as a subordinate assistant in the services and aspirant to the priesthood, but as the Church's almoner, or " distributor," intrusted with the care of the poor, and of the properties and goods of the Church. He sat in the kirk- session, but had not the governing voice and vote there allowed to the elders ; who, in the Reformed Church, held a place peculiar to them- selves, the true significance of which has been obscured by the attempt, repeatedly made, to in- vest their office with a spiritual character, which it does not properly possess or historically claim. ^ The name of these officials is Scriptural, but the office itself was an outcome of the reforming policy which had originated in Switzerland. There, and especially in Zurich, under Zwingli, the relation of Church and State was pre-emi- ^ For an example of this attempt, which has no doubt some sanction in the ' Second Book of Discipline,' see ' The Eldership of the Church of Scotland,' by the Rev. J. G. Lorimer. For an able and learned exposition of the opposite view, see ' The Ruling Eldership,' by the late Principal P. C. Campbell, D.D. 250 Apostolic Minis tiy in the Scottish Church. nently intimate, and the representatives of the people had a place and power in the administra- tion of the Church, unknown either in the East or West since the apostolic and earliest patristic times. Scotland was in so much the disciple of Switzerland, that it need not surprise us to find this special mode of according full recognition to the lay element in Church government repro- duced in our ecclesiastical constitution. The elders of the Kirk were the embodiment of the apostolic principle that the Church was the whole body of the faithful, and of the Swiss practice of associating certain men with the pastors in the government of the Church, as the representatives of that whole body. The elders were not '* pres- byters " in the sense in which that word is iden- tical with bishops or ministers : they were the *' elders of the people," in the sense in which the term was used in Old Testament times to designate those who, by reason of age, station, or character, were regarded as worthy represen- tatives of the rest of the community. The elder is defined in the ' First Book of Discipline ' as a man of good life and godly conversation ; without blame and all suspicion ; careful for the flock ; wise, and above all things fearing God. His oflice is defined as consisting in governing along with the ministers, in consulting, admon- ishing, correcting, and ordering all things apper- The Reader. 251 taining to the state of the congregation ; and as differing from the office of the ministers, in that it includes neither preaching the Word nor minis- tering the sacraments. The elder's co-operation with the clergy included all administrative busi- ness. The elder at first, as also the deacon, held office only for a year at a time, but later this restriction was removed. Another functionary who obtained a vocation in the remodelled system was the Reader. For this also there was primitive warrant. His office was one well known in the early Church. In Cyprian's days the reader was appointed to read to the congregation from the Scriptures or other permitted writings, such as the Pastor of Hermas and the Epistles of Clement of Rome. The office was then regarded, and coveted, as forming a step- ping-stone to the priesthood. The Scottish reader was deputed to places where there was no settled ministry, that he might read the common prayers and Scriptures before the congregation, and some- times even add a word of exhortation. The office might be held by a deacon if he were qualified ; but it was intended to be, as a general rule, only a temporary one, and a substitute for that of the settled minister. The readers were commonly chosen, as I have said, from the ranks of the conforming priests ; and from the carefulness with which evidence of their ability to discharge the 252 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. duty is required, it is plain that the office of the priest in the unreformed Kirk was often held by a man who could not read the English language intelligibly, and whose literary acquirements pre- sumably extended no further than to such an ac- quaintance with the missal as enabled him to stumble through the celebration of the mass. The readers (with what appears to be the ine- radicable desire of unlicensed persons to usurp the office of the licentiate — a desire commonly strongest in those whose incapacity renders its indulgence least desirable) proved a somewhat intractable set of functionaries, and again and again we find the General Assembly discharging them from the assumption of ministerial duties beyond their own sphere. It would be a mistake to suppose that the government of the Reformed Church of Scotland was settled on a dogmatic basis, or in accordance with a preconceived theory of the jus divimun of Presbytery. There is, on the contrary, clear evidence that the first Reformers had no dogmatic hatred of Episcopacy, or attachment to Presby- tery. Among the reforms which the Lords of the Congregation craved in their first petition, abolition of Episcopacy was not included, or even named. The episcopal function was con- tinued in the appointment of the reformed Super- intendents ; and the Episcopal order, as an order. Superintendents. 253 was regarded with tolerance, if not with respect, by those who rebelled against the domination and the doctrines of Rome. What brought Epis- copacy into discredit was the character of the prelates, who represented it in Scotland before and at the date of the Reformation, and the ten- acity with which they clung to the Roman con- nection, w^hen the nation had made up its mind to renounce what the reforming Act of Parliament called '' the Pope of Rome and his usurped authority." The bishops' fidelity to Rome de- stroyed their influence in Scotland, where pop- ular sympathy and reverence had already been alienated by their worldly lives, their neglect of duty, their preference of the interests of the Roman Church to those of the Scottish nation, and the many ecclesiastical abuses w^hich they had connived at and encouraged. Thus, when the destructive stage of the Reforming movement was passed, and men began to reconstruct a some- what shattered system, there was no effort made to adapt the old episcopate to reformed condi- tions. At the same time, the expediency of the episcopal function was too apparent to allow that function to.be discarded. One of the first recon- structive acts of the Reformers was, therefore, to perpetuate it, through the appointment of those who were called "Superintendents" — a name exactly equivalent to that of bishop or 254 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. overseer ; and designating an official who, under reformed conditions, would supply to the Church all that was best in the function of the Celtic abbat or the " Catholic " bishop. The Reformers were not hampered in this by any theory either for or against the episcopal order. They did not believe it was of divine institution ; they did not believe it was of satanic origin. What was useful and apostolic in the discredited office they would preserve. They would have wise and good men acting as overseers of the churches, the advisers of their brethren — the superintendents of their work— not in virtue of an authority vested in a traditional hierarchy, and exercised at the dictation of a foreign potentate, but an authority conferred by the Church itself in order to meet its own necessities, and for the proper exercise of which those clothed with it were to be respon- sible to the Church, as represented by its Gen- eral Assembly. Those who have imbibed Andrew Melville's ideas as to the inherent mischief of Episcopacy, and the inherent virtue of Pres- bytery — ideas unknown to Knox and his coad- jutors — have made a practice of representing the office of superintendent as a mere temporary ex- pedient, and an excrescence on the Presbyterian system. In point of fact, it was one of the earli- est and most carefully devised institutions of the Reformed Church — adapted to be permanent, Presbyterian Parity. 255 and held, as it was, at the will of the great gov- erning council, regarded as perfectly in accord- ance with Presbyterian theory and practice. For Presbytery, we must remember, does not mean the simple assertion of that questionable entity called '* Presbyterian parity." It means the government of the Church by presbyters — by the whole body of the ministry and those associ- ciated with them for purposes of government, and not by bishops or the members of a special class, claiming to govern not as the represent- atives of the whole body of the Church, but in virtue of an alleged divine commission. That parity, which insists on holding that every pres- byter shall be considered the equal of every other, and that there shall be no ascending scale of office or function in the ecclesiastical body, and which has therefore rejected the order of superintendents, is practically untenable. It is not exhibited even in the Church of which it is supposed to be a distinctive principle. Apart from the imparities created by individual char- acter and genius, there are the imparities un- avoidable under any active and intelligent organ- isation. He who is primus inter pares is for the time being as much cceteris impar as if they were not his peers. The Moderator of a presbytery or Assembly is the temporary president, with powers belonging as specially to his office as if 256 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. he were a superintendent. The difference be- tween the prerogatives of the minister of a parish and those of the minister of an unendowed chapel is as distinct as if the one and the other belonged to a separate order of ecclesiastics. If Presby- terian parity exist at all in more than in name, it is as much infringed by a commission of the General Assembly being empowered to exercise, occasionally, and inconveniently, those duties of supervision which were discharged regularly and without friction or offence by the duly consti- tuted superintendents of the Church of the Re- formation. There is no reason to believe that those who instituted the office contemplated its early abolition. That abolition was owing to the development of extreme theories, and the illegiti- mate revival of that pretended Episcopacy which the nobility set up to serve their own rapacious purposes. But two of the most prominent features of the reformed system of Church government, as organised by Knox and those who acted with him, were the governing General Assembly of the Church: and under it and responsible to it the superintendent. The system of superintendency was never carried out in the fulness of its design. The only districts or dioceses which were actually planted were those of Glasgow ; Angus and Mearns ; Argyll and the Isles ; Lothian ; and Fife. Election of Superintendent. 257 But the intention was to provide superintendents also for Orkney ; Ross ; Aberdeen ; St Andrews ; Jedburgh; and Dumfries; and thus to occupy the whole area of the Church. In the appointment of a superintendent, the ministers, elders, and deacons of the chief town in the province or diocese, along with the magistrates and council, nominated two or three of ''the most learned and godly ministers within the whole realm " ; and every church in the province was at liberty to do the same. Public intimation of the names was duly made, and after thirty days, all the nominees were subjected to a searching ex- amination, at the hands of the clergy of the pro- vince and certain of the already appointed super- intendents. After this a vote was taken — proxies from absent ministers being allowed — and he for whom the majority voted was set apart, in a solemn service, to the office of superintendent. He was not required to resign his parochial charge, but obtained assistance in it, that he might not be hindered in his episcopal work. The appointment of ministers began with the ''call" of the people, on which followed strict examination by the other presbyters of the bounds : after which, if found duly qualified, the candidate was by them solemnly ordained. In the appointment of elders the minister and kirk -session drew up a " leet " for the people R 258 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. to choose from. So also in the case of the deacons. One of the wholly new features of ecclesiastical arrangement, to which prominence is given in the First Book of Discipline, was the institution of the '' Exercise," as it was called. It was one of the healthiest of the marks of the Church's aban- donment of sacerdotalist traditions. It was an emphatic assertion of her belief in the great truth of the priesthood of the whole Christian family. The exercise was a kind of general or congrega- tional assemblage, which was to be held once a-week, with the express object of bringing the members of the Church together on a basis of social union, for mutual edification, and for the exercise of the individual ''gift" which each might possess. The object in view was " that the Kirk have judgment and knowledge of the graces, gifts, and utterances of every man within their body ; the simple and such as have somewhat profited shall be encouraged daily to study and to prove in knowledge, and the whole Kirk shall be edified. . . . Every man shall have liberty to utter and declare his mind." It was, though new in the Scottish Church, but a reversion to the apostolic usage, the proper rules for which S. Paul suggests to the Corinthians ; ^ and was singularly well adapted for knitting the Church together in ^ I Cor, xiv. " The Exerciser 259 friendly intimacy, and in religious and intellectual intercourse. The conventionality, which took the place of sacerdotal tradition, and stiffened the de- velopment of the Reformed Church, gradually transformed this free and intelligent conference — wherein all took an equal part — into a more formal meeting, in which the minister gradually assumed the lead, if he did not indeed monopolise the whole functions ; so that, to use the words of Edward Irving, "our church meetings" (and he does not exclude those of the Lord's Day), " from being for edification of the brethren by the Holy Ghost showing Himself in the variously gifted persons, have become merely places for preaching the Gospel, and not for edifying the Church." The revival of the earlier custom of a free meeting, for united worship and open conference and dis- cussion, could not fail to be interesting and profit- able to any congregation attempting it. Where the ordinary so-called " prayer-meeting " — which is not really a prayer -meeting so much as a preach-meeting — is found to be dull and unat- tractive, this attempt to freshen it and give it life might be worth a trial. The discontinu- ance of the "exercise" — which is not referred to even in the Second Book of Discipline — is only one out of many instances of the con- traction, rather than expansion, in freedom and variety of development which early began to 26o Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Chnrch. narrow and impair the life of our Reformed Church. In those details of order and organisation which I have put before you, we have the con- stituent elements in the government and adminis- tration of the Reformed Church : the minister of the Word and Sacraments standing at the centre of the whole organisation, whether in his more individual relation to one congregation as pastor and teacher, or in his larger relation to a group of congregations as superintendent ; the deacon, in charge of the patrimony and the alms of the church ; the elder, or representative of the brethren, acting along with the minister and deacon in counselling, ruling, and applying the discipline of the Church. Over all these was the General Assembly, or National Ecclesiastical Council — the supreme depositary of authority and instrument of government. The Presbytery and the Synod were later developments of the Presbyterian polity. In its earliest stages it exhibits only the two extremes — the kirk-session, or council of the minister with his elders and deacons, on the one hand ; and the General Assembly, or council of the whole Church, on the other. The constitution of the Assembly, at first and for a long time, was of a civil, quite as much as of an ecclesiastical, type — that is to say, we find its membership determined by civil The General Assembly. 261 as well as by ecclesiastical qualifications. The nobles and great landowners sat in it in virtue of their rank and territorial influence ; and of those members who were called " commissioners of kirks " we have no reason to believe that all were office-bearers. The Reformed Assembly was, in a sense and a degree in which the Roman councils had never been, fairly and fully repre- sentative of the nation in its religious convictions and polity. The whole system, of which the Assembly was the crown, was, in its theory and organisation, the very antithesis of the system which had grown up under the sombre shadow of Rome. It dealt a death-blow to the sacer- dotalism which was the vital principle of the Roman Church. It released the Christian min- istry and the government of Christ's Church from the thraldom of priestcraft, and set them upright on a rational, as opposed to a traditional and sacerdotal, basis. It may be questioned whether so complete a change as the establishment of the reformed order implied was necessary ; whether, for example, the supremacy of the General Assembly might not have been asserted and maintained quite as fully, though some of its members had borne the ancient name of bishop instead of the modern title of superintendent ; whether the theory of Presbyterian parity might not have 262 Apostolic MinisUy in the Scottish Church. flourished under a system which, while recog- nising the episcopate as an office, refused to recognise it as a distinct order ? But, on the whole, it is doubtful if less thorough measures would have served the essential purpose. Every step taken could refer to Scriptural sanction or primitive example. The time was not one for half- measures and bland compromises. The necessities of the case left no leisure for Fabian tactics — for prolonged deliberation and warily cautious choice of means and methods. The Church had to be purified, reformed, and re- established promptly on a more stable founda- tion, and the system of reformation that Con- tinental experience had tested and approved appeared the best and soundest to the Scots Reformers. Even "the judicious Hooker," de- termined apologist of Episcopacy as he was, recognised that the argument of a present and pressing necessity might override a theory and a tradition of Church government. '' This device," says he, speaking of that scheme of ecclesiastical polity which Calvin established in Geneva, and whose principles Knox reproduced in Scotland, '' I see not how the wisest at that time living could have bettered, if we duly con- sider what the present estate of Geneva did then require." ^ If the best that could be ^ Ecclesiastical Polity, Preface, ii. 4. The Books of Discipline. 263 devised for the time at Geneva, and if it worked well and secured the orderly administration of the Church's worship and discipline there (as Hooker acknowledges it did), why should it be discarded, after experience had approved it, in order to revert to another polity which Geneva had found to be profitable neither for religion and morals, nor for the civil welfare of her citizens ? Why should its efficacy not be tried in Scotland, and, as in Geneva, be justified by its results ? The new polity, as I have pointed out, did not emerge whole and complete in all its parts from the mint of the First Book of Discipline. It received its fuller elaboration in the Second Book, and at the hands of Andrew Melville. He gave it the new impetus, under which it expanded and developed into its perfect organ- isation of kirk - sessions, presbyteries, synods, and assemblies, each of these being, like all healthy organisms, a natural growth. The prin- ciples at the root of the growth were the suffici- ency of the order of presbyters for all purposes of discipline, order, and government ; and the right of the people to a voice in the affairs of the Church. The first foe that the Reformed Church had to fight was Prelacy, the earliest development of which was, as we shall see, the creation of the 264 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. " tulchan " bishops, who were mere channels through which the revenues flowed into the coffers of the nobles. The tulchans were knocked on the head by Andrew Melville in 1580. Again in 1598 the Episcopal title was revived, that under cover of it churchmen might be once more admitted to Parliament ; and in 1610 Anglican consecration was bestowed on the parliamentary prelates, whose reign lasted till 1638, when their office and order were rudely overthrown. Renewed again at the Restoration, Prelacy was finally abolished at the Revolution. Through all these years of conflict it was the symbol of despotism and wrong. Under guise of Prelacy the Church was cozened out of its revenues ; the liberties and consciences of the people were violated ; the absolutism of the Stewarts was advanced. This, more than any- thing in the oflice of bishop itself, made '* black Prelacy" so abhorrent to the commonalty of Scotland ; and, identifying Presbytery with free- dom of life and thought, deepened their attach- ment to the polity of the Reformation. And all through these years of conflict that polity remained substantially unchanged. Bishops were set up and were pulled down, but from the days of Knox to those of Carstares the doctrine, discipline, and government of the Church continued practically unaltered. The Permanence of Presbyteiy. 265 Assembly and the Presbytery had the real power ; the bishop had little, if any, except what the support of the arm of flesh gave him. The records of Synods and Presbyteries during the time when Prelacy was most vigorously enforced — from 1662 to 1688 — record the inner life of the Church in much the same terms as those in which it might be recorded now, except that the Synod had a permanent moderator, who was present and took the lead at every ordination. The ecclesiastical name, and a part of the form, might be changed ; but throughout, the life and character were essentially Presbyterian, as the regular succession of the ministry was Presby- terian. The presbyterate never had to seek renewal from foreign sources ; but the parlia- mentary prelates of James I. and the nominees of Charles II. had alike to travel to Westminster, to knit up there the ravelled line of the dis- organised Episcopate. We may note, at this point, that not only did the Church never lose that essentially Presby- terian character which was stamped on it at its Reformation, but that the changes which more than once were temporarily made in its form of government were in the main so political and external, that they did not even affect the mass of the clergy sufficiently to break their connec- tion with the Church. We have seen how the 266 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish ChnrcJi. great body of the Celtic clergy became Romanist ; how numbers of the Romanist became Reformed. Similarly the great body of the parochial clergy at the Restoration accepted, without resistance, the imposition of Episcopacy ; and a large majority of the parochial clergy at the Revolu- tion accepted, in the same way, the re-establish- ment of Presbytery. Several of them lived quietly on in their parishes through both changes, — some, perhaps, because they were men of peace, like Leighton or Laurence Char- teris ; some, no doubt, because they were of the same mind as Andrew Gray, of Coull, whose epitaph bore that " He had a church without a roof, A conscience that was cannon-proof : He was Prelatick first ; and then Became a Presbyterian ; Episcopal once more he turned, And yet for neither would be burned." ^ Or of Gavin Young, who, being asked how he reconciled his conscience to remaining minister of Ruthwell, through all the changes of Church government from 1617 to 1671, ingenuously replied, *' Wha wad quarrel wi' their brose for a mote in them ? " At the Restoration, and at the Revolution, the clergy numbered about 1000. Of these, 1 Fasti, p. 528. Permanence of Presbytery. 267 less than 300 were put out, or removed them- selves at the Restoration ; about 400 at the Revolution. In each case the majority re- mained. That majority at the Revolution was composed chiefly of men who had been Epis- copally ordained — as, at the Restoration, it was composed of men who had been Presbyterially ordained — and from whose ranks the bishops between 1662 and 1688 were chosen and con- secrated, without previous re - ordination. The stream of orders flowed on in a current, at first somewhat mingled, but which gradually cleared itself, as the Episcopally ordained remnant died out, and the Presbyterate became once more — as in the primitive Church — the sole channel of ordination. Since the end of the seventeenth century no convulsion of any kind has disturbed the peace- ful progress of the Church. Changes have passed upon it, as they pass upon all bodies whose life is in themselves, but they have not been forced upon it by any external pres- sure, — they have been the natural developments of the Christian consciousness of the body of Christ. There have been certain modifications in methods of administration ; in ritual ; in the general cast of doctrine and interpretation of Scripture ; but there has been no change in the system of presbyterial government, in the 268 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Clinrch. common order of our reformed worship, and in the authorised standards of belief. Almost all the principles of the First Book of Discipline have remained throughout all her vicissitudes the distinctive principles of the Church. In the end of the nineteenth century she retains the essentially Presbyterian type of polity devised for her b}^ Knox and the Reformers of the sixteenth. 269 LECTURE VIII. In no country was the scheme of reformation, as drafted by the Reformers, more symmetrical and complete than in ours ; in none was its accom- plishment more hampered and thwarted by the mean rapacity and traitorous disloyalty of the governing class. Knox's statesmanlike idea of an apportionment of the ecclesiastical revenues between the proper support of the ministry, of the poor, and of a comprehensive system of graduated national education, was never realised, simply because the politicians who pretended to be zealous for Protestant truth and reformed principles were knaves and robbers, destitute alike of religion and of patriotism. It was the misfortune of the Episcopal form of government that it became first the tool, and then the ally, of their treachery and greed. First, as I have said, arose the "tulchan" episcopate, the chan- nel through which the rents of the Church flowed 270 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. into the pockets of the spoilers. Next came the (/7/as/-episcopate of Spottiswoode and the other Presbyterian ministers who, though without Epis- copal ordination, and equally without any elec- tion by people or cathedral chapter, and simply at the mandate of the Crown, were illegitimately consecrated by three English bishops at London ; and who imposed on the Church, at King James's bidding, the episcopate which, after an existence of barely thirty years, was abolished by the General Assembly of 1638. One evil of the introduction of these irregular overseers was that the orderly supervision of the Church by its own superin- tendents fell into abeyance, and the nominees of the Court usurped the offices of the elect of the Church, and yet never discharged them faithfully. But though a kind of nominal episcopacy was thus created, the essentially Presbyterian char- acter of the Church remained intact; and its courts, formally constituted and ratified as courts of the realm as they had been by the Acts of 1592, assumed the jurisdiction and the national position which they still retain. This reversion to, and chartered adoption of, a scheme of government founded on primitive principles, was accompanied by a notable change in the character of the minis- try. The former inefficiency and immoralities dis- appeared. The ranks of the conforming priests and monks were carefully weeded, before any were The Reformed Clergy. 271 pronounced qualified for office in the remodelled Church. All other candidates were only admitted after anxious scrutiny. The result was the forma- tion of a clerical body, whose purity of life and personal good fame even the mendacious tongue of sectarian slander did not venture to asperse. The satiric literature, which had nothing but the bit- terest gibes for the priesthood, stopped its railing. It found no food for libel or lampoon among the Protestant clergy. Even had it found such mate- rial, the satirist would have been slow to use it. The clergy now held a place in the reverence of the people the priests had never gained. As time went on, and the party of the Court and the Episcopate assumed an attitude progressively hostile to popular rights and liberties, the defence of these and the assertion of the principles which lay under them were, with an ever-increasing re- liance, intrusted to the ministers. They were the true leaders and champions of the people ; and the people repaid the clergy's independence and patriotism with their own confidence and respect. The clergy, no doubt, were too often ready to use the pulpit for purposes more polemical and political than became the house of God ; but their excuse was the absence of a free press, and of any other available means of appealing to the general mass of their fellow-citizens, and of ex- posing before them the misdoings of the civil 272 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJmfcJi. rulers and ecclesiastical usurpers. No suspicion of time-serving or self-seeking impaired their hon- ourable influence. They had a fair title to " stand so high in all the people's hearts." The name of Knox has a place of its own in the roll of the worthies of the reforming era ; but Craig, Bruce, Durie, Douglas, and Andrew Melville are not unworthy compeers. Melville's name, in particu- lar, is associated with the completer development of the Presbyterian polity and the construction of the Second Book of Discipline. The First Book was virtually the work of Knox, and laid down the pohty of the Church on broad and liberal lines. It specified five offices (but only two orders) in the Church — minister, superin- tendent, elder, deacon, reader. It sketched out a large educational scheme. It directed that the Holy Communion should be celebrated at least four times in the year ; that there should be two public services on Sundays — the second to include catechetical instruction of the young ; that there was to be daily service (reading and prayers) in the towns. The service-book to be employed was the version of the Genevan liturgy which Knox had used abroad, and now introduced in Scotland as the * Book of Common Order.' It demanded that '* the whole rents of the Kirk " should be intrusted to the Kirk for the behoof of the min- istry, of the poor, and of education. Andrezv Melville. 273 This first Book of Discipline was accepted by the Genera] Assembly of 1560, but not by the Parlia- ment, where its generous ideal of the reconstructed Kirk was sneered at as a '' devout imagination." The Second Book was accepted by the Assembly in 1581, and was virtually approved, though not formally sanctioned, by the Parliament of 1592 in the Acts known as "the Charter of the Church." It differs at some points from the First ; and we note in it, specially, the more dogmatic tone ; the strict injunction of the imposition of hands as a necessary element in ordination ; the omission in the list of ecclesiastical offices of the superin- tendent and the reader, with the addition of the doctor or teacher as an ordinary function, distinct from the minister, pastor, or bishop ; and also the definition of the eldership as ''a spiritual office." The hand of Melville is easily recognisable in these two changes — the distinction between the doctor and the minister, and the assertion of the spirituality of the elder's ofiice. His humanistic devotion to. learning prompted the one ; and pos- sibly a desire to erect, over against the threefold ministry of the Episcopalians — bishop, priest, and deacon — a Presbyterian triad, minister, elder, and deacon, of equal validity, may have suggested the second. Each, however, was an error and innovation. The office of the ''doctor" never obtained s 274 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CliurcJi. definite sanction in the Church ; but Melville's theory of the eldership gained very common assent, and has injuriously affected the tenure of that office for three centuries. It has led to un- fortunate confusion in the general conception of the primitive presbyter (elder, minister, bishop) and of the reformed representative of the brethren ; and, engendering erroneous ideas of the position and duty of the latter, has often deterred excellent and eligible men from becoming members of the kirk-session. Melville's bitter experience of the character of the civil Government, and the dan- gers that beset the Church's relation to it, when wielded by such men as the Regent Morton, and of the insidious recrudescence of Prelacy under the covert of tulchanism, betrays itself in an ela- borate article on the civil magistrate, and an absolute condemnation of the episcopal title and office, for neither of which the earlier manifesto afforded a precedent. This is only one indication of a process which went on throughout the closing years of the six- teenth, and, one might say, nearly the whole of the seventeenth century. The insane determina- tion of the Stuarts to force their ecclesiastical crotchets upon a free people and a " stubborn Kirk " ^ begot a jealousy and resentment, and narrowness of view, which poisoned the general ^ King James VI. 's own phrase. Ecclesiastical Feuds. 275 stream of public life and thought. Time and energy, that might have occupied themselves in working out large schemes of educational pro- gress, of civic and social reform, of commercial and industrial advancement, were taken up in withstanding the arbitrary aggressions of absolute power and defending the simplest rights of a civi- lised community. Instead of devoting themselves to theological investigation, to perfecting the " platform " of the Reformed Church, to foster- ing the general interests of humanity and reli- gion, the clergy had to spend their lives in the bare effort to make good whatever advantage had accrued from the overthrow of Popery, to main- tain the merest liberty of worship, and to secure the scantiest provision for their own daily suste- nance. Intensity of irritated feeling — concentra- tion of ill-will against *' the troublers of Israel " — contraction of sympathies — exaggerated import- ance attributed to secondary causes of dispute — while the great primary verities and duties fell into the background, — all this was the natural result. The ecclesiastical atmosphere had become somewhat calmer and the horizon clearer at the time of King James's death. The bishops were not given to intermeddling. The people were, on the whole, fairly quiescent. Compliance with the obnoxious Articles of Perth was not string- ently insisted on ; and of these the only one 276 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. that was thoroughly dishked was the kneeHng at Holy Communion. Odium attached to this, be- cause it suggested the false doctrine of the cor- poreal presence, and was utterly unlike the apos- tolic use. The other four — private baptism, private communion, confirmation of children when eight years old, and the observance of Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, Ascension, and Whitsunday — were objects of comparative indif- ference, and generally disregarded. But with the accession of Charles everything went wrong. His gloomy fanaticism would be content with nothing short of the thorough suppression of Presbyterian principle, order, and usage, and the complete subjugation of the Scottish Church to the Anglican yoke and model. In the struggle which ensued, between royal absolutism and the freedom of the Church and the nation, the vic- tory lay with the " stubborn Kirk " ; but it was gained at a heavy price. The resistance to the policy of Charles and Laud, which found its ablest and most constitutional exponent in Alex- ander Henderson, the Moderator of the Assem- bly which in 1638 expelled the bishops, was not always under a control so sagacious and temper- ate as his. The enthusiasm of the Covenant passed, from a patriotic and public-spirited de- fiance of arbitrary encroachments on the liberty of the subject and the rights of the Church, into League and Covenant. 277 a quixotic enterprise for extirpating Prelacy and propagating Presbytery beyond the bounds of Scotland, and enforcing a uniformity of creed, ritual, and Church government throughout the three kingdoms. This enterprise was the motive of the international compact known as "The Solemn League and Covenant," and of the deliberations of the famous Westminster '' As- sembly of Divines." Both were conspicuous illustrations of the apparently unalterable law, by which ill-regulated action is counterpoised by reaction, generally ending in the " madness of extremes." Both, as has been well said, " un- fortunately were a copy reversed of the plan of James VI. in 1606, and of Charles in 1633, which had been so fruitful of misery, from the opposite side." ^ Subscription of this League and Covenant was demanded from all sorts and conditions of men, on pain not only of ecclesi- astical censure but of civil penalty. Whoever objected to declare himself in favour of "the ex- tirpation of popery, prelacy, superstition, heresy, and schism," and to assist in "the discovery of all such as have been, or shall be, incendiaries, malignant, or evil instruments," because of their refusal to sign the portentous document, was re- garded as himself a malignant. ^ Rev. J. Rankin, D.D., in * Church of Scotland, Past and Present,' vol. ii, p. 520. 278 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. The Solemn League and Covenant was well received in most districts of the country, except in Aberdeen. That city was the seat of a school of divines whose theology was of a type which was only now trying to root itself in the Scot- tish soil. The general development of doctrine throughout the kingdom, up to the second decade of the seventeenth century, had been on distinctly Calvinistic hnes. During that decade a reaction towards a freer and fuller Gospel set in, and it continued to advance till 1638 ; but the '* Purging Committee," which was one embodiment of the zeal of the Assembly of that year, made short work of '' the Aberdeen doctors," as these divines had come to be called. They were all deprived and deposed ; and the theology of the Synod of Dort triumphed over the nascent efforts of native thought. The very foremost of these victims of irrational sectarianism (for that policy deserves no other name which drove good and learned men out of their churches or chairs, simply because their theological system had more in common with that of Pelagius and Arminius than with that of Augustine and Calvin, and their ecclesiastical sympathies leant to Episcopacy rather than to Presbytery) was Dr John Forbes, son of Bishop Patrick Forbes. The bishop was one of King James's creations ; but, unlike most of them, was JoJm Forbes of Corse. 279 a man wise, earnest, and learned, who made it his aim to draw to the churches and University of Aberdeen the ablest scholars and clerics whom he could find. Amongst them was his second son. Like almost all the leading scholars and divines of Scotland, John Forbes completed his education on the Continent, Scottish intercourse with which was much more free and constant in those days than it has ever been since. He studied at Melanchthon's university as well as at others in Germany ; and on one occasion at the Swedish university of Upsala, he maintained a public disputation against the Lutherans and their archbishop. Returning to his own country, he was appointed Professor of Divinity and Church History in King's College, an office he held until Covenanting fervour succeeded in ousting him from it, after which, his elder brother having died, he retired to the paternal estate of Corse, and occupied himself in completing his great work, ' Instructiones Historico-Theologicae," which he published at Amsterdam in 1645, with a preface which contained a formal recommenda- tion of the work by the theological faculties of Leyden, Franeker, and Utrecht. In this book, as in his professorial lectures, Forbes strove to supply what he recognised as a pressing want of the time — the want of a his- torical treatment of theological questions. The 28o Apostolic Ministry in tJie Scottish Chnrch. Roman Catholic reaction was in full swing on the Continent, and controversialists, subsidised from Rome, were busy, even in Scotland, appealing to the historical sentiment. They maintained that all Catholic antiquity was on the side of the ancient Church, and that the Reformed Confes- sion and ritual were mushroom growths of the revolutionary sixteenth century, which could trace their descent no farther back than to Luther, Zwingli, or Calvin. This propaganda was not without its effect on the public mind ; and Forbes felt it was inadequately met by the ordinary method of combating it, which was to make appeal to Scripture, as the main if not indeed the sole warrant of the reformed doctrine. He adopted the method of treating doctrine in its historical continuity, establishing it first from Scripture as its basis, and then tracing its his- tory from age to age, marking where it main- tained its purity, and where it became stained with Roman error or warped with heretical per- version. But he, and all such quiet and peace- loving workers in the field of religious speculation and research, were pushed aside and silenced by the heady disputants who involved the country in bitter quarrel over questions of government and order, and the intrigues and shibboleths of embittered parties, political and ecclesiastical. The Scots politicians of Charles I. and of the Resolutioners and Protesters. 281 Protectorate were no great improvement upon those who had preceded them. The Church- men, with few exceptions, were men of narrower view and less commanding power. Between the *' Resolutioners " and the " Protesters," as the two factions that divided the Church, after the Glasgow Assembly, were named, its higher life was all but strangled. The Church lost its in- tellectual freedom, as under the Roman priest- hood it had lost its moral character. One fatal effect of the constant wranglings was the dispersion of many of the finest elements in the national life, among foreign churches and uni- versities. Men of free spirit and active mind would not stay at home, to be subjected to clerical inquisition and tyranny because of their opinions on religion or politics. So, to escape from the intestine turmoils of the Church, when under Cromwell Resolutioner and Protester were defy- ing each other, and Puritanism was subverting the sound foundations on which the Reformed Church had been established ; and afterwards when, under Charles II., '* black Prelacy " was again for a time in the ascendant, refugees were constantly flying over-sea, to friendlier shores and less distracted societies than those of Scotland. (In the calen- dar of the University of Sedan alone we find, during the seventeenth century, the names of seven Scots professors.) Their native country was im- 282 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJmrcJi. poverished by its own feuds, while others were enriched. This depletion accounts in some de- gree for the decay of native influence in our domestic affairs at this disordered time. The controlling impulses came from England, as they had come in the days of Margaret and David, and found no coherent national sentiment and con- viction to oppose them. It was after James could issue his ukases from London, with the Anglican Church at his back, that his episcopal propaganda became really efficient. It was from Lambeth that the policy was dictated which, overshooting its mark, roused the Scots to their successful assault upon the Jacobean Prelacy. But, en revanche, it was in the Jerusalem Chamber that the scheme was hatched which deprived the Scots of their native Confession of Faith and ' Book of Common Order,' and foisted on the Kirk a Confession, a Catechism, a Directory for Worship, and a Psalm-Book, compiled by an EngHsh Assembly in which Scotland had only a fragmentary rep- resentation. This misfortune would have been impossible had not the nation, divided against itself, been debilitated by a constant and feverish recurrence of sectarian squabbles and rancorous jealousies, the blame of which must primarily rest on that party which had, from 1572 to 1638, been obstinately on the side of absolutism, and Invasion of Puritanism. 283 had persistently done its best to crush the civil liberties and thwart the religious inclinations of the people. Over a country so rent and weakened Cromwell gained an easy mastery. As he had turned the English Parliament out of doors in April, so in July, 1653, he dismissed the General Assembly. Deprived of its governing body, the Church became more and more distracted and disunited, and, under the aegis of the Protector, that section of it acquired mahgn preponderance which had most in common with the principles, religious and political, of the English Indepen- dents. Another influence, whose advent this faction welcomed, travelled northward with the republicans, and changed some of the familiar features of Scottish religion. This was the in- fluence of the grim and illiberal Puritanism of the southern sectaries. Theirs was no longer the noble love of pure worship and spiritual and civic freedom, which had animated their pre- decessors in the days of Elizabeth and James. Their spirit had deteriorated. They had grown rudely regardless of catholic usage ; and, inflated with exaggerated conceptions of individual liberty, contemned the decent traditions of public wor- ship, and the sober proprieties of ritual. The excesses in fervour of extempore prayer and con- troversial preaching, which they delighted in, were not native to Scotland. 284 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. The Scottish Church had from 1560 been accustomed to the ritual of the ' Book of Com- mon Order,' and was, on the whole, contented with it, though some improvements in it had been contemplated, and no doubt would have been introduced, had not the whole question of the Church's worship been turned topsy-turvy by the reckless folly of Charles and Laud. The ' Westminster Directory ' would never have been sought or desired by Scotland, had it not been pushed on for the sake of a visionary uniformity, under the pressure of the Assembly of Divines, in which English Presbyterianism, Independency, and Puritanism were in the ascendant. To that ascendancy is due, in the main, the gradual de- terioration of the theory and practice of the Church's ritual, and the adoption of peculiarities ignorantly supposed, by those who know no better, to be of native growth. Thus the curious custom of reading out the verses of the psalms to be sung, line by line, was introduced, against the wishes of the Scots Commissioners in the West- minster Assembly, because the English considered it convenient where ''many cannot read." A concession to English illiteracy. Again and again Baillie complains of the opposition offered by the Brownists to the use of the Lord's Prayer, the Doxology, and the minister's kneeling in the pulpit for private prayer. But the Brownists did Puritanism in Ritual. 285 not stand alone in discarding pious usage. Henderson, in his sermon before the Glasgow Assembly called " The Bishops' Doom," specifies among the other transgressions of the prelates their "interdicting" the daily morning and evening prayers, and their private celebration of marriages — offensive departures from the more excellent way of the first Reformers. When the General Assembly accepted the Directory, it did not set aside the national Prayer - Book ; but that book was, as I have said elsewhere,^ *' virtually superseded by the Act of 1645, imposing the Directory. And this must have been felt as a grievous necessity by many of the best leaders of the Kirk. For these were men utterly opposed to Puritanic disregard of forms and usages in worship, how- ever much their political sympathies might draw them towards the Puritans. The Assemblies of 1639, 1640, and 1641 passed Acts against innovations in public worship, directed not against prelatic but puritanic changes. Burnet speaks of a letter issued by one of these Assem- blies, specially addressed to those who, ' in a spirit of innovation and hunting after popularit}^,' were trying to abolish such 'laudable practices,' hitherto in use, as the Lord's Prayer, the Dox- ology after the Psalms, and the minister's kneel- ^ The Reformed Ritual in Scotland, p. 28. 286 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. ing for private devotion on entering the pulpit : and the great Henderson, on being invited by the Assembly to prepare new forms of worship 'wherein possibly England might agree,' de- clared that he could not take upon him to ' set down other forms of prayer than we have in our Psalm-Book, penned by our great and divine Reformers.' But 'uniformity' was the watch- word ; and in the Westminster Assembly the preponderating influence was that of English Presbyterianism and Independency, of a dis- tinctly puritanic caste, and not that of the Scot- tish type of religion, which had retained much of the Catholic spirit and reverence for ecclesi- astical usage, inherited from intercourse with the Reformed communions of the Continent. "The nursing -mother of the extempore har- angues which took the place of prayers of the old liturgical model, of the interminable dis- courses, of the graceless practices which began to deform the decent order of public worship, was English Independency. From it, and not from our Scottish ancestors, descended to us the ungainly heritage of meagre rite and unseemly negligence in the conduct of the public worship of God. ''Already, in Scotland, the tendency to subor- dinate the devotional to the intellectual element in divine service, and to allow the individual English Examples. 287 minister to colour the whole with the hues of his own prejudice or passion, had asserted itself with an emphasis distasteful to men of the wide culture and sober piety of Henderson and Baillie ; but no Scotch Presbyterian had as yet exhibited this characteristic in the abnormal extremes wit- nessed in England. The tendency must, how- ever, have been infectious, for we find Baillie thus complacently recording his experiences of a day with the brethren at Westminster : ' We spent from nine to five very graciously. After Dr Twiss had begun with a brief prayer, Mr Marshall prayed large two hours, most divinely confessing the sins of the members of the Assem- bly, in a wonderful pathetic and prudent way. Afterwards Mr Arrowsmith preached an hour; then a psalm ; thereafter Mr Vines prayed near two hours, and Mr Palmer preached an hour, and Mr Seaman prayed near two hours. After Mr Henderson had brought us to a sweet con- ference of faults to be remedied, Dr Twiss closed with a short prayer and blessing.' This inter- minable prolixity was not an exceptional exub- erance. Dr Calamy tells us that on the days of public fasting, which were frequent, Mr Howe would go on from nine in the morning till four in the afternoon, with only an interval of about a quarter of an hour, during which he took some material refreshment, and the people allowed 288 Apostolic Ministry in t/ie Scottish Church. themselves the more spiritual restorative of psalmody. The spirit which prompted religious services of this type grew^ with the growth of Independency in England, and spread north- wards with the advance of the principles of the Commonwealth. By slow but sure degrees the old constitutional party in the Scottish Church lost their hold on the people, and the fervid and fanatical ' Protesters ' gained theirs. Internal strifes tended to develop the loose practices and rhapsodical utterances, to which all forms and rubrics were an Egyptian bondage ; and the vagaries of the preacher were deferred to as the irrestrainable movements of the free spirit." These tendencies, impairing the Church's unity, marring her worship, sapping her strength, and denationalising her character, gathered force as the crisis of the Restoration approached, and secured an easy triumph for the low treachery and breach of faith which reintroduced the bishops, fortified — on this occasion — with Ang- lican ordination as well as consecration. But their reign was short. They were set up in 1662, and in i68g the Scots Parliament finally abol- ished them ; and in 1690 it re-established the Presbytery, which had been established after the accomplishment of the Reformation of 1560, by the Parliament of 1567. Then the land had rest from the gross oppression under which it had Revolution of i6^S. 289 groaned during the despotism of the second Charles and his brother ; and the Church, firmly secured in its constitutional liberties and prero- gatives, began to repair its desolations, to fill its waste places, and gather together the flocks which persecution had scattered. The *' glorious Re- volution " of 1688, which delivered the nation from its political thraldom, rendered this restora- tion of the Reformed Church's original constitu- tion and government possible, and secured its per- manency. The displacement of the bishops was all that, in point of fact, was necessary. Their presence had not interfered with the Presby- terian administration of the Church, in all its subordinate departments. Their absence, and the consequent recall of the General Assembly, removed an inconvenient and objectionable an- omaly, and reinstated the supreme court in its proper position and authority. No other change was required. The Caroline Episcopate had in- troduced no novelties, save the novelty of an un- relenting persecution for conscience' sake ; in com- parison with which the intolerance of the Cov- enanters appears but a misdirected excess of zeal. The ritual of the Church had not been purged of the elements which had begun to infect it dur- ing the Protectorate, and remained substantially on the Puritanic level. " We," says Sir George Mackenzie — " the bloody Mackenzie " — ^' had no T 290 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. ceremonies, surplice, altars, cross in baptism, nor the meanest of those things which would be allowed in England, by the dissenters, in way of accommodation." The old Catholic features of the worship — the regular repetition of the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed — the responsive Amen — and the attitude of kneehng at prayer, had dropped out of use along with the * Book of Common Order'; and the Caroline bishops and curates did nothing to raise the character of the public services of the Church. Even the kneeling at Communion, about which King James had made such a pother, was not renewed. Nothing marks the Episcopate of this time so distinctly as being the mere creature of a court, and a party indifferent to religion if only they could enforce a form of Church government amenable to the designs of absolutism, than its misuse of its rare opportunity of imparting a higher tone to the national ritual. Had the bishops had the true interests of religion at heart, they could not have let it slip from their hands. The old liturgy was laid aside. A fresh attempt to introduce the An- glican was hopeless ; but they might have drawn up and gained acceptance for an order which would have commended itself to the minds of the devout, by providing services at once less elabo- rate and less tinctured with Romish alloy than those of the English Prayer-Book, and less con- Knox's Ritual. 291 troversial, dogmatic, and vehement in substance and style than those of Knox's compilation. In the mind of the author of the * Book of Common Order ' the dread of retaining any form, or phrase, or ceremony, which had been in any degree a covert of Romish superstition, overbore the due sense of what was reverend and devout in the ancient usages, and an impar- tial estimate of the measure of beauty and sol- emnity proper in the various offices of public worship. Antagonism to Rome was with Knox the absorbing principle — we might almost say, the mastering passion. I do not call the an- tagonism unreasonable; but its manifestations were exaggerated and excessive. It stamped on the religion which he helped, more than any other man, to mould, a character of combative intensity, of negation and protest, which had more in common with the mental attitude of Joshua at Jericho than with that of S. Paul on the Areopagus. It specially marked the ritual of the Church with a note of harshness in form and sectarianism in feeling, which were unfavourable to the development of a devotional and catholic spirit in the people — nay, tended to repress it, — a repressive tendency which was not counter- acted, but increased, by the undue prominence given to ''the preaching of the Word." The clergy of the Restoration, who failed to improve 292 Apostolic Ministry in tJie Scottish Church. the prayers of the Church, were Httle able to give any higher quaHties to its preaching.^ Strange, that with the restoration of the three- fold order of ministers, and the creation of a staff of bishops regularly consecrated (which the Kirk had never possessed since its reformation a hun- dred years before), there should be no unmistak- able renewal and invigoration of her life, no palpable elevation of the standard of ministerial character and efficiency, no emanation of more gracious influence from every function of the re- habilitated priesthood, under the paternal care of the apostolic episcopate. Strange, that the signs of apostolicity — the lips touched with fire from the altar, the self- forgetful devotion, the ardent zeal, the cheerful endurance of labour and travail, the hardy encounter of perils on every side, the courage nothing could daunt, the faith that never failed — were not to be seen among the men who let no revolutions shake the tenacity of their hold on manse and glebe and teind, nor those who stepped into the places which others had vacated for conscience' sake, nor those who ^ Of those here referred to (the men who took the places of the ministers who refused to conform to Episcopacy) Bishop Burnet says: "They were generally very mean and despicable in all respects ; the worst preachers I ever heard, ignorant to a reproach, and many of them openly vicious. They were a disgrace to their order, and were indeed the dregs and refuse of the northern parts." — History of His own Time, i. 260. Leighton. 293 from the hand of a profligate king had accepted the bishop's mitre, but among those whom loyalty to the principles of their Reformed Church ex- posed, some to exile, some to the dungeon, and some to the scaffold — all to persecution. Again the threefold ministry failed to vindicate its claim to special validity and sanctity. It was no more holy in character, catholic in spirit, and apos- tolic in powers and gifts under Charles II. and James VII., than it had been under James V. and Mary. The one outstanding personality in the dreary years between the Restoration and the Revolu- tion is Leighton's. And Leighton had written those works which keep his memory green, whose intellectual breadth and spiritual philosophy had such a charm for Coleridge, while he was the Presbyterian minister of Newbattle and the Prin- cipal of the College of Edinburgh. The Episco- pal office, which he accepted in the vain hope of healing wounds and promoting peace, he resigned in wearied heartsickness, after twelve years' dis- couraging experiment, to die in voluntary exile. The General Assembly met in i6go, for the first time since Colonel Cotterel's dragoons had escorted it out of Edinburgh in 1653. Its clerical members were the survivors of the clergy outed in 1662, for refusing to own the authority of the bishops. There were only about sixty of 294 Apostolic Ministry in tJic Scottish CJinrcJi. them : by Act of Parliament of the same year they had been restored to their former charges. Padiament had already ratified the Confession of Faith, and confirmed the Presbyterian gov- ernment, now finally reinstated in its entirety. The original Scots' Confession was thus at last definitely set aside, and its place legally given to that of Westminster. This was matter of great regret — the old Confession being less ex- actly Calvinistic, less complex and particular, more Catholic in spirit and temperate in state- ment, than the new, which exaggerates the doctrine of the divine sovereignty, disparages that of human responsibility, and conceals the truth of God's universal fatherhood and goodwill to men behind its dogma of an arbitrary election. But the puritanic impetus of the Protectorate had pushed the Westminster symbol into a position from which no one now thought of dislodging it. Its effect upon Scottish theology has been repressive, reinforced as adherence to it was by stringent formulas of subscription, invented originally not so much in the interests of rigid Calvinism as of anti - Jacobite fidelity to the Revolution Settlement. It was supposed that Episcopalians would refuse such formulas. Pos- sibly at a later date, and when the connection between Episcopacy and Jacobitism had dis- played itself more unmistakably, such a supposi- Episcopal Conformists. 295 tion was correct; but at the date of the Revolution Settlement, the Episcopalians showed no aversion from pledging themselves to subscribe the Con- fession. Before the revolutionary storm the bishops fled like their predecessors in 1638 — they became "the Kirk invisible," as Claverhouse said, with disdainful sarcasm, deserting their flocks — but they left behind them a large con- tingent of the clergy who were content to remain in the Church under its altered conditions. A hundred and eighty of them, with Dr Canaries — a prominent divine of somewhat dubious reputa- tion — at their head, appealed to the General Assembly to be allowed to sign the Confession and an engagement to submit to the Presbyterian government, on the ground that they desired to be "permitted to act as presbyters in presbyteries, synods, and General Assemblies, in concurrence with the Presbyterian ministers, in the govern- ment of the Church as now by law established." Grave suspicions of the motives of some of these conformists, and of their loyalty to the reigning sovereigns, required the exaction of stricter declarations ; and for some time com- missions of the Assembly had much to do in deciding upon claims of recognition, cases of desertion, and of illegal retention, of benefices. In every case the Church took care that no un- licensed or irregularly ordained person should 296 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJiurch. take advantage of a time of confusion and urgency to make his way into the ministry.^ As for the Episcopal clergy, the treatment of all who were doing their ministerial duty well, and who honestly agreed to behave as loyal sub- jects, was fair, and in many instances generous, — many men being left undisturbed in their manses who yet had never taken the oaths to Government. That this lenity was often ill re- turned — especially in districts of the Highlands where Jacobite feeling was strong and sectarian passion took the place of religious principle — ap- pears from several scenes of uproarious, and even ^ "We have an unbroken ministerial succession from the ancient Scottish Church. The latest blunder in connection with this subject which I have noticed is one made by the Rev. Cosmo G. Lang. In a pamphlet recently published, on ' The Future of the Church in Scotland,' byway of throwing doubts on our succession, he says : ' One of the first Acts of the first General Assembly, after the Revolution, was to admit to their communion, without any ordination, three Cameronian preachers.' ... It is pathetic to think of how the * per- secuted remnant,' who, according to their lights, were loyal at all costs to the King of Zion, and the Prince of the kings of the earth, amid almost insuperable difficulties and not without scruples of con- science, because of the festival days of the Dutch Church, sent their most promising youths from the moorlands of Galloway and Dum- fries, to study in the universities of Holland, and to be ordained by Dutch ^classes' [i.e., presbyteries), rather than that men without a lawful commission should minister to them in holy things ; and of how, after they were cut off from this stream of succession, they remained for more than twenty years without a ministry at all, rather than violate the holy order of God's house." — Rev. G. W. Sprott, D.D., in 'Scottish Church Society Conferences,' 2d series, vol. ii. p. 64. Scenes of Violence. 297 murderous, violence, attending the settlement of Presbyterian ministers, in parishes where the Episcopal incumbents had been left during their life in unmolested possession. Thus — to take an example — in the parish of Knockbain, in the year 1711, after the appointment of Mr John Grant, — the new minister, on the following Sunday, accompanied by one of his heritors, went by a boat to church, '* and when at a small distance from the boat they were surrounded by a great many men and women (about two hundred), who lay in ambush. Some of them had their faces blackened, and a few were in women's clothes, some armed with swords (durks) and heavy battons ; all the women had battons. Mr G. had his hat knocked off and torn in pieces, his head sadly cut, and was dragged by his cravats till almost choked, the m.ob still pursuing in back, sides, &c., with their staves, to get them to travel harder (more nimbly). The mob also tore a suit of fine clothes to rags ; his outer coat, black coat and vest, with all his linens (were likewise) stole out of his pocket, and after a terrible effusion of his blood, and casting cold water upon his wounds, they carried him to the top of a hill, and resolved to have killed him, had not some, more tender- hearted, opposed this, and rescued him. Mr John M'Kenzie, who preached in the Episcopal meeting (- house) for that and neighbouring 298 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. parishes, stood on a rising ground, feeding his eyes with their barbarous usage, and thereafter preached to the mob, most of them having pieces of Mr Grant's clothes tied or pinned to the most open parts of their bodies as trophies of victory."^ Scenes of a similar kind have been witnessed in more than one district of the country since the close of the revolutionary epoch, but originating in a different cause than the substitution of a Presbyterian for an Episcopal incumbent. These arose from the operation of the law of patronage. The Reformers had asserted the principle, which they traced to the apostolic era, of the Christian people's right to "call" their ministers. "It appertaineth," said the First Book of Discipline, " to the people, and to every several congregation, to elect their ministers." But, like some other points in that book, this was not included in the Church's legal constitution. By the Act of Par- liament of 1567, which established the Church on its reformed basis, it was " statute and ordained " that while the examination and induction of min- isters belonged only to "the Kirk now openly and publicly professed," the " presentation of laic patronages " should be reserved for " the just and ancient patrons." " Knox and the other Refor- mers accepted establishment on these terms ; and 1 Fasti, V. 283. Patronage. 299 we cannot for a moment fancy they would have done so had they considered it anti-Scriptural." ^ Up to the Reformation the patronage was vested in the landowners, in the Crown, in the bishop or the abbat, never in the people. After the Refor- mation it was clearly understood, as a principle, that no minister should be intruded on an un- willing congregation ; but it did not necessarily follow that the people should choose him. The strong position, taken up in the First Book of Discipline, was not maintained in the Second, which gave the initiative to the *' eldership," not to the congregation. It defines a minister's elec- tion as consisting in the choosing of a person "most able" for the vacant office, " by the judg- ment of the eldership and consent of the congre- gation." By the Revolution Settlement patronage is conferred on the (Protestant) heritors and the elders, who are " to name and propose a person to the whole congregation, to be either approven or disapproven by them " — the presbytery to de- cide, if objections be made, as to their validity, and to ordain and induct, or forbear, as they think proper. For the call of the congregation was thus substituted the right of offering objec- tion only, to which, if reasonable, the presbytery 1 Our National Church, p. 52— a remarkably able little work — "an Appeal against Disestablishment addressed to the common- sense and Christian spirit of lay Presbyterians in Scotland." 5th ed. 300 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJmrch. must give effect. As compensation for the loss of their right of patronage, the patrons were to receive from the heritors and Hferenters of each parish a sum of 600 merks, or in sterhng money ^33, 6s. 8d. After the lapse of twenty years it was found that only four parishes had produced this compensation.^ Seeing that the right of patronage was so little valued by those to whom it had been transferred, and that the new way of appointing ministers had ** occasioned great heats and divisions," it was resolved that in all parishes in which the 600 merks had not been paid the patronage should be placed on its old footing; and this was accordingly done by the Act of 1712. This restoration, though in one aspect an act of justice to the patrons, was undoubtedly alien to the ideas of the Scottish people, inconsistent, in its virtual annulment of the popular call, with apostolic precedent, and, in the general opinion, a violation of the sacred international stipulations of the Act of Union. It did not put an end to "heats and divisions," but rather increased them, and became the parent of not a few demonstra- tions, as discreditable to religion as that which occurred at Knockbain in 1711. "Disputed settlements," where no call approved the patron's choice, and all objections were set aside by the ^ Cadder. Old Monkland, New Monkland, Strathblane. Disputed Settlements. 301 presbytery, were too frequent, and often attended with riot and violence. The poHcy of the Church in regarding the call as of no account, and enforc- ing the appointment of the patron's presentee — a policy of which Robertson the historian was the strenuous and consistent assertor — tended to weaken the Church's hold upon the people during a long period of the eighteenth century, and was the cause of the two considerable secessions of that century, as it may be said to have been of the still larger one of 1843. The wisdom of wait- ing for the growth of opinion and development of events, and the unwisdom of seeking the remedy of ecclesiastical grievances in schism, are illus- trated by the fact that patronage (relief from which was the motive of these three secessions), having been legally abolished, no longer exists within the Church ; and the theory of the first reformers, after the uncertainties and delays of three centuries, has at last been realised. Questions of patronage could in no way involve that of the orders of the clergy. Everything con- nected with orders lay within the Church's sphere of purely spiritual jurisdiction. The State, which secured the Church in her patrimonial rights, and protected the independence of her courts, only stipulated that no one should be admitted to the ministry except after due examination, and by the solemn ordination of his presbytery. The 302 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish ChurcJi. attempt of a party in the Church to strip presby- teries of this right, by enacting, in the '' Veto Law" of 1834, that the judgment of a majority of the " male heads of famihes being communicants " was to supersede that of the presbytery as to the fitness of a presentee to a parish, was defeated by the decision of the House of Lords that such a radical change in the ecclesiastical constitution could not be effected, by the General Assembly, without the concurrence of Parliament. The exercise of patronage, however, had much to do with the people's loyalty to the Church, and reverence for her government ; and these were undoubtedly strained by the way in which the so- called ** Moderate" party ruled the Church, post- poning, as was commonly thought, the rights of congregations to the pleasure of patrons. There was among this party a good deal of that easy compliance with the ways of the world, that lack of spiritual-mindedness, and that philosophical in- difference to deep religious questions, which were popularly summed up in the one word *' Modera- tism." This tended to make their ministerial labours unfruitful. It rendered their Church policy unnecessarily provocative of opposition, because suggesting that it was careless of the religious sentiments of the people. The period when this Moderatism was at its height was one in which theology, as a science Scottish Literature. 303 or a literature, was, in Scotland, absolutely silent and barren. It kept strictly within its statutory limits. As far as preaching was con- cerned, if on the Moderate side there was a good deal of adust morality, there was on the Evangelical side a compensating quantity of equally dry Calvinistic orthodoxy. But this was the very time when the Scottish Church, as re- presented both by her clergy and her laity, came forward to occupy a field in which they felt no fetters cramp their freedom, and to hold a fore- most rank in British literature. Robertson him- self, the Moderate leader, took a place second only to Gibbon's as a historian. Blair's Lectures on Rhetoric caused the foundation of the Chair of English Language and Literature in the Univer- sity of Edinburgh ; and his sermons — though in no sense a contribution to theology — were so famous that they were translated into almost every European language ; and, what is perhaps more remarkable, earned their author a pension from royalty of ^f 200 a-year. Principal Campbell of Aberdeen, author of ' The Philosophy of Rhet- oric,' gained an almost equal reputation by his re- ply to Hume's essay on ' Miracles.' John Home's tragedy of ' Douglas ' acquired an immense con- temporary renown. Thomas Reid, Adam Fer- guson, Dugald Stewart, and Adam Smith forced men to listen to the voice of Scottish Philosophy. 304 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. The influences under which Scottish intellect now began to devote itself to letters were not those of any new revival of learning throughout Europe, such as had marked the period of the Renaissance. They were not the product of any immigration of foreign scholars, such as had followed the fall of Constantinople. They were mainly two : the repressive tendency of the statu- tory Calvinism on the one hand, and the liberalis- ing stimulus of the larger intercourse with Eng- land, which resulted from the Union, on the other. These combined to produce a non-theo- logical literature of great power and brilliancy. Another fact tended in the same direction. The development of the Church, in the eigh- teenth century, differed entirely from that in all previous epochs since the Reformation, in this respect — that it was dissociated from any question connected, directly or indirectly, with Episcopacy. That, as a factor in Scottish eccles- iastical affairs, as an influence on Scottish theo- logical thought, disappears before the second quarter of the eighteenth century, and does not reappear again. When this fruitful source of ecclesiastical contention and theological discus- sion vanished, no other arose to take its place, or to engross the intellectual energies which, throughout the whole of the seventeenth cen- tury, we may say, had expended themselves in Theological Reaction. 305 the strifes of presbyter and prelate. It was when Episcopacy was thus shelved that the narcotic influence of the Westminster Confession, backed by its exacting formula, made itself acutely felt. Theology had no room within its narrow barriers for speculative movement. Thus all mental energy and expanding genius turned from the strait en- closure, strictly guarded by the Confession, to wider and more open arenas. But the day of a revived theology was sure to come. The preach- ing of the post-Revolution period continued to be of the same type as that of Samuel Rutherford and the zealots of the Covenant, — a harsh and stoHd Calvinism. Thomas Boston exhibits a fair specimen of its characteristics in his ' Fourfold State ' : life not an education, but a severe pro- bation, on which depend irrevocable issues of eternal bliss or eternal torment ; an iron '' decree " absolutely determining who shall be saved, and who damned ; a view of the worthlessness of "works" which could only benumb all moral instincts and sense of personal responsibilit}^ The inevitable reaction from teaching of this sort was the preaching of morality rather than of doctrine. But the Moderate discoursing on morality was not nutritive. It begat no spiritual enthusiasm, no glow of religious sentiment, no energy of religious life. It was certain to retreat into the background, or to find its oracles de- u 3o6 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. serted, as soon as any stronger and more pas- sionate force should press forward, startling the general conscience — arresting the general atten- tion — awakening the inner consciousness which had been more than half asleep. And this force came into the sleepy hollow of the Kirk, in the shape of the resolute Calvinism and warm evangelical fervour which marked the preaching of Rowland Hill and the brothers Haldane. Hill was an English clergyman, the Haldanes were Scottish laymen ; but all three had their share in breaking up the dull and not always decorous stagnation of religious thought and life in Scot- land. What has been called the " EvangeHcal Revival " began, Calvinistic, — but without the inhuman extremes and limitations of predes- tinarianism which had marked the theology of Rutherford, Halyburton, and Boston. But this Evangelicalism, though warm and earnest, was not to some minds more sufficient as a basis of reasonable faith than the Moderatism which it displaced. It tended to foster the growth of a religion which dealt in severe and curious self- inspection, and search for ''assurance of salva- tion " in its own frames and feelings, and lacked broad and healthy sympathy. It begot a selfish individualism, and obscured the great central fact of God's fatherly relation to all, by teaching Thomas Erskine, 307 an austerely limited atonement, and formally forensic explanations of its relation to mankind. A more direct and personal application of the Gospel than the ordinary preaching commonly offered, and — as the only true warrant and source of this — an exposition of the Atonement which should evolve a deeper moral and spiritual meaning than that of the ordinary doctrine, became a felt necessity. Neither the scheme of "satisfaction," which was the favourite Puritan theory; nor the *'rectoral" hypothesis, which regarded Christ's sufferings and death as, in the main, an exhibition of divine justice and vindi- cation of God's character as the moral governor of the world, met the needs of the deepening spiritual consciousness which Evangelicalism failed to satisfy, and which could not accept, as a veracious theory of the Atonement, one which excluded from its scope the vast majority of human beings. The earliest, and in some respects the most deeply spiritual and original, representative of this unrest and wider outlook was a layman, Thomas Erskine of Linlathen. We cannot enter now on an examination of Erskine's teaching, and of that of his friend and fellow-labourer in the field of a deeper and freer theology, John Macleod Campbell. I name them here as the pioneers of the movement, which has ultimately broken the gloomy dominion of the 3o8 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. theology that had been so cramped in its growth by the shackles of Westminster that its continued influence would have, sooner or later, extin- guished the spiritual and intellectual liberty without which an apostolic ministry becomes impossible. "Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." This liberty, too, like that won at Marathon or Leuctra, has its martyrs and confessors. Campbell's deposition was the price which had to be paid to the spirit of purblind bigotry, dominant in the General As- sembly of his day, for his assertion of the free- dom of the Gospel. The Church has long repented of its act of narrow - minded injustice, and has recognised the truth of the teaching which, sixty years ago, it branded as unsound. Thus the thoughts of Churches widen with the process of the suns, and the *' heresy" of one generation becomes the accepted dogma of another, which does not always remember whose conflict displaced the error, or through whose sacrifice the advance was gained. " Thus it is the brave man chooses, while the coward stands aside, Doubting in his alDJect spirit, till his Lord is crucified. And the multitude makes virtue of the faith they had denied." The liberty of prophesying, of which Campbell was the pioneer, is now the Church's secure pos- session. Church Discipline. 309 In other departments of her Hfe we can mark a similar enfranchisement from time-worn bonds. Till within living memory her discipline proceeded upon principles and methods in many particulars not far removed from those of her Roman period. An inquisitive scrutiny of morals was conducted by kirk-sessions ; and penalties, little differing from penances, were prescribed to delinquents, with the intention of " satisfying the Kirk." The practical benefit of all this was very question- able. In as far as it might engender in the minds both of ministers and people a keener sense of the obligation of pure morality, it would do good. But it was more likely, in most cases, to foster a system of spying and informing on the one hand, and of deception and pietistic pre- tension on the other — alike fatal to the practice of Christian charity and to the growth of a salu- tary and manly public opinion. It is open to debate whether the confessional of the Popish priest, or the surveillance of the Protestant min- ister and kirk-session, was the more injurious to that self-respect and spirit of personal liberty which are inseparable from all true morality. The exercise of discipline still requires reform on the lines of definite principle and uniform applica- tion ; but the disuse of the former devices of secret investigation and public penance is a dis- tinct deliverance from an oppressive system. 310 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJinrch. The ritual of the Church, during the eighteenth and the earHer part of the nineteenth centur}^, was bald and unimpressive in the extreme, disfigured by many of the roughest features of the irreverent Puritanism of the Protectorate. The spirit of enlightened and liberal progress has to a large extent transformed it, so that it has now regained some, at least, of the catholic usages and pro- prieties in which, three hundred years ago, it was at one with all the Reformed Churches. The Church's conception of her duty, as a national institution, has also expanded in breadth and comprehensiveness. Sectarian sentiment, engendered by long periods of party strife and quarrel over secondary questions, has given place to a healthy conviction, at once devout and pa- triotic, of the primary necessity of caring for the nation as a whole, and holding her establish- ment, with all its privileges and endowments, in trust for the general good — moral, intellectual, social — of all the people. To realise this great conception of her position and duty, the Church needs all the self-devotion and power her min- istry can supply. Nothing could help her more, in so worthy a work, than the restoration to their proper places of an order and an office, which have not held these places since the Reformation. The order is the Diaconate. Well known and expressly recognised then, as the second order in The Church's Future. 311 the apostolic ministry, it has been partly super- seded by the eldership (invested, through the ill- starred definition of the Second Book of Discip- line, with a character not its own), and partly dis- used, through a strange and unpardonable laxity. Never wholly dormant, it has been of late revived in several parishes. In others it is still in abey- ance. It ought to be revived in all in which it has been allowed to lapse, and the apostolic min- istry thus restored to its original completeness. The office is the Superintendency. Without this in well - organised operation there can be no thorough, impartial, and effective supervision of parochial and presbyterial functions, and no responsible guarantee of adequate discharge of duty. It is fortunate for the Church that, in again choosing, from the ranks of her ministry, men able to exercise this office, she would be introducing no innovation, but simply revert- ing to the wise practice of the fathers of the Reformation. The Church has a noble future before her. She will best adapt herself to its necessities by the reverent study of a noble Past. We have seen, as we have reviewed a history full of vicissi- tudes of war and peace, of storm and calm, of, conflict and of victory, many a passage that re- cords the temporary triumph of autocratic tyranny over popular rights, of superstition over the power 3 1 2 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJiurcJi. of love and of a sound mind, of knavish statecraft over unselfish patriotism ; the disastrous results of irrational devotion to wrong principles, and of the maintenance of just principles upon unten- able grounds ; the loss of spiritual power con- sequent on the base enjoyment of carnal security and ease ; but at no point in that histor}^ have we failed to mark — even amid its deepest gloom and confusion — some clear sign of the presence of that Divine Spirit which the Church's Head has promised shall abide with her for ever. He has never left Himself without a witness. In the unworldly simplicity and flaming zeal of the Celtic apostles — in the pious lives of the best of the Roman clergy — in the martyrs and confessors of the Reformation and of the Covenant — in the faithful remnant who began to rebuild the battered walls after the deliverance from the bondage of the Stuarts — in the prolonged array of faithful men who until now have preserved unimpaired the succession of the ministry, the testimony of the Christian creed, the sacred line of that life of which the Cross is the inspiration, we see suffi- cient evidence that this Church is a true plant of the divine husbandman's planting, and that " the holy seed is the substance thereof." Should the day again come, as it has come often in the past, when she shall find herself deserted by false friends, assailed by envious foes, " fallen on evil The ChurcUs Future. 3 1 3 tongues and evil times, and compassed round with darkness and with danger," the conscious- ness of this will be her strength and stay; will encourage her people to uphold, and to hand on to generations yet unborn, her righteous claim to the title of the National Church of Scotland ; and will nerve her pastors and teachers to make full proof of their Apostolic Ministry. APPENDIX I. THE TENURE OF THE SCOLLOGS. " The actual tenants of the lands were those who offici- ated ; but, like so much else, the lands in no long time came to be secularised, the tenants paying so much to provide choristers, known as * Scollogs,' 'Scolocs' — (' Scolofthes ' seems to be the most ancient spelling) : their lands, as well as many others in E., were under the superiority of St Andrews. There is record of them being leased in 1265. A century and a quarter later (1387), when the Bishop of St Andrews, in person, held an inquest at E. into his rights and belongings there, among other matters, it was renewed or confirmed upon the Scoloc lands that they had to provide four choristers, and with sufficient robes, to sing in the church. This service had likely gone on till the Reformation, though with the laxity that had crawled into all else. It had never, apparently, nor anything in its place, been resumed in the Reformed Church — it would have been reckoned rank idolatry. Nevertheless, in the E. charters, in the sasines or infeftments of heirs, there is mentioned for a century and a half after the Reformation the burden 3i6 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish CJmrch. on the Scoloc lands of providing four singers — in one deed, which is in the common tongue, they are called 'clarks-sangsters.' . , . "What have you got now for these valuable acres, granted so long ago to the 'dark-attired Culdee'? Gradually leased away with the burden upon them of supplying the four ' sangsters/ who had been paid ever more and more niggardly, while the acres increased in value, even this due was allowed to lapse ; but the illusion was carried on upon parchment for a century or two longer, until it vanished in air. Truly you have been * let down ' gently — ' with the process of the suns ' — over these thousand years or thereby, — but of a verity 'let down.'" The above, from an obliging correspondent, is an illustration of the tenure on which the Scollogs held their lands and rendered their services, and of the ecclesiastical laxity and secular trickery by which the Church has been, in so many cases, cozened out of her property. APPENDIX II. THE ABERBROTHOCK MANIFESTO: A LETTER FROM THE SCOTS BARONS TO THE POPE (National MSS., Part H.) " To the most Holy Father in Christ our Lord, the Lord John, by Divine Providence of the Holy Roman and Catholic Church Supreme Pontiff, his humble and de- voted sons, Duncan Earl of Fyf, Thomas Ranulf Earl of Moray Lord of Man and of Annandale, Patrick of Dunbar Earl of March, Malise Earl of Stratheryne, Malcolm Earl of Lennox, William Earl of Ross, Magnus Earl of Caith- ness and Orkney, and William Earl of Sutherland, Walter Steward of Scotland, William de Soulis Butler of Scotland, James Lord of Douglas, Roger de Mowbray, David Lord of Brechyn, David de Graham, Ingeram de Umfravill, John de Menetethe, Warden of the Earldom of Menetethe, Alexander Eraser, Gilbert de Hay, Con- stable of Scotland, Robert de Keith, Mareschall of Scot- land, Henry de St Clair, John de Graham, David de Lindsay, William Olifaunt, Patrick de Graham, John de Fentoun, William de Abernethy, David de Wemys, William de Montefisco, Fergus de Ardrossane, Eustace 3 1 8 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Chnrch. de Maxwell, William de Ramsay, William de Montealto, Alan de Moravia, Donald Cambell, John Cambena, Reginald le Chen, Alexander le Setoun, Andrew de Lescelyn, and Alexander de Streaton and other Barons and free tenants, and the whole community of the king- dom of Scotland, send all manner of filial reverence, with devout kisses of your blessed feet. We know, most Holy Father and Lord, and from the chronicles and books of the ancients gather, that among other illustrious nations, ours, to wit the nation of the Scots, has been distinguished by many honours ; which passing from the greater Scythia through the Mediterranean Sea and the Pillars of Hercules, and sojourning in Spain, among the most savage tribes, through a long course of time, could nowhere be subjugated by any people, however bar- barous ; and coming thence, one thousand two hundred years after the outgoing of the people of Israel, they by many victories and infinite toil acquired for themselves the possessions in the west which they now hold, after expelling the Britons, and completely destroying the Picts, and although very often assailed by the Nor- wegians, the Danes, and the English, always kept them free from all servitude, as the histories of the ancients testify. In their kingdom one hundred and thirteen kings of their own royal stock, no stranger intervening, have reigned, whose nobility and merits, if they were not clear otherwise, yet shine out plainly enough from this, that the King of kings, even our Lord Jesus Christ, after His passion and resurrection, called them, though situated at the uttermost parts of the earth, almost the first to His most holy faith, nor would He have them confirmed in this faith by any one less than His first Apostle, although in rank second or third, to wit, Andrew the Appendix 11. 319 most meek, the brother of Saint Peter, whom he would have always preside over them, as their Patron. " Moreover, the most holy fathers your predecessors, considering these things with anxious mind, endowed the said kingdom and people as the peculiar charge of the brother of Saint Peter, with many favours and very many privileges : So that our nation, under their protection, has hitherto continued free and peaceful, until that Prince, the mighty King of the English, Edward, the father of him who now is, under the semblance of a friend and ally, in most unfriendly wise harassed our kingdom, then without a head, and our people conscious of no guilt or guile, and at that time unaccustomed to wars and attacks; and the injuries, slaughters, deeds of violence, plunderings, burnings, imprisonments of prelates, firing of monasteries, spoha- tions and murders of men of religion, as well as other outrages which this prince perpetrated on the said people, sparing no age or sex, religion or order, no one could describe or fully understand but he who has learnt it from experience. From these evils innumer- able, by the help of Him who, after wounding, heals and restores to health, we were freed by our most gallant Prince, King and Lord, our Lord Robert, who, to rescue his people and heritage from the hands of enemies, like another Maccabaeus or Joshua, endured toil and weariness, hunger and danger, with a cheerful mind ; him also the Divine Providence, and according to our laws and customs, which we will maintain even to the death, the succession of right and the due consent and assent of us all, have made our Prince and King ; to whom as to him by whom deliverance has been wrought for our people, we for the defence of our 320 Apostolic Ministry in the Scottish Church. liberty are bound, both by right and by his deserts, and are determined in all things to adhere. But, if he were to desist from what he has begun, wishing to subject us or our kingdom to the King of England or the English, we would immediately endeavour to expel him as our enemy, and the subverter of his own rights and ours, and make another our King, who should be able to defend us \ for, so long as a hundred remain alive, we never will in any degree be subject to the dominion of the English. Since not for glory, riches, or honours we fight, but for liberty alone, which no good man loses but with his life. Hence it is, Reverend Father and Lord, that we beseech your Holiness, with all urgency of entreaty, on the bended knees of our hearts, that you, reflecting with sincere heart and pious mind how, with Him whose place on earth you hold, there is no respect of persons, nor distinction of Jew or Greek, Scots or English, and looking with fatherly eyes on the sufferings and straits brought on us and the Church of God by the English, would deign to admonish and exhort the King of the English, for whom that which he possesses ought to suffice, seeing that of old England used to be enough for seven kings or more, to leave in peace us Scots, dwelling in this little Scotland, beyond which there is no human abode, and desiring nothing but our own ; and for procuring peace we are heartily willing to render him whatever we can, having regard to our estate ; for it concerns you, Holy Father, thus to do, who seest the cruelty of the heathens raging against the Christians, whose sins demand such punish- ment, and the bounds of the Christians narrowed day by day; and how much it would derogate from the memory of your Holiness if, which God forbid, the Appendix IL 321 Church in any part of it suffer in your times edipse or scandal, judge ye. Stir up, therefore, the Christian Princes, who, alleging no real cause, pretend that they cannot go to the succour of the Holy Land on account of the wars which they have with their neighbours, of which impediment the truer cause is, that in the sub- jugation of their smaller neighbours they reckon the advantage nearer and the resistance feebler. But with how joyful heart our said Lord and King, and we, if the King of England leave us in peace, would go thither. He who knows all things knows well. " This we declare and testify to you the vicar of Christ and to all Christendom; and if, trusting too much to the reports of the English, your Holiness do not give to this implicit belief, and abstain from favour- ins them to our confusion, the loss of life, the ruin of souls, and other evils that will follow, which they will inflict on us, and we on them, will, we believe, be laid to your charge by the Most High. Wherefore we are and shall be, in those things wherever we are bound, as sons of obedience, to do your pleasure in all things as His vicar ; and to Him, as the supreme King and Judge, we commit the defence of our cause, casting our care on Him, and firmly trusting that He will give courage to us, and bring our enemies to naught. May the Most High long preserve your Holiness in health to His Holy Church. " Given at the monastery of Abirbrothoc in Scotland the sixth day of April, in the year of Grace one thousand three hundred and twenty, and of the reign of the King above-mentioned, the fifteenth." INDEX, Abbat, importance of the office of, under Columba, 82 — a presbyter, not a bishop, 84 — primacy of the Columban monasteries vested in the, 119 — privilege granted to the, to sit in Parliament, 224. Aberbrothock Manifesto, the, 196 — Appendix II., 317-321. Aberdeen, the Breviary of, quoted, 43 — opposition to the Solemn League and Covenant at, 278 — new school of theology at, ih. Abernethy, church of Columba at, 64 — the bishopric at, 120— seat of primacy of the Columban Church, i/>. Adamnan, Life of Columba by, 60 — account of the closing years of Columba by, 67— on the ritual of the Columban Church, 87. Agilbert, leads the Roman party at the Whitby Conference, 105. Aidan, mission to Northumbria of, 99 — establishes a church on Lindisfarne, 100. Alban, Bishop of, title of primate of the Columban Church, 120. Alban, S., martyrdom of, 36. Alchfrid, King of Northumbria, opposes the teaching of the Celtic monks, loi. "Altus," the, 52, 138. Anchorites. See Eremites. Anglican Articles, the, 6. Antioch, "prophets and teachers" at, 8. Antony, S., account of the life of. 72 — effect of certain words of Christ upon, id. — hermit life of, 73 — develops the coenobite life, id. Apostolic Ministry, definition of an, 4 — essential note of, id. — view of, in the Scottish Church, id. "Archimandrite," the title of, 74. 'Armagh, Book of,' the, 79. Armagh, foundation of the primacy of, 80. Armenian Church. See Church. Asaph, S., successor to Kentigern in Wales, 47. Ascension, observance of, 276. Assembly, the General, modelled on the early provincial council, 241 — when first held, 242 — ori- ginal constitution of, 260 — Acts passed by, on innovations, 285 — meeting of, in 1690, 293. Augustine, mission to Britain of, 96. Augustine, S., theology of, 93. Baillie, account of a day at the Westminster Assembly by, 287. Baird, Mr, warm patriotism and zealous church man ship of, 2. " Baird Lectureship," terms of en- dowment of the, I. Basel, representatives of theScottish Church at the Council of, 197. Beaton, Cardinal, profligacy of, 208 — ability of, 209, 216. Bede, on conversions by Ninian, 41 — quoted as to Christianity in Northumbria, 97 — on efficient Index, 323 ministry in the Celtic Church, no, 112. Bernard, S., on irregularities in the Irish Church, 8t. Bernham, David of, canons drawn up by, 201. Bishop, no trace of distinction in the New Testament between "elder" and, 20— emergence of the office of, 22 — no trace of divine institution of the office of, ^i^._ growth of the distinction between the elder and the, 27— the parish the diocese of the, 30 — subordination of the, in the Columban Church, 80, 82. Bishops, creation of the Caroline, 292 — appeal to the General As- sembly by, 295. Blane, missionary devotion of, 62. Boece, Hector, 153, 213. ' Book of Common Order, The,' the Scottish Church and, 284— drops out of use, 290 — opinion of the author of, 291. ' Book of Disciphne, First,' the, on the laying on of hands, 245 — definition of an elder in, 250— institution of the "Exercise" suggested in, 258 — specific offices mentioned in, 272 — on the Holy Communion, ib.—oxv the liturgy, z^.— on the revenue of the Church, ib. — accepted by the General Assembly, 273 — sneered at by Parliament, ib. — on the election of minis- ters, 298, 'Book of Discipline, Second,' the, accepted by the General As- sembly, 273— approved by Par- liament, ib. — how it differs from the 'First Book of Discipline,' z,^.— the hand of Andrew Melville easily recognisable, ib. — on the election of ministers, 299. ' Book of the Universal Kirk,' the, 216. Boston, Thomas, the 'Fourfold State' by, 305. Brendan, S. , incident in connection with the death of, 87. Britain, the introduction of Chris- tianity into, 35— how the Church was first formed in, 36— influence of lona throughout, 95. Brownists, opposition to certain parts of the Scottish ritual by the, 284. Bruce, King Robert, firm attitude to the Pope taken by, 183. Brude, King, opposition to Col- umba by, 60 — encouraged by the Druids, ib. — converted by Columba, 61— death of, 64. Buchanan, George, 153, 213. Burnet, Bishop, quoted regarding innovations, 285. Bute, Marquess of, edition of the " Altus" by, 52. Calamy, Dr, account by, of a church service during public fasting, 287. Campbell, John Macleod, pioneer of a freer theology, 307 — de- position of, 308. "Candida Casa," the building of, 39. Canons, read at the provincial councils, 199 — on the sacra- ments, 200— on church architec- ture, ib. — on masses, ih. — David of Bernham's, 201 — on the tonsure, ib.—oxi the conduct of the clergy, ib.—ow marriage, ib. —on the work of the clergy, 202 — on vicars, ib. — on troubles and heresies in the Church, 209. Carey, a true follower of the primitive Church, 91. Carthage, Synod of, enactments by the, 26. Cassian, visit to the Egyptian monasteries by, 74— an oppon- ent of Augustine, 76. Catholic Church. See Church. Cedd, Bishop, interpreter at the conference at Whitby, 106— con- forms to the Roman order, 109. Celebrad, the, 135. Celtic Church same as Columban Church. See Church. Charles I., fanaticism of, 276— Scots politicians of, 280— reck- less treatment of the question of worship in the Scottish Church by, 284. 324 Index. Charles II., Scotland during the reign of, 281. Christmas, obst^rvance of, 276. Chrodigang, Bishop, founds the institution of "secular canons," 156. Church, Armenian, characteristics of the, 3. Church, Indo-Syrian, features of the, resembling the Celtic Church, 113, 114, Church, the, no special class of ministry in, 11 — popular and social characteristics of, ib. — not an order, but a society, 13, 14 — decay of apostolic character of the, 14 — sacerdotal development within, ib. — the dark period in, 23 — early Presbyterian features in, ib. Church, the Catholic, the Church of Scotland a branch of, 3 — examples of Churches that do not so form part of, ib. — sacer- dotalism and, 16. Church, the Columban, distinct idea in the government of, 83 — observance of the yearly festi- vals in, 85 — the tonsure in, ib. — absence of Mariolatry in, 86 — ecclesiastical type in, //;. — doc- trines held in, ib. — ritual in, 87 — celebration of mass in, //;. — connection with the East of, 88 — beautiful simplicity of, 89 — influ- ence of, upon later times, 90 — primitive spirit of, 91 — little affected by Patristic tradition, 92 — theology of, //;. — purity and validity of the orders of, no — transference of the primacy of, to Dunkeld, 118 — succession of abbats ended, ib. — the monas- tery at lona burnt, 119 — primacy of, removed to Abernethy, 120 — assumes a national character, 122 — not the same multiplicity of bishops as in Ireland, 124 — choice and power of the abbat in, ib. — special distinction of the bishops in, ib. — idea of the min- istry in, 125— duty incumbent on an aspirant to the ministry in, 126 — ministry of the Diseartach (man of the desert), 127 — the Sos- celaightc or gospeller, ib. — com- mon worship of the members of, 135— the " Celebrad," ib. — the " Oiffrenn," ib. — rule of faith in, 136 — use and value of the Psal- ter in, 137 — prominence of music in, ib. — hymns freely used in, 138— the " Altus," ib. — Respon- sories, ib. — order of service in, ib. — ritual of, ib. — the prayer of Intercession, 139 — the Euchar- ist, ib., 141 — the Immolation, 141-144 — sacrament of baptism in, 145 — language of the services in, 146 — most distinctive charac- teristics of, 149 — loss of early characteristics by, 151 — stamped with the Celtic character, 161 — causes of decay in, 162, 163 — in- terest in education of 211. Church, the Scottish, never a com- plaisant vassal of Rome, 196 — representatives of, at the Council of Basel, 197 — provincial coun- cils held in, 198 — discipline in, 309 — improved ritual of, 310 — expanded conception of her duty, ib. — has a noble future, 311. Cleirich Mainistrich, the, 129. Clement, Epistles of, on the presi- dent of the Christian commun- ity, 23. Clergy, the, how esteemed by the people after the Reformation, 271. Clonard, Columba at the school of, 52 — ordination of Columba at, 53- Ccenobium, constitution of a, 74. Colman, succeeds Finan at Lin- disfarne, 100 — represents the Celtic clergy at the conference at Whitby, 105 — arguments of, there, 106, 107 — abandons Lin- disfarne, 109. Columba, S. , legendary meeting be- tween Kentigernand, 48 — arrival in Scotland of, 52 — boyhood of, ib. — literary training of, ib. — Celtic poems attributed to, ib. — schools attended by, 53 — ordination of, ib. — the greatest monasteries of, 54 — a master of Index. 325 the art of copying and illumin- ating MSS., ib. — dispute with Finnian, ib., 55 — retires to Inis- murray, 56 — excommunicated by the Irish Church, ib. — in- duced by Molassius to leave Ire- land, ib. — sails to lona^ 57 — lona bestowed upon, by King Connal, 59 — choice of head- quarters at lona, ib. — first efforts at, ib. — missionary idea of, ib. — enters on the conversion of the Northern Picts, 60 — force of per- sonal ascendancy in, 61— marvel- lous voice of, ib. — founder of the Scottish Church, 62 — assistants of, ib. — individual liberty under the sway of, 63 — mission into the East and Midlands of, 64 — influ- ence of, 65 — author of the inde- pendence of Dalriada, 66 — char- acter of, 67 — Adamnan's ac- count of the death of, ib., 68 — efliciency and permanence of the work of, 69 — principle of the Church of, 72 — observance of the yearly festivals by, 85 — the most conspicuous example of the itinerant preacher, 128 — princely lineage of, 162. Columban Church. See Church. Columbanus, missionary following of, 94- Comgall, accompanies Columba from Ireland, 62 — two types of ministry combined in, 128. Communion, Holy, the, the First Book of Discipline on, 272 — the custom of kneeling at, 276. Confession, not made in private in the Celtic Church, 146. Confession, the first Scots', 6 — on Apostolic Ministry, ib. — defin- itely set aside, 294. Confession, the Westminster, le- gally adopted in the Scottish Church, 294. Cooldrevny, battle of, 55. Cormac, adventurous missionary voyages of, 62. Corman, unsuccessful mission to the Angles by, 99. Councils, provincial, established in the Church of Scotland, 108 — order of proceedings in, ib. — the system an anticipation of the General Assembly, 199 — canons read at, ib. Covenant, Solemn League and, motive of, 277 — conditions of subscription to, ib. Cromwell, dismissal of the Gen- eral Assembly by, 283. Culdees, the, antiquarian interest attached to, 152 — controversy as to meaning of the name, ib. — preferable etymology of the name, 153 — earliest instance of the appearance of, 154 — pre- valence of such societies, 155 — characteristics of, ib. — references by Wyntoun to, 156 — included the coenobite, 157 — their priests married men, 158 — possessed of no great centre or standard of authority, 159 — an example of affairs in the churches of, 160 — description of, 194 — decay of the order of, ib. Cuthbert, S., sanctity and devotion of, 115 — withdraws to Fame, ib. — ascetic habits of, ib. — marks a transition, 116 — churches dedi- cated to, 117 — two types of min- istry combined in, 128. Cyprian, sacerdotal theory held by, 16 — a typical High Churchman, 29. Cyril, theology of, 93. Dalriada, Columba's choice of a king for, 65 — influence of Col- umba in, ib. — the real germ of the kingdom of Scotland, ib. — made independent of the kings of Ireland, tj. David I., English prelates the advisers of, 185— establishes a general system of diocesan epis- copacy, 186 — questionable pa- tronage of the Roman Church by, 188 — monasteries erected and endowed by, 189 — founds the priory of St Andrews, 190 — institutes parishes, Zi^.— origin of "teinds" in the reign of, 191 — settlement of ritual during the reign of, 193. 326 Index. Deacon, inauguration of the office of, 7 — change of office of the, 14 — position of, in the Reformed Church, 249, 260. Deacons, mode of appointment of, 258. Diaconate, the, traces of, within the apostohc age, 22 — leading idea of, ib. — importance of the revival of, 31 1. Didache, no trace of the episcopate in the, 25. Discipline, exercised in the Scottish Church, 309. Diseartach, the, 127. Doctor, the office of, 273. Douglas, Gawain, general contem- porary esteem of, 206. Druidism, conversion of the Picts from, 65. Druimeli, the, 131. Drumceatt, Columba at the assem- bly of, 68. Dunbar, Gavin, Bishop of Aber- deen, admirable character of, 207. Dunbarton, importance of, in the fourth century, 78. Dunfermline, marriage of Malcolm Canmohr and Margaret nt, 166 — Queen Margaret's work at, 167. Dunkeld, transference of the pri- macy of the Columban Church to, 118 — King Kenneth builds a church at, 119 — primacy of the Columban Church vested in the abbat of, ib. — title of the bishop of, 120. Easter, debate at Whitby as to the celebration of, 103, 104 — defeat of the Celtic view regarding, 108, Egyptian monasticism, the germ of the Columban Church, 72. Elder, title of, exchanged for priest, 14 — no distinction between "bishop'' and, 18, 20 — Bishop Lightfoot and Dr Hatch on the office of, 19 — Dr Hatch's view criticised, 21 — gradual distinc- tion between " bishop " and, 26 — how defined in the ' First Book of Discipline,' 250 — duties of, in the Reformed Church, 260. Elders, appointment of, a natural step in the Christian Church, 18 — ordained by S. Paul, ib. — a name used by S. Paul inter- changeably with "bishops," /(J. — first indication of corporate action by, 19 — special duties of the, 83 — peculiar place of, in the Reformed Church, 249, 250. Elphinstone, Bishop of Aberdeen, admirable character of, 207. Encyclical, Popish (1896), quoted, 195, 196. Episcopacy, first appearance of, 23 — nature of, in the Ignatian Epistles, 26 — Ignatius the first advocate of, 27. Episcopate, the, emergence from the presbyterate, 19 — Dr Hatch on, 20, 21 — not apart from the presbyterate, 22 — wide diverg- ence from the simplicity of the early Church in, 31 — no ex- clusive claim over the presby- terate, 247 — imposition of, by James VI., 270. Episcopos, duties of a Presbyterian minister simply those of the, 24. " Eremites," the societies of, 72. Erskine, Thomas, of Linlathen, work in theology of, 307. Eucharist, celebration of the, in the Celtic Church, 139-141. Evangelist, Philip describes him- self as an, 7 — Timothy urged by S. Paul to do the work of an, 9. "Exercise," the, nature of, 258 — object of, ib. — discontinuance of, ib. Fasts, frequent in the Columban Church, 86. Festivals, observance by Columba of, 85. Finan, succeeds Aidan at Lindis- farne, 100. Finnian, probably visited Ninian, 43 — Columba at the school of, 52— quarrels with Columba, 54, 55- Forbes, Dr John, a pupil of Mel- anchthon, 279 — the ' Instruc- Index. 327 tiones' of, ib. — aim of the book by, ib. Forbes, Patrick, Bishop of Aber- deen, wisdom and learning of, 278. Forret, Thomas, vicar of Dollar, faithful ministry of, 207 — mar- tyrdom of, 224. Fortrenn, Bishop of, title of prim- ate of the Celtic Church, 120. French, spoken in Scotland from the thirteenth century, 213. Froude, Mr, on John Knox, 233. Gallus, missionary following of, 94. Gemman, literary training im- parted to Columba by, 52. Gnostics, instance of influence of the, 31. Grammar schools, 210 — the course taught at, 212. Gray, Rev. Andrew, curious epi- taph of, 266. Haldane, evangelical preaching of the brothers, 306. Hamilton, Patrick, martyrdom of, 224. Hampden, Bishop, on the insti- tution of the Lord's Supper, 33. Hatch, Dr, on the office of " elder," 19 — view of, criticised, 21. Hebrides, the, Irish missionaries in, 58 — Culdee cells in, 154. Henderson, Alexander, sermon by, on prelatic errors, referred to, 2815 — on the question of ritual, 286. Highlands, violence attending the settlement of Presbyterian min- isters in certain districts of the, 297. Hilda, Abbess of Whitby, agrees to the conference at her mon- astery between representatives of the Anglo-Saxon and Colum- ban Churches, 105. Hill, Rowland, evangelical preach- ing of, 306. Honorat, S., the island of, the original seat of Egyptian mon- asticism in Europe, 76. Hooker, on Church government, 262. Ignatian Epistles, the, no approach to prelatic claims in, 26 — views of Church government in, 27 — letter to the Church at Smyrna, 28 — letter to the Magnesians, ib. — letter to the Philadelphian Christians, ib. — letter to Poly- carp, ib. — maxim of, 29. Incense, not used in the Celtic ritual, 146. Independents, English, influence of on the Scottish Church, 283. Indo-Syrian Church. See Church, Inismurray, Columba retires to the island of, 56. lona bestowed upon Columba, 59 — activity of Columba's followers at, 69 — an educative and mis- sionary centre, 70 — cradle of the National Church of Scotland, 71 — characteristics of the Church at, ib. — features of the establish- ment at, 84 — perfect guilelessness of religious life at, 89 — ascetic simplicity practised at, 94 — in- fluence of, throughout Britain, 95 — college of elders at, 112 — the monastery burnt, 119 — the monastery restored by Queen Margaret, 176. Ireland, Columba maintains regu- lar intercourse with, 67. Irish monks, skill of the, in copy- ing and illuminating MSS., 54, Irving, Edward, on Church meet- ings, 259. James, S., description of his own office by, 10. James V., anxiety of the Roman Church authorities to please, 204 — offered title of ' ' Defender of the Christian Faith," 205 — Buchanan and Lyndsay en- couraged b}^, ib. James VI., episcopal propaganda of, 282. Jamieson, Dr, on the Culdees, 132. Jews, Hellenist, quarrels between Jews of Palestine and, 7. Jocelin, not a safe historical guide, 46 — account of Kentigern by, 48 — stories of Columba by, ib. 328 Index. John, S., description of his own office by, lo. Judaism, the sacerdotal element in, 15. Jude, S., description of himself as a bond-servant, 10. Keledei. See Culdees. Kells, primacy of the Columban monasteries in Ireland vested in the abbat of, 119. Kennedy, Archbishop of St An- drews, 206. Kenneth, King, the monarchy of, 66. Kenneth, missionary devotion of, 62. Kent, Roman missionaries in, 96. Kentigern, S., story of the youth of, 44 — travels of, 45 — extent of the diocese of, 46 — character of the ministry of, 47 — migrates to Wales, ib. — returns to the North, ih. — ceases from his missionary labours, 49 — death of, ib. — churches dedicated to, under his name of " Mungo," ib. — good results of the work of, 51. Kirk-session, institution of the, 244. Knockbain, violence attending the settlement of a Presbyterian min- ister at, 297. Knox, John, nature of the work of, 230 — inspiration to the national mind by, 231 — intolerance of, 232— policy of, ib. —little touched by the new learning, ib. — Dr Schaff on, 233 — Mr Froude on, ib. — effect of Calvin's theology upon, 236 — sources of the influ- ence of, ib. — defects in the char- acter of, ib. — the task set before, 239 — view of the imposition of hands, 246 — keen antagonism to Rome of, 291. Latin, the language used in the services of the Celtic Church, 146 — taught in the monastic schools in the fifteenth and six- teen centuries, 212, 213. Leighton, Archbishop, outstanding personality of, 293 — works by, ib. — tenure of episcopal office by, ib. Lerins, community of ascetics in the isles of, 76. Lightfoot, Bishop, on the office of elder, 19. Lindisfarne, headquarters of the Anglo-Celtic Church, 100. Lord's Supper, the, Scriptural ideas of, 32 — more restricted to sacer- dotal functionaries, ib. — wide departure from the original in- stitution, 33— Bishop Hampden on, ib.^ 34 — superstitions as to, among the Celtic priests, 173 — Queen Margaret's view regard- ing, ib. Lords of the Congregation, the, certain articles of reformation proposed by, 220 — alliance with Queen Elizabeth against France, 222 — mob following of, 225. Lyndsay, Sir David, James V. present at a performance of " The Three Estates " by, 205 — whom he wrote for, 214. M'Crie, Dr, severe judgment pro- nounced by, on pre-Reformation Scotland, 209. MacGregor, Rev. Duncan, quoted on the Celtic Church, 126 — quoted on mode of operations of Columba, 128 — the Lee Lecture by, 134 — on the administration of the Eucharist in the Celtic Church, 141 — on the language used in the services of the Celtic Church, 147. Machar, missionary devotion of, 62. Mackenzie, Sir George, on ritual in the Scottish Church, 289. Maelrubha, missionary devotion of, 133- Magnesians, letter of Ignatius to the, 28. Maitland of Lethington, policy of, 232. Malcolm Canmohr, the kingdom of, 164 — first meets Queen Mar- garet, 165. Manifesto, the Aberbrothock, 199, Appendix II., 317-321. Index. 329 Margaret, Queen, reviving in- fluence introduced into the Scottish Church by, 163 — meets Malcolm Canmohr des- tined for a convent, 166 — marries Malcolm Canmohr, ib, — work at Dunfermline of, ib. — religion the ruling principle of, 167 — religious zeal of, ib. — effect upon national policy and the Church of, 168 — two principles of, in national policy, ib. — Church reform the greatest work of, 170 — scrupulous in keeping of Lent, 172 — urges the keeping of the Lord's day, ib. — adheres to the Roman ritual, 173 — views on marriage of, ib. — rebuilds the monastery of lona, 176 — bestows land upon the Culdees of Loch- leven, ib. — vital change in the Church effected by, ib. Martin, S., of Tours, repute of, 39 — story of the conversion of, ib., 40. Martyr, Justin, mention of the epis- copate by, 23 — description of a communion service by, 24 — no trace of the episcopate in, 26. Meath, King of, arbitrates in the dispute between Columba and Finnian, 54. Melville, Andrew, development of Presbyterian polity by, 263 — abolishes " tulchans," 264. Mercia, evangelisation of, 100. Ministry, value and efficiency of a, 5 — loses its simple apostolic character, 14— lofty Celtic ideal of a, 125 — admission to the, af- ter the Reformation, 245 — the "call" the primary basis of, ib. — the laying on of hands, ib., 246. Moderatism, unfortunate results of, 302 — Robertson the historian and, 303— Dr Blair and, ib. Molassius, induces Columba to leave Ireland, 56. "Monastic schools," virtually in place of the universities, 212. Monks, three classes of, at lona, 85. Montalembert, quoted regarding the introduction of Christianity into Northumbria, 98 — quoted on the work of Wilfrid, no. Mundus or Mun, missionary de- votion of, 63— rule left his fol- lowers by, 133. Mungo, S. See Kentigern. M3dne, Walter, martyrdom of, 224. Nectan, King of the Picts, expels all Columban monks from his territory, it8. Nice, Council of, decision of, as to the celebration of Easter, 103. Ninian, S., baptism of, 37 — visit to Rome of, 38 — object of the journey to Rome by, 39 — con- secrated a bishop, ib. — visits Martin of Tours, ib. — builds "Candida Casa," ib. — mon- astery of, at Whithern, 40 — religious ministry of, 41 — where he mainly carried on his mis- sion, ib. — travels of, ib. — number of churches dedicated to, ib. — transitory effect of the work of, 42 — repute in Ireland of his training-school of Whithern, ib. — death of, 43 — fate of the work of, 51. Nobles, the Scottish, disloyal character of, 226 — desirous to plunder the Church, 228. Northumbria, evangelisation of, 97, 100. Oblation, the Great, 143. Odran, missionary devotion of, 133. Oiffrenn, the, 135. Ollamh, the, 131, Ordination, rite of, in the Reformed Church, 246— privilege of, with- drawn from the diocesan bishop, ib_. — theory of episcopal apolo- gists on, 247 — in the Roman Catholic Church, ib. Oronsay, Columba lands at, 57, Oswald, King, consolidates North- umbria, 98 — appeals to lona for missionaries, ib. — death of, 100. Oswy, King, succeeds to the throne of Northumbria, 100 — instruc- 330 Index. ted by Scottish monks, loi — presides at the conference at Whitby, io6. Pachomius, monastic institution of, 74— admirers of the ascetic hfe of, ib. Paganism, revival of the supersti- tions of, 14. Palladius, mission to Scotland of, 43 — tradition regarding Serf and, ib. Parishes, institution of, 190. Patrick, S. , obscure history of, ']j — birthplace of, 78 — early life of, ib. — sold into slavery, ib. — stud- ies at Lerins, ib. — returns to Ire- land, 79 — missionary practice of, 80 — virtually Christianised Ire- land, ib. — most distinctive feat- ure in the organisation by, ib. — ordained bishop, 81 — reverence for the Word of God by, 137. Patronage, Act of Parliament re- garding, 298 — up to the time of the Reformation, 299 — under- standing as to, after the Refor- mation, ib. — the Second Book of Discipline on, ib. — compen- sation for loss of the right of, ib. — placed on its original footing, 300 — restoration of, alien to the ideas of the Scottish people, ib. — frequent disputed settlements because of, ib. — error of the enforcement of, ib. — en- forcement by the Church, 301 — the " Veto Law " of 1834, 302. Paul, S., silent regarding Church offices, 9 — only titles applied to himself, ib. — exhortation to Tim- othy by, on a preacher's duty, ib. — instructions to Titus by, ib. — usage of, as to the terms ' ' elder " and "bishop," 10 — injunctions of, as to the eldership, 18 — on the action of elders, 19 — on the " laying on of hands," 246. Pelagius, ideas of, probably existent among the monks of lona, 86. Penda, King of Mercia, carries on war against Northumbria, 97, 100. Perth, the Articles of, 275. Peter, S., description of his own office by, 10. Philadelphian Christians, letter of Ignatius to the, 28. Philip, the preaching of, 7 — not bound by one office or function, 8. Pictland, position of, 58— secular affairs of, controlled by Columba, 65. Picts, Northern, mission of Colum- ba to the, 60. Picts, Southern, mission of Ninian to the, 41, 42. Polycarp, letter of Ignatius to, 28. Pope, growth of authority of the, 181, 182. Pope Honorius III., inquires into a dispute concerning the Culdees at St Andrews, 194. Prayer- Book, the national, super- seded by the Directory, 285. Prelacy, the first foe of the Re- formed Church, 263. Presbyter, the, Dr Hatch on, 20 — a recognised order in the Re- formed Church, 249. Presbyterate, the, emergence of the episcopate from, 19 — fully devel- oped during the age of the apostles, 22 — episcopate not apart from, ib. Presbytery, institution of the, 244 — meaning of, 255. Priest, title of, exchanged for that of bishop, 14. " Protesters," the, 281, 288. Psalter, frequent use of the, in the Celtic Church, 137. " Purging Committee," the, 278. " Quartodecimans," the, 103. Reader, the, institution of, in the Church, 251 — duties of, ib. Reeves, Bishop, on the jurisdiction of the abbat, 84. Reformers, the Scottish, work of, 240— revert to the Apostolic con- ception of the Church, 244 — no dogmatic hatred of Episcopacy by the first, 252. Regulars, parish churches gifted to the, 192. Index. 331 " Resolutioners," the, 281. Ripon, King Alchfrid expels Celtic monks from the monastery at, lOI. Ritual, definitely settled in the reign of David I., 193 — "The Use of Sarum," ib. — Puritanic level of, 289 — baldness of, in the Scot- tish Church in the eighteenth century, 309 — modern improve- ment of, 310. Robertson, the historian, the leader on the side of Modera- tism, 303. Rome, visit of Ninian to, 38 — un- doubted connection of Ninian with, /(^. — studies of Ninian at, 39- Sacerdotalism, effect of, 16 — modern revival of, 17 — growth of, most evident in the elder- ship, ib. Sacraments, the, changes in the administration of, 31 — the Lord's Supper, 32. "Sang schools," 210— in place of primary schools, 211 — extinction of, at the Reformation, ib. " Sarum, the Use of," 193, Schools, three classes of, in Scot- land, 210— primary intention of "Sang schools," ?i^. —" Gram- mar schools," ib. — " Monastic schools," ib. — features common to, ib. — method of management of, 211 — at Roxburgh, ib. — at Aberdeen, ib. Scollogs, the, 131 — lands leased by, at St Andrews, Appendix I., 315— Church duties required from, ib. Scone, national religious conference at, 121. Scotland, aim of the Reformation in, 234. Seculars, the, 131. Sedan, Scots Professors at the university of, 281. Serf, S., mission of, 43 — interesting personality of, ib. Servanus. See Serf. Shairp, Principal, quoted on Kentigern, 49-51. Skelton, Mr, on Maitland of Leth- ington, 232. Smyrna, letter of Ignatius to the Church at, 28. Soscelaighte, the, 127. Spottiswoode, the quasi-episcopate of, 270. St Andrews, seat of primacy of the Columban Church, i2o^stateof, in Queen Margaret's day, 160 — erected into a metropolitan see, 181 —priory of canons founded at, 190. "Stone of Destiny," the, 65. Stowe Missal, the, referred to, 145. Superintendency, necessity of the office of, 311. Superintendent, mode of appoint- ing the, 257. Superintendents, appointment of, in the Reformed Church, 253. Synagogue, the term used by S. James to designate the Christian assembly, 18. Synedrion, the, 21. Synod, institution of the, 244. Tabennae, the society of Pachomius at, 74. Teinds, origin of, 191 — system of, spontaneously adopted in the Scottish Church, 192 —wrongly regarded as imposts, 203. TertuUian, remark by, on the in- troduction of Christianity into Britain, 35. Timothy, exhortation of S. Paul to, on a preacher's duty, 9 — first letter of S. Paul to, 19— how ap- pointed to his office, ib. Titus, instructions of S. Paul to, on the duties of a bishop, 9. Tonsure, that of lona different from the Roman, 85. Tours, Ninian at, 39. " Tulchan " bishops, abolition of, 264. Turgot, quoted on the learning of Queen Margaret, 172 — appointed Bishop of St Andrews, 178 — con- secrated at York, 180. Union, effects of the, between England and Scotland, 304. 332 Index. United States, Churches in, lack the note of nationality, 3. Valentia, first authentic proofs of a native Christianity in, 37 — Ninian's mission in, 41, 42. "Veto Law," the Patronage, of 1834, 302. Vincent, S., the great teacher of asceticism, 76. Westminster Assembly, the, mo- tive of, 277 — service books au- thorised at, 282. 'Westminster Directory,' the, not sought in Scotland, 284 — accepted by the General Assem- bly, 285. Whitby, conference at, between representatives of the Anglo- Saxon and Columban Churches, 103-108. Whithern, work of Ninian at, 40. Wilfrid, S., enters the monastery at Lindisfarne, loi — visits Rome, ib. — installed tutor of King Oswy, ib.—m conflict with the Celtic Church, 102 — leads de- bate at Whitby on behalf of the Roman Church, 106 — speech of, at Whitby, 107, to8 — later career of, no— foremost claims of, as a moulder of the Anglo- Saxon Church, ib. Winzet, Ninian, condemnation of the priesthood by, 207. Wishart, George, martyrdom of, 224. Wycliffite doctrine in Scotland, 223. Zwingli, intimate relation of Church and State under, 249. THE END. PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. Catalogue of Messrs Blackwood & Sons' Publications PHILOSOPHICAL CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS. Edited by WILLIAM KNIGHT, LL.D., Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of St Andrews. In crown 8vo Volumes, with Portraits, price 3s. 6d. 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