/o .-n . ^c^ ^J .Ml**^ ^ tUe Ibwlojta/ ^ ^ %/■ PRINCETON, N. J. **, % Division .-iBd.s-/'^ I | .It I Section A co^yl gntgrnational Crtttcal Commentary on t^e m\}} Mtiptntt^ of tl)e O^lti anti UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF THE REV. CHARLES AUGUSTUS BRIGGS, D.D., D.LlTT. Edward Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Tlieological Seminary, New York ; THE REV. SAMUEL ROLLES DRIVER. D.D., D.LlTT. Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford ; THE Rev. ALFRED PLUMMER, D.D. Master of University College, Dztrliam. ^t Intonafional Critical Cgmmtutarg on tl)e i^olt? Sctiptuvcs of tlje (S)lb anb Kcro Qitsiamtnis, EDITORS' PREFACE. There are now before the public many Commentaries, written by British and American divines, of a popular or homiletical character. T/ie Cambridge Bible for Schools, the Handbooks for Bible Classes atul Private Students, The Speaker's Commentary, The Popular Commentary (Schaff), The Expositor s Bible, and other similar series, have their special place and importance. But they do not enter into the field of Critical Biblical scholarship occupied by such series of Commentaries as the Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum A. T.; De Wette's Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbiich zum N. T.; Meyer's Kritisch-exegetischer Kom- mentar; Keil and Delitzsch's Biblischer Cominentar iiher das A. T.; Lange's Theologisch-homilctisckes Bibelwerk ; Nowack's Handkommenfar zum A. T. ; Holtzmann's Handkomvientar zum N. T. Several of these have been translated, edited, and in some cases enlarged and adapted, for the English- speaking public ; others are in process of translation. But no corresponding series by British or American divines has hitherto been produced. The way has been prepared by special Commentaries by Cheyne, Ellicott, Kalisch, Lightfoot, Perowne, Westcott, and others ; and the time has come, in the judgment of the projectors of this enterprise, when it is practicable to combine British and American scholars in the production of a critical, comprehensive EDITORS PREFACE Commentary that will be abreast of modern biblical scholar- ship, and in a measure lead its van. Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons of New York, and Messrs. T. & T. Clark of Edinburgh, propose to publish such a series of Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments, under the editorship of Prof. C. A. Briggs, D.D., in America, and of Prof. S. R. Driver, D.D,, for the Old Testament, and the Rev. Alfred Plummer, D.D., for the New Testament, in Great Britain. The Commentaries will be international and inter-con- fessional, and will be free from polemical and ecclesiastical bias. They will be based upon a thorough critical study of the original texts of the Bible, and upon critical methods of interpretation. They are designed chiefly for students and clergymen, and will be written in a compact style. Each book will be preceded by an Introduction, stating the results of criticism upon it, and discussing impartially the questions still remaining open. The details of criticism will appear in their proper place in the body of the Commentary. Each section of the Text will be introduced with a paraphrase, or summary of contents. Technical details of textual and philological criticism will, as a rule, be kept distinct from matter of a more general character ; and in the Old Testa- ment the exegetical notes will be arranged, as far as possible, so as to be serviceable to students not acquainted with Hebrew. The History of Interpretation of the Books will be dealt with, when necessary, in the Introductions, with critical notices of the most important literature of the subject. Historical and Archaeological questions, as well as questions of Biblical Theology, are included in the plan of the Commentaries, but not Practical or Homiletical Exegesis. The Volumes will constitute a uniform series THE INTERNATIONAL CRITICAL COMMENTARY. The following eminent Scholars are engaged upon the Volumes named below : — THE OLD TESTAMENT. Genesis. The Rev. T. K. Cheyne, D.D., Oriel Professor of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture, University of Ox- ford. Exodus. The Rev. A. R. S. Kennedy, D.D,, Professor of Hebrew, University of Edinburgh. Leviticus. J. F. Stenning, M.A., Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. Numbers. G. Buchanan Gray, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, Mansfield College, Oxford. {^N'ow Ready. Deuteronomy. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D. , D.Litt., Regius Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Oxford. \^No%v Ready. Joshua. The Rev. George Adam Smith, D.D., LL.D., Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Free Church College, Glasgow. Judges. The Rev. George Moore, D.D., Professor of The- ology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. \_Nozv Ready. Samuel. The Rev. PI. P. Smith, D.D., Professor of Biblical History, Amherst College, Mass. \_Now Ready. Kings. The Rev. Francis Brown, D.D., D.Litt., LL.D., Pro- fessor of Hebrew and Cognate Languages, Union Theological Seminary, New Vork City. Chronicles. The Rev. Edward L. Curtis, D.D., Professor of He- brew, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Ezra and The Rev. L. \V. Batten, Ph, D., sometime Professor Nehemiah, of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia, now Rector of St. Mark's Church, New York City. Esther. The Rev. L. B. Paton, Ph.D., Professor of He- brew, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. Psalms. The Rev. Charles A. Briggs, D.D., D.Litt., Edward Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York. Proverbs. The Rev. C. H. Toy, D.D., LL.D., Professor of He- brew, Plarvard University, Cambridge, Massachu- setts. {^Nnv Readv. Job. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., D.Litt., Regius Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Oxford. Isaiah, Ch. 1-39. The Rev. S. R. Driver, D.D., D Litt., Regius Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Oxford. Isaiah, Ch. The late Rev. A. B. Davidson, D.D., LL.D., some 40-66. time Professor of Hebrew, Free Church College, Edinburgh. Jeremiah. The Rev. A. F. Kirkpatrick, D.D., Regius Pro- fessor of Hebrew, Cambridge, England. Daniel. The Rev. John P. Peters, Ph.D., D.D., sometime Professor of Hebrew, P. E. Divinity School, Phila- delphia, now Rector of St. Michael's Church, New York City. Amos and W. R. Harper, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Uni- Hosea. versity of Chicago, Illinois [/« the Press. Micah to W. R. Harper, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Uni- Malachi. versity of Chicago, Illinois. THE INTERNATIOML CRITICAL COMMENTARY— Continued. St, Matthew. St. Mark. St. Luke. Harmony of the Gospels. Acts. Romans. Corinthians. Galatians. Ephesians and Colossians. Philippians and Philemon. Thessalonians. The Pastoral Epistles. Hebrews. St. James. Peter and Jude. The Epistles of John. Revelation, THE NEW TESTAMENT. The Rev. Willoughby C. Allen, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. The late Rev. E. P. Gould, D.D. , sometime Professor of New Testament Literature, P. E. Divinity School, Philadelphia. [A'ow J^eady. The Rev. Alfred Plummer, D.D., sometime Master of University College, Durham. \_N^(nii Ready. The Rev. William Sai^day, D.D., LL.D., Lady Mar- garet Professor of Divinity, Oxford, and the Rev. Willoughby C. Allen, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. The Rev. Frederick H. Chase, D.D., Fellow of Christ's College and Vice Chancellor, Cambridge, Eng. The Rev. William Sanday, D.D., LL.D., Lady Mar- garet Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and the Rev. A. C. Headlam, M.A. , Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford. \_Nersity. The Rev. Charles Bigg. D.D., Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. [A'i'Ziy Ready. The Rev. S. D. F. Salmond, D.D., Principal and Professor of Systematic "Theology, Free Church Col- lege, Aberdeen. The Rev. Robert H. Charles, D.D., Professor of Biblical Greek in the University of Dublin. Other engagements zvill lie announced shortly. NUMBERS GEORGE BUCHANAN GRAY, M.A., D.D. SKETCH MAP OF PALESTINE lauSTMTING COMMENTABY ON NUMBERS The International' Critical Commentary A CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL COMMENTARY ox NUMBERS BT GEORGE BUCHANAN GRAY, M.A., D.D. PBOFESSOR OF HF.BKEVV AND OLD TESTAMENT EXEGESIS IN MANSFIELD COLLEGE, OXFORD NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1903 Tka Rights of Translation and of Reproduction are Reser-jed. PREFACE. It is five-and-thirty years since the English translation of Keil's Commentary on Numbers, which had been published in Germany five years before, appeared. Neither the Speaker s Commentary, nor any other English Commentary on the book published since, possesses any independent value. Keil's interpretation started from a standpoint which was at the time professedly, and recognised to be, conservative, and which the advance of scholarship in the interval has increasingly shown to be untenable. It is unnecessary to say more to indicate the need for a new English Commentary. In Germany a second edition of Keil's work appeared in 1870, Dillmann's Commentary in 1886, and Strack's in 1 894. To Dillmann the present writer is greatly indebted. But even since 1886 standpoints have changed, and know- ledge on many special points has increased. It is the aim of the present Commentary to enable the reader to look at and interpret the Book of Numbers from these new standpoints in the light of the new, as well as of the old, knowledge. Two new German Commentaries are announced as likely to appear shortly : * these, of course, have not been available for use in the preparation of the present volume, * One in Nowack's Ha?idkomvientar zuni AT, by Baentsch ; the other in Marti's Ktirzcr Hand-Comvieritar zum AT, by Holzing'er. vili PREFACE A few monographs on certain sections of the book have recently appeared, and Paterson's critical edition of the text was published in 1900; but in the main the new material for the interpretation of the book has had to be sought in more general works on Lexicography, Textual and Literary Criticism, Archeology, and Anthropology. Inscriptions and Monumental Evidence have cast less direct light on Numbers than on many of the books of the Old Testament. On the other hand, several sections of the book, when viewed from the standpoint of modern anthropological study, especially as represented in the works of Tylor and Frazer, gain greatly in intelligibility. Many of the works to which the writer has been mainly indebted will be found in the List of Abbreviations (p. xvi) ; others, in the literature given at the beginning of several sections of the Commentary and in the footnotes. Special reference maybe made here to the volume on Deuteronomy in the present series. In some parts the Books of Numbers and Deuteronomy are parallel ; where this is the case, it has frequently seemed best to explain matters, which had been already fully discussed in the Commentary on Deuteronomy, briefly and with a reference to that work. Numbers is also closely related to Exodus and Leviticus ; but the commen- taries on these books have not yet appeared ; certain matters not alluded to in Numbers should obviously find their full explanation in those works : in other cases it has been more difficult to decide where the fuller discussion should most naturally be given or sought ; but I hope that I have been able to avoid both leaving too much to my fellow-contributors to this series, and unduly anticipating them in what it is for them to interpret. In the transliteration of Proper Names I have followed in the main the practice of the editor of the scries in his Commentary on Deuteronomy. But in the last eight years PREFACE ix those who are likely to use this work have been becoming increasingly accustomed to the form Yahzveh : I have there- fore adopted it in preference to the non-form Jehovah, for it cannot come far short of representing the original pronun- ciation. The ^ I have transliterated by s, since z, when comparison has to be made with the Arabic, is misleading ; this necessitates substituting Selophehad, Soan, etc., for the familiar Zelophehad, Zoan, etc. Cross references under Z in the Index (in the case of words beginning with this letter) will, I hope, diminish any difficulty which this may occasion to some readers. The quantities of vowels I have in many cases not marked at every occurrence of the word, but only on the first occurrence, or where, for the sake of comparison, it was important. The map, it is hoped, will prove a convenience in a volume which necessarily contains a number of geograph- ical notes and discussions, and refers to places which cannot be found in any single existing and easily accessible map. To avoid the unfortunate confusion produced by the common practice of attaching Old Testament names to sites even when the identifications are at best very un- certain,* the ancient names have only been inserted when the identifications are free from all reasonable doubt; in other cases modern names, distinguished from the ancient by difference of type, have been used. Without over- crowding it would have been impossible to include all the sites (especially those East of Jordan) to which reference is made in the Commentary, but none that are essential to the understanding of the more important notes have been intentionally omitted. I need not repeat or epitomise here what I have said in the Introduction on the religious value of Numbers. But * This fault is very conspicuous in the otherwise convenient map of Palestine in Murray's Handy Classical Maps, edited by G. B. Grundy. X PREFACE one thing I may add : Numbers is but part of a whole ; and the value of the part can only be adequately judged when its connection with the whole is borne in mind. Still more true is this of individual sections of the book ; in some of these we come across crude, or primitive, or very imperfect, religious ideas and sentiments ; I have felt it my duty, no less in the interests of religion than of scholarship (and in so far as the goal of both is truth, their interests are the same), to indicate as fully and as faithfully as I could the crudeness and imperfections of these ideas as well as the finer and higher ideas that find their expression in other parts of the book. For the highest that the religion of Israel attained to can only be fully appreciated in the light of the lowest which it touched, sometimes wholly, sometimes partially, to transform and ennoble. My last word must be one of the warmest gratitude for the unwearying attention with which Dr. Driver has read my book as it has been passing through the press, and for the numerous suggestions with which he has favoured me. It has not been always possible to utilise these suggestions as fully as I could have wished ; to have done so would have involved overmuch rearrangement of the printed sheets ; but even as it is, the work has been enriched in many places as a result of this help, which can only be duly appreciated by those who have received or given similar service. I must also thank the editors of the Encyclopczdia Biblica for the favour of allowing me to see advance sheets of many articles in that work, including some in the forthcoming and con- cluding fourth volume. G. BUCHANAN GRAY. Oxford, Jamiary 1903. CONTENTS. FAKV? Addenda and Corrigenda , , , : xni Principal Abbreviations employed XV Introduction ..... xxi § I. Title xxi § 2. Scene and Period . , xxii § 3, 4. Connection with preceding and follow ng Books Scope . « . , , xxiii § 5. Table of Contents . xxvi § 6-13. Sources .... xxix § 14- Text xxxix § 15, 16. The historical Value of Numbers xlii § 17. Numbers and the Religion of Israel xlvii Commentary ..... I Some longer or detached Notes — The Antiquity of P's Lists of Names . . 6, 7, 13s, 136 The Numbers of the Israelites 10-15 The Camp in the Wilderness . 16-18 The Levites 21-25, 26 Ordeals . 43-48 Nazirites . 56-60 Abstinence . 62,63 Treatment of Hair 65, 69 aim . . 122, 123 Holiness . 209-211 Budding Sticks . 217 Firstfruits : n'E'.Ni and C'ii:3 225-229 Priestly Dues . 23^241 xli CONTENTS Some longer or detached Notes — conthiucd. ?ages Defilement by the Dead . « . . . 241-248 The Personification of Nations . . . 265, 266, 268 Early monumental References to Edom • . . 268 The Cnlt of Serpents ...... 275, 276 Hebrew popular Poetry . . . 288, 289, 299, 300 Use of the Divine Names in c. 22-24 • • • • 310-312 Origin and Motive of the Story of Balaam . . . 314-322 Power of a Curse ...... 327, 328 Differences between the Festivals of earlier and later Times . < . . 1 • . 404-407 Index — I. English ,....., 479-486 II. Hebrew ....... 487-489 BIaP ..««•.. Facing Title-page ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA, Pp. 45, 55. More interesting than any of the parallels to the ordeal of Jealousy which are cited in the Commentary, is the parallel afforded by the recently discovered laws of Hammurabbi [c. 2000 B.C.). In the law of Nu. 5, the ordeal and the oath of purgation are combined ; in the law of Manu (cited on p. 45), they are alternative means of reaching the truth, but no rule is given as to the circumstances under which a particular alternative is to be adopted ; in the Babylonian law the oath is provided for one case, the ordeal for another. Apparently, as the Rev. H. W. Robinson, of Pitlochry, in a written communication, expresses it, "the suspicion confined to the husband (and therefore self-originated) is dealt with by the more lenient test of a tribunal-oath ; whilst outside suspicion requires the more severe treatment of the water ordeal." The relevant sections of the laws of Hammurabbi run as follows in Mr. Johns' trans- lation (The Oldest Code of Laws in the World, Edin. 1903): "§ 131. If the wife of a man her husband has accused her, and she has not been caught in lying with another male, she shall swear by God and return to her house. § 132. If a wife of a man on account of another male has had the finger pointed at her, and has not been caught in lying with another male, for her husband she shall plunge into the holy river." The nature of the ordeal, which is here provided for, is clearly indicated in § 2 : "If a man has put a spell upon a man, and has not justified himself, he upon whom the spell is laid shall go to the holy river, he shall plunge into the holy river, and if the holy river overcome him, he who wove the spell upon him shall take to himself his house. If the holy river makes that man to be innocent, and has saved him, he who laid the spell upon him shall be put to death. He who plunged into the holy river shall take to himself the house of him who wove the spell upon him." P. 121, top. The second meaning of Cush (Cassites) would have been better described as highly probable than as "certain." Pp. 299, 300. It is very difficult to find a rendering of D'^a'sn that does not imply either more or less than the actual evidence, which is scanty, warrants. " Ballad-singers," the rendering proposed long ago by J. J. S. Perowne (Smith's DB. ii. 584a), comes nearest to what is required, especially, perhaps, if we understand "ballad " chiefly of popular songs, treating (like the " border minstrelsy ") in most cases of the defeat of foes, the deeds of famous warriors, and the like. We can only be guided by the nature of the one and only specimen (Nu. ji^r-so^ i\\:ii happ^ins to xiv ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA be preserved of the poems actually sung- or recited by these men, :\nd by the use of hiy^. hoo is a word of very wide meaning (p, 344 f. ) ; but some of its meanings are clearly inapplicable in determining the meaning of C-h^"2n ; the m^shalim which these men recited were neither short pregnant sayings of the type found in i S. 24", nor artistic apothegms such as constitute the bulk of the Book of Proverbs (c. 10 if.). Still, if '?ca became so widely applicable, it is necessary to allow for the probability that the poems whence the "ballad-singers" derived their name were not strictly limited to a single type. The usages of haD most directly service- able in considering the type of poems recited by the " ballad-singers " are to be found in Is. 14^, Mic. 2^ Hab. 2^ The mashal of Is. 14* is a triumphal song over the fall of the king of Babylon, Israel's great enemy ; this mashal may well have been modelled on the ancient meshdUm or "ballads," which used to be actually recited; many of these popular and often-repeated poems, it is only probable, still existed in and after the Exile, and were known to the author of Is. 14. Possibly, however, the mashal in Is. 14 excels the ancient m^shalim in length, elaboration, and artistic skill as greatly as the dirges of Lamentations excel the earlier dirges cited in 2 S. 3*^'', Am. 5', and, so far as length and elaboration are concerned, the more famous dirge of David (2 S. i^^"^-). The use in Hab. 2' is similar. The mashal of Mic. 2'"- is called a " lamentation " (■pIj); it is not a triumphal poem ; in spite of an obviously corrupt text (see Nowack's Comm.), it somewhat clearly bewails the calamities of Israel. Possibly, therefore, the " ballad-singers " may at times have worked on the emotions of their audience by other than triumphal and heroic songs. If a " lamentation " (^n:) might be termed a mashal, might not also a kinah or dirge, such as that in Ezek. 19^"", with its correct allusions, be similarly classed? In any case it is hazardous to assume that the term mashal could not have been applied to many poetical compositions which do not happen to be so termed in the OT. ; but, if this be so, it is impossible to determine, with the scanty evidence available, the precise range of subjects which the " ballad-singers " treated, or the emotions to which they ap- pealed. So far as the character of the poem is concerned, we should perhaps be justified in concluding (from a comparison with Nu. 2i^-3») that a mashal was a poem dealing pre-eminently with war or defeat, but at the same time written in a less elevated strain than the triumphal odes of Ex. 15 and Jud. 5, and also probably treating the theme from a more secular point of view. PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED, I. Texts and Versions. AV. , , , Authorised Version. EV. , . , English Version. MT. . . . The Massoretic Text (i.e. the vocalised text of the Hebrew Bible). Variants in the Hebrew codices have been cited from De Rossi, Varies Lectiones Vet. Test,, vol. ii. OT. . . . Old Testament. RV. . . . Revised Version. S , . . . The Samaritan recension of the Hebrew (unvocal- ised) text (ed. Blayney, Oxford, 1790). (5 . . . .The Greek (LXX) Version of the Old Testament (ed. Swete, Cambridge, 1887-1894). The readings of the codices are, when necessary, distinguished thus : — ffi* ffiB (Alexandrian, Vatican, etc.) ; but ffit^ = Lucian's recension as edited by Lagarde {Libr. Vet. Test. Greece, Gottingen, 1883). The cursives have been (occasionally) cited from Vet. Test. Greece, cum variis lectionibus, ed. Holmes, Oxon. 1798. ?^ . . . . Jewish recension of the Hebrew (unvocalised) text, i,e. the consonants of the ordinary Hebrew MSS. and printed Bibles. 5 • . . . The Syriac Version (Peshitto). E « . . . The Aramaic Versions or Targums. ST commonly stands in particular for the Targum of Onkelos, which, when necessary, is distinguished as E)° ; 2CJer=the (so-called) Jerusalem Targum; 21^°" = the Targum of Jonathan. These are cited from Walton's " Polyglott," vols. i. and iv. U • > . . Vulgate. 3. Sources (see pp. xxix-xxxix). D . . , . The Deuteronomist. E . . , . The Elohistic narrative, or the Elohist. H . . . , The Law of Holiness. XVI PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED J . JE. P . P« . P» . P" . The Yahwistic narrative, or the Yahwist. The editor (or work of the editor) who combined J and E ; also the narrative of J and E when these cannot be analysed. The work of the priestly school, or the (or a) priestly writer. The author of the History of Sacred Institutions, or his work (& := g-roundwork ; see p. xxxiiif.). Work of the priestly school later than Ps {^ — secondary). Work of the priestly school of uncertain ( = ^) date, but in some cases probably earlier than P^. ' 3. Authors' Names and Books. [See also the literature cited at the beginning of several sections of the Commentary ; the works thus given are, within the section, often cited by the author's name only.] Addis . I , W. E. Addis, The Documents of the Hexateuch, vol. i. 1892 ; vol. ii. 1898. Vol. i. contains in consecutive form the work of JE ; vol. ii. that of D and P ; both volumes include introductions and critical notes. Bacoo • • • B. W. Bacon, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus (Hartford (U.S.A.), 1894). A translation of Exodus and Numbers and the last chapters of Deuteronomy (exclusive of the detached laws) in which the work of J, E, and P, and editorial additions, etc., are distin- g-uished by variations of type. In an appendix the main documents are given separately and consecutively. This work gives the results of the literary analysis in a most convenient form, and the critical discussions are often marked by much acuteness. Barth (or Barth XB) J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den Seinitischen Sprachen, Leipzig", 1894. BDB. . . . A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based on the Lexicon a7id Thesaurus of Gesenius, by F. Brown, C. A. Briggs, and S. R. Driver, Oxford, i89iff. (parts i-io, reaching" as far as pp, now (Jan. 1903) published). BN. , . , See Lagarde. BJ?. . , . Edward Robinson, Biblicai Researches in Palestine (references are to ed. i, the pages of which are marked at the foot of the pages of ed. 2), London, 1841 ; Later Bibl. Researches, 1852, Ed. 2, 1S56. PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED CH. Che[yne] CIS. Corn. COT. . Dav. DB. Del. Di. Dr(iver). The Hexateuch according to the Revised Version arranged in its constituent documents by Members of the Society of Historical Theology, Oxford, and edited, with introduction, notes, marginal references, and synoptical tables, by J. E. Carpenter and G. Harford-Battersby (now G. Harford), London, 1900, The introductory matter (with additions), the tables, and many of the notes have been repub- lished under the title. The Composition of the Hexateuch, by J. E. Carpenter and G. Harford, London, 1902. CH. followed by a numeral and symbol, such as 27^^, 15°, 35 > refers to the tables of words and phrases characteristic of JE, D, and P respectively given in this work on pp. 185-221 of vol. i. of the first edition, and pp. 384-425 of the second edition. The number without the symbol is often given when the context renders the citation of the letters unnecessary. T. K. Cheyne. Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 ff. C. H. Cornill, Einleitung in das alte Testam.ent, eds. 3 and 4, 1896. Tlie Cuneiforyn Inscriptions and the OT; a. transla- tion (London, 1885), by O. C. Whitehouse. The second edition of Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament (abbreviated KAT.), by Eb. Schrader. References are given to the pages of the 2nd German edition which are marked in the margin of the translation. A third edition of the German work edited (and indeed entirely rewritten) by H. Zimmern and H. Winckler is now (Feb. 1903) complete. A. B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax (Edin. 1894). Dictionary of the Bible, and in particular A Diction- ary of the Bible, edited by James Hastings (N. Y. 1898-1902). Franz Delitzsch, or (before references to the Assyrian dictionary) Friedrich Delitzsch. August T>\\\ma.nn,Numeri,Deuteronomiwn undjosua, 1886 (rewritten on the basis of Knobel's Commen- tary [Kn.] on the same books, 1861). S. R. Driver. (i) ^ Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew (ed. 3, Oxford, 1892). (2) An Introduction to the Literature of the OT. (abbreviated L.O.T.), cited according to the pagination of ed. 6 (N. Y., 1S97), which is re- • tained in subsequent editions. xviu PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED EBi. , , , EncydopcEcLia Biblica, a Critical Dictionary of the Bible, edited by T. K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland Black (Lond. 1899 ff.). Vols, i.-iii. at present published. Ew. . . . Heinrich Ewald. GB. . . , The Golden Bough, a study in Magic and Religion, by J. G. Frazer (ed. 2, London, 1900). Ges. . . , Wilhelm Gesenius, Thesaurus ling. hebr. et chald. Vet. Test. (Leipzig, 1829-1853) ; the last part (c'-n) was completed after Gesenius' death (1842) by Roediger. G.-K. « . . Wilhelm Gesenius' Hebrdische Grammatik, vollig umg-earbeitet von E. Kautzsch, ed. 26, 1896. English translation by G. W. Collins and A. E. Cowley (Oxford, 1898). GVI. . . . Geschichte des Volkes Israel, by Bcrnhard Stade (Berlin, 1889). Hengst. . . . E. W. Hengstenberg ; see p. 307. HPN. , , . Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, by G. Buchanan Gray (Lond. 1896). JBLit. . . . Journal of Biblical Literature (Mass. U.S.A.). J Ph. . . . yoMr««/ q/PA/Zo/og;;)/ (Cambridge and London). JPTh. . , . Jahrbilcher fiir Protestantische Theologie, JQR. . . . The Jewish Quarterly Review. KAT. . . .See COT. Ka3's. or Kayser . August Kayser, Das vorexilische Bitch der Urge- schichte Israels und seine Erweiterungen (Strass- burg, 1874). KB. ... Keilinschriflliche Bibliotheh, ed. Eb. Schrader (Beriin, 18898".). A collection of Assyrian and Babylonian texts transliterated and translated into German by various scholars. Vol. v., containing the Tel el- Amarna correspondence, is edited by H. Winckler ; of this there is an English edition with an English instead of the German translation (London, 1896). Ke. or Keil . . C. F. Keil, Comm. on Numbers'm Keiland Delitzsch's Biblical Commentary on the Old Testament. Refer- ences are to vol. iii. of the translation (by J. Martin) of the Pentateuch (Edin. 1867). Kit. or Kittel . R. Kittel, Geschichte d. Hebrder (Gotha, 18S8). English translation by J. Taylor, H. W. Hogg, and E. B. Spiers (London, 1S95, 1896). *^on, . . . F. E. Konig, Historisch-kritisches Lehrgebdude der hebr. Sprache, vol. i. 1881 ; vol. ii. 1895. The con- cluding part of the work appeared in 1897 with an independent title (Historisch-comparative Syn- tax der hebr. Sprache) : this is cited as Kon. iii. rraNciPAL abbreviations employed Kue. . . .A. Kiienen, The Hexaieuch (translation by P. H. Wicksteed : Lond. i8S6). References are given either to the section and subsection, or to the pages of the original work (see Deut. p. xxii), which are g-iven in the margin of the translation. Lagarde . . Paul de Lagarde, Uebersicht iiber die im Aramcii- schen, Arabischen u. Hebrdischen ilbliche Bildung der Nomina {Qio\.\!\n^&r\, 1S89) ; abbreviated ^A'^ Levy , , • J- Levy, Neuhebrdisclies u. Chalddisches Wdrterbuch iiber die Talmudim u. Midraschim (Leipzig, 1876- 1889). L.O.T. . , . See under " Driver " (2), Moore . . . G. F. Moore, " Numbers " in EBi. NHB. . . .See " Levy." Nold. , . . Th. Noldeke, Untersnchungen zur Kritik des A T (Kiel, 1869). The first essay (pp. 1-144) is entitled Die s.g. Grundschrift des Pentatetichs, and deals with the extent and characteristics of P. Now. or Nowack . W. Nowack, Lehrbuchd. hebr. Archdologie (Freiburg and Leipzig, 1894). Onom. or OS. . Ononiastica Sacra, ed. Lagarde (Gottingcn, 1SS7). This contains several ancient Onomastica, in- cluding those of Jerome and Eusebius. OTJC . . . The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, by W. Robertson Smith, ed. 2, 1892. PAOS. . , . Proceedings of the American Oriental Society. Paterson . . ]. A. Y'a.terson, The Book of Nu?nbers, cHtical edition of the Hebrew Text, printed in colours exhibiting the composite structure of the work, with notes (Leipzig, Baltimore, and London, 1900). PEP. {On St) . Palestine Exploration Fund {Quarter/y Statement). PHE.^ ^'^'^ . . Herzog's Real- Encyklopiidie fiir protesiantische Theologie u. Kirche, ed. 2, 1877-1888. Of the third edition by A. Hauck (vol. i. 1896), 12 volumes have at present appeared. Ras>hi ... Rabbenu Shelomoh Yishaki (1040-1105), one of the most learned and typical of the mediaeval Jewish commentators. His Commentary on the Penta- teuch as edited by A. Berliner (Berlin, 1866) has been used. Ros. . . , E. F. C. Rosenmiiller, Scholia in Vet. Test, (pars sec. ; Lipsise, 1798). SBE. , . , The Sacred Books of the East, translated b}' various scholars, and edited by F. Max Miiller, iS79fF. SBOT. , , , The Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. Paul Haupt. The volume on Numbers is by J. A. Paterson (see under Paterson). PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED Schiirer . Siphri , St. or Sta. Str. Th.Ti{jd). TSK. . We, ZATW., ZDMG. . ZDPV. . E. Schurer, GescMchte d. j'ild. Volkes im ZeilaUe? Jestc Christi, ed. 3, 1898-1902). English translation of ed. 2 (Edin. 1885-1891). Sifrd debi Rab, der dlteste halachische u. hagadtschi Midrasch zu Numeri u. Deuteronomium, ed. M. Friedmann (Vienna, 1864). Bernhard Stade, (see GVI). Strack, Die Biicher Genesis,- Exodus, Leviticus, u. Numeri (in Strack and Zockler's " Kurzgefasster Kommentar"), 1894. Theologisch Tijdschrift (Leiden). Theologische Studien u. Kritiken, J. Wellhausen, Die Cojjiposition des Hexateuchs u. der historischen Biicher des AT, ed. 2, 1889. Cited as Cotnp, The references to the Prolegomena and the Israelitische u. jildische Gesch. are, unless other- wise indicated, to the fourth and second editions respectively. Zeitschrift fUr die Alttestamentliche Wissenscliaft. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- schaft. Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina- Vereins. Biblical passages are cited according to the Hebrew enumeration of chapters and verses : where this differs in the English, the reference to the latter has usually (except in the philological notes) been appended in a parenthesis. The sign f following a series of references, indicates that all examples of the phrase, word, or form in question, occurring in the OT., have been quoted. In the translations of the poems (pp. 345, 351, 360, 368) the single inverted commas {e.g. ' glory ') indicates that the translation is from an emended text. Cp. = compare. Ct. = contrast. INTRODUCTION. § I. Title. Numbers, as the title of the fourth book of the Pentateuch, is derived through the Latin from the Greek usage. ^ Api.Qfxo\ is the title of the book in the earliest codices of (S (n and B) ; but it is much older than these : it was certainly known to Melito * (c. 175 A.D.), and was in all probability of Alexandrian and pre-Christian origin. f At first, as in the case of the other books of the Pentateuch, the Latins adopted the Greek word as the title ; and Tertullian cites the book as Anthmi,\ But whereas the Greek titles. Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy persisted, the Greek title of the fourth book was subsequently translated : hence the title in the Vulgate is Numeri, to which the English " Numbers" corresponds. A similar title used by the Palestinian Jews, and already found in the Mishnah (c. 200 a.d.), is nmpQn B'Dn="The fifth (part of the Pentateuch treating) of the mustered " (□''"Ilp3n).§ Still more similar to the Greek title would be "12D D''"iSDD (*' Book of Numbers "), but it appears doubtful whether this title was in actual use among the Jews of the Mishnic * Eusebius, HE. iv. 26. t Swete, Introd. to the Old Testament in Greek, 215. The titles of the other four books of the Pentateuch are cited by Philo (see Di. Genesis, p. vii ; Ryle, Philo and Holy Scripture, p. xx) ; 'ApiOfxol does not happen to be so cited, but may be assumed to belong to the same age as the rest of the Greek titles of the Pentateuch. :j: " Balaam prophetes in Arithmis arcessitus a rege Balack," etc. {Adv. Marc. iv. 28). § See, e.g., Yotnd vii. i ; Menahoth iv. 3. In the Bab. Talm. see, e.g., Sofa 366 (top), and cp. Origen in Eusebius, HE. vi. 25 {'Api.6f/.ol 'A,Ufl€Cr(p€Kwd€i/JL), xxii INTRODUCTION period. It is cited by some writers* as " Mishnic," but without any evidence given for the statement. Other Hebrew titles of Numbers are "I3T'1, the first word, and "imoa, the fourth word, of the Hebrew text of the book. The second of these is used in modern Hebrew Bibles : from it also was derived the name of the great Haggadic commen- tary on the book, the Bemidbar Rahbah. The title "i^T*"! was already known to Jerome and Epiphanius.f As indicative of the contents of the book the title Numbers is not aptly chosen ; for it is only a small part of the book (c. 1-4. 26) that is concerned with the numbers of the Israelites. Though not chosen for the purpose, the Hebrew title "In the wilderness" would be far more suitable, since the wilderness is the scene of the greater part of the book (§2) § 2. Scene and Period. The contents of Numbers are very miscellaneous in char- acter (see § 5). The connection between subjects successively treated of frequently consists in nothing more than the fact that they are associated with the same, or successive scenes or periods ; and the whole book may be said, in a measure, to be held together by this geographical or chronological skeleton. It will therefore be convenient to indicate at once the scenes and dates that are given. The scene of ii-io^^- 29-32 jg the wilderness of Sinai, of i2^^*'-20-^ the wilderness of Paran, of 22^-36^^ the steppes of Moab at the N.E. end of the Dead Sea. The first and second of these sections is connected by an account (lo^^"-^ 10^^-12^°'') of the march northwards from Sinai to Paran * H. E. Ryle, Canon of the Old Testament, 294; Swete, op. cit. p. 215. Hottinger (Thes. Phil. (1649) P- 4^3) writes: "Dnrcan nsD, Liber Nutner- orum. Sic appellatur apud Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. 6, c. 19, ex Origine." This statement appears to rest on the reading of Stephanus (1544), which has not been admitted by later editors, in Euseb. HE. vi. 25 (cited in last note), aixfiiairapliJi ^ TreKOvdlpt, ; see Heinichen's ed. i. 293, xviii, xix. t See Jerome, Pre/, in libr. Sam. ct Mai, ed. Migne, xxviii. 552 (Quar- tus, vajedabber quern Numeros vocamus) ; Epiphanius in Lagarde, Syin- viicta, ii. 178 (ova.dap7]p i] iaTLv'ApiOjjiQv). SCENE AND PERIOD xxiii (or Kadesh), the second and third by an account (2o22_2i32(35)j of the march from Kadesh on the west, to the steppes of Moab on the east, of the 'Arabah (Jordan -valley). Thus geographically the book falls into three sections : i^-io^^ (also v.2^~^2) Sinai; 10^^-21® North of Sinai and West of the 'Arabah ; 21^*^-36^^ East of the 'Arabah (Jordan-valley). The chronological is in some respects less clear than the geographical articulation of the book ; for in a crucial passage (20^) the number of the year is now missing. But whether or not that missing number was 40 (see 20^^ n.), the main periods of the book are clear : 1^-10^^ covers 19 days; 10^^-21^ just under 38 years (20^^ = 33^) ; and 2i^°-36^^ not more than 5 months (cp. 33^ = 20^^, 20^*^, Dt. i^: also Ex. 7^, Dt. 34'^). Several dates are given either directly or inferentially. Those given inferentially are enclosed in square brackets in the subjoined table. The era is that of the Exodus. Reference. Year. Month. Day. 1^ (cp. V. IB) a I [f (cp. 9IS Ex .40''- ,7) I '] 9^ I ... 9» [i|] X 14 10" a 20 20I [?xl] I • »• (2o22-29^), 33» xl S I Dt. I* xl II I In addition to the foregoing references, there is in 33^ a purely retrospective reference to the 15th day of the ist month of the year i. On the value of these chronological statements, see § 15^. § 3, 4. Connection imth preceding and following hooks : Scope. § 3. The first section of Numbers (1^-10^*') may be re- garded as an appendix to the Books of Exodus and Leviticus. The arrival of the Israelites in the wilderness of Sinai is recorded in Ex. 19^, their departure therefrom in Nu. lo^'*-^^^^; and thus the scene of all that lies between these two passages is the same. Not only so : the main subjects of Ex. 19^-Nu. 10^^ are closely related, and, indeed, parts of a single con- KXiv INTRODUCTION ception — the due org-anisation of the people with a view to securing- the sanctifying- presence of Yahweh in their midst. The closing chapters of Exodus are primarily connected with the buildings of the tabernacle for the divine presence ; Lev- iticus, with the institution of the sacrificial system, by means of which the people was to approach Yahweh, and of the priesthood, the members of which were to be the immediate ministers of Yahweh ; the opening- chapters of Numbers, with the institution of the Levites, who were to be the ministers of the priests, and with the arrangement of the camp in such a manner as to symbolise the holiness and unapproach- ableness of Yahweh. At present all three sections of Ex. 19^-Nu. 10^" contain also miscellaneous laws and regulations not closely related to the main conception (see, chiefly, Ex. 20-23, Lev. 17-26, Nu. 5 f.) ; but this ought not to obscure the essential unity of the whole. Clearly, then. Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers might have been much more suitably, though very unequally, divided as follows: (i) Ex. 1-18: The Exodus from Egypt to Sinai; (2) Ex. 19-Nu. 10^'': Sinai; (3) Nu. 10^^-36^^ : From Sinai to the Jordan. As the first section of the book is closely related to Exodus and Leviticus, so the latter part of the last section is, thoug-h far less closely, related to Deuteronomy. The laws and instructions recorded in 33^*^-36^^, like those of Deuteronomy (see 4^ 6^ 7^'- 9^ 12^ and passim), are given in prospect of the passage of the Jordan, and with the intention that they shall be carried out only after the settlement in Canaan (33^*'^- 342-17.29 ^^2.m.^^ ^t the same time these chapters cannot be regarded as a detached part of Dt., for (apart from considerations referred to below) they deal to a considerable extent with the same subjects ; with 33^°"^^, cp. Dt. 7i-« i2-^«- ; and with ZS^~^\ cp. Dt. ig^-^^ (Cities of Refuge). § 4. The preceding- remarks may suffice to show that the Book of Numbers is a section somewhat mechanically cut out of the whole of which it forms a part ; the result is that it possesses no unity of subject. Unity of subject is only to be found when 1^-10^'* is dis- regarded. The subject of the remainder of the book is the SCOPE XXV fortunes of the Israelites after leaving- Sinai, where 'they had been duly organised as the people of Yahweh, up to the point at which they are ready to enter and conquer the Land of Promise. The Conquest itself forms the subject of the Book of Joshua. The subject of Numbers would have been fitly rounded off by the record of the Death of Moses (Dt. 34), but with the Book of Deuteronomy to follow this was impossible. In brief, the fortunes of the Israelites, as here described, are as follow . — From Sinai they proceed northwards to the southern confines of the Land of Promise, with a view to entering it from this direction. Spies are despatched to reconnoitre the land ; they return with a report that dis- heartens the people, who refuse to advance. For their unbelief Yahweh condemns the people to exclusion from the Land of Promise for 40 years. Repenting, the people attempt, in disregard of Moses' entreaty, to advance north- wards on Canaan, and are defeated. Forty years later they march across to the East of the 'Arabah (Jordan-valley), defeat the Amorites, occupy their country (which at that time ex- tended from the Arnon to the Jabbok), and settle, more particularly, on the East of the Jordan in the immediate vicinity of the Dead Sea. Here they yield to the temptation to worship the god of the country and to have intercourse with foreign women, they are numbered a second time, ex- terminate the Midianites, and receive various laws ; the Gadites and Reubenites are given possession of the country E. of Jordan; Moses is warned by Yahweh of his approaching death, and Joshua is appointed his successor. This narrative is enriched by episodes : four of these are connected with the northward march from Sinai, viz. the murmuring at Tab'erah, the gift of Quails, the imparting of the spirit to seventy elders, and the vindication of Moses' uniqueness against Miriam and Aaron ; another, to judge by its present position, was referred to some time during the forty years' exclusion from Canaan ; this is the Revolt of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, another (the Bronze Serpent) to the advance on the East of Canaan. The longest and most famous episode xxvi INTRODUCTION is the story of Moab's machinations against Israel, and of Balak's unsuccessful attempt to use Balaam for his purposes : this is naturally connected with Israel's residence E. of Jordan. Since at most nothing but the revolt of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram is referred to the Forty Years' Wandering, the main subject of the book is practically limited to the fortunes of the Israelites during their advance towards the south of Canaan before the Forty Years' Wandering, and again during their advance towards the East of Canaan at its close. The story of the " Forty Years " is scarcely more than a blank. The greater part of the legal matter of the book is very loosely connected with the narrative, and deals with a great variety of matters. It cannot be conveniently classified under general heads ; but the subjects of the laws and the points at which they are inserted in the narrative will be most easily gathered from the subjoined table of contents of the whole book. § 5. Contents. [Topics derived from JE (§ yf.) are italicised.] I. il_iolO(29-32)^ Scene: The Wilderness of Sinai. Period'. 19 days (i^ 10^^). 1-4. The census ; the arrangement of the camp ; the functions of the Levites. 1. The numbers of the secular Israelites. Position of the Levites in the camp. 2. The arrangement of the camp ; the numbers of the secular Israelites. oi-io^ Aaron's sons ; the relation of Levi to the other tribes. ^11-39^ The numbers of the male Levites upwards of a month old ; the duties of the several Levitlcal families, and their place in the camp. 240-51^ The numbers of firstborn male Israelites. 4. The numbers of the male Levites between 30 and 50 years of age ; the duties of the several Levitical families. COXTENTS OF NUMBERS xxvii 5, 6. Various laws and regulations. 5^"'^. Exclusion of certain unclean classes from the camp. g5-io_ Some priestly dues. gii-31^ The ordeal of jealousy. 6^"-^ The law of the Nazirite. 522-27^ The priests' blessing. 7. The offerings of the tribal princes. 8-"*. The golden candlestick. S-^"-"-. Solemn dedication of the Levites. g23-2C^ Age of Levitical service. gi-i4_ The supplementary Passov^er. j^i5-23_ 'pi-jg cloud over the tabernacle. The two silver trumpets. a-10 II. I0ll-2l9. Scene'. North of Sinai, West of the 'Arabah. Period: 38 (or, in round numbers, 40) years. iq1i-2s From Sinai to the wilderness of Paran. jq29-34^ Departure from the Mount o/Yahweh: Moses invites Hobab to act as guide. jQ35f._ Verses addressed to the ark, ii^~^. Tab'erah. 11*"^. Kibroth - hattd dvah : the seventy elders; Eldad and Medad ; the lust for flesh satisfied and punished by the gift of quails. Haseroth. 1 2. Moses vindicated ; MirianCs leprosy, 13, 14. Spies, despatched from the wilderness of Paran to spy out Canaan, bring back the report that the land is worthless ; the people are disheartened and rebel. Men despatched from Kadesh bring back the report that the land is fruitful, but the inhabitants i?ivin- cible ; the people are disheartened and rebel. Moses intercession with Yahweh ; the present generation condemned to exclusion from Canaan ; the people condemned to forty years' wandering ; fitile attempt to invade Canaan from the south ; Honnah. xxvia INTRODUCTION 1 5, Various Laws. v.^"^^. The proper quantities of meal-offerings and libations. y 17-21^ The cake of firstlings. y_22-3i_ Propitiation for sins of ignorance. y 32-36^ Punishment of the Sabbath-breaker, y 37-41^ Tassels. 16-18. The rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Ahiram; the blossoming of Aaron's rod, and vindication of the superiority of the tribe of Levi ; dues payable to this tribe by the Israelites. 19. Law of defilement by the dead, and of its removal by means of the ashes of a red cow. 20^^"^^. Arrival at the wilderness of Sin. Death of Mi7'iam at Kadesh. Want of water. The waters of Meribah ; sin of Moses and Aaron. 20I4-21, Permission to pass through Edom songht and refused. 2o22-2!) Death of Aaron at Mt. Hor ; Ele'azar succeeds him. 2i^~^. Horniah. 21*"^. Departure from Mt. Hor. Edom avoided. The bronze serpent. in. 2 1 10-3613. Scene'. East of the 'Arabah (Jordan-valley). Period: Not more than 5 months. 2iio-20^ Places passed on the march: Obhoth, 'lyye-'Abarim, wilderness E. of Moab, Zered, Arnon, Beer, Mat- tanahy Nahali'el, Batnoth, Pisgah. Citation from the '■'■Book of YahweKs Battles." Song of the Well. 2i2i-32^ Permission to pass through the land of the Aniorites sought and refused. Israel defeats the Aniorites, and occupies the country between Arnon and fabbok. Poem on the destruction of Moab. 2j33-35^ Defeat of 'Og, king of Bashan [insertion from Dt. ; see § \\a\. 22^. Arrival at the steppes of ^Nloab. SOURCES OF NUMBER xxix 22--24-5. Moab and Israel ; Balak and Balaam, 25^"^. The Israelites seduced by Moahite "women ; the Baal of Peor. 2-6-13^ The Israelite and the Midianitess; the zeal of Phinehas ; perpetuity of the priesthood in the line of Phinehas. 26. The second census. 27^"^^. The daughters of Selophehad ; law of succession to landed property. 2-.i2-22^ Moses bidden to prepare for death ; Joshua appointed to succeed him. 28 f. A scale of public offerings. 30. Conditions of the validity of a vow. 31. The extermination of Midian. 32. The settlement of Gad, Reuben, and (v.^^- 39-42^ Manasseh on the East of Jordan. SS^^-S^. Various laws relating to the conquest and settlement of Canaan. 2250-56^ The idolatrous objects of the Canaanites ; the distribution of the land by lot. 34^"^^. The boundaries of Canaan. 2^16-29^ Names of persons appointed to super- intend the allotment of Canaan, 35^"®. Levitlcal cities. 35^K Cities of refuge. 36. Marriage of heiresses (Selophehad's daughters). § 6-13. Sources, § 6. The question of the origin of Numbers could only be adequately discussed in connection with the wider question of the origin of the Pentateuch ; and much of what follows must be read in the light of, or supplemented by reference to, such works as are cited below. Judged even by itself, Numbers supplies abundant evidence that it Is not the work of Moses, or even of a contemporary of the events described. Not only is Moses referred to XXX INTRODUCTION throughout In the 3rd person, and, in one passage* In par- ticular, in terms that have always occasioned difficulties to those who assumed the Mosaic authorship, but the repetitions, the divergent and contradictory accounts of the same matter, the marked differences of style in different parts, the impos- sible numbers, and many other features of the book, prove clearly that Numbers is not the work of one who was con- temporary with the events described, or familiar with the conditions presupposed. t In one passage only {^y^ ; see n. there) does the book lay any claim to the authority of Moses for its statements ; that passage is closely related to others (P) which are clearly of far later origin than the age of Moses, and consequently the Mosaic aitUiorship even of this particular passage cannot be seriously considered. J § 7. Numbers (and more especially that part of it which is contained in 1 0^^-25) is, like Genesis and Exodus, mainly derived from two earlier works. These works were (i) a compilation (JE) which was made at the end of the 7th century B.C., and consisted for the most part of extracts from a Judaean collec- tion of stories (J) of the 9th century B.C., and a similar * 12' " N'ow the man Moses was very humble (before God), above all the men which were upon the face of the earth." t Cp. § 15 on "The Historical Value of Numbers" ; and in illustration of the features of the book mentioned above, see pp. 10-15 (on impossible numbers), and, amongst many other discussions, pp. 92 f., 128-134, 1S6-193 on repetitions, divergences, and differences of style. % The particular evidence for the literary analysis will be found in the discussions prefixed to the several sections of the Commentary. The fundamental arguments, alike for the analysis and especially for the dates and origins of the several sources, cannot be reproduced here, for some of them find only a subsidiary support in Numbers. This is par- ticularly the case in regard to the analysis of JE into its constituent elements, J and E. It would indeed be evident, even if Numbers had to be judged apart from the remainder of the Hexateuch, that JE was itself a composite work ; but the actual analysis, so far as it can be carried through, rests largely on criteria established from the clearer evidence of Genesis and Exodus. Some of the matters here presupposed will natur- ally be dealt with in due course in the Commentaries on Genesis and Exodus; meantime the reader should refer to Driver, L.O.T. 116-159: CH. i. 1-179; see also the present writer's article in EBi. on "Law Literature" (especially § 10-23). • SOURCES OF NUMBERS xxxi collection (E) made in the Northern king-dom in the 8th century b.c. ; and (2) of a priestly history of sacred institu- tions (P"), which was written about 500 B.C. The combined works (JEP^), or in some cases, perhaps, P^ before it was united with JE, appears to have been gradually but consider- ably enlarged by accretions (P" and P"), chiefly of a legal, but in some cases also of a quasi-historical, character. In the following- paragraphs the extent of these various literary elements in Numbers will be briefly considered. § 8. The earliest literary eletnents in Numbers. — There is little difficulty in eliminating those parts of Numbers which were derived from JE. To a great extent these extracts stand by themselves, side by side, but not interwoven with, the extracts from P; see 10^^-12^^ 20^'^"^^ 21^-"^^ 22^-25^, and note the distribution of italic type in the table of contents given above (§ 5). Even where (as in c. 13 f. 16. 20^"^^ 21^"^^) the accounts of JE and P have been interwoven, they can, for the most part, be separated with ease ; the chief difficulties are presented by 14I-10. 26-3s 201-1^ ; see pp. 132, 258 f. Far more difficulty attends the attempt to analyse JE into its constituents, J and E. Even where doublets and incon- gruities are present, which admit of little doubt that the narrative containing them is composite, it is often impossible to carry through an analysis in detail. Thus, for example, in the case of JE's closely interwoven stories of the spies (c. 13 f.), and of Dathan and Abiram (c. 16), no analysis that has been off"ered can be regarded as anything more than partial and tentative.* There remains a number of passages that can with some confidence be referred to their ultimate source. The following appear to be derived, at least in the main, from J : — 10^^-'^'^ (the departure from Sinai), 1 1^~^^- i8b-24a. 31-35 (quails), 22-^"^^ and other parts of the Balaam narrative. Among the passages which most clearly appear to be derived from E are ii^^- ^^*- 24b-30 ^^-j^g seventy elders), i2^~^^ (the vindication of Moses), 20^*"^! 2i2i-24a * See pp. i33f., 190. Other passages presenting^ difficulties of which various solutions have been offered are, 20^''^ (see p. 258 f.), 21^"' (pp. 272, 274), 2i"-2- (p. 2Sof.), c. 22-24 (P- 312 f.). and 25^-' (p. 380 f.). KXXU INTRODUCTION (the embassies to Edom and the Amorites), and the larg^er part of the story of Baalam (c. 22-24). Some, indeed, assign the stories of the seventy elders and of the vindication of Moses to later (7th cent.) amplifications of E, but on grounds which appear to the present writer insufficient and, in part, mistaken (see pp. 99, 116). The most important passage of JE that is of later origin than the main sources, J and E, is 14^^"^*; this may have been a 7th century amplification of J or E, or it may be the work of the 7th century editor who combined J and E (see P- 155)- It is not certain that the order in which the incidents were related in JE was in all cases the same as at present. There are some reasons for thinking that the stories of the elders and of the vindication of Moses, which now appear as episodes in the narrative of the march from Sinai to Kadesh, once formed part of the narrative of the stay at Sinai (see p. 98). Clearly misplaced passages in JE are 2i^~^and 32^^"*^ . ggg ^Iso p. 258 f. § 9. The poems. — Literary elements even more ancient than the stories of J and E are to be found among the poems and poetical fragments (lo^sf- 2ii«- i^f. 27-30 23T-10. 18-24 243-9- 15-17 (i8f. 20. 2if. 23f.)), On 624-26, gge pp. xxxvi, xxxviii. The poems attributed to Balaam (apart from 24^2-2^) may be of the same ox\%\n as the prose narratives which now include them. But this is certainly not the case with the rest of the poems. One fragment (21^**-) is definitely cited from a literary source, the ** Book of Yahweh's Battles," another as a poem that was commonly recited by a professional class of reciters or "ballad-singers"; and it is clear that the "Folk-song" addressed to the well (2i^'^'-) and the snatches connected with the setting out and return of the ark (lo'^^-) are older than the writer who has introduced them into the narrative. It is probable that the verses contained in 24^^-24 ^vere inserted after the completion of JE (p. 373). But there can be little doubt that the rest of the poems formed an original part of JE. Whether the editor of that work derived them from J or E is less certain : he may have derived some of them from other sources. But, be that as it may, the poems them- SOURCES OF NUMBERS xxxiii selves (except 24^^"-*) are scarcely of later origin than the 8th cent. B.C., and some of them may be considerably earlier. Exact and certain determination of date in any single case is out of the question ; to what extent approximate and probable decisions may be reached is discussed in the Commentary. § 10. The later literary elements of Numbers . — Less than a quarter of Numbers is derived from JE. The remaining and larger parts of the book are sufficiently similar and related to one another to be grouped under the common symbol P. They are all the vi^ork of a priestly school employing a large common vocabulary and governed by important and funda- mental common ideas. But the activity of this school extended over centuries, and differences as well as similarities appear in what must be regarded as the work of many hands and many generations. P, the work of this school, consists in part of narrative, in part of legal matter ; and different generations contributed both to the narrative and to the legal parts. Thus, to refer to two clear instances, the priestly narrative of Korah has clearly been amplified by later additions intended to give the story a different turn (p. 192 f.); and the law of Levitical service in g23-26 js different from that presupposed in c. 4 (p. 32 f.). The existence of differences is clear ; the extent of them is less clear, and the distribution of the material of the book among the different hands, whose work may be detected, is attended with much difficulty and uncertainty. It will be convenient, therefore, to indicate here the general nature and value of the available evidence, and to gather together the more probable results which may be obtained from it. Three symbols have been used to distinguish the different elements of P. P^ de- notes the fundamental work, the priestly history of sacred institutions ; P° is used for whatever is clearly later in origin than P°, and therefore secondary in regard to it ; P'' is used for that large amount of matter which can neither be shown to be later in origin than P^, nor yet to have formed an original part of that work. P^ is the work of a single writer ; but P^ and V cover the work of an indefinite number of hands ; P' is in part narrative, in part legal ; P"" is entirely legal. P^ was c xxxiv INTRODUCTION written about 500 B.C. ; P^ including some g'losses later than (5 (cp. § 14), is the work of various writers and editors be- tween the date of P^ and about 300-250 B.C. ; P'' includes laws, some of which may, so far as the substance even of their literary expression is concerned, extend back into the 6th, or even the 7th cent. B.C. The symbol H is retained for that code,* commonly known as the Law of Holiness, which was incorporated by P' with P*^ (or JE D P), but was itself earlier than P^ (early 6th cent.). One or two laws in Numbers appear to be derived from H (15^^"^^ 33^"^" ^^*'> possibly also lo^^-). A complete solution of the literary problem presented by P would show (i) the exact extent of P^ ; (2) the matter (if any) contained in P^ which had previously received a fixed written or oral setting- ; (3) the matter (P'') which had received a fixed setting at a time prior to P^, but was only incorporated in P^ (or JE D P) subsequently to the completion of that work; (4) the matter (P') later in origin than P^; (5) the dates at which the various matters defined in (2), (3), and (4) originated, and, in the case of (3) and (4), the dates at which they were incorporated. As a matter of fact the solution is and will remain very far from complete. So far as (5) is concerned, the available evidence is given in the Commentary ; but there are certain general considerations which have been frequently alluded to in the Commentary that must be explained here. § II. Positive cHteria for the elimination of /*^ — Good reasons have been assigned for regarding references to any of the following as distinct signs of P': f (i) *'the altar of mcense" or "the golden altar." This is described in a supplemental section (Ex. 30^"^'^), and is frequently mentioned from the time of the Chronicler downwards, J but appears to have been unknown to the author of Ex. 25-29, which forms an integral part of P*^. After the establishment of a second altar, it became necessary to distinguish the main and original • Driver, L.O.T. 47-49, 145-152; CH. i. c. 13, § 8. t See We. Comp. 139 ft". ; Driver, L.O.T. 37 f. (with references there); CH. c. xiii. § 10. t E.g. I Ch. &^ H^\ , Mac. 1^1 4« ; Philo, De Vita Mosis, iii. 9 ; Yoma V. 5, 7 ; Zebafyim v. 2. SOURCES OF NUMBERS xxxv altar as **the altar of burnt-ofFering- " ; this term also and the reference to "altars" (in the pi.) are, therefore, further indications of P^ The "altar of incense" may have been a very late addition ; it is not clear that it was even know^n to the Pseudo-Hecataeus (3rd cent. B.C.); see Schiirer,^ ii. 287 (the note is more detailed than in ed. 2, Eng-. tr. 11. i. 281). (2) The unction of the priests. In P^ unction is a peculiar distinction of the high priest (Ex. 29) ; subsequently it was extended to the ordinary priests (Ex. 40). (3) The "cords" of the tabernacle, mentioned in Ex. 35^^ 39**^ (P"), appear to have been unknown to Ex. 25-29 (P^). (4) The sweet incense required in Ex. ^o^-^^^-, and frequently alluded to in Ex. 35-39, appears to have been unknown to the original text of Ex. 25-29 : see CH.'s notes on Ex. 25^ 30^^; also 85^. Directly these tests of P^ are not widely applicable in Numbers (yet see 3^- ^^- ^^^- ^"^ 4^^) ; indirectly they are more im- portant, for they point to the secondary character of Ex. 35-40, and these chapters afford in turn a standard of style whereby to judge others. Thus the recurrence in a marked degree of the diffuseness and circumstantiality of detail (cp. Holzinger, Einleitnng, 419 f.) which characterise Ex. 35-40, in c. 1-4. 7. 26. 31, points to the editorial and amplifying activity, if not to the actual authorship, of P* The retrospective dates in 7^ 9^- ^- ^^ are most satisfactorily explained by attributing the sections thus introduced to P^; they cannot be earlier than P^, for they presuppose it. On the ground of vocabulary only, it is seldom possible to refer passages with any certainty to P% Mere peculiarity of expression points at most to heterogeneity, not to posteriority ; it may render the ascription of a passage to P*^ improbable ; but it is no criterion between P' and P\ And, further, even if it can be shown that the formula introducing, or concluding, a law is characteristic of P^, this only proves the date of the incorporation of the law in P^ (or JE D P) ; it proves nothing with regard to the literary origin of the law itself. These points need to be borne in mind in consulting the collections of the stylistic peculiarities of P^ given by CH. (1. 155) and Holzinger [Einleitung, 418). xxxvi INTRODUCTION § 12. Difficulty of delimiting F^ . — Whatever can be defined as P^ formed no part of P^ ; but this is not the case with P\ It is impossible to determine with any confidence how much, if any, of the matter defined as P'' formed an original part of P^. The provisional answer to the question raised depends on the view taken of the manner in which P^ adhered to his leading motive. The leading purpose of P^ was briefly to recapitulate the history of the origin and subsequent fortunes of the chosen people, and especially to describe the origin of their institu- tions. How strictly did he confine himself to that purpose? Did he only suffer his narrative to expand into fulness at points at which the origin of institutions naturally fell to be described, or did he himself at times snap the thread of his history in order to insert laws, or masses of laws, that had no connection with it ? The former hypothesis seems to the present writer the more probable. If it be correct, then many sections of Numbers — such as t^^^^-^^'^ (27) j^^ jg^ 28 f. 30 — must be considered to have formed no original part of P^, simply on the ground that they have no organic connection with the priestly narrative, no such connection as exists, for example, between P^'s story of Korah (c. 16 f.) and the laws regulating dues payable to the priests (c. 18). At the same time, many of these laws, which are unrelated to the narrative, are in them- selves by no means clearly later in origin than P^ ; it is likely that some of them are earlier, and in that case, even if they were inserted by P^ in his work, they were inserted probably with little modification, and without any attempt to connect them closely with his narrative. That many of the laws defined as P are in substance earlier than P^^, and may in some cases represent actual pre-exilic practice, has been very generally recognised: see Stade, GVI. ii. 66; Driver, L.O.T, 142 f.; the introductory notes to Driver and White's " Leviticus " (English) in SBOT. pp. 56-59 ; CH. c. xiii. § 9. Numbers contains one clear instance of older matter not legal in P, viz, the Priests' Blessing (6^^"^). For legal matter which, though it formed no part of P?, may, in sub- stance, be earlier than that work, CH, adopt the symbol P*, i.e. Priestly Teaching. But the symbol is not altogether suitable ; it suggests a unity, though it cannot be shown (as, indeed, is admitted) that the various matters included under P' ever existed, like H, as a separate code. SOURCES OF NUMBERS xxxvii Further, a series of symbols like that adopted by CH. (P^, P', P?, ps) necessitates, in the case of every passage, a judgment as to relative date which there is frequently no sufficient evidence to justify. Finally, the question connected with the closing- chapters of the book (c. 28-36) must be considered. In 27^2-23 ^psj Yahweh bids Moses prepare for death ; and in Dt. 34 (P^) the death of Moses is narrated. In the case of Aaron (20^'-^-"^ (P^)). the warning of death and the death itself are related in im- mediate sequence. Did the writer follow his own model exactly, and was Nu. 2J^^~^^ immediately followed by Dt. 34 in P^ ? The assumption that this was the case can hardly be made with confidence ; for it would not have been unnatural to P^ or, so far as we can judge, inconsistent with his method, to have traced back the regulations regarding- the conquest and distribution of Canaan, of which c. 28-36 in part consists, to Moses, and to have represented him as making these after he had been warned of death, and Joshua had been appointed to succeed him. At the same time, little or nothing- in these chapters can be conclusively shown to have formed part of P^, while much in them, partly on grounds indicated above, partly on more specific grounds given in the Commentary, clearly appears to be the work of P' : such is the case with c. 28-30 (p. 403 fl^.), c. 31 (p. 419), c. 32 (apart from the misplaced frag- ments of JE in it ; see p. 426), ^^^-^^ (p. 443 f.), 35I-8 (p. 466 f.), c. 36 (p. 477). Three sections (33^°-^^ 34^-15 35^-34) are con- nected by a similar introductory formula which may point to incorporation by the same hand ; the first of these sections is related to P, and may, with the other two, have been embodied in P^ ; but even this is far from certain. § 13. Starting from the conclusions stated in the preceding sections, the probable contents of P^ (so far as it is preserved in Numbers) may be outlined as follows : — In continuation of the record of the erection of the tabernacle, and the institution of the priests as given in Exodus and Leviticus, the author re- lated the institution of the Levites, the census of the tribes, and the establishment of a camp order (c. 1-4), and possibly, in connection therewith, inserted the laws for securing the cleanness of the camp and for the delivery of the Priests' xxxvm INTRODUCTION Blessing (5^"* &^'^). In prospect of departure from Sinai two silver trumpets are made (10^"^). The people leave Sinai and encamp in the wilderness of Paran (lo"^-). From thence the spies, including Caleb and Joshua, are despatched ; and the revolt of the people on their return is punished by the condem- nation to forty years' wandering in this wilderness (c. 13 f.)- At a time and place undefined the whole people, led by Korah, call in question the exclusive rights of the Levites ; but the rank of the Levites Is vindicated by the destruction of Korah, and by the blossoming of Aaron's rod ; and the dues payable to them are fixed by divine revelation (c. 16-18). In the (fortieth) year the people come to Kadesh, and murmur at the lack of water ; Moses and Aaron sin, and are condemned to die outside Canaan [20^'^^). On the way from Kadesh to the East of the 'Arabah, Aaron dies on Mt. Hor, and the people mourn for him thirty days ; Ele'azar succeeds him {2or^~'^^), The people reach and encamp In the steppes of Moab (22^). Here Phlnehas, son of Ele'azar, displays zeal, and Is promised the perpetuation of the priesthood In his family, and here (possibly after a second census) Moses is bidden to get up into a moun- tain of the 'Abarim and die. At his request for the appoint- ment of a successor, Joshua Is solemnly set apart for the purpose, but with the provision that he Is to be subordinate to Ele'azar the priest (27^-"^^). Possibly before P^ recorded the death of Moses (Dt. 34) he Inserted certain instructions communicated through Moses relative to the conquest and distribution of Canaan. H and P\ — The clearest example of matter preserved in P, but in substance earlier than P^, is the Priests' Blessing ^52i-27^_ Probably earlier are passages from H, or a kindred source (lo^^- 1 537-41 2^521. 55f.^ . ^^^ possibly earlier are many of the laws (including 5^-6^^ 1^17-21. 22-31 j^^ assigned to P". P\ — The chief expansions of the narrative of P^, and the chief narrative matter added at various times to P^ (or JED P), are c. 7. 8^-22 9I5-23 ^qVl-^z 168-11. i6f. 17I-5 (i636-40) 26. (mostly If not entirely) 31 and 36 (if not also 27^"^^). Among the laws or legal sections that can with most reason be regarded as later than P° are 8^-* 9I-1* 28 f. 30. 35I-8. TEXT OF NUMBERS xxxlx Besides these additions, the recasting- and amplification of 0. 1-4 and the insertion of at least most of c. 28-36 are to be attributed to P\ Minor results of the activity of these later writers, or annotators, may be seen, for example, in the addition of the name of Aaron to that of Moses (i^n.) ; such annotations or modifications of the text continued as late as the 3rd cent. B.C., as is shown by a comparison of |^, S, and © (§ 14). § 14. Text. Like the remaining' books of the Pentateuch, and unlike such books as Samuel and the Minor Prophets, the text of Numbers appears to have suffered comparatively little from simple errors of transcription. The most corrupt passages are to be found in some of the poems, and in these the most serious corruptions are more ancient than ©, and, conse- quently, only to be emended, if emended at all, by conjecture. Some of the proper names, alike of persons and places, several of which are mentioned only in Numbers, have suffered mutila- tion, or are otherwise corrupt. But for the assumption of far-reaching- corruption of the text and mutilation of (perhaps) the great majority of the names in the book, which has recently led Professor Cheyne to propose a large number of purely conjectural emendations, there is no manifest justification ; and, as he still considers the disclosure of his principles of textual criticism "premature" {Critica Biblica, p. 5), it is impossible at present to form a final estimate of the probability of any of the several conjectures.* • The proposed emendations will be found, for the most part, in the EncyclopcEciia Biblica, especially in the articles on the various names occurringf in Numbers. Subsequently they are, it appears, to be collected in Critica Biblica, of which Part I. (on Isaiah and Jeremiah) has just appeared (Jan. 1903). Only a small proportion of the emendations have been cited in the Commentary, for so many of them, judged by any hitherto recog'nised principles of textual criticism, are altogether void of probability. The reader who is interested is once for all referred to the relevant articles in EBi. In criticism of Prof. Cheyne's methods (so far as they can be inferred from the emendations offered), see G. B. Gray, "The Encyclopaedia Biblica (vols. i. and ii.) and the Textual Tradition of Hebrew Proper Names" \x\JQR. xiii. 375-391. xl INTRODUCTION The variations in the codices of fl^ are comparatively few and uninteresting-. A comparison of f^, S, and (G, the earhest and most important witnesses to the text, bring-s more varia- tions to light. In large part these are due to amplification, or curtailment, of the original text. It is probable that in the great majority of cases the shorter is the earlier reading ; whether it is also the better reading" depends on the view taken as to the date at which the Pentateuch should be re- g-arded as complete. It is difficult to draw a sharp line between the latest editors (P^; see § 13), whose remarks might be regarded as part of the original work in its final form, and the early scribes who transmitted the text of the completed work. The amplifications due to these two classes are similar, and the variants of S and ffi have been cited freely in the Commentary that the student may the better appreciate to what extent these (for the most part) minor changes were being- made as late as the 3rd cent. B.C., in ^ as well, though not so frequently, as in ffir and S. {a) S contains the longest additions. Many of these are of one character: they are derived from parallel, or supple- mentary, narratives in Dt., and generally with little other modification than was involved in adapting the narrative of Dt., which is in the first, to the narrative of Nu., which is in the third person. These additions * occur as follows : — Dt. i«-^ is inserted a fter Nu lo'o. J 20 23i 1445^ o24-2ort 26^- 28 2^ 6 201*. 2« ,, . 21". 217-19 ,, , 2I12. 224f. ,, 2l50. 228. 29a ,, , 2l22. gSl ,, . 2 J 23a a21f. , ,, 27I3. * Similar additions occur, though with less frequency, in other books : thus Dt. i^"^" is inserted after Ex. 18^*. See Colenso, Pentateuch, vi. 531-533- TEXT OF NUMBERS xll This series of additions is of special interest, inasmuch as it points to 21^^"^^ ( = Dt. 3^^-; cp. p. 306), which is found alike in P^, S, and fflr, being- the earliest result of a tendency to interpolate passages from Dt. in Nu. The text of Nu. in both S and fflr is also affected by that of Dt. in 27^2f.^ ^nd in fflr only in 32^^ (see notes there). Another instance of editorial activity that has left a slight trace on '^, but is much more marked in S (and in this case in dj also), may be detected in c. 32 (see 32^ n.). Among other passages in which S has a longer text than both f^ and ffit are 3^^ 31^*^ (Moses represented as the source of Ele'azar's communication in v.^-). S is sometimes shorter than ffi (see under (b)), very seldom shorter than %^ (but see under (c)). Apart from omissions and additions, S has some readings certainly more primitive than f^ (e.^. in c. 22-24 ! see p. 3iof.), some that are certainly secondary {e.£: 25* n.). {b) ffi* frequently has a text longer than Pf, and sometimes than both |l^ and S. For example, it is longer than both P^ and S in 2'^ (see phil. n. on 2^) 3^'' 7^^ 10^ 14^^ 23^-^ 24-^ 32^*^ 33^*^ 36'-, and than f^ only in 4^* j^-^^^^^ Frequently ffi assimilates repeated formulae by adding words omitted in ^ or otherwise ; t see the notes on i^o-^t (p. jq), 4^ 15^- ^ 19^ 218 26. (p. 388 f.), 28 f. (p. 412 f.). Less frequently (5 has a shorter text than f^ ; see especi- ally, 920-23 J 333 1-35 26*ob 285f- and under (c). In c. I. 26 the arra7igement oi \h& text in ffir is less primitive than in |^ (p. 10) ; see also 32^ n. On the other hand, in placing- 10^^ after lo^^^- ffir may be more primitive than ^.| (c) In its g-reater brevity ^ as a whole represents an earlier stage of the text than either S or (5. But it, too, suffered some amplification at a time later than that of the archetype of f^, S, and fflr ; a probable instance of such ampli- * On the characteristics of this version of Nu., see Z. Frankel, Ueber den Einfluss der paldstinischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Her- meneutik (Leipzig-, 1851), 167-200. t Cp. Frankel, Vorstiidien zu der Sept. 78 f. X See Ginsburg, Introd. to the Hebrew Bible, 341-343. xlii INTRODUCTION fication may be found in the word HTiS, which is read by ft| in 28^^, but is absent from both S and ffi ; another instance may be the gloss (omitted in ©) in 13^^, and the true text of g2o-23 j^ay ijg between the fulness of |^ and the brevity of ffir. An ampHfication of the text earlier than S or (!j is 2i^^~^^ (see under [a)). Among" the more interesting instances of late modifications of another kind are the substitution in 22^'^ (and possibly else- where in 0. 22-24) of U^?hii for mn^ (p. 310 f.), and the prob- able replacement of an original C'TI WD (cp. ffi) in s^** by D''0 § 15, 16. T/ie historical Value of Nianhers. The Book of Numbers presents itself as a record of the nomadic period in the history of Israel. But the various sources (§§ 6-13) from which the book was compiled were all written centuries later than that period. The historical value of Numbers consists largely in the evidence indirectly given by these sources regarding the periods to which they severally belong. This is considered below (§ 16, 17). We turn first to consider the value of Numbers as a record of the age which it describes. Much that is here related of the age of Moses can be demonstrated to be unhistorical ; much more is of such a nature that it can, with far greater probability, be explained as unhistorical than as historical ; there remain, particularly in JE, a certain number of statements and descriptions which are not incompatible with any known historical facts and con- ditions, and in or underlying some of these it is not difficult to discern what is, historically, entirely possible, not to say probable. Nor is the possibility that reminiscences of actual historical events and conditions are here preserved by any means small. In written form, even the stories of J and E may be no older than the gth or 8th cent. B.C. ; but the traditions themselves must be much older. Again, the " Book of Yahweh's Battles," from which a solitary fragment is cited in 2i^'*'-, may well have contained some old poems recording conflicts of the wandering Israelites with the peoples settled THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF NUMBERS xliii on the border of Canaan ; if so, these poems would have formed a stream on which some knowledge of the far-off age may have drifted down. Unfortunately, be this as it may, such facts had only too many opportunities of being- distorted, or placed in a wrong light, as the stories were told and retold during the five or six centuries that must have separated JE from Moses. The uncertainty thus created, and the number of alternative interpretations of the frequently conflicting traditions, can only be diminished by the discovery of fresh material.* But when every allowance has been made for all this uncertainty and ambiguity, the value of this residuum of what cannot, at all events at present, be shown to be unhistorical lies in this : it contains the earliest theory or tradition of the Hebrews as to the nomadic period in their history ; through it (and other biblical data) the life and fortunes of the Hebrev/s under Moses before they settled in Canaan must be read, if any attempt is made to read them at all. For contemporary evidence,t which casts much welcome light on the conditions • Some sentences from Mr. Haverfield's Essay in Authority and Archceology (p. 307) are worth consideration in connection with what is said above. After citing- some instances in which Roman archaeology has confirmed the traditions preserved in Latin authors, he continues : "There comes into view a new method of testing legends, a new touch- stone to try them. The old method of probing the leg-end itself is useless. It is easy to shew of most legends that they are either impossible, or hig-hh- improbable, or self-contradictory, or absurd, or otherwise seriously defective. But that after all is implied when the legend is called a leg-end. Some external touchstone is wanted which will, in each case, help to sift false from true. We must not, however, exaggerate the significance of such confirmations. If one or two or three stories rest on a basis of fact, it does not follow that all do ; and though it is interesting- to know that such and such legends are based on fact, we have to learn the fact first before we can say anything about the legend." Unfortunately, at present, archasolog-y does not furnish us with touch- stones for the legends in Numbers. t Most important is the Tel el-Amarna correspondence (ed. Winckler, KB. v.; also published with English translation of the text, London, 1896). No mention is made in this correspondence of the Israelites ; whether they formed part of the Habiri, who figure in some of the letters, is disputed ; but even if they did, only biblical data justify any statement about the Israelite Ijfabiri in particular. An inscription of Menephthah (c. 1270 B.C.), discovered at Karnak in 1896, in recording the establishment of peace xliv INTRODUCTION of life (especially in Canaan) in this age, says absolutely nothing- of the Israelites in the wilderness. The greater part of Numbers (P) is of no earlier origin than the 6th or 5th cent. B.C. ; much of it is still later. A smaller part (JE) contains the earlier traditions. It is pos- sible that some historical facts not found in JE may underlie P, but the general impression given by that work of the Mosaic age is altogether unhistorical, and much of the detail, which consists in large part of statistics and laws, can, with varying degrees of cogency in different cases, be demonstrated to be entirely unreal, or at least untrue of the age in question. (a) The numbers of the Israelites are unreal ; cp. pp. 10-15. (b) The lisis of individuals, though they contain some ancient names, cannot be accepted as genuine records of the Mosaic age ; see pp. 6 f., 135 f. (c) The organisation, position, and duties of the Levites, and the fiscal system for the support of priests and Levites, as described and presupposed in various parts of the book, cannot be harmonised with earlier Hebrew evidence ; they says : " Vanquished are the Tehennu (Libyans) ; the Khita (Hittites) are pacified ; Pa-Kan'ana (Canaan) is prisoner in every evil ; Askalni (Ashkelon) is carried away ; Gezer is taken ; Yenoam is annihilated ; Ysiraal is desolated, its seed is not ; Charu has become as widows for Eg-ypt ; all lands together are in peace." The determinative shows that the Ysiraal mentioned in this inscription was the name of a tribe or people, not of a country ; and some have seen in the statement an allusion to Israel in the wilderness south of Canaan. If this be so, this inscription forms an exception to the statement in the text. On the other hand, it is at least as probable that the allusion is to " Israel," already settled some- where in Canaan. Then the chief importance of the inscription would lie in giving a date before which " Israel" was in Canaan. See, further, Driver in ArchcBology and Authority, 62-65 (with the literature there cited). This alliision of Menephthah's is the only contemporary mention of Israel in what may be termed widely the age of Moses. This fact, and our consequent dependence on the biblical data for any knowledge of the fortunes of the Israelites in the wilderness, is greatly obscured in works like Sayce's Early History of the Hebrews, and Hommel's Ancient Hebrew Tradition ; see, further, the present writer's criticisms of these works in Expositor,^ vii. (May, 1898) 337-355, vi. (Sept. 1897) 173-190, and (more generally) Driver's article in Archceology and Authority (especially pp. 62-76). THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF NUMBERS xlv correspond to an ecclesiastical org-anisation that first became established many centuries after Moses ; see pp. 2 1-25, 236-24 1 . {cf) Many of the laws are expressly stated to be for the regulation of life in Canaan ; few of the rest have any relation to nomadic life. In the abstract this may not be incompatible with the promulgation of them by Moses ; but such an origin is highly improbable, and not to be accepted on the evidence of so late a work ; many of the particular laws contain much that is definitely inconsistent with Mosaic origin, and point to a relatively late ag"e ; for this see the Commentary. (e) The chronological statements of the book cannot be fully judged apart from a consideration of the chronological system of the entire Pentateuch.* They are perhaps not incompatible with what is related in P^, though nineteen days is short for all that is placed even in that work between i^ and 10^^. With the account given by the book in its present form the chrono- logical statements cannot be treated as real ; this is clearest in the closing section. Between the departure from Mt. Hor and the delivery of Moses' final address to the people there elapsed noi more than five months (cp. 21* 33^^ 20^^, Dt. i^). Into these few months there is now compressed the journey south to the Gulf of 'Akabah, thence north to the Arnon, the despatch of messengers to the Amorites, war with the Amorites and occupation of the country between Arnon and Jabbok, the attempt of Balak to get Balaam to curse Israel (this alone, if Balaam came from Pethor, extending over at the least three months), the intercourse of the Israelites with the Moabite women, the taking of the second census, the appointment of Joshua, the war with Midian, and the subsequent seven days of purification for the warriors ; and in addition to the fore- going, the communication of many laws. (/) It is perfectly possible, not to say probable, that the Israelites, before their settlement in Canaan, were brought into relation with the Midianites, and that at times they were at strife with them ; but the account of the war with Midian given in c, 31 is entirely unreal ; p. 418 f. * In criticism of this see, in particular, Noldeke, Untersuchungen^ 107 ff. xlvi INTRODUCTION If we now turn from P to JE, we find less that Is so demonstrably unhlstorical, especially if we understand the narratives to refer to a relatively small number of people. Even in some cases where there may be reasons for doubting whether the narrative is true of all Israel, it may preserve in a generalised form a reminiscence of the actual fortunes of individual tribes, or sections of Israel. But there is much that is far more probably due to the activity of the popular imagination or religious feeling than to any actual occurrences in the time of Moses ; this is the case with the various stories explanatory of the names of places,* with the reference to a gigantic race resident in Hebron (i3^-^'), and with the story of the bronze serpent (2i*~^°). It is the view of prophecy and of the character of Moses prevalent, not in the age of Moses, but at the time when the story finally became fixed, that gives substance and significance to the stories of the vindica- tion of Moses and of the seventy elders (ii f.). Underlying the narrative of the spies is the fact of the connection of the Calebites with Hebron, and also a possibly correct reminiscence that they came thither from the south ; some struggle of the Reubenites for supremacy may lie at the basis of the story of Dathan and Abiram; the traditional names Balaam and Balak, Eldad and Medad, may have attached to historical individuals ; but whether these events and persons belonged to the age of Moses we are in no position to affirm. The story of Balaam as told in Numbers is largely poetic rather than historical (314 ff., 340 f.). The nucleus of history underlying JE is to be sought with most probability in the association of the Israelites during the nomadic period of their history with Kadesh, and the temporary settlement, though possibly only of a part of them, East of Jordan immediately before attempting the in- vasion of Canaan. How much that is related of the actual marches West and East of the 'Arabah (Jordan-valley) and of the relations of the Israelites with the Edomites, Moabites, and Amorites, also corresponds to facts of the Mosaic age it * Tab' era h (11^"^), Kibroth-hatta'avah (named from the lust for flesli, ji4-io.i3.ia-24a.3i-34j^ Eshcol (i3=^^-)> Hormah (14^ 2ii-3), Beer (2ii«-)- NUMBERS AND THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL xlvii is more difficult to determine ; the questions are briefly dis- cussed in the Commentary (see pp. 268, 272, 284, 300 f., 303). § 16. The indirect evidence of Numbers as to periods later than the Mosaic bears mainly on beliefs and religious practices. These will be considered in the next section. But Numbers is also comparatively rich in the amount and variety of early Hebrew poetry which it contains ; in particular, the value of the obscure fragment cited from the ''Book of Yahweh's Battles " and of the *' Song of the Well," consists even more in the light shed on the modes and (in the refer- ence of the former to its source) on the extent of poetic expression in early Israel than in the fragments themselves, though the Song of the Well, a perfect specimen of its kind, vividly depicts the customs and feelings of the people. So again the passing reference to the "reciters of meshalwi''' or "ballad-singers" in 21-'^ is the only extant reference to a class of men who must have formed a conspicuous and, at times, an important element in society and the national life under the early monarchy (p. 299). The historical value of the poem cited in 2i27~2<' would be greater if it were free from ambiguity (p, 300 f.). § 17. Nzimhers and the Religion of Israel. The various parts of Numbers are products of many generations widely separated from one another in time, and in some respects sharply distinguished from one another in the matter of religious belief and practice. The consequence is that Numbers is as lacking in unity of religious expression as in literary unity. It is therefore impossible to sum- marise the fundamental ideas, or to point out in general terms the religious value of the book ; for these are different in the different parts. This being the case, much that might have been said on these matters in an introduction to another book, is in the present work more naturally distributed over various sections of the Commentary. But the value of the contribution made by the book to our knowledge and under- standing of the religion of Israel may be better appreciated, xlviii INTRODUCTION if the extent to which the main features of religious life in various periods find expression in it is here briefly indicated. (i) Many of the early popular beliefs appear in the poems and the narratives of J and E. Israel is Yahweh's son (this thought lies behind ii^^), and as such the object of His perpetual care and discipline. This may be said to be the overruling- religious motive of the whole story of the Exodus, the journey towards Canaan, and the wanderings as told in the 9th and 8th cent. B.C. Yahweh's care for Israel is conspicuously illustrated by the episode in c. 22-24 (PP- 5^5~3^7)> ^"d underlies the frequent references to the goodly land which He has promised to His people, and to which He is leading them (lo^^ ii^^ 13^^ 14'^- 24^^-). It is also prominent in the story of the provision of flesh (c. 11), though here the disciplinary manifestation of Yahweh's interest in Israel, which was also shown at Tab'erah (ii^"^), is most emphasised. Yahweh marches before His people (10^^), fights for them so that their battles are His battles (10^ 21^*, cp. 14^), and gives them victory (21^"^). The warmth and intensity of the early popular feeling for Yahweh has its reverse in the limitations of the early con- ceptions of Him, Yahweh is peculiarly the God of Israel : He is not the only God that exists. The existence and power of Kemosh seemed as real to the men of that age as the existence and power of Yahweh; Israel is "the people of Yahweh," Moab "the people of Kemosh"; and as Yahweh disciplines Israel, Kemosh disciplines Moab. The Ba'al of Pe'or, the gods of the Canaanites, too, are regarded as real gods, though inferior in power to Yahweh, and not to be worshipped in Israel (21^^ 25^"^ 14^). A particularly antique conception, which a later writer (Ps. 132^) found it necessary to modify, as another (Jer. 48^*^) modified the terms of 21^^, appears in 10^^, where the ark, as the visible embodiment of Yahweh, moves of its own accord, and is addressed as Yahweh (10^^"^^). Elsewhere the manifestation of Yahweh in human form under the name of the "angel of Yahweh" ^2222-35. cp. 20^'') and in or as the theophanic cloud (ii^^ J 35. 10^ is referred to, and direct vision of Yahweh is ascribed NUMBERS AND THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL xlix to Moses (i2^). The comparative simplicity of worship in the age to which the stories belong- is reflected in E's view of the tent when contrasted with the elaborate ideal of P ; it is situated outside the camp, as in some cases the shrines of ancient Israel were above and somewhat away from the city (i S. 9^^~^^)> and thither men resort to it; it requires the constant presence of but few attendants or guardians. A vivid light is cast on some of the religious customs of the days of the early monarchy. Many must have been those who made pilgrimage to the bronze serpent (21*"®) down to the time of its destruction by Hezekiah. Like famous relics of other ages and other faiths which have been treasured and credited with similar virtues, the bronze serpent must have raised, and sometimes seemed to satisfy, the hopes of many generations of suffering Israelites. We shall be safe in detecting another feature of early life in the law of 5^^"^^, though in its present form this law may be no older than the 6th century : women suspected of unchastity, men, as we may reasonably infer, resting under suspicion of various offences, were made to drink specially prepared potions, or undergo, perhaps, various other forms of ordeals ; for this purpose in early times they probably made their way to any one of the places specially sacred to Yahweh. The conibma- tion of customs in the law of the Nazirite (6^"2i) is late ; but many of the individual customs, such as the practices of making offerings of hair, and submitting to certain forms of abstinence during the period of a vow, are early. What amount of early Israelite custom underlies the law of defile- ment from the dead (c. rg) is less clear ; but the wearing of tassels at the corners of the garments out of religious or superstitious feeling (15^^"*^) is ancient. See also p. 40. Not the least important of the features of early Israelite religious life preserved in Numbers is the character of Moses as presented in the stories of J and E. The influence of such an ideal is not to be overlooked or underestimated. Thoroughly human, subject to despondency (ii^°~^^), and at times pro- voked by the people (JE in 2o^~^^), Moses is yet pre-eminently distinguished by his submission to Yahweh (12^); by his trust d I INTRODUCTION in (io^^"^2), his intimacy with, and his faithfulness to Him (i2^^) ; by his affection for his people, which leads him again and again, even when the people provoke him by their rebelliousness, to intercede with Yahweh on their behalf (i i^- i<>-i5 2i7) J by his generosity and public spirit (c. 12. i i^^-ss). In 1 1 16. 17a. 24b-30 ^j^^j j2 Moscs appears as the ideal and, indeed, the exceptional and unique prophet, or man of Yahweh's counsel. These passages, together with c. 22-24, form a not unimportant contribution to our knowledge of the early Hebrew theory of prophecy. The first is a parallel to the stories in Samuel of the prophetic frenzy that followed the possession of a man by the spirit of Yahweh ; but in the second Moses is distinguished as the man who receives the communication of Yahweh's will directly, and not like other prophets in dream or vision. Obviously no member of the prophetic school could distinguish Moses from prophets like Amos or Isaiah in this way : either, therefore, Moses is here the representative of the type of the great prophets of the Sth century B.C., or the passage was written before the time of Amos, and would in this case be proof that the ideal existed, though no living prophets satisfied it. C. 22-24 ^^ important as evidence of the belief that even prophets of other nations might receive communications from Yahweh. Incidentally 16^^ illustrates the early existence of a mode of distinction between the true and the false prophet which frequently appears later (Jer. 23^^-21, Ezek. 13^): the true prophet comes because he is sent by Yahweh, and says and does what Yahweh directs (cp. also 22^^- ^°) ; the false prophet comes unsent, and delivers a message of his own making. Seventh century. — In the long editorial passage \^'^~'^^^ which is referred to this period, the Exodus is regarded par- ticularly as a manifestation of Yahweh's might, and the problem presented, especially to Ezekiel, by the certain approach, or the actual endurance, of exile and the consequent destruction of national life, here appears in Moses' argument with Yahweh : how can Yahweh, if He must, in order to satisfy His moral nature, actually destroy Israel, maintain among the nations of the world a reputation for power? NUMBERS AND THE RELIGION OF ISRAEL li Possibly another product of the relig^ious feelingf of this period may be found in the Priests' Blessing- (pp. 71-74). Post-exilic period. — The writing's of the priestly school, from which the g^reater part of Numbers is derived, are in part the expression, in part also the cause, of the religious life of the post-exilic community. The hierocratic organisation of that society is reflected in the description of the arrangement of the camp (c. 1-4. 17 f.), in the story of Korah (c. 16), in the subordination of the secular leader Joshua to the hig-h priest Ele'azar (27^^'22), and in much else that relates to the priests and Levites. For the support of the sacred classes (c. 18, pp. 236-241) novel or heavier claims are made on the people, and much that formerly went in relief of needy classes is wholly reserved for the now highly org-anised and dominant hierocracy. Somewhat obscurely it is possible to trace modifi- cations of practice and sentiment which must have occurred, though at what exact times it is impossible to say, within the sacred classes during the period extending from the 6th to the"4th centuries B.C. Such changes maybe observed in the age of Levitical service (p. 32), and in the esteem in which the lower sacred class, the Levites, were held (pp. 21 ff., 192 f.). The thought of Yahweh which is most prominent is His holiness or unapproachableness : the place of His presence is ringed off from the secular Hebrews by the sacred cordon of priests and Levites : men approach Him at their peril (i*^. so ^10 jy2Sf. (i2f.) etc.), and only by means of special classes of intermediaries and in a specially defined manner. The spon- taneity of religious life which so strongly coloured the earlier time is lost ; another illustration which the book affords of this is the precise regulation of quantities which men must bring' when they make an offering' to Yahweh (c. 28 f. 15^"^^ (p. 407)). Antique notions of holiness (p. 209-211) are un- consciously retained, probably because they tended to preserve and increase the awe of Yahweh, and in some passages such notions are developed with much elaboration of detail (4^^). Incidentally * the question of Yahweh's relation to sin emerges * Directly P concerns himself little with such questions ; Driver, L.O.T. 129, lii INTRODUCTION as it presented itself to the Jews from the time of Ezekiel onwards (i6--). Ancient customs, which retained too great a hold on the mass of the people to be entirely suppressed, were g^radually modified and supplied by the priests with new and more suit- able interpretations, and in this way acquired an even pro- long-ed lease of life (see p. 47 f.) COMMENTARY, I. i.-X. lo (P). The Wilderness of Sinai. The first section of the book covers the last nineteen days spent by the Israelites in the wilderness of Sinai (i^ lo^^). Exactly a month before the date given in i^, the tabernacle had been completed and set up (Ex. 40^- 1'^). The intervening- month had been occupied with the consecration of the priests — Aaron and his sons — to the service of the altar (Lev. 8), and with the revelation or communication of various laws, most of which, more or less directly, concerned the priests (Lev. passim) : to the same interval two retrospective passages in the present section (Nu. 7. 9^"^*) refer the offerings of the princes to the tabernacle and the communication of the law of the supplementary Passover. The tabernacle once erected was to form the centre of the camp, and the priesthood once instituted demanded servants ; hence the erection of the tabernacle (Ex. 25-31. 35-40) and the organisation of the priesthood (Lev.) is now followed by the establishment of a fixed camp order and the definition of the functions of the priests' servants, the Levites, with whom, in spite of its title, the Book of Leviticus is, except in 252-^- (P^), wholly unconcerned. With these two subjects — the functions of the Levites and the arrangement of the camp — 1-4. 8^"^^ is concerned. But 5 f. 8^~* consists of various laws which, apart from 5^"^, have no connection whatsoever with either of the subjects just mentioned ; while 7 and 9^"^* are referred to a date anterior to that of i^. Then 9^^-10^*^, de- scribing the customary movement of the cloud and the trumpets I 2 NUMBERS to be used in connection with the march, forms a suitable transition to the next section of the book, which opens with the departure from Sinai (lo^^^-). For the history of the Mosaic age the whole section is valueless : see Introduction. It is agreed * that the whole section is derived from P. Language, style, subject, and connections with other parts of this work place so much beyond doubt. But the distribution of the material among the various strata of P is attended with difficulty. For details, see the analytical notes prefixed to the several subsections. I. -IV. The Census, The Arrange7nent of the Caiiip. The Finictions of Levi. These subjects, as indicated above, are very naturally intro- duced at the point now reached in P, and, it may be reasonably assumed, were dealt with in P^. But it is unlikely that these four chapters in their present form are the work of a single hand. They contain much repetition ; the order in some places is sus- picious ; and there are other indications that an original narra- tive has been recast, amplified, and modified by later writers. (i) Repetitions, i^'- may contain two statements of the total (obscured in RV.). The entire substance of i"-43 (recurring- formula and numbers of the tribes) is repeated in z^- ^- ^- "• i^- 1^- is- 21- 23. 26. 28. 30^ ^nd that of i^-is jj^ 23- 5b. Vb. lOb. 12b. 14b. 18b. 20b. 22b. 25b. S7b. 29b . ^^ 2^.%0 I-""*^ With 2^^^-. The subscription in 2^^ disregfards the matter common to c. i and 2. C. 3 f. is in part briefly anticipated by i^s-ss . further, -f^- "s*- ^^'- is repeated in 4^'i*- (greatly amplified) -"'■■-''• '^"•, i.e. 4^"'' contains nothing new in substance beyond the command to number the Levites between thirty and fifty years of age, and the instruction that the priests are to cover up the objects intrusted to the care of the Kohathites before the latter touch them. The mere presence of repetitions might be explained as due to P's diffuse- ness. But (2) the order in which the material is arranged is very curious. Thus the command not to number the Levites (i^^) among the other tribes comes oddly after the other tribes have been numbered, and details of the census have been given. In c. 3 we have (apparent!}') a series of state- ments (v. 21'- ^''' 22*') interrupted by a series of commands (v.^^"-^- '^^''^•- ^^"^*) ; for v.^^'' can only be taken as a command, and naturally determines the imperfects in the preceding verses. The difficulty in this case could be overcome, of course, by omitting v.^^''. But inversely the same thing happens in c. 2, e.g. v.^ command, v.*''- ^ statement, and so throughout * Nold., Kays., Di., We., Kue., Corn., Dr., Str. I- 1 3 the chapter. (3) Definite indications of P' are to be found in 3'- -'• ^'- ^"^ ^11.16.26.32. ggg Introduction, §11. In c. 4 CH. draw attention to a number of "small divergences from the phraseology of other parts of P " : see also below, the notes on 4^"'' ^^* ^^- ^*. Of the substance as apart from the form of this section, it is hardly necessary to assign much to P^ ; one of the two Levitical censuses may be his ; he may have supplied 4*^-*8 to fill up the lack of statistics as to aduli Levites ; or, if the view that the Levites were substitutes for the firstborn be rightly derived from H (3""^* n.), we may suppose that Ps supplied the census in c. 3 in illustration of the view of H incorporated by Rp. But attempts at a detailed distribution of the chapters among two or more hands are for the most part inconclusive. If we are right in concluding that P= recast Ps's matter, he m.ay have been led to the present arrangement, especially of 1^-3^'', by the desire to act in the spirit of i^' 2^^, and, so far as possible, to keep the accounts of the Levites and the secular tribes separate. Thus, at present, c. i f. deals with the secular tribes, 3^"*' with the Levites. But the more natural arrangement in dealing with the camp order would have been to bring together the statements as to the positions of the several tribes, Levites and secular, the Levitical positions being defined first. The order of treat- ment in P^ may rather have been something as follows : — i. The separa- tion and functions of Levi: this in immediate sequence to the separation and functions of the priesthood (Ex. Lev.). 2. The census : a. the appoint- ment of princes ; b. the numbers of the secular tribes ; c. the numbers of the Levites. 3. The camp order : a. general statement — the central position of the tabernacle ; b. the positions 01 the Levites — immediately round the tabernacle ; c, the positions of the tribes— outside the Levites. Anticipatory references to the census are found in Ex. 30^- 38^6 (P^). I. 1-20. The appointment of twelve eminent men, each representing his tribe, to assist Moses and Aaron in taking the census. — 1. T/ie wilderness of Sinai (TD "laiJO v.^^ 3*- ^'^ 9^- ^ jq12 256i23i5f-j Ex. 19^^', Lev. y^^f — all in P) is, according- to the last editor of the Pentateuch, the scene of everything- recorded between Ex. 19^ and Nu. 10^^; also of lo-^"^- (cp. ^^). — In the tent of 7neeting\ the tent of meeting (nvvo pns) is the term most frequently (131 times) used in P to denote the sacred dwelling ; it is also used in (J)E (11^^, Ex. 33'^, Dt. 31^*), and may well have been current for an indefinitely long period before its earliest occurrence in Hebrew literature. It has been con- jectured by Zimmern * that its original meaning was the tent * Beit rage zur Kenntniss d. bob. Relig. 88 n. 2 ; so Haupt in JBLit. xix. pp. 58, 70 (Assyr. addnu= proper time ; and it was one of the functions of the Babylonian diviners to ascertain this). 4 NUMBERS where the proper time for an undertaking- was determined. But the sense attached to the phrase by the bibhcal writers is clearly different ; according to P, it is the place where Yahweh -meets Moses to communicate to him His will (7^^, Ex. 25--); and it meant much the same to E (Ex. 33^"^^). "Tent of meeting" or "tent of revelation" is therefore a suitable English equivalent. — Generally speaking-, after as well as before the erection of the tent of meeting, a divine command is introduced by a simple formula, such as "And Yahweh spoke unto Moses, saying" — ; sometimes a clause defining- the geographical situation is added, as here and in Ex. 12^ Lev. 25^ (26^^ 27^^), Nu. 3^* 9^ 35^ (3^) ; but it is altogether excep- tional also to add, as here, "in the tent of meeting-," though the fact, in the light of Ex. 25^^, must be tacitly understood. The nearest parallel to the present case is Lev. 1^; but that passage embodies a different conception. According- to the present passage, Ex. 25^^ and Nu, 7^^, Moses was inside the tent when he received revelations ; according to Lev. i^, Ex. 29*2 (cp. Ex. 40^*'-, Ezek. 43^^-), outside. The latter passages may be referred to P^ Yet another conception occurs in E : see 12^ n. — 2. Take ye\ i.e. Moses and Aaron: cp. v.^ and the plural pronouns in v.^-. ffii^ and S read — "Take thou"; cp. the address in v.^ (to Moses only) and the sing-, in v.^^, Ex. 30^^^-. The introduction of Aaron's name and the plural pronouns may be the work of an editor : cp. notes on 3^- ^^ 9^. — All the congregation of the children of Israel] here (cp. v.*'^*^-), as in 8^- -*^, exclusive of the Levites : generally, of course, the phrase includes them, e.g. 14'^ 25^ 27^0. — By their families, etc.] the census is to be taken clan by clan (nnstJ'D?) and family by family (Qn3X ri''2^), but is to have as its ultimate aim the number of all male individuals ; similarly, the indi- vidual is reached through the family In casting lots (Jos. 7^^'* (J)). The numbering by families and by "hosts" (v.^) is compatible : for the hosts were constituted according- to tribes (c. 2). — The precise sense with which the two terms ^^DI^'D and ax rr'H (in the reverse order, 3^^n.) are employed varies. In strict usage they are related to one another thus: All Israel consists of a number of tribes (C25J': in P ilDD), a I. 2-4 5 tribe of several clans (^^SE^'f:)), a clan of several "houses" {n^2, or 3J^ T]^2, pi. riUN ri''3), a " house" of a number of indi- viduals— ^Jos. 7^^ (JE)) I S. lo^i, Jud. 6^^. It is quite excep- tional for the u^idest term "tribe" to be used in a more restricted sense (cp. 4^^ n.) ; on the other hand, "the (father's) house" is used at times of the tribes (e.£: 17^'^^^^) or the clan {e.£: i Ch. 24*'), and the "clan" of a people or nation (Am. 3^). In the Mishna 2X TT'a is used specifically of a subdivision of the priests.* The term may be of Canaanite origin ; for di^fi a-hi-ia occurs in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets (127^^), thoug-h w^hether in the sense of family or not seems doubtful (cp. Winckler's translation). Unless the two terms here and in similar cases are employed merely for fulness of expression without any precise distinction being- intended, the nnDt:^?J will be the larger, the ax JT'n the smaller unit. — The names\ i.e. the individuals; so in 26^'^-^^, i Ch. 23^*: cp. the use of ovoixara in Acts i^^, Rev. 3* 11^^. According to a widespread mode of thought (cf. Frazer, GB. i. 403 f.), the name is an integral part of the person, and might therefore as suitably denote the individual as, e.g., the soul, which is elsewhere commonly used in P for this purpose. — By their polls\ poll, or rather skull (npjpJ), in the sense of person or individual, is confined to P and Ch. (cf. v.^^-^'^-^^ 3*^, Ex. 16I6 3826, J Ch. 233-241 : ct. Jud. 5^*^).— 3. Ye shall number them by their hosts, thou and Aaron] such is the Heb. order; S S have the verb in the sing, and so the original text may have run, "thou and Aaron" being an editorial addition (cp. first note on v.^). — 4. The tribal representative must in each case be the chief man (ti'Xi) in the families which he repre- sents (cp. v.*'^). 2. tfNi riN INK"] the same phrase ( = " calculate the total ") also v.*^ ^^--^ 26^ 31^®' ''^t (most or all P^) ; B'ixn= " total," appears to be a late usage : see S'', Lev. S"'*, Ps. 1 19''''' 139". Pr. 8-^(?). — '«!" '33 mv hj] the regfular term for the whole body of the Israelites in P is riiiin or nina '?d (some 70 or 80 times) ; it never occurs in JE or D, and only, indeed, where the influence of P may be probably traced — Dr. L.O.T. 133 (No. 32). Of the fuller phrases used, the present is the most frequent (21 times) : others are 'w 'J3 T\r\V i*' 19* * Cf. on the whole subject, W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem.^ 276; Nowack, i. 300; Benzing-er, 292-294; Levy's NHB. i. ii5«, iii. 284^. 6 NUMBERS 31^^ Lev. i6' (and S here) ; V my hnp h^ 14^, Ex. 12' ; 'c my '73 Ex. i23- ^^ Lev. 4!^ Jos. 22'8-"-», I K. 85 = 2 Ch. 5« ; 'e" my 16^ 32*, Ex. i2i9; '"' my ^3 Jos. 22'^ ; '"' my 27" 31^^ Jos. 22^''. — 3. t«as «i'] the antithetical phrase occurs in 31" nnn'^Dn k3sd D'xan ; the pi. of the present phrase 's 'KS' in I Ch. 5^^ 7^^, whence it is clear that X3S is an explicative g'en. (Dav. 24c?; G.-K. 128.1;). Variant forms of the phrase are N3s3 ns' 31^'^, Dt. 24^ ; '^'7 '' 31^ : cp. X3S 'si^n and 's"? p'^nn in i Ch. i2^**^^ — i. nao occurs 162 times in P ; ^2c, the regular word in JE D, very seldom (cp. 4^^n.), and even then, perhaps, as a result of editorial activity (cp. 18'^ n.) ; Dr. L.O.T. 134 (No. 45) ; CH. 165^, ii2'>. 5-15. The twenty-four persons here named are mentioned also in 2^^- 7^^- lo^**^- ; but, with the probable exception of Nahshon and 'Amminadab (cp. Ru. 4^**), never again. Several of the names are unquestionably ancient, but the lisi is certainly unhistorical. Much has been said in defence of the antiquity of this list which is not to the point. It would be insufficient proof even if it could be shown (and it certainly cannot) that every individual name in it was ancient ; for a late compiler might select only ancient names in composing- a fictitious list. This is obvious : but it has been frequently overlooked. The actual facts relative to the list are these, (i) Several (7) of the individual names are known to have been in early use (i.e. in or before the time of David), or belong to types which were frequent in early, but had become obsolete by post-exilic, times : these names are aii'oy, ni.Tsy (on ncoy see below), p'3N, iiynx, yrnx, nx-'^x, yct^'^x; further, ^d^'jx is of a formation less frequently used in later times. (2) Five of the names are of types unknown to any OT. author except P, and three are without any well- established analogy among Semitic names. These are the names com- pounded with na (nixnc, ne-nis, na-'cy) and ms (nz'm:i, nis'"?}*, and misms). The only other name of either type in OT. is "jN'ms in 3'' (P). Among other Semitic peoples we find the Sab^ean Silri-'addana in an inscription said to be of the 8th cent. B.C. or somewhat earlier (Hommel, Ancient Ileb. Trad, p. 320), and mina in a Zinjirli inscription of the 8th cent. B.C. (Panammu Inscr. 1. i) : possibly we should add the OT. place name msn'a. Compounds with nB* have not yet been proved to exist apart from the names in this section. Hommel's attempt to find a parallel in the name of a Babylonian king {c. 2000 B.C.) rests on an uncertain transliteration, and other hazardous philological hypotheses. The most that can at present be safely said in favour of the antiquity of these names is that one of them is compounded with 'Dy. (3) Snjhj and '^x^'jaj are unknown to the pre-exilic writings of OT., but the former is frequent in the later OT., and both are frequent in the post-biblical literature. (4) The proportion of compounds with h» to the whole number of names is large (9 out of 24). Nothing like this can be found in early lists or documents ; contrast these proportions, i out of 28 in Jud. 2^-16 ; 2 out of 45 in 2 S. 9-20; 9 out of 87 in Jeremiah ; compare, on the other hand, I. 5-7 7 5 out of 17 in Ezr. lo^^'^-, and (in a list of angels) 13 out of 20 in Enoch 6 (Greek text, ed. Charles, p. 64). (5) The proportion of compounded to uncompounded names (18 out of 24) is also very large : this again can only be paralleled in later times. (6) The number of names in which 'j.x is postfixed (5) is greater than those in which it is prefixed (4). This is very characteristic of post-exilic names, but the reverse is the case with the ear- liest Hebrew names. Moreover, the tendency to postfix rather than prefix a divine element in compound proper names appears to be a mark of the later periods of other Semitic languages (cp. Hommel, op, cit. pp. 74, 83 f , 85 f ). (7) The prefixing of the pf. tense to the divine element in miirns, '?N:nj (as against one instance of the reverse — f|D'^N) is noticeable. This also is rare in early, usual in later names. The last five characteristics of the list thus lead to the conclusion that it does not rest directly and entirely on an ancient document ; with this conclusion neither the first nor the second , characteristics in any way conflict. It is quite possible that some of the names are drawn from a lost source, as two of them appear to have been drawn from a source of which, even if it does not actually exist, we yet have other indirect evidence (Ru. 4-*). Among such names the com- pounds with nii: and "iss' possibly ought to be reckoned. But to a very considerable extent the list must have been compiled at a relatively late period by a studied selection from ancient and modern names. For further details see HPN. pp. 191-211, and The Character of the Proper Names in the Priestly Code: a reply to Prof. Hommel {Exp., Sept. 1897, pp. 173-190). Hommel's Ancient Hebrew Tradition (esp. c. iii.) contains much that is of interest on the individual names, but for reasons just indicated breaks down as a defence of the antiquity of this and similar narratives. 5. Eh'sur] "God is a rock," or, '* My God , . .," and so in similar cases : HPN. 84-86, 75 n. 2 — Shedeur\ ** Shaddai is a light " ; the meaning- and punctuation of *' Shaddai " are alike obscure, but it is obviously reasonable to punctuate and inter- pret it in the same way in all the compounds. — 6. Shehimi' el\ Both the punctuation and interpretation are uncertain. MT punctuates the first element as a passive part., u^hich gives a name of rare and late formation [HPN. 200 f.), vi^ith some such meaning as "at peace with God " ; Hommel {AHT. 200), ** my friend is God." ffi (also in 34^*^) suggests the far commoner, but also predominantly late, formation with a pf. prefixed to the divine element ; the meaning would then be " God is friendly or conciliated," but cp. the abbreviated Shelomi 34^''! (P). The genealogy of Judith (8^) is carried back to this Shelumiel or Shelamiel. — Suris]iaddai\ "a rock is Shaddai." — 7. Nalishon ilie S071 of ' Amininadab\ cp. Ru. 4^'^. Nahshon is probably con- nected with Nahash (also found as a proper name), meaning O NUMBERS "serpent." 'Amminadab = "the (divine) kinsman is g-enerous." — 8. Nethan!el\ "God hath given " ; the name also of nine different persons mentioned in Ch., Ezr., Neh. ; and one in NT., Jn. i'*^. — 9. Elfab] "God is Father"; for other persons of the same name, see 16^'^ (J), i S. i6^\ — 10. Of the children of Joseph^ by selecting- a man from each of the subdivisions of this tribe, Ephraim and Manasseh, the number twelve is maintained in spite of the fact that Levi is not included in this census, and, therefore, furnishes no assessor. — Elisha7nd\ " God has heard " ; for other Elishama's, see 2 S. 5^*^, Jer. 36^^, 2 Ch. 17^. — Aminih7id\ " the kinsman is glorious " ; for others of this name, see 2 S. 13^'^, Nu. 2,^^^' ^^> i Ch. 9*. The reading in 2 S. 13^^ is uncertain [al. 'Ammihur) ; but in view of the general history of compounds with 'Ammi {HPN. pp. 47 ff., 245) the name in any case is probably ancient. — GamaW el\ "God is a (my) reward"; the name also of many Rabbis of the first and following centuries a,d. ; see, e.g.., Acts 5^*, Pirke 'Abhoth i^*^ 2^. — Pedahsur\ "the rock has I'edeemed " ; prob- ably a name of comparatively late origin, to which the forma- tion and the use of the root ms in names point {HPN. 196, 199). — 11. Abidan\ "the (divine) father has judged." — 12. Ahieser\ " the (divine) brother is a help " ; another Ahi'ezer is mentioned in i Ch. 12^; cp. the parallel and early name Eli'ezer. — ' Ammi-shaddai\ if this be a genuine early name it will mean " a kinsman is Shaddai " ; but if it be a late and artificial creation, it was probably intended to mean "people of the Almighty." — 13. Pagiel\ the first element of the word is uncertain ; possibly the name means the "lot or fate of {i.e. given by) God " (cp. WD in Eccl. 9^^), or " the mark (or target) of God" (cp. Wa?3 in Job 720)._14. Eliasaph] "God has added"; another person of the same name in 3-* (P). — Deuel] form and meaning of the first element is uncertain. 7. pETi:] the philologically younger ending- ["i- occurs here and in v.^ (MT.), the older form [^r- in v.^^* ^* ; the latter is common in Arabic, and also occurs in several Hebrew names ; cp. Barth, NB. § 193-195. — 14. hiov] fir S here and elsewhere "jnij;! ; so some MS. of JiJ in 2^'' ; "jNiyi is given as an Edom- ite and Midianite name (Gn. 36^, Ex. 2'*) ; in later Heb. cp. Tob. 3', Enoch 20*. Reuel, perhaps= "God is a friend," though (5's 7=y= C does 1. 8-19 9 not favour this. With Sni^t cp. niiihi( and Uj=to call. — vthn] "thy brother is evil" — BDB. : obvious, but most improbable : some detect in v the Egyptian deity Ra, as Horus in mncN, ns::n, nin: cp. £Bi. i. loi, 333, 1966, 2134: others j;i=" friend" : cp. hKiiii and preceding n. 16. These are the elect of the congregation, princes of their ancestral tribes, heads of the thousands of Israel] the twelve assessors are men of already established rank. If the term fibs', rendered "thousands," be taken literally, the assessors are heads of the largest divisions into which the people were ordinarily divided for judicial (Ex. i8-^~-^ E) or military (2 S. 18^) purposes. But the term also means a "division of a tribe"; if it has that sense here, it corresponds to " fathers' house " in v.*, just as it corresponds to clan [r\nz^'d) in i S. jq19-21^ Like other similar terms in Hebrew and Arabic, it is used sometimes of larger, sometimes of smaller divisions of the tribe : cp. n. on v.^ above ; and for Arabic usages, Noldeke in ZDMG. 1886, p. 175 f. — 17. Expressed by name] 13p3 rmifl Ezr. 320, I Ch. 1232 j54i^ 2 Ch. 28^5 3ii9t._18. They declared their pedigrees] i.e. registered themselves. The form of the verb (iP^nn) occurs only here. Like KTlTin, so frequent in Ch., Neh., Ezr., it is a denominative. — 19. As Yahweh commanded Moses] to be closely connected with the preceding V. and separated from clause b. For the formula, cp. Ex. 39!- 5- 7 etc., Lev. 8 (several times), Nu. 2^3 etc. CH. regard the formula as characteristic of P®, to whom they assign v.^^"^^*, and whose hand they trace in the expressions commented on in the two preceding notes. Paterson refers the peculiarities to glossing and textual accident. — And he numbered them] the sentence is introductory to the following details of the census. 16. myn 'K'lp] 26' K're; K're here = K'tib in 26* myn 'Nnp. The form K'lp as the more unusual is more probably correct ; it is the only form in the similar phrase nj;in 'Kip 16-.— 17 f. i'?'npn . . . np'i] Dav. 1145; for another possible explanation, of. i^ first n. — 18. nVn'i] the retention of the secondary ' indicates the denominative character of the form ; ct. vninn, and cp. Stade, § 31a. — 19. Dips'i] For the cstr. as assumed by the verse division, cp. Driver, 127 7. C U read npa'i. 20-47. The numbers of the twelve tribes. — The section consists of (i) a recurring formula based on v. 2'-; (2) the lO NUMBERS numbers of the several tribes. The numbers are repeated in c. 2. The form and present position of the section may be due to P^ ; see above, p. 3, and below on v.*^~^*. The position of Gad in this list (and in c, 26) is extraordinary, and appears due to the influence of c. 2, where Gad is con- nected with Reuben and Simeon for sufficient reasons (see introductory note to c. 2). G, by placing- v.^^- after ^•'^•, restores Gad to a more normal position. In the twelve repetitions of the formula there are but three variations. (a) nai ^2 Dn'?^'?^'? v.-*^--^ is omitted in J^ and S in the remaining ten cases. © repeats the phrases every time : S retains them only in v.^- 22. 24 . ^ in all cases and S in v.^o reverse the order of the two phrases in agreement with V.2. (6) vips v.^^ (S cnn:p2) is a manifest intrusion in ||? ; G S and some Heb. MSS. omit it. (c) ?§ (though not in all MSS.) in v.*' omits 'j before '3J 'J3 : ct. S fflr V. The style of the formula is redundant and clumsy ; nm'?in appears to be in apposition to . . . 'J3 ; but in turn gives place to "in h^, ns' ^3, and cnnps, the suffix in the last bringing us back to the first term, but being itself explained by the added genitival clause . . . nca'?. Cp. Konig, iii. 284c. 45. VJ1UM n'n'j nnx z/'h] the omission of inx, or the addition of another ^^^< b"N, would assimilate this cstr. to what we find elsewhere ; for the former cp. Gn. 9^ 10^ ; for the latter 13^ 34^*, Jos. 3'^. Read inx »'{< nnx »'{< vrfi2K nt:D^ ; for naa cp. G S, though the text of the latter as a whole is not preferable to ?§. The accents (cf. RV.) connect b"n ne-j; c-ys with the first half of the v. ; but translate rather, "twelve men were they, each repre- senting his ancestral tribe." — 55 f. v.Ti in v.** is without complement ; it is repeated in v.^ with a shortened subject. Lev. 13', i K. 8^ may be cited as somewhat analogous ; but it is not improbable that two originally distinct statements of the total have been here combined. See above, p. 2. — 57. ^ipsoi?] if the punctuation be correct, this verb furnishes an isolated instance in Hebrew of a reflexive of the Kal (cf. Arabic Conj. viii., Aram. Ithpe'el, Moabitic Dnn"?:!, Mesha, 1. ii). This passive form recurs 2^ 26^^ i K. 20"'' t ; corresponding active forms Jud. 2Qii 6is.IT 21^1, cp. Stade, § 162. Others explain the form as Hithpael, with abandonment of the reduplication of the 2nd radical, and compensative lengthening of the preceding vowel (for the first point, cp. Piel forms like cpa)— Konig, i. p. 198 f. It will be convenient to g-ather tog-ether here and to con- sider once for all the numbers yielded by the two censuses recorded in Numbers (c. 1-4. 26). The details given are the numbers (i) of male Israelites over twenty years be- longing" to each of the twelve secular tribes : (a) in the second year of the Exodus, c. if.; {b) in the fortieth year. I. 20-47 II C. 26; (2) of firstborn male Israelites above a month old, 3*^ ; (3) of males above a month old belonging to the three Levitical families : (a) in the second year, c. 3 ; (b) in the fortieth, c. 26 ; (4) of male Levites between thirty and fifty years of age, c. 4. I. The tribes in the table below are arranged according to their size at the first census ; the order in the text of c. i (in c. 26 it is the same, except that Manasseh precedes Ephraim) is indicated by the bracketed number to the left ; the sign + or — to the right indicates that the tribe Is repre- sented as having increased or diminished in the Interval between the two censuses, and the bracketed figure to the rigfht indicates the order of size in c. 26. C. I, year s C. 26, year 40. (4) Judah . 74,600 76,500 + (I) (10) Dan . . 62,700 64,400 4- (2) (2) Simeon • 59.300 22,200 - (12) (6) Zebulun , . 57,400 60,500 + (4) (5) Issachar . . 54,400 64,300 4- (3) (12) Naphtali . . 53,400 45,400 - (S) (i) Reuben . 46.500 43,730 - (9) (3) Gad . . . 45.650 40,500 - (10) (11) Asher . . 41,500 53,400 + (5) (7) Ephraim . . 40,500 32,500 - (lO (9) Benjamin . . 35.400 45,600 + (7) (8) Manasseh . 32,200 52,700 + (6) 603,550 601,730 male Israelites above a month Totals 2. The firstborn number 22,273. 3. The numbers of male Levites are — old Above I Kohath . Gershom Merari . month old. . 8600 . 7500 . 6200 Between 30 and so yearj. 2750 2630 3200 Total . 22,000 (in text) 22,300 (actual) second census (26^-) 23,000 8580 These numbers must on every ground be regarded as entirely unhistorical and unreal; for (i) they are impossible; (2) treated as real, and compared with one another, they yield 12 NUMBERS absurd results ; and (3) they are inconsistent with numbers given in earlier Hebrew literature. I. The total represented is impossible. Males over twenty form but very little more than a quarter of a whole population, thus (neg-lecting- the 51,000 odd Levites) the total in c. i f. (603,550) represents a total of men, women, and children well exceeding' 2,000,000.* And yet this multitude is repre- sented as spending forty years in the wilderness ! The impossibility cannot be avoided by the assumption that the two millions wandered far and wide; for (i) this is not the representation of the text, according to which, for example, they camped in a fixed order (c. 2), and marched together at a signal given by two trumpets (c. 10) ; and (2) the numbers are impossible even if we think of them as dispersed over the whole peninsula of Sinai, the present population of which is estimated at from 4000 to 6000. f "As we saw the peninsula," writes Robinson [Bibl. Re- searches, X. 106), "a body of two millions of men could not subsist there a week without drawing their supplies of water, as well as of provisions, from a great distance." J By a miracle, no doubt, this multitude might have been sustained; but it ought to be observed that the miracles actually recorded are not on an adequate scale ; for let any one read the story in 20^~^^, and ask himself whether this suggests a water supply sufficient for a multitude equal to the combined popula- tions of Glasgow, Liverpool, and Birmingham. It must suffice to bring this number once more to the touchstone of reality. The number at the end of the wilderness period is virtually the same as at the beginning, i.e. we are to think of two million people ready to fall on and settle in Canaan, already long inhabited. Now, what data exist point to about one million as the outside population of Israel and Judah when settled in the country ; § even this population representing a density of * For the vital statistics assumed throughout the discussion, see Ency. Brit.^ xix. 514. t Ency. Brit. xxii. 89. J See also Doug-hty, Arabia Deserfa, i. 61, ii. 605. § Buhl, Die socialen Verhdltnisse der Israeliten, 51-55; Meyer, Entste- hung des Judenthnms, 108-114. 1. 20-47 13 about 150 to the square mile, i.e. a density nearly twice that of Spain, and about the same as that of Denmark or Scotland. The numbers of the several tribes must stand or fall with the total. It is the great merit of Colenso to have demonstrated the absolute impossibility of the numbers ; and to his discussion (^Pentateuch, pt. i. c. iv.-xiii.) reference must be made for further detail. Colenso, being con- cerned with the credibility of the Pentateuch as a whole, very properly tests the compatibility of the numbers with statements in any part of the whole. In what is here said they are compared only with the statements in P. 2. The unreality of the numbers is independently proved by comparing" them one with another. Thus : the number of male firstborn is 22,273; allowing' the number of female firstborn to be equal, the total number of firstborn is 44,546, and, therefore, the total number of Israelites being between 2,000,000 and 2,500,000, the average number of children to a family is about 50 ! Again, if, as is probable, the firstborn of the mother is intended (cp. 3^^), then, since the number of firstborn and of mothers must have been identical, there were 44,546 mothers: but the number of women being approximately the same as of men, the women over twenty numbered something over 600,000, and therefore only about I in 14 or 15 women over twenty were mothers! The comparison of the two sets of Levitical figures bring less absurd, but still unreal, results to light. The average European percentage of persons (male and females) between thirty and fifty years of age to the whole population is barely 25, and in the U.S.A. the percentage is 22; but the per- centage (males only considered) among the Kohathites is 32, the Gershonites 35, the Merarites 52. For the sake of simplicity the numbers are here taken as they stand ; some slight difference would be made by allowing for children under a month, or again by adopting the view that first- born means the firstborn to the father, and then allowing for the influence of polygamy ; but no legitimate allowance or device can get rid of the essential impossibility of the figures. For a full discussion and an account of the attempts to surmount the difficulties, see Colenso, Pentateuch^ pt. i. c. xiv. ; pt. vi. p. 500 flf. 1 4 NUMBERS 3. The 40,000 (? fighting- men) of Jud. 5^ stands in strik- ing contrast with the 301,000 (first census 273,300) of men above twenty assigned in Nu. 26 to the six tribes (Benjamin, Ephraim, Manasseh, Naphtali, Zebulun, Issachar) celebrated in Deborah's song as participating in the war. Again, the male Danites above twenty, according to the census, just before settling in Canaan numbered 64,000; in Jud. 18 we have a narrative recording a migration of at least a considerable part of the tribe of Dan : yet the migrating party includes only 600 armed men. But if the numbers are unhistorlcal, how did they arise, and how much do they mean ? The total, 600,000, was derived by P from the earlier work JE (Ex. 12^^, Nu. 11^^), unless we assume that the original number in these two earlier passages has been removed by a later harmonising scribe in favour of P's 600,000. How the number was obtained we are just as little able to determine as in the parallel cases of high numbers else- where {e.g. Jud. 20^- ^'^, 2 S. 24^) ; it must suffice to have shown that the}' are impossible even under the conditions prevailing after the settlement in Canaan. The exacter totals (603,550 and 601,730) appear to have been given to gain an air of reality ; in the same way the numbers of the individual tribes are not precisely -^2^ ^'•^' 50,000 for each tribe; but the numbers are so manipulated that in each census precisely six tribes have over and precisely six under 50,000 ; somewhat similarly the number of the Levitical cities (48) is represented not as 12 X 4, but as 13 + 10+ 13 + 12 (Jos. 21*"'^).* Under the circumstances it seems likely that all the tribal numbers are purely artificial ; though the number assigned to Judah presupposes a population not greatly in' excess of a quarter of a million (which may be taken as a rough approximation to the actual population of the Southern Kingdom), and might, if it stood alone, be treated as an anachronism rather than an artifice. The fact that in both censuses Judah shows the largest numbers may be intentional, and due to the writer's desire to illustrate the pre-eminence of Judah (cp. p. 18) ; but for the most part no significance can be detected in, and * Noldeke, Untersuchungen, 1 16-120. 1. 4S-50 15 was probably not intended to attach to, either the numbers of the several tribes themselves or the variations between the first and second census. The numbers of the male firstborn (22,273) and the male Levites (22,000) are intimately connected. Since the impossi- bility of the proportion noted above forbids us to believe that the number of the male firstborn was inferred from the total number of male adults, we must consider it based on the number of Levites, a slight excess (273) being- attributed to the firstborn in order to admit of an illustration of the law of 18^^. But this consideration leads us further. The number of the Levites was reached independently and without refer- ence to the 600,000. Whence or how we cannot say : it is more moderate than the Chronicler's impossible figure (38,000 over thirty years old = about 94,000 over a month old), but scarcely corresponds to reality at any period. 47-54. The Levites not numbered with the other tribes : their functions and position in the camp. — In v.^'^ it is stated as a matter of fact that the Levites were not numbered with the other tribes : in v.^^'- the command is given that they are not to be so numbered. Further, v.^^, strictly interpreted, implies that neither Levi nor the other tribes have yet been numbered. The facts seem best explained by the assumption that v.^'^"^^ did not originally stand in their present position (We. Comp. 178 f.). Kue., however {Hex. § 6, n. 35), stands by the present order on the ground that ** we cannot be surprised that in a fictitious narrative the succession of details should be open to criticism." It is, of course, altogether illegitimate to surmount the difficulty by rendering with RV. in 48, for the Lord spake unto Moses, for the Waw Conv. cannot state a reason (Driver, Tenses, 76, Obs.) ; 13T'1 must be rendered here as else- where, and Yahweh spake. — 50-53. Brief instructions, all ot which are elaborately developed in c. 2-4. The Levites are to carry the tabernacle on the march, to set it up on encamp- ing, and to take it down at starting : they are to encamp immediately round it so as to prevent any but themselves coming near it. — 49. Thotc shalt notniimher\ note the singular, and cp. notes on v.^-^. — 50. But appoint thou] the pronoun is I 6 NUMBERS expressed in Heb. and is therefore emphatic (Dav. § 107 ; Dr. Tenses, p. 201). Di. explains the emphatic pronoun as implying- "Thou by thyself and not in company with Aaron and the princes " (v.^^-). But it is the emphasis of antithesis — Thou shalt not number it . . . but appoint. — The tabernacle of the testimony^ Ex. 38^^. — 51. The stranger that cometh nigh shall be put to deatli\ it is a capital offence for any one not a Levite to concern himself with the holy tent and its furniture. The word translated ** strang-er " (IT) is used of one who does not belong- to the circle which the writer has directly in view, whether he explicitly mentions it or not. Thus in Dt. 25^ the " stranger " is a person of another family ; '* strange children " from the standpoint of the husband are the offspring of his wife's adulterous connection (Hos. 5'^). The word is frequently used of the *' layman " in contrast to the priest (3^°, Ex. 29'^). — 52, 53. The whole people are to encamp in an orderly manner (which is fully described in c. 2) around the tabernacle, but kept from immediate proximity to it by the Levites. This inner position of the Levites is to prevent any even accidental con- tact of the non-Levites with the tabernacle, and, consequently, any such sudden and destructive outburst of Yahweh's ang-er as we read of in 2 S. 6^^- and in several passages of P (17^'^ (16^^) i85 etc. ; cp. S^^).— 53. {And the Levites) shall keep the charge of\ used as here with a gen. of the obj. to be guarded the phrase (niDB^O ICIJ') is characteristic of P and subsequent writings, as also of Ezekiel (cp. e.g. Ezek. 40^^^- 44^- ^^-j 1 Ch. 23^-) ; closely connected with this is the limitation in P of the phrase *' Yahweh's charge" (Lev. 8^^, Nu. 9^^) to a particular duty, whereas in earlier writings it was used with a more general reference, e.g. Gn. 26^ (JE), Dt. 11^. — 54. A charac- teristic priestly formula; cp. e.g. Gn. 6^, and for a full list see Dr. L.O.T. p. 132, n. 11. IL The position of the tribes in camp and on the march, and their numbers. — The present form and position of this chapter are probably not original : see above, p. 3. The writer seems to have conceived the Israelite camp in the wilderness as a quadrilateral ; round the tent of meeting as a centre was an inner quadrilateral formed by the priests on II. 17 the E., and the three divisions of Levi on the remaining- three sides (v.^'^, cp. i^s-si ^^^^ 29. 35. ssj^ ^jj outer quadrilateral was formed by the camps of the twelve tribes, three on each side. Of each set of three, one tribe is distinguished above the rest, and gives its name to the entire camp on its side ; the mean- ing- of p? certainly seems to be that this more distinguished tribe occupied the central position on its side ; G implies that its position was at the end of the side, a view adopted by few modern commentators. The arrangement described in f^ may be shown by diagram thus — W- Asher. Dan. Naphtali. c u '6 c4 _rl Merarites. 0 '? en 0 in CQ £ H-i N c (n P B 4} u -, 'rt 'S Tent of < p u 0 a, en Meeting. 0 3 1 W u 0 en C 0 •"-* a 02 . u >• c IT _3 Kohathites. 3 C * .a rt N S Gad. Reuben. Simeon. We need not suppose that the writer bases his description on any lingering tradition of what actually occurred in the wilderness, or on knowledge, at first or second hand, of the form of the Bedawin camps in his own time. As a matter of fact the description is at variance with earlier tradition, which placed the sacred tent outside the camp (Ex. 33'^*- E). What the usual form of the Hebrew military camp actually was we cannot confidently say. From the terms m'a(3i"'n.), which is not actually used of a Hebrew camp, and h^va many have inferred that it was commonly round {EBi. s.v. "Camp," § i). Modern BedawJ camps are sometimes round, especially when small : Burckhardt, Bedouin and Wahdbys, i. 33 ; Doughty, Ar. Des. i. 46 (" His people with him were some thirty tents set out in an oval, which is their manner in these parts " — i.e. between Ayla and Maon), ii. 309 ("A menzil of B. Aly, sixteen booths pitched ring-wise, which hitherto I had not seen any nomads use in Arabia " — near Hiyil). For Bedawi camps not round (though also not quadrilateral), see Doughty, i. 414, 221, and the picture facing p. 385 ; also Seetzen, Reisen, ii. 298. 2 I 8 NUMBERS The description rather expresses an idea — that of the sanctifying" presence of God in Israel's midst (cp. 5^ Lev. 15^^) The sacred presence needs to be guarded against undue approach, hence the sacred caste of Levi separate the taber- nacle from the secular tribes. The most sacred caste, the priests, guard the entrance to the tent on the E. The writer, who thus embodies his ideas in a picture of the past, owes something in all probability to Ezekiel, who, picturing the ideal future, makes Caanan an exact parallelo- gram enclosing the temple, which is to be immediately sur- rounded by the priests, the Levites, and the holy city (Ezek. 48). In its turn the present description may have influenced the author of the NT. Apocalypse, who, however, gives yet freer expression to the idea in his depiction of the city which lies four square, and, instead of being sanctified by a fixed centre of the divine presence, is wholly illumined by the glory of God (Rev. 21). The details of the description are not filled in at haphazard. Though generally overlooked, it is not difficult to detect the reasons for the manner in which the tribes are distributed. Judah, in P the pre-eminent tribe (see above, p. 14), occupies the centre of the most honourable side — the eastern, parallel to the priests on the inner cordon. With him are associated the two youngest " sons " of Leah, who are generally and most naturally con- nected with him. The southern seems to be the next side in importance ; on it the Kohathites encamp, who, though descended from Levi's second son, are the Levitical family from which the priests sprang, and who are intrusted with the care of the most sacred objects. Those who encamp on the south, moreover, immediately follow the eastern tribes on the march. The south is occupied by the remaining sons of Leah, Reuben and Simeon, the firstborn naturally occupying the centre. But a tribe is needed to com- plete the trio ; this is naturally found in the eldest " son " of Leah's hand- maid— Gad. The next side — third in rank, and occupied within by the Gershonites, the descendants of Levi's eldest son — is filled by the three Rachel tribes, Ephraim (by nature the second-born, but promoted, accord- ing to early tradition (Gn. 48'^^'), to a higher position by Jacob) occupy- ing the centre. Finally, the north is held by the three remaining "sons" of the handmaids, the eldest being in the centre. See, further. Gray, ♦'The Lists of the Twelve Tribes" in Expositor^ March 1902, pp. 225-240. 1. To Moses and Aaron] Moses only is mentioned in v.^ ; cp. 1^ n. — 2. Wiik his own company] so in v.^- ^°- ^^- ^ substitute "company" for "standard" of RV. : see phil. n. — By the ensigns] The term (nix) is of wide meaning (=**sign," II. 1-17 19 "mark"), and occurs nowhere else with its present signifi- cation, except, perhaps, in Ps. 74*. The use of ensigns or standards for the several families forming an encampment is true to modern Bedawi custom, and may have been suggested to the writer by such custom in his day. "The Beduin coming near a stead where they will encamp, Zeyd returned to us ; and where he thought good, there struck down the heel of his tall horseman's lance, shelfa or romhh^ stepping it in some sandy desert bush ; this is the standard of Zeyd's fellowship, — they that encamp with him and are called his people."* Modern scholars f have generally concluded that the use of two different flags is here implied — the family ensign (nit?), and a standard \?T\) for each group of those tribes. But see last n. The meaning of the verse is rather this : the individual Israel- ites are to keep to their proper quarters ; and within these are to encamp by families. The modern Bedawin also encamp "by kindreds" (Doughty, Arabia Deserta, i. 414). — 3-10. If the suggestions made above (p. 2 f.) are sound, in their original form these now overloaded verses ran : And those who encamp eastwards towards the sun-rising shall be the company of the camp of Judah, and those that encamp beside him shall be the tribe of Issachar and the tribe of Zebulun ; these shall start out (on the march) first. So, similarly, in the corresponding sections, v.^''"^^- ^^^^i. 25-31^ — 3^ Eastwards towards the sun- rising\ 3^8 3415^ Ex. 2f^ 38^^ Jos. ig^^-j- (p). ^p. Jos. 19I2 (P), and, for a similar redundancy, see Ex. 26^^ (P). 17. And the tent of meeting, the camp of the Levites, shall set forth in the midst of the {other) camps] the appositional subject is awkward; the difficulty is concealed in EV., which is simply not a translation of fi?. A different view of the order in which the Levites marched is taken in lo^^'^i. ggg notes there. — As they encamp, so shall they start] The subject is, of course, the Levites, not as Ibn Ezra, in order to avoid the conflict with lo^'^"^^, will have it, the secular tribes. Di. limits the force of the words to a confirmation of clause a : * Doughty, /^raim Deserta, i. 221 ; see also Burckhardt, Bedouin and Wahdbys, i. 34. t Di., Now. {Arch. p. 362), Buhl, BDB. 20 NUMBERS as the Levltes pitched In the middle of the tribes (i^-'), so are they to march in the middle of them. But the following clause, "everyone in his place, according- to their companies," seems to require a wider meaning, and to imply that the Levites, like the twelve tribes, were divided into (four) companies, each having a set place alike in camp and on the march. These positions in camp are given subsequently in the present (3"^' ^^* ^^- ^), but may have been given earlier in the original, form of the narrative (above, p. 3). On this view of the words the writer means that the order on the march was: (i) Priests, (2) Kohathites, (3) Gershonites, (4) Merarites ; cp. the diagram above. — 32. The subscription to the statements in v.*- ^- ^ etc. ; cp. i^*-*^. — 33 corresponds to i*^ but to nothing in the present chapter. — 34:. The proper subscription to the divine instructions In v.^'- etc. 2. "jJi] some such meaning as company is demanded in v.* and Is suitable elsewhere (v.i"- "• i^- 25- si. w ,52 jpU. is. 22. 26), jhere is, it is true, little etymolog-ical support for it, t-J "a crowd of men," not counting for much. But there is scarcely more for the usually accepted rendering "standard." Ancient tradition consistently supports such a meaning as that now suggested : (5 rdy/jLa, Si (n\o ^, 2C Dpa ( = Tci^ts) ; see, further, the discussions by Gray and Cheyne in JQR. xi. 92-101, 232-236. — 4. Dnnpai 1N3:ji] so 9 times in Jlj ; but in v.^* "• " and in S throughout inpsi 1K3!>1. Paterson in SBOT. argues forcibly in favour of DTipsi throughout, and of regarding IKI^ as an interpolation by R'* under the influence of lo^-^*, or of seeing in the two terms traces of two recensions of P here fused together. — 5. v^v D'jnm] the full predicate is nDB-a" naD + j'^nr ni:D v.'' (read rather nam as in v.^^*-^*^^), i.e. each of the two tribes encamps beside {h'j) Judah. fflr, on the other hand, by inserting at the beginning of v.'' koI ol irapefi^aXKovTes ix^'fi'^voi { + ai)TOv, v.^^), implies that Issachar only pitched by the side of Judah, and that Zebulun pitched by the side of Issachar; so in the corresponding vv. — 7. nao] S S and some Heb. MSS. naDi; cp. last n.— 16. D^jti-i] ffi S U ^ omit the 1: so also (except Z) in v.^^; cp. ^ in v.^- ^i. — 18. na'] in v.^^-^s the term of position precedes □nxas'?: so here in <&. — 20. v^V^] read with S vVj; D'jnm. — 31. c.t'?ji^] not found in v.^- '^- ^. On the other hand, Dnxas'?, which we should expect here after niND, is missing. III. 1-4. The generations of Aaron. — In substance a mere repetition of Ex. 6^^, Lev. lo^^-. It appears to be inserted here as a preface to v.^^- with a view to explaining ** Aaron and his sons," v.^^- "The anointed priests" in v.^ betrays II. 32-ni. 1-4 21 the hand of P^ : cp. Introd. § ii. — 1. Now ihese are Ihe generations of . . .] L.O.T. 6 ff . The usage is not quite the same as in P's narrative in Genesis, since the subject of what follows (v.^*^-) is the descendants of Levi (not Aaron). The insertion of Moses' name afte? Aaron is unusual. — In inou7it Sinai\ cp. Ex. 2^^ 31^^ Lev. 7^8 25I 26*^ 27^^, Nu. 2^^'. ct. *Mn the wilderness of Sinai," i^ 3^* 9^. — 3. Wlio were in- stalled] lit. "whose hand was filled." The phrase 7}iille' yad is ancient (Jud. 17^- ^^), and has a parallel in the Assyrian unialli kati.* It is said, for instance, of Ramman-nirari iii. that the god Ashur "filled his hand with an incomparable kingdom" {KB. i. p. 190). The precise original sense is uncertain; according to some, it meant "to fill the hand" with money (cp. Jud. 175-12 with iS*) ; according to others, with the office to which one is appointed (cp. the Assyrian usage) ; and according to others, with the sacrifice (cp. 2 Ch. 13^). Later, the original sense must have been commonly lost sight of, for it is used of the altar (Ezek. 43^^ ; cp. 788 phil. n.) ; hence in P the phrase may be rendered "in- stalled " or "instituted."! — 4. And they had no children] not stated in Lev. 10, but repeated in i Ch. 24^. 1. n3T Dva] cstr. as, e.g.., Ps. 138*; Dav. 25. im with seghol instead of sere (cp, oa?, nss) is 3rd pf., not inf. (Str.) ; G.-K. 52 /. 0.—I. HiD'ax] here as everywhere (except A in Ex. 6-'* A^icrovp), in Ch. as well as in the Pent., G reads A^iovd-iwiK ; with ni.t3n cp. ni.t'jn, ni.t.— 4. •"' 'Js'?] bis as in Lev. lo**' ; ct. 26^*. In i Ch. 24^ D.TaN 'ish is substituted for the first. With '"' 'JsV niD, cp. 2 S. 21^— jno'i] pi. (i Ch, 24^) unnecessary ; Dav. 1136, 5-13. The institution of the Levites as a caste of priests' servants. — V.^~^ general description of the functions of the Levites and their subordination to the priests; v.^^*- their relation to Israel : they are the representatives of the first- born— a point elaborated in v.^*'"^^ ; \.^^- ^^- ^^*- the specific duties of the three Levitical families. In the preceding books of the Pentateuch Levi has been frequently referred to as the eponymous ancestor of the tribe, * See Fried, Delitzsch, Assyr. Handworterbuch, 4396 ; cp. Winckler in KB. V, p, 2 1 *. t In addition to the Lexicons, see Nowack, Arch. ii. 120 f. (with refer- ences); Baudissin, AT Pnesierthum, 183 f.; Weinel in ^^T'lF. 1898, pp. 60 f., 42 f. 2 2 NUMBERS and as a tribe not possessing- the character of a religious caste: Gn. 29^^ 34. 35^^ 46^^ 49^, Ex. i^ 2^ 6^^~^^. Further, there are two passages in JE which may recognise, or con- template, the sacred character of the tribe : Ex. 4^^^ ^2'^^'^ ; and two passages belonging to P^ which certainly regard Levi as a sacred caste, Ex. 38^^, Lev. 25^'-^-, the one pre- supposing Nu. 3, the other Nu. 35^"^. These exhaust the references of all kinds to Levi in Gn. Ex. Lev. Prior to Nu. 1-3 there is, then, no reference in P^ to sacred Levites — a term which may be conveniently used for Levi regarded as a sacred caste, when in the interests of clearness the distinction needs to be made. Yet though the institu- tion of the caste is first described in c. 3, it is quite excep- tionally presupposed in i*7-53 2'^"^- ^s. This may be an additional reason for thinking that the institution of Levi originally preceded the establishment of the camp order (above, p. 3). But be this as it may, the institution of sacred Levites in P^ stands entirely apart from and follows the institution of the priesthood. A correct appreciation of this is essential to an understanding of the author's view of the hierocratic constitution. Genealogically, priests and sacred Levites are connected : they are sprung from a common ancestor : as religious castes they are from the first and for ever entirely and completely distinct, called into being by two perfectly distinct and independent Jials of Yahweh, the priests first (Ex. 28) to a perpetual and exclusive office ,(Ex. 29^, Nu. 3^0), then the Levites. Levitical descent is alike in fact and theory essential to the sacred Levite ; what is of the essence of the priesthood is descent from AnroJi — Levitical descent is, as a matter of fact, implicit in this and necessary, but it is theoretically negligible. The priests, then, are not exalted Levites ; and just as little are the sacred Levites degraded priests. On the other hand, the priests are selected from and stand over against all Israel, not merely Levi (Ex. 28^, Lev. g'^- ^ : so in Psalms dependent on P — 115^'- ii8-^- 135^^^-) ; and it is all Israel that in P^'s story of Korah claims the priesthood, c. 16. Priests could and did exist before and without sacred in. 5-13 23 Levites, but sacred Levites are unthinkable without priests. They are essentially "servants of the priests" (3^), a sub- ordinate caste "joined" [nilwah) on to the previously existing priestly caste (18^). Thus the order in which the institutions established by Moses at Yahweh's command originated was — the altar or place of sacrifice (Ex. 27) ; the priests (Ex. 28) ; the Levites (Nu. 3). Such is P^'s theory; post-exilic, i.e. post-Ezran, practice is governed by it ; and the Chronicler reconstructs the past in accordance with it.* But how does it compare with earlier practice and other laws ? In earlier practice, Levites not of the seed of Aaron were priests (Jud. i8^°), and the priestly office was at first not even limited to Levites, though they were held to have a superior fitness for It (Jud. if-'^^'^\ i S. 7I, 2 S. 8^3 ao^^). All this is entirely at variance with P^'s theory; yet the writers never, except perhaps In Jud. 17^, take exception to it. That in practice there was no distinction between priestly and non-priestly Levites down to the Captivity is clearly implied by Ezekiel, 44^^"^^. So with the theory or law: the compiler of the Book of Kings (i K. 12^^ cp. 13^) condemns Jeroboam because he had made priests of people who were not Levites ; the implication is clear — any Levite might be a priest ; the Levites are not yet divided into two classes, one of which consisted of priests, the other of priests' servants. The same theory underlies Dt. 33^"^^ and the main body of the Book of Deuteronomy ; all Levites have a right to dis- charge priestly functions (lo^'- i8^~^). Here the Levites are, it is true, classified (iS*"^): but both classes are priests; they are priests of the capiital or priests of the provincial towns. Finally, we approximate to P^'s theory In Ezekiel. The prophet writing in exile in the year 572, and sketching the future constitution of Israel, recognises that, down to the Exile, the Levites had formed in respect of the priestly function * The Book of Jubilees throws back the origin of the priesthood to the patriarchal period, when, of necessity, Levi (not Aaron) is the first priest, c. 32. 24 NUMBERS a single casie, but provides that in the future they shall be divided into two distinct castes — a priestly caste, consisting' of the sons of Zadok, i.e. the priests of Jerusalem, and a caste of priests' servants, consisting of (the descendants of) priests who, before the Exile, had officiated in idolatrous worship, i.e. at the high places, and are henceforth, for this offence, to forfeit their priesthood and become subordinates (Ezek. 44^"^^, esp. io-i6j_ Thus the division of the Levites into two castes, which elsewhere first appears even as a theory in Ezekiel, and is then consciously and deliberately proposed as a novelty for the future, is accepted in P^ as coeval with the institution of worship in Israel. Since P^'s theory was first placed in relation to parallel theories and practice, the really inevitable inference has gained increasing recognition : P^ is later than Ezekiel : the existence of a Levitical caste, separate and distinct from the priestly, was unknown to the Mosaic age, unknown even to the age of Josiah : it belongs alike in theory and practice to the post- exilic age. So, e.g.. We. Proleg. c. iv. ; Kue. Hex. § 3 n. 16, § 11 n. 13 f., § 15 n. 15, and esp. Abhandlungen, 465-500 = ( 77?. Ti. 1890, pp. 1-42) ; Konig, Offen- hariingsbegriff (\%%z), ii. 322 ff; Driver, L.O.T. 139 ff.; CH. i. 127 f. So far as the inference as to practice is concerned, others {e.g. Di., Baudissin) agree ; but they argue for a pre-Deuteronomic existence in a then un- published writing (P) of the theory of distinct priestly and Levitical castes. This view as elaborated by Baudissin in his Gesch. des AT Priester- thums was criticised by Kue. in the article cited above. Baudissin has lately reiterated his arguments for the pre-Deuteronomic origin of P in an extremely lucid and less encumbered form in his Einleitutig, pp. 96-102, 139-170, but he has in no way parried Kue.'s criticism. For defences of the traditional view on this matter it must suffice to refer to S. I. Curtiss, The Levitical Priests (Edinburgh, 1877), and A. van Hoonacker, Le Sacer- doce Livitique dans la Loi et dans VHistoire des Hdbreux (Louvain, 1899). Not only does P^ differ from Ezekiel in making the sacred non-priestly Levites an ancient institution, but also in regard- ing the position of the Levites as the very reverse of a degra- dation: it is an honour (i^*'~^^) : they are chosen freely by God, not, indeed, to the highest position, but to the next highest. They are superior to all except the priests, and hence encamp immediately round the tabernacle between it and the other tribes; cp. also on c. 16. 18. III. s-10 25 As in the case of the priesthood, and, indeed, of the nation itself, so of the Levites, no reason is given for the choice ; the divine choice is made freely; the distinction is not con- ferred for any merit. In this respect P^ perhaps differs from earlier writers : cp. Ex. 3226-28^ Dt. lo^ (with Dr.'s note) 33^. According- to 3^^"^^, it is true, Levi is chosen as a substitute for the firstborn, to which Yahweh had a claim ; but while these verses assign a reason why a tribe had to be set apart, they assign none why that tribe was Levi. 5-10. The Levites in relation to Israel and the priests. — 5. Unto Moses] Throughout this c. the command is given to Moses alone; see v.^^- 1^- ^- *S cp. v. i^- 42. 51^ ct. 39; in c. 4 several times to Moses and Aaron (v.^- ^'^, cp. v.^"^- ^^- ^^) ; yet also to Moses only (v. 2^, cp. 37.45. 40j^ — g_ Bring near\ have brought to thee, Ex. 28^. The technical sense (16^ n.) is not intended here. — They shall serve him] Aaron, i.e. the priests. The verb m^ is always, when used of the Levites, limited by an object, which is either, as here and 18-, the priests, or the assembly (16®), or the tabernacle {1^); on the other hand, of the priest, the verb is used absolutely, 3^1, Ex. 28^^ etc. ; cp. Baudissin, Prieslerlhtim, 29. — 9. Aaron and his sons] i.e. the priests: the fuller phrase for ** Aaron," v.*. The gift of the Levites to the priests by the Israelites is indirect : they are immediately given to Yahweh, v.*"*-, and by Him to the priests : this is elaborately explained in S^^"^''. — To hitn] i.e. Aaron; cp. v.^ n. (5 S read **to me," /.e. Yahweh ; cp. 8^^ 18^. — 10. Aaron and his sons ihon shall appoint] ffi + over the tent of meeting. — And they shall guard their priesthood] ffi -{•and everything about the altar and within the veil', cp. 18''^ 1^. The addition probably goes back to a Hebrew original, since G differs in 18^. — The stranger] here = any one not a priest ; in the present context the term includes and, indeed, specially refers to Levites ; cp. 1" n. 6. '33^ imoym] 'jejS Tcyn Gn. 47' and 12 other times in the Hexateuch of a formal or ceremonial setting-. This particular phrase is in the Hexateuch peculiar to P: but see 11^*, Ex. <^^ (JE) ; cp. CH. 141''. — 9. rxD -h non] S and some Heb. MSS. lino '"? on ; cp. 8'^ — d':iiu D':in:] for the repetition, here, perhaps=" wholly given," see G.-K. 123c. — hnd] = " on the part of," frequently (though not exclusively) in P : BDB. 865. 26 NUMBERS 11-13. The Levites taken by Yahweh in satisfaction of His claim to the firstborn. — This point of view is hardly identical with that of v.^^°; moreover, the substance of the present section would more naturally have been incorporated in the preceding" if both sections were from the same hand. Paterson may therefore be right in attributing- v.'^^"^^, together with the allied passages v.**^'- *^, to another hand, though whether there is sufficient reason for deriving- the verses (at least in their present form; cp. v.^- n.) from H is more doubtful; yet note " I am Yahweh," v.^^. 41.46. gee n. on v.^^ The sanctity of the firstborn and their need for redemption therefrom are recognised alike by the early and the later Hebrew laws, Ex. 22=3 (29) g^isf. (je) 132 (p). It is subse- quently provided in P that henceforward every male at a month old is redeemable at 5 shekels, 18^^ ; cp. 3*°*- The Levites are substitutes only for those above a month old at the time. In representing- the firstborn a? subject to redemption in the wilderness, P differs from J, who dates the claim from the entrance Into Canaan, Ex. 13^^'* According to Rabbinic theory before the time when the tabernacle was erected, priestly functions were discharged by the firstborn ; Z'bahim 14'', 2r^°" on Ex 24' (cp. C^° ib.)\ cp. Rashi on the present passage. Some modern scholars have considered that a similar theory underlies this passage ; and some even infer that the theory (cp. Ex. 22"* (®)) corresponds to fact, that the firstborn in early Israel was, as a matter of fact, devoted to priestly duties. So, recently, Baudissin, Priesterthum^ .55-57 > Smend, ATReJigionsgeschichte^ 276, ^282. But (i) the fact that Samuel, a first- born, is dedicated to the temple-service by a special vow ; (2) that Jud. 17' (? cp. I S. 7^) appears to regard any son indifferently as available for priestly functions ; and (3) the indications that in early times the priesthood vested rather in the father (cp. the ritual of Passover, Ex. 12. jjSff. . a,-,d father = priest, Jud. 17'") do not favour \hQ. fact of a priest- hood of the firstborn ; cp. EBi. " Family," § 2 ; " Firstborn." Further, it seems improbable that P?, who does not recognise the existence of sacrifice among the Hebrews before the erection of the tabernacle, considered that the firstborn had ever been devoted to sacred service. H may conceiv- ably have held the theory. 12b. Cp. Ex. 13^ (P). So in v.^' the first clause and 1 hallowed unto me every fiistbom in Israel both of man and beast, much more closely resemble the phraseology of Ex. 132 than Ex. 13^-'- (JE). On the other hand, P in Ex, III. 11-23 27 knows nothings of the assertion here made in clause a, that Yahweh's claim to the Hebrew firstborn is based on His sparing- of the Hebrew firstborn when He slew the firstborn of Eg-ypt. For this view, see Ex. 13^*'-, — a passagfe not earlier in origin, perhaps, than the Deuteronomic school. 13. I hallowed unto Me] i.e. declared them to be my posses- sion ; anything belonging to or standing in a special relation to Yahweh is holy, anything claimed by Him thereby becomes holy or "is hallowed"; see Baudissin, Studien, ii. 63. — / 3N''p.s*.— 26. imny h^'?] this use of 7 is specially characteristic of P and Ch.; see BDB. 514^; in Y_3i. 36 'y l,2i_ — 27. n.ip^i] the 1 is dittographic : cf. v.^^-^^: also i^s- 24 gtc. — 30. Ifl^''?^] for the name (= "(my) God has sheltered"), cp. 34-® (P); it is probably an ancient name, cp. HPN. 176 f., 192. — '?N'tj;]="a (my) strength is God." This and other names containing 'Jj;, iij;, etc., are common in the later OT. writings ; see the appendices to HPN. under !?N')y, Ss-'ii/', r\-\^, nniv, 'Tiy'} and n'ln, also ib. pp. 210, 230. For earlier usage the only evi- dence is the name of king Uzziah who was also, and perhaps originally, known as 'Azariah, in the 8th cent., and v?v on an ancient Hebrew seal ; Levy, Siegel u. Gemmen, 39-42. — 31. imay] S <& omnj?: cp. v.^" ffi. — 32. 'N'tyj X'c:] Dav. 34, R. 4. — mps] the cstr. would be easiest, if we might assume here the late Heb. use of the form to denote the holder of an office ; cp. n'?np and Dr. Z. O. T. 466 ; Strack and Siegfried, Neuhebr. Gramm. 68c. But mps nowhere else has this sense. If we retain the text and the sense which the word has elsewhere in these chapters (^ 4^*), we must assume a loose cstr. of the ace: render "with the charge of." Paterson's conjecture, h^ lij?, is not really supported by©. — 35. '7^•'^^s] ( = "a (my) rock is God"); on the type of name, see above, p. 6. — '7'n'2N] ancient type of name (cp. HPN, 22-34) > the actual instance only in P Ch. Esth. — 36. 'd 'J3 mCB-D mpsi] variations in v.-^- ^]. 40-51. The number of the firstborn Israelites of the male III. 4!>-47 31 sex above a month old Is 22,273 > of these 22,000 are redeemed by the 22,000 Levites, the remainder at 5 shekels apiece. This money is given to the priests. The firstborn cattle of the Israelites is redeemed by the cattle of the Levites. For the unreality of the relation between the firstborn and the adults, see above, pp. 10-15. 40. T/iezr names] 1^ n. — 41. /«?« VaMve/i] v^^ n. — T/ie cattle of the Levites instead of all the firstborn among the cattle of the children of Israel] this is difficult, for the firstborn of cattle that could be offered were not redeemable (iS^^-^'''). It is question- able (with Di.) to limit "cattle" here to unclean cattle (Lev. 27-'', Nu. 18^^). Baudissin {Pi-iesterthtivi^ 42 f.) thinks this passage later than the law requiring- the sacrifice of all clean firstborn and of a period when that demand was no longer satis- fied in practice. Possibly we should assimilate this sentence to v.'*^ by transposing non:: (omitting the prep. 3) before "1133 f)3 ; then render "the cattle of the Levites instead of the cattle of all the firstborn among the children of Israel " ; the firstborn and all their belongings are regarded as properly forfeit to Yahweli ; the Levites and their belongings are substituted for them. — 45. Their cattle] if the text of v.^^ be correct we should expect here "the firstborn of their cattle," the pronoun refer- ring to the children of Israel. If the suggestion in the last n. be adopted, the pronoun refers to the firstborn Israelites. — 47. The fine payable for redeeming a firstborn of men is 5 shekels, i.e. about 12 shillings (a shekel = 2s. 5d.: Kennedy in Hastings' DB.^ s.v. "Money," iii. 422 f.). — Bj> the poll] 1^ n. With clause b of the v. cp. Ex. 30^^. 92. nro] C5^ + piNi; wx da^ cm. — 56. 'ui "na nxi] For this absolute or pendent ace. cp. Kon. iii. 3410; and for nnp"?!, Dr. Tenses, § 123. — '•.1-19 —also v.^8'-" iS'^; both the ground form {kcitill) and the plural point to an abstract meaning- (Barth, NB. 82^ ; Kon. iii. 261 ; cp. ii. 137 f.) ; but in this particular instance the word must have acquired a secondary concrete sense (otherwise Kon. iii. 260^) : it does not mean either the act of ransoming or the state of being ransomed, but the ransom-price (Dietrich, Abh. z. hebr. Gram. 41 ; Ges.-Buhl, " Lose-geld "). — D'sni'n] The root, which appears only in Kal (Ex. i623 26'-f-, Lev. 25-^, Nu. 3'*''- '*8'-)and Hiph.(Ex. 16'^), is in OT. confined to P ; it reappears in the Mishnah. — 47. n^'on nr:;n] For the suspended cstr., see Dav. 28, R. 6 ; for the repetition, Dav. 29, R. 8 (2). — 48. mc] resumes and defines r,CDn. — 49. DVijn] if the text be right. 32 NUMBERS a parallel form in B to j^n? (Ex. 21^, Ps. 49'): Lag-arde, Bildung cU Nominay 186, 204. But probably the same form was orig-inally read here as in v.^^**^ ; so S cnsn. — D'l^n "ns] "ns is here the pass, part., which is, however, used with a different meaning- from niiT "n£3 Is. SS^**. — 51. onrn] The K'tib may be pointed n'T]?n, on which see v.*^n.; K're and S both read plene D'nsn, cp. v.** n. I v. — V.^~^ Levites between thirty and fifty years of age to be numbered ; the transport duties of the Levites defined ; y S4r-49 results of the census. 1. And Aaron] 3'^n. ; some Heb. MSS. and 3E J^ omit : but see de Rossi's note. 2-20. The Kohathites. — In c. 3 the Gershonites, here the Kohathites, are first dealt with. With the priority given to the Kohathites here, cp. their superior position in the camp ; see above, p. lyf. — 2b. 3^^ n. — 3. The census here required is of Levites qualified for service about the tabernacle. It thus corresponds to the census of the rest of Israel (c. i). The same word (X3i) is used in both chapters, though RV. here renders by ** service," there by '* war." Originally the word had reference to war (see phil. n.) : its use of menial service about the tabernacle or temple is late ; for the verb so used, see 4-^ 8^^, Ex. 38^, and the late gloss omitted in (S^ in i S. 2^2 ; and for the noun, besides the present c, 8-**- — Two other and different regulations as to the period of Levitical service are found in OT. (i) Instead of being as here defined from thirty to fifty years of age, it was, according to S^^^^e^ from twenty-five to fifty, after which latter age a Levite might still render certain auxiliary services. (2) According to the Chronicler (i Ch. 232*- 27^ 2 Ch. 31^', Ezr. 3^), from the time of David onwards the age of entrance on service was twenty, and there was no upward limit of disability. The simplest way of accountingf for the differences would be to assume that they correspond to actual differences in the ag^e of service at the different periods to which the several references belong, i.e. that in the time of the Chronicler (r. 300 B.C.) the minimum age for Levitical service was twenty, and that at different times between about 500 and 300 B.C. it had been twenty-five and thirty respectively : so, e.g., Kuenen, Hex. pp. 93> 299; cp. Str. on 8^^. Another view (Baudissin, Priesterthutn, 167 f.) is that the minimum of twenty years was actual, but that P's fixing of the minimum at thirty is part of his historical fiction, and due to his making allowance for the heavy work of transport (cp. i Ch. 23-^*-) ; then pos- IV. 1-4 33 sibly the twenty-five of 8"^"-* is simply a mean struck by a later writer between the minimum of actual practice and that required by the law. Of harmonistic explanations it must suffice to mention one: the regulation of the present passage, it is said, is merely intended to be temporary, and has regard to the heavy work of transport ; on the other hand, 8-^"-'' contains the permanent law regulating the years of service in and about the tabernacle, but not in the transport of it (so Keil). But this is to disregard the similarity in the definition of service in the two passages, and to limit unwarrantably the meaning of the expressions used in the present chapter — " all who enter into the service to do work (hdn'^d nicy^) in the tent of meeting" v.^ : " to perform work (m^j; iDj;"?) in the tent of meet- ing," v.^; " to perform the work of (maynN nay"?) the tent of meeting," v. ^^ ; " all who worked in the tent of meeting," v.^''. ffi throughout this chapter substitutes " twentj'-five " for "thirty," thus assimilating the present pas- sage to 8-^'^®. The reason for doing this, rather than correcting 8^^"-^ to agree with the present chapter, would be clear if we could assume that "twenty-five" was the actual age of service at the time of the Greek Version. Is 8^^'^® later than Chronicles ? and was the age which had been lowered from thirty to twenty between the times of Ezra and the Chronicler on account of the scarcity of Levites (cp. Kue. loc. cit.), once again raised subsequently to twenty-five when the number of Levites had been increased by the assimilation of the singers and others (cp. We. Proleg.'^ p. 145)? The data are insufficient for a decisive answer. 4. The most holy things] the phrase D^B^ipn trnp, which is variously appHed (frequently, e.g.., to the inner part of the tabernacle, Ex. 26^^) refers here, as the following- vv. ex- plain, to the furniture and instruments of the tabernacle : cp. Ex. 30^^. See, further, Baudissin, Studien, ii. 52-54. — 5 ff. The most holy things which the Kohathites had to carry fall into six groups : all alike, before the camp moved, had to be covered up by the priests that the Kohathites might not see them, and were then so carried by the Kohathites that they did not actually touch the sacred objects themselves. The six groups of most holy things are as follows: — (i) the ark, v.^ ; (2) the table of the presence, its utensils (Ex. 25^^), and the perpetual bread, v.^; (3) the candlestick and the utensils connected with it, v.^; (4) the golden altar, v.^^; (5) the utensils of ministration ... in the sanctuary, v.^^; (6) the altar (of burnt-offering), and the vessels and instruments attached to it, v.^^*-. These various things, or groups of things, were all alike packed in a wrapping of ^^ tahash" skin (v.^- 2- ^°- ^"- 1^-) ; and, in every case except that of the ark, this wrapping formed the outer covering. On the other hand. 34 NUMBERS the ark was first covered with the veil (see on 3^^), then with the ^^ iahash skin" wrapping, and, finally, with a cloth of blue (v.^). Thus, on the march, the blue outer covering- at once distinguished the ark from all the other sacred objects. All the rest of the (main) objects except the altar of burnt-offering, whose inner covering was a purple cloth, v.^^, were first wrapped in blue cloth, v.'^* ^- ^^' ^2. The table of presence, like the ark, had, in all, three wrappings. It was covered with the blue cloth, then the vessels attached to it were packed on it and the whole wrapped in a scarlet cloth, and, finally, in the ^^ tahash skin" wrapping. The motive for these differences, except in the case of the bright external covering of the ark, is not obvious. The candlestick and the objects connected with it and the vessels of ministration were carried on frames speci- ally provided for them, v.^**- ^'. The remaining objects were carried by means of the staves with which they had been provided at the time of making. — 6 Tahash-skiii] the precise meaning of the Heb. phrase, skin of tahash, is uncertain. The ancient versions incorrectly took tahash to be a colour. From the time of the scholars of the Talmud downwards it has been customary to see in tahash the name of an animal ; if this be right, some marine animal of the dolphin kind seems most probable ; in Arabic ttchas = '* a dolphin." Recently it has been suggested that the word is a loan from the Egyptian ths ■=■ " Egyptian leather." * Since the OT. waiters who refer to this skin are Ezekiel and P, it may be an article with the use of which the Jews first became familiar in exile. — And shall put in the staves thereof \ so RV. ; if this means that the staves were removed during packing and then again placed through the rings (Ex. 25^*), for which holes could be made in the wrappings, it conflicts with Ex. 25^^, which forbids the removal of the staves : such a conflict is perfectly possible, for the two passages are doubtless from different hands. But the vb. D''tJ> is of a general significance, and certainly might be * For various sugfgestions, see Fried. Delitzsch in Baer's Eseh. p. xvif,, and Proleg. 77 ff.; Nold. in ZDMG. xl. 732; Lewysohn, Zoologie des Talm. 95-98, 152 ; Toy's note in Ezekiel (SBOT. Eng;.), 123-126 ; and lor an excellent summary, art. " Badger" in EBi. IV. 6-16 35 rendered " adjust " , but could any ** adjustment " of poles under three wrappings make them convenient for holding? — 7. The table of the presence] RV. in rendering "... of sheivbread'" assumes that the unique phrase D''3Dn \rv'^ is an abbreviation of D'JSn Dn^ 'CJ'. This is unnecessary ; it may well mean the table of the face or presence of Yahweh. On the table, see Ex. 2^23ff.^ — jy^^ Wishes and the cups and the cans and the howls] see Ex. 25^^, where the last two articles are mentioned in reverse order. For the present order, Ex. 37^^. — The continual bread] i.e. the shewbread (Ex. 25^*^, Lev. 24^"^). The phrase Dn? Tonn is used here only, but is readily explained by Ex. 25^'^. — 8. Its staves] Ex. 25^^. — 9. Ex. 25^^"^^. The full phrase, the candlestick of the light ("ilNfOH n~i3D), is only found here and in Ex. 35^* (P®). — 10. The frame] see phil. note. — 11. The golden altar] Ex. 39^^40^-^'^, i.e. the altar of burnt incense (Ex. 30^^-) ; see Introd. § 11. — Its staves] Ex. 30*^*. — 12. The utensils of ser- vice] i.e. the utensils used by the priests in their sacred service, 3^^ n. — 13. The altar] of burnt-offering, Ex. 27^^-. — Its staves] Ex. 27'^^- At the end of the verse S (5 add — "And they shall take a purple cloth and cover the laver and its base [Ex. 30^"], and they shall put them within a covering of tahash skin, and they shall put them on the frame." The addition, w^ith which cp. 3^^ n., was naturally suggested by such catalogues as Ex. 3o2S-29 3i7-9 35iiff. ^o^-w^ Lev. Sio^-.— 15. Afterwards the sons of Kohath shall come to carry them ; without, however, touching the holy thijigs, and so suffering death] the negative clause is not, as the translations usually make it, adversative, but circumstantial (Dr. Tenses, § 159) ; it defines the manner in which the Levites are to carry the holy things, viz. by the staves or frames, without touching the sacred objects themselves ; cp. 18^. For the mortal effect of touching a sacred object, cp. 2 S. 6^'-. — The holy things] t;^'^p^ is used collectively of sacred objects, the more precise denotation of the term being suggested by the context (cp. Lev. 5^^) : so several times in this and following chapters, v.^^- '^^ 7^ 8^^. — 16. Corresponds to the briefer statements of v.^^''-^'^'' that the Gershonites and Merarites were under the general super- vision of Ithamar. Ele'azar's duties consist of the general 36 NUMBERS oversight of the tabernacle and all its sacred objects, and the special and immediate care of certain things that are specified, viz. — (1) the oil for the light (Ex. 27^*^) ; (2) the incense of sweet perfume (Ex. 25^ 303*^-) ; (3) the continual meal-offerijig (Neh. 10^*), which is not mentioned elsewhere in the Pentateuch by this term, but is identical either with the meal-offering that accompanied the burnt-offering which was offered twice daily (Ex. 29^-*o), and is often {e.g. Nu. 2810, Neh. io33(34)) called the continual burnt-ofTering (T'^nn n?!?), or, more prob- ably, with the meal-offering offered daily by "the anointed priest" on behalf of himself and the other priests (Lev. 6^^~^^ (20-22)) . (4) ij^Q anointing oil (Ex. 3o22ff-)._17-20. An ampli- fication in the form of a direct command of what is referred to parenthetically in v.^^. The section is possibly an inter- polation : it is marked by certain stylistic peculiarities (see phil. notes). — 20. They shall not see the sacred things . . . and so die] for the mortal effect of looking at a sacred object, cp. I S. 619. 2. Kiyi] Inf. abs. with imperative force (Dav. 885, R. 2) ; so also v.^' ; but the imperative is used in 1^3'"^. — 3. H^^b aj h:i] in v.^"-^-*^-** K3n hz K^iih, in v.^* (also v.^ 5) N3s ^}3¥^ K3.t ^d ; (Sc assimilates the phrase in all six passages — ttSs 6 dairopevbuevo^ XeirovpyeXv. The ideas of fighting, army, military service are connected with the root H3s over so wide an area of the Semitic field that they must have become attached to it at an early period. The Assyr. ^dbu means "a warrior," also "an army" (Del.); Arabic u^ = "to lie in wait for," and in 'Urwa, 3^ (cited by Nold. ZDMG. xl. 726) = ^li = "to make a raid" ; South- Arabian N35 = "to fight" (Hommel, Sild-Arab. Chrest. p. 125) ; Eth. Qf^i*! = "to wage war." From this alone we might surmise that in Heb. the sense of "military service" was early, and, since the use of the root for service in general, or liturgical service in particular, is not common in the cog- nate languages, that the use of the word for the service of the tabernacle was a later extension of the meaning. As a matter of fact, tos is con- stantly used in connection with warfare in early Hebrew (cp. e.g. 2 S. 2^ 10'', Is. 31^); it retained this connotation in the later periods of the language (see, e.g., Zech. 14^^, Nu. i, and Ch. passitn). But in P it is also frequently used, as in the present chapter, of service about the taber- nacle (references above). It is one of several interesting instances in which terms originating in the early and more warlike periods of Hebrew history, and retaining their military reference down to the close of the monarchy, took on after tlie Exile a fresh meaning, in consequence of the change from a national society under a monarchy to a religious com- IV. 17-20 37 munity under a hierarchy. Cp. nynn in early Hebrew="the alarum of war"; but after the Exile =" the sound of the temple trumpets": cp. Nowack, Arch. ii. no. — 5. n3i] Dr. § 119/3. — 6. 'idd] also v.^^t, in S also in v.^ before 1J3 ; cp. Mand. n"id3 (cited by Barth, iz^d). Synonyms are nc;a Gn. 8'^ (J) and 15 times in P (many of the instances in secondary strata) ; nDS.-D Ezek. 27'', Is. 14^^ 23^^, and, in a special sense (cp. Ex. 29'*), Lev. g^^f ; and niC3, which appears to have been the form in common use in earlier Heb. (Gn. 20^" E ; Ex. 21^" 22^^, Dt. 22^^), though it continued in use in and after the Exile (Is. 50^ Job 2^ 26^31'^+). — wnsi] <& S QTand one or two Heb. MSS. +r'75;; cf. v.^ y£i.—rh:in V''?|] = " wholly blue" (Dav. 24-^).— 10. omn] v,'^ (and in the addition to S in v.^'*), 13^* and (in the sense of "yoke") Nah. i^-'f. naiD is more frequent, and is used specifically, in the pi., of the three bars (naiD) of which a yoke consisted, and, in the singf., with primary reference to the most important part of the yoke, the cross-bar (hdid). Whatever may have been the original meaning- of aiD (and on this cp. Konig, iii. 243^), here and in v.'^ the context requires, and in 13® is best satisfied by, a word meaning something with a considerable flat surface on which a variety of objects could be placed and carried. <& S render "staff" or "pole," using the same word by which they render ona in v.^ etc. — 12. rrifn '^s] thus here only ; cp. 2 Ch. 24" m'?ym mv -^■2. On the art. with the infin., see Konig, iii. 241^. — 15. mai] Dr. Tenses, § 115, p. 133. — 16. mps] has two different senses in the same v., (i) things com- mitted to one's oversight; (2) oversight.— 16. v'?Dm t^npn] the 3 specifies the parts, viz. the holy things and the vessels thereof {i.e. of the taber- nacle), of which the whole ("ib'n V31 or pB-Dn So) consists : cp. Gn. 7^^, Ex. 121", Nu^ 2j28^ aj^d BDB. p. 885. The usage is characteristic of P.— 18. innDn hvi] though corresponding phrases with the Niph. are frequent in P {e.g. Gn. 17I*, Ex. 12^^) and specially characteristic of H, the Hiph. of n"i3 does not occur in P proper ; and in H, where we find it four times in a similar sense (Lev. 17^° 20*- "• ®), the subj. is always Yahweh. The following V. shows that we must understand the word of annihilation, not simply of loss of Levitical status, as the D"i"7n "jina might seem to imply ; cp. ^^n. — Tinpn nhsro ddij' hn] appositional genitive, Konig, iii. 337c; cp. G.-K. 128, 2. The use of Bnt? is remarkable. Regularly the word denotes one of the main tribes of Israel {e.g. Gn. 49'®, Ex. 24^, i S. 10-") ; cp. n. on i^. Here it is used for a subdivision. The only other passages that imply such an usage are Jud. 20^-, i S. 9^^ which speak of the tribes ('B3B') of Benjamin. But in both passages the pi. is probably due to cor- ruption : cp. Moore on Jud. 20^^ (p. 430). The only other instances of B3C in P (who regularly uses nan ; cp. i"* n.) are Ex. 28-^ 39", Nu. 18^ 32^^ 36*, Jos. 4**^, 1329.33 a^j^j 21^®; for Bennett is no doubt right in assigning the six instances of £33^ in Jos. 22 to R ; and some of the above instances may, probably enough, be traced to the same origin : cp. 18^ n. — nhaco 'nnpn] also 327.30 ^^ '^os. 21^' ^'^f: cp- 'p'l n-Bt^D 26^^; a variant phrase is nnp '33 nhscD 3"^ Jos. 2i''"-2«, i Ch. 6'^t.— 19. rm] Driver, Tenses, § 112. — n« cnti-Js] I S. 9^^ (but not i S. 30^^ where n.s* = with) also has nx for Vx. But in both passages the Versions (and here S and many Heb. MSS. also) are probably right in reading '?^? ; cp. Dr. on 1 S. 9^^ — imnj; h';] ffi om, — 20. y'pas] lit. "for ^e likeness of a swallowing" (viz. of one's 38 NUMBERS spittle, cp. Job 7^') — a vivid phrase for a moment. For 3 as an ace. of time, cp. BDB. 4530: b. Somewhat differently Konlg-, iii. 402/. 21-28. The Gershonites. — 23. Thou shall number them\ the phrase does not occur in the preceding section, v.^, and is in a different position in the next, v.^^. On some other varia- tions, cp. the notes in the preceding" section ; and on some minor details, see phil. notes below. — 25 f. Cp. 3^^ n. — 25. The covering of tahash skii{\ Ex. 26^^^: this is not mentioned in 3^^. — 26b. All that may have to he done "with regard to them [i.e. the objects just mentioned) they (the Levites) shall perform. — 27b. And you shall appoint to them by name the things committed to their charge to carry] you shall specify In detail the various things they have to carry. So after ffir and v.^^ p?. The subj. is either " Aaron and his sons " mentioned in clause a ; or, more probably, Moses and Aaron, this passage, like the rest of the chapter, having been origin- ally addressed to Aaron as vi^ell as Moses, u^ho alone is men- tioned in v.2^ ; then the v. means that in the first instance Moses and Aaron are to specify the objects committed to the Gershonites, and that subsequently the priests are to give all further directions. 23. '2 ni2]! nnj?'?] cp. '3 n^ahn mc-j;'? v.'; m^y rut my!? v.^". — 24. nhr^'C ':::nj,i] so 'nnp.i 'a v.^^- ^^ (see note on former v.), but ma 'J3 'd v.^^. — N'-r'^i] used exactly like the inf. myV : cp. yon lo^, and see G.-K. 45^, 1 15^ ; Ryssel, De EloMstcB Sertnone, 50, 68 ; Strack on this passagfc, and especially Konig-, iii. 233^. — 26. lyti'] 3"^ omits. — n^iyi] On the general principle of Waw conv. with pf, after various introductory phrases, see Driver, Tenses, 123 ; but instances of the direct obj. thus standing before the Waw are not common ; Ex. 4^^ with repetition of the obj. is rather different.— 28. 'jc-\:n 'ja] i Ch. 262't; similarly 'nnpn '33 only v.^ and 2 Ch. 29^^. But the same writer sometimes curiously varies the different possible idioms in the same verse, cp. 2 Ch. 29^^: see also phil. note on v,'^ ; and cp. below, v.'^- ^^. 29-33. — The Merarites. — 29. The section begins more abruptly than the two preceding, v.^-^^. — Thou shall number] ffi "ye shall number," and so in v.^°: cp. on v.^'^. — 31 f. Cp. 3^'^^-. — 32b. Cp. v.-'^ n. — Including all their accessories] (on^b b^) 3^6 n. 32. '"73 nx] S G -^2 ^2 n.v. Note also the expansions of v.^"- in ffi. 34-49. The census. — On the numbers, see above, pp. 10-15. IV. 21-v. 39 — 34. 77ie princes of the congregation] the same phrase, of a different set of men, in 16-, Ex. 16^2. ffi here has '*the princes of Israel": cp. ^^ i"* 7^ n. P^— 41. At the end of the V. (5 adds—" by the hand of Moses " : cp. v.37- «.— 49. The V. is manifestly more or less corrupt, and cannot be intel- Hg-ibly rendered : RV. is not a translation, especially in clause b. Possibly HE^'O *T'2 has fallen out of place, VpDI is a misplaced fragment, and "ICN an error for "l:^'ND (S fflr S) ; then render — According' to the commandtnent of Yahweh, by the hand of Moses, they were appointed every one to his proper sei-vice and burden, as Yahiveh commanded Moses. For the indef. subj. of npD see Dav. io8«, and for ^y npD 27'**. 34. n'a"?!] V.88-'"; C S n-n^ : cp. v.2-« lij.— 37. nc'D T3 '"• 'd ^v] <"• 'Q S'j frequent in P, uncommon elsewhere {L.O.T. 134, No. 41). Combined with nra T3, it is entirely peculiar to P — 4^''- (^^ G) ^ 9-^ Io'^ Jos. 22'' f, and, perhaps, originally in v.^" ; see above. Instead of nra td, 3'" has n;i; ne-Ni and 3*^ n&D nx '"' nis iB'.xa. — 46. D'i'?n hn] For the noun rather than the pronoun completing ir.x, cp. 33S Ex. 25"; Konig, iii. 4145'. — 47. K3n VoJ S + K3it'> : cp. V. * n. V. VI. Miscellaneous Laws and Regulations. (i) Seclusion of unclean persons from the camp, 5^"^; (2) some priestly dues, v.^"®; (3) the ordeal of jealousy, v.^^"^^ ; (4) the Nazirite, 6^"2i ; (5) the priestly blessings, vP--'^. The first of these sections, all of which are introduced by P's characteristic formula (CH. 1850), would have formed a suitable conclusion to the description of the camp order, and the last might have rounded off the same subject. It is not impossible, therefore, that both formed the conclusion in P^ of the desciption of the camp now found in c. 1-4 ; though some, considering it merely supplemental, have referred the first to P^* It is quite improbable that any of the remaining sections, which have as little relation to the preceding and following chapters (7. 8. g or 10) as they have to one another, formed part of P° (Introd. § 12); 5^8 as supplemental to Lev. 5^*^""^ (6^"'^) is P^; the rest, by no means clearly secondary in substance, P\ * Kue. Hex. 91-93 ; CH. 40 NUMBERS 1-4. Every one that is leprous, or suffers from a discharge, or is unclean through contact with the dead, is to he secluded from the camp in order to preserve the sanctity conferred on it by Yahweh's presence undefiled (cp. Lev. 15^^)- — For details as to uncleanness from leprosy, see Lev. 13 ; from discharges, Lev. 15 ; from contact w^ith the dead, Nu. 19. All three forms of uncleanness are contagious (Lev. 13^5!. jg^fif.^ -^^^ jg22^ . but the laws (P") just referred to do not require exclusion from iAe camp except in the case of leprosy ; and the clauses demanding or implying exclusion even in that case may be editorial additions (so Baentsch). Some {e.g. Di.) attempt to account for the greater stringency of the present law by assuming that the laws of uncleanness have general validity, but that this law applies only to the military camp. There is, however, no justification in the text for this limitation, nor does the reference to women (v.^) favour it: ct., moreover, the terms of Dt. 23^*^^^^ "when thou goest forth {i.e. to war) as a camp." But it is true that the Hebrews, like many other peoples,* were subject in war to special taboos, including regu- lations as to uncleanness (Dt. 2&~^ ^-^^-^^i^-u) ^ j g. 21^*-, 2 S. 1 1^^"^^). Reminiscences of such actual though special taboos may have furnished the writer with the regulations which he here represents as of general validity in the wilderness in order to heighten his picture of the holiness of the camp. Leprosy in general involved seclusion (i2^°*- (E) 2 K. 7^ 15^) ; seclusion from the military camp on account of natural discharges is referred to in the references above ; and some local or special custom in ancient Israel may well have required the seclusion of women at menstruation, who fall under the second class of unclean persons here enumerated (Lev. 15^^"^*); for the seclusion of such is widely practised, and in particular " Maimonides tells us that down to his time it was a common custom in the East to keep women at their periods in a separate house," f just as the leprous Uzziah was kept. * For a large collection of parallels, see Schwally, Semitische Kriegs- alterthiifner, 59-99. t Frazer, Golden Bough, iii. 224 ; for similar practices, cp. ib. 222 ft". ; also Hal^vy in Revue Sdmitique, vii. 274. The reference to Maimonides is Moreh Nebuchim, iii. 47, V. 1-6 4 1 2. in'?r'i 'c '33 n.N* is] a rare formula : cp. Ex. 27*, Lev. 24', Jos. 4^^ Commoner is "jn nm followed by the persons addressed and Waw with the voluntative — Ex. 6" 14^- ^^ 25^ Lev. 16^ 22^ Nu. 19^ (all P) : cp. Ex. ii2 (E).— s^-s:^ ndb] cp. :i*2: xap Lev. 22^ (H), Hag-. 2". In 9^'* the present cstr. is repeated, but cs: is defined by din. jtdj in these phrases means either (i) the soul of the dead person, or, as we should say, the ghost — in particular, perhaps, the soul tarrying in or near the body that has ceased to breathe, but is yet unputrefied (Schwally, Das Leben nach dent Tode, yf.), or (2) the corpse; this does more justice to the language of 19" (cp. n. on 19"). For VBi of a material representative of the deceased, cp. the widespread use of the word for a monument on a grave, one Ntrs: being erected for each person buried in the grave : cp. Duval in Revue Sdmitigue, ii. 259-263, and, as illustrations, i Mac. 13^^'' (Syr. and Gr.); CIS. ii. 162, 196.— 3. njno^ pno htf] CH. 120^.— TJno] sing.: G.-K. 93> § 5- — 5b. For the formula, see CH. 189P. 5-10. Some priestly dues. — 5b-8. A law supplemental to Lev. 520-26 (61-7). It is there provided that any man voluntarily confessing to the wrongful possession of property must return the property + a fifth of its value to the rightful owner, and, in addition to this, offer to Yahweh, as an ^asharn or guilt-offering, an unblemished ram. Provision is now made that if the rightful owner be dead, and there also be no next- of-kin {goel) to whom the property can be restored, it is to become the priest's. — Any sin that men commit\ lit. *' any sins of men." (K RV. rightly interpret if the gen. be subjective ; others, "any of the sins committed against men"; but see phil. n. — In breaking faith with Vah2vek] Sins against man, shown by the context at least to be intended here, and faith- lessness to Yahweh are similiarly connected in Lev. 521. It is possible to sin against God without sinning against man (Ps. 51^^*^), but all sins against man are also sins against God. Hence, after the offender has made restitution to the wronged man or his representative, he offers God a guilt- ofifering, v.^. Lev. 52^. Both implications — that God is offended with wrong done to man, and that restitution must be made before the rite of atonement — are of importance in estimating the value and character of the later Jewish law : cp. Mt. 523^-. — And that person incur guili\ e.g. by any of the wrongs referred to in Lev. 521*-, such as the denial of the receipt of a deposit, or of the finding of lost goods. For similar uses of the phrase "to incur guilt," cp. Lev. 4^3.22 ^4. 42 NUMBERS for "soul" (C'i:3) with the meaning- of "person, any one,' gi3 j^30^ Qj^^ 17^^; the usage is frequent in P: CH. 146'', BDB. 660/7. — 7. Then they shall confess] the other instances in which confession is definitely commanded will be found in Lev. 5^ 16^^ : cp. Jacob, ZATW. 1897, pp. 60-62. — That which he has •mrongj-idly in his possession] such must be the meaning of the Heb. Dt^5< here and in v.^, though it is found nowhere else. — In full] lit. "with its head." For some parallel idiomatic uses, see phil. n. to i^. For the principle of re- paying f , cp. Lev. 5-* (6^) ; and for the same fraction in other connections [e.g. in certain cases of redemption), see Lev. 22^* 2^13.27.31^ — g^ ^^if if tJiQ man (be dead and) have no next-of- kin to tohom the property wrongfully held may be restored, the property wrongfully held which is to be restored (becomes) YahweKs, the priesfs, over and above the ram of propitiation with which he (the priest) makes propitiation for him [i.e. the man who has confessed his error). The property becomes the priest's as Yahweh's proxy, Lev. 23^*^. — The ram of propitiation] the ram which formed the guilt-offering. The phrase (Qi"il23n ?^x) occurs here only. The ram becomes the property of the priest according to the general law, Lev. 'f . — 9 f. Every sacred gift which falls to the priest becomes the property of the particular priest to whom it is offered, not of the whole priestly community : cp. Lev. "f'^- ^*, and ct. Lev. 7^- '^^ (P- ; for differences of usage in this matter are found within the Levitical legislation ; see Baentsch on the passages just cited, and Baudissin, PriestertMim, 40. The present passage appears to be a fragment ; its very general terms may have been better defined by the original context, just as 18^ is defined by i8^^-. — And every contribution, even all the holy things] the two terms are best taken as coextensive, as in 18^. The sacred gifts are represented under two aspects — as removed from the mass of a man's property, and as rendered holy by being dedicated to Yahweh. EV. ren- ders friimah by the misleading equivalent "heave-offering" : see 15^^ n., and Dr. Dent. 142. Some such word as "contribu- tion " or "portion " serves best, whether frumah is used in the wide sense of any contribution made for sacred purposes {e.g. V. 7-10 43 i5^''^> Ex. 25-^-), or in the special sense of the portion removed from the whole sacrifice as the priest's due (Lev. yi4. 32. 34^^ Equally comprehensive is the term '* holy things " (□'•tJ'np) : on. Ex. 28^^ ; and for details, see Baudissin, Studien, ii. 44. — 10. And as for every man^s holy things, they shall be his (the priest's) : whatsoever any man gives to the priesty his {i.e. that particular priest's) shall it be, 6. 'tt" '33 Vk nai] add. nnx"? (S) or mnxi (cp. v.") with ffij. pj is unique, for the formula • . . ^n "i31 is, except in the peculiar case of 17", always followed either (i) by idn'? (Ex. 16^2, Lev. 4^ 6^8 7^3.29 122 21" 2424- »*, Nu. 9" (P, Jos. 20^t)>cp. in commands to Moses and Aaron (i.e. after •jx nai), Ex. 12^, Lev. ii^t; or (2) by J?7r¥l (Lev. i^ 172 iS^ 192 22^8 232- 10 252 272, Nu. 512 62 8- 152- 18. S8 3351 3^10 1)^ cp. omDNi . . . nai Lev. 152 ; or (3) by Waw and the voluntative ; see note on v. 2. — nc^N in b"n] is prefixed (cp. Dav. 130, R. 5), as here, to the subordinate sentence, Lev. 1329, Nu. & (followed b}' sing-, verb or pron.), Lev. 13^^ 202^ (followed, as here, by pi.). The prefixing- of the subj. to the conditional particle is critically signifi- cant; ct. Ex. 21' and other passages in Book of the Covenant; and see ig'-^n., Konig-, iii. 341 n, — irj;'] The pi. is justified by the instances just cited : ffir translates by a singular (cp. Lev. 13^^ and ct. 2o2'), and turns all the remaining plurals in v.®'* by singulars. The changes of number in |^ are remarkable, but scarcely unparalleled ; cp. Ew. 319a. — riNDn Vdd] "any one of the sins " ; cp. Lev. 52^ See Konigf, iii. 81-83 ; and cp. the use of ^^ (Wright, ii. 48 f., R. b ; BDB. 58i«). — onx nNcn] the gen. after riNBn is so generally subjective (cp. e.g. Gn. 31^^ 50", i S. 20^ — all instances, as the co7itext shows, of sins against men) that it probably is so intended here. If objective (Dav. 23), cp. 'DCn (Gn. i6'')="the violence done to me." — 9. 'p ^3"? nmnn ^y\ the explicative h^eveti, namely, to -wit: cp. Ex. 28^*, Lev. 5^; BDB. 514J. — n\T i"? . . . nann "jdi] oneof the numerous instances in which '7 n'n does not agree with its (apparent) subject : cp. 9'^ 152^, Ex. 12*^ 28", Dt, i82 ; the grammatical subject is rather the real object of the verbal idea: cp. Ew. 295^^; G.-K. 1452^. Otherwise Konig, iii. 345^?. — 10. v^-ip nx b"n] Dav. 11, R. id; 72. R. 4. 11-31. The ordeal of jealousy. Literature. — The Mishnah tractate 5'o/'n'A(ed.Surenhusius, iii. 178-321, containing Wagenseil's Commentary) ; Philo, De specialibiis Legibus, c. 10 (Mangey, 308-310); Josephus, Aiit. iii. 11^; Spencer, De Legibus, bk. iii, c. ii. § 3 ad Jin. ; Bahr, Symbolik, ii. 441-447 ; Stade, Die Eiferopferthora in ZATW.'yi.\. (1895) 1 66-1 78. A woman suspected of adultery, which cannot be legally proved, may be subjected to an ordeal. For this purpose her husband, who must bring with him an offering of barley meal, which is termed " a meal-oftering of jealousy, a meal-offering 44 NUMBERS of memorial bringing" gfullt to remembrance," must bring her to the priest. The priest brings her before Yahweh, makes her take an oath of purgation, and then gives her to drink a potion described as "the water of bitterness tliat causeth the curse," and consisting of "holy water" with which dust from the floor of the tabernacle has been mingled, and into which the written words of the oath have been washed. If the woman be guilty the potion proves harmful ; if Innocent, harmless ; in the latter case, moreover, the woman becomes fruitful. The custom here regulated has innumerable analogies in practices generally prevalent in antiquity, and still prevalent over large parts of the world. The essential element in the custom is that the accused in test of his innocence subjects himself to a hazard, whether that consists, as here, in drinking a potion, being flung into deep water, walking over hot ploughshares, holding heated metal in the hand, or the like. Such customs figure prominently in the ancient Indian law books, are not infrequently alluded to by the classical writers of Greece and Rome, formed a regular feature in European life down through the Middle Ages, and still have a wide prevalence, especially in Africa. One or two illustrations are cited below. For others, reference can be made to The La-ws of Manu, viii. 1 14-1 16 {SBE. xxv. 274), and the Institutes of Vishnu, ix-xiv {SBE. vii. 52-61,), for Indian custom ; to Frazer's Pausanias, Description of Greece, iv. 175 f. (n. on vii. 25. 13) and iv. 253-255 (n. on viii. 17), and Funkhanel's article in Philologjis, ii. (1847) 385-402 (which also contains some good remarks on the connection between oaths and ordeals), for instances in Greek and Roman authors ; to Livingstone, Missionary Travels in South Africa (1857), 434, 631, and A. M. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, ii. 1 10-120, for African custom ; and generally to Tylor's article *' Ordeal" in EB., and Bastian, Der Mensch in der Geschichfe, ii. 210 f. A peculiarly interesting parallel is cited by the last named (from Japan) : the accused drinks water in which paper inscribed with bird-characters ( Vogelcharakteren) has been dipped ; this causes him pain in his body till he confesses. The Priestly Code alone among the Hebrew law books, and that only in the present section (P"), contains a law of the ordeal ; and the allusions to the custom in the OT. are at most but few. The presentation of incense by Korah and his V. 11-31 45 company (c. i6) is a story best accounted for by assuming that the ordeal was a famihar custom not confined to cases of suspected unchastity. It is possible that familiarity with the custom also accounts for Ps. 109^^^, Pr. 6-'^'^^. More direct and unambiguous allusions are not found. And yet there are reasons for concluding that the ordeal was more frequent, at least in early Israel, than this unique law would at first lead us to expect, and that the practice of it with the Hebrews, as with other peoples among whom it prevailed, was not limited to cases of unchastity. For (i) the Hebrews also used other modes of obtaining the direct decision of the deity in cases of doubt, and one in particular which is among other peoples found closely con- nected with the ordeal, viz. the oath of purgation (Ex. 229f-(iof.)^ I K. 8^^). In what mode the decision of the deity is given in the case of Ex. 22'^*- ^^*-^ is not distinctly stated, whether by the oath, as in the next case (Di.), or by the priestly oracle (Baentsch), or by ordeal. The connection of oath and ordeal is well illustrated by Manu's Law (viii. 109-116): "If two (parties) dispute about matters for which no witnesses are available, and the (judge) is unable to really ascertain the truth, he may cause it to be discerned even by an oath. . . . Let the (judge) cause the Brahmana to swear by his veracity, a Kshatriya by his chariot," and so of the other castes ; then, in immediate sequence, "or the (judge) may cause the (party) to carry fire or to dive under water, or severally to touch the heads of his wives and children. He whom the blazing fire burns not, whom the water forces not to come (quickly) up, who meets with no speedy misfortune, must be held innocent on (the strength of) his oath." The methods of Yahweh's decision in the early law book is left entirely undetermined or is barely alluded to, just as the detailed ritual of sacrifice is omitted even from Dt., though both methods and details of necessity existed in reality. The later law book (P) records the details of sacrificial ritual and of the particular ordeal which perhaps alone maintained its existence after the Exile. Biihler's remarks on the parallel silence or brevity of the earlier and the fulness of the later Indian codes in the matter of ordeals are instructive {SBE. xxv. p. cif.). (2) The double term for the accompanying offering is noticeable. It is ** the offering of jealousy " ; it is also "the offering of memorial, bringing guilt to remembrance." Neither term occurs elsewhere ; yet the latter looks like the species, the former like the sub-species ; this is so in any case, and 46 NUMBERS especially if Stade's analysis, noticed below, be adopted. But the term for the species seems to indicate that the offerings covered by it were made when a decision was required of the deity in cases of doubt, of which the doubt of jealousy is but one. Stade observes further, "The difference drawn in Lev. 7^** [see below on v.^^] would be much more easily explained if the meal-offering without oil and frankincense were used in more than the special cases of Lev. 5^^, Nu. -11-31^ But this would be the case if we assume that the piDTH nnJD was employed in other cases as well as that of suspected adultery." (3) W. R. Smith [Rel. Scrn.'^ 181) interprets the names En- Mishpat and Me Meribah {i.e. well of judgment and waters of controversy) with reference to the use of the springs at Kadesh in decisions by ordeal. The names outlived the practice, and are possibly not of Hebrew origin [EBz. s.v. ** Names," § 89-91) ; yet their significance, taken in connection with the foregoing considerations, is not to be overlooked. If the force of the preceding argument be admitted, it will not be denied that the custom of ordeal among the Hebrews goes back to the remotest period of their history. It survived, at least in a particular instance, as the incorporation of the present law in P shows, into the post-exilic period. It was an illegitimate conclusion of Ewald's {Alterthiimer^ 275), even on his theory of the pre-exilic origin of P, that the custom fell into early disuse ; for the Nazirite's vow, like the ordeal of jealousy, finds a place in P alone of the Codes, and yet we have proof positive that it was practised long after the Exile (below, p. 57 f.). There is no evidence as to when the ordeal of jealousy fell into disuse, except the statement of the Mishnah [Sotah 9^), which may be taken for what it is worth, that Johanan b. Zaccai, who flourished in the last third of the ist century a.d., abolished it. Some of the additional details given in Soiah, though not always consistent with the apparent intention of the biblical text, may rest on the actual practice of the ist century a.d., though much is somewhat clearly mere theoretical discussion. It is doubtful, however, whether the Protevangelmm (c. 16) in making Joseph as well V. 11-31 47 as Mary drink the waters, rests on actual custom : cp. v." below and note. The ordeal rests in principle on modes of thought and belief far more ancient than the religion of Israel. Modern anthropological study has abundantly justified the judgment of the great Cambridge divine of the 17th century: •* Cum itaque gentes pleraeque, mediis hujusmodi prodigiosis, inno- centiae in dubium vocat^e experimentum caperent ; probabiliter arbitremur, hunc morem, diu ante Mosis aetatem, inter gentes invaluisse ; et Deum aquam zelotypiae Judasis concecisse, ne privilegium aut miraculum aliquod inter gentes familiare populo suo deesse videretur" (Spencer, De LegibiiSf p. 657, Cambridge edition, 1727). The origin of the law must constantly be borne in mind in attempting to interpret its religious significance, and to estimate its place in the religion of Israel. A rite incor- porated, as in the present case, from ineradicable popular custom into an essentially alien religious system passes, in respect to its meaning, through three stages : in the first stage it possesses a definite meaning; in the second it is deprived of this and, perhaps, of all meaning ; in the third it has read into it a variety of new meanings consonant with the religious belief of the times, and, generally, completely at variance with the original significance. So in the present instance : the potion was originally believed to be the actual cause of harm to the guilty woman ; when the rite was assimilated to Yahwistic belief, the potion becomes a meaning- less survival ; for it is Yahweh who causes the harm (v.^^) ; finally, various symbolical meanings are read into this as into other parts of the ritual ; as, for example, by Philo, who explains that the water used is pure and living (ffii's equi- valent for the holy water of ^ being v^xap Kadapop ^mv), *' since a blameless woman is pure as to her life, and deserves to live," and that the dust mingled with it is taken from the temple as being on that account "most excellent, just as a modest woman is." All three stages may very well be represented in different classes of the same age; at the very time that Philo and the Palestinian doctors were finding meanings for the several 48 NUMBERS details of the ritual, to many of the people they either retained some shadow of their original meaning-, or had ceased to have any at all ; just as the practice of turning to the East, filled by the reflective with a Christian meaning, to the mass of the un- reflecting laity means nothing, and among some Christian sects has retained, at least till recent times, something of the sig- nificance given to it by the sun-worship from which it sprang.* Just as myths, not of Hebrew origin, like those of Creation and the Flood, as they gained currency among the Hebrews, gradually exchanged their originally polytheistic for a mono- theistic setting, and thus became a fit vehicle for the truths of the Hebrew religion ; so rites such as the present, or that of the red cow (c. 19), or of the "scape-goat" (Lev. 16), or of the purification of the leper (Lev. 14*"^), not deriving their origin from the belief in Yahweh, were accommodated to it at the cost of some modifications, and with some incon- gruous results. The first essential in the present case was that those who used the ordeal should feel that the decision was Yahweh's decision (cp. Dt. i8^*'^-, Is. 8^^), the judgment due to Yahweh's activity. This involved obtaining the decision at Yahweh's (one) sanctuary, and this in turn the bringing of an offering. Again, the place whence the dust (and probably also whence the water) was taken is a modifica- tion of the original requirements. The present law may embody other modifications of the original, which can no longer be detected with certainty. In this connection a sugg-estion made to me by the Rev. H. W. Robinson seems worthy of consideration. In the original rite administered in cases of suspicion aroused by pregnancy the water may have been credited with positive virtue in the case of guilt ; being supposed to descend into the womb (d'j;o v.--, as in Gn. 25-^, Ps. 71^ Ru. 1"), it may have been regarded as affecting the offspring of a guilty intercourse, so that, though the woman grows great with child (" the swelling belly "), the birth is abortive (expressed by the euphemistic or modified expression IT Ssj : ? compare Vr.4'= abortion). In the other case the potion may have been regarded as innocuous to the growth of the foetus, which is duly brought to the birth. The latter point has then been characteristically modified : the innocent woman is promised that she shall sjibseqiieiitly conceive, as a reward directly granted by Yahweh (cp. Gn. i^'s-is 25-'). * Tylor, Primitive Culture,^ ii. 426. V. 11-13 49 The interpretation of the section must also take account of certain Hterary or textual phenomena. In the present text the woman is twice brought before Yahweh, twice made to swear (v.^^' ^^), and twice, if not thrice, to drink the potion ^y 23f, 26f.j^ That this duplication occurred in the actual ritual is highly improbable. The text has either been interpolated and otherwise modified, or it rests on a compilation from two parallel but distinct tordth. Stade also lays stress on the lack of complete harmony between super- scription and subscription ; on the assumption that the wife is guilty in v.^-'', and, in contrast, on the openness of the question in v.^'^ and on sundry alternative expressions. He argues that the present law has sprung from a literary fusion of two laws of ordeal— (a) a p3t.T nn:D consisting of v."'^ (except 3rd clause), 1* (except xin nx:pn nnjD o), i^-i^ (except the ist clause and ^?ln n.^jp nn:D and DmNon in ^^ and nxDa, omNDn in ^^), -" (except riNDaa '3i), 22a (except DmNcn), -s'- 25 (last clause), 2®*- *^ ; and (h) a nsjpn nniD consisting of v. -9- " (3rd clause), 30a- "(nxct:: n"? N'm), ^^- is (to nin^, 'i- ^-f- 25. m. (with some slight variations). CH. have attempted another analysis into (a) an ordeal ; (i)a solemn condemnation : for a brief criticism of this, see EBi. s.v. "Jealousy," § 5. Any such analysis can in detail only reach a very moderate degree of probability, 11,12a. "The superscription is the formula well known from the Book of Leviticus [e.g: i^^] by means of which the codifications of older customs are there introduced ; it indicates that we have before us here a section of the same character" (Stade). For v.^^, cp. phil. n. on v.^. — 13. A7id it be hid from the eyes of her husband, and she be undetected, though she has as a matter of fact defiled herself (Lev. 18^*^)] RV. is wrong : the subj. of the first vb. (masc.) is the fact, of the second (fem.), the woman. — And there be no 'witness against her, since she ivas not taken] viz. in the act. A woman convicted, on the evidence of two witnesses at least (35^*^ (P), Dt. 17^ i9^^)j of adultery was put to death (Lev. 20^° (H), Dt. 22^-"^^). The ordeal is to be resorted to when, as in cases of adultery it must frequently have happened, legal proof was not forth- coming. The husband is not here required in any way to justify his doubt ; indeed, the next v. seems to contemplate the possibility of the merest and most baseless suspicion. The Mishnah required the husband first to prohibit the woman, in the presence of witnesses, to hold any further communica- 4 50 NUMBERS tion with the man suspected ; and then only in case of the wife's disobedience could the husband subject her to the ordeal [Soiah i. if.). Philo also says the husband must state the evidence for his suspicions. — 14. And the spirit of jealousy come upon hiin\ ue. the man becomes jealous or suspicious : cp. **the spirit of whoredom" (Hos. 4^^). Spirit in such cases denotes an uncontrollable or unaccountable impulse. — 15. Her offering for her] The Versions rightly understood that the offering, however described, is the man's ; see phil. n. He brings it as one who requires the services of the priest, i.e. the help of God, in which case no one must appear empty, without a gift. Though described at length the offering is a mere subsidiary ; the raison d'etre of the law is the ordeal. — One-tenth of an ephah] a little under 4 litres or 7 pints; see BDB. s.v. na, p. 1445. — Barley meal] Every- where else P requires "fine meal" (npD) to be used for offerings : cp. Ezek. 46^*. But the requirement is scarcely ancient; Gideon and Hannah offer ordinary meal (nop), which is clearly distinguished in i K 5^ (422) from n^D, Jud. 6^^, I S i^^. Barley meal (□''"iiyki') was far less valuable than "fine meal" or "wheat" (2 K. 7^, Rev. 6^), but in early Israel it may have been the staple farinaceous food, and throughout it appears to have been not only the food of cattle (i K. 5^ (4^^), but also the ordinary food of the poorer classes (Ru. 2^"^, Jud. 7^^, Jn. 6^- ^^ ; cp. EBi. 483 f.) ; as such it is only probable that at one time it played a considerable part in sacred offerings, and was generally accepted by the priests of the sanctuaries for services such as the present. As an isolated survival, it subsequently called for explanation ; a typical attempt is R. Gamali'el's : "As her acts had been bestial, so her offering consisted of the food of beasts" [Sotah ii. i); Philo's is similar. Such interpretations fail to do justice even to the law in its present form, much less to the original custom ; for the offering is not the woman's, and her action is still subject of doubt. — He shall pour no oil over it] Meal- offerings (nn:D), for which see Lev. 2, were divided into two classes: (i) those that were mingled with oil; (2) those that were dry. Lev. 7^''. The only other instance mentioned of V. I4-I8 51 ** dry" meal-offering's is the poor man's sin-offering- (Lev. 5^^), which, like the present offering, must also be offered without frankincense. Philo, who has been much followed, may very well be correct here in explaining- that the absence of the accompaniments is due to the fact that the occasion was no happy one, but one that was very grievous. — A ineal-offering of viemorial\ The defining term jliDT is elsewhere used in a good sense ; hence the interpretation is added — by the original writer or a glossator — bringing iniquity to remembrance. When Yahweh forgets, guilt goes unpunished ; when He remembers, He visits the sinner, i K. 17^^, Ezek. 2i2^^-^2^^-^ 29^^, Hos. 8^^, Jer. 44^"", Ps. 25^ I37^- — 16. Before Va/itve/i] i.e. before the tabernacle, and, in particular, before the altar. In later times, according to Sotah i. 5, the accused were brought to the Nicanor or eastern gate of the temple. — 17. Holy water] **The expression ... is unique in the language of Hebrew ritual, and must be taken as an isolated survival of an obsolete expression. Unique though the expression be, it is not difficult to assign it its meaning ; the analogies already before us indicate that we must think of water from a holy spring" (W. R. Smith, JRel. Se?/i.^ 181). The intention of f^ is rather water from the laver [Sotah ii. 2, ST, Siphre). It is, however, highly probable that the phrase D''K'"ip D''D is a late substitute in ^ for an original D'^Tl D^D (cp.fflr) = ** running water," which we may assume in any case was used in the original rite ; running water is used in the somewhat kindred rites of 19^'^, Lev. 14^^-. — An earthen vessel] Lev. 14^-^*'. Infected by the holiness of the potion it would after use be destroyed (Lev. &^ ^2s)j_ — Dust . . .on the floor of the taberjiaclc] also holy in virtue of the place whence It is taken, and calcu- lated, therefore, to increase the intensity of the holiness of the draught. The dust of the original rite may perchance have been taken from graves in virtue of necromantic beliefs ; such beliefs must be the ultimate cause of the custom of eating dust from the grave of Mohammed as "a cure for every disease" (Lane, Modem Egyptians, c. xi., " Minerva" edition, p. 235). — 18. And the priest shall set the 'wo??ian before Yah^aeh] Repetition of v.^*^^, and perhaps originally a gloss explaining 52 K UMBERS that the object In v.^^^ is the woman and not the meal-oflFer- ing-. If the words were original in their present position, " her hair" would be more natural than "the hair of the woman" in the next clause. — And he shall tinhind the 'woman^s hair] for the phrase ({J'Si yiD) cp. Lev. lo^ 13*^ 21IO; Nowack, Arch. ii. 114. According to Solak i. 6, the woman was also clothed in black. It would appear from Josephus {AiiL xiv. 9*) that any person accused before the Sanhedrin appeared with unbound hair and dressed in black; for the latter point we may then compare Zech. 3^. It has been customary from Philo downwards to explain the unbinding of the hair as pointing to the woman's shame, which must be the meaning of the further action of the priest in laying bare her bosom {Sotah i. 5). W. R. Smith {Rel. Sem.^ 181) cites an instance of an Arabian woman subjected to shame in connection with an oath of purgation {Kitab el 'Aga7n, i. 156. 3). — He shall place . . . the offering in her hands] cp. 6^^ Ex. 29^*, Lev. &'''^- .— Waters of bitterness] i.e. waters having an injurious effect, Jer. 2^®, 4^3 ; so clearly in v.^*- ^7. By itself Dno if3 might mean water rendered bitter by ingredients : cp. JJ'X-I ''D Jer. 8^* 23!^ . ^nd for -ID = " bitter to the taste," Ex. 15^3, Pr. zf. This may have been the original meaning of the phrase : for, as Tylor points out {EB. xvii. 819), bitter potions are much used in various ordeals. 12. '3 c's B''x] so 9^", Lev. 152 24^' ; see, further, CH. 190''.— nobn] also lat. 29^ Pj._ ^16 yssf ; cp. cic Ps. 40* and? Hos. 5^ Ps. loi^. In Aram, it is frequent ; and in ^ often renders Heb. niD {e.g. Ex. 32^, Dt. ii^^). Treated by Giesebrecht {ZATW. i. 196) and Ryssel {De Elohistce Pent. Serin. 70) as an Aramaism ; disputed by Dr. (y/%. xi. 205).— ^yo . . . nV^'Di] use of both vb. and noun confined to Ezek, Pr. (16I") P, Ch.-Ezr.- Neh. Dan. Ecclus. {e.g. 48I6) : cp. CH. 164P.— 13. nm . . . aDB-i] MT. in this phrase makes nDBf take a direct ace. a^^^ ; but point nnx : cp. Lev. iS", where the indef. obj. precludes nx being the sign of the ace., and the parallel phrases cy 33^-, ^kn 33E' ; Geiger, Urschrift, 407 f. : other- wise Konig, iii. 329f.— yii n33B'] Lev. is^s- 18.— nVy:!] Lev. (413) s^'*- The C-b. is masc. here as in On. 17"; the fern, is commoner, G.-K. 144&. — n-inD:i] subj. nc'Nn ; but in Stade and CH. mnD:i is the parallel in another source to the preceding ch]}l^. — n'h] this and the instance in v.^^ are two of the eleven instances in which, in the Pent., this fern. pr. is written />/gwg in |D ; see BDB. 214 f. — ly] emphatically placed before ya- BDB. 34a 6. — 14. -av] Dav. 1136; in v.^" fem.— 15. n'^y n:3np nx] G F omit suffix (S is V. 19-21 53 ambiguous). This is not right; but possibly !7l3ip (G. -K. 91^) was originally intended, and was glossed by r^'hi'. — he'k.t m'fj?] For ^ ephah P uses the technical term ptu]) 24 times, the present expression only 4 times elsewhere, Ex. 16^", Lev. 5^^ 6'^, Nu. 28^ ; in the last case it is parallel to [ncy in Ex. 29^". — mxap nmn] Dav. 23 and 17, R. 2. — 17. ps'Sn] (5 nyio ^nx. — a-z/ip D'd] Di. and Str. further argue in favour of fflr (see above) on the ground of the uniqueness of this adjectival use of vnp : cp. Baudissin, Sfudien, ii. 130 n., and BDB. s.v. ; G.-K. 128/. — 18. D'TDn 'd] waters resulting in, leading to, bitterness : cp. v.-^' ^, also Dav. 23, i6b. 19-22. The oath of purgation is administered to the woman, who accepts it by replying-, Amen, amen. — For the connection between oath and ordeal, see above, p. 45. At present the terms of the oath, v.^^*- ^^^ are interrupted by a fresh introduction (v.^^ = v.^^^) and a parallel to the con- cluding- part of the oath (v.^^^ = v. 2^*). This cannot be right. But if we assume, with Stade and CH., that it has resulted from the deliberate fusion of two laws by the compiler, we must credit him with almost incredible stupidity for not having placed v.^^ after v.^^, where it would have been merely superfluous. It seems preferable to suppose that v.-^ con- sists of glosses that worked their way into the text, v.^^'^ being an explanation of v.^^, insisting that Yahweh, not the water, is the cause of injury to the woman (above, p. 48). Omitting v.^^ the oath runs naturally : — If you have not com- mitted adultery, let the water be harmless ; if you have, harmful. — 19. Be thou free from this 2vater] be unpunished by it: cp. np: in Ex. 21^^, i S. 26^, Pr. 629.— 21. Yahweh make thee a curse] make thy fate so evil, that people wishing to curse any one will say, Yahweh make so - and - so like this woman : cp. Jer. 29^^, also Gn. 482**, Zech. 8^^, Is. 65^^^- — WJien Yahweh 7?iaketh thy thigh fall away and thy belly swell] the phrases are in the reverse order in v.-'- ^7. It is doubtful whether any, and, if so, what particular disease is thought of; many, from Josephus downwards, have thought of dropsy. For another suggestion, see above, p. 48. The precise meaning, especially of the first term, is not certain ; "thigh" is probably euphemistic : see phil. n. The Jewish interpretation is based on the general principle, "with what measure a man metes, it is measured to him " (mXi^* HT'DD 54 NUMBERS "1^ D''^^J^ nn nniJO), and so the Mishnah says, ** With the thi^^-h she commenced her transgression, and afterwards with the belly : therefore the thigh shall be first smitten and then the belly " {Sotah i. 7 ff.) ; for a lengthy illustration of the principle, see the Pesikta of Rab Kahana (ed. Buber), 1286, 129^;. — 22. The original continuation of v.^'^ (see above) : render "lai ixni then shall this water . . . e?tter, etc. — Tkj bowels] Hebrew physiology was very primitive : the term D"'yQ covers "the womb" (Gn. 25-^) as well as other internal organs; see BDB. s.v. — Anien^ Amen] a single "Amen" is the response to a curse in Dt. 2yi5ff. . (>p_ Neh. 5^^. The double, uncopulated amen occurs elsewhere only in Neh. 8^; copulated in Ps. 41^* 72^^ 89^^ (|^, not (S). See, further, H. W. Hogg \nJQR. ix. 1-24. 19. IC'N nnn] = " being- under (the authority of) thy husband " : cp. Ezek. zf. The fuller phrase is T nnn {e.g. Jud. 3^"). — 21. i^t] not, literally, "thig-h"; the sense can be gathered from the parallel (pn) and the use of IT in the phrase (of the male) IT 'ks\ — xhfi] apparently = " waste away " ; but the sense is not found elsewhere. — nas] The roots nas= Ix* = «?? and n3s= Jii = tot: are known in Heb., but give no suitable meaning; nor do the usag-es of \xJi, which also corresponds. The sense "to swell," used in this section only in OT., thus rests on the use in New Hebrew (see Levy) and on the VV. — 22. V?;^ . . . ni3^^] Hiphils with syncope of n ; but point rather hh:^ , . . niasV : cp. v.", and see Konig, ii. 278 f. 23. The words of the curse are now written down and then washed off into the water. Evidently the original purpose was to impart an actual efficacy to the potion. Potions into which written words have been washed off are widely credited with particular virtues. In Tibet "the eating of a paper on which a charm has been written is an ordinary way of curing disease"; in Egypt "the most approved mode of charming away sickness or disease is to write certain passages of the Koran on the inner surface of an earthenware cup or bowl ; then to pour in some water, and stir it until the writing is quite washed off: when the water, with the sacred words thus infused in it, is to be drunk by the patient." * The potion thus has * L. A. Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet (Lond. 1896), 401 ; Lane, op. cit. 233 ; cp. Koberle, Natur u. Geist, 165 f. V. 22-29 55 two distinct ingredients — the dust, v.^'^, and the words of the curse, while the term " water of bitterness " may preserve a reminiscence of a third. It is not improbable that we have here a fusion of originally distinct modes of preparing- such potions: cp. below, pp. 60, 62 f. — A book] "IDD simply means anything fit to receive writing ; cp. BDB. s.v. 3. The Mishnah {Sotah ii. 4) specifies the character of the material on which and with which the words are written. — 24. The woman drinks the potion. Since the tenses are consecutive, the present text can only mean that, after she has drunk, the priest performs the ritual of the meal-offering, v.^^-^^*, and after that gives the woman a second draught, v. 2^^. Two draughts are unlikely ; and, if intended, would probably have been more clearly ex- pressed by the addition of "again" or **a second time" in y 26b^ The alternatives for meeting the difficulty are much as in v.^^~-^, only there is less to be said against the theory of intentional fusion of sources here ; if a compiler could kill Korah and his company twice over (16^^"^^), he would not have hesitated to give the woman two draughts instead of one. Still unintentional disarrangement and glossing may suffice to account for the text. Possibly v.^*'' stood originally after v."^^ ; but, except for a fragment (if original) at the be- ginning of v.^'^, became accidentally disarranged, and was then completed by the addition of v.^^'' from v.^^; v.^^'' may (as Stade also suggests) originally have been an explicative gloss ; that such was necessary is seen from the dispute in Sotah iii. 2 as to the order of drinking and offering. — Wave . . . before Vahwe/i] the rite of waving (6^*^ 8^^ n.) is, in the case of the meal-off"ering, exceptional (18^^ n.). — 26a. See Lev. 2^. — 27. And he shall make her drink the -water] strictly a third draught ; fflr & omit the words. Otherwise, see on v.2^. — 28. And she shall conceive seed] the phrase yiT nj?~iTJl is the precise legal equivalent of the popular word mn used in 11^2, and 28 times besides in JE, but never by P. Though rendered by RV. in the same way, the present phrase is not quite the same as is used in Lev. 12^, which rather means "to be delivered, bring forth seed" (cp. Gn. i^"-). — 29-31. A subscription summarising the occasion of the law 56 NUMBERS and the manner of puttings it into force. — This is the I aiv of . . .] cp. Lev. i532f. i2"bj both at the conclusion of laws beg-inning in a manner closely resembling" the present law; with v.^^^- cp. Lev. 15^^- 12"-. The phrase (n*iin n^^T) is used in all once in Ezek. (43^^) ^nd 8 times in P (Lev. ii^e 12^ 13^9 1482.57 1^32) at the end, and 6 times (621, Lev. &■ 7- ^s f- n, Nu. 6^3) at the beginning- of a law; in the form min n\~in riNT it occurs at the beginning in Lev. 14^, and in the form 'b minn DNf at the end in Lev. 7^'' 14^*. Usage, therefore, does not call for the hypothesis (Stade, CH.) that it is here the introduction to a misplaced superscription. — 30. Then shall he set the woman] subject "the man"; in v.^^ the priest. — 3L The man is, in any event, even if the ordeal prove his suspicion unfounded, free of guilt ; the woman alone can be proved g-uilty. The law does not directly state the time within which the potion must work to convict ; but from the nature of the case a comparatively speedy result must have been expected : if the accused is to be reg^arded as pregnant, the term of pregnancy would be an outside limit. In any case, the theory of Sotah iii. 4 (cp. 5), that merit mig-ht defer the effect as long- as three years, is obviously not original. Josephus, an earlier witness, makes it ten months at longest ; for, if innocent, she bears a boy within that period — a view that probably enough already underlies v.^^. 23. DnD 'd] © F + omNDn (cp.|IJ in v.^^'- ^) ; S DrnxDn d'DH (cp. p? in v.22). — 26. fcpi] S substitutes x:l^'•\n for the rare verb j'op (Lev, ^ ^'^\). — nmDTN] Lev. 2^. — 27. nn'ni . . . nprni] not to be explained with Str. as a hypothetical, as a glance at Dr. Terises, 147 f., will show. The text therefore implies a third draught ; but see above. For nn'ni read n'ni with S ; J^ is unique ; Dr. Tenses, 121, Obs. 2. — 28. JJ"ii] ace. ; Dav. 80. — 30. C'N is the virtual subject of the following sentence ; and is placed before the repeated con- junction i^vta) as a new subject, replacing .TlI'N of v.-^. Exact parallels hardly occur ; but for the general principles involved, see Dr. Tenses, 160 Obs., 196 f., and Dav. 146. VL 1-21. The Nazirite. Literature. — Tractate Nazir in Mishnah and Talmud ; Philo, De Victimis, c. xii. (Mangey, 249 f.) ; J. Spencer, De Leg. Hehr., lib. iii. diss, i, cap. 6; Bahr, Symbolik, ii. pp. 430-440; Vilmar in TSK. 1864, pp. 438-484; GvWWnJPTh. iSSo, pp. 645-680; Wurster in ZATW. 1884, pp. 129-133; V' here : it is free- dom from all disaster; cp. Job 21^, Lev. 26^. Some Jewish * Pesikla of Rab Kahana, 38^ (cited by Del.). 74 NUMBERS interpreters took the clause to be a prayer for the establishment of the Messianic king-dom (Is. 9^^''^), and the light of Yahweh's face (v.25) to refer to the Shechinah ; so QL° SiphrS.—2'7. The solemn thrice-repeated pronunciation of the divine name in the blessing- secures the presence and favour of Yahweh ; on the sense that ling-ers here of the power of the duly pronounced name, see Fr. Giesebrecht, Die alttestamentliche Schdtzung des Gottes-namens (1901). 23. iidn] The infin. abs, has an adverbial (G.-K. 113^), or imperative {ib. w^bh) force. Some emend; Haupt proposes 'lax, others tdn'? ; but nDN^ followed by V and a pronominal suffix or noun would be quite unusual On the accentuation of the blessing, see Del. {pp. cit. p. 72), p. 133. VII. The offerings of the princes. — On the day of the completion of the tabernacle and the anointing of the altar ^yi. 10. 84. 88^^ Ig^ Qn the first day of the first month of the second year of the Exodus (Ex. 40^- 1'^* i'', cp. Lev. 8^°^-), the princes (i^"-"^), mentioned in the same order as in c. 2, make each a sacred offering (P"lp) of precisely the same amount, and consisting of (i) u'agons and oxen, v.^, which are given to the Gershonites and Merarites for use . in connection with the tabernacle, v.^^; and (2) a quantity of sacrificial material in gold or silver vessels, and a number of sacrificial animals. It is directed that the sacrificial gifts shall be formally presented by the several princes on successive days, v.^^. This is done, v.^^"^, and the total amount offered recorded, v.^*"^. Thus the date Is a month previous to 1^, but the narrative of 1-4 {i.e. ot the month following' the erection of the temple) is presupposed. This is best explained by referring the chapter to P^ ; so We. Kue. It is, of course, not impossible that P? had some account of an offei-ing made by the princes ; only then, as Di. points out, the editor has not only removed the narrative from its proper position after Ex. 40 or Lev. 8-10, but has also recast the original by adapting it to c. 1-4. For the wearisome repetitions in v. ^2"^, cp. i^"'^. Linguistically note 'c •n'B': v.^ riDjn v.^". The writer desires "to introduce the heads of the tribes ... as models of liberality towards the sanctuary, which his own contemporaries would do well to copy" (Kue. Hex. 94). 1. The day that Moses completed the setting-up (D''pn?) of vi. 27-vii. 8 75 the tabernacle] cp. Ex. 40^''^- — "And in the first month in the second year on the first day of the month the tabernacle was set up (Dpin), and Moses set up (□p''l) the tabernacle," etc. The identity of the terms used here and in Ex. is obscured in RV. Occasionally DV in the sing-. (BDB. s.v. 6) is used in the more indefinite sense of " time," as, e.g., in "the day of harvest " (Pr. 25^^). But in view of Ex. 40^- ^^ this meaning- cannot satisfactorily be given to it here in spite of v.^*. — And anointed it and sanctified it] Ex. 3o-'5-29 ^q9-ii^ l^^^ 8^*^^-. On the anointing of lifeless objects with a view to their consecration as a mark of P% cp. We. Comp. p. 145. — 2. The princes of Israel] (^XTJ"" \S''C'J), "Prince" (X^L"J) is P's equivalent for "elder" or "prince" or "captain" (nti') of JE D: cp. CH. 13 1^ The particular phrase "princes of Israel," used in a vaguer sense by Ezekiel (21^'' 22^ 45^), is in the Pentateuch used only of the twelve persons named in i^"^^. The four passages ^j4-t ^^46 ^2.84^ where it is found all seem to belong to P^ Ps prefers another phrase, viz. "princes of the congregation" \r\^v{r\) \s^D':), Ex. 16-2 (cp. 3431), Nu. 43-t 16^ 3113 332, jos. gi5. IS 22^0: cp. Driver, L.O.T. 132 f. (Nos. 32, 38).— 7%e heads of their fathers' houses] Ex. 6^* (P), i Ch. 5^* 7O, cp. Nu. i^- ■* n. — 3. This v. completes the sense of v.^; in V.2 the verb (nnp'") "offered" was left without an object; in V.2 the object, cognate to the verb of v. 2, is introduced after a "n^w verb — " And they brought their off'ering (Djaip) " ; the last clause of v.^ repeats the verb of v.^ and the sense of v.^^. — Before Yahweh] cp. 5^^ n. — Wagons] the precise sense of the word rendered in RV. "covered" is uncertain: see phil. note. 4-9. Moses assigns two of the six wagons and four of the twelve oxen, presented by the princes, to the.Gershonites, the rest to the Merarites, for use in the transport of the things intrusted to them [a^^-^^). The Kohathites receive none, for they must carry the "holy things" given into their care on their shoulders. C. 4 does not contemplate this dis- tinction; cp. We. Comp. 181. Earlier writers saw nothing amiss in the ark being placed on a cart (2 S. 6^). — 8. By the hand of Itha?nar] as the chief overseer of the Gershonites and 76 NUMBERS Merarites (428-33). — 9. Holy things\ K'lp Is wrongly rendered in RV. " sanctuary " ; see 3^^ and op. 4^^ lo^^ n. 2. 'CNi] (K prefixes the numeral 12. — 3. 3i- nV^y] but v.^''- ^- * rhv} and n'jjyn undefined by 3S. If 3i be the same word as D'3S (Is. 66^"), the singf. after pi. rhvi is peculiar. The word is probably a gloss. The meaning- is un- certain ; neither here nor in Is. does the context require "covered," nor does the etymology support such a meaning, nor the use of gumhu in Assyr. : (umbu is the draught wagon as distinguished from the narkabbi or war chariot (Del. Assyr. Worterbuch, 558). ffi {\afnr7)VLKa.s), Aq. ( (faracTKeTrao-rds), "S {tecta) and ST*^ (["sno) give to 3S the sense of covered; cp. G, Aq., Theod. in Isaiah, S (^ 1 oAlO) and S:-'" (puo) render by w«c^^ ready ; 2rJ°" (ppaDi jsnD) gives both meanings. Symm. (v7roi;p7tds) may have read K3S and understood the phrase to mean a "wagon for (tiiili(ary) service. Symm. and "S in Is. render by liiier. — 5. cnND] BDB. 866.— c'n] Dav. 11, R. d. 10 f. — The oiFerin^ of sacrificial material. — ^This Is pre- sented by all the princes on the same day as the wagons and oxen, v.^" (cp. v.^^) ; after the presentation, v.^^, Yahweh commands that each prince shall offer on a separate day, i.e, that the present of each prince shall be offered afresh and formally received on a separate day. This appears to be the meaning of the verses, but It is badly expressed, for the terms of the two verses are the same. Is the view that the offerings were made on separate days (v.^^"^^) an in- trusion? The paragraph division of RV. would be improved if v.^*^ began a new paragraph ; the account of the first gift closes at v.^, the account of the second begins with v.^**. The Dedication-gift\ '"l^^ll has the same sense in v.^'*- ^^ and, perhaps, In v.^^, though there it may mean "dedication." Though the root is ancient, the noun in Heb. is confined to late writers, the Chronicler, and an editor of the Psalms (30^). For sacrifices at dedications, cp. i K. S''-^- (cp. 2 Ch. y''), Neh. \2^'^~^^^ i Mac. 4^^^-. The gift consists of materials for each of the main types of sacrificial offerings — the meal- offering, the burnt-offering, the sin-offering, and the peace- offering. — In the day that it was anointed] Ex. 40^** (cp. v.^) ; see above on v.^. — 13. Dish] {ni]!p) RV. "charger"; see Ex. 2^^.— Bowl] (p-iTo), Ex. 273.— 14. Saucer] ^:i; RV "spoon," Ex. 25^. — The shekel of the sanctzmry] Ex. 30^'. VII. 9-VIII. 1-4 77 10. naicn najn n.v] G efs rbv ^yKaivia-fiSv, — a paraphrase rather than a variant { = 'Dn':n7): ct. v.**-^^. — ma na-nn avi] Dav. 79, 81, R. 3.— 12-83. The only variations from the otherwise constant formula of the following; twelve sections are — (i) In the initial vv. of the first two sections: ct.' V.1-- IS with v.^- ^ etc. (2) In the second v. of the first two sections we have ^22lp^ v.^3, i:anp riN yipn v.'*; in all the remaining sections iJ2ip v.^- ^^ etc, S reads wmp simply in v.^^- '^ also, (ffi assimilates v.^^- ^^. (3) The lack of special forms for the ordinals above ten necessitated a slight change in the reference to the nth and 12th days, v.^*-'*. — 13. nxDi D'a'ba] Dav. 37, R. 4.-24. t^i3T ':n'7 n'B'j] the reason for using ^ as a periphrasis of the gen. here and in subsequent and corresponding vv. is not clear : ct. v.^®. See Konig, iii. 28o;«.— 72. DV icv Tis^j; DV3] Dav. 38 (2).— 86. vipn . . . mcyj,-] C'- omit.— 87. cnn:oi] ffi + cn'spr: cp. 6^^ . but here the addition is clearly wrong. — 88. nnicn] ffir + I'T ^^O nnx {/neTo. rb w\ripZa-ai tol's xf 'pa? airov) : cp Ezek. 43-*. The translators must have had the Heb. phrase before them. 89. An isolated fragment of a narrative which recorded the fulfilment of the promise made in Ex. 25-2. — With Hini\ presupposes an immediately preceding- mention of Yahweh. — And He spake to hivi\ The subject is Yahweh. In its original context the words doubtless introduced a divine speech. On the subject-matter of the v., cp. i^ (2nd n.). IS']?] Hithp. part.; G.-K. 54c. The same form occurs in 2 S. 14", Ezek. 2^ 43^ : otherwise the Hithp. of n3T is not found. Perhaps we should punctuate 131D, the present punctuation merely representing some false exegesis such as that of Rashi, who explains v'?n ^3^D as meaning "iino i2sy pa'? 13'3, i.e. speaking with himself. The versions make different efforts to get over the difficulty presented by this V. when its fragmentary character is not recognised. 5J goes furthest — Cumque ingrederetur Moyses tabernaculum foederis, ut consu- leret oraculiim, audiebat vocem loquentis ad se de propitiatorio quod erat super arcam testimonii inter duos Cherubim : unde et loquebatur ei. The attempt to make the last clause express the constantly recurring practice, which would, of course, require in the Hebrew the simple imperfect, is perhaps also the cause of the renderings of (S {koX iXdXei) and 2C (^^Dnoi). S inserts 1 before hlio and substitutes nn for laTl, and so reads, "And from the mercy-seat . . . He spake to him." VIII. 1-4. The golden candlestick. — The verses contain nothing new in substance. Thus v.^-^'' is a formula (cp. 5*^ n.) ; 2^ = Ex. 25^*^ ; v.^ the execution of the command of v.^^ (not recorded in Ex. sy^^"^*) ; ^^ = Ex. 2581 ; 4b^ cp. Ex. 25^- *o. The person to whose care the lamps are intrusted is un- defined in Ex. 2537 (|ij), is Moses in Ex. 2^^'^ (S (K), but, as here, Aaron in Ex. 27-^, Lev. 24^"*. In view of the character of the section it seems preferable 78 NUMBERS with Kue. and CH. to refer it entirely, rather than with Dl (cp. Paterson, SBOT.) only in part (v.*), to P'. TVhen thou settest tip the lamps] so RV. marg. rightly ; ihv^ means tojix on, not to light (RV.) a lamp. 2. muDn 'J3 ^10 ht(\ the sense is probably the same as that of the parallel expression (.T33 nay hu) in Ex. 25^ — "on the space in front'of the candlestick " ; in other words, on the N. side of the outer chamber along which the table of shewbread was placed (Ex. 26^^). The phrase 'JS ^1D hn occurs elsewhere in \ Ex. 28=5.37^ 3^^ l^^. 8^* (all P), 2 S. iii^t.— 3. *?« miran 'js ^id] ? dittographic from v.^ ; as an interpretation of the text RV. is doubtful. — 5. 31719] rather n'g-jg : so G S : cp. Ex. 25'^ VIII. 5-22. The purification and presentation of the Levites to Yahweh. — A parallel narrative to 3^"^^. All that is new in substance is contained in v.^^"^^, and consists of a command to purify the Levites, and of directions for their purification and solemn presentation to Yahweh. The rest (v.^- ^*- 1^22^ consists of variants on parts of v.^^-^^, a resetting of 3'^"^^, and stereotyped formulas (see notes below for details). The section contains curious repetitions ; e.g. the command to purify the Levites is given twice, v.^- ■'^, and Aaron is once, v.^^, Moses twice, v.^^- ^^, commanded to *' wave" the Levites. It appears probable that an original narrative by P* of the solemn institution of the Levites, designed as a parallel to the consecration of the priests (Lev. 8), has been subsequently expanded, partly by attempts to emphasise the activity of Aaron and partly by assimilation to 3^"^^. So, substantially, We. (comp. 180 f.), Kue., Baudissin {Prlesterthurtty 44 f.), CH. Others (Di., Str.), though admitting that the passage has been expanded, consider the cleansing and formal presentation of the Levites to belong to P». The case is well stated by Kue. " Nu. viii. 5-22 . . . is an insipid repetition and exaggeration of the account of the separation of the Levites for the service of the sanctuary in Nu. iii. and iv. If the author of these last-named chapters had supposed that the Levites, before entering on their duties, had to be purified, and presented to Yahw^ by n3i3n, like a sacrifice, he would not have passed it over in silence ; for he represents them in iii. and iv. as already intrusted with the task which in that case they would only have become qualified to undertake in viii. 5-22. This pericope, then, must be a later addition, as we might have supposed from its setting, viii. 1-4, 23-26. Its author observed that a formal con- secration of the Levites, analogous to that of the priests (Lev. viii.), was not recorded, though it seemed to be neither unsuitable nor superfluous. This defect he supplied " (Hexateuch, § 6 n. 2)'^. Vill. 5-7 79 6a. Cp. 312a. 45^ — And cleanse theiit\tt\Qke them ceremonially clean. The priests are sanctified (Ex. 28*^ Lev. S^*^^-), the Levites merely cleansed. — 7. And thus shalt thou do unto them in cleansing them] (Dnncf)) cp. Ex. 29^ (of the priests), "And this is the thing" which thou shalt do unto them in sanctifying- them " (onx ^'ip'?). Corresponding to this g-eneral difference, that the dedication of the Levites involved only the negative process of purification from ceremonial uncleanness, the dedi- cation of the priests, in addition, the positive process of receiving the qualities of holiness, is the absence from the present ceremonial of the sprinklingf with blood and the anoint- ing- with oil, which play so significant a part in the dedication of the priests, Lev. 8^2. 23f.. ^p. Weinel in ZATJV. 1898, pp. 35 f., 62 f. — Water 0/ siti] (nstsn ^d) i.e. water for the removal of sin ; so rn2{r\) id = ** water of impurity," 19^ ; for analogous uses of the construct and genitive (Dav. 23). The term is used nowhere else, and there is, therefore, no means of determining^ with certainty whether it denotes water specially treated, as the analogy of "the water of impurity" or the "waters of bitterness " (s^'^'") or the water used in the cleansing of lepers (Lev. 14^'^) would suggest, or simply clean water, which might also be used as a means of cleansing from sin (Ezek. 36-', cp. Zech. 13^). The priests are entirely washed, not merely sprinked, with (simple) water (Lev. 8^). — And let them (the Levites) cause a razor to pass over their whole Jlesh] i.e. all the hair, not only of the head but of the whole body, is to be cut. Close shaving, which the English expression suggests, is scarcely intended ; cp. 6^ note. Close shaving (nyti' ^D DX n7J"i) entered into the purification of lepers (Lev. 14^^), and of Nazirites who had contracted uncleanness from the dead (6^) : cp. also Dt. 21^2. Compare the practice of the Egj'ptians. "The priests shave themselves all over their body every other day, so that no lice or any other foul thing may come to be upon them when they minister to the gods " (Herod, ii. 37) ; and see, further, on 6^. — And let thein wash their clothes] another point of inferiority as compared with the priests, who are clad with entirely new and different clothes (Lev. 8^^) : cp. with the present, once again the rite of the purification of lepers (Lev. So NUMBERS j^sf.j^ — 3 'Yhe ofTering-s to be made by the Levites are a burnt- offering' (cp. v.^^), consisting of a young bullock (Lev. 4^), with the appropriate meal-offering (15^), and a sin-offering consist- ing of a second young bullock. — They shall take . .. . thou shall take\ the reason for the change of subject, possibly the result of textual accident, is not clear : cp. v.^-^ for the 2nd p. — 10. Before Yahiveh\ cp. 5^^ n. — 10b. The people lay their hands on the Levites to indicate that it is they who offer them to Yahweh : for the rite of laying on hands, see Lev. i*. — Children of Israel] To explain this as meaning the representa- tives of the people (i^*^) or the heads of their tribes* is quite gratuitous. Had the writer clearly thought out the ceremony, and intended the one or the other, he would no doubt have ex- pressed it intelligibly. The same remark may hold good with regard to the next rite — the waving of the Levites. Either the practical difficulty that a large body of over 20,000 men could not, like loaves of bread (Lev. 23^'') or a sheaf of corn (Lev. 23^^) or a piece of a sacrificial animal (Lev. 7^2-34^ jsj^^ 520^^ be moved or waved to and fro before the altar, never occurred to the writer, and he has introduced the act of waving (nsijn), without thinking how it could have been actually performed, because it suitably symbolises a gift to Yahweh (6^° n.) ; or else the words fj^in, ncijn have lost their original meaning and signify nothing more than "to make a sacred gift," "a sacred gift"; cp. Now. ii. 239 f. — 11. Probably an interpolation to explain that the "waving" referred to Moses in v.^^-^^ was actually performed by Aaron. Di. further suggests that y.isb. 14 originally occupied the place of v.^^. For the introduction of Aaron, cp. 1^ n. — 12. The Levites before entering on their duties must not only cleanse them- selves, but also offer atoning sacrifices ; the imposition of hands is part of the regular ritual, Lev. 1*. — 14. And thou shall separate the Levites] as Israel is separated from other peoples (Lev. 20^*'), so the Levites are separated from the rest of Israel, lib. Cp. 3^2*^. — 15a. After the ritual described in the preceding vv., the Levites are to enter on their duties — this is the natural close to the narrative. Another "cleansing" and another • Di., Keil. VIII. 8-22 01 ** waving," v.^^'', cannot have been intentionally introduced by the original writer at this point, but is due to expansion of the original narrative. — 16a. Cp. 3^. — 16b. Cp. 3^-^. — 17. Cp. 3^^. — 18. Cp. 312.— 19a. Cp. 39=»- 12. 8, — 19. The service of the children of Israel] the services which, but for the exchange, the firstborn IsraeHtes must have rendered. By discharg- ing these services the Levites make propitiation for tViG people, — secure or cover pS?) them against such a plague (f|J:) as would be the natural result of withholding from Yahweh His due (cp. Ex. 30^2), and so provoking His anger. By a kind of afterthought, as it would seem, the writer adds the words zvhen the children of Israel approach the sanctuary (cp. 18^'^), thus indicating that the Levites screen the people not only from the anger which would be evoked if the services of the firstborn or their substitutes were withheld, but also, by forming a ring round the tabernacle, from the wrath which fell on those who, without due qualification, drew near the sacred edifice (i^^). The word used ior plague (^33), which is confined to P, commonly implies some calamity inflicted on people who have roused the anger of God (cp. 17'^^^-, Ex. 12^^ 30^^, Jos. 22^''!) ; and the verb often has a similar implication (cp. e.g. Ex. 7^'', 2 S. 12^^). — 20-22. The various directions carried out. The allusion to Aaron, at least in v.^^^ is due to modification of the original : cp. v.-"^^ n. — 21. And the Levites unsinned them- selves] The Hebrews included in the idea of " sin " ceremonial uncleanness, and it is to the removal of sin of this kind that the vb. XDnnn refers, alike here and in i gi2. 13. 20 ^ i lOf . 23^ gp the Piel XOn is used in Lev. 8^^ of the removal of the "sin," or ceremonial uncleanness of the altar. 7. iin?':'!] G.-K. 275^, 54 are paraphrases rather than variants. The awkwardness of pj may betray a late hand, or we might supply nvnn after ncx ; cp. Ex. 29^ and below v.^^"^ (cp. Ex. 29"^). IX. 1-14. The supplementary passover. — The passover having been duly observed on the 14th day of the first month of the second year, according to the directions given at the institution of the festival in the previous year, v.^~^, certain men complain that they had been prevented, through defile- ment by the dead, from discharging their passover duties, v.^'-. On inquiry Moses receives this instruction from Yahw^eh, v.^* : all who are prevented, either by defilement from the dead or by absence on a distant journey, from observing the passover on the right day, are to observe it on the 14th day of the next month, v.^°~^^ ; all who fail to observe the festival, except for these reasons, are to be "cutoff" from their kinsmen," v.^*. The ^Sr or resident foreigner (15^^ n.), as well as the Israelite by birth, is to keep the passover, v.^*. The supplemental character of the section, the date (v.^, cp. 7^, ct. i'), and the lack of organic connection with the context, are most simply ex- plained as being due to the secondary character of the passage (cf. Introd. § 12). The insertion of the passage here is explicable, for through its chief motive it is connected with the middle of the second month, and should therefore stand between i^ and lo-*^. Had it, however, formed part of the original narrative, the main motive would, it is reasonable to suppose, have been stated first, and dated in the second month, and the historical cause, v.^"^ would have been introduced by means of a plu- perfect paragraph. Di.'s view is that the original narrative of P contained, at this point, a IX. 1-6 S^ short account of the supplementary passover (see below on v.^), and that this was expanded in the final redaction into the section as now read. The variations in dSc (v.*'^) and the faulty text of v.^ he considers to be at once the result and the indications of such a process. See also We. Comp. ITJ ; Kue. Jlex. § 6 n. 32. la. i^ n. — The day of the month is omitted, for it is illegiti- mate to interpret zn the first month (jlK'Xin Z"\Pd) as meaning "at the first new moon," i.e. on the first day of the month. Hebrew writers, when they wish to define the first day, use the numeral ins; so i^-^^ 29^ 33^^, Dt. i^ Ezek. 31^, Hag. i^, Ezr. 3^ 7^ and often. Cp. Di. on Ex. ig^. — 2. The rendering of RV., Moreover, let the childt-en of Israel keep, is not a trans- lation of VuTI, which presupposes some such phrase as ** com- mand the children of Israel (that they keep) " ; see phil. n. on 5^. Either such a phrase has dropped out (fflt prefixes etVot'), or the tense was originally historical ('lt^'y?1), the present pro- nunciation being the result of a redaction of the passage (see above). Di. surmises that all that is original in v.^~^ ran as follows: "And the children of Israel kept the passover at its appointed time, on the 14th day of the first (so (G) month at evening, in the wilderness of Sinai : according to all that Yahweh commanded Moses, so the children of Israel did." — 3. Betiioeen the two evenings\ the same peculiar phrase is \ised elsewhere in connection with the passover (first in Ex. 12^) and in some other connections (Ex. 16^^ 29^^-^^ 30^, Nu. 28*). It is peculiar to P ; with Ex. 12° ct. Dt. 16^. The exact sense of the phrase is obscure ; according to the practice of the ist cent. a.d. it was interpreted to mean the time between about three and five o'clock in the afternoon: cp. Jos. BJ. vi. 9^ with Ex. 12^, and, further, Jos. Ant. xiv. 4^ and Pesahhn 5^ with Ex. 29^''. See, further, especially for various Jewish inter- pretations, Gesenius, Thesaiirus, p. 1065. — 3b. The passover is to be kept in the manner already established by decree and usage: cp. Ex. 12. But the author of the present section shows no very vivid realisation of a passover in the wilderness. The regulation of Ex. 12^ could not have been carried out by people dwelling in tents. — 5. And they kept the passover^ <& S) omit. — At even] ffi omits. — 6. Partaking of the sacrificial flesh 84 NUMBERS while in a state of uncleanness is the subject of an express and general prohibition, Lev. 720^-; cp. also i S. 21*"*^, Lev. 22^-^. On uncleanness by the dead, see c. 19 ; on the phrase here used to express it, 5^ phil. n. — And before Aaro?i] probably an insertion. Aaron is not mentioned elsewhere in the section ; and the pronoun ("to him ") in the next verse disregards him : cp. i^ n. — 7. Why are we withdrawn from offering\ the Hebrew word (y"i33) is used of withdrawal, especially of a part from the whole: cp. in Kal Ex. 5^, Dt. 4^; in Hiph. 36^ 27^, Lev. 27^^. The question seems, therefore, to mean this : Why are we, owing to accidental and temporary defilement, to be excluded from the rest of Israel and, in the matter of the great annual festival, to be in the position of foreigners who would have no part in it? The men did not need to ask why they were pre- vented'^ they knew that the reason lay in their uncleanness. Their question is virtually a petition for a modification of the law, which, on the present occasion, had prevented them. — 8. Stand still\ cp. the use of noy in Jos. 3^^, Ex. g^^ ; but the parallels are not exact, and the present phrase is a little abrupt. Possibly riD or ns = " here " has dropped out; cp. ffirS. — 9 ff. The law now given provides not only for the case of un- cleanness raised by the incident just recorded, but also for the case of those on distant journeys. According to the Mishnah {Pes, 9^), all who were prevented by accident or compulsion from observing the first were bound to observe the second passover. On the second passover, cp. Pes. 9 passim, and 2 Ch. 30 (Hezekiah's passover celebrated in the second month, 30^^). — 10. Of you or of you7 generations^ i.e. belonging to this or future generations. — 11. Three of the chief regulations govern- ing the observance of the normal passover are specified as governing also this supplementary passover; with v.^^^ cp. Ex. 12^; v,i2a«^ Ex. 12^'^; and v.^2a;3^ £x. 12^. Then in v. ^2b it; is summarily enjoined that the law of the first passover holds in every respect also for the second. — 13. That soitl shall be cut off from his kifismen^ Gn. 17^* and often in P (CH. 50). The threat is not made in Ex. 12. On the much debated question whether this is a threat of death or excommunication, Gunkel {Genesis, p. 246) seems to hit the mark : " Doubtless men like IX. 7-iS 85 P desired the death of such a sinner . . . and when the heathen government permitted it, certainly also inflicted it ; in Lev. 17^^- 20^- ® we can read between the lines that such capital punishment of the religious transgressor was not permitted by the government, and that it was necessary to rest content with the belief in the destruction of such a sinner by God." . Note 4^^ and the context; see also Kuenen, Rel. of Israel, ii. 276 f. — That 7nan shall hear his ««] (xt^'"' IXDH) i.e. shall suffer the consequences of his sin, undergo the punishment of it : cp. i82^ Lev. 2o20,— 14. Ex. la^^'-; cp. i^^^n. bj;to3] S, here, and throug-hout the section, and in 28^^1^103 : cp. (K Kara. Kaipoii, v.^; but otherwise in v.^* ''• ^^ — 6. '.Ti] Dav. 1135; S v.ti ; (S Kal vape-yivovTo ; the latter does not necessarily imply a reading iN'i'i, cp. I K. (S.) 2o-*.—±0. '3 E"N ly'N] 512 n,— npm inia] On the epicene character of ^^^, see Kon. iii. 249^. The point over the n of npm has reference to the Rabbinic exegesis which refers the adjective to the subj. of the sentence instead of to yn. Cp. ffit here, SiphrS on this passage, and Geiger, Urschrift, 185-187. — 12. np3 nj;] The art. is omitted in the familiar ex- pression ; Dav. 22, R. 3 ; Kon. iii. 294^. — li. i£3-:cD3i] S (cp. S) vd2E'C3i. The pi. is probably right : cp. v.^ — n''7\''\ 5^ phil. n. — miN"?! nj'pi] Dav. 136 ; Kon. iii. 376a. 15-23. The fiery cloud. — The movements of the Israelites from Sinai onwards were regulated partly by the action of a cloud, partly, as before reaching Sinai, by the express com- mand of Yahweh. This cloud, which at night assumed a fiery appearance, settled on the tabernacle on the day of its erection ; subsequently as often and as long as the cloud rested on the tabernacle the Israelites encamped ; and as often as the cloud rose from off the tabernacle they broke up the camp and continued their journey. The section, which is unconnected with either the preceding or the following, is parallel to Ex. 4o^'*''- ^^"^^ and connected with Ex. 4o"' ^'^ by the date in v.^®. It would have stood most naturally at the conclusion of the narrative of the erection of the tabernacle. In its present form it may best be referred to P= ; note the numerous omissions in (Sr and certain expressions not found elsewhere in Vs, viz. ncx c" v.^^n., '"' mDK'a noc (cp. i^*n.), wa HN-iDD v.^' (cf. Ezek. 8"). As relating the section to P, note the conception of the cloud (n. on v.'^), the connection of v.^^ with Ex. 40, also ni,T 'D Vy (CH. 19a), jdeth (CH. 54), nnvn (CH. 161), nc'D ra (CH. iSo). See, further, CH. 15a. Cp. 7^ n. — The cloud covered] the tense is historical, 86 NUMBERS recording the one definite past event that the cloud settled on the tabernacle when it was first set up. On the other hand, all the verbs in v.^^^"^^^ are frequentatives^ and state what repeatedly happened subsequently (Dr. Tenses^ 30). — The tabernacle, even the tejit of the testimony^ the tabernacle (pti'ion) was contained within the tent (?nx), cp. 3^^^- n., Ex. 26^ ; the cloud, therefore, is more accurately described as covering- (HDD) the tent, cp. Ex. 40^*, Nu. \'f (16*2) j but it is spoken of indifferently as resting- or being on (7^) either the tent (Ex. 40^^) or the tabernacle (Ex. 40^*^- ^3, Nu. 10^^). "Tent of the testimony" (nnyn pnx) only occurs again in 1722^- ig^, 2 Ch. 24^; "tabernacle of the testimony" (niiyn pEJ'D) is found in Ex. 3821, Nu. iSo. ssbis iqU. q^ it the testimony," see 17^^ n. No satisfactory reason can be discovered for the addition of the second phrase here, and it may be, as Paterson argues, a gloss. — 15b. Cp. Ex. 40^^. The fiery appearance may have been supposed to result from the pre- sence in the tabernacle of the glory of Yahweh (Ex. 40^^^-), the appearance of which was like devouring fire (Ex. 24^^: cp. 34-9-33 and also Lev. g-^^-). — 16. The cloud used to cover ii\ (!j S Fadd *' by day." 18. At the commandment of Yahweh\ the cloud, according to P, first appeared at Sinai (Ex. 24^^"^^; Ex. 16*^"^^ is a misplaced narrative), and first became a per- manent phenomenon after the erection of the tabernacle. Before reaching Sinai, the Israelites marched according to the commandment of Yahweh, Ex. 17^ ; such definite direction they ,22^ still required; for the cloud in P does not, as in J (Ex. 13^ move at the head of the whole host to show the way. In P the cloud is always closely associated with the tabernacle ; and the tabernacle formed the centre of the host (2^^^). It is clear, too, from v.^^'' that v.^^ is more than another way of stating v.^^; the commandment of Yahweh, according to which the Israelites marched, was not merely the action of the cloud, for it was communicated through Moses. For ^tr?"^ of directions orally communicated, cp. e.g. 13^. — 20. & omits this v. and also V.22. — 21 f. Sometimes the cloud only remained over the taber- nacle from the evening of one day to the morning of the next : i.e. the Israelites sometimes journeyed day after day, some- IX. 15-22 87 times they remained encamped a whole day (v.^^^), sometimes a couple of days, or a month, or more indefinite periods, v.'^^'^. The last clause of v.^^ is omitted in fflr, and is very probably dittographic. Omitting this clause (but not W^'' IS, which is also omitted by ffic^), we may translate v. 2^- 22a thus — "Some- times the cloud would remain from evening to morning, and the cloud would rise up in the morning and (the people) would journey ; or (it would remain) a day and a night, or two dstys, or a month, or for some time." The rendering of W'D'^ hy year (RV.) is quite unjustifiable, and is not to be defended by a reference to Lev. 25-^; it means simply an indefinite period (cp. €.£". Gn. 40*, Neh. i*), which, from the context, may sometimes be Inferred to be short (less than ten days, if the text of Gn. 24^^ be correct) or long — here, for instance, pre- sumably more than a month. — 22b. Cj om. — 23a. (5^ om. This may be according to the original text, but is more probably a further stage in the shortening of the text than that represented by (B^^^, which omit the first clause only. Manifestly either f^ or ffi^ is right. 15. n-p-i] subj. D'part ; cp. Dav. 108, R. i. S cpin (3rd s. pf. Hophal) ; cp. fflf 21°. — nny.T hm^h] Kon. iii. 289^. Paterson in SBOT. regards the words as a gloss ; see his note there. — 20. ^l^'x 1^'] = " There were (times) when": so only here and in the next v. But cp. "KPN »'=" there were some who"... Neh. 5^'^*S and Syriac phrases, such as r^l? ^1 {e.g. I Cor. i^' in Pesh.), __»3isO(j Z\_»|: cp. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, p. 172. — ncoa D'D'] rather 'd 'D' ; |^ has arisen from dittography of D. ITDO in this tj'pe of idiom (= " few ") is always elsewhere in the gen. — 22. J3&3n ^j;] fflt om. Probably the phrase was a gloss on vhy ; in ^ it has replaced v^y, in |§ it has gained a place in the text by the side of v'jj;. X. 1-10. The silver trumpets. — Their workmanship and purpose, v.2 ; the occasions of their use {a) in the wilderness, v.2"^ ; [b] in Canaan, v.®'-. In V."-, also in v."- **• '', the verbs are in the 2nd pers. pi. (ct. 3rd pi. in V."" *''• ^) ; Di. for this reason, and because v.®'* deals with a different use of the trumpets, and because of the incompleteness of v.^* "* (see below), regards v.^'* as derived by a redactor (or less probably by P) from a different source, viz. S, i.e. H, and v.*-^*-^ as redactional expansions. In favour of this conclusion he also notes in v.^'* " I am Yahweh your God," ncn^a nid, ni'='* enemy" (elsewhere almost confined to the elevated style, yet cp. 25'^), and d^khn^ (cp. Lev. ig'-*- ^ 22-'* 23^- 25^* '" 26'). On v.^*- 88 NUMBERS cp. also Kayser, Das vorexil. Buck d. Urgesch. Isr. p. So (v.* contains the customary conclusion); CH. ; Baentsch, Heiligkeitsgesetz, 8f. (v.*'* an earlier source, but whether H doubtful). The manufacture of these trumpets, which are hence- forward to be used for sounding the march, is the last act recorded by P prior to the departure from Sinai, v.^^. To the trumpet (nii^'n) there is no reference in any preceding part of the narrative of the Exodus ; but E mentions the horn i^y in Ex. 19^^, "iDIki' in Ex. igi3.i6.i9 20^8), and H contains a law (Lev. 25^) relative to the use of the horn in Canaan. 1, 2. The trumpets are to be of silver, with chased work, and are to be used to summon the people and to give the signal for breaking up camp. — 2. Trianpets] (nin^iVn) were apparently much less used for secular purposes than the horn (iSiw^), which is so frequently mentioned in early literature. Of their secular use we read only in Hos. 5^, 2 K. 11^*. Of their sacred use there is mention in 2 K. 12^*, P (here and 31^), Ps. 98*^, and especially in Ch., Ezr., and Neh. The instrument is described by Josephus [Aiit. iii. 12^ aacoapd) as rather less than a cubit long, and is no doubt the long straight instrument depicted on the Arch of Titus ; see, further, Well- hausen. Psalms [SBOT.), 220 f., where illustrations may be found. — 0/ turned work] nC'pO (Ex. 2^^^- ^i 37^ etc.). — 3 f. A blast on both trumpets is to be the signal for the whole people, on one alone for the princes (i^^) to assemble. Kn. Di. com- pare the practice of summoning the Roman "curia cen- turiata" by means of a trumpet (Gell. 15. 27. 2; Prupert. 4. I. 13). — 5 f. A series of alarms (nynn) on the trumpets are to give the signal for the several divisions of the camp success- ively to break up.— 5b. Cp. 23-9.— 6a. q^^ 210-^^. After v.*^-^ in v. ^s. 22. 23. 24. 26. 27._21. DWpn] S ffi C nnp "33.— 25. nsxp] Jos. e"- 13, Is. 52I2.— 28. U'd-i] Dr. Tenses, 76. (& places the word before cn.sos*? ; but lij is no doubt original. 29-36. The departure from the Mount of Yahweh (JE).— In contemplation of immediate departure Moses begs his kinsman Hobab to accompany the Israelites as guide, and give them the benefit of his great knowledge of the camping places in the wilderness, v.^^^^. When they actually start, they are led by the ark, v.^^; in v.^ a reference is made to the cloud, and in v.^^- ^^ poetical addresses to the ark are cited. The narrative of JE, last cited in Ex. 34''*, is here resumed. Proofs of the derivation of v."^"** from JE — (i) the w. arc p.irallel and not con- X. 22-29 93 secutive to v.''"'-'-^'; in v.*^ the Israelites are in Paran, several days' journey from Sinai ; in v.-^"^^ they are still at Sinai, and only leave it in v.^^ ; (2) in v.^' (cp. 3^^ P) the ark is carried in the midst of the people, in v.^^ it precedes them; (3) linguistic evidence — n: (CH. 186), nij; (160), ]3 'jj; '3 (35), 3"t:'.T (38) ; see also notes below. As between J and E the evidence favours J (Di., Kue., Corn., Kit., Bacon); note Re'u'el (cp. Ex, 2'^ J), not Jethro (Ex. 3^4^^ i8"''- E), 290/3 corresponding- more closely to Ex, 33I (J) than to Ex, 32^'' (E) and the phrase 'm'^iD Vni 'bin hi< (cp, Gn, 12* 24'* 31^ (J); ct. im'jia pN Vn Gn. 31'^ (E) ; see CH. 60).— The ultimate source of v.^^, which did not originally form the immediate sequence to v.2=^, is less certain. Many detect traces of the hand of E (Kue,, Kit,, Corn., Di., Moore), In v.** we have a conception of the cloud which is that of neither J nor E, but is similar to P's (9^'"^-) : the v, appears to be a note of P^ which has gained its present position in %], another in G, where it stands after v.^*". Whether the ancient poetical snatches in v.^^i- were derived by the editor from JE or from some other source must remain uncertain, though the idiom 3 '.Ti in v." is quite favourable to the former alternative (CH, 127JE). 29. Hobab^ the son of Reuel, the Midianite, the father-in- law of Moses] Hobab has not been previously mentioned. In Jud. 4^^ he is called the father-in-law (jnn) of Moses, as also perhaps in the original text of Jud. i^^ (see Moore, ad loc). Re'u'el is a clan name, and the meaning- of the writer both here and in Judges may be that Hobab was a member of the clan ("son") of Re'u'el. In that case we may suppose that the name Hobab has been suppressed before or in favour of Re'u'el in Ex. 2^^, and consequently that in J's narrative he had been mentioned previously to the present section. Even so the present section opens abruptly. Probably in the source whence it was drawn, it was prefaced by an account of Hobab coming from his country (cp. v.^**) to visit the Israelites at Sinai ; fragments of this introduction are perhaps preserved in Ex. 18, which consists in the main of a parallel narrative in E of Jethro's visit. Cheyne {EBi.) identifies Hobab with Jehonadab, the founder of the Rechabites. Though the early Hebrew traditions differ as to the name of Moses' father-in-law — E calls him Jethro — and as to the name of his tribe, which in some cases is said to be Midianite (Ex. 3I 4'^8f.)^ in others Kenite (Jud. i^'^ 411)^ ^j^gy agree in connecting him by marriage with an Arab or nomadic tribe, for such were both Midianites and Kenites; see also 12^ n. 94 NUMBERS The place of which Yahweh said, I will give it yoii\ Ex. 33' (J); see n. on 13^. — The present story seems earlier in origin than the promise of the accompaniment of the angel (Ex. 33^). The impress of nomadic life is here fresh and clear. What Moses, as leader of the people from Sinai to Canaan, needed was one who knew the various camping places. — And let us do thee good\ give thee a share in the prosperity which Yahweh has promised us: cp. v.^-, Gn. 12^^ 2210.13(9.12)^ jQg_ 24^". — For it is Yahweh who has promised Israel prosperity] and having promised will fulfil : the subj. is emphatic. For ijy "12T virtually ='* to promise," see Gn. 18^9, Jos. 231^. 30. Hobab declines Moses' invitation : he prefers to go home. This implies that the route to Canaan was different from that to Midian. Most justice is done to this if we suppose that Sinai lay somewhere in the neighbourhood of the top of 'Akabah ; for then the route of the Hebrews to Kadesh would lie to the N.W., that of Hobab to the E. Apart from the passages connecting Midian with the mount of God, all refer- ences imply that the Midianites had their homes on the E. of the 'Arabah and the Gulf of 'Akabah (Jud. 6-8, Gn. 25^ 36^5, Nu. 22^ 25^^- 31). There is no reason for locating them in the southern part of the Sinaitic peninsula, except the assumption that Sinai-Horeb lay there ; then cp. Ex. 3^. If, however, in deference to the traditional view of the site of Sinai, we are to conclude that Hobab's particular division of Midianites occu- pied the south of the Sinaitic peninsula (cp. Di. on Ex. 2^^), then we must probably think of them as cut off from the Midianites of the E.; otherwise the route of the Hebrews, if, as is usually assumed, it went by the top of the Gulf of 'Akabah, would have lain for some distance through Midianite country. Cp., further, Sayce, Early Hist, of Hebrews, 186-189, 213, who cites Baker Greene, Hebrew Migration from Egypt; and on the survival of the name E. of the Gulf of 'Akabah in the MoBiava of Ptolemy (6^) and the Madyan of Arabic geographers, see EBi. col. 3081. — 31 f. Moses further presses Hobab to accompany him, reiterating, v.^^, the promise made before, v.^^^. At this point the story breaks off and Hobab's final decision is X. 3^3? 95 not given. We may infer fromjud. i^^ that it was favour- able.*— 31. Thoii- knowesi our encaniphig\ i.e. where we can and ought to encamp. The inf. (l3njn) refers to the future ; the paraphrastic renderings of ffi and 21 interpret it of the past, and also change the sense of the next clause, so as to avoid the incongruity of Moses seeking a natural guide when (according to the composite narrative, v.^^~^^- 2^*- g^'^^-) he was so fully assisted by supernatural signs and agents. The ren- dering of v.^^** in 2D is as follows: "Thou knowest how we were encamping in the wilderness, and the mighty deeds which were done unto us hast thou seen with thine eyes " ; and in ffir : "Thou wast with us in the wilderness, and shalt be an elder among us." — 31. But become unto us eyes] Job 29^^. — 33. The mount of VaAwe/i] i.e. Horeb- Sinai; so only here: but cp. "the mount of God" (in D>n?Nn = Horeb), Ex. 3I 4^^ 18^ 2413 (all E), i K. igH; in a different sense, Ezek. 28^^. Perhaps "the mount of God " originally stood here, and "Yahvveh" is due to an editor. Elsewhere "the mount of Yahweh " is Zion — e.g. Is. 2^ = Mic. 42, Is. 3o29, Ps. 243, Gn. 22^^ (? originally "God").— Three dayd journey] Gn. 30^^, Ex. 3^^, Nu. 33^: cp. Ex. 15-^. The repetition of these words in clause b may be due to dittography. The only meaning of the whole verse as it stands is that during a three days' march from Sinai the ark was always three days' journey in front of the people — a useless position for a guide : cp. We. Comp. 100 f. As here, so in Jos. 3^^- (D), the ark precedes the Israelites and acts as their guide along an unknown route ; but there it is borne by "the priests, the Levites." Here, if we may judge from so fragmentary a record, it is conceived of as moving by itself: cp. I S. 5 f., especially 5^^ 6^^-, 2 S. 6^ The pillar of cloud is certainly thought to move of itself {e.g. Ex. 13^"). Like the cloud, the ark moves because it is the form in which Yahweh accompanies the people. With the conception of Yahweh's going before the people, cp. A^ur-nasir-abal's account of the god Nergal — " With the exalted help of Nergal, who -went before * Di., Kit. {Gesch. 181 n. 5), Sayce (Early Hist, of the Hebrews, p. 213 f.).. 96 NUMBERS me [Nirgal a-lik pa-ni-a)^ I fought against them."* — Tlic ark of the covenant of Vahwek] {'•"'' rT'na ilix) P's phrase is different (nnyn p"lN). The present phrase is most character- istic of Deuteronomic writers {e.£: Dt. io^3i^-^^^-, i K. 6^^), and in passages Hke this, derived from J or E, the word n^"i3 may be redactorial.t — To seek out for them a resting-place] cp. Dt. i^, Ex. 33^^. On nin = "to seek out," see 13^ phil. n. — 34. The V. coheres very loosely with the preceding. After y_33 -yyg expect a statement of the place reached after the three days' journey : cp. Ex. i5^^-. This is not given, though in 11^-^ previous arrival at a definite place is assumed. — The cloud of Vahweh] only here, 14^* (R), and Ex. 40^. — Was tipon them\ The idea is not that of J (nor of E), whose cloud pre- cedes the people (Ex. 13^^') ; nor quite the same as that of P°, with whom the cloud rests over the tabernacle (lo'^^). — 35. When the ark started, Moses said] Here, as in v.^^, the ark starts of itself, and the words which follow may be taken as addressed to it. The ark is the visible form in or by whicV Yahweh manifests His presence, and may therefore, like the angel of Yahweh, be addressed as Yahweh. It would be futile to attempt to date the two sayings ; they have the savour of antiquity about them, and may have originated at any time subsequent to the growth of the national conscious- ness of union through Yahweh, except that the second seems to imply an already existing settled life in Canaan. Arise, Yahweh ! that Thine enemies may be scattered, That they that hate Thee may flee before Thee. The cry reflects the old Hebrew thought of Yahweh as a God of battles (cp. 21^* n.) ; Yahweh '* arose" when He gave His people victory : cp. Is. 28-^ in its reference to 2 S. 520-20^ For the ark in battle, cp. i S. 4^*^- ; with the second clause, Jud. 5^'\ The cry is repeated in Ps. 68^ ^^\ and is referred to in Ps. 132^, which so modifies the form of the vocative as clearly to distinguish the ark from Yahweh. — 36. And when * Annal. Inscription, col. ii, 1. 27 f.; cp. 11. 26, 50 ; iii. ^z = KB. i. pp. 74, 78, 104 ; see, further, Del. Assyr. Handworterbuch, 5310. t Cp. Cheyne in EBi. 300 f.; Seyring in ZATW. 1891, 114-125. X. 34-36 97 it came to rest] v.^ n. — Be tised to sa}<\ The verb is frequenta- tive.— Return Yahiveh to the ten thousand families of Jsrael] an address to the ark returning from victory, and a prayer that Yahweh may dwell again undisturbed with His people. Such words could be suitably addressed to the ark returning from battle to its fixed sanctuary, whether Shiloh, Nob, or some other place, after the people were settled in Canaan. It is less clearly suitable to the circumstances of the march through the wilderness ; the people overtake the ark, the ark does not return to them ; Yahweh is regarded as being with them on the march as well as in the camp. — Families\ lit. " thousands " ("S^X) ; here used of a division of a tribe (cp. n. on i^^) rather than numerically. Del. {Zeitschr. f. kirchliche Wissenschafi, 1882, p. 234) cites the Return of Ps. 90^* ("the prayer of Moses") as a parallel to the present "Mosaic" verse, and compares also the same cry in the Davidic Psalms, 6' 7*, and, further, the arise of v.^^ with Ps. 3^ 7*' ; but though the words are the same, the conceptions they express in the Psalms are very different. — 29. jnn] regularly means "father-in-law." In Ar. (.t-^>- is used not only of the father-in-law, but also of other relatives of the wife. So some here render " brother-in-law " or " relative," making the phrase qualify 33n ; so also in Jud. 1'* 4" ; cp. Moore, Judges, p. 33. On the etymology of [nn="circumciser," see BDB. s.v. [nn and the literature there cited.— 31. p hv '=] Gn, 18' 19^ 33>» 38^6 (J) ; also Nu. I4•'^ Jud. 6^2, 2 S. iS-» {K're), Jer. 29^8 38'; see BDB. p. 4756; Kon. iii. 373?. — 35. ffi inserts ^3 before yn^i^to and omits t^ed. — 36. nmm] G.-K. 91^. — nnic] is followed by an ace. of direction (G.-K. i iSdf). Others consider naic trans, (ffit ; Kon. iii. 210 f.). But the use of 3Was a trans, vb. is almost con- fined to the phrase rrau' aity; and, as Del. (p. 233) points out, " Bring back the ten thousand families of Israel," would give a saying more suited to the march out than to the return home. — For various views of the inverted nuns within which v.^'* (like Ps. iq-j'^-''^- ^) are enclosed, see Del. p. 230 f. XI. XII. Incidents between Sinai and Kadesh (JE). The four incidents related in these chapters are referred by the editor who has given them their present position to the march from Sinai (lo^^-^^) to Paran or Kadesh (10^2 J2I6 j^s. 26j^ These incidents are (i) the destruction of murmurers at Tab'erah, 1 1^-^ ; (2) the lust for flesh, i i^-^o- ^s- i8-24a. 31-34 . (.) the resting of the spirit of prophecy on seventy elders and also on Eldad and Medad, i iie. i7a. 24b-3o . (^^ t^g vindication 7 98 NUMBERS of Moses* uniqueness against the criticism of Aaron and Miriam, i2^~^^. In iiii'-i**-i7b ^.g probably have matter not originally connected with any of the incidents. Except for a clause or two of his own (ii^'^*' I2^^)» the entire matter of these chapters was drawn by the editor from JE, but with some difference of arrangement and setting. The entire absence of all traces of P's style (on rnnEiro'? in ii^" see n. below), together with abundant evidence of the style, motives, and ideas of JE (see margin in CH. and below), and the fact that P's story of manna and quails is preserved elsewhere (Ex. 16), have led to the practically unanimous assignment of these chapters in their entirety to JE. Kittel [Gesch. i. 198), exceptionally, finds possible traces of P in 1 1 18-22. 24a-35^ The reference to the wilderness of Paran in 12^' is rather an editorial link between lo^'* and 13^ than a direct citation from P. The present fusion of the second and third incidents may have been effected by the compiler of JE or later, but that they once existed apart will hardly be doubted once they have been read separately (see p. loi ff.). But if so the original connection of the third incident with Kibroth-hatta'avah becomes uncertain. Like the fourth incident, it is not, taken by itself, connected with any place, and we cannot be sure that the present position of either incident in the narrative goes back further than the editor who united P and JE. Bacon refers both incidents to E's account of the stay at Sinai {Triple Tradition., 141 ff., 336-338), in which they formed an immediate sequence to Ex. 33^"^^. It is probable, too, that y uf. i4f. also formed part of JE's account of the stay at Sinai (see below). On the other hand, the editor follows tradition in placing the gift of (manna and) quails after leaving Sinai ; for though the parallel story in Ex. 16 is placed before the arrival at Sinai, it still in itself clearly presupposes the events at Sinai (see, e.g.^ CH. on Ex. 16). There being no reason for suspecting the contrary, we may suppose that the incident at Tab'erah is here in its right position. The analysis of c. 11 f. as between J and E, though much discussed, still remains to some extent uncertain and tentative. The third and fourth of the above mentioned incidents (n'e. i7a. 24b-30 ^jj^j 12'-!*) are connected with Ex. 33''"^^ (E) by the view taken of the theophanic cloud and the position of the tent (see below on n^s. 26.30 i2i-202 = Abhandlungeii (Budde), 276-294) fails, in its main thesis, to sustain the criticism of Wellhausen {Comp. 323-327), who argued that there must have been a reference to manna in JE before our present passage, and that there are other elements than P in Ex. 16. At the same time there is much in Kue.'s argument that the full description of v.'''^ belongs to a first reference ; we might add — or, as an alternative, to a glossator. Its presence here may therefore be due to an editor who composed it freely on the basis of tradition, or transferred it from the account in JE of the first giving of the manna. Between such alternatives style hardly suffices to decide. So, too, even if the difference between v. 2" and v.^ seem to indicate the presence of two sources (J and E) in the story, it is impossible to carry the analysis through in detail. In the main the evidence points to J. So Bacon, CH. ; Di. Kit. refer v.^'** ^^'^ to E. See further references cited on p. 99. The story of the lust for flesh, disentangled from the foreign matter with which it has been encumbered, runs as follows : — * And the mixed multitude that was among them fell a lusting : and the children of Israel also wept again, and said, O that we had flesh to eat ! " We remember the fish, which we were wont to eat in Egypt for nought ; the cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlick : ^ but now our soul is dried away : there is nothing at all : we have nought save this manna to look to.* ^^ And Moses heard the people weeping throughout their families, every man at the door of his tent : '' [and he cried unto Yahweh, saying,] Whence should I have flesh to give unto all this people? for they trouble me with their weeping, saying, Give us flesh, that we may eat. ^* And the anger of Yahweh was kindled greatly : ^^ and [He said unto Moses], Say thou unto the people. Sanctify yourselves against to-morrow, and ye shall eat flesh : for ye have wept in the ears of Yahweh, saying, O ! that we had flesh to eat ! for it was well with us in Egypt : therefore Yahweh will give you * Here v.''"" may have been inserted parenthetically by the original writer. See above. 102 NUMBERS flesh, and ye shall eat. *' Ye shall not eat one day, nor two days, nor five days, neither ten days, nor twenty days ; -" but a whole month, until it come out at your nostrils, and it be loathsome unto you : because that ye have rejected Yahweh who is among you, and have wept before Him, saying. Why came we forth out of Egypt ? ^^ And Moses said, The people, among whom I am, are six hundred thousand footmen ; and yet Thou hast said, I will give them flesh, that they may eat a whole month. ^ Can flocks and herds be slain for them, to suffice them ? or can all the fish of the sea be gathered together for them, to suffice them ? ^ And Yahweh said unto Moses, Is Yahweh's hand waxed short? now shalt thou see whether My word fall in with thee or not. ^ And Moses went out, and told the people the words of Yahweh. ^^ And there set forth a wind from Yahweh, and brought across quails from the sea, and let them fall by the camp, about a day's journey on this side, and a day's journey on the other side, round about the camp, and about two cubits above the face of the earth. ^- And the people rose up all that day, and all the night, and all the next day, and gathered the quails ; he that gathered least gathered ten homers ; and they spread them all abroad for themselves round about the camp. ^ While the flesh was yet between their teeth, ere it ran short, the anger of Yahweh grew hot against the people, and Yahweh smote the people with a very great slaughter. ** And the name of that place was called Kibroth-hatta'avah ( = " graves of lust "), for there they buried the people that lusted. 4. Neither the departure from Tab'erah (v.^"^), nor the arrival at Kibroth-hatta'avah is mentioned. Hence some,* failing to recogfnlse the fragmentary nature of the stories, and the lack of connection between them, have inferred that both names attached to a single place. Cheyne [EBi. 2660), on other grounds, comes to much the same conclusion, assuming Kibroth-hatta'avah to be a corruption of Kibroth- tab'erah. — The mixed multitude\ or rabble (PiD£;Dsni), who, according to Ex. 12^ (J), where they are called by another name (HIJ?), accompanied the Israelites out of Egypt. — They fell a lusting] Ps 106^* yS^^*-. The vb. and noun (nixn lixnn), though mainly used of the appetites, commonly refer to perfectly legitimate excitement of the appetite; see, e.g., Dt. 12^^ 14^^. — A7id the children of Israel again wept] No previous weeping (cp, 14^) has been mentioned ; but the word need not be pressed. Previous stories of complaints are Ex. 1^23-25 Qj^ 1^2-7 (mainly E). "Again" may refer to one of these, or to v.^~'; the word is possibly, but not necessarily, editorial. — O that we had flesh to eat] Rashi already perceived • Keil. XI. 4. 5 103 a difficulty here which critical analysis has not yet completely explained. Why should a people rich in flocks (Ex. 12^ 17^ igi3 2^3^ Nu 14^ 32^) cry out for flesh? Why should Moses, in the midst of a people provided with flocks and herds, feel the difficulty which he expresses in v.^^? Clearly the present story goes back to a cycle which did not credit the Israelites with flocks in the wilderness ; but whether this point of view was maintained throughout either E or J is doubtful ; the above references are not clearly confined to one of these two main sources of JE. — 5. It is curious that though the people cry out for flesh, their happy memories of Egyptian fare are chiefly of the vegetables. — The fish which -we were wont to eat for noi(ght\ "The quantity offish in Egypt was a very great boon to the poor classes. . . , The canals, ponds, and pools on the low lands continued to abound in fish even after the inun- dation ceased." * Another OT. writer shows himself familiar with the conspicuous part played by fish and fishermen in Egyptian life (Is. 19^"^°). In later times fish was exported from Egypt to Palestine (Schiirer,^ ii. 57; Eng. tr. 11. i. 42 f.). — The cucumhers\ (□'XCj'i'p) the philologically cognate Arabic (*Ui) is the name of the long and slender Cticumisxhatet L., a variety of the melon which is native to Egypt, and widely cultivated there. — The melons] (cnt^ns) water-melons (still called ;ui\Akj), Ctictimis citnclliis, L., are represented on ancient Egyptian monuments, and much cultivated and consumed by the modern Egyptians. They are frequently mentioned in the Mishna (Levy, s.v. n'tDlix), but here only in OT. — The leeks] "i^vn ("grass") here, but here only in OT., means, as it sometimes does in Aram., "leeks," and specifically, perhaps, Allium porrum, L. Pliny [HN. 19^) refers to the fame of Egyptian leeks. — The onions] Herod, (ii. 125), speaking of the pyramid, says that on it was declared "how much was spent on radishes and onions and leeks for the workmen." • Wilkinson, Pop. Account Oj the Ancient Egyptians, ii. 193 (see also 181, 186-194). Cp. Seetzen, Reisen, iii. 274-276, 497 f. ; and among- the classical writers, Herod, ii. 92 f. 104 NUMBERS Hasselquist (p. 562), as cited by Di., says "the Egyptian onions are very mild and agreeable, better than in all other countries : therefore they are much grown in Egypt, and form a favourite dish with all classes, and a common diet especially of the poorer classes." — The garlic\ (□''nit^) Low identifies the Aram. D"lt^* with Allium sativu?n, L., which is still cultivated in Egypt. For further details and references, see Ges. Thes., Ges.-Buhl, and BDB. under the several words ; the relevant articles in EBi. and NDB.; also EBi. col. 1541 f. Low, Ara?n. Pflajisennamen, Nos. 278, 169, 336; Seetzen, Reise7i, iii. pp. 233 (cucumbers), 158, 209, and especially 350 (melons), 158 (onions) ; and Di. on the present passage. It will thus be seen that we have here a very vivid and true picture of Egyptian life ; and, in particular, of the life of the lower orders. Speakingf of these in his Modem Egyptians (c. vii.), Lane describes their food as consisting' chiefly of "bread (made of millet or of maize), milk, new cheese, eggs, small salted fish, cucumbers and melons, and gourds of a great variety of kinds, onions and leeks, beans, chick-peas, lupins, the fruit of the black egg-plant, lentils, etc., dates (both fresh and dried), and pickles," and remarks, " It is surprising to observe how simple and poor is the diet of the Egyptian peasantry, and yet how robust and liealthy most of them are, and how severe is the labour which they can undergo." Of the sources of the Hexateuch it is elsewhere E that is particularly characterised by acquaintance with Egyptian life : cp. Dr. L.O.T. 118. — 6. For lack of the succulent foods of Egypt, the people's sotil or appetite is dried tip ; nor have they any prospect of other food than the manna, of the very sight of which they have grown sick. — Our soul is dried ?//>] cp. "his soul is empty," i.e. he is hungry (Is. 29^); **to satisfy (lit. to fill) his soul," i.e. to stay his hunger (Pr. 530J . Jud. 18^, and especially Gn. 2- = nun) and the general sig- nification of the words being the same. But names derived from this root and of similar form simply mean "an enclosure" (cp. Palmer, pp. 289, 321 1.), and are so frequent that mere similarity of name affords in this case a very insufficient reason for identity of place. In OT. there are several similar place-names of this class. See EBi, s.v. Place-names, § 105. The presence of water at 'Ain el-Hadra is manifestly a still more insufficient ground of identification. How far the position supports the identification depends on the validity of particular theories of the route from Sinai to Kadesh. See further on c. 33. XII. 1-15. The uniqueness of Moses. — The motive of this story, which tells how Miriam and Aaron challenge Moses' peculiar right to speak for Yahweh, how Yahweh vindicates Moses, and how Miriam is smitten with leprosy for her sin, and only healed in virtue of Moses' intercession, is the unique- ness of Moses' position and of his intimacy with Yahweh. This appears in (i) the terms of the challenge, v. 2, for they imply that, as a matter of fact, Moses' position and authority were supreme; {2) in the direct statement of the divine utterance, v.®"^ — to other prophets Yahweh spoke by dream and vision ; to Moses, mouth to mouth as one man to another ; (3) in the vindication of Moses' position by the divine judgment on Miriam, v.^^- ; (4) in the efficacy of INIoses' intercession to remove Miriam's leprosy, v.^^^- The same motive is prominent in the stories of the seventy elders (i i^*^^- 2ib-30j^ ^j^jj Qf ^j^g mutiny as related by JE in c. 16. The scene of the incident, as defined by the editor, is Haseroth (n^^ 12^^), but in the source (E) whence the story was drawn it may rather have been Horeb : cp. p. 98. I. Miriam and Aaron spoke against Mo ses\ Miriam is here mentioned before Aaron (cp. fflt^^ in v.^), and the vb. is in the 3rd sing. fern. ; subsequently the verbs are pi., and Aaron is mentioned first. The order and cstr. of the present clause (subsequently abandoned) indicate either that Miriam took the lead, or that a story in which Miriam alone off"ended — she is still alone in being punished — has been modified by intro- ducing Aaron as a second offender. For 3 131 of hostile speech, cp. v.^ 21^-^ (E), Job 19^^ Ps. 50^*' 78^^. — On account XII. I 121 of the Cusldle '.ooinan\ The Hebrew Cush (B^^a) is certainly used of two, possibly of three distinct districts or peoples : I. Ethiopia (so usually); 2. the Cassites (E. of Babylonia); cp. Gn. lo^ ; * 3. it has been argued by Winckler f that the Kusi mentioned in certain inscriptions of Esarhaddon were a N. Arabian people, and that it is to these that 2 Ch. 14^*^- J 58 2 1 18 and some other OT. passages refer when they speak of Cush. If this be admitted, then the statement that Moses had married a Cushite, i.e. a N. Arabian wife, is best regarded as a variant form of the tradition that Moses' wife was a Midianite (10^, Ex. 2^^~2i ^ij or a Kenite (Jud. i^^ 4", and see n. on lo^^). On the other hand, if Cushite be here taken to mean Ethiopian, J the allusion must be to an otherwise unknown wife of Moses, for Sipporah could not be called an Ethiopian. In its present position, it is true, the clause itself, apart from any particular interpretation of Cushite, reasonably implies that the marriage was recent, and consequently that the wife mentioned is not Sipporah. But without pronouncing the substance of the clause, the invention of a later age,§ or denying that it embodies an ancient tradition, — a decisive choice between these alternatives is scarcely justified, — we may suspect that its insertion here is due to an editor, rather than to the author of the main story ; for at most the marriage is the occasion, whereas the real cause of the complaint against Moses is the wounded pride of Miriam and Aaron (v. 2) ; and further, the mere assignment * Schrader, COT, 86-88 ; Delitzsch, Wo lag. d. Parodies, 51-57, 72, 127-129. t Musri, Meluhha u. MSin, ii. ; cp. Musri, etc. 1. 48 on 2 Ch. 14'* ; also EBi. s.v. '* Cush " ; Hommel in Exp. Times, viii. 378, and Vier neue arab. Landschaften, 298-303. Augustine on exegetical grounds alone really anticipated this view — " Madianitis . . . qui reperiuntur in Paralipomenon ^thiopes dicti, quando contra eos pugnavit Josaphat. Nam in his locis dicitur eos persecutus populus Israel, ubi Madianitae habitant (II Paral. xiv. 9-14), qui nunc Saraceni appellantur. Sed nunc eos ^Ethiopes nemo fere appellat, sicut solent locorum et gentium nomina plerumque vetustati mutari " {Qtusst. in Num.). The identification is criticised by Konig {Fiinf neue arab. Landschaften, 5 iff.). + ffi S UAr. AV.; Jos. {Ant. ii. 10) ; Sayce, Early Hist, of the Hebrews, 214 f. § Cp. We. Coinp. loi. 122 NUMBERS of marriage with a foreigner as a ground of offence savours of an age — the age of Ezra — much later than that to which the main narrative of c. 12 belongs. Di. considers that the Cushite offended Miriam not because she was a foreigner, but because she was black ! A rabbinical interpretation of Cushite is " beautiful " (21^° Sam. V., Rashi), the meaning being based on the proverbial beauty of the Ethiopians or on Gematria (n'cn being numerically = nx^D dd'): for other fancies of this type see Sipkre. 21° further recasts the story by basing Miriam's complaint on Moses' dismissal of his beautiful wife ; and R. Nathan (as cited by Rashi) tells in greater detail how Miriam, happening to be with Sipporah when Eldad and Medad prophesied, heard her pity their wives because their husbands would now separate from them as Moses had already separated from her. 2. If the latter part of v.^ be an editorial insertion, the original text ran, And Miriain and Aaron spake against Moses, and said. Is it only tvilh Moses, etc. Then, for the sequence, cp. 21^. — Is it only with Moses that Yahweh has spoken P Has he not also spoken •voith us?\ Miriam and Aaron do not call in question Moses' prophetic position or his right to lead, but only the uniqueness of his prophetic position and his right to sole leadership ; nor is there any suggestion in their question that he had done anything to forfeit a position originally held ; in other words, the question has no relation to the occasion mentioned in v.^*^. **To speak with or by" (2 in'n) is used several times (v.^-^, 2 S. 23^, i K. 22^3, Hos. i^, Hab. 2^, cp. ^3 -in'-^n Zech. i^-^s 22-7 41-4.6 ^5.10 54) ^j ^ divine communica- tion to or through a prophet or other inspired person, though it is much less common than the phrase **to speak to" The precise meaning of 3 13T used of a divine communication is not quite certain. We may notice three suggestions that have been offered. (i) Here and in some other passages {e.g. i K 22-*) it might be and has been explained {e.g. Ges. Thes. 314a) as meaning "to use as a spokes- man"; ? certainly has, with some other verbs, a similar force: thus 3 my means "to use as a slave" ; cp. BDB. Sgi. Further, this meaning would be consistent with the Hebrew view of a prophet's function ; see Ex. 4'5^'. But the mediation of the prophet in divine communications is otherwise expressed, viz. by T3 nan (17* 27^, Is. 20^, Jer. 37^) ; and the proposed meaning of 3 "laT is not in harmony with the parallel (.i.siD3 I'linx v'jx) in v.®, and it is impossible in the context both in v.^ and v.^. (2) Another suggestion is that the phrase means " to speak in," and reters to XII. 2. 3 123 the internal voice of revelation ; but this is inconsistent with the representa- tion of " the angel who speaks with" (3 nmn -nSdh) Zechariah (Zech. i^ and often) ; for this angel is conceived not to dwell in, but to accompany and sometimes to leave the prophet (Zech. 2I' '?) 4^ 5^). (3) It is best there- fore to explain 3 "ory on the analogy of a nxn, 3 u>3.i, 3 ^Dc, as meaning " to speak to," but as expressing a closer and more intimate conversation than "jN 131, This explanation has the advantage of closely connecting the sense of the phrase as used here and in similar cases with that of the phrase as used in v.^ ; here the 9 emphasises the friendly intimacy, there the hostile intent that accompanies the speech ; cp. the relation between 3 i.xn as used in Ps. 54^ (of the intense gaze of pleasure) and Gn. 21'^ (of the intense gaze of sorrow and distress) ; so Konig, Offenbarungsbegriff, ii, 178-180. A7id Yahweh heard\ 11^; Di. conjectures that the words may, as in 11^, have been immediately followed by "and Yahweh was angry " (v.^). Yahweh, unsought by Moses, takes heed of the injustice done to His servant, v.^ ; for of all mankind Moses is the humblest (l3y), the most submissive before God. The word "iJy, here only used in the singular, is generally rendered "meek," and interpreted to mean "patient," "given to bear wrongs without resistance"; but this is a sense which it bears nowhere else in OT.; the mean- ing "humble before God" is illustrated particularly by Zeph. 2^, and by the use of IJJ? with such parallel and synonymous terms as " those that seek Yahweh " (Ps. 22^'^^-^^). Rahlfs (as cited below, phiL n.) has pointed out that the " 'Andwhn "or " meek ones " of the Psalms are anything but men who bear patiently wrongs inflicted on them by their fellow-men. See, further, phil. note. — The man Moses] (t^'"'i<^ nivo) so Ex. 11^ (E); the phrase in Ex. 32^-23 (J) is different. — The obliqueness of the reference to Moses and the self- commendatory nature of the statement occasioned difficulties to older commentators, who were bound by the theory of the Mosaic origin of the Pentateuch. 1, nnx hv] scarcely to be used, with Di., as a decisive mark of E, and consequently as an argument in favour of v.^'^ forming an integral part of E's narrative. The phrase occurs in Gn. 2i^^'-^, Ex. 18^, Nu. 13^ (all E), and, with a slightly different sense, in Gn. 26^^ (J), Jos. 14® (not JE) ; but with the same meaning as here it occurs outside the Hexateuch in Jud. 6^, and mix '?3 hi) is used similarly in Jer. 3^.-2. ix pi] The two synonyms thus combined here only ; cp. 6" n. — 3. i^v] The meaning of this 124 NUMBERS word (mainly as used in the Psalms), its relation to 'Jj;, and its interpreta- tion in the early Versions, have been fully investigated by Rahlfs in 'yj u. My in den Psalmen (Gottingen, 1892); sec also "Poor" in DB. (Driver) and EBi. (A. C. Paterson). On the form vjy of the K're see Rahlfs, pp. 95-100 (' is a mater lectionis to indicate that the last syllable is to be pronounced as in I'-i^^). — 3b. The language, as Di. points out, resembles that of J (Gn. 2« 4!-* i>^-'' f-"^ S^- 13, Ex. 32^2 33I6), but not de- cisively, as between J and E (cp. CH.). 4-8. Yahweli's vindicatton of Moses. — 4. Suddenly, that is, immediately after the utterance of the complaint, vP-, Yahweh summons Moses, Aaron, and Miriam out of the camp to the tent (cp. 11-^ n.), and they go out. — 5. Yahweh descends in the pillar of cloud (cp. xv^ n.), and stands at the door of the tent (Ex. ^f^- (E), see also Nu. iii^'- 25), jje then summons Miriam and Aaron, and they both step forward, viz. from the position which they had taken up together with Moses. Certainly this gives the verb (iXi""!) a sense different from that in which it is used in v.*, and in itself unusual (yet cp. Zech. 5^). Di. explains the verb in both cases of going out from the camp, regarding v.* (J) and v.^ (E) as doublets. But (i) it is not in accordance with E's representa- tion elsewhere that the theophanic cloud should appear, and wait for people to come out from the camp ; the persons summoned to or seeking God await His appearance, not He theirs ; see Ex. 33'^"^^, Nu ii^^^- 2^'-. (2) V.* by its reference to the tent, no less than v.^ by its reference to the cloud, seems to belong to E. — 6-8. Yahweh addresses Aaron and Miriam, admitting that He may indeed communicate His will by means of others, but that no other enjoys such direct and intimate intercourse with Him as Moses. The address is poetical in character, rhythmical and parallelistic in form. Adopting one or two necessary emendations, it may be rendered — ^ Hearken now to My words ! If there be a prophet among you. In visions do I make Myself known to him, In dreams do I speak with him. ^ Not so with My servant Moses : In all My house he showeth himself trustworthy. XII. 4-8 125 8 Mouth to mouth do I speak with him, Plainly and not in riddles, And the form of Yahweh doth he behold. Why then did ye not fear, To speak against My servant Moses ? 6. The terms prophet, vision, dream (N"'33, HKIC, Dipn) are singulars with a collective sense ; the tenses, imperfects denoting customary and repeated action (Dr. Tenses, 32 f.). The V. therefore states Yahweh's customary mode of revela- tion to ordinary prophets — it is by means of dreams and visions, cp. Joel 3^ (2-^) ; it is this mode of revelation to which constant reference is made in E (but not in J) — Gen. 15^ 20'^ 2811f. 31II.24 3^5£f. ^o5ff. 4jl£f. _^52. cp. Nu. 228-20 ("by night") and, perhaps, Gn. 21^2 (Qp_ y 14^ ^^^ 22^ (cp. v.^). Elsewhere revelation by dream is sometimes distinguished from revelation through prophets (r S. 28^- ^5, Dt. 13^, Jer. 27^) ; and with some of the higher prophets, such as Jeremiah, dreams as a source of revelation fell into complete disrepute (Jer. 2325^-). — A prophci among yoii\ this, though the rendering of EV., is not a transla- tion of the present text of '^, which can only be rendered. If your prophet be Yahweh ; see phil. n. — I speak with him] v.^ n. — 7. The case is different with Moses, Yahweh's trusted servant. — Afy servant] Dt. 34^ (JE), Ex. 1421 (R) : otherwise this descrip- tion of Moses is, in the Hexateuch, confined to the Book of Joshua {e.g. i^-^-^], and, at least mainly, to its Deuteronomic sections. Abraham is similarly described (Gn. 26^* J) and also Caleb (14^* J). The term is very naturally introduced here, leading on as it does to the next clause : in all Yahweh's house, i.e. in the administration of all that belongs to Yahweh (viz. Israel), Moses has proved himself worthy of Yahweh's confidence (fCNJ, cp. i S. 2^ 3*0 22^*: cp. the use of the verb ^^^^.. in Gn. 42^0). He worthily sustains the part of a servant intrusted with all his master's affairs, such as Eli'ezer (Gn. 24^) or Joseph (41*°; note the usage of "'n"'3). — 8. With His servant, who has thus proved his fidelity in the conduct of all Yahweh's affairs, Yahweh holds more intimate inter- course than with ordinary prophets : with Moses He converses 126 NUMBERS not through the medium of dream or vision, but as one man with another; and not in dark riddles, but clearly; more- over, unlike other men, Moses sees the form of Yahweh. — Month to mouth\ cp. "face to face," Ex. 33^^ (E), Dt. 34^"' (JE). — Plainly and not in riddles] The meaning" of the first word must be gathered from that of the second phrase in the line ; the two phrases are clearly antithetical ; the meaning of the second is plain — God does not express Himself to Moses in dark enigmatical sayings (nn^n Jud. 14^2^ j k. 10^, Ps. 49^), but clearly and intelligibly ; whether fl^ or the different reading of S (ffir S>) can be made to mean this is doubtful ; if not, the text must be corrupt ; see phil. n. — And the fonn of Yahweh he beholds] the elders as well as Moses "saw God" on Sinai (Ex. 24^° JE), but that was a special occasion. No other, like Moses, is allowed in customary and familiar intercourse with God to see His form (nJllDD), though others might see it in dream (Job 4^^) or ecstatic vision (Ps. 17^^). D distinctly states that the people at Horeb heard a voice, but saw no form (Dt. 4^2- ^^). The form or fmunah is some- thing less distinct than the appearance or mai^eh (Job 4^^) ; * the present statement does not, therefore, necessarily conflict with Ex. 33^*^ (J). At the same time it would be a mistake to attempt to harmonise all the OT. statements on the visibility of God ; they represent different stages of thought and belief on the subject; see EBi. s.v. "Theophany." 6. nin' DDN'33 n'.T dn] the only possible translation (see above) is nonsense. The Versions afford no help ; |^ seems older than ffi. The conjectural emendation D33 n'3J n'.T dn is simple, and has been commonly adopted {e.g. Di., Str., Kautzsch, Paterson). The superfluous ni.T may be misplaced, having stood originally after idn'i, or may be a gloss explaining that the prophet must be a true and not a false one. The position makes it impossible to construe it as in apposition to the subject of yiiDN. — 8. '13 *?« ■is] For the ace. and some Arabic as well as Hebrew parallels, see Kon. iii. 402/. — HNnoi] S and some MSS. of pj n.xina, G f " ei'Sei, S {OV>->N-^. G quite properly distinguishes this from the nNicn (eV opd/xaTi), cp. V.®; 5 and (E° identify them. If the text be sound here, there is a play on similar words differently pronounced (nxiD and nxic). But it may be questioned whether this is likely. Paterson (after Ew.) * Dr. Deut. n. on 4^'. XII. 9-13 127 reads nn-C2 n> ; but this is tautologous after v.'^- ^ The rendering "as an appearance" or the like {e.g. vermittelst Anblicks, Di.; sichtbarlich, Reuss) agrees better with the usual sense of nuTD ; on the other hand, it not only destroys the antithesis, but unduly anticipates the next line (ui njioni). — nts-ca n^j'n] Dav. 29a. 9 f. Miriam's punishment. — Yahweh departs in wrath (see on V.2). No sooner has the cloud removed from the tent than Miriam is seen to be smitten with leprosy. Miriam alone is punished (cp. Dt. 24^), apparently because she took the lead in the complaint (v.^ n.). — 9. And He departed. And the cloud removed\ the tenses are not consecutive, as this rendering of RV. might suggest ; Yahweh and the cloud departed, as well as arrived, v.^, simultaneously. Render: And He departed. And -when (or, as soon as) the cloud had removed . . . behold Miriam was leprous. With the Heb. cstr. of v.^***, cp. Gn. 1517 24*5 and the somewhat similar instances in Dr. Tenses, 169. — From beside the tent] RV. "from over." This, it is true, is the commoner sense of the prep. (^5?^), but it is un- suitable here in view of v.^. For ^i?D=**from beside," see J 526. 27^ Qn^ jy22 J 33^ J j^ J 63^ — Lcprous US (whitc as) snoiso] so Ex. 4^ (J) ; the story has in view the white or milder form of the disease ; cp. Driver and White, Leviticus {SBOT.), p. 76. 11-15. Moses' intercession. — Aaron, perceiving his sister leprous, begs Moses to forgive their folly and sin, and that Miriam may be healed, v.^^'-. Moses intercedes with Yahweh, v.^^ (cp. 11^ n.), who insists that Miriam shall be excluded from the camp for seven days. During this time the people do not journey, v.^*^-. — 11. O my lo?-d\ ""JIN ""2, addressed to men, Gn. 4320 44I8 (both J), i S. i^\ 1 K. z"'^^', to God, Ex. 410-13 (J), Jos. 78 (JE), Jud. 613-15 if^,—Do not lay sin tipon 7is\ i.e. do not compel us to bear the consequences of our sin ; the phrase \7V riEJTl ?N) is the negatively expressed equivalent of the more frequent "take away sin" (DNton Nt^'J, e.g. Ex. iqI'' 32^2 (JE)). — 12. Let not Miriam remain leprous, so that by the ordinary process of the disease she becomes like an untimely birth born with its skin already half consumed. — Like the friends of Job (Job 42'^^), Aaron and Miriam are com- pelled to seek the mediation of him whose intimacy with God I2ci NUiMBERS they had wrongly called in question. — 13. Nay now, heal her, I pray] MT. runs — O God, I pray, heal her, I pray : against this, see phil. n. — 14. In answer to Moses' prayer, so Yahweh's words imply, Miriam is immediately healed ; but Yahweh insists on her exclusion for seven days from the camp. Had her father put her to shame by spitting- in her face, she would keep to herself for seven days to hide her shame; not less must she do so after being put to shame by the divine infliction of leprosy. — For spitting in the face, cp. Dt. 25^ (same phrase as here), Job 30^*^, Is. 50^. — Lei her be shut up\ cp. Lev. 13*^- — And afterwards she sJiall betake herself] viz. back into the camp; cp. 11^*'. 10. Vi'D no ]iV^] ct. Svc pl-'T rhvi 9" 10^' (P). — 11. icx] as in i S. 15" 20*2 ; cp. BDB. s.v. "iz'N 8c. — 12. 'nn] S ''7J: for the meaning of this reading and the kindred Tikkun Sopherim, see Geiger, Urschrift, p. 384. — "jjk'i] Dr. Tenses, 127/3. — 13. urSx] MT. is very improbable, for (i) k: elsewhere always follows a particle or a verb ; (2) Vx though common in compound expressions and in poetry (especially Job, Psalms, and Balaam songs), is very rare elsewhere: cp. BDB. p. 42. For KrSx, cp. Gn. 19'^. — 14. pr pT .T3Ki] For the omission of the conditional particle, see Dr. Tenses, 155; and on the inf. abs. in a conditional clause, Dr.'s notes on i S. i^^ 2o'. 16a. Departure from Haseroth (11^ n.); 16b. the people encamp in the wilderness of Paran. V.^*^ carries us back to the point reached in lo^^, and seems to be merely an editorial link: cp. We. Comp. p. 104. XIII. XIV. The Spies. Literature. — Noldeke, Untersuchungen, 75-78 ; Kayser, Das vor- exilische Buck, 81-85; Kuenen in Th. Ti. xi. 545-566; Wellhausen, Comp. 103-105, 336-338 ; Meyer's article in ZATW. i., Kritii der Berichte titer die Eroberung Palaestinas, especially pp. 139-141 ; Steinthal in Zeitschr. fiir Volkerpsychologie, xii. 276 fF.; Bacon, Triple Tradition, 177-183, and Hehraica, xi. 234 ff.; Steuernagel, Di« Einwanderung der isratlitischen Stdmmen, 70-83, 106 f. ; O. F. Moore in EBi, 3441. From the southern confines of Canaan, spies are despatched to reconnoitre the country. The majority bring back a dis- couraging report ; the people in consequence refuse to go forward ; Yahweh is provoked by their unbelief. XII. I3-XIII. 129 Nothing' but the baldest analysis of the story as it now lies before us is possible without recognising- the numerous incon- gruities in detail by which it is marked ; some of these might be harmonised, others are hopelessly irreconcilable. The point of departure of the spies is now the wilderness of Paran, y 3. 26a^ now Kadesh, v.2*^^; the country reconnoitred is now the whole land of Canaan, v.^- i^a^ from the extreme south to the extreme north, v.^^, now only the southern district round Hebron, v.^^"^*; the majority of the spies now report that the land is unfertile, v.^^, now that it is very fertile, but invincible, y 27-31. 33. fjQ^v Caleb alone dissents from the majority, v.^'', and is alone exempted from punishment, 14^*; now both Joshua and Caleb dissent, 14°'-, and are exempted, 14^. Even when the details of the narrative are not incongruous, they are frequently duplicated, or the style is markedly redundant {e.£:. 13^^"^°, and note the extent to which 14^^-24 ^j^j y 26-35 are parallel in substance). The reason for these incongruities and redundancies lies in the fact that the editor has fused, without wholly assimilat- ing to one another, various versions of the incident. The literary origin of the present form of the story appears to have been much as follows : — The story as it ran in the prophetic history of the 7th cent. (JE) was already marked by redundance, but not by striking- incongruities, for the stories of J and E, which were then combined, down as far at least as the reception of the reports, resembled one another closely in their leading features. The long argument of Moses with Yahweh (1411-24) formed no original part of J or E, but stood in JE ; whether it was written by the editor himself, or had been incorporated in J by a some- what earlier writer, may be left an open question. The story of P was very different ; but the editor who combined JE and P has made little attempt to smooth away the differences. This editor has incorporated P almost intact, JE more fragmentarily, and perhaps with some dislocation {e.g. 13** maybe out of place); it is probable also that he has recast some part of Yahweh's speech to Moses (j^.^-^). It is uncertain whether a few unimportant annotations are due to this editor or a later scribe (e.g. in 1326). To facilitate the study of the narrative the two main sources (down to the reception of the reports) are here given in parallel columns; the detailed analysis of JE into J and E cannot be carried through with any approach to certainty; for attempts the reader may refer to CH. and Bacon. For 9 i;o NUMBERS brevity's sake the list of names in 13*'^^ is omitted from P here. JE [Arrived at Kadesh (13^, cp. 32^, Dt. Il'*•■^^ Jos. 14''), Moses, at the request of the people (Dt. i"''), despatched Caleb and other men (j^sof. 27)^ twelve in all (Dt. i^)] ^"' "and he said unto them, Get you up then into the Negeb and get you up into the mountains, ^^ and see the land what it is, and the people that dwell therein, whether they be strong or weak, whether they be few or many ; ^^ and what the land is that they dwell in, whether it be g-ood or evil, and what the cities are wherein they dwell, whether in camps, or in strongholds ; ^ and what the land is, whether it be fat or lean, whether there be wood in it or not ; and exert yourselves to bring some of the fruit of the land. Now the time was the time of first ripe figs, -^ and they went up, ^ and they went up by the Negeb and came unto Hebron; and Ahiman, Sheshai, and Talmai, the children of 'Anak, were there. Now Hebron was built seven years before Zoan in Egypt. ^ And they came unto the valley of Eshcol, and cut down from thence a branch with one cluster of grapes, and they carried it away on a frame borne by two, and also some of the pomegranates, and of the figs. That place was called the valley of the cluster (Eshcol) on account of the cluster which the children of Israel cut down from thence. 28 "And they went to Kadesh and brought back word unto them, and showed them the fruit of the land. "^ And they told him and said. We came unto the land whither thou sentest us, and surely it flow- eth with milk and honey, and this P * "And Yahweh spake unto Moses, saying, - Send the men that they may spy out the land ol Canaan which I give unto the children of Israel ; of every tribe of their fathers shalt thou send a man, every one a prince among them. * And Moses sent them from the wilderness of Paran according to the commandment of Yahweh ; all of them were men, heads of the children of Israel. * And these were their names " — the names, including Hoshea the son of Nun, follow, v.^". 16 "These are the names of the men whom Moses sent to spy out the land. And Moses called Hoshea' the son of Nun, Joshua. " And Moses sent them to spy out the land of Canaan ; 21 and they spied out the land from the wilderness of Sin unto Rehob, to the entering in of Haniath. "* "And they returned from spying out the land at the end of forty da5's. "® And they came to Moses, and to Aaron, and to all the congregation of the children of Israel, unto the wilderness of Paran. ^- And they spread abroad among XIII. 131 is the fruit of it. ^ Howbeit the people that dwell in the land is strong, and the cities are fortified, very great ; and we also saw the children of 'Anak there. *® ('Amalek was dwelling in the land of the Negeb, and the Hittite, the Jebusite, and the Amorite were dwelling in the mountain, and the Canaan- ite was dwelling beside the sea and along the side of Jordan.) *" And Caleb stilled the people be- fore Moses, and said, We ought to go up and possess it, for we are quite able to overcome it. ^' But the men that went with him said, We cannot go up against the people, for it is stronger than we are; '^ and all the people whom we saw there- in are men of stature ; and there we saw the Nephilim (the sons of 'Anak are some of the Nephilim), and we were in our own sight as grasshoppers, and so we were in their sight. 14^ ". . . and they gave forth their voice, and the people wept that night ... * and wherefore doth Yahweh bring us unto this land, to fall by the sword? Our wives and our little ones shall be a prey : were it not better for us to return to Egypt? * And they said one to another. Let us make us a head and return to Egypt . . . 8 It Yahweh delight in us, then He will bring us into this land and give it unto us ; a land which flow- eth with milk and honey. ^ Only rebel not against Yahweh. But as for you, fear ye not the people of the land ; for they are our bread : their shadow has departed from them, whereas Yahweh is with us : fear them not." the children of Israel an evil report of the land which they had spied, saying. The land through which we passed to spy it out is a land that eateth up its inhabitants. 14' "And all the congregation lifted up (their voice), ^and all the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron ; and the whole congregation said unto them, Would that we had died in the land of Egypt ! or Would that in this wilderness we had died ! ^ Then Moses and Aaron fell on their faces before all the assembly of the con- gregation of the children of Israel. ® And Joshua the son of Nun and Caleb the son of Jephunneh, who were among them that spied out the land, rent their garments, ^ and said unto all the congregation of the children of Israel, saying, The land through which we passed to spy it out is an exceeding good land. '" And all the congregation bade stone them with stones. And the glory of Yahweh appeared in the tent of meeting unto all the children of Israel." 132 NUMBERS Then follows Moses' arg-ument Then follows in 1426-29 (mainly P] with Yahweh, His reply, and the the condemnation to forty years' exemption of Caleb from the sen- wandering for all the people, and tence passed on the rest, I4""-^ the death to all over twenty years of command to take the Red Sea route, age except Joshua and Caleb, v.^, and the futile attack on the Canaanites and 'Amalekites, v.^"^. Data for the preceding analysis. — (i) P. 13'- ^^ connects with 10'^ ; the glory of Yahweh (14'" n.) ; Aaron (13''* 142- s. 26^ ; the list of names (i3*'^*)> the change of Joshua's name (13^* ; cp. Gn. 17'- 1* 35^" P), the precise determination of age and time (14^*^*). Linguistically, note v.^ (cp. CH. 185a), ncD i32-«-i» (cp. I* 4I8 nn.), n'cj 13* (cp. 7^ n.), my 13-6 ,^1.2.5.7.10.27.351. (i2n.), \h oT pVn i^-^-^-^-^^ iKO nxo 14'' (CH. 63), c:t 14"*, ^V13 14^ (CH. Ill) ; also, as linking parts of this particular narrative, mn 132.101. 21- 25- S2 1461.36.38^ and further 3 nay 13*2 14', nan K'sin if^ \^^^:— (2) JE. Note generally the vividness and picturesqueness of this story as compared with P, e.g. 1320I'. 23 j^s ^nd i3"-2o (as contrasted with the simple "spy out" of P). In detail note the absence of P's peculiarities and the presence of certain words or phrases characteristic of JE — nyi . . . nam V.19 (CH. 165), mK Vy v.^^ (12^ n.), "Eo v." (CH. 219): see, further, CH. margins. TTie extent of P. — In c. 13 only one or two differences as to the literary analysis call for mention. In v.^ CH. (followed above) not unreasonably see in iin'i the immediate continuation of v."* (P), and regard I'^yi as the doublet in JE to I'jyi v.*'': cp. i'?v and cn'Si'i in v."''. But most assign all of V." to P. More doubtful is the assignment * of all v.*2b to P : it contains no mark of P's style, and the fact that the height of the inhabitants is twice referred to is insufficient proof that one of these references must fall to P ; 14^ ignores the point. In I4^-^'* not less than is assigned above is derived from P ; CH. assign also nnon '?« ."nnn -k in v.**, Kue. (p. 562 f.) V.*, Com. {Einleitung, 19) v.* and possibly v.* to P ; but there is nothing sufficiently characteristic in the style to justify this, and v."* "• seem to correspond to the nature of the report of the spies in JE. Within i42>-*8 many detect a fragment of JE, though they differ as to its extent ; thus Dr. assigns v.*^"^ to JE, Bacon to J ; Di. v."'*^ and ? v." to J. Bacon urges that the narrative of J in v.^^"^, incomplete in itself, is com- pleted by v.'^-^, which latter w. duplicate P's narrative (cp. v.^ with v.^). On the other hand, v.*' is not easily divorced from v.*", and v.*^*. is connected with v.® by DDnJS. The citation of v.*^ in Dt. i^*' proves nothing, for there the clause is a late gloss unknown to ffi. The theory that seems to do most justice to the facts is that v.''^"'^ is a passage from P, expanded in y.*"-^ by an editor using, but recasting, older material derived from or allied to JE ; hence the connection of v.*'* with v.*; cp. We. Kue. Com. In 14^ clause a may well be assigned (with CH.) to P (cp. v.^) ; but clause J to JE ; the change of subject from "children of Israel " to " the people " (cp. 14* n.) favours the division. • Reuss, Gruppe {ZATW. ix. 141-143), Str., CH. XIII. 133 In P's story, then, Moses, at the direct command of Yahweh, despatches twelve spies, one taken from each tribe, to traverse Canaan, and report on the country. In forty days the spies pass through from what was subsequently the southernmost to the northernmost point of Canaan (with v.^i cp. 34^- ^) and return. The majority report the land unproductive — as in- deed the contemporaries of Haggai and Nehemlah in the sixth and fifth centuries found it to be (Hag-. 1* 2^^, Neh. 5) ; but Joshua and Caleb report it good — as it appeared, for example, to the contemporaries of Hosea (c. 2). The people murmur, and Yahweh, in His provocation, condemns the people to forty years' wandering, and all over twenty years of age, except Caleb and Joshua, to death in the wilderness. The traversing of the whole country, apparently without difficulty or precaution taken, shows the same generalisation of early traditions and the same indifference to historical realities which are found elsewhere in P. In JE all is different, the men go up from Kadesh into the Negeb ; they go as far as Hebron or Eshcol : they bring home grapes to confirm their report of the great fertility of the country. But they bring back also tales of giants and strong cities ; the land, they say, is certainly good, but invincible. Caleb alone dissents from this view and en- deavours (or supports Moses' endeavours) to convince the people that, strong in Yahweh's presence, they are more than equal to the people of Canaan. But the people are afraid, and refuse to go forward. Yahweh orders them back into the wilderness. Then the people repent, attack the 'Amale- kites and Canaanites, but are forsaken by Yahweh and de- feated. The separate stories of J and E. — Without attempting' a complete analysis in detail, for which the data are insufficient, it must suffice to point out here what may have been the main features of the two similar stories that appear to be fused in JE. That two stories are there com- bined is rendered probable, not only by the numerous repetitions and the differences of names or terms, but also by the fact that Dt. i2o-« follows one set of terms to the exclusion of the other. In one of these stories (E's, followed by Dt.), then, the spies are bidden to go up into the mountains (13^'' last clause), and to bring samples of the fruit of the land (v,-"") : they 134 NUMBERS g-o as far as Eschol and bring- fruit thence (v.^'-). To this story there may further belong v."^'' (in part : at least the last clause), ^ (last clause), s-»b. 33_ jr, tjig other story (J) the spies are sent into the Negeb (13" last clause but one) and go as far as Hebron (v.^-). To this there may further belong- I3isf- (in the main), v."^-^. On 14I1-2* (neither J nor E) 1425- s9-« see the separate discussions below. l-17a. The selection and despatch of the twelve spies (P). — Having reached the wilderness of Paran (10^-), Moses is commanded by Yahweh to select twelve men, one from each tribe, and to send them hence, v.^, to spy out the land of Canaan, v.^-^^*; v.*~^^ names of the spies; v.^^ Hoshea' re- named Joshua. 1. And Yahweh said tmto Moses] According to Dt. i--^- it was the suggestion of the people which led Moses to send men to reconnoitre the land. Nothing is said here of the people's suggestion ; nothing there of the divine command. S here combines the two accounts by prefixing to the present chapter the substance of Dt. i^o-23a^ changing the persons so as to make the passage read as a narrative in the 3rd person : for similar insertions in S see Introduction. — 2. The land of Canaan\ (}yj3 px) The regular term in P for the land of promise ; it certainly has this connotation in 34^, Gn. 178 483f-, Ex. 6S Lev. iS^ 2538, Dt. 32^9; probably, also, in many of the remaining passages, about thirty in number, in which P employs the term (CH. 4). In JE, on the other hand, it never appears to possess this connota- tion ; and is much less frequently used than in P, occurring several times in Gn. c. 42. 44. 45. 47, and otherwise only in Gn. 35^ 50^, Jos. 24^. For the land of promise JE employs a variety of terms, e.g. "the land of the Canaanite" (pS -JW^n), Ex. 13II; **the land that I will show thee," Gn. 12^; "this land" (Gn. 12} is^-is 24^— ct. i7« P) : cp., further, Gn. 28^3^ Nu. lo^^ 14^°. These terms are sometimes defined by the context ; e.g. it is the land in which the Canaanite then dwelt, Gn. 12^; or the land "from the river of Egypt to the Great River," Gn. 15^^. In the JE narratives of the sojourn in Egypt, of the Exodus and of the Wanderings, it is "the land flowing with milk and honey " (Ex. 3^ and often), the land sworn to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, or to the fathers XIII. 1-4 135 (Ex. 13" 33^, Nu. 14^^ Dt. 31^3 34"), "the place which I have prepared " (Ex. 2320) : ct. Ex. 6*, Dt. 32^^ (P). D agrees in this usage with JE against P. Outside the Hexateuch "the land of Canaan" occurs only as follows: — Jud. 21^", Ezek. i629 (17*), Ps. 105^1=1 Ch. i6i8._For the extent of territory covered by the term (as used by P), see v.^^ and notes there ; also 34"** • — Shall ye send] the subject is Moses and Aaron and also (?) the whole congregation, cp. v.^*'''^ ; but in view of v.^- ^- ^^ it is better to read with ffir 5 S * s/zall thou (the subject being Moses) send. — Every one a prince among the?7i\ Each tribe had more than one "prince" (X"'t:'j) ; for the spies (v.^"^^) are not the same people as the representatives of the tribes at the census (1^^^); yet these latter also were "princes of their fathers' tribes " (i^*"). Note, too, that Ele'azar is archprince (''^''t^'J ^^''C^j) of the Levites, 3^^. See also 4^* n. and 16^. The term originally meant "an eminent person" (from Xki': = "to lift up"), or, according to a less probable view of the etymology, a "spokesman" (from N'J'3 = ^ip m'^ = "to lift up the voice," cp. Hoffmann, Phon. Inschr. 55; and, for the form, Barth, NB. 125^), — 3. The •wilderness of Paran\ 10^^ n. — At the commandment of Vahweh] oneofP's favourite and characteristic phrases: Dr. L.O.T. 134, no. 41. — Heads of the children of Israel] the representatives in i^^ are called "heads (''L^xi) of the thousands of Israel." — 4. These mere their names] . . . niDK' n^N is the common formula for introducing a list of names ; it is very frequent in P {e.g. Gn. 25^^ Ex. i^ Nu. i^ 34"- 1^, Jos. 17^), but is also employed by other writers — 2 S. 5^* 23^, Ezek. 48^, i K. 4^, Ezr. 8^3, I Ch. 838, ^p. CH. i88^— None of the twelve spies with the exception of Caleb and Joshua are ever mentioned elsewhere. Although there is no such convergence of evidence as in the case i^~^^ that the present is an artificial list com- posed at a late date, there is little ground for confidence that the list itself, or that the 'whole of the names which compose it, is of ancient origin. The relevant facts are these : The four names, Caleb, Jephunneh (yet compare Heb. Prop. Names, p. 204), Joshua, and Nun belong- to the early traditions. Of the remaining- twenty, eleven are otherwise quite un- 136 NUMBERS known — these are Raphu, Gaddiel, Sodi, Gaddi ('i? : yet compare 11 '"i| ra55t(s), I Mac. 2^), Susi, Gemalli, Sethur, Nahbi, Vophsi, Geu'el, Machi. The text and interpretation of several of these is very uncertain. As to the remaining" nine names : Hori ('im) is also the name of a Horite clan, Gn. 36^-, I Ch. i": Palti of a contemporary of David, i S. 25** (called elsewhere Palti' el) ; of a late currency of these two names we have no evidence. 'Ammi'el is the name of a contemporary of David (2 S. 9*), but occurs also in 1 Ch, 26' ; on this name cp. HPN. 47, 245. We have evidence that the names Shammua', Ig^'al (''»rt^/ of the inhabitants of Canaan as Amorite ; and, though it be granted that 14^^ be J, and 13-" not from the same hand, this does not prove the latter to be E. The remaining point cited by CH. — the use of T hv, cp. Ex. 2^ — by itself is too slight a proof. Meyer and Budde assign the v. , with the exception of its middle clause, which on account of its mixture of ethnographical terms they con- sider redactorial, to J, on the ground that ':j;3D is used in J's sense as a collective term for all the inhabitants of Palestine. But this conclusion rests on the highly questionable assumption that the last clause of the v. is a definition of the whole country by its two boundaries — the Mediter- ranean and Jordan. Had this been intended the text would more natur- ally have run prn nyi D'.tjd 3b" 'jv:3ni. 'Amalek 7oas dwelling in the land of tJie Negeh] If treated as part of the report the words must be rendered 'Amalek dwelleth , . . The 'Amalekites were a race of nomads who were particularly associated with the deserts to the S. ot Palestine (cp. i S. 15, 30). See, further, on 24^". — T/?e Hittites\ a powerful, non - Semitic people called H-t4, who appear to have come from Cappadocia, are frequently men- tioned in Egyptian inscriptions of the iSth, 19th, and 20th dynasties. When they are first mentioned [temp. Thothmes III., c. 1500 B.C.), the southern limit of their empire seems to have lain in the district of Kommagene, i.e. well to the N. of Carchemish. Later, they pressed somewhat farther south- ward, but never apparently beyond the upper Orontes valley in this direction.* The Tel el-Amarna tablets {c. 1400) and the Assyrian inscriptions! (from Tiglath Pileser i., c. iioo, to Sargon, 721-704 B.C.) agree in confining the Hittites (Hatti = Egyp. H-ti = Heb. Tin) to N. Syria. This northern home of the Hittites is familiar to some, and especially the earlier, OT. writers: see Jud. i^^ 3^ (read "Hittites" for "Hivites"), 3 S. 24^ (read instead of "to the land of Tahtim- hodshi," "to the land of the Hittites, to Kadesh," i.e. Kadesh on the Orontes), i K. lo^^, 2 K. 7^. On the other hand, later writers, particularly P (Gn. 23^*^ 25^ 26^* 49^^^- 50^^) and perhaps Ezekiel (16^), locate a Hittite population in South Palestine (Hebron) ; early writers speak of individual Hittites resident in the South * Max Miiller, Asien u. Etiropa, pp. 319-324. t Cp. Schradcr, COT.''' 107 ff. 148 NUMBERS (i S. 26^, 2 S. 11^) ; and these individuals have Semitic names (Uriah, Ahimelech). The present passag^e, like P, ascribes a southern or central Palestinian home to a Hittite population. The explanations possible are: (i) there was a more or less unimportant Semitic tribe, called in Hebrew Hittite, which had no connection with the non-Semitic Hittites of the inscriptions, and of which we have at present no information from other than biblical sources ; or (2) the Hittites located by the biblical writers in S. Palestine are isolated settlements of the great Hittite race ; or (3) the term Hittite was used loosely and inaccurately by later Hebrew writers in reference to the pre- Israelitish inhabitants of Canaan in general. The reference to individual Hittites with Semitic names in early Hebrew sources may be thought to favour the first alternative, which, at any rate, seems preferable to the second ; the third (cp. Jos. i*) is that more generally adopted by modern scholars.* If the third be correct, we should have a parallel to the late Hebrew usage in the Assyrian inscriptions of the 8th cent. B.C., where *' land of Hatti" is used of Palestine in general (Schrader, COT.'^ p. 108). — The febusite\ the Jebusites were a local tribe in possession of Jerusalem at the time of the conquest (Jos. 15'^^, Jud. 1^1), and in the time of David till expelled by that king (2 S. 5^^). No reference to them on inscriptions has yet been found ; but, so far as the scanty data afforded by the biblical sources admit of a conclusion, they appear to have been Semites.! — The Amorite] the name (nr^s) is identical with the 'A-ma-ra of the Egyptian inscriptions and the 'Amurru of the Tel el- Amarna tablets. In the 15th and 14th centuries B.C. these Amorites of the inscriptions are a people living in the north of Palestine and still further north, Kadesh on the * Budde, UrgeschicJite, p. 347 ; Max Miiller, Asien u. Europa, p. 319 n. I ; Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, i. 143 n, i (cp. Schrader, COT.^ no; Meyer in ZATW. i. p. 125). The second of the above-mentioned alternatives is adopted in some measure by Di. (Gettesis,^ p. 191), who, how- ever, admits that " Hittite " was used by P and Ezekiel for all Canaanite peoples, and Sayce {Early Hist, of the Hebrews, pp. 54-56 ; yet see p. 56, bottom, and art. "Hittite" in DB.'). Cp. Kittel, Gesch. der Hebr. i. 21, and Jastrow's art. in EBi. (argues in favour of (i) above). t Dr. in DB. s.v. " Jebusite " ; G. A. Smith in £Bi. s.v. "Jerusalem," §13- XIII. 29 149 Orontes being a principal town ot theirs in the time of the 19th dynasty. In the Bible the term is used specifically of the kingdoms of 'Og and Sihon on the E. of Jordan (Nu. 2i^^- -^) ; but also and generally of the pre-Israelitish inhabitants of Canaan W. of Jordan. This latter usage is characteristic of E and D (as against J, who regularly uses "Canaanite" in- stead) : see also Am. 2°^-, Is. 17^ (^). Apparently we have the same usage here, and certainly no data at present known suffice to determine any special district of the highlands of W. Canaan marked off as "Amorite" from other districts occupied by "Hittites" and *' Jebusites." If, however, "Hittites" is also used in this general sense (see above), the combination of terms (cp. Jos. 11^) in the present clause is curious ; we have two general terms for all pre-Israelitish inhabitants of the country and one purely local name (Jebu- site) ; and thus to some extent this verse shares the rhetorical character of the catalogues of Canaanite nations referred to above. The Amorites are elsewhere connected with the hill- country, e.g. Dt. ii9f-44. but see Jud. i^*. On the Amorites in the Egyptian Inscriptions, see Max Miiller, Asien u. Europa, p. 177 and c. xvii. ; in the Tel el-Ainarna tablets, KB. v. Index, s.v. "Amurru"; Jastrow in EBi. s.v. " Canaan," § 10; on the biblical usage, Meyer in ZATW. i. 122 ff.; Badde, Urgeschic/ife, p. 345 f.; Driver, Deut. p. 1 1 f. ; cp. Max Miiller, op. cit. pp. 229-233 ; and see the Bible Dictionaries, s.v. '* Amorites." And the Canaanite was dwelling beside the sea (z.e. the Mediterranean) and alo7ig the Jordati\ Here, in direct contra- diction to 14^^ (cp. notes on i^-^-^^) but in agreement with Dt. i7 iiSOj Jos. 5I 133^- (all D2), Zeph. 2^, the Canaanites are described as lowlanders, and more especially as inhabitants of the western lowlands. The name has, indeed, very gener- ally been interpreted to mean "lowlander," though for reasons not beyond criticism.* With the present usage we may compare the use of Ki-na-ah-hi ( = J?:d) and Ki-na-ah-ni ( = jy^a) in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, if Jastrow is right in limiting these to "the northern 'lowland' or seacoast" [EBi. 641). W. M. Miiller {Asien u. Europa, p. 206) infers that • Moore in PAOS. 1890, pp. Ixvii-lxx. 150 NUMBERS in certain Egfyptian Inscriptions the g-eog-raphical term refers especially to the coast -land, whereas ethnographically "Canaanite" was used, as among OT writers by J, of all inhabitants of the country W. of Jordan. But whether the present notice preserves a reminiscence of the ancient seats of the Canaanites, or is based on the actual condition o." things when centuries of Hebrew occupation of the country had forced the Canaanites back to the lowlands, must be left an open question.* 30. The counter-report of Caleb (JE). — Caleb stills the people, and encourages them to go up and conquer the land. The V. seems out of place ; for the commotion of the people to which it refers is not mentioned till 14^. — And Caleb silenced the murmurings of the people agamst (^X) Moses, and said to the people (or to him, i.e. Moses — so distinctly S (i?), G) loe ought to go up (cp. v.^'^^) and take it, viz. the land, in possession, f 01 "we certainly can prove too mtich for it. — 31. B7it the men wJio went vp with Caleb reiterate that the people are too strong (p?n, cp. v.^^; ct. v.-^ \V) to be overcome. Both this and the preceding v., as also 14^*, are inconsistent with P's story that Joshua was one of the spies, and that he supported Caleb against the others (v.^-^^ 14^-^). Instead of fusing the two accounts of the minority report, I3^'"- ■I4^'-, the editor has preferred to separate them irom one another at the cost of a logical sequence in the narrative ; the result in the composite narrative is a longer altercation than either of the main sources presented. The position of i^^^^- in JE may rather have been after 14*. 28. pK3 3:"n ci'n ij;] with 3 a:r' cp. v. '8, and ct. Sy nc" in v.". With ty ct. pin in v.'**. — 29. 'nnm] S ffi + 'inm — another term that frequently appears in the rhetorical catalogues of the peoples of Canaan. — T "71?] cp. Ex. 2'^ (E) ; for T of the side or bank of a stream, see especially Dt. 2*', and, in the pi., Jud. 11^* pnx 'T h]} "ib'.<« u'-\v^. — 30. on^i] an apocopated Hiphil form from the prep, on ; cp. the inflection as an imperative in Neh. 8-'. * For the data and the theories to which they have given rise, see Meyer, ZATW, i. pp. 122-127 (but cp. iii. p. 306-9); Budde, Vrgeschichte, 346 fT.; W. IMax Miiller, Asien u. Europa, pp. 205-208 ; the Tel el-Amama tablets as quoted above; Buhl, Geographie, p. 64 f.; G. A. Smith, Hist. Gfog. p. 4f. ; Alcove, Judges, pp. 79, 81 ; Driver, Deut. p. 11. XIII. 30-33 151 32a. The report of the spies (P). — The spies, with the exception of Joshua and Caleb {i/\P'''), spread abroad among' the people the unfavourable report that the land was barren. — A7id ihey uttered\ X''i"in as in Job 8^*^, Eccl. 5^ of the bringing- forth of speech: cp. also Dt. 22^*. — An evil report] the word nm always has a sinister sense, whether, as here and in the same phrase in 142^- ^'^f, it is used of a false report, or, as in Gn. 372 (P) and probably also in Ezek. 36^, Pr. 25^", of the true report of evil doings. — The land] i.e. the whole land of Canaan : cp. v.^^. — Through which ive have passed] the same Hebrew phrase (n3 "IJi^y) is differently rendered by RV. in 14'^. — A land (hat eateth up its inhabitants] i.e. does not produce enough to support them ; see Ezek. 36^^'-, the point of which passage is — Judaea, devastated by its conquerors, and rendered in consequence infertile during the Exile, ate up its inhabitants ; but Yahweh is about to restore the fertility of the land (cp. v,8. 11. 80j^ and then it will no more eat up its inhabitants. The context in Ezek. renders the meaning of the phrase clear; and so, in the present case, does the antithesis in 14^ — the land is very good, i.e. a very fertile land. The same metaphor is used in Lev. 26^. 32b, 33. The report of the spies (JE), in continuation of y 2S(29) — ^11 i-i^g inhabitants of the land are very tali (cp. Am. 2°'-), but in particular the Nephilim, compared with whom the spies had seemed to themselves mere grasshoppers. In v.^ the 'Anakites, here the Nephilim, are singled out for special mention. — The sons of ' Anak are some of the Nephilini] The clause is certainly parenthetic, and probably a gloss ; it is omitted in (5; the "sons of 'Anak" (pjj? ^32) is a different phrase from that used in v. 22- 2s (p^y^, it«^i), and only occurs again in Dt. 9^. The etymology of CPSJ is far too uncertain to add anything to what can be gathered from this and the only other passage (Gn. 6^) in the OT. where the word occurs, as to the Hebrew legends about the class of giants called Nephilim. Several etymological speculations are cited and criticised by Di. on Gn. 6^; see also Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, p. 65 ; and for a theory based on extensive conjectural emendations, Cheyne in EBi. s.v. ** Nephilim." 152 NUMBERS nan] is claimed by Giesebrecht {ZATW. \. pp. 189, 228) as a possible Aramaism ; but see Driver in JPh. xi. 208. — 32. nno 'b-jn] the sing, is mn t5"N I Ch. 20'' (and hence to be restored in 2 S. 21^"); on the double plural see Dav. 15(3); G.-K. 124/1-5; in Is. 45'^ the pi. is mo 'b-jk. — 33. p] Ch. on Is. 51® (crit. note) suggests d'jd. XIV. 1-10. The people murmur at the report of the spies (JE P).— To P belong at least v.^-^-t. 10 ^nd part of v.^, the rest probably to JE ; see above, p. 132. 1 f. Disheartened by the report of the spies (13^'^"^^) the people lament and complain, and wish themselves already dead in Egypt or the wilderness. As Di. has pointed out, the subject is stated three times in these two verses ; note the three terms for the murmurers — All the congregation (i^ phil. n.), the people^ all the children of Israel (cp. 20^) ; the four verbs — they lifted up their voice (d"?1P HX "l^n"") . . . KtJTil), -wept, murmured — might be progressive statements ; but they are more probably due in part to the fact that three sources are here combined. — Atid t(tte7'ed their voice] nblp nx larT'l Gn. 45^ {]E).—And the people wept] i i^o- ^^- ^^- 20 (J) ; cp. 256 (P), 1 1* (J). — 2. That night] CH. 142^*^. — And . . . mvrmtired] ("li^''l) the same verb (Niphal or Hiphil) in Ex. 152* 17^ (JE) ; otherwise, like the noun (mpn), it is confined to P or R^ (CH. 114^). — Woidd that we had died i7t Egypt] cp. Ex. 14^"- (J), 16^ (P), also Nu. 20"^ (P). — In this wilderness] v.^^. — 3, 4 (JE). The people would rather return to Egypt than perish by the sword in the attempt to conquer Canaan ; they therefore propose to replace Moses by another leader, who shall lead them back to Egypt. It is not improbable that it was at this point in the narrative of JE that Caleb came forward, stilled the people, and gave an encouraging account of the land, 13^^. — IV/iy doth Yahweh bring us into this land] cp. v.^- ^^- 2*. — To fall by the sword] v.^^. The people fear the military power of the Canaanites ( 1 328- Sib. 33j . (,p^ Ex. 13^''' (E). The complaint against Yahweh is even more explicitly stated in Dt. i^^. With the question cp. Joshua's in Jos. "f (JE). Between 13^ and 14^ S inserts, with the necessary change of persons, Dt. i^'^; see also Field's Hexapla ; cp. the similar insertion before 13^ and see Introduction. — 1. lon'i . . . Nrr.i] The first verb agrees with the fern. subj. ; XIV. 1-9 153 the second is pi. owing (o the collective character of the subj. ; Kon. lii. 346c. KB-j here stands for bip nb-:, as in Is. 3^ 42^- ". — uViJ The root is possibly pV (cp. the parallel root ^^'J, \r<). S always has defective forms, never, as ^, e.g:, in v.^, such forms as cnr'?.x Note also the subst. mhn ; and see Nold. in ZDMG. xxxvii. 535 n. — 2. unci'?] Dav. 134; Dr. Tenses, 140. After uno S inserts ♦"' t3, cp. Ex. 16' JiJ. — 3. a'a] the simple adj. with comparative force : Kon. iii. 308^. — n*? v.t] laV n'n in Hex. only here, v.", Dt. i^; u also Nu. 31^.— 5. r\1^m^ . . . n:ru] S me'ii . . . jnj. 5-7. The counter-report of Joshua and Caleb (P). — The land is not unfertile as the other spies had said {13^^^), but very good. — 5. Alarmed by the blasphemous murmurings of the people (v.^), Moses and Aaron fall on their faces before all the congregation, — an act expressive of awe, or entreaty, or contrition before Yahweh ; cp. iG*-^- 17^° (16*^) 20^, Gn. 173-" (see Gunkel), Lev. 9^* (all P), Jos. 5^* f {} ; a fuller phrase). — 6, 7. Joshua and Caleb, separating themselves from their fellow-spies, rend their garments in grief at the conduct of the people, and assert, in contradiction of the report previously circulated (13^""), that the land is good, i.e. fertile. 8 f. (JE) The people's fear is groundless ; for if only they do not alienate Yahweh's favour by resisting Him, He will bring them into this fruitful country, the inhabitants of which, forsaken by their god(s), will be unable to offer any opposition to Israel advancing accompanied by Yahweh. At present this argument forms part of the speech of Joshua and Caleb, v.^^'. In JE, whence it is drawn, it was either addressed by Moses to the people (cp. Dt. i^^^-), or, perhaps more probably in view of its position here, formed the conclusion of Caleb's misplaced speech in 13^^^. — He will bring us into this land\ v.^- ^®. — 9. They are our bread] we shall conquer them as easily as we eat bread: cp. Ps. 14* ( = 53^) and the figurative use of "eat"(b3N) in, e.g., 24^, Jer. 10-^. — Their shadow has departed from them] this might be explained as an idiom springing out of a widespread belief in the intimate relation between a man and his shadow, and the consequent loss of vitality, and extreme peril involved in the loss of this shadow.* But it Is preferable to take the genitive as objective ( = the shadow hitherto cast protectingly over them). In that case b'i is used * See Frazer, GB. i. 285-292. 154 NUMBERS in a figTjratlve sense (R.V., here, "defence"), similar to that in which It Is used In Ps. 91^ 121^, Is. 30-'- 49^; the origin of the figure may be sought in the more fully expressed metaphors in Is. 25*32-. That the phrase "their shadow" refers to the god or gods of the Canaanltes is favoured by the following considerations: (i) the verbal idiom used here (^yo "11D) is the same as in i S. 28^^, Jud. 16-^; {2) in the fol- lowing and parallel clause Yahiaeh would thus form a pointed and antithetical subject ; (3) the thought is parallel, and the metaphor similar to those in Dt. ^z^^^- — " How should one chase a thousand . . . except their rock had sold them and Yahweh had delivered them up. For their rock is not as our Rock." Early Hebrew writers recognised the existence and indeed the power of the gods of other peoples, e.g. of Moab {2 K. 3-'^ — after the king of Moab's offering to his god (Mesha), Israel experiences the destructive wrath of Moab's god). — 10. The people are about to stone Joshua and Caleb (v.® ; also ? Moses and Aaron, v.^) ; but they are stayed by the appearance of the glory of Yahweh (cp. Ex. 16^'' P). According to P, the glory of Yahweh (■•"* 1133) was a fiery appearance (Ex. 24^^"^^, cp. 34"^"^^), manifesting the divine presence ; it was first seen on Mt. Sinai at the time of the giving of the Law (Ex. 24^^^^); subsequently it was a frequent though not constant appearance at the tabernacle (Ex. i6'^-^° — for "wilderness" read "tabernacle" — Lev. 9^- ^3^ Nu. 16^^ 17'^ (EV. 1 6*2) 20^). Two passages (Ex. 29*' 40^*') might seem to imply that the glory was a constant phenomenon ; but these must be interpreted in the light of the less ambiguous passages, unless, as is perhaps more probable, this difference is to be attributed to the author of the later strata of P. P's conception of the glory of Yahweh is markedly different from that of other Hexateuchal sources ; see below on v.-^ ; and, further, art. "Glory" in DB. 5. StH\ Dav. 113 (5); G.-K. 1450; note G iireaey. — mj; ^np] Ex. 12', and cp. phil. n. on 1- ; (Sc here recog-nises only one of the s3'nonyms. — 7. pNn . . . pxn] Driver, Tenses, 197, Obs. (2).— ^ND n.s-c] Gn. 7'^ (P), 30^ (J), 1 K. 7*^ 2 K. ID'*, Ezek. 37'** ; cp. n.xo iHSn, which is peculiar to P and Ezek. ; see L.O.T. 132 ; CH. 63. — 9. d.tVi'D d'^s no] V;/d niD with a personal subject denotes the cessation of -forolectiiig accompaniynent \ see Driver on i S. XIV. 10, II 155 28". — □?!» is paraphrased by the Versions : C5 6 Kotpos (influenced, perhaps, b}^ the idea appearing- in Gn. 15^^) ; !F omne prcBsiditnn ; and Su") of "jpD. The Mishnah uses both bpo and on.— hnh]] ^ + py3 : cp. Ex. 16^" %\. 11-24. Moses' intercession. — Yahweh proposes to destroy the rebellious people, and to make of Moses a yet greater nation (v.^^^-) ; Moses seeks to deter Yahweh from His purpose by an appeal to (i) His regard for His reputation among the nations (v.^^- ^'^^) ; (2) His mercy (v.^^*^"^^). Yahweh relents (v.^''), but insists that none of the present generation, except Caleb, shall enter the promised land (v.^^"^*). With the present intercession cp. Ex. 32^"^* ^z^o-z^ ^^ss.j also Gn. J 8^6-33. and see note on ii^. It has been very generally felt that in its present form this section is not derived from the early prophetic sources. The close affinity in thought of v.^"" with Ezek. is specially noticeable. Kue. assigns the passage to the 7th century: "Num. xiv. 11-25, i" its present form, must likewise date from the seventh century. The pericope [though not necessarily the whole of it : corresponding to Nu. 14^1"-'* there is but J (33). 31-36 ij, £)j J jg older than Deut. i.-iv., as a comparison of vv. 22-24 with Deut. i. 35, 36 shows beyond dispute : but, on the other hand, vv. 17, iS proves that it is either dependent upon Ex. xxxiv. 6, 7, or of identical origin with it. Compare, further, vv. 11-16 with Ex. xxxii. vv. 9-14 and 21 with Is. vi. 3, which the writer has followed " {Hexa/euch, 241). Similarly Wellhausen : "The additions with which here [i.e. in c. xiv.] the main narrative (J) is enriched, are mainly composed by the Jehovist himself; so, especially, is the long speech (vv. 11-25) ^ ^^^^ composition of his on the basis of an originally quite small kernel ; cp. Ex. 32*'^ 34*^-, Ezek. 20." {Comp. p. 104.) Similarly Meyer, ZATW. i. p. 140; Corn. Einleitung,'^ p, 73; Socin in Kautzsch's Bible; Bacon, Triple Tradition, p. 187, footnote; Di., CH. 11. How long] For similar indignant questions put into the mouth of Yahweh, see Ex. lo^ (J), 16-^ (P), Hos. 8-\ Jer. 156 NUMBERS 23*^. — In spite of all the signs\ the plagaies of Eg-ypt, and the wonders of the Exodus and of the journey through the wilderness ; see v.^^. — In their midst\ in fi^ the suffix referring' to the people is sing-, here and throug-hout the next v.; so in reference to the Eg-yptians in v.^^; then the suffixes are pi. from v.^* onwards; cp. 11* phil. n. — 12. Cp. Ex. 32^^, Dt. 9^*. — / •will smite them "with an epidemic] the Hebrew word (im) is used of diseases in general that cause great mortality ; cp. 2 S. 24^^-^^, Jer. 14^2^ Ex. 9^^. — Aftd dishiherit them] or, with abandonment of the specific meaning of the verb (B'^lin), destroy thein, cp. Ex. 15^. — And I 'will make thee] (5 S + and thy fathet's house. — Yahweh proposes to make of Moses a nation greater atid mightier than the present, which by its existence redeemed His earlier and similar promise to Abraham (Gn. 122 (J), 18I8 (J2) ; cp. Dt. 265, Is. 5i2)._i3_i7, xhe text of v.^^'- is unintelligible, and the Versions furnish no appreciable emendations ; see phil. notes. But the point of Moses' appeal is quite clear, for it is contained in v.^^~^^, which is straightforward. If, he says, you destroy the people, the peoples who have heard of your fame will conclude that it is a hollow fame, and that you destroyed your people simply because you were incapable of bringing them into Canaan. The problem, therefore, is : How is Yahweh to inflict that punishment on a rebellious people which His moral nature de- mands, and yet maintain the reputation of His power among the peoples of the world? The same problem presented itself to Ezekiel, who saw in the Exile the punishment of the nation's sins and the vindication of Yahweh's moral nature, and believed, as a necessary consequence, in a future restoration, which should vindicate Yahweh's power, and prove to the nations that Yahweh was indeed Yahweh : see especially Ezek. 36^6-362^21-29 (cp. Driver, L.O.T. p. 295), and cp. the prophet's treatment of the problem raised by these rebellions in the wilderness, Ezek. 20^^-. The idea occurs also, though with less pro- minence, in Is. 48^^ 52^'-. — 13 f. Perhaps, since the following verses contain the real point of the speech (see previous note), these verses have been gradually built up of glosses, and their broken construction and unintelligibility is due to such XIV. 12-20 157 an orlg-in, rather than, as some have sug-gested, to Moses' emotion. Cp. with them, in general, Ex. 32^^^-. — V.^^ as it stands must be rendered — Ajzd the Egvptians will hear that (or, far less probably, because) Thou hro74ghtest up by Thy might this people from their midst. But the Egyptians do not need to hear in the future what they have already experienced in the past. The rendering. The Egyptians have both heard . , . v.^* and said to the i^ihabitants, etc., is in itself most questionable, and, if admitted, hardly yields better sense. — 14. This land\ Canaan ; cp. v.^, but here the phrase is inaptly used. — Eye to eye, Is. 52^; cp. the similar locutions in 12^, Ex. 33^^ — 14b. A fusion of phrases and ideas to be found in different narratives of the cloud ; see Ex. 1326 33^- (n^y), Nu. io3i._15. This condi- tional sentence would form a very suitable beginning to Moses' appeal, and was, perhaps, originally such : see preceding notes. — As one man] completely and without exception, Jud. 6^^. — TV/io have heard Thy fame] in itself the Hebrew phrase scarcely means more than "who have heard about Thee"; cp. Gn. 29^^. — 16. Dt. 928. — 17. But now let the power of my Loj-d be great] let Yahweh exert His power in some other way than He has proposed, that the nations as well as Israel may realise His might ; cp. Jos. 7^*-. Or, possibly, as v.^^ would suggest, n3 rather means {moral) power, or control by the exercise of which Yahweh pardons ; cp. Nah. i^ (also Job 36^). Adonai[ = " my lord") of and in address to Yahweh is not infrequent in J, especially in J 2 ; see, e.g., Gn. iS^^- so, Ex. 410. is ^22 .^s . B^g^ s.v. jns, 3 (2). CK S here read let Thy power, O Lord. — As Thou didst say] at Sinai. — 18. The quotation is from Ex. 34^^- ; the clause "keeping mercy for thousands" (Ex. 34') is here omitted. — 19. According to Thy great kindness] cp. Ps. 51^^^^ — 19b. Cp. Ex. 32-34. — 20. Yahweh so far promises to forgive, that He grants Moses' request not to slay the people one and all, v.15.— 21-23. Cp. 3210'-, Dt. 1^. RV. wrongly makes ^3 in V.22 causal (see phil. n.) : v.21-23 should rather be rendered as follows : — As surely as I live, and {as surely as) the whole earth shall he full of the glory of Yahweh, none of the men who have seen My glory and My signs which I wrojtght in Egypt and the wilderness, and yet have put Me to the proof these ten 158 NUMBERS times, and have not hearkened to My voice, shall see the land. — As I live] men swear, thoug-h not exclusively (see Gn. 42^^^-, 2 S. 1521, 2 K. 22), by Yahweh (cp. e.^. Jud. S^^, i S. 1439), Yahweh by Himself: cp. Gn. 22^*^. Cp. the oaths of the modern Bedawin : " The nomads will confirm every word with an oath, as commonly wa hydt, * by the life of ; but this is not in the Wahaby country, where every oath which is by the life of any creature they hold to be ' idolatry.' They swear 'wa hyat, even of thing's inanimate ; * by the life of this fire or of this co^ee,' hydtak, 'by thy life,' wa hydt rukbaty, * by the life of my neck,' are common affirmations in their talk" (Doughty, Ar. Deserta, i. 269). — 21b. Cp. Is. 6^, Ps. 72^^. Here and in the next v. (where note the parallel my signs), the ^lory of Yahweh is the revelation of His character and power in history; cp. Ps. 96^ (|| " marvellous works"), and ct. v.^*^ (where see note).— 22b. The verb HDJ (cp. Ex. I'j^-'', Dt. 6^"; means "to test or prove a person to see whether he will act in a particular way" (Driver, Deut. p. 95); the sin of the people consisted in losing" their faith in Yahweh, and constantly putting" Him to the proof after He had repeatedly manifested His power and goodwill toward them (cp. v.^^). — These ten times] or, as we might say, a dozen times, i.e. frequently ; cp. Job 19^. The Talmud ('Arakin i^ab) takes " ten " literally, and explains by reference to two temptations at the Red Sea (Ex. 14^^, Ps. 106'^), two in demanding water (Ex. 15^^ 17-), two for food (Ex. 1620-27), two for flesh (Ex. 16^, Nu. 11*), the golden calf, and the spies. CH. also think that the numbei may belong to a systematised tradition. — 23. After " to their fathers " fflr here inserts btct as for their children who are here with Me, as many as have not known' good and evil, every one that is young and inexperienced, to them will I give the land ; cp. Dt. i^^, and see Bacon, Triple Tradition, p. 188 n. — All them that despised Me] v.^^. — 24. But Caleb, in reward for (npj?) the fact that his disposition toward Yahweh had been different, receives the promise from Yahweh that he shall receive, and his seed inherit, the district whither he had gone as spy, i.e. Hebron (13^2); the sequel is to be found in Jos. 14^"^^, especially v.^2-u^ See also Jud. 1-'^ (where, as in Jos. XIV. 21 -2$ 159 14^ the promise is referred to Moses), Jos. 15^' (to Yahweh through Joshua). — My servant Caleb] cp. ** My servant Moses," 12^. — The land 'whither he went] more specifically in Dt. i^*", Jos. 14^ **the Jand that he (thy foot) hath trodden upon." 11. n:N ly] in the Hexateuch only here, Ex. 16-^ (P) and Jos. 18^ (D) : elsewhere also only from 7th century onwards — Jer. 47^, Hab. i^ Ps. is"-^* 62"', Job 18^ iQ't- The synonymous 'no ly (v.^) is found in all periods, e.g. Ex. io3-7(J), Hos. 85, Is. 6", Zech. i^\ Neh. 2\ Dn. 8'3.— Sdd] ?="in spite of," as, e.g., Is. 5-^ ; BDB. s.v. a iii. 7.— 14. iv' ha noNi] ? ffir 5 3? omit bn : S treats IJI 3C" as subj. of ncxi ; G has dXXa koI iravres instead of rsNT (? + ha), and then makes iji ^b" the subj. of ij?db'. — ni.T nxnj . . . not] Read r\^-]i for the anomalous nx^J : forasmuch as thou, Yahweh, art seen. — nnx (2) ffi^ S omit.— 15. nnoni] S noni.— lycc] C5 S) "Ctr. — 16. n.^i;] only ag-ain Dt. 9^ ; G.-K. 6gn. — ct2n!:"i] nn*?.— -20. ni.^] © S + nc-rh.—2i. \-im Va ns »"' ma n'^o'i] both ace. are here by a very infrequent cstr. retained with the passive : Dav. 81, R. 2. — 22. '3] here simply introduces the fact sworn to ; so frequently ; see, e.g., Gn. 42'^, i S. 20^ ; BDB. 4720.-23. UT\Zi>h] S + D.i'? nn"? : for the much longer insertion in (5 see above. — 24. '"inx n'jo] is a pregnant phrase (for nnx na*?*? n'7d) = " to follow completely and uninterruptedly " ; it is used of Caleb's conduct here and in 32^^'-, Dt. i", Jos. I4^*''*", Eccl. 46®: otherwise but once — i K. 11^. — niViv] 33*3 n. 25. TTie 'Amalekite and the Canaanite were dwelling in the vale] the connection of this clause (neglected in Dt. 1**' = clause b of this v.) with the context is not obvious, nor can we tell to what special *'vale" the writer refers. Further a comparison with v.'*'^- *^- ^^ 13^', Dt. i**, raises difficulties that cannot be entirely surmounted. Perhaps the least of these is the apparent direct contradiction (avoided by S, which reads "mountain" here) between this v. and v.^. Here, the 'Amalekite and Canaanite are said to dwell in the vale ; there, in the mountain. But the Hebrew word in means hill- country as well as an individual peak or mountain ; and the word used for valley, 'Emek, "literally deepening, is a high- lander's word for a valley as he looks down into it, and is l6o NUMBERS never applied to any extensive plain away from hills, but always to wide avenues running* up into a mountainous country like the vale of Elah, the vale of Hebron, and the vale of Ajalon" (G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 384: cp. p. 654 f.; also Driver in DB. s.v. "Vale"). Consequently the same people might be described as dwelling" in an 'Emek or vale, and in the /u'lr or hill-country.* But whether the writer, who speaks consistently of the hill-country in v.***^^, would have described the inhabitants of the district in the present abrupt manner as dwelling" in a vale which he does not define, is quite another question. Again, although we might harmonise the present v. with 13^^, so far as the Canaanites are concerned, on the ground that the Jordan valley, at least a part of it (though certainly not the sea- coast also), was an ^ Emek (cp. Jos. 13^'') ; yet why are the Canaanites and 'Amalekites, whose districts are there dis- tinguished, here united as dwellers in the vale? Certainly the Negeb and the Jordan vale are not interchangeable terms ; and, moreover, any reference to the Jordan valley would be out of place here. Again, if 13^^ has any meaning at all, it contrasts the Canaanites as lowlanders with the Amorites and others as highlanders ; yet in 14*^ both Canaanites and 'Amalekites appear as highlanders, and we find no mention of Amorites ; while in the parallel account to y 40-45 \^ -QX.. 1*1-4* Amorites take the place of Canaanites and 'Amalekites. See below on v.'*^: and also above on 13^^. 25b = Dt. i*°. To-inorro'iv\ 11^^ n. — Ttirn\ changing your present northern to a southern course. — By the "way of Yam Siiph] the Gulf of 'Akabah (cp. 21*, i K. g^^). Clay Trumbull regards the way of Yam Suph (?nD D' "I"i"l) as a specific term, always (Ex. 13^^, Nu. 21*, Dt. i"**^ 2^) denoting the same road, viz. that connecting the top of the Gulf of Suez with Elah at the top of the Gulf of 'Akabah [Kadesh-Barnea, pp. 7f., 352- 363) ; but this does not suit the present context ; for the people would need to make a long march through the wilder- ness from Kadesh before they struck this road. The meaning • Cp. also Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 427 f. XIV. 25-2S i6i seems to be, therefore: Turn back into the wilderness in the direction of Yam Suph. 'p'?Ci'n] v.^'*'*', Gn. 14''— the only instances in the Hexateuch of the gentilic form. Elsewhere the people are called p'?~V, see 13"^ 24"" (Gn. 36"-^®), Ex. I'j^t Dt. 25"-'^. — 3E''] sing, after two subjects, cp. v.^' ; so after three subjects in 13^': Dav. 114a. — -i3iD.i] S maian: cp. Dt. i* %. 26-39a, The condemnation to the forty years' wandering (P). — Yahweh swears that as a punishment for their mur- murino- (v ^'''•) all the people above twenty years old (v.-^), except Caleb and Joshua (v. 2*'), shall die in the wilderness ^y 29. 35^^ in which they shall lead a nomadic life (v.^) for forty years. At the end of forty years the children of the present generation will be brought into Canaan (v.^^"^^). All the spies except Caleb and Joshua are (? immediately) cut off by a divine visitation (v.^^"^^). In view of the difficulty of separating with confidence any elements from JE which may be embodied in this passage (above, p. 132), it can- not be safely used as evidence that the term of forty years for the wanderings in the wilderness was found in that source, still less for its presence in either of the two ultimate sources J or E. But it is clear on other grounds that "the forty years" formed part of early Hebrew tradition : see Am. 2'° 5"'. In the Hexateuch this period of wandering is elsewhere referred to in P (26'^'* 23^)^ ^"^ frequently in D (Dt. i' 2' 29'' (^'). Otherwise in the Hexateuch the references to it (32'^, Jos. I4''* ^'') are confined to passages which appear to be late eclectic compositions based on P, JE, and D. In both P and D the Forty Years' Wandering is a period of punishment ; on the other hand, passages in the early prophets seem to imply that the period was regarded as one of special divine favour (Am. 2^'- 5"^'-, Hos. 2'*(^'*)). The two points of view are not necessarily irreconcilable : but, under the circumstances, it cannot be safely concluded that the punitive character of the wanderings was a primitive element in the story. Meyer (p. 140) seeks to show positively that J knew nothing of a forty years' wandering, but reg-arded the entrance into Canaan as following immediately on the report of the spies ; cp. Steuernagel, 70-77. 26. The insertion of the long- passage, v.^'^"-^, from another source obscures the immediate sequence of the appearance ot the divine glory, v.^^, and the divine speech, v.^^ff-, which was expressed in P here as elsewhere (16^'' 17'^"^ 20^*-, Ex. i6^^'-). — 27. How long are the people to murmur (cp. v.^ note) with impunity? On the construction of the v., see phil. n. — 27b. Cp. Ex. i6^-^2 ^p), — 28 f, No longer: the murmurers shall be II 1 62 NUMBERS punished by having- the wish they had expressed in their discontent (v. 2) fulfilled : all above twenty years of age shall die in this wilderness^ i.e. the wilderness of Paran (13^0.). — 28. Say unto thern\ the vb. in |^ is sing., the subj. *' Moses " : ct. "Moses and Aaron" in v.^^, and cp. i^ n. — Saith Vahwe/i] the phrase nin'' DW, so common in the prophets from Amos to Malachi, occurs elsewhere in the Hexateuch only in Gn. 22^^, where, as here, it introduces the words of a divine oath. On the different use of DX3 in the Songs of Balaam, see on 24^. — As I live] v.2^ n. ; though not found elsewhere in P, this formula of the oath in the mouth of Yahweh is common in Ezekiel (see, ^.^., 5^1 j^ie. is. 20j_ — 29. Vour carcases] v. ^"^•, the word "i:d is used of the dead body whether of men (e.^^. Am. 8^) or animals {e.£: Gn. 15^^) ; as here, it is used con- temptuously in Lev. 26^°, Ezek. 6^. — All that were numbered of you . . . from twenty years old and upwards] for the phraseology, cp. c. i, passim. — 30 f. You, the men of this generation, with the exception of Joshua and Caleb, shall certainly not enter Canaan ; but your little children, fear for whose fate you made the pretext for your complaints, shall be brought thither by Yahweh. It may be assumed that the family of Aaron is tacitly included in the exception. Ele'azar must be thought of as over twenty years of age at this time (see 33f-s2 ^i6^ g^. 28^, cp. "f), yet he entered Canaan (Jos. 14^ 17* etc. in P, and 24^^ j^ y.). Vou (DHX), v.^, is in emphatic antithesis to your little children, v.^^ — / lifted up My hand] i.e. swore (cp. Ex. 6^ (P) ; Ezek. 20^- ^- '^- "^ (hence Ps. 106^^) 28.42 267 ^^12 471*1); in all these cases the vb. is ^m ; in Gn. 14^^ the synonymous D"'in is used. For the promise here referred to, see Gn. 17^: cp. 28* 35^" 48*, Ex. 6^. — Caleb . . . ^oshua] for this order cp. 26^, 32^-: ct. v.^. — 31a. Cp. v.'; the presence of this clause in Dt. i^^ p? is due to late glossing (ct. Gf). The extent to which the parallel narratives were amplified from one another is further illustrated by S, which here inserts from Dt. i^^ and your children who this day have no knowledge of good of evil, they shall enter the land. — And they shall know] lyT'l ; or, perhaps, shall possess (1t^'"l"'"l) ; so C5 ; cp. Dt. i^^ ftf. — The land which ye despised] owing XIV. 28-35 1^3 to the report that it was infertile, 13^'*; this last clause shows that we have to do here with a passage from P, or, at least, dependent on P's account of the report of the spies. According- to JE the people did not despise, but feared the land. — 32 f. While the present generation gradually dies off, the generation which is ultimately to enter Canaan must lead a nomadic life in the wilderness. — Your children shall be shepherds\ RV. text "wanderers^ strictly presupposes D''i/'J (cp. 32^^), but is really due to Jewish exegesis as represented in 2C J®" and F [vagi). ^ also paraphrases, tarrying. — And they (your children) shall bear the consequences (cp. 12"), i.e. the punishment, oi your whoredom (probably singular), i.e. of your unfaithfulness to Yahweh. Though the children do not bear the full weight of punishment, yet they share it (cp. v.^^) : the forty years in the wilderness are here regarded as a period of punishment for all concerned. The figure of whoredom is used in the prophets and other writers, especially and very appropriately, for unfaithfulness to Yahweh shown in courting foreign alliances {e.g. Ezek. 16^^ 22-''^-), or practising for- bidden cults [e.g. Hos. 2^ ^^^ 9^) ; here the original force and appropriateness of the figure have been lost, and it is used simply of the reprehensible unbelief of the people. — 33b. Until your carcases he complete in the 'wilder7iess\ till the last of you shall have died. The verb DJDn means '*to be complete," cp. Dt. 3i24-3o. j|- js often used as here more or less elliptic- ally; cp. e.g. Gn. 47^^, Nu. 32^^, Dt. 2}^ (but fully expressed in v.^^). — 34. According to the number of the days (13^^) •wherein ye., i.e. the people as a whole by their representa- tives, the spies, spied out the land. — Shall ye bear the con- sequences of yout iniquities ; the subject is again the people as a whole — not the fathers only, for the whole sentence would then imply that these died altogether at the end of the forty years. — And ye shall know] shall experience, cp. e.g. Hos. 9'^. — My opposition] the exact meaning of nxiJn which ffi paraphrases [tov dv/xov t?}9 6p'yP]<; fiou) is uncertain : the noun occurs elsewhere only in Job 33^°, and there the text is doubtful. Cp. the use of the verb in 30^ 32'^. — 35. I?i this wilderness shall their number be completed, and there shall 164 NUMBERS they die] virtually a hendiadys — one and all shall die there. — 36-38. The spies, with the exception of Joshua and Caleb, are cut off at once by a visitation of God. — 36. Cp. 13^'^*. — 36b. Cp. 1325a. 32a. 142a _37 The plague\ nD3D is any form of death regarded as inflicted directly by Yahweh for an express purpose, whether for punishment or for some other reason — cp. 1713-15 (i648-50), Ex. 91*, Zech. 14^2, Ezek. 24I6, and see CH. 125''. — 39a. In accordance with the command (v.^^) Moses reports Yahweh's words (v.^"^) to the people. 27. ''jy . . • n^5;S 'na ny] The explanations generally offered of the construction are (i) there is an ellipsis (or loss) of a verb such as n'jDX (v.^^) or NCN (Cler., Rosenm., Keil, RV.), hence: Hoisj long shall I forgive this evil congregation ; (2) the sentence 'Vj/ . . . "12'N is the subj. and myS is construed as dd'? in Mic. 3^ : How long shall this evil congregation murmur against Me: so, after some older commentators, Di., Reuss, Kautzsch ; cp. ^. There are no very satisfactory parallels for the use of ncN, but see 2 S. 14", Zech. 8^. Neither explanation is quite satis- factory : the clause 'Vj; . . . ncx might very easily have arisen by dittography from the end of the v. — 30. osnx pi:''?] pc with a personal obj. occurs elsewhere only in Jer. 'f-'^. — 31. 'nx'am] Dr. Tenses, 123a. — cnx] ffi + pKn ha. — 32. dhn Dsnjsi] For the added pronoun emphasising the suffix, see Dav. i; G.-K. 135/^ — 33. nD'mJi] the form is probably not intended to be pi.; see Kon. iii. 258/. — 34. r\mh dv nw'? dt dt d'j;31n] Ezek. 4®. — 35. 121?:] In ^ this was probably intended to be read as a Kal : cp. v.^' ; the form even as punctuated in MT. can be explained, not as a Niphal, but as a Kal: G.-K. 67^; St. 523c?.— 36. The whole of v.*' qualifies D'U'JNn, which is a casus pendens resumed by D'B'JNn in the follow- ing V. ; the predicate is introduced by waw conv. with the impf. (ino'i) in v.^ ; cp. Dr. 127a. 39b-45 (JE). The presumption of the people, and their defeat at Hormah. — At the communication of the divine sentence (v. 25) the people are much grieved, and now insist on attempt- ing to enter the land of promise : Moses vainly endeavours to dissuade them, and refuses to go himself or to suffer the ark to go with them. The people make the attempt, are attacked by the 'Amalekites and Canaanites, and driven back to Hormah. V.'«o-45 have been and can be assigned to JE with confidence : the w. contain no marks of P's style, many of that of JE, such as iJJn and Dosfn v.-"*, ni ns'? v."!, mp3 v.^^ (p uses -ma), p ^y o and d3DJ? rm- v.''^ ; see CH. 104, 200, 89, 58, 35, 130 J^. Some have assigned the whole section to E XIV. 36-40 165 in particular; so Kue., Corn., Kit., Bacon; and Meyer (p. 133) inclines to the same view on the understanding that the " Canaanite and the 'Amalekite " is a redactorial substitute for "the Amorite " (cp. Dt. i*^) ; cp. also We. Comp. 104 f. Others {e.g. Di., CH.) regard the passage as composite ; CH. assign v.^*' to E, v.''^-'^ to J ; Steuernagel, v.*°-^-^^ to E, y_43. 45 (though not in their present form) to J. Certainly v.^^ is a bad sequence to v.^", and v.'"' as it now runs was not the original preface to v.^^ (but see on v.^"). In i::n there may possibly be a distinctive mark of E ; in m HD^, p hy '3, and perhaps in nVs v.*^ (cp. CH. 66-'^) and mpn marks of J, and in v.^*** a view of the position of the ark that is certainly not E's. Still the data seem insufficient for a detailed analysis. In so far as the passage refers to Hormah, its origin cannot be adequately considered without reference to the other notices of Hormah. See on 21^"*. In substance this passage is reproduced in Dt. i«-*4 with these chief differences : in Dt. nothing corresponds to the going up into the mountain of v.^*, the rebuke to the people placed in Moses' mouth in Nu. v.^^'* is given as (in the first place) a divine communication to Moses in Dt. ; nothing in Dt. corresponds to v.^^- *^'', and for "the 'Amalekite and Canaanite" of v.'*^-'*' Dt. has "Amorite." In Dt. the incident is immedi- ately yb//ow^cf by the record of the stay of the people at Kadesh. 39. And the people moiirned\ the vb. P3Xnn occurs else- where in the Hex. only in Gn. 37^^, Ex. 33* (JE). — 40. In Dt. v.^^** and v.*° are immediately connected ; thus v.^^^ = Dt. 1*0; v.*'^ = Dt. i*i\ Instead of obeying- Yahweh's com- mands and starting on the morrow {w.'^'^^) southward from Kadesh, they rise up early (on the next day) and go, or propose to go, northward in the direction of Canaan. — And they "went up into the top of the niountain\ this strangely anticipates v.*"*^ (for why should the people ascend to the summit before announcing their intention, and why should Moses suffer himself to be dragged by them so far in the wrong direction) and still more v.**, and appears to be in- consistent with v.*^, which represent the 'Amalekites and Canaanites coining down on the Hebrews. These difficulties are not wholly obviated by assigning-, with CH., v.*° to E, and v.*^~'*^ to J — an analysis, moreover, which is not favoured by the recurrence of the same phrase (»*{<"» h^ 'hv "inn) in v.**^ and **. It would be preferable to regard and they •went tip into the top of the mountain here as an accidental intrusion from v.**. With the phrase, cp. and ct. 13^^. The top of the moujitain generally means the summit of a particular peak [e.g. Gn. 8^, Ex. \(f^ ', cp. 17^), but here, apparently, the l66 NUMBERS heights of the hill-country. — To the place of lohich Yahiaeh spoke] lo^^ (J): cp, also Gn. 22^-^ (E). — F'or we have sinned] in refusing- to go up; cp. v.^- *, Dt. i32fE. 41. fQj. ^ similar confession of the people, see 21^ (JE) ; cp. also Ex. 32^^ (E), Nu. 22^* (J), 12^1 (E), Jos. y^^ (JE). — 41. Seeing it cannot prosper] viz. what you purpose. — 42. Ill-success must attend the attempt of the people ; since, in consequence of their dis- obedience (v.*^, Dt. i*^), Yahweh, whose presence secures victory, (cp. v.® 10^^), will not be with them. — Go not up] to the land of promise or to the top of the mountain ? See n. on v.43._42b. Cp. Dt. i^, Lev. 26" (H).— 43. The 'Amalekite and the Canaanite] so in v.^^ ; but in Dt. i*^ " The Amorite " : cp. above, p. 145 f. — There] this will refer either to the land of promise (v.*'^''), or to the mountain country (v.*"'^), if the clause "and they went up to the top of the mountain" in v.*°* be original, and v.^** the original prelude to v.^^. If the reference be to v.*"'', then the inhabitants of the land of promise are described by the unusual combination "'Amalekite and Canaanite"; "the Amorite" of Dt. is, on the other hand, E's usual term for the pre-Israelitish inhabitants of Canaan. If the reference be to the mountain of v.*°% then the Canaanites here, as quite clearly in v.*^, appear as highlanders ; ct. 13^^ 14^*, and see the notes there. — 44. The meaning of the first word of the v. is uncertain (see phil. n.) ; but in view of the next v. and the parallel in Dt. i*^'- it is possible that the statement does not imply that the people actually reached the summit, but that they attempted the ascent heedlessly and lightheartedly. — 44b. Omitted in Deut. — The ark of the covenant of Vahweh] lo^^ n. — The v. seems to imiply that the customary place of the ark was within the camp. But if this be so, then, since the ark and the tent of revelation can hardly be separated, and it is perfectly clear that, according to E's point of view the tent was outside the camp (Ex. 33^"^^ : cp. pp. 98, ii4f. above), this v. must come from another source, presumably J. Then J, in this mattef as in several others, is the source from which P draws ; for P's elaboration of the idea of the central position of the ark, see above, p. 17 ff. — 45. And the 'Amalekite and Caiiaanite who dwelt in that XIV. 41-45 16; hill-country came down] to meet the Hebrews as they were attempting- the ascent; see on v.^^ and cp. 13^'^^. In Dt. i*'^ the direction is stated more neutrally — ** And the Amorite who dwelt in that hill-country came out to meet you." Here, as in 13^^, the country immediately ahead of the people is de- scribed as hill-country. — Unto Hormah\ Hormah, originally, according to P, a royal Canaanite city, and subsequently one of the cities allotted to Judah or Simeon, is frequently men- tioned as situated in the extreme south of the Hebrew territory, ai^, Jud. i^^, i S. 303", Dt. i«, Jos. 12!* (D), 1530 19* (P), I Ch. /^^. The identification of Hormah with Sebaita, 25 miles N.N.E. of 'Ain-Kadis ( = Kadesh), rests on a philo- logically unsound connection of Sebaita with Sephath — the former name of Hormah (Jud. i^^). The line of pursuit is more fully described in Dt. 1** as "from (so G .S F) Seir to Hormah." — ffi S add at the end of the v., Aiid they returned to the camp. 40. ir^ri] Dr. Tenses, 123. — 5i. 'B nn nay] here, 22" 24^' only In Hex. — N'.t] Dav. I, R. 2 ; G.-K. 135/).— 43. mn3 Dn'?33i] v.^; here and there only in Hex. — p ^V o] cp. 10" n.~ii. niVy^ ^ht>V"i\ Dt. i^^ m'?;''? irnni ; Dt. \^ mm iSvni. The ij^tirj in Hebrew is known only by i. the Pual form nVsj; Hab. 2*, where the text is probably corrupt ; 2. the Hiphil, found only here ; 3. the substantive h-^]}, meaning, a. " a hill," b. "a boil or tumour." Some such meaning eis " to swell " may be the starting-point of the meanings i and 3, and also of the Arabic derivatives of J^j: : then, metaphorically, iV3j."i may mean " they acted proudly or presumptuously " ; cp. Ti in Dt. Or, connecting with J,ij { = neglexit vel omisit rem), we may perhaps infer that it is parallel to the J'n of Dt., and means "they acted carelessl}-, thoughtlessly." The VV. appear to guess : ffi dLa^iaaifievoL, S Q_ij_»0 { — and they began), F contenebrati, Onk. U'ts'ixi. — wd] the other occurrences in the Hex. of v'T::r\ 2>id are Ex. 1322 (J), 33" (E), Jos. i^ (D).— 45. DinD'i] Aramaising Hiphil from nnD, G.-K. 67/— nonnn] here only with the art. ; the word means " the sacred place" ; cp. jioin, and see EBi. s.v. " Names," §98. The philological resemblance of Sebaita, or Esbata (UjU-j^), and Sephath (ns ? II B »i ^(T M a >» a >i Whether Ezek. reproduces the fixed or customary quanti- ties offered in Jerusalem in the years immediately before the Exile, or establishes his scale independently of previous practice, cannot be determined ; but, as compared with his, the present scale appears to be the young-er; for note (i) Ezekiel's scale is only to govern public offerings, — the offerings of the prince or representative of the people, — whereas the present scale applies to private as Avell as public offerings ; (2) an optional element remains in Ezekiel ; {3) the amount of meal, oil, and wine is systematically adapted to the size of the animal in the present scale. On this ground, then, the substance of the law may be regarded as at least as late as the middle of the 6th cent. The scale is elsewhere recognised only in P: see c. 28 f., Ex. 2(^^~^'^. In Lev. 7I1-1* we appear to have an older law which leaves the quantities accompanying a private offering entirely undefined ; cp. also Lev. 8^*^. Any attempt systematically to fix the amount of material to be offered appears to have been first made at a comparatively late period ; though Dt. \&^- ^^ is just as little in direct conflict with the present law as Lev. 2 (see above). But taken to- gether, I S. i^* (S (5) 10^ do not favour the conclusion that a fixed relation, such as Ezek. and the present law demand, between the amount of animals and meal and wine offered existed in early Israel. For other illustrations of fixed quanti- ties, see c. 28 f.; also Lev. 6^^^- ^^"^-^ (P), which fixes xV ephah of fine meal as the quantity of " Aaron's oblation " ; Lev. 23^^ (H) 24^ (P), which fix 1^ ephah as the amount for each of the XV. 171 two loaves offered at the Feast of Weeks and for each of the twelve loaves of shewbread respectively. In the offering's mentioned in 5^^ and Lev. 5^^^- (P) yV ephah of meal without oil is the fixed amount. See also Lev. 23^'' (P^) Considerably more ancient than the exact regulation of the amounts to be offered was the practice of associating meal, wine, and oil with animal offerings. "Among the Hebrews vegetable or cereal oblations were sometimes presented by themselves [5^^^-, Lev. 2. 5^^^-], especially in the form of first- fruits, but the commonest use of them was as an accom- paniment to an animal sacrifice. When the Hebrew ate flesh, he ate bread with it and drank wine, and when he offered flesh on the table of his God, it was natural that he should add to it the same concomitants which were necessary to make up a comfortable and generous meal."* Cp. Jud. 9^- 1^, i S. i^* lo^ Hos. 9*, Mic. 6^. The amount of salt, which also, having- probably been from an early period a customary, was made an obligatory (Lev. 2^^) accompaniment of meal-offering's, is not regulated by this law (cp. Ezr. 7--) ; nor is the amount of frankincense (Lev. 2^). In Ezek. wine is not even mentioned ; but it would be, in view of the references to early literature just given, a wholly erroneous conclusion to infer that wine was first made an accompaniment of offerings after the time of Ezekiel. But while it was customary in all periods after the settle- ment in Canaan to combine meal- and animal-offering's, it is highly probable that the rigid insistence that every animal offered as a peace- or burnt-offering' vitisi be accompanied by a gift of meal, oil, and wine was, like the exact regulation of quantities, and the insistence on the meal being fine meal (5^^ n,), very far from primitive ; that it was, indeed, the result of the divorce of sacrifice from ordinary everyday life, and the increasing priestly organisation which alike resulted from the centralisation of worship effected by the Josianic Reformation. Gradually other customs connected with these offerings passed into fixed regulations, some of which may be found in the Mishnah tractate Menahoth. * W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites^ 204 f., ' 222. 172 NUMBERS The law itself (v.^) rightly recognises that offerings of meal, oil, and wine were not coeval among the Hebrews with offerings of animals. Animals, the natural offerings of nomads, were the more ancient form of offering; meal, oil, and wine were later : they are at most occasionally offered by nomads ; * on the other hand, they are peculiarly the offerings of an agricultural community such as were the Hebrews in Canaan, the chief products of which country ivere corn, oil, and wine [e.g. Dt. 7^^ 12^'^, Hos. 2^°- ^^ ^^- ^2)^ Jer. 31I2). 2. When ye he come into the lai2d\ this and the next law ^y i8bj gj-e only to come into force after the settlement in Canaan — a land of corn and wine and oil. Similar introduc- tions to laws, especially such as refer to agricultural condi- ,10 tions, are found frequently elsewhere, 34^, Lev. 14^* 19^^ 23^ 252 (the last three H), Dt. 12^ 18* 19^ — 3. Afire-offering] the term ntJ^X occurs in three Deuteronomic passages (Dt. 18S Jos. 13^*, I S. 2^^), otherwise only in P, who uses it 62 times. The original meaning is uncertain. It has commonly been connected with K'N=**fire"t; others, deriving it from \/K'iK = i/-J^ consider it to have been originally a perfectly general term to denote any offering regarded as a means of establishing friendly relations with the deity. J Whatever the etymology, in the usage of the period to which the OT. refer- ences belong, ntJ'X vvas probably connected with tJ'J? ; for where the context speaks clearly, the term always seems to be used of offerings consumed on the altar : so even in Lev. 24^- ^ ; on v.^^ see note there. For such a term P had need ; for sacred offering, in the most general sense, he had another term at command in 1^"!^. But though the term here used only in- cludes offerings consumed in the sacrificial fire, it still needed qualification ; hence in v.^^ the obligation to offer meal, oil, and wine with the animal-offering is limited to burnt-offerings * Cp. W. R. Smith, op. cit. 205 (222) ; Wellhausen, Die Reste arabischen Heidentums^ in. t Stade, Heb, Cram. 1893, 301a ; Di. on Lev. i' ; BDB. s.v. ncN (by preference). X So, after Wetzstein, Lagarde, NB. 68, 190 ; cp. Konig-, ii. p. w^L XV. 2, 3 173 and peace-ofFerings ; and, furthc/, to the cases, by far the most frequent, in which the animal offered was oi the bovine, sheep, or g-oat kind. — A sacrifice^ n3T is here used, as in Lev. 1^5. 7f. jg6 2337 ^Hj^ Jqs, 222^- 29 (P), for the sacrifices of which the offerer partook, as distinguished from the sacrifices (includ- ing the burnt-offering) which were wholly consumed in the fire or made over to the deity. Far more commonly in P a more distinctive term is used for the former, viz. D"'Dt3C V\1\ — "peace-offering" {e.g. Lev. 3^). In early times *• burnt-offering and sacrifice" (nnn n^lj;), or "burnt-offerings and peace-offer- ings " (□''Di'B'l n^lj?) was an exhaustive classification of animal sacrifices (Ex. 202* 32^ (JE), Jud. 2o26, i S. lo^ ii^^, 2 S. 6^7 2425) ; later, special forms of the burnt-offering became dis- tinguished as the sin-offering (nXDn) and the guilt-offering (□{5'K) : these seem to be deliberately excluded here : cp. the prohibition of the use of oil in a meal-offering substituted for an animal oftered as a sin-offering. Lev. 5^^. — To accomplish a vow, or as a free-will offering, or at your appointed seasons\ these clauses illustrate the term sacrifice by referring to various circumstances under which peace-offerings were wont to be offered. Different clauses serve the same purpose in v.^. It is scarcely intended to limit the scope of *' sacrifice " by ex- cluding, for instance, the "thank-offering" (Lev. 7^2 22^^). Cp. Lev. 22'^ (especially in fflr). — To accomplish a vow] 6^ phll. n. On the vow and the free-will offering, see Lev. 7^^^-. On the appointed seasons, see c. 28 f. — An odour 0/ rest] or "satis- faction" (nn^: rr'l), Ex. 29^^, Lev. i^ and 35 times besides in P (CH. 158) ; see also Gn. 8"^ (J). The phrase is clearly enough ancient. It originated in the antique notion that the gods derived sensuous delight from the fumes of the burning sacri- ficial flesh: cp, "the gods smelt the savour, the gods smelt the goodly savour, the gods gathered like flies over the sacri- fice" (Babylonian Deluge story). Even in P the phrase refers to the smell produced by the burning, especially of the fat, of the sacrifices. — Of the herd or of the flock] the two terms are generic and comprehensive : the first ("ip^) covers all animals, of whatever age or sex, belonging to the bovine kind ; the second (|X^'), all small cattle, i.e. sheep or goats (see, e.g.. Lev. 174 NUMBERS i^^). As among the Carthag-inians [CIS. ii. 165, 167) an animal of one of these kinds was regularly chosen for sacrifice ; occa- sionally, however, a bird was chosen for a burnt-offering, though never for a peace-offering (Lev. 5''^ 12^). — i^^V^e meal] 5^5 n. — A tent1i\ of an ephah ; so rightly ^ ; note the equiva- lence incry Ex. 29*0 = ns^xn nn^t^'j; Nu. 28^. The term here used (lliK'y) is confined to P (including H), who uses it 24 times (CH. 160). The amount is a little less than 7 pints : cp. '^^ n. — A qvartcr of a hiii\ adopting the calculation that a hin = 6*o6 litres (BDB. s.v. pn), this is about 2.'% pints. — Mingled with oz'l] "Among the Hebrew offerings drawn from the vegetable kingdom, meal, wine, and oil take the chief place, and these were also the chief vegetable constituents of man's daily food. In the lands of the olive, oil takes the place that butter and other animal fats hold among northern nations, and accordingly among the Hebrews, and seemingly also among the Phoenicians, it was customary to mingle oil with the cereal oblation before it was placed upon the altar, in conformity with the usage at ordinary meals."* — 5. A?zd wi'fie for the libatiori] the term 'HP?., as it happens, is used in only one early passage (Gn. 35^*) of a libation offered to Yahweh ; but other allusions (Hos. 9*, i S. i^* 10^) prove that it Vv^as a customary form of offering in the early worship of Yahweh as in other cults (Jer. 7^^, Ps. 16*), though hardly as prominent a feature as among the Arabs, with whom the word cXuJ be- came a general term for to sacrifice. In early times (inde- pendent) libations occasionally consisted of water (i S. 7^, 2 S. 2^'^^). In P's demand that the libation shall consist of wine we may, perhaps, trace the same tendency as in the demand for fine meal exclusively in meal-offerings (5^^ n.). It is possible that wine in libations arose in part as a surrogate for blood (cp. Ps. 16* 50^^).! — 7. And -wine for the libation . . . shalt thou present as an odour of satisfaction to Yahweh] the phrase niTiJ rr*"! (v.^ n.) is generally used of animal sacri- * W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, 202 f.; see also EBi. and Hastings' DB. s.v. "Oil." t Cp. W. R. Smith, op. cit. 213 f., and more fully in ed. z, 229-231 ; Nowack, Arch. ii. 208. XV. 4-13 175 fices, or at least of sacrifices that were burnt. Some,* there- fore, have inferred that the wine in the ancient ritual was, as among- the Greeks and Romans, poured over the animal sacrifice, and hence could be spoken of as a "fire-offering" (v.^° n.). But the inference is hazardous in view of 28''^. Certainly somewhat later {2nd cent. B.C.) the wine was poured out at the foot of the altar (Ecclus. 50^^ ; cp. Jos. Anf. iii. 9*), and yet Ben - Sira still speaks of the libation as 6afir]i> €vwSia<; ( = nn^j nn here in (5). — 8. A sacrifice {which ts) to accomplish a voiv, or (/jnDi5 N''nj . . . DSTiDny n'^wan nxv The precise meaning of 'arisoth is obscure. The reference in Ezek. 44^*' and the use of the term ** cake " in v.^" favour the view that it is some form of cereal food prepared in the house. JT't^'Xi need not be taken in the sense of "first-fruits" (see below, p. 227), but may rather mean the first part prepared : then we have to do not with an annual offering of raw pro- duce, but with an offering that might occur often. So ffi (cfyvpafia), We. {Proleg.^ 156, Eng. tr. 158), and Haupt (in SBOT.), who suggests that "ij; '-\ was "originally equivalent to □'':Ei Dn7, Assyr. akal pdm\ i.e. 'advance bread,' the first- bread baked of some dough." Kennedy * [EBi. 1539) would identify 'ani-£>//i with the Talmudic '«rj-a«, "a porrido-e or paste made from the meal of barley or wheat." According to the Talmud (as cited by Levy, NHWorterbiich, iii. 702) '^arsdn was a barley food good for invalids and babies ; in Syriac, too, ^arsana is "hulled barley." In the Mishnah the present law is taken to cover preparations of wheat, barley, spelt, and two other kinds of grain (JID'K'I b\i'\'^ vhyif) ; and the amount to be given is fixed at -^ for private individuals, • After Lagarde in GiJttingsehe Gelchrte Nachrichten, 1889, p. 301. 12 178 NUMBERS xV for public bakers {TIallah \. i, ii. 7). Cp. Rom. u^^ 17 f. Cp. v.^'- — 18. The land whither I am about to bring yoJi] Lev. 18^ 20^^ (H). — 19. Ve shall co7itribute from the whole quantity a contribiition, cp. 5^ n. : the noun and vb. in Heb. are cognate (njonn iD-in). The vb. denotes the "lifting- off" or removal of a portion, which is to become sacred by being offered to Yahweh, from the whole mass which is retained and, after the contribution has been offered, is available for common use; so in 31^^ it refers to the selec- tion from the whole multitude of captives of one in every 500 for Yahweh ; in Lev. 4^- ^°' ^* to the removal from the whole animal of the fat parts to be burned on the altar. The verb never refers to any rite of elevation such as is suggested by the RV. rendering of the noun by "heave-offering"; of the renderings of the vb. in RV. that in Lev. 4 ("take off") is best. See, further, Driver's art. " Offering " in Hastings' DB. — 20. A cahe] n?n : the term, if rightly derived from ^^n = " to perforate," describes the bread as " perforated," whether by the rough stones on which it was baked, or intentionally that it might better receive the oil poured over it. In OT. it is mentioned only in sacrificial connections (e.g. Ex. 29^, Lev. 2'*), and but once outside P (2 S. 6^^). In the present passage Moore considers it a gloss on account of its syntactical isola- tion and its absence from v.^^ and Ezek. — The cofitribzetion oj the threshing-floor^ cp. 18^^ n., Ex. 2z^^ [jB). The exact phrase here used does not occur again. 22-31. Propitiation for sins of ignorance. — {a) On the part of the congregation as a whole, v.^^"^^; [b) of an indi- vidual, v.^^'-. In the case of (a), the offering with which propitiation is to be made is a young bullock for a burnt- offering with the requisite accompaniments, and a he-goat for sin-offering (v.^^) ; of {b), a yearling she-goat for a sin- offering (v. 2^). The law applies equally to ger and native Israelite, v.^^'-. In Lev. c. 4f. we have other laws, not all of the same age and purpose, relative to sins of ignorance. Not only are the laws in Leviticus much more elaborate, but they differ materi- XV. 17-21 179 ally from the present. Here two cases are distinguished- sins by the congregation, and sins by an individual : there four — sins by the high priest, sins by the congregation, sins by a prince or chief (S''^3), and sins by an ordinary individual. It is true the first two cases in Leviticus may be regarded as virtually identical, since the high priest is the representative of the whole congregation before God, and the offering required in either case is the same. But the two sets of laws differ materially in the nature of the requisite offerings. Here in the case of sin by the congregation a young bullock mtist he offered as a huTnit-offeHng, and a he-goat as a sin-offering (v.-*) ; in Leviticus no hi-nit-offering is demanded, hut one young bullock is rcquirea for the sin-offering (Lev. 4^*: cp. v.^ for the case of the high priest). Here in the case of any indi- vidual without distinction of rank, what is required is a yearling she-goat as a sin-offering ; in Leviticus in the case of a prince, a male-goat (4^^'"), of an ordinary individual, a she-goat (4^^^-) or a feinale lamb (4^2^ ^g ^ sin-offering. In Lev. 5°- ^^- ^^- ^^ goats, lambs, turtle-doves, young pigeons, fine meal, or rams are prescribed under certain circumstances. In the case of two birds being offered, one is offered as a sin-offering, one as a burnt-offering (Lev. 5^^"-^''). According to many older and some modern scholars. Lev. 4 f. refers to sins of commission, whereas the present section refers to sins of omission. But this distinction is unreal, in spite of the divergent phraseology of Lev. 4^- 1^. 22. 27 ^17 ^^^^ Nu. 15^2, which at first sight may seem to justify it ; for the phraseology of v.^* and ^9 and the antithesis in v.^° show that the writer has in mind positive acts that violate the law, and not merely the omission to do what the law enjoins. Further, the error referred to in Lev. 5^ is one of omission, viz. "of the requisite purifications " (cp. Driver and White on the passage ; cp. also v.^). The differences are, therefore, to be explained as due to the fact that the laws date from different periods or circles ; and that the practice or theory of the one period was not that of the other. For similar differences, see notes on 4^ and at the end of c. 18. l8o NUMBERS The actual and relative antiquity of the present section and Lev 4 f. cannot be decisively determined. In its present form Nu. 1^22-31 p^g. supposes 15'"'', for v.^** can hardly but be a reference to v.^"^" ; but v.*'"' may well be a note of the compiler who combined the laws. The peculiar language of v.'^ can be and has been differently explained. It is generally agreed that Lev. 4 f. is not homogeneous : that at least 5^'* is of different origin from c. 4 : see, e.g., CH., Moore in EBi. 2778 f., Driver and White, "Leviticus" (SBOT.), 58 f., 67. Of the three sections (i) Lev. c. 4 ; (2) Lev. ;ji-6(]3). ^2) Nu. 15^-'^^, the first only contains unambiguous signs of P^ in its references to the two altars (Introd. § ll). On this ground, as also on the ground of its greater elaboration, especially in the greater graduation of ranks in the offenders (see above), it may be regarded as later than the substance of the other two in spite of the fact that the fofal offerings demanded by it from the unwittingly offending community are smaller than in Nu. 1522-31 (the sin-offering alone in Lev. 4^* is more important than in Nu. 15^^). So Di., CH., Moore against Kue. {Hex. 83, 299), who regarded Lev. c. 4 as the fundamental law, Lev. 5''^^ an appendix to it, and Nu. 1522-31 ^j^ expansion and explanation of Lev. ^13-21. 27-3i_ ^5 between the substance of Lev. 51-6 1^^) and Nu. 1522-31 j(. jg more difficult to decide ; CH. and Moore give the priority to Lev. 5^-6 (i^)^ 22. The section, though unconnected with the last, lacks an introductory formula like those of v.^- ^- ^^- ^^*, and appears to be torn from a very different context ; for the clause, atid liihen ye err and do not do all these commandments {i.e. leave any one of them unfilled), sug-g-ests that this section originally formed the close of an entire series of laws. The two hetero- geneous and unrelated laws that now precede it do not do justice to the expression "all these commandments." — 23. The present law is to hold good with regard to all existing laws of the class contemplated (perhaps, especially, ceremonial) and all laws that may be made in the future. — By the hatid of Moses^ cp. 4^^ n. — 24. A young bullock for a hurnt-offering\ in Lev. 4^* ^*, which requires no burnt-offering, the bullock is offered as a sin-offering, and therefore unaccompanied by the meal-offering and libations which are here enjoined according to the law (cp. 29^^- ^^ ; also Lev. 5^** 9^^) laid down in v.^~^^, and specifically in v.^"^**; cp. p. 170 above. The sin-offering is here mentioned after the burnt-offering, as in Lev. 12^. For some conclusions very precariously based on this unusual order of mentioning the two offerings, see Di.'s discussion. For the combination of the burnt-offering and sin-offering in a process of propitiation, see 6^^-^^, Lev. 5'^"^" XV. 22-30 l8l gSff. J23 1^15.30. (,p Lgy_ j5_ Each offenngf by Itself also possessed propitiating- efficacy ; see, e.g., Lev. i* 4-", and see 17^^ n. — 25a. Cp. Lev. 4^''^. — Their oblation^ the general term here refers specifically to the burnt-oflfering, w.'^^^.^ Before Vahwek] i.e. to the altar ; cp. the alternative expression "before the tent of meeting" in Lev. 4^* and the combination of the two phrases in Lev. 4"^ : see also 5^^ n. — 26. The v. adds nothing to what has been said in v. 2^, and may consist of glosses, clause a explaining "that all the congregation" (v. 2^) includes the gerim (v.^* n.). The last clause is a violent ellipsis : /or to all the people belongs what was committed in error. — 27-29. Any individual, whether Israelite or ge? (v.^^), who has sinned inadvertently, must present a female goat a year old as a sin-offering. On the divergence from the law of Lev. 4f., see above. — 29. Cp. v.^^ n. — 30 f. On the other hand, any one wilfully and defiantly violating the law is to be cut off from the midst of his kinsfolk ; read H'^sy with S for ^"^^i^z his people of H; cp. Ex. 31^*, and see 9^^ n. — With a high hand\ The same phrase is differently used in 33^, Ex. 14^ (P). — He reviles Vahweh] and therefore from the very nature of the case cannot appease Yahweh. The point is amplified in v.^^. S/j/le ofv.^'-. — There are several peculiarities in the phraseology ot these verses. ')nj = to revile, does not occur again in the Hexateuch, and nj3 only in a, passage from E (Gn. 25^) ; na wij? recalls n vm, which only occurs in H (six times in Lev. 20) and twice in Ezek. (CH. igs"") : "isn niio only occurs again in Ezr. g^*, cp. and ct. nna nsn Gn. 17^'*; m.T nan and rran vr\ir\ are strange in P. On the significance of these peculiarities, see above, p. 168 f. 22. I3i7n] only here and in Lev. 4'' is slnw=.^^\.o err" recognised in the legal literature (Dt. 27^^ is of course entirely different), and in both cases the recognition may be merely Massoretic. We should point lairn from JJst', which is unmistakably used in v.^, Lev. 5'^ and from which comes the standing term nJJC. — 2i. mj?n '3'Vd] "Away from the eyes of," i.e. without the knowledge of: cp. but also ct. Lev. 4" hr\^T\ '':'yD D'?y:i. — nna-y:] fem. in reference to a subj. not definitely expressed, but suggested by the con- text ; G.-K. 1445. — niivh^ in v. 2® and elsewhere (as here also in some Heb. MSS.) .1^:173 : for the use of the \, see BDB. 5166 (top), njjca is charac- teristic of P (CH. 168) ; cp. especially the use in 35"- ^* corresponding to nVT 'Vaa Dt. ig*. — nnx] CEr + Q'cn. — nsn^] cp. 'n^io for tinsd: 11" n. — 27. aruB'-na] 6" n. — 28. SNKna] MT. intends the n to be suffixal, referring to ce: 1 82 NUMBERS and the whole to be equal to " when it sins " ; the mappth is omitted and n marked r«/'/2i?' before the following- aspirate, as in nn r;:iy in v.^^ BDB. (3065) apparently take riNBn as an infinitival form without the suffix, and Kon. (ii. p. 169) treats it as a noun, nxona then being parallel to and synonymous with nj:ra. — n\T nnx min] 5^ n. 32-36. The Sabbath-breaker. — While in the wilderness, some Israelites find a man gathering sticks on the Sabbath day. He is placed under restraint until his fate is determined ; and then, in accordance with Yahweh's instructions, stoned without the camp. This Midrash was probably inserted here in illustration of "sin with a high hand" {w.^^). The passage clearly resembles in its isolated character and general style the incident of the man who "blasphemed the name " (Lev. 2/i^^'^'^). Either they are the work of the same hand or the one is an imitation of the other. The latter alter- native is preferable, in view of the presence of differences as well as of similarities. With Nu. 15'^ cp. Lev. 24'^^ (but ct, wk, in-) ; cp. also \}i\& general tenor of Nu. \^^ and Lev. 24"'*', and the use in each passage of ens (="to explain ") — a vb. common in the Mishnah, but in OT. confined to these passages and Neh. S** and Ezek. 34'^. Note also the similarity of the punishment — stoning without the camp. On the other hand, the blas- phemer is brought to Moses only, the Sabbath-breaker to Moses and Aaron and all the congregatio7i ; ct., further, the cstr. of v.^^** and Lev. 24^^^ and the formula of v.^^** and Lev. 24^^'' ; and note the omission from the present incident of the hand-laying of the witnesses, Lev. 24^^ Both passages are more Midrashic in character than the laws or narratives of P in general, and on this ground may be regarded as comparatively late — later, that is, than P^ or the earlier laws incorporated therewith. 32. And the children of Israel were in the "wilderness] the remark of a writer who, looking back to the nomadic period of Israel's history as belongmg to the past, lacks the systematic and artificial precision of P^. — Pieces of loood] or "sticks," such as might be used to make a fire: cp. i K. 17^^, and for the vb. C'u'p (Poel) also Ex. ^•^- (JE). For the force of the pi. in D''Vy, see G.-K. \2\m. — For it had not been clearly explained what ought to be done to hini\ previously recorded law (Ex. 31^^^- 35^) made Sabbath-breaking a capital offence. XV. 32-36 1 83 What still needed to be explained was how the sentence was to be carried out (Rashi). — 36. Cp. Lev. 24^^. Execution by the whole community is an ancient practice; it was intended, apparently, to involve the whole community in whatever responsibility might be incurred ; see W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semiles,^ 285. 33. mV'T ^3 . . . en] Dav. 89, R. 5 ; G.-K. w^fib. S G read (wrongly) 37-41. Tassels attached by a Mug thread to the four corners of their quadrangular upper garments are to be worn by the Hebrews, and to serve them as a reminder of Yahweh's com- mandments. After the formula (v.^- *^) already used in v.'* ^' "• '^, the present law opens peculiarly (see phil. n. below). "The peculiar opening ' and they shall make,' followed by the change to the second person, ' and it shall be unto you,' v.*^ points to the employment of some older material " (CH.). The law is either derived from H, or deliberately cast in the manner of H : note the characteristic motive — holiness to God (v.'^'^'^) ; also the twice repeated "I am Yahweh your God" in v.^^, followed the first time by "who brought you out from the land of Egypt," as in Lev. \c^ 22^^ 26^^ (cp. 25^), "to go a whoring after" (cp. Lev. 17^ 19-^ 20^'-). Cp. Dr. L.O.T. p. 48 f. ; CH. 202, 203^. The only feature at all pointing away from H is the use of nii-a rather than np.i or cdeco. Of all the scattered laws outside Lev. c. 17-26 which have been claimed for H, this has best made good its claim; cp. Baentsch, Heiligheitsgesetz, 9 f. ; Moore in EBi. 27S7 f. The ciLslom regulated by this law is certainly older than Deuteronomy (22^^), and in all probability quite ancient. Earlier direct evidence of the wearing of tassels by the Hebrews than Dt. 22^^ does not exist ; but representations on the ruins at Persepolis (Niebuhr, Reisen, ii., Table 22) and pictures of Asiatic tributaries on the Egyptian monuments (W. M. Miiller, Asien u. Europa, 297-299, with pictures reproduced from Lepsius, Denkmaler) prove the existence of a similar custom elsewhere. The custom may well have been adopted from the Canaanites by the Hebrews soon after their settlement in Canaan. The tassels in some of the representations referred to are coloured blue. But the motive here assigned is not ancient, probably, indeed, more recent than Dt., which gives no motive for this custom, though it gives a similar motive for another custom of like kind (Dt. G'^- ^). The motive is rather a religious after- thought, an attempt to make a deeply-rooted custom serve a I 84 NUMBERS fitting- religious purpose (cp. p. 47 f.). It Is possible that the tassels once served a very different religious purpose ; that the wearing of them was a superstitious custom, just as the tephillin, which are worn in fulfilment of the law of Dt. 6^ (cp. Driver, ad loc), may be merely substitutes for what was worn for superstitious purposes; cp. W. R. Smith, Rel. SenO-. 416 n. The practice of the law among the Jews, to which there are incidental references in NT. (Mt. 9-° 14=^*^, Mk. 6^^ Lk. 8^S where the singular of KpaaireSa, ffi's rendering of Di'^i* here, is used), continues to the present day, though for long it has been cus- tomary to fulfil it by means of a special garment called tallith or ^arbd kanphoth (cp. Dt. 22^-), which, like the tephillin, must be worn by all males over thirteen years of age. The tallith con- sists of an oblong cloth with a tassel at each corner. The head is passed through a hole in the middle of the cloth, which hangs over the breast and back. See, further, on these points, as also on the precise regulations for the manufacture of the tassels laid down by the later Jews (cp. 21^°° on the present passage), Kennedy's article ** Fringes" in Hastings' DB. ; S. A. Cook's on the same subject in EBi. ; Driver on Dt. 22^^ ; and Schurer, GJV.^n. 484 (Eng. tr. 11. ii. iii f.). The last gives references to a large amount of literature devoted to the subject. An illustration of a modern 'arbd kanphdth or small tallith, clearly showing the nature of the tassel and its attachment, may be found in the Jewish Encyclopcedia, ii. p. 76. — 38. The law as given here and in Dt. 22^^ is differently worded, and the com- mand to use a blue cord is peculiar to Nu. Dt. r\i noan it^^N* imos dddd ymx hvi 1^ nc'yn ^^-m. Nu. nbn ^••ns Pi^an n:;''^' hv "lanii . . • nnnjn ^233 i?y n^*^^f onb lE^yi. The terms used for garment are general, but apparently the ordinary outer garment of the Hebrews is intended. To each of the cojmers or ends of this, or, as Dt. more precisely says, to each of the four corners a tassel is to be attached. For P]3D =" corner " or "end" of a garment (not as RV. "border"), see i S. 15^^ 24^ (where note the rendering of G), Hag. 2^2; and cp. the use of the same word in speak- ing of the "four corners of the earth" (Is. ii^^). — Tassels] The word n''^"'i>, which in S (cp. C5) is read as a pi. (nVi»''V), XV. zS, 39 IS5 occurs elsewhere In OT. only in Ezek. 8', where, like the corresponding Aramaic word (xn'!i% jiL_».0»), it means a "lock of hair." Since in the parallel passage in Dt. the word used means "twisted cords," and the sisUh actually used by the later Jews consisted of cords twisted and knotted, there is no doubt that what is actually intended here is a "tassel" rather than a continuous "fringe" (RV.). — And place upon the tassel of the corner a thread ofblne\ wherewith to attach the tassel to the garment. Later, possibly on account of the expense of the blue dye, this provision was so far annulled that white threads were permitted [Menahoth iv. I ; cp. the Gemara thereon in Talm. B. 38a). — 39. Afid it shall serve you as a tassel\ possibly there is a play here on two senses of the word n^f^if (cp. 12'^') ; the tassel is to serve as an ornament to attract the gaze of the wearer. No longer is it to serve any superstitious purpose, but it is to be a reminder of Yahweh's commandments. — That you go not about after your heart and after your eyes] i.e. that you do not follow your own inclinations and desires in preference to the require- ments of the law. The writer is perhaps specially thinking of the superstitious purposes which the tassels had served. Cp. Dt. 29^^, Job 31"^^-, and note the connection in which the similar phrase " to follow the stubbornness of the heart " is fre- quently used by Jeremiah, 3^'^ (after v.^®) 9^3(14) 1512 (after v.^^). With " to go about after the eyes," cp. " my heart followed my eyes," Job 31'^. — The vb. "iin has a somewhat different sense from that with which it is used in c. 13 f. ; see 13^ n. With the present, cp. D^nn ^K^:N = " persons who travel about," "merchants" (i K. 10^^). — After -which ye go whoring] the relative in the present text must refer to the "heart" and "the eyes" of the last clause. But this makes the clause a very pointless addition to the preceding, and gives to the verbal phrase (''inx mi) an altogether exceptional use. The object of this phrase regularly refers to some illegitimate cult or superstition of those who practise it ; cp. e.g. Lev. 17'^ 20^*- (H), Ex. 34^^^- (J), Ezek. 6^; and see Driver's note on Dt. 31^^. Possibly the present text is corrupt, and the original referred to such superstitions here; see last n. I 86 NUMBERS 33. is'l'i] an unusual instance of the pf. with Waw Conv. unpreceded by a dominant impf. : Dr. Tenses, iig ; is^jj;^:) would be more in accordance with analogy : cp. 17- and see 5^ n. — 39. inx . . . rrni] the masc. indicates that the reference is not to the ns's (fern.) simply, but to the whole appendage — tassel and thread together. — ddd^V] H uses the form 33*7 {e.g. Lev. 26^') ; P, on the other hand, regularly, if not exclusively, a'? ; see BDB. p. 5230. XVI.-XVIII. The rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiratn. The rank and rights of the Levites. Literature. — Kuenen, " Bijdragen tot de critiek van Pentateuch en Jozua, iv. De opstand van Korach, Dathan en Abiram, Num. xvi." {Th. Ti. xii. {1878), pp. 139-162). This article has dominated all subsequent discussions, and at once led We. {Comp. 339-341) to modify his earlier conclusions {Jahrb. fiir deutsche Theologie, xxi. 572-576= Cow/. 105-109). Among others who follow Kue., see Driver, L.O.T. 63-65; Baudissin, Gesch. des ATliche Pr tester thums, 34-36. Di. and Bacon {Triple Tradition, 190-195)» who, while still dependent on Kue., in some important respects make a new departure, are followed by CH., but adversely criticised by Addis in EBi. Yahweh's choice of the tribe of Levi for superior holiness, for closer access to Himself, and for serving the priests (16^ jy20(6) i82-5), is shown (i) by the miraculous death inflicted on Korah and his followers, who claimed equal holiness for the whole people (c. 16); and (2) by the miracle of the blossom- ings stick (i7io-2c(i-ii)j_ These incidents are followed by a statement of the relation of Levi, on the one hand, to the priests and, on the other, to the rest of the people (18'^"'^); and then by a series of laws, regulating the dues payable (i) by the people {a) to the priests, {b) to the Levites; and (2) by the Levites to the priests (i8^~^^). Such is the relation of the main subjects of this section to one another. Combined with them are (i) an account of a revolt led by Dathan and Abiram against the civil authority of Moses (i6^2^- 2s-3o^^ ^^^ ^2) some passages containing a claim on the part of the Levites to priestly rank and privileges {\6^~^^ 17^ .{16*°)). It would in the abstract be conceivable that people, discontented with the leadership of Moses, led by Dathan and Abiram, united in a common revolt with others under Korah, who were aggrieved by the claims to a superior xvi.-xviir. 1S7 nollness on the part of the Levites, to whom Moses and Aaron belonged. But apart from the fact that the leaders are men- tioned together in i6^-2^% the two parties always act separ- ately, and are finally cut off by entirely different acts of God (on iS^-'^ see n. below). Thus Dathan and Abiram are not present when Korah and his company interview Moses and Aaron (16^"^^), for at the close of the interview they need to be summoned to Moses (16^^). And when, on their refusal to come, Moses seeks them out at their own tents and threatens them, he has nothing to say of Korah (i6-^"^°). Meantime, however, Korah, acting quite apart, has assembled his company before the tabernacle to submit themselves to the ordeal of the censers (16^^). Finally, while Dathan and Abiram are swallowed up together with their tents in an earthquake, Korah's followers ("the two hundred and fifty men that offered incense," 16^) perish by the destructive fire that issued from Yahweh's presence in the tabernacle (16^^, cp. Lev. 10-). It is not only in Nu. 16 that Dathan and Abiram stand apart from Korah ; for while Dt. 1 1*^ refers only to Dathan and Abiram, Nu. 27^ refers only to Korah. It has therefore long been recognised that the story of Dathan and Abiram and the story of Korah were originally quite distinct, and that they have been pieced together in the present narrative very mechanically, and with merely a few very unsuccessful attempts to harmonise them (16^-^: see also on i62^- 27). The story of Dathan and Abiram is older than the allusion to it in Dt. 11^; and, in view of the close similarity of the phraseology, it is probable that the form in which the author of Dt. 1 1*' read the story contained the passage now repro- duced in Nu. i6(i)- 32a. 33b. 34_ •j]^q allusion in Nu. 27^ to Korah may be the reference of a writer back to an earlier part of his own narrative, or the reference of a later writer. In either case it is probable, though, in view of some later allusions to Korah only, not certain, that at the time the story of Korah had not yet been united -with that of Dathan and Abiram. The allusions in Ps. 106^*^"'^, Nu. 26"^- (a paren- 1 88 NUMBERS thesis in a passage of P'), and EcgIus. 45^^ show familiarity with the present combination of the stories. On 26^^, see note there. Some later writers refer to Korah alone (Jude ^^), some to Dathan and Abiram alone (4 Mace. 2^^). If the stories of Dathan and Abiram and of Korah were orig^inally distinct, then since Korah alone is referred to in Nu. 27^ which comes from P, and Dathan and Abiram alone in Dt. 11^, the story of Kora^ is priestly (P), and the story of Dathan and Abiram prophetic (JE). These conclusions are confirmed by the lin- guistic and other characteristics of the two stories. In 17^ (i6^')-i8'^, which hang's tog'ether and has been generally recog- nised as derived from P, it may suffice to notice a few characteristics only, such as the view of the "glory of Yahweh" and the theophanic cloud in 17^ (16*^) (see notes on 9'* 10*^ I4^'')» and the formula in 17-^(^1); in the vocabulary, note my (i^ n.) several times, ntj (7^ n.) in 17"* ^i, nnyn hnn in 1722-23 i82, ^Kp (CH. X78P) in 17" i85, pip in iS^. On c. 18 see further below ; and, as connecting it with Ps, note the sino; "altar" in 18^; see Introd. § II. In i6'-i7' (16^") as between P and JE analysis gives the following result : — JE i6"- (partly), "-"• 25- 26b. 27b-32a. 33. (except last clause), ". P i6i'- (partly), S'"- ""^s- 26a- 27a (mainly), ^5 if-^{i6^^-^). P is not homogeneous, but the analysis of it into its constituent elements does not rest mainly on linguistic differences, though certain peculiarities are noticeable in iS^'^^-^^t. j^i-s . ggg phil. notes belov/. In the part just assigned to JE note the following characteristics : — "the elders" (1625), cp. ii^^n. ; "flowing with milk and honey" (i6"'), cp. 132^ n. ; DJ (i6i^; CH. 126), h mn (16^*; CH. 233), D'j-i^i, and on"? ncN ^3 (j528. 30. 33. CH. 231, 124), qa (1627; CH. 52), with a number of minor points noticed in the margins of CH. and in some cases in the commentary below. In the parts assigned to P, note "the glory of Yahweh " (16^"), and my constantly, linn (iG^; CH. 22), isah . . . -un (i6*- 23-26» ,^1 . CH. 1S5), '?nan(i6»; CH. 53). Though neither of the main themes combined in c. 16 is preserved quite intact, and the third (see below, p. 192 f.) was never more than a parasitic growth on the combination of the two original stories, each of the first two can be so nearly recovered that it will be well to reproduce them, and consider their leading motives and purpose separately before proceeding to the detailed commentary, though the pre- liminary discussion and the commentary are mutually supple- mentary throughout. XVI.-XVIII. 189 I Tlie revolt against the civil authority of Moses under the leadership of Dathan and Ahirani atid ? On, Nearly the whole of the story as it was told in JE seems to be preserved here. The precise original form of the open- ing- sentences (v.^-^) cannot be recovered; and something- be- tween the opening and what now follows in v.^^ may have been lost. ' And Dathan and Abiram, sons of Eliab, and On, the son of Peleth, sons of Reuben ... ^ And rose up before Moses . . . men of fame. '-And Moses sent to call Dathan and Abiram, the sons of Eliab: and they said, We will not come up: '^is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land flowing with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, but thou must needs make thyself also a prince over us? " Moreover thou hast not brought us into a land flowing with milk and honey, nor given us inheritance of fields and vineyards : wilt thou bore out the eyes of these men ? We will not come up. ^' And Moses was very wroth, and said unto Yahweh, Turn not Thou to their off'ering : I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them. ^ And Moses rose up and went unto Dathan and Abiram : and the elders of Israel followed him. ^*And he said, Depart, I pray you, from the tents of these wicked men, and touch nothing of theirs, lest ye be swept away in all their sins. ^ And Dathan and Abiram came out, and stood at the door of their tents, and their wives, and their sons, and their little ones, "^And Moses said. Hereby ye shall know that Yahweh hath sent me to do all these works ; that I have not done them of mine own mind. ^^ If these men die the common death of all men, or if they be visited after the visitation of all men ; then Yahweh hath not sent me. ^ But if Yahweh make a new thing, and the ground open her mouth, and swallow them up, with all that is theirs, and they go down alive into Sheol ; then ye shall understand that these men have despised Yahweh. ^^ And it came to pass, as he made an end of speaking all these words, that the ground clave asunder that was under them : ^ and the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed them up, and their households. ^ So they, and all that was theirs, went down alive into Sheol : and the earth closed upon them, and they perished from among the assembly. ^ And all Israel that were round about them fled at the cry of them : for they said. Lest the earth swallow us up also. The general drift and purpose of the story is clear. Dathan and Abiram are Reubenites, and as such members of the tribe which once possessed, but had lost, the primacy (cp. Gn. 49'^-) In some way, not particularly defined in what remains of the story, they had disputed the supremacy of Moses (v.^^-). They defy Moses' summons to attend before him ; upbraid him with the old taunt that he had not fulfilled 190 NUMBERS his promise to bring- them into a fruitful land, but instead had brought them out to die in the wilderness ; and charge him with playing- the prince over the people on the strength of the promises he cannot fulfil. There is nothing to indicate that the rebellion extends beyond the Reubenites, if indeed beyond the immediate circle of Dathan and Abiram. The taunting message, if intended to gain further support for the rebels, fails of its purpose, for Moses is accompanied by the "elders of Israel," the representatives of the whole people, when he goes to the quarter of Dathan and Abiram to threaten them to their face. The divine judgment, like the judg- ment on Achan (Jos. y^*'- JE), involves the households and belongings of the offenders ; but the only households affected are those of Dathan and Abiram : "all Israel " escapes. Certain features in the story, such as the redundance in y_32-34 Q^^f^ the presence of distinctive marks of both J and E, make it probable that it is in itself composite ; but the analysis of these two sources can only be carried into detail in the most tentative way. Whether J and E differed materially from one another depends on the view taken of On in v.^ and " the offering" in v.^. Di., Bacon, and CH. detect a story, assigned to J, distinguished from the story of Dathan and Abiram (assigned to E largely on the ground that it is quoted in Dt.), partly by its making one of the leaders of the revolt On the son of Peleth, but mainly by its representing the cause of the revolt to have been, in part at least, religious, and to have lain in a claim on the part of the malcontents to exercise sacrificial functions. This is detected in Moses' words, "respect not Thou their offering" (v.^^). Starting from these points Bacon reconstructs J's story at length, com- bining with On, Korah the son of Kenaz. He argues that this story is the basis of P's, who obtains from it the name Korah and the religious cause of the revolt. Moreover, it was this resemblance of J's story to P's that led the editor to combine the story of JE with that of P, which, so it is argued, he would hardly have done if that story had consisted merely of a civil revolt of Dathan and Abiram. In all important respects Bacon is followed by CH. who analyse thus — J. V.i (" and On the son of Peleth took "), "• " (to " honey "), "- ~'^^- "^ (from " and their wives "), ^^'^'* '^ (to " into Sheol "). E. V.^'* ("and Dathan and Abiram, the sons of Eliab, son of Reuben, roseupbeforeMoses"),i2.i4b.ii5.27b(andDathan. . . tents), s-^- 2^- H On the other hand, "On the son of Peleth " maybe merely the creation of textual corruption; and Moses' reference to the "offering" can be, xvi.-xviii. 191 though perhaps not altog-ether satisfactorily, explained without the im- plication given to it by Di. and Bacon. In that case no reason remains for supposing- that the story of the revolt was told in any substantially different form in the two sources. 2. The revolt of representatives of the whole people under Korah against the Levites [represented by Moses and Aaron) in vindication of their equal holiness (P^). This narrative runs as follows : — * Now Korah and some men of the children of Israel, two hundred and fifty, princes of the congregation, called to meetings (? men of repute) . . . : ^ and they assembled themselves together against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them. Enough [ye sons of Levi,] for all the congregation are holy, every one of them, and Yahweh is among them : (? wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the assembly of Yahweh ?) ^ And when Moses heard it, he fell upon his face : ' and he spake unto Korah and unto all . . . saying. In the morning Yahweh will make known him that is His ; and him that is holy will He cause to come near unto Him : even him whom He shall choose will He cause to come near unto Him. ^ This do : take you censers ; ' and put fire therein, and put incense upon them before Yahweh to-morrow : and it shall be that the man whom Yahweh doth choose, he shall be holy. ^^ And they took every man his censer, and put fire in them, and laid incense thereon, and stood at the door of the tent of meeting with Moses and Aaron. ^^ And Korah assembled all the congregation against them unto the door of the tent of meeting- : and the glory of Yahweh appeared unto all the congregation. -" And Yahweh spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying, ^* Sepa- rate yourselves from among- this congregation, that I may consume them in a moment. ^ And they fell upon their faces, and said, O God, the God of the spirits of all flesh, shall one man sin, and wilt Thou be wroth with all the congregation ? ^ And Yahweh spake unto Moses, saying, ^ Speak unto the congregation, saying-, Get ye up from about the tabernacle [of Yahweh]. -^ And he spake unto the congregation, sa3'ing ... ^ So they gat them up from the tabernacle [of Yahweh] on every side. '^ And fire came forth from Yahweh, and devoured the two hundred and fifty men that offered the incense. 17' (16^^) But on the morrow all the congregation ot the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron, saying, Ye have killed the people of Yahweh. ' (^-' And it came to pass, when the con- gregation was assembled against Moses and against Aaron, that they looked toward the tent of meeting : and, behold, the cloud covered it, and the glory of Yahweh appeared. ^ (*^) And Moses and Aaron came to the front of the tent of meeting. ^ (^> And Yahweh spake unto Moses, saying, ^^ <'^) Get you up from among this congregation, that I may consume them in a moment. And they fell upon their faces. ^^ W And Moses said unto Aaron, Take thy censer, and put fire therein from off the altar, and lay incense thereon, and carry it quickly unto 192 NUMBERS tlie congregfation, and make propitiation for them : for tlie wrath has gone out from Yahweh ; the plague is begun. '- (■'^) And Aaron took as Moses spake, and ran into the midst of the ass-^mbly ; and, behold, the plague was begun among the people : and he put on the incense, and made propitiation for the people. '^ W And he stood between the dead and the living ; and the plagnie was stayed. ^* W Now they that died by the plague were fourteen thousand and seven hundred, besides them that died about the matter of Korah. ^* C"' And Aaron returned unto Moses unto the door of the tent of meeting, the plague having been stayed. Then follow in immediate sequence the story of the blossom- ing of Aaron's stick in vindication of the superiority of Levi ^ jyi6-26 (1-11)), and the regulations for the payment of dues to the priests and Levites (c. 18). The real point of this important story was for long- obscured owing to the additions made by a later writer, who turned Korah and " all his company " into Levites. Korah's company in this story are jwi all Levites ; probably none of them were Levites ; the two parties to the struggle throughout are Moses and Aaron (as representing the Levites) on the one side, and " the whole of the congregation," i.e. the whole of the rest of the people (cp. i^ n.), on the other. Associated with Koralp are 250 princes of the "congregation" (16^), i.e. of all Israel. Korah champions the cause of the whole congregation (16^), and the people identify themselves with the leaders when they perish by the divine judgment (17^ (i6*^))« The writer of 27^ quite clearly assumes that Korah's followers were not exclusively Levites, for he goes out of his way to explain that Selophehad, though a Manassite, was not a follower of Korah. When the intrusive passages ot P* have been removed, nothing remains to indicate that either Korah himself or any of his followers ranked in P*^ as Levites. 3. T/ie claim of the Levites to priestly privileges (P^). In c. 16 f. there are now inserted in P*^'s story of Korah several passages which by their style betray their origin in the priestly school, but which represent an entirely different point of view. These passages, which never formed an inde- pendent story, are i68-"- ^^f- \f--^ {\^'^'^^% in addition to that part of v.^ which contains the genealogy of Korah. In these verses all Israel except Levi drop entirely into the back- XVI. I 193 ground, for they have no concern in this dispute : the struggle is confined to the tribe of Levi. The object of these passages is to condemn the non-Aaronic Levites for seeking the priest- liood. This comes out clearly in 16^"^^ : Moses recognises in the rebels a class already distinguished from "the congrega- tion of Israel," and admitted to a closer access to Yahweh. It is no longer here a struggle for equal rights for the whole congregation, but a struggle for equal rights within a class snarpiy marked off from the rest. Korah's company are here already in undisputed possession of what in the foregoing story they rise in revolt to claim. The same point of view is represented in 17^"^ {\6-^^~^^)\ note, especially, the moral — that 110 stranger which is not of the seed of Aaron come near to bxirn incense before Yahweh (17^ {16'^^)). And to the same hand we may also refer i6^^^- — a parallel to i6''^- in P^. The inserted passag-es reflect some struggle, of which we have no direct record, between the priests and the Levites. The question has been much discussed, especially by Vogelstein, Der Kavipf zwischen Priestem und Leviten seit den Tagen Ezechiels (1889), whose work is reviewed in an important article by Kuenen in Th. Ti. xxiv. 1-42 {=Gesam- fnelte Abhandlungen, ed. Budde, p. 465 ff.), the closing- section of which in particular deals with the place of Nu. 16-18 in the history of the priest- hood. Vogelstein is inclined to place the struggle of the Levites, reflected in P^'s additions to Nu. 16 f., before the close of the 5th cent. B.C. ; Kuenen, with more reason, inclines to a later date. Centuries later, even when the Levites had sunk to the insignificant position which they held in the ist cent. A.D., they yet succeeded in making good a minor pretension to priestly privileges, obtaining from Agrippa n. the right to wear the priestly linen (Jos. Ant. XX. 9*). 1, 2. The leaders of the rebellion. — These are, according to the present narrative, a Levite, Korah, and three Reubenites — Dathan, Abiram, and On ; also two hundred and fifty unnamed " princes." — Korah, the son of Ishar, the S07i of Kohath, the son of Levi] Ex. 6i«- 18-21, i Ch. 622f- '(37f.) c;ni. ^7 ^^it. 22^ jhe clause is from P ; but the genealogy does not appear to be ancient ; it is earlier in origin than Ch. (see preceding references), but later than P^; for Ex. 6^^"-^ is an insertion of P^ between the question of Ex. 6^^ and the answer of y^ in P^'s narrative. A certain Korah, on the other hand, appears in i Ch. 2'*^ as descended from Judah (i Ch. 2^) and as "son" of Hebron. ^3 194 NUMBERS Now the Levitical Korah is a ^^nepJiew" of Hebron (Ex. 518. 21^^ ii js therefore highly probable * that the two Korahs are in reality one and the same; that Korah of Judah was, by later genealogists, converted into Korah the Levite, just as the originally Ephraimite Samuel (i S. i^- ^^^•) is provided in later times with a Levitical descent (i Ch. 6^^^^^^). There was good reason for the transformation ; for Korah was the eponym of an important guild of singers (cp. the titles to Ps. 42-49) who became incorporated with the Levites, presumably at some time subsequent to Ezra, when the singers were still distinguished from Levites (Ezr. z*"^).! Since P^'s story does not require Korah to be a Levite, but rather excludes such an origin for the leader of a revolt of the "whole congregation " against the exclusive claims of Levi, and since it is essential to the point of view of P^ that Korah should be a Levite, the insertion of the genealogy of Korah is to be attributed to P\ In P^, then, Korah was probably understood, if not directly stated, to be a Judahite; the leader of the revolt is thus a member of the leading secular tribe (p. 14, 18). It is possible, as Bacon suggests, that P obtained the name from J ; in any case it is probable that some ancient tradition lies at the base of P's story, and that the name of Korah belonged to that tradition. — Dathan and Ahirain\ These names come from JE. Whether the names appeared in both sources of JE is uncertain ; prob- ably they appeared at least in E, since they are referred to in Dt. 11^. Abiram, meaning "the (my) father is exalted," is an ancient personal name {HPN. 22-34) ; both origin and mean- ing of Dathan are obscure. On the son of Peleth plays no further part in the story, nor is he ever referred to in any of the allusions to this narrative. Harmonists [e.g. Keil) explained this on the ground that "he probably withdrew from the conspiracy." Two plausible explanations have been offered of this isolated reference: (i) Many; have considered * The appreciation of the extent of this probability rests on familiarity with the methods of ancient and, especially, Hebrew g-enealogists. The reader may consult on this point with much profit Mr, S. A. Cook's article " Genealogies " in EBi. t Cp. W. R. Smith, Old Test, in the Jewish Church,"^ 203 . * Graf, Kohler, Kue., Di., Nold., Str., Patcrson. XVI. 2 195 the present clause to be textually corrupt, pXI being a corrupt repetition of the last letters of the preceding word 3^^'' (^x) and ri'?Q~p a corruption of {Nli'D'p. On this assumption On dis- appears, and v.^ (from *' Dathan " to the end) originally ran — Aftd Dathan and Ahiram, sons of Eli^ab, son of Pallti, son (fflrShere: Dt. \\^ "^ of Reuben. This genealogy is certainly known to P (26^"^, Gn. 46^, Ex. 6^*), but how much earlier it may be cannot be determined, for Dt, 11^ does not mention Pallu. (2) Others * see in On the son of Peleth the name of one of the ringleaders in J's parallel to E's story of Dathan and Abiram. This explains the isolated reference to On less well than (i). The name On is closely allied to the Edomite and Jerahmeelite clan -name Onam (Gn. 36-^, i Ch. 2^6), the Judahite clan -name Onan (26^*^), and the name of an ancient southern town, Ono (Neh. 6^ ; list of Thothmes iii., cp. W. M. Miiller, Asien u. Etiropa^ I59)> ^"d Ben-oni, accord- ing to story, the name given by his mother to Benjamin (Gn. 35^^). This affinity of On with a series of names belonging to Southern Palestine might be explained either, if On is correctly described as Reubenite, by assuming an earlier settlement of Reuben W. of Jordan,! or by assuming that On in the source was described as Judahite ; the latter is probable enough, if On be derived from J. Note also that Peleth is elsewhere a Jerameelite name, i Ch. 2^^. For Bacon's identification ot Peleth with Philistine there seems little ground. — Now Korah . . . took] the verb np''1 is left without an object. That there is an intentional ellipsis of the object "men " (RV.) is highly improbable. Either np'') is a corruption, possibly of Dp''1 = 7t07o Korah arose ; J or it is a fragment of a sentence, the object of the verb having been omitted by accident or design in the pro- cess of compilation from the several sources. Adopting the latter view. Bacon and CH. suggest that the original object was ** the offering " referred to in v.^^ — 2. The construction of the V. is loose in consequence, perhaps, of the insertion in P, whence its main substance is drawn, of some clauses from * Bacon, CH.; see above, p. 190. t Cp. Steuernagel, Ein-juanderu7ig, 15 ff.; Clieyne in EBi. s.v. " On." J Kuc., Di., Sir., Patcrson. 196 NUMBERS JE. — And ihey rose up before Moses] JE ; P's parallel, and they assembled together against Moses and Aaron (cp. \'f (16*^)), follows in v.^. The difference is characteristic. Dathan and Abiram rebel against Moses (v.^^- ^^^ ^- 2^), Korah against Moses and Aaron (v.^- is- 20 176- 7. 8 (1541. 42. 43)) _^„^ „,^^ ^f ^j^g chil- dren of Israel, two hundred and fifty] The number is certainly from P ; see v.^'. Bacon may be right in assigning the first clause to E, but it scarcely formed the immediate sequence in the source to the clause that precedes it. — Priyices of the con- gregation] d^^ w. 31^^ 32^, Ex. 16-- (all P). The phrase must come from P, for both terms are highly characteristic of that writer ; for K^'K'J, see 7^ n., and for my, i^ phil. n. In JE such people would be called " elders," as indeed they are in v.^^, or "captains" (Citi'). The assignment of this clause to P is important in determining the point of the story ; the leaders who act with Korah are representatives of the non-Levitical tribes : cp. 27^, and see p. 192, above. — Called to meetings] the phrase (lyiJD ''Xip) is not the same as that found in i^"; but see phil. n. there. It occurs nowhere else, and the precise meaning is un- certain ; the undefined lyiD may have a collective force, and the whole phrase may define these persons as those who were summoned to meetings for consultation ; cp. (& cvvK\.y]Toi ^ovKr)<:;. — Men of name] with DC '•'t^^iX here, cp. DCn ^y:;'i^ in Gn. 6* (J), and niJDC' "ti'JN in i Ch. 5^* 1230. j^ j^g present position the phrase scarcely means more than " men of repute, of recognised social position " : cp. Job 30^ where social out- casts are termed "nameless" (DtJ' "73 ^33), and the use of "name" in Pr. 22^ Ecclus. 41^-. If the phrase come from JE it may in its original position, like the similar phrases in Gn. and Ch., have had the slightly fuller sense of "famous men"; for "name" often means " fame" {e.g. 2 S. 7^). 3-7. Korah maintains the equal holiness of all Israel. — Korah and his company assemble before Moses and Aaron, assert the equal holiness of the whole people, and condemn Moses and Aaron for their assumption of superior holiness. Moses invites the rebels to s abject themselves and their claim to the test of a divine decision by a kind of ordeal (cp. p. 44f.)> and for this purpose to attend before Yahweh tlie next day XVI. 3 197 with censers filled with fire and incense. — 3. And tJiey caine together to Moses and Aaron] In itself the phrase expresses no hostile intent : cp. Ex. 32^. According to the present com- posite narrative, the subject must include all the persons mentioned in v.^'- ; but this is inconsistent with the implication of v.^2- ^ that Dathan and Abiram remained in their tents till Moses came to them. In P the subject of the verb is Korah and the two hundred and fifty princes. See, further, on this clause the n. on and they rose up before Moses in v. 2. — Enot/gh /] of your pretensions. The meaning of DD? 21 may be gathered from passages like Dt. i^ 2^, in which the subject is expressed. The phrase is often used, as here, elliptically : see Dt. 3^^, Ezek. 45^; but the instances do not favour the view of the ellipsis represented in RV, "Ye take too much upon you." The phrase recurs in v.'^, with the addition of "ye sons of Levi," and there forms the conclusion of Moses' words to Korah and his company. But the final clause of v.^ is really out of place, for the persons addressed are not (all) Levites, nor is enotigh a suitable sequence to the words that precede. On the other hand, Korah may well have addressed Moses and Aaron as "sons of Levi." It is probable, therefore, that in P^, Korah's speech began with Enough, ye sons of Levi, or, possibly, as CH. suggest, that these words originally stood at the end of v.^. The speech, in that case, began and ended with the same abrupt reproof. The words owe their place in v.'^ to P^, who turns Korah and his followers into Levites. — The whole congregation, yea, all of them are holy] not merely as a whole is Israel holy in virtue of Yahweh's presence in their midst (cp. 5^), but the individual Israelites are, one and all, irrespective of the tribe to which they belong, holy : such is the principle for which Korah contends. — And Yahiveh is among them] The clause is from P ; J, to whom Di. and Bacon assign it, would have written not D3in3 (cp. 5^, Ex. 25^ (P)), but Dn-ip2 (ii20 (J)): see CH. 22'' s^'^-—'^^^ (^0 ye lift your- selves up above the assembly of Vahwe/i] this sentence might, with better reason than the last, be referred to JE on the ground of its style ; but if so, an originally sing. vb. addressed to Moses has been turned into a pi. addressed to Moses and 198 NUMBERS Aaron. The vb. (tJiJ'jnn) occurs, not quite with its present signification, in two poetical passages (23^* 24^^) : otherwise it is not found again in the Hexateuch ; but see i K. i^, Ezek. 29^^^; cp. also I Ch. 29^^ where, with Yahweh as subject, the signification is necessarily different. The interrogative (DIID) is found but once besides in P (Lev. 10^'^ (P^)) ; it occurs 9 times in JE {e.g. 128; CH. 220^^).— YahweJis assembly] 20* (P), Dt. 233-4- (cp. Lam. iio, Neh. 13I) 9.(1-3.8)^ Mic. 2^, i Ch. 288!. On bT\\>, see 10^ n.; and, on the usage of the whole phrase, Corn, in ZATW. xi. 23-25. — 4. And Moses . . .fell on his face] 14^ n. The same action is twice referred to both Moses and Aaron later in the narrative (16^^ 17^^^ [16^^)). The restriction of it to Moses here may be the result of fusion of sources at this point, v.^^ possibly coming from JE. — 5. All his cojnpany] my is so regularly used by P^ of the whole of Israel (i^ phil. n.) that the present very restricted use is decidedly strange : further, in the present story Korah speaks for and represents "all the congregation" (v.^^- 2i- 24 176.7.10.11 (j6^i- *2. 45. 4C')). Either "all the congregation," or, rather, "the two hundred and fifty princes of the congregation " (who, as a matter of fact, accept Moses' challenge, v.^^), was originally read here in P^; the present phrase has been substituted by P^ (cp. v.^^- ^° 17^ (16*°)) in order to maintain his different point of view, that not all Israel, as in P% but only a section, viz. the Levites, are calling in question the position of the leaders. — In the morning] Ex. 16^ (P). — Yahweh will make kiiown him thai is His; and him that is holy will He suffer to come near Him, even hhn whom He chooses will He suffer to come near Hiin] the balance of the clauses favours the foregoing rather than the rendering of RV., "Yahweh will show who are His, and who is holy, and will cause him to come near," etc. In using the sing, here and in v.^ the writer has in mind a whole class (the Levites who are represented by Moses and Aaron) rather than an individual ; cp. the representative character of the individual in 1720 (5)^ the representative use of thou in v.^'^ ( = Korah and his followers), and see n. on 20^*. According to the degree in which Yahweh appropriates anyone, in other words,. according to the degree of His holiness (see n. after 17^), can he approach XVI. 4-7 199 Yaluveh with safety ; such is the g-eneral principle embodied in the arrangement of the camp (see p. i8). But the term . *' bring" near " (to Yahweh) may here include a somewhat more specific sense, strictly applicable only to the priests who were included among the Levites. In P the regular term for a sacrificial oflfering is the thing "brought near" (pip). Not unnaturally, then, the same writer uses the vb. "to come near" (unp) with the special technical sense of approaching Yahweh at the altar. Hence it was used predominantly of the priests, 17^, Lev. 16^ 21^'' 10^; so also by Ezek. (40**^). But the use of this phrase with reference to the Levites, as distin- guished from the priests^ in v.*^- is probably confined to P^ Li 3*^, probably also in iS^, the Levites are said to "be brought near " to the priests, which is a different matter ; cp. Baudissin, Priesterthtim, 29 f., 116. In Ps. 65^^*^ P's technical sense of the vb. may be in the writer's mind, but he himself uses the vb. metaphorically. — 6. Ce7isers^ or, as RV. renders the same word in Ex. 27^, fire-pans, nnno means something with which hot coals could be snatched up (nnn Is. 30^*) and taken from one place to another. Except in the present narrative the nnno is mentioned as a receptacle for incense only in Lev. 10^ 16^2. A more distinctive term for censer is DiDpD (Ezek. 8", 2 Ch. 26^^). — Korah and all his company\ scarcely a true vocative clause in spite of the principle explained in Dr. Tenses^ 198, Obs. 2. It is rather a note by P%' see ist note on v.^. — 7. Put fire in them a?id set incense on ihem\ Lev. 10^. — Before Yahweh] i.e. as defined in v.^^ (cp. v.^), at the "tent of meeting": cp. 5^^n. — Enough! ye sons of Levi] the clause is out of place: see n. on v.^. The persons addressed in v.^"^ are not Levites. 1. np"i] The versions contain paraphrases rather than variants. The present text already existed and its difficulty was felt when they were made : G xal iXdXrjjev, S> (and similarly C) -t__l.£)Z|0 : U ecce aiitcni. — 3. cSo ny^'n '?d] D'73 strengthens the preceding- plirase with "jd as in Is. 14'^, Ezek. ii^'(K6n. iii. 340^); the pi. ctyip distributes the collective subj. — S. VTl "ip^] The cstr., which is comparatively rare (Dr. Tenses, 125), is found also in Ex. 12* (P). — ^ is, in ffi*^'', less verbally tautologous with 5* than in fl] — koI oDj ovk i^eXi^aro iavri^ ov TrpoarjyayeTO Trpbs iavrdu. 200 NUMBERS 8-11 (P'). The Levites claim an equal right to the priest- hood with the priests. — Moses, addressing- Korah in particular, and the whole body of Levites generally, upbraids them with discontent at the position assigned to them by God in virtue of which, as distinguished from the other tribes, they "come near" to Yahweh, or, in other words, attend to the service of the tabernacle. In claiming, as they now do, the priesthood, it is not Aaron's, i.e. the priests', self-assumed authority that they are calling- in question ; they are rebels against Yahweh Himself, since the distinction between priests and Levites is by divine ordinance. These verses by themselves are clear enough : it is the priesthood ihdii is in question ; Korah, representing the Levites, claims it for the whole tribe ; Moses insists that it is the right of Aaron and his seed alone. The contrast is between the Levites and the family of Aaron ; Moses is the arbiter : cp. v.^^'- 17^"^. This is irreconcilable with the preceding verses and the passages connected with them, in spite of the attempts of the editor in v.^-'^ (see notes) to make them consistent. Note in particular that the distinction to the existence of, or to the attempt to establish, which Korah objects, on behalf of the whole congregation in v.^, is here a distinction which Korah himself already enjoys, but considers insufficient. In v.*"'^ Korah claims the right, which is withheld from him, to "draw near " to God ; in v.^ he is distinguished by the posses- sion of this right. — 8. Moses addresses the Levites. Korah is here a Levite; see v.^ (the genealogy). He is addressed, as the leader of the tribe, by name ; but the speech is to the whole tribe — -ye sons of Levi. — 9. Is it too little for you that the God of Israel hath separated you (8^* P^) fro7n the rest of the con- gregation of Israel to bring you near to Him (v.^ n.), to serve the service of the tabernacle of Yahweh (3'^), and to stand before the congregation to serve them (3^n.)? To "stand before" and "to serve" are synonymous expressions; cp. Dt. i^^ with Nu. 1 1^^. — 11. Therefore thou a?id all thy company (v.^ n.) are those who have gathered together against Yahweh (14^^)] in seeking the priesthood Korah and the priests are rebels ag-ainst Yahweh ; why should they murmur against Aaron, XVI. 8-iS 201 since the priesthood is not of his but Yahweh's making. A similar condensed argument occurs in Ex. i6^^ (P). 8. Knycr] w also occurs in P* in Jos. 22-' ; but though used over a hundred times in JE, it never occurs in Pe (CH. 1S6). Its occasional use in P= is one indication that P* was more influenced than P^ by the earlier styles. — 9f. Dnrpai . . . '3 . . . eyon] virtually the same construction is found in Jos. 22'^'' (P^) (the last clause introduced by the waw ; but, on account of the intervening^ subj., the verb is impf.). For other instances of sentences after Dj?Dn, see BDB. p. 590 ; and for the interrogative sentence without an interrog. particle, G.-K. 150a ; Dr. Tenses, % 119. 12-15 (JE). Dathan and Abiram summoned. Moses defied, and his leadership questioned on the ^ound of incompetence. — 12. We will not come np\ The message ends with the same flat refusal to attend the summons (v.^*). The vb. (n^y) is sometimes used of going to a superior, or a judge (Gn. 46^^, Dt. 25''', Jud. 4^). — 13. A land flowing- with milk and honey] 13^^ n. The phrase occurs 8 times in J, never in E, according to CH. (34^^). Quite exceptionally it is here used of Egypt — effectively from the standpoint of the rebels. — To kill us in the wilderness] 20*, Ex. 17^. — 13b. Cp. Ex. 2^*. — 14. Is Moses bent on throwing dust in the eyes of the Israelites by the promise, which he cannot or will not fulfil, to lead the people into a land flowing with milk and honey? cp. Ex. 4^*^ in the light of Ex. 3^^-. The figure in the Hebrew phrase wilt thou bore out the eyes? (used literally in Jud. 16-^) is stronger than, but seems equivalent to, the English "throw dust in the eyes of." — Fields and vineyards] the terms are collective singulars : cp. 20" 21^2 (E), Ex. 22*, and also, in the pi., i S. 22^. — These men] scarcely with Rashi to be treated as a periphrasis for "us"; but it refers to the Israelites who followed Dathan and Abiram, mentioned in part of the story not reproduced here, or referred to in the clause *' men of the children of Israel " in v.^. — 15. Turn not to] pay no heed to. Cp. the parallel in Ps. 102IS (i7) i^^^ ,-|:D = nn X^) : see also Dt. (f, Lev. 26^, Ezek. 36^. The phrase is not the same that is used in Gn. 4^'-. — Their offering] the term (nnjo) could not have been used by P in reference to the incense of v.'^ ; his general term for offering is different (pip), and he uses the present term only in the specific sense of meal-offering: cp. Driver in 202 NUMBERS Hastings' DB,, s.v. "OxTeringf," HI. 5S7 ; also CH. iiS^ On this ground alone, then, the clause must be referred to JE. But no further reference to an offering is made in what remains of JE's narrative. Unless there is here an allusion to some part of the narrative of JE not retained in the compilation (see above, p. 190), the whole clause, "pay no heed to their offering," is simply a prayer that Yahweh may withhold His favour, and, therefore, in effect a curse such as "while all Israelites were allowed to sacrifice, might be naturally invoked against any enemy" (Addis, EBi. 1018). — 151). Cp. I S. 12^ The connection between v.^^'' and v.^^^ is not very close, and the two clauses may be from different sources. 12. *? Nip"? . . . nSc'i] 22'; vnp with h, Vx, or ace, 51 times in JE, 9 in P (ahva)'s, except Ex. 7", with ^k) : so CH. 139^"^. — 13. Throughout this V. S has 2nd pi. — '3 . . . '3 . . . t2V':n] unlike v.^'- above (where see note). The B^o in the present case fas, e.g. , in Gn. 30'') g-ains comparative force simply from the context : Kon. iii. 3o8fl. — Tinari] The Hithp. of this vb. only here. On the force of the Hithp. ("to play the prince"), see G.-K. 54?, — 14. jnni] The force of the negative in the previous clause continues ; cp. 23'^; Dav. 128, R. 6; G.-K. 152^^.-13. nxa . . . *? nn'i] cp. Gn. 4* 34^ (J), I S. 188, 2 S. 38 132', Neh. 4' 5«; see, further, CH. 233JB.— TOn] Cr ^7ri5(;/ii?,ua = nisn; see Geiger, Urschrift, 439 ff. — cno inx ns] the ace. nn.>< being defined by did is rightly preceded by nx ; Kon. iii. 288^ 16 f. (P'). These verses are a sequel to v.^"^\ but a parallel to v.^'-. Korah and his company of Levltes are to assemble at the tabernacle with Aaron, each man bringing his censer. 17. vwriD (i)] S + B-K jna uni ; see v.'- ^^ pj.— a.TVj'] Dav. i, R. 3 ; S p'Sp. lS-24 (P^). The scene before the tabernacle. — The sequel to \.^\ 18. Accepting the test proposed by Moses (v.^'), Koralj and the two hundred and fifty princes prepare their censers and take up their position at the door of the tent of meeting together with Moses and Aaron. Some intervening narrative explaining that Korah accepted the test proposed by Moses, and that he and his companions went away to prepare for it, may well have been included In P^'s original story ; but if so it has been rejected by the editor (P^) to make room for his XVI. i6-22 203 own words (v.^"^^- ^^^■). — 19. Korah assembles all Israel, whose rights he was championing (v.^), to watch the trial. The^/o/;j' of Yahweh appears ominously as in 14^^ (see note there). — 20-22. Yahweh bids Moses and Aaron separate themselves from the rest of the people, and so save themselves from the destruction He intends to send on them. Moses and Aaron beg that the whole people may not perish for one man's sin. — 21. The people as a whole must be supposed to have favoured Korah (cp. v.^^) ; hence the divine intention to destroy them. — That I may consume them immediately^ 17^'' (16*^). Similar motives are expressed somewhat differently in Ex. 32^^- 33^ (JE). — 22. And they fell tipon their faces\ v.* n. — And said, O God, God of the spirits of all flesh\ On the usage of ':n ("God"), see 12^^ phil. n. ; in 27^^ Yahweh is used instead; for ^X, before a defining appositional phrase, cp. Gn. 33^° (JE). The phrase God of the spirits of all flesh, which recurs only in 27^^ and is therefore peculiar to P, betrays the advanced theological standpoint of P. Yahweh is to him far more than the God of Israel ; He is the one and only author of all human life, and, as its author, capable of destroying it (cp. Gn. 6^-*^- P ; but so also Gn. G f-^- J') : cp. Job 34i«-, also Ps. 10429^-. The term "all flesh" {yi,*1 bs), characteristic of the later literature^ occurs 18 times in P ; see Expos., Sept. 1893 (On Joel), p. 215. — Shoidd one man sin and Thou in consequence be indignant against, and, therefore, destroy not him only, but the "whole cori-. gregation (Lev. 10^, Jos. 22^^ — P), i.e. the people of Israel ; cp i8^ The one man must be the single ringleader, viz. Korah ;| the question, inconsistent with the point of view in v.^*- which' gives several leaders, is a valuable clue to the original form of P's narrative. Is one man to sin in leading others astray, and are all to perish though their only sin consists in having been led astray? Again the theological standpoint is ad- vanced ; it is far removed from the dominance of the early doctrine of solidarity, and is most easily explained if referred to a period influenced by Ezekiel's strong individualism (see, e.g., Ezek. 18. 33). The writer is indeed in some respects beyond Ezekiel's standpoint ; he shows an awakening to the diflference between the leaders and the led in wrong-doing, 204 NUMBERS and inclines to judge the latter very lightly. On the other hand, the present writer is less dogmatic than Ezekiel : he raises a question ; he does not make an assertion. For the divine indignation which is apt to break loose in destructive activity, cp. Lev. lo^ Nu. i^s ig^, Dt. 9^».— 23f. Yahweh, acceding to the intercession of Moses and Aaron (v.^^), directs the people through Moses to retire from the tabernacle in order to avoid being involved in the destruction (v.^) of those who present the incense. The people obey, v.^^*. — The tabe?- nacle (pJ^'D) of Korah, Dathan, a7id Abira?7i\ the phrase in the present text, both here and in v.^^, is due to an editor. For, note (i) the word pK'D is constantly used in the Hexateuch of the dwelling of Yahweh, but never, in the sing., of the dwelling-place of men. The pi. is used in a poetical passage (24^) of human habitations. (2) The sing, noun (ct. \.^^) followed by the three names is strange : Korah, Dathan, and Abiram did not share one dwelling between them. The difficulty is not satisfactorily surmounted by arguing that pC'O here means ** district," and is therefore suitably followed by the names of the three men, since all — the Kohathite Korah, and the Reubenites Dathan and Abiram — had their position on the S. of the tabernacle {2^^ 3^^). (3) The phrase is pointless in the context. For, since the people are assembled before the tabernacle (v.^^), the command in its present form directs the people to depart from a place in which they are not. There can be no reasonable doubt that the command in P^ ran. Depart from about the tabernacle of Yahweh (cp. 17^^^^^^). When the story of Korah was united by the editor with that of Dathan and Abiram, the fact that Korah and his comrades were destroyed in the immediate proximity of the tabernacle was obscured (though it is still clear enough from v.^^) ; the editor wished to suggest that all alike were destroyed in their tents, ffir^, taking exception perhaps to the sing. pEJ'D with the three names, omits *• Dathan and Abiram" both here and m V.-'. 18. c.t'pj;] The pi. suffix refers to the plural implicit in the distributive phrase mnno v^k : Kon. iii. 346/. — ncci] (& S> omit the 1 — perhaps rig-htly, for we should then have this natural sequence : Korah and the princes XVI. 23-27 205 prepare for the trial (v.'^) ; Moses and Aaron take up their stand at the tent (v.^^'') ; Korah assembles the people there (v.^"). — 22. "inx c'il'^°-'' (^'•^' ''^"'P'7) • • • 1^°-^ ijyLdadrjaav. — "api this word occurs only here (but cp. Ex. sg-*), D'ns (not the same as n£3 a bird trap') onlj'^ here and Ex. 39^ (P^), and 'iSi' only here and Ex. 38^^- ^^ (Ps), and Is. 302-.— 4. ni;;'?^] fflc S + pnx p (cp. v.').— mypTi] VjST elsewhere in Hex. only in Ex. 39*. 6-15 (16*^"^°) (P^). The people plagued for murmuring at the fate of Korah. — The sequel to 16^. On the day following^ the destruction of the two hundred and fifty princes, the whole body of the Israelites complain that by the death of Korah, their representative, they have themselves been attacked (v.*^). The cloud and glory of Yahweh appear ominously (v.'^). Moses and Aaron, drawing- near at this sign to the tent, are warned to stand away from the people, that 2 12 NUMBERS Yahweh may destroy the latter (v.^°). They intercede with Yahweh, and then Aaron, under Moses' direction, places fire from the altar on his censer, and with it passes among the people, thus staying" the destructive activity of Yahweh's anger, though not until after it had caused the death of 14,700 of the people (v.^^~^^). It is noticeable that Aaron here (P^) risks that contact with the dead, to avoid which Ele'azar was substituted for him in the previous section (F). 6 (41). Ye have slain] The pronoun is emphatic. Moses and Aaron are thus charged with having invoked the destruc- tive intervention of God; cp. i6^-. — The people of Va/iwe/i] cp. ii29 (E), Jud. 5", I S. 22*, 2 S. 1^2 621, 2 K. 96, Ezek. 3620, and also Zeph. 2^'^. The expression is of ancient origin ; cp. the parallel "people of Kemosh," 2i29, Jer. 48*^. In causing the death of their representatives, "the princes of the con- gregation" (i62), Moses and Aaron might be said to have slain the people. — 7 (42) a. Cp. 16^*. — T/iejf turned towards the tent of meeting] cp. Ex. i6i° (P^), where read "tabernacle" (p'J'on) or "tent of meeting" (as here) for "wilderness" (inon). — And, behold, the cloud covered it, and the glory of Yahweh appeared] another way of expressing what is said in Ex. 161" "the glory of Yahweh appeared in the cloud." It is the glory of Yahweh which is the really significant and ominous sign ; cp. 16^^ n. The cloud was a permanent phaenomenon (gi*^, Ex. 40^^) ; the appearance of the glory was inter- mittent. Whether, with Di. and others, we ought to draw a further distinction between an intermittent "covering" or complete envelopment of the tent by the cloud (91^, Ex. ^Q34f.j and a constant hovering of the cloud above it (gi^^- 1012, Ex. 40^^), is uncertain. Note that the term "to cover" IS used in gi^ of the regularly recurring appearance by day when the tabernacle was at rest. — 9 (44). And Yahweh spoke tmto Moses] Cr + Aaron. Moses and Aaron in any case con- stitute the subject of the following plural imperative in 10 (45). Get you up] a different vb. from that used in 1621 ; otherwise this verse is verbally identical with i62i- 22 (first clause). — 11 (46). From the last clause of the previous v. we may infer XVII. 6-15 213 that Moses and Aaron again (cp. 16-^) intercede for the people, and that Moses received from Yahweh the instruction which he here gives to Aaron. For the idioms in clause a, cp. i6^'-. — Put fire therein from off the altar^ i.e. some live coals from the fire which was always burning on the altar (Lev. 56 (13) . (,p^ js^ 56J . jn virtue of the place whence they were taken, these would be holy ; see n. after v.^ and also 5^^ n. — Lay incense thereon\ the last word is not expressed in f^, but should be restored from fflc ,S U. — And make propitiation f 07 them] cp. 8^^. By far the most usual means of making pro- pitiation is blood (Lev. 17^^ (H) ; cp. 6-^^^"^ i6^^'-), or offerings like the sin-offering and the burnt-offering (Lev. i*), which involved the effusion and ceremonial use of blood. But propitiation could also be made by other means, such as the half-shekel paid at the census (Ex. 30^^) : cp. Driver in Hastings' DB. iv. 130 f. The method here adopted may show the influence of a principle analogous to that noticed in 5^^ n., and illustrated in the passage from Pesikta there cited. As the people had sinned by means of censers and incense, so propitiation was made for them in the same way. Cp. also the story of the Bronze Serpent, 21^^. — For the wrathy whose coming outbreak is indicated in Yahweh's words in v.^^, has gone forth from Yahweh. The divine wrath is here very independently conceived ; cp. 2 Ch. 19^ and such Targumic idioms as "against me also there was anger from before Yahweh" (Dt. i^'' tlL°). A similar inde- pendence is given to the "truth" of God in Ps. 43^. In the references back to this passage in 18^ the weaker phrase found also in i^s, Jos. g^o 2220 is used.— The plague] S^^ n.— 12 (47). Relates the carrying out of the instructions given in v.^^, but rather ineptly; note the order, and Aaron took, etc., and ran . . . and ptit; ct. v.^^. — 13 (48). The plague] the same word as in v.^"^ 14^^ : though derived from the same root it is not the same as that used in v.^^^-. — Those that died in the matter of Korah] the two hundred and fifty princes who presented the censers (16^^). — 15 (50). After the plague had been stayed (v.^^), Aaron returns to Moses, who is still (cp. v.^') at the tent. RV. obscures the point by its rendering 2 14 NUMBERS of the last clause, which should rather run, the plague having been stayed: cp. Driver, Tenses, i6. 8. '3D "?«] The equivalent, after vbs. expressing' motion, to 'JsV after vbs. of rest : cp. 20^", Ex. 23", Lev. G ^ 16- : so Di. on Lev. 6''. — 10. icin] Niphal also in Ezek. io^^-"-^^t. On the form, see G.-K. 'jzdd. — 11. "iVi.i] Imperative Hiph. ; ffir S 2^° translate by transitives, U pergens, which may also be the intention of S -\hn, i.e. Ti^i!, the rarer form of Imper. Kal. Cp. the intransitive vb. (p'l) in the next v. 16-26 (1-11). The superiority of the trite of Levi vindicated by the blossoming of Aaron's stick. — V.^''-^^ ^^~^^, Moses is to take a stick from each of the twelve secular tribes, and to inscribe on each stick the name of the tribal prince ; he is also to take a stick from the tribe of Levi, inscribing" on it the name' of Aaron. He is then to leave them all before the ark. By a miraculous sign Yahweh will still the complaints of the people against the exclusive rights of the Levites to approach Yahweh ; for the stick of the representative of the tribe whom Yahweh chooses to approach Him will bloom ; v.^'^"-*, the directions given in v.^'^"^'^ carried out with the promised effect ; v.^^^^^, Aaron's stick blossoms and bears ripe almonds. Subsequently the princes receive their sticks back again, but Aaron's is put back and kept before the ark as a warning- token. The meaning- is not too clearly expressed in the original ; but the foregoing- seems to be the correct interpretation, especially in regard to two points, (i) The number of sticks is in all thirteen. In c. 1-3 the secular tribes regularly appear as twelve in number, and Levi stands apart as a thirteenth. Similarly, in c. 7 there are twelve secular princes (d"'S'B'3). This interpretation does most justice to v.^^, the last part of which is rendered by U periphrastically, but not unreasonably, fueruntque virgce duodecem absque virga Aaron. So Di. and Str. Others [e.g. Keil, Reuss) consider that only twelve sticks in all are intended, and that the two tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh here count as one, as in Dt. 27^2^ ^2) The point of the story is to illustrate the distinction between the secular tribes on the one hand, and the sacred tribe of Levi as a whole on the other. Aaron is the tribal representative (cp. v.^), corresponding^ to the representatives of the other tribes', he XVII. I6-I9 2 15 Is not here the representative of the priestly section of that tribe as distinguished from the merely Levitical families. The motive of the story is thus in accord with P^'s story of Korah in c. i6-. See p. 191 f. 17 (2). And take from them one stick for each family, fro?n all their princes of their families twelve sticks] A stick (i^^?) seems to have been as regularly carried by the Hebrews (see Gn. 381s- 25, I S. 14*^) as by the Babylonians (Herod, i. 195); it was with this stick of ordinary life that Aaron wrought his miracles in Egypt (see Ex. 7® 8^- ^-^^- ^^^ (P)), and it is dried sticks of this kind that are here intended. It is only quite exception- ally (as, perhaps, in Ezek. 7^° 19^^- ^** ^*), if at all, that the word is used of a fresh rod. By metonymy the word nj20 is used (in P and Ch.) for *' tribe" ; it is probably because the writer here uses the word nt2D in its original sense that he selects the expression father's house or family [m r\''2) for "tribe." The ** family" is generally a subdivision of a tribe (see on i^); but the specification of the number both in this v. and in v.-^ ^^^ quite clearly shows that it here denotes one of the twelve tribes. The princes may be identical with those mentioned by name in c. i. 2. 7. 10 and called in i^^ ** princes of the tribes of their fathers." — The name of each shall thou write upon his stick] The name of the prince is written on behalf of his tribe : cp. v.2° ^^\ — 18 (3). The Levites also are to present one stick, but one only, inscribed with the name of Aaron. The v. would be superfluous if Levi's was one of the twelve sticks referred to in v.^'^ ^^ ; for there could be no question that Aaron was the prince or representative of this tribe. — For there is one stick for the head of their families] the Hebrew does not admit of the distributive rendering of RV. Their must refer to the collect, sing. Levi{ep. 18-^ phil. n.), and the families must here be the main divisions of the tribe of Levi. The whole tribe is to have a single representative ; its several divisions are not to be separately represented in the ordeal. This appears to be the meaning (cp. Rashi), but it is obscurely expressed. — 19. Before the testimony] v. 25 do); cp. v.22(7) Jjefore Yahweh in the tent of the testimony. "The testimony" or "law" (Ex. 25^"- 21 ^.o^O), written on two tablets (Ex. 31^^ 34^^)> was kept in the ark, 2l6 NUMBERS which was therefore commonly called " the ark of the testi- mony" (4^ 7^9; CH. i6i^); of this phrase "the testimony" may in some cases, such as Lev. i6^^, if not also in Ex. i6^^ and the present passage, be regarded as an aboreviation. In any case the position intended is before the ark. Since Yahweh there meets with Israel through its representative, this may be described as "before Yahweh" (cp. v.^^^'^^ and 20^). — WJiere I am wont to meet you] You refers to the children of Israel, whom Yahweh met in the person of their representative Moses : cp. Ex. 29^2^ [^ ; ct. ffi S U). S(&'S and some Heb. MSS. read thee, i.e. Moses ; cp. Ex. 25^2 306- 36._20 (5). The man whom as representative of his tribe / choose that he and his fellow tribesmen may approach me; cp. 16^ n. — I will cause the murmurings to cease . . . from troubling or annoying m,e\ the double preposition 7yn is expressive; cp. 21^ 25^, Am. 5^2, and see BDB. 758^ (bottom).— 22 (7). Before Vahweh] here and in v.-^=" before the ark": cp. v.^^n., also Ex. i6^^^- ; but the phrase generally means "before the tent"; see 5^^n. — The tent of the testimony] see 9^^ n. — 23 (8). The next day Moses returns to the tent and finds that Aaron's stick has borne ripe almonds. — And, behold, the stick of Aaron of the house of Levi had sprouted, and brought forth buds, and fully flowered, mid ripened almonds] the terms of growth are prob- ably multiplied in order to emphasise the fact that in a single night the complete process of growth, up to the production of the mature fruit, had been accomplished in the previously dry and dead stick. Whether the second and third terms are to be so sharply distinguished as above, or whether they are more completely synonymous, and simply used together here for rhetorical purposes, is somewhat uncertain. The verb of the first clause (niQ), which is primarily used of the budding of the flower [e.g. Is. 35^, Cant. 6^^ 7^^ — note the parallels), is here perhaps used of shooting forth in general ; such is its meaning in Job 14^, where it is used of the growth from the root of a felled tree, and its use of the shooting forth of leaves is implied in Pr. ii^s. The noun (niD) of the second is cognate with the verb of the first clause. It, too, some- times denotes budding shoots or foliage (Nah. i*); if it had XVII. 20-25 217 this meaning here the second clause would be synonymous with the first. But it primarily denotes the bud or blossom (Is. i8^), and is probably used with this meaning- here. The noun (pv) in the third clause which forms a cognate object to the verb (y)!^)) occurs elsewhere of flowers growing from the ground ("the flowers of the field," Is. 40^8^ Ps. 103!^ cp. Job 142), but not of the blossoms of a tree. Derenbourg [ZATW. v. p. 301 f.) is inclined to interpret the word of the fruit in its immature state as the blossom falls away ; cp. Is. 18^. The fruit produced by the stick is the almond (npc), which derives its name, meaning "wakeful," from the fact that the tree is the first to awake from its winter sleep and produce blossoms. There are many somewhat similar stories of the miraculous vegetation of dried sticks. An Englishman readily recalls the legend of Joseph of Arimathea's stick, which, placed in the ground of Weary-all hill, became the miraculous thorn of Glastonbury. The stories of Hercules' club and Romulus' spear are further parallels. Of the former, Pausanias relates the story : " They say that Hercules leaned his club against this image [a Hermes], and the club, which was of wild olive wood, struck root in the ground, if you please, and sprouted afresh ; and the tree is still growing " {Description of Greece, il. 31^^ ed. Frazer). For the story of Romulus, see Plutarch, Romulus, 20, and Ovid, Met. xv. 560 ff. — Utque Palatinis hserentem coUibus olim, Quum subito vidit frondescere Romulus hastatn Quae radice nova, non ferro stabat adacto, Et iam non telum, sed lenti viminis arbor Non expectatas dabat admirantibus umbras. Reland (Pal. p. 712) recalls the stories of the sacred terebinth at Hebron which sprang from the stick of the angel who appeared to Abraham ; the terebinth at Smyrna which sprang from Polycarp's stick ; and the ash which grew out of St. Ethelred's stick. The connection with the omen of rods flourishing or withering claimed by W. R. Smith (Rel. Sem. 179 n. 5, "^ 196) seems less close. There is no suggestion in the story that anything happened to the remaining eleven sticks. 25 (10). Tobekept\{n-\'r:>^^) Ex. \^^'^-^.—Forasig^t\zi^. v.^.— The sons of rehellion\ the precise phrase {^"^O "'33) occurs nowhere else ; but cp. " rebellious people " ('•"iD DJ.'), Is. 30®, and Ezekiel's frequently recurring term for Israel, " house of rebellion " (n-^ nQ(n)_Ezek. 2^- «• » 39-26.27 122-3.9.25 1^12 248). Both in the present phrase and in Ezekiel's, "rebellion" is a rhetorical substitute for the national terms in the idioms " sons of Israel " (i'N-iB'"' ''33) and " house of Israel" (^sit'^ T\'*'i) respectively. 2l8 NUMBERS 17. IDE- rx c'n] For different views of the cstr., see Ki5nig, ill. 76 ; G.-K. 139c. — 18. At the end of the v. ffir adds ddiffoviriv ; and for cxn"? it has /card v\7jv. Possibly this difficult clause (see above) is corrupt. — 19. Dnn:ni] v.'^^, Ex. 16^* (P). — HDE'] G S (unnecessarily) cb'. — 20. 'nrcn] lit. " to cause to sink " ; the verb is used here only in Hiph. ; the Kal is used in Gn. 8^ (P) of the sinking of the waters ; Est. 2^ 7^" of the cessation of wrath ; Jer. 5^®t of the stooping of fowlers. — 23. nteo] G + Kal 'Aapibv : cp. v.-®. — 'i^ n-^h pnn] the *? after the proper name is a periphrasis for the gen.: Konig, iii. 280^. — 25. '?3?^] syntax, according to Driver, Tenses, 60 ff. MT. points as 2nd pers. Piel (subject Moses), and implies the meaning " to cause to cease," found elsewhere (according to BDB. p. 478^) only in Ps. 78^. C5 translates koI 7raxiad(T6o}=h:ri), 3rd fern. Kal — "that the murmurings may cease" ; simi- larly & ; for the meaning of the Kal, cp. Is. lo** ; for the fern. sing, subj., Dav. 116. — nnaiVn] S Dnu"?/! ; cp. v.'"' ^ and phil. n. on 14'.— 26. nrc] (!^ + Kal 'AafxLf ; at end of v. ixolr)(Tav=w]). 27, 28 (12, 13). These verses, containing the alarmed con- fession of the people that access to Yahweh, which they had claimed through Korah (16^, was fatal, and that they are all on the point of perishing for their sins, form really the intro- duction to the next c, which regulates the functions and privileges of the Levites, who do the service of the tabernacle and, by guarding access to it, secure the safety of the rest of the people. 27. Behold we expire ! we perish, we all perish !\ The tenses in the Hebrew are perfects of certainty: cp. Is. 6^, Jer. 4^^; Driver, Tenses, 13. The first vb. (yij) is very characteristic of P: cp. 2o3, Gn. S^^; CH. 51.— 28a. Cp. 18^; also iss 310. 38. On the connection and origin of these verses, see Wellh. Comp. 182 ; Kuenen in Th. Tijd. xii. 147 ; Di. 28. Dsn] a strengthened interrog. (Kon. iii. 353/j ; BDB. 50*) : "Shall we ever finish dying?" ; it is used just thus only here; Job 6^^ is different. — «Dn] G.-K. 6-je. XVIII. The various parts of this chapter have been to a large extent anticipated ; with v.^~'^ cp. i^o-ss ^s-io. 33^ ^j^fj with v.sfi- cp. e.g. Lev. 2^- ^o 6»-ii- 1»- 22 ds-is. 26. 29), j^ spite of this it seems clear that the present chapter, with the possible exception of v.^^^^, formed part of the main priestly work (P^). Positive indications of this are (i) the close connection with Pb's account of Korah's rebellion : as in the story, so here the main antithesis is Levi and the rest of Israel ; whereas in 17^'* f*^'*' Israel exclaims that they must all perish, Yahweh in iS'^-*- 21-23 regulates the functions of Levi, so that Israel in future may suffer no further destruction such as XVII. 27-XVIlI. 2 219 they have just experienced (with 18^ cp. 17" (16^^)). Levi as a whole is to be occupied with the tabernacle, that the rest of Israel need not come into perilous proximity to it (i8-^'"). Altogether subordinate to this main distinction is the distinction between the priests (v.^"^'') and the Levites (y^ 21-24^ in respect of the dues payable to them : for this is merely made because the writer wishes not simply to catalogue the dues payable by the Israelites, but also to describe the different destinations and different treatments (v.^"*^^* ^^) of the several dues. As contrasted with all Israel, priesti and Levites are alike distinguished by the fact that they have no landed possession (v.^"* ^). (2) The reference to "the altar" in the sing, (v.^- ^') ; cp. Introd, § 11. (3) The inconsistency between v.^° and At the same time the c. is marked by certain peculiarities. *'The laws in v.^-^-^'' are addressed to Aaron (so only Lev. 10^ ; elsewhere instructions for Aaron are imparted through Moses, e.g. Lev. 8'^ 16- 21^, Nu. 6^^ 8^); and the customary formula 'spake . . . saying' is not employed, v.^-^-^", ct. 2^" (CH.). On the general priestly character of the language, see above, p. 188. 1-7. The duties of Levi. — The priests are to have the immediate care of the sanctuary and the altar (v.^) ; the rest of the tribe are to assist them, but in such a way that they do not come into direct contact with the sacred objects or the altar (v.^). The object of the whole arrangement is to pre- vent the rest of Israel approaching the sanctuary, and so perishing (v.^ : cp. lySTf. (i2f.)^^ 1. Thou and thy sons\ i.e. the priests. — The house of thy father\ Genealogically this includes the previous phrase ; but from an ecclesiastical standpoint it is quite naturally used to define the whole of the tribe of Levi, exclusive of the family of Aaron; see p. 22. — Shall bear the guilt of the sanctuar}>\ shall bear the consequences of any guilt incurred in connection with the sanctuary, such as that of coming too near it (i^o). For the phrase, cp. Ex. 2'^^ (CH. 2^)\ and for "guilt" (|iy) in the sense of " the consequences, the punish- ment of guilt," see 14^*. Since the danger of attending to the sanctuary is thus confined to Levi, the fear expressed by the people (ly-''^-) is groundless. — 2. The tribe of Levi, the tribe of thy father\ the term noD in the first clause is regularly used by P (see n. on i*), that in the second (ton::') 2 20 NUMBERS very rarely (4^^ n.) ; the second clause is probably editorial, and suggested by "the house of thy father" in v.^. — Bring near with thee\ scarcely in the technical sense (16^ n.) "bring near to God in company with thyself" ; but rather, in view of the clauses that immediately follow, " Have brought unto thee (cp. 3^), to be with and assist thee " (^^^J^). But ffi, perhaps rightly, assimilates the clause to Ex. 28^ and reads 3"ipn -[i^j^ = "have brought unto thee." — That they (Levi) may join themselves {wyillavu)\ a similar paranomasia may be found in Gn. 29^*. — And serve thee whilst thou and thy sons with thee are before the tent of testimony (9^^ n.)] the Levites are to assist the priests when the latter are engaged in ritual duties. The last clause is circumstantial (Di., Tenses^ 156- 159), not, as in RV., antithetical. — 3a. Cp. 3'^. — 3b. Cp. 4^^. — 4. The Levites, but the Levites only, may thus assist the priests, for no layman (".t), i.e.^ no one not of the tribe of Levi (cp. n. on i^^), siiall draw near to you (□3''px) the priests, or, with ffi (ttjoo? o-e), to thee, i.e. Aaron ; note the singular pro- noun at the beginning of the v. — 5. Ye shall keep the charge of the sanctuary] Sanctuary (cj'Hpn) is used with a variety of implications ; it may refer to the whole sacred enclosure (cp. e.g. Lev. 10^^), or to the tent (Lev. 10*), or to the "holy place" (as distinct from the " holy of holies "), i.e. the outer of the two chambers into which the tabernacle was divided by the veil (Ex. 26^^), or to the inner chamber — "the holy of holies " (Lev. i6^- ^- ^^- ^"^ etc.). If the present v. be intended to distinguish between the objects of priestly and Levitical care, the term is best regarded either as an abbre- viation for "objects of the sanctuary" (v.^), or as referring to "the holy of holies " (v.'^). But since the subject of the vb. is not separately expressed (ct. v.'^), and is therefore not emphasised, it is doubtful whether the writer at this point makes the transition from the Levites, who have constituted the main subject of the previous vv., to the priests exclusively. The subject ye may rather include priests and Levites — all alike must keep their charge if the Israelites are to be prohibited from outbreaks of the divine wrath. Then in this case "sanctuary" may be used with its widest signi- XVIII. 3-8 221 ficatlon and refer to the sacred enclosure. — 5b. Cp. 17^^. — 6. Cp. 3^ 8^^- ^^. — 7. Biti thou mid thy sons\ The priests, as distinguished from the Levites, have peculiar priestly duties to discharge (cp. i''), especially in connection with the altar and with service within the curtain (Ex. 26^^, Lev. i6^^^-). — And ye shall serve ; as a service of gift I give your pHesthood\ The priesthood is a favour conferred by Yahweh on the priests. But the phraseology is strange, and the rest of the first clause abrupt ; very possibly there is some corruption : cp. ffir. — And the stranger\ here, any one not a priest. — Who draws near] to perform priestly duties : 16^ n. 2. iiV'i . . . 'i"?] such puns have no etymological value. For sugg-ested etymologies of l"?, see the literature cited in BDB. p. 532a. — 3. Sin.i h^] G om. hj, 8-20. The priests' dues. — A summary statement (v.^) that all the "holy things " of the children of Israel are to become the property of the priests is followed by a series of specific directions, as follows : — Except those parts which are burnt on the altar, the whole of all meal-offerings, sin-offerings, and guilt-offerings falls to the priests, and may be eaten by any male member of a priestly family in a holy place (v.^*). All the contributed portions of peace-offerings, all the "fat" of oil, wine and corn, and all first-ripe fruits, become the property of the priests, and may be eaten by any member of the priestly households, male or female, who is ceremonially clean (v.^^~^^). Further, the priests are to appropriate all "devoted things" (herem), all firstborn of clean cattle and the redemption price of all firstborn of men and unclean cattle ^y_i4-i7^^ All these are in the first instance the property of Yahweh, and are given by Him to the priests because they have no landed possessions in Canaan (v.^^- ^'^). On the value and significance of these dues, see below, p. 236 ff. 8. / have given unto thee that which is kept of the contribu- tions made to Me] i.e. that part of the offerings which is not burnt on the altar, but kept over. The translation assumes a very rare concrete sense of the Hebrew word m?Dti'JO ; but see I S. 2 2^^, and cp. the corresponding abstract use in 17-^ 19^, Ex. T2^ i6^-^2. To translate (with RV.), "I have given 222 NUMBERS thee the charg-e of" the offerings is pointless; dues, not duties, form the subject of the v. — The contributions — even all the holy things] 5^ n. — To thee I have given them as a share] Lev. 7^^. RV. text is wrong- ; see phil. n. — A perpetual due] the word pn is commonly used for any prescribed or estab- lished quantity, especially of food, as, e.g., of the food regu- larly granted to the Egyptian priests by Pharaoh (Gn. 47^'') ; the present phrase recurs frequently in P (Ex. 29^^, Lev. 6^^ 7^* iqIS etc.). — 9. This shall he thine of the most holy things in so far as they are not burnt, and are, therefore, reserved from the ahar-fre. This is substantially the meaning, though the very terse phrase (K'Xn p) of the original might be differently paraphrased. Cp. Lev. 2^, "And that which remains [after a handful has been withdrawn to be burnt on the altar (v.^)] of the meal-offering shall be Aaron's " ; see also Lev. 2I0 59^ Thg term "most holy" may be used of the offerings mentioned in this and the next verse, because they "obtained a higher consecration " as compared with those mentioned in v.^^^' (see Driver and White, Leviticus, p. 63 f. ; or, more fully, Baudissin, Studien, ii. 52 ff.); but the terms "holy" and "most holy" are used rather indifferently, as is shown by a comparison of the last clauses of v.^ and ^". The portions of these offerings which were burnt on the altar, and, therefore, did not fall to the priests were in the case of every meal offering a handful (Lev. 2^ 5^^ 6^^^^^), or an undefined amount (Lev. 2^- ^^) ; and in the case of animal sin-offerings or guilt-offerings, "the fat pieces "as defined in Lev. 4^^ (3^~^) 7^~^- In the case of all animal offerings, moreover, the blood was withheld from human, even priestly, consumption. The burnt-offering is not mentioned in the present passage, for no part of it was eaten ; yet although the whole of the flesh was burnt on the altar (Lev. i^- ^^), the skin was previously removed, and became the property of the priest. Lev. 7^. The peace-offerings are treated in v.^^ (cp. v.^^). — Their guilt-offering with which they make restitution to Me] the relative clause is best thus rendered, and so limited to the last term ; cp. 5'^'^-. The ''asham was originally a compensation for wrong done ; see XVIII. 9-II 223 1 S. 6. — 10. In a most holy place shall thou eat it\ in Lev. 59. 19 (16. 26) y6 j|- js laid down that the meal-offering, the sin- offering, and the guilt-offering shall be eaten "in a holy place," In the two former passages "the holy place" is defined by a following clause (which may well be a gloss, yet, if so, an early and correct one) to be "the court of the tent of meeting." The same place must be intended here [Siphri'. Rashi, Di.), though it is uniquely described by the phrase which commonly defines the inner part of the tent (Ex. 26^^). Ezekiel (42^^ 46^*^) also requires the holy things to be eaten in a holy place, viz. in the chambers of the inner cowvt. — Every male] Lev. 611-22(18.29) f,__\\. The contribution from their gift, inchiding all the ivave-offerings\ The peace-offerings are here referred to ; parts of these were contributed to the priest, and a part was waved (Lev. 'f^~^'). For some unknown reason, instead of using the technical term D''O^K', the writer here refers to these offerings by the vague word gift (IDO), which is used but once again in the Hexateuch, and then not of a sacrificial offering (Gn. 3412). The word, it is true, is not an unsuitable description of the peace-offerings even from the standpoint of P, who classes them as korban^ "gifts made at the altar" (Lev. 3). Never- theless, though presented at the altar, the greater part of a peace-offering was not in any further sense a gift to Yahweh : it was consumed at a sacrificial meal, in which any one ceremonially clean might partake (Lev. ^'^^'^). Ordinarily the portions contributed from the whole offering to the priest were the breast and the right thigh (Lev. ^31-34^ . in exceptional cases, such as that of the Nazirite's peace- offering (61^^-), additional portions were contributed : together these parts constituted the frtimah (5^ n.), or contribution from the peace-offering. Of these pieces one (in exceptional cases others, G^^'-), viz. the breast, was ceremonially waved (6-° n.) ; this part of the frumah was called specifically fnuphah or toave-offering. All the parts, then, of the peace- offering given to the priest are referred to in the first of the two clauses in the text ; the part waved is particularly specified in the second. This is the most probable interpre- 224 NUMBERS tatlon ; for In spite of the universal phrase {all the "wave- offerings), everything called {niiphah, or subject to the rite of waving", cannot be intended here. For, described as fniipliah, or as subject to the rite of waving", are the following: — (i) the gold and bronze given for the tabernacle (Ex. 35^2 38-*- 2^) ; the Levites (8^^-^^-^^); (2) portions of the "ram of consecra- tion " and its accompaniments subsequently burnt in the altar-fire (Ex. 29^-"^, Lev. 325-28) . ^^ certain guilt-offerings (Lev. 14^^- -^- 2*) ; (4) the sheaf of first-fruits and the bread of first-fruits with certain accompanying sacrifices (Lev. 23^°"-°) ; (5) the meal-offering presented in connection with the ordeal of jealousy (5^^) ; (6) quite exceptionally the thigh as well as the breast of the peace-offering is required to be waved, Lev. g2i jq15^ "phe fnuphoth contemplated in the present law, since they are to be eaten, cannot include the first and second groups ; nor, presumably, do they include the third and fifth groups, since these already fall under the law of v.^^- ; nor the fourth group, which falls under the law of v.^-^-. As to (6), i. the theory of Lev. 9-^ 10^^ govern the present law, which is improbable, the two terms in the text must be treated as coextensive, and rendered the contribution from their gift, even all the wave-offerings, the last clause being limited by the context to the parts of the peace-offering which were waved. — Every one that is clca7i] Lev. 22^"'^. — Every one . . . in thy house] Lev. 22^°"^^. The necessity for being ceremonially "clean" when partaking of sacred food was an ancient regulation (i S. 21^*-). — 12. All the fat] fig. for "best": cp. Dt. 32", Ps. Si^^Cie) i^f\—0il. . . must . . . com] the terms (in:»\ tjn\~i, pi) denote the new produce as contrasted with )Df, p, and 13C'. On CiTi { = fniist, or fiew wine), see Dr., foel, 79 f. — The first of them] This repeats by means of the more technical word (n^t^*N'^), used in the parallel law of Dt. 18* (cp. Ex. 23^®), the sense of ** the best of . . ." How the part to be given to the priests was computed is not stated. On later practice, see below. — 13. The first-ripe fruits of all that is in thy land] Some [e.g. Di.) have taken this to be a generalising repetition of v.^^, in- tended to correct the inference that the offerings in question XVIII. 12, 13 225 were to be confined to corn, wine, oil. But this is hardly probable. A distinction is drawn in Neh. lo^*^- ^^(ss. 37) ^^g. tween " the first-ripe fruits (^1"l-3) of our ground and the first- ripe fruits of all fruit of all trees " which were brought "yearly to the house of Yahweh " on the one hand, and a "contribution" (distinct from tithe) of agricultural produce made- to the priests on the other. This distinction reappears in the Mishnah ; and the two offerings, there clearly dis- tinguished as bikktirim and frumah, are discussed at length in the tracts bearing those names. Probably the Ciiaa of this v., like the Dni33 of Neh. lo^^^^^^ and the Mishnah, were comparatively small offerings of raw produce, which became indeed, like other offerings or portions thereof, the property of the priests, but only after being presented with religious ceremony at the temple, whereas the n^C^'X") of v.^^, like the offerings mentioned in Neh. lo^'^* ^^^^ and the fT^imah of the Mishnah, was a contribution of meal, fruit, wine, oil, etc., given as a tribute simply and immediately, without religious ceremony, to the priests. See, further, the small print n. that follows. — WJiich they bring to Vahweh] cp. Neh. lo^'^^^^^ "to bring the first-ripe fruits ... to the house of Yahweh." The first-ripe fruits were oflfered with a solemn ceremonial at the temple, as they must have been earlier at the local sanctuaries : cp. Ex. 23^^ 34"^, Dt. 26^"^^, BiMiirzm, c. 3 (cited below). Philo, De testo c/i/?n*(Tischendorf, Philonea, 69-71 ; Young's translation, iii. 291-293). The dedication to the deity of a portion of the new produce of the 3'ear is a widely prevalent custom. "Primitive peoples often partake of the new corn sacramentally, because they suppose it to be instinct with a divine spirit or life. At a later age, when the fruits of the earth are con- ceived as created rather than as animated by divinity, the new fruits are no longer partaken of sacramentally as the body and blood of a god ; but a portion of them is presented as a thank-offering to the divine beings who are believed to have produced them. . . . Till the first-fruits have been offered to the deity . . . people are not at liberty to eat of the new crops" (Frazer, GB. ii. 458). The following are cited from a large number of examples collected by Frazer (/6. 318-340, 459-471): "Amono- the Basutos when the corn has been threshed and winnowed, it is left in a heap on the threshing-floor. Before it can be touched a religious cere- mony must be performed. The persons to whom the corn belongs bring a new vessel to the spot, in which they boil some of the grain. When it IS 2 26 NUMBERS is boiled they throw a few handfuls of it on the heap of corn, saying, ' Thank you, gods, give us bread to-morrow also ! ' When this is done the rest is eaten, and the provision for the year is considered pure and fit to eat " (459). "At the close of the rice harvest in the East Indian island of Buro, each clan meets at a common sacramental meal, to which every member of the clan is bound to contribute a little of the new rice. This meal is called 'eating the soul of the rice,' . . . Some of the rice is also set apart and offered to the spirits " (321). " The Chams of Binh-Thuan, in Indo-China, may not reap the rice harvest until they have offered the first-fruits to Po-Nagar, the goddess of agriculture, and have consumed them sacramentally " (323). In Fiji the new yams may not be eaten before the first-fruits have been dedicated ; but the custom as to disposing of the first-fruits differs : in some parts they are presented in the sacred enclosure, and there left to rot; in others they "are presented at the principal temple of the district, become the property of the priests, and form their revenue" (p. 464). "In the Punjaub . . . when the sugar- cane is cut the first-fruits are offered on an altar, which is built close to the press, and is sacred to the sugar-cane god. Afterwards the first-fruits are given to the Brahnfans " (461 f.). Dedication of a part of the new produce was unquestionably an ancient custom with the Hebrews also. The early lawbook forbids delay in making the offering, and requires it to be made at the house of Yahweh, i.e. at the local sanctuary (Ex. 22^^(-') 23*^ 34"'')- In H it is required that a particular kind of first-fruit offering must be made before the new crops may be eaten (Lev. 23'""^*). But unfortunately the early references gfive no information as to the disposal of the offering ; it is consequently impossible to decide whether the first-fruits among the Hebrews were in early times consumed sacramentally, as the tithes at one time unquestion- ably were (see on v.^'), and as the first-fruits themselves, according to the customs of some countries just described ; or whether from the first among the Hebrews they formed a gift outright to Yahweh or His representative the priest. The former view is adopted by We. {Prolcg. 155 f.) and Nowack (^Arch. ii. 255-257), the latter by W. R. Smith {Religion of the Semites, 222{., *24of.). In the former case the later assignment of the contribution to the priests, which had taken place by the time of Dt. iS* (cp. Ezek. 44'"), was merely due to the same tendency which, at a later date than Dt., changed the disposal of the firstborn and of the tithe (see below, on v.^-'s- 21-24). All the new produce that came to the priests (even in the 7th cent.) was scarcely subjected to such elaborate ceremonial as is described in Lev. 23"*""' "■*'* or Dt. 26"'". Consequently the distinction which is certainly drawn in Neh. lo^'*'^, and probably in the present passage, may rest on earlier differences — differences in the mode of presentation, if not in the ultimate mode of disposal of the produce offered. But such a difference, if indicated here, is not indicated by the mere use of the two different terms n^B'isn and nmaa. For in themselves they are, though not indeed in all cases, interchangeable, yet certainly not mutually exclusive. They are two among several terms that are used to denote (some of) the new produce of the year, or, specifically, that XVIII. 13 227 part of it which was dedicated to the deity ; other terms are ni'om n.S''?a (Ex. 22-^, cp, v.^'' below) ; riNun with the addition of such a g-enitive as ap', p3 (v.*"), DID or ma; nDi-in (v.-'') or ddt nonn (Dt. 12^), or, specifically, pj naiin (15^"). Of these, nann only is necessarily confined, when used in reference to the new produce of the year, to that part of it which was withdrawn from the whole for sacred purposes. Both mi32 and n'C'XT are primarily wider terms than nonn, though less wide than nNun ; and it is, strictly speaking-, only pari of what is so termed that is offered to the deity ; hence the partitive p in Dt. 26^, Prov. 3*, and the defining clauses added here, "the n'rxi which they give unto Yahweh," "the Qni^a which they bring to Yahweh." So in Lev. 23^** the sheaf that is offered is "the sheaf 0/ the first (n'r^n) of thy harvest" (in Ex. 23^® 34'", on the other hand, n'lt'NT and Dm^a are coextensive rather than part and whole ; the case may be different in Ezek. 44^"). But commonly the partitive construction is dropped, and then reshith and bikkArhn are tacitly understood to mean that part of the produce so termed that is to be offered or given ; so Dt. 26^* (ct. v.^), Neh. lo^^ 13^^ 2 Ch. 31^, and Ex. 22^ 23^® 34-® are best understood in the same way. But observe that "bread of first-fruits" (nmD3 en'?) is eaten by ordinary people on an occasion which nothing suggests was in any way sacred, 2 K. 4^^. The two terms reshith and bikMrim are rendered indifferentlj' in EV. by "first-fruits," though the latter is here and in Nah. 3^* exceptionally rendered " first ripe (fruits) " ; cp.* the same rendering of miD3 in Hos. 9^", Mic. 7'. (& in the Hexateuch distinguishes the words, rendering n'tyxn by iirapxai (which also renders "wv^, 2hn, n£3i3n, and nnnn) and Dm33 by irpono- yevv'/j/xaTa (in Ezek. 44^" 48" = ri'B'.sn) ; in this way ffir also brings out the close etymological connection between the first-fruits and the firstborn (y:!2 = irpuT6TOKos). But nx'NT though in itself of far more general meaning (="the first part"), and, therefore, almost always defined by a genitive such as Tsp, ns (in Lev. 2^^ it is exceptionally undefined), is, when applied to agricultural produce, virtually synonymous with Dm33, and thus, for example, "iTsp n'C'NT nnj; (Lev. 23^") might equally well have been termed DniD3n loy, and similarly the ne-nn rm:a (Lev. 23^") or omonn cnS (v.-**, cp. v.^'') might have been called n'B'NT en"?. As a matter of fact, Dt. does not employ the term D'niD3, and uses the word nx-NT alike of the offering made with religious ceremony in Dt. 26'-"^" and of the contribution simply required for the priest in 18^. So again, though in the present passage Dm33 (v.^^) probably is an offering of raw produce, this distinction is not made clear by the mere use of the term ; for while ti'iyNn certainly is used of raw produce in Dt. 26'-"'° and Lev. 23^°, cnirin is not limited to offerings made in that form ; for see Lev. 23"-2'' (H) 2^'* (P). The two terms, then, are sufficiently coextensive to admit of Di.'s interpretation of v.'* men- tioned above. But the facts that the two different terms are used in two consecutive verses, that the second is strictly the narrower, and still more the differ- ence in the two defining clauses render the alternative view more probable ; "the n"-NT . • . which they give unto Yahweh" (v. '^) is a contribution or tribute paid outright, with little or no religious ceremony, to the priests 2 28 NUMBERS (cp. Dt. iS^ Neh. lo^, 2 Ch. 31^) ; "the Dni33 . . . which they bring to Yahweh " (v.^'*) are offerings of the raw produce which were brought to the sanctuary and offered with ceremony, offerings such as are described in Lev. 231"-^*, Dt. 262-">, and in BikMrtm, c. 3. The distinction just drawn was familiar to the Jewish scholars of the Mishnah. Though some of the details there given are manifestly far more recent than the present law, others may be much earlier than the ist or 2nd cent. A.D., and illustrate at least the outcome of the laws given in the text. According to the Mishnah, the products of the soil were subject to four exactions named as follows, and exacted in the following order {T'rtimoth iii. 6) : (i) bikkdrijn, (2) t^rHmah, (3) tithe {fna'aser), (4) second tithe {ma'aser sheiii). Of these the fourth resulted from an attempt to reconcile the two different but not originally coexisting laws of tithe stated in Dt. i4-2"29 and Nu. 18^^"^ respectively, at some time subsequent to the union of Dt. and P in the Hexateuch, and earlier than Tob. i', Jos. Anf. iv. 8^ (cp. Driver, Dt. 169-173). The first tithe of the Mishnah corresponds to the tithe of this c, discussed below. The Mishnah recognises that both the bikkfirim and the t^rdmah were included under the OT. term D'CNT (lyrilmoth Iii. 7). Nevertheless the bikkftrim and t^rdmah of the Mishnah differ widel}' from one another. The bikkiirim are clearly offerings of the same nature as the offerings of reshith described in Dt. 26-"'" and Lev. 23'", and apparently identical with the bikkiirim "brought to Yahweh" (Nu. 18") or "to the house of Yahweh yearly" (Neh. 10'®). According to the Mishnah {Bikkiirim), the bikkiirim were only offered of the " seven kinds," i.e. of wheat, barley, vines, fig-trees, pomegranates, oil, and honey (i. 10 ; cp. ii. 3, iii. 9) ; they had to be brought to Jerusalem (ii. 2), fresh by those living near, dry by those living at a distance (iii. 3), and ceased to be offered with the fall of Jerusalem (ii. 3). The bikkdrim were selected as follows : " If any man went down into his field and saw a fig, grape-cluster, or pomegranate grown ripe he tied it with bast ("OJ) and said, * Lo these are bikkiirim (iii. i). When they were to be taken to Jerusalem all the inhabitants of a district assembled at the chief town. They achieved their journey to the music of pipes, with the ox, to be offered as a peace-offering, pre- ceding them, his ears tipped with gold and crowned with olive leaves. On approaching Jerusalem they were welcomed by the inhabitants, and the music was kept up till they reached the temple-mount. Arrived there, every man shouldered his basket containing the fruits, and proceeded to the fore-court, where they were met by Levites reciting Ps. 30. The animal offerings were offered ; the offerers began to recite Dt. 26'*^*, and, in the middle of the recitation, the basket was removed and placed by the priest on the altar (c. iii.). Thus to the very last this offering of first-fruits retained much of its primitive character; the fruit indeed fell to the priest, but was of comparatively small value ; the religious ceremony was still the predominant feature in the custom. Very different was the t^riimah of later times. It did not need to be brought to Jerusalem, and could consequently be contributed after the fall of the city (Bik. ii. 2 f.). It was exacted on all vegetable produce (nn'jjn hj : XVIII. 14 2 29 Bik. n. 3; cp., perhaps, tto-vtuiv tQiv iK rijs y^s (pvoj-L^wv Kap-n-Zv, Jos. Ant. iv. 4-', and Philo, De prcetn. sac. i (Mangey, ii. 233)) ; and in T^rilmoth reference is incidentally made not only to the more important products like grain, wine, and oil, but also to cucumbers, melons, onions, and the like, as subject to the exaction {T'nh)ioth ii. 5, 6, iii. i, ix. 6). The amount of t^rAmah was not fixed, but was expected to be not less than ^V ^nd might be anything up to -^ or, according to Shammai, -^ (iv. 3). When the amount of the new produce to be given to the priest became even so much fixed as this cannot be determined ; the present law, like Dt. 18^, says nothing on the subject. 14. Cp. Ezek. 44^^. — Every devoted thing\ herem here, as in Lev. 27^^- ^9, appears to mean anythingf so dedicated to Yahweh that it could not be redeemed. Obviously the present law cannot contemplate the objects of such acts of banning or devotion as are described in, e.g..^ 21^* (n.), Dt. 7^^-, Jos. G-'^- 2^, I S. 15 ; for in these cases the objects of the ban are primarily human being-s, and the effect of the ban is that they are put to death. The germ of the present use of the term may be found in the custom of placing the silver and gold of a " devoted" place in the sacred treasury (Jos. 6^^). But the phraseology here — everything devoted in Israel — as well as the passage cited from Lev. favours the view that herem in this law is used of objects directly dedicated by individual Israel- ites, rather than objects belonging to an individual or people placed under ban by the whole of Israel ; see Now. Arch. ii. 268. — 15-18. The rights of the priests in the firstborn consist of the redemption price of the firstborn of men, which is fixed at five shekels, equivalent to about twelve shillings, a head (3*'^ n.), the redemption price of unclean animals, and the whole of the flesh of the firstborn of clean cattle. The claim of Yahweh to the firstborn was unquestionably ancient ; the early laws are familiar with it (Ex. 1313 322Sf.(29f.) 3^20), g^j^ the assignment of the firstborn or of the fine paid for their redemption to the priests is probably more recent than Ezekiel, who does not include the firstborn among the dues payable to the priests (Ezek. 44^8-31)^ and almost certainly more recent than Deuteronomy, which gives different directions for the disposal of the firstborn. In Dt. only the case of the firstborn of clean cattle is considered (15^''-' 12"'- 1423). On the incompatibility of the law of Dt. and Nu. 18^^"", and 230 NUMBER.3 also on the probably superior antiquity of the former, see below, p. 236 f., and Dr. Deut. p. 187. Here it may suffice to record the known differ- ences in the disposal of the three classes of firstborn (men, clean animals, unclean animals) as described in this law and elsewhere, (i) Unclean cattle. These, according to the present law, must be redeemed, and the price of redemption paid to the priest ; according to Ex. 13^, in the (typical) case of the ass, redemption was optional ; if adopted, it is not stated that the price of redemption goes to the priest ; nor is it likely, for it was redeemed in kind by a lamb, and this, in all probability, was treated like a firstborn of clean animals. In any case, if the option of killing the ass was adopted, there being no redemption price, the priest received nothing. (2) Clean cattle. These, according to Dt., were eaten, not as the present law requires, by the priests alone, but, at a sacred meal, by the man and his household to whom the firstborn belonged. The Levite is simply commended to the hospitality of the Israelites on such occasions (Dt. la^^^* 14^). (3) Men. Various views have been held as to the original effect of Yahweh's claim to the firstborn of men : one has been noticed above (p. 26) ; according to another the firstborn were sacrified ; see Frazer, GB. ii. 43-52 ; and, briefly, Nold. in ZDMG. xlii. (1888) 483 : e contra We. Proleg.* 87 f.; W. R. Smith, Eel. of the Semites,'^ 445 ; Kamphausen, Die Verhdltnis des Menschenopfer zur israelitischen Religion, 63 fF. However this may be, from the time of the earliest codes the custom in Israel was to redeem the firstborn. So far the present law agrees with at least comparatively ancient custom in Israel. But the early law is at least silent as to any assignment of the redemption to the priest, nor does it fix the redemption at any definite price. Possibly in earlier times the price was variable. W. R. Smith argues at length in The Religion of the Semites (note K) against the theory that the firstborn originally constituted a source of tribute to the deity (or priest). 15. Everything that openeth the womb {3^^), of all flesh'] In contrast to the precision of the earlier laws (Ex, i3i2f. is 34^^'-, Dt. 15^^), this general term is not subsequently limited by any direct statement to males either here or in Ex. 13* (P). Some,* therefore, have inferred that P required all first- born, whether male or female, to be redeemed. If this be correct, the divergence from earlier usage would be another instance of the increasing demands of the priests : but the inference is open to some doubt ; for in 3*0-^1 (P) the male firstborn only are considered, and the redemption price here fixed (v.^^) is the value of a male between a month and five years of age, but in excess of the value of a woman of the same age (Lev. 27^). — Only for the firstborn of mayi thou shall receive a redemption price] the subj., as throughout * Kue. Hex, 30 ; Nowack, Arch. ii. 255. XVIII. 15-17 231 the section, Is Aaron, the representative of the priests ; but since the priests receive the price, the vb. mD, if correctly pointed, is here used exceptionally of receiving the price of redemption ; so in v.^^'-. — 15b. Ct. Ex. 13^^ (JE), and see small print n. above. — 16. Cp. 3'*'^ n. — And its redemption price\ On the meaning of the term Qms, see 3*^ phil. n. The sing-, pronominal suffix here refers to the sing-, collective term ("1133 "firstborn") In v.^^. Grammatically, it should at least include a reference to the last clause of v.^^, whence it would follow that every firstborn of unclean animals as well as of men, was to be redeemed at five shekels. The redemption price for male children is fixed elsewhere also at five shekels (3*'^, Lev. 27^) ; but that of unclean animals appears to have been, as we should naturally suppose it was, variable (Lev. 27^"- 27). It Is unlikely, therefore, that the present law was actually Intended to fix the same price for firstborn of men and firstborn of unclean cattle. Possibly v.^^'' has been trans- ferred by accident to its present position from the end of v.^^, or unreflectingly placed where it now stands by an editor, or, with Di., we may suppose v.^^ a later insertion. — From a month old] i.e. immediately after attaining the age of a month, and so, virtually, at a month old. Any age from a month upwards Is differently expressed; see 3**'. For illus- trations of the present use of the p, see BDB. s.v. p a^h. The age at which children were redeemed Is not stated in the earlier codes. The firstborn of oxen and small cattle were, by early custom, given to Yahweh on the eighth day (Ex. 22^9) from birth, the same day on which children were circumcised ; at a later period (Dt. 15^"), within a year from birth (Dt. 15^°). — 17. The firstborn of cattle, of sheep, or goats Is treated, so far as the blood and the fat is concerned, in the same way as when one of these animals Is presented as a peace-ofTering (Lev. 3^"^), i.e. the fat is burnt on the altar and the blood poured or tossed in full volume against the altar. RV., as usual, erroneously renders piT by "sprinkle," and so confuses the term with the entirely different ntn. But \\\q flesh of the firstborn is treated differently from that of the peace-offering ; for, whereas the greater part of the peace-offering could be 232 NUMBERS eaten by any one ceremonially clean (Lev. 7^^^^), the whole of the flesh of the firstborn, like the right thigh and the breast of a peace-offering, is to be given over to the priests for consump- tion.— Thine (Aaron's) shall their flesh he as the wave-breast, etc.] cp. Lev. 720-31 ^nd v. ^^ with n. above. — 19. A summary of the preceding vv. ; cp. v.^. — A covenant of salt\ cp. ** Yahweh . . . gave the kingdom ... to David . . . for ever ... by a covenant of salt" (2 Ch. 13^). The phrase means an inviol- able covenant. Its origin is probably to be sought in old nomadic custom, whereby a bond was established between those who had shared the same food. The principle is, "If I have eaten the smallest morsel of food with a man, I have nothing further to fear from him ; ' there is salt between us,' and he is bound not only to do me no harm, but to help and defend me as if I were his brother."* The root ?««/a-^a in Arabic means *' to salt," a derivative milhat, ** a treaty " ; and the sacred character of salt is recognised in a line cited from El-A'sha (Kitab el-'Agani, xx. 139, 28), "I swear by the salt and the ashes and Ozza and Lit." Salt was mingled with all Hebrew sacrifices (Lev. 2^^, Mk. 9^® : cp. in reference to par- ticular species. Lev. 24'^ffir; Ezek. 43^^; Jos. ^»/.iii.9^; Z^bahim vi. 5) and with the holy incense (Ex. 30^), and continued perhaps to symbolise the inviolability of Yahweh's covenant with Israel. — 20. Thou shall not inherit in their land] Aaron is addressed as representative of the priests; Aaron can, it is true, be chosen to represent the whole tribe of Levi {ly^^^- ^^^•^) ; but here at the close of the section dealing with dues to the priests (v.^^^^), and before the section dealing with the Levites (v.21-2*), Aaron must be interpreted in the narrower sense, for which "Aaron and his sons" is often, but not exclusively (cp. v.^^ 3^-^ n.), used. In v.^^^- exclusion from inheritance in the land of Canaan is extended to the Levites, to whom the tithes are assigned in compensation as the sacred offerings are here assigned to the priests. Unlike the rest of Israel, then, priests and Levites receive no landed inheritance in Canaan, but certain sacred dues instead ; a corresponding * W. R. Smith, jRel. of the Semites^, 252, ^2'jo; cp. We. Rcsie des Arab. Heid. 124. XVIII 19-21 2;^2 theory is found In Deuteronomy (Dt. lo' 12^2 j^27. 29 jg2^ Jq^^ j^ii. 33 jgT^ j^nd Ezekiel (44^^). But, strictly speaking, the present theory is inconsistent with the alleged assignment of forty-eight cities to the priests and Levites in other, presum- ably later, passages of P (Jos. 21, Nu. 35^"®). Passages in P agreeing with the present are 26^^, Jos. 14^ — I am thy portion and thy inheritance in the midst of the children of Israel\ i.e. the priests are to live by means of the sacred gifts of the Israelites, which are handed over by Yahweh to the priests (v.^). Cp. " Yahweh is his inheritance " (Dt. 10^) ; but observe that there and in other passages of D (Dt. i8^ Jos. 1314- saj this statement extends to the whole of the Levites, and is not limited, as here, to the priests ; see Driver's n. on Dt. lo®. 8. nij-.f'c] = "portion" : cp. r\nx^Ti Lev. 7^' and the Targumic nji^ and »<;7yp=" a measure"; Syr, oo, ■ V) = " to measure " ; |_kk^q1d (note the justification for the o in nnB'D)="a measure"; An massdJi—'' a. geome- trician"; Assyr. OT«3f/'§^M = " measure." It is very questionable whether nB'a="to measure" has any connection with nE'D="to anoint," or the meaning "consecrated portion," given to nriiJ'D in BDB., any justification ; cp. Fried. Delitzsch, Proleg. p. 178 n. i ; Weinel in ZATW. 1S98, p. 13. — D'nm] The suffix refers to 'nmn (Dav. i, R. 3 ; G.-K. 1350) or 'cip ; these, as distinct from the mDcj-o of them, are only given under conditions which are subsequently more closely defined. — TJ^'ji] ffi Schiirer,^ ii. 243-262 (Eng-. tr. II. i. 230-254) ; Nowack, Arch. ii. 125-129 ; Di. (on this c. and also) Exodus u. Leviticus, 634 fF.; Driver, Deut. 168-173, 186 f., 213-221, 290; van Hoonacker, Le Sacerdoce Ldvitique, 383-435 (mainly harmonistic in its treatment). XIX. Purification from Uncleanness by the Dead. Literature. — Spencer, De Legibus Hebrceoruvt Ritualibus, bk. ii. c. 26 ; Mishnah, tractates Ohaloth and Parah : Midrash Rabba (ed. Berlin), vol. iv. folio nya; Bahr, Symbolik, ii. 493-511 ; Winer, Biblisches Real- Wurterbuch, ii. 504-506; Nowack, /I r^rA. ii. 287-290; Kennedy's art. "Red Heifer " in Hastings' DB. ; and Simcox in EBi. 846 f. The present chapter, like c. 15, though it clearly belongs to P, has no intimate connection either with what precedes (c. 16-18 — the revolt of Korah) or with what follows (c. 20 — the arrival at Kadesh). Unlike c. 15, it is devoted to a single subject — pollution through contact with the dead, and its removal by the use of a liquid in which the main in- gredient consists of the ashes of a red cow; v.^~^^ deals mainly with the method of purifying those polluted ; v.^^"^^ with the circumstances under which the pollution is con- tracted. The actual want of org^anic connection between this chapter and those that follow is proved rather than disproved by the attempts to establish one ; the law, it is said, is placed here on account of the wholesale slaughter that followed the rebellion of Korah. Not only is the present section entirely unrelated to the preceding and following, it is also separated by much inter- 16 242 NUMBERS veningf matter from that part of the Hexateuch with which it is in subject most closely connected — viz. from the laws dealing with various forms of ceremonial uncleanness (Lev. 11-15); and that although uncleanness from the dead has been frequently referred to, or discussed, in previous parts of the Hexateuch, Lev. 52 118.24-28 2ii-4.iof. 22^-7, Nu. 52 6^-12 Q6f. lOf.^ The present law is presupposed in 31^^24^ On the other hand, the method of purification here described is not recog- nised in the case of the polluted Nazirite : in his case an entirely different method is followed ; he purifies himself by shaving his hair and making certain offerings, 6^~^^. Lev. 5^~^ requires a guilt-offering from one who has unwittingly suffered by pollution from the dead. The reason why neither of these laws refers to the " water of unclean- ness " may be that they presuppose it, and refer simply to the special requirements of the special circumstances with which they respectively deal. But the absence of allusion to it in Lev. 22*'^ (H) ii^"*"^ is more difficult of explanation if the present law at the time enjoyed a general sanction : so far as the priests are concerned, Lev. 22^"'' appears to place uncleanness from the corpses of men on the same footing as other forms of uncleanness, and to require for it, as for them, simply bathing in plain water; and Lev. n^^-^s requires nothing more than this simpler cleansing in the case of any man defiled by the carcase of an unclean beast. Though, therefore, the law has been edited in the priestly school,* it does not appear to have formed part of P^, nor to be of the same origin as the laws of uncleanness in Lev. 11-15, nor, perhaps, of the same origin as Nu. 6 or Lev. 5^"*. That it is younger than any or all of these there is little or no positive ground for saying ; the law is P" rather than P% Least of all can the absence from the present c. of any demand for offerings on restoration to cleanness be cited in favour of a late origin of the law. As connecting the c. with P, note, amongst other things, the intro- ductory formula, v.^ (CH. 185), inp'i "^NnB" ':3 '?« nan v.- (cp. 5^n.), mv v.^ (cp. i^ n.), and the numerous ritual terms. On the other hand, phraseo- logical peculiarities are, in addition to mj 'D (only again in 31-^), minn npn v.^ (also 31-^ t), \At.x\T\r\ — to tmsin one self, v.^^-^^-^* (alsoS'^^n., ^i^^^-"^-, and in a different sense Job 41" t)> ciN u's: h^h no v.^^ (ct. 6^) ; see also the notes XIX. 243 below on "Elc'azar the priest" (v.'*), "j'ns TDs (v."), nxan (v.^). We. and Kue., who refer the whole c. to P^ (cp. Di.), consider v."'^ an explana- tory addition to the main law. CH., on the other hand, refer v.^"" to Ps, but v."-22 to P', judging the latter "less like an addition than an independent ordinance on a similar basis." It has been argued that v.^'^ implies that the polluted man sprinkles himself, v.^® that he is sprinkled by another. But with v." cp. v.***, and note that v.^* (like v.^'') implies that the man has the water thrown over him by another : see note there. But whatever the exact age of the literary origin of the law, the belief on which it is based and the custom which it regulates are ancient and primitive. Purification from pollution through the dead by the use of the ashes of the red cow is but one of many primitive or popular practices which were assimilated and regulated by the later priestly religion and described by its writers ; such were the bells on the high priest's cloke (Ex. 28^^-^^), the water of bitterness (Nu. 5""^^), the goat for Azazel (Lev. 16): see what is said above, pp. 46-48. The belief or doctrine underlying the law and the specific regulations here enforced are not, however, necessarily of the same origin and age. The doctrine is this — a dead body is a source or cause of pollution ; and this doctrine is both ancient and widespread. There is nothing peculiarly Hebrew, or even peculiarly Semitic, about it. Thus to refer to some parallel practices that indicate the prevalence of the same doctrine : "Among the Navajos [of North America], the man who has been deputed to carry a dead body to burial, holds himself un- clean until he has thoroughly washed himself in water prepared for the purpose by certain ceremonies." " Among the Basutos of South Africa, warriors returning from battle must rid themselves of the blood they have shed. . . . Therefore they go in procession ... to the nearest stream to wash. ... It is usual in this ceremony for a sorcerer, higher up the stream, to put in some magical ingredient, such as he also uses in the preparation of the holy water which is sprinkled over the people with a beast's tail at the frequent public purifications." " The Zulus . . . purify themselves by an ablution after a funeral." "Tibetan . . . mourners returning from the funeral stand before the fire, wash their hands with warm water over the hot coals, and fumigate themselves thrice with proper formulas" (Tylor, Primitive Culture,^ ii. pp. 433 f., 437; cp. Frazer, GB. i. 322-325). The Madangs of Borneo, after depositing the coffin, pass through a cleft stick, the ends of which, when all have passed through, are tied close together again. Then all who have taken part in the ceremony bathe before returning home, and rub themselves with rough pebbles (Hose in Geographical Journal, xvi. 45 f.). The fore- 244 NUMBERS going are customs that have come under modem observation ; but they prove the wide prevalence — in America, Africa, and Asia — of the doctrine. The classical authors, the Zendavesta, the laws of Manu, and other ancient Oriental lawbooks show its prevalence among the ancient Romans, Greeks, Persians, and Indians. For Roman practices, cp. Virg. ^n. vi. 228-231 — Ossaque lecta cado texit Corynasus aeno. Idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda, Spargens rore levi et ramo felicis olivae, Lustra vitque vires, dixitque novissima verba ; and ii. 717-720. In Greece a bowl of water was placed before the door of the house where a death had taken place that persons entering the house might purify themselves with it ; after the funeral the house was purified ; dead bodies were excluded from sacred enclosures, and contact with a dead body rendered a person polluted {fivcraplis) and unfit to approach an altar (Eur. Ale. 98-100; Iph. in Taur. 380-383; Helen, 1430 f. ; Paus. ii. 27, together with Frazer's note in Pausanias Descr. of Greece, lii. p. 239). In India a death renders the relatives of the dead man unclean, whether they come into contact with him or not : for this and other matters connected with the Indian doctrine of pollution by the dead, see Gautama, c. \i,^.=SBE, ii. p. 246 (T. ; Manu, v. 57-104 = 55^'. XXV. p. 177 ff. ; cp. Oldenberg, Die Relig. des Veda, pp. 577-591. The doctrine of pollution from the dead is peculiarly influential in Zoroastri- anism, and is seen to be closely connected with demonology ; see VendidAd (SBE. iv.), esp. Fargards v-xii ; cp. Sh&yast Id sh&yast, c. ii. (SBE, V. pp. 245-276), and Darmesteter's introduction to the VendidAd {SBE. iv. pp. Ixxxv-xcv), from which this summary of the doctrine maybe cited — "Impurity or uncleanness may be described as the state of a person or thing that is possessed of the demon : and the object of purification is to expel the demon. The principal means by which uncleanness enters man is death, as death is the triumph of the demon. When a man dies, as soon as the soul has parted from the body, the Drug Nasu or Corpse-Drug falls upon the dead from the regions of hell, and whoever thenceforth touches the corpse becomes unclean, and makes unclean whomsoever he touches " (p. Ixxxvi). For other illustrations of the connection between uncleanness from the dead and the belief in the danger to the living from the spirits of the departed, see Frazer, GB. iii. 397-401. The susceptibility of the dead body to the attacks of demons was also held by the Babylonians, and, with them, led to the custom of purifying the corpse itself (Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 602 f.); with which custom we may compare that of the Aztecs mentioned by Tjlor {Prim. Culture, ii. p. 436). Clearly, then, there is nothing" in any way peculiar to the Hebrews in the belief that a dead body is a cause of pollution ; and consequently the origin of the belief and the original XIX. 245 sigTiIficance of the customs must be sought not in what is peculiar to the Hebrew rehg-ion, but in that system — if the term may be used — of primitive thought out of which the higher religions and the Hebrew among them sprang. Con- sequently, too, there is no reason for thinking that the belief was borrowed by the Hebrews ; and, indeed, although the present law and other references in the Hexateuch (Lev. ii3ifiE.39f. 2iiff- H, Nu. 52 6^ 910 3ii9ff- P, Dt. 26^*) to the sub- ject do not carry us further back than the 7th cent. (Dt. 26^^), the belief is unmistakably referred to in Hos. 9* ; other references outside the Hexateuch are Hag. 2^^, Ezek. 44^^ ; cp. 2 K. 23^*. In none of these passages is there any sugges- tion that the demonological beliefs, with which the doctrine seems to have been originally connected, were still consciously held by the Hebrews. This also is true of subsequent allusions: see Tob. 2^, Ecclus. 31^" (34^^)> Bar. 3^^. When we turn from the doctrine to the specific regula- tions of this law, it is less easy to establish the antiquity of the usage in Israel, or to find exact parallels to it elsewhere. Purification in some form is naturally as ancient and general as the doctrine. But with the particular means of purification here decreed it is different. Generally speaking, ceremonial impurity in Israel, as among many other peoples, was re- moved at the end of a certain period after the impurity was incurred (sometimes on condition of the discharge of certain other regulations also, such as the presentation of offerings), by the use of simple water, which is often, however, expressly required to be "living," Le. running, and not stagnant (cp. Lev. 13. 15). And this mode of purification appears to be regarded in some of the laws cited above as sufficient even in the case of pollution from the dead. The peculiarity of the present law is that it requires this purification to be made by means of water which has been mixed with the ashes of a red cow. Three questions naturally arise, though they can be but very partially answered, (i) What is the history of the use of this particular mixture? (2) What analogy has it in Hebrew ritual? (3) What analogy has it outside Israel? 246 NUMBERS (i) As to the history. The use of this mixture cannot be actually traced further back than this law ; unless, perchance, we should find some indirect evidence of it in the story of the people being- given water mixed with the ashes of the g-olden calf to drink (Ex. 32^0 JE).* Subsequent allusions to or discussions of the use are found in Heb. 9^^ and the Mishnah. The influence of the story rather than of the actual practice accounts for the allusion to the red cow in the Koran (ii. 63-68), on which see Geiger, Was hat Muhammad aus dem Jiidenthum genonimen, p. 172. (2) Water specially treated — with, amongst other things, "cedar wood, scarlet, and hyssop," as in the present law (v.^) is employed in the rite of cleansing lepers or a leprous house, Lev. i4«- ^9-52^ The "bitter" or "holy waters" employed in the ordeal of jealousy (s^^^") afford another parallel to the imparting of special virtues to water by adding to it ingredients. Once, again, the origin of such prepara- tions is not to be sought in anything peculiar to Hebrew religion. These medicated waters are mere survivals from primitive practice, or the result of borrowing' on the part ot the Hebrews at a late period. For (3) Analogies, more or less close, are to be found outside Israel. Passing" over remoter parallels, some of which will be found in the customs cited above, it must suffice to call attention here to the use of the cow in lustration. So far as the present writer is aware, this is, apart from the Hebrew rite under discussion, confined to the Arians.f It is peculiarly common in the Zendavesta, where the use q{ gomezy i.e. oxen's urine, is frequently enjoined in connection with pollution from the dead; see, e.g., Vendidad, v. 51 (a woman who has born a still-born child drinks ^^ gomes mixed with ashes" to purify her womb); vii. 73-75 (cleansing of polluted vessels by gomez^ earth and water); viii. 11-13 * Cp. Simcox in EBi. 547 : "Is the putting^ away of the heifer with something of a royal funeral an almost unconscious reminiscence of a well-nigh forgotten cultus of sacred animals ? Is the red heifer the last trace of a cow goddess ? " t We. {Comp. 178) speaks of the use of the ashes of the red cow as " recalling' Arian methods of purification.' XIX. 247 (corpse-bearers wash their hair and bodies with the urine of sheep or oxen). Cows' urine also ranked as a pecuharly valuable means of purification in India (cp. Oldenberg, Veda, p. 490). Have we, then, in this use of the cow a trace of Persian influence on the Jews ? So far as the known literary history of the chapter is concerned, this is not impossible. On the other hand, this would not account for the slaughter of the cow. To this we may find a closer parallel in the Roman use of the ashes of calves in lustration : cp. Ovid, FasL iv. 639, 725, 733. Cp., further, W. R. Smith, J^el. SemA 362, ^382. For Egyptian and Roman instances of red victims, see below on v.^. In origin many of the elements in the present ritual are not peculiarly Hebraic or Jewish. But what did they signify to the Jews? Philo naturally allegorises. The mixture of water and ashes is to remind men of what they consist, for knowledge of oneself is the most wholesome form of purification [De victimas Offerentibus, c. ii. ; Mangey, ii,252). Needless to say, the rite had no such meaning for the ordinary Jew. But is Bahr much nearer the mark? According to him, the purpose of the whole rite is to symbolise the anti- thesis between life and death. The pollution has been caused by death ; everything in the rite of purification must point to life : hence the redness of the cow and the scarlet, for red is the colour of life : the female sex of the animal, for the female is the source of life: the cedar, for cedar wood is incorruptible ; and so forth. For another suggestion, see EBL s.v. " Clean," § 16 ad Jin. To Christian interpreters the c. gave from the first (cp. Heb. 9^') a wide scope for allegorising-— to them, indeed, the meaning of the rites here recorded was evident, to the Jews obscure {Ep. of Barnabas 7^). In Barnabas (c. 7) the allegory is already elaborate, but later it was much more fully developed. Many of the requirements of the law, such as the spotlessness of the victim and its being burnt outside the camp, had an obvious meaning for the allegorist. Augustine in his lengthy discussion {Qiicest. in Num., No. 33 in Migne, Patrolog-ia Latina, xxxiv. 732-737) interprets amongst other things the victim itself as symbolising Christ in the flesh ; the female sex, the weakness of the flesh ; the red colour, the bloody passion ; the cedar, hope ; the hyssop, faith (quas cum sit herba humilis, radicibus hseret in petra) ; the scarlet thread, charity. In the 248 NUMBERS burning' he sees a sign of the resurrection : since fire naturally ascends, and what is burnt becomes fire. That the victim is burnt before Ele'azar, portends that Christ's resurrection was witnessed by those who were to become a royal priesthood. The dead which make men unclean are dead works — and so forth. 1-13. The preparation, effect, and use of the waters for the removal of uncleanness. — A red cow which is without blemish, and has never borne the yoke, is to be slain outside the camp, v.^*- ; Ele'azar is to sprinkle some of its blood seven times towards the tent of meeting-, v.* ; then the cow — skin, flesh, blood, and fecal matter — is to be burnt, v.^ ; with the ashes, cedar wood, *' hyssop," and scarlet thread are to be mingled, v.^; the whole constitute the ing-redients of the "water of impurity," v.*. Every one concerned in the pre- paration of this water is rendered unclean, v.'^'- ^''. Every one defiled by contact with the dead is to get himself sprinkled with this water on the third and seventh day from defilement, under pain of being- *' cut off" ; and thus on the seventh day to recover his cleanness, v.^^~^^. 1. Unto Moses and Aaroii\ 2^ n.; Moses only is recogfnised in v.^. — 2. This is the statute of the law] or "teaching" (npn niinn) ; also 3i^^t; cp. the similar double phrase OSE^a npn 27^1 35^9 f. — Speak] the Hebrew is sing, ("i?'^) ; Moses is the subject: cp. i^ n. — That they take unto thee] the verb here used (np^) is not the same as, but virtually synonymous with, that commonly rendered "bring" (X'':}n) ; the two interchange in Lev. 12^-^. — A red cow] no unnatural colour is intended: for though the word mx at times denotes a brilliant red colour (as of blood), it is also used where we should rather speak of a brown or reddish brown (Zech. i^, Gn. 25^'' — of lentils); cp. EBi. S73. Hebrew terms for colour were not precise: see G. W. Thatcher's art. " Colour" in Hastings' DB. Why the cow had to be red is uncertain. Possibly because red is the colour of blood ; so the colour was commonly understood by the allegorists. But the equivalence of red and blood is also primitive (cp. Clay Trumbull, Blood Covenant, 236 f.). On the other hand, in the offerings by the Romans of reddish - golden puppies [Ruiilce canes) to make the crops grow ripe and ruddy, and of red-haired men, whose ashes were XIX. 1-3 249 scattered with winnowing- fans, and of red oxen by the Egyp- tians, Frazer [GB. ii. 311, 142, 254 f.) detects a symbolism of the ruddy golden corn. — The animal is a female, in this resembling an animal brought as a sin-offering, 6^*, Lev. 4^'' 5*^ 14^°, and the animal used in the rite described in Dt. 21^"^. But the term used (ms) does not define the age or condition of the animal; it means simply a female of the bovine kind. " Heifer" (RV.) is wrong; for niQ is used in i S. 6'^ of cows that had borne calves ; cp. also Job 21^® and the metaphorical use in Am. 4^. Nor does the specification that the animal is never to have been yoked necessarily imply that a heifer is intended ; for the kine of i S. 6^ are also such as have never before been yoked. — Faultless, -wherein there is no de/ect] for a similar redundance of expression, cp. Lev. 22^1 (H). The cow, like a sacrificial animal [e.g: Dt. 17^, Lev. 22-°^-), is to be free from such defects as lameness or blindness. — Upofi which a yoke hath never come\ i^^^ n^^y xhv ^ IK^N) i S. 6^ t ; cp. Dt. 21^ (pya n3w^ N^ iK'N) : cp. the d^vye<; and injuges of the Greeks and Latins. The animal is to be one that has never been used for profane purposes. This provision is not made for cows offered as sacrifices. The cows of i S. O are indeed ultimately sacrificed (v.^*) ; but they were not selected for this purpose. Neither the heifer of Dt. 21, nor the red cow (see below) is offered as a sacrifice ; but in each case the animal is selected for a special sacred purpose, and for this reason must be one that has not previously been used for ordinary domestic pur- poses : cp. the case of the firstborn, Dt. 15^^. — The Jewish doctors disputed about the degree of redness and the age of the cow ; most agreed that it must be at least two years old (for a ms would be older than a rhiv), and some admitted that it might be as old as five years. As to the colour, some maintained that the presence of two black or white hairs rendered an animal unsuitable [Parah, c. 1. 2); this maybe mere extravagance, arising from erroneously connecting nj3''i2n with ^?0^^{ in the sense " wholly red " (so Siphre) ; but a similar scrupulosity is attributed by Plutarch {De Iside, 31) to the Egyptians in the choice of their red victims. — 3. And ye shall give it] the pi. subject in accordance with v.^; ffi Kal Bwaeit;, 250 NUMBERS following up the " speak " and " for thee " of v.^ — To Eleazar\ the preparation of the '* water of impurity" entails pollution; hence Ele'azar is intrusted with it, rather than the high priest Aaron himself; cp. the strict injunction of Lev. 21^^ (H), and also 17^ n. — A}id it shall be taken outside the camp and slain before him] on these passive renderings, see phil. n. RV. is only right with regard to the second verb. The fact that the sacred victim is slain outside the camp is quite exceptional, and is inconsistent with the view that it is a sacrifice, an offering to Yahweh ; that the flesh of certain sin-offerings, after presentation and undergoing sacrificial rites at the altar, was burnt outside the camp (Lev. 4^^'- ^^ 8^"^ g^^ 16^: cp. Ex. 29^*), is only a partial parallel, and to be differently explained (cp. p. 65, 209 f.). Nor is it a complete explanation to cite 5^"^ and to say that the victim, having reference to death, is there- fore removed from the camp. W. R. Smith [Rel. of Semites} 354 ff., *374ff.) cites a number of instances from other re- ligions in which human sacrifices were burnt outside the city. — 4. Ele'azar is to sprinkle (njn ; ct. pit 18^^ n.) some of the blood of the cow seven times (cp. Lev. 4^- ^^ i6^*- ^^) towards the front of the tent of meeting ; this, apparently, is to indicate that the cow is sacred to Yahweh. — 5. The cow is to be burnt entire in the sight of Ele'azar. With clause 5, cp. the somewhat differently expressed directions of Ex. 29^*, Lev. ^^^'' \(P'. the present is the only instance in which the blood is dealt with in the same way as the skin, flesh, and fecal matter (t^'■l^) ; and this for the reason that the blood of all sacrifices was drained off either to be tossed against the altar or used for sprinkling. Only quite exceptionally, too, was the skin of a sacrifice burnt (Lev. 4^^- 2*^). — 6. Cedar^ hyssop, and scarlet thread] these are cast Into the yet burning carcase of the cow and reduced with It to ashes, so that with the ashes of the cow they form the ingredients of the cleansing mixture. The use of the same three objects in Lev. 14^- ^- ^^- ^^^- in the rite of purification from leprosy is different ; for there it appears that the cedar and hyssop, bound together by the scarlet, are used as a sprinkler with which the liquid Is sprinkled on the person to be cleansed: cp. the use of the bunch of hyssop below In XIX. 4-7 251 v.^8 and in Ex. 12"^. *'H3'ssop," after the vcrawiro'^ of C5, is the conventional rendering- of the Heb. 21TX ; but appears to be wrong-, since Hyssopns officinalis, L., is not native to Palestine. That some climbing- plant is intended, is clear fro-m I K 5^^(43^). Beyond this all is very uncertain. The favourite identification is with the caper (Capparis spinosa), a vivid green creeper which grows, amongst many other places, on the walls of Jerusalem, and was held in high esteem for its cleansing and medicinal properties. Jewish tradition rather favours Origanum marjorana, L. (a kind of marjoram).* What- ever the plant, it was doubtless used in this and the parallel rite of purification from leprosy on account of its cleansing- properties (Ps. 51^^^^). The scarlet thread was presumably selected for its colour, for the same obscure reason that required the cow to be red ; the cedar, perhaps on account of its soundness and endurance, and its supposed property of imparting- these qualities — a virtue also attributed to the juniper, which many f argue must be intended by the Heb. TiX here. Pliny remarks {HN. bk. xvi. § 76) : " Cedri oleo peruncta materies nee tineam nee cariem sentit; Junipero eadem virtus quae cedro." Numerous medicinal qualities with which cedar and hyssop were credited in the ancient world are mentioned by Pliny; see the Index to HN.'m Silleg's edition (Gotha, 1857), s.v. ** Cedrus " and " Hysopus."— 7f. The priest and the man w'ho actually burnt the cow are alike rendered unclean by their duties; they must wash their persons (cp. Lev. i^ passim) and their clothes (cp. Lev. uss. 28. 40 i-s ^j^'C'n N331 . . . my mos^). — 9 f. A man ceremonially clean is to collect the ashes and deposit them in a clean place outside the ca'mp, where they are to be kept for mixing, as occasion may arise, with running water to produce " water of impurity," v.^'^. The man who collects the ashes is rendered unclean by the duty {cp.v."^^-^^^-). — Water of impuriiy'\[Tnz'^12y also v.^^- ^*' 3'^^: '^"'^n "'D v.^^t) i.e. water for the removal of impurity: see n. on " water of sin" (nxDH ''O) 8^. Cp. Zech. 13I **a fountain . . . for \i.e. for the removal of] sin and impurity." The term mj, which is also used of menstrua- tion, refers to ceremonial uncleanness under its aspect of something that is abhorrent, to be shunned or avoided ; cp. the figurative use of the word in Ezek. 7^^^-. The root in Heb. and Arab, means " to flee from"; in Aram, "to abominate" or *' shrink from" (see BDB.). — li, viz. the cow thus reduced to ashes, is a means of revioving sirJ\ cp. ffi^ {arivicryua) ; the Heb. riNton ( = **sin") received a number of secondary mean- ings, such as "punishment for sin," "offering for sin": there is no necessity for adopting the latter sense here ; it would be pointless. Moreover, unlike actual sacrificial offer- ings, this cow is not slain at the sanctuary. — 10a. Cp. v.'''-. — 10b. Cp. 15^^"^*' n. — 11-13. Touching a dead person entails uncleanness for at least seven days : but by making use of the "water of impurity " on the third and seventh days from defilement, the uncleanness is removed at the end of that period ; failure thus to remove the uncleanness is punished by being "cut off." — 11. He that ioiicheth the dead, even any human corpse] K'DO is clearly used in v.^^ of that with which it is possible to come into physical contact, i.e. of the corpse ; and so it is best rendered here : the ? in t^'D3 73? is then not genetival (RV.), but summarising (cp. BDB. p. 514^). See also 5^ phil. n. — Shall be unclean seven days] this longer term of uncleanness (ct. v.^), the observance of which is referred to in 12^* (E), is due to the more serious nature of the defilement as compared with that which entailed only one day's defilement (v.'^n.); other causes of defilement that last seven days are menstruation and other issues (Lev. c. 15), or the birth of a XIX. 9-13 253 male child (Lev. 122). — 12. In v.^^ two sprinklings, one on the third day and one on the seventh, are quite clearly required. The same requirement is presupposed here in clause h, and might, with difficulty, be read into clause a even as it now stands in ?^. But for "irtD'' in clause a read, with S S, "inDI, and render — He vmst unsin himself (or, get himself tinsinned, 8"^- ^^) thereiaith on the third day and on the seventh, and so beco7ne cleaii ; but if he do not unsin himself on the tJiird day and on the seventh, he will not become clean. — 13. Every one who toucheth a dead person, i.e. the corpse of any man that 7nay have died[\ cp. v.^^. — Hath defiled the dwelling of YahweK\ Lev. 15^^ — That soul shall be cut off\ 9^^ n. — From Israel^ after the preceding phrase only occurs again in Ex. 12^^ f. — Because the water of impurity was not thrown over hhn\ so also v.^° ; the verb (pit) means "to throw in quantities," ^.^. in handfuls or bowlfuls ; it is quite distinct from the verb riTn = " to sprinkle," v.*. See BDB. s.v. p"iT. In v.^^ a rite of sprinkling is described ; in v.-", again, the water is described as thrown in a quantity. The distinctly passive vb. here indicates that the water is thrown over the person to be cleansed by another. 2. in,yi . . . nm] cp. 5^ n. — 3. khe'i . . . x'sini] Dav. io8a ; G.-K. 144^. ffir renders both verbs in the pi. — njno'?] G + e/s rbirov KaOapbv : cp. v.® |^. — 4. lyniixa] © omits. — 5. fjitfi] ffi KaTaKavaovaiv (cp. n. on v.'), and for rpc" at end of v. KaTaKavdrjaerai. — 5. ntJ'ns] ciS does not mean excrement (RV.), but, like LLJji and Assyr. pirlti, the contents of the intestines : see Haupt's n. in SBOT., "Judges," p. 30. — 6. I^'^rni] ffi Kal i/xpaXovcnv ; but wrongly : this verb, like the preceding- and following, refers to Ele'azar. — 8. D'oa (i)] & & "B and one or two Heb. MSS. om. ; cp. v.''- ^*'- ^^ ^. D'D3, common after {'m, is never used after 033 in Piel, and but once after Pual (Lev. 15^^): so Paterson in SBOT. — 9. "isx here and in v.^", but nsy v."; neither is the word used of the ashes of burnt sacrifices, which is ytyi. — n^: 'p] EV. "water of separation " — a Jewish, but incorrect, interpretation : cp. Ibn Ezra Q3n:o idd pim icitd ni: 'D (Is. 66'). Another traditional and in- correct interpretation is ' ' water of sprinkling " ; so G {vStap pav7i ^S_fc_» ]oC7l (JO ; C Hpo r» nsuD D'"?! 'mhy. These renderings scarcely carry us beyond the general sense, and contain no precise tradition as to the meaning of Tcs, which elsewhere means a "bracelet." Nor can a suitable meaning be safely established by etymology ; J^a^, cited, e.g., by Ges. {Thes.) in the sense of " stopper " or "cover" (the meaning of the nsuD of 2^°), is uncertain and rare. Perhaps TDs was already obsolete when the law was edited and was explained, whether quite rightly we cannot say, by the addition of rn3 = "a cord" (15^). S reads Vnsi ras. — 17. [mi] S ffi i^na ; cp. inp"? at the beginning of the v. Either both vbs. were sing. (cp. aniyi . . . K'sim in v.^) or both were pi. Haupt in SBOT. favours the sing., noting np'^i in v.'^ and regarding its present subj. nina b"n as a gloss. — 19. }'mi] G^ + nca ; cp. v."' pj. — 20. hnprt twd] cp. 16'^ ; never elsewhere after the phrase H^nr: t5'2:n nmaji, which is regularly completed by n(')Dy aipD Ex. 31^^, Nu. 15^; cp. Lev. 17^' ^^ 18^ 2o2' ^'* ^* : for other completions of the phrase, see v. 13, Ex. 12" ('7K^B'■D) and Ex. 12^^ (Sktb" myc).— 21. en"?] S G see above, — 10. Hearken now] If ft^ be original, the W of WWJ:C' XX. 8-13 263 Is due to the editor: see 16^ n. But CS reads Hearken ttnfo me (^JH'OE^) ; cp. Gn. 23 (P) where ^^V}yc\ '\^^vp^\ and ';U'f:tJ', which are found nowhere else in the Pentateuch, occur In all five times : Corn. {ZATW. 1S91, p. 26). — Ye rebels] QnDH Is not quite suitably used by Moses In addressing" the people : for they had murmured, but not rebelled. On the other hand, Moses and Aaron are elsewhere spoken of as having- on this occasion rebelled ag-ainst Yahweh's command ("'Q nN lio) ; hence it has been suggested * that in the original form of the story these words were addressed by Yahweh to Moses and Aaron. — FroJ7i this rock must "xc produce water for yotc?] these are the " rash" words which, according- to Ps. io6^-'-, called down on Moses the divine sentence. In their present context they are best understood as an expression of ill-temper. The impf. K*S13 might equally well be rendered, can -we produce? But inasmuch as the words are Immediately followed by Moses' production of the water, such an interpretation of the clause in its present position would be unnatural. See, however, above, p. 262.— 11. With the stick\ so (5: |^ **his stick," see n. on v.^. — 12 f. Moses and Aaron condemned, on account of their unbelief, not to enter Canaan. On the Incongruity between these verses and v.^~^^,^ see on the latter. — To sanctify Me] cp. 27^*, Dt. 32^^. With these words {fhakdi- sheni) the writer plays on the name of the place of the Incident (Kadesh) ; so again In v.^'. By their sin Moses and Aaron prevented the full might and power of Yahweh be- coming manifest to the people, and so robbed Him of some of the fear due to Him : for the sense of "sanctity," cp. Is. 8^^ 29^3, Ps. 99^ iii^, — 13. The waters of Kadesh were called Merlbah ("strife"), because the people strove [rdbii ; cp. bimrihath haedah, 27^*) with Yahweh there ; and the place Kadesh, because in spite of Moses and Aaron's sin, Yahweh vindicated His holiness (wayyikkadesh : cp. Lev. 10^) there. The two names Meribah-Kadesh are combined In 27^*, Dt. 32^1, Ezek. 47^^ 48"^, if not also in Dt. 33^ (cp. CK : and see DI., Dr.). Whether Meribah was also really called Massah (Ex. 17") is more doubtful. * Nold., Corn. 264 NUMBERS 3. la.x'? nCN'i] idx followed by nsx"? without any intervening word ia unusual; but see Ex. 15^ (overlooked by Corn.) and also 2 S. 5^ 20^*, Jer. 2924, Ezek. (12") 33^", Zech. 2'*: cp. Corn. ZATW. xi. p. 22.— i'7i] The Waw is used forcibly with nothing' previously expressed for it to connect with ; cp. 11^'' (jn' 'di) and (as here at the beginning of a speech) 2 S. 24* (fjori), 2 K. i'" (nxi : v.^ cn alone), 7^ : see, further, Dr. Tenses,^ p. 141 n. — wyu] a favourite word with P : Driver, L.O.T. p. 131, No. 9; CH. 51. — nin nnnon b'N] Ex. 16^ (P). — UTyai] a much less usual word for cattle than n:pD (Ex. 17^). The latter is common alike in P and J, and used, though less frequently, by E and D (CH. 18J). Tya, except in the present c, occurs only in Gn. 45" (E), Ex. 22^, Ps. 78'**; see, further, Corn. ZATW. xi. 24 f. — 5. i:n'?j;n] n^yn of Yahweh bringing Israel out of Egypt is characteristic of JE ; CH. 136. — 8. n'prm . . . n.x-iini] © has three verbs in the 2nd pi. (under the influence of the preceding email) : but v.^ shows that the singulars of |§ are original. For Dm3T read rnm with Si ; even if the clause containing it be from JE the 2nd sing, is required: cp. 3a. 5. — 10. I'jnp'i] G «i Hr\^''^; note xix'i and, according to G, •jiynts' following; and in v." dti ; but, on the other hand, K'ln: in v.^" and the pi. subj. of "^npni in v.*. — DmCNn nV [V'] neither jy nor \c».n is used by P ; Corn. ZATW. xi. 29. 14-2i (JE). The Israelites send messengers from Kadesh to the king of Edom asking to be allowed a peaceful passage through his country. They are refused. — The original sequel to this passage is in 21*^- ^2-^^. Refused a passage across Edom, the Israelites march south to the head of the Gulf of 'Akabah, pass round the southern end of Edom, and then, keeping to the E. of Edom and Moab, march northwards to Arnon: cp. Jud. ii^^'-. It is probable that P related neither the petition to Edom, nor its rejection ; and that, on the other hand, in entire disagreement from the foregoing story, he represented the Israelites as actually crossing the northern end of Edom in their passage from Kadesh on the W. to the E. of the 'Arabah. The present passage, which is intimately connected in style and motive with 21"^^"^, Jud. ii^®'-'^, is clearly derived from JE. Note the general vividness of the narrative and such details as N3 in v." (16^ n.), pys in v.^® (CH. 141. 23), and the "angel" in v.^®. JE appears, in the main at least, to have derived the incident from E; so Kue. {Hex. 151), Me3'er (ZATW. i. 121), Di., Str., Dr., Corn., Bacon. The conception of the "angel" in v.^^ is E's : then with MntOiO nifx nx^nn-'ra in v.", cp. nx'jnrr'jD cn.xsa iB'N in Ex. 18* (E), and note that \m = to sniffer, permit (v.^^), occurs also in 21^, Gn. 20* 31' (all clearly E) and 22^^ (probably the same source), twice in D (Dt. 18^'*, Jos. 10^^) and only twice besides in the Hex., in Ex. 3^^ 12^ — passages v^-hich are perhaps to be attributed to JE rather than J. CH. assign v."-i8-2ia to E and v.^^'-^i" to J ; but their argu- XX. 14 265 merit is inconclusive, and rests in part on the hazardous assumption that v.2ia (ly-ipa •|j,.aii) is from E rather than P (or R). We. {Comp. no), ex- ceptionally, refers the passage in the main to J, but on the wholly inadequate ground of the use of the singular pron. of the nations. 14. And Moses sent messengers\ the sending- of messengers is directly attributed to the whole people in 21^^, Jud. ii^'^- ^^. — The king of Edoni\ Hebrew tradition assigned to the monarchy a more ancient origin in Edom, and, indeed, among many of the neighbouring peoples, than among themselves ; Gn. 36^^, Nu. 22*, I S. 8^. — Thy brother Israel] Edom is Israel's "brother"; consequently also an individual Israelite may be described as "brother" of an Edomite ; see Dt. 2^ 2^8(7)^ Ob. ^°-^2, Am. i^^ The mode of speech shows how closely the Hebrews felt themselves to be connected with the Edomites. Another expression of the same feeling is found in the patriarchal stories where Edom = Esau is the brother of Jacob = Israel. — Thou knowest] the subj. refers to the whole people of Edom, who on account of their kinship are expected to be moved by this recital of Israel's sufferings and deliverance, rather than to the king mentioned in clause a. See last n. So thy border, thy land, in v.^^'-, is the border, the land of Edom. The case is different in the communications with Sihon, king of the Amorites, in 2i^^~^^. The personification of a whole class or people so that it is spoken of or represented as speaking in the singular is frequent in Hebrew. In these cases the pronouns referring to the class or person are naturally in the singular, though rapid transitions to and from plural pronouns are frequently made, as in the present passage (v.'^). The result in some cases is so strange that the singular pronouns can scarcely be retained in an English translation ; in RV. the pi. is frequently substituted for the sing. The following passages, in all cases literally rendered, may serve as illustrations of the usage : "And Egypt said, Let me flee" (Ex, 14^); "And the man of Israel said unto the Hivite, Perhaps thou art dwelling in my midst" (Jos. 9^); "The children of Joseph spakeunto Joshua, saying, Why hast thou given me but one inheritance . . . seeing that I am a numerous people ? " (Jos. 17" : cp. v.^'"'^) ; " The 'Ekronites cried out, say- ing, They have brought about the ark to me ... to slay me and my people " (i S. 510). See also 2ii-3- ^, Jud. i', 2 S. i9«(«). All the foregoing are from early prose narrative. The same usage is found in Deut., where all Israel is constantly addressed as "thou" (see, e.g., c. 8. 9), and not unnaturally in poetry: see, e.g., Lam. i^^"--. To what extent the " I" of the Psalter stands for Israel is disputed : it obviously does so in Ps. 266 NUMBERS 129^"*. See Smend, "Ueber das Ich der Psalmen" in ZATW. 1888, pp. 49-147 ; G. Beer, Individual- u. Gemeinde- Psalmen ; Driver, L.O.T. 389- 391, The usage is closely connected with the fact that the characteristic and original names of nations are singulars — Moab, Edom, Israel, Midian, Jerahme'el ; ct. , in Greek, 'I wees, AloXeh, Atapieis. The derivative eponyms — Ion, Aeolus, Dorus — of the Greeks are entirely different in character from Moab, Edom, etc. See We. Reste d. arab. Heidentums^ 176 f. ; Nold. in ZDMG. xl. 170 f. ; Smend, Altlestamentliche Religions- geschichte} 27. In the light of the usage it is easy to see that it was not difficult for Hebrew tribal traditions, though generally cast in the form of narratives of tribes {e.g. Israel and Edom as here), to assume also the form of narratives of individuals (as, e.g., of Jacob and Esau). All the hardship] ns^n ; Ex. iS^ (E), Lam. 3^, Neh. 9^2 f. The vb. nX-5 in Hebrew means *' to be weary " ; the noun in Lam. is used as a synonym with "gall." — 16. And Yahweh sent an angel] Ex. 14^^* 23^° 32^^ (E). The ang-el in E plays the same part in preventing the Egyptians from overtaking the Israelites as the pillar of cloud in J : with Ex. i^^^^ (E), ct. v.^^^ (J). The angel, as usual in earlier writers, is theophanic in character; Yahweh Himself is present in the angel : see EBi. s.v. "Theophany." — Kadesh, a city on the edge of thy territory] Kadesh (13^° n.) lay on the southern border and within the territory of Judah (34*) and on the W. border of Edom. The earlier attempt to gain an entrance into Canaan from the S. (c. 13. 14) left Edom unaffected; but in order to get into position to invade Canaan from the E. the Israelites had either to traverse Edom, or to make a long and circuitous march. The territory of Edom, as the present statement most clearly shows, and as Buhl has argued at length {Edomiter, 22-26), extended W. of the 'Arabah ; the north- western border was probably formed by the Wady Fikreh which runs south-westwards from the southern end of the Dead Sea. — 17. Israel promises, if suffered to traverse Edom, to keep to the regular road without molesting the cultivated land; to pass through the country, not like an enemy, but peaceably like traders, paying the king's toll, and for all they need in the way of food and water (cp. v.^^). The terms of the v., which are, however, repeated in reference to the Amorite country N. of Arnon in 21^2, refer to two striking features — the fertility and the roads — of Edom, or rather of XX. I6-I9 267 the territory of Edom E. of the 'Arabah. Speaking of this Palmer* says: "The country is extremely fertile . . . goodly streams flow through the valleys, which are filled with trees and flowers ; while on the uplands to the east rich pasture lands and corn fields may everywhere be seen." A story in the Talmud describes the astonishment of two Rabbis visiting Gebal (the N. part of Edom) at the size of the grapes produced there.! At a later period Edom was certainly traversed by trade routes over which the frank- incense from S. Arabia and other commerce to and from the port of Elath on the Gulf of 'Akabah were carried, and it can scarcely be doubted that the trade which created them was very ancient. Some ancient through route (or routes) of this kind is intended by the term the king's way. I In modern Palestine such a through route is known by the name of the cfarb es-sultdn or "Sultan's way." But neither the term here used nor n^DD in v.^^ implies that the route was a thoroughly made and well-kept road.§ Such roads hardly existed before Roman times. The earlier roads were scarcely better than the modern "Sultan's roads," one of which is described by Seetzen (ii. 336) as an almost invisible path, rocky and stony. — 18. Edom refuses Israel's request, and threatens to meet any attempt to traverse the country with armed re- sistance.— 19. The Israelites repeat their peaceable inten- tions. The repetition may possibly be the result of the fusion of J and E : see above. The speech begins in the plural we will go up, but passes over to the singular / {i.e. Israel) ajid my cattle: see on v.^*. — Only — it is no matter of offence or annoyance (cp. i S. 20^^) — on my feet would I pass through, i.e. as ordinary, peaceful foot-passengers: cp. Ps. 66^, Jud. 4^'^. Cp. Dt. 2^^. According to iGr the request of v.^^ is a modification of that in v.^^. At first the Israelites ask permission to pass through Edom (TrapeXevao/xeOa Sm * Desert of the Exodus, 430 f.: cp. Buhl, Gcsch. der Edomiter^ p. 15, with the literature there cited. t Ketuboth 112a, cited by Neubauer, Gdographie du Talmud, 67. X On ancient routes throug-h Edom, see Buhl, Gesch. der Edomifer, 44, 18 ; G. A. Smith in EBi. art. " Trade and Commerce," § 32f. § Cp. Nowack, Arch. i. 151 f. ; otherwise, Buhl, Geog. 126. 268 NUMBERS tt}? 77)9 (Tov . . . ew? av TrapekOwfxev 7a opia (70v) ; on being refused this, they ask permission to pass along the borders of Edom [irapa to opo<; TrapeXeuao/xeda). — 20, 21. Again refused, Israel turns away from Edom in order, as the con- tinuation of JE in 21* explains, to turn the southern extremity of Edom. V.2*' and v.^^* are in substance identical, and may be from different sources (v.^^ J : v.-^^ E).' The traditions as to the early relations between Israel and Edom are to a large extent cast in the form of patriarchal stories ; cp. the small print n. on p. 2655. Among these stories of Esau ( = Edom) and Jacob ( = Israel), the account of the meeting of Esau and Jacob in Gn, 32 forms in some respects a striking parallel to the foregoing narrative. In Gn., it is true, the story concludes by bringing the two brothers into friendly relations with one another; but such a conclusion is as little anticipated by the reader as by Jacob himself, when on first learning of Esau's advance with four hundred men (Gn, 32'^ f^*^*, cp. y.^ob here) he prepares for the worst (Gn. 32*''^ (^'"'). There, as here, on approaching the land of Edom, Jacob ( = Israel) sends messengers to find favour for him with his brother Esau ( = Edom) ; the messengers are repulsed (Gn. 32'' (^)), and return to Jacob with the news of Esau's hostile intent. Cp. Steuernagel, Die £ifiwandcrung- d. tsraellh'schen S/dmmen, 105. D does not refer to the present incident, but in Dt. 2^"^ relates that subsequently, on the northward march E. of the 'Arabah, Israel did actually cross a part of Edom in the same peaceable way which they here seek in vain to pursue. The two stories are not necessarily incom- patible, but it is impossible to determine what amount of historic fact lies at the basis of the stories, or how far they merely reflect later rela- tions between the two peoples. In all these traditions there are two common and fundamental assump- tions : I. that the Edomites were more ancient than the Israelites ; 2. that they already occupied the country in and about the 'Arabah, subse- quently called by their name, at the time of the immigration of Israel into Canaan. Certain passages in early Egyptian sources have a bearing on these assumptions. It was for long supposed that Edom was mentioned in the romance of Sinuhit (Dyn. xii. : before B.C. 2000); but the name formerly transliterated Eduma (Sayce, Higher Crit. and the Monuments, 203) should be read hdm — u^p (E. Meyer, Gesch. Aeg. 182; W. Max Miiller, Asien u. Eicropa, 46). On the other hand, tlie identification of 'A-du-ma in Pap. Anastasi vi. 4^^ (c. 1300 B.C.) with Edom, though questioned by Winckler {Gesch. Isr, 189 f.) and Cheyne {EBi. 1182), is generally admitted. In this document the request is made by an Egyptian official that "the Bedawin tribes (tribes of Sa-su) (belonging to the land) of 'A-du-ma" be allowed to pasture on the N.E. frontier of Egypt (Max Miiller, op. cit. 135). Rameses in. (about B.C. 1200) relates: "I inflicted a defeat on the Sa-'a-Vra belonging to the Bedawin tribes." The equiva- lence of Sa-'a-ira with Dn'i't' (the inhabitants of Mt. Seir) is not questioned. XX. 20—22 269 Max ^luUer (op. cit, 136 f.) argues that this excludes the possibility that the Edomites had up to that time occupied Mt. Seir. If his arg-unient were admitted, the placing- of Edomites in and about the 'Arabah in the Biblical stories would be an anachronism. But against the vaHdity of his argument, see Nold. in EBi. s.v. " Edom," § 3. 6 ; Buhl, Gescli. d. Edomiter, 53. Further evidence may yet come to light : what exists at present, unless the identification of 'A-du-ma = Edom, be denied, proves the existence of the name Edom at or prior to the time of the Hebrew immigration : it neither proves nor at all clearly or necessarily disproves that Edomites already occupied the country later known by their name. H. TDK na . . . C'^xSd . . . nhta'^] cp. Gn. 32'"- (JE): .13 + some part of noN with a human or (as so frequently in the prophets) a divine subject is very characteristic of JE as contrasted with P: see CH. 87 and 222. — n^T nnN] the expression of the pronominal subject with yT is characteristic of JE : CH. 174.— 16. l'?i33 nsp] cp. 22*®; ^13J in these vv. is clearly used not of the boundary or border, but, as often (BDB. sv. h^^2:^ 2), of the territory enclosed with borders. Hence we have the alternative ex- pressions -:i-)K3 N3 mnyj, -[hii layj (v.^^), '3 nnyn (v.^^), 1S3J3 lay (y.^^). r\^;: is here used of the border or boundary: cp. nmnn nsp Ex. 13^^, px nsp Ex. i635.— 17. D^3a^ mtj'a] cp. 16^^ 2122.— 21. jh^] G.-K. 66i; the same form occurs in Gn. 38^ (J) ; E elsewhere uses peculiar infinitive forms ; see phil. notes on 22^^**. — "i2j;] is one of the two accusatives (Dav. 90c) governed by \n ; cp. Job 9'^ ; but as both here and in 21^* nay is preceded by a word ending in h, we should perhaps restore nay"? : so Paterson in SBOT. 22-29. Arrival at Mt. Hor ; death of Aaron, and investiture of Ele'azar (P). Apart from v.^-* the whole section is clearly derived from P^ ; with v.** cp. v.i^'- (P), and generally Dt. 32*** (P); see also Nu. 33^^"^" (P^); and note, e.g., rr^vn (i^ n.) v.^^. 29 . ,,,-.y ^^ r]DN' v.^*; yij v.^s ; see L.O.T. pp. 131, 133 (Nos. 256 and 9). Mt. Hor (v. 22'. 25. 27 2i4 3387-39. 46^ Dt_ ^^^^ jg referred to only by P. It has been questioned whether v. 22a is from P, on the ground that he would have written cip nancD (cp. 27"), or js nancD (v.^) rather than K'lpD ; hence some [e.g. Di.) refer the clause to R ; others, in view of U'D'i (ct. 2i^2t.) more questionably, toE(CH.). In any case v. 2^ suffices to show that, according to P&, Mt. Hor was reached after leaving Kadesh. The continuation of P's narrative is to be found in 21^*- ^'"* 22^. In one respect certainly, and probably in two, it conflicts with other Hebrew traditions. It makes Mt. Hor the scene of Aaron's death, whereas according- to E that event took place at Moserah (Dt. 10"), and it appears to imply that the Israelites marched straight across Edom to the E. of Jordan instead of making a circuit of Edom, as according to anolhei tradition they did (see above on v.^*"^!). 2/0 NUMBERS 22. The children of Israel, all the congregatwn\ v.^ n. — To Hor the 7noiintain\ the site is unknown ; but since it is situated, like Kadesh, on the border of the land of Edom (v.-^ 33^^)> the traditional site, near Petra, which is in the midst of the country of Edom, is certainly wrong-. Some recent scholars have identified Jebel Madurah with Mt. Hor ; this is described as "around isolated hill," and lies a short day's journey S. of the southern end of the Dead Sea, on the eastern bank of the Wady eUFikreh, which may have formed the N.W. boundary of Edom (v.^^ n.). The site satisfies the conditions of the text ; it was on the border of Edom, and, like the site of Moses' death, near the land of promise; but the data are insufficient to render the identification certain. Jebel Madurah lies N.E. of 'Ain el-Kadis (Kadesh), and therefore on the route which would naturally be followed in marching- direct from Kadesh across Edom. Clay Trumbull {Kadesh-Barnea, 127-139) has argued at length for the identification of Jebel Madurah and Mt. Hor ; but, from a critical stand- point, much of his argument is vitiated by his indiscriminate use of the various sources. Further, his attempt to identify the names Madurah 'j ilV^) and Moserah (n"ipb) in Dt. 10* is philologically most hazardous. For other descriptions of Jebel Madurah, see Seetzen, Reisen, iii. 14 ff; Robinson, BR, ii. 589; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 415 f. — The tradi- tional site was determined by the erroneous traditional identification of Petra and Ip2) of the land of Edom," 33^'^. Since in both places Mt. Hor is mentioned immediately after Kadesh, which lay on the W. of Edom, it is on the western border of Edom, whose territory stretched westwards of the 'Arabah, and therefore far beyond Petra, that we must seek Mt. Hor. — 24. Shall be gathered to Jiis kinsmen\ The word, rendered in AV. "people," is plural (VDy), and denotes "one XX. 22-XXI. X 271 of the same kin," in Arabic {^^) "one of the father's kin"; in this and similar phrases (e.g: "to lie with one's fathers") used of death, earlier writers use the synonymous term "fathers"; see, e.^., Jud. 2^*^, 1 K. i^i 1431 ; and for further references, BDB. s.v. 2X 4. — Because ye rebelled against My commandment] ("iQ, cp. 10^^) : an allusion to the story pre- served, though probably only in a distorted form, in v.'''"^^ ; see above, p. 261 f. In what Aaron's sin consisted is certainly obscure ; it is described by the same term as here in 27^^, by a milder one in v.^^, and by the specifically priestly term ^yo be faithless {f) m Dt. 32^1 (also P).— 26. Strip Aaron of his garments] his official garments, as described in Lev. 8'^"^, are evidently intended ; clothed in these Ele'azar descends from the mountain as Aaron's successor in the high priesthood (v. 2^^-). 28. It is not explicitly stated where Aaron was buried (cp. Dt. 34^), but obviously popular tradition regarded the top of Mt. Hor as the site. The modern Bedawin have a great liking for being buried on mountain tops, and sometimes the body of a distinguished person is brought three or four days out of the steppe that it may be so buried. According to a statement made to Wetzstein, they believe that thus buried they retain their union with their tribe, if from the mountain top they can look out over the tribal camp.* — 29. The people mourn for Aaron 30 days : cp. Dt. 34^ (P). 22. ann -h] this peculiar order and cstr. is always found with this phrase (even when the northern Mt. Hor is intended, see 54''') '■> ct. "ro in, 'ra'V ^•^, etc. ; see Kon. ii. 333M. v. — 24. voy] S icv; the versions also have the sing. — 23. <& adds ^vavn -n-dcn)^ t^s awayayy^s : cp. v.-^ ^. — 26. ec-s.-n] S nsc'sm.— 27. 1V1] S (G) i-"?;-! ; G^ = d^tm cp. v.^sflj. XXI. 1-3. Hormah. — The Canaanites of the Negeb (under the king of 'Arad, a place some 50 or 60 miles almost due N. of Kadesh), hearing of Israel's advance in the direction of their territory take the offensive, fight against Israel, and take some of them captive. Israel vow to Yaluvch, if granted revenge, to place the Canaanite cities under the ban (herem). * Wetzstein, Reisehericht iiber Hauran und die Trachonen, 26 ; see also Baudissin in PREJ^ viii. 183 ; We. Reste des arad. Heiden/ums,^ 15 f. 272 NUMBERS Success is granted them, the ban is put into force, and the region or city (? 'Arad) is consequently called Hormah (Ban). It has long been recognised that the section is, in part at least, out of place, and does not refer, as from the position which the compiler has given it it should do, to the period spent at Mt. Hor (20^^ 21*), nor, indeed, to any time im- mediately before the Israelites took their departure to the E. of Jordan. For why, as Reland [Palesiina, s.v. " Chorma ") pertinently asked, should they abandon the country in the S. of Canaan W. of the 'Arabah, in which they had just proved themselves victorious ? It has been frequently considered a sufficient solution to regard v.^ as a parenthetic anticipation of Jud. i^^-^'^. Yet the last thing that ought to be said of v.^ is that it is "evidently" parenthetical.* On the other hand, there is no indication whatever that the writer regarded Israel's success as far removed in time from the defeat. It is more satisfactory to assume that the whole section, though already found in its present position by the compiler of 33 (see v.*°), is badly placed. It is difficult to reach any certain conclusion as to the original position of the section. The style, from which all marks of P are absent, but which is marked by some characteristics of JE, such as a crhi, h^pi j?ct;', proves that it is not derived from P, and, consequently, that the assign- ment of the incident to the stay at Mt. Hor is no older than the editor who united P and JE. Further, the story did not, even in JE, stand after 20^^ and before 21* ; for that passage speaks of the Hebrews taking a southern course from Kadesh ; the present incident implies that they were moving towards the Negeb, which lies N. of Kadesh. As between the two sources J and E, ':y:3n (v. 3) favours referring the passage to the former. As to the relation between the present passage, 14*' and Jud. i^^'-, Moore {Judg, 36) considers that the present passage has no connection with Jud. i'^'*, but is a parallel and different explanation of the name Hormah. Steuemagel {Einwanderung, 76 f.), on the other hand, considers all three passages scattered fragments of one and the same narrative, which immediately followed the narrative of the spies and, in its original form, described how Judah (cp. Judges), which took no part in the con- quest of Canaan from the E., gained its footing in Western Canaan from the S. The present passage, on this theory, generalises a tradition which originally related to only a section of Israel, and makes it apply to the whole people. * Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 522, XXI. I, 3 273 1. TJie Canaanite, the king- of 'Anid, toJio dwelt in the Negeh\ the king of 'Arad may be an interpolation, for (i) the personal title is strang-e after the collective national term, which alone is subsequently referred to {this people, v.^; them and their cities, v.^) ; and (2) after the mention of 'Arad, which is situated in the Neg-eb, the clause who divelt in the Negcb would be redundant. See also on v. 2. With the Canaajiite who dwelt in the Negeb, cp. "the Canaanite dwelt in the valley" (14^^); see also 14^^. — The king of'Arad\ also men- tioned (immediately after the king- of Hormah) in Jos. 12^^. 'Arad, according- to Jerome {Onoin. 88"), lay 20 Roman miles S. of Hebron. The name survives in Tell 'Arad, which lies 17 English miles almost due S. of Hebron,* about 30 miles due N. of Jebel Madurah, and about 50 miles N.N.E. of 'Ain Kadis (Kadesh). — The way of [the) Atharim] Atharim (D''"inNn) seems to be a proper name. Di.'s view, that the whole phrase means the "caravan route," is not very probable, and "the way of the spies " (AV. after ST, etc.) must be abandoned ; see phil. n. — 2. Them I will devote] or place under the ban, and so destroy; cp. 18^* n. T\\q. wz.xx\q, Hormah \s here explained as a place that had been laid under the ban and destroyed, though, like the similar names Hermon and H5rem, it may actually have acquired the sacred or inviolable character which is implied by the name in some other way. — And the name of the district was called Hormali\ In Jud. 1^^ it is distinctly stated that Hormah was the name given to a city, and that the former name of the city was Sephath. It is commonly supposed that the present passage also asserts that the name Hormah was given to a city ; then the city should be *Arad (v.^) ; yet in Jos. 12^* Hormah and 'Arad are distinct cities. But the term Qlpo, though it may be used of a city, may also refer to a wider area including many cities : e.g. it is usied of the whole land of Canaan (Ex. 23-*^, i S. 12^; cp. CH. 65^^). In the present instance, after the preceding- clause, aiid they devoted them (the Canaanites) and their cities, it is most natural to take DIpD in the wider sense. In Jos. 12^^ 15^'^ 19*, * Robinson, Biblical Researches, ii. 473; Smith, Hist. Geog. 278 f. ; EBi. s.v. " Arad." 2 74 NUMBERS I S. 30^'', I Ch. 4'^*, Hormah (without the art. as here and in Jud. i^'^) is mentioned amongf a number of cities; but in from Se'ir to Hormah (Dt. i** (5) it may well be, like Se'ir, the name of a district; cp. the Hormah in 14^^. 1, D'lriN.T l-n] ffi {'Adapeiv(iJ.)) certainly and, in all probability, the other versions also presuppose the present text of p?. The rendering- the way of the spies {Si ST 5J, Sam. V., Aq., Symm.) is due to the resemblance of cnnx and nnn ; but there is no philological connection between the two words. Di.'s suggestion noted above rests on a comparison with the Arabic J \ = a trace, sign. Cheyne in EBi. (2651 n. 5) proposes nn yn nOK. — 2. Dnny nx 'ncinni] (U dvade/ianw airrbv Kal tcls 7r6Xets a&rov; cp. v.* pj.— 3. '3y33n] Add with S (S (cp. S) n'3; cp. v.^ ^.— Dnnx] see BDB. 846. 4-9. The bronze serpent (JE). — The people complain of the unsatisfying manna and of the lack of water. Yahweh plag-ues them with serpents. At the people's request, Moses intercedes with Yahweh, who instructs him to make an arti- ficial serpent, and set it on a pole. Moses makes the serpent of bronze and sets it on a pole ; and every one suffering from a serpent-bite who looks at it is healed. V.^ {and they journeyed from Mt. Hor) is taken directly from, or com- posed by the editor in the manner of, P. The rest of the passag-e is from JE, and, probably, in particular from E. V.**" continues 20^^ (E), and explains how, on the Edomites' refusal to give Israel passage through their country, they gained their purpose of g^etting- E. of Jordan. With 11D D' ^^^ cp. 14^"', Ex. 13'^ (E), Dt. i^" 2^ Whether the story of the bronze serpent stood in its present position in JE, or was placed there by the editor, cannot be determined. Characteristic of JE are rh^r\ (of the Exodus) in v.B (cp. 14" 16"; CH. 136); B'3n v.^ (cp. 128 23^1 ; CH. 179); "j^snn V.'' **^ (cp. ii^n.) The last word, as also D'hVn in v.^ and perhaps 3 n3T in v.^ (cp. 12^ (E)), point to E, to which source the passage is re- ferred by Di., Kue., Bacon, Kit., CH. From a notice in the Book of Kings (2 K. iS^), it appears that in the 8th century B.C. the "bronze serpent" was an object of popular worship in Judah : the people burnt sacri- fices (Q'lDpD) to it. It was therefore destroyed by Hezekiah, who acted, as we may suppose, under the influence of Isaiah's iconoclastic teaching (Is. 2^ 17^ 30^^ o^^)' The notice in the Book of Kings agrees with the present in attributing to Moses the manufacture of the serpent. The relation between these two notices may be regarded in two ways. Either [a) the present passage records the XXI. 4-9 2 75 actual orig-In of the bronze serpent, and the symbol, origin- ally erected by Moses without idolatrous intent, came to be an object of idolatrous worship; or (b) Nu. 21*"^ is an etiological story told to explain a symbol that actually owed its origin to other than Yahwistic belief. The acceptance or rejection of explanation (a), which is adopted, for example, by Strack, will be largely determined by the general con- clusion as to the date and historical value of the Pentateuchal sources : it need only be pointed out here that the story contains no adequate explanation of the choice of this par- ticular form of miracle, nor of how the Israelite nomads on the march were in a position to manufacture, with the speed which the circumstances demanded, so important a work in metal. Explanation {b), which is now very generally adopted, accords with a general tendency in religion to endeavour to impart new and more appropriate significance to incongruous rites and practices which happen to possess a great hold on the people : cp. p. 48. Beliefs in the connection between the serpent and healing, which, if the present story is rightly regarded as etiological in character, must have been recognised by the Hebrews, are widespread. A conspicuous instance is the Greek god of healing, Asklepios, who is said to have appeared in the form of a serpent, and is constantly represented accom- panied by serpents.* Possibly another trace of such a belief among the Hebrews may be found in " the Dragon's spring" (":n py Neh. 2^^), for the "Arabs still regard medicinal waters as inhabited by the j'l'jm, which are usually of serpent form." f Whatever its origin, the mass of the Hebrew people came to attribute healing power to the bronze serpent itself. Not so those who had come under the higher prophetic teaching among whom, at some time prior to Hezekiah, this story must have been framed to controvert the popular belief, and * Pausanias, Descriptioji of Greece, li. 10. 3 ; and see Frazer's o. on ii. 10. 3 (vol. iii. 65-67), where parallels from Greek and Roman writers and wider fields may be found. t W. R. Smith, Rd. of the Semiies,- 16S. 276 NUMBERS to trace back the power of healing- to Yahweh Himself, who, as the prophets taught, both bruised and healed (see, e.g., Hos. 6^ 11', and compare such stories as that of the healing of Naaman (2 K. 5)). The point of the story is clearly seized by the author of Wisdom ; the bronze serpent is a crvfi^dXov crcoTrjpCa'i, and "he that turned toward it was not saved because of that which was beheld, but because of thee, the Saviour of all " (Wisd. i6«f-). In later times the story readily lent itself to allegorizing-. To Pliilo the serpent erected by Moses is Kaprepia, patient endurance (the metal symbolising- strength) ; this is equal to overcoming pleasure, which is the real meaning of the serpent who tempted Eve {De Alleg. ii. 20 (Mangey, 80) ; De Agricul. 22 (Mangey, 315)). Less elaborate is ihe explanation in Rosh hash-Shanah iii. 8. The allusion in Jn. 3^^ has given rise to a large typological literature, for which see references in Winer, Bibl. Realworterbiich, s.v. " Schlange, Eherne." The place of the serpent in Semitic and especially Hebrew religion has been fully discussed by Baudissin in Studien zicr seinit. Religions- geschichte, i. 257-292. The data are insufficient to justify any certain inference as to the actual origin of the cult of the bronze serpent. In view of the slight influence of Egyptian religion on the Hebrews it is unlikely that the cult of the serpent is of Egyptian origin. Of various other views that have been held, two or three may be mentioned, (i) W. R. Smith {Journal of Philology, ix. 99 f.) argued that the serpent was originally a totem symbol, and that other traces of the serpent as a totem were to be found in certain proper names (on which see also HPN. p. 88 if., Nos. 24, 44, 45, and p. 108 if., Nos. 3 and 9). (2) Cheyne in EBi. s.v. " Nehushtan," has skilfully argued that the "bronze serpent" in the temple, like the "bronze oxen" and "the sea," was a symbol connected with the Babylonian dragon myth which certainly has left its mark on Hebrew mythology (Gunkel, Schopfung u. Chaos, esp. pp. 29-114); see also Zimmem, Die Keilinschriften u. das ^2',^ 505. (3) Frazer {GB. ii. 426 f.) cites the present story in connection with the custom of getting rid of vermin by making images of them. Thus the Philistines, when their land was infested by mice (i S. 5® ffi), made golden images of the creatures, and sent them out of the country. " Apollonius of Tyana is said to have freed Antioch from scorpions by making a bronze image of a scorpion, and burying it under a small pillar in the middle of the city. Gregory of Tours tells us that the city of Paris used to be free of dor- mice and serpents, but that in his lifetime, while they were cleaning a sewer, they found a bronze serpent and a bronze dormouse, and removed them," whereafter they abounded. See also Jacob, Altarab. Parallelen zum AT, p. II, who cites instances from Kazwlni (ii. 369, 373), and amongst others the case of a well near Toledo which became infested with leeches : a bronze leech was cast into the well and the real things disappeared. XXI. 4-6 277. 4. And they set out from Mt. Hot^ the clause connects the narrative of P (20^^"^^ 21^°*-), now interrupted by the insertion of two passag-es from JE (21^-2- ■^^~'^). With p '1J?D''1, cp. v.^^f- (ct. v.i2ff-) 1012, Ex. 1320 16I 17I (P).— 4a /8. The continuation of2o2^(JE): the original source ran — And Israel turned wwav fi'om him (i.e. Edom : 20-^) by the way of Yam Siiph to compass the land of Edom. They went southwards from Kadesh, which was on the boundary of Edom (20^^), to pass round the southern extremity of Edom to the E. ; cp, Jud. ii^'^- ^^. On the way of Yam Suph, see 14"^ n. — 4b, 5. The people, unable to restrain their impatience at being" led about in so barren a country, spoke angrily against ( 1 2^ n.) God and Moses, and complained that there was no food to be had, but the unsatisfying- manna which they loathed. — The soul of the people was short\ shortness of soul (CDJ) or spirit (mi) is impatience or incapability of restraining one's ang-er. For example, under Delilah's persistent teasing, Samson's soul grew short till he revealed his secret (Jud. 16^^). Short-spirited is the antithesis in Prov. 14^^ to long- suffering (d*'2X "JIX) ; see, further, Ex. 6^, Jud. 10^^, Mic. 2J , Zech. 11^, Job 21*. The prep. ? gives either the ground of complaint, as in Jud. lo^*^, Zech. 11^ — because of the way; or the place — in the way. — IVJierefore have ye brotight us 7/p] According- to MT. the subject is God and Moses : see last clause. But the verb should be pointed as a sing. (I^rivyn : so ^^^^ S) H), the subject being Moses only, as in i6^°, Ex. 17^. — lV?iy hast thou brought us up?\ For the complaint, cp. 20^. — This wortldess bread\ k^lokel occurs only here, but the root in Heb. means literally to be lights and so coiitemptible [e.g. 2 S 19^*^*^^ Is. 8-^ (9^))- On account of a .y/^cm/ develop- ment of the root-meaning in Assyr. [kalkaltu = hunger), some interpret Ulokel here unsatisfying. — 6. The burning serpents\ If the adj. sdraph is connected with vb. Pi"iti> to bum, it refers to the burning" sensation of the inflammation produced by the bite, rather than to the fiery appearance of the serpent or, in particular, of its eye, for the vb. does not mean give light. Formally the word here used as an adj. is identical with the noun in Is. 6^, seraphim. The s'raphim of Is. 6^ are mythological in character : that is scarcely the case with •278 NUMBERS the serpents that in this story attack the Israelites. As a matter of fact, serpents of various kinds abound both in the Sinaitic peninsula and in the deserts south of Palestine ; either this actual fact is reflected in the story, or the plague of serpents in the story is entirely due to the need for explain- ing^ the existence in later times of the bronze serpent : see above, p. 275 f. — We have sinned] Aaron and Miriam make a similar confession (12^^ (E)). After the confession, Moses, as on other occasions, intercedes with effect (11^ n.). — Make thee a serpent] ffit^ S add of bronze, as in v.^. — The words k^'nj = serpent, and DtiTiJ = bronze, are very similar, and the one word might very easily be omitted by accident after the other. The conventional rendering of ntJTlJ is brass; but this is almost certainly incorrect. The word denotes in the first instance an ore, or natural metal (Dt. 8^; cp. nc'in: Job 28-). It is used for all sorts of utensils (17*, 2 K. 25^*), is less valuable than gold (Is. 60^^) or silver (Dan. 2^^), and was a bright metal (i K. 7^, Ezr. 8-"). All this points to copper, a metal in early use among various peoples of antiquity. Copper articles have been found, for example, in the tomb of Menes, the "first king of Egypt," copper and bronze at Tell el Hesy and Troy. From the fact that some of the OT. allusions {e.g. i S. if^-, i K. 4^^ Is. 48S Job 40^^) seem to imply a stronger and harder metal than unalloyed copper, it is inferred that nt^'^3 may also mean bronze. Bronze (an alloy of copper and tin) was much employed by, whereas brass (an alloy of copper and zinc) was hardly known to, the ancients.* — On a pole] The word D3 is generally used of a conspicuous object round which people, especially troops, mustered; see, e.g., Is. 5^6 n^^ 133 62^", Jer. 50^; here it seems to mean nothing more than a pole sufficiently high to be conspicuous. 6. ^N"i2"c] (5 = '^'xiB" 'J3C. — 8. .Tni] G + ^oi' 5djf77 50ty S.v6pwTT0v: cp. V.9 5^. — 9. w-n hn] On the nn with the formally indefinite but quasi- pronominal P'N { = any one), see Dav. 72, R. 4; Kon. Hi. 288^; G.-K. 117c. * EBi. s.v. "Copper," "Brass"; Nowack, Arch. I. 243 f. In AV, brass = copper; see Wright's 5/6/? Word Book. XXI. 7-XXI. 10 279 XXI. lO-XXXVI. (JE P). Marches and Events East of the 'Arabah and the Jordan. After a march northwards from the gulf of 'Akabah along the E. of Edom and Moab {21^^ '^^'^^-22^) the Israelites come to rest, before attacking Canaan W. of the Jordan, in the country immediately to the N.E. of the Dead Sea. With the story of the Israelites in this district are connected the episode of Balaam (22^-24^^), the seduction of the Israelites by the (Moabites or) Midianite women (25^^^), whose conduct is visited on the whole people of Midian (c. 31), the taking of the second census (c. 26), the selection of Moses' successor Joshua (27^^"-^), the communication of numerous laws and instructions (27^"^* 28-30. 33^°-36). The greater part of c. 32 also finds a suitable place in this section ; and the itinerary of c. 33 is as well placed here as anywhere else. The greater part of the section is derived from P, much of it from P\ But it is the view of JE with regard to the march that most clearly appears in the compilation. If it was P's view that the Hebrews marched across the N. of Edom (see 21^^ n.), the editor has succeeded in obscuring it. XXI. lo.-XXII. I. Marches and Conquests East of the Dead Sea and Jordan Valley. Literature. — Noldeke, Unfersuchiingen, 85 f.; Wellhausen, Comp. iiof., 343-346; Meyer, ZATW. i. 117-146; Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 116-118, 130 n. i; Kuenen, Hexatetcch, 151 f., 230, and Th. Tijd. xviii. (1884), 516-532 ; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. c. xxvi. and Appendix iii. ; Bacon, Triple Tradition, 209-212 ; Kittel, Geschichte der Hebrcier, 81-83, 192-194, 206-209 5 Sayce, Early History of the Hebrews, 222-228 ; Steuer- nagel, Die Eins'anderung der israelitischen Stiimmen, §§ 11 and 13 (especially). The passage contains the work of many writers. The poetical passages (v.^**- ^^^- 27 -so^^ \^ view of the manner in which they are introduced, are obviously older than the narrative with which they have been incorporated. V.^"^ are derived from Dt. i^~^. The repeated formula of marching and en- 2 8o NUMBERS camping in v.^"- ^^* 22}- is in Hebrew different from that in v.^2^-. That in v.^°' ^^^ 22^ is the same as is found else- where in P (v.^ n.) ; v.^-^- has the same formula as Dt. lo^^- (E). Even the narrative that remains, after removing the poetical passages, the extract from P, and the citation from Dt., is not homogeneous or self-consistent. For in v.^*' the people have reached Pisgah in the very heart of the country between Arnon and Jabbok : in v. 2^^* they are still outside of this country, and only enter it after conquering the Amorites who then possessed it. Minor incongruities are the difference in the formulae of the march in v.^^*- and i8b-20^ ^j^g descrip- tion of the country occupied by the Hebrews as "land" in y 2ia-3i ijyf 23 cities in v.^^- 32^ the fact that v.^^'' and v.^^ are doublets, and that "these cities" in v.^ refers to nothing in the present context. Taken together these differences point to connecting {a) v.^b-l^- 21-24a. 31 . (3) ^.^e- 18b-20. 24b. 25 (26). 32_ [a] can be read consecutively — After passing several stations Israel reaches the border of the Amorite country which stretched from Arnon to Jabbok ; they ask to be allowed to make a peaceful passage through this country ; the Amorites refuse : the Israelites conquer the Amorites, and occupy the country. This story can be assigned with some confidence to E: for (i) v.^^~^** closely resembles 20^^^"^^ (E) ; (2) it agrees with Jud. iii2ff. and Dt. 2-^^- in locating the Amorites between Arnon and Jabbok ; (3) the formula of the march in y^i2f. agrees with Dt. ro*^^- (E). The narrative {b) is not con- secutive; for V. 2^ presupposes something not expressed. Nor can it on any strong positive grounds be assigned to its ultimate source; as belonging to JE yet inconsistent with E, it may provisionally be referred to J. The analysis here adopted is virtually that of Bacon and CH. We., on the insufficient ground noted above (p. 265), assigned the whole of v.^^"*' to J. Otherwise the general tendency was to refer a much larger part of y_ 17-30 tQ Y. ; Kit. and Kue. referred the whole section, Meyer all except y_i8b-20 J.Q thaj source. Kucnen, slightly modifying the older harmonistic exegesis, thus attempts to get over the difficulty of the inconsistency of Y 16-20 ajjjj y_ 21-24. £ "prefaced his own narrative by a passage from an older itinerarium . . . and illustrated certain points by poetical citations XXI. 10, II 28 1 • . . just as he did with the main feature of his own narrative also** (Hex. 152). Steuernagel has recently denied the presence of J in the section ; arguing that v.'^''** are out of place, that v.^^'"'"" not less than y_iib-i8 belong to E, and that v. ''*'■-'' immediately preceded the episode of Balaam, which he refers entirely to E and E*^. When the poetical fragments were introduced Into the narrative is uncertain. The introduction of the first and third may be due to the same hand (note p Vy v."' 2'; ct. v."); but whether this was E or RJ= or even (though thi^ is less likely) a later editor, must remain uncertain. The second poem (v.^^ is introduced in the same manner as the song at the Red Sea (Ex. 15'), and possibly, therefore, by the same hand (J). 10, 11a (P). And the children of Israel set out\ The point of departure is omitted: ct. v.**, Ex. 132° 16^ etc. In 33*^'- between Mt. Hor (v.*") and Oboth, two other places, Salmonah and Punon, are mentioned. — Obot}i\ site unknown. — 'lyye- 'Adferim] The first part of the name is the cstr. of 'lyyim (SS"*^) and plural of 'Ai or 't, which, defined by the art., also appears as the name of a place. It appears to mean "heaps" or "ruins." 'Ai and another 'lyyim in Judah were on the W. of the Jordan valley. The addition of the words **of the 'Abarim" here and in 33'*^ defines this 'lyyim as being on the E. of the Jordan valley; for "the 'Abarim," meaning- literally "places on the other side," is a name given to the country E. of the Jordan valley, specifically to that on the other side from Judah (cp. 27^^, Dt. 32°; and see G. A. Smith's art. "Abarim" in EBi.). Little that is more precise can be said of the site of 'lyye-' Abarim with certainty ; for the next clause and the following verses appear to be from a difi'erent source. If, however, the com- piler has here been careful so to combine his sources as correctly to represent geographical facts, 'lyye-' Abarim lay E. of Moab (clause d) and S, of Arnon ; for between 'lyye- 'Abarim and Arnon (v.^^) the present compilation places the Wady Zered. In 33**-*^ the next station beyond 'lyyim on the northward march is Dibon-Gad, which was only two or three miles N. of Arnon. In 33** 'lyyim is said to be tn the territory or on the harder of Moab ; if the latter translation of the ambiguous phrase be adopted, 'lyyim should be located at the S.E. corner of Moab, and, therefore, most probably at some part on the upper course of the Wady el-Ahsa which 282 NUMBERS flows into the southern end of the Dead Sea from the S.E. But however this may be, the main point is certain : 'lyye- 'Abarim lay E. of the Jordan valley (includingf the 'Arabah) ; and thus the narrative of P^, in so far as it is extant, mentions between Mt. Hor (20^2 21*'') on the W., and 'lyye-'Abarim on the E., of the'Arabah only one place, Oboth (the site of which is unknown), and gives no indication whatever that the passage from W. to E. was made by a long- detour southwards from Kadesh by the head of the Red Sea. The fuller itinerary of c. 33, which, though the work of P\ is in the main governed by P^'s point of view, mentions, indeed, a larger number of intervening stations ; but it also gives no indication of a detour south. It is therefore highly probable that P^ repre- sented the people marching, unmolested and with ease, straight across the northern end of Edom. Just as forty years before the spies passed through the whole length of Canaan at will, so now the Israelites approach Canaan by the direct and chosen route with entire disregard of the people then in possession of the country, 11. nnnyn vj?] the existence of a cy in Judah is a little uncertain : of the versions U {Hm) alone supports |^ in Jos. 15^, the only passage where the place is mentioned ; C5° reads Ba/cwK ; 5> ■ 1 NS ; <&^^ Aveifi, pointing to D'iJ7 (cp. Jos. 18"^ C5'^*-). Even of the present name it is doubtful whether the original form was not rather the sing. Dn^yn 'j; (distinguished from 'Jjn near Bethel in western Canaan). U (Ijeaharim, Jeabarim) clearly supports the pi., and, possibly, ffi^ (reet) does the same ; 5 always reads ( 'T*^^? M » ^, which is ambiguous ; but, with the exception just mentioned, all the readings of fir are either curious or point to the sing. ; for Fji, the regular equivalent of 'v('i) (see Hatch and Redpath, Supplement, s.v, Tai, Ayyai), is read in &''^^ in 33*^'", and here ^AF (vid) have AxeX7at, ^ x^^7^f'> ^ Ax'^et/x X'^'^M- So in Onofn. Airj, rj Kal 'Axe\yai (211^), Ate quce et Achalgai (86^). The origin of fir's AxeX (cp. in NT. 'AxeX5a^ax, here = Aram. "jpo) is not obvious; it might (after »-) be a corruption of NaxeX = '?n3; but if so, whence came ^m? It is worthy of notice that the hard pronunciation of y which still influences ffi is neglected in the forms of the Onom. (Anj, Aie^. On this point and on the possible presence of "V in '?3'y, see Academy, June 21, 1896. llb-15. A fragment of E's itinerary, describing how the Israelites advance, keeping outside Moabite territory and the border of the Amorites (v.^^^- ^^). This is followed by a fragment XXI. II-I3 28 O of an ancient poem (v.^^^-). Previous fragments of E's itinerary are to be found in 20^^ 21^^, Dt. lo*^"^. Evidently, from the position which they occupy in c. 33, the places mentioned in Dt. io^~^ belong" to the march southwards from Kadesh : those mentioned here, to the march northward from 'Esion- Geber on the Gulf of 'Akabah. In view of the different definition of 'lyye-'Abarim in 33** and the similarity to Jud. 11^^, CH. seem justified in referring- v.^^^ (z« the wilderness •which is over against Moah on the east) to E rather than P. Whether in E v.^^*^ defines 'lyye-'Abarim or some other place cannot be determined, but the fact that 'lyye-'Abarim in 33*^^- immediately precedes Dibon-Gad favours the latter alter- native,— The Wady Zered\ Dt. 2^^*- Taken by itself the context in Dt. favours the identification * with the Wady el- Ahsa, formerly the southern border of Moab, and still "the recog-nised boundary between the districts of Petra and Kerak " ; for the command not to vex Moab would be more suitably g^iven as the Israelites were approaching- the southern border, than after they had been for some time skirting- the eastern border of Moab. But if the compiler of the present narrative was accurately acquainted with and accurately repre- sents the topography of the district, 'lyye-'Abarim must lie on or N. of the Wady el-Ahsa, and consequently the Wady Zered must be some wady further north, such as el-Franji (the upper course of the Wady el-Kerak) or the Seil Lejjun (cp. p. 286).! — 13. Beyond Arnon\ if the writer speaks from the standpoint of the march, this must mean north of the Arnon : this is the most natural interpretation both here and in Jud. 11^^ (see Moore, ad loc). If the phrase is used from the fixed stand- point of an Israelite, beyond Arnon would mean on the side of Arnon out of Israelite territory, and hence south of Arnon ; so it is commonly taken here. J — WJiichisin the wilderness^ the clause apparently defines Arnon (rather than l^y). Such a definition is not unnecessary, for the name Arnon in the OT. covers a number of branches of the great wady whose * Robinson, Biblical Researches, ii. 555 f. ; Tristram, Land of Moab, 50. t Di. ; Driver on Dt. 2'^. X Di., Str., Meyer, ZATW. v. 45 n. i. 2S4 LUMBERS modern name is Wady Mojib (cp. v.^^ n.). G. A. Smith (in EBi. 3170 n. i) suggests that the particular stream here intended is one of the branches of the W. Waleh, which comes from the N. into the main wady \\ m. from its mouth. — The wilderness ivhich stretches away from the territory of the Amorite\ viz. to the east. The whole description points to some locality on the upper Arnon, in agreement with 21^-'^^^ and Jud. 11^^, which represent the march as outside of and therefore necessarily east of Edom and Moab. The upper Arnon could be easily crossed by a large body of men : not so the lower Arnon, which runs through a chasm two or three miles across and 1700 feet deep.* — For Arnon is the Moahite border between Moab and the Amorite\ What this statement is intended to substantiate is not clear, possibly owing to an incomplete citation of the source. For the view that at the time in question the country N. of Arnon was occupied by the Amorites, see v.^**"^^, Jud. 1 1^^, Jos. 1 2-. The Moabite N. boundary shifted in later times, as the contemporary evidence of the Moabite Stone suffices to show. Under 'Omri and Ahab Arnon formed the border between Israel and Moab ; Mesha' reconquered many of the towns N. of Arnon {e.g. 'Aro'er, Mehedeba, 'Ataroth, Nebo), and reoccupied the country. Mesha''s inscription, in fact, refers to three changes: (i) in the time before 'Omri, Moab occupied country N. of Arnon ; (2) in the time of 'Omri, and Ahab, Moab was confined to the S. of Arnon ; (3) in the period of Mesha' (and subsequently, cp. Is. 15 f.), Moab again extended N. of Arnon. There is thus nothing historically improbable in the representation of this chapter that at a much earlier period Moab had to fight, and not always successfully, to maintain its claim to the country N. of the Arnon. — 14 f. A snatch from the hook of YahweKs Battles is cited to show that Arnon was the border of Moab. — WJierefore it is said\ or that is the meaning of the saying (p ?y ~|QS"') : cp. Gn. 10^, and the similar phrase no^<'' p by in v.^^. The book of the Battles of Vahweh] To judge from the specimen here preserved, and from its title, this book, like the book of the YasJiar (Jos. 10^^, 2 S. i^^) or the Hamdsa and similar • G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 558; Tristrain, Land of Moah, 125 IT. XXI. 14, IS 285 collections of the Arabs,* appears to have been a collection of ancient popular songs that had been handed down orally till the fuller establishment of a national life brought with it a period of literary activity. The date of the collection cannot be determined with any certainty, f The book of the Yashar cannot be earlier than David (2 S i^^) ; and the book of Yahweh's Battles may well have arisen in the same period. The subject of the collection, as indicated in the title, was the struggles of the nation or its heroes against its foes ; for these were what the Hebrews meant by " battles of Yahweh " (i S. 18^'' 25-^) ; and the battles were so called because they were waged by the help of Yahweh {e.g. 1 S. 14^- 2^) and by the presence in the heroes of Yahweh's spirit (Jud. 6^^^- i S. ii*^^-) and against Yahweh's enemies (Jud. 5^^). War with the Hebrews, as with other peoples of antiquity, was a sacred undertaking, J and as such demanded consecration (Jos. 3^, Is. 13^, Jer. 6* 51-'^, Joel 3^, Micah 3^). — The snatch itself is an obscure fragment beginning in the middle of one sentence and breaking off in the middle of the next — ... 1*^ Waheb in Suphah, and the valleys, Arnon. *^ The cliff of the valleys which extends to the site of 'Ar, And leans on the border of Moab . . . The verb on which Waheb is dependent may have been nny, or np^, or the like, and so — We [i.e. the Israelites, Yahweh's warriors) passed throjigh or took Waheb. Waheb ((5 Zcoo/S) is quite unknown ; Suphah, the district in which it is situated, may possibly be identical with the obscure Suph of Dt. i^ (see Driver, ad loc), but scarcely, as suggested by Tristram {Moab, 50 f.) with the Ghor es-Safiyyeh, a small oasis just S.E. of the Dead Sea (see Dr. in DB. s.v. "Zoar"). The * On which see Brockelmann, Arab. Litteratur, 17-21, and Fried. Riickert's German metrical translation with notes of the Hamdsa of Abu Temm4m (2 vols. ; Stuttg-art, 1846). t Reuss, Gesch. d. Heiligenschrift ATS.,^ 215 (temp. David-Sol.);- Meyer, ZATW. i. 131 f. (c. 850-800 B.C. ; of. Sta. GVI. 50). X Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertinner {Der heilige Krieg im alien Israel), 1901, 286 NUMBERS sibilants do not correspond, and Safiyyeh is a specifically Arabic term (Wetzstein in Del. Gen.^ 586 n. 2), which does not seem to be a likely explanation of Suphah. — The valleys, Amon] the valleys which constitute Arnon, i.e. the present Wady Mojib, which is formed by the junction just above 'Ara'ir, some thirteen miles from the Dead Sea, of three deep wadies : two of these (the Lejjun and the Balu'a) coming- from the S. first unite and then join the Seil Sa'ideh from the E. (F. Bliss, P£F Qu. Si., 1895, 204 (map), 215). "The whole plateau up to the desert is thus not only cut across, but up and down, by deep ravines, and a very diflficult frontier is formed. . . . but all the branches probably carried the name Arnon from the main valley right up to the desert. It is not l/ie valley but l/ie valleys of Arnon which are named in the ancient fragment of song celebrating Israel's passage" (G. A. Smith, Hisl. Geog. 558 f.). The second and third lines of the fragment seem to introduce a notice (in the citation left incomplete) of one particular Arnon valley — that, viz., which turns towards or extends to 'Ar, and forms the Moabite border ; and this is probably the main valley, with its lofty and precipitous cliff's. " Cliff" seems the most probable meaning of nCN, which is only here used in the singular, but occurs in the pi. of "the slopes of Pisgah " (Dt. 3^'' 4^^, Jos. 12^ i^soj)^ and, with a general reference, in Jos. 10^*', where it forms one of four divisions {the hill-country, the 7iegeb, the shephelah, and the slopes) into which the whole land was divided according to physical aspect. — The site of Ar\ (ly riTtJ'), a poetical expression; ct. ■i"'yn 1V^'\)2, 2 K. 2^^. — '^r is also mentioned in Dt. ■z^- ^^- ^9, and in the fuller form 'Ar Moab in v.2^. Is. 15^. '^r means city, and may have been the regular Moabitic equivalent of the Heb. 'z> (pi. 'artm). 'Ar, therefore, is presumably the same as 'Ir Moab (22^"; RV. " the city of Moab"). In that case (and even Dt. 2^^ with the context almost suffices to prove it) 'Ar was situated on the upper (eastern) course of the Arnon. In Is. is-*^ Cj renders 3NV0 ~iy •by M.waj3elTi8 !§.— 14. n2iD3 nm nx] ffi ti]v Zw6,3 i4>\byi tQ>v KaixriXujv to, (poprla, iKelvas p-h iKfi^veadai dia^n-aixiv i\ev6^pu} irodl ' avrol di irepLrpixovat t<^ vdarL TTtVoires, irepiKXv^Sfievoi, \ov6;ievoi, ovk ^x^"'''^^ airXtDs, dVws xp^o'WJ'Tat Tg i^tXo- Tifxlq, Tov vdaros- Tovry 5^ TrpoaxopevoPTes Kal Trjv Trriyqv dvv/ivovvre^ opwcnv Kara tt]v vwuipfiav txvos dupLariov /xiKpoO). Modern travellers speak of the songs used by the Bedawin as they draw water for their flocks ; Seetzen, Reisen^ ii. 223. Whether W. R. Smith is justified in seeing in the song the influence of well-worship is less certain ; the well, it is true, is addressed as a living thing ; but so also, to cite merely the closest parallel, is the vineyard in Is. 27^ ; see, further, Koberle, loc. cit. To attempt any more precise determination of the date when this ancient popular song was composed than is suggested by the foregoing remarks, would obviously be fruitless. Spring up, O well ! Sing ye to It t To the well which the princes dug. Which the nobles of the people delved, With the leader's wand, with their staffs. The song- is addressed to a well that is already known and celebrated, rather than to one just discovered. The perfect tenses in the second and third lines are historical. The drawers, as they stand round the well, pray it to supply them again as in the past, exhort one another to sing to the well, and recall the fact that the well was found and secured to them by the Sheikhs of their clan. A similar popular tradition attached to Jacob's well near Shechem (John 4^^^^ Sing ye to it\ cp. Is. 27^. — With the 'wand\ not, as in AV., "by the direction of the lawgiver," for ppnD signified the 19 290 NUMBERS covimande-)^ s or leader's wand SiS well as the commander himself See Gn. 49^'', Dt. 3521, with Di.'s and Driver's notes thereon. The second word (DiytJ'O) is regularly used of the staff em- ployed in ordinary life (Ex. 21^^, Zech. 8*). A story told of Mohammed illustrates the use of the staff referred to in the poem: some wells at Hodeibia being- choked with sand, Mohammed made one of his followers descend one of them, and with an arrow — the only implement at hand — scrape away the sand; afterward the water flowed freely.* Di., however, on the ground that the well must have been too considerable for its waters to have been thus brought to the surface, explains with the wand as meaning at the instruction and under the superintendence of the leaders. But this assumes an un- paralleled and improbable use of 1. Preferable to this is the explanation that the action with the wand is symbolical (see above). — And from Wilderness to MattanaK\ If the text be right. Wilderness ("13^D), being without the article, must be a proper name. But this is improbable. Moreover, the place last reached, and from which, therefore, the departure is actually made, is Be'er (v.^^^); hence many, with ffi, read, and from ne'er to Mattanah. But Budde questions whether this was the original text of (5 (see phil. n.), and, omitting the 1 { = and), regards the last two words of v.^^ as the last line of the song, and renders. From the wilderness a gift. For mattanah = a gift ^ see, e.g..^ Gn. 25^. The omission of the article before wilderness would be in accordance with common poetical usage (Kon. iii. 292). — 19. And from Mattanah'\ the words are omitted in G^; and rightly, if Budde's view of the text (see last note) be correct. In any case the site of Mattanah is unknown; in OS. (137^, 277^2) Mathane, MaOdavefx, is identified with Maschana, said to be situated on the Arnon, 12 miles E. of Medeba ; but the two defini- tions of the site of Maschana are incompatible, since Medeba was considerably N. of Arnon. According to Budde the original text of the itinerary (v.^*""^^) ran, And fvm there to Be''er, and from Be'er to Nahal€el, and from NahalPel to Bamoth. — Nnhairel\ the name means the wady of God^ • Muir, Mahomet,'* 343 f. XXI. 19 291 "which is not an unfit name for the Wady Zerka Ma'in with its heaUng spring's."* The Wady Zerka Ma'in bisects that part of the eastern shore of the Dead Sea which extends northwards from the mouth of the Arnon. A station on its course would therefore be about half-way between the Arnon and the Wady 'Ayun M(jsa (v.^o n.). Still the identification of Nahali'el with the Wady Zerka Ma'in must either govern or be governed by that of Bamoth, itself uncertain. Bamoih, or high places, were as characteristic of the land of Moab {Mesha, 1. 3 ; Is. 15^ 16^-, Jer. 48^^) as they were, down to the time of Isaiah's reformation, of the land of Israel ; and, con- sequently, the generic term Bamoth, like others, such as Be'er (v.^^ n.), may in more than one instance have become the proper name of a place. This being so, the identification of the Bamoth of this passage with the Bamoth-Ba'al of 22", Jos. 13^'^, and the Beth-Bamoth of Meshd , 1. 27, is, though probable, not certain. The alternative forms of the name of the same place would be in accordance with well-established custom.! This identification of Bamoth, Bamoth-Ba'al, and Beth-Bamoth being assumed, the place lay in the territory north of Arnon which passed to and fro between Israel and Moab, was loftily situated, and commanded a view over "the plains of Moab" (22*^ Jos. 13^^). Some high place not far south of the valley of v.^'' (? the Wady 'Ayun Musa) seems best to meet the requirements. Some | place it near the Wady Jideid, "in the dolmens immediately north of El-Maslubiyeh," the view from which is described by Tristram [Moab, 322 f.). In considering the claims of this identification, too much ought not to be made of the presence of dolmens, for they are particularly prevalent in Moab.§ Others, || attaching importance to the order of mention in Jos. 13^^, seek Bamoth between Dibon and Ba'al Ma'on (see notes on v.'*' and 32^^), and in particular on Mt. 'Attarus, which rises south of the Wady ♦ G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 562. t See the present writer's discussion in EBi., " Names," § 92 f.; HPN. 125-136, 324. X G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 562 ; Conder, Heth and Moab, 145 f. § Conder, Palestine, 156. II Hengst., D!.. Str. 292 NUMBERS Zerka Ma'ln. In this case Nahali'el, being' mentioned before Bamoth in a northward march, must be one of the less im- portant wadies between Arnon and the Wady Zerka Ma'in. — 20. From Bamoth the route is followed to a valley (X'"3) near the N.E. of the Dead Sea. So much seems tolerably clear; but in detail the v. is difficult of interpretation. Nothing- ^:v- c/?/^(?5' the identification * of the "valley" with the Wady 'Ayun Musa, and on certain views of the text and meaning of the passage there is much that favours it ; but it is not fully established. — The region of Moah\ 3X1D VCW is an alternative term for the Ia7td {yiis) of Moab. It is found in Gn. 36^^ and several times in Ruth. Cp. the ta7zd (y'^ii) of Se'zr, the region (mc^) of Edoni. This wide definition of the district where the '* valley " lay required limitation ; this follows in the words the head (or top) of the Pisgah, which may be intended as an appositional clause limiting" the region of Moab, or as in apposition to and explanatory of the valley. In either case the efTect is sufficiently awkward to justify a suspicion that the text is corrupt, or that the words the head of the Pisgah have been inserted by an editor without regard to style. The Pisgah (njDai) appears to be used of the western edge of the Moabite plateau which falls steeply to the Dead Sea, and, perhaps, more particularly of that part of it which lies to the N.E. of the Dead Searf the term is elsewhere used in 23^*, Dt. 3^7.27 ^49 24^ Jos. 12^ 13201^ The root 3D3 in Aramaic (Dr. Dent. p. 58) and Mishnic Hebrew (Levy, Neu-hebr. IVorterbuch) means to cleave; the name may therefore have been given on account of the aspect of the range as seen from below. The head of the Pisgah (njD^n L"i<~i), mentioned also in 23^*, Dt. 3"^^ 34^^!, appears by itself to be a collective term for the promontories or headlands which run out from the Moabite plateau, generally at a slightly lower level than the plateau itself. The several individual headlands, which, regarded from below, are peaks 4000 feet high, had separate names : two of these are mentioned elsewhere, viz. the Field of the Watchers (23^*) and Mt. Nebo (Dt. 34^). — And it looks out * Di., G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 564. t Bulil, Geog. § 76 ; G. A. Smith, Hist. Gcog. ~,(>2. XXI. 20 2 93 upon tlie JesMmon\ The word ;io"'l^'', from the root DC'' = to he waste, desolate, is used in poetry, without the art., of the wilderness of wandering ; see, e.g., Dt. 32^^ With the art. it is used in certain prose passages virtually as a geographical proper name. Such is the use of the word here. Used thus it appears in i S. 23^^- ^■i 26^- ^ to be the name of the desolate country of Judah above the northern part of the i&cstern shore of the Dead Sea.* It is commonly supposed,! in view of the present passage and 23^^, that the same name also attached to the waste country in the Jordan valley just N. of the Dead Sea and east of the river, a district in which was situated Beth-Jeshimoth (33*^ n.). — The verb and it looks out (nspt:':i) is in p,^ fem. ; the subst. should therefore be the Pisgah, the only unambiguously fem. noun in the context. But the read- ing of the verbal form is open to suspicion (see phil. n.). If corrected to a masc. it would still be preferable to refer it to head (cp. 23-^) rather than, with Di., to the valley. But in any case if the Jeshimon intended lay to the N.E. of the Dead Sea, the whole description points somewhat clearly to identify- ing the "valley" with the Wady 'AyiTm M(lsa,| which descends from Mt. Neba through the district which, on the hypothesis, was called the Jeshimon, into the northern end of the Dead Sea. The following' passages from G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 562-565, will substantiate some of the statements in the preceding notes, and further elucidate the passage: — "During their journey over the Tableland, Israel had no outlook westward across the Dead Sea. For westward the Plateau rises a little and shuts out ali view, but on the other side of the rise it breaks up into promontories slightly lower than itself, which run out over the 'Arabah and Dead Sea valley, and afford a view of all Western Palestine. Seen from below, or from across Jordan, these headlands, rising three or four thousand feet by slope and precipice from the valley, stand out like separate mountains. But eastward they do not rise from the Moab Plateau — they are simply projections or capes of the latter, and you ride from it on to them without experiencing any differences of level, except, it may be, a decline of a few feet." "One thing is certain : this journey [Nu. 21^^'^"], though it is described * G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 312, 513; Buhl, Geog. 96. ^ E.g. Di., Ges.-Buhl {s.v. jid-b"), Str,, G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 56.) n. I. X Di., G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 564. 294 NUMBERS in the book of Numbers before the war with Sihon [Xu. 21^"-], must have come after the latter. No host, so large and cumbered as this, could have ventured down any of the glens from the Plateau to the Jordan before their own warriors had occupied Heshbon [v.-^], for Heshbon, standing above them, commands these glens." 16. mN3 CB'Di] CS fai iKeWev rb piaTos. S !^hi!, which should be pointed either nhi!,, n.xn being treated as masc, or npy f/te -well is springing up. — 20. nsptj'ji] Frequentative, and it used to look, if the text be correct : Driver, Tenses^ p. 162 n. i. But we should probably read nspiyjn (cp. 23^^ and the rh ^\iirov of ffi here), or with S fiptyjn. i<-i is regularly masc. ; the single instance of N'J as a fern. (Zech. 14^) is decidedly suspicious in view of the fact that it is treated in the following verses as masc. 21-33. The conquest and occupation of the country between Arnon and Jabbok, then held by the Amorites under king Sihon. The story of the defeat of Sihon is told elsewhere, rhe- torically expanded in Dt, 2^^"'''^, and in a shorter form in Jud. J ji9-22^ There are many allusions to it (see v.^^ n.). The present story is probably compiled from two sources at least, and possibly from three ; for the song (v.^'^") may have been derived direct from an ancient collection by the compiler. Jud. n^s-^i appears related to one only of these (E), but Dt. 2^"^^ may depend either on the present composite story or on both of those that lie behind it ; for it refers to the occupation of "cities" (Dt. 2^'^) as well as of the country as a whole (2^'). S has in turn expanded the story in Numbers by interpola- tions from Dt., viz. of Dt. 2-*'" before v.^^, of the words diSb' nan after "iCNH (v.^^) from Dt. 2"^, of the fuller message of Dt. 2^"^^* (mainly in place of v.^), of Dt. 2^' (with the necessary change of ''7N to nco hn) after I'^aaa in v.^ ; cp. Introduction, § 14. 21-24a (E). The Israelites send messengers to the Amorite king" Sihoa, asking, as they had previously asked the Edomites (20^*^-), to be permitted to pass peaceably through his country. Sihon refuses, marches against Israel, engages in battle with them at Jahas, and is defeated. The Israelites occupy his country. XXI. 21-23 295 21. And Israel] so Jud. ii^^ but (Bi^^^ Moses; cp. fl? in 20^* and Dt. 2-^. — Sihon^ king of the Amontes] Sihon is similarly titled (noNH ibo) in v.26 3288, j k. 419, Ps. 135I1 13618 (cp. Dt. 31*, Jos. 2^0 9^0). cp. "i-inx 1^?J V.29. Frequently he is entitled after his chief city, ki7io- of Heshbdn\ so Dt. 226.30 ^ 296, Jos. 12^ 13^7, cp. Neh. 9"-. Frequently also the two descriptions are combined: e.g. Sihon, king of Heshbon, the Amorite (Dt. 2^*) : Silion the king of the Amorites, who dtoelt in Heshhon (Dt. i*) : see also Dt. 32 446, Jos. 12^ 1310- 21, Jud. 11^®. In the parallels to the present passage, Dt. 2^ gives the alternative description only [king of Jfeshbon), Jud. 11I9 gives both. How closely associated were the names of Sihon and Heshbon appears in v. 2^28^ jgj._ ^g-ts^ — yj^g territory of Sihon at this time extended, according to the present narrative, from Arnon to Jabbok (v.2*), and from the wilderness to Jordan (Jud. ii'^-). The embassy, as in the similar negotiations with Edom (20^^), would naturally be sent when Israel had reached or were stationed on, but before they had crossed, the borders of the country through which they requested permission to pass, and therefore while they were still in the wilderness E. of the Amorite territory. That the embassy was, as a matter of fact, sent from the wilderness appears indirectly from v.^^, and the direct statement to this effect is preserved in Dt. 22^, which defines the point as " the wilderness of Kedemoth." In v.21, then, the people are still where they were in v.^^. — 22. The message closely resembles, but is slightly shorter than, that sent to the Edomites (20^^). It appears in a much shorter form in Jud. 11^^ and much expanded in S and Dt. 2^"^'^^. — Let me now pass through] see n, on 20^*. The remaining vbs. of the v. are ist pi. in ^: but the singular is retained almost throughout in the parallel matter in S and Dt. 22^^-29^ — 23. To the wilderness] N. of Arnon and E. of Moab ; cp. v.^^, Dt. 22*5, and n. on v. 21 above. — To Jahas]l\\Q. site* remains uncertain. It lay some- where on the Moabite plateau (Jer. 482^), and in i Ch. 6^^^''^^ •Tristram, Moab, 124 f. ; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 559 n. 8. In addition to the references to Jahas given in the text, the OT. references are Dt. 2^-, Jos. 13^* 21^*, Jud. 11-*, Is. i5-», Jer. 48*^, 296 NUMBERS is mentioned along* with *' Beser in the wilderness" and Kedemoth, which must also be sought in or near the wilder- ness, since it gives its name to a part of it (Dt. 2^^). Mesha"s allusion to Jahas ("I took it to add it to Daibon"; 1. 20) may imply that it lay not far from Dibon. These data for what they are worth point to a place not far north of Arnon * and close to the wilderness ; and this would quite satisfy the requirements of the present story. It is unnecessary to locate Jahas actually in the wilderness. Israel, hearing of the approach of Sihon, would march to meet him as he was on his way to- wards the wilderness. — 24. From Arnon to Jahhok\ On the Arnon, see v.^^ n. — The Jabbok is by common consent! iden- tified with the Nahr ez-Zerka (distinct from the Wady Zerka Ma'ln mentioned in the n. on v.^°), the head waters of which "rise on the edge of Moab, only some 18 miles from the Jordan, yet to the east of the water-parting. So the river flows at first desertwards, under the name of Amm3.n, past Rabbath-'Ammon to the great Hajj road. There it turns north, fetches a wider compass north-west, cuts in two the range of Gilead, and by a very winding bed flows west-south- west to the Jordan [which it joins at a point about 25 miles in a direct line from the Dead Sea]. The whole course, not counting the windings, is over 60 miles " (G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 584). Like the Arnon, it has always formed one of the frontiers of E. Palestine {ib. : cp. also p. 539). In Jud. 11^^ (cp. v.^^) Jabbok is quite clearly given as the northern boundary of the Amorites, the eastern and western borders being also given as the wilderness and the Jordan respectively. It is probable, therefore, that here also the Jabbok is the northern boundary, and consequently that unto the children of '^Amnion (cp. Jos. 13^°) is not in apposition to Jabbok, but states tersely a third, viz. the easte-m, boundary (cp. Jud. 11^^). The whole means, then, that Israel occupied the land between Arnon on the S. and Jabbok on the N., as far * North of Dibon, if we may suppose Jerome well informed, and Debus an error for Dibon in his statement " et usque hodie ostenditur inter Medaban et Debus," Onom. 131^^. t See, e.g.. Buhl, Geog. 122 ; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 583 f. XXI. 24 297 east as the 'Ammonite country; this last lay round about the upper courses of the Nahr ez-Zerka on which Rabbath-'Ammon was situated ; cp. Jos. 13^'', Dt. 2^7 3^^. Still this mode of defining- the eastern border may be due merely to the com- piler (see next note) ; and the original definition may rather be found In Jud. 1 1-^. — Forjdzer was the border of the children of 'Ammon] This is the reading of (5, and probably of the original text. The meaning is that Ja'zer was on the boundary between the Amorites and the 'Ammonites (cp. v.^^). In Jud. 1 1^^22 ^ji y 2i-24a here) no reference is made to 'Ammon. Since the reference to cities indicates that the compiler in v.^^ draws on a source different from that used in v.^** (see p. 280), the transition to this source may well be placed at the words unfo tJie sons of ^Aminon in v. 2*^, which attach awkwardly to the preceding. If this be admitted it is unnecessary to regard the last clause of the verse as a gloss.* The text of II?, for the border of the children of 'Ammon was strong (in which <>', strongs is probably a corruption of "ity, Jdzer), has been ex- plained (i) as giving the reason why Sihon had not extended his conquests further:! such a clause might have followed V.28 ; it is out of place here ; (2) as accounting for the fact that the Israelites did not capture the 'Ammonite as well as the Amorite country ; in that case the passage would repre- sent a different point of view from Dt. 2^^, according to which Yahweh commanded the Israelites to leave the 'Ammonites unmolested in the possession of their ancestor Lot. Linguistically the rendering of Ty by strong in the sense of ^^ well fortified " whether naturally or artificially, is unparalleled and questionable. Ja'zer is mentioned frequently in OT. ; see more particularly Jos. 13-^, which supports the suggestion of v.^^ that it was not at this time, as in the Maccabsean period it had become (i Mac. 5^), 'Ammonitish. During parts of the interval it belonged to Moab (Is. i6^^-, Jer. 48^^). The site is uncertain ; according to Eusebius [Onom. 264^^^-) it lay 15 (Roman) miles from Heshbon and 10 W., according to Jerome about 8 W. [Onom. 86-"'^- ; cp. * Meyer, ZATW. i. 120 n. i ; Stade, GVL 120 n. i. t Knobel, Keil. 298 NUMBERS Eusebius, Onom. 262-'') of Philadelphia ( = Rabbatli-'Ammon). These data are tolerably satisfied by the site of Sar (two hours S.W. of Rabbath-'Ammon), or the neighbouring place Sir ; * but the sibilants in these names are not the same as in Ja'zer. Cheyne f identifies Ja'zer with Yajuz, a little W. of El-Jubeihat ( = Jogbehah, 323^), N.W. of Rabbath-'Ammon ; others with Beit-zera', a long way S.W. of Rabbath-'Ammon.:}: — 25. Israel captures and enters on the occupation of all the Amorite cities. This is parallel to v.^^'* ; but it is differently expressed, and represents a rather different point of view. Here the cities, there the country as a whole, is occupied. — All these cities] There is nothing in what now precedes for these words to refer to. The verse is probably a closing summary of the capture of several individual Amorite cities (cp. v.32 and 32^), and the source from whence it is derived may have represented the conquest of the Amorite country E. of Jordan in the same manner as the conquest of Western Canaan is represented in Jud. i, i.e. as a gradual conquest city by city rather than as a sudden and complete occupation of the whole country (v.^^). — A?id Israel dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites] the parallel statement in E, "and Israel dwelt in the la?td of the Amorites," is postponed to v.^^. Possibly as an editorial link with the following verses, the most famous of these Amorite cities is now specially men- tioned, Heshhd7i and all its daughters^ the last phrase meaning all the dependent towns. According to 32^^- Heshbon, though conquered, was still unoccupied by the Hebrews at a later time than this. The site of Heshbon is certain, the name surviving in Hesban, which is finely situated on hills higher than Mt. Neba, which is 5 miles away to the S.W.§ — 26. Heshbon was at the time in question one of the Amorite cities ; for though it had previously belonged to Moab, it had been wrested, with all the country N. of Arnon, by Sihon from the former king of Moab. — For Heshhon was the city of Sihon the king of the Amorites\ cp. v.^^ n. — All his land * Seetzen, Reisen, i. 397f., 406, ii. 318, iv. 216 ; Buhl, Geog. 263 f. t In EBi., following- Oliphant, Land of Gilead, 231 ff.. X Survey of Eastern Palestine, i. 91. § lb. i. 104-10S. XXI. 25-27 299 out of his hand unto Anioi{\ perhaps this originally ran, All his land from Jahbok to Amon\ cp. v.-^, Jud. ii^^, and see phil. note, below. In any case, as in v.^^, Arnon is the southern limit of Sihon's conquest. 23. ns.T] The original name of the town was |ti' (Is. 15*. Jer. 48^, Meslid 11. 19 f.); but in OT. it is more frequently found with the locative ending (note the penultimate accentuation), whether (as here and in Dt. 2^iJ with or, as elsewhere, without any locative force ; cp. njon and rTn:wn {e.g. Jud. 14-) ; Kon. iii. 26912 b. — 24. mn 'sV] an old phrase ; not used by P, but common to JE D (CH. iSoJ'^). — 26. itd] the position of the clause between isiN and the clause that defines it jns ^J7 is suspicious. (&from 'Aro'er is in itself quite improbable, for the well-known 'Aro'er lay close to the Arnon, and it is unlikely that the boundary would have been defined by the 'Aro'er of Jos. 13=^ ; but it (|^) and inin ((5) may be different corrup- tions of p3': see above and Meyer, .^ATW. i. 129 n. 3. 27-30. At this point the editor introduces an old poem in illustration of his narrative. The point which he probably intends it to illustrate is the conquest of Moab by the Amorites (v.^^). — Wherefore the reciters of mesJidlifn say] the similarity of the introductory formulae here and in v.^* may point to the same editor ; but if so the difference between them indicates that he has taken the two songs from different sources, the one from a book, the other directly from men's lips. The frequently repeated suggestion that this poem, like that in v.^*^-, was derived from the Book of Yahweh's Battles is there- fore improbable. The persons who were accustomed to recite this poem are called D'''?'^*l3n ; the pi., the art., the frequentative tense of the following vb. (litSX'') all indicate that a class of people is intended. The vb. 7k^'D is a denominative ; it might mean to make a mashdl: in usage it actually means to y tier or repeat a mashdl, and that not always, at all events, of one's own making {e.g. Ezek. i8"^-). So the class here described consisted of men who were primarily reciters of poems. It is easy to imagine how these reciters went about in Israel and, especially in time of war, by reciting poems like the present (cp. Is. 14^'^-; also Hab. 2**), and thus recalling former victories, stimulated and encouraged the people (cp. Jud. 5^^). But possibly the repertoire of these ''ballad-singers" (Perowne in Smith, DB. ii. 584^) was not confined to odes of war and 300 NUMBERS victory; and there is certainly no justification for limiting the sense of the participle of the denominative verb here used to satirists, for mashcll (23'^ n. ; see also Addenda) is a term of various applications, and satire is neither the original nor even the most frequent meaning of the word. Conse- quently the interpretation of the following poem must be determined purely by internal evidence, and without any prejudice that it must be a satire. The view that the poem is the work of an Amorite poet celebrating the victory of his people over Moab * may be dismissed as inherently improbable. Sufficient ambiguities and possibilities of interpretation remain, however, when the poem is regarded as being, what it doubtless was, the work of a Hebrew poet. The one thing that is clear is that the poem celebrates a victory over Moab. Every thing else is more or less uncertain. The ambiguous details are dealt with in the notes. It is necessary here to discuss briefly the general motive and purpose of the poem. I. Since Ewald,t the view most commonly held has been that the poem is a satiric ode.; In the words of W. R. Smith, " the children of Israel invite the Amorites to return and fortify the demolished fastness of their king, Sihon, exalting that monarch's prowess against Moab, in order to bring into stronger light the valour of Israel, beneath which the invincible Amorite and his stronghold had for ever fallen." § On this view, v.^'^^- is addressed mockingly by the victorious Israelites to the now conquered Amorites ; in v.-^ the Israelites address the Moabites, who had been conquered not by themselves, but by the Amorites : in v.^° the Israelites exultantly record their own conquest of the Amorites. In brief, the thought is — the Amorites destroyed Moab, but "jae, the Israelites, have destroyed theniy viz. the Amorites. It will thus be seen that v.^*^ should contain a strong antithesis, * Knobel. t History (Eng. tr.), ii. 205-207. X Ewald's view is substantially adopted by W. R. Smith {Brit. Quarterly Review, Ixv. (Jan. 1877) 67), Keil, Str., G. A. Smith {Hist. Geog. 560); cp. Sayce, Early Hist, of the Hebrews, 227, § British Qitarterly Revie-^v, Ixv. (Jan. 1877) 67. XXI. 27 2^1 both subject and object requiring- emphasis. Unfortunately the text of v.^^ is very questionable ; but one thing- is certain: it does not contain an emphatic antithesis. The first word of the V. (d")":')) may be a verbal form with a pronominal suffix; but even if so, neither subject nor object is empha- sised ; the construction with the impf. and waw conversive should smoothly carry on what precedes. There is not the slightest indication that the conquerors of v.^" are different from those who are represented as conquerors in v.^'^^-, and consequently the poem itself contains no indication that v.^'^'- are tauntingly spoken. On this ground the view in question appears to the present writer in the highest deg-ree improbable. 2. Breaking- loose from the suggestion of the Hebrew editor and the last line of v.-^ (which they regard as a gloss) that the poem has anything to do with the Amorites, Meyer and Stade have argued that it is a triumphal ode celebrating- throughout a victory of Israel over Moab. They regard the first word of v.^^ as a noun. But even if it should be taken as a verb, it is no longer open to the same criticism as in the case of the first view of the poem. No emphatic antithesis is required at this point by the present theory ; for the same people (the Israelites) who in v.^'^ exhort one another to occupy the cities captured from Moab, continue, though no longer in the second person of mutual exhortation, but directly in the first person, to describe their destruction of Moab. This theory is not without difficulties, though the necessity for regarding v.^^® as a gloss is scarcely one of these. The chief difficulty lies in the fact that the natural, though perhaps not the inevitable, inference is that Sihon was actually a king of Moab, and only became turned into a king of the Amorites in later traditions. The determination of the date or the poem must obviously depend on the interpretation. Stade not unreasonably refers it to about B.C. 900, the period of the conquest of Moab b}''Oniri which is referred to in Mesha's inscription ; cp. Wellhausen, Comp. 343. On the first view of the inter- pretation the poem might be much older. '^'^ Come ye to Heshbon ! Let it be rebuilt I Let the city of Sihon be established 1 302 NUMBERS ^ For fire went out from Heshbon, Flame from the town of Sihon ; It devoured 'Ar of Moab, The lords of the high places of Arnon. 2"-^ Woe to thee, Moab ! Undone art thou, people of Kemosh : Who has made his sons fugitives, And his daughters captives, [To an Amorite king Sihon.] 2" So their posterity has perished from Heshbon to Dibon to Medeba. Come ye to Heshh6n\ the speakers are the Israelites : either they exhort themselves to occupy and rebuild the cities de- stroyed in their conquest of the Amorites, or they mockingly address the conquered Amorites, according to which of the views discussed above be adopted. — The city of Si]ion\ an epithet of Heshbon, just as " the city of David " (2 S. 5'^, i K. a^'', and often) is of a part of Jerusalem. That Heshbon ranked as the chief city of Sihon is evident from the fact that king of Heshbon and king of the Amorites are alternative titles given to him (v.-^ n.). Certainly such a description of Heshbon in an Israelitish triumphal ode over Moab would be most easily accounted for if Sihon were a king of Moab. Yet it is possible that among the Israelites this name clung to Heshbon long after the Amorite power had passed away. — — Be rebuilt] nJ3 frequently has this sense; see Jos. 6-*^, Am. 9^*. — 28. For fire -went forth from Heshbdn\ this appears to give the reason for the summons of v.-'': — Come and rebuild Heshbon, for now, together with the country as far S. as Arnon, it lies overthrown and wasted by war. Those who adopt Ewald's view of the poem give no satisfactory explana- tion of the y^r (''3): Di., for example, says vaguely that the ground or explanation of the mocking summons of v.^^ is not contained in v.^^ alone, but in v. 2^"^". It has, indeed, been subtly argued that the phrase fire went forth from Heshbon can- not refer to the desolation of Heshbon itself by a foreign foe, but must mean that Heshbon caused the desolation of Moab.'" • Kuen. Th. Tijd. xviii. 525 ; Di. XXI. 27, 28 2>'^2 But two of the passag-es (Lev. lo^, Nu. i6^) cited by Kue. to prove this ought at once to be dismissed from con- sideration, since the phrases used are significantly differ- ent, viz. not from., but from with (nsn) and from, before ("33^0). It is true that in the others (Jud. 9^5.20^ Ezek. 19^^) the phrase is used of the starting-point of the conflagration, but surely not of the cause ; the bramble of Jotham's parable, from which fire gDes forth, is itself consumed, and not apparently, in the intention of the writer, by self-combustion : the case is similar in Ezek. 19^*. The actual meaning of the phrase is rendered still clearer by the use of the Hiphil (followed by "]inD), which admits of the statement of the cause as well as of the starting-point of the conflagration (Ezek. 28^^). To judge, then, by the use of the phrase, the meaning of the poem is that Heshb6n and the country southwards to Arnon suffered the same fate, the cause of which is not directly stated, but is most naturally understood to be the speakers in the poem. Obviously, if this be the meaning, it does not apply to a war victoriously made on Moab by the king of Heshbon. Further, since the line of devastation and conquest proceeds southwards from Heshbon, it cannot refer to Israel's conquest of the Amorites, which proceeded north- wards from Arnon towards Heshbon. On the other hand, it describes the natural line of conquest in a war waged victoriously by Israel, during the period of the monarchy, on Moab. It is, of course, legitimate, and, if the first view of the poem were adopted, it would be best to render for fire had gone forth. But this rendering is not necessary: the emphatic word naturally stands first after the causal ^a, even when no pluperfect sense is required or even possible (cp. Gn. 2^- "^ 3^'^) : here the subj. {fire) is put first because it is the emphatic word, since it and not the verb contains the idea of destruc- tion.— 'Ar of Moal}\ v.^^ n. — The lords of the heights of Amon\ For the first word (vys), Cj has a verb [KaTetrtev) parallel to the verb in the previous clause. (JJ apparently read the word ypiini = a?td swallowed down, which is hardly suitable. But some verb implying destruction may well have stood in the original text. If ^? be right, the lords are the proprietors^ 304 NUMBERS freeholders of the district (Jos. 24^^, Jud. g^, i S. 23^^). The word nV02 appears to be used here without a religious refer- ence simply of the heights along the Arnon (cp. Ezek. 36^, Dt. 32^^) : but 2r interprets the phrase lords of the heights as heathen priests. — 29. The poet addresses Moab, the conquest of whose northern territory has been just described. Kemosh was the name of the national deity of Moab : i K. 1 1^ and Mesha"s inscription, ^«^^z;w. The Israelites, who called them- selves the people of Vahweh (Jud. 5^^, Ex. 15^^), quite naturally called the Moabites the people of Kemosh : for in early times the Israelites questioned the real existence of the god of a neighbouring people just as little as the real existence of Yahweh; see, especially, Jud. ii^**-. The disasters that had befallen the Moabites proved to the author of the poem the anger of the Moabite god with his people ; for it is to Kemosh that he ascribes the flight and capture of the Moabite men and women. The same view was taken of similar disasters by the Moabite king Mesha* himself, who writes : "'Omrl. . . afflicted Moab for many days, because Kemosh was angry with his land " (Mesha"s Inscr. 11. 4f.). The Moabite men and women are described as sons and daughters of Kemosh in accordance with an ancient mode of thought which has left its mark on a type of personal names common to many of the Semitic peoples : instances are Abi'el, Abiba'al, Abiyahu, meaning respectively God, Ba'al, Yahweh is Father.* In the citation from this poem in Jer. 48^^^ these traces of early thought are obliterated ; the people are described as sons and daughters of Moab., and their capture is not attributed to the anger of their god, but is expressed by a passive vb. — To the king of the A?norites, Sihon^ the style is somewhat strange ; see phil. n. The line is questionable, since it forms the single exception to the two-lined parallelism which otherwise extends uniformly through the poem. It is not improbably a gloss. — 30. The text is corrupt, and nothing certain can be made of the verse. If, as in the above transla- tion, we adopt the reading of Cj [koI to arripfia avrcov = ^3"'?^.)> it continues the description of the calamity that had befallen * G. B. Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, 21-S6. XXI. 29-32 305 Moab ; and if we may further restore from^ with U and ^ (cp. (G^ iv — 1 which is very frequently confused with c), before Heshbon, the extent of the calamity and the direc- tion from which it came correspond to what is differently described in v.-^ ; see note there. Dibon is the modern Dhiban, about 4 miles N. of Arnon.* Others find in the v. two verbs in the ist pers. pi., and suppose that there is a sudden return (cp. v.-^) to the Israelites' victory over the Arnorites ; then we = Israel: them = the Amorites. On various conjectures of varying degrees of uncertainty, see phil. note. The name of Medeba mentioned at the end of the v. (and also Is. 15^, Jos. 13^- ^'^, I Ch. 19'^^") survives in the modern Madeba, which lies between Hesban and Ma'in. According to MT. another place, Nophah, is also mentioned ; it is quite unknown. — 31. Israel settles down in the Amorite country , This is the sequel to v.-*'*, and a parallel statement to v.^^^* It is the conclusion of one of the narratives of the conquest of the Amorites. — 32. Here the editor has added a detail from another account, viz. the capture of Ja'zer and the dependent cities, and the expulsion of the Amorites resident therein. 27. piani] see for the form, G.-K. 54c; for the (comparatively) rare passive sense of the Hithpael, Kon. iii, loi. — 28. n^.i'?] ffic^ S + 1, cp. Jen 48^' (1&). — nnpo] Jer. \ir^, which is probably an error for n'ao. — n'?3N] Jer. "rDxm (cp. Shere). — ny] Gr S S erroneously ny: in Jer. nxsj is from Nu. 24"^', which is there substituted for the present close of the v. — 29. max] Jer. nax. — n'3:^'] S 'nc ; n'2c elsewhere occurs only in the phrase vciw niB" : for the present sense, we find elsewhere 'nsi' or ■tdb'. — ncx] if adjectival, cp. Gn. 14^^, Dt. 2-''. The people are elsewhere referred to collectively by the sing. ■with the art. in poetry (e.g. Ps. 136^^) as well as in prose. The omission of the art. (which S supplies) may be due to the fact that the word is here intended to be taken adjectively {to an Amorite J^ing), which gives a strange expression, or to poetic licence (Kue.), or to a glossator's brevity of stj'le (Meyer). The quotation in Jer. breaks off with the preceding line. — 30. D'2'31 . . . DT3i] none of the ancient versions recognise verbs in these words. The modern attempts to translate the words as verbs make the lines extraordinarilj' harsh and obscure : Di. e.g. renders the former line, we shot at (m") theiti (and in consequence of our shooting, i.e. of our fighting) Heshbon was tmdone unto Dibon {i.e. the whole district unto Dibon was undone as well as Heshbon). For other views, see Di. The • Tristram, Land of Moah, 131 ff. ; Buhl, Geog. 268. 30 306 NUMBERS second line is still more irrecoverable. For ib'n S G read trx, a reading which is probably indicated in MT. by the dot over the n : otherwise the Versions show variations through misunderstanding rather than variants. (5, for example, renders Kai al yvvaiKes avrwv ^n irpocre^eKavcrav nvp iw) Mud^, which Meyer [ZATW. i. 130) takes seriously and adopts, with the substitution of N3TD from ftj for the Mwd/3 of v\ = and we laid 7vaste until fire '.vas blown as far as Medeba. Paterson and Haupt (SBOT.) make the whole V. satisfactory to themselves by the simple process of omitting jauTi 13N and k^td ny irx as glosses. The punctuators probably took □•c'Ji as ist pi. Hiphil of DDsy (G.-K. 67/). For the punctuation of the suffix in D731, if a verb, see G.-K. 60^.— 31. i'lxi] S n:;3, CJ ny ^33 by assimilation to v." H 33-35. The conquest of 'Og and occupation of Bashan. — V.^^- is verbally identical with Dt. 3^'-, except that the ist persons of Moses' speech in Dt. here become the 3rd persons of narrative, as in similar interpolations in S from Dt. V.^^ is abbreviated from Dt. 3^. The clause and his sons, which appears here in P? thoug-h not in S, is not found in Dt. 3^ : but cp. Dt. 2^. The last clause of the v., and we possessed /lis land, may be regarded as a summary of the subsequent narrative in Dt. (especially 3^^"*). In view of these facts there can be little doubt that the story of 'Og* has been incorporated in Nu. from Dt. ; and this accounts for the lack of reference to it in 22^ (cf. also Jud. 1 1-^). The tendency to interpolate the text of Nu. from Dt., which is so marked in S (Introd. § i4«), has here also influenced P|. For notes on the passage, see on Dt. 3^"^. XXII. 1 (P). Israel encamp in the steppes of Moab, opposite Jericho. — The v. forms no natural sequel to the account either of the occupation of Bashan {21^3-35^^ or even of the occupation of the country between Arnon and Jabbok (2i2i-32^. It belong-s to the itinerary which was broken off at 21^^ by the introduction of matter from another source. And the children of Israel jonmeyed\ the same phrase as in 2iiof.^ The point of departure has been omitted; probably it was given in the source as "the mountains of the Abarim" (33^). — The steppes of Moab] is a term peculiar to P (263- '^^ 2ii2 3343-50 25I 36^3^ Dt. 34^-^ Jos. 13^- 1). It denotes the XXI. 33-XXII. 2 307 low country E. of Jordan and immediately N. of the Dead Sea. The corresponding- flat country on the W. of Jordan went by the name of the steppes of Jericho (Jos. 4^^ 5^° (P) ; 2 K 25^=Jer. 39^ = 52^!). The steppes of Moah extended at least from Beth-Jeshimoth to Abel-Shittim {'^'^^^ n.), and the term no doubt covers the whole of the open plain from 5 to 7 miles broad, into which the Jordan valley expands on the E., some 9 miles from the mouth of the river. This plain is covered with trees, and well watered; see Driver's note on Dt. 34I. inv pr] JTI' is cstr. (G.-K. 125//), since in prose it always takes the art. when absolute. The phrase thus means the Jordan of Jericho, i.e. that part of the Jordan which flows in the neighbourhood of Jericho. XXII. 2-XXIV. 25 (JE). Moab and Israel. Literature. — Verschuir, Dissertatio de oracuUs Bileami (1773); Hengstenbergf, Die Geschichte Bileams u. seine Weissagtingen (1842); Reinke, Beitrdge zur Erkldrung des AT. (1855) iv, 179-287; Ewald, Jahrhiicher der bibl. Wissenschaft (1856), viii. 1-41 ; Oort, Dispidatio de Pericope Num. xxii. 2-xxiv. (i860) ; Kalisch, Bible Studies, part i. (1877); Kuenen, "Bileam" in Th. Tijd, (1884) xviii. 497-540; Wellhausen, Comp. 111-113, 346-351; Van Hoonacker, "Quelques Observations Critiques sur les Recits concernant Bileam " in Le Musifon (1SS8), vii. 61-76 ; Franz Delitzsch, "Zur neuesten Literatur iiber den Abschnitt Bileam" in Zeitschr. f. kirch. Wiss. (188S) pp. 117-126; Cheyne, "Some critical Difficulties in the Chapters on Balaam " in Expository Times (1899), x. 399-402; Wobersin, Die Echtheit der BiVamspriiche (1900); von Gall, Ziisarnmensetzung ti. Herkunft der Bileam-Perikope (1900). For other earlier literature, see Reinke, op. cit. 205-207. The Israelites, fresh from their conquest of the Amorites (22^), are now settled on the border of Moab, and fill Balak, king- of Moab, and his people with fear (v.^*-). The Moabites prepare for battle (v.^- ^^) ; but in order that his undertaking may be successful, Balak sends messengers, carrying a suitable fee for the service required (v.''), to a foreigner whose name is Balaam, and who is distinguished for the effect of his cursings and blessings, that he may come and formally curse Israel before the war begins (v.*^- ^^), Balaam at first refuses on the ground that Yahweh withholds His permission (v.^~^^) ; Balak sends a more impressive embassy (v.^^~^'^) ; Balaam receives 308 NUMBERS Yahweh's permission to go, but only to do as He tells him, and goes {v.'^^'^^). On the way Yahweh manifests Himself to Balaam and his ass (which miraculously addresses its master), and makes known His anger with him for going; Yahweh gives him permission to go, but only to speak what He tells him (v.^-"^^). Balak meets Balaam at the frontier of Moab (v.^^) and leads him successively to Kiriath-husoth (v.^^), "the field of Sophim on the top of Pisgah " (23^'*), and the top of Pe'or (23^^). At each place he shows Balaam the Israelites encamped below, and endeavours to get him to curse them. But on each occasion Balaam pronounces a blessing, which in every case consists of a poem celebrating the prosperity, present or future, of Israel (237-10- isb-24 2^^^^). After the second blessing, Balak bids Balaam say nothing further (23^^) ; and after the third, bids him go home (24II). Balaam, how- ever, before going home (24^^) recites unsolicited a fourth poem (241^^"!°), predicting the ultimate destruction of Moab by Israel, and a similar fate for Edom. Without any demur from Balak, Balaam further recites three much shorter poems, pre- dicting the fate of 'Amalek (v.^o), the Kenites (v.^"-), Asshur and 'Eber (v.^^). Such Is a brief analysis of these chapters in their present form ; it necessarily leaves certain things, such as Balaam's country and the reason of Yahweh's anger with him for setting out on his journey, obscure or ambiguous ; for in these respects the present narrative is itself obscure. This obscurity is not lessened but enhanced by attempting, as was formerly the custom, to interpret this narrative by the allusions to Balaam in 31^- ^^. To these obscurities earlier interpreters devoted the utmost ingenuity. But in vain. The obscurities have been occasioned by the existence in the OT. of widely different stories about Balaam. Two of these have been combined in the present narrative. With the recognition of this, some of the difficulties of older interpreters disappear. But not all. It is impossible to recover in detail and with any certainty the original forms of the stories here combined. Consequently, the interpretation of these chapters still remains an incompletely solved problem. XXII. 2-xxiv. 25 309 The narrative, as distinguished from the poems which it contains, is certainly a compilation from at least two sources. This appears most clearly in c. 22. Here the most conspicuous evidence of compilation is as follows: — (i) the doublet in 22^''^ and ^^ ; (2) the irrelevance of v.^'' after v.^; (3) the incon- sistency of the two definitions of Balaam's home in v.^, one clause placing- it on the Euphrates, the other in " the land of the children of Ammon " (so read with G) ; and (4) the parallelism and inconsistency of v.^^~^^ with much of what precedes. A number of smaller points, such as the different terms used for Balak's messeng-ers, taken together, also support the conclusion that the narrative is composite, though taken separately some of them might be otherwise explained without serious difficulty. Any detailed analysis must of necessity largely rest on this less conclusive evidence. Quite the most important of the points mentioned in the last paragraph is the inconsistency of 22—"^^ and the preceding section. This consists mainly in the fact that in v.~^^- Balaam, having received God's permission to go, is on his loay accompanied by the princes of Balak, whereas in v. '^'^ Balaam is o?i his way accompa?iied by two servants, and without having received Yahweh's permission: for that is the obvious meaning of Yahweh's anger. There is no such conclusive evidence that c. 2'^ f. is derived from two sources. But 23^^ looks like the original conclusion of a narrative; the statement in 24^, that Balaam "went not, as at other times, to seek for enchantments," attaches to nothing that precedes ; 24^'- might well imply that Balaam now, for the first time, sees Israel, and for the first time realises Yahweh's purpose to bless Israel, in which case it could not have been the original sequel to c. 23. The repeti- tion of 23^2- 24 jrj 248- 9^ and the postponement of Balaam's solemn introduction of himself (24^^- ^^^■) to the third and fourth poems, also favour the conclusion that c. 23 and c. 24 are not the work of a single writer. Most writers,* therefore, are now agreed that the present narrative is a compilation from the two sources J and E. • We., Di., Kit., Driver, Corn., Bacon, CH., Addis, Moore {EBi. 3442). 3IO NUMBERS Kalisch, Kuenen, Steuernagel, and von Gall take more or less con- siderable exception to this conclusion. Kalisch argued that Nu. 22--24^^ apart from two interpolated passages (22-""2' and 24'^"-^), formed an inde- pendent book, dating from the age of David, and had no connection with either J or E. Kuenen comes nearer to the general position, but holds that the section as a whole is derived from E, who himself derived 22-'^"^ from J, and incorporated it with his narrative. Von Gall maintains that 222-41 231-6- 11-13 ig compiled in the usual manner from J and E, but that 2-5^^-24-^ is the work of five successive editors all later than JE, and that all the poems, including 23^'^'*, are post-exilic. Both the sources (J and E), he further argues, related one blessing only, and the original compiler (JE) retained this feature of the story. Now, that there is some editorial work in 23^^-24-^ is highly probable (see below on 24-°'-^ ; see, further, CH.), but some of the features referred to in the last paragraph but one are not well accounted for by the theory that the whole of this section was written by editors before whom 22^-23" and 231"- already lay in its present form : in particular, the terms of 24^'- and Balaam's self-introduction in the third and fourth poems present as much difficulty to this theory as to the theorj' that the chapters are a unity. Steuernagel's theory is that the whole section consists of the work of E^ and additions by E'^ which are distinguished by the use of the divine name Yahweh, and consist of 228. 13. ISf. 22-35 238- ia^-S- 12-I3a«. 15-17. 26. 27a« 24!- l'a/3b. 12b. 13 (^TSK. (1899) 34° f- = Eimaanderung, 72, 103-105). This is also open to some of the fore- going objections, and entirely fails to meet the difficulty presented by 2,22-35^ and bases more than is safe on the use of the divine names (see below). It is true, however, that the characteristics of E are more apparent than those of J. But before attempting- to indicate the positive indications of either of these sources, it is neces- sary to consider, in the first place, from a purely textual point of view, the use of the divine names. The divine names used in ^? are: Yahweh^ 29 times; G and |Cn_^] for D'.-.VN(n), The varia- tions of (5 are as follows : — (i) (6) deos— mn' 15 times without variants (besides 23*). (2) „ „ 3 I. ^^''tli .. (3) 6 Kifpi05 = D'rT'7Nn 2 ,, ,, ,, The instances of (i) are 2223-23- "'• »5 233. 5. n. le. is ,^i3b j^ 238 6 Oeos^ .ii.T, but in the parallel line K?='7n. The MSS. supporting Ks in the six cases of (2) and (3) are as follows (cursives not cited when the reading is embodied in Lagarde) : — (2) in 22'^ L; in 22-bj ^_|,. -^. 84. 106. 134; in 2231, BL ; (3) in 22», 16. 73 ; 2222^, FN 53. 71. The fact that in the great majority of the cases S agrees with |^ against ffir's (6) 6s would by itself cast grave suspicion on ffi's readings ; but there is further evidence of <5's tendency here to use 6 6s ; thus it is 6 es that appears in the interpretation of 'Sb* in 23^, and, naturally indeed, in the addition at the end of 23^ (cp. 242 p) and G). It follows (i) that an unsupported reading b ds in G is valueless as evidence of the original reading ; (2) that such a reading adds little or nothing to other evidence favouring an original reading D'n'7N(n) ; but (3) that wherever (6) Ks appears in G, it deserves attention as a possible indication of the original text. Thus on purely textual grounds (i) it is highly probable that in 22-^ Yah-weh (S and important MSS. of ffi) is an earlier reading than God (f^) ; (2) in 23^- ^^ God (S) is at least as probably original as Yahweh (|i?) ; (3) in 22^ Vahweh read by certain MSS. of (& may possibly be earlier than God (f^). In all other cases f^ probably presents a text earlier than G, though it is still, of course, perfectly possible that in certain cases (!Er accidentally reverts to the text of the ancient source. But that is not a question of textual criticism. It will be convenient to tabulate here the usage oiYahweJi and God. Yahweh is used (reading thus in 22^2*) — (a) in narrative, 16 times — 2222-35 (13 times) 23"' ^^ 24^ ; (b) in speeches of Balaam, 12 times (two doubtful) — 22'- '^^ ^^- ^' 233 (S God) «• 12- 21- 26 (s God) 246- " *" ; (c) in speeches of Balak — 24^^ God (nM'?x(n)) is used — (a) in narrative, 6 times — 22^- ^°' '^-- ^ 23* 242. In 22' some MSS. of Cr read Yahweh ; {b) in speeches of Balaam, twice (22^^ 232^), and twice besides in S (233.26). No conclusive and complete explanation of this usage can be givea 312 NUMBERS It is partly due to fusion of sources ; it is perhaps partly due to an editorial principle incompletely carried throug-h. It is to be observed that in 22-'-^ Cod is consistently used in the narrative, Yahiveh in the speeches of Balaam. It is possible that God stood orig'inally in (some of) the speecnes, and has been deliberately altered by an editor in order to make it clear that Balaam owes what he has to say to the God of Israel (Di.). The principle is not carried through, for in 22^^ 23-" the reading God is, on textual grounds, beyond suspicion ; for a similar incomplete- ness, see Ct, particularly in 22--''"'*^, where ^s takes the place of mn' 11 times, but Ks is allowed to stand in 22''', The consistent use of Yahweh (13 times) to the entire exclusion of God in 22--"^^, and the consistent use of God in the narrative parts of 22^"-^, favour referring- 22--"^^ to J, and the parts of 22"^"-^ containing- Go1 is to swallow down : hence the identification of Balaam and Lokman (^jj = deglutivit). The interpretation, swallower or destroyer of the people (dJ? I/v3), already appears in JJEJ"". It is entirely unphilological, but has possibly caused, if it be not in part due to, the late pronunciation Birum (MT.); (& (EV.) keeps what was probably the original pronunciation Bafam. On this and other interpretations of the kind both of Balaam and Be'or, see Kalisch, go-96. — Pethor^ which is by the river] i.e. the river Euphrates: cp. Ex. 23^^ Jos. 24^-3-i*f- (all E). The identification of Pethor with Pitru, which is mentioned by Shalmaneser 11. (860-825 B.C.), and with ^^-<^-r«/, which appears in the lists of Thothmes in. [c. 1500 B.C.), has been generally accepted.* Some scholars, however, have recently questioned the identifi- cation on the philological ground that in view of the long d in Pethor (niiriE), (5 ^aOovpa) the Assyrian form should be Pitara. Then explaining away the statement of Dt. 23^ that Pethor was in Aram-naharaim, they have sought for the place somewhere on the "river of Egypt" (34^ n.), which, they allege, is in Gn 36^'' called "the river" simply. t Pitru was situated a little S. of Carchemish, not indeed actually on the Euphrates, but on the Sajur, a few miles from its junction with the Euphrates. The Sajur is a tributary from the W.; it is a considerable stream, and in its lower course flows between two ranges of low chalk hills. J Shalmaneser 11. thus refers to Pitru : "At that time I restored to their former condition Ana-asur-utir-asbat, which the Hittites (Hatti) call Pitru, which is situated on the Sagura, on the far side of the * Sayce, Academy, x. (1S76, Sept.) 291, and Early History of the Hebre-ws (1897), 40, 22S ; Schrader, COT.^ '55 f- » Fried. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 269 ; Max Miiller, Asienti. Europa, 98 n. i, 267 ; Records of the Past (2nd series), v. 38 (No. 2S0) ; Driver in Hastings' DB. iii. t Marquart, Fundamente israelitischer u. jiidischer Geschichte (1S96), 73 f. ; Cheyne in EBt. 3685 f. X Chesney, Survey of Euphrates, i. 419; cp. Sachau, Pcise in Syn'en, 156. 326 NUMBERS Euphrates, and Mutkinu . . ., which Tiglath-Pileser[l.: c. 1 100 B.C.] . . . had filled with settlers, and which in the time of Asur- kirbl, king- of Assur, the king- of Arumu [the Aramaeans] had captured by force: I settled Assyrians therein."* The descrip- tion of Pethor as situated in Aram-naharaim (Dt. 23^ ^^) quite agrees with the Assyrian definition of the site of Pitru : for Aram-naharaim is not merely the country between the Euphrates and the Tigris ; it is the Naharin [River-country] of the Egyptian inscriptions, called Nahrima or Narima in the Tel el-Amarna tablets — a district which appears to have ex- tended from the valley of the Orontes eastwards across the Euphrates.! The journey from Pitru to Moab would be some- thing like 400 miles, and would occupy over twenty days, J and from any other place on the Euphrates the time-distance would not be appreciably less. The four journeys of the story would therefore have required about three months. A journey to Aram-naharaim, related elsewhere, was undertaken with camels (Gn. 24'^°) ; the ass of v.^^-si belongs to a story which locates Balaam's home much nearer Moab.§ To the land of the children of Ammoii\ (;"ioy ""Ja px) this is the reading of S S U, and appears to have been the original. || In MT. it has been accidentally, or rather, perhaps, deliber- ately, changed, by the simple omission of the final f, into l»y ''Jn sons of his people (cp. Gn. 23^^, Lev. 20^'^). The resi- dence of Balaam among the Ammonites, who were neighbours of the Moabites, would agree with the features ofv.^^-s^^ which are unsuitable in a story that locates Balaam a great distance off by the Euphrates, viz. the journey on an ass, without a numerous escort, and between fields and vineyards. Those who prefer MT.^ see in the clause an explanation that Balaam * Monolith Inscription III. Rawl. 7-8, col. ii. 11. 36-38, translated KB. i. 163, 165 (on which i\\h above translation is based) ; also, though differently, in Records of the Past (ist series), 92 f. ; cp. Records of the Past (2nd series), iv. 40 ; KB. i. 133. t Max Miiller, Asien u. Europa, 249-267 : EBi. s.v. " Aram-Naharaim." X Merrill, East of the Jordan, p. 26S (twenty-five days or a month). § Cp. We. Comp. 351 ; Merrill, op. cit. (last n.). II So Geddes, Houb. (see Ooct, p. 6), We., Bacon, H E.g. Heng-st., Oort, Kue. (p. 504). XXII. 5, 6 327 was not a mere sojourner in Aram, but that it was his native land; the point of such a remark here is not obvious. It becomes more pointed if the suffix be referred to Balak,* who would then appear as a foreign conqueror of Moab. But the phrase elsewhere used in Heb. for native land is different, viz. mho pN (Gn. 1 1^3 2^ 31^^). Others,! also retaining MT., render the Imid of the children of 'Avivi^ 'Amm being regarded as the proper name of a deity, which is detected by- some scholars in the proper names compounded with 'Am, 'Ammi. — To call him] cp. v.^"*^^. Behold it has covered the face (lit. eye', XV) of the earth like locusts (Ex. lo^-^j), and it is now d-vaelling or settled over against me. 5. .Tnns] -KTQ (Dt 23') + n t , the ace. ending. "S (ariolum), 5 (]JQ-M.£i the ijiterpreter), make the word an appellative in app. to cv'73. I^Iany {e.g. Heng-st.) while treating it as a place-name, misled by the Heb. |Tin3, base much on the supposition that it means " Interpreters' Town," overlooking the fact that the Aramaic to interpret has c for the Heb. a The meaning is really quite uncertain. — px] not, of course, genitive (Cr AV. ): for see G.-K- 125a: scarcely locative (Driver, Tenses, 191, Obs. 2), but rather ace. of direction (Kon. iii. 3306) : cp. 32^-, Gn. 45'-^, Jud. 1^ 21^^, i S. 13''. The awkward position of the word, as also of ten'? iV NipV, is probably due to the fusion of sources at this point. — nna run] S (& (also v.^' in (5"^) and some MSS. of JQ '2 nj.ii : in v." |^ has D2-^ (cp. " both sources J and E) and Job 3** 5^ Prov. ii^^ 24-^. — 13. cri!-.N] G c;:-iN. — I'^n'?] This peculiar inf. cstr. (G.-K. 69.r) occurs twice besides in E, v.^^ (cp. also v.''*), Ex. 3^^ ; otherwise only in Eccl. 6^'-. The use of such peculiar infinitives (for another see 20-' n.) is somewhat characteristic of E; G.-K. 69;;?; CH. ii9Ik._13. -mh\ For in: = /o suffer, allow, as characteristic of E, see p. 264. — 14. i'?n] This might be, so far as the consonants go, inf. abs. used as the direct obj. (G.-K. Ii3c0 ; but MT. is justified in printing as cstr. (on the form see preceding note), since Jns clearly takes the cstr. without h in Jer. 5^*. 15-21. The fortunes of the second embassy (E, except v.^'^'-). — Balak sends more numerous and more eminent princes to Balaam. They also spend the night with Balaam, who, having obtained permission from God, departs with them in the morning. Assuming the avarlciousness and insincerity of Balaam, commentators have contrived to read into these verses much XXII. 11-20 ^^l that is not there ; thus the reason that the second embassy is more eminent in personnel (v.^^) and carry richer presents (v.^''^) is that Balak saw in Balaam's refusal an indication that he had not been offered a suflficiently high reward. This is prob- ably enough the writer's view oi BalaKs attitude; it proves nothing with regard to Balaam's. Then it is quite gratuitously assumed that v.^^^ is hypocritically spoken ; and it is argued that Balaam was wrong to inquire of God the second time (v,^^), instead of dismissing the princes at once. As a matter of fact the text says nothing of Balaam making a secon«-' request. Balaam bids the messengers wait in case God of His own accord should visit Balaam by night and give him directions. In v.-*' as in v.^ God, not Balaam, opens the conversation. 16. Hold not thyself back frorn coming] the verb here used is the reflexive (Niphal) of that used (with Yahweh as subject) in 24^^. Possibly the words are chosen to indicate that Balak regarded Balaam's previous refusal as an excuse. — 17a. Cp. v.^*" 24^^. — 17b. The request is as before (v.^) ; the verb for to ctifse (nnp) as in v.^^. — 18. Cp. 24^^. Balaam warns the messengers, here called the servants of Balak (cf. 2 S. io^~*, Gn. 40-*' 4i^''- ^^), that he can do nothing either ^^^i* or small, i.e. nothing at all (cp. i S. 20^ 22^^ 25^*^; Kon. iii. 92), without the permission of his God, Yahweh, however great the in- ducement Balak may offer, even though it were his houseful of silver and gold', but (19) he suggests that they should stay the night, that he may have an opportunity of a nightly visitation of Yahweh, and of learning thereby any change in the wishes of Yahweh. — 20. This course is justified by the event; Yahweh now commands him to go, but to speak only according to His direction. On the former occasion (v.^°), Balaam tacitly asked two things — permission to go to Balak and permission to curse Israel; both were refused (v. ^2). Now the first is granted; the second is neither definitely granted nor definitely refused ; but Balaam appears rightly to have gathered that what Yahweh would put in his mouth would not be the curse that Balak desired ; and immediately on meeting Balak he warns him to this effect (v.^^ ; cp. 2'^-- ^s). Balak, blinded like T,^2 NUMBERS Pharaoh, calls down on himself more and more of the anger and punishment of Yahweh (see above, p. 316). — 20b. T/iat shall thou do\ cp. 23-^; otherwise in the similar locutions the verb speak is used — 22^^- ^^ 23^^ 24^^. — 21a a. Cp. v.^^-"^. — He saddled his ass\ the ass (linx) is a she-ass ; other references to she-asses used for riding are Jud. 5^^^, 2 K. 4-^ ; otherwise the he-ass ("nnn) is more frequently referred to in this connection (Ex. 4-°, Jos. 1513, I S. 2520, 2 S. i62 1723 1927^ I K. 2^0 1313, Zech. 9^). The ass was used by persons of all ranks, as the references already cited show, and was in early Israel the animal regu- larly employed for riding, except for long journeys such as that to the Euphrates country, when camels were used (v.^ n.). Even after the introduction of other riding animals (the mule and, later, the horse), the ass remained in great demand (Nowack, Arch. i. 75 f. 224). 18. nay] G '"^- — 3nii fjOD in"3 n'js] Driver, Tcfises, § 194. — 19. nn w latr] a variation on "3 ir'? of v.^ : but cp. i3::"i v.^b; ni3 23^-29 and mn i:*? 12c Ex. 24'^ (E). nn is characteristic of JE (9 times) as against P who never uses it, but it is not distinctive of either J or E individually (CH. 168). — >;;'] Kun. iii. 191c. 22-35 (a a). Balaam and his ass (J). 22. And the anger of Yahweh (so S : f§| God; see p. 311) was kindled because he was goi7ig\ This is clearly not the original sequel to v.^of- in which God expressly directs Balaam to go. It is only the incidents recorded in the following verses that show Balaam that his journey displeases Yahweh ; when he discovers it, he offers to go back (v.^*). It was the belief of the early Hebrews that Yahweh frequently first manifested His anger towards any one who, however unwittingly, had offended Him, by subjecting them to inconvenience or disaster, e.g. Uzzah's well-meaning act draws down on him the fatal anger of Yahweh (2 S. 6^) ; cp. also i S. 6^^ 2 S. 2iiff-. Balaam, in J's narrative, we must suppose, after warning Balak's messengers that he cannot curse or bless except as Yahweh permits (v.^^), sets out without consulting Yahweh on the mere question of going or not. The harmonistic explanation really explains away the statement and replaces it by another ; Yahweh was not angry with Balaam for going, XXII. 20-23 333 but for tlie avarice which induced him to go. See, e.g'., Hengst. (pp. 43-45), and somewhat similarly Keil ; Rashi's explanation, like the text itself, really ignores v.^°'*, l'?''? niNn:i cipnn "J'i'n 111 nannc nui. The angel of Va/naek] i.e. a temporary appearance of Yahweh in human form ; note m his hand, v.-^ ; see 20^^ n. — Placed himself in the ivay as one who would oppose ]iiv{\ or would place a hindrance in his way. The word (|Dti') here used purely attributively becomes later the name (Satan) of the arch- opponent of God and men: see already i Ch. 21^ (ct. 2 S. 24^). The sense of the word, which is confined to this passage and v.^2 in the Hexateuch, is sufficiently illustrated by i S. 29*, 2 S. 1923 (EV. v."), I K. 5is(4) iiU.23.25^_The angel of Yahweh thus meets Balaam as the latter was riding vpon his ass (v.2i n.), his two servants being with hi?n; the princes of v.^^** have disappeared, and Balaam is here accompanied by two servants, the same number that Abraham took with him for a three days' journey in Canaan (Gn. 22^); sometimes for a short journey a single servant only was taken (Jud, 19^, I S. 9^). This mode of travelling suggests that Balaam's home was much nearer to Moab than the Euphrates ; as a matter of fact in J's narrative Balaam appears to have come from 'Ammon (v.^ n.), which would be but two or three days' journey away; Rabbath-'Ammon is about 40 miles from the Arnon. — 23. Balaam and his party are proceeding along a road or track (Til) through cultivated but open country (mti'; cp. 20^7 and, e.g., Ex. 23^^ Mic. 3^2), when, unperceived by Balaam (and apparently by his servants) but seen by the ass, the angel of Yahweh, with his sword drawn in his hand (cp. V.31, Jos. 513, I Ch. 21^^), blocks the way; the ass turns off the track on to the cultivated land, and is beaten by Balaam to bring her back into the way. In cases of this kind it is not unusual to represent one or more of the party as perceiving what the others do not perceive, either at first or at all; cp. 2 K. 6^^^-, Ac. g^-^ (ct. 22^). Apologetic interpreters, such as Hengstenberg and Keil, sought to establish the credibility of this particular instance by an appeal to the fact that irrational animals have *'a much keener presentiment of many natural phoenomena, such as 334 NUMBERS earthquakes, storms," etc., than men, and possess a power of clairvoyance. — The scenery of this and the following verses is not that of the Syrian desert (v.^ n.); if the Euphrates were really Balaam's starting-point in this story, we should be compelled to conclude that the present incident occurred on the last day or two of the long journey,* — 24 f. The angel of Yahweh retreats some distance before the advance of Balaam (cp. v.^*^*) till the track across the open cultivated country becomes a way between vineyards which are enclosed by walls of stone (Pr. 24^^), or rather perhaps of thorns (Is. 5^) ; here he again blocks the way, and is again seen by the ass alone ; the ass having now no open country to turn into, tries to pass the angel, and in so doing site crushed herself against the wall, and she crushed Balaam's foot against the wall. — 26 f. The angel again retreats, and now takes up his stand in a place so narrow that he completely blocks the way; the ass seeing him crouches down, and is angrily beaten by Balaam. — 28. Then a marvel happens; Yahweh enables the ass to speak and upbraid Balaam. A piece of folklore is here utilised for the purposes of the story. Many similar marvels are related by ancient authors,! who record instances of speaking horses, cows, rams, lambs, and dogs. For example, in the Egyptian Tale of the two Brothers, I the cow says to its keeper, "Verily, thy elder brother is standing before thee with his dagger to slay thee " ; Livy more than once relates that in a certain year an ox was said to have spoken with human voice. The speaking serpent in Gn. 3 is the only OT. parallel, and that speaks of itself without any direct assistance of Yahweh. The marvel has occasioned considerable trouble to some commentators, who have re- garded the narrative as historical, but have been unwilling to admit that the ass actually spoke. They have consequently endeavoured to explain the difficulty away on the ground that the whole incident is the record of a vision that Balaam * Hengst. t See the collection of Bochart in ffierosoican, Pt. I. lib. ii. c. xiv. (ed. Rosenmiiller, 1793, p. 168 fF.); see also Kalisch, 129, 132-134. + /Records of the Past (ist series), ii. 142. XXII. 24-32 335 saw.* Unfortunately for this view the text says absolutely nothing' of a vision. But the majority of writers and commen- tators who regard the narrative as historical have correctly interpreted it as referring to a miraculous occurrence ; f and some have been at pains to defend and account for the marvel, discussing such questions, for example, as whether the vocal organs of the ass were changed in order to adapt them to human speech. — And Yahweh opened the mouih of\ The same phrase is used of Yahweh's enabling- a prophet to deliver his message, Ezek. 3^^ 3322 (cp. Ps. 51^^). — 29. Balaam, unsurprised at the speech of the ass as was Eve at that of the serpent, replies to her question why he had thrice beaten her, because thou hast made sport of me ; the verb (p?i?J~in) means to treat some one (maliciously)yb/' one's own pleasure. Cr e/x7raL^€Lv; cp. Ex. 10-, Jud. 19-^, i S. 6^ 31* ( = 1 Ch. 10*), Jer. 38^". Had he only a sword with him, Balaam would slay the ass outright. — 30. The ass hints that there was "reason in her madness"; all his life Balaam had used her for riding, and never before had he found room for com- plaint.— 31. A7td Yahweh uticovered Balaam^s eyes] so that he saw what the ass had previously seen (cp. v.^^) and fell down before the angel. — To uncover the eyes (D^J^i? nb) occurs also in Ps. iig^^: cp, below, 24*- ^^ Similar is the phrase to open the eyes (nps) ; 2 K. &''• ^o, — 32 f. The angel addresses Balaam ; the angel, not the ass, is the real hinderer of Balaam's journey. The ass, so far from injuring, had pre- served the life of her master. // is I (the pronoun is em- phatic) who have come forth (Dan. 9^^) as a hinderer (v.--). — The meaning of the last clause of v.^^ is obvious enough from the context : cp. especially v.^^a. 34b^ 'pjjg angel, here identified with Yahweh (cp. bejore m.ey and see EBi. " Theophany "), explains that the reason of his opposition is that he disapproves of Balaam's journey. But the precise • E.g^. Maimonides, Moreh Nehukim, iL 42 ; Hengst. pp. 4S-65 ; Slrack ; see also the literature cited by Di. t 2 P. 2'^; Jos. Ant. iv. 6^; PirM Aboih v. 9 (6); Aug-. Quast. in Num. \. ; Rashi (n. on wnn .rin.xi in v.^'), Calvin, Kurtz {History of the Old Covenant {^n-g. tr.), iii. 406-423), Wobersin, p. 12. 336 NUMBERS meaning" of the verb (t2T') in f^ is uncertain, and the text of the clause auspicious ; see phil. n. — 33. Unless she had turned aside\ EV. here adopts an emendation without acknowledg- ment : PJ reads (senselessly) perhaps she turned aside. Read "hh — unless iox 'h\^= perhaps. — 34. Balaam admits that he has made a mistake (TiNan, op. Ex. g-"^) in pursuing his way against hindrances, the meaning of which he had at first failed to recognise, and offers to go home. — 35. The original reply of the angel in J has been suppressed in favour of a repetition by the editor from E (cp. v.^*'), Go with the men (so only v.^- ^° E) : but thou ??iust speak only what I (the angel) speak unto thee. — 35b. = v.^i^ (cp. for Balaky v.^^). It is possible only to speculate as to the conclusion of the incident in J : perhaps the angel bade Balaam return home.* Most naturally interpreted v,^*" seems to imply that Balaam was at home, and Balak had come to him. Then instead of the two embassies in E, the story in J told of one embassy, consisting of Balak's servants or courtiers, and of one personal visit of Balak. Both narratives would, however, agree in making Balak's insistence the occasion of his complete discomfiture. 22. ^'?1n] the participle \s followed hy the subj. after '3 (Driver, 135 (4) ; S l'?.i (cp. Cr S) is probably intended to be pC — ]^->^-h] for the ^ cp. Ex. 21^ I S. 3™ 22'^; Kon. 332;«. — 2i. htiiaD] Hit. Xey. Apparently from the same root as h]it^ ( = j. hollow 0/ the hand, Is. 40^'; 2. handful, I K. 20^°: cp. |1i.Q_b). Hence, perhaps "jiycD mea.ns the confined place hetwccjt walls. G {ev) rats a.v\ai,iv {rOiv d^TrAwv), S 7NJ?t5'D. — 26. ni:::? Sixcci j-D'J cp. 20''.— 28. rii] Cp. \^"' : BDB. p. 26ib.—D^h:-) ::/hc] Cp. v.^^'-, Ex. 23I*. Otherwise c'cys ; cp. Ex. 23^'^, Nu. 14" 24I0 (S D^'jjn).— 29. nnv '3 . . . iS] Cp. BDB. s.v. iS 2 end. Cp. nny '3 after ''ji'? in v.^ (reading "h^h for ''jin), On. 31-'- 43^" (J E). Either the '3 is simply asseve- rative (as in m o 2 S. 2^^ 19''), or (less probably) the sentences are, strictly speaking, aposiopeses : Konig, iii. 415m; Driver, 141. — e"] occurs 20 times in J, only 3 (and rather doubtfully) in E : so CH. 84. — 30. "HVO mn Dvn 1^] Cp. Gn. 48^^ ; and with miiD = ever since I was, all my life long, cp. mV3 (Ps. 104'*^= i46-) = 50 long as I shall continue to be. Literally the statement is, of course, in the present passage an exaggeration. <& S: (as also in Gn. ^&^)from my youth, i.e. ^nli;3D (cp. i S. 12^, Jer. 3"^) — a prosaic paraphrase rather than a variant. — tuddh] JEP J have been accustomed, and so many modern versions and scholars, e.g. RV., Reuss, Socin (in Kautzsch, Heilige Schrift), Oort, Str. But the sense of pD (used but twice besides in Hiphil, Ps. 139^ Job 22^^ and there with different senses), * VVellhausen. XXII. 33-36 337 though possibly correct and certainly suitable here, is not well established. Di. thinks ffi may have read -r.h:an (op. Gn. 31^), Have I dealt foolishly in acting thus? — 31. innti"i np'i] in the Hexateuch the use of these two verbs together is confined to J, who uses it 7 times: CH. \2.h. — 32. \\i-Ji\ S (K S 3J ~iXivh. — -jmn dt]. The ^^/bt occurs at most once besides — in Job 16^^ ; there, if the text be correct, the Kal is trans. ('J??"]?, Baer, but doubtless —r- should have metheg). bt is explained by most modern scholars, who admit the reading, by reference to r M—to throw, cast head- long', hence, the "way is (or, reading Pual, has been made) precipitate before me; or, reading pp"];, thoic hast made the -way precipitate, i.e. hast rushed headlong against me (Di., Haupt in SBOT.). imn looks wrong: we should expect 13m (so S •p), i.e. the nearest part of the Israelites, or the part unobscured by the intervening- hills : not the whole, including- the most distant part (cp. Vnx HifpD and the use of r\'i'^'2 Gn. ig"*) ; for cp. 23^^. XXIII. If. At Balaam's direction Balak builds seven altars, doubtless of material on the spot, such as earth or undressed stones (cp. Ex. 20^*'-), and offers on each a bullock and a ram. The same solemn rites are gone through at the Field of Sophim (v.^*) and on the top of Pe'or (v.^^). Their object is favourably to dispose God, that He may grant Balak's desire, and suffer Israel to be cursed. For other instances of the use of seven sacrificial victims, or the repetition of a ritual act seven times, see, e.g..^ Gn. 2i2^^-, Lev. 4^, Job 43^; see also the introduction to c. 28. Discussions of the sacred significance of the number " seven " among various peoples may be found in Hengstenberg, Gesch. Bileams, 70-73 ; Hastings' DB. iii. 565 (Konig) ; EBi. 3436 (Barton). The seven walls of the underworld of Babylonian mythology, the seven evil spirits (Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, 570, 264 f), the constantly recurring seven-fold obeisance ("At the foot of my lord the king seven times and seven times I fall") of the Palestinian correspondence of c. 1400 B.C. (Tel el-Amarna), may serve as illustrations. A single close parallel from a Latin writer may be added : " Nunc grege de intacto septem mactare iuvencos PrEestiterit, totidem leclas de more bidentis" (Vergil, ^n. vL 38 f.). And Balak did as Balaam had said, and offered a bullock and a ram on each altar\ So © correctly reads. In f^ the words Balak and Balaam are inserted as the subject of offered^ but the addition is obviously a gloss. The subject of the two verbs (i'j;^1 . . . ti'yi) is the same : it is Balak alone who offers the sacrifices. Note ' ' thy (his) burnt-offering," v.^- ^- ^^- ^^. The gloss appears to be due to v.^^, a misplaced and consequently misunderstood clause. — 3. Balaam goes some way off alone, in the hope that Yahweh (S God) may cross his path ; the verb nip: is also used of the meeting of God and man in v.*- 1^^-, Ex. 3^8 and (Xip3) 5^ (all JE). It is generally supposed ♦ G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 566. XXIII. i-s 343 that Balaam goes away to make observations of natural phenomena, with a view to discovering in them, as a magician, the will of God.* But this view is not established by a refer- ence to 24^, and gains no support from it if that passage be from a different source. The view is rather to be rejected on the ground of the parallels in Ex. 3^^ 5^ (cp. also Am. 4^^),t and also because Balaam had reason to believe that God would speak to him as directly as He had previously done (2220), Moreover, in the following narrative no allusion is made to discernment by magical means, but to direct revela- tion of God (v.^- ^^). — On this, as on other grounds, the emendation must be rejected which has been suggested for the corrupt word ('EC') at the end of the v., making the last clause run. And he -joent to seek enchanivienis (n'SC'ni?).! And he went to a bare height (RV.) can be just defended. But it is suspicious. Why a bare height ? Scarcely because it was sacred, for Bamoth Ba'al itself was sacred ; nor (on grounds stated above) in order that, like the Roman augurs, who chose open and lofty places for their observations, Ba,laam might perform magic rites. See phil. note. — 4 f. God meets Balaam and gives him ** a word," and bids him return and deliver it to Balak. V.^* should immediately follow *" ; cp. v.^". The in- tervening clause (v.^^) is a misplaced speech of Balak's (which originally stood between v.^ and '^\ informing Balaam that he had done according to his request. It was Balak, not Balaam, who prepared and offered the sacrifices (v,^ and note on -^). 5a. This, no doubt, originally ran: and he (viz. God, v.^^) put a word in his (Balaam's) month (cp. 22^^ n.), as in v.^^; an editor inserted Yahweh and of Balaam for clearness' sake after the accidental misplacement of v.*^ (see last note). Originally, then, v.^-s ran : 2 And Balak did as Balaam had said unto him, and offered a bullock and a ram on each altar. "^ And he said to him, I have arranged the seven altars, and offered a bullock and a ram on each altar. And Balaam said to Balak, Stand here by thy burnt-offerings and let me go ; per- haps God will fall in with me, and whatsoever he sliows me * E.g. Hengfst, Di., Kue., KeiL -f Oort. X Kuenen, Robertson Smith. 344 NUMBERS I will tell thee. And he laent ai'oay. . . . ^ Arid God fell in with Balaam, ^ and put a word in his month. — 3. Balaam returns to Balak and the princes of Moab. ii. hvz ma^] ©TTjK ffTrikrjv TOvBaiX ; ^^ rrnSm n'cr\ = high place of his god. — XXIII. 1. ni3] see 22^^ n. — n:n] S rtvxj. — 3. -jS -m^ni ':xt ,-id nnn] Either, if He show vie aught, I luill tell thee — a hypothetical sentence similar to the type discussed in Driver, § 149 (BDB. p. 553^) ; or rather, ivhatsoever He shows me, I will tell thee; no, as 2 S. 21* (BDB. p. 553a {e)). The latter view is favoured by the fact that Balaam expects a " word" from Yahweh. In either case the whole idiom is unusual. Kuenen's suggestion, to read n3"!i and connect with the preceding-, is not acceptable. — "3::'] apparently the sing., used only here, of D"£C' bare heights (Jer. 3-- "^ 4'^ 7-^ 12^- 14^, Is. 41^^ 49^t)- The sing, '-jc perhaps occurs with the meaning of bald- ness in Job 33-^ (Kt. ). The simple ace. of direction is possible, though the present is an improbable instance (cp. Kon. iii. 330c). None of the ancient versions recognise the meaning bare height, nor is it favoured by the verb here used ; if such were the meaning, h]3^^ would be more natural. It is possible that 'sc i^'i is but a corrupt fragment of an originally longer text, ffi has /cat TrapiaTrj BaXa/c eirl r^s Ovaiat airou. /cat BoKaa/j. iiropevdy] iirepuTTJirai Tbv debv' ical iiropevd-q elOelav ; yet the last two clauses of (& are clearly doublets ; U has cumque abiissit velociter. It is not clear that the Versions had anything but the present Heb. text before them. — 6. 3N1d] (& + tier avrov ; cp. v.^^ Jt^ 7-10 (E). Balaam's first utterance. — In a poem of 14 lines {7 distichs), consisting" for the most part of three or four words each, Balaam explains the cause and purpose of his visit (v.^), and that it is doomed to failure (v.^) ; he dwells on the inde- pendence (v.^) and the vast numbers of Israel (v.^^'*), and closes with the wish that their fortune may be his. 7. Ajid he took up his discourse^ so v.^^ 24^- ^^- ~^- 2^- ^. For NE'3 to take ttp (on the lips) = / ^^ft untranslated above, has been variously rendered: (i) who sees ir^ily* (Cc 6 akrjO Lvoi'^ opoov) ; (2) or whose eye is closed,^ generally inter- preted to mean whose bodily eye is closed (in distinction from hath the eyes uncovered in v.*, which refers to spiritual vision) ; (3) whose eye is open,\ which leaves v.^ tautologous. Of these the first, if the two words be divided differently (Pi^ '^'fi^lr' ; We. Comp. 350), is intelligible, but unnatural (lit. whose eye is perfect) ; both (2) and (3) rest on a very insecure philological basis (see phil. n.) ; (2) is also over-subtle. The Hebrew lan- guage was quite capable, when there was need, of distinguish- ing between ordinary human and superhuman vision (Job 10**). It is hazardous to base on a phrase so uncertain as the present any speculations as to the manner in which a seer received his communications from God; for such, see Hengst. p. 137 ff.; Konig, Offenharnngsbegriff des ATy ii. 95!?". — 4. This v. at present constitutes a tristich, whereas, with but one other pos- sible exception (in v.^), the whole poem is in distichs. It may originally have consisted of two distichs (cp. v.^*'). S reduces it to a single distich by omitting 1. i. — Who sceth the vision of the Almig]ity\ i.e. who is accustomed to see (nTn% Dr. Tenses., 32 f.) ; Balaam describes himself as one who is in the habit of receiving communications from God. The divine name Shaddai is not used in the poems of the preceding chapter ; • In addition to ffi, cp. 2^° ('jri TEBi-i), We. t U, Hengst., Keil, Oort, Di., Str., various Jewish authorities cited by Rashi, RV. text X 5, Ew., Konig, Kalisch (p. 231 f.), RV. marg. Cp. C ^""J". 362 NUMBERS © S do not distinguish it here. The antiquity of the name is proved by the occurrence in Gn. 49^. The use of Shaddai by Itself is almost confined to poetry ; here it seems to be used simply as a synonym for God [El) in the preceding- line. — The last line of the v. begins in MT with ?SJ, which may be rendered falling down, or (cp. Jud. 3-^, i S. 5^*-) fallen down. It has been differently interpreted : (i) fallen dow?iy i.e. on his bed, or In sleep ; * then the clause refers to the fact that Balaam saw his visions and received his communica- tions by night; cp. 22^^ (E). The idea is natural enough, but by no means naturally expressed. In Ex. 21^^ 3DtJ'D'? defines the meaning of ^33. (2) Fallen down in awe; t cp., though the verb is there used with a defining phrase, Ezek. i-"^ and often, Jud. 13^°; {^fallen ^(jww under the overpowering (cp. Is. 8^S Ezek. 3^^) influence of the spirit ; \ but i S. 19% which is cited in favour of this Interpretation, is a bad parallel ; for the reference there is to the physical exhaustion following on the completion of the prophetic frenzy, whereas here the phrase, standing where it does, must refer to the state during the communication of the divine will. None of these inter- pretations are acceptable, and it is reasonable to suspect the text,§ though no satisfactory attempt to recover the original has been made. 5 f. The fair sight of Israel's tents pitched below him lead Balaam to apostrophise the people, and to com- pare them to large and fertile tracts of country, and to strong and flourishing trees ; in doing this the poet is not unmind- ful of the fertility of the land in which Israel is to settle. — Thy dwellings^ is merely a synonym for thy tents in the parallel line : cp. Cant. i^. — 6a. Literally, like valleys that stretch themselves out; cp. the use of n^j of long shadows in Jer. 6*. MT. rightly points Dvn:i) not '33, for the translation, || as valleys are they {i.e. the tents) spread forth, would destroy the symmetry of the four lines of the verse, each of which consists of an object * (& (iv Cirpcii), S;", Ibn Ezra. t Konig- {Offenharungsbegriff, ii. 99) ; cp. JJT Jonandjer_ X Heng-st., Keil, Oort, Di., Str. § We. Comp. 350 (where the suggestion made on p. 112, that 7BJ is Niph. part, of '?'?£3, is withdrawn). II Hengst., Keil, RV. XXIV. 5-7 3^3 of comparison and a defining clause. For similar reasons it is better to reject a translation recently proposed,* Like spread- ing palm trees are they stretched out (Dvru = Ar. J.^j = palm trees). — Like gardens, etc.] Israel, enjoying- Yahweh's favour, is like a well-watered garden (Is. 58^^) ; when that favour is withdrawn the people are like a waterless garden (Is. i^''). — The comparisons with tracts of countries (v.''"^) are followed in the next distich by comparisons with trees. The last two lines of the v. in MT. read — Like ahdlim which Yahweh hath planted, Like cedars beside the waters. Cedars do not grow beside water ; f but they are referred to elsewhere as planted by Yahweh (Ps. 104^'^) — a poetical indica- tion of their majestic size and strength. It is probable, there- fore, that the terms of comparison in the two lines have been accidentally transposed. J The ahalim are generally said to be aloes {)£N. lign-aloes) ; but elsewhere aloes (Dvrii^ or DVnx, Pr. 7^'^, Ps. 45^, Cant. 4^*) are mentioned along with other fragrant substances (myrrh, cinnamon, cassia), and what is alluded to is clearly the fragrant wood, not the tree itself. The aloe tree, indeed, was not a familiar object with the Hebrews : it was a native of S.E. Asia, whence the wood was exported. § But would a Hebrew (or even a Mesopotamian) writer have re- ferred, in a connection like the present, to a tree with which neither he nor his readers were familiar? Cant. 4^* (even if the tree and not the wood be there intended) is different. Either, then, some other tree was originally intended by this word or it is corrupt; Di. suggests Wyn = pahns, but the meaning is questionable. Cheyne proposes W^'iV = poplars ; cp. Is. 44*, Ps. 137^. — 7. Abandoning the apostrophe (to return to it in v.^'J), Balaam now speaks of Israel in the third person. The last two lines of the v. celebrate the glory of the Hebrew monarchy: in MT, these are preceded by two obscure lines • Perles in/g>A'. xi. 688 ; adopted in BDB. p. 636J. t See Post's art. " Cedars " in Hastings' £)B. t Cheyne in Exp. Times, x. 401. § See the Bible Dictionaries, esp. £Bt. s.z>. "Aloe." 364 NUMBERS which are most generally interpreted either directly of the fertihty of Israel's land, or as a fig'ure of Israel's prosperity sug'g'ested by scenes in agricultural or settled life ; by others they are explained as referring to Israel's posterity. The first line can be rendered, Water floivs (or shall flow) down from his pair of buckets. In MT. ^vT is a dual, and therefore means either his pair of buckets or (G.-K. 88e) his buckets in pairs. The word can also be read V^T his bucket. The line may be explained as depicting Israel's prosperity under the figure of a man return- ing from his abundant springs with water dripping over from two full buckets carried over his shoulders.* Still figuratively, but less picturesquely, the general sense of prosperity would be expressed by the singular — water flows down from his bucket, i.e. he is rich in the chief blessings of life. Less prob- ably the line has been taken literally : Israel's land is rich enough in springs for him to be able therefrom to fill his drinking-troughs and to provide his house t (Gn. 24^^^-) — a very roundabout way of making a literal statement : ct. (even In poetry) Gn. 272-^- 49^5, Dt. 33^3; also Dt. 8^ \\^^. In Arabic as in Hebrew (cp. e.g. Toy, Prov. 1128".) the store set by water has given rise to many metaphors. Hariri thus describes the action of the audience after being moved by Abu Zayd's sermon: "Each of them put his hand into his bosom, and filled for him a bucket from his stream, and said, * Use this for thy spending, or divide it among your friends ' " (Chenery's translation of the MakCimat, p. m). So Chenery writes in his note (p. 283): " In poetical language water and moisture are almost synonymous with benefit : to seek bounty is to go to the spring, to confer it is to fill the bucket or skin- bag of the suppliant. It is in accordance with this sentiment that * cloud ' has in Arabic poetry a favourable signification. . . . The prosperous are a well-watered meadow, and their life is a moistened one." A fourth, but certainly Incorrect, mode of interpreting the line is to take it as a metaphor for a large posterity \ (cp. Is. 48^), or, perhaps (? Messianlcally), of a • TTcngst., Keil, DI.; cp. Kallsch. t I*^"., Oort. XXIV. 7 3^ 0 single descendant; so, e.g., (U* i^eXevcrerat avdpwirofi ex rov cnrepixajo'i avTov, where av6pwiT0^. The emended text forms a good introduction to lines c, d; first [a, b) the poet dwells on the fear inspired in other peoples by Israel's might, then on the renown of the Hebrew monarchy. In line c, %^ runs, JIz's king shall he higher than Agag; for this ffir S read Ihan Gog, Cheyne Ihan'Og. Agag would be just possible if the poem were written during the reign of Agag, before the destruction of the 'Amalekite power by Saul (i S. 15); but 'Amalek in the days of Agag was scarcely so formidable a kingdom as to justify such an allusion. Probably, therefore, the anachronism which the mention of Agag introduces into the text is due to a textual accident. The reading Gog (on which see Geiger, UrscliHft, 366) cannot be seriously con- sidered, unless, indeed, the poem be regarded as a late Messi- anic composition, in which case the allusion to Gog would be suitable enough (von Gall, p. 35). — Sab. Identical (but for the variant 1S-S10, DS'^lTlJO) with 23"^.— 8cde. A tristich, and as such in this poem suspicious ; see on v.*. If one of the lines is intrusive, it is most probably d, with which Mic. 3^ may be compared. It is barely possible to translate the last line, And with his arroivs s?7iite {tlieni) through; the text is probably corrupt. Emend with Di. as in the translation above (V^^nh for V^^m), which gives a perfect parallel to c ; or, preferably if d be retained, read V^"^n for VlkH * and translate, and shatters their loins (cp. Dt. 33^^), a good parallel to d. — • 9. In v.^ Israel has been tacitly compared to a beast of prey (■'^X) to whom its enemies fall victims ; he is now compared, with a view to the rest that follows a conquest, to a lion resting in its lair whom no man ventures to arouse. The figure to some extent resembles that of 23^* and is identical with that of Gn. 49^^. — 9b. Perhaps a current saying in Israel : cp. Gn. 27-^ (also 12^). But even if so, it is effectively intro- duced here as the climax of the blessing. So far from cursing, Balaam will, as he values his own welfare, bless Israel. 3. DNj] a noun of the form "jut, eJot ; Barth, NB. Sze. — pj;.T cnc;'] For cr\v = to open, Mishnic and Talmudic usage is cited ; the word is very rare, and means to open a vessel: cp. 'Abodah Zarah ^*; Levy, NHWiJrter- * 5, Oort, We. For other suggestions see Di. XXIV. S-I4 2i^7 buc?!, also cites K'S'ns' KS^p = an open vessel, from Ab. Zarahjerus. V. 44c?, and cn^", no'nty, iiC)DU = f/!e aci of opening. For cnv = to close, reference is made to the similar but not identical roots cno {e.g. 2 K. 3'9, Dan. S^^, and written cnir Lam. 38), i r-Of-^' and New Hebrew '^P'^p) is used of sounds made by men and animals {e.g. to cry, roar) ; in certain post-biblical passages (Levy, iv. 391 5) "ipnp is also used, apparently as a denominative from Tp, with the meaning to break down, — a sense which, though wholly unsuitable to the object, has been commonly adopted here by those who retain ]tj ; so Hengst., Ges. {Thes. ; cp. also Gesch. d. Hebr. Sprache, § 12, p. 37), Kon. (i. 456 f.). — t\v »j3 ^:] ns" being taken as the name of Adam's son ((Sr S U AV. ) (Gn. 4^), the phrase was interpreted all men or all nations (3^° Rashi). Sayce {E.vp. Times, xiii. 69) understands it to mean the Bedawin, who were known to both Egyptians and Babylonians as "Sutu." But most have regarded nz' as an appellative, and explained it as = nNp', which occurs in Lam. 3'''t, and is supposed to have the same meaning as [inb' Jer. 48^-' (Verschuir, Hengst, Oort, Di., Reuss, RV.). The sense thus yielded {sons of tumult) is not inappropriate (cp. Am. 2-) ; but it is by no means clear from the context in Lam. 3'''' that nNZ* actually meant tumult. It is preferable, therefore (unless Jer. 48^ be adopted as the better reading), to treat nc as =n^-^=pride; cp. We. Comp. 351. ^3 And Edom shall become a possession, And Se'ir, his enemies, shall become a possession, While Israel is gaining success. This inartistic tristich, the more noticeable after the previous 372 NUMBERS succession of distichs (v.^""^'^), falls outside the scope of Balaam's farewell oracle (v.^*), and is apparently the first of a number of brief prophecies (directed against various peoples) which at some time or other have been attached to Balaam's last words. The general sense of the v. is : the Edomites, the enemies of Israel, will become the subjects of the Israel- ites, while the latter pursue their victorious career. This is very awkwardly expressed, and Reuss may be right in thinking that **his enemies" (va''t?) is the remnant of an otherwise lost line ; see also von Gall (38 f.). — Seir\ is here parallel to Edom, as in Jud. 5*; S G read Esau, cp. Ob. v.^, Mai. !-"■*. ^^ And may dominion be exercised out of Jacob, And survivors be destroyed out of cities. The verbs of MT. are transitive C^i.'."! and T^NHI) ; the subjects must be indefinite, for the last-mentioned subject [Israel, v.^^), in view of the clause out of Jacob, is unsuitable, and Edom-Seir is manifestly out of the question ; nor is it natural to pass back* over v.^^ to the ruler alluded to in v.^'^, even supposing that the ruler and not the people is the main subject of that v., and that v.^^ formed originally part of the same poem as v.^'^. The verse appears to be a general expression of such Messianic hope as is met with especially in the later pro- phecies : it contemplates the world-wide dominion of Israel and the violent destruction of all who oppose it (cp. e.g. Mic. 5^, Is. 60, especially v.^^, Zech. 12^). The details are natur- ally obscure : of line b two interpretations alone need be mentioned: (i) may those who have escaped or fled from the open covmtry before the conqueror to the cities (TV col- lective, as perhaps in Ps. 72^*^, Job 24^^) for refuge (cp. Jos. 10^°) be destroyed ; or (2) TV is the city of the ruler, viz. Zion (cp. Kon. iii. 2941?') : then "i''j/'D is strictly parallel to 3pJ?n3 in line a. Ewald is so confident that this second is the right interpretation as to find in the verse a proof of Judasan origin of the oracle (Jahrb. f. Bibl. Wissensch. xi. 202). If v.^'^ be closely connected with v.^^ "i"'y may be the chief city of Edom, or collectively all the cities of Edom. • With Kcil. XXIV. 19, 20 373 18 f. Von Gall reconstructs these verses thus — nc'T DiiN n-m This is preferable at least to the similar but less complete reconstruction in SBOT. — 18. "y'l;] so pointed here only, and here S has nciT ; in ^\ the more frequent nf-j; is indistinguishable. — 19. T\.i\ apoc. impf. from mn (as Ps. 72^). This is preferable to TV], (one) shall come down (S E° and ? (5). 20-24. Fifth, sixth, and seventh utterances. — These pro- nounce the fate of 'Amaiek (v.-'^), Kain (v.^"-), and some other people or peoples (v.^^^-). They are distinguished from the four preceding- by their great brevity, so far as the fifth and sixth are concerned by an additional introductory phrase (. . . til^l aud he sazv . . . : yet cp. v.^ 22"*^ 23^^), and by contain- ing no reference whatever to Moab or anything but at the most an implicit reference to Israel. Their position here is strange in view of the terms of v.^^. Partly on these grounds, partly on the ground of specific references, a different origin has been attributed to these final oracles by almost all modern scholars. So Di., Reuss {Gesch. der HS.^ p. 214), Kon. {Einl. 208), Corn. {Einl.^ 63), We. (Comp.'^ 113; cp. 361), De Wette-Schrader (^m/.^ p. 293), Kue., Bacon, Che., Addis {EBi. 464), Kalisch, van Hoonacker, CH. Oort maintained the unity (p. 82ff. ); but in Het Oude Test, opnieuia overgezet (ed. Oort) the verses are regarded as an addition. The interpretation of these brief oracles, therefore, must not be governed by the assumption that they originated at the same time or under the same circumstances as the longer ones which precede. Unfortunately their brevity, combined with several strange and suspicious features in the text, renders anything approaching certainty in the interpretation out of the question. The present text is in some places unintel- legible. Some alternatives might be ruled out if the date could be independently established, but it cannot. 20. And he saw 'Amalek] hardly in vision (cp. v.^^),* but rather as he had previously seen f in whole or in part the hosts of Israel {22*^ 23^^ 24^); so in v. 21, But the phrase, • Hengst., Ew., Keil. f Di. 374 NUMBERS unlike the following, and he took up his discourse and said, forms no part of the regular introductory formula prefixed to the preceding oracles (23^- ^^ 24^- ^^). On the resumption of the shorter formula in v.^^ see below. It is scarcely necessary to infer that the writer or editor thought of the 'Amalekites as resident or wandering E. of Jordan, for views of the Negeb, to which other references refer the 'Amalekites (13^* j^43. 45^ J s_ 20), were supposed to be obtainable from points on the Pisgah (Dt. 34^). First of the nations is (was) 'Amalek ; But his last shall be (is) unto destruction. There are no verbs, and, consequently, not even the slightest indication of tense. First of the nations (D"''iJ TT't^'S"!, also Am. 6^1) means i7iost choice (cp. i S. is^S Am. 6^, Job 40^*^), and here apparently viost power/til of the natiojis : such 'Amalek never was nor, so far as is known, was it ever, while it existed, so accounted; but later legendary or fictitious narra- tives of ancient Arabic authors described the 'Amalekites as a mighty race.* The expression is partly due to poetic ex- aggeration, partly to the desire for a verbal antithesis to the ominous parallel (lIT'ins). The implicit allusion to the power of 'Amalek in v.^ is textually uncertain. The alter- native rendering, the beginning, i.e. the most ancient, of the nations, is against the analogy of Am. 6^, conflicts with Hebrew theory (Gn. 36^^), and is certainly not to be supported by the corrupt passage i S. 27^ (where read D^tOD for D^yo). Assum- ing the Mosaic authorship of the verse, some {e.g. Keil) have explained the phrase to mean the first nation who fought against Israel (Ex. if'^-). — His last\ innnN' ; see 23^° n. ; the future of 'Amalek in contrast with Israel's future (23^") will be destruction : the Hebrew expression is very strange (cp. phil. n.), though perhaps in these harshly expressed and obscure verses not impossible. Cheyne proposes. But its last man Edom shall destroy C?^^' Q"'^.). 'Amalek suff"ered severely at the hands of both Saul (i S. 15) and David (i S. 30), and, according to the Chronicler's evidence, was exterminated in the time of Hezekiah (i Ch. 4*2f.^ ^s generally Interpreted; . * Noldeke, Die Amoriter; also EBi. i2Sf. XXIV. 21 375 yet see HPN. 237). Dt. 25^''^- scarcely proves that 'Amalek was still a power of importance at the end of the 7th cent. ; in a much later passage (Ps. 83''^, note Gehal as defining- the date) 'Amalek is presumably used for contemporary enemies of Israel, as Greek authors of the 6th century a.d. used Scythians for the Goths (Nold.). — ^Judged by itself, the oracle, then, may be a prophecy of 'Amalek's destruction while as yet its power was unbroken {i.e. before the time of Saul), or during its decline (from the time of Saul onwards), or a retrospect (? suggested by Ex. 17^^) after 'Amalek's destruc- tion. 21. With line a, cp. v.^o*. — The Keniies at times ranked as a branch of the 'Amalekites (i S. 15^; and see Moore on Jud. i^*') ; at times they appear most closely associated and on friendly terms with Israel, and especially Judah (i S. 27^^ 30-*, Jud. 1^^ 52*). They are generally associated with the Negeb, though some at least, separating from the main stock, found a home in the districts of the Northern Israel- itish tribes (Jud. 4" 5^^); in the rhetorical list of Gn. 15^^^- they figure among the peoples of Canaan to be dispossessed by Israel. The gentilic form the Kenite ^T"^}]) is here used collectively as in i S. 15^30^^; but in the poem itself, as in Jud. 4^^, the national name Kain (i^"5) is used. In Hebrew Kain is identical in form with Cain, Adam's son. On this identity Stade has largely based a number of interesting speculations concerning the Kenites.* — Of the four lines of the oracle the first two are sufficiently straightforward. The third is the same, but that the opening conjunction is used in an extremely rare and somewhat suspicious sense ; out of the fourth no reasonable meaning has ever yet been legiti- mately extracted. 2^^ Ever-during is thy habitation, *• And placed among the crags thy nest : '^ But yet Kain must be destroyed ; ^ How long ? Ashshur shall carry thee captive. a, b describe the Kenites as having in the rocks their habita- tions, which, being inaccessible to enemies, are ever-during; * ZATW. 1894, pp. 250-318; cp. Cheyne's art. "Cain" inEBi. 2,^]^ NUMBERS cp. Obadlah's description of Edom (v.^^). In Obad. the term nest is sugfgested by the previous figure of the vulture : here it is used to gain a paronomasia {kiniieka = thy nest: Keni = Kenite). The word ever-during (|ri\^) is used especially of perennial water (see Am, s^"*, Dt. 2.\^ with Driver's note there) : the rendering of the Versions (G S, EV.), strong, is not precise. With the present, cp. the similar phrase in Jer. 49^^^. Lines c d should, in accordance with the general tenor of these oracles of doom, contain a transition similar to that in Ob. v.^^- : the Kenites think themselves unassailable, nevertheless they cannot escape the destined destruction. Either, therefore, DK ""D is an error, or the conjunction is used here, although no negative has preceded, as a strong adversative (BDB. 475«) ; or we must regard line b as a virtual negative, placed in the rock is thy nest, and therefore not to be taken; but nevertheless . . . (Kon. iii. ZT^S)' The text of d can only be translated as above ; nn l:,' means quite regularly (Ps. 4^ 74^ 79^ S9*'^t) Until ivheii P How long?; consequently renderings such as when once, tintil are illegi- timate. But the text really yields no sense: Di., following others, interprets How long? sc. will it last? Ashshztr will finally carry thee captive, and so make of thee an utter end ? But though to us Assyria may define a period in Hebrew history, would a Hebrew writer define a future period in a prophetic saying by a mere reference to Assyria? The truth is the last clause is no reply to the question, How long? The text must be more or less corrupt ; but the corruptions are ancient, for the Versions indicate no real variations. Cheyne by a radical, purely conjectural and, therefore, quite uncertain emendation gains good sense : he renders the last line, Edom shall heat in pieces his d^velling {t2v ./ (v. 24 ^OriD"|j) and similarly E^.— 21. n'c) Part, pass.; G.-K. 73/— 22. iiB-N no •vi\ S iicxn ny ; (S (7rafoi;/>7ias) read no iv as nmy. — intiTi] fem. with the name of a people ; cp. e.g. Ex. 12^, and see G.-K. 122/?. 23. And he took up, etc.] fflr assimilates this introductory formula to those of v.^*^ and v.^i by prefixing, and he saw Og ((5^ Gog\ cp. 24'^ (5). The insertion probably depends on 2j33-35^ itself a late editorial interpolation. Cheyne and Strack suggest that the whole introductory formula here is an inter- polation, and that originally v.^^"-'^ formed a single poem. The short poem contained in v.^^'- can be translated word for word, but read as a whole it is most awkwardly and un- naturally expressed, and there is little probability that any interpretation of the text as it stands, or as it has been vari- ously emended, reaches the original meaning. The present text scarcely appears to be satisfied by circumstances earlier than the Greek period ; as emended by Cheyne, it can hardly be later than the Assyrian period, while Hommel so emends as to make it, in his judgment, a suitable product of the age of Moses. The existing text may be translated as follows : — Alas ! who shall live after God hath appointed him? But ships from the side of Kittim Shall afflict Ashshur, and shall afilict'Eber; And he also (shall be) unto destruction. This is commonly understood to mean : How terrible will Assyria be ! none will expect to escape her power ! yet she will perish at the hands of the Kittim. After God hath appointed ht'mP] for the use of D^::' to appoint, see Is. 44'^, Hab. i^^; and 378 NUMBERS for the use of p (In 1»K'n), which is <* chiefly late" (BDB. 5855), see Lev. 9--, Is. 44'^, Ps. 732'', Dan. ii^^. The suffix ki'm is generally understood to refer to Ashshur and 'Eber mentioned in the next v. and reg"arded here as a single idea (cp. v.2^ last line). The suffix might be treated as a neuter, zV ((5 ravTo), i.e. who shall survive when God appoints what is to follow. — 24. Sliips\ D''^is used in this sense in Is. 33^^, Ezek. 30^, Dan. \\^^\. For D"'in S reads D''N>;i^ (cp. ffi i^eXevaerat) = ihey {shall) co77ie out', S> U 2C° give both ships or troops and a vb. — Fro?7i the side o/] coast (AV.) is an archaism ( = cote). With l^ = sicle, cp. p2'' bm T' ^3 "all the side of the Wady Jabbok" (Dt. 2^7), and D'-T mm pN = "a land wide in both directions^' \ see, further, BDB. 3905. — Kittini\ the Heb. D''^2 or D^;Jjl? is derived from Tia, the name of a town (in Gr. Kition) in Cyprus which is frequently mentioned in the Phoenician inscriptions.* With the Hebrews the Kittim ranked as a son of Javan, i.e. Greece (cp. 'Jao^e? = 'laFoi/e? = lonians) ; see Gn. 10*. It agrees with this, that in Is. 23^- ^^ Kittim appears to mean the inhabitants of Cyprus. In Jer. 2^°, Ezek. 27^, Kittim is used more widely of the Western maritime nations ("the isles of Kittim," DTia "'"'N).t Later it is used with specific reference to one or other of these Western nations ; Dan. ii^° refers to the Romans, as ffir rightly perceived, and 1 Mac. i^ 8^ to the Greeks. Both Dan. 1 1^*^ and i Mac. i^ appear to allude to the present poem, and thus show how it was under- stood in the 2nd cent. B.C. Cp. the rendering of the phrase here in U, venient in trieribus de Italia. If the poem be as old as the 7th or 8th cent. B.C. "ships from Kittim" may mean ships bearing Cypriot mariners. — As the text stands, the first two lines of v.-* must (as in the above translation) form one sentence (not, as in RV., two). But this, though grammatic- ally possible (Driver, Tenses, § 1230:), is extremely awkward; possibly, unless the text be even more corrupt, a vb. such as * See, e.g., CIS. 10^ (other references in Lidzbarski, Nordsem. Epigr. 299 f.). W. Max Miiller {Asien u. Europa, 345) suggests another origin of the name, D'nD = Hittites. t Cp. Jos. Ant. i. 6^ (on Gn. 10) X4di/j.os Si XeOi/jA ttjj' vrjffot' etx(v' Kijirpos aSrr} vdv KaXelrai' Kal air aiiTTjs vrjaol re vacrai, Kal to. vXelo) rCiv irapa daXaaaav XeOifJ, inrb 'E^paluv ovo/jux^eTai. XXIV. 24, 25 379 INi** [shall come) has dropped out. The words are understood to mean : the Kittim shall overthrow the Assyrian empire. No overthrow of the Assyrian empire by the Western maritime peoples is known. Various unsatisfactory solutions of the difficulty have been offered (see Di.). The most interesting- is that which has satisfied alike some of those who hold the poem to be a prophecy of far distant events,* and some t who see in it a reflection of historical events. According" to this interpretation, the poem refers to the overthrow of the Persian empire by Alexander the Great (cp. i Mac. i^) ; in that case Ashshur here as in Ezr. 6"^^ means the Persian empire. It is impossible to determine the precise sense of 'Eber in this obscure poem ; it is, however, altogether unlikely that it means the Hebrews (G) ; rather than this the country across the Euphrates [W ; cp. Jos. 24^). — A7id he also] as in the first line, Ashshur and 'Eber are regarded as a single idea. The obscurity and improbability of the text are sufficiently great to invite emendation ; unfortunately the corruption of the text is more ancient than the Versions, and emendations must be conjectural and, consequently, uncertain. Among- the most interesting is that of D. H. Miiller (Die Propheien in threr urspriinglichen Fonn, i. 215 f.; cp. Cheyne, Exp. (1896) iii. 77 fF.)- He would read '^Ncra for ha iccD, and point "i^j; instead of ^iv. ; thus the first line becomes, Alas! ivho can survive of Sham al, and v.^ foretells the destruction of Sham'al at the hands of the Kittim, Assyria and 'Eber. Sham'al is a State in N.W. Syria mentioned in the Assj^rian inscriptions. Sayce in criticism (Early Hist. p. 231 n.) points out that Samalla was only the Assyrian name for the district, the native names being Ya'di and Gurgum. The proposed interpretation of v.^** is altogether improbable. Cheyne's emendation {Exp. Times, x. 399) is far too h3'pothetical to be probable, though a Hebrew towards the end of the 8th cent, might pos- sibly have written it. Hommel (Anc. Heb. Trad. 245fF.) reads D"n (jackals) for 'D '1N, 'jindli'D (from the north) for '?« lorc, and points □".V (wild cats) instead of D*i'. The poem then becomes a prophecy of the invasion of Southern Palestine (Ashshur = Shur) by wild cats and jackals, i.e. wild hordes from the North or from the sea). Whether the probability of this suggestion is as great as its ingenuity, the reader may judge for himself. 25. Balak and Balaam both leave the spot where they had stood together, and Balaam returns to his country (cp. v.^^n.); ct. 31^-.^'^. For the phraseology, cp. Gn. 18^^32^. * Delitzsch (p. 121 f.) and Leibnitz (as cited by him), t E.£. Corn. 380 NUMBERS XXV. The chapter divides into four sections of which the last three are closely connected with one another, (i) The Israelites provoke Yahweh's anger by their immoral inter- course with Moabite women and by their worship of Ba'al- Pe'cr, v.^"*. (2) During the progress of a "plague" (v.^'^-*-^; cp. v.''^), an Israelite brings home a Midianite woman ; they are taken in the act and slain by Phinehas, v.^"^ (cp. v.^**-). (3) For his zeal, Phinehas is promised through his seed eternal possession of the priesthood, v.^°~^^; (4) for their wiles, the Midianites (cp. v.^) are to be smitten by the Israelites, y.i^-is (cp. c. 31). Section (i) is a fragment; the carrying out of the judicial executions commanded in v.*^- is not recorded. Section (2) is also a fragment lacking the commencement, which must have related the outbreak of the plague and the assembling of the people at the tent of meeting (v.^''). The editor may have been led to unite these really heterogeneous stories by the fact that both referred to Israelitish connections with foreign women. V.^~^ is derived from JE ; v.®~^^ from P (though not entirely from P'^). The motive of v.^"^ is characteristic of JE; here Yahweh is provoked by the worship of other gods (cp. Ex. ^^14-10 2o3), and the crime is punished by the judges (Ex. 18-^^). The motive of v.''"^^ points to the age of P ; the sin is inter- course with foreign women (cp. Ezr. 10) ; it is punished by the priest. The same motive appears elsewhere in P (Gn. 26^^' 28i-»). The style of v.*"'* clearly points to P ; note, inter alia, mj; v.^'* (cp. i' n.) ; ««TJ V."- " ; -cn"? . . . nam v.'^- " (CH. 185) ; najD v."- !» (cp. 14" n.). In v.'"', as particular indications of JE, note m.T r^H nn'i v.'(cp. ii^ phil. n.) and .TI.T f-x p-.n in v.*. 1-5 (J E). The Israelites are seduced into the worship of another god. — It is probable that the editor of JE has here combined elements from two similar stories in J and E ; for v.'^ and v.^ appear to contemplate different modes of death (see notes), and in v.^ clauses a and b have the synonymous subjects {Israel, the people) which appear elsewhere as a result of compilation (14^ 20^ n.). XXV. I, 2 38 1 Analysis in detail cannot be carried through with certainty. V.^* and v.^ obviously go tog-ether, and the judges of v.^ may point to E (cp. Ex. iS). Then v.* came (presumably) from J : with v.^ cp. Ex. 34^^ (J). CH. refer ^. la. 3a. 5 to E, and v.i''- '^' 2''- * to J. In one account (J) the Israelites are led into idolatry by their immoral intercourse with the Moabite women, but the scene and the name of the Moabite god are undefined ; in the other (E), the scene is Shittim, the god is Ba'al Pe'or ; but the circumstances leading up to the idolatry are not given. 1. And Israel abode] 26^ 2i-^-^^. Israel also occurs in y_3a. 4b. 5 . q(-^ i]iQ people, vy°- ^- ^*, and the children of Israel which occurs 5 times in v.^~^^ (P). — In Shitti7n\ the name (in Hebrew with the art.) means the acacia trees. From Shittim Joshua subsequently despatched the spies (Jos. 2^ 3- JE). In 33*^ the place is mentioned, under its fuller name Abel-Shittim, as the last station of the Israelites, and as situated in the steppes of Moab. Hence 25^** is the parallel in JE to 22^ in P. The exact site of Shittim is uncertain ; but it appears to be identical with Abila, which derived its name from the first part of the full name, and, according to Josephus [Ant. iv. 8\ V. i^), was situated 60 stadia from the Jordan. Some have suggested the identification of Abila with Kefren.* But in any case Shittim lay in the country which, according to E's narra- tive, was, at the time of the Hebrew invasion, occupied by the Amorites, who had wrested it from the Moabites. Consequently, either the intercourse of the Israelites with the Moabite women was located, in the source whence v.^^- ^ is drawn, far south of Shittim, or this source represented the Moabites as living at the time, whether in full occupation of the country or as a subject people, N. of the Arnon. — 2. And they called the people to the sacrificial feasts of their go d\ Participation in the sacri- ficial feasts is the sequel to the intimacy with the women, not the cause of it, as the incorrect rendering of i^ipm in RV. ("for they called ") suggests. The women not unnaturally summon their paramours to their feasts, which, according to ancient custom, were sacrificial occasions ; in partaking of the feast * Buhl, Geng. 116, 265. 382 NUMBERS the Israelites honoured the god (cp. e.g. Dt. 1 2^ ^- ^''~^'', Ex. 24^^, Jud. 9"^). The god thus honoured is, presumably, Kemosh, the national god of Moab (21-''); the plural (inTibx), which could be rendered their gods (RV.), is used of Kemosh in Jud. II-'*, I K. 11^^; a single deity is clearly intended in v.^- ^, where it is named Ba'al Pe'or. It would have been quite in accord with the sentiment even of the Israelites at an early period to worship Kemosh on his own territory (cp. e.g. 1 S. 26^^). The worship is here condemned, because the writer either considered that the territory in question had already become Yahweh's by right of conquest, or had dis- carded the doctrine that Yahweh might only be worshipped in his own land. The recollection of their nomadic life may have served to keep alive and develop a larger view of Yahweh's activity ; in the ark or His angel Yahweh accom- panied the people from place to place and, being in their midst, demanded that they should worship no other god (Ex. 24^* 20^). — 3. The Baal of Peor\ the title resembles a number of divine titles found in Phoenician inscriptions and in the OT., some of which have become by abbreviation names of places ; thus Ba'al Me'on, originally a divine title, is also used as the name of a place, being in that case an abbreviation from Beth Ba'al Me'on. The second element in these divine titles is commonly, though not exclusively, a geographical term ; examples are the Ba'al of Me'on, the Ba'al of Judah, the Ba'al of Lebanon {CIS. i. i), the Ba'al of Mt. Hermon. Since, then, Pe'or ("1J?3 = ^o'^wp) occurs by itself as the name of places (23^, Jos. 155°^- ffit, Gn. 36^^ ffi, Lagarde, Onom. Sacra, 300*), it, too, was probably in the first instance a geographical name, and its meaning, even if it were clearer than it is, could cast no light on the nature of the cult of Ba'al Pe'or. The nature of that cult must be inferred from the known character of the cults of the local Ba'als who were worshipped as the beneficent sources of fertility, with agricultural festivals and often with immoral rites : see especially Hos. c. 2. As the Israelites identified the various local Ba'als with Yahweh, so the Moabites may have identified Ba'al Pe'or, whose cult was probably enough more ancient than their settlement in the XXV. 3-5 383 country, with their national god Kemosh. See, further, Driver on Dt. 4^; W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites,- 94 ff.; Gray, Hebrew Proper Na?nes, 124-136. The illegitimate worship of Ba'al Pe'or is frequently alluded to; see 31^^, Hos. gio, Dt. 4^ Jos. 22^7, Ps. io62^; cp. i Cor. lo^.— 4. Take all the heads of the people and execute (?) them for YaJiweh before the suii\ S Command that they slay all the vien that joined them- selves unto the Baal of Peor. S is a violent attempt to get rid of a difficulty rather than a genuine variant of the original text. As '^ now runs, it can only mean that all the chiefs of the people are to be executed; S recasts this so that the actual offenders suffer. It is possible, however, that fusion of sources has accidentally caused the pronoun them (anx) to refer to the chiefs, whereas in the original source it referred to the actual offenders (Di.), or possibly to selected repre- sentatives. Early Hebrew morality did not require the actual offender to expiate a crime (2 S. 2i^~^). The exact mode of execution intended is uncertain. But it is scarcely hanging (RV.), for which the Hebrews used another word (n^n). (5 renders the word here used (ypin) by frapahei'yiJba- TLaov ; similarly S ; and Di. argues for the meaning expose, make an example ; but it is not satisfactorily derivable from the established usages of the root. W. R. Smith {Rel. of the Semites,^ 398) suggested cast them down', cp. Ar. wakaa, to fall down, and atikda, to cause to fall down. The verb is used of an execution in only one other OT. passage ; accord- ing to that the execution takes place on a' hill ; as a result of it the executed persons fall down (l^D""!), and subsequently their bones are collected (2 S. 21^- ^- ^^). It is some objection to this explanation that in the only passage where execution by casting people down a rock is clearly referred to (2 Ch. 25^^^, the verb ypin is not used. — For Vahweh] mn''^: so 2 S. 21^, Dt. 13^'^, Jos. 6^''^: cp. before (^3D^) Vahweh, 2 S. 21®, — Before the sun\ i.e. openly, publicly: 2 S. 12^2^ — 5^ -phe judges (Ex. J312-27 E) are to slay (:"in) the offenders : in a parallel story (Ex. 32^'^- J) the Levites do this. — Every man his men] the men belonging to the companies over which the judges were severally appointed (Ex. i8--''f). 384 NUMBERS 1. "?";!] G icai ^/3e/3»?\c5^i7 = '?nn. — rui'?] S n:in^ : cp. Hos 4"'" 5'. — Vk rJiV] a pregnant cstr. of a common type (Ezek. i6^^- ^^). It certainly need not mean, as Kue. {Th. Tij'd. xviii. 527 f.) wished to make it, that the Israelites needed to search out the Moabite women in the country dis- tricts of the conquered land. — 'jdx'i] (S correctly interprets Kal ^ '9^i 201 ; Nowack, Arch, ii. 105. XXV. I3-XXVL 3^7 Cozbi's father is represented as prince (S'"'3), in 31^ as one of the five kings (D''3^d), of Midian. — 16-18. The verses are the note of a priestly editor familiar with the preceding composite story, and are intended to prepare the way for c. 31 (P^). — 16 f. Attack the Midianites . . .for they did attack you 'with their crafty plans^ which they craftily planned against you] by means of their women, at the suggestion of Balaam (31^^). The alUision to the Midianites connects the note with y 6-15 ^p'j — /;^ ^/^g matter of Peor] this connects the note with v.^~^ (JE). The annotator may have taken Pe'or itself to be a divine name ; or he may have used the abbreviation as a mere reference to v.^"^, without clearly distinguishing the place and the god. 13. niDK] Gn. 25^^ t (of Islimaelltes); cp. nex people, in Bibl. Aram, (with TMOSC. pL k;en ; cp. C'?Nri in Ps. 117', unless cen^ should be read ■a ■ there), Syr. and Pal. Targ.; and ^>', gens^ famiUa. If the present be the original text, trans, "a head of the clans of a. father's house"; then -CN is a subdivision of ax n'a (cp. i^ n.). ax n'a, however, is possibly a gloss; we must then, it seems, read the sing. (cp. S Cc S>), "a head of a clan [a father's house] in Midian,"— 16. <& + ien"? 'b" 'Ja hn lai.— 18. nV3 laT "jy (i)] in the matter of; so 'ai3 'n h]l and 31^*. In the last clause of the v. (cp. 17'^) 'l h])=on account o/" (rather than because of, BDB. 184a). XXVI. The Second Census. (i) Moses and Ele'azar are bidden to take a (second) census, v.^~^; (2) the families and numbers of the twelve secular tribes, v.^~^^ ; (3) Moses is instructed that the land (of Canaan) is to be divided among the tribes in proportion to their size, v.'^-"^^; (4) the families and numbers of the Levitcs, v.^'^"^" ; (5) a subscription and statement that Caleb and Joshua alone were alive at both the first and second census, v.^^"*^^. The connection between the several sections is obvious, though (5) might more naturally have stood after (2). The chapter is closely related to c. i and 3 (the first census), which are presupposed, and to Gn. c. 46, which contains the great majority of names of the Hebrew clans 388 NUMBERS here g-iven. In enumerating the tribes (v.^"^") ^} follows the order of i-'^-^^ (except that Ephraim and Manasseh change places with one another) ; (S keeps the order of Gn. 46. On the numbers given in the chapter, see pp. 10-15 ; and for fuller details regarding the clans and their names, see the com- mentaries on Gn. 46, and cp. i Ch. 2. 4. 5. 7. 8, Jubilees 44. In v.^"^^ the names and numbers are g'iven in recurring formulae after the manner of P (cp. e.^^. c. i) ; but the scheme is once or twice mterrupted by the introduction of matter which is, strictly speaking, irrelevant. Under each tribe there is given (i) the names of its subdivisions, which are generally identified with those of the sons of the tribal ancestor, but in the case of Judah, Manasseh, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Asher, with those of more distant descendants also, and in the case of Asher, in one instance, with that of a daughter; (2) the numbers of males over twenty years old (v.*) belong- ing to the tribe. The formula for the first information is : The sons of A. according- to their families: of X., the family of the Xites, of Y., the family of the Yites, where A. is a tribal ancestor and X., Y. . . . sons (or other descendants). The formula for the second statement is : These are the families of A. according to them that were numbered of them, x y z, where A. is as above, x thousands, y hundreds, z tens. The first formula runs in a particular instance Vn-ic:'? cnnrr.':'? pvcc 'j3 . . . ''7«icjn nnrt'D, and so without variation of the formula in v.^^'-^**^* ^^ (in v.2^ ViTi is prefixed), -^- ^*^- **■ ■*^'*. Slight variations occur as follows : (i) n'?K is prefixed in 33.42^ possibly under the influence of the second formula ; cp. also v.^ ; (2) ^ is omitted before T^n (v.^) and j;'7in (v.*) ; (3) DnnsB'c'? is omitted in v.'* ^. The variations are as early as ffir, but it is probable that they are due to early transcriptional error rather than to the intention of the original writer. The second formula runs in a particular instance . . . cn'ips'? m-n' nina^i'O nVx. In this formula instead of the simple tribal name (v.^^- ^' ^- *^' *") the g^entilic form appears in v.'^- "• -', and the phrase i/ie sons of. . . in v.'^* ^- *^- ". Some of these variations may be original, though they are less numerous in (S than in 1^. Other variations are as follows : (i) for n.Tipi:':' (7 times ; G iK r^s (or e|) iwia-Ki^€ios avrQv) |^, though not ffi, thrice has D.inpsi (v.34. «. 50j j^pj once nothing (v."), and in the first section DnnpD v.n (v.^ ; and so (G) ; (2) for cnn2-'2 n^i< there occurs in v.'*' cnn^-JT':' yD'iz -ja n'rx ; and (3) bctwecii XXVI. 1-4 3^9 -I and Drnps"? there is inserted 'cnicn nnrrs ^3 cnnfircV. All these, though (2) and (3) already appear in (&, are probably due to transcriptional causes, except that 's vn'i in v.'' may well be original. Remoter descendants and the families named after them are introduced with v.ti (v.^), n'jxi (v.^^), ':2h (v. ■'5) : the text of v.*" seems corrupt ; see below. The matter in v.^~^° which does not accommodate itself to the formulae is found in v.^"^^ and v.^° (29)-33 Possibly both of these passages are interpolations. V.^ does not follow the general scheme (which would require 't^D ax^'^x'? 'aN''7Kn), and the remoter descendants of Reuben are inserted afier the numbers of the tribe (v.'') ; ct. v.^^- ^- *>• *^. In v.^'^^, while the regular formula occurs once ('pVnn 'trn pVn*?), in the remaining five cases it is abandoned {e.g. niy'N.T 'va •\iii'i(). Strictly speaking, v.^° and v.^s are also irrelevant to the present section; but there is no independent reason for suspecting their present position not to be original. The formulae and the connections of the c. with other parts of P are sufficient evidence that it is the product of the priestly school (P). But it cannot be entirely the work of P^^ ; for v.^" presuppose the existence of c. 16 (JE P) in its present form. Either an account of a second census in Ps has been annotated and perhaps recast by a later writer, or the entire chapter is the work of P^ In addition to other matters CH. note that "the introduction of the division of the land (v.^*"'®) seems premature ; the name of the land, even, is not mentioned, much less its conquest, or even the passage of the Jordan ; ct. 33*'^' 34^^' : moreover, according to 27^^^", Dt. 32'*^*-, IVIoses was not permitted to cross the Jordan and could not be the instrument of the distribution." 1-4. Directions to take the census. — 1. Aaron being dead, Ele'azar is associated with Moses in the taking of the second census. — 2. The command is briefer, but otherwise couched in the same phraseology as in i^^-. — 3 f. The text is manifestly corrupt, though not easily emended : see phil. n. The scene of this census is the steppes of Moab ; cp. 22^ (P). — 4. As Yahweh commanded Moses\ a frequently recurring phrase, especially in P' (CH. i8gc). — And the children of Israel who came out of the land of Egypt\ to make this clause a second object to commayided (RV.) is to go against all analogy in the use of the formula as Yahweh commanded Moses ; note further that nx, which is prefixed to Moses, is absent from this clause. The words might better be taken as the subject of v.^^- ; cp. 390 NUMBERS Gn. 46^. Rather less probable is Paterson's suggestion to read '':3^ for ''i2"i, and to render -with regard to the children of Israel, etc. 1. Y^T\)!(. p] (S om. — 3 f. crix . , . nm'i] MT. reads wrongly cnx ; -lai nx occurs often enough (e.g. 3' 7^^), but in recording a communication of Moses to the Israelites the phrase here used is an unusual variant of 'ti crr'pN. The beginning of the speech (v.*) that followed na.N^ (v.^) is lost ; at present it consists merely of a clause and a subordinate sentence : fro7n twenty years old and upwards, as Yahweh commanded Moses. The cor- ruptions lie behind (S. S indeed omits idn'? and inserts, And Moses numbered them ; but this may be merely a makeshift of the same order as that adopted in RV. For a criticism of various unsuitable and insufficient emendations, see Di. The least unsuitable is that adopted by Paterson (in SBOT.), who reads "ipiJ'i for nm'i and omits TDx^ ; then render, Atid Moses and Ele' azar the priest numbered them , . . from, twenty years old and upwards. 5-51. The families and numbers of the Israelites. — 5-7. Of Reuben. — Reuben, the firstborn of Israel^ i-'', Ex. 6^*; cp. Gn. 46^ (P). The sons of Reuben, i.e. Reubenite clans, are Handch, Pallu\ Hesron and Canni; the same names are given in Gn. 46^, Ex. 6^'*, 1 Ch. 5^. — 8-11. An appendix to the section on Reuben, perhaps interpolated; see above. — 8. And the sons of . . .\ the pi. is used, though only one name follows : so often in the genealogies (e.g. v.^^, Gn. 46^^, i Ch. i^^). — Elidb\ \G- n. — 9. The sons of Eliah\ are Ddthdn and ^Abiram (16^ JE), and an otherwise unknown Neviiiel; for the last name, cp. v.^^. — Elect of the congregation^ i^^ n.; cp. 16^ (P). — The congrega- tion of Kora}{\ the phrase betrays the hand of P^; see 16^ n. — 10. Citations from and verbal reminiscences of i6^^- ^^ (JE P). — And they became a wo?tder] or warning. The word Dp regularly means a standard', nowhere else in OT. does it bear its present meaning; but it is often so used in post-biblical Hebrew; see Levy, s.v. — 11. But the sons of Korah died not] Korah himself (v.^^) and the men that belonged to his company (16^-) perished ; but not "the sons of Korah" themselves, for **a family of Korah" still exists (v.^^; cp. "the sons of Korah" of the Psalm-titles). Arguing thus, as it would seem, an annotator added the present note to the text. — 18-14. The Simeonite clans (Gn. 46^^, Ex. 6^^, i Ch. 4^^) are NemiVel, perhaps the correct form of /ctniVcl (Gn., Ex.; see HPN. 307), fCimhi, XXVI. 5-29 391 Jachhi (Ch. fl?, incorrectly, Jdrib), Zerah (mt ; Gn., Ex. "IPIV), and ShaicL A sixth clan, Ohad, mentioned between Jamin and Jachin in Gn., Ex., and Jubil., is here and in Ch. omitted. 15-18. The Gadite clans (Gn. 46^^) are Sephon, which is incor- rectly given as Siphion in Gn. (5^ not G) and Jubil. 442*', Haggle Slmni, and Oznt^ or rather Esbon (Gn.; cp. Jubil. 44-°, I* Ch. f), 'Eri, Arod (Gn. Arodi), and ArclL—Vi. Gn. 46^2 — 20. The clans of Judah (Gn. 4612, i Ch. s^f-, cp. Gn. 38 J) described as his sons are ShSlah, Peres, and Zerah, and (21) those described as his grandsons by Peres are Hesron and Haimil. — 23-25. The clans of Issachar (Gn. 46^^^ i Ch. 7^) are ToW, Piiah [Ptcwwdh), Jashub (in Gn., incorrectly, Job), and Shimron. — 26 f. The clans of Zebulon (Gn. 46^*) are Scred, El6?i, and Jahle'el.—^Q. Cp. Gn. 4620.— 29-32. The Manassite clans, which for obvious reasons are not mentioned in Gn., consist of Machir described as a son, Gilead as a grandson of Manasseh, and six others (v.^^) described as sons of Gile'ad. Translated out of genealogical language the meaning of the writer appears to be that the Manassite clan Machir came, whether by conquest or otherwise (cp. 32^"^- (JE), Dt. 3^^, Jos. 13^1 (P)), into possession of Gile'ad [i.e. Manasseh's possession E. of Jordan), whence subsequently Manassite clans {e.g. Gile'ad's "sons" Shechem and Tezer) separated and settled W. of Jordan. Machir is an ancient clan or tribal name (Jud. 5^*) which was early connected with Manasseh (Gn. 50-^ (JE)). A clan might be described as the father of the district where it dwelt; cp. e.g. "Hamor the father of Shechem" (Gn. 34°), "Ashhur the father of Tekoa'," «'Mareshah, the father of Hebron," etc. (i Ch. 2^*- *2). There is nothing surprising in a late genealogist supposing that W. Manasseh was of later origin than E. Manasseh, and so representing Manassite towns or clans on the W. (Shechem, Tezer) as sons of Gile'ad, even though, as earlier sources report (Jud. 12^^-; and see on 32^^"*^), E. Manasseh was in reality an offshoot from the W. Other references agreeing with the present genealogical scheme are 27^ 36^, Jos. 17^ (P). A different scheme is found in Jos. 171^-2 (?JE); there Machir still appears as father of Gile'ad, but the six clans here classed as sons of Gile'ad are 392 NUMBERS there sons of Manasseh and brothers of Machlr. Yet a third scheme Is found in i Ch. 7^^^^ and a fourth underlies i Ch. 221-23 . for further discussion and g^enealogical tables, see Driver's art. "Manasseh" in Hasting-s' Z>^.; Kue. Th. Tijd. xi. 483 fF. — 30-32. The six clans here, though not always (see preceding- note), described as sons of Gilead are also mentioned in Jos. 17- and in part in i Ch. 7^^^-. Pezer is an abbreviation for Abfezer (Jos., Ch. ; ffit reads here, wrongly, '^;^^te^ep) ; it was the clan whence Gideon sprang (Jud. 6^^- 2*- ^ 8-- ^2), and was resident, in part at least, in his days at 'Ophrah, which, probably, lay not far from Shechem (cp. Jud. 9), and certainly west of Jordan (Jud. 8 in the light of 6^*). Shechem, though vocalised (M^ ; but ffi S'^xe/i) in MT. (here, Jos. 172, i Ch. .7^'') differently from Shechem the well-known town (D^?')* niust yet be closely connected with it. Helek and Asri'el are men- tioned only here and in Jos. 17^; the names are absent from I Ch. 7^* (see Kit.); Hepher is also mentioned in v.^^ 27^, Jos. 172^-; Sheiuida m Jos. 172, i Ch. 7^9.-33. An irrelevant anticipation of 27^. Selophehad's daughters (27' 36^^, Jos. 17^) are towns or clans : * Mahlah is parallel to the clan name Abf ezer in i Ch. 7^^ ; Tirsah is the name of one of the capitals of the northern kingdom (i K. 15^^ Jos. 12^^); with Hoglah^ cp. Beth-Hoglah (Jos. 15*^); Milcah is, strictly speaking, a divine name, but may, like the last, be an abbreviation, and stand for Beth-Milcah ; No ah ("Vi ; ffi ZVoya) is distinguished from the Zebulonite town of Ne'ah (^Wn Jos. 19^^; (St^ Avvova, ^ Nova) merely by the absence of the article and the vocalisa- tion ; it probably appears in a corrupt form (Ani'am, cy^X) in I Ch. 7^^ as a "son" of Shemida' and "brother" of Shechem. Note that Gath-Hepher is mentioned just before Ne'ah in Jos. — 35 f. The clans of Ephraim which are described as his sons are Shuthelah [Becher] and Tahan (S Taham.\ G Tava)() ; as his grandson by Shuthelah, 'Erdn. These, like the Manassite clans, and for the same reason, are not mentioned in Gn. 46; but cp. and ct. i Ch. 720-29. JK omits Becher^ which is probably out of place here and should be transferred to v.^ {EBi. 508), though it is, of course, possible • Kue. Th. TiJd. xi. 488; cp. Gra)^, Hebrc-v Proper JN antes, 116. XXVI. 30-50 393 that the clan at one time was counted to Ephraim, at another to Benjamin (2 S. 20^). Possibly Becher has replaced Bered, which in i Ch. 7-^ stands between Shuthelah and TaJiath. Shuthclah is mentioned only here and in i Ch. -20(21). -vvith Tahaii, cp. Tahath, i Ch. f-^, rather than Tahan, ib. vP. ^Eran, or rather 'Edan (S), is probably represented by El'adah or El'ad in i Ch. 7''"-, and La'dan in i Ch. 7^6; see EBi. 1329.— 38-41. The clans of Benjamin (Gn. 46^1, i Ch. 7»-i2 giff.j ^vhich are described as his sons are Beld [Becher \ see preceding^ note), Ashbel, AMram^ Sheph^phdni, Huphdm, and as his grandsons by Bela', Ard and Naavian\ in S and Gn. the last two also rank as sons of Benjamin ; with the view of MT. here, cp. i Ch. 8^ (ct. 7^). Becher in Gn. stands between Bela* and Ashbel, and may lie concealed in 1133 his firstborn in I Ch. 83; see H. W. Hogg '^nJQR. xi. 109. " Ehi and Rosh, Muppim " in Gn., are not genuine names ; they are the result of a faulty reading of the consonantal text (DSISC', cnTix), which contained the names Ahiraniy Shephtlpham^ correctly read here ; Jubil. 44^ seems slightly less corrupt than Gn. ; see HPN. p. 35 n. I. On the other hand, Gera (Gn., also i Ch. 8^) is a genuine name ; but whether its omission here is accidental or intentional must remain uncertain. Ch. mentions a large number of Benjamite clans mentioned neither here nor in Gn. — 42 f. Of Dan only a single clan is named, Shiiham, called in Gn. 4623 Hushim.— 44-47. The clans of Asher (Gn. 46^7, i Ch. ^sof.j described as his sons are Imnah, Ishvah (so read with Gn., Ch. ; in Gn., Ch. '■^ and IshvV is dittographic), Beriah; as his grandsons by Berfah, //eber a.nd Malchi'el, and as his daughter Serah. — 48-50. The clans of Naphtali (Gn. 46-*, I Ch. 7^3) are Jahse'ely Giini^ J^^er, and Shillem (S, Ch. Shalluiii). 9. cni-nn . . . isn] S Dmjnna . . , njnrr. The Hiphil of nx: occurs else- where only in Ps. 60 title, and is there perhaps a corruption of inin. — 10. mp riNi] S pND.— t^'N '7:«a] S + i mp nx.— 50. ppi tin v'?^ -ja vn-i] S omits this clause and has in its place simply iin'? : see above. If the clause in 511) be original tin'*? before rnxn nn^cD has dropped out, for it is required by the scheme of the chapter. But it is likely enough that S is original (note also variations in G), and that the additional clause in 1] has been added to thought of the theory underlying 1 Ch. 8^'-. — 44. 'w'? .-;c'.i] the eye of a 394 NUMBERS copyist confused the endings of the two words : read "rrS '32',t. In Gn, 46" '•W1 is dittographic of mv^ ; but, like the incorrect reading- D*20 cxni 'hm (see p. 393), the error may be older than the compilation of the 70 names in Gn. There is thus no evidence that the name '^v/^^ had any real existence ; in i S. 14^ it is an intentional mutilation of another name (see, e.g., We. on the passage). 52-56. The manner in which the land is to be divided among the tribes. — The meaning" is not quite clear. Two principles of division are enjoined ; on the one hand, the land is to be divided among- the several tribes in proportion to their respec- tive numbers ; on the other hand, it is to be assigned by lot. How these two in themselves irreconcilable principles are both to be respected in the division is not said. The explana- tion commonly offered is that the districts in which the several tribes were to settle were determined by lot (cp. 33^^), and that then the size of the district was determined by the size of the tribe. It was an old tradition that the country was apportioned to the several tribes by lot, the older view being that the allot- ment was made before the conquest (Jud. i^~^, Jos. 17^*"^^ J), the later that the allotment was made after the conquest [e.g. Jos. 14^"^ j^is-zs p^_ If the fact niay be pressed that the com- mand is here (v.^^- ^*) given to Moses, the present passage takes the former view. For other references in OT. to the allotment of land, see Mic. 2*'-; for the custom among- other peoples, Herod, v. 77 and other references in Di. ; and for the historical probability of allotment before conquest, Kit. Gesch. d. Hebr. i. 245 ff. The fact that the division is to be made according to number, accounts for the present section being placed after the account of the census ; and the theory that Levi had no landed possession (v.^^), for its being placed before the census of Levi (v.57-62). 53. To these tribes shall the land he apportioned as an inheritance (cp. iS^'') according to the number of names, i.e. of persons (cp. i^ n.), in the several tribes. — 54, Forthattrxh^ which is large, thou shall make its iyiheritance proportionately large ; z.ndi for that which is sinall thou shall m,ake its inheritance pro- portionately .ywfl!// : for other antitheses of m, DJ?D (D'ycn, nmn), large and small (especially with reference to numbers), see 35^, XXVI. S2-5S 395 Ex. i6^^, Jer. 29", Gn. ;^o^'^, Dt. 7'^. — According ^0 (the number of) ^/lose that were numbered of each tribe shall its inheritance be given. — 55. Accoi-diiig to the names of their fathers^ tribes shall they inherit] with CTiinN DIL^JD, cp. Nu. i^^. 47 j^a 23^4 36*!. The meaning- is rather obscure ; perhaps Di. interprets cor- rectly : the land is first divided by lot to the twelve tribes ; individuals gain their portion through their tribe and in the portion allotted to it. — 56. According- to the lot shall its, viz. Israel's (or, preferably, reading with ffi (followed by RV. with- out acknowledgment) DniriJ their) inheritance, i.e. Canaan, be divided betiveen the more nianerous and the less numerous (tribes). 53. vip£3 '•;'? c'n] G.-K. I39r. — wSm fri;] •\rhm is best regarded as an ace. after the Pass. ; cp. with the same vb. 32°, i K. -2?^ ; G.-K. 121. — 55. nicc'"? mas] <&. Toi^ 6v6fw,(nv, Kara - '^- ^. XXIX. 9. inun] Paterson omits ; see his note. — 13. v.t D'D*cn] an Inter- mediate form between the full Dz^ rn- 'n (^.g. v.^) and D'D'Dn in v."- ^ etc. ; see Paterson. — 15. S rightly adds at the end of the v. D.TrDJi. — 19. d.T3D3i] for this as also for .T3D31 of v." restore nsipj] as in v." and other allusions to the sin-offering. XXX. 2-17 (1-16). Conditions of the validity of a Vow. Various regulations regarding- vows are found elsewhere (see especially Dt. 2319- 22*-, Lev. 5^^- and c. 27 (P), Nu. 6 (P)) ; but the conditions of the validity of a woman's vow, with which this law is almost entirely occupied, are treated nowhere else. Points of style like "3 b"x (v.'' ; cp. 5" n.), nit:^ (v.' ; cp. i'' n ), rs: nu''? (v."; CH. 20) connect the section with P. But the isolation of the law and some stylistic peculiarities such as njx, nn-j ^r^n, n£d3D (see notes below on v.*"'), render it unlikely that it is the work of P8^. The date cannot be accurately determined, but the law may, with some probability, be referred to P^ on account of its approximation in style and treatment to the later Rabbinic discussions. The Law provides that a man, having once uttered a vow, is unconditionally bound by it (v.^) ; that a woman widowed or divorced is similarly bound (v.^°) ; but that the vow of an unmarried woman living in her father's house (v.^~^), or of a married woman (v.'^"^- ^^"■^^), is subject to the tacit approval of her father or husband, as the case may be. In either case the vow is valid unless objection is raised on first hearing of it. If the husband, after hearing of the vow and raising no objection, subsequently annuls it, the guilt is his (v.^^). Rabbinic discussions on the regulations of this c. will be found in Ncdnriin, c. lof. 4 r 4 NUMBERS 2. The Introductory formula is doubly peculiar. (i) In form. A law is usually introduced by the direct statement that Yahweh delivered it to Moses (or Aaron) ; here this statement forms part of Moses' speech ; the nearest parallels are Ex. ^516. 32 2"*^ Lev. 8^ 9^ 17^. (2) In being addressed to tlie heads of the tribes (niD'^n ''£^'N"l) : this phrase occurs again only in I K 8^ II 2 Ch. 52 ; cp. niD'^n nnx "'ki'xi 32-8, jos. 14^ 21^.— 3. If a man utters a vow, he must keep it. This is obvious. An absolute command would have been more suitable, but the form of sentence is probably chosen for the sake of symmetry with the following conditional sentences which are required by the nature of the case. The use of the conditional in the more specific regulation of Dt. 23^^ ("If thou makest a vow . . . thou shalt not delay to pay it ") is quite natural. Dt., too, adds expressly that the making of vows is in no sense a requirement of religion. Vows were of two kinds : (i) a vow might consist in a promise to give something to God ; the classical example of this is Jephthah's vow : cp. also Gn. 28-'^^-: or (2) the vow might take the form of an undertaking to practise, for a longer or shorter period, some form or forms of abstinence, such as from wine, as in the case of the Nazirite (c. 6), or from food (i S. 14^*; cp. also Ps. 1322^). Both kinds are elsewhere covered by the single term "I1?. : here for the second kind a special term (""t^^) is employed, while the wider term 1"I3 is limited to the first kind. The use of the noun 1E)5;5 in the OT. is confined to this chapter, but the vb. ("IDK) is frequent with the sense to bind. In the Mishnic Heb. nox is regularly used with the sense to prohibit ; and in Bibl. Aram, the noun "iDN means a prohibition or interdict (Dan. 6^'* etc.) ; the Syr. ;^i includes the meanings of interdict and penance^ though it also means vo'Ji (Payne Smith, s.v.). Render: If any man makes a vow to Yahiaeh, or subjects hiinself to some pledge of abstinence, he shall not profane , i.e. break, hisisoord\ the Hiph. of the vb. (bn*) occurs again with this sense only in Ezek. 39'^ ; the Piel is commoner ; cp. Ps. 55"^ Mai. 2^°, and, especially in view of the context there and here, Ps. Sg^'' ^•"?. — He must do according to all tliat goclh foHh XXX. 3-4 4^5 from his motiih] with VDD {<^;^■; ^2, cp. TDEC' NVIO (Dt. 2^-^ ^-^^). An intention only becomes binding- when it has been embodied in speech, and so gained an independent existence ; conse- quently stress is frequently laid, as here, on the titterance of the vow {e.g. 32^^, Jud. 1 1^"*'-, Ps. 66^3'-, Jer. 44^'^). And indeed, originally, so much stress was laid on the tttterancCy that it was held binding even when, as in the case of Isaac's blessing of Jacob, it did not express the intention of the speaker (cp. notes on ^"^'"^ 522-27 22^). This is expressly corrected, so far as vows are concerned, in the Mishnah {TTriimoth iii. 8), where, after citing various illustrations, such as of a man intending to say "burnt-offering," but actually saying- "peace-offerings," the general rule is given that nothing is binding unless inten- tion and expression agree (piSJ' uh VD Vn-C' TJ? Di^JD "i^iTS N^). — 4. In her father' s house in her yotit1i\ i.e. while she is young and unmarried. Women for purposes of this law are divided into three classes (i) young unmarried women, (2) married women, (3) widows or divorced women. The classification is not exhaustive, no account being taken of old unmarried women : but in Israel, where marriage was a religious duty, this class must have been a negligible quantity. The term youth {□"'"lyj) is vague : it may include infancy (Job 31^^: cp. nyj Ex. 2^, I S. i^^ 4-^), and need not include virginity (cp. n-ii'3 in Jud. 19^, Am. 2') ; but here childhood is scarcely con- templated, the child, whether male or female, probably being assumed to be incapable under any circumstances of making a vow. The class contemplated in this v. would thus consist of young marriageable but (since still in the father's house) unmarried women. Many of the Rabbis * distinguished be- tween youth (niiyj), the time of and immediately after the first appearance of the signs of puberty, and the age oi puberty (nnan) itself; and they limited the class in this verse to those in the earlier stage (which lasted but a few months) in accord- ance with the dictum, " When a woman has attained puberty, her father has no longer authority over her " {Nedarim 47A). But this can hardly be the intention of the biblical passage ; for youth (o'lyj) in biblical Hebrew covers a much later period * Siphrc \ Raslii on this passage ; also Levy, ii. 19K7, iii. 41 7a. 41 6 NUMBERS of life (see above). — 5. And her father coines to hear (l/D'C') of her vow] that yoti' is to be so translated is clear from v.^. It is not necessary that her husband or father should actually hear the vow uttered ; but they must exercise their veto, if at all, when first made aware that the vow has been made. — Her vows shall stand] for Dip, meaning- to be valid, cp. Gn. 2^'^'^'^ ("The cave became Abraham's z/^/zV/ possession ") ; also Dt. 19^^. — 6. But if her father expresses his disapproval of her] i.e. of her conduct in making- the vow. The sense of K'jn is sufficiently clear from the context here and in v.^* ^^ ; it is an antithesis to giving tacit approval to, and its effect (v.^) is to annul (isn) the vow. (Successful) opposition appears to be the fundamental sense in Hebrew ; cp. the remaining uses of the vb. (3 a'''- ^, Ps. 33^°, and, if the text be correct, Ps. 141^). The only derivative is nxiin (142*, Job 33^° t). — 7-9. The case considered here is that of a woman who is married while under a vow which her father has not vetoed before marriage. — 7. The rash utterance] this noun (X'J^O) occurs again only in v.^ ; the sense is clear from the use of the vb. in Lev. 5*, Ps. 106^^ t ; cp. ni33 (Pr. 12^^ t). To judge from some biblical references (Pr. 20^^, Eccles. 5!- »-5 (2. 4-6)^ Ecclus. i8'^^), and still more from the Mishnic tracts Nasir and Nedarini, vows were frequently taken very rashly. But rashness did not relieve a man of his obligation (cp. Lev. 5^). — 9. If on the day that (or, perhaps, simply when) her hnsband comes to hear o{ it he expresses his disapproval of Jier, then he renders her vow invalid] "12.1 is the antithesis of W\>t\ (v.^*^), D'^pn the causative of Dip (v.^ n.). — 10. Shall stand against her] i.e. shall be valid, and she shall be responsible for discharging the vow. — 14. Every oath taken pledging the woman to some form of abstinence with a view to afflict the soul] the last phrase (C33 n^y!?) is commonly used in connection with fasting, Ps. 35^^, Is. 58^- ^ ; cp. Lev. 16^* (Day of Atonement) 2327-29- 32^ j^t^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ post-biblical term '^^'^^'B fast. — Her husband can 7'ender valid, or her husband can rejider invalid] see notes on v.^' ^. — 15. But by merely keeping silence the husband renders all her vows valid (D''pni) ; in the parallel case (v.^^) the vb. is neuter, here causative. — 16. In this verse the vb. isn must be rendered rather dilTerently ; XXX. 5-XXXI. 417 if after comings to hear of the woman's vow and tacitly approv • ing it, he forcibly prevents the fulfilment of the vow, guilt is incurred, but it rests on him and not on his wife. — He shall bear the consequences of her ((5 S his) iniquity ; for the phrase, see Lev. 5^ Ezek. 44^°, and the note on Nu. iS"^. 2. 'e" 'j^'?] G.-K, 129c?.— 3. o ^\x] 5" n. (S reads 'd e"n rw.— 3. nrx] but with suffix n-jD.s;, see Stade, 208a b ; Kon. ii. 141 : Barth, NB. 62 ; Lagarde, BS\ 175; Ryssel, De El. Pent. Sennone, p. 40. Both the form and the meanhig (see above) suggest a late stage of the language.— Wf.T in] The inf. abs. is used in a similar sentence in Lev. 25"; Dav. 88, R. i.— 5. iDN h2^ nm: ^2] Whether the interchange of singulars and plurals in these words throughout the chapter was intended by the author cannot be deter- mined. S and C5 generally have plurals ; so here S reads anox. In f^ it should be observed that the suffixes vary ; in v.'*- '•'• ^® QnN, D-^, but in v.^* «^r-. — 6. mn'i Dip'] if the reading be correct, the vb. agrees exceptionally with the sing. ^2 instead of the plural genitives that follow (G.-K. 146c) ; but S reads m.T iDip' ; cp. lepi in v.*. — 9. G, while giving the same sense, suggests a very different text. — «'r] S 8<":n].— m^:] S .nm: ; cp. G. XXXI. The Extertnination of Midian. In view of the near approach of death (v. 2^), Moses, at Yahweh's command, prepares to avenge Israel (v. 2) and Yahweh (v.') on the Midianites, who at the instigation of Balaam had led the Israelites to sin against Yahweh, and incur in consequence a plague from Yahweh (v.^^). Moses commands each tribe to equip 1000 men, and despatches them, 12,000 in all, together with Phinehas, who carries the sacred "objects " and the trumpets with him (v.'*"^). Without losing a man themselves (v.*^), the Israelites slay "every male" {i.e. every fighting man) of the Midianites (v.'^), including the five kings of Midian ('Evi, Rekem, Sur, Hur, and Reba') and also Balaam (v.^), and burn all the Midianite cities and encamp- ments (v.^''). They return to Moses, Ele'azar, and the rest of Israel in the steppes of Moab (v.^^) with the Midianite women and children, of whom the virgins numbered 32,000 (v.^-^^), and the spoil consisting of 675,000 small cattle, 72,000 large cattle, 61,000 asses (v.^-"^*), and golden ornaments of which the portion falling to the officers was worth 16,750 shekels ^y 48-52^^ Moses, Ele'azar, and " the princes of the congrega- 37 4l8 NUMBERS tion " g-o to meet the returning- army outside the camp. Moses, seeing that the women are brought back alive, is angry with the officers, inasmuch as it was the Midianite women who had caused Israel to sin ; he therefore commands every male child and all women not virgin to be slain, leaving only the virgins alive ; he further commands that both the warriors and the captives shall remain seven days outside the camp to purify themselves and their g^arments and all objects made of skin, goats' hair, or wood, from contamination (v.^^"^''). At this point Ele'azar strikes in (as Rashi will have it, because Moses in his ang^er had forg-otten to be particular enough), and explains that all objects that can bear it (viz. those of metal), must be cleansed by being passed through fire, and everybody else by " the water of impurity" (v.^^"-^). Yahweh now commands Moses to count the captured men and cattle, and to divide them into two equal parts, and to give one-half to those who had fought, the other half to those who had re- mained behind. Of the half that falls to the warriors -g^th is to be paid as a tax to the priests ; of the other half -sVth to the Levites (v.-''"^'^). The carrying- out of this instruction is described at length (v.'^~*^). Thereafter the officers present to Moses, as an offering for Yahweh, the spoil in gold which they had captured for themselves ; Moses and Ele'azar place it in the tent of meeting as a memorial (v.^^~^^). This is not history, but Midrash.* The purpose of the story is to illustrate certain leg-al and religious themes, and especially the law of the distribution of booty (v.^"2°) and of the removal of uncleanness from the dead (v.^®"^*; cp. c. 19). This explains why the writer is so indifferent to the actual war that he says nothing of the line of march, nor of the place and manner of battle, and dismisses the slain with a word, while he waxes prolix over the booty and the measures taken for purifying- the returned warriors. The unhistorical character of the narrative is so obvious that it need not be proved at length. It may, however, be pointed out that if it were historical, then, since every male Midianite was slain, Midian must have disappeared from • On the term, see Driver, L. O. T, 529. XXXI. 4 I 9 history in the time of Moses; and this conclusion would con- fllct with the prominent part played by Midian in the Book of Judges (c. 6-8), not to speak of later references (i K. ii^^^ Is. 6o6). But though as a whole unhistorical, the narrative may and doubtless does contain some traditional elements, such as the names of the five kings. But it is impossible to determine the historical value of these traditions ; the names need not even be IMidianite names, still less Midianite names of the Mosaic period. But the greater part of the chapter cannot have even n traditional basis. V.^'^"-* merely describes the application of the law of c. 19; the law of the division of the booty (v.^"^'') is an inference from ancient Hebrew custom (i S. 30^"). Whence or how the primary numbers {v.^-~^^) were obtained cannot be determined, but v.^^~^^ merely records the results of certain simple arithmetical operations with these figures. Further, the part played by Phinehas may have been suggested by 0. 25 ; that the Israelites, while slaughtering a multitude never lose a single man, is similar to the flight of fancy of a kindred writer, who makes 25,700 Benjamites slay in two days, without losing a man themselves, 40,000 out of 400,000 Israelites opposed to them (Jud. c. 20) ; and the munificent present of the leaders (v.^^"^*) has a parallel in c. 7. The story belongs to the age which saw the rise of Midrashic literature ; it clearly belongs to the secondary strata of the Priestly Code (P^),* for it presupposes, without belonging to, P^. The style and vocabulary in general connect the c. with P (note, e.g.^ mj; several times, and see notes and margins in CH.), and the chapter presupposes much of the preceding- narrative of Pc ; as, for example, that Aaron is dead and Ele'azar is priest (20'--"^^), that the people are in the steppes of Moab (22'), that Moses' death is imminent (27'-"^). On the other hand, the chapter itself clearly formed no part of P^, for (i) the general Midrashic character is unlike that w,'riter ; (2) the preceding narra- tive of P''' does not prepare for this incident : 27'^"^ does not anticipate a war with Midian before Moses' death, and still less that in such a war Joshua should have nothing to do ; (3) the vocabulary of the chapter, • Kue., We., Corn., Kit., Addis, CH. ; cp. Di. and Str. 420 NUMBERS thoug-h it contains many of the characteristic words and expressions of Ps, contains also striking' peculiarities. Among- the most noticeable de- partures from the style and vocabulary of P^ are (i) innv as a periphrasis for the jjronoun (v."*^), f-p (v.*), and nniph (v.^^), all of which are common in JE, but never used by P^ (cp. v.^^'- n.; also i6* n.); and (2) the following words or phrases entirely peculiar to this c. or used here in a peculiar sense — noD (v.'), nonhan 'B-sn (v.^), 020 (v."^ and 5 times besides), Kasn D]i (v.32), n^HD (v.36- 43), Note also npho (v."), inx (v.^'-'iT)^ ,", nopj (y.S), por details, see the notes below ; but note that some of the expressions are most nearly paralleled in Ch. 1-8. The Israelites under Phinehas are sent out to fight the Midianites. — 2a. Resumptive of 25"'-. — 2b. Cp. 27^^ — 3. Equip /or yourselves men from among yott\ a doubtful rendering of a certainly peculiar phrase (see phil. n.). — 5. And there were delivered^ presumably to Moses ; on the unusual verb, see below. — 6. The choice of Phinehas rather than Ele'azar to accompany (or, to lead ?) the host was dictated by considera- tions similar to those that dictated the choice of Ele'azar in 17^ (see note there). — The sacred ohjects\ What is intended is uncertain ; the phrase cnpn v3 refers elsewhere to various appointments of the tabernacle or temple (3^^ 4^^ 18^, i K. S*, I Ch. 9^9, 2 Ch. 55 1; cp. Neh. 10*0, i Ch. 221^). Di. (after Del.) would interpret it here of the sacred garments ; a unique sense of the phrase, such as this would be, is by no means impossible in this ch. For 'h::^^ garment, cp. Dt. 22^. — The trumpets for the blast\ Hi'linn nn^'^Tl 2 Ch. 13^- t, cp. Nu. lo^ (m^'Vna Dny-im). On these trumpets, see 10^-^° (P). — 7. Every male] the expression is very characteristic of P, includ- ing- P^; CH. 107. — 8. The five kings are mentioned again by name and in the same order in Jos. 13^^; but they are there described as princes ("'X''t^'J) of Midian and chiefs ("S't^J) of Sihoti, and are said to have been smitten by the Israelites in the same battle with Sihon, king of the Amorites. Balaam there, as here, is associated with them, but receives the addi- tional description of the soothsayer (DDpn). Neither passage seems to be based directly on the other ; they are rather both based on a tradition anterior to either, which was already somewhat fixed in form, since the five kings seem to have attained to a fixed order of mention, and was yet told witli such differences as are represented in the two written forms of XXXI. i-ii 421 the story. One of the king-s (Sur) is also mentioned in 25^^, and is there described as head of a Midianite family — a de- scription chosen, perhaps, in view of the description of Zimri as head of a Simeonite family. Of the names little is to be said, except that they have no appearance of being either artificial or late. On Sur, see 25^^. Evi and Rebd are other- wise unknown. Hur (which may possibly be the Egyptian Horus) is in E's account of the Exodus the name of an Israelite (Ex. 17^°"^^; see EBt.). Rekc7n appears elsewhere in the genealogies of Ch. (i Ch, 2'^^^- 7^*^), and as the name of a Benjamite town in Jos. 18^''^; in 5, Rekem is the equivalent of Kadesh. — With their slain] i.e. those slain in battle, not those afterwards slain as prisoners (v.^'^). 1. P's formula : CH. 185. — 3. D'e^jn D3n.x3 li'Vnn] The Niphal of i''?n occurs again only in 32^''* -" : there the word is a direct reflexive. Here, if correctly pointed, it must be an indirect reflexive, since d"B':x c^dno is clearly the direct object. Possibly i^7nn should be pointed as Hiphil ; but for the Hiphil there is only one, and that a doubtful parallel (Is. 58'^). — '^y r.Ti] rather peculiar: but cp. 2 S. 11-* u'ith We.'s note (cited by Dr.). For ViTi NDsb', ffi possibly read '"' 'aaS n3^^. — ni.T ncpj] Jer. 50^^- '^'^ 51" ; cp. Jer. ii2» 20^2, Ezek. 2^'^- "f ; so CH. niarg-.— 5. udd'i] v.^^ f. In v.i« the reading is very doubtful, and some here follow ffi and correct to "?e;i. The root "idd is otherwise unknown in biblical Hebrew, though very com- mon in post-biblical Hebrew and Aram., with the meaning to deliver. It also occurs in Sab3ean = ^o^^^ taken ffw«;j/(Hommel in ZDMG. xlvi. 530). — N3S 'siVn] I Ch. 12-*, 2 Ch. 17^^ t; cp. K3i'.T ':>i'7n Jos. 4^*(R)t; k^s \-hn '?3 yi"\ K3s'7 x^hm I Ch. \2^\, 9-12. The Israelites return victorious. — 9. Their little ones] The word (DDt3) is exceeding uncommon, if indeed ever found, in P^; it occurs thrice in this c. (v.^'^- ^^), 4 times in the next ^y i6f. 24. 26^^ ari^ ji^ Qn^ 24^9 ; Otherwise 12 or 13 times in J, and 9 times in D; CH. 52^. — 10. Their cities] 13^^ n, — /ft their dwelling-places] the places where they were now settled as distinguished from their original settlements: this is the usual interpretation, but whether the writer meant anything so definite may be doubted. — And all their enclostires] not the usual word (n:nD) for an encampment, but that (HT'U) which is used specifically of the encampments of nomads (Gn. 25^'', Ezek. 25") and then more loosely (Ps. 6926, i Ch. e^^).— 11. All the spoil (^i't^') and all that ims taken (mp^D ; also v.^^. 27. 32^ j^^ 422 NUMBERS 49-* t) ; in the next v. these terms are repeated with a third, the captives i^yif), prefixed. The three terms are used rather loosely ; but the first may exclude and the last particularly refer to human beings ; the second certainly includes men in v.^^- ^- ; but in v.^2, as in Is. 49^*^', these are sufficiently covered by ^^K'. The second and third are combined in v. 2^. — 12b. Cp. 22^. 13-20. The reception of the warriors, and Moses' instructions to them. — 13 f. Ele asar the priest (20^'^^-) and the princes of the congregation (Ex. 16-^ and often) are derived from P^ ; the captains of thousands and the captains of hundreds (v.^^), from elsewhere [e.g. Ex. iS^^ E). For the officers of the host (mp2 7^nn), cp. 2 K. 11^^; and note that Ci"'1i?2i, though very frequent in P, has generally quite another sense (see, e.g.., i*^; and CH. 115^''). — Moses and the rest go to meet the warriors without the camp (CH. 120^''), where they were required by law (c. 19 and below) to stay till purified from contamination by the dead. — 15. Cp. i S. c. 15. — Every female\ cp. v.'^ n. — 16. Cp. 25^^. The Heb. cstr. is extraordinary, and the text in one respect corrupt (see below) : the paraphrase of RV. gives the general sense. The women on account of their seduction of the Israelites, the male children (v.^^) in order to secure the extinction of Midian, are to be slain ; the virgins to be pre- served alive (v.^^). — 19 f. Moses commands the warriors with their captives to stay without the camp till they have become ceremonially clean by **unsinning" (8-^ n.) themselves on the third and seventh day (cp. 5^ 19^^"^"), and by " unsinning " also their garments and everything with them that is made of skin (cp. Lev. i3*^^-)> goats' hair {iy]V i S. 19^2.16^ Ex.25*), O"^ wood; these would be unclean on the principle of 19^^^-. This purification of victorious warriors and their weapons Is a very primitive custom. An instance of the custom among a modern savage people has been cited above (p. 243) ; see, further, Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 331-339. 21-24. Ele'azar adds some more explicit directions. — Every- thing that can stand it is to be purified by being passed through fire, and then unsiujied by means oj the water of impurity (19^^) : everything else must be washed luith water \ not, as RV. (" the water ") might suggest, with " the water of impurity." XXXI. 12-23 4^3 The article with fi^^3, like that with t'NS, is g-eneric (G.-K. i26?n). — 21. T/ie statute of the law] ig^ f. 9. 'b" '33] G Fom.— 12. 'v «33 mv hii] (& 'c '33 "?: "-« ; 5 S 'a- ':3 mj; ^3 ha. — 14. non'?2n H2'i = the service of war; this is rather peculiar; cp. i Ch. 7^ \2^ where the sense is perliaps different, and Is. 13'' where it certainly is different. — 13. cnKip"?] riNipV is used in the Hexateuch 28 times in JE, 6 in D, never in Ps : but it is used in Gn. 14", a chapter which, like the present, is Midrashic in character and stylistically dependent on Pe ; CH. 183 J^. — 16. The whole of clause a is clumsily constructed ; but nroV appears to be a textual error: even the post-biblical meaning- of ^os (v.* n.) is unsuitable iiere ; the suggestion made by Ges. {Thes.) to read Sj'c'? has been generally accepted ; then cp. especially 5', also 2 Ch. 36", Ezek. 14". (5 S> read ncsS '7J;d'? as two infinitives ; cp. Haupt in SBOT. — 17. ^^I nriJ'sV ex nvT nt:'.x] simi- larly v.^* and v. ^'; the only strict parallels are in Jud. ai^"-. — 19. iN::nnn]8^in. — 20. ixcnnn] the alternatives are to regard the vb. as used in an unusual " indirect middle " sense (cp. isVnn v.^), or to regard the whole of the pre- ceding part of the v. as an unusual instance of the indirect ace. If the first be adopted, Nsnnn is used in three different senses in immediate succession; for in v.^ it must be passive (cp. Kon. iii. loi). — 21. Dwai rrrn'yc'?] 32*, i Ch. 19' t- Haupt, however, proposes to read here either 'hch D'KS'.i, or (after ffi) ncn^D »eas2 cxnn. 25-47. The division of the booty. — 26. Moses is assisted in estimating' the booty by Ele'azar and the heads of families, as at the taking of the census he had been assisted by Aaron and "the princes of Israel" (i^*). — 27. The equal division of the booty here enjoined between those who had actually taken part in the battle and all the rest of the congregatioti, i.e. those who had kept in camp, accords with early Hebrew custom, the establishment of which is attributed to David (i S. 30^^^-). Cp. also Jos. 22^. On the Arabic and Mohammedan custom, which shows some points of similarity, see Kor. 8^' ^^ ; Sprenger, Mohammad, iii. 126-128; Muir, Jl/aho?net,^ 221 {. — 23. After the division of the spoil as between the two sections of the people and before its distribution to individuals, a tax is deducted for religious purposes. No such tax is mentioned In I S. 30^**-, but some such practice maybe ancient ; Mohammed required ^th ("Know that whenever ye seize anything as a spoil, to God belongs a fifth thereof, and to His apostle, and to kindred and orphans, and the poor and the wayfarer," Kor. 8*-). — 28 f. From the portion of the men who fought, xD^oth is set apart as a contribution {-^ n.) to Yahweh for the use of the 424 NUMBERS priests. — 30. From the half assigned to the rest of the con- gregation, -g^oth is set apart for the use of the Levites. The whole body of Levites thus receive 10 times as much as the priests ; this recalls the regulations as to tithe (i8^^*^-), though the result of the distribution is rather different ; in the case of tithe, the Levites retain for their own use only 9 times as much as is given to the priests. — 32. Now what was taken (v.^^ n.), all thai remained over of the booty which the men who had fought (X3Vn DJ?, here only) had made^ i.e. all that was left after the command of v.^'^ had been carried out, or possibly, as Str. takes it to mean, all that had not been used up or worn to death (Gn. 33^^) on the homeward march. — 33-47. See the summary of the chapter, above. 48-54. The report and present of the officers of the host. — 48 f. The officers report to Moses that the army has returned from the war without the loss of a man. — 49. Thy servants] This periphrasis for the personal pronoun occurs 6 times in this chapter and the next (32^^- ^- 2^- ^^, P'), 32 times in JE, and 2 times in D; CH. 73^^. — The men . . . who were under our authority^ with lyT'n, cp. 2 S. 18-, — 50. The officers bring as an offering to Yahweh the various ornaments of precious metal, rifled from the bodies of the slain (cp. Jud. 8--^-), which had fallen to their lot but had formed no part of the booty dis- tributed as described in v.^^"^'^. The precise sense of many of the terms in v.^°'' is uncertain. 3nT vl), objects of gold (not, as RV., "jewels of gold "), appears to be generic, the following terms being specific; cp. in the next v., the gold . . . all the wrought objects (n::'i;o ""^D b . . . 3nrn nji) ; myvs (2 S. 1^° and mj?S Is. 3-*^!) is probably «« ornament for the arm\ cp. 2 S. i^° and sJ^~ , the upper part of the arm (Barth, NB. 151^. Some [e.g. RV.) prefer the meaning anklet, assuming that the word is from the root l^i* to march, or step. The next term TCV (Gn. 2^'^- 30.47^ Ezek. 16^^ 23*^!) is clearly an ornament for the hand or wrist. The next two terms denote rings ; ny3D is the signet ring which was worn on the hand (Est. 3^2, Gn. 41*^), and ^^Vi the ear-ring (Ezek. \G-'^\'). But TD^3, also mentioned in Ex. 35^^ f, though perhaps etymolog- XXXI, 30-XXXIL 425 ically connected with U^ = to roll something with the hands into a round fonn^ is of quite uncertain meaning. — To make pro- pitiation for ourselves before Yahweh] cp. Ex. 30^^'-. — 52. The total weight of the gold of the contribution -which they con- tributed was 16,750 shekels (=just over 600 pounds avoir- dupois) ; ct. the smaller figures in Jud. 8^^ — 53. The private soldiers had also secured similar plunder of gold and silver objects for themselves. Possibly the verse is a gloss.* — 54a repeats v.^^ — 54b. Cp. Ex. 30^^^ 26. m3K TN-] confined to P (perhaps P' ; 3228 36' (cp. 17"), Ex. (P (Jos. 14^ 19" 21'), Ch. and Neh. : CH. 84.-27. non'^on -csn] the phrase occurs nowhere else : cp. .Tiinn 'rsn Jer. 2^ ; and for the vb. see also Am. 2", Gn. 4"^ — 28. ncini] G.-K. 72/.— D=o] the word is used only in this chapter (v."-", 5 times) ; in post-biblical Hebrew and in Aram, it means tax ; and in post-biblical Hebrew D31D means a tax-gatherer. nODD in Ex. 12'*, Lev. 27-^ (P) has a different sense.— cej nn.**] E'23 = wa« is masc. as in Gn. 46^"- *'*. On the exceptional prefixing- of the numeral nnx, see Kon. iii. 310J. But vti may be, as Paterson suggests, a gloss to show that the levy is to be made only on live spoil. — 30. l^^« nnx] cp. inx inN.T v.'*^: Jnx to take out (of a number) occurs elsewhere only in 1 Ch. 24^ — 36. ni-no] v.'*''t. — 53. Nasn 'e-:.**] ct. r\r:iThT:>7\ 'b-jk v.^S; nasrr Dy v.^^ and D'Naxn ti''mv.r\ v.". — 54. mNCm d'eVx.t nc] an abbreviation (found also in i Ch. 13^) of 'v\ ''^ni r, XXXII. The settlement of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh on the East of Jordan. Being rich in flocks, Reuben and Gad seek to have allotted to them the rich pasture land of Gile'ad instead of territory on the W. of Jordan (v.^~^). Moses expresses his anger at the apparent selfish indifference of these two tribes to the common interests of the whole people (v.^"^^). Reuben and Gad explain that they are willing before settling down themselves to assist the other tribes in the conquest of W. Palestine (v.^^^^). Moses instructs Ele'azar, Joshua, and the heads of the people to allot Gile'ad to Reuben and Gad if they fulfil their promise, and, if they do not, to punish tliem by making them settle W. of Jordan (v. 2^"^°). Reuben and Gad rebuild certain cities ^y^34-38j in which they had proposed to leave their women and • Di., CH., Paterson. 426 NUMBERS children while they should be away fighting with the other tribes (v.^^^-). Manassite clans make conquests E. of Jordan (v.39-42). The closing section of the chapter, apart from v.^^ consists of fragments from an ancient source : see on v.^^~*-. The remainder (v.^~^) appears to have been freely composed by a late writer working on materials derived from JE and P, and having some of the previous narrative, such as that of the spies (c. i3f.)> before him (cp. v.^~^^) in its present composite form (JE P). The chapter takes no account of c. 31, but (in y asff.j it presupposes 27^^"^^ (P), and is itself presupposed by 34^*'- (cp. Jos. 13152. (P)). Consequently it was written, or recast, to occupy some place between c. 27 and 34. A strict analysis of the chapter as between JE and P cannot be satis- factorily carried through. Driver assigns v.^'i'- so-" (in the main) 8*-»8 to JE, v.'^^^-^-«> to P; and certainly the indications of P, though some of them are sufficiently marked, are less numerous in the former than in the latter series of verses. Other analyses may be found in Bacon, Triple Tradition ; Addis, Documents of the Hex.; Paterson, SBOT. ; see also Holzinger's Tabellen. For the view taken above as to the whole of v.^'^, see CH. ; cp. Kue. in Th. Tijd. xi. 478 ff. The mixed character of the narrative is illustrated in the notes that follow, but it will be convenient to group together the chief points here, (i) In common with JE this narrative speaks of the spies starting from Kadesh and going as far as the Wady Eshcol ; and it contains such characteristic words and phrases as f]D, mrr qx nn'i, ^ jnn, 'n^D { = except), mpo. (2) In common with P, the chapter makes Joshua as well as Caleb a spy, and speaks of Ele'azar the priest ; in the vocabulary note mi'ri D'K-m, mnx, n'?VDi rue* oncy pD. (3) As in D, Kadesh is here called Kadesh- Barnea'. Note the Deuteronomic phrases in v.''"^^ (see notes there). (4) For some linguistic peculiarities of the chapter see notes on k'jh (v.'" ^) and nmn (v.^^). The presence of linguistic peculiarities and Deuteronomic characteristics, and the fact that some of the most marked peculiarities of P are embedded in sections that in other respects most closely resemble JE, render it more probable that the whole narrative has been recast than that it is the result of simple compilation from JE and P, such as is generally found elsewhere. Proof that the substance of the story was as old as, and indeed older than, JE may be found in Dt. 33^^, which appears to allude to Gad assisting the other tribes after choosing his own portion. Like others, the story was told with variations XXXII. I 427 in detail : according- to Dt. 3^^"^^ Moses unrcqiicstcd distributes the land to Reuben, Gad, and half Manasseh, and the con- dition that these tribes must assist the others is not suggested by themselves, but imposed on them by Moses. 1-5. Gad and Reuben make their request. — Rich in cattle, these tribes wish to settle in Gile'ad. — 1. The cattle owned by the Israelites in the wilderness are frequently mentioned else- where (11* n.), but neither here nor elsewhere is it explained how Gad and Reuben came to be richer in cattle than the remaining tribes. As a matter of fact, the pre-eminently pastoral (cp. Jud. 5^^- ^''*) character of the tribes which remained E. of Jordan must have been the result and not the cause of their settlement in this district. — Reuben . . . Gad] ct. Gad . . . Re7jbe7t in v. 2- 6- 25. 29. 31. 33 . cp. v.^^-s^. ffi (except in v.^-^^), S (except in v.^), and & keep Reuben . . . Gad throughout y 1-33^ The order Reuben^ Gad is found in all the parallel passages and allusions in the Hexateuch {e.g. Dt. 3, Jos. 22) except in Jos. 18^ : it also occurs in i Ch. 5^^ 6^^- ^"^-^ ^^- ^^-^^^ 12^'' 26^-. But in the present chapter the unusual order Gad, Reuben (cp. 2 K. 10^^) is probably original (cp. v.^*~^^), and due to the pre-eminence of Gad (cp. Dt. 33^°*- ^) in the period to which the story lying at the base of the present narrative belongs. If this be so, the text of |^ in v.^ has been altered out of regard for the genealogical scheme which makes Reuben the firstborn of Jacob, and this alteration has been more consistently carried through in S ffi S. — The land of Jdzer ("iry^ pNf) and the land of Gilead] the Gadite and Reubenite country is differently defined, or described, in different parts of the chapter. It is called "the land of Gile'ad " simply (v.^''), or defined by a series of towns (v.^- ^^'^"^ : cp. v.2^), or described as the already conquered country (v.^- ^ ; c. 21). The differences may be in part due to the combina- tion of different sources. — On the site of Jdzevy see 21^* n. Gilead used in its widest sense would include Ja'zer; cp. "Ja'zer of Gile'ad," i Ch. 26^^. Ja'zer may be particularly mentioned with a view to suggesting the eastward limit of the land described (cp. Jos. 13-^) ; for Gile'ad is a very elastic term. Sometimes {e.g. Jos. 22^- ^^) it covers the whole land 428 NUMBERS of Israel E. of Jordan In antithesis to Canaan, the land of Israel W. of Jordan. Gile'ad used in this widest sense gener- ally consisted of the land between the Wady Hesban (or even the Arnon) on the S. and the Yarmuk on the N. : the eastern border was indefinite ; and the northern and southern were subject to expansion and contraction according- to the power of the Aramaeans and Moabites respectively. The country is cut by the Jabbok (mod. Nahr ez-Zerka) into what some biblical writers looked upon as the two halves of Gile'ad (Jos. 122. 6 1331^ Dt. 3i2f.) ; and the terms *< land of Gile'ad," " moun- tains of Gile'ad," are often used when the writer has mainly, or exclusively, in mind either one of these two halves ; so Gile'ad refers to the land N. of Jabbok in Jos. 17^- ^^-y to the land S. of Jabbok in Jos. 13^^. In the present chapter it is used in both of these limited senses. Here and in v.^^ (cp. Dt. 3^^'-) it refers to the land S. of Jabbok ; for the towns mentioned in v.^- ^*~^^ and the territory elsewhere assigned to Gad and Reuben lay entirely south of that river. But in v.^^ Gile'ad means the country N. of the Jabbok.* The ancient name is now confined to the Jebel Jil'ad S. of the Nahr ez- Zerka and near es-Salt. — The district was a district for cattle] Gile'ad, especially southern Gile'ad, like Moab still further south, was celebrated in ancient as it is in modern times for its cattle; see Cant. 4I 6^ Mic. 7^*, i Ch. 5^ A modern Arab saying runs, **Thiou canst not find a country like the Belka'" [i.e. the country between Jabbok and Arnon) for cattle and sheep.f N. and S. Gile'ad differ somewhat in character. The following sentences from G. A. Smith's Hist. Geog. (p. 522 ff.) illustrate this, and vividly depict the present character of the country desired by Reuben and Gad. " Gilead, between the Yarmuk and the Jabbok, has its ridges covered by forests. . . . The valleys hold orchards of pomegranates, apricot, and olive ; there are many vineyards, on the open plains are fields of wheat and maize, and the few moors are rich in fragrant herbs. . . . South of the Jabbok, the forests gradually cease, and Ammon and Moab are mostly high, bare moors. . , . More famous than the tilth of Eastern * G. A. Smith, /f/s/". C^^^. 534 f., 548 f.; Buhl, Geog. 45-48, 119-122; Cheyne, art. "Gilead" in EBi. t G. Ik. Smith, Hist. Geog. 524, cited from Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, 369. XXXII. 2-6 429 Palestine is her pasture. We passed through at the height of the shepherd's year. From the Arabian deserts the Bedouin were swarming to the fresh summer herbage of these uplands. We should never have believed the amount of their flocks had we not seen, and attempted to count them. . . . The Bedouin had also many sheep and goats. The herds of the settled inhabitants were still more numerous. In Moab the dust of the roads bears almost no marks but those of the feet of sheep. The scenes which throng most our memory of Eastern Palestine are . . . the streams of Gilead in the heat of the day with the cattle standing in them, or the evenings when we sat at the door of our tent near the village well, and would hear the shepherd's pipe far away, and the sheep and ^oats, and cows with the heavy bells, would break over the edge of the hill, and come down the slope to wait their turn at the troughs. Over Jordan we were never long out of the sound of the lowing of cattle or of the shepherd's pipe." 2b. Cp. 3ii2a. 13a ^psj^ — 3^ "phg nj^ie towns here enumerated are all again mentioned in v.^^^^, where the first four are assigned to Gad, the last five to Reuben. Five additional towns are there mentioned (four Gadite and one Reubenite). The order in which the names common to the two passage? are mentioned is the same, except that Dibon there precedes 'Ataroth and Sibmah follows instead of preceding Nebo and (Ba'al) Me'on. The forms of two or three of the names vary. Some of these places certainly lay S. of the Wady Hesban, and all, apparently, S. of the Jabbok. See, further, on v.^*~^®. — Be on] a transcriptional error for Me'on. — 4. The land already conquered, which included the places specified in v.^, is suit- able for cattle. — T/ie land which Yahweh smo^e] the allusion is to the conquests recorded in c. 21 (JE). The mixed style of this 0. is illustrated in this v. : before the congregation (i^ n.) of Israel is reminiscent of P, thy servants (31^^ n.) of JE, and smite {'"'^n) is nowhere else used of the divine action in conquest. So v.^ thy serva7its is immediately followed by the characteristic priestly phrase r\\r\\/h for a possession {L.0.7\ 133, no. 22) : jn NVD to fiJid favour^ occurs 21 times in JE, once in D, never in P^ (CH. 31). 6-15. Moses upbraids Gad and Reuben with selfish dis- regard of the common interests of Israel. — 6. Moses under- stands the proposal of Gad and Reuben to imply a disregard for the unity of Israel similar to that with which the trans- Jordanic tribes, Reuben and Gile'ad ( = Gad), are upbraided 430 NUMBERS in the song of Deborah, Jud. 5^'^. — 7. IVIiercfore do ye dis- courage the heart] On the vb. N''3n, see 30*^ n. The phrase 3^ N''Jn is repeated In v.®, but is peculiar to this chapter. The context, especially In v.^, somewhat favours the translation just given. But the literal meaning' of the phrase may rather be to oppose the heart or detenniriation. — 8. Thus did ymir fathers] The spies by their evil report discouraged the people from going forward to Canaan, and so provoked Yahweh's wrath : the Reubenites and Gadites, if they succeed in turn- ing the people from their present purpose to cross Jordan, would call down on them a further period of wandering (v.^^'-). — 8-13 summarises c. 13 f. — When I sent them from Kadesh- Bamed] X'^'^^ (JE). The form Kadesh-Barnea* is chiefly used by writers of the Deuteronomic school (Dt. i^^ 2^* g^^, Jos. 10*1 14^^); and also in 34* = Jos. 15^!. — To see the latid] v.^; cp. 13^^* (JE) ; ct. 13^ (P), Dt. I-". — 9. A7id they went up unto the Wady Eshcol] 1321a- 23a^ Y)t. i^*. — 10. And He sware, saying] Dt. i^*; for the oath, see 1421^-23. — H. /f'rom twenty years old and upward] \s^ (P). — The land (noixn) which Thou swearest unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto facob] Cp. 11^2 n. ; in the parallels (14"^, Dt. i^) pX, and the summarizing "(their) fathers " are used. — Because they followed not fully after Me] 142-* (phil. note).— 12a. Cp. 1430 ; ct. 142s Dt. 1^^.— Caleb the son of fephutmeh the Kenizzite] Jos. 14^-^*1 (D). In P (13'' 34^^) Caleb Is a Judahite. The connection of Caleb-Kenaz Is expressed In the earliest reference to Caleb (Jud. i^^). — 13. Summary of 14^^"^. — And caused them to wander] for the vb. Dy3''1 cp. 2 S. 152'', and the use of the Kal part. (W) In Gn. 4^2 of Cain ; see also 14^21. ^^ — 13^ Which did that which was evil in the eyes of Yahweh] a phrase which *' gained currency through Dt." and Is " rare, except in passages written under its influence " (Driver, Deut. p. Ixxxii, no. 49). — 14. A brood of sinful men] nmn occurs here only; like JTaiD (i S. 2^^) it is a derivative from n2"i, which frequently occuis In the phrase " Be fruitful and multiply." — 15. If, like your fathers, ye titm back from following Him (VinXD pVi^^n, as 14^^), and He again as before leaves them in the wilderness, then ye will destroy this wlwle people. XXXII. 7-25 43^ 1. '.ao DISS?] awkwardly removed from 31 r^ips, and possibly derived from a different source (Di.). Dsy to be mighty ^ numerous, is not infrequent in J and D, but never occurs in P^ : CH. 59JS. — njpo mpo] = n:pD px v.^ : cp. 24" n. — 3. n^ii'] ffir 'Ze^ap.a, S nnac, and so elsewhere in |^.— 4. I'lny'?] cp. 31^ n.— 'e" ny 'js"?] ffi S V ':3 ':9V.— 10. ^k nn'i] v.^» ; JE's phrase (ii^n.) ; ct. fii-p'1 Dt. iH— Ninn CV3] Jos. 14*.— 11. n^'ai . . • pa] ffi + ol iTridrdfievot t6 KaKbv Koi rh dyaddv : cp. Dt. i*® Jt^ — H. mso'?] rather njcji, since nsB A» a£f£f, is badly supported : G.-K. footnote to 6gA. 16-19. The G-adites and Reubsnites explain. — Having made their households and their cattle secure in the country of their choice, they are ready to assist the other tribes on the W. of Jordan till the conquest is complete. — 16. And they drew near to hiin\ the phrase is used in Gn. 44^^ of an action in the middle of a conversation : cp. Gn. 2721*- 45*. — Sheep/olds] were prob- ably built as to-day more frequently of stones piled up without mortar than of wooden stakes : Nowack, Heb. Arch. i. 226. — 17. If the questionable text of |^ be retained, the first words should be rendered, We will equip ourselves hastening before the children of Israel. 20-32. Moses accepts the explanation. — 20. Before Yah-weh to the battle] v.27.29^ jos. 418; cp. before Vahweh, v.^^-^^; and for the ancient conception of Yahweh as a God of battles, see 21^* n. — 21. Until He (Yahweh) dispossess His enemies (cp. Jud. 5'^) before HitJi] the vb. K'mn to cause (others) to possess, to dispossess, occurs very frequently in D with Yahweh as subj. and the Canaanites as obj. {e.g. Dt. 4^9'*'* ii~^); see Driver, Deut. p. Ixxix, n. 10). — 22. Then afterwards ye may return] to your homes E. of Jordan ; cp. v.^^. — And be quit of obligation at the hands of Yahweh and Israel] for *p: = quit of obligation, see Dt. 24^ ; and for p with the rare sense of at the hands of, in the judgment of, see Job 4^^ : BOB. 5796 (bottom). — 23. K710W that your sin shall find you] there is, as we should say, no escaping- the consequences. But like the curse, another cause of calamity (see on 22^), sin is here represented as possessing an independent existence and able to exact its own due ; cp. Gn. 4'. — 24. That which has gone forth from your mouth ye shall perform] 30* n. — 25. My lord] the form (^5^N) with the sing, suffix, though more than one are speaking; so often, e.g. Gn. 23* (Kon. iii. 344?* /5). 432 NUMBERS 17. (■'^ru] 31' n. — D'^n] is explained as part. pass. (cp. G.-K. 72/), or act. (Barth, NB. 124c) of mn to hasten. Others (after Kn.) emend to cjs'sn ; cp. Jos. i"4'-. — CN nB'.x -ly] Gn. 28-^, Is, 6^H (always with pf.). — 18. hmnr-\ cp. 33*^*" 34^ (P), Is. 142 and (rather differently) Lev, 25*8 (P), Ezek. 47'''t- — 19. "jnjj k'?] this absolute use of "^m is not found in JE ; in P it occurs in iS^" 26^*, Jos. 16* 19". — 23b. G.-K. 117/?: hb'K is used thus after vbs. like J?T and nxT occasionally in early (Ex. 11''), but "with growing frequency in late Hebrew" (BDB. 835, top). — 24. ddxj;;] probably a mere lapsus calami for ddjxs (S) ; but see Kon. ii. 47. — 25. nox'i] S no.^'i. — 27. K3S pVn] 316 n. — 30. iinxn] On the form, see G.-K. 68/. The Niph. in this sense (ct. Gn. 22'^) is peculiar to P ; see Gn. 34^" 47-^, Jos. 22^' ^^f. Before itriNJi ffi inserts Sta^t/Sdcere rrjv 6.iro(TKevT]v ainCiv Kal rds yvvaiKa^ aiirQv ko2 TO. KTTjvrj avTuy wporepa v/j.uv els yrjv Xavadv. — 32. unj] S, as in the three other passages in the Pent, where |^ has this abbreviated form, reads i:n3N. — tjiik] for nx used of what is in one's possession, see Gn. 27'', i S. 9'. 33. This V. appears to be a late Interpolation. For the half-tribe of Manasseh suddenly appears alongside of Gad and Reuben ; and Moses, after promising- the country under con- ditions to Gad and Reuben, and charging Joshua and Ele'azar, subject to these conditions, to give it, here appears to give it himself without conditions. The story on which the main part of the present chapter appears to have been based presumably regarded only the Gadites and Reubenites as originally settled E. of Jordan, and the Manassites as later settlers in the district (cp. on v.^^). Similar attempts have been made elsewhere to correct this older view by the insertion of the phrase '*the half- tribe of Manasseh" ; see especially Jos. 22 ; and, on the subject generally, Kue. T/i. Tijd. xi. 478-496. The later view, that Moses determined the distribution of the E. territory to the Manassites as well as to the Gadites and Reubenites, appears far more frequently in the OT. ; see Dt. 3^^'- 4*^ 29'^'-, Jos. 12^ j^zo. 81 1^3 jgT^ — j'jiQ kingdom of Sihon\ 21^^"^^ — The kingdom o/'Og\ 21^^"^. The inelegant close of the v. may, perhaps, be rendered the land, according to its cities^ with {their) districtSy even the cities throughout the country. 33. 11 'laV . . . onV] for the occasional occurrence of this otiose use of the pron., which is so characteristic of Aramaic, see Kon. iii. 340 n.; Dr. Deut. 55. Kue. considers DnV original and the clause ^ovp , , , "W '33? an interpolation. — 33. oap] not P's word for tribe ; 4^^ n. 34-38. The Gadite and Reubenite cities. — The fourteen cities here named lie within the territory bounded on the N. by the XXXII. 33-38 433 Jabbok, on the S. by the Arnon, and on the W. by the Jordan and the Dead Sea. The most southerly are 'Aro'er, which is I mile, and Dibon, which is 4 miles N. of Arnon ; furthest north and also furthest east are Jogbehah (el-Jubeihat) and (if identified with Yajuz) Ja'zer, which lie between 10 and 15 miles S. of the Jabbok and nearly as far E. as 'Ammin ( = Rabbath-'Ammon) ; in the Jordan valley, some miles E. of the stream, lie Beth-nimrah and Beth-haram. Much of this territory frequently changed hands ; and after the time of David, who subdued Moab {2 S. 8^), it belonged now to Moab, now to Israel ; see 21^^ n. There is direct evidence that 10 at least of these towns were at times in Moabite possession (MI. = Mesha"s inscription): Dibon (Nu 21^", MI. ^• "• 28, Is. 152, Jer. 4813- ^), 'Ataroth (MI. i"'-), 'Aro'er (MI. ^, Jer, 48'»), Ja'zer (Is. id*'-, Jer. 4832), Heshbon (Nu. 2i2«-29, Is. 15* 168, Jer. 482-8'»-«), Ele'aleh (Is. 15* i6«, Jer. 48'^), Kiryathaim (MI. i», Jer. 481- ^3, Ezek. 258), Nebo (MI. IS Is. 152, Jer. 481- "), Ba'al-me'on (MI. »•«», Jer. 48-^ Ezek. 25«), and Sibmah (Is. i6«-, Jer. ^&^). Even during the time that the territory was held by the Israelites, the ownership of individual cities changed ; such at least is the Hebrew theory, and there is in it nothing intrin- sically improbable. Dibon, for example, is here Gadite, in Jos. 13^'^ Reubenite ; the same is true of 'Aro'er (v.^, Jos. 13^^, I Ch. 5^), unless two different towns are intended. Heshbon is here Reubenlte, but in Jos. 21^^ Gadite.* There is little to control the biblical data on these matters. Mesha' (1. 10) refers to the "men of Gad" as ancient inhabitants of the land of 'Ataroth (aSyo mnj? pxn 3K''' 13 t^'Xl), but does not mention Reuben. According to the theory of P (Jos. 13^^"^^), the territory of Reuben lay S., that of Gad N., of a line drawn eastwards from the northern end of the Dead Sea ; and this is the representa- tion of the conventional maps of Canaan divided among the twelve tribes. But the point of view of the present chapter is entirely different ; no line running east and west separates the •See, further, W. H. Bennett's tables in Hastings' DB. ("Gad,"' "Reuben"), and H. W. Hogg's discussions in EBL ("Gad," g 12; "Reuben," § 2. 14). 28 434 NUMBERS two tribes, for the two towns that lie furthest south ('Aro'er and Dibon) and the two lying furthest north (Jogbehah and Ja'zer) are alike Gadite. The several towns are mentioned in no exact geographical order, though the Gadite towns fall into groups (S., N.E., W.). Starting in the far S. with Dibon, the list goes N. to 'Ataroth, then furthest south to 'Aro'er; it then mentions the north- eastern towns Ja'zer and Jogbehah, then those lying W. in the Jordan valley. Again from Heshbon (v.^'^) it is N.E. to Ele'aleh, but (probably) S. to Kiryathaim : Ba'al-me'on, though it stands between Nebo and Sibmah, lay S. of both. A similar disregard of geographical order maybe found In Jer, ^82i£r.^ It renders exact identification difficult. 34. And the children of Gad huilt\ i.e. rebuilt, or repaired the cities which had suffered in the process of conquest : this is a frequent meaning of nj2 ; cp. ** And they shall build up (1331) the ancient ruins," Is, 58^2 5i4. << j^ Yahweh, have rebuilt (W33) that which was pulled down," Ezek. 36^^; see also, e.g., I K. 16^*, Am. g^*. So in Moabite, Mesha says (1. 9), "I rebuilt (psi) Ba'al-me'on," and (1. 27) "I rebuilt Beth- bamoth, for it had been pulled down." The building here intended may be different from that of v.^^* 2* ; the writers are different, and have different processes in mind. — Dibon] is the modern Dhibdn, 4 miles N. of Arnon {21^^ n.). In 33*^'- the form Dfb&n-gad occurs ; the fuller name is evidence of the Gadite possession of the town. — 'Atdroth^ v.^ t ; MI.^°^-. The name means crowns, and was given to several places ; another on the E. of Jordan is mentioned in the next v.; and three, at least, on the W. of Jordan existed — two in or on the borders of Ephraim (Jos. iG^- ^) and one (' Atroth-beth-Joab) in Judah (i Ch. 2^^). The name survives in the modern 'Attarus which lies about 8 miles N.W. of Dhiban. " On Jebel (Mt.) 'Att3.riis are to be found the considerable ruins of a former town 'Attarus, whence the mountain received its present name."* Here and in v.^ 'Ataroth is mentioned with Dibon, in MI. directly after Ba'al-me'on and Kiryathaim; and, therefore, it may well have occupied the site of 'Attarus. — * Seetzen, Reisen, W. 342, cp. iv, 3S3 ; Tristram, Moab, 2yi~2'j6, XXXII. 34-36 435 'Aro^r] in addition to one 'Aro'er on the W. (i S. 30^^), there were two 'Aro'ers E. of Jordan ; one of these, described as "'Aro'er, which is on the edge of the Wady Arnon," stood on the site of the ruins of 'Ara ir,* which He on the N. bank of the Arnon ; the other 'Aro'er lay "before {i.e. E. of) Rabbah," and therefore, very much further N. The actual site has not been identified. In Jos. 13^^' ^ the southern 'Aro'er is described as Reubenite (cp. i Ch. 5^), and the northern as Gadite ; but, for reasons stated above, this is no argument for identifying the 'Aro'er of this v. with the more northerly (Jos. 13^^, Jud. i i^t) ; on the other hand, the fact that it immediately follows Dibon and 'Ataroth does not prove it the more southerly. The southern 'Aro'er is much the more frequently mentioned, and serves to define Israel's southern border (Dt. 3^2 ^48^ 2 K. 10^, and, as read by We. and Dr., 2 S. 24^). — * Airdth-sh6phdn\ site unknown, though in speaking of 'Att^rds (see above) Tristram says: "On the spot we find two places of the same name two miles apart" {Moab, 276). Shophan (pIK'; S n''atr), like Addar in 'Atroth-addar, is probably enough a tribal name. — Jdzer\ various identifications have been proposed: see 21^* n. It certainly seems to have lain much further N. than the two first-mentioned towns ; Beit Zerah, the most southerly identi- fication, lies a few miles N.E. of Heshbon; Yajuz, the most northerly, some miles N. of 'Amman. — Jogbehah\ Jud. 8^^ t- " Jogbehah is surely echoed in the present Jubeihah, Gubeihah, or 'Ajbehat, on the road from Salt to Amman " (G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 585). 'Ajbehit is about 6 miles N.N.W. from 'Ammdn. — Beth-niinraK\ lay in the Jordan valley (Jos. 13^^), where the modern Nimrin, some 8 or 10 miles N. of the Dead Sea and 13 E. of Jordan, preserves the name ; in v.* the abbreviated form Nimrah is used, and in the Talm. Beth- nimrin (Neubauer, Geog. du Talrmid^ 248). — Beth-haran\ lay in the same district; see Jos. 132^, where the name appears in the softened form Beth-haram, and is mentioned immediately before Beth-nimrah. It is identified by some with Tel er- Rameh, a few miles S. of Nimrin in the Wady Hesban ; f by * Tristram, Moab, 129-131. t Chcyne in EBi, ; cp. Buhl, Geog. 7.6^ 436 NUMBERS others * with Beit-harran further down the same wady. — 37 f. The Reubenite towns. — Heshhdn\ described as Gadite in Jos, 21^^, is the modern Hesbin (ai^^ n.), which lies about half-way between the most southern (Dibon, 'Ataroth) and the most northern (Ja'zer, Jogbehah) Gadite towns men- tioned in the preceding- verses. — Elealeh\ also mentioned, and always in connection with Heshbon, in v.^, Is. 15* 16^, Jer. 483*1. xhe modern El'Al lies \ hr. N.E. of Hesban.f — Kiryathaiin\ is, together with Ba'al-me'on and Beth- jeshimoth, described by Ezek. (25^) as "the glory of the country." The identification with Kureiyat, about 3 miles S.E. of 'Att^rus and a long way S. of Hesbin and El 'Al, though very generally accepted, f ought to be considered quite uncertain. For Kureiyat may quite as well be Kerioth.§ In any case, the name is of too common a character (see EBi. ** Names," § 105) to be a sufficient ground of identi- fication. None of the biblical references require a. place so far to the S. ; and the fact that it is elsewhere associated with places further N. is, though not conclusive, rather in favour of a more northern site : here it stands between Ele'aleh and Nebo; it is coupled with Nebo in Jer. 48^ and stands between Ba'al-me'on and 'Ataroth in MI. ; see also Jos. 13!^ Jer. 4823, Ezek. 25^.— 38. Nebo] the Moablte town of Nebo (also v.^ 33'''^, Is. 15^, Jer. 48^-22, i Ch. s^t; MI. 1. 14) probably lay on, or near, Mt. Nebo (Dt. 32*^ 34^ t), which is identified with the modern Mt. Neba, 5 miles S.W. of Hesban.[| In this case Nebo lay S.W. of the two first- mentioned Reubenite towns, N. of that which immediately precedes, if Kureiyat = Kiryathaim, and N. also of that which follows, Ba'al-me'on. The name Nebo is probably a survival of the worship in the district of the Babylonian god Nebo (Is. * Tristram, Moab, 348 ; Di. t Survey of Eastern Pal., \. 16-19; Tristram, Moab, 339 f.; EBi. X Smith, Hist. Geog. 567 n. i ; Buhl, Geog. 267 ; cp. Tristram, Moab, 275 f.; Di. § Cp. Seetzen, Reisen, il. 342, iv. 384 ; Nold. Die Inschrift des Konigs Mesa, 25 f. II Tristram, Moab, 325 flf.; Merrill, E. of Jordan, 242 ff.; Survey of E. Pal. \. igSf.; Driver, Deut. 418 f. XXXII. 37, 38 437 46^),* though an alternative explanation is offered by the Arabic i^UJJl, the height.\ In any case the evidence is insufficient to establish Moahite worship of Nebo ; the name may go back beyond the Moabite occupation. — Bdal-meoii] I Ch. 58, Ezek. 25^! ; MI. 9; other forms of the name occur, viz. Beth-ba'al-me'on (Jos. 13^^; MI.^O), Beth-me'on (Jer, 48^^), Be'on (v.^t), the last being probably a mere transcrip- tional error for Me'on. The name indicates that the place vi^as a religious centre : on this and the variant forms see HPN. i26ff. It was known to Jerome as Baal-maus [OS. 102'^), and in its simplest form the name has survived in the modern Ma'm,J which lies some 5 miles S. of Nebd and some 8 N. of Kureiyat. — To he changed in name] the words appear to be a gloss directing the reader to substitute something for the two preceding names, and so avoid the necessity for pronouncing the names of foreign deities. The dislike of the later scribes to the retention of Ba'al in proper names is well known, and has left its mark on the text of the books of Samuel, as, e.g., in the corruptions Ishbosheth and Mephibosheth for Eshba'al and Meri-ba'al ; see HPN. 121 ff.—Szb?nah] ]os. 13^^, Is. 168 % Jer. 48^^!; cp. Sebam, v.^ f ; the site is unknown. — And they called with names the names of the cities that they had built] this is generally interpreted to mean : they gave new (EV. "other") names to the cities. 35. nniri] the nx before nray is anomalously omitted. — 37. cmp] it is disputed whether the ending is that of the dual {two, or iwtn cities), or a local ending ; see EBu " Names," § 107.— 38. DtJ- nnoio] the part, can quite as well be read as a sing. nsDio, so that the clause would refer to pj;D ?y3 only. On the gerundial force of the part., especially in the Niphal, see Dav. 97, R. I. For the word, of a change of name, cp. 2 K. 23^ (nx 3Dn C'P'I.T ICB") 24". 39-42. Manassite incursions E. of Jordan. — This passage is a fragment. Nothing that precedes indicates a starting- point from whence Machir, Jair, and Nobah set out. It should also be observed that the separate action of these clans is * Baethgen, Beitmge, 15. 89; Baudissin, Studien, 233 ; KAT,^ afirj, t So Nold. ZDMG. xlii, 470. XSurveyofE, Pal. i. 176; Tristram, Moab, 303 f. 438 NUMBERS entirely unlike the common action of all Israel presupposed throughout the rest of the chapter. Both in its historical standpoint and in its style this frag- ment closely resembles Jud. i. The same kind of independ- ent action here attributed to the clans of Manasseh is there attributed to the tribes of Israel. Both here and there the Hebrews occupy bits of country within a larger district, but not the whole country, whether as here E., or there W., of Jordan. Phraseolog-tcally note i:Vi v.*^, ^'?.^ v.^"-, and cp. Jud. i^*** "'• " ; imaS'i v.^, id'?'! v.'*"', and cp. Jud. i, passim. 137, frequent especially in earlier sources, is never used by P (BDB. s.v.). Note also .Tnm (v.^^) of towns dependent on another : cp. Jud. i^. Probably, then, this fragment is altogether misplaced. It originally formed part of an account of the conquest after Moses' death ; and v.*° (an interpolation which destroys the connection between v.^ and v.*^) is an editorial attempt to antedate Manasseh's occupation of country E. of Jordan, and to accommodate the fragment to its present position ; cp. the similar editorial comment in Dt. 3^^ (see Driver's note there). Other considerations favour the substantial correctness of this view. Ja'ir, who gave his name to the Havvoth-ja'ir (v.^^), lived, according to Jud. ro^^-, in an age subsequent to Moses. According to an early statement (Jos. 17^*"^^ J), Joseph {i.e. Ephraim and Manasseh) at first received only one lot in the distribution of the country. This could hardly have been asserted or admitted by one who held with the author of v.*** that Moses had given Gile'ad to Manasseh, for the one lot of Joseph certainly lay W. of Jordan. It is probable that the present fragment is derived from a fuller narrative, which described how several clans of Manasseh separated from their fellow tribesmen on the west of Jordan, and acquired settlements on the east. Thus the earliest Hebrew traditions appear to make the settlement of Manasseh W. of Jordan more ancient than the settlement of a part of this tribe E. of Jordan. Budde {Ruhter u. Samuel, 32-39, 59 f., 87; and later, with some counter criiicisuis of his critics, in his commentarj' on Judges (1897), XXXII. 39-41 439 p. 12 f.) thinks the original home of the fragment was in J's account of the conquests of the house of Joseph, other fragments of which are preserved in Jos. 171^-18 13^^: from the three fragments he reconstructs as follows: " Then the house of Joseph spoke with Joshua, and said, Why hast thou given me but one lot, seeing I am a great people, forasmuch as hitherto Yahweh hath blessed me? The hill-country is not enough for us: and the Canaanites that dwell in the land of the valley can I not drive out, because they are too strong for me. For they have chariots of iron, both they who are in Beth-shean and her towns, and they who are in the valley of Jezreel. And Joshua spoke unto the house of Joseph, Thou art a great people, and hast great power : thou shalt not have one lot only. But let the hill-country of Gile'ad be thine ; get thee up into the forest, and cut down for thee there, since the hill-country of Ephraim is too narrow for thee ; and the goings out thereof shall be thine. Then went Machir, the son of Manasseh, to Gile'ad, and took it, and drove out the 'Amorites who dwelt there. And Ja'ir, the son of Manasseh, went and took their tent-villages, and called them the tent-villages of Ja'ir. And Nobah . . . went and took Kenath and the villages thereof, and called them Nobah after his own name. But the children of Israel could not drive out the Geshurites and the Maachathites, and so Geshur and Maacha dwelt in the midst of Israel unto this day." Whether the statement of the fragment, even if thus correctly restored to its original context and interpreted, corresponds to actual history or is merely an early theory, must be left doubtful. " The arguments to prove the invasion of Northern Gile'ad from W. Palestine . . . are incon- clusive" (G. A. Smith, Hist, Geog. 577 n.). This may be so; but the arguments for the converse order in Manasseh's movements are still less conclusive. The statements of 26-^'* (P) and Jos. 17^ (not safely to be referred to JE) area precarious support for the conclusion that Gile'ad is actually "older in Manasseh's history" than Abi'ezer and Shechem, though it is certainly P's theory that this was the case ; see on 26-^"^-. S9. TJic children of Machir^ i.e. the members of the Manassite dan Machir (aS^^^n.); so Jos. 13^^: but the original text perhaps read, as in the interpolated v.^'' and Dt. 3^', simply Machir; cp. Ja'ir, Nobah in v.*^^- and Machir in Jud. 5^*. — Went to Gile'ad\ they probably started from W. Palestine; see above. Northern Gile'ad is intended: see on v.^. — The Amorite\ cp. 13^^ n. — 40. An interpolation, which interrupts the connection between v.^^ and v.^^ by depriving the pronoun {*^.their tent-villages") in the next v. of any immediate ante- cedent ; see also above. — 41. Jair the son of Maiiasseh] i.e. the Manassite clan Ja'ir ; the relation of this clan to the tribe is differently expressed in different places : in i Ch. 2"^'- Ja'ir is the great-grandson of Machir. On the different genealogical schemes of Manasseh, see Kue. in the Th. Tijd. xi. 483 ff., and 440 NUMBERS Driver in Hasting-s' DB. (** Manasseh "). Ja'ir may have been subordinated, even in this passage, to Machir as well as to Manasseh, if the Havvoth-Ja'ir be placed in Gile'ad (see next note) ; for Machir would be credited with the conquest of the whole, the subdivision Ja'ir with but part of the Manassite territory E. of Jordan. The judge Ja'ir (Jud. lo^^-) appears to be merely an individualisation of the clan ; see Moore, Judges, 271. — Their tent-villages\ the pronoun (sufiix) refers to the collective term "the Amorite " in v.^^; it can refer to nothing in v.**', which is thus shown to be out of place. The word havvoth is elsewhere in Hebrew confined to the com- pound phrase Havvoth-jalr. Judging from the Arabic hvwa and hayy ( = Heb. Ti \ S. 18^^), the havvoth were encampments or groups of tents.* But the name determines the character of the places only at the time when it was given. It may have clung to them long after the tents had given way to more permanent buildings or had even become fortified cities ; just as Hasor, though the name means simply an encloszire, was already, in the 14th century B.C., a royal city mentioned along with Sidon.f Probably the Havvoth-ja'ir were already more than mere tent-villages when Jud. lo^^- was written, although the term (D''T'y) there used is not conclusive proof of this (see 13^^ n.). The Havvoth-ja'ir are also mentioned in Dt. 3^*, Jos. 1330, Jud. loS I K. 413, and i Ch. 2^. It need cause no difficulty that though generally described, in accord- ance with the present passage, as Manassite, they are excep- tionally represented in Ch. as being in the possession of a mixed Judseo-Manassite population : for the tribal character of a population may vary in the course of centuries. Nor is the difference in number in Jud. (30) and in Ch. (23) serious. Much more difficulty is caused by the conflicting evidence as to the district in which these places lay — in Gile'ad according to Jud., I K., I Ch., in Bashan according to Dt. and Jos. The present passage would exclude Gile'ad if it means that Machir took Gile'ad, Ja'ir a district outside Gile'ad : but another interpretation is possible (last note). Different ways * W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem.^ 256; Moore, Judges, 83 f., 274 f. • t Tel el-Amarna Tablets, 154^' ; see £Bt, "Names," § 105. XXXIL 43 441 out of the difficulty have been sugg-ested: (i) Glle'ad in its widest sense (cp. on v.^) includes Bashan : even if this be admitted, it does not appear, in view of i K. 4^^, to solve the difficulties of the Havvoth-ja'ir (see Driver, Deut. 56 f.). (2) The reference of these places to Bashan originated with an attempt to harmonise Dt. 3^* with Nu. 223''- *" (Driver, ib.). (3) Gile'ad is a textual corruption of Salhad ( = Salchah, a border town between Bashan and Gile'ad); Cheyne in EBi. ("Havvoth- Jair," "Jair," "Jephthah," "Gilead"). If (3) be right the Havvoth-ja'ir lay far to the N.E., near Bosra and Salhad; if (2), S., if (i) N., of the Jarmuk. The name has not survived, and nearer localisation is in any case impossible. — 42. Nohah was presumably, like Machir and Ja'ir, a Manassite clan : "son of Manasseh " may have dropped out. Nobah conquers Kendth and the dependent towns thereof. Kenath is called Nobah after the name of the conquering clan: cp. Jud. 18-^. The new name given in other cases to old towns is of a different character; see, e.g., Gn. 28^®, 2 K. 14'^. In i Ch. 2^ the old name Kenath is used ; possibly in the present instance the new name failed to establish itself; for it cannot be assumed with any certainty that this city is the Nobah of Jud. 8^^t which lay near Jogbehah. If we are not bound by Jud. 8^^, nothing prevents identifying Kenath with the modern Kanawdt, which "was on the western slopes of the Hauran mountains, in a beautiful neighbourhood, rich in water and trees," and was in Roman times a place of importance.* The identification, depending as it does on identity of name, is not certain ; but, if correct, Kenath marks the extreme N.E. limit of Manasseh's territory.! Kenath and Havvoth-ja'ir both lay in districts that suffered, at an unknown but pos- sibly early date, capture by the Arama;ans (i Ch. 2P, cp. Jos. 1313), 39. enn ynrh"^ . . . 1*20 'n wSi] If the original text, as suggested above, read T3D instead of 'd 'ja, the vbs. read originally enrt ihid"?'! . . . 1^*1. The singular bhi'i in the present text is capricious, and may be, as Di. suggests, a (Massoretic) preparation for the sing. T3D of v.*". * Buhl, Geog-. 252 ; Schurer, CJV.^ ii. 131 ff. (Eng. tr. II. i. 108 ff.). + Buhl, Ceo^. 80. 442 NUMBERS XXXIII. 1-49. The Itinerary, The Itinerary enumerates 41 stages, or 40 stations, between Ra'amses, the starting-point at the Exodus, and the final encampment of the Israelites by the Jordan. It contains two dates : the date of the start, which is given as the 15th day of the ist month (of the ist year), and the date of Aaron's death, which took place on the ist day of the 5th month of the 40th year (v.^), and at the 33rd station. Clearly, then, the 40 stations are not intended to be 40 places at each of which the Israelites spent one of the 40 years of wandering. On the other hand, if the compiler shared the belief that the people left Sinai within about a year of the Exodus (10^^ n.), and were waiting to pass over Jordan at the end of the 40th year, then he refers 1 1 stations to the first year, 9 to the last, and assigns but 21 to the remaining 38 years. Nor do the stages represent a day's march; for 'Esion- geber and Kadesh, though consecutive stations, are 70 miles apart. See also v.®. Very few of the sites are accurately identified. Many are altogether unknown. Apart from Punon, 16 are mentioned nowhere outside the itinerary. The places most clearly identified are 'Esion-geber, Kadesh, Dibon-gad, Nebo, and the steppes of Moab. With these and the Egyptian starting-point to work upon, it is possible to discover certain general conceptions underlying the itinerary. The itinerary may be divided into four sections (names peculiar to it being italicised), thus : — 1. Ra'amses to the wilderness of Sinai, v.*^^. II stages: Succoth, Etham, Pi-hahiroth, Marah, Elim, Red Sea, wilderness of Sin, Dophkah^ Alush^ Rephidim, wilderness of Sinai. 2. Wilderness of Sinai to 'Esion-geber, v.^'''^^. 20 stages: Kibroth-hatta'avah, Haseroth, Rithmah^ Riminoii-PereSy Libnahy Rissah, Kehelafhah, Mi. Shepher, Haradah, Makheloih, Tahath, Terah^ Mithkahy Hashmonah, Moseroth, Bene-ja'akan, Hor-hag-gidgad, Jotbathah, ' Abro}iakf''Es\on-gebQT, XXXIII. 443 3- 'Esion-geber to the wilderness of Sin = Kadesh, v.^. I stage. 4. Kadesh to the steppes of Moab, v.^^~*^. 9 stages : Mt. Hor, Salmonah^ Punon, Oboth, *Iyye- 'Abarim, Dibon-gad, 'Almon-diblathaim, Mts. of the 'Abailm before Nebo, steppes of Moab Section i may, for aught that appears to the contrary, pre- suppose a simple direct Hne of march from Egypt to Sinai. Sections 3 and 4 imply the following successive movements : first a movement N.W. from the top of the Gulf of 'Akabah ('Esion-geber) to 'Ain-Kadis (Kadesh), then a movement which is in its total effect N.E. (across the northern part of Edom and through the south of Moab to Dibon-gad), then one N. through the north of Moab, and finally a descent into the Jordan valley E. of the river. Thus, like P^ (21^*^ n.), the itinerary recognises no southern movement from Kadesh. Section 2 gives 20 stations between the wilderness of Sinai and 'Esion-geber. Yet even if the traditional site of Sinai be correct, the distance between Sinai and 'Esion-geber is but little greater than that between 'Esion-geber and Kadesh ; it is considerably less if Sinai lay near the top of the Gulf of 'Akabah (lo^*' n.). The stations in this section can therefore scarcely be given as points on a route ; they are rather points scattered over a district of which 'Esion-geber and Kadesh may be taken as being respectively the southern and northern points. Thus section 2 probably gives the places visited during the period of wandering ; they correspond in the itinerary to the wilderness of Paran in P^ The literary features of the itinerary are these: in the main it closely resembles P, alike in style and matter ; here and there it resembles JE in both respects; it also contains matter peculiar to itself. I. The resemblances to P are as follows : (a) In matter. All stations mentioned in P are incorporated in the itinerary except the wilderness of Paran. These include many stations mentioned only in P's narrative (Pi-hahiroih, Sin, Sinai, Sin, Mt. Hor, Oboth, 'lyye-'Abarim, Mts. of the 'Abarim, steppes of Moab). Note, further, that the age of Aaron (v.*^) is 444 NUMBERS in agreement with matter peculiar to P (Ex. 7'') ; with v.*'' cp. Ex. I2^(P) ; with v.^'' cp. Ex. 14^1''' (P) ; with v.^ cp. 20--'-^ (P) ; see also notes on y_6. 8. 14b. 48b^ (6) In Style. Note ... 3 tin-i . . . JD iVD'i throughout, and cp. 21* n. ; also the superscription (v.^), the dates (v.^*^^), □riNns'? (v.^) etc. 2. The resemblances to JE consist of: (a) Certain places mentioned by JE but not by P (Marah, Kibroth-hatta'avah, Haseroth, Moseroth, Bene- ja'akan, Hor-hag-gidgad, Jotbathah, 'Esion-geber, Shittim). On the other hand, several places (such as Shur, Tab'erah, Hormah, and the seven places given in 2i^^''^" ^^''^) which are mentioned in JE do not occur in the itinerary; and whereas in JE Haseroth and Kadesh are successive places, the itinerary places eighteen between them, (b) Notes embodying matter peculiar to, or expressed in language practically identical with that of, JE; see v.8''-»-*>. 3. Entirely peculiar to the chapter are the sixteen places italicised above, and the statements of v.^- *^^^. These facts seem best accounted for by assuming- that the itinerary was compiled at a late date from P and JE and some other source, oral or written, no long-er extant. If, as some think, the incident at Rephidim is misplaced in Ex. 17, and in the original source followed the stay at Horeb, the position of Rephidim here would indicate that the itinerary was compiled from the combined \^or^ PJE : in any case this is perhaps most probable : for note also v.^° = 21^ (JE) following- V 37-39 _ 20-2-29 (P). Others [e.g. Di.) are of opinion that the itinerary is in substance older than P^ and was used by him, but that it was subsequently interpolated with glosses, some of which were drawn from JE. 1 f. The style is awkward and redundant, and may be repre- sented in translation as follows: These are the stages (lo^-^^ notes) of the children of Israel by which they made their exodus from the land of Egypt by their hosts iinder the authoHty C^? cp. 2 S. 18^) of Moses and Aaron. And Moses "wrote down their starting-places on their several stages, according to Yahweh's commandment (CH. 19 ) : and these are their stages, [defined) by their several starthig-places. The other references to the Mosaic authorship of, or authority for, parts of the Hexateuch are in JE (Ex. 17I* 24* 342'*- : cp. Jos. 2426) and D (Dt. si^-^^). Some [e.g. Di.) infer that the compiler must in these cases, including the present, have had before him an ancient written source which he believed to have been written by Moses. — XXXIII. i-i8 445 3. Raamses Is mentioned both in P (Gn. 47" and, probably, Ex. 12^^) and in JE (Ex. i^^). See the commentaries on these passages. — On the morrow after the passover\ the same phrase (nODH ninDO) occurs in Jos. 5^^ (P) : op. T\1Z'r\ mn»D Lev. 2oii. i5f.^ Passover was eaten in the afternoon or evening (D''n"iyn p 9^ n.) of the 14th day of the ist month (Ex. \2^-^). — With a high ]iand\ X'^^ n. — In the sight of all the Egyptians] cp. Ex. 12^^ (JE). — 4. The Egyptians were already engaged in burying their dead when the Hebrews departed. This is not stated in Ex. With v.*^ cp. Ex. 12^2 (P).— 5. Ex. 123^^ (?P),_6. Ex. 1320 (P). — 7. Ex. 142-9 (P). — 8. From before ("•320) Hahtroth is an obvious error for from Pi-ha-hiroth (nTnn "'SD), which was read, or restored, by S (!r° S^ U. — In the midst of the sea] Ex. 1422 (P) : ct. 142^^ (J). — And they went three day s^ journey (10^^ n.) into the wilderness] cp. Ex. 3^^ 1522 (J)- — Of Etham] the wilderness is here defined by Etham (v.«-), in Ex. 1522 by Shnr.—Marah] v.^, Ex. 15231 (J)._ 9. And they came . . . and encamped there] but for two slight verbal variations this is identical with Ex. 152'^ (JE) ; Elitn also appears in Ex. 16^ (P). — 10a, lib. Ex. 16^ (P) : the station by Yam Suph (v.^"^-"^) is unknown to Ex.— 12f. Dophkah and yi/?<^A are unidentified places, mentioned only here ; for some guesses, depending on particular theories of the routes of the Exodus, see Di. on Ex. 17^ For Dophkah^ fflr reads Raphaha. —14. Rephidim] Ex. 17^ (E), 17^ 19^ (P or R).— 14b recalls the phraseology both of 202 (P) and Ex. if^ (JE).— 15. Ex. i92'*(P). —16. Kibroth-hattdavah] ii^^- (JE), Dt. 9221.-17. Haseroth] 1 1^5 12^6 (JE), Dt. i^ ; see i i^s n.— 18b-29. None of the twelve places here mentioned (unless Lihnah (v.20) = Laban, Dt. i^) is mentioned anywhere else, and for none of them has even a probable identification been suggested, though many guesses have been put forward. From the position which these places occupy in the itinerary, it is probable that the compiler thought them to be situated in the wilderness of Paran (see above). — 18. Rithmah] appears to be one of the class of place-names derived from plants, etc. {EBi. " Names," § 103). The Heb. rothem (Ar. ratam, Aram, rithmd) is the name of a broom-plant, which grew in the deserts (i K. 19^'-, 446 NUMBERS Job 30^), and, according to a modern traveller,* is "the largest and most conspicuous shrub of these deserts [S. of Palestine], growing in the water-courses and valleys." It is chosen by the Arabs on account of its shelter when encamp- ing. The modern name Abu Retemat is attached to "a wide plain with shrubs and retem " on the route between 'Akabah and Jerusalem (Robinson). Rithmah is thus *'a not unnatural name for a station on the desert's verge " ; t but for this very reason the identification of Rithmah, merely on the ground of the name, with Abu Retemat is most hazardous. The names, v.^'' Rimmon-peres and v.^^ Libnah {poplar), may be of the same character, though both are ambiguous : on Rimmon, see 13^ n. (p. 143); and Libnah may owe its name to moon-worship {EBi. •* Names," § 95). Peres forms parts of other names (Peres-'uzzah ; Ba'al-perasim). Libnah is also the name of a town in Judah (Jos. lo^^). With Kehelathah (v.-^) and Makheloth (v.^^), cp. the Sabaean place-names D^np, \>T\\> ; \ with Haradah (v.^*), Harod, itself, however, a rather questionable name (Jud. 7^) ; with Hashmonali (v.^*^), Heshmon (Jos. 15^^). Terah and Tahath occur elsewhere in the OT. as personal names. With Rissah (v.^ ; C5^ /Jecrcra), cp. the Rasa of the Peutinger Tables. Some resemblances may be detected in modern names. § There is no reason to question that these otherwise unknown names are genuine names of places, though some of them are very possibly more or less corrupt. The remarks of Doughty {Ar. Des. i. 49) on the subject of "the camping grounds of Moses" are worth citing: "All their names we may never find again in these countries, — and wherefore? Because they were in good part passengers' names, and without land-right they could not remain in the desert, in the room of the old herdsmen's names. There is yet another kind of names, not rightly of the country, not *cnown to the Beduins, which are caravaners^ names. The ::aravaners passing in haste, with fear of the nomads, know • Robinson, Biblical Researches, i. 299, 279, t Clay Trumbull, Kadesh-Barnea, 151. + Ges.-Buhl, s.vv. § Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, ^o8 f. XXXIII. 30-40 447 not the wide wilderness without their landmarks; nor even in the way, have they a right knowledge of the hind names. What wonder if we find not again some which are certainly caravaners' names in the old itineraries." — 30-34. The four names, Moserothy Bene-ja aknn, Hor-hag-gidgad^ ?t.ndJotbathahy are, in spite of some variations of order and form, identical with the four names, Be'eroth-bene-ja'akan, Moserah, Gud- godah, and Jotbathah, which occur in a fragment of an itinerary (Dt. lo^') generally referred to E. The fragment in Dt. differs from the present itinerary in placing Aaron's death at Moserah instead of Mt. Hor (below, v.^^). Direct literary dependence of either passage on the other is therefore im- probable ; and these places must have been firmly associated with the traditions of the wanderings at an early date. For attempts to harmonise the discrepancies, see Driver, Deut. iigff. — Bene-jd akaii\ is an abbreviation of the fuller form of the name which is preserved in Dt., Be'eroth- (the wells of) bene - ja'akan. The result of the abbreviation is that the tribal denomination has become a place-name ; cp. EBi. "Names," § 92. If, as is likely (cp. i Ch. i^^ Gn. 3627), the Bene-ja'akan were a Horite tribe, the place named after them probably lay in, or on the confines of, Edom (Gn. 362°^-). — 36. 'Esion-geher (Dt. 28, i K. 920 22*9, 2 Ch. 8^^ ^o^^^) must have l^in on the Red Sea, but, allowing for physical changes, may be identical with the modern 'Ain el-Gudyan, which lies about 15 miles N. of the Gulf of 'Akabah.* — The "wilderness of Siii\ is mentioned frequently, but only in P (132120^27^*34^, Dt. 32^1, Jos. 15I). It lay N. of the wilderness of Paran (see on 1321). Before the words the same is Kadesh (cp. 20^ n.), G inserts. And they journeyed from the "jailderness of Sin and ejicamped in the ivilderness of Paran. G thus identifies Kadesh and the wilderness of Paran ; such an identification is made nowhere else. — 37 f. = 2o'^'^^-. — 38. The date of Aaron's death (the ist day of the 5th month of the 40th year of the Exodus) is not given elsewhere ; but cp. 20^ (P) n. His age at death also is given only here, but it is a mere inference from the date and the statement of Ex. 7^ (P). — 40. = 21^ (with slight verbal • Jlobinson, Bibl. Researches,^ 250 f.; Driver, Deut. 35 f. 448 NUMBERS variations), a fragment of JE which now stands immediately after P's account of Aaron's death. — 41. Salmo7iah\ with this name cp. Salmon, the name of (probably) two different moun- tains ; Jud. 9*s, Ps. 68^5.-42. Punon^ instead of this form (pIS) S S G read Pinon (p'D). The place may be identical with the Edomite Pinon (Gn. 36^\ i Ch. i^-f) ; Jerome speaks of Faenon as "nunc viculus in deserto, ubi asris metalla damna- torum suppliciis effodiuntur inter civitatem Petram et Zoaram " [OS. 123^*^^^; cp. 299^^"^*^); the name may survive in that of a ruin (Kal^at Phenan) which was visited by Seetzen [Reisen^ iii. 17). In this case Pinon lay in the northern part of Edom. This would agree with the view suggested in 21^° n. that the itinerary, in common with P% represents Israel as passing straight across northern Edom from Mt. Hor to the borders of Moab.— 43-45. Oboth and lyye-hd aharim\ 21^^^- (P).— 45. Dibon-gad\ 21^32^ notes; the present form, of course, pre- supposes the Gadite conquest, or occupation of the country. — 46 f. ^Almon-diblathaitn] since this comes between Dibon and *' the Mt. of the 'Abarim before Nebo," it must lie between Arnon and the Wady Hesban, and may well be the same as Beth-diblathaim (Jer. 4822 f; inbl nn in Mesha"s Inscr. (1. 30)). The exact site is uncertain. The first part of the name occurs by itself as the name of a place in Benjamin, Jos. 21^^. — 47. The viountatns of the 'Ahariin\ 27^2 (p), — Neb6\ '32^3 „, —48b. 22^ (P).— 49. Beth-jeshimoth (Jos. \2^ 13^0, Ezek. 25^) may be the modern Suweme (Buhl, Geog. p. 265). Abel- shittim is not mentioned in P^. In 25^ (JE) the abbreviated form Shittim is used ; it is there mentioned as the place where the Israelites abode. If Beth-jeshimoth and Abel- shittim be correctly identified with Suweme and Kefren (25^ n.) respectively, they lay about 5 miles apart, and both of them a few miles from the river. 7. 3y;i] rather ae';!; so S. — ^UD '32'? i:n'i] except here and in v." (cp. v.'*^') i:n'i is always followed by the name of the next starting--point : Paterson, therefore, suspects some corruption here ; see his note in^^OT". — 9. CB' wn'i] The compiler has abandoned his usual formula (see last n.) in favour of direct citation from Ex. i5'^'. XXXIII. 4I-50 449 XXXIII. 50-XXXVI. — Various Laws relating to the Conquest and Settlement of Canaan. (i) Destruction of the idolatrous objects of the Canaanites and the distribution of Canaan by lot, 33^""^^ ; (2) the bound- aries of Canaan, 34^"^^ ; (3) the names of the tribal princes who with Ele'azar and Joshua are to superintend the allot- ment of Canaan, 34^^"^^ ; (4) Levitical cities, 35^"^ ; (5) cities of refuge, v.^^* ; (6) heiresses required to marry within their own clan, c. 36. All these laws except the last, which is an appendix to oyi-ii ^pj^ and is placed in its present position for no very obvious reason, are introduced by P's usual formula, and are, both in style and in other respects, clearly connected with P ; the scene of the communication of the laws as given in 33^*' 35^ 36^3 is that of 22I (P^) ; with 34I6-29 cp. i^-is 134-15 (p)^ and see, further, the notes that follow. The laws are much less miscel- laneous in character than those of c. 5 f . and 15, and far more related to the implied circumstances than those of c. 5 f., or of c. 15, or of c. 19; as concerned with the occupation of the country W. of Jordan, they stand very naturally after the con- quest of the country E. of the Jordan, but before the people actually cross the river (cp. Jos. i). At the same time none of the laws seem essential to P*^'s scheme, and they may all be, as some of them certainly seem to be, the work of P* rather than PS. Though differently described, the scene and circumstances of these laws are practically the same as of the laws of Dt. (cp. Dt. i^) : the subjects also of two of them are the same, though the treatment in one case Is very different. With 2^9-31 Qp^ Y)t. 19^"^^ (cities of refuge), and with 33^*^^^ cp. Dt. la^^' (destruction of idolatrous objects). XXXIII. 50-56. Yahweh commands the Israelites to destroy all idolatrous objects in the country which they occupy W. of Jordan, and to divide the land among themselves by lot. The two subjects here combined are expressed in different styles : v." (the allotment of the land), like the introductory formulae v.**- "», is in the style of P ; v.'^* **'• (the destruction of idolatrous objects) recalls H and 450 NUMBERS D. Note especially n33 and n'rrs (v.'-), which occur nowhere else in the Pent, except in Lev. 26^'**(H); see, further, the notes that follow. The combination of the two Laws is best attributed to an editor {P=). V."** points forward to c. 34. 50, 51a. Cp. 5^^' ^^ (P) : see note there and also phil. n. on 5^. — In the plains of Moab, etc.] 22^ n. 26^ 35^ (P). — 51b. Cp. 35^", Dt. 11^^; see also 15^ n. and phil. n. below. — 52. Having- crossed Jordan and entered Canaan, the Israelites are to drive out the inhabitants and to destroy the remnants of their religion: cp. Ex. 2324-31-33 3411-16 qe), Dt. f-^ 122^- Such commands are not found elsewhere in P. — Ye shall dispossess^ this use of B'''~iin is characteristic of D, but is not found in P^ ; see 3221 n. — Ye shall cause to perish^ the Piel of inx, which is found twice in this v., occurs elsewhere in the Hex. only in Dt. II* 122. — Their figiire{d stone)s\ i.e. stones with idolatrous symbols carved or otherwise represented on them. This mean- ing of nVDr^O is probable, though not absolutely certain (see phil. n.). The only other passage which refers to such objects is Lev. 26^ ; those mentioned there are certainly of stone (p5< n''3CD). — Their violten iniages\ the image (D?V) was probably of the same figure as the god was conceived to possess ; for D?V is used of the cast figures of mice (i S. 6^- ^^) and graven figures of men (Ezek. 23^*) ; also in the phrase " images of males" (Ezek. 16^^). The present phrase is the equivalent of "molten gods," which is used in the similar prohibitions of Ex. 34^^ (JE), Lev. 19* (H). Moore {EBi. 2148) points out that the molten image is the only kind prohibited in the oldest legislation (Ex. 34^^) ; and considers it probable that both name and thing were borrowed from the Canaanites. — And demolish all their bavioth\ cp. Lev. 263^ (H), "And I (Yahweh) will demolish all your high places." This is the only other passage in the Hex. in which the term bamdh, commonly rendered high place, is used with a religious reference. The term appears to be derived from an otherwise unknown root bum. In certain poetical passages in the OT. it is used of heights, whether of the land (hills) or of the sea (waves) ; see, e.g., 2i28, Is. 58^*, Dt. 32^3^ Job 9^, and cp. the Assyr. hi/r re ii ha-ma-a-tc sa L, Sadi-i = the ravines and heights of the monn- XXXIII. 50-54 451 tains (Delitzsch, Handwoyiei-buch, 1775). Far more commonly in the OT. the bdfiiah is a place of worship (cp. especially the parallelism with mikdash in Am. 7^, Is. 16^^) ; It is similarly used in the Inscription of Mesha' (1. 3). In certain early passag^es the bdmah is represented as an altogether suitable place for the worship of Yahweh, and as consistingf of, or situated on, a height ; it is necessary to ascend to the hdmCih of Ramah, though the city itself lay on a hill : i S. 9^^*25 . j^ Mic. 3^^ hill (^^) and hdmoth are virtually equivalents. Later, the term underwent modifications: (i) it came to connote a place of worship that was illegitimate either as offered to other deities than Yahweh (i K. 11'', 2 K. 23^, Jer. 19^), or as offered outside Jerusalem (i K. 14^^ 15^^ and often) ; (2) it implied something- artificial : the hdniah needed to be built (nja), and could be pulled down (JTiJ) or removed (ilD) ; see refer- ences under (i) and (3) ; and (3) it lost any necessary connec- tion with actual hill-tops ; places of worship in valleys could be called hdmoth (Jer. 7^^) ; bdnioth were situated in the gates of Jerusalem (2 K. 23^). Whether these bdnioth of later times consisted, as many have suggested, of artificial mounds is uncertain. Probably we should understand the w;ord in this passage in the later sense, and the command as a command to destroy all the sanctuaries of the Canaanites ; otherwise to demolish the high places must mean to destroy the appurte- nances of Canaanite worship at these spots, such as the altars (Hos. 10^) and, in some cases, sacred trees (i S. 22^) and feasting- halls (i S. 9^^) and the like.* — 53b. Cp. Lev. 20-^ 25'^6 (H), Gn. 157 (JE) ; further, with to possess it (nnx ncn^) cp. the constantly recurring HPi^n^ of D {e.g. Dt. 3^8; CH. 88), and ct. P's phrase ninx^ (32^ n.). — 54. And ye shall possess yourselves of] 32^^ phil. n. The clause might equally well follow immediately on v.^^ : then render then ye shall, etc. — By lot] 26^''. — To that "which is large ^ etc.] 26^*. — Wliithersoevet the lot falleth for any family, it shall have {its possessio7i)\ it is impossible to render the Hebrew both literally and intelligibly; but the aiiy manoi RV. is rather misleading. 17 here rendered any family refers back to M"rh and 3~i? into which DD'TIPIEC'C^ • See more fully Moore's art. " High Place " in EBi. 452 NUMBERS {your families) is grammatically divided. — 55 f. If not driven out of the land, the Canaanites will in future distress the Israelites, and ultimately Yahweh will treat the Israelites as He had intended to treat the Canaanites, i.e. He will remove them from their country ; the writer has the Exile in view. — Pricks in your eyes and thorns (?) in your sides\ similar figures are used in Jos. 23^^, Ezek. 28^*, and perhaps in the original text of Jud. 2^. Elsewhere it is frequently represented that the Canaanites left in the land will be a snare: see Ex. 23^^, 34iiff-, Dt. 7I6. 51. on:!!? nnx 'd] the part, after '3 { = when) is unusual (BDB. 473a): it occurs twice elsewhere in this last section of Nu. (34^ 35^°) ; see also Dt. 11^^ 18^.^ — 52. Dfi'DCD] that the objects so termed were connected with the native cults is clear from the context here and in Lev. 26' where noB'a jnN is a fourth term following nasD, '703, and D''?''7N. kud in Aram, means to look out ( — nss ; so nxipp = n^ii), look for, expect ; in Heb. the root appears only in nos:' and n'^t^D ; these may perhaps mean an object to look at, a re- presentation of something drawn or in relief; but it cannot be said that the precise sense of either term is established. The men nv2i/ of Is. 2^^, the ^03 nv^E'ca am 'nisn (? silver carving) of Pr. 25", the rrDCD mn (? chambers of imagery) of Ezek. 8^^ are all uncertain. In Ps. 73', Pr. 18'*, noro is used metaphorically. The Versions do not recognise the meaning figured .stones cither here or in Lev.; ffir has Xidoa-Kowos or Xldos (xkottos in Lev. and here crKoiriaL ; % and 5i give nocD the sense of cult, worship (htjd, "jZ-j-w^-IC). — 53. pN.T '?2 nu Dncnim] before yti^n fflr inserts '3B", thus assimi- lating the present phrase to that found in v."^- ^ and restoring the normal construction of cmn ( = to dispossess) with a personal obj. If f^ is correct, the Hiphil is here used with the sense of the Kal, to acquire possession of; cp. 14^^, Jos. 8'' 17^^, Jud. 1^^ (i^Tl) ; Jos. 8^ seems conclusive proof that the Hiphil had this sense ; for the context there does not allow of rendering dispossess the city (viz. of its inhabitants). But see BDB. — 55. C3'3'j;3 D'^t''? CDni-3 D'j'j^i'ji] the variant of this phrase in Jos. 23'^ seems less correct. On Jud. 2* see Moore. D'Si?' occurs here only ; but the meaning of some- o thing sharp, ov pointed, is well secured by t^-; a sharp weapon ; (AllJCD a nail; Assyr. Sikkatu, a point ; cp. also the Heb. nf>^ (Job 40'^) and naie't? a thorn hedge (Is. 5^). A similar sense for D'J'js (here and Jos. 23^^ only) is less certain ; the best support for it is niJS (Am. 4"^), which may mean the hook or barb (of a fishing spear). Another similar word D':s, commonly rendered thorns, occurs in two passages only (Job 5*, Pr. 22'), both of which may be corrupt. — 56. 'iTCT the vb. na^ occurs nowhere else in the Pent. XXXIV. 1-15. The boundaries of the land to be occupied by the nine-and-a-half tribes. — The boundaries here given are XXXIII. S5-XXXIV. 3. 453 certainly to some extent ideal ; the country included within them was never in its entirety in the actual occupation of the Hebrews. This is clearest and indisputable in the case of the western boundary (v.^). The western boundary of the Hebrews always lay some distance back from the coast ; not a single spot on the coast was ever in Hebrew occupation till, in the second half of the 2nd cent. B.C., Simon captured Joppa (i Mac. 14^). It is possible that the northern and eastern boundaries here described also presuppose a much larger extent of territory than the largest ever held by the Hebrews. The southern border corresponds more closely to what in- cidental references to places belonging to Judah would suggest. The certain existence of an ideal element in the present description renders it peculiarly difficult to determine what lines are intended by the present description of the northern and (north-) eastern boundaries. For it is precarious to allow the identifications of the places concerned to be determined by the consideration that they must not lie beyond, or at all events remote from, the line that may be established by taking account of incidental allusions to the furthest points actually held by the Hebrews. Yet apart from such a controlling con- sideration, it is impossible to identify the sites even approxi- mately with any certainty. Some of the places in question are mentioned only here and in the parallel description in Ezek. ; and with the exception of the ** Entrance of Hamath," none of them are mentioned with any frequency, or in such a way as to give even much clue to the site. The boundaries here given for the nine-and-a-half tribes are substantially, if not precisely, the same as those which Ezekiel gives for the land which is to be occupied by the twelve tribes after the restoration from Exile (Ezek. 47^^"^'^). The variations in the two descriptions are certainly in part due to textual corruption. Here, as in other things, what Ezekiel embodies in his description of the ideal future, P embodies in his account of the idealised past; cp. above, pp. 18, 24. 3-5. The southern boundary is indicated summarily in v.^", and then by a series of points in v.^*^"^. This boundary is 454 NUMBERS defined twice elsewhere (Jos. 15^"*, Ezek. 47^^), for the southern boundary of Judah (Jos.) is also the southern boundary of the whole country. The points given in the three passages are as follow :— Nu. Dead Sea (S.E.). Ascent of 'Akrabbim. Sin. Kadesh-barnea'. Hasar-addar. 'Asmon. Wady Misraim. The sea. Jos. Dead Sea (S.E.). Ascent of Akrabbim. Sin. Kadesh-barnea' . Hesron, Addar. Karka'. 'Asmon. Wady Misraim The sea. Ez*V. Tamar = (Dead Sea (S.E.)). Meriboth-kadesh. (the) Wady (Misraim). The great sea. The eastern and western extremities of this boundary are known points ; the western extremity, the outflow of the Wady Misraim (mod. Wady el-'Arlsh), is at a point on the coast of the Mediterranean about half-way between Gaza and Pelusium. Considerably south of a straight line between these two ex- tremities lies the third known point, Kadesh (13^^ n.). Be'er- sheba', which is frequently mentioned * as the southern limit of the land of Israel, and which is situated on the verge of the wilderness, or Negeb, which also sometimes ranks as the southern boundary (Dt. ii^^ Jos. i^; cp. Nu. 13^^), lies a very few miles north of the same straight line. The most natural boundary t in this region consists of the Wadys el-Fikreh, Marra, el-Abyad, and el-'Arish, which together form an almost straight line from the S. end of the Dead Sea to the outflow of the Wady el-'Arish. The exact course of the boundary line from Kadesh to the coast is quite uncertain ; for Hasar-addar (Hesron, Addar, and Karka') and 'Asmon and the point at which the junction with the Wady el-'Arlsh was reached are unknown. From the Dead Sea the line indicated probably • Jud. 2o^ I S. , 2 S. 31" 17" 242- ", 1 K. 42a, 2 K. 238, 2 Ch. iq\ Neh. u^O; cp. Am. 8"; see H. W, Hogg, "Dan to Beersheba" {Exp.^ (1898) viii. 411-421. t Buhl, Geog. p. II. XXXIV. 3 455 ran at first S.W. through the Wady el-Fikreh, which is a natural boundary, and then, turning round the Jebel Madurah (20^^ n.), much more directly south to Kadesh. The ascent of 'Akrabbim may be sought in one of the passes on the N. side of the Wady el-Fikreh, and perhaps in particular in the Nakb el- Yemen, which starts just opposite the Jebel Madurah, or in the Nakb esSafd. The northern side of the Wady el-Fikreh is a " bare and bald rampart of rock " about 1000 ft. high, precipitous in character, and without vegetation. " To one looking from the southern end of the Dead Sea, the open mouth of the Wady Feqreh shows itself prominently. ... A southern boundary line ... would therefore properly be supposed to enter this great dividing wady." " It is just southward of that Pass el- Yemen that a turn would naturally be made in a boundary line that had followed the border of Edom and was to hinge for a yet more southerly stretch in its onward sweep ; for standing out all by itself in the wady which is being followed as the boundary line, or rather at the confluence of two other wadies with that one, there is a notable mountain, Jebel Madurah, around the north-western side of which the boundary line would turn to move on to its southernmost point" {Clay Trumhull, Kadesh-Bamea, no, 113). Older discussions of the southern boundary are mostly vitiated by starting from Robinson's erroneous identification of Kadesh with 'Ain-el-Weibeh. Of recent discus- sions, see especially Clay Trumbull, Kadesh-Barnea, 106-124 (the philo- logical suggestions and arguments are often untrustworthy) ; also Buhl, Cesch. der Edomiter, 23-26 (cp. 16 f.); G. A. Smith, Hist, Geog. 278-2S6. 8. Yotir southern side\ RV. renders flKS here by "quarter " ; but where ^^^D is defined by a point of the compass, it is used of a line rather than a space : so quite clearly in 35^, Ezek. ^316. 18. 32ff. . cp. Ezek. 47^'^^'. — From the wilderness of Sin along the side{s) of Edoin\ In Jos. 15^ Judah's territory is described as extending "unto the border of Edom, to the wilderness of Sin southwards " (n333 ;x iniD DIN ^133 W). This implies that Edom formed part of Israel's southern border W. of Jordan (20^^ n.). So here along the side{s) of Edom is best taken as describing the eastern end of the southern line. The prepositional phrase n"" ^V does not necessarily mean "along the side^ of" : for in Jud. ii^^ it must refer to one, viz. the northern, side of Arnon only : cp. also i Ch. 6^^. — For the wilderness of Sin as a boundary, cp. 13^^ (P). — Your southern boundary shall bCf or extend, from the southern extremity of the Salt Sea on the east\ Jos. 15- states it more precisely "from the 456 NUMBERS extremity of the Salt Sea, from the bay that turneth (or bendeth) south." The Salt Sea is the commonest designation of the Dead Sea in OT.; for others, see Dt. 3^^^, Ezek. 47^^. — 4. And your boundary line shall take a tnm south of the pass of 'Akrabbwt\ the pass of 'Akrabbim (Scorpions) is probably one of those leading N.W. out of the Wady el-Fikreh (see above). — Sin^ is also mentioned in Jos. 15'. The site is unknown; but the place gave its name to the wilderness of Sin (13-^ n.). — And its extremity in this direction shall be south of Kadesh- bamed\ on the form Kadesh-barnea', see 32^ n. — And it shall make a [fresh] start to Hasar-addar and continue to 'Asmon : and at 'Asmon the boundary line shall turn to the Wady Misrainiy and its (western) extremity shall be at the (Mediterranean) sea\ Turning N.W. at Kadesh the boundary strikes the north- westerly running Wady el-'Arish at this unidentified 'Asmon and follows its course to the Mediterranean. With this Jos. 152'- is in general agreement, but it places the turning-point (3D3l) between Addar and Karka', which is not mentioned here. Instead of Hasar-addar, Jos. gives two distinct places, Hesron and Addar. Neither this Hesron, nor Addar, nor Hasar-addar is mentioned again, and the sites are quite unknown. On names of the same type as Hasar, Hesron, see 11^^ n. Whether a single name (Hasar-addar) has in the course of textual transcription become two (Hesron, Addar), or two names one, is uncertain. Addar (cp. i Ch. 8^ = Ard, Nu 26*^) looks like a tribal name ; but even so, it may have stood by itself as the name of a place (33^^ n.). Hesron is related philologically to Hasar in the same way that 'Asmon is to 'Esem, the name of a town sometimes assigned to Simeon, sometimes to Judah (Jos. 15^^ 19^) ; but the philological con- nection does not, of course, prove geographical identity. Clay Trumbull [Kadesh-Bar7iea, 117, 289 ff.) identifies 'Asmon with Kasaymeh ; this receives a precarious support from the fact that the later Targnms (2E-'"^°") give DDp or QD^p for 'Asmon. — The Wady of Misr{d)im (onvro ^m : RV. "the Brook of Egypt ") is frequently mentioned as a boundary line, and generally as the southern boundary of the land of Israel (Jos. 15*- "7, I K. 8«5, 2 K. 247, 2 Ch. 78, Is. 27121 ; and originally, XXXIV. 4-« 457 It may be, in Am. 6^*). The identification of the Wady of Misraim with the Wady el-'Arish is now generally accepted.* The Wady el-'Arish runs N. and N. W. from the middle of the Sinaitic peninsula and flows into the Mediterranean at a point on the coast of the Mediterranean about half-way between Pelusium and Gaza, where t^e ancient Rhinocolura (cp. Is. 27^^ ffi) stood. It is a long and deep watercourse, but is only full after heavy rain. It has been commonly supposed that the wady was called the Wady of Egypt (Misraim) because it separated Canaan from Egypt. Recently another suggestion has been made: it has been argued t that Musur in the Assyrian inscriptions and Misr(a)im in the OT. are frequently the name of a north Arabian district including the country through which the Wady of Misraim flowed; and that the wady derived its name from this country. If the identification of Musur with the north Arabian country were established, this would be the most probable explanation of the name of the wady. 2. JV« pKn] Driver, Tenses, § 190. — 4. V 3J3D] on the south of', BDB. s.v. p I. c (p. 5785). — ms] Lagarde (Bildung d. Nomina, 46 f.) proposed jsn. — vnNnn n'ni] K're 'n vni. The same variant occurs in Jos. 15'' i8^^- "• ^^. The cstr. of the K'tib can be explained by G.-K. 1450. But the sing", vb. in these cases may be a survival of an original text in which the noun also was sing. ; S reads all through this c. (i)nN!nn n'm. Since the noun means " the point at wliich a boundary terminates," the use of the plural would be very hard to explain ; see Joum. ofTheoJ. Studies, iv. 124 f. — 5. At the end of the v. 3Ja SiDJ uzh n'.T fiT appears to have dropped out ; cp. v.*' ^' ^^ iind aliio Jos. 15^. f^. The western boundary is to be the Mediterranean ; cp. J'>s. 15^^, Ezek. 47-*^. This never was the actual boundar}' of the land of Israel ; see above, p. 453. — The Great Sea is one * Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 286 f.; Buhl, Geog. 66 ; Di.; EBi. 1249 ; Hastings' DB. s.v. " Egypt, River of" T Winckler, Altortentaltsche Forschungen (1893), i. 24-41 (especially p. 26), and Musri, Meluhha, and Main, i. ii. (1898) ; Hommel, Vier neue arabische Landschaftsnavien, 296 f., 303 ff.; EBi. "Egypt, River of," § 2, cp. " Mizraim," § 25. In criticism of Musur=north Arabia, see Budge, Historv of Egypt, vi. pp. vii-xxx ; Konig, Fiinf neue arabische Land- schafisna7nen, 19 ff. (especially on the Wady of Mi§raim, p. 2if); in counter-criticism, H. W. Hogg in EBi. " Simeon," § 6 n. 45S NUMBERS of the names for the Mediterranean (cp. Jos. 15*''', Ezek. 48^^), but it is more frequently called simply '* the sea " {e.£^. 13^^). 713J1 W] the use of \ (apparently = «/5(7, at the same time) is peculiar, but occurs several times in similar contexts; see, e.g., Dt. 3^^, Jos. 13^, and BDB. s.v, \ I. c. Haupt (in SBOT.) proposes to read here and in similar cases i'?nji and the district thereof; Kon. (iii. p. 283 n. 1) argues that the force of the art. in "jiun d'.t is carried over to h^2i, and the (^adjacent) district ; but this is really contrary to analogy. 7-9. The northern boundary is to extend from a site on the Mediterranean that cannot be identified to Hasar-'enan on the border of the territory of Damascus (Ezek. 47^^ 48^). Hasar- 'enan may have stood on the site of the modern Banias ; but the exact position is uncertain, though it evidently (v.^°'-) lay well to the N. or N.E. of the Sea of Galilee. In Ezek. 47^^-17 ^^p^ ^31^ ^j^g description of the future northern boundary begins as here with the words ** from the great sea," and contains, in common with the present descrip- tion, the intermediate point Sedad and the eastern extremity Hasar-'enan (or -'enon). In both passages, but especially in Ezek., the text has suffered corruption; still it is clear that both must have described the same, or almost the same, boundary line. But it is no longer possible to determine what that line was ; for, with the exception of the Entrance of Hamath, mentioned here and, probably, in the original text of Ezek.,* none of the places are mentioned except in one or both of these passages ; and none, not even the Entrance of Hamath, can be fixed with certainty. The main point at issue between those who have discussed the question of this boundary line is whether it ran south of, and so excluded, the Lebanon, or whether it included at least a large part of it ; if the southern site suggested for the Entrance of Hamath (13-^ n.) be adopted, the boundary excluded, if the northern site be adopted, it included, this region. The actual boundaries certainly did not include the Lebanon ; for Dan, the pro- verbial northern town, lay south of the mountains (cp. also I K. 52^ ^^)) ; but this does not determine the ideal boundary. * In Ezek. 47^"* for nan rm:j n3^ read mns nnn N3^ ; see Bertholet on the passagfe, and Toy (in SBOT.) ; Corn, omits mis as a gloss from Nu, XXXIV. 7-9 459 Furrcr {Zeitschr. d. deutsc7ie7i Pal'dstina- Verelns, viii. 27-29) has argued for the northern line. According to him the boundary almost immediately after leaving the Mediterranean passed Hethlon (mod. Heitela), distant nearly two hours from the coast, and situated between the Nahr el-Kebir and the Nahr'Akkar. From Hethlon the boundary passed to Mt. Hor, " obviously the northern spur of Lebanon," and next reached the plateau of the Orontes. Here it took a N.E. direction to the Entrance of Hamath, the modern Restan, the ancient Arethusa, formerly the boundary of Syria Secunda, later of the principality of Antioch, and now the border town between the districts of Homs and Hamath. Crossing the Orontes at this point the boundary struck S.E. to Ziphron (mod. Safrine), thence S.S.E. to Sedad (mod. Sadad), thence E.N.E. to Hauran, the Haurina of the Assyrian inscriptions and the mod. HawarJn. About 10 miles due E. of the last point Furrer places the termination of the boundary, identifying Hasar-'enan with Karyaten, the last oasis in the Syrian desert towards Palmyra, which is 24 hours distant. Van Kasteren {Revue Biblique, 1895, 23 ff.) has attempted to trace a more southern line. This starts at the mouth of the Nahr el-K4simiyeh (about 100 miles S. of Furrer's starting-point), a few miles N. of Tyre ; Hethlon is'Adlfln ; Mt. Hor, the mountain at the sharp turn of the Nahr el-K4simiyeh, a few miles N.W. of Tel el-Kadi (? Dan) ; the entrance of Hamath is the Merj'Ayun ; Sedad (S ffi Serad) is Seridi, S. of Hermon, and close to the Merj 'Ayun ; Sibraim (Ezek. 47'^) is Senbariye ; and, finally, Hasar-'enan is el-Hadr, E. of Banias. Buhl {Geog. 10. 66 f.) criticises Furrer, and, though without accepting all the particular identifications, holds that Van Kasteren's line is approxi- mately correct — in particular as to its starting-point. 7 f. Ye shall mark out {the line) for yourselves imto Ilor the viountain . . . ye shall mark out [the line) unto the Entrattce of Hamath^ on the vb. see phil. n. The exact meanhig is some- what uncertain, but the change of cstr. in RV. is not correct. This Mount Hor is not mentioned elsewhere ; for another, see 20^2; and for the Entrance of Hamath, see above and on 13^^ — The termination of the boundary shall be at Seddcf\ like the southern, the northern boundary is not a straight line : it makes an angle, or, as the Hebrew expresses it, has an "extremity" in the middle, and (v.°) makes a [fresh) start. — Sedad\ S ffic Serad ; for proposed identifications of this place and Ziphron (v.^), see above. — 9. Hasar- htan\ v.^", Ezek. 48H = Hasar-'enon (Ezek. 47^'^ t P.] ; ffir Alvav). Some* consider that this place is also mentioned under a corrupt form in Ezek. 47^^ (Haser hat-ticon). The name means the enclosure of the spring', the form 'cndn is more Aramaic, the form 'cnOii * Smend, Corn., Cheyne {EBi,). 460 NUMBERS specifically Hebrew. Hasar-'enan is the point at which both the northern and eastern boundaries terminate. It is described in Ezek. as "on the border of Damascus," and is defined more closely, according to Cornill's reconstructed text of Ezek. 47^^, thus, "And the east side: from Hasar-'enan, which lies on the border between Hauran and Damascus, the Jordan forms the border between Gile'ad and the land of Israel." If this be accepted, Hasar-'enan lay actually on, or quite near to, the Jordan. In that case Furrer's identification with Karyaten is impossible ; and the identification with Banias, to which some scholars * incline, could not be far wrong ; Banias is situated at one of the sources of the Jordan — at a "spring," therefore, which may have given the place its ancient name. 7. nnmn] 20^ n. — ?n^] so v.^ : in v.^" Dn'wom. MT. thus distinguishes two verbs — nxn and mn. Most modem scholars, like (5 (always /cara- Herpriffere), agree that the verbs in the three verses are from the same root. But (a) some (e.g. Di.) point here and in v.^ '^-Sipn, keeping v.^" un- changed ; (5) some (e.g. Paterson, Ges.-Buhl, s.v. niK) retain the punctua- tion in V."', and read Dn'xnni in v.^" ; (c) Cheyne {EBi. 2109) corrects in v.'** to 'iNn?i and in v.'" to cnixni ; cp. the use of this same vb. (in the Kal) in Jos. 15^' " (a very similar context) and (in the Piel) in Is. 44". As to the roots mx and nKn, assumed in (a) and (5) respectively : niN regularly means to desire ; so Di., somewhat Rabbinically, sees in the use of the vb. an indication that the boundaries are to be ideal, and renders, ye shall desire for yourselves. Others assume for the vb. niN a unique sense, to mark out : cp. the noun mx, <5j I , and see especially Fried. Delitzsch, Prolegomena, ii6f. ; but his argument is very hypothetical, and the sense mark out there claimed for the Assyr. mx ii. 2, does not appear to be given in his more recent Assyr, Handworterbuch. The root nxn might be a by- form of mn (Ezek. 9*). Any interpretation of the text as it stands seems not less hazardous than the supposition that it is corrupt. Cheyne's entire restoration of v.^'"' ^ is worth giving: -nnn ij; dd*? nNnn '?nan D'n ;d ran xn? •\]j nNnn "jiinsi. It is suggested by Hal^vy's emendation of "Ci'^n for the strange yvm in Ezek. 47'^ and "in in 48^ (EBi. 2046). nnn nn and rsn Ka!? are best taken as accusatives of direction, but ny (with Cheyne) or Sk (cp. Jos. 15") prefixed to the names would have given a more usual cstr. 10-12. The eastern boundary starts from Hasar-'enan (v.* n.), passes to Shepham (site unknown), " descends " to the Riblah (?) (site unknown), and then runs along the (eastern) shore of the Lake of Galilee, the Jordan, and the Dead Sea, • Buhl, Ceog. 67, 240 ; Cheyne (EBi.). XXXIV. ic, II 461 terminating- at the S.E. end of the last (v.' n.). The mention of intermediate points between Hasar-'enan and the Lake of Galilee shows that the former was some distance away from (N. or N.E. of) the latter. In Ezek. 4'j'^^the eastern boundary is defined by the Jordan and Dead Sea only, and the same line is intended here, if Hasar-'enan was situa;ted at one of the sources of the Jordan {e.^: Banias ; see above). On the other hand, if Hasar-'enan be placed with Furrer at Karyaten, the northern extremity of the eastern boundary lay a long- way N.E. of any source of the Jordan, and consequently the northern strip of the boundary was not marked by the course of the river. 11. T/ie Rihlah (?)] Riblah on the Orontes, which is always, unlike the present name, written Avithout the article (n^3"i), cannot be intended ; Riblah on the Orontes, had it been men- tioned at all, must have been given as a place on the northern boundary after the Entrance of Hamath. As a matter of fact the punctuation of MT. is more than questionable ; P^ can equally well be read (cp. (5) to Harhel (n73"in), the final n being the n locale, used as in v.*- ^- ^- ^- '^^- ^^ etc. The name then means ** the mountain of Bel,"* and has been identified by some with Harmel, at the source of the Orontes, by others with Arbin (cp. Bethel, mod. Beitin), 3 or 4 miles N.E. of Damascus. Both places are, however, rather remote from the Sea of Galilee which is next mentioned, and inconsistent with the view of Ezek. that the Jordan formed the eastern boundary. — On the east o/'Ain] this definition of the site of the Riblah or Harbel is itself obscure ; for 'Ain ( = the spHng) cannot be identified. Cheyne {EBi. 106) considers it to be most prob- ably the source of the Nahr Hasbany ; for ** from this fountain to the east shoulder of the Lake of Gennesaret a straight line of water flows, forming the clearest of boundaries." But if this be accepted, the identification of Hasar-'enan with Banias, which lies considerably S. of the source of the Nahr Hasbany, must be given up. Another possibility is that 'Ain is a mis- pronounced 'lyyon (I'^) which is mentioned in i K. 1520 and * See the letters of T. K. Cheyne and the present writer in Acad. o{ June 21 and 28, 1896 ; also HPN. 123 f. Cp. Dr. in DB. " Riblah," 2. 462 NUMBERS 2 K 15^^, survives in the modern Merj 'Ayiin, and is perhaps to be identified with Tel Dibbin N.W. of Banias [EBi. 2160). — And it shall stretch along (?) by the [hills that) flank the sea of Kinnereth\ the meaning" of the vb. is quite uncertain, ^ns (RV., inadequately, side) means primarily shoulder; but it is used metaphorically of a line of hills (Jos. 15^- ^^- ^^ i8^^^- ^^- ^^^•), here in particular oi the hills that rise from the eastern shore of the Lake of Galilee. — The sea of Kinnereth'] cp. Jos. i^"'' ) also Jos. 12^ ("the sea of Kinneroth"). In Dt. 33^^ the Lake of Galilee is called briefly *'the sea." The name here given to it was more probably derived from the ancient town of Kinnereth (Jos. 19^, Dt. 3^^), which is mentioned in the list of places conquered by Thothmes iii.* (15th or i6th cent. B.C.), than from its resemblance in shape to a harp or lyre [kinnor). 13. Moses obeys Yahweh's command given in v.^'-. — 14 f. The land of Canaan, the land of promise proper, the boundaries of which have just been described, is to be divided among nine- and-a-half tribes only, since two-and-a-half, viz. Gad and Reuben (c. 32 passim) and half-Manasseh (32^^), have already received portions E. of Jordan. — 15. Across the fordan at fe-richo\ "at Jericho" is an unsuitable limitation in describing the frontier line of two or two-and-a-half tribes : the phrase has perhaps been mechanically written or added under the influence of 22^ and other passages where the limitation is suitably used. For another instance of its unsuitable use, see Jos. 20^, where (& omits it. 11. nno] if the text be sound, nno must be used here with a meaning- which it possesses nowhere else in Hebrew. The prep, ^y and the con- nection are both satisfied by the meanms; siretckeih alon^^; hnt to stretch along or even to rub past is not satisfactorily derived from nna^/o efface, erase. Some, therefore, disconnect nnD here from nno to efface, and assume that it is = Aram, nhd, a weakened form of yno z= ^_^f^:SX^ = fnc, to strike, and so metaphorically (as we sometimes use strike of a path, or a traveller) to strike down upon (see BDB. s.v. nnn ii. and references there). — ±i. 'jmxn.T '33 and ■'-\yr\ ':3, but na-jo ; cp. 4-8 n. — 15. rimja n.r:i-\p\ 2^ n. 16-29. Tahweh gives Moses the names of twelve persons who are to superintend the allotment of Canaan. — The persons * W. Max Miiller, Asien u. Europa, 84 n. I. XXXIV. 13 463 are chosen on the same principle which governed the selection of the persons who superintended the census (i^~^^ (P)) ; but since Aaron is now dead (20-2-29) ^^^ Moses is to die before the entrance into Canaan (27^-"^* (P))> Ele'azar and Joshua (cp. 2^18-23 ^pjj take the place of superintendents-in-chief, corre- pondingf to the part played by Moses and Aaron at the census. Since only ten tribes are to share in the land W. of Jordan ^y 13-15)^ only ten tribal princes, as ag^ainst twelve who were employed at the census, are to assist Ele'azar and Joshua, one being- chosen from each of the ten tribes concerned. Not one of the twelve tribal princes who acted at the census is mentioned here, nor any of the twelve spies except Joshua and Caleb. This is in accordance with the theory of 1^26-30. 36-38 (p), wjih the cxccption of Joshua, Caleb, and Ele'azar, none of the persons mentioned here are mentioned anywhere else, unless Elidad (v.^^) be identical with Eldad (11-^ n.). Among the names of these otherwise unknown persons are some such as Ahihud, Elidad, which are certainly ancient ; but the list as a whole is hardly more ancient than that of c. I, though the evidence in the present case is less varied and conclusive : see note on p. 6f., and, further, HPN. 193 ff. The order in which the tribes are here mentioned appears to be governed by their (subsequent) positions in Canaan ; thus the four southern tribes come first (v.^*-22)^ then the two central tribes (v.^"^-), and, finally, the four northern tribes (y^2o-28)^ 16. Cp. 1^ n.— 17. nice n'?N] i» 13* (P); see, further, CH. 188?.— i^n;:] cp. Sh^'? v.^^ and Jos. 19^^; but in all three passages the Piel may have been intended ; cp. Vn:^ v.^^, and see also Jos. 13^^^ 14I 19^^ — 20. Vnidb'] a well-known early name, ffi has 2aXa/Ui7;\ = '7N"DSB'; cp. i* n. — iin'Dy] i^" n. —21. ht'^n] S (Et S ti'?n; ii-^ n. — p'^??] ffis gives both for this and the place-name p"???, Xacj-Xw*'. S here reads ;'703, which might, like pc^ (v.-*) and jiy (v.^S), be a noun in -nn.— 22. N'ts'j] so v."^'"^; ct. v.''*-^! ; S (5 = J§ ; 5 omits throughout. — 'ipa] i Ch. 5^' ; cp. i.Tija (i Ch. 25*- "■!■) ; see HPN. 205 and EBi. s.v. " Bakbukiah." Like ^^hu and the numerous names in '^ in c. 13 (see p. 136), it may be an abbreviation. — 'Si'] this hardly means led into exile ; if it did, it would be a late name ; see HPN. 203. — 23. '?x':n] S ^J<:n. Cp. 2 Ch. 7^^t. ^^^^ is a Nabatsean proper name (de Vogii^, Syrie Ccntrale, No. 10) ; cp. the Phoen. names H'^Jn (Hannibal), mp'rcjn 464 NUMBERS (Harallcar)— the former common. An early Hebrew compound with the same root is ]2n"?N. S has ^_i]j_k>_] = '?x''?m ; this is otherwise unknown, for as a personal name it would not be the same as the hit-hm of 21^^, but equivalent in meaning to VnnaT ; cp. JJ « gifi, and Heb. nVm a possession. — nsx] here only as a proper name.— 25. "jKiap] also Gn. 22^1 (J) and i Ch. 27". — IP?p] here only.— 25. ]S%^hi(] cp. s^" phil. n.— ins] Possibly the Persian ^apvdKTjs (Herod, viii. 126); but not necessarily. It could be from the Semitic root /«>&, which is found in Arabic, with inserted r; cp. G.-K. 305^. A district called Barnaki or Parnak is mentioned by Esarhaddon ; cp. Hommel, Anc. Heh. Trad. 301.— 26. ^n'b'js] cp, 'yx'c'ya 2 S -^^ (variant 'b'73); 'p'ps Nu. 139, and 'ab? Neh. 12".— py] S 'Ofa (al. 'Ofa) = niy, or Niy (e.g. 2 S. 6*) ; Si iiiy (cp. Jer. 28').— 27. nin-nx] here only, but probably to be read in i Ch. 8^. The name is doubtless ancient ; cp. 11.T3N, m.TDV, and see HPN. 205, 38 ff., and note on i'^. C^bfl j-ead 'Axtwp ; cp, Judith (r ; if original, this represents ^^5'^x (cp. nnx) ; G-^ 'AxtwjS, possibly representing 3N'nN the {my) brother is a spirit)— 'r:h^\ cp. v.2» n,— 28. 'jNma] -cp. niiim-) (i^" n.) and see small-print note on i^-i*. Cp. Phoen. una'^ya.— Ti.Tcy] i^o n. and v.^*' above. XXXV. 1-8 (F) —The Levitical cities. The language of the section is that of P. With v.* cp, 33* ; with v.'*, 342 ; with V.8, 335^ ; and note mnx (32* n.), vnya (CH. 156), b-dt (CH. 155) ; D'jpa.T '"IV, ct. Dt. ig-^* ; '23 (CH. 19), Peculiarities such as the unique combination of -Tn, can, and nDnn in v.^ and the use of Tp, with the meaning ivall of a city, may be due to the fact (see below) that the section is P*. The secular tribes, each according- to its size (v.^), are to contribute portions of their landed possession to the Levites — in all 48 square plots of land, each consisting- of about 207 acres, and containing a town and pasture-ground. The carrying out of the law is recorded in Jos. 21 (P^), and the law is referred to in Lev. 2532- si (p=), jos. 14* (F), 1 Ch. 132, 2 Ch. 11^* 31^^" ^^ and also, as some think, in Ezr. 2}^ = Neh. 773; Neh. nS- 20.36. According to these passages, the Levites duly received their cities and pasture-grounds in the days of Joshua. The priests received 13 from Judah, Simeon, and Benjamin; the non- priestly Kohathltes, 10 from Ephraim, Dan, and W. Manasseh ; the Gershonites, 13 from Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and E. Manasseh: the Merarites, 12 from Reuben, Gad, and Zebulun. In the days of David the Levites still dwelt in their own cities ; but at the time of the disruption of the monarchy the XXXV. 4^5 Levites of the Northern kingdom, being disowned by Jeroboam, left their cities and settled in Judah. In Judah these cities survived at least as late as Hezekiah, and, if the passages in Ezr. and Neh. be interpreted as referring to these cities, were revived after the Exile. But this history is fictitious. Levitical cities in the mean- ing of the law never existed ; they were merely the objects of desire in certain circles. Like the strip of country across the centre of Canaan which Ezekiel (48^""^*) designed for the priests and Levites, these cities never passed out of the realm of theory into that of fact. In pre-exilic times priests lived in different parts of the country, some in places (such as'Anathoth, Jer. i^) that appear in the list of Levitical cities (Jos. 21) and some in places that do not appear in that list, such as Nob (i S. 21^), Shiloh (i S. 1-4), Bethel (Am. 7^*^) ; so at a much later period Matta- thias lived at Modin (i Mac. 2^), which is also not included in the list. In the time of Saul the priests at Nob were so numerous that the place passed by the name of "the city of priests" (i S. 22^^); but to what extent these priests owned the land in and about the city, and whether they owned it as individuals or as a priestly community, is not stated. From other statements, however, it is clear that certain individual priests were landowners ; Abiathar, after the massacre of the rest of his family at Nob, owned land at 'Anathoth (i K. 2-^), and centuries later the priestly family to which Jeremiah belonged owned land in the same city (Jer. 32^*^-) ; but in neither of these cases is there any suggestion that the land belonged to the tribe of Levi, or to the individuals in virtue of their being priests or Levites. On the other hand, the -Levites as a class are described as "divided and scattered in Israel" (Gn. 49'^); and in Dt. (7th century B.C.) they are dis- tinguished from the rest of the tribes by the very fact that they possess no tribal portion of land, but enjoy instead the offerings made to Yahweh (Dt. i8^~^). They live scattered over the country in various cities, which they dwell in as g-Sn'm (15^^ n.), but which belonged to others (Dt. 18^ 12^^ etc.). Individual Levites may, like the priests mentioned above, 30 466 NUMBERS have owned land ; but the passage which may imply this is obscure (Dt. iS^'^). As a class the Levites in Dt. rank with the widow, the orphan, and the ger^ and are commended, on the ground that they have no landed property, to the charity of the people (i2i2-i8f. 1427.29 ^^^w.^^ 2&^^-). Not only is the unreality of the Levitical cities proved by the contradictory evidence of the earlier literature, but also by the impracticability of the law. As Graf has well observed, it would be possible to mark out 48 exact squares of ground in a South Russian steppe, or in the open and yet unoccupied tracts of western North America, but not in a mountainous country like Palestine. This geometrical treatment, impos- sible in the actual land, has its parallel in Ezekiel's ideal division of W. Palestine into a series of exact parallelograms (Ezek. 48). Further contradictions and impossibilities appear when we take account of the cities actually named in Jos. 21 ; for these, reference must be made to the commentary on that chapter. The amount of land required by Ezekiel for the priests and Levites (25,000 x 20,000 cubits = about 40 square miles) con- siderably exceeds that required by the present law (2000 X 2000 cubits X 48 = about 15 1 square miles), and might on that ground be regarded as the later claim. On the other hand, the demand for Levitical land in Ezekiel is organically con- nected with his fundamental scheme, — the maintenance of a holy cordon round the temple, situated in the centre of the land, — whereas the priestly theory is so far governed by the actualities of the situation that it contemplates, instead of a single district, cities distributed over the country (cp. We. Proleg. 162). There seems no reason therefore to question that, here as in other matters, the ideals of Ezekiel were adopted with modifications from P. In this particular matter of grants and dues made to the priests and Levites two stages may be marked within P : the law contained in c. 18 (P^), which was shown to be later than Ezekiel (see p. 236 ff.), provides (v.^^- 2*, cp. 26*^^) that the priests and Levites shall receive dues and tithes 2«i'/ea<;? un'. — tJ'nJO] ffi has no less than four renderings of this word in these 8 verses — wpoda-Tia, dcpoplcrfiaTa, Hfiopa., and avyKvpovvra ; yet another, irepicnropia, appears in Jos. and Ch. The term tfnJD was possibly also used in Phoen.: Hoffmann, Ueher einige Phcen. Inschrifien, p. 6. — 4. f]^iS'] CHr Sktx'X'oi'J. — Tp] the word regularly XXXV. 6-1 1 469 used elsewhere for the wall of a city is nDin : so, e.g., Jos. 2" 6'-^ (J^)) Dt. 35, Lev. 25-9-31 (H), Am. i', i S. 311", Neh. i^. On the other hand, Tp, frequently used of the walls of a house {e.g. Lev. i4^''* ^ (P), i S. iS^^ 20-^), also of a vineyard, 22-^ (JE), and of the sides of the altar (Ex. 30^ 37-", Lev. i^^ 5^— all P), is quite exceptionally used of the wall of a city ; Jos. 2^^ is hardly parallel. This being- the case it would be better to question the text (? read TV no for tj;.i Tpa) than to adopt any of the hazardous exegetical devices for harmonising the measurements in v.''^-, — 5. en*?] ffi S S D^S. — 6a. The cstr. is faulty but possibly original ; ffi omits the first liJ'N, Paterson the second. The meaning of the whole 'is clear. — 7. priN] cp. Jud. 2o"''- ^'"', and see G.-K. 1177W.— 8. -hny] S hny. XXXV. 9-24 (P).— The cities of refuge and the law of homicide. — V.^~^^, a command to appoint six cities for the reception of persons who accidentally commit homicide ; v. ^^"2^, illustrations of the difference between manslaughter and murder ; v.^*"^^- ^^- ^^ (cp. v.^^- ^i^-), legal procedure in case of homicide; v.^^, a subscription; v.^^^-, the religious motive of the law. Grammatically, v.^-^- and v. 2**- are connected. 9 f. Introductory formulae ; with v.* cp. i^ n. (P) ; with v.^"^ cp. 33^^ (P). — 10-15. After Israel has crossed Jordan, six cities, three on the E. and three on the W. of Jordan, are to be appointed as places where all homicides, whether native Israelites, ger, ovtoshdb, may find an asylum from the kinsmen of the slain person till it can be legally determined whether death was inflicted wilfully or accidentally, and where the person who has accidentally committed homicide may find a permanent asylum (cp. v.^^^-). The appointment of six cities in accordance with this law is recorded in Jos. 20 (P). Both the present passage and Jos. 20 are at variance with Dt. 4^^"^^ which refers the appointment of the three cities E. of Jordan to Moses himself before Israel crossed Jordan. On the relation of Dt. 4"-^ to the law of Dt. igi-i^, and of both these passages to the present, see Driver, Deut. 78, 230 ff. — 11. Then shall ye select as suitable for yourselves cities\ mpn means " to bring the rights or fit-, thing before one " (cp. Gn. 24^2 2720J ; if the text is right, the vb. has here acquired some such sense as ** to select a.s^t, suitable " ; but unless "i")p'''i should be read for Idp"'') in Jos. 20'^,* there is no other instance of such a sense. G's SiaariWo) (cp. RV. appoint^ appears to be a * Kue. Th. Tijd. xi. 478. 470 NUMBERS mere paraphrase both here and in Dt. ig^- '^, where it renders bnan. — Cities of Refuge\ the exact meaning- of D/pD is un- certain, but it may mean place of reception rather than place of refuge. The only other derivative from the root used in the OT. is tDl7p (Lev. 22^^ t), a word of obscure meaning-. In Rabbinic the root is chiefly used in speaking- of the cities of refuge; but it is also used more widely, as, for example, of the collection or reception of rain-water (see Levy). If the literal sense be "cities of reception," cp. Jos. 20* "they (the elders of the city) shall receive (laDX"*) him into the city." The technical term "cities of refuge" (D^pr3(n) '<-ij?) occurs outside this chapter in Jos. 20^^-, i Ch 6'*^- ^^ ^^'^- ^^^ : the fuller phrase nS"in O^plD "i^y occurs five times in Jos. 21. D uses no technical term. — The vianslayer\ by itself T\T\T\ rather suggests a wilful murderer (cp. v.^*"^-) ; it therefore requires here the addition of the smiler of anyone (5i'3^ ; 5^ n.) unintentionally (njJC'^ ; 15^* phil. n.). — 12. From a goel\ read rather with <&,from the go el hnd-ddtn; cp. v.^^-^^ (E) "avenger of blood." There is no satisfactory Eng-lish equivalent for go el, gd'el had-dam. The primary meaning of the root gl is uncertain ; but apart from its secondary metaphorical use with reference to the divine deliverance of Israel, it most commonly means to discharge the duties resting o?i one as next of kin,* whether those duties be to contract a levirate marriage (Ru. 3^^), or to exact payment due to the deceased (5^), or to buy a kinsman out of slavery into which poverty has compelled him to sell himself (Lev. 25*^), or to buy back a field sold under similar circumstances (Lev. 25^), or to buy property to prevent its passings out of the family (Jer. 32''^-). The duty oi tho. go el had-ddm must be interpreted in the light of these other duties. "In the event of the depletion of the family life by the loss of blood — the loss of a life — the goel had a responsibility of securing- to the family an equivalent of that loss, by other blood, or by an agreed payment for its value. His mission was not veng-eance, but equity. He was not an avenger, but a redeemer, a * Cp. the Arabic -a'Ali, which corresponds to the Heb. go el had-dam, but means primarily the one 7vho stands near, the friend: Goldziher, Muham. Studicn, ii. 286. XXXV. 12 47 1 restorer, a balancer" (Clay Trumbull, Blood Covenant, 260). The goel had-dam belongs properly to a period of family organisation ; and the part played by him is only one instance of survivals from an earlier and simpler organisation in the more complex social life which the Hebrews subsequently developed. In three important respects the present law modifies the ancient custom: (i) It insists that life is to be forfeited only in case of wilful murder ; in primitive custom it makes no difference whether loss of life was due to malice or accident ; in either case loss had been inflicted on one family by another, and it was the duty of the goel to see that that loss was made good. (2) The law tacitly insists that the life of the actual murderer only can become forfeit. In primitive custom it was a matter of indifference whether the loss inflicted on a family was made good by shedding the blood of the actual homicide or another member of his family ; cp. the case of the seven members of Saul's family slain for his offence (2 S. 21^^-), and the still existing custom in Arabia according to which, when homicide is paid off in money, the money is exacted from all male members of the tribe.* (3) The law forbids the acceptance of a money equivalent for a forfeited life. But in spite of these important modifications the law is transitional ; it still leaves the exaction of the forfeited life to XhQ. goel had-ddm, the representative of the family, instead of making it the duty of a representative of the whole com- munity; and thus it does not abolish the ancient family institution, but simply modifies and regulates it in the larger interests of the State. In the case of accidental homicide the community or State prevents the go el discharging his duty to his family; in the case of murder, it insists that he shall discharge that duty in a particular way, viz. by taking the life of the murderer. But though it thus remains to the last transitional, Hebrew law marks a very distinct advance by so modifying primitive custom as to secure an adequate punish- ment for the individual gnWty of murder, and a clear distinction between accidental and wilful homicide. f — The congregation\ * W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Arabia, 262 f. t See, further, on various points alluded to, Driver, Deut. 234, and 472 NUMBERS i^ n. and phil. n. In what way, or by what representative body, the community acted in determining" the guilt or innocence of one accused of murder is not stated either here or in v.^^^- ; the same vagueness marks other passages where judicial decision or execution is referred to the whole people ; see 1532-36^ Lev. 24^*"^^. To limit the congregation here to the community of the place to which the homicide belonged (Di.) would make the procedure prescribed somewhat similar to that required in Dt. 19^^, but it would involve giving the phrase a meaning different from that with which it is con- stantly used by P. — 14. Beyond Jordait] i.e. east of Jordan : the term is used anachronistically, for the people are repre- sented as being E. of Jordan at the time this law is given (cp. yj^^ 22^ 36^^). — 15. The ger\ 15^^ n. — The tdshah\ the term is confined to P (Gn. 23*, Ex. 12^, Lev. 22I0 256- 23. 35. 40.45. 47) and Ps. 39^^, I Ch. 29^^; it did not occur in the original text of I K. 17^ (see (S). The exact meaning of the term is not clear ; possibly the toshdb, or settler, was a person not of Hebrew birth, who was attached to a Hebrew family in some more permanent way than the day-labourer (i''3ti') ; see n. on Lev. 25*^ in SBOT., and cp. Ex. 12*^ with Baentsch's note. 16-23. The distinction between murder and manslaughter exemplified. — Cp. and ct. Ex. 2112-11^ Dt. 19*^- 1"-. The fundamental distinction is one of intention. Evidence of intention is to be sought in [a) the character of the instru- ment, v.^^~^^; [b) the previous feelings, or the feelings at the time of the homicide, whether friendly or the reverse, v.^''"^^ Obviously [a) and {b) may clash ; apparently, if death resulted from the blow of a murderous instrument, the burden of proving lack of intention and absence of previous unfriendly relations with the slain man lay on the homicide ; cp. v.^^ and v.^^^^. — 16-18. Of the three classes of instruments or objects here mentioned, the two latter are distinctly described as calculated or likely to be the cause of death (n TWO'' "W^), Failing evidence to the contrary (cp. v.^^), the use of any of these literature there cited, and also his art. " Goal " in EBi. ; Clay Trumbull, Blood Covenant, 259-263 ; Otto Procksch, Ueber die Blutrache hei den vorislamischen Arabem tend Mohmnmeds Stellung su iJir (Leipzig-, 1S99). XXXV. 14-23 473 must be taken as proof of intention to murder, and if death results the user must be adjudged a murderer and die. The case of less serious results from the use of such instruments is considered in Ex. 2i^^'-. — 16. An instrument of z'ron] cp. Dt. 19^ — 17. A stone m the hand\ i.e. a stone that can be grasped or thrown with the hand ; cp. H^ ^pD a staff carried in the hand, Ezek. 39® ; and similarly 18 a ivooden instrument such as can be held in the hand', so rather than a stone large cno'ugh to Jill the hand (Rashi). — 19, like v.^^*', anticipates the fuller discussion of procedure in v.^^"^-. — 20 f. But death may be caused by a push or the like (v.^^*; cp. v.^sa)^ or by instru- ments of a type different from those just described (v.^*^'' ; cp. V.2-*'), or by a blow of the hand: in these cases, if previous enmity (nn^K, or nxj::') can be proved, or it can be shown that the particular act was premeditated {nnv3 v.^o''), the man is a murderer, and to be left to destruction at the hands of the g^el. The push, or the use of an instrument not in itself murderous, is, unless proof to the contrary be forthcoming, to be judged unintentional ; a fatal blow with the hand cannot be unintentional, but may have been given in the heat of sudden (v.^^) anger, and without any intention of inflicting serious damage. — 20. If he push hirn\ the kind of action implied by f)in may be gathered from Ezek. 34^1 ("because ye push with the side and the shoulder ") and 2 K. 4^^ (of Gehazi's attempt to remove the Shunamitess from Elisha's feet). — Or cast on him\ supply with (& and v.^^ any object (73 "h^), i.e. any object not of the kind contemplated in v.^*~^^, anything which would not ordinarily be employed with intent to kill. — 22. Reverse of v.^^. — 23. Continuation of v.^'^i even if death has resulted from a murderous implement, the charge of murder can be repulsed by showing that the homicide did not see the slain man when he allowed the implement to fall, and that he had no previous enmity towards the deceased, nor any unsatisfied grudge. This case is the closest parallel to the only instance cited in Dt. 19, though even this case is very differently described in the two laws. The logical and sym- metrical conclusion to this v. would have been : the manslayer is no murderer ; the go'el shall not put him to death. And 474 NUMBERS again, logically and actually, v.^* belong-s quite as much to y_20f. a^g {-Q v'.22f. : the question of previous enmity and intent is precisely what the judges have to determine. 18. in] read cm with G S ; cp. v.»«- ^ ; in v.^^- 2'- 22b. 23 the use of ix ( = or if) is different; it introduces an alternative protasis; and there is but one — a common — apodosis which follows (v.-^ and v.^^) the three alter- native protases. — 20. nns] also v.^ nns x'^af; cp. the use of the verb in Ex. 21^^, I S. 24'2-}-, The phrase need scarcely be rendered too literally (RV.); rather insidiously, or even intentionally. — 21. Nin nsn] C5 + ri»v niD nn,T; cp. in |^ v.^^b before v."".— 22. ynEjn] 6^ n. t-— 23. ^S'l . . • pK h^i. The cstr. is irregular ; Ss'i after the objective clause could be explained by Driver, Tenses, § 127, but '7'Dn takes a direct ace. ; the sentence seems to have been begun under the influence of other clauses introduced with the a of the instrument. The negation of the part, cpao by n"? is also anomalous ; Driver, § 162 (p. 205 n. 2). — On xVa, cp. BDB. 520a. 24-32. Legal procedure. — At some place, not the city of refuge itself (iTL^Tn v.^), the community (cp. v.^^ n.) is to adjudicate in accordance with the foregoing (v.^^"-^) rules (v.^*), and on the evidence of at least two witnesses (v.^") ; if the infliction of death is found to have been wilful, the go' el must slay the homicide (v.^^- '^*') ; but if accidental or unpremeditated (v. 22'-), the homicide is sent back to the city of refuge and there detained till the death of the high priest, after which he may return to his own home (v.^- ^s) ; but if he leave the city during the high priest's lifetime, the go5l has the right to slay him. In no case may a money payment be accepted either in lieu of the capital punishment for wilful murder, or of deten- tion in the city of refuge for accidental homicide (v.^"-). In the parallel laws (Ex. 21^2-u^ Dt_ igi-i3) neither the judicial authority nor the term of detention is defined; the elders of the homicide's city, who are mentioned in Dt. 19^^, are not the judicial authority ; but, in a case otherwise deter- mined to be one of wilful murder, they become intermediaries in the execution of justice. Read by itself, Dt. suggests that the detention was lifelong. While the mere altar was the asylum (Ex. 2i^3'-), detention beside it can hardly have been prolonged ; an instance of actual practice in the case of a refugee at the altar is to be found in i K. i^^'- : the homicide leaves the altar under the protection of a solemn oath. In Jos. 20* (v.*^ omitted by C5) the homicide states his case to XXXV. 24-30 475 the elders of the city of refuge before admission^ and, subse- quently, according- to the scarcely self-consistent v.^, to the whole community. 24. According to these judgments^ or legal rules ; a similar set of legal rules stating what is to be done under given con- ditions, appear under the same title of □''L:sl*'?0 in Ex. 21^. These (n^x) refers to what precedes (in v.^^'^s^ a.s often ; see, e.g., Gn. 9^^, Lev. 21^*, Ps. 15^. — 25. The congregation shall send hi^n back (^"'t^'m) to his city of reftige, which, it must be inferred, he had left to take his trial. — The high priest wlio has been anointed with the holy oil] for similar redundant defini- tions, see Lev. 21^** 16^^. Most frequently in P, Aaron or Ele'azar (as the case may be) is merely termed "the priest " ; occasionally, and chiefly, as here, when no reference has been made by name to the person intended, more distinctive terms or descriptions are used ; these most frequently refer to the distinctive anointing of Aaron and his successors (Ex. 29'^- ^^, Lev. 8^2); see Lev. 4^-^-^^ 6^^(22) J532 21I0.12. po^ the term •' high priest" {hfin jnan) see v.^s, Lev. 21^°, Jos. 20"^ (the only occurrences in the Hexateuch), 2 K. 12^^ 22*, Hag. i^- ^2, Zech. 3^, Neh. 3^. — The determination of the detention of the homicide by the life of the high priest may be a complete novelty in this post-exilic law. It is also possible, as Di. suggests, that it is a modified survival of an earlier practice ; it may be that at some of the asyla of ancient Israel, homicides were detained till the death of the chief priest who had charge of the sanctuary. — 27. Jle, the go el, has no blood] viz. to answer for (cp. Ex. 22^). The go el is free from blame, be- cause the homicide, by leaving his asylum, falls again under the ancient custom that required the go'el to kill ; the blood shed is therefore not innocent, and does not call for vengeance (cp. Dt. 19^^). — 29. A subscription which, presumably, once stood at the conclusion of a law. The regulations in v.^'^"^^ may have been drawn from some other law of manslaughter and asylum. — A statute of judgment] 27^^ !• — Throngho^d yozir generations (10^ n.) in all your dwellijtgs (Ex. 12^^, Lev. 3^^ etc.; CH. 55^). i.e. perpetually over the whole country the law is to be valid. — 30. Two witnesses are required before a capital 476 NUMBERS sentence can be passed; cp. Dt. 17^; Dt. ig"^^ requires at least two witnesses on any charge. — 31. The wilful murderer is not to be allowed to buy off the death penalty by a money payment. The money equivalent for a life, which the Hebrews called "1D3 (cp. especially Ex. 21^^^), was widely prevalent; cp. tlie Greek iroLvrjy the Germanic wergild (for references, see Driver, Deict. p. 234). It seems to have been prohibited at an early period in Israel, though this is the earliest explicit prohibition ; see Ex. 21^^, Dt. 19^"^^ (note especially v.^^), Lev. 24^^ (H), Gn. 9^'- (P). But in a particular case of loss of life not due to wilful murder, the early code expressly pro- vides for the payment of a ~iM (Ex. 21-^'-). Mohammed suffered the ancient practice of making a money payment to continue even in the case of wilful murder (Kor. 7}^^^-). — 32. The prohibition of quit-money in lieu of detention at the asylum is peculiar to this law ; it serves to bring out the punitive character of the detention. — For him that is fled\ so RV.; it is a highly questionable rendering of MT. (d"13P), but rightly represents the original text ; see below. — 33 f. The law concludes with a religious motive for carrying it out, or, rather, for the careful distinction between murder and manslaughter, and for the infliction of the death penalty for murder. The land in the midst of which Yahweh dwells must be kept free from pollution (cp. 5^ n.) ; the defilement of Canaan even before Yahweh took up His dwelling there had brought destruction on the former inhabitants (Lev. 18^^; Qp. Is. 24'*'-). A grievous cause of pollution or profanation, and, con- sequently, of danger (cp. Dt. 21^"^), is the shedding of blood, especially the blood of the innocent (Ps. 106^^; cp. Driver, DeiU. p. 241) ; and such pollution can only be expiated by the shedding of the blood of the man who caused it (cp. Gn. g-'*'-). —34b. Cp. Ex. 29^. 32. C13S] G already found this reading' ; but read DjV. See Paterson's note In 5i?Or.— jiDn] S CS 5 +^njn; cp. v.^s- 28 |j^^ £>;, suggests that S-\-\i7i may be in all cases a gloss. — 33. isi'^nn] This vb. only occurs in the Hexateuch in this v. — ra Dnx ne-x] ffi S S insert D'as" before na ; cp. v."(|§). —34. KDcn] read iNCon with S (S 5 STo. XXXVL (P'). A law regulating the marriage of heiresses. XXXV. 3I-XXXVI. 2 477 Selopheliad's daughters marry their uncles. —This chapter is a supplement to 27^^"^^, The case of Selophehad's daughters there led to the promulgation of a law permitting the daughters of a man dying without male issue to inherit his (landed) estate. The object of that law was to prevent the estate passing away from the man's descendants ; as a consequence, so it seemed to be there assumed (27* n.), it would remain a part of the possession of his clan, and, therefore, of his tribe. This supplemental law expHcitly enforces that consequence by forbidding women so inheriting to marry men of another tribe. It thus seems likely that the present passage is a supplement by a later hand. Certain variations in style and expression are then at once ex- plained ; note fjor '33 nnstt-no (v.^) as against f]DV-[3 nma nntufah (27I) ; nnTi nDx'i . . . 'js"? (v."-) as against laxh . . . 'jb"? nnD^m (27") ; the persons approached here are Moses and the princes, "the heads of the fathers' houses " (nuN ';^'^•^ n^N'C'^n) ; but in 27^ they are Moses, Ele'azar, the princes, and all the congregation. This contrast is not removed even if the addi- tion of Ele'azar here {(& &) is not, as it most probably is, merely an insertion from 27^. Ct. also the introduction of the law here (v.^) and in 2^6-8_ The supplementer is mainly influenced in style by P (cp. e.g. ncD), but not exclusively ; note, e.g., 'JiN (v.^), and, once, ana' (v.^). 1-4. The representatives of Gile'ad draw the attention of Moses and the representatives of Israel to the danger that the land allotted to Manasseh will be diminished if Selophehad's daughters, who have inherited their father's land (27^"^^), marry men of other tribes. — 1. T/ie heads ofthefaiher^ houses] cp. i2 n. 1718(3) 2i26 n.— Of the family of the children of Gilead] Since the sons of Gile'ad (26^'') constituted many families (nhSB^D), the word should perhaps be punctuated as a pi. here and rendered of the families. — lb. Cp. and ct. 27^. — 2a. 26^2-56^ — 2b. Cp. 27'^. — My lord] The periphrastic use of my lord for you never occurs in P^, is common in JE (24 times), and occurs twice elsewhere in P' {2,2^^- ^7) : CH. 56^^^. — Yahweh comynanded -my lord . . . and my lord was commanded by Vakweh] (n^V "'JHi^ ns nin'-a mv ^jnxi . . . mn^) the prefixing of the obj. in the first clause and the change to the passive in the second are both strange. Geiger {Urschr. 330) surmised that the original form in each case was. My lord {i.e. Moses) commanded, and that the present text originated in a desire to avoid the appear- 478 NUMBERS XXXVI. 3-13 ance that Moses gave commands on his own account. In itself the passive of n^y is not open to objection ; for even if Geiger is right in explaining away the punctuation in other Pentateuchal passages, the instances in Ezek. remain. Apart from the doubtful instance in Gn. 45^^, n^^' is confined to P and Ezek. (Ex. 34^^ Lev. S^^ lo^^ Nu. 3^^, Ezek. 12^ 24^8 3777). For 2 in mn'2 after the passive, cp. Gn. 9*^, Dt. 33^^. — 3. Their inheritance shall be withdrawn^ 27"^ n. — 4. Since the land would pass out of the tribe, not by sale, but by inheritance, it would not be affected by the law of jubilee (Lev. 25^^^) ; it would remain, it is true, in the hands of the descendants (by the female line) of Selophehad, but would be permanently withdrawn from the tribe of Manasseh. — 5-9. The divine decision in the particular case is that Selophehad's daughters must marry Manassites (v.*^), and, generally (v.^), that all heiresses must marry within their father's tribe, the motive for the particular decision (v.'^) and the general law (v.^) being the same, viz. to prevent the inheritance of the various tribes from being either diminished or increased by the transference of the portion of an individual family from one tribe to another. The theory frequently failed in practice (see on 32^^"^^). — 5^. Cp. 2'f . — 11 f. In accordance with the decision, the daughters of Selophehad marry Manassites (v. ^2), and, indeed (v.^^), the sons of their paternal uncles (Dnnn). — 13. A subscription, similar to that in Lev. 27^*, covering the laws between 22^ and 36^^. Though the position of this subscription is suitable, that of Lev. 27^^ is not, since further Sinaitic laws follow in Nu. i if. Addis has therefore surmised that both subscriptions were, as a matter of fact, added when the Pentateuch was divided into five books. 1. ncD] C5 S + ^^3^ "iiy'^x ':sSi; cp. 27" and see above. — 3. loui . . . vm] For this hypothetical cstr., see Dr. § 149. — -,diji] S n2Di:i (^p. v.'' |^) ; the cstr. in MT. as with v^y below is impersonal, an addition shall he made. In v.* ynj' is masc. before the fem. subj. ; Dav. 1135, G.-K. 1445. — 5. dn — when, is rare, especially with the impf.; BDB. 5oa5. — 11. The order of the names in ^ differs from that in 26^^ 27^ Jos. 17^ ; the order in these passages is preserved or restored by S here. (5^ has here yet another order. I ND EX. I. ENGLISH. (See also the Tables of Contents, pp, xif. and xxvi-xxix.) Aaron = the priests, 25, 232. representative of Levites, 214. (doubtfully) associated with Moses, xxxvii, 4, 25, 30, 38, 77, 80, 81, 84, 135, 145. sin of, 271. See also "Moses." death of, 270 fF. date of death of, 447. rod of, 2i4fF., 259, 262. 'Abarim, 281. Abidan, 8. Abihail, 30, Abihu, 21. Abihud, 21. Abiram. See Dathan, 'Ax^^Sa/xdx, 282. 'Axidi^, 464- Addar, 454, 456. Agag, 366, Ahi'ezer, 8. Ahihud, 464. Ahiman, 141. Ahiram, 393. "Ai, 281, 282. 'Ain, 461, 'Akrabbim, pass of, 455 f. Alexander the Great, alluded to? 379- Allegorical interpretations, 47, 247, 276. See also Philo, Augustine, Rabbinic. Allotment of Canaan, 394. 'Almon-diblathaim, 448. Almond tree, 217. Aloes, 363. Altar, the, the altars, xxxii, 28, 35. bronze covering of, 208. 'Amalek, 147, 159, 160, 164, 373 ff. Amen, 54. 'Amm, name of god, 327. 'Ammi'el, 136, 137, 'Ammihud, 8. 'Ammihur, 8. 'Amminadab, S. 'Ammishaddai, S. 'Ammon, 297, 326. Amorites, 147, 14S, 149, 160, 165 f., 294 ff., 305, 322. 'Anab, 143. 'Anakites, 141, 151. Angel of Yahweh, 266, 333, 335. Anger of Yahweh, 16, 81, 204, 213, 332. Ani'am, 392. Anointing, xxxiii, 75. 'Ar, 286. 'Arad, 271, 273. Aram, Aram-naharaim, 326, 346. ' Arbd-kanphoth, 184. Ard, 393. Ark, spontaneous movement of, 95, 96. addressed as Yahweh, 96. different terms for, 96, 166. wrappings of, 33. Arnon, 283 f., 286, 295. 473 48o INDEX Aroer, 'Arair, 286, 299, 433, 435- Ashshur, 375 ff. 'Asmon, 454, 456. Asri'el, 392. Ass, speaking-, 312, 334. used for riding', 326, ;^2^. Assonance of names, 1 14. Assyria, 376 f., 379. 'Ataroth, 433 f. Atharim, 273. Atonement, day of, 404, 411. "Atroth-shophan, 435. "Attarus, Mt, 291, 434. Augustine's exegesis, examples of, 121, 247. 'Azzan, 464. Baal-me'on, 382, 433, 437. Ba'al-pe'or, 382. Baals, 382. Balaam, xliv, xlviii, 307 ff., 325, 384. poems of, XXX, 313. character of, 318, 329, 331. in Rabbinic literature, 321. Balak, 307 fF., 322. Ballad-singers, xlv, 299, Addenda. Bamoth, Bamoth-ba'al, 291, 340 f., 344- Ban, 229, 271, 273. Barley meal, 50. Bdellium, 105. Becher, 392 f, Bedawin, customs of, 17, 19, 69, 271, 289. early allusions to, 268. Be'er, 288, 290. Be'er-sheba', 454. Bela, 314, 324. Bene-ja'akan, 447. Beon, 429. Beor, 314, 324. Beth-bamoth, 291. Beth-diblathalm, 44S, Beth-haram, 433, 435. Beth-jeshimoth, 293, 448. Beth-nimrah, 433, 435, Blessing, Priests', 71/1. formula of, 347. Blood, shed, defiles land, 476. Blue tassel threads, 183, 185. Blue wrappings of ark, etc., 34- Booty, distribution of, 418, 423. " Bread," figurative use of, 153. Bronze, 278. Bukki, 463. Burning or burying of holy or un- clean things, 65, 250. Cakes, 67, 106, 177. Caleb, 135, 136, 430. Camp, arrangement of the, 15 fF., 27 ff. to be guarded from unclean- ness, 40, 127. Camps, round or square, 17. Canaan, land of, meaning of term, 134- chief products of, 172. Canaanite customs among the Hebrew, 183. Canaanites, 146 f., 149, 159 f., 164, 273- Candlestick, golden, 77. ^ Cattle of Israelites, alluded to, 31, 103, 261, 427. in Gile'ad, 428. Cedars, 363. Cedar-wood, 247, 250 li Censers, 199. Chemosh. See Kemosh. Chislon, 463. "Cities," 139. Cloud, different conceptions of the (fiery), 85 ff., 95 f., 113, 124, 127, 18S, 212. " Congregation," 4 f., 198, 471, " Contribution," (ncnn), 42, 70, 17S, 223- Cojiper, 278. Cow, use of, in lustrations, 246 f. Cozbi, 387. Cucumbers, 103. Curse, power of, 54 (cp. 74), 327, 349- form of, 202. Cush, Cushite, I2i. " Cut off," 37, 84 C INDEX 481 Dathan andAbiram, iS6ff., 194, 196. Dead, defilement by the, 40, 57, 63 f., 65, 242 ff., 418, 422. Demonologfy, 244 f. De'u'el, 8. Deuteronomy, comparisons with legislation of, 23, 40, 72, 170, 183, 229 f., 233 f., 236 ff,, 410, 414, 469 ff. Dibon (-g-ad), 305, 433 f., 448. Divination, 355. ijolmens, 291. Dophkah, 445. Drink-offerings. See Libations. Dues. See Levites, Priests. Dust in potions, 51. East, mountains, children, of the,346. 'Eber, 376, 37Sf. Edom, 264 ff., 371, 455. " Egypt, river {ue. Wady) of," 325, 456- Egyptian deities, names of, in Hebrew names, 9. life, details of, 104. Ehi, a corrupt name, 393. Eldad, 114, 463. Elders, 109 f., 188. Ele'aleh, 433, 436. Ele'azar, 29, 35 f., 162, 208, 250, 418, 422. Eli'ab, 8. Eli'asaph, 8, 28. Elisaphan, 28, 3a Elishama', 8. Elisur, 7. 'Elyon, 310, 314, 369. 'En-mishpat, 46. Ephah, 50. 'Eran, 393. Esau and Edom, 268. Eshcol, 134, 141 f. 'Esion-geber, 442, 447. Ethiopian (?) wife of Moses, 121. " Evenings, between the two," 83. Evi, 420 f. Execution, modes of, 383. "Eye" in various phrases, 1S5, 201, 327, 335, 361. Ezekicl, affinities with the thought of, xlviii, 18, 155 f., 203. Ezekiel's legislation, comparisons with, 23, 169 f., 177, 229, 233 f., 235. 236 f., 386, 403. 405 f-. 409. 410 ff., 453,465. Face of Yahweh, 73. Family, clans, etc., terms for, 4, 9, 215, 387- Fasting, 416. Feast of Unleavened Bread, 410. of Weeks, 411. of Booths, 412. Feasts, fixed, 402 ff. Fees to prophets and others, 329. Fire of Yahweh, 99, 207. war, 303. on altar, 213, 222. "Fire-offering" (nfx), 172, 175, 176, 408. Firstborn, number of, 13. redemption of, 26, 31, 229 ff. priestly functions (?) of, 26. sacrifice (?) of, 230. of cattle, 31, 229, 231 f. Firstlings,first-fruits, i77,225ff.,4i i. Fish, 103. Flags used in camps, 19. "Forty Years," traditional, 161. Gad, 10, 425 ff. Gaddi, 136. Gaddi'el, 136. Gamali'el, 8. Garlic, 104. Genealogies, 193 f. Ger, 82, 175, 181. Gershonite Levites, 27, 38, 75, 92. Ge'u'el, 136, 137. Giants, 141, 151. Gile'ad, 391, 427, 440 f. Glory of Yahweh, 86, 154, 158, 161, 188, 203, 212, 261. Gods, beliefs concerning, 153 f, 304. 349, 381 f. food of, 408. Go el, 41, 47a Gog, 366, 377. 482 INDEX " Go out, to, and come in," 400. Grammatical details — Article with tribal names, 30. Double n in indirect questions, 139- Imperfect subordinated to pre- vious vb., 330. Infinitives, peculiar, 159, 269,330. Infinitival nouns, 38. Infinitive absolute, 339, 417. Indefinite subject, (?3rdfem.),396. Otiose pronoun, 432. Participle after -d, 452. Looseness of style possibly due to fusion of sources, 208, 327, 431. Synonymous particles combined, 66, 123. Waw conversive, unusual in- stances of, 38, 186, 199. See also Index II. Grapes, 138 f, 141, 142 f., 267. Greek Version, xxxix. "Guilt, to bear," 219, 234. Habiri, xli, 142. Hair, treatment of, 52, 59, 63 f., 65, 68 f., 79. Hamath, entrance of, 140, 458 f. " Hand, to fill the," 21. " to lift up the," 162. " shortness of," 113. Hands, laying- on of, 80, 401 f. '* to smite the," 367. Hanni'el, 463. Haradah, 446. Hasar-addar, 454, 456. Hasar-'enan, 458 f., 460 f, Ha§eroth, 119. Hashmonah, 446. Hauran, 459. Havvoth-ja'ir, 43Sf., 440. "Heart," 1S5. " Heave - offering," misleading translation. See Contribution. Hebron, 134, 137, T41 f., 15S, 396. Hebroni, 396. " Heifer," 2.jfl. Helek, 30?- l.Iepher, 39*. Herem, 229, 240, 271. Heshbon, 295, 298, 302, 433, 436. Hesron, 456. Hethlon, 459. High places, 450 Hittites, 147. Hobab, 93. Hoglah, 392. Holiness, xlix, 16, 18, 27, 35 f., 51, 112, 183, 196 f, 198, 209 f. " Holy, most," 222. Holy (most holy) place, 223. Holy things, 33. isolated or destroyed, 210. virater, 51, 53. Hor the mountain, 269 f., 459. Hor-hag-gidgad, 447. Hori, 136 f, Hormah, 165, 167, 271, 273. Hur, 420 f. Hyssop, 247, 250 f., 254. Idolatrous objects to be destroyed, 450- t'ezer, 391. Individual and clan, 190, 203, 471. Inscriptions cited or referred to — Assyrian and Babylonian, 21, 95, 106, 121, 147, 325, 354. Egyptian, xli, 140, 142, 147, 148, 150. 195. 268, 325 f., 334, 462. Moabite, 284, 296, 304, 433. Palmyrene, 322. Phoenician, 3^2, 37S, 38 2. Sabsean, 6. of Tel el-Amarna, xli, 142, 147 f., 149. 326, 342, 440- of Zinjirli, 6. Intercession, power of, 99, 127 f., 204. Intoxicants, forbidden to certain persons, 58 f., 61 ft 'Ir-moab, 337. Ishvah, 393. Ishvi, a corrupt name, 393, 20^ Israel, Yahweh's son, 108. Ithamar, 35, 75, 386. 'lyye-'abarim, 281, iSi, lyyon, 461. INDEX 48, Jabbok, 295 f., 428. Jacob and Israel in parallelism, 346. Jahas, 295, 299. Ja'ir, 438 f. Jannes and Jambres, 321. Ja'zer, 297 f., 427,433, 435. Jebusites, 148. Jeshimon, 293. Jogbehah, 433, 435, Jogli, 463- John the Baptist, 58. Joseph, 136. Joshua, 99, 115, 135, 136 f., 401. Judah, pre-eminence of, 14, 18, 194. Juniper, 251. Kadesh, 144, 256 ff., 266, 421, 442, 447. 454- barnea', 430. on the Orontes, 147-149. Karka', 454. KdpTTw/ia, 176, Kehelathah, 446. Kemosh, xlvi, 304, 382. Kenath, 441. Kenites, Kain, 375. Kibroth-hatta'avah, 100, 102. Kinnereth, Sea of, 462. Kiryathaim, 338, 433, 436 f. Kiryath-husoth, 338, 34a Kittim, 378. Kohathite Levites, 28, 32 fF., 75, 91. Korah, 186 fF., 193, 196, 261, 390, 396, 398- Koran, referred to, 63, 246, 322, 355. 423. 47^ Korhi, 396. Laban, 318, 321. La'el, 28, 30. Land inalienable, 397. Lebanon, 458. Leeks, 103. Lepers, leprosy, 40, 127. Levites (see also Priests). institution of, 21-25. purification and presentation of, 78 ff. numbers of, 11 ff., 27 ff. Levites, position of, in camp, 15 f., 19, 27 ff. rank and rights of, 186 ff. various functions of, 27 ff., 32 ff. age of service of, 81. clans of, 395. have no landed possessions. 232 f-, 395, 465- the cities of, 464 ff. dues payable to, 233 ff. pay tithe to the priests, 235. Libations, 67, 174, 412. Libnah, 445 f. Libni, 396. Lokman, 322, 325. Machi, 136, 137. Machir, 391, 439, 441. Madurah, Jebel, 270, 455. Mahlah, Mahli, 392, 396. Makheloth, 446. Manasseh E. of Jordan, 432, 437 ff. Manassite clans, 391. Manna, 100, 105. Manu, Laws of, referred to, 44 f., 62, 244, 254. Marriage with foreigners, 122, 380. levirate, 398. Massah, 25Sf. Mattanah, 290. Meal-offerings of memorial, 45 f., 51. quantities and occasions of, 67, 169, 406. Medad, 114. Medeba, 305. Mediterranean Sea, names of, 149, 457- Melons, 103. Menstruation, separation at, 40 (cp.25s). Merarite Levites, 29, 38, 75, 92. Meribah, 46, 258 f., 263. Messianic interpretations,3 1 4, 365 f, 370, 372. Micha'el, 136. Midian, Midianites, 93, 323, 384, 417 ff- Midrash, 182, 20S, 320, 418, 484 INDEX Milcah, 392. "Milk and honey," 145, 201. Miriam, 99, 120 fF., 260, 396. Moab, varying extent of, 284, 297 f., 322, 337, 433- steppes of, 306. and Israel, 307 ff. Monarchy, allusions to Hebrew, 353, 363, 366, 369 f- Moseroth, 447. Moses, passages attributed to, xxviii, 444. character of, xlvii. sin of, 258, 261 f., 263, 400. rod of, 258, 262. Mount of Yahweh, 95. Mountains, graves on, 271. Muppim, a corrupt name, 393. Murder and manslaughter, 469. Mushi, 396. Musur, 457. Na'aman, 393. Nahali'el, 290, 292. Nahshon, 7 f. " Name," meanings of, 5, 196. Name, power of, 74. Names, abbreviated geographical, 2S8, 437, 446. significance of geographical, 440-. Nazirite, 56 ff. Nebo, 433, 436. Negeb, 137, 146. Nemu'el, 390. Nephilim, 151. Nethan'el, 8. New moons, 404, 410. Night, revelations by, 312, 329 f. Nimrah, 435. No'ah, 392. Nobah, 441. "Nursing-father," 108. Oaths, 158, 162. of purgation, 44 ff., Addendn. Offering, claims to the right of, 190. Offerings, festal character of early, 237, 381, vn. Offerings regulated, 169 ff., 402 ff. of the Nazirite, 66, 67 f. of jealousy, 50. at the presentation of the Levites, 80. for sins of ignorance, 178 ff. periodic public, 402 ff. 'Og, 149. 306, 322, 366, 377- Oil used with meal-offerings, 50, 169, 171, 406. On b. Peleth, 190, 194. Onions, 103. Ordeals, 43 ff., 196, Addenda. Ox, wild, 354. Ozni, 391. Pagi'el, 8. Palti, 136. Palti'el, 464. Paran, Wilderness of, 91, 443, 447. Paranomasia, 220, 263, 376. Paraphrastic renderings in ver- sions, 95, 155, 163. Parnach, 464. Passover, supplementary, 82 ff. Peace-offerings, 22^' Pedah'el, 464. Pedahsur, 8. Peleth, 195. Peor, 340, 358, 382. Personification of nations, 265, 37a Pethor, 325, 327. Philo's exegesis, examples of, 47, 50 f, 52, 69, 247, 276, 321. Phinehas, 3S4ff., 417 ff. Pi-ha-hiroth, 445. Pisgah, 292, 340, 358. Pomegranates, 143. Population of Canaan, 12. of Sinaitic peninsula, 12. Potions, 44, 48, 54 f. Priest, High, 208, 271, 474 f. Priests, dues payable to Levites and, 41, 221 f., 236 f., 424. as landowners, 465. blessing of, 71 ff. Pe's theory of Aaronic, 22 f., 386. • superiority of, to Levites, 79. INDEX 485 Priests, strugfg-les between Levites and, 193. Prophets, prophecy, xlviii, 99, 113, 122, 125, 206, 317, 320, 329, 362. Propitiation, propitiatory rites, 42, 81, 181, 213. Punishment resembling;' the sin, 53 f-. 213- not necessarily inflicted on the offender, 383, 471. Punon, Pinon, 448. Purple wrappings for holy things, 34- Quails, 100, 117, 119. Quantities of offerings regulated, 57, 67, 169, 402 ff. Rabbath- Ammon, 297, 333, 433. Rabbinic exegesis, 77, 85, 122, 143, 249, 287, 294, 321, 367. Reba', 420 f. Red cow, 242 ff. , 248. Red, significance of, 247 f. wrappings for holy things, 34. Registration, 114. Rehob, 140. Rekem, 420 f. Reubenites, revolt of, 189 f. ? W. of Jordan, 195. E. of Jordan, 425 ff. Re u'el, 8. Revelation, 4, 123, 125, 361, Riblah, 140, 461. Rimmon, 143, 446. Rings, 424, Rissah, 446. Rithmah, 445. Roads, 267. Rosh (Gn. 46^^), a corrupt name, 393. Sabbath-breaking, 182. offering, 409, 412. Sacrificial custom and procedure (see Offering), 50, 66 f., 69, Sa'ideh, Sell, 286. Salmonah, 448. " Salt, covenant of," 233. Salt Sea, 455. Salt with offerings, 171. Salu, 386, Samaritan text of Numbers, xxxviii. Samson, 59. "Sanctuary," 220, 409. Satan, 333. Sebam, Sibmah, 431, 433, 437. Sedad, 459. Se'ir, 268, 372. Seleucid empire, supposed refer- ence to, 376. Selophehad, 192, 392, 396 ff., 399, 477- "Servant, my" (Yahweh's), 125, 159- " Servant, thy," paraphrastic use, 107. Seven, 342, 406. Shaddai, 6, 361. "Shadow," figurative use of, 153. Sham'al, 379. Shammua', i36f. Shaphat, 136. Shechem, 391. Shede'ur, 7. Shelumi'el, 7, 463. Shemida', 392. She'ol, 206. Shephupham, 393. Sheshai, 141. Shittim, 381. Sihon, 149, 295, 301. Sin, ideas of, 41, 65 f.. Si, 15S, 203, 205, 209, 398, 431. of ignorance, propitiation for, i78ff. Sin-offering, 68. Sin, wilderness of, 139, 259, 447, ■ 456 f. Sinai, wilderness of, 3, 443. site of, 94. Sippor, Sipporah, 322. So'an, 142. Sodi, 136. "Son of man," 351, 357. Sophim, Field of, 340, 350. "Soul," various meanings of, 41 f., 104, 277. Spirit, 110, ii3ff., 401. 486 INDEX Spirit of God, 359. of jealousy, 50. "Star," metaphorical use of, 369. Stick, 2x5. Stoning, I54f., 1S2. " Stranger " = n?, 16, 220. =nj. See Ger. Suphah, 285, 287. Sur, 421. Suri'el, 29 f. Surishaddai, 7, Susi, 136. Tab'erah, 99, loa. Tahath, 446. Tallith, 184. Talmai, 141, 143. Tassels, 183. " Ten times," 158. Tent of meeting, 3. distinguished trom tabernacle, 86. central in P, not in E, 17 f., 114, 124, 166. Terah, 446. " Testimony, the,' 216. Tirsah, 392. Tithe, 228, 233 fT. second, 228, 234. To-morrow, term set for commands, etc., 112. Trees sprung from dry sticks, 217. Tribes, order of mention, 10, 18. Trumpets, the, 87 ff. day of blowing of, 411. Uncleanness, unclean persons, 40 f., 241 ff., 422. " Unicorns," 354. 'Uzzi'el, 30. Vale, valley, 159 f. Vine, taboo on, 62 f. Vinegar, 62. Vophsi, 136 f. Vows, 58, 60, 71, 413 ff. Wady el-Abyad, 454. el-Ahs.l, 28 r, 283. Wady Ayfin Mfisa, 291, 292 f. Fikreh, 266, 270, 454 f. Marra, 454. Mi§r(a)im (el -'Arish), 45 \, 456- Mojib, 284, 286. Waleh, 284. Zerka Ma'in, 291, Waheb, 285, 287. Wanderings, differently regarded 161, 163. War, sacred, 285. Water of sin, 79, 252. impurity, 241 ff., 252, 253. bitterness, 52, 246. metaphor for prosperity, 364. "Wave-breast," 70, 223. Waving, ritual, 55, 80, 224. Wells, 288-290. "Whoredom," 163, 185. Wind working Yahweh's purposes, Wine, taboo to Nazirites, 59, 62 f. as a sacred offering, 67, 171, 174, 409. offered with animal offerings, 169, 171 f., 406. Women classified as to age and state, 415. separation of unclean, 40. subjected to ordeal, 43 ff. their limited rights to holy things, 221, allowed to inherit, 397. if heiresses must marry with- in the clan, 477. might become Nazirites, 61. regulations for vows of, 413. Word, independence of spoken, 415- Yahweh, various conceptions of, xlvi, xlix, 96, 155, 157, 166, 203, 316, 3r8, 351 f., 381, 397. visibility of, 126. battles of, 284, 431. ■ king of Israel, 353. His presence in Israel, 197, 354« INDEX 487 Yahwisttc religion, modifying in- fluence of, 47 f., 63, 69, 183 f., 185, 243, 275 f., 410. Yam Suph, 160. Yarmuk, 42S. Yashar, Book of the, 284, 347. Zaccur, 136, 137. Zelophehad. See Selophehad. Zendavesta, cited, 244, 246, 254. Zered, 283. Zimri, 386. Ziphron, 459. Zoan. See So'an. Zippor. See Sippor. Zophim. See Sophim. Zuriel. See Suri'el. Zurishaddai. See Suri-shaddai. (♦LmaJL-I 355. '3 mK, 256, tVO S.IN, 3. niN, 460. n"?. 353- '3 (b"n) b-'n, 43, 52. ^x, use of, 128, 203. 'JB 'jlO ^H, 78. nisN, 387. qoaoK, 102, 104. ■13N, 414, 417. t=5¥. 350. '7:ix, (vb.) 112. mi'i'N, 424. nB*h!, 286 f. nf X. See Fire-offering. C9'K, 42, 222. 2, uses of, 112, 122, 159. nM22 puberiy, 415, ni3. 181. 3Nn'3, 4f., 3S7. D"n33, 225 ff. n Dv, 411. S1V3, 176. nic3, 304, 450. ni2 rebuild, 302, 434. 'TD ':3, 217. rys, 261, 264- mvmz, 92. nn3, "iDri, 181. navz, 181. II. HEBREW. (Supplemental to Index I.) ^13J, 269. 11J, 181. »", 119. MJ, 218. N'J (? fern.), 294. rhypi individual, 5. n3i, 151 f. 3 131. 120, 122. '?J'3, 20. ^^^ ? / 173- it, 62, 64. ni (enclitic), 139. CVT, 348. Kl». 113, 488 INDEX riNBn, 252. ^'[•}, 177^ n>0, 235. f'jn (Niphal or Hiphil ?), 421. n|:q dedication-gift, 76 f, pn, 222. •? mn, 202. fiinn, 62, 64. D's'ri, 432. inn, 97. m'D, 17, 421. ^a, 421. "pxx;!, 116. T, various meanings of, 150, 378. See also " Hand." D.Tl, 150. p:j;n n'"?', 141. t^T, 337. -T, euphemistic use of, 54. ^■"^i;. 373- nB'x B", 87. TOIS, 424. '=, 336. cnpn '^3, 420. •133 corner, 184. '103 (noun), 37, nx?, 356. 123, 476. S uses of, 30, 43, 77, 218, 252. -rh (Kal or Piel ?), 324. en'' food, 408. TDnn en"?, 35. pVorjiS?, 153, 218. IB''?, 106. nxD ow the part of, 25. Ni;3D, 416. E'lJO, 467 f, ^10, 371 143- f,Dia additional {offering), 409. nns, 462. .T^3, 4f., 6, 215, 219, D3D, 425. nnx iiba, 159. nyan dn'td, 227, 235. JO, various uses of, 231, 37S. nnjD, differently used in J E and P. 201. in3in nn:a, 46. TDn.i nmo, 36, 408, ^Jsa, 88. HDD, 421, 423. "^yo. 52- '?yp, 216, 385. D'VO womb, 54. cipo, gi. DipD district, country, 273. o'jpD, 470. nv3B'C, 450, 452. nnm portion, 233. pE'D, 204. '?^3, D'^Y^c^- 299, 344- moc'a, 221. Sirrc, 336. nnsra, 4 f. c'Bsro, 475. n'l;;'.';', 64. N3, 128, 201. DN^, 162, 361, 365, q::, 81. yn:i:, 84. tt:, 61. '?m, 363, 464. D.3, 278, 390. Dny^, m-ip, 415. ^'^^, 39. 75. 135- nSn, i;o. SrD(JE) = c:i(P), 155. r=7= ^, 8, 282. ly against, 92. n:N ny, 159. my. See Congregation, iiy, 31- 'ly and Tiy, in proper names, 3a hv, uses of, loS, 412. nnx "jy, 123. na-i Sy, 3S7. 'T ''!'> 455- Dy kifisvian, 8, iSi, 270, 325. W I23f. INDEX 489 hty, 167. nionj;, 177. 1"-"^V, 53. •■'??. 371, 455. 467. ■ijs, 162. ms, 231, 233. C'ln?, Dins, 31!. ia£3, moe, 81. "?!??, 30. 37- ms, 216. fc""!?, 253. CTfl /o explain, 182. 3X, 76. K3S, 36. n3S, 54. ms, use of Pual of, 30, 477. ■lis, in proper names, 6. D's, 378. {"s, 217. ns's, 184. ^s. 153, 155. 399. c^?, 450- TDS, 256, 424. crjs, 452. n?i?. 385- r^p^, Q-trnp, D'inp.n cip, 33, 35, 43, 220. Sap, 89, 324. rp< 323- I'P, 468. ^^% 277. cop, 329, 355. 420. •"'?i7, 269, 342. 3"ip, technical use of, 199. p-ip, 172, 199, 201, 223, 407 3 nxn, 109. °!<1> 354-_ ts'xn, various meanings of, 5, 42. nxw, 225 ff., 374, c", 155- nn'3 nn, 1 73 f. ncn, 3S5. "Tv'. 292, 333* noiy, 52. C'9^, 452. ns-ie', 208. ^^B*, 6, 37, 219. "'3^, 305. in3B'3 n3c', 412. n;ir, doubtful use of, 181. entr, 159. O'ltSC*, I 10. ns!?', 61, 409. D^hv welfare, 73. D'jsn jnW, 35. 'SJE*, 343 f. m:^, 25. pvncnB>, 361, 366. n.NH, 460. nxnn, 227. "i2i'in, 355, 357. TIN sin, 457. ■i^n, 137. '85. sunn, 472. rnn, 34. HNun, 163. .nsun, 80, 223 f. rnin, 430. nonn, 225 ff. See Contribution. nynn, 37. 88 f., 4"- 'ghz fnUxnutioMitX ^viticvd ^ommtxituxvi. "A decided advayice 07i all other commentaries.'''' — The Outlook. DEUTERONOMY. By the Rev. S. R. DRIVER, D.D„ D.Litt., Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxfori Crown 8vo. Net, $3.00. "No one could be better qualified than Professor Driver to write a critical and exegetical commentary on Deuteronomy. His previous works are author- ities in all the departments involved; the grammar and lexicon of the Hebrew language, the lower and higher criticism, as well as exegesis and Biblical the- ology; . . . the interpretation in this commentary is careful and sober in the main. 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" It must be emphasized that the commentary is a distinct contribution to scholarship, that it deserves a place alongside of its New Testament prede- cessors in the series, and that it is the best commentary on these epistles in English." — The Biblical World. "The careful and thorough student will find here a vast amount of infor- mation most helpful to him in his studies and researches. The International Critical Commentary, to which it belongs, will prove a great boon to stu- dents and ministers." — The Canadian Congregationalist. " As a study of the Greek text, his commentary stands in the front rank of the series to which it belongs. But the most characteristic part of the book is the preface and the introductory matter, in which Dr. Bigg's genius as a historian finds ample scope " — Literature. "We do not hesitate to say that it is, after all, in our judgment, the most useful commentary on the difficult portions of Scripture with which it deals, of which we have any knowledge." — Reformed Church Review. XTbe Unternational XTbeoIoQical Xibrar^* EDITORS' PREFACE. Theology has made great and rapid advances in recent years. New lines of investigation have been opened up, fresh h'ght has been cast upon many subjects of the deepest interest, and the historical method has been applied with important results. This has prepared the way for a Library of Theological Science, and has created the demand for it. It has also made it at once opportune and practicable now to secure the services of specialists in the different depart- ments of Theology, and to associate them in an enterprise which will furnish a record of Theological inquiry up to date. This Library is designed to cover the whole field of Chris- tian Theology. Each volume is to be complete in itself, while, at the same time, it will form part of a carefully planned whole. One of the Editors is to prepare a volume of Theological Encyclopaedia which will give the history and literature of each department, as well as of Theology as a whole. The Library is intended to form a series of Text-Books for Students of Theology. The Authors, therefore, aim at conciseness and compact- ness of statement. At the same time, they have in view editors' preface. that large and increasing class of students, in other depart- ments of inquiry, who desire to have a systematic and thor- ough exposition of Theological Science. Technical matters will therefore be thrown into the form of notes, and the text will be made as readable and attractive as possible. The Library is international and interconfessional. It will be conducted in a catholic spirit, and in the interests of Theology as a science. Its aim will be to give full and impartial statements both of the results of Theological Science and of the questions which are still at issue in the different departments. The Authors will be scholars of recognized reputation in the several branches of study assigned to them. They will be associated with each other and with the Editors in the effort to provide a series of volumes which may adequately represent the present condition of investigation, and indi- cate the way for further progress. CHARLES A. BRIGGS. STEWART D. F. SALMOND. Theological Encyclopaedia. By Charles A. Briggs, D.D., D.Litt., Professor of Biblical Theology, Union Theological Seminary, New York. An Introduction to the Litera- By S. R. Driver, D.D., D.Litt., ture of the Old Testament. Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. {Revised and enlarged edition.) The Study of the Old Testa- By the Right Rev. Herbert Edward ment. Ryle, D.D., Lord Bishop of Win- chester. Old Testament History. By Henry Preserved Smith, D.D., Professor of Biblical' History, Am- herst College, Mass. [/« Press. Contemporary History of the By Francis Brown, D. D., LL.D., Old Testament. D.Litt., Professorof Hebrew, Union Theological Seminary, New York. Theology of the Old Testa- By the late A. B. Davidson, D.D., ment. LL.D., Professor of Hebrew, New College, Edinburgh. [/« Press. tX}t 3nfernattondf Jgeofo^icaf &i6rarg. An Introduction to the Litera- ture of the New Testament. Canon and Text of the New Testament. The Life of Christ. A History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age. Contemporary History of the New Testament. Theology of the New Testa- ment. The Ancient Catholic Church. The Later Catholic Church. The Latin Church. History of Christian Doctrine. Christian Institutions. Philosophy of Religion. Apologetics. The Doctrine of God. The Doctrine of Salvation. Christian Ethics. The Christian Pastor and the Working Church. Rabbinical Literature. By S. D. F. Salmond, D.D., Prin- cipal of the Free Church College, Aberdeen. By Caspar Rene Gregory, D.D., LL.D., Professor of New Testa- ment Exegesis in the University of Leipzig. By William Sanday, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Di- vinity, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. By Arthur C. McGiffert, D.D., Professor of Church History, Union Theological Seminary, New York. {Now ready.) By Frank C. Porter, Ph.D., Pro- fessor of Biblical Theology, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. By George B. Stevens, D.D., Pro- fessor of Systematic Theology, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. {Now ready.) By Robert Rainy, D.D., LL.D., Principal of the New College, Edinburgh. {Now ready.) By Robert Rainy, D.D., LL.D., Principal of the New College, Edinburgh. By the Right Rev. Archibald Rob- ertson, D.D., Lord Bishop of Exe- ter. By G. P. Fisher, D.D., LL.D., Pro- fessor of Ecclesiastical History, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. {Revised and enlarged edition.) By A. V. G. Allen, D.D., Profes- sor of Ecclesiastical History, P. E. Divinity School, Cambridge', Mass. {Notv ready.) By Robert Flint, D.D., LL.D.. Professor of Divinity in the Uni versity of Edinburgh. By the late A. B. Bruce, D.D., some- time Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Free Church College, Glasgow. {Revised and enlarged edition . ) By William N. Clarke, D.D., Pro- fessor of Systematic Theology, Hamilton Theological Seminary. By George 13. Stevens, D.D., Pro- fessor of Systematic Theology, Yale University. By Newman Smyth, D.D., Pastor of Congregational Church, New Ha- ven . {Revised and enlarged edition . ) By Washington Gladden, D.D., Pastor of Congregational Church, Columbus, Ohio. {A\ni> ready.) By S. ScHECHTER, M.A., President of the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York City. ZU Jnternationaf S^eofo^icaf &i6rdrg. AN INTRODUCTION TO The Literature of the Old Testament By Prof. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., D.Litt. Canon of Christ Church, Oxford New Edition Revised Crown 8vo, 558 pages, $2.50 net "It is the most scholarly and critical work in the English lan- guage on the literature of the Old Testament, and fully up to the present state of research in Germany." — Prof. Philip Schaff, D.D. " Canon Driver has arranged his material excellently, is succinct without being hurried or unclear, and treats the various critical prob- lems involved with admirable fairness and good judgment." —Prof. C. H. Toy. "His judgment is singularly fair, calm, unbiassed, and inde- pendent. It is also thoroughly reverential. . . . The service, which his book will render in the present confusion of mind on this great subject, can scarcely be overestimated." — The London Times. "As a whole, there is probably no book in the English language equal to this ' Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament' for the student who desires to understand what the modern criticism thinks about the Bible." — Dr. Lyman Abbott, in the Outlook. "The book is one worthy of its subject, thorough in its treat- ment, reverent in its tone, sympathetic in its estimate, frank in its recognition of difficulties, conservative (in the best sense of the word) in its statement of results." — Prof. Henry P. Smith, in the Magazine of Christian Literature. ' ' In working out his method our author takes up each book in order and goes through it with marvelous and microscopic care. Every verse, every clause, word by word, is sifted and weighed, and its place in the literary organism decided upon." — The Presbyterian Quarterly. " It contains just that presentation of the results of Old Testa- ment criticism for which English readers in this department have been waiting. . . . The whole book is excellent; it will be found helpful, characterized as it is all through by that scholarly poise of mind, which, when it does not know, is not ashamed to present de- grees of probability." — New World. "... Canon Driver's book is characterized throughout by thorough Christian scholarship, faithful research, caution in the expression of mere opinions, candor in the statement of facts and of the necessary inferences from them, and the devout recognition of the divine inworking in the religious life of the Hebrews, and of the tokens of divine inspiration in the literature which records and em- bodies it." — Dr. A. P. Peabody, in the Cambridge Tribune. CHRISTIAN INSTITUTIONS. By ALEXANDER V. G. ALLEN, D.D. Professor of Eccle jiastical History in the Episcopal Theological School in Cambridge. Crown 8vo, 577 pages, $2.50 net. '* Professor Allen's Christian Institutions may be regarded as the most important permanent contribution which the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States has yet made to general theological thought. In a few particulars it will not command the universal, or even the general assent of discriminating readers ; but it will receive, as it deserves, the respect and appreciation of those who rightly estimate the varied, learned, and independ- ent spirit of the author." — Tke American Journal of Theology. " As to his method there can be no two opinions, nor as to the broad, critical, and appreciative character of his study. It is an immensely sug- gestive, stimulating, and encouraging piece of work. It shows that modern scholarship is not all at sea as to results, and it presents a worthy view of a great and noble subject, the greatest and noblest of all subjects." — T/ie In- dependent. "This will at once take its place among the most valuable volumes in the • International Theological Library,' constituting in itself a very complete epitome both of general church history and of the history of doctrines. A single quotation well illustrates the brilliant style and the pro- found thought of the book." — The Bibliotheca Sacra. " The wealth of learning, the historical spirit, the philosophic grasp, the loyalty to the continuity of life, which everywhere characterize this thorough study of the organization, creeds, and cultus constituting Christian Institu- tion. . . • However the reader may differ with the conclusions of the author, few will question his painstaking scholarship, judicial temperament, and catholicity of Christian spirit." — The Advance. " It is an honor to American scholarship, and will be read by all who wish to be abreast of the age." — The Lutheran Church Revieio, " With all its defects and limitations, this is a most illuminating and sug- gestive book on a subject of abiding interest." — 77ie Christian Intelli- gencer." "It is a treasury of expert knowledge, arranged in an orderly and lucid manner, and more than ordinarily readable. . . . It is controlled by the candid and critical spirit of the careful historian who, of course, has his convictions and preferences, but who makes no claims in their behalf which the facts do not seem to warrant." — The Congregationalist. " He writes in a charming style, and has collected a vast amount of im- portant material pertaining to his subject which can be found in :»o other work in so compact a form." — The A^ew Vcrh Observer, Apologetics ; Or, Christianity Defensively Stated. By the late ALEXANDER BALMAIN BRUCE, D.D., ■^rofessor of Apologetics and New Testament Exegesis, Free Church College, Glasgow ; Author of " The Training of the Twelve," "The Humilia- tion of Christ," " The Kingdom of God," etc. Crown 8vo, 528 pages, $2.50 net. Professor Bnice's work is not an abstract treatise on apologetics, but an apologetic presentation of the Christian faith, with reference to whatever in our intellectual environment makes faith difficult at the present time. It addresses itself to men whose sympathies are with Christianity, and discusses the topics of pressing concern — the burning questions of the hour. It is offered as an aid to faith rather than a buttress of received belief and an armory of weapons for the orthodox believer. ' ' The book throughout exhibits the methods and the results of conscientious, independent, expert and devout Biblical scholarship, and it is of permanent value." — The Congregatioualisi. ' ' The practical value of this book entitles it to a place in the first rank." — The Independent. " A patient and scholarly presentation of Christianity under aspects best fitted to commend it to 'ingenuous and truth-loving minds.' " — The Nation. "The book is well-nigh indispensable to those who propose to keep abreast of the times." — Western Christian Advocate. "Professor Bruce does not consciously evade any difficulty, and he constantly aims to be completely fair-minded. For this reason he wins from the start the strong confidence of the reader." — Advance. " Its admirable spirit, no less than the strength of its arguments, will go far to remove many of the prejudices or doubts of those who are outside of Christianity, but who are, nevertheless, not infidels." — N^ew York Tribune. " In a word, he tells precisely what all intelligent persons wish to know, and tells it in a clear, fresh and convincing manner. Scarcely anyone has so successfully rendered the service of showing what the result of the higher criticism is for the proper understanding of the history and religion of Israel." — A7tdover Review. " We have not for a long time taken a book in hand that is more stimulating to faith. . . . Without commenting further, we repeat that this volume is the ablest, most scholarly, most advanced, and sharpest defence of Christianity that has ever been written. No theological library should be without it." — Zions Herald. 26e Jnferndttonaf S^eofo^tcaf £t6rarj^. A HISTORY OF , CHRISTIANITY IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE BY ARTHUR CUSHMAN McQIFFERT, Ph.D., D.D. Washburn Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Seminary, New I'^ert, Crown 8vo, 681 Pages, $2.50 Net. *' The author's work is ably done. . . . This volume is worthy of its place in the series." — T/te Congregaiionalist. " Invaluable as a resume of the latest critical work upon the great forma- tive period of the Christian Church." — The Christian World (London). "There can be no doubt that this is a remarkable work, both on account of the thoroughness of its c/i''cism and the boldness of its views." — The Scoisvian. " The ability and learning of Proi'sssor McGiflfert's work on the Apos- tolic Age, and, whatever dissent there may be from its critical opinion, its manifest sincerity, candid scholars will not fail to appreciate." — Dr. George P. Fisher, of Yale University. " Pre-eminently a clergyman's book ; but there are many reasons why it should be in the library of every thoughtful Christian person. The style is vivid and at times picturesque. The results rather than the processes of learning are exhibited. It is full of local color, of striking narrative, and of keen, often brilliant, character analysis. It is an admirable book for the Sunday-school teacher." — Boston Advertiser. " For a work of such wide learning and critical accuracy, and which deals with so many difficult and abstruse problems of Christian history, this is re- markably readable." — The Independent. "It is certain that Professor McGiffert's work has set the mark for future effort in the obscure fields of research into Christian origin." — New York Tribune. " Dr. McGifTert has produced an able, scholarly, suggestive, and con- Structive work. He is in thorough and easy possession of his sources and materials, so that his positive construction is seldom interrupted by citations, the demolition of opposing views, or the irrelevant discussion of subordinate questions." — 7^he Methodist Review. "The clearness, self-consistency, and force of the whole impression of Apostolic Christianity with which we leave this book, goes far to guarantee its permanent value and success." — The Expositor . History of Christian Doctrinec BY GEORGE P. FISHER, D.D., LL.D., Titus Street Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale University. Crown 8vo, 583 pages, $2.50 net« " He gives ample proof of rare scholarship. Many of the old doc- trines are restated with a freshness, lucidity and elegance of style which make it a very readable book." — The New York Observer. "Intrinsically this volume is worthy of a foremost place m our modern literature . . . We have no work on the subject in English equal to it, for variety and range, clearness of statement, judicious guidance, and catholicity of tone." — Londofi Nonconformist and Inde- pendents " It is only just to say that Dr. Fisher has produced the best His- tory of Doctrine that we have in English." — The New Yotk Evangelist. " It is to me quite a marvel how a book of this kind (Fisher's •History of Christian Doctrine') can be written so accurately to scale. It could only be done by one who had a very complete com- mand of all the periods." — Prof. William Sanday, Oxford. "It presents so many new and fresh points and is so thoroughly treated, and brings into view contemporaneous thought, especially the American, that it is a pleasure to read it, and will be an equal pleasure to go back to it again and again." — Bishop John F. Hurst. " Throughout there is manifest wide reading, careful prepara- tion, spirit and good judgment," — Philadelphia Presbyterian. " The language and style are alike delightfully fresh and easy . . . A book which will be found both stimulating and instructive to the student of theology." — The Churchman. "Professor Fisher has trained the public to expect the excellen cies of scholarship, candor, judicial equipoise and admirable lucidity and elegance of style in whatever comes from his pen. But in the present work he has surpassed himself." — Prof. J. H. Thayer, c/ Harvard Divinity School. " It meets the severest standard; there is fullness of knowledge, thorough research, keenly analytic thought, and rarest enrichment for a positive, profound and learned critic. There is interpretative and revealing sympathy. It is of the class of works that mark epochs in their several departments." — The Outlook. " As a first study of the History of Doctrine, Professor Fisher's volume has the merit of being full, accurate and interesting." — Prof. Marcus Dods " . . . He gathers up, reorganizes and presents the results of tovestigation in a style rarely full of literary charm." — The Interiov^ THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By GEORGE B. STEVENS, D.D. Professor of Systematic Theology, Yale University, Crown 8vo, 480 pages, $2.50 net. "In style it is rarely clear, simple, and strong, adaptea alike to the gen- eral reader and the theological student. The former class will find it read- able and interesting to an unusual degree, while the student will value its thorough scholarship and completeness of treatment. His work has a sim- plicity, beauty, and freshness that add greatly to its scholarly excellence and worth. " — Chj'isiian Advocate. " Professor Stevens is a profound student and interpreter of the Bible, as far as possible divested of any prepossessions concerning its message. In his study of it his object has been not to find texts that might seem to bol- ster up some system of theological speculation, but to find out what the writers of the various books meant to say and teach." — iV. V. Tt-ibiine. "It is a fine example of painstaking, discriminating, impartial research and statement." — The Congregationalisi. " Professor Stevens has given us a very good book. A liberal conser- vative, he takes cautious and moderate positions in the field of New Testa- ment criticism, yet is admirably fair-minded. His method is patient and thorough. He states the opinions of those who differ from him with care and clearness. The proportion of quotation and reference is well adjusted and the reader is kept well informed concerning the course of opinion with- out being drawn away from the text of the author's own thought. His judgments on difificult questions are always put with self-restraint and sobriety." — The Churchman. " It will certainly take its place, after careful reading, as a valuable synopsis, neither bare nor over-elaborate, to which recourse will be had by the student or teacher who requires within moderate compass the gist of modern research." — The Literary World. THE ANCIENT CATHOLIC CHURCH From the Accession of Trajan to the Fourth General Council (A.D. 98=451) By ROBERT RAINY, D.D. Principal of the New College, Edinburgh. Crown 8vo. 554 Pages. Net, $2.50. "This is verily and indeed a book to thank God for; and if anybody has been despairing of a restoration of true catholic unity in God's good time, it is a book to fill him with hope and confidence." — The Church Standard. " Principal Rainy has written a fascinating book. He has the gifts of an historian and an expositor. His fresh presentation of so intricate and time- worn a subject as Gnosticism grips and holds the attention from first to last. Familiarity with most of the subjects which fall to be treated within these limits of Christian history had bred a fancy that v/e might safely and profit- ably skip some of the chapters, but we found ourselves returning to close up the gaps ; we should advise those who are led to read the book through this notice not to repeat our experiment. It is a dish of well-cooked and well- seasoned meat, savory and rich, wii.h abundance of gravy ; and, while no one wishes to be a glutton, he will miss something nutritious if he does not take time to consume it all." — Methodist Ecview. "It covers the period from 98-451 a.d., with a well-marked order, and is written in a downright style, simple and unpretentious. Simplicity, in- deed, and perspicuity are the keynotes, and too great burden of detail is avoided. A very fresh and able book." — The Nation. "The International Theological Library is certainly a very valuable collec- tion of books on the science of Theology. And among the set -' good books, Dr. Rainy's volume on The Ancient Catholic Church .6 entitled to a high place. We know of no one volume which contains .>o much matter which is necessary to a student of theology." — The Living Church. " Of course, a history so condensed is not to be read satisfactorily in a day cr even a week. The reader often will find ample food for thought for a day or more in what he may have read in two hours. But the man who will master the whole book will be amply rewarded, and will be convinced that he has been consorting with a company of the world's greatest men, and has attained an accurate knowledge of one of the world's greatest and most important periods." — Christian Intelligeiicer. "As a compend of church history for the first five centuries, this volume will be found most useful, for ready reference, both to those who possess the more elaborate church histories, and for the general information desired by a wider reading public ; while the temperate presentations of the author's own theories upon disputed points are in themselves of great value," — Bibhotheca Sacra. "Principal Rainy of the New College, Edinburgh, is one of the foremost scholars of Great Britain, and in Scotland, his home, he is regarded by his countrymen as the chief figure in their ecclesiastical life. There can be little doubt that this recent volume will enhance his reputation and serve to introduce him to a wider circle of friends ''' —Congrcgationahst, Boston, Christian Ethics, By NEWMAN SMYTH, D.D., New Haven. Crown 8vo, 508 pages, $2.50 net. " As this book is the latest, so it is the fullest and most attractive treatment of the subject that we are familiar with. Patient and ex- haustive in its method of inquiry, and stimulating and suggestive in the topic it handles, we are confident that it will be a help to the task of the moral understanding and interpretation of human life." — TAe Livijig Church. " This book of Dr. Newman Smyth is of extraordinary interest and value. It is an honor to American scholarship and American Chris- tian thinking. It is a work which has been wrought out with re- markable grasp of conception, and power of just analysis, fullness of information, richness of thought, and affluence of apt and luminous illustration. Its style is singularly clear, simple, facile, and strong. Too much gratiiication can hardly be expressed at the way the author lifts the whole subject of ethics up out of the slough of mere natural- ism into its own place, where it is seen to be illumined by the Chris- tian revelation and vision." — The Advance. " The subjects treated cover the whole field of moral and spiritual re- lations, theoretical and practical, natural and revealed, individual and social, civil and ecclesiastical. To enthrone the personal Christ as the true content, of the ethical ideal, to show how this ideal is realized in Christian conscious' ness and how applied in the varied departments of practical life — these are the main objects of the book and no objects could be loftier." — The Congregationalist. " The author has written with competent knowledge, with great spiritual insight, and in a tone of devoutness and reverence worthy of his theme." — The London Independent. "It is methodical, comprehensive, and readable; few subdivisions, direct or indi-ect, are omitted in the treatment of the broad theme, and though it aims to be an exhaustive treatise, and not a popular handbook, it may be perused at random with a good deal of suggestiveness and profit." — The Sunday School Times " It reflects great credit on the author, presenting an exemph.ry temper find manner throughout, being a model of clearness in thought and term, and containing passages of exquisite finish." — Hartford Setnitiar^ KecorC. " We commend this book to all reading, intelligent men, ani< espec} U» to ministers, who will find in it many fresh suggestions." — Pkoiessor a. E Br.uc>. C?e 3ntctnatton