OeetL i FI43& .BZI v,3 I Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/historyofcentral03banc HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA BY / HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT VOLUME III NEW YORK THE BANCROFT COMPANY CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. CHAPTER I. LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE. 1801— ISIS. r Popular Feeling in Central America — Effect of Events in Spain — Recog- nition of American Equality— Representation in the Spanish Cortes — Delusive Reforms — End of Saravia’s Rule — President Jose Busta- mante— His Despotic Course — Demands in the Cortes — Constitu- tional Guarantees — Official Hostility — Campaign in Oajaca — Revolu- tionary Movements in Salvador — War in Nicaragua — Conspiracy in Guatemala — Treatment of the Insurgents — Disrespect to the Diputa- cion — The Constitution Revoked — Royal Decrees CHAPTER II. INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED. 1818-1821. President Carlos Urrutia — His Liberal Views — Colombian Assaults — Spanish Constitution Restored — The Gazistas, or Bacos — The Cacos — Jos6 del Valle — Pedro Molina — Liberal Institutions — Extent of the Political Government— Ecclesiastical Administration — Work of American Deputies — Party Excitement in Guatemala — Urrutia Dele- gates His Powers — Substitute President Gavino Gainza — Chiapas and Her Government — She Secedes from Spain and Joins the Mexican Empire — Guatemala Declares for Independence — Junta Gubernativa — Convocation of a Congress CHAPTER III. UNION WITH MEXICO. 1821-1S22. First Acts of Guatemalan Rulers — Intrigues of Parties — Their Evil Con- sequences— Gainza’s Intrigues — Independence in the Other Prov- inces— Rewards to Gainza — Troubles in Salvador — Dissensions in Honduras — Local Squabbles in Nicaragua — Predilection for Imperial- ism —Costa Rica Neutral — Condition of Various Sections — Seceding Districts of Guatemala — Perplexities of the Junta Consultiva — Itur- bi le’s Devices — Military Pressure — His Proposals Accepted — Illegal Annexation — Protests and Resistance — War Begins (v) vi CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. 1S22-1S25. PAG K Secession from Mexico — Arzti's Campaign — Prevarication of Salvador — Filisola’s Victory — His Subsequent Course — Liberal Triumph in Costa Rica — Honduras Favors Union — National Independence Se- cured— Labors to Organize a Nation — The Constituent Assembly — Provincias Unidas del Centro de America — Abolition of African Slavery — Provisional Government — Moderados or Serviles — Libe- rates or Fiebres — Principles and Aims of Parties — Mexican Forces Retire — Seditions Begin — Salvadoran Force in Guatemala — Confed- eration de Centro America — Fundamental Law — Finances — Adjourn- ment of the Constituent Assembly 60 CHAPTER V. CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. 1S25-1S30. General Elections — Meeting of the First Congress — Manuel Jos6 Arce, First President of the Republic — Foreign Relations — Arce’s Pre- varications— Conflict with Guatemala — Party Bickerings — Liberals Quarrel with Arce. — He Joins their Opponents — Bitterness Engen- dered— President versus Guatemalan Rulers — Arrest of Jefe Juan Barrundia — Riots at Quezaltenango — Murder of Vice-jefe Cirilo Flores — Arce as Dictator in Guatemala — War against Salvador — Arce Defeated — He Gives up the Presidency, and Cannot Recover It — Bloody War of 1S26-9 — Morazan the Victor — Jose Francisco Bar- rundia, Acting President — Liberal Measures — Peace Restored — Spanish Schemes 79 CHAPTER VI. CIVIL WAR. 1S29-1S38. Revolution in Honduras — Conservatives Invade the State — Second Gen- eral Elections — Francisco Morazan Chosen President— Plots of the Serviles — Arce’s Invasion from Mexico — Occupation of Honduras Ports by Exiled Rebels — Spanish Flag Hoisted in Omoa, and Aid from Cuba — Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion — Third General Elections — Morazan Reelected — Failure of Colonization Plans — Rav- ages of Cholera — Indian Revolt under Carrera — His Early Life 108 CHAPTER VII. DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. 1S37-1S40. Campaign against Carrera — Several Departments of Guatemala in Re- bellion— Jefe Galvez Deposed — Carrera Takes Guatemala — Murder CONTENTS. of Salazar — Carrera Accepts Money to Leave the City — Dictatorship Offered Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused — Carrera’s Second Rebellion — The Republic in Peril — Morazan ’s Efforts to Save It — Nicaragua and Honduras Forces Invade Salvador — Morazan Defeats Them — His Retreat to San Salvador — He Embarks — Is Refused Hospitality in Costa Rica — Goes to South America — The Republic is Dead — Salvador at the Mercy of Carrera 127 CHAPTER VIII. GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS. 1824^1840. State Government of Guatemala — Barrundia’s Radicalism — His Over- throw— Vice-jefe Flores Assassinated in Quezaltenango — Downfall of the Liberals in Guatemala — Aristocratic Leaders Exiled — Jefe Mo- lina— His Differences, Impeachment, and Acquittals — Rivera Ca- beza’s Reforms — Earthquakes— Galvez’ Rule and its Benefits — Party Opposition to Him — Indian Outbreaks — Carrera Captures Guatemala — Galvez Resigns — Subsequent Rule of the Aristocrats — Guatemala again Independent — Honduras’ State Government — Jefe Dionisio Herrera — Early Dissensions — Comayagua Assaulted by Rebels — Morazan in the Field — Honduras Secedes from the Central American Confederation — Federalism Rooted out of her Territory 145 CHAPTER IX. SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA. 1824-1840. Salvador State Government — Liberals Overthrown — Secession from the Union — San Salvador as the Federal Seat of Government — Guate- mala Imposes her Will — Jefe Canas and Comandante Malespin — Nic- aragua’s Early Troubles — Siege and Bombardment of Leon— Organ- ization of State Government — Dissensions and Warfare — Eruption of Cosigiiina — Secession from the Confederation — Costa Rica as a Con- federated State — Juan Mora's Administration — Towns’ Bickerings Settled — Braulio Carrillo’s Rule — Final Secession from the Central American Republic — Prosperity of the State 165 CHAPTER X. DISSOLUTION OF TJIF. UNION. 1839-1S52. Interstate Dissensions — Pacto de Chinandega — Confederacion Centro Americana — Supremo Delegado Chamorro — Hostility of Guatemala and British Officials — Arce Invades Salvador — War of the Confeder- acy against Guatemala — Helplessness of Chamorro — End of the Pacto de Chinandega — Condition of the States — Ferrera's Bad Faith CONTENTS. viii — Salvador and Honduras against Nicaragua — Horrors of Leon — Vice-president Joaquin E. Guzman — Honduras and Salvador at War — Guardiola’s Vandalism— Malespin Overthrown — Renewed Efforts to Confederate — Guatemala an Independent Republic — Costa Rica Follows — Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras a Confederacy — Its Short Life — Further Unsuccessful Attempts 186 CHAPTER XI. REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. 1841-1856. Rule of Carrillo Continued — Plots for its Overthrow — Invasion of Mora- zan — Change of Government — Morazan’s Policy — Opposition — Re- volts— Morazan’s Defeat and Death — Satisfaction of the Oligarchs — Measures of the Victors — New Constitution — Subsequent Amend- ments— Sedition — Castro’s Administration — Costa Rica Declared a Republic — Recognition by Spain — Relations with Other Powers — Boundary Questions with Nicaragua and Colombia — President Juan Rafael Mora — His Repressive Measures 215 CHAPTER XII. REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. 1838-1855. State Government — Director Buitrago’s Conservatism — British Aggres- sion— Director Sandoval's Rule — Internal Troubles — Guerrero’s Ad- ministration— The Mosquito Kingdom — Its Origin and History- Bubbles- — British Pretensions — Seizure of San Juan del Norte — Dip- lomatic Complications — Clayton-Bulwer Treaty — Nicaragua Recovers her Own — Relations with Foreign Powers — An American War Ship Bombards San Juan del Norte — Pineda’s Government — Establish- ment of the Republic — Party Dissensions — Legitimists versus Demo- crats— Chamorro and Castellon— Civil War — Death of Chamorro — Estrada Succeeds Him 238 CHAPTER XIII. REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. 1S40-1865. President Rivera Paz — Carrera’s Course — Pretended Sedition — Dissolu- tion of the Assembly — A Consejo Constituyente Created — Carrera Becomes President — Attempt against his Life — Revolt of Monter- rosa — Carrera’s Despotism — The Republic Established — Relations with Other Powers — Revolution of the Mountain — Constituent As- sembly Convened — Carrera’s Forced Resignation and Exile — Liberals Triumphant — Their Squabbles and Disintegration — The Moderado Party — Revolution of Los Altos — Intrigues of the Serviles — Presi- CONTENTS. IX dencies of Martinez and Escobar — Causes of their Resignations — Paredes — Recall of Carrera — Deeds of Vengeance — Carrera again President — Partial Restoration of Peace 264 CHAPTER XIV. REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. 1839-1865. Malespin’s Acts — Lindo’s Coup d’Etat and Deposal — Jefe Guzman — ■ Revolt at Santa Ana — President Aguilar — The Bishop Expelled — Viteri’s Alliance with Malespin and Honduran Oligarchs — President Vasconcelos— British Hostilities — Salvador’s Relations with Foreign Powers — San Martin’s Administration— Destruction of San Salvador - — President Campo — Campaign against Walker in Nicaragua — Estab- lishment of the Republic — Santin’s Overthrow — Presidency of Ge- rardo Barrios — War of Salvador and Honduras against Guatemala and Nicaragua — The Latter Victorious — Barrios’ Flight — Restoration of Peace — Duenas as President — Barrios’ Subsequent Return — His Capture and Surrender by Nicaragua — His Execution in San Salva- dor 285 CHAPTER XV. REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS. 1840-1865. President Ferrera — Revolutionary Movements — Political Executions — Presidency of Juan Lindo — New Constitution — Lindo Overthrown — Belize — Honduras’ Troubles with Great Britain — British Occupation of Tiger Island — Bombardment of Omoa — Bay Islands — President Cabanas — War with Guatemala — Guardiola’s Assassination— Pro- visional Rules of Castellanos and Montes — Alliance with Barrios — Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua — Montes Deposed — Establishment of the Republic — Jose M. Medina Chosen President — Amendment of the Constitution 309 CHAPTER XVI. walker’s CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA. 1855-1856. Kinney’s Expedition — William Walker Joins the Democrats — Failure of his Expedition to Rivas — Cholera Decimates the Legitimists at Ma- nagua— Death of Munoz — Walker’s Victories at La Virgen and Gra- nada— Execution of Minister Mayorga — Walker’s Convention with Corral — Provisional Government Organized — President Patricio Rivas — Commander of the Forces, Walker — Minister of War Corral Put to Death for Treason— Recognition by Salvador and Honduras — Seizure of the Transit Company’s Steamers — Costa Ricans on the War-path — Havoc of Cholera . . » ^ 327 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII. END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. 1856-1867. PAG K Recognition of President Rivas by the United States — Walker’s Hostile Attitude — Flight of Rivas — Walker Makes Himself President — Alli- ance against Him — Death of Estrada — The Legitimists Accept Rivas — Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans in Rivas — Destruction of Granada — It is Occupied by Allied Forces — Walker Reoecupies Rivas— Where He is Besieged — Successes of the Costa Ricans — Failure of Lock- ridge’s Expedition — Surrender of Walker — War of Nicaragua and Costa Rica — Commodore Paulding and Walker’s Second Attempt — Walker’s Invasion of Honduras, Capture, and Execution — Govern- ment Reorganized — President Martinez’ Administrations 347 CHAPTER XVIII. POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. 1856-1886. Rewards to Walker’s Conquerors — Reelection of Mora — His Downfall and Exile — His Return, Capture, and Execution — Montealegre’s Admin- istration— Violence of Parties — Compromise on Jesus Jimenez — His Peaceful Rule — President Jose M. Castro — Charges against Him — His Overthrow — -Several New Constitutions — Jimenez again Presi- dent— His Arbitrary Acts — How He was Deposed — President Car- ranza— Other Temporary Rulers — President Guardia’s Despotism — Failure of his Warlike Plans — His Death — Administration of Pros- pero Fernandez — Preparations to Defend Independence — His Sudden Death— Bernardo Soto’s Peaceful Rule 371 CHAPTER XIX. DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. 1865-1885. Rule of President Dueiias — His Conservatism — Quarrel with Honduras — The Latter Allied with Salvadoran Liberals — Battle of Santa Ana — Dueiias Deposed — -His Impeachment, Release, and Temporary Exile — Santiago Gonzalez Provisional President — Gonzalez Elected Chief Magistrate — Guatemala and Salvador at War with Honduras — Murder of Vice-president Mendez — Earthquakes — President Valle — Trouble with Guatemala — Exeunt Valle and Gonzalez — Zaldivar’s Long Rule — Constitutional Changes — Alliance with Nicaragua and Costa Rica — Resistance to Barrios’ Plan of Conquest — Salvador Vic- torious— Restored Peace — Zaldivar Eliminated — Revolution — F. Menendez Made President 31)2 CONTENTS. xi CHAPTER XX. DEMOCRACY RESTORED IS GUATEMALA. 1S65-1S73. PAGE President Cerna's Rule — Partial Revolts — Liberals in the Assembly — Cerna’s Reelection — Riots in the Capital — Zavala's Course — Cruz Rebellion, Defeat, and Death — Arrests of Liberals — Moderation of the Government — Revolution of Garcia Granados and Barrios — Plan of Patzicia — Cerna Defeated and Overthrown— Granados as Presidente Provisorio — Seditious Movements Quelled — Abolition of Priestly Privileges — Prelates, Jesuits, and Capuchins Expelled — War with Honduras — Barrios as Substitute President — His Sever- ity— Elections — Barrios Chosen Constitutional President 413 CHAPTER XXL RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. 1S73-1S85. President Barrios of Guatemala — End of Reactionary War — Guatemalan Progress — War with Salvador and Honduras — Barrios’ Successes and Generosity to the Vanquished — Constitutional Regime in Guate- mala— Barrios’ Reelections- — His Visit to the United States — Peace- ful Effort to Unite Central America — Resort to Arms — Alliance of Guatemala and Honduras — Barrios Attacks Salvador — His Defeat and Death- -His Plan Abandoned — M. L. Barillas, Provisional Presi- dent of Guatemala — Restoration of Peace 431 CHAPTER XXII. HONDURAS AFFAIRS. 1805-1886. National Flag and Escutcheon — Order of Santa Rosa — Medina’s Long Rule — His Differences with Duenas, and Triumph — War with Salva- dor and Guatemala — Medina Defeated and Overthrown — Celeo Arias Succeeds Him— His Liberal Policy — He is Beset by the Conserva- tives— His Former Supporters Depose Him — Ponciano Leiva Becomes President — His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets Medina against Him — He is Forced to Resign — Marco Aurelio Soto Made President by Barrios — Attempted Revolt of Ex-president Medina — His Trial and Execution — Soto’s Administration — He Goes Abroad — His Quar- rel with Barrios, and Resignation — President Bogran — Filibustering Schemes 453 CHAPTER XXIII. POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. 1867-1885. President Fernando Guzman— Insurrection— Misconduct of Priests — Defeats of the Insurgents — Foreign Mediation — Generosity of the CONTENTS. xii Government — President Vicente Quadra — Inception of the Jesuits — Aims of Parties — Internal and Foreign Complications — Costa Rica's Hostility and Tinoco's Invasion — Presidents Chamorro and Zavala — More Political Troubles — Jesuits the Promoters — Their Expulsion — Peace Restored — Progress of the Country— President Adan Car- denas— Resistance to President Barrios’ Plan of Forced Reconstruc- tion 470 CHAPTER XXIV. INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS. 1801-1822. Administration under Spain — Influence of Events in Europe and Spanish America on the Isthmus — Hostilities in Nueva Granada — Constitu- tional Government — General Hore's Measures to Hold the Isthmus for Spain — MacGregor’s Insurgent Expedition at Portobello — Re- establishment of the Constitution — Cap tain -general Murgeon’s Rule — The Isthmus is Declared Independent — Its Incorporation with Colombia — Jose Fabrega in Temporary Command — Jose Maria Car- reno Appointed Intendente and Comandante General — Abolition of African Slavery 48S CHAPTER XXV. DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. 1S19-1S63. Panama Congress — Provincial Organizations — Alzuru’s Rebellion and Execution — Secession from Colombia and Reincorporation — Differ- ences with Foreign Governments — Crime Rampant — Summary Treatment of Criminals — Riots and Massacre of Foreign Passengers - — Attempts to Rob Treasure Trains — Neutrality Treaties — Estab- lishment of Federal System — Panama as a State— Revolutionary Era Begins — A Succession of Governors — Seditious Character of the Negro Population — Revolution against Governor Guardia and his Death — Another Political Organization — Estado Soberano de Pana- ma— Liberal Party in Full Control — Stringent Measures 510 CHAPTER XXVI. FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS. 1863-1885. Presidents Goitia, Santa Coloma, and Calancha — Undue Interference of Federal Officials — Colunje’s Administration — President Olarte’s En- ergy— Enmity of the Arrabal’s Negroes— Short and Disturbed Rules of Diaz and Ponce — President Correoso — Negro Element in the Ascendent — Conservatives Rebel, and are Discomfited — Armed Peace CONTENTS. xiii PAGE for a Time — Feverish Rules of Neira, Miro, Aizpuru, Correoso, and Casorla — Cervera’s Long Tenure — Temporary Rule of Vives Leon — President Santodomingo Vila — Obtains Leave of Absence — Is Suc- ceeded by Pablo Arosemena — Aizpuru’s Revolution — Arosemena Flees and Resigns — Outrages at Colon — American Forces Protect Panama — Collapse of the Revolution — Aizpuru and Correoso Im- prisoned— Chief Causes of Disturbances on the Isthmus 53 2 CHAPTER XXVII. CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. 18SG. Extent of the Country — Climate — Mountains and Volcanoes — Earth- quakes— Rivers and Lakes — Costa Rica’s Area, Possessions, and Political Division and Government — Her Chief Cities — Nicaragua, her Territory, Towns, and Municipal Administration-— Honduras’ Extent, Islands, Cities, and Local Government — Salvador, her Posi- tion, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule — Guatemala’s Extent and Posses- sions— Her Cities and Towns — Internal Administration — Isthmus of Panama — Area, Bays, Rivers, and Islands — Department and District Rule — The Capital and Other Towns — Population — Character and Customs — Education — Epidemics and Other Calamities 500 CHAPTER XXVIII. THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR. 1800-1887. Central American Population — Its Divisions — General Characteristics and Occupations — Land Grants — Efforts at Colonization — Failure of For- eign Schemes— Rejection of American Negroes — Character of the Costa Rican People — Dwellings — Dress — Food — Amusements — Nica- raguan Men and Women — Their Domestic Life — How They Amuse Themselves — People of Salvador — Their Character and Mode of Living 587 CHAPTER XXIX. THE PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA. 1800-1887. Amalgamation in Honduras — Possible War of Races — Xicaques and Payas — Zambos or Mosquitos — Pure and Black Caribs — Distinguishing Traits — Ladinos — Their Mode of Life — Guatemala and her People — Different Classes — Their Vocations — Improved Condition of the Lower Classes — Mestizos — Pure Indians — Lacandones— White and Upper Class — Manners and Customs — Prevailing Diseases — Epi- demics— Provision for the Indigent 608 XIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXX. INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT. 1800-1887. PAGE Public Education — Early Efforts at Development — Costa Rica’s Measures — Small Success — Education in Nicaragua — Schools and Colleges — Nicaraguan Writers — Progress in Salvador and Honduras — Brilliant Results in Guatemala — Polytechnic School — Schools of Science, Arts, and Trades — Institute for the Deaf, Dumb, and Blind — University — Public Writers — Absence of Public Libraries — Church History in Central America and Panama — Creation of Dioceses of Salvador and Costa Rica — Immorality of Priests — Their Struggles for Supremacy —Efforts to Break their Power — Banishments of Prelates — Expulsion of Jesuits — Suppression of Monastic Orders — Separation of Church and State — Religious Freedom 621 CHAPTER XXXI. JUDICIAL AND MILITARY. 1S87. Judicial System of Guatemala — Jury Trials in the Several States — Courts of Honduras — Absence of Codes in the Republic — Dilatory Justice — Impunity of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua — Salvador’s Judiciary — Dilatory Procedure — Codification of Laws in Nicaragua — Costa Rican Administration — Improved Codes — Panama Courts — Good Codes — Punishments for Crime in the Six States — Jails and Peniten- tiaries— Military Service — Available Force of Each State — How Organized — Naval — Expenditures — Military Schools — Improve- ments 638 CHAPTER XXXII. INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 1800-1887. Early Agriculture — Protection of the Industry — Great Progress Attained — Communal Lands — Agricultural Wealth — Decay of Cochineal — Development of Other Staples — Indigo, Coffee, Sugar, Cacao, and Tobacco — Food and Other Products — Precious Woods and Medicinal Plants — Live-stock — Value of Annual Production in Each State — Natural Products of Panama — Neglect of Agriculture — Mineral Wealth — Yield of Precious Metals — Mining in Honduras, Salvador, and Nicaragua — Deposits of Guatemala and Costa Rica — Mints — Former Yield of Panama — Mining Neglected on the Isthmus — In- cipiency of Manufactures — Products for Domestic Use 650 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XXXIII. COMMERCE AND FINANCE. 1801-1887. PAGE Early State of Trade — Continued Stagnation after Independence — Steam on the Coasts — Its Beneficial Effects — Variety of Staples — Ports of Entry and Tariffs — Imports and Exports — Fairs — Accessory Transit Company — Internal Navigation — Highways — Money — Banking — Postal Service — Panama Railway Traffic — Local Trade of the Isth- mus— Pearl Fishery — Colonial Revenue in Finances of the Federa- tion — Sources of Revenue of Each State — Their Receipts and Expenditures — Foreign and Internal Debts 668 CHAPTER XXXIV. INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. 1801-1887. Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage — From Peru to La Plata — Cape Horn Discovered — Arctic Regions — McClure’s Successful Voyage — Crozier’s Discovery — Franklin’s Attempts — Finding by Nordenskidld of the North-east Passage — Projects to Unite the At- lantic and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmuses — Plans about Tehuan- tepec-— Explorations for a Ship-canal Route in Nicaragua, Panama, and Darien — The Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company — Construc- tion of the Panama Railway, and its Great Benefits — Further Efforts for a Canal — Organization of a French Company — A Ship-canal under Construction across the Isthmus of Panama — Difficulties and Expec- tations— Central American Railroads and Telegraphs — Submarine Cables 688 HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA CHAPTER I. LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE. 1S01-1818. Popular Feeling in Central America — Effect of Events in Spain — Recognition of American Equality — Representation in the Spanish C6ktes — Delusive Reforms — End of Sara via ’s Rule — President Jose Bustamante — His Despotic Course — Demands in the Cortes- Constitutional Guarantees— Official Hostility — Campaign in Oa- jaca — Revolutionary Movements in Salvador — War in Nicaragua — Conspiracy in Guatemala — Treatment of the Insurgents — Dis- respect to the Diputacion — The Constitution Revoked — Royal Decrees. The opening century was pregnant with important events both in Europe and America. By 1808 affairs in Spain culminated in the French emperor’s deten- tion of the king and other members of the royal family at Bayonne, where he forced them finally to resign in his favor their rights to the Spanish crown. The circle surrounding the captain-general, audien- cia, and archbishop of Guatemala was made up, not only of European Spaniards, but of Guatemalans belonging to the so-called noble families. Popular displeasure was manifested both against the Span- iards and against the provincial aristocracy.1 The 1 See History of Mexico , this scries. The masses of the people were kept Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 1 2 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE. oligarchy was hated throughout the province of Gua- temala proper, and still more in the other provinces of the presidency. However, when the news of Napoleon’s usurpation reached America, it caused a strong revulsion of feeling in Central America, as well as elsewhere in the Spanish dominions, even among the large class which had hitherto secretly fostered a warm desire for independent national existence. Creoles of pure Spanidi descent, though yearning to be free from the old thraldom, could not bring themselves to discard the country which gave them blood, religion, and civilization. As to the educated Indians, who were also among the wishers for independence, like all of their race, they looked up to the ruling power with reverence and fear. Thus arose a struggle between the old veneration and the love of freedom; a strug- gle which was to last in Central America a few years longer, though the people were becoming more and more impatient, while leaning to the side of indepen- dent nationality. Circumstances seemed to demand that the old connection should not be ruptured till 1821, when decisive results in New Spain brought on the final crisis here. When the news of Napoleon’s acts of violence and usurpations reached Guatemala, popular loyalty was aroused, and showed itself in various ways. Manifestations by the authorities, ex- pressive of fealty to the mother country and the royal family, met with an apparently hearty response from the people. Advices came on the 30th of June, 1808, of the occurrences at Aranjuez of March 19th.2 July passed amid much anxiety about affairs in Spain, and the public mind became depressed by unfavorable news received on the 13th of August. Next day, at a in utter ignorance, to be used, if necessary, as the blind tools of the ruling oligarchy. Montufar , Resefia, llist. , i. 6. 1 1 have told in my History of Mexico how Cdrlos IV. was forced to abdi- cate, and his son Fernando raised to the throne. SARAVIA AND FERNANDO VII. 3 meeting of the authorities,3 the state of affairs was anxiously discussed. The mariscal de campo, An- tonio Gonzalez Mollinedo y Saravia, had succeeded Dolmas on the 28th of July, 1801, in the offices of governor, captain-general, and president of the au- diencia. He had seen forty years of service in the royal armies,4 and had with him his wrife, Micaela Co- larte, and offspring.5 President Saravia read to the meeting a despatch from the viceroy of Mexico, and a copy of the Gaceta giving an account of the abdication of Fernando "V II., and of the surrender by other members of the rojml family of their rights to the Spanish crown. After due consideration, the meeting declared these acts to have resulted from violence, being therefore illegal and unjust, and not entitled to recognition. It was further resolved that the authorities and people should renew their allegiance to the legitimate sovereign, continue upholding the laws hitherto in force, and maintain unity of action, for the sake of religion, peace, and good order. Instructions were received8 to raise the standard of Fernando VII., and swear allegiance to him, which were duly carried out.' The opportunity has now arrived for a radical change in the political status of Spanish America. The colonies have hitherto had no government, save 5 There were the governor, archbishop, oidores of the real audiencia, Marquds de Aycinena, high officials of the treasury, dean and chapter of the archdiocese, alcaldes and regidores of the ‘ muy noble ayuntamiento,’ officers of the university, prelates of the religious orders, prior and consuls of the real consulado, intendente of Comayagua, temporarily sojourning in the city, secretary of the audiencia, commandant of the artillery, and colonels of the militia regiments. Diario Mix., ix. 316-18; Guat. por Fern. VII., 2-6, 83-94; Saravia, Manif. 1 llis last position in Europe had been that of teniente de rey of Palma, in the island of Majorca. J narr os, Guat., i. 273. t’Guat. por Fern. VII., 50. In 1S66 their descendants were living in Guatemala. 6 Dec. 13, 1808. 1 The acts were performed with great solemnity and magnificence, the peo- ple manifesting much joy. This evidence of loyalty was warmly acknowl- edged, May 27, 1809, by the Junta Suprema Gubernativa of Spain, sitting at Seville and acting for the imprisoned king. Most glowing descriptions of the ceremonies appear in Diario Mix., xi. 279-S0; Guat. por Fern. VII., 7-82, 94-101, 15S-9. 4 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE. that of rulers set over them by a monarch whose will was absolute, whose edicts constituted their code of laws; the subject being allowed no voice in public affairs, save occasionally as a timid petitioner. But troubles beset Spain at this time. Her king is pow- erless; the friends of constitutional government have now the control, and proceed to establish the desired liberal regime. In order to be consistent, and to some extent satisfy the aspirations of their fellow-subjects in America, the provisional government decrees, and the cortes upon assembling confirm, all the rights claimed for Spaniards dwelling in Spain, together with representation in the ebrtes and other national councils. The Junta Suprema Central Gubernativa in the king’s name declares on the ‘22d of Januar}r, 1809, the Spanish possessions in America to be, in fact, integral parts of the monarchy,8 and, approving the report of the council of the Indies of November 21, 1808, in favor of granting to the American dominions repre- sentation near the sovereign, and the privilege of forming by deputies a part of the aforesaid junta, issues to the president of Guatemala an order to invite the people of the provinces to choose their deputy to reside at court as a member of the governing junta.9 8 ‘No son propiamente colonias, 6 factorfas, como los de otras naciones, sino una parte esencial 6 integrante de la Monarqufa Espaiiola.’ GucU. por Fern. VII., 163-6; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex. , i. 326-7. * Ayuntamientos of head towns were to choose three honorable and compe- tent men, from among whom each ayuntamiento had to draw by lot one elec- tor, whose name, country, age, profession, and political and moral qualifications must be at once made known to the president of the audiencia. After the names of all the nominees were in his possession, he, jointly with the electors, had to select by secret ballot three candidates of the highest recognized char- acter and ability, out of which three the audiencia, presided over by the governor-general, was to choose the deputy, to whom all the ayuntamientos must forthwith send their powers and instructions. The deputy, duly pro- vided with means to journey decorously, was required to embark for Spain, his yearly pay being fixed at $6,000. Alaman , Hint. Mtj., i. 291-2. A later order of Oct. 6, 1809, required the deputy to be a native of Spanish America and a resident of the province choosing him; he was not to be the holder of an { of the chief offices therein, such as governor, intendente, oidor, etc., nor a debtor to the royal treasury. The right of election was also given to minor ayuntamientos: and for the choice by plurality from among the candidates of cities a board was constituted, with two members of the audiencia, two DIPUTACION AMERICANA. 5 On the 3d of March, 1810, the electors assembled in Guatemala and chose for deputy the colonel of militia, Manuel Jos6 Pavon y Munoz.10 The powers given him by his constituents were general, but enjoined allegiance to the king and permanent connection with the mother country.11 The supreme government, early in 1810, in its anx- iety to be surrounded by the representatives of the people, hastened the convocation of cortes extraor- dinary. Fearing, however, that there might not be a sufficient number chosen for their timely attendance at the opening of the session, it apprised the provin- cial authorities, reiterating the decree a little later,13 that deficiencies would be temporarily supplied until regularly elected deputies presented themselves to occupy their seats in the chamber. Guatemala, in common with the rest of America, was unable to send her deputies in time, and had to be represented at the inauguration by suplentes, or proxies. These13 were Andres del Llano, a post-captain, and Colonel Manuel del Llano. One of the first acts of the c6r- tes14 was to confirm the principle that all the Spanish dominions possessed the same rights, promising to enact at an early day laws conducive to the welfare of the American portion, and to fix the number and form of national representation in both continents. At the suggestion of the diputacion americana, as the body of American members was called, a general amnesty for political offences was decreed, with the canons, and two citizens named by the ayuntamiento. Guat. por Fern. VII. , 165-6. 10 His competitors were Jos<$ de Aycinena and Lieut-col Antonio Juarros. 11 He was not to give assent to the transfer of the Spanish dominions to any foreign power; the nation’s rights must be upheld at all hazards; and the last drop of blood shed for the catholic religion, and for king and country. 12 Feb. 14 and June 26, 1810. Dinrio Mex., xiii. 549-51. 13 The American suplentes were lawyers or ecclesiastics seeking preferment at court, or military officers with a long residence there. Alarnan, Hist. Mej. , iii., ap. 4; Bustamante, De/ensa, 16; Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 10; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., viii. 450-1. The second named proxy in Nov. 1811 gave up his seat to the regularly chosen deputy. Cdrtes , fjiario, 1811, 93. 14 October 15, 1810. Alarnan, Hist. M6j. , iii. 10; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., viii. 458-9. 6 LAST DAYS OF SPANISII RULE. expectation of its yielding the best results in favor of peace and conciliation. Promises of reform, and of better days for Central America, were held out, but the provincial government paid little attention to them. Meanwhile a jealous and restless police con- stantly watched the movements of suspected persons. Informers and spies lurked everywhere, seeking for some one against whom to bring charges. The promised blessings proved delusive. Instead of reforms, the people witnessed the installation of a tribunal de fidelidad, with large powers, for the trial and punishment of suspected persons.15 This court was short lived, however, being suppressed about the middle of the following year, under the order of the supreme government, dated February 20, 1811. And thus Guatemala was kept quiet and apparently loyal, when the greater part of Spanish America was in open revolt. Saravia’s rule came to an end on the 14th of March, 1811. He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant- general, and appointed by the government at Cddiz to the command in chief of the forces in Mexico. On his arrival in Oajaca, the viceroy, who was chagrined at his powers having been thus curtailed, detained him at that place. In November 1812, the city be- ing captured by the independents, Saravia was taken prisoner and shot.16 The successor of Saravia was Lieutenant-general Jose Bustamante y Guerra, appointed by the supreme council of regency, and soon after confirmed by the cortes generales extraordinarias. He was a naval 15 Installed June 9, 1810. Its first members were the Spaniards Jos4 Mendez, an artillery officer, Oidor Joaquin Bernardo Campuzano, and Auditor de Guerra Joaquin Ibanez. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 5. 16 Saravia died like a soldier, and his fate was deplored even by the ene- mies of his cause. Hist. Mex. , iv. 486, this series. The Mexican writer Bus- tamante, who was not prone to praise Spanish officers, said of Saravia, ‘ hom- bre de bien, liumano, religioso, de un corazon recto, digno de mejor fortuua.' Cuadro Hitt., ii. 217; Alarnan, Hist. Mej., iii. 325. lie was accused, how- ever, though it is believed the charge was slanderous, of having connived at smuggling by the treasury officials. The charge appears iu Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 107-9. BUSTAMANTE Y GUERRA. 7 officer, and had made several important cruises in the cause of science,17 and latterly had been civil and mili- tary governor of Montevideo, a position that he filled efficiently. His zeal against the independents in that country pointed him out as the one best fitted to re- tard the independence of Central America. On his return to Spain from South America he refused to recognize Joseph Bonaparte. Bustamante is represented to have been an inflex- ible, vigilant, and reticent ruler. He lost no time in adopting stringent measures to check insurrections, and displayed much tact in choosing his agents and spies. No intelligent native of the country was free from mistrust, slight suspicion too often bringing upon the subject search of domicile, imprisonment, or exile. He never hesitated to set aside any lenient measures emanating from the home government in favor of the suspected, and spared no means that would enable him, at the expiration of his term, to surrender the country entire and at peace to his superiors. He was successful, notwithstanding there were several at- tempts at secession. Meanwhile the American representatives had been permitted to lift their voice in the national councils. They had called attention to the grievances of their people. In a long memorial of August 1, 1811, to the cortes, they had refuted the oft- repeated charge that the friends of independence in America were or had been under Napoleonic influence. They set forth the causes of discontent,18 which they declared was of long standing, and called for a remedy. Reference was made to Macanar’s memorial to Felipe V.,19 where- in he stated that the Americans were displeased, not 17 One was a cruise round the world under Malaspina, being the next in rank and commanding the corvette Atrevida. Juarros, Guat., ii. , adv. ix.; Alarure, Bong. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 6; Zamaeois, Hist. Alej., vi. 134; viii. 509; Los Anales, Sept. 1872, 30; Salv., Diario OJic., 1874, ap. 1. 18 These were restrictions enforced by the crown against agriculture, min- ing, fisheries, manufactures, and commerce, despotism of rulers, and disre- gard of the merits of Americans, in keeping them out of public offices. See Hist. Alex., iv. 441-67, this series. 19 In the first half of the 18th century. 8 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE. so much because they were under subjection to Spain, as because they were debased and enslaved by the men sent out by the crown to fill the judicial and other offices.20 The organic code was finally adopted on the 18th of March, 18 12. 21 The instrument consisted of ten titles, divided into chapters, in their turn subdivided into sections, and might be considered in two parts: 1st, general form of government for the whole nation, namely, a constitutional monarchy; 2d, special plan for the administration of the Indies.22 In lieu of the old ayuntamientos, which were made up of hereditary regidores, whose offices might be transferred or sold, others were created, their mem- bers to be chosen by electors who had been in their turn chosen by popular vote. The ayuntamientos were to control the internal police of their towns, their funds, public instruction within their respective localities, benevolent establishments, and local im- provements. They were to be under the inspection of a diputacion provincial, formed of seven members, elected by the above-mentioned electors, in each prov- ince, under the presidency of the chief civil officer ap- 20 In the matter of appointments to office, an early royal order prescribed that American descendants of Spaniards should have the preference for the position of curate; and yet, during the last thirty years, the most lucrative curacies were given to European Spaniards. Of the 170 viceroys that ruled in America, four only were of American birth, and those were reared or edu- cated in Spain. Out of 602 captain-generals, governors, and presidents, only 14 were Americans. Of 9S2 bishops and archbishops, 703 were Europeans, and 279 creoles. Most of the latter were nominated in early times, when Europeans were few, navigation difficult, and mitres afforded more work than money. Guerra, Jlev. N. Esp. , i. 27S-85. 21 \Ve are assured that Antonio Larrazdbal, a clergyman, Antonio Juarros, and Jos <5 M. Peinado were the chief authors of the instructions for Central American deputies in Spain. The Central American deputies whose names were appended to the constitution were: Larrazdbal for Guatemala; Josd Ignacio Avila for Salvador; Josd Francisco Morejon for Honduras; Jos<5 Anto- nio Lopez de la Plata for Nicaragua; and Florencio Castillo for Costa Rica. Cdrtes, Col. Dec., ii. 158-62; iii. 201-2; Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xvii. 240; Pap. Var., ccx. no. 1, 109-17; Const. Polit. Afonarq., 1-134. Larrazdbal ably de- fended in the cdrtes the rights of the Americans, specially of the aborigines, and above all, the national sovereignty. For this, after Fernando VII. re- turned to Spain in 1814, he was denounced by the absolutists, Conde de Torre Muzquiz and Marqnds de Mata Florida, and confined in a fort in Spain. Pineda de Mont. , in Gnat, llccop. Leyes, iii. 348. 22 Mix., Col. Ley. Fund, 34-91. NEW ORGANIC CODE. 9 pointed by the king; the chief and the diputacion were jointly to have the direction of the economical affairs of the province. No act of either corporation was final till approved by the national cortes. In America and Asia, however, owing to great distances, moneys lawfully appropriated might be used with the assent of the chief civil authority; but a timely re- port was to be made to the supreme government for the consideration of the cdrtes. Such were the chief wheels in the machinery of provincial and municipal administration. Now, as to popular rights, equality of representation in the provinces of the Spanish peninsula, Asia, and America was fully recognized. The descendants of Africans were alone deprived of the rights of citizenship. This exclusion was combated with forcible arguments by many of the American deputies setting forth the faithful, efficient services colored men had repeatedly rendered and were still rendering to the nation, and their fitness for almost every position. Many of them, they said, had re- ceived sacred orders, or had been engaged in other honorable callings, in which they had made good rec- ords; besides which, they comprised a considerable portion of the useful mining and agricultural popula- tion. Unfortunately for the negro race, the American deputies were not all of one mind. Larrazdbal, from Guatemala, probably acting both on his own judgment and on the opinion expressed in 1810 by the real con- sulado, asserted the black man’s incapacity, advocat- ing that persons of African blood should be conceded only the privilege of voting at elections. This motion was supported by a Peruvian deputy. The peninsular members favored the admission to full rights of colored priests, and all colored men serving in the royalist armies. The measure was lost, however; but the article as passed authorized the admission to full political rights, by special acts of the cdrtes, of colored men proving themselves worthy by a remarkably vir- tuous life, good service to the country, talents, or in- 10 LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE. dustriousness, provided they were born in wedlock, of fathers who had been born free, married to free- born wives, and were residents of Spanish possessions, practising some useful profession and owning property. Pursuant to the constitution, the cbrtes ordered, May 23, 1812, elections for members to the ordinary cbrtes of 18 13. 23 The constitution was received at Guatemala on the 10th of September, 1812, proclaimed on the 24th, and its support solemnly sworn to by the authorities and people on the 3d of November, with great satis- faction and evidences of loyalty. Gold and silver medals were struck oft* to commemorate the event.21 The installation of the cbrtes took place, with the apparent approval of Guatemala. The president, members of the audiencia, and other dignitaries who had thriven under absolutism, looking on Americans as ‘our colonists,’ became at once liberals and con- stitutionalists, pretending to recognize the wisdom of the national congress in declaring that the Americans were no longer colonists, but citizens of one common country. Their manifestation of September 15, 1812, was followed three days after by one from the ayun- tamiento of Guatemala to Deputy Larrazabal, in the same strain, su£V>an Francisco 1 Palisad^ i Jonuta Touala / l., w,, ^r^ont^CrishTVy^r Catasaja r yvS StOyA)om4xn^-p. o ■c-V'f /y<. ..." p' Tacotalpf Istapa - S.r.wcf^Cluetii .f# / Is&pangajoya) JpSoloauchiX vf&tacoinitan0 Coopill., ITjW —VV — f H v "• V' "Vj'^Acala %. Vr A _^r"-'°Costa^ Ru I • -^nvwi,^^V“''a'^hi3P5 1 1 V%T a1 A' jHf'UtV ' % A rS. Catalina 0{!*| VC , ~ • V/' f Paston S'VV -"v:l - — ^xSyloina - A/. >A"' ¥/W$m_ Chiapas. civil and military, took the oath to support that act, which was administered by the governor of the dio- cese; after which they had high mass and a sermon in the cathedral, where the secular clergy and the 44 In Ciudad Real, Iturbide was called ‘padre Salvador de la religion y da la patria.’ Id., 10-12. 40 INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED. people took the same oath45 before the aforesaid ec- clesiastic authority. The obligations assumed were to support the Roman catholic apostolic religion; to secure the independence of the empire, preserving to that end peace and union between Europeans and Americans; and to obey Fernando VII., should he adopt and swear to support the constitution to be enacted by the cortes of the Mexican empire. Chiapas was, therefore, the first province of the captain-gen- eral cy of Guatemala to throw off the Spanish yoke; she at the same time separated herself from Guate- mala, and manifested her determination to link her future with Mexico. All this was made known Sep- tember 21st by the comandante-general of Oajaca to Iturbide. The example of Ciudad Real was unhesi- tatingly followed by the other towns in the province. We have seen that Guatemala, at her declaration of independence, did not at once accept annexation to the Mexican empire. This course did not suit the rulers and notables of Ciudad Real, who hastened to manifest their displeasure at a meeting held Sep- tember 20th, and attended by the intendente, ayun- tamiento, and other official bodies, prelates, and a large number of citizens. As a matter of fact, the desire of Chiapas to be detached from Guatemala and annexed to Mexico existed with some strength even before the declara- tion of independence;43 and Guatemala having failed to return an answer to the letter from the authorities of Chiapas, announcing her action of the 3d, this neglect had strengthened the notables of the latter in their resolution to recognize no other government than that of the Mexican empire under the treaties of Cordoba. It was also resolved at the meeting not to circulate the declaration of independence which thf 15 The act of independence was signed by Juan N. Batres, Jos6 Ignacio Larrainzar, JostS Diego Lara, Julio Jos6 Flores, Jos6 NicolAs Osuna, Estevao Gordillo, and Lie. Jos<3 Vives. 10Soon after this act that desire began to assume proportions. Larrainzar, Notic. Hist. Soconusco, 28. CHIAPAS A PART OF MEXICO. 41 jefe politico of Guatemala had sent. These senti- ments were duly seconded by the other cities and towns. In order to guard against any action Guatemala might take because of the course of Chiapas, at a formal session of the diputacion, presided over by the jefe politico, and held on the 22d of October, it was resolved to send to Mexico a commissioner to take the necessary steps, and procure his province’s separation from Guatemala, even if the latter should come to be thereafter a part of the Mexican empire.47 47 For particulars on the final separation of Chiapas, and incorporation as a state of the Mexican confederation, see llist. Mcx. , v. 22-4, this series. The clergyman Pedro Solhrzano was the agent appointed under the resolution referred to in the text, and he accordingly repaired to the city of Mexico. Larrainzar, Ho/ic. Hist. Soconusco, 29; Alex. Gaceta Imp., i. 1G9-73, 270-1, 319-23, 337-9. CHAPTER III. UNION WITH MEXICO. 1821-1822. First Acts of Guatemalan Rulers — Intrigues of Parties — Their Evil Consequences — Gainza’s Intrigues — Independence in the Other Provinces — Rewards to Gainza — Troubles in Salvador — Dissen- sions in Honduras — Local Squabbles in Nicaragua— Predilection for Imperialism — Costa Rica Neutral — Condition of Various Sections — Seceding Districts of Guatemala — Perplexities of the Junta Consultiva — Iturbide’s Devices — Military Pressure — His Proposals Accepted — Illegal Annexation — Protests and Resist- ance— War Begins. Among the first acts of the junta at Guatemala was the promotion of two officers who were supposed to be reliable supporters of the late movement.1 Both proved themselves afterward recreant to their pledges, by their hostility to the republican cause. The cacos were republicans. They strove to rid the country of the antiquated errors and practices, including in their plans the abolishment of the priv- ileges of the clergy, and the restriction of their power, which had been a constant source of injury to the people at large. They wanted the adoption of demo- cratic institutions, in order to place the masses on the level heretofore occupied only by the ruling class. They succeeded in prevailing on the people to take an interest and a direct intervention in public affairs. Barrundia, Molina, and Cordoba led them to the gal- 1 They were Lorenzo Romaua, who was made colonel of the battalion of reg- ulars, superseding the Spaniard F4lix Lagrava, and Manuel Arzu, who obtained the command of the artillery, with the same rank. Alarvre, Bosq. Hint. CeiU. Am., L 28. (43) PARTY STRIFE. 43 leries of the junta chamber to witness its acts, and even take part in its deliberations.2 They attacked Valle for the clause he inserted in the acta of the 15tli, to which I have alluded in the preceding chap- ter. On that point they certainly had a well-founded grievance, but their manner of presenting it resulted in a loss of confidence in the junta, the organization of new parties, and general distraction. The point taken by them, however, was decided in their favor by the junta. But the latter held secret sessions after the 29tli of September, significant of sinister purposes. The other party — formerly constituting the ruling class — scouted the idea of equality. Most of the churchmen had the same feeling; for in joining the movement for separation from Spain their motive had been to shield their menaced prerogatives, rather than love for America or freedom. On the 18tli of September Gainza wrote Iturbide, generalissimo of the so-called empire of Mexico, that liis course had been hailed with joy, and that political parties had consolidated on the proposition of inde- pendence from Spain; hence he had proclaimed it. And that, since then, amid the transition from one system to another, the minds of the people of Gua- temala had been fixed on Iturbide, and they had desired to tender him their congratulations as the liberator of New Spain.3 2 A writer of the opposite party asserts that the practice caused much con- fusion, arising from ignorance. The populace abused the privilege, and had finally to be excluded from the chamber. The same author speaks dis- paragingly of the three leaders. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 7. It is said of them that they ofteu addressed from tire gallery petitions to the junta, demanded removals of officials, and had disputes with its members or with Gainza. I have already given some account of Barrundia and Molina. Cdrdoba had suffered imprisonment and prosecution for being concerned in the revolution- ary movements of 1811. 3 ‘ Acorde al fin en sus sentimientos, se reunid tiltimamente en la opinion cjue debid siempre ser el vinculo estrecho de su voluntad. Asi consta del tes- timonio que acompano & V. E.’ The last sentence must refer to a copy of the acta de independence. Mex. , Gaceta Imp., i. CO-2. And yet, another journal of Mexico, alluding to that letter, after erroneously giving the writer’s name as Gabriel Quinia, actually asserted its contents to be that Guatemala, like Chiapas, had submitted to Mexico, party spirit having been powerless to dis* 44 UNION WITH MEXICO. The junta consultiva passed a number of decrees, which were sanctioned by Gainza. Urrutia, the ex- captain-general, was tendered his salary and the con- siderations due his rank and former office if he would formally recognize the independence.4 He declined with thanks, departing for Habana soon after. At the time of the adoption of the acta, peaceable persons were assured of protection to their persons and property, which pledge was faithfully fulfilled. No opponent of independence was molested. Officials desirous of returning to their country were allowed to do so.5 The junta, which bore the compellation of excelen- tisima, unanimously appointed Gainza captain-general, with the salary of $10,000 a year, decorating him also with a three-colored scarf, commemorative of the three guarantees. A gold medal was voted to the members of the ayuntamiento, who made the solemn declaration of independence on the 23d of September.6 Committees were next appointed to study and report to the junta on public instruction, safety and de- fences, statistics, industry, and finances. Jose del Valle was instructed to form a plan of government.7 Several financial measures engaged the attention of the junta. One of them proposed to levy a duty of ten per centum on gold and silver exported to Spain. This was never strictly enforced. Restric- tions to foreign commerce, and monopolies existing under the Spanish government, were abolished. Lib- eral principles were introduced, including freedom of turb the peace or general will of the inhabitants! Mix,., Koticioso Gen., Oct. 19, 1821. 4 Decree of Sept 20, 1821. 5 Decrees of Sept. 26 and 27, 1821. They were given two months’ extra pay. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am. , 6-7. 0 This act was effected amidst great enthusiasm, and rejoicing at its ac- complishment without bloodshed. Persons then residing in the city who had favored the movement had their names inserted in a book. Marure, Dosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 27-30. 7 Another committee was to count the population in order to apportion the deputies to congress. Gracias, Cuad. Eatud. , 28. SALVADOR INDEPENDENT. 45 the press, which had been guaranteed by the Spanish constitution, and was now continued in force.8 In Salvador absolute independence had been de- clared by the ayuntamiento on the 21st of September, and proclaimed eight days after. Pedro Barriere, who as teniente letrado was temporarily acting as chief civil authority, together with the ayuntamiento of San Salvador, decreed the election of seven persons to form a “junta subalterna econdmica y consultiva.” There was great commotion stirred on the one hand by the vicar Ignacio Saldana, and on the other by the liberals, Arce, Ramirez, and others. The next day, the people being assembled to effect the election, Barriere, pretending that his friends, the so-called serviles, were in peril, retracted his former action. His words enraged the populace. Then he called out the troops to disperse the crowds, and arrested the republican leaders Arce, Rodriguez, and Domingo Lara.9 But on the news of his course reaching Guate- mala, Delgado was despatched to Salvador as a peace- maker, clothed with ample powers. On his wray to the capital he liberated prisoners, all of whom joined his following and entered the city with him. Bar- riere was sent out of the province; the troops were disarmed; peace was restored; a subordinate junta consultiva was installed, and Delgado continued at the head of the government.10 8 Before the news reached Spain of the change in Guatemala, Deputy Milla spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in the cbrtes of the insufficiency of Spanish bot- toms for the transportation of American produce, and demanded the privilege of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded also to the inability of the royal navy to protect Spanish merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact that five vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from Nicaraguan ports. Cdrtes, Diario Exlraord., Nov. 18, 1821, iv. 12-13. 9 Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta in Guatemala. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 9-10. 10 Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa Ana, and used it effectively, though without violence. Manure , Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 3G-7. The extent of the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide; it was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador, San Vicente, and San Miguel, with three cities, five villas, and 140 pueblos. Mendez, Mem., 9- 10. The following were the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casi- miro Garcia Valdeavellano, Josj Ignacio Saldana, Jos6 Rosi, Millan Bustos, 46 UNION WITH MEXICO. In Honduras, on the receipt at Comayagua of the news that Guatemala had seceded from the Spanish crown, the governor-intendente, Brigadier Jose Ti- noco de Contreras, and the diputacion11 refused to recognize the government constituted in that city, and took an oath to support the plan of Iguala. This was a virtual annexation of Honduras to the Mexican empire. The partidos of Tegucigalpa and Gracias, and the ports of Omoa and Trujillo, would not accept as valid the act of the authorities at Comayagua, and maintained relations with those in Guatemala. The independence from Spain had been declared on the 1 6th of October. Tinoco took the two ports above named, which were treacherously surrendered to him.12 He also fitted out a force to march on Tegucigalpa. A counter- revolution, however, on the 1st of December, sup- ported by an approaching Guatemalan liberal force, set aside Tinoco’s control and restored that of the junta consultiva.13 Geionimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian, Juan 15. de Otonto, Francisco Ignacio dc Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro Miguel Lopez, secretary. Ruiz, Caleud. Salv., 67-8; Salv. , Diario Ofic., Jan. 26, 1875, 5; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2, 9-10. Alatnan lias it that Delgado seized the government by a revo- lution in 1822. Hist. Mej. , v. 474-5. 11 In the Spanish cdrtes, March 29, 1813, was read and passed to a com- mittee a petition of the ayuntamiento of Comayagua, objecting to the limited scope of the decree of May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of only two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for one in Coma- yagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of Tegucigalpa, and that of San Miguel in Salvador, within its jurisdiction, which would give the new dipu- tacion a territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from E. to \V. Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no evidence as to when Honduras was granted the diputacion, but the fact appears that it had such a corpora- tion in September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua, and divided into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa, and the nine sub-delegations of Gracias a Dios, San Pedro Zula, Teucoa, Yoro, Olanchito, Olancho Viejo, Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa, Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo, and Cartago. The bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole intendencia, with 35 parishes, one mission, and 145 churches. Mendez, Mem., 8, 21. In 1S21 there lived in Trujillo about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint Vincent, later occupying the island of Roatan, whence they removed to Trujillo. They were a rather industrious, honest people. Coggeshall’s Voy. , 2d ser., 161-3. 12 Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito, and others, who seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio Prado. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 35. 13 The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of Dec. to reward the LIBERTY IN NICARAGUA. 47 Nicaragua had, since 1813, a diputacion provincial, under the decree of the Spanish cbrtes of May 24, 1812. Its jurisdiction extended over the districts of Leon, Granada, Segovia, Nicaragua, and Matagalpa. Under the new system, established in 1821, and since Urrutia’s retirement, constant questions of jurisdic- tion arose between the intendente and the superior jefe politico.11 On the 3d of October Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, commandant at Granada, issued a general order to the officers to report with their troops next morning, and take the oath to support national independence, pursuant to the instructions he had received from Captain-general Gainza. Intendente Saravia had been at enmity with Gainza, and when the first steps were taken in Guatemala for independence, he threw off his authority. In this he had the aid of Bishop Jerez and Colonel Joaquin Arechavala, commander of the militia, all three being natives of old Spain. They induced the diputacion and the ayuntamiento, by an act of the 11th of October, to declare Nicara- gua seceded from Guatemala.15 This action occurred in Leon. But Granada refused to concur, and sent its representatives to the congress called to meet in Guatemala. Later, October 21st, the authorities in Leon formally accepted the Iguala plan, thereby an- nexing the whole province to the Mexican empire. villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the rank of a city, and bestowing on its ayuntamiento the title of ‘ patribtico. 1 Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 35. 11 As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always existed in the provinces against the capital. This hatred was intensified by the respective intendentes in forwarding their ambitious purposes. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2. Lieut-col Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot in Oajaca, was the gov. -intendente of Nicaragua since ISIS. Naturally he hated the indepen- dents for his father’s execution. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 34; Ayon, Apuntes, 22; Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed. 1S23), 337-8. 15 They would remain independent of the Spanish crown, they said, until the clouds disappeared. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 34; Ayon, Apuntes, 22; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 387; Busta- mante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 1S7, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. Mij., v. 346-8; Wells' llond., 4CS. Tomds Ayon, Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos poli- ticos de Nicaragua, Leon, 1S75, Svo, 50 pp., gives.a few important memoranda on the political events of Nicaragua in 1S11-24, in a clear, concise, and ap- parently impartial manner. 48 UNION WITH MEXICO. The country was accordingly divided into two antag- onistic parties, the imperialist and the republican.16 Gainza said to the diputacion at Leon, on the 22d of October, that neither they nor the junta consultiva, nor any other body of men then existing, could decide upon the future of the country; none had a legal right to declare for or against annexation to Mexico. This could be arrived at only by the representatives of the people in the general congress.17 He appointed Colonel Sacasa comandante general of the forces in Nicaragua, and directed him to install in Granada a subordinate junta gubernativa of five members, clothed with the functions of a jefe politico, and which was to continue in power till the status of the country should be fixed.18 Sacasa frankly notified the rulers in Leon of what he was to do, and took steps to carry his orders into execution. But Saravia, with the bishop and the diputacion, determined that no such junta should be installed. ' The diputacion, on the 1st of Decem- ber, by a special act, forbade its organization, declar- ing all attempts toward it subversive of good order and hostile to the Mexican empire, to which they owed allegiance; and warning all citizens to abstain from such efforts. 16 Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against Granada, obstructing her relations with Guatemala. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 35. Tint extent of the province of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detach- ing Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba, and Matagalpa, with 8S towns in all. Mendez, Mem.., 7. According to Miguel G. Saravia, Bosquejo politico estadistico de Nicaragua, its population in 1813 was of 149,- 751, a very imperfect census. Squier’s States Cent. Am., 50. The bishopric of Leon comprised all the intendencia of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3 missions, and 88 churches. Mendez, Mem., 20. A considerable military force had been, since 1790, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821 additional de- fences were erected, by government order of May 2d. This force was expelled after the declaration of independence by the patriots. Squier's Trav. , i. S3. I! On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the diputacion at Co- mayagua. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 44-6. 18 Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed by the ayunta- mientos supporting the Granada regime. These members to choose every month from their own number the president. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 5-6. Perez, Jerdnimo, Biografia del coronet Don Crisanto Sacasa, 1875, fob, 18 pp., fur- nishes important data on the origin and life of a man who figured prom- inently and honorably in the affairs of Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in 1824. In connection with them appear several official letters on events during the period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico. COSTA RICA NEUTRAL. 49 Sacasa had every right to expect that Gainza would support him against attacks from Leon, but he was disappointed. The captain-general wrote him, on the 22d of December, that it was doubtful if Central America could maintain a government separate from Mexico, many towns having already attached them- selves to the empire; and that he had expressed the same opinion to Saravia. Whereupon Sacasa, though a republican, made no further opposition to the powers at Leon. Costa Rica was privileged by distance to keep aloof from political troubles threatening the other provinces. She had seceded from Spain on the 27th of October, and set aside the governor, Juan Cahas; but when called upon to adopt the plan of the capital or that of Leon, she declined both, preferring a neutral attitude.19 A meeting of notables confirmed the act of secession, and set up a provisional government entirely detached from that at Leon, which was to reside alternately in Cartago, San Jose, Heredia, and Alajuela. But this was found inconvenient, owing to rivalries between the two first-named towns; and finally it was decided, on the 27th of November, to place public affairs in the hands of Manuel Peralta, Rafael Osejo, and Her- menegildo Bonilla, who were to reside at the provin- cial capital, Cartago. Under this arrangement peace was preserved, and the province never was really under the imperial rule.20 19 The people acted prudently; they could but reap trouble from the polit- ical complications. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2; Molina, Bosq. Costa Rica, 4-5, 17-18; Ralv., Diario OJic., May 23, 1875; Lond. Geog. Roc., vi. 135. 20 It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil anil military government of its own, but under dependence of the audiencia and captain-generalcy at Guatemala. In matters ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leou. Mo- lina, Bosq. Costa Rica, 92; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 2. The Spanish constitution gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion provincial. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 54. In 1812 the province had 22 towns — 12 of Indians and 10 of white and black men — besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 1821 was 100 by 00 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the villas, San .Jos<5 »le Ujarriz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa; the villages, Espiritu Santo, Pueblo Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela, Bagasses, Las Canas, Barba, San Fernando, and the Indian towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there would be Hist. Cent. Am., Vol III. 4 50 UNION WITH MEXICO. Dissensions had now brought the country to the brink of civil war, and no time was to be lost in avert- ing it. Measures were adopted to hasten the meeting of congress. With the view of restoring peace between the sections, and of rendering harmless disturbing ele- merits without resort to arms, the junta at Guatemala concluded to despatch trusty commissioners to the provinces where secession was rife, who were to pre- vail on them to send deputies to the general congress. Other agents were to be despatched to Mexico to watch the turn of events at the capital.21 What good results those agents might have accomplished, it is impossible now to say. They had no occasion to try their efforts. Events in Mexico succeeded one another with such rapidity, and their influence on Central America was so powerful, that, even among the best patriots, many made up their minds to coop- erate toward the union, carried away by the idea that only under the aegis of the northern empire could peace, safety, and stability be secured. Costa Rica, we have seen, was in fact out of the field ; at any rate, it had no share in the political strife. The provinces of Guatemala proper and Salvador were the only ones, at present, which together with Granada, in Nicaragua, and some portions of Hon- duras, attempted to preserve an independence from Mexico under whatever form of government might be adopted in that country. The idea of annexation to Mexico had been, however, growing popular from day to day in Guatemala. The important section of 27 towns. The population was computed at between 60,000 and 70,000, be- sides the three nations of heathen Indians in the mountains and northern coasts, and known respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte, and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 404-5. In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the Spanish cdrtes petitioned for a bishopric; but at the time of the separation the matter had not been acted on. Mendez, Mem., 7. 21 Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la Merced, Fray Luis Gar- cia, were selected for Comayagua; the prelate of the Franciscans, Fray Jos6 Antonio Taboada, for Leon; the prebendado Jos<5 Marfa Castilla, Pedro Mo- lina, and Jos(5 Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. Manure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 37-9. ITURBIDE’S EFFORTS. 51 Quezaltenango adhered to the scheme, on the 13th of November, inviting Sucliitepequez, Solold, and An- tigua Guatemala to follow the example, which they did soon after. And Cirilo Flores and Antonio Corzo, who in later years figured as most prominent cham- pions of democracy and suffered martyrdom for their cause, then supported the action of Quezaltenango. It was contended that Central America, after throw- ing off the Spanish yoke, acquired, with independence, the right of forming such associations as might be mutually beneficial. This doctrine was warmly ad- vocated by a large portion of the reflecting class. Under such circumstances, Guatemala and Salvador, hemmed in as they were between provinces that had already become annexed to Mexico, could not main- tain an absolute independence. Iturbide had large ideas of imperial sway, and was bent on the acquisition of entire Central America, aided efficiently, as he was on this side, by the aristo- crats and other dissentient elements, who, perceiving the insignificance they would come to if the nation finally became constituted under a democratic govern- ment, which their opponents were aiming at, labored with might and main to defeat the plan.22 They won over with money and fair promises a part of the peo- ple, and with Gainza, who expected high rank and offices from the new empire, bound Central America hand and foot, as will hereafter be seen. 22 Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and other rewards for their services in harnessing their country to Mexico’s imperial car. El Progreso, Apr. 11, 1850. The organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas of the republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to them was large, and to be found in the officials, the higher classes, and indeed all sen- sible persons, who well knew how small was the number of the educated among them. It claimed that the journals published in Guatemala expressed the views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming thinner every day. That same organ had given to the public certain letters from the ayuntafniento of Comitan, in Chiapas, objecting to the 2d art. of the Guate- malan acta of Sept. 15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to sustain a separate government, which had been evident since the yearly al- lowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which, they said, the safety of Mexico might be imperilled should Spain at some future time recover posses- sion of Cent. Am., which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and vindicate her authority over the former. Mix., Gaceta Imp., i., Nov. 24 and Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2. UNION WITH MEXICO. The junta consultiva was much perplexed in view of the situation. The imperialists daily became more insolent and exacting. At this critical time — Novem- ber 28th — Gainza laid before it a letter23 from the generalissimo, making allusion to the much abused second article of the acta de independencia, and de- claring that Guatemala was not able to occupy as yet a place in the family of nations, and should therefore link her fate with Mexico.24 Whereupon the junta, at the suggestion of the marques de Aycinena, hastily answered that the popular wishes must be ascertained before adopting any action ; promising to send the pro- posal at once to the ayuntamientos and local author- ities, with instructions to call on the people to give a formal expression of their will on the subject. This promise was kept in a measure — the ayuntamientos, not the people, were given one month’s time to mani- fest their preference.26 Soon after the arrival of Iturbide’s messenger, the persecution of republicans was begun. The rough element of the population, instigated by their adver- saries, during the night insulted them at their homes.20 Any one who either by word or writing opposed the “Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by Josd de Onate. 24 ‘ Guatemala no debia quedar independiente de Mdjico, sino formar . . .un gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala, y tratados de Cordoba: que Guatemala se hallaba todavfa impotente para gobernarse por si misma, y que podria ser por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.’ Marure, Bosq. llist. Cent. Am., i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure of Iturbide’s aid, grew bolder in their plotting. Squier's Trav., ii. 37S; Montvfar, Reseiia Hist., iv. 35-9. Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of Nov., to write very courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who was well connected and had ad- dressed a communication to the liberator. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 28; Montvfar, Res Candina, Eusebio Castillo, Josh Valdhs; Josh Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez, secretaries. Guat., Ilecop. Lcyes, i. 14-16; Alarure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i.,ap. iv.-vi. ; Alontu/ar, Resena Hist.. iv. 1S-23, 40-2; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am,., 8-9, 11; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Alamav, /list. Mej., v. 476; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mij. , 386-7; Lastarria, in La America, 249; Scdv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 13, 1875, 4, and March 28, 1S76, 603; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 218; Squier’s Trav., i. 3S3: Kewen's Nic. and Walker, MS., 33-6; Romero, Bosq. Ilist., 103-6. 83 ‘Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la independencia, van d substi- GAINZA’S EDICT. 55 events came to show how delusive were the promises thus held out by the incoming regime. It was pre- posterous on the part of an unconstituted country, as Mexico then was, with a government whose existence was precarious, to undertake the task of affording pro- tection to the people of Central America — to a people that had been brought under the yoke of the so- called empire in such an unprecedented manner. Forgetting, after a few days, the honeyed words of his manifesto, Gainza,33 on January 9th, issued a stringent edict, countersigned by Jose Marfa Celaya as secretary, giving renewed force to his former edicts of September 17th and December 1st, and forbid- ding, under the penalties provided by the laws against sedition, that any one should, either by tongue or pen, censure or refute the action adopted as the will of the majority. Conversations on the subject in the streets or public places were prohibited, and citizens were enjoined to report at once to the authorities any at- tempted conspiracy against the new government which might come to their knowledge. Constitutional al- caldes and other local authorities were charged with the execution of this decree. Gainza and his junta thus gave way to the wishes of the would-be oligarchs and the clergy, ignoring the fact, formerly recognized by them, that to the repre- sentatives of the people in congress exclusively be- longed the decision of the question on the future status of the country.34 The aristocrats and clericals brought about difficulties to prevent the election of tuirse A los partidos ominosos. . .neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario y de los movimientos populares.’ Gainza, Manif esto, Gaceta Gob. Guadat., 1822, March 2, 302-4; Mix., Gaceta Imp., ii. 657-9; Kewen, Nic. and Walker, MS., 30-6. 33 He now gives himself a long list of titles, viz.: knight of justice of the sacred religion of St John of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of the independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the bauda nacioual; her captain-general; inspector-general of all her arms; superior political chief, intendent-general, and president of the junta provisional consultiva. Mix., Gaceta Imp., i. 557-9; Gaceta Gob. Guadal., March 2, 1822, 304. 34 Only two months earlier the diputaciones of Comayagua and Leon were told that neither the junta consultiva nor any other body then existing had any such power. 56 UNION WITH MEXICO. representatives, and took advantage of them to carry out their designs. The truth is, that the device re- sorted to, of acting upon the opinions of ayunta- mientos which they well knew had no authority in the premises, was illegal. And, indeed, could a popula- tion of upwards of one million, scattered over 75,000 square miles of territory, have duly considered so vital a matter as the abdication of their national autonomy within the short period of thirty days? The whole secret of the aristocratic success lay in the pressure brought to bear on the country with a military force sent by Iturbide to support his pretensions.35 The following facts appeared in the imperial gazette of Mexico: The regency announced on the 12th of No- vember to the junta soberana that Chiapas, as well as the towns of Guatemala, had signified a wish to be received as a part of the Mexican empire, asking for military aid to uphold its acts. The regency added, that the military aid must then be quite near Chiapas, under the orders issued beforehand by the generalissimo, 5,000 men having already, under the conde de la Cadena, crossed the Tehuantepec River. The junta graciously assented to the so-called wishes of the people of Chiapas and Guatemala, giving them the rights of Mexican citizens.38 A division under Brigadier Vicente Filisola, with Colonel Felipe Codallos as his second in command,37 35 It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the people, that a formidable force was on the way — 5,000 men — which Central America in its present di- vided condition could not resist; hence the premature submission with an apparent good grace. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am.. 10—1 1. 36 Gacela Imp., i. 163-3. According to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 1S7, 1-29, the party in favor of absolute independence in Guatemala sus- tained itself till a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the absorption was effected. The force had not arrived, but was certainly ex- pected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells us that the people of Cent. Am. were mostly very enthusiastic for Iturbide, and at the same time anx- ious to rid themselves of the liberal party, whose members he calls an un- bridled set of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid them. Por- venir de Max. , 252. 37 Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he,resigned it on account of sickness. Alaman, llist. Mcj., v. 474-8; Suarez y Navarro , Hist. Mcj. , 387-8; Fdisola d la Junta Soberana, note 3. TROUBLES IN SALVADOR. 57 began its march in November 1821; but a large por- tion of the men deserted on the way, and the ranks had to be recruited in Chiapas; and yet Filisola finally arrived in Guatemala with only GOO men.33 The junta provisional, after its action of January 5th, had no further reason for continuing, and so dis- solved itself on the 21st of February. Gainza, retain- ing the offices of jefe superior politico and captain- general, called into life a diputacion provincial.39 His authority, however, was not regarded in Chiapas, Honduras, Nicaragua, nor a great part of Salvador. Costa Rica still remained aloof and was unmolested. During Iturbide’s occupation of his rickety throne, Central America had deputies in the imperial con- gress,40 and the orders of the emperor’s government were generally obeyed. Nevertheless, plucky little Salvador kept up the struggle against foreign domi- nation. Nearly a majority of its ayuntamientos, to- gether with the priest Delgado, the acting political chief, had signified their wish to await the action of congress; and on hearing of the surrender to Mexico by Gainza and his junta, entered a protest and seceded, resolving to remain independent till the representa- tives of the whole people of Central America should decide the question of nationality.41 But even here dissensions fostered from Guatemala had their pernicious effects. Santa Ana and San Miguel had voted for annexation to Mexico, and to uphold this action, seceded from their own province, which in that year led to a war between Salvador 38Squier, Gnat 580-1, has it 700. 35 The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Id. , Ef emir ides, 5. '"’Among them were Jos4 del Valle, Juan de Dios Mayorga, and Marcial Zebadua. Zavala , Ensaijo Hist. Rev. Mex. , i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says that Mayorga had a secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican govern- ment. Hist. Mej., 387. 41 Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12. The province was ruled by a junta guber- nativa, one of whose members was Antonio Jos6 Canas, one of the most distin- guished among Cent. Americans. He soon after became the second in command of the ‘batallon fijo,’ organized to resist Iturbide’s pretensions. Salv., Ltiario 58 UNION WITH MEXICO. and Guatemala. The government at San Salvador gave the chief command of its forces to Manuel Jose Arce, with orders to bring the people of Santa Ana to reason, peaceably if he could, forcibly if he must.42 Arce marched on Santa Ana, when Padilla, com- manding a portion of the Sonsonate force which had been stationed in that city, retreated within its own territory. After compelling the town to revoke its act of secession, Arce went in pursuit of Padilla, oc- cupied Ahuachapam, then an annex of Sonsonate, and finally routed that officer in the hacienda El Espinal.43 This was the first act of a bloody war, which will be treated in another chapter. In Honduras, the districts of Tegucigalpa and Gracias, together with the ports of Omoa and Tru- jillo, repudiated the union with Mexico.44 Brigadier Tinoco, on hearing that a Salvadoran force had en- tered Honduras, resigned his office of governor. Comayagua, however, continued recognizing the au- thority of Mexico, but not that of Guatemala.45 In Nicaragua, the city of Granada disregarded the 42 Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate, a town which hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala proper, and afterward became a part of Salvador. 43 Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13. “The rest of the province had accepted that arrangement. Gov. Tinoco had made himself master of Omoa, but a revolution released it from his grasp. His authority over Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. Id., 7-9. 45 The inhabitants were influenced to that course by Canon Nicolis Irias and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent Tinoco to Mexico to report the state of affairs in Honduras. Mature, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 37. NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA. 59 authority at Leon, and held relations with Gainza, even after Colonel Sacasa had placed himself under the orders of the former.46 Sacasa had surrendered his charge in Granada to Cleto Ordonez,47 who thus became the leader of the liberal party in Nicaragua. After the act of annexation to Mexico, and Salva- dor’s act of secession, both Sacasa and Ordonez sup- ported the independents. Ordonez, finding himself in possession of irrespon- sible power, soon gave a loose rein to his bad instincts. He began to seize private property, not excepting even that of foreigners. Sacasa’s person and prop- erty did not escape.43 Costa Rica did not fail, though maintaining a neu- tral attitude, to manifest her discontent with the course of Guatemala. 16 There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence between Saravia and Gainza. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14. 47 This man was of the lowest class; bad been a common servant, and afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined in a dungeon at Trujillo, from which he escaped. When he began to figure in politics his wit made him popular with the citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of medicine, and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however, given to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle. He was twice mar- ried, but left no children. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, S; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 73-4. 48 Ordonez had Sacasa and others confined in irons in Fort San Carlos. Public opinion accused him of being the most active instigator of hatred be- tween the white and other races. Id., 74; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Salv.t Diario Ofic., Feb. 19, 1875. CHAPTER IV. CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. 1822-1825. Secession from M exico — Arzu’s Campa ign — Pre varicatioS of Salvador — Filisola’s Victory — His Subsequent Course — Liberal Triumph in Costa Rica — Honduras Favors Union — National Independence Secured — Labors to Organize a Nation — The Constituent Assembly — Provincias Unidas del Centro df, America — Abolition of African Slavery — Provisional Government — Moderados ob Serviles — Li- berales or Fiebres — Principles and Aims of Parties — Mexican Forces Retire — Seditions Begin — Salvadoran Force in Guatemala — Confederacion de Centro America — Fundamental Law — Finances — Adjournment of the Constituent Assembly. Arce’s invasion of territory occupied by Guate- mala afforded the latter a sufficient pretext, if any were needed, to declare war against her high-spirited and troublesome neighbor. Colonel Arzu was there- upon despatched on the 19th of March, 1822, at the head of a force, which in a few days had been increased to 1,000 men, to bring Salvador under subjection. Arzu’s dilatory movements, however, defeated the object of the expedition.1 He lost two months and more waiting for reenforcements and artillery, and by indecision as to whether or not he should heed the protestations of the Salvadorans.2 The latter em- ployed the time thus gained in fortifying their city, 1 His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or before the 5th of April. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12. 1 They claimed that their declaration of independence did not imply hos- tility to Guatemala, and in support of it expressed a willingness to furnish hostages. Their representations were of no effect, however; ‘habiaempeno en sojuzgar 4 San Salvador, y 4 este interns se saerificaba todo.’ Marurc, Rosq. IlUt. Cent. Am., 51. (60) DEFEAT OF ARZfr. 61 though short of arms to equip a sufficient garrison. Aroused at last by Gainza’ s positive commands, Arzu continued his march,3 and avoiding the fortifications of San Salvador, entered the city on the 3d of June, taking its defenders by surprise.4 5 Having now every advantage, Arzu might have made himself master of the place had he not carelessly permitted his troops to disband for purposes of plunder. The result was, that the Salvadorans had time to rally, and a street fight ensued, ending with the total discomfiture of Arzu and his force, who with the loss of their arms were driven from the city.6 Had the victors made the most of their success, they might have annihilated the invading force; but they failed to conduct the pur- suit with any skill.6 Arzu’s defeat produced a deep impression in Gua- temala, where such a result had been unexpected, the expedition having been fitted out with the utmost care. Fears began to be entertained that the Salva- dorans might become aggressors and invade Guate- mala. The friends of Mexico were therefore much pleased on hearing that the Mexican commander, Filisola, had been ordered to supersede Gainza, who was summoned to Mexico.7 With about 600 men Filisola arrived in Guatemala on the 12th of June, 1822, and ten days later took possession of the govern- ment. He inaugurated a comparatively good state 3 Against Filisola’s expressed wishes, ."hat general was then in Chiapas, and had forbidden all military operations till his arrival. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 13; Alaman, Ilist. Mej., v. 478; Filisola & la Junta Sober ana, note 6. 4 He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to the west, from which quarter, owing to the roughness of the ground, no attack had been expected. 5 The casualties were not heavy on either side. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13. 6 It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this occasion that Salvador subsequently based her claim to a prominent place in the councils held upon Cent. American affairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended superiority. ! To answer charges preferred against him. Id., 15; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 53, followed by Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 478. Cuevas, Porvenir de Mex., 253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his own accord. At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen. of the imperial army, and an aide-de-camp of Iturbide’s. G2 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. of affairs; for though as a supporter of the Mexican cause, and specially of the empire, he aimed at con- solidation, yet his policy was a conciliatory one.8 He endeavored to obtain the assent of Salvador to union with Mexico without resorting to force. At first his course presented a promising aspect, inasmuch as the representatives of the former apparently made little objection; and on the news of Iturbide’s call to the Mexican throne, among the many congratulations received by Filisola were those of Salvador, delivered by a special deputation. But the object, as it turned out, was merely to gain time. The negotiations were continued several months, hostilities having been sus- pended by both belligerents, till early in September it was agreed that further negotiations should be carried on directty with the executive and congress of Mexico.9 This agreement was not carried out, however, owing to new difficulties raised by San Sal- vador. Filisola, who evidently would not assume the responsibility of war, referred the whole matter to Mexico for instructions. Iturbide, who had just dis- solved the Mexican congress for its opposition to his plans,10 felt no inclination to permit little San Salva- dor to dictate the terms of union, and disallowing the armistice concluded by Filisola, ordered him to begin hostilities forthwith if unconditional submission were refused.11 Leaving his second officer, Colonel Codallos, in charge of the government at Guatemala, Filisola be- gan the military operations toward the end of Novem- 8 His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire to be guided only by the best interests of the country. Mix., Gaceta Imp., 1822, G57-9. 9 Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that purpose to Mexico in Nov. 1S22; the districts of San Miguel and Santa Ana being permitted to recognize the government at Guatemala till an understanding should be arrived at in Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms seized by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests of the two provinces, and to rules to be observed before renewing hostilities. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 56-7. 10 Oct. 31, 1822. See Hist. Mex. , v., this series. 11 Filisola d la Junta Sober ana, notes 9, 10. FILISOLA’S CAMPAIGN. 63 ber, taking possession of Santa Ana and marching 12 upon the city of San Salvador, after having routed several small hostile detachments which attempted to check his progress. At the same time he published the decree of the Mexican government of November 4th, making of Central America, or the former captain- generalcy of Guatemala, three comandancias gene- rales, namely, those of Chiapas, Sacatepequez, and Costa Rica, the capitals being respectively Ciudad Real, Nueva Guatemala, and Leon in Nicaragua.13 The government of San Salvador was in a precarious situation; although disposing of an army whose nu- merical force and equipment were not inferior to Fili- sola’s, yet it had neither discipline nor experienced officers. The few encounters which had already taken place between the two forces had made it evi- dent that the Salvadorans could not cope with Fili- sola’s military skill. Under the circumstances, the authorities of San Salvador resolved upon incorpora- tion with Mexico, and demanded that Filisola should proceed no farther. They declined to inform him of the terms under which they would submit to annexa- tion, though offering to lay them before the congress in Mexico. They based this action on the ground that if their purpose became known in Salvador a revolution would certainly follow.14 The Mexican commander paid no heed to these ambiguous statements, which he considered devices to gain time, and continued his march.15 12 His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from Guatemala, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras. 13 Mar ure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., CO-1; Molina, Costa Rica, 93; Squier’s Travels, ii. 383. The decree never went into effect, however. 11 The principal conditions were: establishment in Mexico of a representa- tive government; Salvador’s absolute independence from Guatemala; partici- pation of her delegates in framing the national constitution; continuation in office of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see. For less important terms demanded on that occasion, see also Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 10-17; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 02. 15 It seems that he again asked for instructions from the emperor, who peremptorily directed him not to lose more time in negotiations. ‘V. S. no es mas que uu soldado que debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y tratar & los cabecillas como perturbadores del ordcn.’ Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 64 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. It was at this critical moment that the congress of San Salvador, carried away by hatred to Guatemala and Mexico, resolved upon a singular step. On the 2d of December, 1822, the act of incorporation with Mexico was repealed, and the state was placed under the protectorate of the Anglo-American states, as an integral portion thereof. Solemn protests were made in the name of that republic against Filisola’s hostile acts. A member of the congress, Juan Manuel Ro- driguez, was commissioned to make known the incor- poration to the government of the United States.18 For a short time it seems that hopes were entertained of an armed protection on the part of the northern re- public in favor of the new acquisition; but soon the folly of such expectations became apparent. Filisola disregarded the protests,17 and after several victorious encounters, routed the Salvadorans under Arce at Mejicanos,18 and entered the city of San Salvador with- out further opposition on the 9th of February, 1823. Filisola fulfilled the promise he had made the preced- ing day to the ayuntamiento, that he would respect all rights, and not treat the town as a conquered coun- try. The only Salvadoran force remaining was com- pelled, on the 21st of February, to surrender at Gual- cince, a town on the other side of the Lemoa River.19 This was the end of the war.20 Arce, who departed for the United States, wrote Filisola from Belize a letter full of firmness and dignity, meanwhile thank- 17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address to the junta soberana of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10. 16Squier, in his Travels, ii. 383-4, rather emphatically comments on this ‘ step expressive of sympathies and sentiments which still exist.’ u ‘ With a declaration that he was not waging war ou the U. S., he con- tinued his operations.’ 18 Feb. 7, 1823. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 17-18. 18 Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit the country, and even furnished them money to leave. To the poor soldiers he afforded every facil- ity to reach their homes. Ju It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and constancy of the eons of this little province, Central America owed to a great extent its exist- ence as a sovereign commonwealth. Zavala, Rev. N. Ksp. , i. 142. See also Alaman, Ilist. Mij. , v. 476; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Suarez y Bavarro, Hist. Mej., 387; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12. FALL OF ITURBIDE. 65 incr him for his humane conduct. Delgado remained at his hacienda. The local authorities swore alle- giance to the Mexican empire. Filisola now returned to Guatemala,21 where he arrived about the 6th or 7th of March. He had already received the news of the movement in Mexico resulting in the overthrow of Iturbide. It was this that hastened his return to Guatemala, and induced him to adopt a course opposed to his last instructions from Mexico. Granada, in Nicaragua, had not been reduced to obedience. Gov- ernor Gonzalez Saravia had asked for troops to ac- complish it, but Filisola declined to employ coercion; and after informing him and Juan Fernandez Lindo, governor of Honduras,22 as well as other officials in the provinces, of the state of affairs in Mexico, assured them that he would take no important step without first obtaining their assent. Indeed, after he con- vinced himself that the imperial government had fallen never to rise again, he arrived at the conclusion that he had no right to keep annexed to Mexico the Central American provinces; as the annexation had been made solely, as claimed by Mexico and her sup- porters, for the sake of securing stability to their government, and the respect which would be afforded it from a long distance by a great and wealthy coun- try. All this prestige had disappeared, owing to the revolution at Casa Mata in Mexico,23 the paper money, and other arrangements made by Iturbide with refer- ence to these provinces. Being asked to summon a congress of all the prov- inces of Central America, he complied, issuing a de- cree on the 29th of March, 1823, with the view of carrying out the acta of September 15, 1821, which had been annulled by the incorporation of the country with Mexico. This was tantamount to a recognition of the independence of Central America from Mexico.24 21 Col Felipe Codallos was appointed governor of the province. 22 Tinooo had gone to Mexico. 23 Hint. Mex., v., this series. 21 Filisola’s course lias been open to criticism. Some attributed it to a con- Hisx. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 5 66 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. His decree was hailed with joy by the party friendly to absolute independence. The Mexican or imperial- ist party was vanquished, and the people were ready to take an active part in the coming elections. Peace was not only temporarily restored in Guatemala and Salvador, but in Nicaragua and Costa Rica party struggles were brought to a close. In Granada, Ordonez had continued committing many outrages.25 He had successfully repulsed Sara- via, who had come against him from Leon. The latter was in the act of preparing another expedition, when Filisola’s decree was promulgated, and he was sum- moned to Guatemala. Nicaragua subsequently con- stituted a junta gubernativa of its own.28 In Costa Rica, Saravia, with the aid of Bishop Jerez, attempted to force the province into the union with Mexico, and with that view endeavored to over- throw the provincial government established at Car- tago. A conspiracy was planned there, and its authors, seconded in Ciudad Vieja, openly espoused the cause of Iturbide on the 29th of March. The men of the liberal party fled to San Jose, and after strengthen- ing their ranks there and at Alajuela, attacked the imperialists on the field of Las Lagunas, near Cartago, and defeated them.27 The town had to surrender, and was occupied by the victorious independents, but the seat of government remained in San Jose.28 viction that Cent. Am. could not be held as a province dependent from a re public, which was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 73, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 19, claim that it was the unavoid- able result of the situation, which is not exactly true. With the force at his command, he might have maintained supremacy for a considerable time at least. Filisola himself said that his object had been to avert civil war. In his address of July 24, 1823, to the junta of Guatemala, he assured that body that his recognition of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the su- preme executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the 18th of June. Filisola dll Junta Soberana de Guat., 1-8; Id. , El Ciudadano, 16-17. u Among others, that of seizing, without any legal formality, the Spanish vessel Sinacam , whose cargo he sold to procure provisions and other supplies for his garrison. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 75; A yon, Apuntes, 22-3. 26 It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823. Marure, E/em., 6. 27 On the 15th of April. Marure, E/em., 6. “Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the capital, though only fora short time. Molina, Costa Rica, 94; Astaburuaya, Cent. Am., 12. SEPARATION FROM MEXICO. 67 In Honduras, tlie provincial assembly resolved on the 10th of May to enter into the union with the other provinces of Central America, with the view of constituting an independent nation.29 Central America then, after a fifteen months’ con- nection with Mexico, was again in the same position it had occupied at the time of separation from Spain. No advantages had been derived from that union; but, on the contrary, numerous heavy taxes had exhausted the country, though the treasury was invariably empty. The whole country was suffering from other consequences of the internal wars, in the form of abuses on the part of unscrupulous political parties and military chiefs; none worse, however, than the military sway imposed by Mexico.30 There have not been wanting those who believe the separation from the northern republic was a false step.31 The people had for centuries lived under the same superior gov- ernment, subject only to the Spanish crown. Then followed a period when they often faced one another as foes. Now they were invited to sit side by side and discuss measures for the benefit of the great family to which they all belonged. The elections were con- ducted with enthusiasm on the part of the republicans, the field having been left to them by the imperialists.32 Congress assembled on the 24th of June, 1823, 33 under the presidency of Jose Matfas Delgado,34 the 29According to Marure, Efemirides, 6, reserving the liberty of recognizing anew Iturbide as the legitimate emperor, should he be again restored to the imperial throne. 30 Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress complained of out- rages committed by Filisola’s soldiers, to which his attention was called to correct them by the executive of that republic. 31 Cuevas, Porvenir da Mix., 254-G, laments it, considering it an act injuri- ous to Cent. America’s best interests. 3-’The imperialists ‘se limitaron A oponerles algunas maniobras sordas, no teniendo dnimo de disputai'las d cara descubierta.’ Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., S'2-3. The independents ‘contrajeron sus planes d ganar las eleccioncs, y d liacer odiosas las tropas megicanas, procurando d toda costa, y por todos los medios posibles hacerlas evacuar la republica.’ Mem. Bev. Cent. Am., 20. 33 The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed upon, but some pre- liminary work not having been completed in time, the installation was neces- sarily delayed. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83. 3i Chiapas was not represented, that province having continued detached from Cent. Am. GS CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. installation being graced by the presence of Filisola and the municipal council of the city.35 On the 2d of July following it assumed the name of Asamblea Nacional Constituyente. The body was in session nineteen months, closing its labors on the 23d of January, 1825. Its work was momentous, having to organize a government imbued with the prevailing liberal spirit; to improve the imperilled finances; to establish relations with foreign powers; and, what was of the highest importance, to bring unity out of chaos. The first step toward the ac- complishment of these purposes was taken on the 1st of July, 1823, with the adoption of the ordinance which declared the provinces of the former captain- generalcy of Guatemala to be free and independent states, confederated into a nation under the name of Provincias Unidas del Centro de America.30 Inas- much as a considerable number of representatives had not arrived on that date, the ordinance was sub- sequently ratified on the 1st of October.37 The new confederation was recognized by Mexico only a little more than a year after.38 Shortly after independence was proclaimed, a divis- ion of the powers of government into three branches was resolved on; namely, the legislative, to be vested in the asamblea; the executive, composed of three 85 It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the Mexican troops taking part with the native ones in paying honors to the national representatives. Till the organization of an executive, the first decrees were addressed to Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20. That body, the first as well as the most numerous, was at the same time the most enlightened that the republic ever had. Mature, Boxq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. S3; Id. , Efem., 7; Guat. Recop. Ley ex, i. 1G-24. 30 The full text with the names of the delegates present appears in Mature, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xiii.-xviii. ; and Rocha, Cddigo Nic., i. 19-23. Its principal clauses were: ‘That the said provinces. . .are free and independent from old Spain, from Mexico, and every other power, alike of the old and the new world, y que no son ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni faniilia alguna.’ Translations into other languages may be seen in Revue Amtricaine, i. 377-97; Democratic Rev., i. 4SG-7. The act was drawn up by the deputy Jos<5 Francisco Cordoba, who was a member of the committee to whom the matter had been referred. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 21. Gunt., Recop. Lcyes, i. 24-32. S8Aug. 20, 1824. Duhlan and Lozano, Leg. Vex., i. 713; Alaman, Mem. d ORGANIZATION. 69 members, to be elected by and to be subject to that body; and the judicial, to be exercised by the existing courts.39 The executive, as then constituted, was to be merely provisional, and until a fundamental code should give it a permanent organization. The public debt was recognized; the catholic religion was declared to be that of the state; and freedom of the press decreed. From the moment that the choice of the executive occupied the attention of the assembly a division of parties became manifest. The friends of absolute in- dependence formed a large majority; those of the for- mer Mcjicanistas were few in number. The larger portion of the deputies was composed of the best men of the country, whatever their party affiliations, and their intentions were upright. Those of moderate views from all sections formed themselves into one party, and went by the name of moderados; their opponents applying to them the epithets of servil and aristocrata.49 The radicals formed another organiza- tion, and were called fiebres and liberalcs, their ene- mies also giving them the appellation of anarquistas. The liberal party advocated the establishment of a federal republic, and as a rule was guided by a liberal patriotism, and a desire to see the abolishment of unjust privileges and antiquated vices in the govern- ment. Its opponents, in favor of a centralized govern- ment and the continuation of the old fueros, struggled against the restrictions that were being put to the iniluence of Guatemala. Nevertheless, a liberal spirit predominated for a time, and three well-known lib- erals were chosen to constitute the executive au- thority, namely, Manuel Jose Arce,41 Doctor Pedro 39 Decree of July 15, 1823. Guat., Recop. Lcyes, i. 32-3. 40 The party was mainly composed of members of the so-called noble families, Spaniards, civil and military officers, the clergy, and the most igno- rant class of the population. It was therefore the most numerous. Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 259. 41 As he was then in the United States, the canon Antonio de Larrazdbal was to be his substitute during his absence. Larrazabal having declined the position, it was given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. Guat., Recop. Lcyes, i. 70 CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. Molina, and Juan Vicente Villacorta.42 It must be acknowledged that this government was not a strong one, the only man of superior talent in it being Mo- lina, and he had little experience wherewith to found a republic and manage its affairs at such a critical period. A constantly increasing coolness between the gov- ernment and Filisola became intensified when the deputies from Costa Rica and Nicaragua refused to occupy their seats in the assembly while a Mexican army had virtual sway over the capital. Complaints also came from various quarters, of abuses committed by the Mexican soldiers,43 and demands were made for their departure. Some time elapsed in discussions and negotiations, partly because of difficulty in rais- ing the needed funds. But finally^, all obstacles being removed, Filisola departed with his force on the 3d of August, 1823, leaving behind him a good name, which was little affected by charges preferred against him at a later date.41 The liberals now were at greater liberty to carry out their plans, which involved, among other things, the disappearance of old practices, including titles and compellations,45 not even the hackneyed ‘don’ escaping 164-70; Marure , Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. S8; Id., E/em., 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 22. “The moderados wanted Jos<5 Dionisio Herrera of Honduras, in the tri- umvirate, to avoid the undue influence Salvador would exercise, having two of her citizens in the executive, and because they considered Herrera intel- lectually superior to Villacorta. No one thought of Jos6 del Valle, who was then in Mexico. Cuevas, Porvenir de Me x., ‘256-7, erroneously states that the supreme authority was offered Filisola and he declined it. Ho declined the office of jefe politico of Guatemala. 43 Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became known that Guatemalans disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts to bring the soldiers into dis- credit. Filisola certainly strove to maintain order and discipline. Marure, Bosq. Ilist. Cent. Am., i. S9-93; Filisola, El Ciudadano, 22-8. 44 Jos<5 Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention is made in this history, severely attacked Filisola’s course in a pamphlet, which was replied to in a small book entitled El Ciudadano. . . Vicente Filisola a Josi Francisco Barrundia, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself, employing strong invective against his accuser, charging him with hypocrisy and cowardice. The book gives some historical data, but owing to its bitterness, must Le re- ceived with caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent soldier of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war of the U. S. and Mex- ico in 1846-8. 45 Guat. Recop. Leyes, i. S77-8. DECREES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 71 the general reformatory tendency.46 A coat of arms was likewise decreed, showing the national name in golden letters,47 as also a flag, the latter consisting of three horizontal stripes, the middle one being white, with the national coat of arms about half-way from the mast, and the other two blue. Among other decrees en- acted by the assembly in 1823, the following are worthy of mention: One of August 21st, to annul all acts of the late imperial government affecting Cen- tral America; one of August 26th, declaring the 15th of September to be the national anniversary, and how it was to be observed — this decree was reiterated by the legislative assembly on the 15th of October, 1834; one of October 27th, directing the Central American deputies — those of Chiapas excepted — to withdraw from the Mexican congress; and one of November 15th, to form a general census.48 Another measure adopted was that which author- ized the executive to dismiss without formality all officials having their appointments from the Spanish or Mexican governments. Little discretion was shown in this, and discontent resulted, which was made man- ifest in the opposition met with by every measure of the government, even such as were generally recog- nized to be of public utility. Financial and military affairs were in the worst possible condition. To im- prove the former was a difficult task, the expenses 46 Practically, the word ‘don’ never fell into disuse. The manner of ending official letters was changed from the former ‘Dios guarde &. . .muchos anos, ’ to ‘Dios, Union, Libertad.’ Marure, Dosq. Ilist. Cent. Am., i. 94; Id. , E/em., 7. 47 Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov. 5, 1823. Rocha, Cddiyo Nic., i. 1C2; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 54-5. ilsGuat., Iiecop. Leyes, i. 33-8, 461-3; Mcz., Cot. Dec. Sob. Cony., 219. CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION. being greater than during the colonial period, and several branches of revenue, which formerly yielded considerable resources, having disappeared with the old dependence.49 As to the army, the greater part of it had been disbanded, and only one battalion of the regular force and a few bodies of militia formed the entire defensive power of the republic. The gov- ernment was almost at the mercy of a handful of men, and it was not long before they exhibited their lack of discipline and loyalty. The soldiers had for some time past shown dissatisfaction at the neglect of the government to pay them their dues. Under the cir- cumstances, it was rather easy to prevail on them to revolt, and it was done, the leader being Captain Ra- fael Ariza y Torres.50 The authorities, though aware of his machinations, had taken no decisive measures to defeat them,61 other than commissioning Ignacio Larrazdbal to make an investigation. Ariza, fearing that delay might cause the failure of his plan, in the evening of the 13th of September assumed the title of commander-in-chief of the forces; and the next morn- ing-52 volleys of musketry and other manifestations apprised the alarmed inhabitants of the insurrection. A scene of excitement ensued. The assembly hastily met, and amidst the confusion a messenger came from Ariza to assure the chamber of his loyal disposition toward the government, and to add in explanation that the position of commander had been forced upon him by the troops. The messenger was peremptorily ordered to retire without receiving any answer. A number of enthusiastic citizens assailed a portion of Ariza’s men, only to be driven back to the university 49Even the statistics that might have served as a basis for establishing im- posts were not to be found. It was said that they had all been forwarded to Mexico during the imperial rule. 60 He was offended at not being appointed commanding officer of the bat- talion. 61 The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 23-7, accused the government of allowing the conspiracy to assume serious proportions with the view of obtain- ing larger powers, including that of levying forced loans. 52 The 14th and 15th had been designated to commemorate the indepen- dence. ARIZA’S REVOLT. 73 building, where the assembly held its sittings. A show of defence was made there,53 to enable the as- semblymen to seek safety in flight. Few of their number remained. Negotiations were then begun to prevent the commission of outrages by the mutinous soldiers,64 and the government finally gave way, and conferred on Ariza the title of commander-in-chief; he thereupon took the official oath on that day. The concession was made only to gain time, hopes being entertained that the auxiliaries summoned from the surrounding country and other states would soon ar- rive. The rebellious captain had in the mean time begun to realize his awkward position. Assuming a submis- sive tone, he protested his readiness to obey the gov- ernment; whereupon he was commanded to leave the city and retire to Antigua, where his force dispersed before any coercive action on the part of the govern- ment and its allies became necessary. Ariza himself escaped by flight the punishment which his reckless behavior deserved.60 But the difficulties were not yet over. The feeble conduct of the government, and the humiliating con- cessions it had made to the rebel, reflected so much discredit that the labors of the moderado party for the election of a new executive now gave promise of fruitful results.60 On the 4th of October congress re- assembled, and the same day Villacorta, Molina, and Rivera tendered their resignations, which were ac- cepted; and in their stead, on the 4th of October, 63 A number of persons were killed and others wounded in the street fight. Marure, Bo218 had been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey, and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so much. Reseiia, Hist., i. 156-7. 104 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. violent a proceeding is doubtful. However, the fed- eral congress thanked the executive for his zeal. The sentence of expatriation against the archbishop was not formally issued till about a }Tear after.93 On the 28th of July the assembly of Guatemala decreed the suppression of all monastic establishments of men, ex- cepting only the Bethlehemite hospitallers, who were allowed to remain as secular priests, and prohibited in the nunneries vows and professions in the future. All the temporalities of the suppressed convents were declared confiscated to the state. The federal congress approved this act on the 7th of September, declaring that the nation would no longer receive or recognize within its territory any religious orders.100 Peace being finally restored, the large army of Morazan was gradually dissolved, and the leader be- came a candidate for the presidency. The necessity of an energetic man, such as Morazan was, at the head of affairs, was quite apparent, for new difficulties were threatening from different quarters. Costa Rica, disapproving the course of Salvador, declared her se- cession from the union, and it was only after much persuasion that she retracted it. The federal gov- ernment, and that of the state of Guatemala, now in charge of Pedro Molina,101 clashed on several occa- sions, and specially when, in 1830, the question of "In Jane 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been said that it ■was because he accepted a pension of §3,000 from the Spanish government at Ha- bana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June, 1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights, and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly invited to return, but never would do so. Guat., Recop. Ley/*, i. 242-3. 1WI This declaration was subsequently confirmed by all the states. At a later time — Feb. 27, 1834 — a further step was taken to consummate the sup- pression of monastic establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where they professed. These measures continued in force till June 21, 1839, when the second con- stituent assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reestablishment of the suppressed convents. Mar are, Efem., 25. 101 He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug., 1829. Antonio Ri- vera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe. Montitfar, Helena Hint., i. 172-4, giving also a portrait of Molina. SPANISH EFFORTS. 105 constituting Guatemala city as a federal district again came upon the tapis. The state rejected the plan, as on every previous occasion.102 A project of Molina to reform the confederation met with the same fate. He favored the model of the Swiss republic at that time, abolishing the expensive machinery of a federal government, which was almost continually at variance with the different states.103 The failure of this scheme brought with it the downfall of Molina, who was afterward suspended on fictitious charges and tried, and though acquitted, was not reinstated.104 The plan of King Fernando VII. of Spain for the reconquest of his former American dominions, and the steps he was taking to accomplish it, naturally caused a sensation in Central America, where that monarch would be sure to find elements favorable to his views. The so-called nobles, who had endeavored, after the downhill of Iturbide and the separation from Mexico, to establish in Central America an aristocratic repub- lic, such as that of Genoa or Venice, had been again balked in their aims by the successes of Morazan. In their disappointment they turned their eyes to Fer- nando, and through special agents, as well as through Archbishop Casaus, made known to the captain-gen- eral of Cuba that the circumstances Central America was then in were most propitious for the restoration of the royal sway; for, as they asserted, all honest, right-thinking men and women in the country yearned for it, and the Indians were likewise anxious for the change. Therefore, the only opposition thereto lay in 102 Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in the federal con- gress would be greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best public buildings in the city would become national property. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 200. 103 By his plan a congress representing the entire union was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most prominent being Mora- zan. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 201-3, dwells extensively and comments on the subject. lulFull particulars in Montufar, Resefia Ilist., i. 205-17. 106 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. the comparatively small number of aspirants to pub- lic offices, who made revolution in order to control the public funds for their own benefit. Such reports were full of encouragement for the Spaniards who were intriguing in behalf of Fernando’s interests, which were probably also their own. Positive information was at last received from a reliable source that Spain was preparing, in Habana, an expedition to land at Omoa and march on Guate- mala, where it expected to find the requisite coopera- tion.105 This report coincided with the departure of the Spanish expedition under Brigadier Barradas to Tampico.108 President Barrundia, on the 3d of Sep- tember, 1829, issued a stirring address; and the con- gress, in October and November, with the sanction of the executive, passed an act forbidding Spaniards to enter or land in Central American territory under any pretext. The ports of the republic were closed to the Spanish flag, and to the products and manufactures of Spain, her colonies, and dependencies. There -were not a few Spaniards who, together with the self-styled nobles of native birth, desired to see the flag of the old country waving again over Central America. That anxiously wished for day had become almost the only subject of conversation in their circles, of which the assembly of Guatemala took due warn- ing. In November it declared the sequestration of all property belonging to Spaniards who dwelt in the republic, coupled with the assurance that none should be restored till Spain had formally recognized the independence of Central America.107 105 This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla, commanding the Colom- bian district of the Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the govern- ment and Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the coast. ,06See my Hist. Mex., v. 72-6. 107 Under this decree some of the Spanish property was sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico, the law was revoked. But property already sold was de- clared to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners should not be WORKS OF MONTtfFAR AND ARCE, 107 indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized Central American independence. The texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in Montu- far , Resena Hist., i. 182-7. J\ femorias para la Historia de la Revolution de Centro America. Por un Ouatemalteco. Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these me- moirs was attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of that country, Lorenzo Montiifar, to Manuel Montiifar, who had been chief of staff of the first president of the republic, Manuel Jos6 Arce. The work begins with the geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country, accompanied with data on each of the states and territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, to- gether with some remarks on mining and other industries, military defences, and financial condition. The political portion, as the author himself acknowl- edges, is loosely put together, and lacks many necessary details, which he attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; never- theless there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in describing the events from 182(1 to 1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party, in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts he, like many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of that party on the field of battle. Manuel Jose Arce, Memoria de la Conducta Publica y A dministrativa de .. .durante el periodo de su presidencia. Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140and 03. This work purports to be a defence of his administration by the first president of the republic of Central America, against what he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who rebelled against the government and the nation, with documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce’s ca- reer, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to confuse the narrative still more. CHAPTER VI. CIVIL WAR. 1829-1838. Revolution in Honduras — Conservatives Invade the State — Second General Elections — Francisco Morazan Chosen President — Plots of the Serviles— Arce’s Invasion from Mexico— Occupation of Honduras Ports by Exiled Rebels— Spanish Flag Hoisted in Omoa, and Aid from Cuba — Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion — Third General Elections — Morazan Reelected — Failure of Colonization Plans — Ravages of Cholera — Indian Revolt under Carrera — His Early Life. It is difficult for us to realize how long it takes and how hard it is for progressive man to throw away the fetters, temporal and spiritual, which in times past he stupidly forged for himself. Intellectual light break- ing in on our old savagism finally tells us that the hurtful manifestations of nature are not the chastise- ments of offended deity; and then we wonder how we could have been so stupid so long, with our pope- worsliip and king-worship, and our servility to their satellites. Then when we first gain our liberty we know not what to do with it. We feel lost without the harness, the reins, the whip and spur. The peo- ple of Central America, high or low, knew little at this juncture of self-government. In times past they had observed that rulership consisted largely of per- sonal wranglings for place, from king and pope down to the lowest aspirant; of wars, political and ecclesi- astical, brother against brother, priests and people butchering and burning as if the great object of reli- gion and civilization was to preserve upon this earth ( 108) TROUBLES IN HONDURAS. 109 as long as possible the hell which we all hope in one way or another to escape hereafter. Note further in regard to Central America the strange union of widely distinct classes in their efforts to sacrifice the country for self. Though from some- what different motives, we see join hands the highest and the lowest, a self-styled aristocracy and the igno- rant rabble, aided by the priests who would not see their power slip from them in the general overturn- ings, all spending their energies and blood in the direction of utter destruction for themselves, their families, and their country. Fortunately there were others at hand whose ideas of self-government were different; who earnestly desired that this new plant of liberty — a boon which had so unexpectedly dropped down to them from heaven — should have in their midst a healthy growth, in spite of ignorance, ambi- tion, or superstition. The legislative assembly of Honduras, pursuant to the proscriptive law enacted by the federal congress in August 1829, issued a decree of expulsion, and the government of the state transmitted to Guatemala a list of those who had come within its provisions.1 Some exiles from Honduras and other states of Cen- tral America went to Belize to carry on their plots from that quarter, and soon caused a sedition in the department of Olancho. The vice-jefe, Vijil, used his best endeavors to bring the seditious to terms peaceably, but failed.2 It became necessary then to resort to force, and Lieutenant-colonel Terrelonge was authorized to move his troops from Trujillo against Olancho. The state of Guatemala was also requested 1 Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed to the over- throw of the state government. A number had moved to Guatemala, Salva- dor, and elsewhere. The most prominent in the list were the ex-provisor, Nicohls Idas, and Pedro Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the countrj' from the port of Omoa. He had been Milla’s chief agent and adviser, and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his native place. This will account for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his active coop- eration with the despots of Guatemala. Montufar, Resena Hist., i. 190. 2 The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate tax established by the legislature; the real object was to bring on a reaction. no CIVIL WAR. to send its force stationed in Chiquimula to Gracias, for the purpose of aiding in the preservation of order. The assembly of Guatemala, on the 24th of Novem- ber, 1829, directed that 500 men, subject to the orders of the chief of the state, should repair at once to Honduras and quell the insurrection. The wording of the decree caused a disagreement between the president of the republic and Jefe Molina. The lat- ter insisted that the 500 men to be sent to Honduras should be under his orders. President Barrundia Hon dukas. could not accede to it, because the command of a mil- itary force operating out of the state belonged by law to the federal government,3 and through his minister of war, Nicolas Espinosa, applied to the Guatemalan legislature for a change in the decree. Espinosa’s communication caused much sensation, and the assem- 3 The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina, from the earliest period of their political life, previous to the independence, became weak- ened, threatening a disruption of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by Molina’s opposition to the federal government remaining in Guatemala. REVOLT AND ELECTION. Ill bly repealed the act of November 24th, and in its stead provided that the money needed to muster in and equip 500 men should be furnished the general government out of the state treasury. Morazan, jefe of Honduras, and general-in-chief of the Central American forces, had marched with a di- vision upon the departments of Olancho and Opoteca, and to him were despatched the troops newly raised in Guatemala. Colonel Vicente Dominguez was one of the chief promoters of the revolution of Honduras.4 Morazan’s military reputation made easy his road to victory. He encountered no great difficulties. The year 1830 was inaugurated with new triumphs. The Olancho rebels surrendered to him at Las Vueltas del Ocote, and on the 21st of January solemnly bound themselves to recognize and obey the government.6 Morazan next, on the 19th of February, routed the insurrectionists of Opoteca.6 Morazan, after pacifying Honduras, intended marching into Nicaragua, if po- litical measures should prove insufficient to establish regularity there. He first despatched Dionisio Her- rera to the seat of Nicaraguan differences, who ful- filled his trust with zeal, and Morazan had no need of going to the state. Herrera had been chosen jefe, and was duly inducted in his office on the 12th of May. The time for renewing the supreme federal authority having arrived, elections were held throughout the republic. Congress opened its session with due so- lemnity on the 27th of March, 1830. The supreme court of justice was likewise installed.7 The elec- tion of president of the republic had been also made. 4 The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho. 5 Marure, Efem., 26. 6 Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sen- tenced to military duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an innocent victim and a< martyr of religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions of the 108th psalm. Montiifar, Reseiia Hist., i. 196. 7 Composed of the citizens Nicolas Espinosa, Jos6 Antonio Larrave, Ma- nuel Jos<5 de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa. 112 CIVIL WAR. Morazan, Jose Francisco Barrundia, Jose del Valle, Antonio Rivera Cabezas, and Pedro Molina obtained votes ; but by far the largest number of them had been polled for Morazan and Valle.8 The votes were counted in June. Morazan had the largest number; but in order to ascertain if the election had been legal, it was necessary first to de- clare if the basis was to be the number of votes which the citizens of the republic had the right to poll, or that of the votes actually given and counted. If the former, there had been no popular election, and congress had to decide the point between Morazan and Valle; in the latter case, Morazan had been popularly elected.9 The congress consisted for the most part of friends of Morazan, and he was declared president. He made a triumphal entry into Guatemala on the 14th of Sep- tember, and should have been inaugurated on the 15th ; but it was decided that Barrundia should turn over to him the executive office on the lGth, in the midst of the festivities of national independence. This was done by Barrundia with that republican simplicity which had ever characterized the man. All the states sent their congratulations to Morazan, and to Bar- rundia for the good judgment and success of his ad- ministration.10 Mariano Prado, the distinguished 8 Barrundia did not want the position, and did not work for it. lie wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when lie returned from Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of Central America; none could compete with him in literary or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the emperor’s over- throw, Valle maintained that the provinces of Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan’s victorious sword eclipsed all else just then. Id., 208. 9 It was the same question that occurred in 1825 between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments. lu Among the warmest were those of the legislature of Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure. MORAZAN PRESIDENT. 113 citizen of Salvador, who did such good service to the liberal cause as vice-jefe of that state during the cam- paign that ended in April 1829, was elected vice- president. One of Barrundia’s measures that did him honor was his saving the island of Roatan to Central America. The British had driven away the few in- habitants and small garrison and taken possession.11 Barrundia made energetic though courteous remon- strances, and the island was restored after Morazan had become president. The country now required peace. Morazan exerted himself to foster education and national industry. Agriculture and trade beyan to revive: but it was not to be continued long, for the demon of political strife was let loose again. The servile party, though defeated, had not remained inactive. In 1831 it pre- pared a plot for the destruction of the liberals, which had ramifications everywhere. Arce was to invade the republic from Mexico through Soconusco. Do- minguez was to occupy Honduras with elements gath- ered for the purpose at Belize. Meantime, Ramon Guzman seized the fort at Omoa with 200 negroes.12 Arce effected his invasion with about 100 men, exiled and discontented Central Americans,13 and was de- feated at Escuintla de Soconusco, on the 24th of February, 1832, by the forces under General Raoul, lie succeeded in escaping with a few men into Mexico again.14 Guzman, being hard pressed at Omoa by the government troops under Colonel Terrelonge, hoisted the Spanish flag over the fort, and despatched, on the 1 0th of August, the schooner Ejecutivo, whose name had been now changed to General Dominguez, to ask assistance from the captain-general of Cuba, offering 11 This was a common course with our brethren across the Atlantic. Mci- rur c, Efem., 27; Squier’s Travel*, ii. 414. 12 This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m. 15 Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80; Morazan and Carrera, MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful. 14 Details on this campaign are given in Monti'tfar, Re sen a Hist., i. 348-Go. Hikt. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 8 114 CIVIL WAR. himself and those with him as subjects of the Spanish king. But the vessel was captured on her return with supplies, and the rebel garrison surrendered on the 12th of September, after a siege of five months.15 Almost at the same time that Omoa was seized by the rebels, the port of Trujillo was occupied by Vicente Dominguez, who had in his company Pedro Gon- zalez.16 The Central Americans had two armed schooners at Izabal, besides two national vessels under Terrelonge, and an armed schooner at Belize. Duplessis, a Frenchman, commanding the national vessel Fenix, was captured by Dominguez, taken to Omoa, and shot in the plaza.17 Dominguez’ vanguard reached Yoro on the 7th of March, 1832, and was defeated at Tercales on the 9th, and again at Olanchito. He fled to Trujillo, leaving behind 200 muskets, other arms, some money, and other things.18 He then transferred himself to Omoa, and with 600 men, on the 2Gth of March, attacked the government troops at Jaitique, being defeated. He was again routed at Opoteca, pursued in all directions, captured, and taken to Comayagua, where he was put to death on the 14th of September.19 The rebel plot thus defeated was a formidable one. Arch- bishop Casaus from Habana moved his clergy. Bishop Fray Luis Garcia of Chiapas favored Ex-president Arce, whose friends confidently asserted that he also 15 The national armed schooner Deseada took the Ejecutivo. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness. Montufar, Reseiia 1 list., i. 377-81; Alarure, Efcm., 29. 16A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications. 17 Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again. laAmoug them were a number of rosaries and prayers to the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the light. 18 He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold. HONDURAS AND SALVADOR. 115 had the support of the Mexican government.20 Arce’s plans were also in combination with the jefe of Salva- dor, Jose Maria Cornejo.21 The fallen party would not admit that they had been vanquished, that their principles were antiquated and repugnant to the people ; they still believed that a reaction was not only possi- ble, but right and natural. Cornejo’s intrigues led to a disturbance of the peace in Salvador. The state assembly had been installed in February 1831, and the tendencies of its members elect, together with Cornejo’s workings, had awakened mistrust among the liberals of Guatemala. The as- sembly of the latter state directed the executive, in congratulating the Salvador assembly upon its instal- lation, to remind it of the necessity of harmony and of upholding liberal principles.22 On the news of the invasion of Honduras, already described, reaching Guatemala, Morazan decided to establish his headquarters in San Salvador as a more convenient centre for future operations. His relations with the authorities of Salvador were anything but 20 It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted them- selves to hinder the action of the government forces. 21 This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. Montufar, Resend Hist. , i. 334, 382. 22 It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala’s influence in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved. The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend. It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of min- isters and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object of that state’s benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster and advance. 116 CIVIL WAR. harmonious; neither could they be harmonious under the circumstances. Mariano Galvez, jefe of Guate- mala,23 desiring to avoid conflicts, despatched Colonel Nicolas Espinosa with letters to Cornejo, advising him that his agent was instructed to use his best offices to settle the differences between him and Mo- razan. Espinosa, when near Atiquizaya, heard that orders for his arrest had been issued, and therefore went back. Galvez became justly indignant at the conduct of Cornejo’s agents. The president of the republic started from Guate- mala on the 29th of December, 1831, accompanied by his ministers, and journeyed toward San Salvador without any military force other than his body-guard; consequently Cornejo had no cause to apprehend any sudden blow at his authority.24 Nevertheless, on the 6th of January, 1832, Cornejo broke out in open re- bellion, commanding the national executive, then at Santa Ana, to quit the state forthwith or he would be driven away. Morazan, having no means of resist- ance, obeyed. This insult to the republic was fol- lowed next day, January 7, 1832, by an act declaring the suspension of the federal compact and the seces- sion of the state of Salvador. Congress then em- powered the executive to repel invasions. The jefe of Guatemala admitted the obligation of his state to aid the general government with all its means.25 The assembly of Nicaragua, backed by the jefe Dionisio Herrera, who was a stanch friend and supporter of Morazan, passed an act disallowing the legitimacy of 23 Galvez’ record Is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had be- longed to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with his portrait, by Montiifar, in Ileaena Hist., i. 296. 24 Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador. 25 Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo’s deposal was a necessity. SALVADOR SECEDES. 117 the Salvador authorities and their acts, and providing means to support the federal government.28 Costa Rica, through her minister of state, Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, in a note from San Jose of March 3, 1832, to the government of Guatemala, signified her readiness to support the laws, and with that end to place at the disposal of the federal executive all the aid in her power. A Guatemalan force was stationed on the frontier of Salvador, first under Colonel Cdrlos Salazar, and afterward under Colonel Juan Prem, a distinguished officer of the campaign of 1829. Even now Galvez hoped to avert war, sending commis- sioners to confer with Cornejo at Ahuachapan. The latter received them, and appointed his own to con- tinue the conferences; but they were suddenly brought to an end without results.27 Further efforts on behalf of peace were useless; the contest had to be decided by war.28 Morazan with a force of Salvador and Honduras men marched from the river Lempa to Portillo. Cor- nejo had 600 men in Jocoro of the department of San Miguel. The latter were signally defeated on the 14th of March, losing 500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners.29 This was soon followed by pronun- ciamientos in several departments against Cornejo and in favor of Morazan. The latter lost no time in marching upon San Salvador, which he took by assault on the 28th of March, notwithstanding the 26 The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicara- guan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favor- ing them, were made punishable by death. Montufar, Reserin Hist., i. 338. 27 Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Mora- zan’s orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences under various pretexts. 28 It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to re- flect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly fanned the flame. 29 In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The president’s casualties were trifling. Marure, Ej'em., 30; Montufar, Reseiia IHst., i. 340. 118 CIVIL WAR. obstinate resistance of Cornejo and the garrison, the assailing force being made up of Nicaraguans and Hondurans.30 The state authorities were deposed, sent to Guatemala under a guard, and subsequently tried by a special court created ex post facto, with the name of jurado nacional.31 Morazan then assumed control of Salvador until constitutional authorities should be reorganized.32 This step, illegal as it was, gave dissatisfaction, not in Salvador alone, but in the other states, which subsequently seceded from the union; and though later retractions took place, it may be said that the confederation was dissolved at this period.33 Meantime, the federal congress had continued its sessions, striving to promote the welfare of the coun- try by a liberal policy. Among the acts adopted at this time, and deserving special mention, was that of May 2, 1832, abolishing the exclusiveness of the Roman religion, and recognizing freedom of conscience and of worship.34 This law, though practically of little effect, inasmuch as there were but few foreigners in the country, showed that a spirit of toleration was gaining ground. Another important measure was the adoption of Livingston’s Lousiana code, and trial by 30 The following facts arc taken from Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in IS'23 needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, Arzu, and Montufar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger force. In 1832 Morazan with only S00 men made himself master of the place in less than two hours. The object of these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to Morazan ’s detractors in their attempts to lessen his military reputation. Montufar, liesena Hist., i, 343. 31 There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio J. Canas. 32 The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of the victor, de- clared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and J uly 28, 1 832, were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the same animosity displayed in enacting them. Mat ure, Efem., 30. 33 Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa Rica sepa- rated themselves, respectively, on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. Marure, Efem., 32; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 42-3; Astalmruaga, Cent. Am., 20; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 184; Crowe’s Gospel, 134; Squier’s Travels, ii. 417. 31 ‘ Todos los habitantes de la republica son libres para adorar 4 Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.’ Marure, Efem., 31. Jose F. Barrundia is said to have effectively fathered this resolution. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854 ELEMENTS OF DISUNION. 119 jury. This form of trial was not understood by the people, and fortunately fell into disuse. Notwithstanding the acts of disunion passed by the several states, there was no serious disturbance during the remainder of 1832 or in 1833. In the middle of the latter year35 congress adjourned, and there were fair prospects of peace. Indeed, the liberals had been made to see the folly of disunion. The states, relin- quishing their antagonisms, quietly returned to the confederacy. The federal government, on the 20th of April, 1833, convoked a new congress to adjust differ- ences. But now a new element of discord appeared. This was the jealousy felt by the smaller states toward Guatemala, which being larger in extent and popula- tion, naturally had a corresponding influence in the national congress.36 These states demanded an equal voice in that body, and insisted that this right should be recognized before proceeding to the elections.37 Guatemala, heeding the anxiety of the liberal leaders, assented to the demand. Some of the states pro- ceeded with their elections, but it soon became obvious that the plan of compromise could not be satisfactory or permanent, and it was dropped. The proposed congress accordingly did not meet.38 Rumors were current for some time in 1833 of an intended invasion of Salvador b}? Arce, by sea from Acapulco,39 but they proved to be unfounded. The 33 July 8, 1883. Barrundia’s speech in closing the congress is given in El Centro Americano, July 11, 1833, 57-09. 36 This jealousy had developed duriug the states’ rights agitation. 31 Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of June 2, 1833. Ouat., Recop. Leyes , i. 240-1. A project appeared in the Centro Americano of June 1 1, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal numerical representation in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide the territory into three states of about the same population each, the executive authority to be alternately held by the presidents of the three states. The plan was im- practicable. 38 The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress could not be secured until July 18, 1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date was gen- erally accepted, and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. Marure, Efem ., 33. 39 The correspondence between the state governments for the strict vigi- lance on the coast of that state appears in El Centro Americano, Oct. 18, 1833; Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 41-2. 120 CIVIL WAR. federal government transferred its seat on the 5th of February, 1834, 40 first to Sonsonate, and later to San Salvador, which for the time being quieted the jealous feelinof of the several states against Guatemala. But after a few weeks the dissensions between the federal and state governments, of so frequent occurrence when the former was in Guatemala, were renewed in San Salvador. On the 23d of June, 1834, a fight took place between troops of the two parties, and the affair ended in another overthrow of the local authorities,41 who were proscribed under ex post facto laws.42 The state government went first into the hands of General Salazar, who called himself jefe provisorio, and after- ward into those of the vice-president of the republic. Neither had any legal authority in the premises. This state of affairs caused dissatisfaction in Salvador. Political disturbances were also experienced in other states. The flame of discord was fanned everywhere by the oligarchs, who found their task made easier by the extreme religious liberalism of the ruling party. Their influence was felt when, on the 7tli of February, 1835, after San Salvador, together with a few sur- rounding towns, was constituted a federal district,43 40 Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the government of Salvador had tried to have the federal authorities reside at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests had teen subsequently made by other states; and even in the legislature of Guate- mala reiterated motions had been presented to the same effect. But the fed- eralist party, as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and the dissolution of the federal author- ities. Mar ure, Efem., 34. Montufar, Reseda Ilist., ii. 58-9, remarks that Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his Bosquejo Jlistdrico was a liberal; in his Efemiride s, written later, he speaks like a conservative. The change of tone is attributed to the iron influence of the government from whom he had a salary as a professor Lastarria, in La America, 250, errone- ously attributes the transfer to Morai.an ’s action to break up the influence of the oligarchical party in Guatemala. 41 The affray lasted live hours; the federal force being under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador under Col Jos6 D. Castillo. Harare, Efem,., 36. 42 Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834. 43 The legislature of the state had made a cession of the territory for the purpose on the 28th of Jam, 1835. On the 9th of March, 1833, the district was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government had its capital in San Salvador till '.he 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of San Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory that had been ceded. Id., 37; Montvfar, Reseda Hist., ii. 165-7. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 187, says that ELECTION AND DEATH OF VALLE. 121 a new constitution, based on the former one of 1824, was generally rejected.44 Elections for supreme authorities of the republic were decreed on the 2d of June, 1834. The end of Morazan’s term was approaching, and his popularity was to be again put to the test. There was really but one man that could compete with him, Jose del Valle, who was leading a retired life devoted to scien- tific and political studies; but his reputation was a national one, eminently Central American, and a large portion of the people summoned him to ruler- ship. He was elected, but died before the certificates of election were opened. The death of Valle occurred on the 2d of March, 1 834. The highest honors were paid to his memory.45 This untoward event necessitated another election to carry out the decree of June 1833, and Jose Fran- cisco Barrundia having declined to be a candidate, Morazan encountered no opposition and was reelected.46 the district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory surrounding it. Sf/uier’s Travels, ii. 419; Crowe’s Gosjiel, 136. 44 The opposition came not only from the serviles, but from not a few lib- erals. It contained many liberal and equable modifications. Marure, Efem., 37, says it did not contain ‘las alteracioues sustanciales que reiteradas veces se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,’ for which reason it was not accepted by the states, except Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7, 1835. Squier, Travels, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica ex- pressed an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that the opposing states wanted different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms. Montufar, Jleseiia Hist., ii. J 69-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa Rica accepted the reforms. 45 The assembly of Guatemala decreed, after hearing several eulogistic motions, that all the state officials residing in the capital should wear the badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by the members of the legislature, should be placed in its hall of sessions; ami that the other states should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador, on the 9th of Apr., 18.34, decreed similar honors. Marure, in his Efemerides, 35, bestow s the highest praise on Valle. ‘Perdid Centro America, con el fallecimiento del licenciado Josd del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos bijos.’ This re- mark is followed by a sketch of Valle’s career, which has been given by me elsewhere. Montufar, Reseua Hist., ii. 95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait. 46 It was so formally declared by the federal congress, Feb. 2, 1833, with 122 CIVIL WAR. For the office of vice-president, no one having ob- tained the constitutional number of votes, congress, on the 2d of June, 1834, chose from among candidates having forty votes and upward Jose Gregorio Salazar, to be inducted in office on the 16th. Mariano Prado, the former vice-president, had been as such at the head of the federal executive authority in 1831; but he was chosen jefe of the state of Salvador, and took charge of that office on the 25th of July following. The vice-presidency and the office of a state jefe were incompatible. He chose the latter, and was most un- fortunate in the discharge of its duties. There being then no vice-president, Jose Gregorio Salazar had charge of the executive in 1834 as the senior senator, Morazan having for a time, and with the permission of the senate, absented himself. Upon being elected on the 2d of June, Salazar continued in charge, and it was by his order that the federal authorities transferred themselves to the city of Santa Ana during San Martin’s insurrection against the national government. The day after the inauguration of Morazan for the second presidential term, congress closed its session.47 No important event affecting the confederation oc- curred during the remainder of 1835, but the atmos- phere was filled with folly and misrule, foreboding the storm which was to make of Central America for many a day the theatre of the bloodiest of civil wars. It has been shown that the party in power pursued in general a liberal policy — too liberal, in fact, as later events proved. In view of the tardy development of the country in the old way, inducements were offered for foreign immigration, and an English company was organized for the purpose of fostering colonization in the department of Vera Paz.43 Settlers were sent the clause that he should be placed in possession of the office on the 14th. Id., 155-7. 47 Feb. 15, 1S35. El Corrco Atlantico, May 9, 1835. 44 The first colonists, 03 in all, arrived from London on the schooner Mary REVOLT AND CHOLERA. 123 out, and several hundred thousand dollars expended, but the scheme failed because of unskilful and dis- honest management.49 Nevertheless, the servile party turned this incident to account, filling the minds of the lower classes, especially the Indians, with prejudice against the government, which it accused of an intent to exterminate the native population by throwing open the country to foreign influence, religion, and administration of justice. The innovations in this last respect had, more than anything else, imbittered the natives, and on the Gth of March led to an out- break at Ostuncalco, where the Indians had become irritated at being compelled to work at the construc- tion of prisons.60 An armed force was sent to quell the disturbance, out of which the judges and some officials had great difficulty to escape with life. Scarcely was this trouble over when a worse one stole in — the cholera. The scourge began its ravages in Central America early in 1837, 51 and soon spread Ann Arabella, under a Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of Ab- botsville. Marure , Efem., 38. 49 Many of the immigrants died, while others returned to England or went to the West Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 191, makes ap- propriate remarks on the ‘infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on pestiferous shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a temperate re- gion, not even those of the interior of the same country, can enjoy tolerable health.’ See also Astaburuaga’s comments on the undertaking. Cent. Am., 23. A glowing and favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as 1839. See Cent. Am., Brief • Statement , 1 et seq. 30 On the Gth of March, 1837. Marure, Efem., 39; Montufar, Reseiia Ilist., ii. 353. 31 B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala, to report on the origin and progress of the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: ‘There can be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present infested.’ Esqui- pulas is a species of Mecca which people from all parts of Central America and Mexico visit in January of each year, to worship an image of Christ, to which countless miracles have been attributed. In the Boletin de Noticias del Cdlera of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, ‘En San Sur han muerto niuchos romeristas de Esquipulas.’ Id. , 351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing havoc in the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and gradually spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till toward the end of the year, when it abated. The first case in the city of Guatemala oc- curred on the 19th of April. The mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or a little over the 44th part of the population, which was much smaller than in other less populated cities. Marure, Efem. , 40. See also Dun- lop's Cent. Am., 193-4; Salv. DiarioOJic., Feb. 14, 1875; Rocha, Ctidigo A ic., i. 215— 1G; ii. 163-4. 124 CIVIL WAR. throughout the towns of the republic. The govern- ments of the different states, and notably that of Guatemala, used the utmost efforts to relieve suffer- ing. Physicians and medical students, provided with medicines, were despatched to the several districts. But their efforts were largely frustrated by the oppo- sition of the servile party, which never ceased its work even in these days of awful distress. Determined to bring to an end the influence of the liberals, the servile party hesitated at nothing. All means to that end were made available. The priests made the ignorant masses believe that the waters had been poisoned in order to destroy the natives and make way for for- eigners.52 Their deviltry was crowned with success. The low murmurs of hatred soon swelled to loud cries of vengeance against the government and foreign res- idents. Several physicians became the victims of popular fury, being put to death with cruel tortures.53 Others barely escaped death. The greatest violence was in the district of Mita, where it assumed the form of a general insurrection. The government de- spatched a body of troops to dissolve a large assem- blage of insurrectionists. The instructions were to O use gentle means to allay the disturbance, resorting to force only in case of necessity. The magistrate of the district, having imprudently left the strong body of infantry behind, had no sooner attempted to ex- plain his mission than the mob fell upon him and his guard of forty dragoons, killing a number of them and putting the rest to flight. This was on the 9th of June.61 The leader of the mob on this occasion was 61 Squier's Travel s, ii. 427-8. Montufar, Heseiia Hist., ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents that were circulated. 53 Such as making them swallow the contents of their medicine-chests, or pouring water down their throats till they died, a circumstance that was al- ways looked upon as an evidence of guilt. Crowe's Gospel, 141. Montgomery, Gnat., speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob. 44 On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa, accompanied with impreca- tions against the ley de jurados and the so-called ‘envenenadores.’ It was the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete RAFAEL CARRERA. 125 Rafael Carrera, a mixed-breed, who now for the first time, at the age of twenty-one, possibly a few years older, appeared on the stage, to become afterward the bitterest foe of the liberal party, and eventually the dictator of the country. Rafael Carrera was a native of Guatemala, of In- dian descent, of a violent, irascible, and uncommuni- cative disposition, base-born, ignorant, though gifted with talents, bold, determined, and persevering. From common servant he became a pig-driver, and while such obtained much influence among the lower class of Indians — an influence which was due no less to his blood connections and the force of circumstances than to his bravery and capabilities.55 Carrera was at first a mere tool of the priests, and change in public affairs. Manure, Efem. ,41, copied by Montufar, Reseiia Hist. , ii. 353; Squier’s Travels, ii. 428. 63Tempsky, Mitla, 337, says that Carrera was born in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his lead occurred there. He was born about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate offspring of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the paternal mansion. Through the influence of the Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth adopted by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband’s name of Carrera the boy subsequently was given. Such is the version of the author of a manu- script written in July 1844, and entitled Orlyen (le Carrera , in Morazan y Carrera , no. 4, 1 et seq., the authenticity of which is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera’s descent a little respectability. Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 225, says that in 1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of Guate- mala by Morazan, and retiring to Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or, as Montgomery, Guat., 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, having risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 195, followed by Crowe’s Gospel, 141, and Squier’s Trav., ii. 429, essentially confirms Stephens’ statements. Belly, Nie., i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier, near La Antigua. Montufar says of him: ‘ Un joven como de 25 aiios, sin nin- guna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun jtnero, pues no conocia siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros anos de su vida los empled, ya de sirviente dom4stico, ya de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de campo.’ The same authority refers to Milla’s eulogies of Carrera, where the words occur, ‘Carrera d pesar de su falta de educacion, y de los hdbitos de la vida del campo,’ which might have secured for Milla lodgings in the dungeons of the castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion often made against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panamd, and raised to the position of archbishop of Bogotd, that he said at Carrera’s death, in his funeral oration, that the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb was on the right side of God the father. All repentant villains are given some such post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the gospel. 126 CIVIL WAR, seemed to have been a believer of the lies they had cir- culated. After he became powerful, they and their allies, the so-called nobles, humored his idiosyncrasies, and often had to put up with his insults and abuse. He had upon them the heel of insane revolt.68 58 In the early days they assured the Indians that he was their protecting angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. Squier’s Travels, ii. 429-30. CHAPTER VII. DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. 1837-1840. Campaign against Carrera— Several Departments of Guatemala in Rebellion — Jefe Galvez Deposed — Carrera Takes Guatemala — Murder of Salazar — Carrera Accepts Money to Leave the City — Dictatorship Offered Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused — Carrera’s Second Rebellion — The Republic in Peril — Morazan’s Efforts to Save It — Nicaragua and Honduras Forces Invade Salvador — Morazan Defeats Them — His Retreat to San Salvador — He Embarks — Is Refused Hospitality in Costa Rica — Goes to South America — The Republic is Dead — Salvador at the Mercy of Carrera. Only a week after the success of the insurgents on the field of Ambelis, a numerous armed force was sent against them by the government, which achieved victory near Mataquescuintla.1 The revolution might have ended here but for the excesses of the govern- ment troops, which roused the Indians, and rendered reconciliation impossible.2 Henceforth the war was one of races. Carrera, upheld as he was by the priests, found no difficulty, in his visits from village to village, to induce the native population to join the revolt, which, notwithstanding the triumphant lan- guage of the military officers in their reports — calling the rebels cowards and themselves intrepid and in- 1 On the 15th of June. Mcirure, Efem., 41. Gen. Carrascosa’s report of his victory, with details, in Montufar, Resena Hist., ii. 356-9. 3 Among the sufferers was Carrera’s wife, which circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an implacable hatred. Stephens’ Cent. Am., i. 226; Crowe's Gospel, 142. Montgomery, Guat., 144, states that Carrera was then command- ing a few men of the military cordon established because of the epidemic, which he induced to rebel. Salazar, and the secretary of relations, Miguel Al- varez, as commissioners, to confer with General Car- rascosa, the commander of the rebel forces, and bring about an amicable arrangement. The commissioners signed at Guarda Viejo8 a convention containing the 5 The hostilities now carried on partook more of the character of highway robbery than of orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the liberals were the greater sufferers. ‘The provisional government constituted at La Antigua placed itself under the protection of the federal authorities. Mature, Efem., 42. 5 The division was created by Jos<$ Francisco Barrundia. It is said that he joined the discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a high office for one of his relatives. Stephens’ Cent. Am., i. 227. But looking over the correspondence that passed between them in June 1S37, the conclusion is t hat the cause of the disagreement was not a personal one. Barrundia op- posed the convocation of the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees euacted by it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president of the repub- lic, some measures similar to those he had now censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the former answered that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast, aud though out- lawed for that offence, was not executed. Montufar, lieseha Hist., ii. 377-407. 6 The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 26th of January. ’Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February, but he is evidently mistaken. Marure, Efem., 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date, 8 At 4 e. m. of Jan. 28, 1838. Id., ii. 543. ATTACK OX GUATEMALA. 129 following stipulations: 1st, resignation of Galvez; 2<1, occupation of the capital by the forces of Sacatepe- quez; 3d, the forces in the capital to go out, and place themselves under the orders of General Morazan; 4th, the forces of Sacatepequez to guarantee the persons and property of all; 5th, the commissioners would arrange the manner of evacuating the city; Gth, upon the ratification of these clauses, they were to be car- ried out within twenty-four hours. Nothing was done, however,9 and after four hours’ waiting, Carras- cosa continued his march toward the gate of Buena- vista, where he met the government commissioners, who assured him, with great mortification, that the convention had not been ratified.10 Sacatepequez’ force, 800 strong, entered the capital during the night of the 29th of January, from the Calvario side, reaching the plazuela de San Francisco, afterward known as plaza de la Concordia. The roar of artillery apprised the inhabitants at 1 o’clock in the morning that the struggle had begun. Generals Prem and Gorris, colonels Yanez, Arias, Mariscal, Cerda, and Cbrdoba, and the other officers of the garrison, made a stout defence. Their troops, though inferior in number, were for their discipline more effi- cient than their assailants, who were mostly raw recruits. It was quite evident that Carrascosa and his colleague Carballo would waste their efforts unless they were strongly reenforced. But the opponents of Galvez were resolved to depose him,11 even if they had to make use of Carrera to accomplish their pur- pose. It was a fatal thought. Jose F. Barrundia was authorized by President Mo- 9 Galvez well knew of the relations existing between Carrera and the revo- lutionists of La Antigua. The convention of Guarda- Viejo would have saved the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed under Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the idea that a powerful party looked to him for -aid. 10 Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa’s correspondence given in Montu- far, Itese.aa Hist., ii. 5S9-97. 11 Among them were Miguel Garcia Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga, and their relations the Zepedas, together with the Barruudias. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 9 ISO DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. razan to enter into peaceable negotiations with Carrera, and the clergymen Jos£ Marfa de Castilla, Manuel Marfa Zecena, and Jose Vicente Orantes. Barrundia, together with Manuel Arrivillaga, started for the hacienda of La Vega to confer with Carrera; but at Ojo de Agua they ascertained that he was at Mata- quescuintla, and declined to hold any conferences, and yet an arrangement with other opponents had been signed at Santa Rosa. This document, which was shown by Father Duran to Barrundia, stipulated the immediate coming of a bishop, the abolition of the code and of other liberal measures decreed by Barrun- dia, and that Carrera should become the commander of the reform forces, or in other words, the arbiter of the country, which was what the clergy wanted. Barrundia was indignant, but he had to submit and keep calm, else he might lose his life. He merely said that the arrangement needed some discussion, which might lead to the adoption of some amend- ments. Duran had not worked to promote Barrun- dia’s nor Molina’s ideas, but his own interests. He coolly replied that the matter had been well consid- ered, and admitted of no changes. Barrundia wrote Carrera, asking for an interview to explain Morazan’s views, but Carrera appeared angry at the mention of Morazan’s name, and declined the invitation, saying that the time for negotiations had passed, and that his march against Guatemala was in order.12 He became much mollified on receiving from La Antigua a request for his cooperation,13 and was now satisfied that the fate of the country was in his own hands. Three days after Carrascosa’s failure, Carrera 12 He was in all this affair guided by the priests. Barrundia was accused throughout Central America of having brought about Carrera’s invasion of the capital. The serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera’s iniquities, have endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to Carrera’s headquarters, he would probably have been shot. Montu'ar, Heseila llist., ii. 573; Squier’s Travels, ii. 432. 13 The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of their Inability to take the city, or even to properly besiege it. CARRERA TAKES THE CAPITAL. 131 joined him with a numerous force of Indians, and after some fruitless negotiations, marched into the city on the 1st of February,14 at the head of about 10,000 men, women, and children, the troops of the govern- ment having retreated in an opposite direction. The result of this was that Galvez ceased to be the jefe of the state, and was succeeded by the vice-jefe, Pedro Valenzuela.15 The entry of Carrera’s hordes into Guatemala might well create consternation. Outlaws and robbers were among the leaders; the soldiers were in rags,10 and equipped with a variety of arms, from the rusty musket down to clubs, and knives secured at the end of long poles, while others carried sticks shaped like muskets, with tin-plate locks. Conspicuous among the mass of followers were thousands of women hav- ing bags to carry away the booty, and who gazed with amazement on the fine houses.17 Shouting ‘Viva la religion! Mueran los extranjerosl’ the invaders en- tered the main plaza. After a few hours the work of rapine began.18 No regard was paid by Carrera and 11 Dunlop, Cent. Am., 19S, and Crowe, Oospel, 143, erroneously say it was on the 30th of January. 15 Mar ure, Efem., 43, places this event on the 2d of Feb., 1838. ‘“Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new general wore a woman’s hat with a green veil, the property of Prem’s wife, who was known as La Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his breast a number of ‘escapulariosdel Carmen,’ symbolizing the religion he had come to protect. Moutufar , Heseiia, Jlist., ii. 574. “It seems that a large portion of the men and women had never seen a city before. 18 The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the opposition party, and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing that his house would be a place of safety, induced the vice-president and his family to use it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and retired. The men fired upon were not of the force from La Antigua, but some of Carrera’s savage horde, called from that time ‘cachurecos, ’who rushed into the house, fired upon the family, wound- ing one of the women and a child, and killing Jos<5 Gregorio Salazar, the vice- president. Salazar was born in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, Cirlos, the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was kdled in action on the 23d of J une, 1S34. Jos6 Gregorio Salazar was one of the leaders in whom Morazan reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe of Salvador, vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops, Salazar unswerv- ingly supported progressive principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelli- 132 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. his hordes to the wishes of the vice-jefe Valenzuela, who had asked that only the force from La Antigua should occupy the plaza. The leader of the opposition urged Carrera to leave the city; but he manifested much indignation at such a request, and several of his chiefs refused compliance. Carrera himself wanted to sack the city,19 and it was only with great effort that he was prevented. In lieu of pillage he was given $11,000/° $10,000 for his troops and $1,000 for himself. He was also flattered with the commission of lieutenant-colonel and the appointment of comandante of Mita. A number of those who had defended the city having voluntarily joined the Sacatepequez force, Carrascosa was now better able to meet emergencies. He at once, by order of the vice-jefe, made known to Carrera that the interests of the public service demanded that he should repair to Mita and take charge of the coman- dancia there. He made no resistance, and went away with his horde,21 the inhabitants again breathing freely for a time.22 Thus were the serviles balked once more. Carrera was sent away from Guatemala, Valenzuela remaining in charge of the state execu- tive. Morazan was at San Salvador recognized as the chief magistrate of the republic, and Vijil held the executive office of that gallant little state. gent face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of calling for execration on the part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolds Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez, and others, only brought out their diatribes against the victim. Id. , 57(1-9. 19 It was found at iirst difficult to elicit a satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala, has been highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians the foreign residents and their property. Montgomery's Guat., 146; Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 233-4. "There being no money in the treasury, it was borrowed from private persons. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227 et seq., copied by Larenaudihre, Mexi- que et Gnat., 298-9. The facts appear in the records of the asamblea. 21 Had he resisted, the reenforced troops of La Antigua would in all prob- ability have defeated his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited Father Duran and the other priests, who expected their own triumph through Carrera’s success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid the city of himself and his men. Montufar , Reseiia Hist., ii. 584. 22 The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a man of dissolute character, who always accompanied him as a sort of counsellor. MORAZAN VERSUS CARRERA. 133 Carrera and his supporters continued, however, their menaces, creating no little alarm, which was quieted on receipt of the tidings that Morazan was marching toward Guatemala with 1,500 men. On his arrival he found not only that the serviles had been deriving advantages from the disturbed political situation, but that the western departments of Los Altos, namely, Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, and So- lold, had declared themselves, on the 2d of February, a separate state under an independent government.23 Without interfering with those arrangements, Mo- razan endeavored to secure by peaceful means the submission of Carrera, or rather, the disbanding of his force; failing in which, he opened, on the 30th of March, the campaign against him. Three months of military operations ensued, the federal arms being victorious at every encounter, but without obtaining any definitive result, for the enemy defeated in one place rallied in another, continually increasing in num- bers, and never crushed.24 Morazan returned at last to Guatemala, where in the mean time servile influence had become predominant.25 The most strenuous ef- forts, even to fulsome sycophancy, were used by the 23 Los Altos, Manif. Document., 1-28. The federal congress ratified the separation on the 5th of June, 1838; the departments were, however, rein- corporated a year after. Marure, Efem., 43; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 198; Asta- buruarja. Cent. Am., 28. Montiifar, Reseila Hist., iii. 9-23, furnishes a detailed account of the events preceding and following the separation. The provisional government then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo Molina, Josb M. Galvez, and J os4 A. Aguilar. 24 Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 239-42, details some of the military movements, which are not of sufficient interest to reproduce here. Marure, Efem., 43-4, says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; ‘pero despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo gdnero de maniobras, el ejdrcito de operaciones tiene que replegarse A la capital. . .sin haberse adelantado nada en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos. ’ 250n the 18tli of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro Molina, Jos<5 Gdndara, J os6 F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress on the war and its consequences. In this document they say, among other things, that it had been moved in the asambleaof Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, and to declare void the decrees of 1829, ‘decretos que sostuvieron entoncc3 la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.’ They accuse the serviles of perversely attempting to render the representatives of liberalism and progress hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. Montufar, Resend Hist., iii. 47. 134 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. serviles to win him to their side, and to prevail on him to accept the dictatorship.28 The president returned in July to San Salvador to quell a revolt. A few weeks later, on the 20th of July, 1838, the eleventh and last federal congress of Central America, presided over by Basilio Porras, closed its session.2. Subsequent efforts to bring it again into life proved unavailing, and from this time the dismemberment of the republic made rapid prog- ress. Two days after the adjournment of congress, on the 22d, the state government of Guatemala was also dissolved, and was temporarily intrusted to the federal authorities,28 though the executive office finally was assumed by Mariano Rivera Paz, as president of the council, which satisfied the people, and peace was unbroken, it being understood that a constituent assembly would be summoned at once. As soon as Morazan was at some distance from Guatemala on his way to San Salvador, Carrera, the supposed beaten rebel leader, for whose capture a lib- 26 Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every other possible means were employed to induce him to swerve from the principles he had always upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, says it is imposible to realize ‘el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de este partido noble aristocr^tico. ’ The haughty patricians, represented by Pa von, Batres, Aycinena, and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, disgusted him with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore his contemptuous rebuff's as long as they hoped to win him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse were heaped upon him and his name. Had Morazan’s morals been equal to those of the serviles, he might have ac- cepted the dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them; but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith. Id., 175-9. 2: On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring the states free to con- stitute themselves as they might deem best, preserving, however, the popular representative form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of the constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the restrictions contained in the federal decree of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a majority of the legislatures. Marure, Efem., 44-5. The federal congress passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: ‘The federated states of Cent. Am. are, and by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent po- litical bodies.’ Guat., Recop. Ley ex, i. 69. 28 It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the capital, who, in view of the progress made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into the hands of the asatnblea. Marure, Efem., 45; Monlilfar , Resena JJtit., iii. 181-5. Crowe, Gospel, 144, attributes to Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the citizens. SALAZAR DEFEATS CARRERA. 135 eral reward had been offered,'29 began to show signs of rallying. He gathered a numerous force, with which, about the middle of August, he defeated the federal troops, first at Jalapa and next at Petapa. He then, unresisted, took possession of La Antigua, a portion of which was pillaged, and forthwith started on his march for Guatemala.30 A general clamor for Morazan was aroused; but it was impossible for him to reach Guate- mala in time, and the danger was imminent that Car- rera would not only take the city, but also carry out his threats of burning every house in it. In this emergency, General Carlos Salazar, with the garrison of 900 men, sallied forth, and aided by a thick fog, surprised Carrera at Villanueva, where the latter was concentrating his forces, now about 2,400 strong, with the plunder secured at La Antigua. A battle ensued, the bloodiest that occurred in 1837 or 1838, and Car- rera was routed,31 with the loss of 350 killed and 24 prisoners, one of whom was the notorious Father Huran, the representative and agent of the aristocrats near the person of Carrera;32 besides giving up a number of federal prisoners and losing three pieces of artillery, 305 muskets, and a large number of other 29 On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give himself up; failing to do so, a reward was offered for his apprehension, alive or dead — $1,500 and two caballerias of land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws his captor or captors might have committed. Stephens’ Cent. Am., i. 242. 30 Squier, Travels, ii. 435, says that Carrera entered Guatemala; he prob- ably meant Old Guatemala, or La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000 men, while his opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter were nearly annihilated. The few officers and soldiers who escaped with life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera’s excesses at this time knew no bounds. He not only ravished women, but amused himself cutting off their tresses and ears. Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala, and their stories produced great indignation. Montufar, Besena hist., iii. 204; Harare, Efern., 45. 31 This action took place early in the morning of Sept. 11th. Salazar at once despatched a courier to Guatemala with the news of his success, which caused the utmost joy. Montufar, Besena Hist., iii. 200-8; Marure, Efem., 40. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 201, asserts that no mercy was shown by the federal troops in this encounter. By a decree of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted to the wounded, and to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges of honor were also conferred on the survivors. Guat., Becop. Leyes, ii. 636-7. 32 This man’s life was then spared, but some time afterward he was shot, for which the serviles called Morazan a murderer. Montufar, Besena Hist., iii. 208. 136 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. arms, besides ammunition. A portion of the defeated forces fled to La Antigua, and a smaller one joined the rebel Mangandi, who had 500 men. The latter, being ignorant of Carrera’s mishap, approached Guatemala on the 11th, at 10 o’clock in the morning, causing no little commotion ; but on learning of his leader’s defeat, he retired to the mountains. The war might have ended here had the victors followed up their success; but petty annoyances prevented Salazar from doing so, and he threw' up his command in disgust,33 though he was afterward induced to resume it. The greater part of the clergy friendly to Carrera never forsook him. It w?as not so with the aristocrats, Manuel Pavon, Luis Batres, and Pedro and Juan Jose Aycinena, who feared at times that they could not control him. After his defeat at Villanueva they called him an ‘ antropofago sediento de sangre hu- mana.’34 At that time they asked the vicar-general, Larrazdbal, to fulminate censures against Carrera, which he did.36 Friar Bernardo Piiiol also railed against him from the pulpit in the cathedral.38 How- ever, not long afterward Carrera was called from that same pulpit ‘hijo predilecto del Altisimo.’ The lack of energy on the part of the authorities after the affair of Villanueva3, enabled Carrera to re- 53 His resignation was made before the body of bis officers, which im- plied a disregard of the authority of the government. The officers eluded all responsibility, alleging that they had nothing to do with his resignation. The government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on him two months previously. Marure, Efem., 46. 34 In the Observador and the Apindice. 33 Exhortation cristiana que el vie.ario capitular. . .dirige & los pueblos, etc., 17 p. 36 Text of his funeral oration on the 1 4th of Sept, in honor of the slain on the government side at Villanueva, in Monttl/ar, liesena Hist., iii. 216-21. 31 Jos6 Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action, said: ‘ He [Carrera] could have been captured or annihilated had he been forthwith pursued; but no advantage was derived from such a glorious victory, and in a few days vandalism became again menacing.’ Salazar was blamed, Montufar thinks unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were not in condition to pursue. This authority, partly on the testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the blame on Rivera Paz, who had no interest in destroying a faction on which his party relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the scrviles. Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law in portions of Guate- mala, peremptorily refused to listen to the proposals of the recalcitrants, and marched to Guatemala, leaving the government in charge of the vice-presi- CARRERA AGAIN DEFEATED. 137 organize his forces, with which he made a successful raid, in the latter part of October, against Ahuacha- pan and Santa Ana,33 returning afterward to Guate- mala, when, on the 4th of November, he was attacked in Chiquimulilla by Colonel Carballo, defeated, and driven back to the mountain recesses of Mita.39 Mo. razan had in the mean time concentrated forces in Guatemala, and aided Carballo’s operations by march- ing1 against the Indian chieftain from a northern di- rection. But all efforts to crush the enomy failed, though the federal troops were every where victorious; many of Carrera’s followers were taken and shot, but he always managed to escape.40 This warfare, or rather chase, was kept up nearly two months. At last a capitulation was concluded, on the 23d of De- cember, at Rinconcito. Carrera and his followers were to surrender their arms41 and recognize the gov- ernment, which in turn was to confirm the former in his office of comandante of the district of Mita, and respect the lives and property of its inhabitants.42 Thus was Carrera a second time given a legal stand- ing. General Guzman, who treated with him, seemed to place on the treacherous and barbarous mountaineer the same faith as if he were a civilized man and a re- specter of treaty stipulations.43 The agreement was not carried out by Carrera, for he delivered only a small portion of useless arms, and kept his force under the pretext that the safety of his district demanded dent, Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered Sala- zar. Id., 223-6. 38 His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these departments of Sal- vador. Bcirrundia, in El Progreso of S. Salv., 1850, no. 3. 33 ‘ Les causo un descalabro de entidad la division del coronel Carballo.’ Marure, Efem., 46. 10 Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a mountain, sui rounded at its base by a large force; but owing to some neglect he escaped. 41 Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 244, erroneously has it that the delivery was to be of only 1,000 muskets. 4'*’Tlie president of the republic ratified the agreement on the 25th of Dec. 43 The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconcito was prompted to Gen. Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom he believed to be a friend that would give him nothing but honorable advice. He had good reason at a later date to think differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied on a mule, as a trophy of Carrera’s success. MontvJ'ar, lieseua Hist., iii. 228-9- 133 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. it. The government not only had the weakness to enter into this arrangement, but also that of not en- forcing its fulfilment to the letter. This rendered the renewal of hostilities but a question of time. I have mentioned the congressional decree of May 30, 1838, granting the states the privilege of acting as best suited their views. This was tantamount to a dissolution of the union ; and when Morazan’s second presidential term expired, on the 1st of February, 1839, 44 not even an outward tie remained to hold to- gether the several states. Morazan, and he alone, did not relinquish all hope of restoring the republic, and without delivering up an office which had ceased to exist, the strife was continued under his leadership. His efforts, supported by force though they were, met with resistance on the part of Nicaragua and Hon- duras, united by a treaty of alliance since January 18, 1839, which had been entered into for the pur- pose of maintaining the independence and sovereignty of the two states.45 Similar agreements were made in the following months between nearly all the other states, always protesting a willingness to form a fed- eral convention of the Central American states, but opposing the idea of confederation.48 “After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in the federal district as vice-president. The conventicle of the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the two Aycinenas, had, however, during Rivera Paz’s rule in Guatemala, arranged matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up the union, having at their disposal the requisite number of municipal districts. Their emissaries supported the separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was gov- erned by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality. They were now working with Rivera Paz’s successor, Gen. Carlos Salazar, with almost a certainty of carrying their point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a poli- tician, without guile, and easily deceived. Id., 241-3. 45 And also to protect other states against all interference on the part of the late federal government. Full text of the convention in Cent. Am. Con- stitutions, no. 4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangement, the combined forces of the two states invaded Salvador. Marure , EJ'em., 47. This treaty brought about Morazan’s ruin, and the disruption of the federal union. Francisco Ferrera, commander of the forces of Honduras, himself made it known to Carrera, and it prompted the latter’s rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839, and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres, and the Ayci- nenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city on the 13th of Apr., 1839. 16 The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839, declared the federal compact dissolved, and the resumption by the state of its absolute sovereignty. This declaration was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of J une FIGHTING IN SALVADOR. 139 A conciliatory spirit, to bring to an end the war against Salvador, and to act as mediator, was effected in these treaties; but it had no influence for good, and the hostilities continued between Nicaragua and Honduras on the one part, and Salvador on the other. Troops of the two former states entered Salvador ter- ritory in March 1839, and surprising a federal party at the crossings of the Lempa River, called Xicaral and Petacones, took without resistance the town of San Vicente; but having advanced to the heights of Xiboa, were repulsed and beaten by Colonel Narciso Benitez.47 The allies were signally defeated at Espf- ritu Santo, near the Lempa, by the Salvadorans, called federals, under Morazan, on the Gth of April.43 Equally successful were Morazan’s operations during the rest of the year. His officers invaded Honduras, took the capital and Tegucigalpa, and routed the allies in several encounters.49 of the same year. Guat. on the lltli of May entered into a treaty of amity and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., made similar treaties with Salv., Nic., and Costa R., respectively. July 1st, Hond. and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship and alliance as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at Quezaltenango the first treaty of a similar nature between the new state of Los Altos and Salv. Marure, Efem., 4S-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1S38 assumed the plenitude of her sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio Carrillo, the supreme chief of the slate, dated Aug. 4, 1838, her representatives and senators had left their seats iu the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the fed- eral debt and paid it at once. Carrillo’s decree shows that the Costa Ricans were dissatisfied with the inequality of their representation in the national lower house, where Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more than Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica, which had only four representatives in the ‘ congreso, ’ as the lower house was called. The representation in the senate was equal to that of the other states; but if the latter chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former could, under the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law by three fourths of the votes present. Thus was Costa Rica made a nonentity in the legislative body. There were other reasons for complaint. By a good management of her finances, Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually paid her contingent to the national treasury in money. She was therefore taxed while virtually without representation. Montufar, Resend Hist., iii. 26G-73, 310, 313-41. 4! It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez, who had entered by the frontier of San Miguel. Montufar, Reseiia Hist., iii. 292-3. 48 The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an Hondureuo, who had been connected with the incendiaries of Comayagua. This victory was mainly due to Morazan’s daring. He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Co! Benitez, who was a Colombian, was slain. Marure, Efem., 48; Montufar, Jteseiia Hist., iii. 293-5. 49 Brigadier Cabanas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He defeated the Hon- 140 DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC. But affairs underwent a change against him early in the following year. A joint force of Nicaraguans and Hondurans, under Manuel Quijano,60 attacked the federals under Cabanas at the hacienda del Potrero, on the 31st of January, 1840, and forced them to leave the state of Honduras.51 A formidable servile coali- tion was being formed against Morazan. Nicaragua was resolved to drive this jefe of Salvador from the executive chair. Honduras, under Jduregui, was con- trolled by Quijano’s sword. Los Altos had become again a department of Guatemala, which was subject to Carrera’s will. This chieftain, in his pronuncia- miento of March 24, 1839, had avowed his intention, to champion the sovereignty of the several states as concordant with his own ideas.52 Morazan thought the situation might be saved with an extraordinarily bold move, attacking the serviles in their headquar- ters, and made preparation to bring matters to a final issue in the city of Guatemala. The serviles, on their part, pursuing their aim of overthrowing Morazan, entered into a league with Carrera, and invited him to take possession of Guatemala. Morazan convoked the assembly of Salvador, and caused the vice-jefe, Silva, to assume the executive office of the state, in order to enable himself to take command of the forces for the campaign in Guate- mala, which at first amounted to 900 men. He was afterward joined by many who had been persecuted by the aristocrats, who pledged themselves to con- durans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then entered Tegucigalpa. On the 25th, after quelling a revolt which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador, Morazan was again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under Ferrera, had entered that town on their way to San Salvador, to destroy the ‘simulacro de gobierno federal que existia aun en aquella capital.’ Cabanas triumphed a/7^MASAy4 C /'• suladt‘ 1840 and 1842, and the protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabanas, Barrios, and their companions, to reside in the state under the protection of i s laws. The first two named governments saw that for all they had ina- i ivuvred to make of the executive of Salvador a mere submissive agent of the aristocracy, he had now emancipated himself from its control. Montufar, Besena Hist., iv. 4-5, 115-33; Molina, Bosq. Costa B. , 105-6. 40 Costa It., Col. Ley., vii. 404-16. 11 Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained, which later was formed, of declaring the state to be a sovereign and independent republic. Art. 5 resolved the question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY. 225 sembly likewise enacted a law declaratory of the rights of man; and another on freedom of the press under certain limitations. Among the other acts worthy of mention passed by this body were the following: The jefe, Alfaro, was to hold his office till the promul- gation of the constitution and the election of his suc- cessor under it. All his acts were approved, and a vote of thanks was awarded him. A similar vote was criven to General Pinto. Francisco M. Orea- O muno was chosen segundo jefe, and a short time afterward he was called to fill the executive chair, upon leave of absence being given to Alfaro.42 The assembly adjourned on the 22d of September, to meet a«rain on the 13th of November. The constitutional O bases, nicknamed by the conservatives “de los tri- bunos,” did not meet the approval of the government. The assembly then adopted a constitution, which made provision for two chambers, the executive au- thority being exercised by a jefe, as formerly, and all the functionaries constituting the supreme powers being chosen by the wdiole people. The promulga- tion of the new fundamental law was made on the 11th of April, 1844, 43 and all officers were required to take an oath to support it. Pinto, the comandantc general, refused to do so without first consulting Alfaro and others. He tried to make an armed opposition, but did not succeed, and was dismissed, Colonel Josfi Maria Quiroz superseding him.44 The publication of the new fundamental law was the principles sustained by Costa Rica. Arts. 4 and 10 established a fourth power under the name of Conservador, composed of no less than three coun- c.llors chosen by the people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish two chambers. Art. 11 says that the executive office is to be exercised by a tribune, out of four to be chosen by the electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, though it merely allows religious toleration. The Gaceta de Guat. exclaimed, ‘ Ya volvemos a las andadas.’ Montvfar, Reseiia Hist., iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106. 42 All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept. 13, 19, 1843, appear in Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 45-50, 63-7. 13 By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the executive. 44 The govt was supported by the people and troops. Quiroz was promoted to gen. of brigade. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 10G; El Mentor Costaricense gave an extensive account of the affair. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 15 226 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. celebrated with feasts for three days. But the fact of Pinto’s dismissal from the command of the forces caused serious divisions in families,45 which has been felt ever since in the political events of the country. The two chambers decreed by the constituent assembly complicated the political machinery, and the enemies of the new constitution exaggerated its defects. The necessity of a senate in Costa Rica was not clear, for the composition of the house of deputies was such that it required impulsion rather than checks. There- fore, what would be the mission of the senate?46 Alfaro reassumed the duties of the executive office on the 28th of June, on which date Castro resigned his position of secretary -general, 47 to take a seat in the chamber of deputies, which was installed on the 2d of July. The first duty of this body was to count the votes for senators; but the returns were coming in very slowly, so that the senate did not assemble till the 12th of November.48 Both houses then on the 15th declared Francisco Maria Oreamuno duly elected jefe of the state. He took possession of the office with reluctance.43 The spirit of localism which caused so much trouble in 1835 was still rampant, and Oreamuno found himself confronted by it. What- ever measure was proposed in favor of any one local- ity was certain to displease the others. Rather than contend with such difficulties, he tendered, on the 26th of November, his resignation, which was not accepted; but he was resolved to retire, and one day, being more than usually disgusted, he abandoned his 45 Pinto was an tincle-in-law of Castro, secretary -general, who under the circumstances surrounding the govt could not restore him to his office. 46 To give an idea of the situation: Cartago’s deputies were three clergy- men, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia also sent the priest Flores. If the senators must he still more grave and circumspect, where could they be procured? Montufar, Resefia Hist., v. 173. 47 His successor was Juan Mora. 48 Costa /?., Col. L., viii. 352-3, 384-5. 49 He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners, cultured without affectation, well informed on general subjects, and a highly respected citizen. Though not a member of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion existing in the old Spanish laws. MOYA, GALLEGOS, AND ALFARO. 227 post and went off to his home in Cartago.50 His suc- cessor was Rafael Moya, then president of the sen- ate,51 who exerted himself to do away with localism, and to promote harmony between the several sections ; but his senatorial term expiring on the 30th of April, 1845, he could no longer continue holding the execu- tive authority, and the chamber of deputies called to assume its duties Senator Jose Rafael Gallegos,02 who was made chief of the state at the expiration of Juan Moran’s second term. He took the chair on the 1st of May. An ominous cloud could already be de- cried away in the horizon. The new constitution had thus early become an object of abuse, even by the men who had enthusiastically proclaimed it, and acrimoniously censured Pinto for refusing it recogni- tion.53 During the elections a bloodless revolt of four reg'i- ments simultaneously occurred, on the 7th of June, 1846, at San Jose, Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, to overthrow the organic law. The movement was seconded at once by the people,54 and Jose Maria Alfaro was summoned to assume the reins of govern- ment, Gallegos returning to the presidency of the sen- 50 The chamber of deputies censured him, hut his purpose of getting rid of the executive office was accomplished. Costa II., Col. Ley., viii. 392-3; ix. 23-4. 51 A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave him much social importance. During his short administration he improved the public roads. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107. He also gave impulse to education, though under the old ecclesiastical system. Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 175. 52 Correspond, on the subject in Id., 184^6. 53 Fault was found with the clause requiring the election by the people of all public functionaries, including the ministers of state and judges. It was said the people should not he molested with so many elections. bi The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the abolition of the con- stitution, and the framing of another better suited to the needs of the coun- try, the immediate election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with children, and possess property to the value of no less than $10,000; one who had never been criminally punished, except by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts contracted in the state; he must have served in other public offices without taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate government for the state. A new legislative chamber was to be immediately convoked, and the manner of election fixed by the chief; meantime, the present assembly was to continue its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with funds of the treas- ury. Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 1, 2; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 252-3. REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. 2*28 ate. Every one recognized Gallegos as an upright man, against whom no complaint was made.55 Alfaro accepted the role, went into office on the 9th, and im- mediately proceeded to carry out the purposes of the revolution. Elections took place under the existing constitution, Alfaro being chosen jefe, and Jose M. Castro vice-jefe and secretary -general. The latter being the intellectual superior of Alfaro, every branch of the administration finally fell under his control. The constituent assembly met on the 15th of Sep- tember, and completed, on the 21st of January, 1847, the new constitution, which was promulgated at once, to have effect from and after the 7th of March.56 Experience having shown that several clauses of this instrument were practically inexpedient, and that others were not clearly worded, under article 187 of the same congress subsequently adopted a number of amendments, which had been asked for by a majority of the municipalities.57 The elections for supreme authorities, decreed on the 17th of February, took place; the constitutional congress assembled on the 1st of May, and after counting the votes for president and vice-president on the 5th, declared Castro duly elected for the first position and Alfaro for the second. They were inducted into office on the 8th.5s Castro’s administration had to overcome serious obstacles which might bring on political convulsions 55 His removal from the executive seat resulted from the intrigues of a few who knew that he could not be made a convenient tool. 66 It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive in a president, and created a vice-president. The legislative authority was vested in a congress of a single chamber, presided over by the vice-president. The Roman cath- olic religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as that of the state and under its protection. Costa R., Conslit. , 1847, 1-24; Id., Constit. Polit., 1847, 1-118; Id., Col. Ley., x. 1-56; Atstaburuaga, Cent. Am., 46-9. 51 Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive on the 30th. A law regulating the election of the supreme authorities was passed Dec. 20th. < osta R., Constit. Polit. (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 347- 408, 422-52; El Universal, June 8, 1849. 58 El Arco Iris, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased at being lowered to the second place, even though he had ex-officio the presidency of congress. He resigned on the 1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora be- came his successor. Costa R., In/orme Relaciones, ap. ; Id., Col. Ley., x. 86-7, 160-1, 187-S. INDEPENDENCE DECLARED. 229 in the near future.’3 Indeed, several disturbances broke out at Alajuela, headed by Alfaro and his friends, which were, however, easily quelled by Pres- ident C astro, and once by Vice-president Mora, when the president was absent.60 The last of these troubles caused some bloodshed.61 Albeit the revolts were put Arms ok Costa Rica. Castro had enemies in San Jose. He was accused of bringing about Ga- llego's dismissal. This assertion was repeated from mouth to mouth, and ca.me to be believed by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of damaging his ad- ministration. Unfortunately, congress began to show aristocratic tendencies, restoring the abolished compellations without opposition on Castro’s part! The title of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the supreme court. 1 <,u Castro and Mora differed on many points. The president’s circle consid- ered Mora a dangerous competitor. Congress treated Mora with marked in- difference, though he had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He resigned the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second attempt Manuel Jose Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen. Carazo was an able and well-informed man. He resigned the office on the 24th of Au« but was reelected Sept. 22d. Id., 190, 306-7, 310-12, 327-9. til Costa R ., Inf. Rclacioncs , 10-12, 23—5. In Nov. of the same year all 230 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. down, the state continued much agitated. Inflam- matory writings against the president were secretly circulated, which the government gave importance to, and the official press tried to counteract their influ- ence. Castro concluded to resign his office, but con- gress by a unanimous vote refused to accept the resignation.62 Costa Rica having by the act of her congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, declared her- self a sovereign and independent nation, under the title of Republica de Costa Rica, that body, on the 29th of the following September, adopted a flag, coat of arms, and seal.63 Costa Rica was the first state of Central America to be recognized as an independent nation by Spain, which was done in the treaty of May 10, 1850, which was ratified by Costa Rica March 6, 1851. The re- public made a concordat with the Roman pontiff, for the understanding of ecclesiastical affairs, on the 7th of October, 1852. She has endeavored to maintain cordial relations with the powers of Europe and America. To that end she concluded treaties with the United States of America, the Hanseatic Towns, France,64 Great Britian, Belgium, Holland, Italy, Germany, and several of the Spanish- American re- publics. With Guatemala a treaty was entered into in February 1850, and the government awaited the result of the efforts of the other three states to con- stitute themselves under one nationality; and when they failed, and the states assumed the role of inde- political offenders were pardoned, and a war tax which had been levied on Alajuola was ordered refunded. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 269-90, 374-6,410; Id., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 3-5; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107-8. 82 Congress took into consideration a number of petitions from influential sources highly commendatory of Castro’s acts. Castro on the 16th of Nov. had been made a general of division. Montufar, Reseha Hist., v. 525-6, 530- 8, 543-51. 63 The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the centre one occupied one third the width of the flag, and the others one sixth each. The centre stripe was red, the one above and the one underneath it were white, and the other two blue. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 354-6. 04 France sent in April 1847 the corvette Le Ginie. to make demands on behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa Rica settled by paying $10,000. THE BOUNDARY QUESTION. 231 pendent republics, it made similar diplomatic arrange- ments with them as foreign nations.63 The boundaries of Costa Rica with Nicaragua on one side, and with Panama, one of the states of Co- lombia, on the other, have been a source of constant anxiety, repeatedly occupying the minds of the diplo- mates of the three countries. Fortunately, the points in dispute have been peaceably discussed by the gov- ernments, though the press and politicians have not always touched upon them with the same spirit. The district of Nicoya or Guanacaste, at one time under the government of Nicaragua, became annexed to Costa Rica in 1824. This annexation was accepted by the Costa Rican assembly, and the federal congress allowed it, in a decree of December 9, 1825, as a pro- visional arrangement, to be in force till an opportunity was had to run the boundary between the two states. This congress took no further action in the premises; and since the dissolution of the Central American union, the district remained attached to Costa Rica. Nicaragua never assented to the segregation, though she made no attempt to recover the territory by force of arms. She has, however, endeavored to sustain her right to it in repeated diplomatic negotiations.68 The time came when Nicaragua, being invaded by William Walker’s filibusters, and the independence of all Central America threatened, the citizens of the 65 Full particulars on the foreign relations are given in Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; Id., Coup d’osil Costa R., 3; Costa R. , Col. Ley., x. 339-47; xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6, 171-88; xix. 107-9; xx. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97; Id., de 1869, 216-22; Id., de 1879, 61-3; Id., Oac. de Cob., Jan. 12, 26, Feh. 23, March 9, 1850; Id., Bol. Ojie., Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854; Id. , Informes y Mem., Relaciones, 1850-80; Salv., Diario, Nov. 5, 1875; Cong. Globe, 1860-1; Smith- sonian Rept, 1S63, 54; Colombia, Diario Ojie., Feb. 14, 1874; U. S. Govt Doc., 36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.; Id., 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess, and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii. ), 430-45; Id., 40th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess, and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 277—80; Id., 42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc., 1 For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52); Id., 42d cong. 3d sess., For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61); Pan. Gac., Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in various languages. li(iNic. argued that the constitution of Costa R. of 1S25 declared her boundary to be at El Salto, not at La Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the instrument alluded to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; but after this decree the funda- mental laws of Costa R. did take it in. 232 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. five republics at once saw the necessity of having the question amicably settled. 67 The other republics, more particularly Salvador, brought their influence to bear, and a treaty was concluded, duly ratified, exchanged, and published as the law to govern the boundary be- tween Nicaragua and Costa Rica.6S Under its second article, both contracting parties ceded a portion of their claims, Costa Rican territory not reaching the lake, nor the Flor River, but merely the centre of Salinas Bay. On the other hand, Nicaragua no longer claimed territory to the Salto or Alvarado River, but limited it to the aforesaid bay, and to the line pre- scribed in the treaty.69 The acts of several congresses 67 Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1S43, which led to the making of a voluminous protocol, without any definitive result. Montu/ar, Resend Hist., ii. 229-31; iv. 3S2-3; Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 3-4. 68 The treaty was made at San Jose, Costa R., on the 15th of Apr., 185S, and signed by Jose M. Cauas and Maximo Jerez, plenipotentiaries respect- ively of Costa R. and Nic., and by Pedro Rdmulo Negrete, mediator on the part of Salv. The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations also appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made in due form, and ex- changed by the two govts on the 2Gth of April, the same year. The treaty was approved by the Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28 th, and published by President Tomas Martinez and his secretary of state, June 4th. Under its 2d article the dividing line was to be as follows: Starting from the Atlantic Ocean, the line to begin at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth of the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that stream to a point in waters below the Castillo Viejo, at three English miles from the outer fortifications. Thence a curve was to commence, whose centre should be those works, and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles, and terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of the river in waters above the fort. Thence the line should continue in the direction of Sapoa River, which empties into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably tw-o miles distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its curves to its source in the lake, and from the right margin of the same lake to the said Sapo£ River, where this line, parallel to said margins, ends. From the point wdicre it may coincide with the Sapoa River, which must of course be two miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn to the central point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific Ocean, where the delimitation of the two contracting powers wall terminate. The 6th art. gives Nic. the ex- clusive control over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic Ocean; Costa R, retaining the right of navigation in said waters for trading purposes from the mouth of the river to a distance of three English miles from the Castillo Viejo. Rocha, C6cl. Nic., i. 137-41; Costa R., Col. Ley., xv. 75-6, 1S2-8; Id.. Infortne (•'ol>., 1858, 12-13; Id., Inf. Rel., 1860, 6; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., June 7, 1877, 513-14; El Nacional, June 26, 1858, 10; Peralta, Rio S. Juan, 24-5; Belly, Le Nic., i. 359-62. 6a The treaty, after being completed and published in the official journal of Nic., w'as communicated by both govts to the foreign diplomatic corps ac credited near them, as well as to their own representatives abroad. All friendly nations came to look on it as an accomplished fact DIVERS TREATIES. 233 of Nicaragua in after years indicated that the treaty was recognized beyond cavil or dispute. Not a word was officially uttered by Nicaragua in seven years against its validity. After such a period had elapsed, Tonuls Ayon, her minister of foreign affairs, in a re- port to the national congress, disputed its validity, and the boundary question was reopened,'0 giving rise to grave diplomatic discussions, and no little ill feeling between the citizens of both countries from 1868 to 1883.71 At last, early in 1883, a treaty was signed in Granada by plenipotentiaries of both countries to bring the dispute to an end.'2 President Cardenas, in laying the treaty before the Nicaraguan congress early in 1885, urged its favorable consideration; but no action was taken. Under the Gual-Molina treaty, concluded at Bogota, March 15, 1825, the Provincias Unidas del Centro de America and the Republic of Colombia agreed to 70 Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been concluded by his govt, and duly ratified by the legislative authority of the two republics. He alleged that the fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state, embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that the treaty in question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution, which prescribed that an amend- ment of it by one legislature must be submitted to the next for ratification; and this not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R. replied that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been, not by an ordinary legisla- ture, but by a constituent assembly fully empowered to amend the constitu- tion or frame a new oue. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, and therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover, that even if that assembly had not possessed constituent authority, but had been a merely ordinary congress, the fact still remained that a number of Nicaraguan legislatures had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some at- tempts have been made in administration circles of Costa R-, much against public opinion, to annul the treaty, in order to have for a boundary line the whole right bank of the San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to San Carlos, and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor. Were this supported, and the treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic. would assume a serious aspect. Monin far, Reseila Hist., ii. 231-4; Ayon, Question de Limites, 1-2C; Id., Consid. sobre Limites, 1-26. 71 Details may be found in Nic., Mem. Relaam.es, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 3, 1868, May 4, 11, 1872, June 7, 1873; Id., Seman. Nic., June 6, 1872; Id., Correspond., 1872, 1-24; Id., Continuation de la Correspond., 1872, 1-16; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 739, 743; 44th cong. 1st sess., pt 1, 157, 168; Costa R., Informe Rel., 1873, 1-6; Id., Pap. Sueltos, Doc. no. 15; Sa.lv., Gaceta Ofic., May 22, 1876; Peralta, Rio S. Juan. 72 Antonio Zambrana for Costa R., and Francisco Alvarez for Nic. Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 1883; Costa It. , Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Govt Doc., 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., pt 1, 59-61. 234 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA respect the boundaries then existing between them, and to enter at an early convenient opportunity into a special convention directed to fix the dividing line.73 The antecedents of the subject will be found in a note at foot.74 All subsequent royal provisions, down to 1803, tend to confirm the limits of Costa Rica that were fixed for Clierino on the Atlantic side. But on the 20tli of November, 1803, a royal order placed the island of San Andres, and the coast of Mosquito from Caps Gracias & Dios to the River Chagres, under the Costa Rica. 73 An extract of that treaty is given in Montvfar, Rescua Hist., i. 289-90. 74 The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino, governor, captain- general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed the boundaries of the province from the ‘ embocadura del Desaguadero 6 rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la frontera de Veraguas en el Mar Atlantico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya hasta los valles de Chiriqui en el Paclfico.’ Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 14; Id., Cos1 a R. y Nueva Granada, 9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service of Costa R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his assertions might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony of Juarros, the historian of Guatemala, who wrote with the official docs before him, is not open to the same objection. He says, speaking of Costa R., ‘ sus terminos por el mar del norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta cl Escudo de Veraguas; y por el sur, desde el no de Alvarado, raya divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, hasta el rio de Boruca, termino del reino de Tierra Firme. ’ Montufar , Resefta Hist., ii. 230. DISPUTED TERRITORY. 235 supervision of the viceroy at Bogota. Nueva Granada, now Republica de Colombia, has maintained that this royal order made a new territorial division between the capitania general of Guatemala and the vireinato of Nueva Granada; and to the latter belongs all the territory alluded to in the royal order, and that said territory was recognized as hers by the Gual-Molina treaty. On behalf of Costa Rica, it has been al leged that the Spanish crown never made a territorial division with a mere royal order. The division of provinces, vice-royalties, and eaptain-generalcies was effected under a pragmatic sanction, a royal decree, or a royal cedula. The royal order aforesaid made no division of territory, but merely placed San Andres and the Mosquito Coast under the care of the viceroy at Bogota because Spain at that time had military and naval resources at Cartagena. Nevertheless the order had no effect; it became a dead letter, the viceroy never having protected that coast. Sucli was the impression of the Central American negotiator of the treaty of 1825. ‘5 With this same understanding the federal government of Central America made a contract in 1836 to settle an Irish colony in the region of Boca del Toro,76 which was not carried out because the New Granadan authorities drove away the settlers, and have ever since held control of the region, disre- garding Costa Rica’s claims.77 Several diplomatic efforts were fruitlessly made to fix the boundary.78 The last one was made at San 73 The territorial division recognized by him was that made in 1810, at which time no New Granadan authority had a footing in Cent. Am. territory. A representation of the ayuntainiento of Cartago to the Sp. cortes in 1813 says: ‘Costa Rica tiene por limites de su territorio el rio de Chiriqui que la separa de la provincia de Panama.’ Cdrtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 404. 76 Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt. Molina , Bosq. Costa 11. , 100- 1. 77 Copy of correspond, between the gov. of Veraguas and that of Costa R. Montv far, Itesefia Hist., ii. 272-3; Mosq. Correspond., 22-5; Pan., Docs. Ofic., in Pan. Col. Docs., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Id., Star and Herald, Oct. 15. 16, 1S80. 78 During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San Jose between P. A. Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for Costa Rica, which does not follow the line on Molina’s map. Modifications were made to it at Bogota, and ratifications were never exchanged. Later on Jose M. Castro went to 236 REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA. Jose on the 25th of December, 1880, in the form of a convention to refer the settlement of the question at issue to the arbitration of a friendly power, namely, the king of the Belgians or the king of Spain, and in the event that neither of them could or would under- take it, then the president of the Argentine confed- eration.,a It is understood that the matter was finally submitted to the king of Spain, and that the resolution was long pending. Political disturbances continuing in 1849, Castro resigned the presidency on the 16tli of November,80 before congress, which had met in extra session Octo- ber 2d; his resignation was accepted,81 and the same day Juan Rafael Mora was chosen vice-president, and on the 24th president of the republic, being inducted into office on the 26th of November.82 One of his first acts was to grant an amnesty for political offences. Bogota and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate Molina’s line. This treaty was not ratified by either govt. The next attempt was made by B. Correoso, on behalf of Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, disregarding arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E., W., and N. W. of that line were Colombian settlements, which, under the constitution of his country could not be ceded. A treaty was entered into, however, which did not obtain the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was con- sidered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia with having made a damaging arrangement. Pan., Gaceta Istmo, Oct. 20, 1841; Id., Cr6n. Ofic., Feb. 6, 1853; Id., Boldin OJic., Dec. 25, 1870; Pan., Gaceta, June 15, 1871, June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1S74, May 21, 1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 22, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21, 1S78, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 1889; Pan., Mem. Sec. Gob., 1879, 13-14, 35-42; Colombia, Diario OJic., Feb. 26, 1876; Coda R., Mem. Pel., 1851, 5; Id., Col. Ley., xiv. 54-5, 160-1; Id., Informe Gohn,, 1880, 2-4; U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th cong. 2d sess. ,B Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned by the gran consejo nacional, of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 16, 1881. 89Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct. 26th. Costa R., Col. Ley., xi. 216. 81 At the same time he was declared a benemerito, and the founder of the rep. of Costa R. Id., 157-8, 224-5; El Costaricense, Nov. 17, 1849. The op- position, however, made severe comments on his policy as reviewed by him- self. Anot. d la renuncia, in Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., no. 20. 82 Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers, quite conversant with her affairs; a wealthy merchant, who had travelled abroad, and by his frankness and liberality won a well-deserved popularity. El Costaricense, Nov. 18, Dec. 1, 1849; Costa R., Col. Ley., xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco M. Orea- muno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, IS50. Id., 241-2; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 2, 1850. PRESIDENT MORA. 237 The bonds of discipline and subordination having be- come relaxed, Mora had before him a difficult task to restore peace and order.83 He dealt severely with the authors of revolutionary movements. Castro became a fugitive, and the others were exiled. For his efforts to restore order, congress, on the 25th of June, 1850, granted him the title of benemerito de la patria. The president’s policy was one of repression by all means; but finding himself opposed in the chamber, he resigned the executive office, and his resignation not being accepted, took upon himself to dismiss the congress, calling on the people to choose new repre- sentatives.84 The continued revolutionary attempts placed the government in a difficult position, and prompted the president to adopt severe measures; hence the orders of exile issued against prominent citizens.85 Mora and Oreamuno were on the 3d of May, 1853, elected president and vice-president respectively.86 Peace was now restored, and the government devoted its attention to the promotion of education, and of the material interests of the country.87 83 Nic. , Cor. 1st, May 2, 1850. In an address Mora depicts the situation, and the attempts of Quiroz and others to disturb the peace in San Jose and Heredia, together with his measures to balk them. El presid. de la rep. d la Nation, June 8, 1850. 84 The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort en las Pavas, and countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, minister of govt. He based his action on the fact that congress having declined to accept his resignation, he was made responsible before God and the people of evils that might result from the existing order of things. Costa It., Gaceta, no. 1G5; El Siglo, March 10, 1852; Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 96-7. 85Jos6 M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo. El Siglo (S. Salv.), March 4, 1852. 66 June 6, 1853, the president’s salary was raised to $5,000 a year. Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 236-7, 247-8; Id., Gaceta, July 23, 1853; Hand., Gaceta Ofic., June 20, 1853; Wagner, Costa R. , 171-2, 506-8, 296-7. 87 Min. Calvo’s rept to con g. May 16, 1854. The chamber on the 5th of June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and passed a vote of thanks and congratulation to the president, ‘por el acierto y prudencia con que la ha re- gido.’ Costa R., Mem. Rel., 15. CHAPTER XII. REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. 1838-1855. State Government — Director Buitrago’s Conservatism — British Ag- gression— Director Sandoval’s Rule — Internal Troubles — Guer- rero’s Administration — The Mosquito Kingdom— Its Origin and History — Bubbles — British Pretensions — Seizure of San Juan del Norte — Diplomatic Complications — Clayton-Bulwer Treaty — Nic- aragua Recovers her Own — Relations with Foreign Powers— An American War Ship Bombards San Juan del Norte — Pineda’s Government — Establishment of the Republic — Party Dissensions — Legitimists versus Democrats — Chamorro and Castellon — Civil War — Death of Chamorro— Estrada Succeeds Him. Little, if anything, has been said in this history of the internal affairs of Nicaragua since 1838. Under her first constitution, that of 1826, the chief executive officer of the state was called jefe del estado, and his term of office was for four years. The second organic law, promulgated in 1838, gave that functionary the title of director supremo, limiting his tenure of office to two years. Pablo Buitrago seems to have been the first director called upon to enforce the constitu- tion of 1838.1 He was declared by the chambers, on the 4th of March, 1841, to have been constitutionally chosen. His first step was to remove from the office of ministro general Francisco Castellon, who held it ad interim under appointment by Patricio Rivas,2 1 Tlie following persons held the office ad int. before him: namely, Patri- cio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in charge, Oct. 1839; Tomas Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, Sept. 1840. Marure, Efem., 04; Montufar, Rcseiia Hist., iv. 136; Wells' JInnd. , 494. There was much dissimilarity of views on political matters between the l 238 ) BUITRAGO, OROZCO, PEREZ. 239 callinof to succeed him Simon Orozco, whom he could O more easily control. Buitrago treated a communication from Morazan, sent him from San Miguel, with contumely; and after- ward, when the ex-president, as jefe of Costa Rica, accredited near him two commissioners, he declined to receive them.3 His course won him commendation from the rulers of Guatemala.4 His term of office came to an end on the 1st of April, 1843, and he was temporarily succeeded by Juan de Dios Orozco. The official press asserted that the election for director had been made with perfect freedom. But no candidate having received the requisite number of votes, the assembly chose Manuel Perez to fill the position.5 The state was at peace,6 but was not to enjoy that benefit long. In a previous chapter I have spoken of the desolating war waged within her borders by the tyrants of Salvador and Honduras. She was, more- over, harassed by the intemperate demands for Brit- ish claimants made by Chatfield, the ally of the aristocrats of Guatemala, who went so far as to dic- tate to Nicaragua how to recognize and pay these claims.' The assembly then authorized the executive to arrange the matter in the best way possible, and two men, though Castellon had contributed to Buitrago’s election. Many bitter publications appeared subsequently from the pens of the two adver- saries. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Hie., 48, 146. 3 They were not even allowed to enter the state, because of the treaty of Oct. 1842, signed by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran. 4 The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he was ‘ un hombre de orden que solo aspiraba a la justicia y al decoro. ’ Buitrago’s position was be- coming a difficult one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends in Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored a convention of states. On the other hand, he was anxious not to forfeit the good opinion of the nobles and nuns. Upon the news of Morazan \s execution reaching Leon, he had it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected, though not strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his companions, ycleped Coquimbos, in Salvador. 5 One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon his ministro general. 6 The new official journal, Eco de la Ley, in its first number declared that an Octavian peace reigned. And indeed, had Nicaragua been away from ob- noxious influences, peace might have been maintained under republican insti- tutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states where for a time brutal force held sway. 7 The claimants were Bridge, Glenton, and Manning. Full details on the claims of the last two are in Hie., Rcyistro OJic., 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; Dun- lop's Cent. Am., 55-6. 240 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. Castellon, the ministro general, proposed to Chatfield to submit the disputed claims to arbitration, naming Bishop Viteri as the Nicaraguan arbitrator. Finally, a legation was despatched to London, Castellon being the minister and Maximo Jerez the secretary.8 The British authorities resolved, however, to use coercion in order to force a settlement of the claims, the cor- vette Daphne blockading the port of Realejo in Au- gust 184G; and the government, being without funds to meet such demands at once, had to pledge the rev- enue from the tobacco monopoly during the next four years. Leon, after its terrible conflict with the forces of Salvador and Honduras, aided by Nicaraguan allies, was in a shattered condition, and most of the families dwelling therein were in mourning, and reduced to indigence. Munoz, who so efficiently cooperated to that result, had secured the coveted reward, the com- mand in chief of the western department. The seat of government was at San Fernando, and Bias An- tonio Saenz assumed the executive duties on the 20th of January, 1845.9 Under the sword of Munoz the elections for director supremo were effected, and Jose Leon Sandoval obtained a plurality vote.10 He was declared duly elected on the 4th of April. The assem- bly passed several important measures.11 Peace had not been restored. Disturbances were breaking out in several parts. There were revolu- 8 They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of March, 1S44. Both have since figured prominently in political circles. 9 Selva had held the office by virtue of his position as senior senator to that date, when his senatorial term expired. 10 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest receivingonly 190. The other candidates were Juan Jose Ruiz, Jose Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laure- a:io Pineda, Jose Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Ma- chado. Nic., Registro Ofcc., 47-8; Sandoval, Re vistas Polit. , 19; Dunlop’s Cent. Am., 250. 11 To raise two loans of 810,000 and $30,000, respectively, and to regulate the financial system. Trial by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued with many exceptions against the defenders of Leon. A Tic., Registro Otic., 69- 70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that of war, intrusted to Lino Cesar, and that of treasury, placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. Jose Montenegro was ministro general and of foreign relations. The administra- tive course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late confederacy, was approved the 9th of May, long alter Chamorro had vacated his office. REVOLUTION UPON REVOLUTION. 241 tionary movements in Managua, and the government sent thither Ponciano Corral to make an investiga- tion, and quell the sedition. His report brought about the imprisonment of several citizens.12 Mani- festations in favor of Cabanas at Rivas were put down with an iron hand. On the 24th of June there was a revolt at Leon, which Munoz quelled, and the govern- ment had its authors confined in San Juan del Norte.13 The executive had proclaimed neutrality in the con- test between the government of Salvador and Males- pin, who was sustained by Honduras; and though he concluded with Salvador at San Fernando a treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, he also entered into a similar one with Honduras.14 The latter treaty was intended to be a reality, and it is undeniable that Nic- aragua was a faithful ally and cooperator of Honduras down to the treaty of Sensenti. The treaty with Salvador was not made in good faith on the part of N icaragua. The town of Chinandega was, in the latter part of July, captured by 200 revolutionists under Jose M. Valle, alias El Chelon,15 who had come with sixty or eighty men on a schooner from La Union, and landed at Cosigiiina.16 On the 26th Munoz was attacked in Leon, but defeated his assailants.1' The government abandoned San Fernando and went to Managua.18 O 12 Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were confined respectively in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San Fernando, and Nandayme, and sub- jected to prosecution by the courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of Cabanas, were given by Corral the advice — which was tantamount to an order — to quit Managua and not return. A ic., 1 teyistro Ofic., 90, 9C-8, 101, 13 The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the government’s agents for Malespin and Guardiola. “The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845, and was ratified by the Salvadoran chambers June 3d. 15 The municipal authorities and citizens of the place, by an acta on the 29th of July, authorized Valle to take such action as be deemed best to upset the existing government and restore constitutional order. Montufar, Ileseita Hist., v. 139—40; Ntc., Eegistro Ojic., 13S-9. “■Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with Valle, but she proved the contrary. 11 Director Sandovai called them assassins and robbers. 18 1 he western department and Managua were mulcted in $12,000 as pun- ishment. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. Ill 10 242 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. Munoz, victorious again at Chichigalpa, marched on Chinandega, which he occupied without opposition ; but having to return to Leon, the insurgents retook it. He came back with a large force on the lGth of August, and reoccupied the place.19 Sandoval had, on the 9th, forbidden the men who accompanied Mo- razan to Costa Rica from entering Nicaraguan soil. A ministerial crisis occurred at this time, Rocha and Cdsar resigning their portfolios, which were given to Maximo Jerez and Ruitrago.20 Their tenure was necessarily short, and they were superseded in the latter part of the year by Fruto Chamorro and Jost; Guerrero, the latter being almost immediately suc- ceeded by Lino Cesar. This new arrangement gave the director an homogeneous cabinet. The govern- ment was now a decidedly conservative one. The revolution came to an end in the latter part of September 1845, an amnesty being issued excepting only the chief leaders, and persons guilty of common crimes.21 This short truce enabled Sandoval to pay an official visit to the several districts. In Chinandega the in- habitants having abandoned their homes, he issued orders to bring them back.22 The government was levying heavy taxes. The citizens of Leon, Chinan- dega, El Viejo, and other places, who were the victims of the self-styled “ ejercito protector de la paz,” were compelled to support the regime which had its being out of the destruction of the first-named town. It is, therefore, not a matter of surprise that the people of many towns went off to the woods. The insurrection 19 His official reports of July 8th anil 17th are tcxtually given in Montii/ar, Reseiln Hist., v. 102-4; Nie., Rajistro Ojic., 128-9, 133-4. “It is inexplicable how these two men could serve in the same cabinet, unless under some one of very superior mind and character, which Sandoval certainly did not possess. Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central Amer- ican union, and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite — a con- servative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan. 11 Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the civil courts; other- wise, if captured, would be tried under military laws. 12 Every one refusing to return was heavily fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Cas- tillo's instructions to the sub-prefect, in Montxifar , Resefia Iiist., v. 293. SANDOVAL AND MORALES 243 broke out again, Valle appearing in Segovia, and re- entering Chinandega on the 26th of November. The amnesty decree was thereupon revoked.23 The state of Honduras took part in the war, sending an army under Guardiola to the aid of Sandoval. The insur- gents were defeated first by Munoz, and soon after by Guardiola, who occupied Chinandega.24 At the end of the campaign Munoz signified a desire to leave the state, and asked for a passport; but the government replied with words of fulsome praise that his services could not be spared.25 This was precisely what Munoz had fished for.26 Efforts were made by Buitrago and others to pre- vail on Sandoval to call the chambers of 1846 to sit in Leon, but he objected to the proposition. The assembly met first in San Fernando June 7, 1846, and on the 14th of August sanctioned every past act of the government.27 At a later date it removed to Mana- gua, and adjourned leaving much unfinished business, for which it was summoned to an extra session,28 and after doing what was required of it, retired on the 18th of December. The end of Sandoval’s term was approaching, and elections for supremo director took place. The as- sembly met again on the 12th of March, 1847, and Senator MLuel R. Morales assumed the executive. o Minister Salinas in his annual report made a number of suggestions to the chambers; namely, an amend- ment of the constitution in the direction styled by the 23 Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. Nic., Regidro Ofic., 126, 128, 138, 143. 24 Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of war of Nic. Id., 157- 8; El T tempo, March 12, 1846. 25 ‘ En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y desea mucho la felicidad del Estado, y no podria privarlo de su mas fuerte apoyo. ’ Montufar, Resena Hid., v. 284-5; Nic., Reijid.ro Ofic., 290. 28 He followed the example of Carrera in Guat. 27 Sandoval surrendered his office June 25th to the legislature in order that it might freely adjudicate upon his official acts. Once approved, he resumed the executive duties Sept. 2d. 28 Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number of limitations; namely, against persons entering the state with arms to disturb the peace; and against the guilty of murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9, 1847, r, supplementary decree of amnesty. Sandoval, Revista Polit., 57-9- Nic.. Re- yistro OJic., 390, 401, 407-8; Montufar, Reseiia Hist., v. 298-9. •244 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. conservatives, “moderado y ae orden;” good relations with the pope, and cordial friendship with the priests; public instruction based upon the requirements of the council of Trent. The office of supremo director passed, on the 6th of April, into the hands of Jose Guerrero, who had been chosen for the constitutional term.29 Acceding to the repeated petitions of the peo- ple of the western department, Guerrero decreed30 to make Leon the residence of the government, and the transfer was effected July 20th, the people of that city greeting the director and his officials with joy The assembly, however1, preferred to sit at Managua, and did so on the 3d of September.31 The country stood in need of a new constitution, but this could not be framed at the present time, be- cause the whole attention of the government and people was absorbed by the questions with Great Britain, which were a menace to Nicaraguan terri- tory, and even to the independence of all Central America. These difficulties were connected with the possession of the territory known as the Mosquito Coast, or Mosquitia. The Spanish authorities to the last moment of their rule over Central America acted in a manner indicative of Spain’s claim of full sover- eignty over that territory, disallowing the pretended right of the Zambo chief who under British protection had been dubbed King of Mosquitia.32 A British agent claimed some years afterward that the relations of the Spanish and Mosquitian authori- ties had been in 1807, and even before, such as arc held between independent powers.33 The so-called 29 Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with great honor. 30 July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony outside of the benefited department. 31 El Razonador, Dec. 29, 1847. 32 See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 599-607, this series. In Nov. 1803, the whole north coast, including the island of San Andres, and the Mosquito Coast ex- tending from Cape Gracias a Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the viceroy of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was annulled, and the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua, to which it had been annexed by royal order of March 31, 1803. 33 He based his pretension on the following incident: The Caribs on the Trujillo line rebelled in 1S07 betaking themselves to Mosq. territory, where THE MOSQUITO COAST. 245 king of Mosquitia claimed sovereignty over an extent of country 340 miles long from north to south, and about 235 miles in breadth. He also claimed the district of Talamanca in Costa Rica, and that of Chi- riqui in Panamd.34 The British authorities main- tained a sort of protectorate over these Indians, occa- sionally sending presents to their chiefs.35 George Frederick and his half-brother Robert, like their father George, who was killed in 1800, were of mixed negro and Indian blood. They were first taken to Belize to receive some education,36 and next to Jamaica, where they were the objects of some atten- tion on the part of Lord Albemarle, the governor-gen- eral. George Frederick’s education was an indifferent one. In 1815 he was back in Belize to be crowned there at his own request, Chaplain Armstrong per- forming the ceremony, and his chiefs taking the oath of allegiance in regular form.37 He was then pro- claimed king of the Mosquito shore and nation, and a they were captured by Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mos- quitians, as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man crowned by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to wage a border warfare if his subjects were not forthwith returned. The president of Guatemala, for prudential reasons, had the prisoners sent back. Am. Cent., Reclam, de In- terven., 8. •“Altogether about 70,000 square miles. Strangeways' Mosq., 4—5. Lord Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit, represent, in Nueva Granada and Cent. Am., spoke of a coast line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to Mosq. Squier, Cent. Am., 029, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in length, and undefined breadth, have been claimed. 3i Capt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs expected higher marks of regard, but had to be contented with what they got. Hendersons Brit. Hond., 108, 204. 36 That was done, it is presumed, after the death of Stephen, George’s suc- cessor, who was ruling in 1807. The govt, at the time of their going to Be- lize, was in charge of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs, who divided the country into three separate departments. The first, extend- ing from Roman River, near Cape Honduras, to Patook, was intrusted to Gen. Robinson. The secoud, from Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and Duckwarra, including all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother of tlie late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from Brancmans to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under Don Carlos, called the governor. The three head chiefs had sub-governors. But the small colonies of Zambos, at Pearl Cay lagoon and Blewfields, could choose their own gov- ernors Roberts’ Narr. of Voy., 14G-7; Stout's Nic., 108-71. 3‘ A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a sword, and sceptre of mod- erate value had been provided tor the farce. The emblems of royalty were confided to the custody of Jack, an old negro, ‘who, with wise precaution, kept them carefully concealed.' Squier s Cent. Am., 040-1. KING GEORGE FREDERICK. 247 British war vessel conveyed him and his chiefs to Gracias d Dios.38 It seems that kingly life afforded him little or no satisfaction. Aware of his lack of qualifications, and fully sensible that he could not retrieve himself from vicious habits, especially from the bottle, which soon controlled him, his heart failed him, and his life became embittered.39 The British government at first manifested a friendly interest, sending him presents, and Chaplain Armstrong his advice ; but the latter was disregarded by the king and his chief minister, who often remarked that a present of rum would be more welcome. The instruc- tion on government was beyond his understanding, and looked on as falsehood. Such was the effect of his West India education in civilization. It has been asserted that lie was murdered in 1824. 40 Robert, his brother, succeeded, and was deposed, his successor beino- James, descended from an older branch of the family,41 who took the name of George Frederick. 38 Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good advice to guide him in his government. Arthurs Letter, in Mosq. Doc., 122-3; Disputes with Am., in Brit. Quart. Rev., xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon his swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had been to Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit, govt, his subjects refusing him recognition as their sovereign till he had done so. Bonnycastle's Sp. Am., i. 171-2. 39 He became a confirmed drunkard. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 148-9. 40 Some parties accused of the crime are said to have suffered death. 41 Georye Henderson’s British Honduras, London, 1S11, 8°, 236 p., is a diary of the author’s trip to and from the Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an interesting account of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with a map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and customs of the Mosquito Indians. Thomas Strangeways’ Sketch of the Mosquito Shore, Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The author, who calls himself a K. G. C., cap- tain of the first native Boyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique, Sir Gregor MacGregor, a historical preface, and a map of Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The book also contains a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special use of settlers. Peter F. Stout’s Nicaragua, Post, Present, and Future, Phila., 1S59, 12°. 372 p. With the exception of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on inter- oceanic communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is confined to the resources, history, and general features of Nicaragua, the chief object being to furnish a general description of the country rather than its history. The author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions between his country and Great Britain might be deemed by a subject of the latter not wholly impartial. Orlando W. Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excursions on the east coast, anil in the interior of Central America, Edinburgh, 1827, 16°, 302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am. showing the route from 248 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. Mosquito annals do not record what became of him. The next king was Robert Charles Frederick, who believing himself a real monarch, for and in consider- ation of abundant contributions of rum, to which he was much addicted, began to make large grants of land, some of which carried with them the rights of absolute sovereignty. Most of these grants were afterward cancelled, and the king was taken by the British authorities to Belize, and kept under control. He died there, leaving, in a so-called last will, dated in February 1840, to Superintendent Macdonald the regency of his dominions during the minority of his heir, the princess Inez Ann Frederick.42 Macdonald, whether as such regent or as an officer of the Brit- ish crown, appointed his private secretary, Patrick Walker, to reside at Blewfields, and have charge of the affairs of Mosquitia ; since which time the shore be- gan to assume much importance, at least in a political sense. Walker established a council of state, and soon opened a dispute about boundaries with the Central American states, giving rise to grave questions which occupied the attention of other governments, and of which I will treat later. Several attempts were made since the early days of the present century to colonize the Mosquito shore, the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and Leon, with an index and a preface hy Edward Irving, is a little book descrip- tive of the author’s journey up the San Juan River to Leon through Lake Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many years engaged among the Indians of Hond., Nic., and Costa R. His opportunities for ob- servation seem to have been good, and his manner of setting forth the infor- mation thus obtained is clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her govt and people he gives much that is really interesting and useful. R. H. Bo iiny castle’ s Spanish A ///erica, or a descriptive, historical, and geographical ac- ciu t of the dominions of Spain, London, 1878, 8°, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359, map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style, divided into two parts. The first treats of the iSpanish dominions in North America; the second of those in South America. Everything is treated in a cursory man- ner, and the part relating to Cent. Am. anil the isthmus of Panama is meagre and trifling. u More details in Sguier’s Cent. Am., 641-3; Mosquitolnnd, 31-3, 38-40, 47-50, 225-9; N/c. Nueva Discusion, 6; Crowe’s Gospel, 208-10; S. Juan, Ocup., 33-5, 45-9; Niles' Reg., lxiv. 130; Frisch, Staalvn von Mex. , 94; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 134, 140-1, 208-11. COLONIZATION FAILURES. 249 for which large tracts of land were granted. Among the most important was one made to the Scotchman Sir Gregor MacGregor,43 wlio soon after started a wild project, which later was known as the Poyais bubble, and ended, about 1823, disastrously for the dupes who had been drawn into it.44 In 1839 the British Central America Land Company of London made another experiment on the same place where MacGregor bad tried his, and it ended in failure.40 A German colony named Carlsruhe, near Blewfields, which was started about 1844, had to be abandoned in 1849 after losing about two thirds of the emigrants. The climate of the coast is moist, hotter than in the interior, and not as healthy. The greater part of the soil is fertile, and it may be said that the country possesses many natural elements of wealth.46 Blew- fields, the capital of Mosquitia, is on the river and lagoon of the same name. In the latter part of 1847 Blewfields and its dependencies had 599 inhabitants, of which 111 were white and 488 black,4' in two vil- lages, the larger, Blewfields, having 78 houses, and the lesser, Carlsruhe, 1G. Few of the houses were built of boards. One of this kind was then occupied by Walker, the British agent and consul-general, with whom the sovereign resided.48 On the 12th of August, 1841, Macdonald, superin- tendent of Belize, came to San Juan del Norte on the 43 At the court of Gracias d Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The grantee called himself ‘his Highness the cacique of Poyais,’ and claimed absolute dominion over the Poyer district on the extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tiuto. 44 The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of infantry and cavalry, a theatre and theatrical company, a band, and paper currency. Cro'oe’s Gospel, 207-8; Mosq.-Kiiste uml Texas, 28; Mosquitoland, 34— S; Quart. Rev., xxviii. 160-1; Eco, Hisp.-Am., July 31, 1860. 40 This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and was brought to ruin by a succession of calamities, including shipwrecks. Mosq.-Kiiste und Texas, 29- 33; Young's Mosq. Shore, 53-9, 65-71. 40 It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood, caoutchouc, and other val- uable trees, and is capable of producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most of the tropical staples. 47 Slavery was abolished in 1841. Kir. , Gaceta, Feb. 10, 1866. 48'ihere was neither church nor pastor in the place. S. Juan, Ocup., 13-15; Squiers Cent. Am., 661-2. 250 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. frigate Tweed, bringing with him the so-called king of the Mosquitos or Moscos. At the same time an armed sloop, under the Mosquito flag and commanded by Peter Shepherd, entered the port. The coman- dante and revenue officer, Lieutenant-colonel Quijano, went to see the commanding officers at Shepherd’s house, but was not received, on the plea that both the king and superintendent were unwell. An offi- cial letter from him was left unanswered. At last, the superintendent’s secretary, together with the cap- tain of the frigate and the king’s secretary, called on Quijano and told him that on the following day his letter would be answered, requiring his recognition of the Mosquito king as the ally of her Britannic Ma- jesty. Quijano refused, and his visitors retired. He reiterated his refusal in a letter to the superintend- ent, and in the name of his government solemnly pro- tested against his pretension, as wrell as against the insults inflicted on his country.43 He was finally notified that if he interfered with any British or Mosquito subject, both he and his government would be held responsible.00 The demands and insults of the British officers con- tinued until the loth, when they seized Quijano and carried him on board the frigate, intending to take him to Belize.51 The Nicaraguan government, in a note to British ATce-consul Foster, denounced the acts 49 Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of his visit to the coast had been to convey a message of H. B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the Mosquito nation, and to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to be enlightened by Quijano. He made further demands for a recognition of his demand, but the Nicaraguan official invariably returned a refusal. Mosquitoland, 29, 223-5; Niles' Reg., lxi. 98; lxii. (54, 275; lxiii. 19, 194; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 75, vol. x., 31st eong. 1st sess. ; Young’s Mosq. Shore, 3:5-4. An English writer says: ‘ This farce hardly seemed consistent with the dignity of a British officer, gov. of a settlement.’ Dunlop’s Trav., 215-16. Crowe, also an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act. Gospel, 212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt. Squier’s Travels, ii. 449; Nouv. Annales Voy., xciv. 251-2. 61 He was left on a desert island on the coast. Marure, Ijfem., 54; Montu - far, Reseila Hist., iii. 612. Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts known to the govt of Nic., alleging that he had been specially requested by many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was undoubtedly a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right to interfere with him. BRITISH INTERFERENCE. 251 of the British officials at Sail Juan as high-handed, accusing Macdonald of usurping the name of her Britannic Majesty in supposing her to be an ally of the so-called Mosquito king.52 The whole American continent became indignant at the British proceedings in San Juan. There was one exception, however, which must be classified as vile. Ferrera, jefe of Honduras, under the influence of the servile element of Guatemala, allied with Chatfield, recognized the Mosquito nation.53 Chatfield informed Nicaragua that the whole Cen- tral American territory lying between Cape Gracias a Bios and the mouth of the San Juan River belonged to the Mosquito king, without prejudice to other rights the king might have south of the San Juan.'4 In January 1848 two British war vessels occupied the port of San Juan without resistance, replacing the Nicaraguan officials by Englishmen as servants 62 Consul Chatfield claimed that Quijano was removed from Mosq. and not Nic. territory; that he had himself notified the govt of Cent. Am. of tho existence of the Mosq. nation, and that Great Britain would not look with indifference upon any usurpation of the territory of a monarch with whom she had close relations; that Spain had recognized the Mosq. nation when Prince Stephen visited San Salvador and Guatemala. His letter was dated Oct. 24, 1842. Further correspondence followed between Nic. and Chatfield without the former giving way to his pretensions. The whole correspond, may be seen in Mosq. Doc., 5-23; ATc., Cor. 1st, Sept. 26, 1S50; Montufar , liesena Hist., iv. 98-111. 52 In a treaty with Thomas Lowry Robinson, signed in Comayagua Dee. 16, 1843. Montufar, liesena Hist., iv. 112-14. The aristocrats of Guat. wanted a protectorate of Great Britain over Cent. Am., and it was believed in Nic. for a while that Costa R. had given way to the influence of Pavon, Chatfield, and J. J. Flores of Ecuador, and had accepted the scheme. Chat- iield having concluded, on the 26th of Nov., 1849, a treaty with Costa R., attempted on the strength of it, on the 1st of Dec., to dictate to Nic. He said that differences between Nic. and Costa R. must be amicably arranged in the understanding, that other means would not be looked on with indiffer- ence by Great Britain. 64 That was pursuant to orders from Lord Palmerston, in which for the first time a protectorate over the Mosquito shore was asserted by Great Brit- ain. Chatfield and Walker had claimed rights over the entire eastern coast, from Cape Honduras to Chiriqui Logoon, an extent of 700 miles, but Palmers- ton set the limits ‘from Cape Honduras down to the mouth of the river San Juan.’ Meantime the Nicaraguan authorities had obtained, Oct. 28, P'47, from the Princess Inez, believing her the heir of Robert Charles Frederick, a full recognition of the authority of Nic. over the shore of Mosq., and her com- mand to all interloping foreigners to leave the country. The British officials of course paid no heed to this arrangement. Squier's Cent. Am., 644-6; Sato., Gaceta, March 15, 1850. 252 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. of the Mosquito king, after doing which they sailed away; but no sooner had the intelligence reached the interior than a force was despatched to San Juan, which reoccupied the place and sent to the capital as prisoners the intruders.55 Whereupon the British returned in force in March 1848, and defeated the Nicaraguan detachment. Hostilities being further prosecuted, the Nicaraguans had to succumb before the superior power of their foe, and consented to an armistice, providing that they would not disturb San Juan, or attempt to reoccupy the port, pending the negotiations which must follow on these events. M Nicaragua, by her ablest diplomates, defended her rights to the disputed territory both in Europe and America, without obtaining a satisfactory” result, until the fears of Central Americans for the independence of their country were brought to an end by the Clayton- Bulwer treaty, otherwise called the Ship Canal con- vention, concluded at Washington between the United States and Great Britain on the 19th of April, 1850, by the first article of which neither power could occupy, fortify, colonize, nor exercise dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any other portion of Central American territory, nor make use of a protectorate in any form/7 Thus was this vexed question terminated, England resigning all her claims to the Mosquito Coast, and by a subsequent 50 Squier’s Travels, i. 7S-S0; Morelet , Voy., ii. 304; E ''mb. /'ey., no. 211, 144; Niles' He/., lxxiii. 273; Tucker’s Monroe Doctrine, 40-7, 52-4. 50 But the N icaraguans never relinquished their claim of sovereignty over the port, nor even by implication recognized the king of Mosquito. Nic., Manif. sol re Trot., 1-13; Castcllon, Doc. lid., 27-8; Nic., Doc. Dipl, 32-9; Guerrero, Manif., 1-7; Stout’s Nic., 27S; El Sijlo, Nov. 22, 1852; Nic., Gaceta Gob. Supr., Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 25, Dec. 2, 1S4S; Niles’ Beg., lxxiv. 100; Squier’s Cent. Am., G47 ; Id., Trav., i. 101-2. 5' The other articles refer to the construction of an interoceanic communi- cation, either in the form of a canal or of railroads, securing the neutrality of interoceanic ways. A n rials Brit. Lefts., 97-110, 239-41; Nic. , Nueva Discov., 1-44; Montufar, Besetia Hist., iv. 87-91; Costa B., Gaceta, March 4, 1854; Abbott's Mex. and U. S., 340-2; Molina, Bosq. Costa B., Ill; Polynesian, vi. 155-15; vii. 46; Nic. y Hand., Doc., 122-5; Am. Quart. Beg., iii. 310-13; Brit. Quart. Bcv., xeix. 237-70; El Nacional, July 31, 1S58; Nic., Seman Nic., Feb. 14, 1374; Hunt’s Mercian's’ Mag., xxiii. 109-11; Wells’ Walker’s Exped., 125-33; Caicedo, Lot. Am., 73-5. TREATIES. 253 treaty concluded at Managua on the 28tli of January, 18G0, known as the Zeledon-Wyke treaty, ceded to Nicaragua the protectorate absolutely.08 Since then Nicaragua has subjected the Mosquito Coast to a pre- fecto.50 Nevertheless, it is understood that the In- dian reserve is still ruled by a chief chosen by the natives, assisted by a council, which assembles at Blewfields; but subject to the supreme authority of the Nicaraguan government. Nicaragua, as soon as she assumed the position of an independent nation, hastened to open friendly relations with other powers.60 Spain made with the republic July 25, 1850, a treaty of friendship, com- merce, and navigation, the first and second articles of which fully recognize Nicaragua’s independence.61 Early efforts were made to arrange ecclesiastical affairs with the papal see, a concordat being finally concluded at Rome November 2, 1861. 62 With the other Central American states Nicaragua made treaties, which underwent from time to time alterations, as circumstances seemed to demand for her own or the general defence. Several of these will be made apparent in the course of my narrative. Nicaragua has endeavored to maintain cordial rela- 68 The local chief was prevailed on to accept this arrangement with a pen- sion of $5,000 a year, during ten years, that is to say, till 1870, payable by the suzerain, but the last chief died in 1804 or 1865, and Nic. lias never recog- nized his successor. Nic. , Oaceta, Dec. 23, 1865; Encyclop. Brit., xvii. 493; Nic., La Union, June 15, 1861; Hand. Gaceta, Feb. 20, 1861; Roclva, C6d. Nic., i. 118-27, 132; Belly, Nic., i. 297-301; Nic., Conv. Mosq. , 1-8; Pima Cate of (he Pac., 409-12. Further details on the Mosq. question, giving dip- lomatic correspondence and parliamentary discussions, in Hansard's Pari. Deb., cxlv. 1003-7; Annals Brit. Leqis., x. 129-41; also in U. S. Govt Doc., Ex., Sen. and House, which are too numerous to quote here; and likewise in U. S. Cony. Globe, 1855-6, 1857-8, 1859-60; Diario de Avisos, Apr. 24, 1857; Nic. , Boletin Ofic., Jan. 23, March 4, 1857. 09 Rocha, Cdd. Nic., ii. 21-2; Pan. Star and Herald, Mar. 26, 1884; Nic. , Mem. Bel., 1867, 3-12. 60 Autograph letters were exchanged in 1848, between Pres. Herrera of Mex. and Director Guerrero. Nic., Gaceta Gob. Supr., Sept. 16, 1848. 61 Ratified by Nic. March 21, 1851; Rocha, C6d. Nic., i. 99, 103; Nic., Tract, de Paz, etc., 1-13. 02 By Cardinal Antonelli, for the pope, and Fernando de Lorenzana for Nic. The treaty was published in the latter country as a law Aug 28, 1832. Nic., Gaceta Gob. Supr., Oct. 7, 1848; Rocha, C6d. Nic., i. 79, 132-7. 254 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. tions with her neighbors.63 The republic entered into friendly diplomatic relations with the powers of Europe and America, most of them having treaties of amity, commerce, and extradition of criminals. Its relations with the United States have generally been intimate, made so by considerations of neighborhood, business interests, and similarity of institutions, as well as by a mutual desire to forward the construction of a ship canal across Nicaraguan territory. They have been disturbed at times, however, while Nica- ragua was a transit route between the eastern states of the American union, and during the execution of schemes of American filibusters, such as those of Kinney and Walker. While the Mosquito question was pending between Nicaragua and Great Britain, circumstances were hastening a practical solution of it. An American company, acting under a Nicaraguan charter, opened a transit route for passengers through the state, begin- ning at San Juan del Norte, which place rapidly filled up with emigrants from the United States, who be- coming numerically predominant, met in a primary capacity and organized an independent government.64 After an indiscreet attempt on the part of a British commander to levy duties on an American steamer, which was disavowed by his government, the British protectorate over San Juan at last virtually ceased. The town and port remained under the direct control of the inhabitants, most of whom were Americans, as a free city.6j The prosperity of the place was retarded by a dispute with the persons into whose hands the 63 Full particulars will be found in Id., 137-43; Nic. Trat. etc. entre Nic. y Ilond., 1-8; Id., Gaceta, 1853-74, passim; Id., Col. Doc. y Acuerdm, 1850- 1872, passim; Id., Trat. con Costa if., 1-7; Costa if.. Inf. Del, 1876, 5-11; IS 78, 1; 1880, 3-4; Sail-., Gaceta, Aug. 12, 1853, Oct. 26, 1S76, March 21 to April 20, 1879, passim; Hie., Mens, del Presul., 1879, i.-v. 1-25; and nu- merous other authorities. 64 They first endeavored to regard the alleged Mosquito authority, but finally treated it as a mere fiction. Squiers Cent. Am., 652. *'•’ Municipal ordinances for the place which had now taken the name of Greytown. Ileichardt, Cent. Am., 241-6, 251; Munic. Ordinances, in Cent. Am. Affairs, no. 4, 1-10. ARBITRARY ACTS. £55 transit had fallen, which produced bitter feeling, and resulted in alleged insults to Solon Borland, United States minister to Nicaragua, whose belligerent in- stincts carried him away to interfere in matters which were foreign to his office. The sloop of war Cyane, Commander Hollins, was despatched by the American government to look into the case. Hollins assumed O a hostile attitude,66 made arrogant demands, and the latter not being complied with, he bombarded the town on the 13th of July, 1854, and landing a party of marines, burned it to the ground.6' This act has been generally condemned. The American govern- ment hardly contemplated it; but not having pun- ished Commander Hollins, it must bear the odium. Notwithstanding these difficulties, peaceable relations were not disturbed.68 Nicaragua also has treaties with Belgium, Italy, France, England, Peru, and other nations.63 66 He is said to have been acting under improper influences. Squier's Cent. Am., C53. 67 The town authorities had refused to pay an indemnity. This was the first direct aggression by the U. S. in Cent. America. Nic., Doc. Dip lorn. , 7-12; Costa II., Gaceta, June 17, 22, 29, 1S54; Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854; Tribune Aim., 1857, 31; U. S. Govt Doc., 33d cong. sess. 1, Sen. Doc. 8, vol. iv.; Doc. 85, vol. xii. ; 12C, xvi. 31 pp.; Id., H. Ex. Doc. 1, vol. i., pt ii., 385-6. 65 Leva, Nic., 335. Pablo Livy, Notas Geogrdjicas y Econdmicas sobre la Re - puhlica de Nicaragua, Paris, 1873, Roy. 8°, 627 pp. and map, is a treatise on Nicaragua and its inhabitants. Beginning with an historical resume of ancient and modern Nicaragua, it gives a review of the topography, climate, natural productions, government, people, and their institutions. The writer’s infor- mation on the country’s physical peculiarities may he set down as useful, though some deficiency is noted; but that on the political and administrative branches is unreliable, showing him to have had but little knowledge of Cen- tral American politics. He evidently had not the documents upon which to form a correct judgment. The question of a canal across the isthmus of Nic- aragua is also reviewed, and a resume of its history given. The last general treaty with the U. S. wras negotiated in 1837. There was also a convention for the extradition of criminals in 1871. Nic. has made arrangements to pay Am. claims against her, and on her part asked compensation for the damages caused by the bombardment of San Juan, which the Am. govt refused. Pe- rez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 18-19; Rocha, Cod. Nic., i. 93; Nic., Trot, de Amis- tad, etc., entre Nic. y los EE. U U ., 1-16; Son Juan del Norte, Las Cenizas, 1874, 1-12; Livy, Nic., 235-9; Salv., Diario Ojic., Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1878; Ber- ruel, Freres et Cie, Petition, 1-20; and a multitude of U. S. govt docs., and other papers. 69 Treaty with Belgium, May 18, 1858; with France, Apr. 11, 1859; with Gr. Britain, Feb. 11, 1860; with Italy, March 6, 1868; and a consular conven- tion made in 1872; with Peru, 1879. 7' rat. de AmUtad entre Nic. y la Belyica, 1-15; Id., entre Nic. y la Francia, 1-26; Nic., Ley. Emit., 11-30; Rocha, Cod. 256 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. A squabble occurred in 187G at Leon, in which the German consul and a Nicaraguan citizen were con- cerned, giving rise to a conflict between the German and Nicaraguan governments, the former making of it a casus belli, and demanding, backed by a naval force, a considerable sum of money.'0 The political situation in the interior of Nicaragua, during the winter of 1848-9, was anything but sat- isfactory to the lovers of peace. Parties were again venting their animosities. The leader Bernabe So- moza captured Rivas, and afterward became notorious for deeds of cruelty and robbery. Director Norberto Ramirez1 despatched there a strong force under J. T. Munoz. Somoza was defeated and captured at San Jorge on the 14th of June. “ Ramirez was succeeded by Jose Laureano Pineda in 1 85 1 ,‘3 against whom a revolt broke out August 4, 1851, having J. Trinidad Munoz for its leader. Pineda and his ministers Fran- cisco Castellon and F. Diaz Zapata were arrested. The plan failed, however. Leon, Munoz’ headquar- ters, was taken by government forces assisted by troops from Honduras, and Munoz surrendered.74 On the expiration of Pineda’s term in 1853, Chamorro became chief of the state, having been elected by the suffrages of the moderados. The new director was a O Nic., 106 — 18; Rouhmid, Ileyions Nouv., 365-86; Trot, de Armstead, etc., entre Nic. y S. J/. B. , 1-15; Annals Brit. Ley is., ix. 378-81; Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y el reino de Italia, 1-17; Convencion Consular entre Nic. y el reino de Italia, 1-19; Nic. , Gaceta, Sept. 7, 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1S72; Sale., Diario Ojic., Oct. 29, 1879. ‘“Damages for the injured Germans §30,000, and a fine of 88,000, besides the punishment of the official accused of insulting German dignity. Thus the superior force dictates unjust terms to the inferior. 71 His term began Apr. 1, 1849. 71 He was tried by court-martial, sentenced, and shot June 17th. Nic., Bo- ldin Ojic., June 15-28, July 4, 5, 12, 1849; Squier's Trav., i. 121, 166-72, 295-9; Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., no. 7. Munoz was rewarded with a gold medal, and the friends of the soldiers who perished received pensions. Rocha, C6d. Nic., i. 216-17. 13 Recognized by the assembly March 14th as duly elected. Nic., Cor. 1st., March 20, 1851; ElSiylo, March 28, 1851. 74 Nov. 10, 1851. Munoz had been declared a traitor and deprived of his military rank. He was allowed to leave Nic., and went to reside in Salv. Chamorro was made commander of the forces. Nic. Dec. y Acuerdos, 1851-3, 92-6, 116-18; Hond., Gaceta Ojic., Jan. 15, 1852. CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY 257 well meaning man, and hoped by pursuing a moderate course to allay party bickerings. But his political opponents, together with a portion of the military element, did not permit him to develop his policy in peace. The legislative assembly rejected, April 30, 1853, a provisional constitution which had been framed and published by the national constituent assembly on the 1 3th of October, 1852, 75 and at the same time declared the state to be independent and sovereign. This was followed on the 28th of February, 1854, by another decree of the state constituent assembly assuming for the state the title of Republica de Nicaragua, and giv- ing its executive the name of president.76 The coat of arms and flag of the new republic were decreed April 21, 18 54. 77 A constituent assembly, called on the 11th of De- cember, 1853, to meet on the 8th of January, 1854, for the purpose of framing a constitution for the republic, was installed on the 22d of that month.78 It continued its session without interruption, and on the 7th of April assumed, for urgent cases, the powers of an ordinary legislature, enacting that, in the event of a temporary vacancy in the office of president, his 15 A new constituent assembly was convoked May 13, 1853. Nic., Gaceta Ojic., May 28, 1853. 76 ‘ Se denoininara Repfiblica de Nicaragua.’ Rocha, C6d. Nic., i. 94-7; Costa , Gaceta, March 4. Apr. 1, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 7, 21, 1854; El Eco Hisp. -Am., May 15, 1854. 77 In a circle bordered on the inside with two sprigs of laurel, was a volcano with its base laved by the two oceans. In the upper part of the volcano was a civic crown with the words Libertad, Orden, Trabajo. Around the circle, Republica de Nicaragua. The national flag was given three horizontal stripes, the centre one white, with the coat of arms in the middle; the upper one yel- low, and the lower, ‘nacar,’ or light blue. Merchant vessels were to use the same flag, without the coat of arms, and had on the centre stripe Republica (l ■ Nicaragua, in golden letters. Rocha, Cod. Nic., i. 1G3. During the Walker regime, 1S5G-7, his flag had two blue stripes divided by a white one double the wi Itli of the blue, anil in the centre of the white a lone red star. Stewart's Filibusters, 12-13. 78 Among the members elected were Castellon, Jerez, Guerrero, diputados propietarios, and F. Diaz Zapata, supleute, from the western department. The govt reported them out of the state, having been expelled fot' their revo- lutionary attempts. The assembly on the 1 st of March declared them dis- qualified to take their seats. Nic. , Gaceta Ojic., March 4, 1854; Perez, Mem. IJUt. Rev. Nic., 12. Hist. Cent. Am., Yol. III. 17 REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA 25S duties should devolve on the member of the constitu- ent assembly called by him to assume them. Cha- morro was then chosen provisional president, to hold the office till the 1st of March, 1855. The new char- ter of the republic was sanctioned on the 30th of April,79 which was in force only in Granada and other towns acknowledging Chamorro’s government. The opposition of the liberals culminated in an at- |C3s§Ws iMO.b.QUjlfe eBrackmunl yffa'tjMisUi’a.Ji- ‘^Matagafpa V-J fLEON /Masaya RIVAS OR N I CARAT AfurcWofl- Nicaragua. 79It had 104 articles, and somewhat restricted the right of citizenship, created a single chamber, composed of an equal number of senators and rep- resentatives; priests were excluded from these positions. The terms of the president, senators, and representatives were to begin March 1, 1S55, and last four years. After the expulsion of the filibusters, a junta de gobierno, composed of the leading men of the two opposing parties, was established, which declared the constitution of 1838 in force, and a constituent assembly was convoked, its members being from among the best and most talented men of the republic. Id., 23-4; Me., Semannl Me., Apr. 17, 1873. The powers granted the executive, which were included in the fundamental law of 1854, though with the additional clause that when using them he should report the fact to the next legislature, greatly alarmed the opposition. Perez, Mem. Ilist. Rev. Me., 24. LONG AND BLOODY WAR. 259 tempt at revolution in Leon, promoted by Castellon,' Jerez, and Mariano Salazar. The government then residing at Managua defeated their plan for the time, and banished the leaders and a few of their influential followers.80 The exiles sought refuse in Salvador and Honduras, and with the favor of Cabanas, who was then on bad terms with Chamorro,81 obtained re- sources for a second attempt against the government of the latter. With a few men and a quantity of arms and ammunition, they went from Tigre Island to Realejo. The invaders were enthusiastically re- ceived, Leon, Chinandega, and immediate towns pro- claiming Castellon provisional director, which office he assumed June 11, 1854. 82 This was the beginning of a long and bloody war, which Salvador and Guate- mala vainly tried to avert.83 Chamorro approached Leon, but finding it had declared for Castellon, retired to Granada and fortified the place, sustaining afterward an irregular siege of several months from thrice the number of his force, under Jerez, till the early part of 1855. Castellon, meantime, gained possession of the republic, Granada excepted ; but the long siege of this town wrought a change in the feelings of the unstable people, and in a short time Chamorro or his party re- covered Managua, Masa.ya, and Rivas, after a series of bloody encounters. The siege of Granada was con- sequently raised.84 Even Chamorros death, which 80 In Nov. 1853. Id., 9-12; Guat., Gaceta, Dec. 16, 1853; Jan. 6, 1854; Snlv., Gaceta, Dec. 30, 1853; Hond., Bahtin Ofic., Dec. 5, 1853; Costa It., Bo- ldin Ofic., Dec. 15, 1853; Id., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 19, 24, 1853; Jan. 15, 30, 1854. 81 He thought Chamorro was evading the obligation of Nicaragua to aid Honduras with troops for the war with Guatemala. 82 His manifesto of June 12th was moderate in tone hut significant in its substance. It promised a liberal policy, and to reconstruct, if possible, the federal republic. Wells’ Ilond., 508-9; Belly, Nic., i. 268-70; El Rol, Oct. 6, 1854. 63 They tendered their mediation. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 67-75. 84 Early in Jan. 1855, J. Trinidad Munoz was made general-in-chief, Jerez having been disabled by a severe wound. El Rol, Feb. 9, 28, 1855; Costa R., Boldin Ofic., Feb. 28, 1855. The successes of the legitimist party — so called because of the motto on its colors, Legitimidad 6 muerte — were obtained by- Gen. Ponciano Corral and his subordinates, Chamorro being too ill for service in the field. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 30, 42-3, 108-20; Eco Hisp.-Am ., Apr. 30, 1855. REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. 260 occurred at this time,80 did not favor the democrats. He was succeeded by Jose Maria Estrada. Corral was the general-in-cliief of the legitimist forces, and was organizing at Masaya an army to capture Leon. The government had called the constituent assembly, which met on the 8th of April with only fourteen members, and on the 10th resolved that Estrada should retain the executive until a president should be chosen under the constitution. This greatly dis- pleased Corral, who had expected to be called to that position. He had his headquarters in Managua, and threatened to be revenged of the men who had slighted him.86 Meanwhile Munoz had gone to Honduras and re- turned with a small division of troops, the chief com- mand of both the democratic and Honduran forces being vested in him. By his advice Castellon ap- pointed Rosalie* Cortes and P. Aleman commissioners to ascertain the views of the legitimist chiefs with reference to peace negotiations. Estrada consented to receive Cortes, but not Aleman, and the former had interviews with him and his supporters, prevailing on them to enter into negotiations either in their official or private capacity. Munoz had authorized Cortes to tell Corral he wished to have a direct understand- ing with him.87 Cortes first saw Corral, and by his advice next had interviews with Estrada, Vega, and others, all of whom showed a willingness to treat for peace, and asked him to return to Leon, which he did, touching at Managua, where Corral assured him of his disposition to come to an understanding with Munoz. 85 In the hacienda of Quismapa, south of Granada, March 12, 1855. Cha- morro was a wealthy citizen, born in Granada. A brave, resolute man, firm iu sustaining his political principles, but lacking discrimination, and easily duped. Perez, Mem. Hint. Rev. Nic., 126; A stal/uniaya, Cent. Am., 67. 86 Perez, Mem. Hitt. Rev. Nic., 128, considered the act of the assembly as a serious blunder. e! His propositions were: Corral and himself were to constitute themselves a junta de gobierno, and direct public affairs until a constitutional president could be elected. If Corral objected to this arrangement, he, Mufioz, would recognize the legitimate government, provided Corral became the head of it. DEMOCRATS AND LEGITIMISTS. 2C1 The situation of the democrats was improved since the return of Munoz. That of the legitimists was not so good, but the rulers felt confident. By its moderate course the legitimist government was gain- ing favor in democratic towns. Estrada’s confidence was increased with the arrival of two foreign minis- ters accredited to his government.88 By this time Corral had an efficient division at Managua. His subordinate, Colonel Tomds Martinez, who in late years became president of the republic, not only cleared Nueva Segovia of Hondurans, but also occu- pied the town of San Mdrcos in Honduras. Lieu- tenant-colonel Andres Murillo obtained a victory over the democrats at Tecuaname on the 17th of May. A few days after — May 31st — Estrada’s government decreed an amnesty to all soldiers, from private to sergeant inclusive, presenting themselves within twenty days.89 On the 13th of June came two men who afterward were fatal to the legitimists, Santos Guardiola, and the clergyman Manuel Alcaine. The latter was a commissioner from Salvador to both bel- ligerents, and his efforts on behalf of peace had been favorably entertained by Castellon. Estrada listened to him, but did not accept his proposals.90 Alcaine went back to Leon, and reported that the legitimists were bent upon exterminating the democrats, and his statements were fully believed. All hope of bring- ing the war to an end by peaceful negotiations was now abandoned.91 88 Facundo Gofii from Spain, and John H. Wheeler from the U. S. Wheeler was cordially received in Granada, hut afterward was abhorred by the Nicaraguans. 89 Being too limited in its scope, the measure produced no good effect. 90 He had gone direct to Granada, saying nothing to Corral from Munoz, which made the former suspect that Munoz was deceiving him. 91 Ephraim George Squier, whose works I have often quoted, was born in Bethlehem, in the state of New York, June 17, 1821, and devoted most of his life to civil engineering, journalism, and the pursuit of science, winning for himself a distinguished name as an archaeologist and author. His first distinction was awarded him for his labors on the archaeology of the Missis- sippi Valley and the state of New York. Having been appointed in 1849 charge d'affaires to the states of Central America, he employed much of his time in gathering data upon those countries, which he afterward embodied in several books. In 1S53 he was engaged in the survey of a route across Hon- REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA. duras, and organized a company for the construction of an interoceanic rail- way. In 1SG3 and the following year he was employed by the U. S. govt as a commissioner in Peru for the adjustment of claims against that republic, and then devoted several months to the exploration of ancient monuments in that country. In 1808 he was for a time U. S. consul-gen. to Hond. He visited Europe several times both for pleasure and business. In addition to the works that will be herein enumerated, he contributed many papers on antiquities and other subjects to American and European scientific periodicals. The following list comprises his principal works, most of which have been translated into several languages: Monuments of the Mississippi Valley , being vol. i. of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; Aboriginal Monuments of the state of New Tori', in vol. ii. of the Smithsonian Contributions; Antiquities of the state of New York, with a supplement on the antiquities of the west; The Seipent Symbol, or Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in America; Waikna, or Adventures on the Mosquito Shore, under the pseudonym of Sam- uel A. Bard; Question A nglo-A rneiicaine; Report of the survey of the Honduras interoceanic railway; Monograph on authors who have written on the aborigi- nal languages of Central America; Tropical fibre# and their economic extrac- tion; Is cotton king? Sources of cotton supply; Incidents of Travel and Explo- rations in the land of the Incas. Other works of this author quoted in my volumes on Central America are: Notes on tire states of Honduras and Salva- dor, with maps and illustrations, which gives valuable data on those coun- tries. In treating of diplomatic relations he expatiates on manifest destiny and British intrigues, his conclusions not being probably palatable to the sub- jects of the British crown, and others disposed to oppose the absorption of more territory, or the exercise of exclusive influence by the U. S. The maps drawn by Hitchcock under Squier’s directions are the best that to that time had been published. Travels in Centred America, particularly in Nicaragua, N. Y., 1853, 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 424 and 452, maps and cuts, contains a descrip- tion of aboriginal movements and scenery, together with a concise account of the history, agricultural and other resources, of Nicaragua, the language, manners, and customs of the people, with illustrations of the principal build- i igs, towns, ports, etc. The work also describes at length the proposed canal route, setting forth its advantages. The author had every facility as U. S. charge d'affaires to obtain the most exact data, and used them conscientiously and with marked ability. Nicaragua, its people, scenery, monuments, and the proposed interoceanic canal, Lond., 1852, N. Y., 1850, 2 vol. This work is similar in all respects to — in fact a reprint of — Travels in Cent. Am. Another edition under the aforesaid title appeared in New York, 1800, 1 vol. of pp. 001, which with the exception of about 18 pp. in the append., and a few more illustrations, was similar to Trav. in Cent. Am. The States of Central America, N. Y., 1858, 8vo, p. 782, maps and illust. The author issued in 1S55, with the title of Notes on Central America, an 8vo vol. of 307 pages, with maps ami cuts, intended to serve as a basis for this more extensive oue, which treats of the physical peculiarities, population, productions, commerce, and other resources, political organization, aborigines, etc., of the country in general, and of the states separately, and also of Belize, the Bay islands, and -Mosquito shore. Squier was evidently conversant with his subject. The style is vivid and interesting, as well as instructive, and the statements, as a rule, worthy of acceptance. In his treatment of diplomatic affairs between Great Britain and Cent. Am., in which his own country was interested on the side of the latter, he espouses the Central American side with so much warmth as to awaken a suspicion that his judgment may have been warped by his patriotism. The question of an interoceanic railroad having engrossed public attention since the publication of this work the author felt justified in reproducing, under the title of Honduras, Lond., 1870, 12°, 278 pp., with a map, in a more compact and accessible form, a description of this country. 'With the exception of a fuller information on the route, and its alleged ad- vantages over all others, and an appendix relating to immigration, the con- BIBLIOGRAPHY. 2G3 tents of tlie hook have been fully treated in the bibliographical notice on the Stales of Cent. Am. Report to the Directors of the Honduras Interoceanic Railway, Lond., 185S, fob, 102 pp. and map. Fours years previously a preliminary report was pub- lished on this subject, and in 1857 another containing no additional informa- tion, but in the appendix were given further correspondence and the charter in full. The present work gives a complete report with all details, present- ing valuable statistics, and evidences of the feasibility of the proposed railway. Compendia de la Historia Politica de Centro- A inerica, Paris, 1856, 12°, pp. 7- 114, as the title implies, is an outline of the political history of Central America from 1821 to 1851, that is to say, a sketch of the revolution and struggle between republicans on one side and monarchists on the other, by which Central America was annexed to Mexico, and of the subsequent wars between the federalists and the oligarchs, which culminated in the destruction of the federation, and the ultimate rise to unrestricted power of the latter with Carrera as their chief as well as tool. Translation with notes of the letter of Don Dici/o de Palacio (1570) to the crown of Spain on the provinces of Guate- mala, San Salvador, etc., N. Y., 1860, sq.,80, pp. 132, is a report which in Span- ish bears the title of Carta diriyida al rcy de Espaha, and was addressed by Palacio, a member of the royal audiencia of Guatemala, to the king, giving an account of the ancient provinces of Guazacapan, Izalco, Cuzcatlan, and Chi- quimula, together with their languages, customs, and religion of their aborigi- nal inhabitants, and a description of the ruins of Copan. Palacio evidently collected this information by order of his sovereign, and showed himself an intelligent as well as a kindly, well-meaning man; somewhat superstitious, hut less so than most men of bis time. His narrative is both readable and instructive, and his description of the ruins of Copan extremely interesting, its correctness being established in after years by the accounts of Fuentes and Stephens. Squier added numerous and interesting notes, but his trans- lation is in places open to criticism, partly for erroneous meanings given to words, and partly for a not strict adherence to the spirit of the original. The book, though a beautiful specimen of typography, is disfigured with many misprints. Besides these I have in my library numerous valuable documents in manuscript relating to Central American history, from the earliest days after the Spanish conquest, which Mr Squier gathered from various sources and never published. A 1' ravers L’Amerique Centrale. Le Nicaragua ct le Canid Interocianiqne, Paris, 1867, 8°, 2 vol., maps, 427 and 480 pp., by Felix Belly, who was the director-general of a French canal company for opening a Nicaragua route. He was also a chevalier and a well-known writer. To him had been intrusted the task of obtaining a charter from Nicaragua for this canal, and with this object he visited Central America in 1858, obtained the charter, and made the necessary explorations for routes and resources. The delays and uncer- tainty of the undertaking caused Belly to visit the country more than once, and be thus became well acquainted with its resources, people, government, and institutions generally. This information he imparts in connection with the narrative of his journey and in articles, under the respective states, given in the first volume. The second volume is wholly devoted to the interoceanic projects, and particularly to a detailed history of his own canal scheme. The style is attractive, the observations clever, and the information excellent. A second edition, a reprint, appeared in 1870. Belly, Carte d’ eludes, etc., Paris, 1858, contains notes on the project of building a canal through Nicaragua, and the survey made for that purpose. Felix Belly, Durchhrucli der Americanis- chen Landenye. Kanal von Nicaragua. Ubersetzt. von Karl Schohel. Paris, 1859, 8°, 103 pp., one map, is the same as Carte d’ etudes. ... by Felix Belly, but enlarged with a few sketches of the country and people of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. CHAPTER XIII. REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA 1 840-1 8G5. President Rivera Paz — Carrera’s Course — Pretended Sedition — Disso- lution of the Assembly — A Consejo Constituyente Created — Car- rera Becomes President — Attempt against his Life — Revolt of Monterrosa— Carrera’s Despotism — The Republic Established — Relations with Other Powers — Revolution of the Mountain — Con- stituent Assembly Convened — Carrera’s Forced Resignation and Exile — Liberals Triumphant — Their Squabbles and Disintegration — The Moderado Party — Revolution of Los Altos — Intrigues of the Serviles — Presidencies of Martinez and Escobar — Causes of their Resignations— Paredes — Recall of Carrera — Deeds of Ven- geance— Carrera again President — Partial Restoration of Peace. Carrera had become so inflated by flattery that he actually believed himself able to govern upon instinct Guatemala, and even all Central America.1 He tried to shake oft* aristocratic control, and showed pugna- ciousness toward the assembly and the administrator of the diocese. Obedience not being in every instance given to his whims, he threatened, in August 1840, to resign the command of the troops, which he held with the rank of lieutenant-general." The aristocrats were much alarmed, and the assembly, in flattering terms, declined accepting the resignation. He now appeared in the roles of financier, political economist, and enemy of the nobles, presuming to dictate a policy for the protection of manufactures, agriculture, and other 1 At this time, in 1840, he could neither read nor write, and used, for ap- pending his signature, a stamp. Later he learned to sign his name. 2 He sent his resignation to the assembly, implying that it was conde- scension on his part to lay it before that body, as he owed his position directly to the votes of the people (264- REIGN OF DESPOTISM. 265 Interests. His displeasure with the nobles was be- cause he believed them hostile to the masses.3 They managed to mollify him, and he then contented him- self with issuing a long address, on the 9th of October, reiterating his anxiety for the general welfare, and remonstrating against the intrigues of his personal enemies.4 A reign of despotism was now established, which continued upwards of thirty years. Liberal laws were abrogated one after another, and retrogressive ones substituted, including a complete restoration to the clergy of the fueros they had been deprived of by the liberal cortes of Spain in 1820. Carrera’s enmity to the assembly became more apparent from day to day. He showed it by word, and by the press.5 He could not write a line, but others wrote for him, and printed articles appeared over his name.6 7 Jose Francisco Barrundia had returned from his exile, and had been chosen a deputy, but he resigned on the 11th of March, 1842, giving powerful reasons for his course.' Indeed, Barrundia would have been out of place in a body mostly made up of ultramontane priests, self-styled nobles, and reactionists. 3 He was wrathful at the thought that they had tendered a dictatorship to Morazan, and enlisted the Quezaltecs against himself. He did not forget Ri- vera Paz’ proclamations calling him a bandit and an antropdfayo. He asked for the meaning of this last word, and on being told it, tiew into a rage which threatened a repetition of the horrid scenes of Quezaltenango. Montufar, Be- sefia Hist., iii. 512. 4 He referred to Pavon, Batrcs, and Aycinena. It was evident that he then knew of Juan Fermin Aycinena ’s bargain in Madrid which made him marques de Aycinena. 5 His press was called Iinprenta del Ejercito. He had brought it from Quezaltenango. 6 Several deputies, under one pretext or another, tried to resign, but only the clergyman Lorenzana was permitted to do so. Tempsky’s Journey, 341-50. A man named Andrade slightly wounded Carrera in the evening of Aug. 8, 1841. He was murdered by the troops, and Carrera, with the assent of the govt, had the body quartered in the presence of hundreds of persons, and the pieces placed on exhibition at the city gates. The order for so doing was signed by Rivera Paz, and his minister Viteri, afterward bishop of Salvador. LI., 541-8; Gucit., Gac. Ofic., no. 22, 86-7; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 24S; Nouv. Annnks Voy., xcii. 375; Niles' Bey., lxi. 177. 7 He had promised, he said, to remain in private life. His voice would be unheeded. Without freedom or influence, he could no longer do the coun- try any good. ‘ Ningun pensamiento hay aeeptable en la critica complicacion de sus negocios, y en el movimiento retrogrado que se le ha dado.’ Montufar, Besefia Hist., iii. 528-9; Gac. de tialv., Oct. 12, 1854. 266 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. The treasury was so exhausted that the assembly had no means to pay its clerks. But the ecclesiastical coffers had an abundance of money from the tithes tax, and Carrera’s troops had to be paid, or he would resent the neglect. This was made evident in Sep- tember 1844. Rivera Paz, the president, with the utmost difficulties, managed to procure money for the pay of the soldiers from day to day; but for some reason unexplained, it did not reach them. Carrera found a way to secure his ends. He had a conference with some of his officers, and the result was that the battalion of regular troops revolted on the 20th, and sacked a number of shops, and the stalls in the market- place, getting an abundant supply and ruining several traders.8 Carrera then gathered his soldiers in the barracks, and in order to keep up appearances, the next day without much ado or any form of trial, had six men shot.9 Rivera Paz, finding his position unbearable, resigned it. The assembly accepted his resignation, to take effect after his successor should be appointed, and qualify. Carrera was chosen, but declined the office. Venancio Lopez and Bernardino Lemus, appointed in the order named, followed his example. Rivera Paz had to remain as nominal head of the government, Carrera being the actual ruler, whose demands clashed with the fiery-tempered Viteri, minister of state. They had a serious quarrel, which culminated in the arrest by Carrera, on the 7th of December, 1841, of Rivera Paz, together with Viteri and his subordinates.10 8 Rivera Paz did not escape insult; but not more than Carrera deemed needful to keep him humble. 9 The Gaceta, no. 173, mentioned that number. Others made it larger. The Indian chief Ricardo Catzum and others on their way to the place of exe- cution, in loud tones declared that they had only obeyed their general’s orders. 10 Carrera had threatened Viteri with ‘la fuerza,’ and the latter answered that he had on his side ‘la fuerza de la razon.’ Carrera understood this to mean cannons and muskets, and rushing out to the plaza came back soon after with troops and artillery, surrounded the government house — then oppo- site the Santa Rosa church — and furiously entered the building, demanding of Rivera Paz to show him his forces. Viteri then explained the meaning of fuerza de la razon. Montufar, lieseiln Hint. , iii. 536-7. Squier, Travels, ii. 443 describes something similar as done by Carrera to the assembly. SANGUINARY POLITICS. 267 But after explanations lie retired liis force, and calm was restored. On the refusal of Carrera to accept the presidency resigned by Rivera Paz, December 14, 1841, the councillor Venancio Lopez was called upon to assume the office.11 The lieutenant-general asked for a passport to leave Guatemala, his object being only to obtain more honors and money. His plan seems to have succeeded.12 Lopez gave up the pres- idency, and Rivera Paz for the third time, on the 14th of May, 1842, was appointed to fill it. The assembly adjourned on the 4th of November, 1843, to meet again on the 1st of April, 1844. But Carrera had resolved to suppress it, and pretending an intended seditious movement at Pinula, he had the supposed rebels fired upon, and the criminal farce ended with a simulated capitulation at Guadalupe on the 11th of March, 1844, by which the assembly was set aside, and a council of government was to take its place.13 The assembly was convoked, ratified its own dishonor, gave the government full power to regulate administrative affairs, and decreed its own dissolu- tion.14 The decree convoking members for the new council1'1 was issued on the 2Gth of April, and it was formally installed on the 8th of December, having among its members a number of liberals. Rivera Paz resigned the presidency,16 and Carrera was chosen his successor, assuming on the 11th of December an office that he had virtually controlled since the 13th of April, 1839. At the election of justices of the supreme court, the nobles were defeated.1' The consejo, or 11 Lopez was a Nicaraguan educated in Guat., an honorable man and an ac- complished jurist; but owing to bad health, personal habits, and other causes, was unfit for the executive office. 12 The assembly considered a bill granting him large tracts of land. 13 The constitution to be framed was to be ratified by the first subsequent council of double the no. of representatives. The doc. had 12 articles. Guat., Inf. Pavon, 2-5; Niles’ Reg., lxvi. 242. 11 On the 14th of March, 1844. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 114-16. 15 ‘Consejo constituyente ’ it was first called; afterward it adopted the name of ‘congreso constituyente.’ '“Being appointed early in 1849 corregidor of Jutiapa; wdiile on his way there he was murdered with others. IT They had counted on Carrera’s aid, and he failed them, for which they again at their secret conferences reapplied to him the name untropo/ago. 208 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. eongreso, as it had begun to call itself, became an ob- ject of bitter enmity on the part of the aristocrats and serviles; and Carreras overthrow was also contem- plated by them, pretending cooperation with the lib- erals for its accomplishment. The plan fell through before maturity, owing to distrust between the leaders of the two parties. Carrera was informed of his danger by the confession of a dying man, but never penetrated to the sources of the plot.18 During Car- rera’s absence from the capital on furlough in Feb- ruary 1845, Joaquin Duran occupying the executive chair, a revolt took place, headed by Monterrosa and an officer named Mendez, but not being seconded by the people, they entered into a capitulation with Duran to leave the city, on his solemnly pledging them that they would not be molested. They accordingly went out on the 5th as promised, and on the next day Sotero Carrera, A. Solares, and Vicente Cruz entered at the head of their respective forces. Carrera ar- rived afterward, and was received in triumph.19 At the expiration of his furlough Carrera reassumed the reigns of government. Joaquin Duran resigned the portfolio of treasury and war, being succeeded by Brigadier Geronimo Paiz. The state w as now virtually under the control of a triumvirate composed of Rafael and Sotero Carrera, and Paiz.20 The subsequent res- ignation of Minister Najera and appointment of Jose Antonio Azmitia inspired a little confidence.21 The 18 A number of persons were blindly persecuted, particularly Brigadier Monterrosa and his family. Barrundia, Rev. de los PaHklos, in Montufar, Re- seda Hist., iv. 6C2. 19 Duran’s pledges went for nothing. Blood and extermination ended the drama of Feb. 1845. Id., G03-9; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 244-7. 20 The most despotic captain-generals of the colonial period, without excep- ting the tyrant Bustamante, are not to be compared with these men. Bar- rundia, in trying to console the young men who bewailed the condition of the country, assured them that it was transitory, ‘un regimen salvaje en pleno tiiglo XIX. no puede ser perpetuo en la America independiente. La luz nos viene por el Norte y por el Sur; solo el centro esta en tinieblas, y esa noche lugubre no puede ser eterna.’ Montufar, Reseda Hist., v. 9. 21 Azmitia was an enlightened man, and thirsted for no one’s blood; but bis influence, outside of the foreign department, was small, and men, unheard and untried, were shot before his eyes, without his being able to prevent it. Ilia friends claimed, however, that through him Guat. was spared many more acta ol barbarity. CONSTITUTION AND CONGRESS 20S) constituent congress passed liberal laws, and issued a new constitution on the 16th of September, 1845, that did not suit the aristocrats, and they made it an ob- ject of ridicule and contempt.22 The congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month. Carrera had obtained another leave of absence, and Brigadier Vicente Cruz, the vice-president chosen by congress, assumed the executive office.23 The aristocrats kept a strict watch on Cruz, and breathed more freely when Carrera with his ministers Paiz and Azmitia were again at the head of the government. The succeed- ing congress on the 1st of February, 1846, rejected the constitution framed the previous year, and author- ized the government to call another constituent con- gress. This was the result, not only of aristocratic intrigue, but of violent threats on the part of Car- rera and his minions against all attempting to sanction the act of the ‘desorganizadores’ to undermine his 94. power. Carrera and Paiz, aided by Sotero Carrera, corre- gidor of La Antigua, now ruled supreme. Citizens had no protection unless they approved of every act. During the funeral services of Archbishop Casaus a plot was made to assassinate Carrera, which failed, and the conspirators were seized and tried. Those who had powerful friends were sent into exile ; the rest had to perish in the damp dungeons of the fort.25 Guatemala, in view of the political change resulting from the dissolution of the federal compact, decreed by her assembly, on the 14th of November, 1843, a 22 It consisted of 222 articles, and was drawn up at Quezaltenango; it came to nothing. Pineda de Mont., in Gnat., Recop. Ley., i. 8G. 23 Cruz had risen with Carrera, hut had a mild disposition, and was liberal- minded. He learned erelong that the people had nothing to expect from the aristocrats. 21 Barrundia left an account of all the proceedings. One man only, Jose Gandara, had the courage to back his convictions and vote for the constitu- tion. 23 The plan liau. been to shoot him as he came out of the cathedral. Dun- lop's Cent. Am., 248; Iris’ Espafl., Dec. 12, 1846. 270 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. new coat of arms for the state. ’6 On the 6th of April, 1857, the government was empowered to make in the coat of arms such changes as it might deem judicious, but preserving the inscription, Guatimaloe Respublica sub Dei Optimi Maximi protectione. The change was .decreed on the 31st of May, 1858. 27 A law of March 14, 1851, confirmed in that of May 31, 1858, establishes the national flag1.28 © The national independence of Guatemala was ere- long recognized by foreign powers, with which she opened diplomatic relations and made treaties.29 The formal recognition by Spain took place in the treaty of May 29, 1863, subsequently ratified by both gov- ernments. Guatemala has endeavored to maintain friendly relations with all. With the United States they have been quite cordial. During Carrera’s rule his government gave recognition to the imperial re- gime of Maximilian in Mexico.30 During the South American struggle between Chile on one side, and Peru and Bolivia on the other, Guatemala maintained herself neutral. She accepted in 1881 the invitation of the United States government to be represented 26 The arms to he those Cent. Am. used on the obverse side of her coin, but so arranged that the sun and volcanoes should be in the centre of a shield, with the inscription, Guatemala en Centro America, 15 de Setiembre de 1821, having in the quiver an olive crown. 27 A shield divided transversely into two quarters; the upper one on an open field azure with vertical bars argent; and the lower with three volcanoes on a light sky-blue field. Over the shield was a sun, and on each side of it two flags with the national colors displayed, and the extremities gathered downward, and knotted on the poles. On the right side of the shield is an oak bough, and on the left, one of laurel. On a white waving ribbon is the legend in golden letters, Guatimalse Respublica sub D. O. M. protectione. 28 The man-of-war flag has the coat of arms on the yellow stripe. The mercantile flag does not show the coat of arms. The flag consists of seven stripes; the uppermost and lowermost, or be it the 1st and 7th, blue; the 2d and 6th white; the 3d and 5th red; and the 4th, wdiicli is the centre one, yellow. Gunt., Recop. Ley., i. 55-8; Dublan and Lozano, Ijey. Mcx. , vi. 119- 20; Mex., Col. Ley. Orel. , 1850-1; i. 388-9; Mcx. , Ley., 1851, 307-9. New national flag decreed Aug. 17, 1871. Guat., Recop. L,eyes, Gob. Democ., i. 9. 29 With France, March 8, 1S48, and one for the settlement of French claims, Aug. 18, 1854; Costa R., March 10, 1848; G. Britain, Feb. 20, 1849; U. S., March 20, 1849; Belgium, Apr. 1849; Mex., Nov. 1S50; the pope, Oct. 7, 1852; Peru, 1857; and others in later times. 33 Crosby's Eventi in Cal., MS., 103. It tried to avoid entanglements in the questions then pending between Spain and Peru. The time came, how- ever, in 1875, when the govt was not afraid to make recognition of Cuba then in the throes of revolution for independence from Spain as a nation. REVOLUTION AND ROBBERY. 271 at a proposed American congress to be held in Wash- ington, but which did not take place. In that same year, owing to the maltreatment of a French citizen, a difficulty arose with France, but it was amicably settled, the French flag being saluted, and a pecuniary compensation allowed by Guatemala.31 On the 8th of April the official journal gave to the public a decree appointing Pedro Molina, Alejandro Marure, and J. M. Urruela a committee to frame a constitution for the new republic,82 a project of which they presented in due time; but, though conservative, the government would not adopt it.33 The self-styled nobles were delighted with their republic, and made it appear in the official paper that the people in the departments were equally so. But a scarcity of bread- stuffs, attributed by many to the contrivances of monopolists, created disturbances in some districts, alarming the government. Certain taxes were tem- porarily removed, and other measures wrnre adopted to alleviate tire distress.34 In May there was a revolutionary movement in Sacatepequez.35 Robbery and murder became of fre- quent occurrence in several departments. The gov- 31 Full particulars on the foreign relations may he found in Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 303-SI, 423-30; Id., Gob. Bern., i. 209-10; Sqiders Trav., ii. 451-2; Annals Bril. Legis., 18(56, 333; Guat., Gac., Feb. 21, March 7, May 3, 1850; July 29, 1853; Jan. 27, Apr. 7, 1854; Comm. Bel. Flagg’s Bept., i. 792; Bet-e- cho Intern. Mex. , 2d pt, 325-8; Mex., Mem. Bel., 1851, 10-1 1 ; Dublin and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 755-7; Nic. Corr. 1st., May 1, June 1, Aug. 1, 1849; Id., Gac. OJic., Feb. 25, 1854; Aug. 4, 1866; Costa B., Gac., Feb. 13, March 13, June 10, 1854; Salv., Gac., Jan. 13, 1854; Crosby's Events in Cal., MS., 90-5, 102-4; Bocka, C6d. Nic., i. 141-5; Salv., Diario OJic., Apr. 20, Sept. 9, 1875; Gnat., Mem.. Bel., 18S2, 26-7, and annex 8; An Estrella dc Occid., Dec. 2, 1864. 32 Molina accepted this trust believing Minister Azmitia, with whom the committee would have to treat directly, was a liberal; but Azmitia was not such, nor would the aristocrats have permitted him to control the situation. 33 Molina accepted, under the pressure of circumstances, a number of clauses opposed to his own opinions, thinking that a conservative constitution would be better than an unbridled dictatorship. 34 Some of the measures being imprudently executed only increased the trouble. To make matters worse, the monopoly of aguardiente in the depart- ments of Guat., Sacatepequez, Escuintla, and Amatitlan, was given to a single company, in consideration of money advances to the treasury. Carrera was supposed to share in the profits. 3 ’ The Indians rose against the ladinos, who deprived them of their lands, an l forced them to work at raising grain. REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. 272 ernment saw a serious revolution at hand, and made efforts to meet it. It tried, however, to show that the public peace was not disturbed.36 All measures to check the revolution were unavailing, and the pol- icy of the rulers of Salvador made the condition of affairs more alarming to Carrera and his supporters. Their political opponents now thought the overthrow of the tyrant was not far distant. His counsellors advised him to call a constituent congress, and pro- visionally place the executive office in the hands of Vice- president Cruz, to which he acceded. The de- cree for summoning the congress was issued, and Cruz assumed the presidency on the 25th of January.37 N ajcra and Azmitia retired, which indicated a change of policy. This greatly exercised the reactionists, and the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 4tli of February, urgently begged Carrera to resume his office, whereupon Cruz threw it up, and the former took the chair at once. He organized a new cab- inet,38 the personnel of which was a challenge to the whole liberal party, which thereby was roused to action. The first act of the government was to revoke the decree calling the constituent assembly. All hope of reform was now given up. The revolution went on, and notwithstanding occa- sional reverses made much headway, Serapio Cruz, a brother of the vice-president, and an estimable man and experienced soldier, taking sides with the mountaineers. The government was sinking under the weight of its depravity; and yet in those moments of despair, it struck a blow at its opponents. Molina was arrested on the 10th of May. A similar order was issued 36 ‘ La tranquilidad contimia inalterable. ’ Gual., Gac. Ofic., Aug. 14, 1S47. The archbishop was asked to instruct his priests to preacli obedience to the authorities and laws; and with the view of winning the good-will of the Do- minicans the govt restored them the large hacienda of Palencia, which had been theirs prior to 1829. The property had fallen into Carrera’s hands by donation from the government, and now, in order to restore it to the friars, it was bought from him at his own price. 37 Carrera’s decrees of Jan. 12 and 22, 1848. 38 Foreign relations, Jose Mariano Rodriguez; government, Luis Batres; treasury and war, Jose Najera. POLITICAL UNREST. 273 against Barrundia, but he escaped the clutches of the sbirri, first giving the government his mind in the Album, which publication was of course suppressed. 3:) Together with Molina were conveyed to the fort Jose Marino Vidaurre and the printer Luciano Luna. An order of the court of first instance, issued at the peti- tion of Molina’s wife, was treated with contempt by Palomo Valdez, acting comandante of the depart- ment, who merely said that Molina had been imprisoned upon a verbal order of the president. The prisoners were released after some time of suffering in the dun- geons of the fort. The Gaceta repeatedly contained abusive remarks against the republicans of France. The French consul demanded a retraction, and not being heeded, struck his flag and discontinued rela- tions with the government.40 The position of the government was daily becoming more untenable, when it concluded to call a constit- uent assembly, to begin its labors on the 15th of August.41 A scandalous occurrence took place a few days before the installation of the assembly, when the comandante, Palomo Valdez, violently arrested the deputy M. Pineda de Mont, who was released at the demand of that body, but the perpetrator of the act went unpunished. Carrera made known his intention to resign 42 on the installation of the assembly, and the insurgent chief Francisco Carrillo tendered his submission to that body. The liberals could not expect to elect any 39 His last words on that occasion were: ‘Queda al publico el sempiterno duo de la Revista y Gaceta, que daran solos la ley y seran la esclusiva ilustra- cion de Guatemala.’ MontuJ'ar , Resena Hist., v. 444; Salv., Oac., Oct. 12, 1854. It must be borne in mind that those two organs were edited by Pavon and Milla for the express purpose of upholding the ideas of the middle ages. 40 This affair was later settled, the assembly passing resolutions highly complimentary to France and her people, embodying also a desire to see the French flag again waving over the French consulate. A copy of the resolu- tions was transmitted to the consul. The flag waved again and was saluted with 21 guns. Montufar, Resena Hist., v. 577; Niks' Reg., lxxiv. 142-3, 415- 16; Nic., Gac. Gob. Suprem., Dec. 9, 1848; El Heraldo, Jan. 15, 1849. 41 The members were to be at the capital on the 1st of the month. Decree of May 24, 1848. Gnat., Recop. Ley., i. 121-36. 42 This was done by the advice of Batres, who told him the liberal party would soon commit suicide, and he might then return in triumph. IIist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 18 274 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. candidate of their own, and the reactionists, though having a working majority in the assembly, from motives of policy abstained from presenting one of their party; but they finally fixed upon a political nonentity, who was known to be in accord with Nufio and the revolutionists of Chiquimula, named Juan Antonio Martinez,43 believing that though a liberal he would not be antagonistic to their interests. The assembly was installed on the 15th of August with Pedro Molina presiding, when Carrera sent in three documents, one of which was his resignation,44 which was accepted, no attempt being made to detain him, as it was the general desire that he should leave the country.45 Martinez was appointed his successor.4" The new president kept Carrera’s officers in their commands.47 His appointment did not satisfy the chiefs of the revolution,48 and through commissioners they made known their demands, dated August 27th, in 18 articles.49 The government rejected them, but in a decree requiring their submission offered certain terms, which in their turn were not accepted, and the war went on. Colonel Nufio had made an arrangement with com- missioners Duenas and Angulo of Salvador for the O organization of Los Altos as a separate state. This 43 A merchant or agent; he was sickly, and totally unfit for the position. 44 The other two were his message on gen. affairs, and his greeting to the chamber on its installation. A Tic., One. Gob. Suprem., Sept. 16, 1848; Salv., Gac. Ofic., Sept. 9, 1876; Montvfar, Reseila Hist., v. 470, 494-508. 45 His proscription was decreed on the 13th of Oct., 1848. I teg. Cent. Am., Jan. 29, 1850. He went to Chiapa, and the Mexican govt was requested not to let him cross the frontier. El Siglo, Jan. 10, 1851. 46 This was an unmerited slight to Vice-president Cruz, which he resented afterward. 47 His ministers were Manuel J. Dardon of the govt; Jose M. Vidaurre of treasury and war, and Luis Molina of foreign relations. 48 Francisco Carrillo, Serapio Cruz, Roberto Reyes, J. D. Nufio, and A. Perez. 49 The chief being the convocation of a new constituent assembly; the recognition of Los Altos as independent, efforts to restore the Central Am. republic, and meantime Guat., Salv., and Los Altos, to be under one govt; the revolutionary army to hold the capital and other important points; Rafael and Sotero Carrera and their agents to make good with their property all damages caused by them to private persons; objectionable persons to be ban- ished, and the Brit, govt to be asked to recall Consul Chatfaeld. POLITICAL PARTIES. 275 roused the aristocrats, and their spokesman, Andre u, made such broad statements in the chamber that the president accused him of falsehood, and closed the discussion. The affair widened the breach among the liberals. Luis Molina now organized a third party, that took the name of moderado, most of whose mem- bers were from the liberal party and the latter was left an almost insignificant minority. The aristocratic party, albeit divided in appearance, was really united.50 " 'a«=3> o ^ \ l Q&j ’Wiusfuri' yv> H yor\'xm,,(:iilly affix’ .Solomai gSfer U -^fg< r>S' S3S, ‘'Salami £r j ®Gt)'ATEMALA *' Los Altos. They were aisquieted, however, by the attitute of Salvador in upholding the independence of Los Altos, which had been organized as a state;51 but did not despair of breaking up the friendship between the liberals and the government of Salvador.52 The aris- 60 Their only division was in open and covert serviles. 51 A provisional govt was established at Quezaltenango on the 5th of Sept., 1848, consisting of a triumvirate; namely, Presbyter Fernando Antonio Davila, Rafael de la Torre, and Jose Velazco, with Manuel J. Fuentes as secretary- gen. Id., 588-9; Guat., Gac., Sept. 22, 1848. 52 The nobles, aided by the clergy, surrounded the brothers Cruz, and Luis Molina undertook to dissuade Nuho, who was a very ignorant man. 276 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. tocrats set themselves to work to have a motion made by a liberal in the assembly for the confirmation of Carrera’s decree of March 21, 1847, to create the re- public of Guatemala. Such an act on the part of the liberals would alienate from them the support of the Salvadorans, and reduce them to a nullity. And yet Barrundia made the motion,53 and it was received with a shout of applause, and passed on the 14th of Sep- tember, with only two negative votes.54 This ratifi- cation was hailed with ringing of bells and salvos of artillery. The revolutionists of Los Altos being defeated at San Andres,55 were obliged to submit, but the situa- tion of the government was made precarious by the defeat of Nufio by the brothers Cruz, who approached the capital.56 Unable to negotiate peace, Martinez re- signed the executive office, and Jose Bernardo Escobar succeeded him on the 28th of November.5' The new president found all his plans antagonized by the aris- tocrats and moderados, and the clergy especially mis- trusted him and his ministers.53 He might easily have dissolved the assembly, but the act would have been repugnant to his principles. He concluded to retire, but his resignation was not accepted.59 Vicente Cruz demanded the surrender of the capital, offering security for life and property, a few persons only ex- 53 The necessity of procuring money for the war, which could not be had except from partisans of the oligarchs, prompted it, as they made that act of ratification a sine qua non before loosening their purse-strings. 51 Gitat., Col. Ley., i. 77-9; Monlufar, Resefia Hist., v. 584-5. Gdndara and Pineda da Mont, the other liberals trying to persuade themselves that the separation would be only temporary. 55 By Col M. Paredes. Guat., Gac., Sept. 22, 1848; Id., Col. Ley., 50-3; Kic., Gac. Gob. Suprern., Nov. 18, 25, Dec. 9, 1848; Montufar, Resefia Hist., v. 606-8, 634-9. “''The attempt to gain over Nufio to the side of the govt proving success- ful, he had been appointed eomandante general. On the other hand, Vice- president Vicente Cruz, smarting under the slight put upon him by the selection of Martinez for pres., joined his brother Serapio in his armed contest against the govt. Id., v. 555, 570-1, 588, 591. 57 Escobar was an orator, a true republican, and well disposed to deal fairly by all men, regardless of political affiliations. His ministers were Revd Narciso Monterey, of govt; Basilio Porras, of relations; Mariano Galvez Irungaray, of treasury; and Manuel Jonama, an old retired officer of Morazan, of war. 49 The two opposing parties had not yet lixed upon his successor. DEATH OF VICENTE CRUZ. 277 cepted.60 The negotiations for peace having failed, Escobar a second time sent in his resignation, and it was accepted, with marked disrespect oil the part of the serviles and moderados.61 Manuel Tejada was chosen president on the 30tli of December, and de- clined the honor. Mariano Paredes was then ap- pointed, on the 1st of January, 1849, and took the oath which had been prepared by Paredes, but he soon perjured himself, following explicitly the advice of Luis Batres, and thus becoming a tool of the aristo- crats to bring back Carrera to power.62 Arrangements were made with the mountaineers, under which Brig- adier Vicente Cruz, having recognized the govern- ment, entered Guatemala on the 9th of February ,63 It was noticed, however, that Serapio Cruz and other chiefs remained outside. The men of Agustin Perez afterward committed several murders, and Vicente Cruz went against and defeated them on the 20th of March, but while engaged in the pursuit was struck by a bullet in the chest and fell dead.64 Carrera was known to be on the frontier, and Batres undertook to obtain the assent of the chiefs of the mountain for his return. Not all of them assented, however, Serapio Cruz issuing a very sig- nificant manifesto. General Agustin Guzman, the loyal liberal leader, well understood Batres’ aims, and having a force at Huehuetenango made a move on Quezaltenango, defeating a large party of Indians, on 60 The Molinas and Arrivillagas, Vidaurre, Dardon, Barrundia, and Mar- tinez, who were held responsible for the blood already spilled. 61 A large number of official docs, connected with the last two administra- tion are given in Montufar, Rescna Hist., v. 593-601, 611, 622-44, 695-715. 62In forming his cabinet he slighted Luis Molina and his party. His ministers were Jose Mariano Rodriguez, Raymundo Arroyo, Jose M. Urruela, and Manuel Tejada. Arroyo was succeeded in Aug. by Pedro N. Arriaga, and Cerezo became min. of war. “The principal clauses were: the revolutionary forces to be incorporated with the army of the republic; Vicente Cerna to become general-in-chief of the army; elections of deputies to be made in unrepresented districts; dam- ages caused private parties by the army to be paid by the government. 64 The aristocrats made a great display of regret at his death, but it was well known that they did not love him. In eliminating him from the revo- lution, they had in view to weaken the latter, but still wanted it to continue as a means for Carrera’s return. 278 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. the way, at San Bartolomc. This move further com- plicated affairs, and Batres resolved to get rid of him by subterfuge.63 There were constant skirmishes on the frontier, Carrera having under him a considerable number of Indians.60 He finally reached Quezalte- nango, and the assembly empowered the government to institute measures for an active campaign.67 On the 13th of April, just ten years after the occupation of Guatemala by Carrera, his second entry had been an- nounced. Paredes swore to defend the city against Carrera,63 which oath he never intended to keep. Major Victor Zavala, corregidor and comandante of Suchitepequez, made common cause with Carrera.69 Paredes, by the advice of Luis Batres and against the wishes of the liberal and moderado leader's, opened negotiations with Carrera, which resulted in the sub- mission of the latter and his forces at Quezaltenango, whereupon it was decreed that all hostilities against him were to cease; the order forbidding his return was revoked, his rank of lieutenant-general was re- stored, and finally he was given the command-in-chief of the army. The compact between the oligarchy and 65 1’aredes made him believe the govt really intended to oppose Carrera. He also pledged the govt to protect Los Altos, and provide for the advance- ment of education and commerce in that region. Under such pledges Guz- man placed himself and his Quezaltecs at the service of the govt and pro- ceeded to the capital. Montufar, Reseila Hint., v. 709-71. 60 Jan. 24th he wrote the govt from Ayuto that he was on his march to the capital, not to avenge, he said, the insults heaped upon him by Martinez’ administration, or rake up by-gones, but to restore peace and justice. The assembly, before which his letter was laid, adopted no resolution. 67 To raise a foreign loan of one million dollars; to procure troops from other friendly states; and if necessary to remove the capital. After granting such power the assembly adjourned, leaving in the city a ‘ comision perina- nente.’ 68 His govt said that aid afforded to Carrera was treason under the decree of Oct. 18, 1848. Ministers Arroyo and Tejada in a manifesto assured the people of the government’s best efforts to defeat his projects. Hie., Gac., March 17, 1849. It is astonishing that an ignorant man like Paredes couhl so easily hoodwink Luis Molina and the rest. They soon opened their eyes to see the falseness of the man they had elevated from the command of a bat- talion to the chief magistracy, and who was on the point of consummating his treachery. Guzman saw through his plan, and escaped out of the city with a number of his Quezaltec officers and men, and succeeded in reaching Salva- dor. He first joined the mountaineers, and aided them to take Jutiapa, but on seeing the outrages of Leon Raymundo, he left them in disgust. M Zavala was connected by blood and marriage with supporters of Car- rera in the aristocratic clique. THE WAR OF 1850. 279 barbarism was consummated.'0 He assumed the com- mand on the 8th of August, and on that date and the 18th he issued proclamations conveying his purpose of restoring peace and order, and assuring the people that he was free from hatred.71 But the work of vengeance soon began. Efforts were made to convene the assembly with the object in view of arresting the liberal deputies who voted for Carrera’s proscription in 1848, 72 but many of them had fled, and only those remaining were confined in the fort by Carrera’s order without remonstrance on the part of the president. It is also said that some persons were shot. Such of the prisoners as did not crave Carrera’s pardon were forced to leave the country.73 The difference in the principles underlying the policy of the rulers of Guatemala and Salvador, and the bit- ter animosity existing between them, brought about a war in 1850, in which Salvador, Honduras, and the democrats of Nicaragua were allied against Guate- mala.'4 President Vasconcelos invaded Guatemala,7" 70 The first two decrees were of June 4th and 5th. His appointment to the chief command was on the 3d of Aug. A ric., Corr. 1st., July 1, Sept. 1. 1849; Montufar, Ttesena Hist., v. 779-80, 784-5. 71 He had come disposed to do his duty, he said. The ayuntamiento of Guat. on the 10th of Aug. gave a banquet in honor of Carrera. The corregi- dor presided, having on his right Paredes, and on the left Carrera. Guat., Gac., Aug. 23, 1849. 72 The comision permaneute had represented the danger to the govt before Carrera entered the city, and its representations remaining unheeded; it again on the 27th of July called the attention of the minister of government de- manding requisite protection for the representatives. See Andres Dardon’s letter in Montufar, Reseha Hist., v. 811-12. Barrundia had gone to Salv. Luis Molina was now defeated, and had to go away. He wished to visit San Salvador, but could not face Vasconce- los, and went to Ahuachapan. Ex-president Escobar, who, as president of the assembly, signed the proscription act of Oct. 13, 1848, died in exile, poor and miserable; the two subscribing secretaries were Manuel Irungaray, whom ( 'arrera caused to be shot some time afterward, and Lorenzo Montufar, the author and statesman. 74 Vasconcelos, president of Salv., Dec. 4, 1850, announced to his people that forces of Gautemala were about to invade the department of Sonsonate, with the view of inciting the inhabitants to rebel against their government. Again, Jan. 10, 1851, he sets forth the motives actuating the oligarchs, who had Carrera for their tool, and British Consul Chatfield for their ally, which were to destroy Central American liberties, and to domineer over the other sections. Cent. Am. Pamph., vi. nos. 2 and 3. 73 The objective point was the city of Guat., which the allies felt sure of capturing, to judge from the context of a letter from Duefias to Vasconcelos of Jan. 20, 1851. Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 17 280 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. at the head of an allied force of Salvadorans, Hondu- rans, and Nicaraguans, but seems to have met with a signal defeat at the hands of an inferior force under Carrera, near Arada, in Chiquimula, on the 2d of February, which compelled a precipitate retreat into Salvadoran territory.76 Carrera then marched across the line and established his headquarters in Santa Ana. This move demanded vigorous measures on © the part of Salvador for self-defence.77 Carrera wrote the government of Salvador Febru- ary 22d, that, understanding it wished to make peace, but hesitated to propose it because of the presence of Guatemalan troops in Salvador, he would recross the line, starting on the next day.7s Yet the war contin- ued, until a definitive treaty of peace between Guate- mala and Salvador was concluded at Guatemala on the 17th of August, 1853, and ratified by Guatemala on the 14th of September.'9 The civil strife raging in Guatemala led to differ- ences with Honduras, whose government was accused of favoring the rebels of the mountain. Recriminations and border raids ensued, which culminated in a three years’ war between the two countries, Guatemala aid- ing Guardiola and other enemies of Cabanas, the presi- 76 Carrera’s report from the field contained the following incredible result: a loss on the part of the confederates of 528 killed, 200 prisoners, 1,000 mus- kets, and 9,000 rounds of ammunition; while his casualties were only 20 killed and 42 wounded. That was probably one of his characteristic false- hoods. The Salvadoran minister called it ‘ desgracia sensible aunque pequeiia. ’ But Cerrera was promoted to be captain -general, and a memorial medal was struck in honor of his victory. Frisch, Die Stouten, 98; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 80-1; Salv., Mem. Sec. Gen., 1821-5. 77 Feb. 6th, martial law was proclaimed; 13th, all men capable of bearing arms were called into service; those failing to obey, or aiding the invaders, were declared traitors; 22d, the assembly decreed a forced loan of §20,000 monthly during the continuance of the war. Nic., Cor. 1st., March 13, 1851; Salv. Dccreto, in Cent. Am. Pamph., iv. no. 10. 78 He would return, however, if peaceful overtures were not made at once. Guat., Boletin de Noticing, March 1, 1851. 70 The commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon for Guatemala, and Francisco Zaldivar for Salvador. It was a treaty of amity and commerce, calling also for extradition of army deserters and common criminals upon formal demand for them. Political refugees were to he made to live at a considerable dis- tance from the frontier. Neither contracting party had to pay any pecuniary indemnity. Gnat., Recop. Ley., i. 431-3; Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 10, 1853; Jan. 30, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Aug. 5, 1853. REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT. 281 dent of Honduras, in their attempts to overthrow the latter.80 At last a treaty was concluded at Guatemala on the 13th of February, 1856, which the govern- ment of Guatemala ratified on the 5th of April.81 The victorious aristocrats now saw their opportu- nity to reorganize the government under a system more in accordance with their ideas; that is to say, investing the executive with power to crush revolu- tion. Paredes summoned the constituent assembly which had been called by Carrera’s decree of May 24, 1848, and it was installed on the 16th of August, 1851. This body on the 19th of October adopted a new constitution under the title of Acta Constitutiva de la Republica de Guatemala, containing 18 articles.82 fu Efforts were made by the sister states to avert a war, and even after it broke out Salvador continued her efforts. Preliminaries of peace had been agreed upon, and negotiations entered into at Cojutepeque by the two belliger- ents, Salvador acting as mediator at the conferences; but this effort also failed because the commissioner at the last moment presented an ultimatum which neither Salvador nor Honduras deemed just. Hond., Gaceta OJic., Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 30, Dec. 15, 1852; Id., Boldin Ofic., Oct. 13, Nov. 11, Dec. 5, 1853; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., i S ; Gnat. Gaceta, July 8 to Nov. 11, 1853, passim; Jan. 27, Feb. 24, Sept. 22, 1854; A He., Gaceta, Aug. 20, 1853; Feb. 28, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, Dec. 12, 1853; Jan. 7, 18, Feb. 24, March 4, 1854; El Rol, Oct. 13, 1854; Feb. 21, Marcli 7, 1855; Prelimin. de Paz, in Cent. Am. Pamph., i. no. 20; iv. no. 41. It seems from Guatemalan sources that the Hondurans invaded Guat., and were defeated at Atulapa July 12, 1853. Guat., Boletm de Noticias, Aug. 5, 1853. 81 The commissioners being Pedro de Aycinena, min. of foreign affairs of Guat., and Florencio Castillo for Hond. This treaty bound the contracting parties to surrender deserters from either army, and common criminals, when claimed. Political refugees were to be kept away from the frontier. No pecuniary indemnity was stipulated. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 433-G; Guat., Ga- ecta, Feb. 16, 1856. 8/1 Under this law the president was to be chosen for four years by a gen- eral assembly composed of the house of representatives, the archbishop, justices of the supreme court, and the members of the council of state. He might be reelected. Before being placed in possession of the executive office, he was to be sworn by the archbishop who presided, for the occasion, over the house of representatives. The executive was clothed with almost abso- lute powers, being authorized, among other things, to issue, in accord with the council of state, decrees having the force of law, to raise loans, declare war, make peace, ratify treaties, etc. In the event of his death or permanent disability, the executive duties devolved temporarily on the ministers in their order of seniority; and in default of them, on the members of the council; until the house of representatives, to be forthwith summoned, could meet and make a choice in general assembly. During temporary absences of the presi- dent, the government devolved on the council of ministers. The council of state was formed of the cabinet ministers, eight members chosen by the con- gress, and such others as the executive might appoint. They held office for 282 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. Another decree regulated the election of representa- tives of the church and other corporations in the national congress. S3 The constituent assembly having by the 18th ar- ticle of the acta reserved to itself the right of choosing the president for the constitutional term from January 1, 1852, to January 1, 1856, chose the only possible candidate, Rafael Carrera,84 who on the appointed day assumed the executive office. His reputation for courage, respect for the church, and other circum- stances secured a firm support to his administration. On the 21st of October, 1854, Carrera was proclaimed by a general junta of superior authorities president for life, 85 and the house of representatives on the 29th of January, 1855, passed an act exempting the presi- dent from all responsibility for the acts of his gov- ernment, and devolving it on his ministers.86 This four years and might be reelected. The following functionaries might also be called by the executive to take part in the deliberations and vote, namely: the archbishops, bishops sojourning in the capital, regente of the supreme court, president of the ecclesiastical chapter, rector of the university, prior of the consulado, president of the sociedad economica, and comandante general. The house of representatives consisted of 55 deputies elected for four years. The cabinet ministers had seats in the house, which was to open its session Nov. 25th, and close it Jan. 31st. The administration of justice was in- trusted to a supreme and lower courts. The former consisted of a regente, six justices, and one fiscal or attorney-general, all chosen by the congress for four years, one half being renewed every two years, but all might be reelected. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 79-87; Astaburuaya, Cent. Am., 181-2; El Siylo, Juno 18, 1S52; Squier's Cent. Am., 483. 63 Those of the judiciary, consulado, university, and sociedad economica. Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 140-50. 81 Salv. , Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1851. 8i This was the result of public meetings held in the departments by the garrisons, officials, and parish priests, at which it was made to appear that it was the will of the people that Carrera should be president for life, with the privilege of selecting his successor, and that other amendments should be made to the acta constitutiva, as permitted by its 15th art. It is understood that at the meeting of officials in the capital there was but one dissentient vote to the proposition. He had in a manifesto of June 22d expressed a weak objection to the proposed change, but it was evidently a preconcerted plan of the aristocrats and the military element. Guat., Gaceta, May 12 to Sept. 15, 1854, passim; Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 87-90; CostaR., Gaceta , July 1-29, 1854; Id., Boletin OJic., July 27, 1854; March 17, 1855; Carrera, Manif esto, in Cent. Am. Pamph., v. no. 21; Squicrs Cent. Am., 514. Carrera before this re- ceived honors from foreign governments; he was a knight grand cross of the papal order of St Gregory the Great; the same of the Mexican order of Guad- alupe; and knight commander of the Belgian order of Leopold. Guat., Ilecop. Ley., i. 90. ''“This amendment conferred still larger powers on the president, and CARRERA REX. 283 change was a near approach to the monarchical system, for which Carrera was supposed to have a decided penchant.87 Notwithstanding the strong power thus placed in his hands, a revolt at Quezaltenango the next year almost overthrew him, requiring the use of all his forces to defeat it, at the expense of much dis- aster and a large number of executions. It was only by great efforts that he succeeded, after so many years of warfare, in quieting the revolted mountaineers. This was accomplished only after peace had been signed with Honduras. His strong supporters, Man- uel Francisco Pavon and Luis Batres, died, the former in 1855, and the latter in 1862. 88 From this time, peace being finally restored, with only occasional and partial disturbances, the regime established with Carrera at its head was generally acquiesced in. The republic took an active part in the campaign against William Walker and his fili- busters in Nicaragua. The services rendered by its forces will appear in the description of the operations of that campaign in a separate chapter. The year 1863 was inaugurated with another bloody war with Salvador, the details and consequences of which will be treated elsewhere. It is sufficient to say here that Guatemalan arms were successful, and Carrera’s power became still more consolidated, and its supremacy was felt over the rest of Central Amer- ica. He ruled the country uninterruptedly till his made the term of the representatives, and of the councillors chosen by them, seven years instead of four. 8; As he had no knowledge of the science of government, the direct man- agement of public affairs was left to those supposed to possess it. Carrera did not govern ; he merely represented the unity of government. ‘ Sin embargo que su voluntad prevalecia en todo. ’ A stabunuuja, Cent. Am., 82. The reform in regard to the presidential tenure was personal, and exclusively in favor of Carrera. Thus at his death the constitutional provision was restored, the minister of relations, Pedro de Aycinena, assuming the reins, and at once summoning the legislative body, which was de facto and de jure a return to constitutional order. Pineda de Mont, Nota, in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 87. 8#The govt decreed that their portraits should be placed in the hall of the council of state. Pavon ’s widow, Victoria Zebadua, got a pension of $000 a year. Guat., Recop. Ley., ii. 638-9; iii. 351. 2S4 REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA. death early in April 18G5. The highest honors, civic, military, and ecclesiastic, were paid to his remains.83 Carrera died in the full conviction that he had been the instrument of providence in saving society and good order in Guatemala. He had been so assured by his supporters, and had come to believe it, in the face of the fact that he had been guilty of heinous crimes and was notoriously immoral.90 So die those who pass hence from the murderer’s gallows under the banner of the cross, and with priestly consolation. 89 The government, whose temporary chief was Pedro de Aycinena, as senior cabinet minister, decreed April 4th that the funeral should take place on the 17th at 9 a. M., the remains to be interred in the cathedral church. Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 351-2; Hie., Gaceta, Apr. 29, May G-20, 18G5. 9J It has been asserted that even his ministers trembled for their lives when Carrera was in his cups. Though they knew he would commit outrages, they often induced him to visit the departments, in order to have a little peace themselves. Salvador. CHAPTER XIY. REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR 1S39-1SG5 Malespin’s Acts — Lindo’s Coup d’Etat and Deposal — Jefe Guzman — Re- volt at Santa Ana — President Aguilar — The Bishop Expelled— Vitep.i’s Alliance with Malespin and Honduran Oligarchs — Presi- dent Vasconcelos — British Hostilities — Salvador’s Relations with Foreign Powers — San Martin’s Administration — Destruction of San Salvador — President Campo — Campaign against Walker in Nicaragua — Establishment of the Republic — Santin’s Overthrow — Presidency of Gerardo Barrios — War of Salvador and Honduras against Guatemala and Nicaragua — The Latter Victorious — Bar- rios Flight — Restoration of Peace — Duenas as President — Barrios’ Subsequent Return — His Capture and Surrender by Nicaragua— His Execution in San Salvador. The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at Zacateccluca on the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess reopened its session on the 2d of January, 1841, and on the 4th there was laid before it an address, signed by Colonel Francisco Malespin, ascomandante general, and his officers who took part in the revolt of Sep- tember 20th, spoken of elsewhere. In the document they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Cahas or his minister, or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to give security to the state, and sav6 themselves from impending destruction.1 This address was regarded by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin with the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to delib- erate upon public affairs. 1 They conclude offering to the assembly the : swords which aided to tri- umph in Guat. and Los Altos over the tyrant Morazan.’ (285j REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. 286 Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the grace of Malespin, could no longer brook that officers interference, and resigned,2 Juan Lindo being called to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly and chief magistrate of the state were both now under the sword of Malespin, which in its turn was con- trolled by Carrera of Guatemala. That body, on the 30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the state in future Repiiblica del Salvador.3 The second con- stitution of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of Feb- ruary.4 Under it the legislature had two chambers. Lindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant position, be- lieving himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting on Malespin’s support, on the 6th of November, 1841, with a coup d’etat he dissolved the chambers, because among its members were some friends of Morazan.5 His act caused much indignation in several towns, and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators, namely, J. V. Nuila, Lupario Tides, and Antonio Jose Canas, at San Vicente, resolved to restore con- stitutional order. The legislative body in consequence assembled there, and made a stirring address to the people, embodying the policy they intended to pursue.8 Lindo tried to justify his act of November 6th, but failed, and Senator Escolastico Marin was called to temporarily occupy the executive chair,' with author- 2 Canas, considering himself the only lawful executive, though set aside by the military on Sept. 20th, also made his resignation. 3 The decree greatly displeased the people, and had no effect. But it re- vealed the plot of the aristocrats of Gnat. They appointed commissioners to the diet of Cent. Am., who were to pretend that they favored a reformed union; but their real aim was an absolute separation. Marure, Efem., 54. 4 Its support was sworn to on the 11th of April. 3 In a proclamation he stated that the expelled senators and deputies were working to restore the order of affairs existing at the time of Morazan ’s de- parture. Hi3 suspicions were partially confirmed on Morazan appearing at La Union about the middle of Feb. 1842. Montufar , Jleseua Hist. , iv. G.V-4; Marure, Efem,, 54-5; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 74-5. “They promised to confine their action to only such objects as were of absolute necessity, namely, to rid the government of surrounding obstacles, make amendments or additions to the constitution, and pass such laws as would conduce to its development. After doing this they purposed to close their ordinary session, and await the election of the constitutional chief of the state. It would then be the proper time to deliberate upon calling a constit- uent assembly to review the constitution. 7 Cafias had been chosen on the 1st of Feb., but afterward resigned it. ARC’E, MARIN, GUZMAN. 2S7 ity to establish the state capital where most expedient.8 The government continued for the time being in San Vicente, and the people were called upon to choose a president of the state. Marin held the executive authority a few days only. He had been preceded by Pedro Arce, and was suc- ceeded by Juan Jose Guzman. The difficulties of the state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the conservative element, as shown in his decree of June 3, 1842, issued after hearing that Morazan was in Costa Rica, to cut off all relations with that state.9 He left the executive office in July, and resumed its duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation that he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the public peace. The two legislative chambers were installed at San Vicente on the 17th of September, and on the 20th counted the votes for president of the state. No can- didate having the requisite majority, Guzman was asked to continue provisionally in charge of the government. His inaugural address was a repetition of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing the con- servatives.10 But harmony was not long to prevail between Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose from the independent action of Salvador in granting an asylum to the remnants of Morazan’ s forces against the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though the final decree of admission contained some very severe clauses.11 Another cause of dissatisfaction His health was poor, and he died at the hacienda del Joco on the 24th of Feb., 1844. The assembly honored his memory in a special decree. Satv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; Montufar, Beseua Hist., iv. 509. 8 It was this govt that rejected Morazan’s proposals when he appeared at La Union. While appreciating his patriotic purposes, it could not disregard its obligations toward the other states. Hence, together with Malespin, it set the other govts in motion against Morazan, whom Malespin called ‘ el en- emigo comun.’ 9 Even private correspondence was forbidden. Postmasters had orders to deliver to governors of departments all letters received at their offices from Costa Rica. 10 His ideas were commended as ‘justas, sanas, salvadoras. ' Guat. Gac., Oct. 18, 1842 11 Even Malespin had favored the act of the govt; for though uncultured, 2SS REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. against Salvador was that Guzman would not muzzle the press. The independence of Guzman, and the disposition shown by Malespin not to be at all times a facile instrument of the aristocrats, prompted the lat- ter to promote an insurrection of the volcanenos of Santa Ana for their overthrow.12 Salvador, though under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a leaven of progression that made itself felt. The pub- lication of El Amigo del Pueblo was an evidence of this fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis Batres, and Chat- field, unable to compete with it in the field of discus- sion, demanded its suppression.13 Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld that journal, and Malespin would read it with satis- faction.11 Guatemala resolved at least to use coercion. Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa to favor the volcanenos in their rebellion.15 The cordial reception given in October to Colonel M. Quijans, commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to Salvador to negotiate a treaty of friendship and alli- he was a Salvadoran; and now that Morazan was dead, he began to listen to the advice of his more enlightened fellow-citizens, and to understand the Machiavelism of Ayeinena, Pavon, and their ally Chatfield. 12 J. J. Ayeinena repeatedly said that the revolt could not be quelled, and it were better to accede to the wishes of the volcanenos. This will explain the object of a doc. dated Oct. IS, 1S43, and published at Comayagua at the govt printiug-office under the signature of Manuel Jose Arce. The ex-president had taken advantage of an amnesty decree to return to Central America. He was now very old, but still ambitious of power. In that manifesto, addressed to the states of Cent. Am., he endeavors to demonstrate the necessity of their again uniting under one govt. He spoke of Guzman and Malespin trying to hold power for life; of intrigues to make the latter president, even if some of his opponents had to be shot; of abuses he had been subjected to; the war those men were planning, with the aid of Xic., against Guat. and Hond., on the false charge that Carrera intended to annex Salv. to Guat. He accused Malespin of atrocities, and yet praises Carrera, who placed Malespin in Salv. The full text of the manif. is in Montufar, Resena Hist., iv. 222-5. 13 The min. of state, Agustin Morales, reminded him that freedom of the press was a palladium of liberty in England, adding his surprise that her con- sal should want such a precious boon to disappear from Salvador. Chatfield threatened to refer the subject to his govt, and was told to do so, not failing to accompany the answers he had received. 14 The circulation of El Amirjo del Pueblo in Guat. was forbidden; but many numbers got out, and were read by artisans, students, officials. Chatfield often found it on his desk without knowing how it came there. 15 Several Salvadorans were murdered, and it was proved that the mur- derers had come from Jutiapa. The govt of Guat. pretended to have had no agency in these acts. REVOLUTION. 289 ance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took ad- vantage of Guzman’s absence at San Vicente, in the latter part of that month, to bring about a quarrel between him and Malespin. The latter at this time was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for him. Viteri had directed his clergy to abstain from interference in political affairs, and yet he preached against Morazan and those who had banished Arch- bishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez16 was viru- lent, declaring that the ecclesiastieal authority would never be under the civil, and threatening the people that the priests would abandon them to suffer from plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued their iniquitous hostility to the church.1' The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Male- spin supported Fray Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated from the pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guz- man, at the same time bestowing much praise on Carrera. The result was an order from Guzman, then at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as a prisoner. The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the order, demanding an escort, as he wished to end the insults to the church by himself leaving the state. Malespin tried to dissuade him from his purpose, and he grew more energetic. 1S A great tumult ensued one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and Vazquez received an ovation from the rabble of La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries of “Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los impfos !” 10 In later years he was bishop of Panama, but much toneil down. 17 El Amitjo del Pueblo invited him to discuss public questions, but not from the pulpit, where he could not be answered. Vazquez did not heed it, and went on with his wrathful sermons. 16 In his letter of Dec. 5th, he uses these words: ‘Jorge de Viteri no sera obispo de farsa, ni permanecera jamas en un suelo, en que lapotestad liumana coarte las amplias facultades que le conceden, y de que le hacen responsable los sagrados canones.’ The correspondence, and his secretary’s address to the people, are given in Id., 351-4, 373. Hist. Cent. Am., Voe. III. 19 290 REPUBLIC OP SALVADOR. Malespin went off to Sftn Miguel, and had some violent correspondence with the president; the latter threatened to expose his intrigues if he did not forth- with depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin.19 Guzman’s downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala and Honduras. In Comayagua it was celebrated with salvos of artillery. After Maiespin’s return to San Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were banished, and the Amigo del Pueblo was suppressed. The executive office, by Guzman’s abandonment of it, went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the vice-president. The two chambers of the assembly opened their ses- sion on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential candidate having a constitutional majority, the assem- bly chose Malespin president, and he assumed his new duties on the 5th of February, after reading before the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on his great love for law, justice, and peace. It would have sounded well from the lips of a liberal, and it is barely possible that Malespin expressed his sentiments at that moment. But his education, his habits, and the fatal influence of the men that swayed him, con- stantly took him out of the right path. As he was under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country must go back to the da}*s of obscurantism. The effects of it were soon made patent.20 The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the opponents of his theocratic ideas, and in bringing about a change in the government; in fact, everything had been conceded him, and his influence was paramount. And yet he was not satisfied He would have the Salvadorans believe him a deity, but they arrived at 19 The president blamed him for leaving the capital at a time of disturb- ance. He, on his part, demanded the government’s return to S. Salv. to attend to the bishop’s complaints. He accused the president, in a manifesto, of attempting to disturb the public peace. The ecclesiastical fueros were restored; the govt was authorized to allow monasteries established, and the bishop to demand the aid of the secular arm to enforce his orders in ecclesiastical affairs. This last act was, however, issued, as it appears, with much reluctance, judging from the number of restrictive clauses in it. A VILLANOUS PRELATE. 291 the conclusion that by a great fatality their first bishop had turned out to be a pernicious revolutionist. In connection with the general history of Central America, I have given the principal events of Salva- dor down to 1845, when, under the treaty of Sensenti, after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras, the state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Ma- lespin. With the discontinuance of the war there was no need of raising further loans; the military estab- lishment was reduced to a minimum, and the authori- ties and people hastened to restore the constitutional regime ; to which end elections of senators and depu- ties were at once had, in order that the assembly should meet on the 15tli of January, 1846, for the term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who had charge of the executive authority, would expire on the 1st of February.21 On this date he surrendered the office to Senator Fermin Palacios. The assembly did not meet till four days after. The presidential election did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of any one, and the assembly then appointed Eugenio Aguilar.22 The president was a good Christian, and attended with regularity to his religious duties as a catholic; and yet Viteri called him a heretic; the reason of it beum that Aguilar was a stickler for a constitutional government of the people, and the bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented the fiction that the president had the intention of exiling him; he had the people in the wards of Candelaria. San Estevan, and Calvario told that their bishop was to be sent out of the country in the night of the 11th of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people when he assured them that Aguilar and others23 were 21 Guzman had waged war against Malespin, not for his own aggrandize- ment, but to do away with arbitrary rule, and to restore the authority of the constitution. This being accomplished, he resolved to return to private life. 22 A physician by profession, and a modest, honorable citizen, actuated by the purest motives; an excellent family man and friend; but unfortunately, as events showed, he was weak when firmness and resolution were demanded to uphold his position. Aguilar, in his later years, after losing his wife, was ordained as a priest. 23 Eustaquio Cuellar, J. M. San Martin, J. M. Zelaya, the clergyman, Isidro Menendez, and Indalecio Cordero. 292 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. at the bottom of it. His report made a commotion though not quite so great a one as he had expected. Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the plot to repeat with him what had been done with Archbishop Casans, in 18 29. 24 Aguilar was greatly surprised, and believing that with a few words he could convince the bishop of his error, that same after- noon paid the prelate a visit. He found a large concourse of people, before whom the charge was reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was ac- cepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief guard-house reenforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain scattered to their homes the crowds in the streets; but a considerable number of men ran into the episcopal residence. That night, several persons representing Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar’s resignation. The president meekly assured them of his willingness to retire to private life rather than be the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought Aguilar wras vanquished, but he had not counted on the determination of other Salvadorans to uphold the laws and the government. Quiet w'as restored for the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight unmolested. The next day there was much rioting, and an attempt failed to release the prisoners in the jail.25 The rioters were finally defeated, and the bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the blood shed at his instigation.26 Aguilar again, after the people had upheld his authority, showed the weak- ness of his character in placing the executive office in 21 He hinted that he had power to annex the state to the archdiocese of < uat. The text of his letter is in Montufar, Resefla Hint., v. 54-5. 2j The officer Anjelino, sent to reenforce the guard of the jail, was way- laid, and nearly murdered, and in that condition taken to the bishop’s house, where the bishop abused him by word of mouth, and turned him over to the rabble, by whom he was stabbed, beaten, and kicked. He was, however, rescued by the priest M. Serrano, and taken back into the bishop's house These facts were testified to by Anjelino, in the criminal prosecution of Viteri. '-G Nie., Rer/istr') OJic., 330; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 249-50; Iris Esp., Oct. 3, 1S46. A WEAK EXECUTIVE. 293 the hands of Senator Palacios; which emboldened Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further trouble. He issued a pastoral on the lGth of July, printed in his own house, which reiterated the accusa- tion against the president, and other matters; that pastoral27 was fatal to his views, for the people of Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The president, in a long manifesto, explained his conduct, and issued a decree to enforce the articles of the penal code against ecclesiastics who made use of their min- isterial office to promote political disturbances.28 The bishop, condemned by public opinion, lied to Guate- mala, and the president then on the 29th revoked a decree of Palacios of July 12th, and ordered Viteri not to return to Salvadoran territory. Peace and order prevailed after Viteri’s departure, and the people again devoted themselves to their usual vocations. But the bishop managed with Ma- lespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding the treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in Salvador.29 Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Sal- vador, whereupon orders were given to send troops after him.30 Viteri who had once excommunicated Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that he was destined by divine providence to defend the religion and rights of the people of Salvador, which had been infamously abused and usurped by their government. Malespin preached religion, and acted like the famous king of the Huns. But his prestige was gone, and at Dulce Nornbre de la Palma he met with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce 27 It is given in full in Montufar, Rexeiia Hist., v. 70-4. 28 The decree was dated July 27, 1846, and referred to articles 210-13 304-9. 29 The Salvadoran govt published a decree against seditious persons from Hond. Nic., Registro OJic., 272-3. The authorities of Hond. solemnly prom- ised that Viteri should not he allowed to reside near the Salv. frontier; but the promise went for nothing; Viteri and Malespin being aided from that state. They found material assistance in Nacaome, Tegucigalpa, Sensenti, and Guarita. Guardiola’s note of Aug. 31, 1846, to the min.-gen. of Salv., in Id., v. 87, 254-7. 37 His decree of Feb. 23, and pastoral of June 10, 1845. ‘294 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. Nombre de Marfa, a town twelve miles from the Hon- duran frontier, and invited ATteri to join liim ; but that worthy sent him his blessing, and would not ex- pose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was defeated again by eight hundred men under General Nicolas Angulo, and lied into Honduras, leaving arms and ammunition. Efforts were made to induce the people of Santa Ana to join Ignacio Malespin ; but the bishop’s letters to rouse them availed but little. He found no favor among the volcanenos, and on his way along the coast to reach Santiago Nonualco was captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his accomplices.31 Francisco Malespin was killed at San Fernando, near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off his head, and carrying it as a trophy to San Salvador.32 Bishop Ariteri in 1847 went to reside in Nicaragua, becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he was subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing worthy of mention occurred within the state in 1847. The Salvador government now represented the liberal party in Central America, and devoted its attention to education, arts, and industries. The presidential term under the constitution being only of two years, elections were orderly effected, and the assembly opened its session on the 25th of January, 1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon his duties on the 7th of February, 1848.33 In a con- ciliatory address he eschewed all spirit of partisanship, tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace, justice, and 31 His execution left a bad impression in the public mind. Ignacio Male- spin had been a friend of Morazan, served with him in 1840, and was one of the heroes of the capture of Guatemala as well as of the subsequent escape, lie was gentle, kind, and sociable, and but for Viteri’s influence never would have joined the revolution. He ought to have been spared. The women of San Salvador, both old and young, pleaded for a commutation of his sentence, but the govt was relentless. 32 The head was for some time exposed in an iron cage, to the disgust of the community. It was finally delivered to the family for interment. 33 He obtained 13,22*2 votes out of a total of 19,215. Being governor of San Vicente, where he was exceedingly popular, he could not, under the con- stitution, be a candidate in that department. PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS. 295 union.34 For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him. Indeed, his government and Carrera’s could not exist so near each other. The aristocrats well knew he was not to be won over to their side, as well a? the diffi- culties they must work against to undermine his popu- larity But they looked for early success from internal dissension and other sources.30 Aguilar’s ad- ministration had refused to recognize the republic of Guatemala, and Vasconcelos’ could do no less.36 The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guate- mala in pursuit of insurgents, against which Vascon- celos remonstrated, and satisfaction was given and accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy of expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was then in the throes of revolution from which he ex- pected to see the Central American nation spring into a second life ; but he was mistaken in the means he employed. A few proclamations, written in Guate- mala by well-known persons, and appearing in the name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of the independence of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as Vas- concelos wanted.37 Not that he expected to see an absolute equality of the state, but that there should not be such differences as existed under the constitu- tion of 1824. He believed himself supported, arid steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin, 34 Vasconcelos had been a friend of Morazan, and prominent in Guat. at the time the liberal party was divided into ministerialists and oppositionists. 3,1 Chattield’s pressure against Hond. and Nic. inspired them with hopes. Vasconcelos was a partisan ol Central American unification for various reasons, not the least of which was that of checking the preposterous claims of the Brit, agent. This explains the origin of future questions between Chatfield and Pavon on one side, and Vasconcelos on the other. In 1849, the latter was made to appear before the other states as an innate foe of Guat., whose debasement and destruction he strove for. The govt of Salv. gave explana- tions on its course denying the charges. Montufar, Rosei'ia Hist., v. 801-8. 30 Even Lindo of Hond., a militant in the reactionary ranks of Guat., though acknowledging the republic, did so with the proviso that Hond. left intact and in force Guatemala’s engagements and duties toward other states as regarded the reestablishment of a gen. govt. Guardiola’s note of Aug. 10, 1847, to min. of relations of Guat., in Id., 2o0. 31 He favored the restoration of the state of Los Altos, in order to divide the power of Guat., and counted on the cooperation or Guatemalan liberals; hut the spirit of provincialism was strong with them, and a large portion opposed him. 296 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOP carrying down with him the whole liberal party of Central America. Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states - -Guatemala, Salvador, and Los Altos — which once consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras would doubt- lessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the same. This idea had no opposition before the revo- lution of August 1848, in Guatemala. Vasconcelos received many offers of support to prosecute his plan. He accordingly instructed Dueiias and General Angulo to enter into arrangements with General Nufio of Chiquimula, and made every possible effort to force Carrera’s resignation on the 15th of August, 1848; but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding themselves of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Du- enas was sent there with ample powers for the organi- zation of a republic of Central America, but he was slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay in Guatemala, a decree was enacted on the 14th of September, 1848, according to which that state was declared a sovereign nation and independent repub- lic.38 Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed as he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic- people, was still under the influence of the old colonial traditions. He as well as his people looked with admiration at the greatness of the United States of America, but lacked the courage to emulate their example. The United States had no official church, but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado Ignacio Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the re- call of Bishop Viteri, the appointment of another pre- late, and the conclusion of a concordat.39 His mission was so far successful that on the 3d of July, 1848, Tomds Miguel Pineda y Zaldana was preconizated as bishop of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given the administration of the diocese of Salvador, with 38 It was bitterly censured by the leading liberals of Salv., Nic., and ilond., and not a few of those of Guat., such as Pineda Mont and Rivera Cabcras. 39 Gomez was a Salvadoran, educated abroad, and well versed in political economy and literature. BRITISH INTERMEDDLING. 297 the right of succession. The news of this appoint- ment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos errone- ously expected to have a support in the new prelate,40 when there was more likelihood of his coinciding with Pavon and his confreres. Indeed, Zaldaha, from his greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than Viteri. The legislative chambers met on the 5th of Febru- ary, 1849. The president’s term would end with the beginning of 1850, and there could be no reelection under the constitution.41 But Vasconcelos’ friends in- sisted on his being reelected, necessitating an amend- ment of the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition obtained an act of the assembly permitting the reelec- tion.42 This was an unfortunate move, as it divided the liberal party, and encouraged Duehas, who wanted the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means of attaining it, to redouble his manuoevres, even though he must call to his aid Carrera and Luis Batres. In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel with the British chargfi d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting from alleged claims preferred by him with his usual haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his. Vas- concelos’ government looked on these claims as un- just, and refused them recognition. Chatfield then caused the blockading by a naval force of La Union, the port from which Salvador derived the greater 40 He committed au error in supposing that Zaldafia would care more for him and his party than for Archbishop Garcia Rclaez, who was influenced by Canon Larrazabal, the mouthpiece of Guatemalan aristocracy. 41 The following is a brief synopsis of the constitution: No ecclesiastic or military man in active service could hold any civil oflice. Congress consisted of the house of representatives, chosen annually, and the senate, elected one half every second year; it met on tire 1st of Jan. of each year, and its sessions were limited to 40 days. The president must not he under 32 years of age nor over 60; must have been a resident of the state for the five years preced- ing the election, and own property within the state worth at least $8,000. He had to receive an absolute majority of votes; otherwise congress should choose one of the two candidates having the largest number of votes. Term of office two years, without the privilege of two terms in succession. 42 Felix Quiroz was chosen his substitute. Air. , Cor. 1st., Feb. 16, March 7, 1850; Costa R., Gaceta Gob., March 2, 1850. Art. 44 of the constitution, prohibiting reelections, was revived by an act of Feb. 25, 1851. Cent. Am. Pa.nph. , iv. no. 20. REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR 298 portion of her revenue.43 Unable to resist, her gov- ernment agreed on the 12th of November, 1849, to acknowledge the indebtedness, and make provision for its payment. The blockade was then raised.44 But this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield and the Salvador government. On the Gth of August he made peremptory demands,45 coupled with a menace that if not complied with at once the coasts of the state would be blockaded by British war ships then coming to act under his instructions. The government of Sal- vador did not comply with the demands,46 and on the 16th of October port La Union was blockaded by the British ship Champion, whose commander notified the authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction were not given for the insults to the British flag, the blockade would be extended to the whole coast, another vessel being despatched to Acajutla to enforce it. No satisfaction having been given as demanded, that menace was carried out. The difficulties remained unsettled in the latter part of February 1851, though the British war vessels had retired.4. But they were subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With the exception of these troubles, and the repeated differ- ences with the other states of Central America, Salva- 43 The minister of foreign affairs, in his annual report to the Salvador assembly, Jan. 29, 1850, speaking of Chatfield’s course, says: ‘ Desatenciones, violencias, bloqueos; he aqui las relaciones y conducta que ha observado el Sr. consul ingles.’ Salv., Mem. Rev., 1S50, 5. 41 The British had also seized, with Tiger Island belonging to Hond., several isles of Salvador in the gulf of Fonseca. Salv., Gaceta., May 17, 1S50; Nm., Cor. 1st., Dec. 1, 1S49; Guat., Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1849; U. S. Govt Doc., 31st cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doc., 2(5-99. 40 Immediate fulfilment of the convention of Nov. 12, 1849; and a formal contradiction in a note to him of all accusations in official organs of the Sal- vador government against Great Britain and her officials. 4>iIt offered to submit the questions at issue to the arbitration of the U. S. or any of their agents, or to accept some other device that might promise an im- partial decision. The note making the offer, dated Aug. 17th, was sent to Chatfield by special courier, but he refused to receive it because it had not been transmitted through the hands of Idfgoras, the Brit, consular agent at Sail Salvador. Nic., Cor. 1st., Sept. 5, 26, Nov. 7, 21, 1850; Salv., Gaceta, Aug. 23, Sept. 6, 1850; Gnat., Gaceta, Nov. 16, 1850; Cent. Am. Paraph., vi. no. 7; El Projeso, Sept. 5, 1850. 41 Salv., Mem. Relaciones, 1851. The blockade was removed at the friendly mediation of the American and Prussian consuls and others. Nic. , Co - 1st., March 20, 1851. MULTIPLIED HOSTILITIES. 299 dor has maintained friendly relations with foreign powers, most of which have treaties with her on terms satisfactory to all concerned.48 Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving peace within the state than in forcing Guatemala to abandon the policy she had adopted of maintaining an absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neigh- bor’s territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the previous chapter, he was worsted, which roused pop- ular indignation against him, followed by a revolt, and his deposal by congress.49 On the 1st of March, the substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the executive chair, and did so.50 The president for the constitutional term 1852-3 was Francisco Duenas, who succeeded in settling the differences existing between Salvador and Guatemala. A serious disagreement having occurred between Salvador and Honduras, leading to hostilities, the government of Guatemala, then at war with Hon- duras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of Duenas, who apprehended an invasion.51 Toward the end of this term Jose Maria de San Martin was chosen for the next. The state now returned in peace 48 Besides arrangements with sister states, the republic maintained treaties of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Belgium, the U. S., France, Great Britain, Spain, Germany, and nearly all the nations of America. A concordat on ecclesiastical affairs was concluded with the pope in 18G2. Squier’s Cent. Am., 313; Cent. Am., Miscel. Doc., 48; Costa It., Boletin Ojlc., March 7, 1855; El Rol, Oct. 27, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; Nic., Cor. 1st., March 21, 1S5J; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 17, IS. .6; Salv., Gaceta, .March 8, Apr. 12, 1850; Aug. 5, 12, Nov. 25, 1853; Id., Diario OJic., Feb. 24, 1875; Id. , Conmrdato , 1-20; La ferriere de Paris a Guat., 319 -37 ; A minis Brit. Lerjis., 18GG, 334; Mcx. , Mem. Bel., 1878, 7, 11, 45-54, 119; U. S. Govt Doc., 43d cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 112,pt2,79G, 821 ; Id., 4Sth cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 236 7. 43 Congress was installed Feb. 18th, and one of the first acts of the house of deputies was to pass an act of impeachment against Vasconcelos, and the senate constituted itself as a court to try him upon the charge of violation of the constitution. On the 22d of February, pleading not guilty, he demanded atrial. The result was against him. Salv., Sen. y Cam. de Dip.... a sus comit., in Cent. Am. Parr.ph., vi. no. 9; Vasconcelos al Sen., in hi., no. 13. 50 During Vasconcelos’ absence the office had been in charge of Senator Francisco Dueflas. "1 Thus we see that Dueiias, whose wont it was while he was working for popularity to use energetic language on behalf of liberalism, now that he has reached the goal of his ambition, changes his tune and calls fertile assistance of Carrera against Honduras. Jlond., Gaceta OJic., June 10, 1853. 300 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. to its interior affairs, adopting important improve- ments.52 There were not wanting, however, some attempts to disturb the public peace, which were for- tunately defeated. But the country became at that time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera, scarcity of food resulting from a visitation of locusts, and an earthquake which destroyed San Salvador on the 10th of April, 1854, 53 in consequence of which the capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it remained for some time. Rafael Campo and Francisco Duenas were elected president and vice-president, respectively, for the en- suing term of 1856-7 ; and the latter being in charge of the executive office in January 1856, in Campo’s absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nica- ragua in her struggle with Walker’s filibusters. Campo despatched reenforcements in 1857, the Sal- vador forces being under command of General Gerardo Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond Leon,54 but undertook to arrange the internal affairs of Nicaragua, convoking a junta de notables, which pro- claimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no effect, however. The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free 62 Public education was duly attended to, new codes and ordinances im- planted to render more regular the national administration. 53 This was the seventh time the capital was destroyed; the previous ones being in 1575, 1593, 1025, 1656, 1798, and 1S39; none of these, however, were to be compared in violence with the one of 1S54. It had been supposed at first that at least one fourth of the population had been buried under the ruins, but it was subsequently ascertained that the number of killed did not exceed one hundred, and of wounded fifty; among the latter were the bishop, Duenas, and a daughter of Pres. San Martin. The wells and fountains were filled up or made dry. The cathedral and other churches were greatly dam- aged; the college of the Asuncion and the university building were ruined. Only a few dwelling-houses remained standing, and all were rendered un- inhabitable. Money was raised by subscription for the benefit of the destitute, the government of Guat. sending a donation of $5,000. Pineda de Mont, Kota, in Guat. Recop. Ley., iii. 349-50; Squier’s Cent. Am., 304-7, 350; Sale., Gaceta, May 26, 1854; Id., Diario Ofic., Jan. 26, 1875; El Rol, Dec. 1, 1854; Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 28, May 19, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, June 10, July 29, 1S54; Packet Intelligencer, June 17, 1854. The city and about 20 surrounding towns were destroyed March 19, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 8, 1873; El Porvenir, Apr. 6, May 11, 25, 1873; Hie., Gaceta, Apr. 5, 1873. 34 Campo on the 10th of May, 1857, warmly congratulated his fellow-citi- zens on the end of the campaign in Nic. when the news came of Walker’s sur- render. Hie. , Roletin Ojic., May 28, 1857. CAMPO AND BARRIOS. 301 and independent nation, under the name of Repiiblica del Salvador.50 This act was confirmed March 19, 18G4, by the national constituent congress. General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers of the expedition deserted in June from Leon. Barrios sent troops after them, and they were arrested in Sal- vador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where they told President Campo that Barrios had invited them to make a revolution against his government. They were set at liberty on the 8th. Barrios landed at La Libertad with his forces on the 6tli, and marched to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo he had occupied that place to defeat the revolutionary schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent him to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200 men. On the 11th Barrios, together with his officers, made a pronunciamiento to depose Campo and call Lueiias to the presidency.56 The president on the 12th called troops to the support of his government, placed San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial law, and declared all acts emanating from the vice- president void. But it seems that the latter refused to lend himself to Barrios’ plan, but on the contrary, supported Campo.07 Barrios himself submitted.58 Campo’s successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo. This president’s tenure of office was of short duration. In 1858 a coup d’etat of Barrios, then a senator, 65 Am. Cyclop., xiv. 611; La Nation, Apr. 14, 1857. The Salvador flag is required to he 4 varas in length, with horizontal stripes, five blue and four white, the uppermost and lowermost being blue; and a red union with 14 white stars, covering a space up and down equivalent to that occupied by the four upper stripes, and to the extent of 1§ varas. The flag-staff is 20 varas high, exhibiting the same arrangement of colors as the flag. 66 On the 10th Barrios and a committee of officers had demanded of Campo that tlie troops should be ordered to Cojutepeque to receive thanks for their services, adding that a dissolution of the force implied distrust of the general. Campo disregarded this, an l also a number of propositions from Barrios, re- iterating his order for the disbandment. 67 Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 75-6, assures us it was so, highly commending Duefias. The president was supported by public opinion, and many of the officers that had taken part in the pronunciamiento afterward tendered him their services. Guat., Boktin de Noticias, June 18, 1857. 58 ‘No liizo otra cosa que rendir la espada ante la autoridad de Campo. ’ Perez, Alcm. Hist. Rcc. Nic. , 2d pt, 214. 332 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. in which he was aided by the vice-president Guzman, his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly, sitting from January 17 to February 12, 1859, the sanction of his coup d’etat, as well as the constitu- tional amendments that he had not been able to carry through legally during Santin’s rule, namely, to extend the presidential term from two to six years, and that of the deputies from two to four years.59 The year 1859 was one of restlessness, engendered partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin’s friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states, and partly by Barrios’ efforts to secure his own elec- tion to the presidency, in which he was successful. In August 1859 the existing disagreements between Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of refugees from the former, were brought to an end through the mediation of Guatemala.60 The republic seemed to have attained a compara- tively stable condition at the incoming of 1860. Bar- rios had been elected president, and recognized as such by the assembly.61 He concluded in 1862 to hold diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who un- der the constitution of Honduras was entitled to occupy the executive chair of that state at the death 59 One half of the deputies were to he renewed every two years. The assembly was to meet biennially. Salv., Diario OJic., Feb. 21, 1875. 69 Convention concluded Aug. 9, 1859, between Guat. and Hond. to recog- nize the constitutional authority established in Salvador, and to repress any attempt to disturb it. Hond. declared herself disposed to keep the peace with Salv., and Guat. guaranteed reciprocity on the part of the latter. This convention was ratified by Carrera, Sept. 20, 1859, and by Barrios and his minister M. Irungaray, Sept. 30th, the same year. Guat., liecop. Ley., i. 439- 43. 61 In his inaugural address, Feb. 1, 1860, he promised a conservative policy: ‘ Orden progreso, libertad bien entendida .... La par y el orden en el interior, 1 1 amistad con los estados vecinos. ’ Barrios, Discurso, 6-7. But, as it will be shown, his policy both in the interior and in regard to the other states of < 'ent. Am. met with disastrous results from the animosity it engendered. He had had himself made a captain-general, and was accused by his enemies of inordinate vanity, insincerity, fondness for unrestricted power, and luke- warm patriotism; and finally came to be looked upon as a disturber of the peace for his own aggrandizement. He accepted, without leave of the a isembly, a decoration tendered him by the king of Sardinia. Nic. , Cap. Gen. Bariios, 3-14; Arriola, Rep. del Salv., 2. INVASION OF SANTA ANA. 303 of President Guardiola, and was favored by public opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was uphold- ing Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty of alliance, both defensive and offensive, was entered into between Salvador and this vice-president,62 which displeased Carrera; he demanded explanations, and they were given him.63 The latter found an excuse to pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an oath of allegiance to the government,64 which they refused to do, Bishop Pineda y Zaldaha and a num- ber of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where they were honorably received. Barrios was accused in the official journal of setting aside the conservative policy promised at his inauguration.65 An expedition, under Colonel Saenz, believed to have been aided by Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Viva la re- ligion! Ariva el obispo! and took the city, but were soon driven away by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed any connection with this affair. Some time after came Maximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing a plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, with the intention of inviting Guatemala and Costa Pica to join them; but the project failed because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into the arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded Pres- ident Alartinez of Nicaragua from the scheme. The Guatemalan government was preparing for war against Salvador, and succeeded in winning the cooper- 62 May 13, 18G2. Nic., Boletin OJic., July 19, 1862. 63 Barrios was said to entertain the plan of partitioning Hond., which was not effected because of Carrera’s disapproval ; but the murder of Guardiola had afforded him an opportunity to harness Hond. to his car. He was like- wise accused of scheming with the aid of Maximo Jerez to control Nic. Barrios, El por que de la caida, 3-4; Nic., Gaceta, March 23, May 23, June 6, 1863. Barrios claimed that he was striving to secure the rights of Salva- dor, supporting at the same time the patriotic aims of the Nicaraguan liberals to establish a government in their country. 64 The Capuchin friars had also been expelled. 63 The course of the Salvadoran govt was not to the pope’s liking. Arriola, Rey. del Salv., 2. However, the bishop, at papal suggestion, offered to return to his diocese, and was told there had never been any objection to his exercise of episcopal functions. Barrios, Prod, d los Pueblos, 1-8. 304 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. ation of Martinez.68 Honduras, being an ally of Salva- dor, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera to make a revolt in several departments against the gov- ernment of Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hos- tilities. Friends of peace, among them the American and British representatives, mediated, but all was of no avail.6. The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular in Guatemala, where the people of late years had been enjoying peace and prosperity, and feared a recurrence of the former desolations. But their ruler was prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by the fear that the alliance of the latter with Jarez would endanger conservatism, and consequently his own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at one blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was called by the oligarchs.83 He invaded Salvador w ith a large force, a proclamation preceding him to inform the people that the war would be against Barrios and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy vic- tory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios was entrenched. He was repulsed with such heavy losses63 that he had to retreat to his own capital, which he entered March 6th at the head of only 3,000 men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He fitted out another army, and started upon a second campaign that should be decisive'0 against Salvador and Honduras, the latter having espoused Barrios’ cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained a battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of April, against a united force of Jerez' partisans and 60 A treaty of alliance was concluded with him by Samayoa and Duenas, noth Salvador refugees, acting for Guat. 67 Notes of E. 0. Crosby. U. S. minister, Feb. 2, 1S63, and Geo. B. Mathew, Brit, minister, Feb. 8, 1S63, to I’edro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs of Guat. Barrios' Manifiesto, 44-52. 68 ‘ II ne vit dans cette derniere lutte qu’un duel d’homme h homme. ‘ Belly, Le Nicaragua, i. 118-19. This was on the 24th of Feb., 1863. Salv., Dario Ofic., Apr. 8, 1S76; Belly, A Trav. VArru Cent., 119-20. Barrios, in his Manifiesto, 32, asserts that his own force was 4,000 men, and Carrera’s 6,500. 70 The army was in three divisions, two of which were under generals Zavala and Cruz. OFFICE-SEEKERS WAR. 305 Salvadorans.71 Moreover, Honduras was invaded by 800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salva- doran and Honduran troops were defeated7'2 by the allied Guatemalans and Nicaraguans, on the plains of Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in the greater part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming Duenas provisional president, who organized a gov- ernment at Sonsonate.73 Intrigues were successfully brought into play upon several Salvadoran command- ers to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to aid his enemies.74 One of those officers was General Santiago Gonzalez, commanding the troops at Santa Ana during Barrios’ temporary absence at San Salva- dor. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of June, telling the soldiers that a similar movement had taken place the previous day at the capital, and Barrios was a prisoner, and his government dissolved. On discovering the deception some battalions escaped and joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez being left with a small number of troops. Carrera was now near Santa Ana, and demanded Gonzalez’ surrender and recognition of Duenas as provisional president, which, being declined, Carrera attacked and easily defeated him on the 3d of July,75 the Sal- vadoran artillery and a large quantity of ammunition fallino; into the victor’s hands. Carrera was now master of the situation,'6 and his opponent virtually 71 Nic., Discurso. . .prim, aniv., 3. The Salvadoran contingent in the action was 1,117 men under General Eusebio Bracamonte; but Jerez had the chief command of the allied force. Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 18, May 9, 10, 20, 23, June 6, Sept. 12, 1803; Nic. , Boletin del Pueb., July 11, 1803. 72 June 10, 1803. Nic., Boletin del Pueb., July 4, 1803. 73 Sonsonate declared against Barrios June 29th, Cojutepeque July 27th, Zacatecoluca Aug. 14th.; Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 22, Sept. 19, 1803; Id., Boletin del Pueb., July 23, 1803. For map of Hond. and Salv., see Squier’s Cent. Am. u It has been said that Tallien de Cabarrus, the French charge, endeav- ored, after Carrera’s defeat at Coatepeque, to pursuade a number of French ollicers who were with Barrios to leave him, which they refused to do. 75 Carrera’s official report of July 4, 1803, in Nic., Boletin del Pueb., July 17, 23, 1803; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 22, 1803. 76 He established his headquarters in Coatepeque. Zavala marched on and occupied Santa Tecla, about 12 miles from San Salvador; Col Iraeta was stationed at C’halatenango; and Col Parker in Ilobasco. Salv., Pronunc., 1 ; Nic., Gaceta, Oct. 8, 1803. Duenas in a proclamation at Santa Ana, July 18th, promised that Carrera and his army, after fulfilling their mission, would Hist. Cent Am., Vol. Ill 20 306 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. without means of defence, superadded to which the influence of the clergy had turned the Indians to Carrera’s side. Barrios continued his efforts, how- ever, and held out four months at San Salvador, though closely besieged and suffering from want of food and ammunition.77 He had refused to listen to proposals offering him the honors of war, believing that once in Carrera’s hands his fate would be sealed.78 At last further defence was impossible, and Barrios escaped out of the city early on the 2Gth of October, and subsequently out of the country.79 The surrender of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th Duehas, now placed at the head of affairs, decreed thanks and honors to Carrera and Martinez, and their respective armies.80 Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition, embarked at Panama in 18G5, on the schooner Manuela Planas for La Union, to place himself at the head of a movement initiated by Cabanas in that port and San Miguel in his favor. It was only on arrival that he return to Gnat, leaving the Salvadorans to reorganize a friendly government, in lieu of the turbulent one of Barrios, with the assistance of Bishop Zaldana. Barrios accused Duefias, at Panama Dec. 8, 1SG3, of having offered Carrera $100,000 for his assistance to get him into the presidential chair; to pay which a forced loan was decreed. He added that at one time Carrera had made war against the govt of Hond. for $30,000 that Guardiola offered him. Ban-ios, El Presid. legit., 3-4. 77 Sept. 18, 1863, Zavala, commander of the besieging army, and Duehas demanded a surrender, and submission to the provincial govt. Duenas claimed to be recognized as president by Guat., Nic., and Hond. Nic., Boletin del Pueb., Oct. 3, 1863; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 17, 1863. 78 Carrera not long after had M. Irungaray, minister of state, Yarzun, treas- urer, Gen. Perez and his brother, and colonels Abclar and Luna shot, for the sole offence of having served in Barrios’ administration. 79 Carrera, Oct. 30th, called it a ‘ vergonzosa fuga. ’ Carrera, Prod., 1. Bar- rios was subsequently in 1S65 allowed by Costa R. to reside in her territory against the remonstrances of the other Cent. Am. states. These suspended relations with her. Previous to this time he had resided in N. York, where he made many friends. Nic. reopened, through the mediation of the U. S. of Colombia, on the 31st of May, 1865, relations with Costa R. , Barrios hav- ing departed. Guat., Becop. Ley., i. 458-9; Nic., Gaceta, June 17, 1865; Id., Col. Dec., 1865, 8-9, 52-3. 89 Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 6, 14, 1863. The outrages committed byCarerra and his men are said to have been almost beyond description. One of his acts was to cause Morazan’s grave to be broke open, and his ashes to be scattered to the winds. He insulted, plundered, and persecuted citizens, and carried off the Salvadoran artillery and trophies. He took with him to Guat. the prisoners of rank, and confined them many months in the castle of San Fe- lipe situated on the deadly northern coast DEATH OF BARRIOS. 307 heard of the failure of that movement,81 and on his re- turn the schooner was struck by lightning in waters of Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He sent to Corinto for water and provisions, and the consequence was that a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured him. He was taken to Leon on the 30th of June.82 The government of Salvador demanded his extradition that he might be tried, the national congress having impeached him. The result of this was a convention entered into at Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio Arbizii, minister of Salvador, and Pedro Zeledon, plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter government assented to the surrender of Barrios, under the express stipulation that his life should be spared whatever might be the result of his trial/3 But the government of Salvador, in disregard of this obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court- martial, and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning of August 29th, against the remonstrances of the rep- resentative of Nicaragua. The latter could do noth- ing but protest, and throw the infarnv of the deed upon Duenas and his administration. Bishop Zaldana returned to his diocese at the ter- mination of the war in the latter part of 1863, and issued a pastoral letter recommending concord and union among his flock. The provisional government called on the people to choose a constituent assembly to reorganize the government and frame a new consti- tution. This assembly met on the 18th of February, 1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last revolu- tionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the presidency, and called Duenas to fill it. His acts to 81 Cabanas had gone off to Pan. in the steamer Guatemala. Particulars of the rebellion, and measures against its authors, in Nic., Gaceta, May 6, June 10, July 1, 18G5. 82 The vessel was sailing without the papers required by law, as was cer- tified by the U. S. consul in Corinto. Nic., Col. Acuerd. y Dec., 61-2; Id., Bolctin del Pueb., July 4, 18G3. “The Salv. minister solemnly accepted this condition, and the Nicaraguan govt then delivered Barrios on board the brig Er.perim.ento. Nic. , Convenio Ilf de Julio, 1-18; Nic., Docs. 1 lei. d la reel., 1-19; Nic., Gaceta, July 29, 1865. 308 REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR. that date were approved, and he was recognized as provisional executive till a constitutional one should be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a new constitution in 104 articles, which like the funda- mental charters of the other Central American states at that time was exceedingly conservative. The only religion recognized was the Roman catholic. At the elections which took place ten months after the promulgation of the new charter, Duenas was ap- parently elected president for the first constitutional term, and the constitutional congress recognized him as such. He took formal possession of the office Feb- ruary 1, 1865. Congress closed its session on the 2 1 st of the same month. CHAPTER XV REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS. 1840-1865. President Ferrera — Revolutionary Movements — Political Executions — Presidency of Juan Lindo — New Constitution — Lin do Over- thrown— Belize — Honduras’ Trourles with Great Britain — British Occupation of Tiger Island — Bombardment of Omoa — Bay Islands - -President Cabanas — War with Guatemala — Guardiola’s Assas- sination— Provisional Rules of Castellanos and Montes — Alliance with Barrios — Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua — Montes Deposed — Establishment of the Republic — Jose M. Me- dina Chosen President — Amendment of the Constitution. The house of representatives of the Estado Libre y Soberano de Honduras, on the 30th of December, 1840, chose Francisco Ferrera president,1 and he took possession of the office on the 1st of January, 1841. The chamber closed its session on the 6th of March. It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of Flon- duras down to 1844, as it has been given in connection with other sections of Central America. The state 1 He had been the sole candidate, obtaining 3,400 votes, which did not constitute a majority. Ferrera was of obscure parentage, and of inferior ability. He was educated by a reactionary priest named Garin, who, wishing him to become a musician of the parish church at Cantarranas, sent him to Tegucigalpa to take lessons on the violin; but the boy made no progress in that direction, and finally was made sacristan of Cantarranas, which position he held a long time, till the revolutionary movements drew him into military life, and he began upholding liberal principles. He figured afterward as vice- jefe, hating his chief, Joaquin Rivera, because he was a democrat. Now we see the sacristan of Cantarranas made president of the state. Francisco Giiell, Francisco Zelaya, and Santiago Bueso were recognized as his substitutes in the order named. It was also decreed by the chamber that in the event of a vacancy, absolute or temporary, if the substitutes should be unable to assume the executive duties, the latter should devolve on the ministers of state. Montufar, Resefia Hist., iv. 191—203’ Wells’ Ilond., 494; Squier’s Trav., ii. 449 (303) 310 REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS. assembly was installed on the 11th of January, with ceremonies more religious than political, as befitted a country where the influence of the church was so over- whelming.2 The chamber bepraised Ferrera with as much gusto as the church had smoked him with incense at the cathedral, and on the 2Gth he was formally declared a benemerito de la patria, and con- firmed as a general of division, which rank had been conferred on him by the government in March 1839. 3 Much was said at the opening of the legislative session about peace, but the fact was, that a number of towns were greatly agitated, owing to the heavy burdens ’weighing on them, and to the displeasure caused by many citizens having been driven into exile. Among: these towns were Texigmat, La Plazuela, and Comayagjiela. Santos Guardiola was sent against \J O O them, and was not successful, though he asserted in a proclamation that he had defeated the rebels. The war spread,4 and Ferrera deemed it expedient to leave the executive office in charge of the ministers for a time, and to personally take command of the forces to operate against the insurgents. Guardiola defeated them at Corpus on the 1st of July, and captured their correspondence, with Rivera, Orellana, and the other leaders.5 An insurrection of the troops at Olancho took place in December, which was soon quelled, and stringent measures were adopted by Ferrera against its promoters.6 Amid this state of affairs Ferrera’s term was approaching its end, and he could not be re- elected a second time under the constitution of 1839. Flections were held, and arrangements made so that 2 We are assured there were 44 te deum masses on that day 3 He was credited with having, by his energy, wisdom, and disinterested patriotism, saved the state from civil war and anarchy. 4 The govt justly attributed the movement to Ex-jefe Rivera, Orellana, Alvarez, Castro, and others, believing the centre of it to be in Leon. It de- manded satisfaction from Nic., but obtained none. 5 The whole was published in El Desculnidor, official journal of Hond. Every one of Rivera’s letters counselled discipline, moderation, and honorable dealing, so as to save the cause from obloquy 6 Decree of Dec. 13, 1841. REVOLUTION AND ELECTION. 311 he could continue in power as minister of war with the chief command of the forces.7 8 Guardiola had been also dubbed a benemerito, and his friends wished to raise him to the presidential chair, but did not succeed. s No candidate obtained the requisite majority, and the legislature chose Coronado Chavez president.9 Ex-jefe Rivera, taking advantage of the absence of Ferrera with most of his forces in Nicaragua, invaded Honduras for the purpose of overthrowing the exist- ing government. The people failed to cooperate with him, and he was defeated and made prisoner. On the 4th of January, 1845, he, with Martinez, Landa, and Julian Diaz arrived at Comayagua in irons. The official journal announced that Rivera was to be tried and punished. He was in fact doomed to the scaffold before he was tried.10 Guardiola’s atrocities in La Union and San Miguel, spoken of in a former chapter, won him additional honors from the subservient assembly of Honduras. He was a second time declared a benemerito, and awarded a gold medal. . Chavez, the tool of Ferrera, was not neglected. He was given the title of Padre conscripto de la patria, with an accompanying medal.11 The assembly closed on the 23d of March, well satisfied of the wisdom of its measures. Another presiden- tial election came up, and no one having the requi- site number of votes, the assembly, January 14, 1847, chose Ferrera, who declined the position, and Juan Lindo was then appointed, Ferrera continuing 7 1 mentioned elsewhere the defeat this year at Nacaome of a Nicaraguan force by the garrison under Commandant Morales. The credit of this victory was given to Ferrera, who happened to be in the place at the time, by the ministers in charge of the executive office awarding him a gold medal with the inscription, ‘Ala heroicidad del General Ferrera en la batalla de Na- caome.’ The supreme court had compared him with Alexander, Octavius, Augustus, and Napoleon. The soldiers of Hond. made him a Miltiades, Tamistocles, and Demosthenes. And finally, the official journal pronounced him superior to Julius Cvere defeated.35 Martinez with his men from the north next day operated against the San Francisco building, and the filibusters in fear of' being cut off abandoned it, and concentrated in the plaza. The night of the 25th was a very rainy one. The 2Gth the filibusters, being hard pressed in the plaza and Guadalupe street, kept up a constant cannonade to keep open the way to the lake. On the 27tli the filibusters had been driven from the plaza and reduced to Guadalupe street between La Sirena, a high house on the east of the parish church, and the ruins of the church. The Guatemalans pressed them from the south; the Nicaraguans from the north.36 Henningsen’s force was on the 1st of December only 150 men, out of 300 that lie had retained to hold the position of Granada with, and being invited by Za- vala to surrender, proudly refused.37 34 Henningsen had been, it was said, an officer of the Brit, army, an aide of the Carlist chief Zumalacarregui, in Spain, and a good democratic writer. His report was as follows: He had assumed command in the afternoon of Nov. 22, 1856, and had carried out Walker’s orders to destroy Granada, and leave the place, taking away the stores, artillery, sick, and the American and native families. Some of the church jewelry was saved by a priest. Gen. D. Sousa saw a filibuster urinate into a chalice, and then throw the contents at some women who were also witnesses of the act. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2 1 pt, p. ii. 150-1, 161-3; Nic. , Gaceta, May 2, 1868; Id., TeUg. Seten., March 7, 28, 1857; Id., Eoletin OJic., Apr. 15, 22, 1857; S. F. Alta, Dec. 20, 1856; Belly, Le Fie., i. 285-6; Sguier's Cent. Am., 372. 3j At 6:30 they had upwards of 40 wounded, and no surgeons to attend to them. During the night it rained heavily. 36 During the operations, the Guatemalan generals Paredes, ex-president, and Joaquin Solares died, the latter of fever on the 28th of November, and the former of cholera on the 2d of December. 37 Several deserters from his camp in the plantain grove of Dona Sabina had made their appearance among the allies, so completely famished that they could hardly speak. WALKER WORSTED 357 Walker had occupied San Jorge, distant three miies from Rivas, where Cahas and Jerez were intrenched, leaving his sick and wounded with a small guard on the island of Ometepec,33 where he thought they would be safe ; but a party of Indians with their priest Tijerino captured them on the 1st of December, and destroyed everything on the island that could be of use to the enemy. Walker did not lose sight of his lieutenant Henningsen, to whom he finally sent relief on the steamboat Virgen , with which Henningsen captured the small fort that had so harassed him, and then, December 13th, left on the boat, taking with him the 115 emaciated men that remained of his original force. The site of Granada was now fully in possession of the allies,39 who discovered in the woods a number of wounded filibusters, and treated them humanely, excepting one whom they put to death. December 11th had been a day of joy in the allied camp, owing to the arrival of General Florencio Xatrucli with the first contingent of Honduran troops;40 but they were cut up in the attack of the 13th by Henningsen. This officer’s success in extri- cating himself with so much loss to his opponents caused a panic among the allied leaders, and the breaking out anew of dissension. Belloso and his Salvadorans went back to Masaya, reporting the dis- comfiture of the army. Whether out of spite, or from ignorance of the state of affairs, the general ordered Cahas to refxirn to Costa Rica, and Jerez to retreat to Masaya. The latter, as a subordinate, had to obey; but Cahas, having come to fight the filibus- ters, would not go back, and accompanied Jerez to 38 In the southern part of Lake Nicaragua, eight or nine miles from the coast of Rivas. A large and productive island having two towns distant 1 2 miles from one another. 38 Oct. 13, 1855, Walker arrived on the coast of Granada. Dec. 13, 1850, he left these shores never to see them again. In the small fort, known as El Fuertecito, his men left a pole with an inscription as a record that Granada had existed there. 40 Xatruch was not credited with much ability; but he was patriotic and brave, and to his exertions was measurably due the cooperation of Hond. for the campaign. 35S EXI) OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. Masaya. Thus was Rivas evacuated by the allies, and reoccupied by Walker without firing a shot. The lake steamers were of great advantage to Walker for the quick transportation of men and sup- plies, and on the other hand, made it necessary that the allied chiefs should have strong garrisons in Granada and Masaya, preventing a movement on La Virgen and Rivas. The president of Costa Rica determined to deprive Walker of those facilities. To this end he despatched his brother, General Jose Joaquin Mora, with troops to the confluence of the San Carlos and San Juan rivers, who reached it on the 19th of December, and then going down in ca- noes to San Juan del Xorte, without encountering much resistance, captured on the 24th four steamers.41 They then went up the San Juan with the steamers, two of which were left at the junction with the Sara- piqui, and on the 28th took the Castillo Viejo with the steamboat Virgen, laden with artillery, rifles, and ammunition. They next possessed themselves of Fort San Cdrlos, and soon after of the steamboat of the same name, which had incautiously approached the fort. All this being accomplished, Mora was placed in communication with the allied forces of Granada, and left W alker without means of transportation by water, or to communicate with the northern sea-coast. ITad the allies acted with reasonable promptness, both on land and water, Walker’s end would have been a matter of only a few days. But it was retarded by their lack of union and generalship.42 His situation 41 This expedition was promoted by Cornelius Vanderbilt, president of the Accessory Transit Co., through his agent Webster, as appeared in a letter from the commander of the Brit, naval force to the American consul. It was carried out, with the assistance of Spencer, an Am. engineer, who had been in the service of the company and was a pilot on the San Juan. The steamers thus taken were the Wheeler, Morgan, Machuca, and Bulicer. Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt, 176-9; Mir. , TeUg. Seten., Feb. 28, 1857; Axtabu- ruaga, Cent. Am., 100-1; S. F. Herald, Jan. 31, 1857; S. F. Alla, Jan. 31, 1357. Official reports and Mora’s proclamation in Nic., Boletin OJic., Jan. 9, 1 3, 1S57. This is recognized with shame in the Teltg. Seten., June 6, 1S57. Mean- time Mora had, on the 10th of Dec., tendered Walker’s officers and soldiers a free passage to San Juan del Norte and New York; and the govt at Leon THE INVADERS BESIEGED. 359 was now critical. Desertions, which were frequent, sickness, and scarcity of food, daily decreased his force. For all that, he resisted in Rivas several assaults from both the land and lake till the 23d of February, and struck some heavy blows to the be- siegers in San Jorge.43 The allied leaders had, after a council of war on the 23d of January, at Nandaime, appointed a general- in-chief, and heads of the several departments. The chief command was conferred on Florencio Xatrueh.44 His tenure lasted but a few days, Jose Joaquin Mora being finally selected by the governments commander- in-chief, when he was recognized as such in general orders of February 19th and 20th. 4u The allies came to the conclusion that it was ad- visable to closely besiege the enemy rather than to attempt further assaults. Xatrueh occupied and held, March 26tli, the barrio de la Puebla, south of the city, which was the only means of free ingress and egress for the filibusters. Thus was Walker penned. But his friends abroad had not foro-otten him. Three Ameri- © cans, Lockridge, Anderson, and Wheat, brought 500 men to San Juan del Norte in March, and undertook to ascend the river. Lockridge occupied La Trinidad, but Titus was repulsed at the fort. They then con- cluded to invade Costa Rica, as was then supposed, for they essayed to go up the Sarapiquf; but soon after entering the river their steamer blew up, and the expedition came to naught.46 had, oa the 22d, annulled the acts of the administration from Nov. 4, 1855, to June 12, 1856, with a few exceptions. A decree to close the transit be- tween the two oceans was also issued. A te., Boletin OJic., Dec. 29, 1856; Jan. 9, 23, 1857. 43 Two assaults in force, one by Henningsen with 600 men, and another by Walker himself with 450, failed. Another was made on the Castillo Viejo, defended by Cauty, met with the same result, though the assailants took the steamboat Scott, and Cauty had to destroy the Machucci. Mora’s rept, Feb. 24, 1857, in Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt, 184-94. 44 This selection was unfavorably received by the government, and was accorded but a temporary recognition till the allied governments should press their wishes. Id., 182-4; Nic., Boletin OJic., Feb. 18, 1857. 45 The following appointments were also made: Canas, 2d in command; Zavala, adj. -gen. ; Xatrueh, inspector-gen. ; Chamorro, quartermaster-gen. 46 The casualties were CO killed and 130 wounded. The survivors returned 360 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. The besieged, on hearing of the arrival, April 3d, with reenforcements, of General Martinez, whose prow- ess they had learned to respect, became alarmed, and the next day eighty deserters entered the allied lines. An assault in force was made April 11th, which failed. Walker’s casualties were quite small, while those of the assailants were heavy.4. The latter secured possession of San Juan del Sur, in order that Walker should re- ceive no further aid from that quarter. It was now evident that the filibusters could not hold out much longer. The original force of 1,000, though more or less augmented with the arrival of every steamer, had become reduced to about one half that number. The garrison had an abundance of plantains, but no meat other than that of asses, mules, and horses. An officer of the United States corvette Saint Mary's, which had been some time lying at San Juan, came on the 24th to Mora’s headquarters to solicit in the name of Commander Charles H. Davis a truce of six hours, which was granted, for the re- moval from Rivas of the women, children, and other non-combatants. Walker, becoming apprised by that officer of the failure of Lockridge’s attempt to succor him, signified a willingness to capitulate, not to the general-in-chief of the besieging forces, as was nat- ural, but to commander Davis. To this Mora as- sented, in order to bring the war to an end at once, and save himself from certain complications he appre- hended.48 The capitulation being signed and carried to Punta da Castilla, refusing to go on. Lockridge accused them of cowardice, and took away their arms. But the men claimed the protection of the Brit- ish naval commander. Cauty went down in a steamer to the bay April 12th, and after conferring with the Brit, officer, occupied Punta de Castilla, secur- ing the war material. He then tendered the men a passage to the U. S. at the expense of Costa R. This was the end of the famous Lockridge expedi- tion. Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt; Mic., Teleg. Seten., April 11, 1857; S. F. Herald, April 21, May 16, 1857; S. F. Bulletin, April 21, 1857; S. F. Alta, May 16, 1857; Pan. El Centinela, April 22, 1857; Nic., Boldin Ofic., April 29, 1857. 4! Upwards of 300 killed, wounded, and missing. 48 He did so, even though he agreed with Xatruch, Martinez, and Cha- morro that the capitulation should not be accepted unless Walker pledged himself not to commit hostilities in future against any of the allied states. He also wished to be away before the arrival, then expected, of Gen. Barrios CAPITULATION OF WALKER. 301 out, Walker and sixteen officers, after bidding adieu to the army on the 1st of May, departed under the escort of Zavala, for San Juan del Sur, where they embarked on the Saint Mary's M Davis then deliv- Walker’s men, about 400 in number, were trans- ported to the United States.50 The war being ended, the allied troops retired to their respective states. But prior to their departure there was an affair which might have ended in a san- guinary conflict had it not been for the prudent course pursued by most of the generals. The trouble arose from the hot-headedness of Zavala, the commander of the Guatemalans, who had been led to believe, by with large reenforcements of Guatemalans and Salvadorans, who would doubtless claim the glory of ending the war. Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt, 209. 49 The terms agreed upon between Walker and Davis were: 1st. Walker and the 16 officers of his staff were to leave Rivas with side-arms, pistols, horses, and other personal effects, under Davis’ guaranty that they should not be molested by the enemy, but allowed to embark on the Saint Mary's at San Juan del Sur, whence she should convey them to Panama; 2d. The other officers of Walker’s army would leave Rivas, with their arms, under the same guaranty, and be sent by Davis to Panama in charge of an officer of the U. S. ; 3d. The rank and file, citizens and officials, both the wounded and well, were to sur- render their arms to Davis on a vessel apart from the deserters, so that there should bo no contact between the former and the latter; 4th. Davis pledged himself to obtain for Central Americans then in Rivas permission to remain in their country with protection of life, liberty, and property; 5th. The officers should be allowed to remain at San Juan del Sur, under the protection of the U. S. consul, until an opportunity offered to leave for Panama or San Fran- cisco. The instrument bears also the signatures of C. F. Henningsen, P. Waters, J. W. Taylor, and P. R. Thompson. Id., 216-12; Nic. , Boletin Ofic., May 6, 17, 2S, 1857; Id. , Telig. Seten., May 9, 16, 23, 1857; Sac. Union, June 16-18, 1857; S. F. Alta, June 17, 18, July 1, 2, 1857; S. F. Herald, June 16, 1857; Belly, Le Nic., i. 287; Pineda de Mont, Notas, in Guat., Becop. Ley., ii. 350, 745-6; Democ. Rev., July 1857, 117-23; A staburuaga. Cent. Am., 102-3. Francisco S. Astaburuaga, Republican de Centro- America, 6 Idea de su I Us for hi y de su Estado actual. Santiago (Chile), 1857, 8vo, map, dedic., and 116 pp. The author of this work held a diplomatic mission from Chile to Costa Rica, and being desirous of furnishing his countrymen some information on Central America, prepared his material, originally for the Revista de Ciencias y Lctras of Santiago; succinctly giving the physical peculiarities, agriculture, com- merce, an i other resources of the country, together with a sufficiently instruct- ive sketch of the history of Central America in general, as well as of each state comprised in that term, in readable form. At the end is added his official correspondence with the several governments of Central America on the projected union of the Spanish American republics. 59 The official correspondence between Mora and the govt of Nic. shows the high appreciation given by the latter to the service rendered by Davis. Nic., Boletin OJic., May 6, 1857. 362 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. an evil counsellor, that the government would not return him some arms he had lent, nor furnish him transportation, nor even pay him the honors due his rank. All this was unfounded, hut he maltreated the officer of the guard at the government house, and grossly insulted the president, his ministers, and others, threatening to hang them on the church of La Merced. His conduct was violent and scandal- ous.51 Maximo Jerez and hundreds of soldiers rushed to the government's defence, and there would have been bloodshed but for Barrios of Salvador, who had command of 1,800 men, and prevailed on Zavala to go back to Chinandega, whence he marched to Guate- mala, where he was received with the honors he had fairly won. Mora returned to Costa Rica, leaving the command in charge of Caiias. It is said that he had planned to extend the boundaries of Costa Rica to the lake, which he deemed an easy undertaking, as the Costa Ricans had the lake steamers, and the Nicaraguans would be sure to break out into civil war. 2 War was declared by Costa Rica against Nicaragua on the 19th of October, 1857, and accepted by the latter in de- fence of her territory.53 But upon a second invasion by Walker, peace was concluded on the lGth of Jan- uary, 185 8. 54 Walker arrived safely in his own country. But he 51 A full account of the affair was published in the government’s organ. Nic., Boktin Ojic., May 2S, 1857. 62 He had furnished war material to both parties, and tendered Costa Rica’s aid to Martinez. His own words at embarking expressed the Machia- vellian plot: ‘Esta repdblica estara pronto en guerra; dejo las navajas amarradas a los gallos.’ Caiias disapproved in toto of those plans. Perez, Mem. Camp. Mac., 2d pt, 212-13. 53 Pres. Martinez of Nic. pronounced it a ‘guerra injusta y traidora.’ Nic., Discurso. . . . Inagur., 1. 51 Full particulars on this war and the terms of peace, in Costa R., In - forme Rcl., 1858, 2-3; Id., Expos. Mot. del Cambio, 38-7; Nic. , Dec. y Amer- a’os, 1857-8, 10-12, 30-1, 135-6; Nic. , Manif. Dies. Inaug., no. 5, 3; Rocha, Cod. Nic., i. 92; Ayon, Consid. Llmites, 30-2. Perez, while reverting to Costa Rica’s plan to rob Nic. of the River San Juan, and a portion of the lake, mentions what Nic. had to suffer from the allied forces during the war. ‘ Cuantas exigencias, cuantos insultos, cuantas cosas teniamos que sufrir. The allies appropriated as booty Nicaraguan movable property that was taken from the filibusters. Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt Carta (Pref.), p. ii. SECOND AND THIRD EXPEDITIONS. 303 was not yet satisfied with the misery and desolation lie had wrought upon a foreign and unoffending people. He must play the vampire further; he must conquer Nicaragua and be a great man. Taking advantage of the rupture between this republic and Costa Rica, he prepared another expedition, with which, eluding the vigilance of the United States authorities, he sailed from New Orleans for San Juan del Norte. He was arrested, however, at Punta de Castilla, December 8th, and sent back by Commodore Paulding, com- manding the American home squadron.55 This offi- cer’s course obtained the highest commendation and gratitude in Central America, and particularly in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, the latter conferring upon him high honors. Loyal men who took up arms in the country’s defence were also rewarded.56 But like a wild beast maddened by its wounds, Walker was still bent on blood, if blood were necessary to subju- gate Central America to his will. He fitted out a third expedition, and landing with its avant guard at Trujillo on the 6tli of August, 1860, seized the funds of the custom-house, which were pledged to the British government for the payment of Honduras’ in- debtedness to its subjects.67 The British war vessel Icarus entered the port on the 20th, and her com- manding officer, Norwell Salmon, demanded that Walker should forthwith leave the place, which ho did, fleeing to the eastern coast, where he and his 55 The official documents connected with the affair clearly prove that the U. S. govtwa3 desirous of maintaining an honorable position before the world. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. vii., H. Ex. Doc., no. 24, 1-82., no. 23, 1; Id., Id., H. Jour., 1G5-73, 1302, 1368; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. i., Sen. Ex. Doc., no. 13; Id., Id., vol. xiii., Sen. Doc., no. 63; Id., Cong. 35, Sess. 2, vol. vii., no. 10; Cony. Globe, 1857-8, 185S-9. Index ‘Cent. Am.,’ ‘Pauld- i lg, ’ ‘Walker,’ ‘Neutrality Laws,’ ‘ Clayton-Bulwer Treaty,’ etc.; Stout's Nic., 211-21; Belly, Le Hie. , i. 294-7; S. F. Bulletin, Dec. 29, 1857; S. F. Alta, Jan. 14, 1858; Sac. Union, Feb. 3, 1858. 56 To Pauiding were voted thanks, a sword of honor, and 20 caballerias of land. Nic., Boletin OJic., Aug. 2, 1862; Id., Leyes Emit., I860, 3-5; Bochi , C6d. Nic., i. 217-20; Costa R., Col. Ley., xv. 3; Id., Informe Bel., 1858, 1-2. 57 His ultimate destination was Nicaragua, whose government hastened preparations for the defence of her territory, as well as to aid Hond. in the event of her needing assistance. Nic., Mem. Gobern., 1861, 9; Id.. Mensajo del Presid., Jan. 16, 1861. 364 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. men underwent the utmost suffering in that unin- habited marshy region. A party of Hondurans har- assed them, and Walker was wounded in the face and leg. Finally, General Mariano Alvarez arrived with a Honduran force at Trujillo, and together with Salmon proceeded to the mouth of Rio Tinto, arriv- ing there on the 3d of September. Walker surren- dered to the Icarus, and was turned over to Alvarez, who had him tried at Trujillo by court-martial. He was sentenced to d^ath, and executed on the 12tli of September. Thus ended on the scaffold the career of William Walker, filibuster, pirate, or what you will.58 The provisional government of Nicaragua on the 14th of January, 1857, organized a consultive council of five members and three substitutes,59 which was installed on the 20th. To that body were referred the strictures of ministers Cardenal and Castillo, upheld by General Martinez, the two former having resigned their portfolios because the president had declined to transfer the seat of government to the eastern department.60 The council did not approve of their course, and suggested that Martinez, under a clause in the agreement of September 12, 1856, should summon R. Cortes and P. J. Chamorro to fill the vacancies in the cabinet. It does not appear, how- ever, that Martinez took any steps in that direction. The old dissensions which Walker’s war had kept in abeyance now threatened to break out afresh. 58 He received the consolation of religion from a catholic priest, having joined that faith to become president of Nic. His remains were buried in Trujillo. Among his effects was found the seal of Nicaragua, which with his sword the government of Hond. transmitted to that of the former. La Union, de Nic., Jan. 12, Sept. 28, 1861; Nic. , Informe Gobern., no. ii. 7 9; El Nacional, Sept. 8-0ct. 27, 1S60; Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 215-16; Belly, Le Nic., i. 3S2; Eco, Ilisp.-Am., Sept. 15-Xov. 15, I860- Diarto de Avisos, Oct. 4, 1830; Pirn's Gate of the Par., 49-50; Harper s Mag., xxi. 693, 836; S. F. Bulletin, Sept. 3, 8, 17, 19, Oct. 3, 29, Nov. 12, 1860. 59The members were: Vicario capitular, J. H Herdocia, J. de la Rocha, II. Zepeda, Gregorio Juarez, and G. Lacayo; substitutes, J. Baca, F Diaz Zapata, and Joaquin Perez. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Jan. 23, 1857. 69 The legitimists claimed it to be for the public weal, whereas the demo- crats thought it would damage them. Perez, Mem. Camp. Nac., 2d pt, 170-6. REORGANIZATION OK GOVERN MEN T. 3C5 Legitimists and democrats alike saw in bloodshed and desolation the only means to settle their differences. Martinez and Jerez, with some of their friends from the east and west, and assisted by General Gerardo Barrios, commissioner of Salvador, labored in vain to effect an amicable arrangement.61 Jerez concluded that the only recourse now left to avert a war was for himself and Martinez to assume the responsibility of jointly governing the country dictatorially until it could be again placed under a constitutional regime. This plan being accepted, the two leaders organized themselves, on the 24th of June, into a junta de gobierno, otherwise called Gobierno Binario, which was recognized by both parties, and the dreaded calamity of war was avoided. The organization was completed with the appointment of Gregorio Juarez and Rosalfo Cortes as the cabinet. Martinez and Jerez continued at the head of affairs until the 19th of October, when war with Costa Rica having been accepted, they resolved to assume personal direction of military operations, and resigned the executive office into the hands of the ministers. Martinez was then made general-in-chief of the forces, with ample powers, and Jerez second in command.62 The first acts of the new government were to recon- stitute the supreme and other courts, and to summon the people to choose a constituent assembly for fram- ing a constitution,65 and a president of the republic. At the suggestion of Cortes, and with the assent of Jerez, Tomds Martinez was named to the people as a proper person for the executive office, and he was elected almost unanimously.64 He took the oath of 61 But for arbitrary measures, on the 12th of June, the state would have divided into two parts, each following its own bent, even to incorporation with other states, which would have been the death of the republic. Nic., Mensaje del Podcr Ejer., 1857, 2-3. 62 Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857, 135-8. 63 In the decree of convocation the members of the executive and the min- isters were made ineligible for seats in that body. 64 Only two electoral votes were not cast for him. The constituent assem- bly, which had been installed Nov. 8th, declared him to have been the people’s choice. Nic. , Gaceta, Apr. 18, 18G3. 366 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. office on the 15th of November, promising to pursue a policy of peace and conciliation,65 and appointing Juarez, Macario Alvarez, and Cortes, his ministers respectively for foreign relations, treasury, and gov- ernment.66 During his first term there were several changes in the personnel of the cabinet.67 Martinez’ administration not only gave Nicaragua the longest period of internal peace she had ever had, but promoted ?her prosperity in every branch, and notably in finances. At the time of its inauguration, the government had not one hundred dollars in the treasury. The liberating army had not been paid dur- ing the late war, and the only way to adjust the arrears was by issuing warrants, which the merchants soon got possession of at sixty to eighty per cent discount, and returned to the treasury at par in payment of import duties on merchandise, thus greatly reducing the revenue from that source. The government also adopted the unusual course of assuming to indemnify private persons for the losses they had sustained dur- ing the civil war, those resulting from the burning of Granada included.63 And yet Martinez, after his vic- 65 Discurso Tnaug., 3. Tomas Martinez was a native of Leon, and had been engaged in trade and mining without taking part in the political agitations of his native place until the revolution of 18o4, which did not meet his ap- proval. It is believed that his reserve had made him an object of suspicion on the part of the democrats, which circumstance forced him to seek a refuge in the ranks of the conservatives, and to embrace, much against his liking, the military profession. Martinez was a lineal descendant of an heroic woman, Rafaela Mora, who in 17S0 distinguished herself in the defence of San Juan del Norte against Nelson’s attack. He was in 1857 about 45 years old, tall of stature, and of reserved deportment. Self-instructed, plain, and unam- bitious of popularity, he cared not for honors or display, and abhorred syco- phancy. He never used more words than were necessary to express his thoughts, and his whole aim, after he entered public life, was to serve his country. Moreover, he possessed a kindly disposition, and in his family re- lations was affectionate. “During the war with Costa Rica he commanded the forces in the field; meantime the executive office was in charge of Deputy Agustin Aviles. He resumed the latter Jan. 25, 1858. In the course of his term he several times provisionally surrendered the office into the charge of others, on account of illness. A7c., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1858, 3-7, 32; 1859, ii. 136, 137; 1860, iii. 71, 83-4, 177. 01 The several portfolios were also for more or less time in charge of Pedro Zeledon, J. de la Rocha, Eduardo Castillo, Geronimo Perez, Miguel Cdrdenas, Nicasio del Castillo, and H. Zepeda. 08 A number of decrees acknowledging the indebtedness appear in Atjc., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1859, ii. 132-54. NEW CONSTITUTION. -3G7 tory of April 29, 1863, against tlie united forces of Sal- vador and Honduras, succeeded within six years in doubling the amount of public revenues, and in ar- ranging for the payment of the foreign debt. The constituent assembly, on the 19th of August, 1858, adopted a new constitution, declaring Nicaragua to be a sovereign, free, and independent republic under a popular representative government.*50 Two days later the assembly resolved to continue acting as an ordinary legislature, and decreed that all public functionaries should retain their respective offices until the new constitutional reo ime should have been installed. Prior o to this, on the 30th of January, that body had declared illegitimate all the provisional administrations which had ruled Nicaragua from 1854 till the 8th of Novem- ber, 1857, excepting only the gobierno binario from June 24, 1857. 70 During the first years of Martinez’ rule, the most 69 The catholic religion was placed under state protection. The govern- ment was constituted in three branches; namely, executive, legislative, and judicial. The executive authority was vested in a president for four years, without reelection for the next term. In his absence or inability, the office was to go into the hands of the senator called by congress to fill it. The president was to be a native and resident of Nic. , 30 years of age or upwards, not having lost the rights of citizenship within five years of the election, and possessing real estate valued at no less than $4,000. The legislative power was to consist of a senate and house of deputies. The senators’ term was to be of six years; they were to be at least 30 years old, and to possess no less than $2,000 in real estate, one third of their number to be renewed every two years. The deputies were to be upwards of 25 years old, and hold for four years, one half their number being renewed every two years. The natives of the other Central American states were eligible to the senate or house, after a residence in Nic. of ten or five years respectively. No churchman could be chosen presi- dent, senator, or deputy. The justices of the supreme court had to be law- yers of recognized ability and integrity. They were to hold office four years, the members being renewed every two years. The court was divided into two sections with at least four justices each. The constitution recognized liberty of thought, speech, writing, and the press; also the rights of property and emigration. Torture in any form, cruel punishments, confiscation of prop- erty, invasion of private domicile, and establishment of special courts were strictly forbidden. It was promulgated Sept. 15, 1858. Rocha, Odd. Legis. Nic., i. 25-42; Levy, Nic., 309-27; El Porvenir Nic., Feb. 11, 1S72; Nic. , Mem. Gobem. y Guerra, i859, 3. The bishop and his chapter took the oath to obey it on the 15th of Apr., 18G1. La Union de Nic., May 11, 1801. 70 Because its acts tended to the organization of the country. But on the 25th of June, 1858, the government of Jose M. Estrada was also exempted from that annulment. Rocha, C6d. Legis. Nic., i. S2, 89-90. 3G8 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. friendly relations seemed to exist between him and the leaders of the two political parties. Jerez was intrusted with important diplomatic duties.71 At the beginning of 1861, the president in his message to congress stated that the country was at peace at home and abroad, Salvador being the only nation that had suspended diplomatic relations with Nicaragua.72 Again, in January 1863, the president congratulated congress that peace reigned, and the country was pros- pering. lie said with pleasure that no Nicaraguan was undergoing penalty for political causes.73 The country was at the same time an asylum for the perse- cuted and exiles of other states. However, this hospi- tality extended to exiles gave rise to serious differences with Salvador, whose demands were invariably disre- garded, until Barrios threatened to blockade the port of Realejo.'4 The consequence was, that Nicaragua and Guatemala, pursuant to the treaty made Septem- ber 20, 1862, 75 became allies in the bloody war that broke out this year against Salvador and Honduras, details of which have been given in the history of Salvador for this period.'8 Martinez having been re- elected president for the quadrennial term from March 1, 1863, 77 offered his resignation on the ground that 71 lie was appointed minister plenipotentiary, first in Costa Rica, next in Washington, and was empowered to negotiate a treaty with the Spanish minister at the latter place. Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857-S, 117, 243, ii. 21. 72 Presid. Barrios of Salv. complained of the plots carried on against him in Nic. by refugees, and made demands, such as their being denied the use of the press, to which the Nic. govt could not accede. Nic., Mens, del Presid., in La Union dc Nic., Jan. 19, 1861; Id., Mem. Pel., in Id., March 2, 1861. 73 ‘Ningun Nicaragtiense preso, ni confinado, ni expulso por causas politi- cos; todos son libres, sin rcstriccion alguna.’ Nic., Gaceta, Jan. 24, 1SG3. 77 Official corresp. in Id., Feb. 7, 1863. 75 Treaty of amity, defensive alliance, commerce, etc., duly ratified. Id., April 18, IS 63. 70 Jerez, Fernando Chamorro, and J. D. Estrada, for taking part against their government, were degraded to the ranks. Id., May 23, 30, 1863. 77 Congress, Feb. 14, 18G3, approved all his administrative acts to date. It had been represented to the people that Martinez, notwithstanding the clause in the constitution forbidding reelection, could he reelected, because the powers he had exercised in the past years had come to him, not under the constitution which was of subsequent date, but from the convocation decree of Aug. 26, 1857, and his choice was approved by the constituent assembly. PRESIDENT MARTINEZ. 3C9 there might be opposition to his holding the office a second term. But congress, on the 5tli of February, 1863, declined to accept it, and requested that he should continue at the head of affairs at least for a time. During the war with Salvador and Honduras, Martinez commanded the army in the field, and Nica- sio del Castillo acted as president. At the end of the campaign, Martinez and the troops were rewarded for their services, he being raised to the rank of captain- general.78 He resumed the executive office August o o 31, 18 63. 79 The most stringent orders were issued against Jerez and others, declaring them traitors, and decreeing that revolutionists were severally answerable with their property for the expenses the government had been put to by their acts. However, on the 20th of April, 1864, an amnesty law was passed, though not including the chief leaders.80 Toward the end of Martinez’ second term some attempts at revolution were made, and easily quelled. They arose from a representation that Martinez con- templated retaining power for life; but in a proclama- tion of April 24, 1866, he pronounced the statements false.81 Following the example of Washington, he in- sisted on his countrymen calling another citizen to the executive chair, and Fernando Guzman having been chosen,82 he surrendered his authority to him on March 1, 1867. His rank as captain-general had been con- firmed, and upon his tendering a resignation, congress 78 Ale., Decretos, 1867-S, pt ii. 10-11; Rocha, C6d. Leg. Nic., i. 220. The cong. of Salv. voted him a sword of honor for aiding to defeat Barrios and the federalists. Nic., Gaceta, June 17, 24, 1805. 79 During his second term the following persons acted as his ministers: E. Castillo, B. Selva, B. Salinas, B. Portocarrero, R. Alegria, R. Corte.,, P. Zeledon, J. F. Aguilar, J. J. Lescano, and Antonio Silva. Nic., Sernanal Nic., April 24, 1873. 89 ‘ Quedan fuera de la amnistla todos aquellos que como autores princi- pales.’ Nic. , Gaceta, April 29, May 28, 1864. 61 Congress had not only approved his acts, but gave him two votes of thanks, March 11, 1805, and Jan. 19, 1867. Nic., Gaceta, March 18, 1865; Id., Dec. Legist., 1865-6, 21-2; 1867-8, 5. 82 By 433 electoral votes against 139 cast for Juan B. Sacasa; necessary for a choice, 285. Id., Oct. 27, 1866; Id., Decretos, 1867-8, pt ii. 4—5; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 19, 1867. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. Ill 24 370 END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA. refused to accept it.83 However, scarcely one year later, congress suppressed the rank altogether.84 Ex- president Martinez’ death occurred on the 12th of March, 1873, and his remains were buried with high honors on the 20th.85 83 Decrees of Jan. 22 and Feb. 28, 1867. Nic., Dec. Legisl., 1867, 10-11, 25-6. 84 ‘ Por estar en oposicion con las atribuciones del Poder Ejecutivo. ’ De- cree of Jan. 20, 1868. Id., 1868, 3. toiV7c., Gaceta, March 15, 1873; Id., Serna ruil Nic., March 27, 1873. CHAPTER XVIII. POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. 1856-1886. Rewards to Walker’s Conquerors — Reelection of Mora — His Downfall and Exile — His Return, Capture, and Execution — Montealegre’s Administration — Violence of Parties — Compromise on Jesus Jimenez — His Peaceful Rule — President Jos£ M. Castro — Charges against Him — His Overthrow— Several New Constitutions — Jimenez again President — His Arbitrary Acts — How He was Deposed — President Carranza — Other Temporary Rulers — President Guardia’s Des- potism— Failure of his Warlike Plans — His Death — Administration of Prospero Fernandez — Preparations to Defend Independence — His Sudden Death — Bernardo Soto’s Peaceful Rule. In describing the early operations of the Costa Ricans in Nicaragua against Walker in 185G, I alluded to the sudden departure of President Mora and his brother from Rivas for Costa Rica, because of tidings received of an attempted insurrection against the gov- ernment, then temporarily in charge of Vice-president Oreamuno. This revolt was soon quelled, and the leaders and officers connected therewith were arrested and expatriated. Oreamuno having died, Vicente Aguilar was chosen vice-president on the 17th of September, but resigned the position the next month.1 A change of ministry took place on the 26th of Sep- tember, the distinguished statesman taking charge of the portfolio of foreign relations.2 The president, owing to war against the filibusters, suspended the 1 Oct. 22d. Album Semanal, Sept. 26, 1856; Costa I!., Col. Ley., xiv. 41-2, 51-2. 3 The other ministers were Joaquin B. Calvo, of government and eccles. affairs; and Rafael G. Escalante, of treasury and war. (371) 372 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. action of the constitution on the 15th of November, but repealed the decree a few days later.3 The successful termination of the war was hailed in Costa Rica with great joy, and the men who gave this glorious page to her history were highly honored. The president was made a captain-general,4 and the officers, as well as the rank and file, were promoted and otherwise rewarded.5 The elections for president and vice-president of the republic took place, and congress on the 4th of May, 1859, declared that Juan Rafael Mora had been re- elected, and Rafael G. Escalante chosen for the second position.6 Mora’s administration had initiated a number of measures tending to the advancement of the country. Among other improvements was that of the fine na- tional palace in San Jose. Costa Rica had enjoyed a long period of internal peace with an increasing pros- perity. Mora was quite popular with the masses, but encountered opposition from the property owners, merchants, and army men. For this reason he could not strengthen his government, and found himself at the mercy. of a coup de main the moment the people thought their interests were jeopardized by his power.7 3 Dec. 11, 1S5C. Costa R., Mem. Gohern., 1857, 2-3. 4 In 1854 the pope bestowed on him the honor of Knight grand cross of the order of Gregory the Great, and the Costa Rican congress authorized him to accept it. Costa R., Col. Ley., xiii. 28; xiv. 147-9. 5 Dec. 29, 1857, a medal was voted. Again, Feb. 26, 1858, across of honor was decreed to the generals and field-officers. Id., 207; xv. 3. 6 Escalante had been vice-president since Oct. 1857, and at the present time was temporarily in charge of the executive office. Id., xvi. 30-1. 7 Political grievances and private animosities were brought into action for his overthrow. He was accused of intending to keep himself in power for life, like Carrera in Guatemala, as was evidenced by his second reelection, which violated both the spirit and letter of the national institutions; of his having imposed the weight of his own will on the financial department, the judiciary, and even the legislature, with the view of settingup the rule of one family over the ruins of republican liberty; of his having usurped the property and labor of others for his own benefit. Even the organization of an army, and his campaign against Walker, were made to appear as intended to im- prove his own pecuniary interests, which were said to be in a very bad state. The charge of assumption of dictatorial powers does not seem to be sustained by facts. The opposition journal, the A lbum Sematuil, freely published strong articles against his administration. Pamphlets filled with vituperation, an l traducing his character, circulated without hindrance; one of the publica- tions called him the tzar of Costa Rica. This opposition was fanne 1 by the VICENTE AGUILAR 37:5 Hence the revolutionary movement that hurled him from his executive office in the night of August 14, 1859. A provisional government, composed of his political enemies, was at once organized, meeting with no opposition on the part of the people. It was a palace revolution, and no blood was spilt. Mora was kept in confinement, though otherwise well treated, during three days at the end of which he was taken to Puntarenas, and sent out of the country on an American steamer. He settled with his family in Salvador, where he introduced the cultivation of coffee. The new government now took steps to have itself confirmed by a constituent assembly, and to cause its provisional president, Josb Marfa Montealegre, regu- larly elected. The influential man of the administra- tion was Aucente Aguilar, ex-vice-president, a wealthy man, and the deadly enemy of Mora. He was the minister of the treasury and of war, and by his insti- gation some reactionary and despotic measures were adopted, thereby increasing the general uneasiness. The country was henceforth divided into two political parties, each claiming to be the representative of law and order.8 hatred of persons who had private grudges against Mora. Among them Vicente Aguilar, his former partner, who had been made to disgorge si 00, 00.) or more, of which lie had wrongfully deprived Mora. Capitalists were hostile because the president had chartered a bank. The sale of a tract of public land near San Jose, upon which many persons had settled, was made the sub- ject for much trouble. The exile of the bishop did not fail to have a power- ful influence. Bishop Llorente had refused to pay, or to allow his clergy to pay, an equitable tax decreed by congress Sept. 29, 1858, for the support of hospitals. He not only refused compliance, but incited the populace to revolt. For this he was expelled. He was, however, after Mora’s overthrow, recalled by the provisional government, and ruled the diocese till his death, which took place Sept. 23, 1871. Costa R., Mem. Interior, 1859, 9; 18(50, 4; Id., Col. Ley., xvi. 87-8; Nic., Gacela, Oct. 7, 1871; El National, Jan. 15, 1859; Belly, Le Nicaragua, i. 379-81. One of the publications which came out after Mora’s downfall, not only charged him with abuse of power, peculation, and almost every conceivable offence, but of his having brought himself into political prominence by intrigue, and by treachery to Morazan, and to his relations and friends, who, it was asserted, had been ruined by him. This publication is dated San Jose, April 2, 1SG0, but is anonymous. Costa It. , Expos.. . .Mo- tivos. . .Cambio Polit., 37 pp. and 1 1. B The provisional administration claimed that the revolution had not merely changed the personnel, but also the principles on which the government was based, the people demanding greater freedom with clearly defined rights and 374 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. The constituent assembly, pursuant to convocation, met on the 16th of October, and on the 2Gth of De- cember adopted a new constitution in 142 articles, which was promulgated the next day. This funda- mental law was liberal except in the matter of religion, as it neither recognized nor tolerated any form of faith but the Roman catholic. All other rights of man were conceded.9 The constituent congress adjourned sine die on the 27th of December, and the ordinary congress opened its session on the 22d of April, I860, cn the next day declaring that Jos^ Maria Montea- legre had obtained a popular majority for the office of president of the republic, and appointing the 29tli for his inauguration On the 24th that body desig- nated the persons who were to fill the executive chair in the temporary or absolute absence of the presi- dent.10 Before many months had passed, Costa Rica wit- nessed a catastrophe which filled the whole of Central America with sorrow, indignation, and shame. Mora, the deposed president, had solemnly protested against the revolutionary acts which deprived him of his office. There were not wanting men, who, either honestly or with evil intent, beguiled him into the belief that he was wanted back, and would meet with a cordial recep- tion and support. He allowed himself to be thus duties, and a more extended suffrage. Costa R., Mem. Interior, 1860, 4; 1863, 2. 9 The govt was divided into three branches — legislative, executive, and judicial — each independent of the others. The legislative was vested in a congress of two chambers, the senate and house of representatives, and was to meet once a year in ordinary session, and also to hold extraordinary ses- sions when called for specified purposes. The senate was composed of two senators for each province; the house was composed of deputies chosen by the provinces in the ratio of population. The term of the members of both houses was fixed at four years. The executive authority was vested in a president for three years, without reelection for the immediate following term. He had a council of state to deliberate upon such affairs as the execu- tive referred to it for advice. The judiciary consisted of a supreme court, and such other lower courts as might be established by law. None but a native citizen, in full possession of his civil and political rights, could be presi- dent, or member of the supreme court. Churchmen were ineligible. Costa R. , Constiluc. Polit., 1-35; Id., Col. Ley., xvi. 110-45. 10 First designado, Francisco Montealegre; second, Vicente Aguilar. Id., xvi. 169-71. DEATH OF MORA. 375 deceived, and committed the error of going against an accomplished fact, in an attempt to recover by force the executive authority, which was now legitimately held by Montealegre. He landed in September at Puntarenas with a few friends, was received with ap- parent enthusiasm, and got together about 300 or 400 men j11 but believing it safer to increase his force be- fore marching to the capital, he tarried behind, thus allowing the government an opportunity to organize superior forces, and to issue relentless decrees. The government’s forces assailed Mora on the 28th of September at La Angostura,12 and defeated him. He soon found himself forsaken by his men, and though aware that stringent orders for his arrest had been issued, he surrendered to his enemies on the 30th, when he was tried by a drum-head court-martial, and shot three hours after.13 This judicial murder of this honorable, just, and progressive man, who had ren- dered such great services in saving national indepen- dence, caused general consternation and displeasure. His invasion was not approved of, but no one had imagined that his life could be in peril if he were captured. Public opinion was pronounced against such relentless vengeance. Even Nicaragua, which had grievances against Mora, and had excluded his supporters from her territory, regretted his untimely end.14 In Costa Rica his death was attributed to bit- 11 In January, Prudencio Blanco and others attempted a revolution in Uuanacaste, now called Moracia, and failed. A decree of outlawry was issued against them Jan. 20, 1SG0, and their property was made amenable for the government’s expenses. Another insurrection took place in Esparza with the same result, the govt issuing a decree of similar nature Sept. 16th, and on the ISth another, suspending the constitution. This last decree was re- voked March 18, 1861. Id., xvi. 153^4, 188, 218-21; xvii. 9. 12 This place had been heavily intrenched, and a battery mounted in it, which was protected on both flanks by armed boats in the estuary, etc. 1J Belly, Le Nic., i. 382; El National, Oct. 13, 27, Nov. 10, 1860; Eco Hisp.-Am., Oct. 31, 1860; S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 24, 25, 29, Nov. 14, 27, 1860; S. F. Herald, Oct. 29, 1860; Harpers Monthly Mag., xxii. 113; Laferri&re, De Paris a Guatemala, 59-60. uThe Gaceta OJicial, evidently inspired by President Martinez, forgot past grievances, only to bear in mind affectionately the promoter of the holy war for independence. In fact, Mora was in the eyes of both foreigners and natives the personification of Central American patriotism. 376 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. ter personal and sordid animosity. Public opinion was not at fault. Mora wrote his wife, one hour be- fore his execution, on his faith as a Christian, that Vicente Aguilar justly owed him upwards of §200,000 ; and if he ever expected to die in peace with his God, he should make restitution of that sum to Mora’s family. Aguilar, as minister of war, signed the orders for the execution, and was responsible for Mora’s death. These orders included the execution of two others, namely, General J. M. Canas, and Manuel Argiiello, a young lawyer. The latter was saved by General Maximo Blanco, but Cahas was shot two days after Mora.10 The penalty of death was doubtless intended by Aguilar to be a settlement of accounts with the man he detested; but it did not satisfy him; he added con- fiscation, and to the end showed himself relentless in his animosity to Mora’s family and supporters. But he did not long survive his victims, dying on the 2Gth of April, 18G1, of ossification of the heart. After his death, a milder policy was inaugurated. A general amnesty, from which were excluded only a few mili- tary men who while in active service had joined re- volts, was issued;16 exiles returned to their coun- try, and regularity in affairs was restored. The gov- ernment gained in popular esteem by a scrupulous observance of the promises made at the time of its cre- ation, restoring internal peace based on constitutional liberty and a proper economy.17 However, Mora’s friends, though disposed to do justice to Montealegre’s administration, never would forgive its origin and early acts. They and their political conferes brought on a reaction against it. Party excitement became great, and there was danger of civil war. Two presidential candidates for the next term, namely, Aniceto Esquivel 15 It will be remembered that Canas served with distinction in the war against Walker. ‘“Apr. 29, 18C0. Costa It., Col. Ley., xvi. 172-3; xvii. 87. A more gen. one was decreed May 1, 1862. 17 During this administration national industries were developed, and the country became more prosperous than ever. Belly, Le Nic., i. 383-6. JIMENEZ AND CASTRO. 377 and Julian Yolio, were in the field, the former being a warm friend of the administration, and the latter inde- pendent. Montealegre was the first to suggest a com- promise. There was in Cartago a former minister of Mora, Jesus Jimenez, who was finally agreed upon by all parties for the executive office, and was accordingly elected.18 He took possession of the chair on the 7th of May, Montealegre surrendering it with greater alacrity than he had occupied it in 1859. 19 Jimenez, during his administration, fully answered expectations. He maintained peace by pursuing a just and conciliatory policy. The country kept on its career of progress and prosperity.20 The next president duly chosen was the founder of the republic, Jose Maria Castro, for the term from May 8, 1866. 21 The number of ministers of state having been reduced , to two, the president decreed the organization of a privy council whose members were to serve without pay.22 Castro’s government was a strictly economical one. It diminished the number of officials, and sup- pressed the president’s guard of honor. The result was that the treasury was enabled to meet obligations contracted for the development of education, and of the interests of the country.23 During the presidential election in 1868, party agita- tion jeopardized the public peace. The press became virulent, not sparing even the families of prominent 18 May 1, 1863. Men of all parties voted for him. Costa R., Mem. Min. Interior , 1863, 1; Id., Col. Ley. xviii, 15-16. 19 Congress afterward decreed that Montealegre’s portrait should he placed in the office of the president. Belly, Le Nic., i. 386-7; Costa It., Informe Min. Interior, 1864, 4; Id., Discurso, Dr J. M. Montealegre, 1863, 1. 93 Costa It., Programa Admin., 1863, 1. Jimenez adopted the high-handed measure of dissolving congress. In a proclamation to the people he stated that a majority of the members had established a systematic opposition to his government, and usurped all power in direct violation of the constitution. Id., Prod, del Presid., Ag. 1, 1863. 21 Ending May 8, 1869. Id., Col. Ley., 1876, 111-12; Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 17, Apr. 21, May 26, 1866. Castro in his inaugural address used these words: ‘ Quiero que mi patria, ya que no pueda sertemida por su fuerza, sea con- siderada por su justification y cordura. . . .No tenemos escuadras; tengamos la simpatla de las naciones.’ Costa R., Discurso Inaug., Presid. J. M. Castro, 1-3. 22 May 15, 1866. They were 2 for each department, making together 16, besides the ministers. Costa R., Col. Rey., 1866, 114-16. 23 Nic., Gaceta, May 25, 1867. 378 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. men. The government was accused of making no effort to cheek such abuses, or to restore harmony. There would certainly have been a resort to arms but for the moderation of the two chief officers of the army, generals Lorenzo Salazar and Mdximo Blanco.24 These officers and others placed themselves at the head of a pronun ciamien to which took place at San Josh on the 1st of November to depose Castro and sus- pend the constitution of December 27, 1859. Jesus Jimenez, the first designado, was then called to assume the executive office, with ample powers to call a con- stituent assembly. He accordingly placed himself at the head of affairs, and convoked the assembly, to meet on the 1st of January, summoning the people also to choose the next president, together with sena- tors and representatives for the next constitutional term to begin May 1, I860.25 The new constitution was framed on the 18tli of Februaiy, and promulgated in April 1869, consisting of 149 articles, and containing very liberal principles.20 24 Castro’s enemies averred that his course was very mysterious, and some even suspected an intention on his part to retain power in his hands, though lie supported the candidacy of his minister, Julian Volio. They said that the barracks assumed a menacing attitude, and Castro was on the point of decree- ing several military promotions of members of his own family, and concen- trating all the forces of the republic in and about his own residence. It came to be believed that he intended to nullify Salazar first, and Blanco next. But the former had in his favor most of the wealthy families, as well as a large support in Alajuela, Heredia, and Cartago. To make the story short, Salazar and Blanco concluded to act together. El Quincenal Josefi.no, no. 32, in Star and Herald, Dec. 24, 2G, 1SG8. The editor of this publication was Lorenzo Month far. Whatever may be asserted against Castro, he had proved himself a liberal, enlightened, and upright ruler. His administration had given conclusive proof that the president valued liberty of the press and speech as necessary to the existence of a republican government. The coun- try had been enjoying those privileges, and prospering as it had never done before. U. S. Minister J. B. Blair, to Sec. Fish, June 23, 1S73. 25 The troops and people seemed to acquiesce in the new order of things. There was no bloodshed. Castro was left perfectly free in his own house. Hie. , Gaccta, Nov. 28, Dec. 5, 18G8; Jan. 23, March 20, 18G9; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 17, 1SG8; Costa B., Col. Ley., xvii. 202-9; U. S. Mess, and Doc. (Dept of State, pt ii. ), p. xii.; Lafcrrikre, De Paris a Guatem., 60-2. 2GArt. 5th, after declaring the Roman catholic religion to be that of the state, recognizes toleration of other forms of worship; 6th, makes primary education of both sexes obligatory, free, and to be provided by the nation, placing it under the direction of the municipal authorities; 17th, declares the military subordinate to the civil authority, strictly passive, and forbidden to deliberate on political affairs; 72d, grants eligibility for the position of deputy to naturalized citizens after four years’ residence from the date of the certifi- REVOLUTION. 379 The ordinary congress met, and declared Jimenez • to be the constitutional president for the next term, and he was inducted into office with the usual formal- ities.'27 But owing to congress having refused to pass a railroad bill, Jimenez lost his temper, resigned his office, and left the capital. But the resignation was not accepted, and he was induced to return. Subse- quently, on his representing that the country was in danger from internal disturbances due to party violence, that body decreed a suspension of the consti- tution.28 This order of things lasted until the 27th of April, 1870, on which day sixteen men, among whom were Tom&s and Arictor Guardia, Pedro and Pablo Quiroz, and Prospero Fernandez, captured the artillery barracks of San Jose by a coup de main. There were a few killed and wounded, among the former being the commander, Colonel A. Biscoubi, a French officer who distinguished himself in the defence of San Salvador in 18G3.'20 After the capture of the barracks the president was seized, and kept a prisoner about twenty-four hours. Bruno Carranza was then proclaimed provisional presi- dent, and assumed the duties on the 28th. Jimenez and his ministers were detained to answer charges that would be preferred against them.30 Jimenez was al- lowed to reside in Cartago under surveillance; but fearing for his life, as he alleged, escaped.31 The men cate of naturalization. Costa R., Col. Ley., 1SG9, 24-59. Art 31st recognized freedom of the press, and yet it was considerably modified by a press law issued by the provisional govt. Nic., Gaceta, May 8, 1SG9. 27 Costa R., Informe Gobem., etc., 1869, 12-15, 26-7; Id., Informe Ilac., ReL etc., 18G9, 1-2. J. M. Montealegre had been the other candidate. Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 19, 18G8. 23 May 29, 18G9. The action of the courts was restored May 31st. But the president had now unrestricted powers. Costa R., Col. Ley., 18G9, 94-5, 100-1, 103. Nic., Gaceta, June 19, 18G9. 29 Those men drove to the barracks in an ox cart, covered by grass, and dashed in. It looks as if there must have been connivance on the part of the guard. Biscoubi had been, it is understood, invited to join the movement, but refused to lend himself. 30 Among the charges contemplated were that they had appropriated iarge sums out of the public treasury for personal purposes, and that upwards of 82 J,000 had been given Eusebio Figueroa to go on a trip of pleasure to Europe. 31 The ministers were then placed under bonds. Id., June 18, July 9, 1870s. 380 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. who brought about the overthrow of the oppressive government of Jimenez were not left unrewarded/2 All proscriptive orders which had emanated from it were revoked, and persons in exile were enabled to come back. The people were again summoned to elect a con- stituent assembly to meet on the 8th of August, which took place; it declared the constitution of 1869 no longer in force, and temporarily revived that of December 1859. Carranza resigned on the same day that the convention assembled, and Tom&s Guardia33 was appointed his successor on the 10 th. One of Carranza’s last acts, July 30th, was to sus- pend the treaty of friendship with Guatemala of 1848, because the latter had closed diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.3i It is to be said to the credit of Carranza’s short rule that though clothed with dicta- torial powers they were used very sparingly.30 Public tranquillity was constantly menaced, till finally a number of assemblages passed resolutions to rescind the powers conferred on the constituent assem- bly, and granted the authority of a dictator to Tomds Guardia, whereupon on the 10th of October that body was dissolved by him.36 That same day he decreed a full amnesty to Ex-president Jimenez and his minis- ters Agapito Jimenez and Eusebio Figueroa. lie next, on the 13th, created a council of state with promi- 32 April 29, 1870, Tomas Guardia was promoted to gen. of division, and Victor Guardia to’gen. of brigade. The two Quirozes and Prdspero Fernandez were made colonels. Other officers also rose in rank. Costa It., Col. Ley., xix. 41-4, 50 1. 33 This person was a captain early in 1856, and went as Gen. Canas’ aide- de-camp to the Nic. campaign against Walker. On his return he was made a maj. As comandante of Alajuela he revolted against Presid. Castro Nov. 1, 1868. We have seen how he came to be made a general of division. 34 Guat. had several times attempted interference in Costa Rican affairs, insisting on the suppression of liberty of the press, and on other violations of law, allot' which had been refused. Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 27, 1870. 33 Report, Aug. 22, 1S70, by Minister Lorenzo Montiifar to the national constituent assembly. Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1870, 1. 36 llis ministers who countersigned that decree were B. Carazo, Pedro Gar- cia, Lorenzo Montdfar, and in the absence of J. Lizano, sec. of the treasury, Salvador Gonzalez as under-secretary. Garcia and Carazo were made briga- diers. Garcia resigned Oct. 28th, and was succeeded by Josd Antonio Pinto. Costa ll., Col. Ley., xix. 124-6, 150. TOMAS GUARDI A. 381 nent political men,37 assumed personal command of the forces, and appointed Rafael Barroeta his substitute. In May 1871, several prominent citizens were ordered to reside on the Gulfo Dulce.38 A constituent assembly was convoked on the 12th of August,39 and met on the 15th of October, which adopted another fundamental law for the republic on the 7th of December. It was a most liberal constitu- tion, recognizing1 all the rights of man. On religion it accepted the Roman catholic as the only one to be supported, but tolerated other forms. Foreigners were allowed the privilege of trading and other law- ful industries, including navigation of rivers and coasts, of holding property, marrying, and testating. They could not be compelled to become citizens, but if they wished it, one year’s residence sufficed to obtain nat- uralization. The government was declared to be pop- ular, representative, alternative, and responsible. It was divided into three branches; namely, legislative, executive, and judicial.40 The national congress being installed May 1, 1872, on the 30th declared Tonnls Guardia duly elected president, and on the same date appointed Jose An- tonio Pinto and Rafael Barroeta first and second vice- 37 Vicente Herrera, Aniceto Esquivel, Jesus Salazar, Carlos Sancho, and Rafael Barroeta. Id., 127-31. 38 For supposed revolutionary schemes. It was even alleged that there was a plot to murder Guardia. Costa R., Gac. OJic., May 12, 1871; Nic. , One. , May 27, June 3, 1871. 39 Excluding the president, his ministers, and the bishop from being electors. Costa, R., Col. Ley., xx. 118-22. 40 The legislative consisted of a chamber of deputies chosen for four years. During recess it was to he represented near the executive by a comision per- manente of five deputies. All citizens able to read and write, and possessing property to the value of $500, or an occupation yielding $200 a year, could be chosen deputies, excepting the president, his ministers, members of the supreme court, and governors. Deputies could accept no offices except ministerial or diplomatic, and then they must resign the elections. The executive was vested in a president for four years, who must be a native, thirty years and upwards, and could not be reelected for the next immediate term. He was allowed a council of state, composed of his ministers, the members of the comision permanente, and others that he might invite to join the delibera- tions. The judicial authority was vested in a supreme court, whose members must be natives of the country, and such other courts as might be established by law. Id., xx. 171-20G; El Porvenir de Nic., Jan. 14, 1872; Nic., Gaceta, Jan. 13, 1872. 382 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. president respectively. The same body June 20th granted Guardia leave of absence, with permission to visit foreign countries for the benefit of his health, and authorized the government to appropriate out of the treasurv a sum not exceeding $25,000 for his travelling expenses. Jose A. Pinto had charge of the executive in his absence.41 Guardia reassumed his office on the 26th of January, 1873. The policy Guardia’s government had pursued toward Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua caused these three powers to prepare for any emergency which might arise. They accordingly entered into a treaty of alliance on the 26th of August, 1873. 42 Minister Montu far had been the only one to endeavor to check Guardia’s hare-brained plans ; but he was de- spatched to Europe with the intent of dismissing him in his absence. Costa Rica, on the 24th of October, addressed a circular to other governments remonstrat- ing against that treaty.43 Her government implied that the treaty had been prompted by private animos- ity, which the others indignantly denied.44 This state of affairs created much alarm in Costa Rica, as well as elsewhere in Central America, and Guardia, professing to give way to the demands of public opinion, which pointed to him as the sole pro- moter of war, temporarily resigned the executive 41 Guardia went to Europe, where he was treated with marked considera- tion. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxi. 48-51; xxii. (5. During his absence there was no harmony between the acting president and the chief of the forces, Victor Guardia, nor between the latter and the commandant of artillery. Nie., Sema- nalNic., Oct. 17, 1S72. >2 Guardia was accused of affording aid to the supporters of retrogression against the liberal governments existing in those states; and of openly per- mitting an expedition to sail on the Sherman to commit hostilities against the other Cent. Am. states. El Porvenir de Nic., Aug. 10, 1873; Aguirre, Recortes deun Peri6d., 5-6. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 187G, in Salv., Gaccti OJic., Oct. 26, 1S76. 4:5 As an open infringement of previous conventions, international law, and Costa Rica’s rights. U. S. Gov. Doc., II. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 113, 116. 44 A. H. Rivas, foreign minister of Nic., Nov. 11th, in doing so, added that they were guarding their interests against Costa Rica’s insidious pro- jects, in gathering large quantities of war material to favor disgruntled Nica- raguans, which his govt well knew, though not officially. Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 15, 1873; Id., Informe Min. Delgadillo, 1-14; Nic. , Mem. Gobern., 1875, 6-7. MORE PRESIDENTS. 383 office into the hands of the first designado, Salva- dor Gonzalez, on the 21st of November.45 Gonzalez formed a new cabinet, with Jose M. Castro as minis- ter of foreign affairs, and fixed upon a policy that would secure public confidence at home and peace with the other states.46 Gonzalez and his ministers had believed in Guardia’s sincerity, b.ut they soon dis- covered that he had been playing a hypocritical role. Pretending indignation at what he called lowering the country’s honor, and trailing its flag in the dust,4' he resumed the presidential office on the 1st of Decem- ber, and the next day placed it in charge of Rafael Barroeta,46 who held it till the 28th of February, 1874, when Guardia resumed it. The latter was again granted a leave of absence May 19, 1875, and was absent several months.49 Some further correspondence passed between the governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, resulting from an abortive attempt at revolution in Guanacaste, when the insurgents, being defeated, escaped into Nicaragua. A force of Costa Ricans landed from a steamer, killed some persons and arrested others in territory claimed to be within the neutral district, under the boundary treaty of 1858, which both parties had bound themselves to respect till the question of limits should be finally settled.50 Congress, in March 1876, authorized the executive to station troops in 45 Nic., Gaceta, App., Dec. 3, 1873; Nic. , Semanal Nic. , Nov. 29, 1873. 46 It passed a decree on the 29tli of November to check all violations of neutrality, and in a note to the other governments expressed itself in terms of conciliation, tantamount to a withdrawal of the circular of Oct. 24th. Id. , suppl., Dec. 2, 13, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic., Dec. I1 1 873; Nic., Semanal Nic., Dec. 11, 1873. 47 As stated in his organ, El Costaricense, no. 17, suppl. 48 A number of persons who had promoted the new policy, particularly some members of the cabinet, for their credulity and good intentions became the victims of Guardia’s wrath, and were banished from their homes. Gon- zalez had been let down easy, as having declined to continue in charge of the executive. Costa JR., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 11, 12; Id., Col. Ley., xxii. 194, 197, 200; 1874, 34-5, 53; Nic. , Gaceta, Dec. 20, 1873; Nic., Semanal Nic., Dec. 11, 20, 1873. 49 He resumed control of the govt Nov. 4-5, 1875. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxiii. 75-6, 275. 53 Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 13, 14; Id., Informe Gobcm., 1875, app. 10- 21; Nic., Correspond, sobre Reel., 3—17 ; Nic. , Mens. Preshl., 1875, 5-6. 384 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA PJCA. Guanacaste, on tlie frontier of Nicaragua, and defend the country’s honor, if assailed. He was also to arrange, if possible, the troubles with that republic. Guardia visited the frontier, where General Maximo Jerez and a number of officers also went via Punta- renas.51 On the 27th of March a general amnesty was issued to all political offenders, which implied that the gov- ernment was confident the public peace would not be disturbed.52 Congress declared, May 3d, that Aniceto Esquivel had been constitutionally chosen president of the re- public,53 and on the 9th appointed Tomds Guardia and Vicente Herrera first and second designados in the order named. On the 8th Guardia took the chief command of the forces; and as the constitution did not allow of his reelection to the presidential chair, he could reoccupy it at pleasure by virtue of his position as first design ado. 64 o 51 El Costaricense, March 24th, said that the mission of Jerez was from Bar- rios, president of Guat., to Guardia. The Quincenal Josejino, March 20th, gave it as a certainty that Nic. would propose the withdrawal of both forces from the frontier as a conciliatory measure. The whole trouble arose from the boundary dispute. Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 4, 1876. 52 Costa R., Mensaje, 1876, 2; Id., Col. Ley., xxiv. 24—5. 63 He assumed the office on the 8th, and formed his cabinet with Juan R. Mata, S. Lizano, M. Carazo Peralta, and B. Morales. Id., 36-8; Id., Discurso . . .Preaid., 1876, 1-4; Salv., Gaceta OJic., May 22, 1876. 5* He had been declared a benemerito, and given a vote of thanks. Costa P., Col. Ley., xxiv. 62. Guardia’s administration during the past six years was highly extolled in the Gaceta Oficial of San Jose. It said that his surren- der of jjower proved the falsity of the charge that he had intended holding it for life. We shall see how much this statement was worth. It claimed for him that he had at all times blended leniency with firmness, which facts fail to establish. He was equally credited with increasing the revenues by his successful measures to repress smuggling; with protecting industry and labor; endeavoring to provide the country with a railroad between the two oceans; improving the morale of the country; spreading public education; promoting political and commercial relations with other countries; forwarding public works; and lastly, vigorously defending Costa Rica’s rights against Nicara- gua’s pretensions. Salv., Gaceta OJic., May 22, 1876. On the other hand, we a.e told that Costa Rica’s revenues were squandered in keeping 2,000 men on the frontier as a menace to Nicaragua. Pan. Star and Herald, June 1, 1S76. Guardia has been justly called a tyrant, because of his arbitrary acts and vio- lations of the constitution. Electoral and parliamentary freedom, under his rule, was a fafee; results at elections being what his will dictated, and con- gress being mostly made up of his immediate friends and a number of puppets. There were some honorable exceptions, like that of Zacarfas Garcia, who, for acting as a real representative of the people, was imprisoned without protest MORE REVOLUTIONS. 385 Esquivel inaugurated his administration under favor- able circumstances. He pledged himself to pursue a conciliatory policy, at home and abroad, though never failing to uphold the rights of Costa Ricans in foreign lands. Discord, however, broke out, and the oppo- nents of Guardia vented their hostility by the press. A revolt, with bloodshed, occurred in Cartago, July 29th, and 30th, to depose Esquivel,55 which movement proved successful. V icente Herrera, second desig- nado, was called to occupy the executive seat.56 The new ruler made Saturnino Lizano his minister-gen- eral, closed diplomatic and commercial relations with Nicaragua,67 and on the 11th of August established on the part of his colleagues. The independence of the three powers, per- sonal rights, freedom of the press, and other constitutional guaranties, were repeatedly trampled upon by Guardia, by his favorite, Pedro Quiroz, and by other satellites. Justices of the supreme court and numerous other promi- nent citizens were either imprisoned, banished, or mulcted in heavy sums of money, without any form of trial having preceded. Jose M. Castro, chief justice, and Salvador Jimenez, justice of the supreme court, were by Guardia ’s autocratic command made to live for a time on the Pacific coast. Even his brother, Victor Guardia, was harshly treated for showing an independent spirit; and his brother-in-law, Leon Fernandez, was several months kept in irons for some mysterious offence that was never brought to trial, and after- ward transferred to a horrible dungeon in Limon, where he was cruelly treated until he succeeded in effecting his escape. Other infringements of the laws are also mentioned, and not a few cases of brutality, even the use of the lash on respectable citizens, which Guardia and his myrmidons were challenged to contradict to the face of Costa Ricans. Aijuirre, J. M., Recortes. . .Corresp. Hist. Polit., 1-21. This is a letter dated and published at Panama May 1, 1876, and addressed to Francisco Chavez C., editor of El Costaricense, Guardia ’s press organ, whom he handles without gloves for his defence of Guardia’s acts and abuse of Guardia’s opponents. The writer had been one of the vic- tims of both, and was evidently well posted on the history of Guardia’s rule. Mailing allowance for exaggeration in some instances, the conclusion to be arrived at is that Guardia acted like an autocrat who would brook no opposi- tion. It does not appear, however, that he was sanguinary. •’■’The people took no part. It was a result of the abuse by the salaried press of the government, of the violation of pledges, and the tacit authoriza- tion of crimes against good and loyal servants of the country. Salv. , Gac. OJic. , Aug. 20, 1S76. Nepotism was also probably a cause. Esquivel’s min. of pub. works, and the superintendent of the railroad were brothers-in-law of his. Incompetency, mismanagement, and waste were said to prevail. Pan. Star awl Herald, June 1, Aug. 18, 1876. The government of Nic. attributed Esquivel’s downfall mainly to his friendly policy toward her, which did not suit Guardia. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1875, in Salv., Gaceta OJic., Oct 26, 1876. - Ii He represented himself as free from political animosities, and promised to maintain order, and to push the work of the railroad. He created a council of state of five members, one of whom was Victor Guardia. El Costaricenxe, Aug. 4, 10, 1876; Costa R., Col. Ley., xxiv. 145. Because her govt had refused him recognition. Costa R., Informe Red., Hist. Cent. Am., You III. 25 3S6 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. censorship of the press as a necessity for the preser- vation of order. Herrera’s administration was noted for its iillber- ality toward foreigners, and for religious bigotry. ' The press was gagged ; capitalists and merchants were heavily mulcted on the pretext of their being malecontents ; men of reputation and standing were driven from their homes upon the reports of paid spies; and other outrages were committed. 1 A revolutionary movement on the 11th of Septem- ber, 1877, forced Herrera to surrender the executive office59 to Tomds Guardia, who assumed the duties, the municipal governments recognizing him as provis- ional president with unlimited powers.60 On the 24th lie called on the people to choose a constituent assem- bly to meet on the 23d of December. The same day lie created a gran consejo nacional, delegating the choice of the majority of its members to the munici- palities. That body, under its constitution, had de- volved upon it several important duties.61 A general amnesty law for political offences was decreed October 15th, and on the 17th the gran consejo nacional issued a ley de garantias, declaring life, liberty, and property 1877, 1-3. Guardia had been appointed plenipotentiary to Guat. andSalv. He visited Guat. first, and arrived at San Salvador Aug. 3d. In presenting his credentials he said that he had been instructed to pave the way for the fusion of the positive interests of Cent. Am. The real object of his mission seems, however, to have been to enlist the two governments in his projects of war against Nic. Both failed him. Salv., Gac. OJic., Aug. 5, If), Dec. 7, 1876; Feb. 25, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 17, 1877; Nic., Mem. Pel., 1879, p. iii.-iv. 23-5. Relations with Nic. were not restored till June 30, 1878. Costa P., Col. Ley., xxiv. 168-9; xxv. 97-8. 58 Almost his first act was to dismiss from the educational establishments the able teachers who had been brought out at great expense, replacing them with jesuits. For this act he was rewarded with an autograph letter from the pope. He removed the competent foreigners from the management of the railroad on the plea of economy, employing in their places inefficient, because inexperienced, natives; the result being deterioration of rolling stock, and general mismanagement. He forbade cutting rubber on the waste lands, and i nposed a duty of 3 cents per lb. He tried to force Great Britain to recall one of her consular agents. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 20, 1877. :’9 He pretended to temporarily do so on the plea of ill health. 88 He chose Pedro Quiroz and Rafael Barroeta his substitutes. Costa P., Informe Gobern., 1878, 2. 81 Appointing members of the supreme court, enacting laws, and discharg- ing the functions of a consultive council. Id., 1878, 1-2; Salv., Diario OJic., Sept. 25, Oct. 11, 1878. ARBITRARY RULE. 387 inviolable.62 This law was in force only about three months. Costa Rica was not, it seemed, to be free from actual or impending trouble. Guatemala refused to recognize Guardia’s government, and the latter closed relations with her as long as Barrios should be her ruler.63 Early in the following January rumors came that the republic would soon be invaded by a party of men who had in Nicaragua organized a government, and purposed establishing it in Costa Rica by force of arms, if necessary. The invasion took place through Limon, under the leadership of Federico Mora, who called himself provisional president. In consequence of this the law of guaranties, and the elections for the constituent assembly, were suspended, and a de- cree issued for the punishment of the invaders when taken.64 Tim attempt to overthrow Guardia failed, Mora being defeated at El Zapote and Matina, and fleeing to Nicaragua. The campaign lasted only eight days.6'1 Quiet having been restored for a time, an amnesty was granted to political offenders.66 Very little worth mentioning occurred in 1879, ex- cept that in October Costa Rica suspended relations with Salvador. Guardia on the 10th of July, 1880, restored the law of guaranties, and repeated those of January 21 and February 1, 1878, appointing August 1st for the election of deputies, and the 29th of the same month for the instalment of the constituent as- sembly. This body met on the appointed day,6' but had been in session only about three weeks, when from the liberal views introduced and discussed, and likely “Promulgated the 18th by Guardia. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxv. 186-7, 210- 11, 217-19, 228-30; Id., Col. Disp. Leyis., 1878, 16-17. “Decree of Dec. 19, 1877. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. 76-9. Relations with Hond. were also interrupted in 1878. Costa R., Informe Min. Rel., 1879, 2; Id., Col. Ley., xxv. 237. u Costa R., Col. Disp. Legis., 1878, 19-20, 25-6; Id., Procl., Jan. 24, 1878; Id.. Informe Gobern., 1878, 2-3; Id., Inf. Guerra y Marina, 1878, 2. 66 Finally Mora was forbidden by the Nicaraguan government to reside within the eastern and southern departments. Nic., Mem. Rel., 1879, p. iv. 66 Sept. 12, 1878. Salv., Diario Ofic., Oct. 11, 1878. 67 Costa R., Instal. Asamblea Leyis., 1880, 7 f. 3SS POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. to be incorporated in the new constitution, it became apparent that Guardia would not be the popular choice for the next presidential term. The last day’s pro- ceedings were an indication of the doom of despotism.63 Guardia and his satellites, alarmed at their impend- ing downfall, resolved that their safety lay in dissolv- ing the assembly, suspending the law of guaranties, and imposing on the people anew the dictatorship. This was done at once on the pretext of suppressing an imaginary revolution. The military being all pow- erful, Guardia on the 28th of September revived the gran consejo nacional to meet at San Jose on the 16th of October. He continued his usual arbitrary prac- tices of imprisoning and exiling such persons as made themselves obnoxious to him.69 In 1881 he revisited Europe, and in his absence Salvador Lara acted as president. A constituent assembly was convoked, which adopted a constitution containing very liberal clauses, on the 7th of December. This constitution Guardia suspended on his return to power, early in 1882, but restored with amendments by his decree of April 26th. Guardia’ s health had not been much benefited by his journey to Europe, and death over- took him at Alajuela in the evening of July 6, 1882. The highest honors were paid to his remains, such as were never seen in Central America before or after the independence. They were buried in San Jose.'0 Saturnino Lizano had charge of the executive office until the 20th of July, when he surrendered it to the designado General Prospero Fernandez, who being subsequently elected president was inducted into office on the lOtli of August.71 The new administration 68 Abolition of capital punishment adopted; also the following clauses: 1 tws to have no retroactive effect; all persons, not convicted of crime, were tree, and to have the privilege of entering and leaving the republic; right of congregating unarmed to discuss public affairs, and the conduct of officials, of petitioning individually or collectively, and of expressing political opinions, together with freedom of the press fully recognized. Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 1 G, 1880. 69 Free expressions of opinion were an open road to persecution, hi., Nov. 0, 1880. 7J Conti. /?. , Honored Fan., 1882. 1-50; Pan. Star and Herald, July 20, 1882. 71 Fernandez was born in San Jose July 18, 1834. He received a portion CHURCH AFFAIRS. 339 soon restored diplomatic intercourse with Guate- mala, Salvador, and Honduras.'2 The relations of the government with the church became strained in 1883. Early that year a decree was issued forbidding the entry of members of the society of Jesus into the republic, though a few who had charge of a college at Cartago were allowed to remain. The clergy began an agitation, and had to be advised by the government, and the bishop as well, to moderate their zeal.'3 But the trouble did not end. The old struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical powers was revived. Bishop Thiel, with the aid of the jesuits, attempted to interfere with and to place himself above the government, which, on its part, under the authority conferred by congress, re- solved to uphold its supreme authority at all hazards. Hence a decree of July 18, 1884, expelling the bishop and the jesuits from the country.'4 Other important measures affecting the clergy were also adopted at this time.'5 The bishop was recalled in the following year. The republic was at peace, when a measure of the legislative assembly of Guatemala came to create a great alarm. I refer to the decree of February 28, 1885, declaring the union of Central America in the form of a single republic, to carry out which of his education in Gnat. , and at 18 years of age entered the Costa Rican army. In 1854 he was a sub-lieutenant, and in 1856 served in Nic. against Walker. In 1860 he fought against the invaders under Ex-presid. Mora at Angostura. In 1870 he was one of the few men that captured the artillery barracks, thereby causing the overthrow of Presid. Jimenez. During Guar- dia’s rule he held several positions of trust and rose to gen. of division. His wife was named Cristina Guardia. Costa It., Boletin OJic., March 14, 1885; Id., Qaccta, April 30, 1885. 72 Aug. 11, 1882, a gen. amnesty for political offences to date was decreed. 73 A sort of compromise was agreed to; a few officials were removed, and the Quincenal Josef.no, Montufar’s journal, ceased publication. Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 24, 1883. 74 They were embarked the 19th atLimon; and the fact was telegraphed the same day to the other Cent. Am. governments by Sec. of State Castro. El Guatemalteco, July 30, 1884; Costa It., Informe Eel., 1885, 17, 89-91; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 18, 1885. 75 July 19th, cemeteries were secularized. July 22d, religious orders were suppressed. All these executive decrees were countersigned by Minis- ter Bernardo Soto, who later became president. Costa It., Gaceta, June 9, 1885. 390 POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA. scheme President Barrios assumed military command over Central America. The news of this was re- ceived by President Fernandez from Barrios himself in a telegram on the 7th of March.76 The national congress was then summoned to meet on Sunday the 8th, and the president called on the people to prepare for the defence of Costa Bican independence. The call was responded to with much enthusiasm. Con- gress clothed the executive with extraordinary pow- ers.7, But fate had decreed that Fernandez should be saved the vexation of spirit and anxiety which the situation must have caused him. He died suddenly in Atenas between 3 and 4 o’clock in the morning of March 12th. Fernandez was greatly esteemed both as a private and public man. His funeral took place from the presidential mansion on the next day, with the honors due his position as the national chief magistrate.78 The first designado, General and Licentiate Ber- nardo Soto, immediately assumed the duties of presi- dent, as well as of commander of the forces,'9 and at once called to form his cabinet Jose M. Castro, Mauro Fernandez, and Santiago de la Guardia.80 Prepara- tions for war were continued, and other nations ad- 7CThe federation plan had been opposed in 1883 by Costa Rica refusing to accredit delegates. Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Gov. Doc., II. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, pt 1, 54. 77 Costa R., Gaceta, March 9-12, 1885. 78 Further honors to his memory at a later date. Aug. 3, 1S85, it was ordered that his bust should be placed in the public square of San Jose. Id., March 13, 14, Aug. 5, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1885; El Uni- versal (Pan.), March 17, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, Sept. 9, 18S5. 79 Soto is a native of Alajuela, Feb. 12, 1854; his parents being (Jen. Apolinar de J. Soto, and Joaquina Alfaro. He was educated in Costa Rica, and in 1877 was admitted to the bar, and practised the legal profession till 1880, when he travelled in the U. S. On his return he was made governor of the province of Alajuela, in which position he exerted himself for the ad- vancement of the province. lie did not complete his term, having to make a visit to Europe. On his return in April 1882, he was again appointed gov- ernor of Alajuela, and in August of the same year the executive called him to till a position in his cabinet as minister of government, police, and public works. Apr. 19, 1885, he married Pacifica, a daughter of Ex-president Fer- nandez; and May 15th, congress declared him a benemerito, and gen. of division. Costa It., Gaceta, May 16, June 9, 1885. 80 The first named was given the portfolio of foreign affairs. Id., March 13, 14, 1885. FEACE AND WAR. 391 vised of Costa Rica’s disapproval of Guatemala’s action.81 Peace was proclaimed on the 19th of April, and the president on the 30th called congress to meet on the 8th of May, when he would surrender the extraordinary powers it had clothed him with. General Fadrique Gutierrez attempted a revolution in August, which failed. He was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and cashiered.82 81 Circular of March 17, 1885. It also explained the motives prompting Costa R., Salv., and Nic. to resist Barrios’ projects. Id. , Manlf. del Gob., 1885-6. Costa R. sent a contingent of troops to Nic., Hond., and Salv. Her troops, however, had no opportunity to fight. Presid. Soto tendered his resignation on the 5th of June, hut it was not accepted, and extraordinary powers were conferred on him for sixty days. Id., Gaceta, May 22, 23, June 8, 1885. He was also deprived of his political rights, ' por el delito de conspira- ciou para rebelion, coinetido en servieio activo de las armas.’ Costa II., Gaceta. Nor. 27, 1885. CHAPTER XIX. DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN S ARY ADO 1865-1885. Rule of President Duenas — His Conservatism — Quarrel with Hondu- ras— The Latter Allied with Salvadoran Liberals — Battle of Santa Ana — Duenas Deposed — His Impeachment, Release, and Temporary Exile — Santiago Gonzalez Provisional President — Gonzalez Elected Chief Magistrate — Guatemala and Salvador at War with Honduras — Murder of Vice-president Mendez — Earth- quakes— President Valle — Trouble with Guatemala — Exeunt Valle and Gonzalez — Zaldivar’s Long Rule — Constitutional Changes — Alliance with Nicaragua and Costa Rica — Resistance to Barrios’ Plan of Conquest — Salvador Victorious — Restored Peace — Zaldivar Eliminated — Revolution — F. Menendez Made President. Francisco Duenas, called to preside over the des- tinies of Salvador in 18G5, by the grace of President Carrera of Guatemala, was a member of the legal pro- fession, and had already figured in public affairs. He was from early youth destined for the cloister, and in due time took the vows as a Dominican. But being of an ardent temperament, he came after a while to think himself adapted for a political leader rather than to serve God under a monk’s habit.1 He accordingly entered the political field, and soon attained promi- nence. In 1845 he was a minister of state, and had previously been a deputy to the federal congress, wherein for lack of eloquence he made no display; but in committees and private conversations with his 1 In 1829, when convents were closed in Guat., he had to leave the cloister, and afterward obtained a papal dispensation from his vows. He then studied law, and received the degree of licentiate in 1836. v392) PRESIDENT DUENAS. 393 colleagues, he often managed to have his ideas ac- cepted. He was one of the deputies who voted against the fatal decree leaving the states free to con- stitute themselves. He was then a friend of Central American nationality, and often defended it almost as warmly as Barrundia. Pretending to follow public opinion, he was affiliated with the liberals. But his chief aim was even then the furtherance of his own political advancement. Thus we see him join the oli- garchic clique, and ally himself with Carrera of Gua- temala, from which time he discountenanced every attempt to restore true democracy. The republic became one in name only, for his government was persona] and absolute.2 With the aid of the oligarchs he managed to sustain himself for years, the country enjoying peace and material prosperity, for which, as well as for his not neglecting public education, he should have some credit.3 In December 18G8, he was elected president for the next term, and public affairs continued in a nominal condition for some time, the most friendly relations being maintained with foreign powers, and specially with the other Central American states. But in the latter part of 1870 serious differences occurred with the government of Honduras, the latter imputing to Salvador marked favors to Honduran and Nicaraguan refugees, who were constantly plotting to overthrow the administration of President Medina. At last the Honduran government accredited two commissioners, namely Celeo Arias, and Teodoro Aguiluz, in San Sal- vador, with the view of settling those differences, if possible, in a friendly manner. Salvador on her part named Bafael Zaldivar her commissioner to treat with them, and their conferences began on the 16th 2 Slowness and procrastination ruled supreme. A citizen of Salvador said of Duenas to describe liis policy: ‘ El mejor caballo para Duenas es el que no anda. ’ 3 In Jan. 1866 he married a wealthy widow, who had been educated in the U. S. That same year the university conferred on him the degree of doc- tor of laws. Nic., Gaccta, Feb. 3, March 3, 1S3G. 394 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. of January, 1871, but they led to no satisfactory re. suit.4 At the fourth and last conference, on the 21st of January, the Honduran commissioners, after pro- testing against Salvador’s course in rejecting their demands, proposed as a last resort to preserve friend- ship— in view of the fact that all hope of arriving at an understanding had disappeared, as confidence be- tween the two governments no longer existed- -that the legislatures of both states should be convoked to meet on the 12th of March, and the two presidents, Medina and Duehas, resign their offices. After which elections for chief magistrates should be held, with the express condition that during those elections both Medina and Duehas should reside out of their coun- tries. Four days having elapsed without any answer having been returned to that proposition, the Hondu- ran commissioners on the 25th renewed their protest, declared the conferences closed, and demanded their passports. However, after this, Zaldfvar signified to them an acceptance of the proposal concerning the 4 The Hondurans claimed on the strength of art. 8th of the treaty concluded at Santa Rosa on the 25th of March, 1802, the concentration in the interior of Salvador of Gen. Florencio Xatruch, the priest Miguel Bustillo, and Jose Manuel Selva, Hondurans; and also of certain Nicaraguans, who after their rebellion against the government of Fernando Guzman in their own country, had found a refuge in Salvador, and made common cause with the enemies of President Medina, because he had supported Guzman with the moral and diplomatic influence of his government. The Salvadoran negotiator denied that Xatruch was a political refugee. He was sent by Nic. in 1803 to Salv. at the head of an auxiliary force. Later with Nicaragua’s permission he was employed by Salv., he being since 1858 a general of division of her army, a rank conferred on him for his services against Walker and his filibusters; and was therefore entitled to all the rights of a Salvadoran citizen. Salv. pledged, however, that he would do no hostile act against Hond. As to adopting any action against the Nicaraguans, the demand could not bo acceded to, because they did not come under the provisions of the treaty with Honduras, nor were they political refugees at all. The commissioner of Salv. made counter- charges: 1st. Hond. had violated art. 9 of the treaty of Santa Rosa, in that her legislature had empowered the executive to declare war against Salv. without first complying with the terms of that clause. 2d. She had allowed asylum to Salvadoran refugees, giving them employment on the frontier of Salv. , where they had been constantly plotting and uttering menaces against their govt, using arms obtained from Honduran govt warehouses. All re- monstrances against such proceedings had been disregarded. 3d. Hond., heeding false reports, had raised 1,500 men, keeping a portion on the Salv. frontier, and maintaining a warlike attitude. The Honduran commissioners denied the correctness of the charges, and quoted instances in which their government had given proofs of deference anti friendship toward its neighbor. iSale., Protocolo dc las Couf , 1-16. HOSTILITIES WITH HONDURAS. 395 resignation. This inspired some hope that peace might yet be consolidated. But it proved to be a vain hope ; for the government of Honduras on the 7th of Feb- ruary suspended all treaty stipulations between the two republics, and Salvador despatched in the same month a body of troops to invade her neighbor’s terri- tory;5 in consequence of which President Medina on the 5th of March declared war against Salvador, or rather against Duenas’ government.6 The liberal party took advantage of the situation to adopt active measures for the overthrow of despotism, and the restoration of democratic principles. General Santiago Gonzalez, who had been called to head a movement, made an address to the people, which pro- duced a great excitement. Duenas tried to strengthen himself by means of a so-called plebiscit, but this only served to show that a revolution was impending. Gonzalez applied for aid to the government of Hon- duras,7 which, being then on the point of waging war against Duenas, was prevailed on to place under com- mand of that officer the forces he had organized to invade Salvador through Sensuntepeque. With his Salvadorans and Honduran allies Gonzalez made him- self master of the departments of Santa Ana and Sonsonate,8 from which he could procure abundant supplies. The government forces, which had been kept in suspense, not knowing which would be the invaders’ objective point, attacked them at Santa Ana, and after four days’ hard fighting, though much 5Nic. had mediated on behalf of peace, accrediting H. Zepeda and M. Montealegre as commissioners at Amapala. But an alfair of arms at Pasa- quina frustrated the efforts of the legation. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1876, in Snlv., Gaceta OJic., Oct. 26, 1876. uThe oligarchs pretended contempt for Medina’s action; some said, ‘Me- dina es un loco, y Honduras un esqueleto;’ others, ‘La quijotesca aetitud de Honduras alianzara mas nunstro poder.’ Uriarte, Observ. .. .Union Jicp. Cent. Am., 3. 7 It was said that Medina was enticed into assisting the liberals, under the delusion that they would call him to rule over the united states of Guat., Sale ami Hond. 6 San Salvador, the capital, had been several days fortified awaiting an assault, but the invaders, not knowing how much force there might be at hand for i.ts defence, preferred to inarch on to Santa Ana, 39G DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. superior in numbers, were utterly routed on the 10th of April, with heavy casualties; the main army was put to flight, and the reserve forsook their standard/ Gonzalez was then proclaimed provisional president, and Duenas’ government collapsed, he, together with Tomds Martinez, ex-president of Nicaragua, who com- manded in chief the government’s army, and others, seeking a place of safety in the United States legation, then in charge of General A. T. A. Torbert, minister resident. The next day Gonzalez and his army marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic acclamations. His first step was to protect the per- son of Duenas against possible violence from his exas- perated enemies, among whom were the friends of the never-forgotten Gerardo Barrios, whom Duenas had caused to be shot in cold blood, and to obtain his sur- render that he might answer before the nation for his alleged illegal acts.10 Both Duenas and Martinez were surrendered to the provisional government on its giv- ing a pledge that their lives would not be imperilled. The surrender of Duenas was made on the 20th of April, with his own acquiescence; he was then trans- ferred as a state prisoner to the military school build- ing.11 Martinez was released and permitted to leave the republic.12 Ex-president Duenas was, on the 13th of April, 1872, declared by the senate legally deposed, and amenable to the laws for acts of usurpation. Murders, among which was reckoned the execution of Ex-presi- dcnt Barrios, unjustifiable executions, and imprison- ments of citizens, incendiarism, misappropriation of 9 Hond., BoletinOfic., no. 2, contains the official report of the action, copied in Nic., Gaceta, March 13, 1S71. 10 A guard was kept around the minister’s house as long as Duenas was his guest. 11 He was kept there, treated with respect and consideration till after his trial. The particulars of his surrender appear in the official correspondence of Min. Torbert with both his own and the Salvadoran governments. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. 693-5. 12 There was no reason to keep him a prisoner. He could no longer injure Medina, and moreover, the government took into account his valuable ser- vices to Cent. Am. in 1856 7 against Walker. Laferriere, De Paris a Gua'e- tnaJa, 197 -8. NEW CONSTITUTION. 397 public moneys, and other misdemeanors. It was fur- ther ordered that the accused should be turned over to the jurisdiction of the courts for trial, pursuant to article 71 of the constitution.13 In July of the same year, while the constitution was in suspense, during a temporary internal disturbance, the supreme court set him at liberty, which caused much agitation in Salva- dor. He left the country after giving bonds in $100,- 000 that he would not land in any port of Central America. He went to and remained in Europe some time, then returned to America, residing a while in New York, and afterward in San Francisco, Cali- fornia. Subsequently he was permitted free access to his country, and was treated with high considera- tion both in Salvador and Guatemala. The constituent assembly, which had been convoked by the provisional government, was installed July 28, 1871, and began its labors on the 31st, when the provisional president gave an account of his official acts, all of which were legalized at once.14 The fol- lowing persons were, in the order named, designated to take charge of the executive, provisionally, in the event of disability of Gonzalez; namely, Rafael Campo, Manuel Gallardo, and Cruz Ulloa. On the 16th of October, the assembly adopted a new fundamental law in twelve titles, which may be said to have been in perfect accord with democratic principles.1'1 This constitution was amended on the 13 The process was accordingly passed to the camara de 2d instancia. El Por- venir de Nic., June 2, 1872. 14 The revolution was declared one for the restoration of the people’s rights, Gonzalez being recognized as provisional president. His recall of the supreme court was approved of. 13 Freedom to meet peaceably for the discussion of public affairs and the conduct of the rulers; freedom of speech and of the press were fully recog- nized and established, as also the inviolability of life, personal liberty, prop- erty, and honor, which no man could be deprived of except for cause after undergoing a fair trial. A citizen’s domicile and private papers were also declared inviolable. Primary instruction was to be uniform, gratuitous, and obligatory. Secondary and superior education were to be free, though subject to the supervision of the civil authorities. Passports were abolished. The Roman catholic was declared to be the state religion, but other Christian sects not repugnant to morality and good order were tolerated. Foreigners could 398 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. 9th of November, 1872, in a few particulars by a con stituent assembly, the presidential term being made of four j^ears instead of two. He could neither be reelected for the next immediate term, nor act as president even a single day beyond the time for which he was chosen.115 This same assembly in 1872 enacted several secondary laws of importance, to wit: on freedom of the press; trial by jury in criminal and libel cases; use of martial law; elections by universal suffrage; public instruction; codification of the laws in force since 1821; and appropriation of private property for great public uses. The presidential election under the new charter of 1871 resulted in Gonzalez, the provisional president, being chosen the constitutional chief magistrate, his term to begin on the 1st of February the following year. The amendment to the constitution of Novem- ber 9, 1872, extended it to February 1, 1876. The political relations of the governments of Sal- vador and Guatemala with Honduras had, early in 1872, become so unfriendly that a war was unavoid- able. Salvadoran and Guatemala forces invaded Hon- duras, and were successful in their operations, the details of which will be given in connection with the history of the latter country.1' President Gonzalez become naturalized after two years’ residence, and Spanish Americans after one year. All Salvadorans of 21 years or upwards, and of good moral char- acter, were citizens, provided they had either one of the following qualifica- tions: being father of a family, or head of a household; knowing how to read and write; possessing an independent livelihood. Those of only 18 years of age having a literary degree were also voters. The military in active sendee could neither vote nor be voted for. The government was vested in three distinct powers: legislative, composed of a senate, renewable yearly by thirds, each senator owning at least $2,000 in real estate, and a house of deputies, the whole renewed yearly; the executive, vested in a president owing at least $10,000 in real estate, his term being for only two years; and the judiciary, consisting of the supreme and lower courts. No ecclesiastic was eligible. The president, vice-president, and members of both houses of congress were to be chosen by electoral colleges. Laferri&re, De Paris d Guatemala, 199- 2J2; El Porvenir de Nic., Nov. 20, 1871; Jan. 7, 1872; Ruiz, Calend. Salv., 70. 16 Full Sp. text in Laferrikre, De Paris d Guatemala, 343-82; U. S. Govt Doc., II. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, For. Rcl., ii. 788-94, 8 1 1—20; Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1872; Nic., Semanal Nic., Nov. 28, 1872. 17 Salvador’s acceptance of the war declared by Hond. March 25th was signed by President Gonzalez, and countersigned by his cabinet; namely, Gregorio Arbizu, min. of foreign rel. ; Manuel Mendez, min. of pub. instrue- CALAMITOUS TIMES. 399 and his victorious army on their return to San Salva- dor in June received an ovation. Subsequent events demanded the despatch of more troops to Honduras, which, together with Guatemala’s, completed the work of the first campaign. The government also felt com- pelled to exile a number of persons who were mani- festly conspiring for the destruction of the liberal regime.18 The ministers addressed an expose to the constituent congress, which had been in session since September 27th, reviewing the policy of the adminis- tration, and submitting for its sanction the late war measures, at variance with the constitution. All the acts of the president were subsequently approved by congress.19 The only other event of 1872 worthy of mention was the murder of the vice-president, Manuel Mendez, on the night of the 1st of September, in the public street,20 by a man named Juan Melendez. At first it was supposed that the act might have been prompted by other motives than personal revenge; the latter proved, however, to be the real cause. The assassin tied into Honduras, but was finally discovered and surrendered to Salvador, where he was tried and executed.21 The year 1873 in its first part was a calamitous one for Salvador. A series of earthquakes caused tion; Borja Bustamante, min. of the treasury and war; and Antonio G. Val- des, acting min. of govt. El Porvenir de Nic. , May 12, 1872. 18 A plot was to break out simultaneously in San Salvador, San Vicente, Sensuntepeque and Cojutepeque, with ramifications in Guatemala. The Indians of Cojutepeque rose against the garrison and were beaten off. 19 The report was dated Oct. 4th, and signed by the ministers, G. Arbizu, J. J. Samayoa, and Fabio Castillo. The legislative sanction was given Oct. 14th. Report of Thomas Biddle, Am. minister, in U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, ii. 784-7. 2J Mendez held also the position of minister of public instruction, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs. He was an honorable, energetic, and talented man, and his loss was much deplored by the country, and particularly by Pres. Gonzalez. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 547-8. The republic also lost this year, Dec. 10th, one of her most gifted and valuable sons, Gregorio Arbizu, who had likewise been vice-president, and for many years minister of foreign relations. His funeral was conducted and the expenses defrayed by the government, as a mark of respect and appreciation of his services. Nic., Semanal Nic., Dec. 26, 1872. 21 He was captured in Jan. 1875, and shot on the 29th of Apr. Salv., Dario OJic. Jan. 20, May 1, 1875. 4 JO DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. destruction in many places, specially on the 19th of March, ruining the capital for the eighth time in its history. The national congress, after approving the government’s acts to the date of closing its session, o o’ left the country to devote its best energies in repairing the havoc of that catastrophe. The rest of the year and 1874 formed, indeed, a period not only of res- toration but of marked progress in every respect. National industries went on developing, public in- struction, under the fostering care of the authorities, was constantly being spread among the masses, and the financial condition had become much improved. Peace reigned at home, and the relations with foreign powers were on an amicable footing; cordiality seemed to preside over those with the other Central American states. The future, at the inception of 1875, promised concord and good-will as well as undisturbed progress- iveness.22 But these expectations were not realized. The public peace was disturbed on two occasions; the first, by the Indians of Dolores Izalco, who, because of a dispute with the authorities ancnt their community lands, rose in arms, and on March 14th assaulted the garrison of the city of Izalco, to be repulsed with con- siderable loss. Their head men were arrested and imprisoned some months, until, promising good be- havior in the future, they were released.23 The other affair was a more serious one, calling for energetic action on the part of the military power. An armed mob of reactionists and religious fanatics, led by one Tinoco and a clergyman named Josd Manuel Palacios, on the 20th of June, fell upon the city of San Miguel, slaying the small garrison, together with the coman- dante general, Felipe Espinosa, and several citizens, sacking the business houses, and burning down a por- tion of the town. Such deeds of blood, robbery, and 22 Such was the flattering account given by the government to the national congress, on the opening of its labors Jan. 18th. Salv., Mensajc del Presid. , Jan. 20. 1875; Id , Mem. Sec. Bel. Exter., 1875, 1-12; Id., Diario Ofic., Jan. 20, 1875. 23 Under a decree of amnesty of Nov. 2, 1875. Salv., Diario OJic., Nov. 4, 1875. TENDING HOSTILITIES. 401 incendiarism as those of the 20th to the 24th had seldom been witnessed in Central America. Troops arrived from La Union, and the Honduran port of Amapala, on the 24th, and the malefactors lied, but not before about thirty of their number, including F ather Palacios, were taken prisoners. A considerable part of the stolen goods was recovered. Reenforce- ments followed, and the department was secured from further molestation. President Gonzalez was at San Miguel on the 27th.24 On the other hand, a sanguinary and disastrous war with Guatemala caused an entire change in the ad- ministration. The general assembly had, on the 1st of March, con- voked the people to elect on the first Sunday of De- cember a president and vice-president for the second constitutional term to begin February 1, 1876, and end February 1, 1880. Andres Valle was chosen president, and Santiago Gonzalez, vice-president. The latter offered his resignation, but the assembly did not accept it. They were inducted into office on the ap- pointed date. But previous to this, Guatemala having assumed a menacing attitude, congress decreed that in the event of the president going to the field at the head of the army, Amalie, then a senator, should act in his stead, pro tempore. On the same date a forced loan of $500,000 was also ordered to be raised. The difficulties arose from a supposed understanding of President Gonzalez with Guatemalan refugees in Salvador, and the government of Ponciano Leiva in Honduras, with the ulterior object of bringing about the downfall of Barrios. The latter alleged also that Gonzalez intended to uphold with his forces the gov- ernment of Leiva, which, according to him, was entirely unpopular, because of its subserviency to Salvador. This intervention was deemed not only an attack The governments of Gnat., Nic., and Hond. tendered aid. The rebels were eventually pardoned after some months’ imprisonment. Pan. Star uad Herald, July 0, £8, 1S75; Salv., Diario Ojic., Juue 23 to July 21, 1375 Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. HI. 23- 402 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. against Honduran autonomy, but a menace to Guate- mala. Gonzalez was notified that if be persisted in that course, Guatemala would then interfere in favor of General Medina, who was then trying to overthrow Leiva. The result of this attitude was a renewed assurance by Gonzalez of friendly feeling, and a prop- osition to hold a verbal conference on Honduran affairs, which Barrios accepted, and such a conference was held now with President Valle at Chingo, and a con- vention was signed on the 15th of February, under which Marco Aurelio Soto, an Honduran by birth, wras to undertake the pacification of his country, backed by equal forces of Guatemala and Honduras.25 Barrios contended that, though Valle was president, Gonzalez was the real power in Salvador, whom he accused in a public manifesto of hypocrisy and treachery. Angry words continued, the two nations being now armed for the conflict, till they agreed to disband their forces. Both governments claimed to have done so, imput- ing to the other a wilful neglect of its obligation. The probability is, that, distrusting one another, they merely pretended compliance, keeping their troops ready for action. Barrios sent 1,500 men into Hon- duras, and came himself with a force to threaten Sal- vador on the west, and actually invaded the latter without a previous declaration of war. At last, on the 20th of March, Jose Marfa Samayoa, minister of war in charge of the executive of Guatemala, formally declared all official relations with Salvador at an end, and then again on the 27th, alleging that Salvadoran troops had invaded Guatemala, decreed the existence of war, giving Barrios unlimited power to make such uses of this declaration as befitted the dignity of Gua- 25 This intervention was apparently on the ground of humanity, to stop the civil war raging there. But the main reason recognized was that the sit- uation in Hond. was a menace to Salv., and might lead to an interruption of friendly relations between the latter and Guat. Salv., on being accused of violating the compact, alleged that by strict rights it had become obsolete after the action of Naranjo, when Leiva’s administration demolished its foes and recovered its full authority. How'ever, Salv. was disposed to fulfil her agreement. Salv., Diario Ofic., March 23, 1876. THE WRATH OF BARRIOS. 403 temala.26 The government of Salvador on the 26th of March decreed the treaty of amity and alliance concluded with Guatemala January 24, 1872, to be no longer in force.27 Barrios’ plan for the campaign was to assail Salva- dor on the west direct from Guatemala with an army under his personal command, and at the same time by a movement from Honduras under General Grego- rio Solares on the eastern departments of San Miguel and La Union. The Mexican general, Lopez Uraga, adjutant-gen- eral of Barrios, was stationed with a garrison at Jutiapa to guard the army supplies. At this time the Salvadorans unsuccessfully attacked an isolated position on the frontier, which roused the ire of Bar- rios. He then directed Uraga to move the supplies to Chingo, whence he started himself to the invasion of Salvador. Solares had not yet been heard from. He had first of all to get Medina and Leiva out of the way in Honduras. The Guatemalan president then marched to the Coco hacienda, and hearing that Chalchuapa was abandoned, occupied it at once. The Salvadorans had their headquarters at Santa Ana. The armies which were to encounter each other on the field of battle were the most numerous Central America had ever seen. Barrios with 8,000 or 9,000 men laid siege of Ahuacliapan. Uraga sta- tioned himself at Chalchuapa with about 1,500, and Chingo was left with a handful of men.28 The Guatemalans who had occupied Apaneca were driven away, and on returning thereto encountered the Salvadorans on the 15th of April, and after a 26 These decrees were countersigned by the other ministers, J. Barberena, F. Lainfiesta, and Joaquin Macal. Gnat., Recap . Ley. , Gob. Democ., 202-6; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 17, 1876. 27 It denies all the charges of Barrios and his govt as unfounded in fact and slanderous, and imputes to Barrios the intent to conquer Cent. Am., be- ginning with Salv. and Hond. This decree is countersigned by the ministers Manuel Cacercs, Dositeo Fiallos, Julian Escoto, and Carlos Bonilla. Salv., Diario Ofic., March 29, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 8, 1876. “Uraga acted under orders, and wonders why the Salvadorans did not fall upon Chingo and capture all the supplies there. Riplica, 12-16. 404 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. fight lasting from eight in the morning till nightfall, O O O O O 7 were routed, and pursued as far as Atiquizaya, sus- taining heavy losses.23 Meantime the belligerent armies in the east were not idle. Solares after hard fighting from the 17th to the 19th of April won a signal and decisive vic- tory at Pasaquina over the Salvadorans commanded by generals Brioso, Dalgedo, Sanchez, and Espinosa; the results of which were that he obtained control of the departments of San Miguel and La Union, men- acing those of San Ahcente and Usulutan, and even the official residence of President Valle ; thus depriv- ing the government of large resources, and disheart- ening the army of Gonzalez in Ahuachapan and Santa Ana.30 After this victory, Solares being reenforced, the Salvadorans, now reduced to 800 or 900, precipi- tately retreated to San Miguel, but by desertions on the march dwindled down to less than 200. The de- fence of San Miguel became impossible, and Solares occupied it, as well as La Union. There being in- sufficient elements to defend San Vicente, the govern- ment ordered the scattered garrisons to concentrate at the capital. The condition of the army of the west was not much better. There were in Ahuachapan about 2, GOO men, and in Santa Ana hardly 3,500. The former was greatly decreased by constant fighting during the holy week, and on the day after easter hardly exceeded 900 demoralized troops. An unsuccessful attempt was 25 The victors did not occupy Apaneca because the enemy, though de- feated, was still much superior in numbers. The Salvadoran general-in-chief claimed a victory over 2,500 well-disciplined Guatemalans. The Diaria Ofic. of San Salv., Apr. 18, 1876, had it that 4,000 Guatemalans were put hors de combat in the two lights of Apaneca — evidently an exaggeration. 3lJ The Salvadoran army of the east was annihilated. Gen. Delgado, and colonels Henriquez and Jerez were killed, Gen. Figueroa and Col Benj. Molina wounded. A large number of prisoners, about 1,600 Remington rifles, and much other war material fell into the victors’ hands. El Oufltemal- teco , Apr. 25, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald., May 1, 2, 1876. According to a Salvadoran account, the eastern expeditionary force consisted of 1,500, while that of Solares was of 2,500. The former claimed a victory on the 17th, confessing, however, that they had finally to retreat. Salv., DiarioOJic., Apr. 19, 23, 25, 1876. CONVENTION AND TREATY. 405 made against Chalchuapa. A few days later Salva- doran commissioners visited Barrios’ headquarters, as he was, it is averred, on the point of raising the siege of Ahuaehapan.31 He then marched to Atiquizaya, and the next day to Chalchuapa, where the negotia- tions for peace were held,32 which resulted in a con- vention, preliminary to a treaty of peace, concluded on the 25th of April, ratified the next day, and coupled with the condition sine qua non of a complete change in the personnel of the Salvadoran government.33 31 He had thrown into it 900 bombs without other result than destroying a few buildings. Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 20; Salv., Diario Ojic., Apr. 21, 1876. Gen. Gonzalez told a different story. 32 Gonzalez said that during the negotiations there were 2,300 men in Ahuaehapan and 2,000 in Santa Ana; of the latter only one half were well armed. The Guatemalans had every advantage — numbers, arms, discipline, and abundant resources of every kind. They had but few desertions, whereas from the Salv. ranks there had been many. Barrios’ army on entering Santa Ana exceeded 9,000 men. Salv. still had a chance of obtaining honorable terms. If these were refused, she could, after providing for the defense of the capital, concentrate the remainder of her forces in Santa Ana, and trust to the chances of a battle. Gonzalez, Bel. tie los Heclios Ocurr., 1-18, in Pap. Var., ccxxvii. no. 14. 33 The commissioners were Jose Valle, Jacinto Castellanos, and E. Mejia for Salv., and Gen. Lopez Uraga for Guat. The terms are here epitomized: 1st. Presid. Valle was to resign the executive office to the person hereafter named. 2d. Gen. Gonzalez to give up the command of the forces to Valle. Both were to have full guaranties for their persons and property. 3d. The Salv. forces now at Santa Ana were to retire to San Salv. ; Santa Ana to be evacuated by 12 M. of the 27th inst. War material that could not be removed in time was to be delivered to Uraga under inventory. 4th. Santa Ana, and territory within two leagues of the town, were to be occupied by the Guate- malans, the civil authorities being allowed to exercise their functions therein, but expected to furnish supplies; Barrios guaranteeing security of persons and property to the inhabitants. The Guat. forces in the east were to occupy San Miguel, and territory within one league, under the same guaranties allowed the civil authorities and people of Santa Ana. 5th. Presid. Valle was to convoke a junta of notables, within four days from the ratification of this convention, to meet at Santa Ana, and choose in accord with Barrios the person in whose hands Valle must resign his offices. 6th. The acting execu- tive must, within ten days, convoke the people of Salv. to freely choose, a month later, the president of the republic. 7th. The person designated by the notables shall have organized his government and issued the convocation, the forces of Guat. will leave the Salv. territory. 8th. Barrios and the pro- visional executive of Salv. will make a treaty of peace between the two republics. 9th. This convention must be ratified by Barrios at once, and by telegram within twenty-four hours by Valle, the ratifications to be exchanged within six hours after. An additional article made free the transit between the two countries. The convention was duly ratified. Upwards of 200 per- sons at Santa Ana sent Barrios, after the occupation of the town by his troops, April 30th, an address of thanks for his magnanimity and generosity, adding that no Salvadoran could justly complain of the behavior of the Guat. army. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, no. 8; Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 7-11; Salv., Diario, Ojic., May 4, 7, 1876; Id., Gaceta, Ojic., May 26, 30, 1876; Costa R., Informe Sec. Bel., 1876, 11-12; Pan. Star and Herald, May 16, 1876. 400 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. Under the preliminary convention of April 25th, Rafael Zaldi'var was chosen provisional president, and on the 1st of May appointed his cabinet.34 A defini- tive treaty of peace, friendship, and alliance, offensive and defensive, was signed at Santa Ana May 8th,35 in which Honduras joined on the 27th of May. Gen- eral Gonzalez had meantime repaired on board the British war ship Amethyst at La Libertad, transfer- ring himself afterward to the American mail steam- ship Costa Rica, on which he left Central America. Pursuant to the 6th clause of the convention of April 25th, the people were called upon to choose, on the first Sunday of June, a president and vice-presi- dent, as well as representatives to the legislative as- sembly, the latter to meet at San Salvador on the 1st of July. This clause having been duly carried out, the Guatemalan forces withdrew from Salvador, in accordance with the 7 th.30 The elections took place, the national congress being installed July 3d, and Rafael Zaldivar declared to have been duly chosen constitutional president to continue the term from February 1, 1876, to February 1, 1880. He was ac- cordingly inducted into office on the 19tli of July. Rafael Zaldivar had previously served in both houses of congress, in the cabinet, and filled several diplomatic missions, notably that of minister plenipo- tentiary in Berlin.3, On his return he became Presi- 34 Cruz Ulloa, min. of foreign relations, justice, eccles. affairs, and pub. instruction; Jose Lopez, of govern. ; Estanislao Perez, of war; and Fabio Moran, of treasury. Salv., Diario OJic., May (5, 1876. 33 By Cruz Ulloa and Marco Aurelio Soto. The treaty provided also for the surrender of common criminals, the concentration away from the frontier of political refugees; fostering legitimate and checking illicit trade; exclud- ing Jesuits. In the event of misunderstandings, the parties must resort to arbitration. The treaty of Jan. 24, 1872, and the Rivas-Carazo with Nic., were repealed. Honduras and Costa Rica were to be invited to join it. Salv., Gaceta OJic., May 11, 1876; La Ilei/eneracion, May 16, 1876; Salv., Diario OJic., April 1, 1S79; Pan. Star and Herald, June 1, 1876. 30 Costa It., Pap. Suellos, no. 17. Gen. Indalecio Miranda, who had been proclaimed president in some parts, recognized Zaldivar. 37 A native of Salv. , he studied medicine in Cent. Am. and completed his professional studies in Paris. On his return home he soon had a remunera- tive practice, and came to be considered one of the best physicians in Cent. Am. His professional duties did not, however, keep him out of politics. CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS. 407 dent Duenas’ right-hand man and supporter. He was president of the last general assembly at the time of Duenas’ downfall, and considering his life in danger, he concealed himself, and finally escaped out of the country.38 After this he lived in exile about five years.39 The new administration had no home or foreign complications to distract its attention from the usual routine of duties, and progress was soon noticeable in every branch of industry as well as of the public ser- vice. The executive, on the 3d of April, 1879, called the people to choose a constituent congress to effect reforms in the constitution of November 9, 1872. This body was duly installed June 9th, under the presidency of Teodoro Moreno; but after appointing a committee to frame a constitution, it adjourned July 2d to meet again between the 1st and 15th of Janu- ary, 1880. It reassembled on the latter date, and proceeded to consider the project of a fundamental law laid before it by that committee. Some amend- ments were finally adopted on the 19th of February, and Zaldfvar was reelected president for the ensuing term from February 1, 1880, to February 1, 1884. Nothing worthy of special mention occurred till the end of 1882. The constitutional congress opened its session on the 5th of January, 1883, when the presi- dent gave an encouraging account of the political situ- ation. Peace reigned, and the people were devoted to their industrial pursuits. The relations with the other nations of the earth were cordial, Salvador, though a small power, being the recipient of respect and regard from all others. With Costa Rica the rela- tions, interrupted since October 1879, were renewed, 38 He effected his escape from the capital disguised as an Indian with a load of grass on his head. 39 In Feb. 1879 congress thanked the emperor of Germany for the honor of knighthood conferred on Zaldivar. In France he was given the title of officer of pub. instruction. The same month and year congress gave him a vote of thanks for his services. Salv., Diario OJic., March G, 8, 1879. 408 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. and with Nicaragua the most perfect understanding existed. The treaty of alliance with Guatemala and Honduras was in full force.40 But this happy state of things was not to last. At 2 o’clock in the morning of April 10th, a body of men armed with rides, shot-guns, revolvers, and machetes attacked the garrison at Santa Tecla, crying Viva la religion! Viva el Doctor Gallardo! Mueran Zaldivar y Barrios ! They were repulsed by the troops commanded by Colonel Mati'as Castro Delgado, who captured forty prisoners. The government forces went in pursuit of the others in the region of the neighboring volcano.41 The insurrectionary move- ment had ramifications in other towns, namely, La Libertad, San Salvador, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, and Sonsonate, where its authors expected to be seconded. The president at once placed the departments of San Salvador, La Libertad, and the west under martial law. This and other prompt measures pre- vented any further action on the part of the would-be revolutionists. Quiet having been fully restored, the decree of martial law was repealed.42 Another change in the constitution was made this year. The executive called a convention on the 18th of October to meet between the 15th and 20th of December, to revise the charter of February 19, 1880, adapting the fundamental institutions of the country to its present needs; and also to take cognizance of other matters which the executive would lay before it.43 40 He therefore saw good reason to tender congratulations to the repre- sentatives of the people on the promising condition of Salvador and the other Cent. Ain. republics. Zaldivar, Menmje, Jan. 5. 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 17, 1883; Pan. El Cronista, Jan. 20, 1883. 41 Among the persons taken as leaders of the movement were Gen. Fran- cisco Menendez, l)r Manuel Gallardo, Marcial Estevez, and Manuel A. Loucel. Salv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 10, 17, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, May 5, 7, 1883. 42 June 1st. This decree caused much satisfaction among all classes. 43 The grounds for the convocation as stated were that the people had almost unanimously declared that some of the clauses of the constitution of 1880 were not suited to the national requirements. The Diario Oficial ex- pressed the hope that the revision would give a more judicious application of the principles of a republican government, thus strengthening the public liberties without weakening the principle of authority. CHRONIC REVOLUTION. 409 A new constitution was adopted soon after, contain- ing all the political lights recognized in the most lib- eral instruments of the kind, guaranteeing also the free exercise of all religions not repugnant to morality and public order.44 President Zaldlvar was reelected and reinaugurated on the 1st of February, 1884.4j But obtaining leave of absence to visit Europe, where his family had been some time, he turned over the executive office to the first designado, Angel Guirola, who was to hold it till his return.46 He was again in San Salvador in August, and resumed his duties. Another period of trouble is now again impending on Salvador. Elsewhere I give the particulars of the undertaking of Barrios, president of Guatemala, to reconstruct Central America as one republic by force of arms. It is unnecessary to do more than glance at the same here. On finding a deliberate opposition to his project on the part of the govern- ments of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, he placed his army in the field to support any move- ments in those republics toward the end he had in view. The people of Salvador responded to the call of their authorities,47 who in a short time had about 1,800 volunteers enrolled, and relied, moreover, on the aid of the other three governments equally inter- ested in defending their autonomy. About 12,000 men were stationed on the western frontier under the direct command of President Zaldlvar, but no act of hostility was committed, out of respect for the American min- 44 The govt was vested in three distinct powers: legislative in two cham- bers; executive in a president for four years; and judicial in a supreme court. 4,1 Ho constituted his cabinet with the following ministers: Salvador Galle- gos, of foreign affairs; Domingo Lopez, interior; Pedro Melendez, treasury and navy; Asun. Mora, war and public works; Luciano Hernandez, education; and Antonio J. Castro, justice. Ouat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1S84, p. 6; Costa R., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1884, 5-6; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 1(5, Feb. 23, 26, 1SS4. 46 He visited the U. S. and France, being received with the honors due his rank as chief magistrate of a friendly nation. La Estrella de Pan.. Aug. 14, Sept. 11, 1884; El Ouatemalteco, Apr. 29, 1884. 4; Proclamations and manifestoes of Pres. Zaldlvar and the assembly of Salv., March 14, 15, 17, 1885. Costa R., Bolclin OJic., March 21, April 1, 18S5; La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1885. 410 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. ister, who had been mediating, and obtained from Bar- rios that he would not invade Salvador if his own territory were not assailed. But this pledge went for nothing. The Guatemalans invaded Salvador March 30th, compelling the Salvadorans who had been forti- fying the hacienda del Coco to abandon that position, though only after severe fighting, and retire into their fortifications of Chalchuapa.48 The latter were assailed by the whole force of the enemy, but the garrison re- turned the fire with success, and gallantly met the desperate onslaught until a signal victory crowned their well-directed efforts. Barrios, the intrepid leader of the Guatemalans, lost his life, but this did not put an end to the fight for several hours yet.49 The discomfited assailants be«an their retreat to the CA frontier at six o’clock, or a little later, in the evening, unpursued.50 With the friendly intervention of the foreign diplo- matic corps an armistice was signed, giving time for negotiations, which culminated in a treaty of peace with Guatemala, the particulars of which are given else- 48 The Salv. official reports claimed victories at Coco and San Lorenzo. The attack against the latter was made at 10 P. M. of the 31st, and repulsed. Repeated the next day from 5 A. M. to 3 P. M. ; the assailants were driven back by Gen. Monterosa. Costa It., Boletin Ofic., April 2, 1885. 49 According to a Guat. account, an error was committed in not bombard- ing the Salv. stronghold, Casa Blanca. Barrios at 8 a. m. of the 2d led the assault on the N. E. side of the fortification with the Jiron brigade of Jala- pas, which on that day behaved cowardly. Shortly after the assault, a little past 9, Barrios was mortally wounded, and forthwith removed. The Jalapas gave way, divulging to other troops the deatli of the president. Tlius it came to pass that the first who saw Barrios fall were the first to take to flight, fol- lowed by men of several other brigades. To avert a disaster, the troops oper- ating on the N. side were recalled. The firing ceased on both sides at 4:30, and the retreat to the Magdalena began at 6:30, the Salvadorans not pursu- ing. The same authority claimed that if the firing had been kept up an bour longer, the Guatemalans would have won the day, several bodies of troops having abandoned the town, and the supply of ammunition in the place being already scanty, lie asserts that the Guat. loss in all the fights was in killed, besides the president, and his son Gen. Venancio Barrios, colo- nels A. Jiron, V. Bonilla Cruz, Urbano Sanchez, Major Gonzalez, a few other officers, and 200 rank and file. Canipafla de la Union Cent. Am., in La Estrella de Pan., May 30, 1885. 60 Further details may be seen in Zabllvar, Mensaje, May 4, 1885; Costa 7?., Informe Sec. Pel. Exter., 1885, 1-4; Id., Boletin Ofic., Apr. 5, 1885; La Eitrella de Pan., Apr. 4, May 2, 9, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 10, 24, 27, 1885; S. F. Cronista, Apr. 4, 11, 15, 25, May 2, 18S5; Mex. , Diario Ofic., Apr. 4, 1885; Id., Monitor Pel., June 29, 1885; Id., La Prensa, supl. no. 162. FRANCISCO MENENDEZ. 411 where.51 With Honduras52 a treaty was concluded, with the assent of the three allies, which restored friendly relations. Zaldivar called congress to hold an extra session, and laid before it, May 4th, an ac- count of the campaign and its results, and concluded, asking that body to accept his resignation. This was unanimously refused; nor was his subsequent request for a year’s leave of absence granted. But on his declaring his intention of taking the unused time of the leave given him in 1884, that body acceded, and allowed him to be absent twelve months. On the 14th, he placed the executive authority in the hands of the second designado, General Fernando Figueroa, his minister of the treasury, who had the support of Zaldivar’ s friends; and on the following day departed for Europe.53 An insurrection had already broken out in the west, promoted by political adversaries, whose leader was General Francisco Menendez. The government reported a victory over the insurgents at Armenia the 19th of May, but the revolution gained ground so rapidly that Menendez, who had been pro- claimed presidente provisorio, made his triumphal entry in San Salvador on the 22d, midst the acclama- tions of the populace.54 The revolution was success- ful, and the new government was afterward recognized by foreign powers.05 In August, Menendez called on the people to choose a constituent convention, and preparations were made therefor; but disturbances having occurred in several places, he prolonged his dictatorship and redeclared 61 The gov. of Salv. proclaimed peace on the 15th of April, and granted a full amnesty to all who took part in the war against Salv., and generally to all in exde for political offences. 52 Though the gov. had made common cause with Barrios, it manifested a disposition to cut loose from the alliance after the late events. 03 Costa It., Gaceta, May 19, June 24, 1885. Zaldivar well knew that there was a powerful opposition to him. 64 Menendez was a man of energy and courage. He possessed good com- mon sense and natural shrewdness. His habits were simple. Polite and unassuming, he always made a 'favorable impression. 5,1 Costa R., Gaceta, July 1, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald , July 18, 1885; La Eitralla de Pan., July 25, 1885. 412 DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR. martial law.58 Zaldfvar was charged with improper uses of the public funds, and the government refused to recognize a certain indebtedness incurred in his ad- ministration. His property in Salvador was seized, and an attempt was made by certain persons to lay hands on some real estate of his in Costa Rica, but they were not permitted to do so.57 Shortly after there was a rupture with Nicaragua, which did not last long, a treaty of peace being signed at Amapala in January 1886. 66 Nov. 26 and 27, 1885. Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 9, Dec. 7, 18S5. This state of things still existed in March 1SS6. Correspondence of March 1st, to S. F. Post, April 2, 1886. 57 The supreme court would not recognize the right of tlie Salv. courts to demand it. Costa II., Gaceta, Nov. 1, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 18, 1885. CHAPTER XX. DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. 1805-1873. President Cerna’s Rule — Partial Revolts — Liberals in the Assembly — Cerna’s Reelection — Riots in the Capital — Zavala’s Course — — Cruz’ Rebellion, Defeat, and Death — Arrests of Liberals — Moderation of the Government — Revolution of Garcia Granados and Barrios — Plan of Patzicia — Cerna Defeated and Overthrown — Granados as Presidente Provisorio— Seditious Movements Quelled — Abolition of Priestly Privileges— Prelates, Jesuits, and Capu- chins Expelled — War with Honduras — Barrios as Substitute President — His Severity — Elections — Barrios Chosen Constitu- tional President. Upon the demise of President Carrera, April 14, 1865, the government devolved for a time on Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs, who sum- moned the legislative body to choose a successor in the executive seat. The person then selected was Vicente Cerna,1 who took possession of the chair with the usual formalities on the 24th of May, and in his manifesto and inaugural made known that his policy would be that of the preceding administration, being assured of the cooperation of the late president’s min- isters, whose qualifications he could not too highly 1 A general officer then filling the position of civil and military chief of the department of Chiquimula. It hag been said that Carrera, shortly before hig death, suggested him for the succession. The conservative element claimed that for his abilities and meritorious services Cerna had won himself popular regard. AhV. , Gaceta, May 20, 18G5. Events will show that his mental cali- bre was very ordinary, being a religious fanatic, and retrogressionist of the old oligarchic school of the Aycinenas, Pavons, and Batres. He was a warm friend and constant associate of the Jesuits, to whom he went to confession, if reports did not belie him, about once a week; so he must have had a ten- der conscience, or else was a confirmed sinner. (413; 414 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. extol.2 Though a brave man, and not an unskilful general, Cerna was not gifted with the extraordinary acuteness of Carrera; and not possessing the support and overawing power which the late ruler had over the liberals, omens of trouble began to appear in the political horizon. The fact is, that the assembly and people, at the time of his election, had expected some reforms of the former policy. But at the end of nearly two years these expectations had vanished, and insurrections were erelong set on foot; for the liberal party, though kept under so many years, had not died out. Justo Ruflno Barrios, hitherto a refugee in Chiapas,3 now appeared on the theatre of war, render- ing efficient aid to the most influential opponent of the government, Serapio Cruz, one of Carrera’s generals, who had early in February 18G7 initiated a revolu- tion in Sanarate, recruiting men and capturing arms from Guastatoya.4 Though corpulent, Cruz was ener- getic and strong, active in his movements, and pos- sessing a knowledge of the mountainous region, could not be easily subdued by the government.5 However, it so happened that Brigadier Solares pressed him hard, and he had to flee, when his followers abandoning him, he asked for a safe-conduct out of the countrv, which was given him on the 8th of April, and he was taken under a guard to the frontier of Salvador.0 2 ‘ Su probidad, rectas intenciones, inteligencia, y larga practica de los negocios merecen la estimacion y coniianza de todos los buenos guatemaltecos.’ Gnat., Boletin de Noticias, no. 3. 3 It is understood that his father, a peaceable citizen of Los Altos, for some unguarded words against the govt, was taken as a prisoner to the capital, and cruelty treated. The son then had gone off to Chiapas, whence he had made occasional raids. 4 The govt deprived Cruz of his rank as a mariscal dc campo, suspended constitutional guaranties, such as they were, and declared traitors all persons implicated in the rebellion, or holding relations with the insurgents. On the 5th of Feb. troops were despatched to the disturbed districts. Pan. Mercan- tile Chronicle, March 3, 1837. sOne of his plans was to destroy the rum-stills belonging to a monopoly, from which the treasury derived a large revenue. The cry of Down with the aguardiente company 1 raised by any popular man would bring him stanch followers. Carrera himself had used it in his early days. °JIe had signed a pledge not to return to Guat. without leave of the govt, and neither directly nor indirectly to disturb the public peace. Nic. , Gaceta, Apr. 27, May 25, 1837; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 20, 1807; Pan. Mercan - tie Chronicle, May 22, 1837. BARRIOS’ PRONUNCIAMIENTO. 415 The government did not sanction this proceeding of Solares. A prormnciamiento took place at the Malacate haci- enda, belonging to Barrios, August 3d, the same year, which also failed, the insurgents being defeated, and their leader, Francisco Cruz, and thirty-seven others captured by Indians friendly to the government, and sentenced.7 Serapio Cruz with twenty men invaded Guatemala from Chiapas in March 1869. The gov- ernment decreed stringent measures.8 Cruz on the 27th of April destroyed a small party of troops under Lieutenant Abelar in the mountains. He was on the 2d and 3d of May at Huehuetenango,9 and on the 4th marched to Momostenango with five hundred Indians and some ladinos. About one hundred of his men had fire-arms, a number only machetes, and the rest were unarmed. He continued his march to Santa Maria Chiquimula, thence to Santa Lucia, five leagues distant, but abandoned it on the 6th, upon the approach of government troops, going to Sacapulas, as if to return to the mountains of Nebaj. Colonel Battle reported May 20th from Nebaj the utter dis- comfiture of Cruz that morning. His men had taken flight, scattering in the mountains.10 Another report of the 23d stated that Cruz with only 23 men was on the 21st fleeing through the unsettled region of Cliimal, as if bound to Chiapas by way of Cliaculd. It 7 Cruz and some of his officers were executed; others were sentenced to ten years’ confinement in San Felipe castle. J. Rufino Barrios escaped, and his hacienda, El Malacate, being partly in Guat. and partly in Soconusco, an active pursuit of him was not easy. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Aug. 16, 1867; Pan. Merc. Chronicle, Sept. 4, 18, Oct. 4, 1867. Barrios made another raid from his hacienda in Apr. 1868, which also failed in effecting his purpose. Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 29, 1868; Nic., Gaceta, May 23, 1868. B May 8th, suspended certain clauses of the constitution. The decree alleged that Cruz had been inveigling the Indians of Los Altos ‘ con promesas peligrosas de distribucion de tierras." Cruz was declared amenable to the laws for his seditious acts of 1867 as well as for the present ones. All others concerned with him were made indictable for treason, if after the public, of the decree they did not surrender. Passports had to be obtained to travel. Guat., Gaceta Ofic., Apr. 9, 1869; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 17, 1869; Salv., Constitucional, May 20, 1869. 9 The distillery was destroyed as a matter of course. 10 The official report added that the insurgents left 24 dead and 16 pris- oners; and that it was rumored Cruz had been shot in the heart. 416 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. seems that being pursued from all directions, lie fled from Verapaz, where he found no followers, to Cani- 11a, and succeeded in entering the Sierra Madre. In Guatemala it was reported, July 30, 18G9, that Cruz had again taken refuge in Chiapas.11 1 While the government had been thus harassed by insurgents in arms, the liberal opposition in the legis- lative chamber was daily growing in strength. Deputy M iguel Garcia Granados repeatedly denounced the arbitrary acts of the ministers. After a while there came to be but few less liberals than conservatives in the legislature, and when Cerna’s term was approach- ing its end, the opposition felt strong enough to have a candidate of their own at the presidential election. Cerna was brought forward by his party for the next term — May 24, 1869, to December 31, 1872. The liberals nominated General Victor Zavala, who had won so much distinction in the Walker campaign, and was popular with the military element.1'1 Zavala was defeated, though he had a respectable support in the assembly,13 which was an omen of a not distant change in the political situation. On the 24th of May, 1869, the date of Cerna’s second inauguration, there was a great popular excite- ment at the capital. A revolution was impending. At the approach of night every precaution was adopted by the ministers to guard the president’s mansion and the public buildings. The troops were kept in the barracks under arms. As darkness increased, cries of Viva Zavala! were repeatedly heard, shots were fired, several persons being wounded, and one killed in the plaza del teatro. Zavala’s friends tried to prevail on 11 Hie., Gaeeta, June 12, 19, Aug. 7, Sept. 18, Dec. IS, 1869; Pan. Star and Herald, June 17, Sept. 17, 1869; Guat., liolctin de Noticias, Nov. 24, 1869. 12 Zavala was accused by the conservatives of political inconsistency, in that he had all along claimed to be a supporter of Cerna. Pan. Star and Herald, Fob. 2, 1869. 12 The vote stood 31 for Cerna, 21 for Zavala, 5 scattered. Not a bad showing for the liberals, if we consider that the electors had been chosen under the influence of the oligarchic government. Id., Feb. 23, June 17, 1869. DETERMINED REVOLUTIONISTS. 417 him to lead them in an attempt to overthrow the ad- ministration. He refused to do so, from motives of prudence and unwillingness to cause bloodshed. He strongly doubted that such a movement could be suc- cessful, and was probably right, but his course on that occasion lost him the regard of the more enthusiastic portion of his political supporters. There had been an escape from a sanguinary revolt, but the public mind remained greatly agitated. Cerna in his inaugural address had said that the troubled state of the country had demanded his ac- ceptance of a reelection, and that this opportunity, when the republic was at peace with the other Central American states, and with all foreign powers, was a favorable one for good citizens to aid the government in securing quiet at home. But his advice was un- heeded. Neither he nor his ministers were allowed any peace. Garcia Granados continued his agitation in the legislative chamber, his denunciations of the government growing from day to day louder and more menacing. The president and his cabinet were aware that a large portion of the middle class in the chief towns sided with the liberal agitator, and that the leaven of liberalism already was working in the army. Several superior officers were accordingly distrusted, and the lower ones serving under them were of course looked on as unreliable. The treasury was empty, and the country burdened with a heavy debt, both in- ternal and foreign.14 Meantime, Serapio Cruz was daily gaining strength on the north-western frontier. He was supplied with money by the liberals, with which he bought arms for his followers. His Indian allies kept him advised of every advance of govern- ment troops.1'’ He was exceedingly active and suc- cessful in the latter part of 18G9, having at this time “In his message to congress Nov. 2oth, Cerna acknowledged that the country was in a sad plight. He called his account ‘ un cuadro desconsolador, ’ and requested a postponement of the session. 15 The govt had raised a loan in London, and for a few months was aide to tide over many of its difficulties, internal debts, and arrears due the army and officials being settled, and the treasury still having a surplus. Hist. Cent Am., Vol. III. 27 418 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. from 700 to 1,000 men, and being efficiently seconded by J. Rufino Barrios. Various collisions with the government troops were favorable to the insurgents. The latter assaulted Huehuetenango, a strongly gar- risoned place, and were repulsed, but not before they had burned down a large part of it. In December 1869, Cruz approached the capital, and by rapid move- ments evaded the superior forces of the government. On Saturday, the 15th of January, 1870, the liberals in the capital had made preparations for an outbreak the following day, when Cruz was expected to march in and support them. Early on Sunday there was much excitement in the city. Unfortunately for their cause, Cruz had relaxed his vigilance. Before noon it was whispered that on the road leading from the eastern gate to Palencia, a severe encounter had taken place ; next came a report that Cruz had been defeated and killed, soon followed by another that his head was on its way to the city. This proved to be a fact.16 The victors marched into the capital with their ghastly trophy, the head of the man who had expected at that moment to be master of the place.17 16 The government had supposed him in a distant department fleeing from its troops, when he quietly slipped into Palencia, a town distant 8 or 9 miles from Guatemala, in the night of Saturday. Feeling certain that the govt was ignorant of his whereabouts, and confident that the people of Palencia were friendly, he failed to adopt proper precautions, and even had high mass chanted for his troops in the small hours of the morning. But it so happened that the authorities of Guatemala received late in the night information of Iris arrival, and of the number of his men. An overwhelming force of Santa Rosa Indians, devoted to Cerna and hostile to Cruz’ Indians, was despatched under command of Brig. Solares, who surrounded Cruz and attacked him be- fore he had begun to prepare for his own attack of the capital. He made a desperate fight of two hours, however, behind the adobe walls of a corral, but it availed naught. His only chance of escape was in flight. A rush carried him and his remaining men to the edge of a ravine, and he had gone down half of the steep descent when a ball struck him in the thigh and broke it. No quarter was asked or given. He was slain while fiercely fighting to the last. His fleeing men were relentlessly pursued for several days, and such as were not killed in the ravines were captnred and executed. Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Ilcp., in Overland Monthly, xiv. 103-5; sec also Guat., Ilolctin de Noticicis, Jan. 15, 1870; Id., Gaceta, Jan. 28, 1870; Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 5, 19, 1870; Nueva Em, Paso del Norte, Apr. 3, 1885. The victorious Solares was promoted to mariscal de campo; his officers also received promo- tion, and the rank and file one month’s extra pay; but he lived to enjoy his new honors less than a year, his death occurring in Nov. 1870. Mir., Gaceta, Dec. 3, 1870. 17 It was exposed to the public gaze at the door of the hospital, where a nboto"rar>h of it was taken, copies of which were sold at half a dollar each. EXCEPTIONAL CLEMENCY. 419 All hope of success for the liberals was now at an end, at least for a time. The correspondence of their chief men with Cruz having been captured, the gov- ernment ordered their arrest, but most of them es- caped. Jose Maria Samayoa, the wealthiest of them, was imprisoned a short time, and then banished, and went to sojourn in San Salvador. Garcia Granados, after being some time concealed, was ultimately dis- covered, and sought asylum at the British legation, from which, by the intercession of other foreign rep- resentatives, he was permitted to leave the country. He went to reside in Chiapas.18 The administration must be commended for its magnanimity. Not a single execution or confiscation of property followed its triumph. Whatever the motive was which prompted clemency to such bitter opponents19 against the opin- ion of many firm supporters, it may not be denied that it eventually brought about the government’s over- throw ; for the condition of the liberals, though over- spread with gloom, was not altogether hopeless. The government strengthened their bands by failing to satisfy the people with liberal measures.20 The dis- content grew apace. Neither the authorities nor Garcia Granados were idle during 1870, both laying in a supply of breech-loading rifles. • Early in 1871, the liberals of Salvador, witli the assistance of the president of Honduras, overthrew the government of Duenas.21 This was a heavy blow to the conservatives. Garcia Granados was organizing- an expedition in Chiapas, probably in concert with the liberals of Salvador, and as soon as Duenas’ downfall was accomplished, he invaded Guatemala, where he was joined by J. Rufino Barrios, who, upon the defeat 18 On parole not to return without permission of the govt. He and some members of his family had to sign a $10,000 bond. 19 Silas A. Hudson, the Am. minister, claimed that much had been due to his advice, and the favorable opinion had of his friendly course. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., For. Reh, Cong. 41, Sess. 3, 444. 20 Cerna was blind himself, or tried to throw dust into the eyes of the repre- sentatives of the people when in his message of Nov. 25, 1870, he assured them that peace had been fully restored. Nic., Gaceta, Dec. 17, 1870. 21 The particulars of this revolution appear in another chapter. 420 DEMOCRACY RESTORED TN GUATEMALA. of Cruz, had retired into Mexican territory. Vicente Mendez Cruz invaded on the 5th of March at Charula and proceeded to the sierra of Nebaj, relying on the aid of the Indians of Chajul. He was joined by an- other party under E. Giron, and together they occu- pied Coban, which was ungarrisoned. Barrios with about sixty men encountered, April 4th, on the Ta- eand heights, a government force, which retreated to San Mdrcos. Lastly, Lieutenant-colonel Juan Viteri joined them with some servants of his hacienda.22 Garcia Granados, by way of Cuilco and Tejutla, reached, May 1 Oth, Sercliil, distant three leagues from San Pedro Sacatepequez. He, together with Barrios, occupied San Mdrcos, and on the approach of Lieu- tenant-colonel Calonge, retreated toward Coatepeque.23 The result of the operations was that on June 1st Calonge, at the head of 800 men, Avas routed by Garcia Granados near La Antigua, losing his artillery, 500 rifles, and ammunition. Of the government troops hardly 100 men got back to the capital. The people of Jutiapa revolted, and sent a commissioner to General Gregorio Solares, then at Santa Ana, in Salvador, to invite him to command a considerable force for cooperation with Garcia Granados. Solares lost no time in answering the call. The officers of the liberating army held a meeting on the 3d of June at the town of Patzicia, and in a preamble and series of resolutions made known their purpose to overthrow Cerna and his administration, and establish a republic based on democratic princi- ples, to which effect Miguel Garcia Granados was called to act as provisional president with ample powers.24 Garcia Granados had previously made a 22 The Boletin de Noticias said, respecting his movement, ‘ cometio el acto de demencia. ’ 22 So said the Boletin de Noticias of Guat., copied by Nic. , Gaceta, June 3, 1871. 2i The preamble said that Cerna ’s govt had become intolerable by its arbi- trary and cruel acts in violation of the constitution and other laws; that it had usurped powers, and had assailed the representatives of the people; it had ruined the public treasury, and compromised the independence of the country by contracting without authority of law a ruinous loan in Europe. GARCIA GRANADOS. 421 proclamation to his countrymen detailing the arbitrary acts of the government, one of which had been the or- der to confine him and other representatives of the people25 in the dungeons of Fort San Jose. He was fortunate, however, in escaping arrest. He now urged the necessity of overthrowing a despotism under which the nation could make no progress whatever.26 Again, after the pronunciamiento of Patzicia, he issued an- other manifesto, pledging himself to labor for the establishment of a republican government. The troops sent against the insurgents at first made little or no resistance. They were disaffected men, and led by lukewarm or faithless officers.2' Cerna then took the field with the troops which could be spared from the defence of the capital, a good portion being his faithful battalions of Santa Rosa and Chi- Consequently, the people would no longer forbear with its tyrannical domina- tion, and had resolved to set it aside. The following are the resolutions epitomized: 1st. To depose the tyrant and usurper Cerna; 2d. To appoint Miguel Garcia Granados provisional president with full authority to reorgan- ize a government on the bases proclaimed by him May 8, 1871; 3d. He was also instructed when expedient to convoke a constituent assembly for fram- ing a new fundamental law; 4th. The officers solemnly bound themselves not to lay down their arms until these purposes were effected. Signed by Gen. of Brigade J. Rufino Barrios, Colonel Francisco del Riego, lieut-colonels Juan Viteri, Julio Garcia Granados, etc. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Detnoc., i. 1-3 et seq. 25 He had been, he said, for 20 years energetically opposing the govern- ment’s illegal proceedings in the chamber of deputies; and it had never dared to touch him until after its triumph over Cruz in Jan. 1870. Garcia Granados, Prod, June 2, 1871. 26 A contemporary gives the following lists of bequests left by the con- servative rule of thirty years. A large number of jesuits, well fed on the sweat of the people, and their acolytes and choristers; another large quantity of Capuchin friars who preyed on the inhabitants of Antigua, Guat.; about 200 friars and lay brothers in the capital, most of them lazy and stupid; nearly 200 useless nuns, of whom some 40 were in a state of insanity or idiocy, and in condition to be canonized; one archbishop, 2 bishops, 12 or 15 vicars and canons, and a high steward of church property, etc; a foreign debt of five million dollars; a nearly complete absence of public education, necessitating the establishment of at least 500 schools and colleges adequately supplied; few, if any, roads or bridges; no steam vessels; no adequate postal service; no telegraphs; no public lands, for immense tracts of unproductive lands were held by the church and by a few aristocrats. Juan Alvarez, Dos PalaJn-as, 12-13. Prior to the revolution of 1871, which regenerated the country, the capital wore a monkish and funereal look. After the triumph of this movement, abuses were eradicated, anachronisms disappeared, and mod- ern ideas began to prevail. Batres, A Sketch of Guat., 16-17. 27 The men had been pressed into the service, and moreover, dreading the superior arms of their opponents, in several instances fled at the first onset, throwing down their arms. 422 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. quimula Indians; but it was too late. He was in no condition to cope with the enemy, most of his best officers having deserted him. There were several encounters, in only one of which he had any chance of success. On the 23d of June he surprised the insurgents on the hills between Totonicapan and Quezaltenango, in Tierrablanca; his brave Indians drove back the Quezaltenangos, but Barrios came with reenforcements of his best troops, and regained the lost ground. At this moment Cerna was no longer fit to command, being taken very ill.28 His friends hurried him off, and his men were utterly routed, and made a hasty retreat in the afternoon. Next morning Colonel Julio Garcia Granados went in pursuit, and captured nearly 100 prisoners and a quantity of war material. Cerna reached Chimaltenango, and thought of forti- fying himself there. With reenforcements received from the capital he now had 2,100 men The insur- gent army, though increased in Los Altos, was only 1,200 strong; but it was flushed with vic- tory, and counted on the superiority of its Remington and Winchester rifles. Garcfa Granados resolved not to attack Cerna in Chimaltenango, but to march by way of San Andres Itzapa to La Antigua, and occupy the heights of Santa Lucia, thus menacing the capi- tal.29 On reaching Chicoj he heard that Cerna was at La Antigua. Changing his plans, he marched to Chimaltenango, and thence to Santiago, a town six leagues from Guatemala, where he spent the night. In Zumpango he was advised of the occupation of Amatitlan by Solares, whom he at once directed to harass Cerna on his march to the capital. Granados’ intent was to meet Cerna on the Mixco road; and to this end early on the 29th of June repaired to San 25 It has been averred that he partook of some coffee which had been drugged. 29 Cerna must either pursue, giving him a vantage-ground, or rush to the defence of the capital, making the success of the revolution equally certain, for the whole country would then rise against his detested rule. IMPORTANT VICTORY. 423 Lucas, to ascertain with certainty the time when Ccrna would pass through Rancho de San Lucas toward Bdrccnas. He occupied that town, and after a con- sultation with his second in command, Barrios, went with a body of cavalry to the Mixco heights, where he presently heard shots from the direction of San Lucas. Cerna had made ready for the struggle. Barrios saw victory on the San Lucas hill; and with- out waiting the return of his chief, directed Julio Garcia Granados with 800 men to support his front, and rapidly marched with 400, and occupied the lull, thus winning the day. Cerna’s troops, finding their retreat cut off, disbanded by hundreds, and by night- fall the number of prisoners and deserters, most of the latter with their arms, exceeded 1,000. 30 The victory was complete; for of Cerna’s 2,400 men — he had lately received 400 — scarcely 30 entered the capital that day.31 The provisional president passed the night in Bar- cenas, and the next morning after the civil authorities of Guatemala had met him outside and quietly de- livered the keys of the city together with the castle and barracks, he, accompanied by Barrios, the other leading officers, and the troops, marched into the capi- tal amid the most enthusiastic plaudits.32 With the exception of a few hostile cries against Cerna, Bo- 3:1 An unfortunate circumstance occurred. A portion of the troops with which Julio G. Granados had forced the passage of the ravine, going toward the farm of Dieguez, encountered two companies of Solares’ men, and the two forces mistaking one another for the enemy, fought some minutes; some men were wounded, and a field-officer named Juan Solorzano was slain. Quat., Bole- tin de Noticias, Aug. 4, 1871; Nic. , Gaceta, Sept. 10, 1871. 31 They all behaved well; but special credit must be given, not only to the chief and Barrios, but to Solares and Viteri, who struck decisive blows. 33 Cerna fled to Chiquimula witli a few followers. The Indians were still faithful to him, and begged he should lead them to the field in defence of his cause; but he knew any such effort must end in disaster, and refused. Ho then continued his flight to Honduras. Most of his ministers also escaped. Indeed, no effort was made to detain them, or other men of the fallen adminis- tration, it being considered a better policy not to be hampered with the respon- sibility of disposing of them. The old minister of war remained behind and was not molested. Full particulars on the campaign are given in Salv., El Reymhlica.no, July 3, 1871; Id., Diario Ofic., July 11, 12, 1870; Nic., Gaceta, July 21, 1871; Costa R., Informe Min. Bel., 1872, 14; Id., Bolctin Ofic., March 22, 1885; .7, J. Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Rep., in Overland Monthly, xiv. 15G-7; UnGaatema.lte.co, Cartas, G-9; Uriarte, Ooserv. , 4— G. 4-24 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA laiios, the comandante general, and others, perfect order prevailed ; no acts of violence or retaliation were permitted.33 The task of reorganizing public affairs was an ardu- ous one.34 The first attempt to appoint a cabinet was unsuccessful. Persons who were tendered portfolios declined them However, Felipe Galvez, who had been secretary -general during the campaign, became minister of foreign affairs, public instruction, and ad interim of hacienda; and Arcadio Estrada, minister of government, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs. The act of Patzicia was accepted by the principal towns in the republic, save those of the departments of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula. The government decreed several liberal measures, and restored diplo- matic relations with Costa Rica.33 The new administration had hardly initiated reforms when an insurrection broke out in Santa Rosa, pro- moted by the priests and their aristocratic allies. It does not appear that Garcia Granados had at first in- tended open hostility to the religious orders. The tone of his address, early in September 1871, to the Santa Rosa' Indians, indicated that his plans involved 33 There were not wanting men who reproached Garcia Granados for his generosity to the vanquished. 34 Congress had ceased to exist; the heads of important offices had fled; the treasury was empty. There was danger to be apprehended from the rad- ical element among the liberals, composed of a large portion of the mechanics and artisans, who claimed that the change had mainly resulted from their influence, and they now wished to dictate measures which the new govern- ment could not decree. Their violent feeling was manifested specially toward the jesuits and other religious orders. Their discussions in the club de los artesanos, and elsewhere, often disclosed a marked suspicion of and conveyed warnings to the authorities. There were also misgivings about Barrios’ in- tentions. Indeed, many believed that though not actually at the head of affairs, he had the control; even after leaving the city, he was supposed to aspire to the presidency, to which he would have himself elected as soon as the constituent assembly should meet. Meantime, it was said, he would allow Garcia Granados to put the disrupted state in order, and enact the needed measures. 33 Giuit., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 3-4. It recognized freedom of speech and of the press, though requiring publications to bear the signatures of their authors. Champerico was made a port of entry for both export and import, which the people of Los Altos had loudly demanded. The cultivation and sale of tobacco were declared free to all; and the importation of Chiapas rum was permitted. Nic., Gaccta, Aug. 5, 1871. DOWNFALL OF THE CLERGY. 425 absolute religious tolerance.36 The priests would not rest contented with the loss of their former high stand- ing.37 Had they remained quiet, it is not likely they would have been molested. The president’s call on the insurgents of Santa Rosa to submit was dis- regarded, but their movement was quelled by the end of the month with much bloodshed.36 An am- nesty was granted to rebels surrendering to the authorities. The decree of martial law was repealed; and the ministers then in charge of the executive made Garcia Granados a captain-general and Barrios a lieutenant-general.39 The new readme now resolve to cut loose of the O ecclesiastical incubus, and to establish the supremacy of the civil authority in the state on a firm basis. Its first step was to carry out a decree of the revolution- ary government, dated May 24, 1870, to expel the society of Jesus forever from the republic.40 This was 3CHe denied that his government had ever contemplated wounding the religious feelings of the nation. 3; The power of the church had been almost as great as that of the govern- ment. Under the constitution the church nominated a number of deputies to the assembly, and was the only one recognized or tolerated. Its influence in the assembly had been large, and its interests were well represented. Crosby's Statement, MS., 91, 1 10—1 1. This influence had always been exercised to uphold the despotic sway of the oligarchs. 38 The rebels were routed Sept. 24th at Santa Rosa by the forces under Barrios, and again the 28th at Jalapa. They lost their artillery, other arms, and much ammunition. Guat., Recap. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 13-15; Hie., Gaceta, Nov. 4, 1871; El Porvenir de Hie., Oct. 1, 1871. 39 Id., Nov. 2G, 1871; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 24-5. 49 Decree no. 59, in Boldin OJic., no. 52. The order had been removed from Guat. by command of King Carlos III., in 1707, its members leaving the capital on the 1st of July for the coast, and being embarked for Spain. Hid. of Mex., iii. 432-3, this series. But a law of June 7, 1851, sanctioned by the assembly Nov. 5th, authorized their permanent reestablishment, revoking all other laws or decrees to the contrary, notably one of 1845, notwithstanding the many protests made against the measure. The most plausible pretext for the restoration of the jesuits had been the alleged scarcity of competent priests for the work of spreading the gospel; which was equivalent to saying that the 300 priests living in the republic were both insufficient and incapable. The real object of the hasty reintroduction of the order was said to be the aggrandizement of the house of Canon Juan Jose Aycincna, closely connected by family ties with Manuel F. Pavon and Luis Batres. Aycincna had pledged himself to bring the order in, and in exchange for this service it was to influ- ence his appointment as archbishop of Guatemala. It was a well-understood bargain. Hunt,., Carta al Ilmo. Sr. An oh. par u t C.it6l. Apostbl. romano, Guat., Aug. 20, 1851, in Cent. Am. Pamph., v. no. 12. 4-26 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. not effected without some scandal and disturbance from the zealous partisans of the order. Seventy- three jesuits, most of whom were foreigners, were sent away on an American steamship, bound to Panaimt.41 They did not go so far down, however, as will be shown elsewhere. The decree under which this ex- pulsion was effected resembled that of April 2, 1767, issued by Cdrlos III.42 Archbishop Pihol of Guatemala, and Ortiz Urruela, bishop of Teya in partibus infklelium, for their marked hostility in promoting rebellion, were, on October 17th, ordered to leave the country, and they departed with- out offering any resistance. The tithes tax was at once suppressed.43 On the 7th of June, 1872, religious communities of men were extinguished, causing oreat excitement, but owing to the energy of the govern- ment it soon died out.44 Nor did the action of the government stop here. The fuero eclesidstico in both 41 Report of the comandante of San Jose, in Boletin Ofic., Sept. 25, 1871; Guat., Recap. Ley., iii. 290; Id., Gob. Democ., i. S9-90; LI Porvenir da Nic. , Oct. 22, 1871; Costa It., Gaceta, June 9, 1885; Mex., Diario Ojic., Oct. 15, 1871. 42 The jesuits fared no better in Salvador, where the constituent assembly, being consulted as to whether they should be allowed to enter, resolved that their presence in the country would not be beneficial. Only four votes were cast in their favor. El Porvenir de Hie. , Oct. 1, 1871. A few who lived in Salv. were made to depart in 1872, and forbidden to reenter. A treaty was made with Guat., under which neither government was ever after to allow jesuits to reside within their respective territories. Id., March 24, 1872; Ore. (Jana, Refutacion, 1-11. 43 The decree wras issued with the clause that any deficit experienced by the archdiocese in consequence should be covered out of the pub. treasury. Decree of Dec. 22, 1871, in Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 290; Id., Gob. Democ., i. 23-G, 70-1. 44 The decree contained nine articles, and regulated the manner of dispos- ing of the property which had belonged to these associations. The religious orders thus suppressed were those of the Franciscans, and recollects, domini- cans, mercedari, clergymen of the oratory of Saint Philip de Neri, jesuits, paulists, and lastly the capuchins, otherwise called betlilehemites. These capuchins wrere natives of Spain, most of whom had been partisans of the pre- tender called Carlos Y. They occupied a convent which had belonged to the betlilehemites, when they wrere taken by a military guard to the coast and shipped away, with orders never to return. They had made themselves par- ticularly obnoxious, and not being citizens of the country, the gov. was free to make them leave. F riars who were natives of Cent. Am. wrere permitted to remain, and given a monthly allowance for their support ; but forbidden to show themselves in public with their habits on. Nic., Semanal Nic., July 4, 1872; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 3, 1872; El Porvenir de Lie., July 14, 1872; Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 290-1; Id., Gob. Democ., i. 91, 101-2; Pcatjield’s Glimpse, i:i S. F. Overland Monthly, xiv. 159; S. F. Post, July 2, 1872. SUPPRESSION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 427 civil and criminal causes was done away with March 12, 1873, and freedom of worship decreed on the 15th.4'’ The turn of the nunneries came at last. On the 28th of February, 1874, it was ordered that all the nuns should be concentrated in one convent, the Santa Catarina, and be allowed to receive their fam- ilies and friends without hindrance. This convent was placed under the immediate protection and vigi- lance of the civil authorities, which roused the ire of the ecclesiastics, who endeavored to nullify the order. 4<> The consequence was, that in February 1874, Presi- dent Barrios decreed the suppression of many religious houses, prohibiting professions in the future, and per- mitting nuns who so desired to leave the cloister, and to each one so departing would be given a monthly allowance of twenty dollars. On the 3d of March the nuns residing in Santa Catarina were put out of the cloister.4' The aspect of public affairs in Central America at the inception of 1872 was not promising of stability and peace. Honduras, together with Archbishop Piiiol, Bishop Ortiz Urruela, the jesuits, and their conservative friends, all combined, had assumed a re- actionary attitude, with the avowed intent of upsetting the governments which were laboring to consolidate 45 With toleration of all religious sects throughout the republic. This sub- ject was being discussed in the constituent assembly, with much opposition to the clause being inserted in the fundamental law. The govt then cut the gordian knot. Later other decrees were passed, further curtailing eccles. jurisdiction, including the secularization of cemeteries. Gnat., Mem. Sec. Gob., Juxticia, etc., 1S80, 2-5; Id., 18S2, 11-12; Guat., Recop. Lei/., Gob. Democ., i. 159-G1; El Porvenir de Nic., Apr. 27, 1873. 46 Placing a notice on the convent door that any one entering it without permission of the ecclesiastic authority would be excommunicated. The nuns had been kept away from intercourse with their relatives, and the civil authorities had been debarred access to them. The official journal said, March 6th, that history and indisputable facts proved they had not always been the abode either of justice, morality, or true religion. The removal of the teresas, capuchinas, and claras to the Santa Catarina was made under the personal inspection of the jefe politico of the department. Their number was about 126, and most of them were natives of the other Cent. Am. repub- lics. Pan. Star and Herald, March 24, 1873. 47 The property of all religious houses having been confiscated, each one of these ex-nuns was allowed a life pension of $12 per month. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 13-14, 58, G4-5, 205. 428 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. democratic principles, and serious complications were apprehended.48 The two governments thus menaced were, however, fully prepared for the emergency.43 President Medina, of Honduras, having become the leader of the reactionary element, Guatemala and Sal- vador entered into a treaty of alliance and despatched troops against him, after a formal declaration of war.50 The president took command of the Guatemalan troops for the compaign, leaving the executive office tempo- rarily in charge of Barrios. The war was but a short one, ending advantageously for the allies, who, after concluding a satisfactory arrangement, retired their troops. Garcia Granados returned to Guatemala on the 10th of June, and reassumed his executive duties, Barrios going to Quezaltenango as comandante gen- eral of Los Altos.51 The cabinet was now organized, as appears in the note at foot.52 The reactionists would not keep still. Colonel Vicente Mendez Cruz, jefe politico of Amatitlan, placed himself at the head of an insurrection.53 The reactionary forces took the name of “ejercito de la reaccion dirijido por los santos padres,” and their avowed object was to bring Cerna back to uphold their rights and religion, which they claimed to have been assailed by heretical rulers. The government adopted active measures, and the rebellion was quelled 48 The work was against Guat. and Salv. Costa R. was expected to side with the latter. Nicaragua’s administration was not well disposed toward them. Guat., El Centro Americano, Feb. 19, 1872; El Porwiur de E'ic. , May 5, 1872. 49 Martial law was established, together with stringent rules for dealing with rebels. Freedom of the press was temporarily suspended. This last measure was repealed in May. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 73-5, 80- 1, 95-1.00; A Ttr„, Gaceta, Feb. 24, 1872. 69 Garcia Granados’ decree of May 8, 1S72. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 87-8; IT. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 518; A He., Semanal Die., May 30, 1872. 61 Salv., Diarxo OJic., March 19, 1876; Die. , Semanal Die., May 30, June 6, July 4, 1872; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 88, 102. ” F. Alburez, in treasury; Jose M. Samayoa, in fomento; Victor Zavala, in war; Ramirez ad int., in foreign relations; M. A. Soto ad int., in govern- ment, justice, and eccles. affairs. 53 Notwithstanding that his conduct had been seditious in 1871, he had been given the rank of col, and the offices of jefe politico and comandante de annas of Amatitlan. Barrios, Prod., at Quezaltenango, Jan. 23, 1873. ELECTION OF BARRIOS. 429 in a short time, Cruz losing his life at the hands of his own men.54 After peace was nearly restored, Garcia Granados, who had gone to the front, returned to the capital, and resumed the presidency.55 On the 29th of March he convoked the people to chose a con- stitutional president, although the constituent assem- bly, which had been installed March 10, 187 2, 56 had failed to frame a constitution.5' The elections were to begin April 20tli, and last seven days. The term for which the elect should hold the office was to be estab- lished by the new charter, taking into account the time already served. The assembly was to be sum- moned for the 5th of May, to count the votes. The election took place, and Justo Riffino Barrios was 54 Cerna had declined to take any part in the movement. The defeat of the rebels by Solares at Las Arrayanas and Cumbres de los Ajos on March 10th, with the loss of several prominent men, reduced them to straits. Id., i. 155-6, 177-80; j\ic., Semanal Nic., Feb. 20, March 6, May 8, July 24, Aug. 21, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic., Feb. 23, March 28, Apr. 6, 27, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, March 11, 22, May 13, June 12, 1873; El Monitor Repub., Apr. 18, 1S73. 55 The office had been in charge of Barrios since Feb. 11th. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 155. During this tenure Barrios called for a forced loan. On the 15th he summoned to his presence at the comandancia general a numb; r of citizens, one of whom imprudently said that he would go armed to punish any insult. Barrios accused them of hostility to the government, and of render- ing pecuniary assistance to the insurgents. He warned them of their danger, and suggested the expediency of their aiding the govt to bring the insurrec- tion to an end. It is said that the armed one, Rafael Batres, a son of the late minister of state, two or three times laughed in a contemptuous manner, enraging Barrios, who walked up to him, tore open his coat, and pulled out of it a revolver, upraiding him as a coward and would-be murderer; then ordered that 100 blows should be inflicted on his back with a supple stick 01- rod, such as was used to punish private soldiers. Batres received his punish- ment, and was afterward sent to jail. The other men were also confined in the common jail, and the next morning were brought with shackles on through the streets to the comandancia, and told that they would not be released till they signed bonds to pay their respective shares of the forced loan; after doing which they were set at liberty. Julian Volio, ex-minister of Costa R. and Guat., did not receive any ill treatment, but was made to leave the coun- try. Batres was also banished. Referring to this incident in a message to congress, he said that the rebellion had been instigated with the pretext that religion was menaced. His measures he confessed had been severe, but necessary. The result realized his expectations, for as soon as these men ceased furnishing resources to the rebellion it collapsed. Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 5-6. 56It was called Dec. 11, 1871. Id. , i. 53-69, 83—4 ; El Porvenir de Nic., Feb. 11, May 5, 1872; Salv., Gaceta, Sept. 9, 1876. 57 All proposed amendments to the old constitution had been rejected as not adequate to the present requirements of the country. Nic., Sernanel Nic., Oct 10, 1872. 430 DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA. declared by the assembly on May 7th to have been popularly elected. He was formally inducted into office on the 4th of June, 1873. 58 The late administration must be held to have been somewhat weak. Garcia Granados was an enlight- ened and able men, but easy, unassuming, indolent, and kind-hearted; too much so, indeed, for the [dace he had been called to fill at a period demanding of him great energy, and an unbending will. His was not a disposition to deal harshly with any one, or in- flict suffering. Another drawback was his connection by the ties of family and early association with the men and women who were laboring to undo the work of the revolution he had accomplished. Among his own relatives were some of his most strenuous oppo- nents. The reactionists took advantage of his good nature to keep the country in a turmoil, hoping thus to restore the old regime of fanatism and general retrogression. They defeated themselves, however, bringing into existence the iron power of Barrios, who tolerated no opposition to his will, nor overlooked sedition in any form. 68 Garcia ’Granados, who on the 2d of June had been declared a benemerito de la patria, after surrendering the presidency, made a visit to Europe, re- turning in March 1874, when he was cordially welcomed by all classes. His death occurred Sept. 8, 1878, and was much deplored. Ouat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 182-3; Salv., Diario Ofic., Sept. 12, 1S78; Pan. Star and Herald , Oct. C, 1SS0. CHAPTER XXI. RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. 1873-1885. President Barrios of Guatemala— End of Reactionary War — Guate- malan Progress — War with Salvador and Honduras — Barrios’ Successes and Generosity to the Vanquished — Constitutional Re- gime in Guatemala- Barrios’ Reelections — His Visit to the United States — Peaceful Effort to Unite Central America Resort to Arms- Alliance of Guatemala and Honduras— Barrios Attacks Salvador- His Defeat and Death — His Plan Abandoned M. L. Barillas, Provisional President of Guatemala — Restora- tion of Peace. Justo Rufino Barrios, now president of the repub- lic by the popular choice, was born about 1834 in San Marcos, department of Quezaltenango. He received his education in Guatemala, and fitted himself for a notary public, and received his commission as such ; but it does not appear that he performed notarial du- ties.1 He was of about middle height, and rather light complexion, with a cold, distant look, and plain and unassuming in his dress. His manners were brusque, unrefined, and unconventional, as if it were easier for him to despise good manners than to acquire them. However, after a while they become more polished. Without any claim to enlightenment, or to a knowl- edge of public affairs,2 it is not too much to say that he possessed natural talents, a far-reaching mind, and 1 Costa R., Boletin Ofic. , March 22, 1885. 2 He rose to prominence by military prowess, and yet knew but little of the military art. His enemies would not even concede him courage, or that he had risen by any effort of his own, but merely by circumstances. Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, C-8. i.431) 432 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. a disposition to labor unremittingly for the welfare of 1 1 is country, though at the same time looking after his own aggrandizement. His energy of character and iron will have been arenerally recognized. Whatever his enemies may say, the fact stands that his country owes him much; for example, liberal institutions, in- ternal peace, and with them the advancement of intel- lectual pursuits, industries, and wealth.3 The cause of education was fostered as it had never been before, efforts being constantly made to elevate the lower classes ; 4 and the country was endowed with many of the improvements of the age, like the railroad and the telegraph. Acts of despotism and brutality without number have been imputed to Barrios,5 some well founded, but most of them inventions of his enemies, among whom were of course the would-be oligarchs and the priests, together with their fanatical followers. Still, it must be said that his government was one in which fear of the sword was constantly holding its opponents in check.6 3 1 will quote in corroboration what foreign correspondents said. Barrios’ administration in 1S75 was enjoying the confidence of the people, and had the support of public opinion. He had in his favor not only the testimony of the lil*cral portion of the Cent. Am. press, but of intelligent travellers just from the theatre of his so-called atrocities against the liberty of his people. He had more: the direct as well as tacit testimony of the property holders, both na- tive and foreign. The guiding principle of Barrios’ govt was to check evil practices, and to encourage good deeds. Again in 1880 Barrios continued as indefatigable as ever, travelling over the country, devising measures for the benefit of his fellow-citizens. The country was at peace. Foreigners, in comparing Dec. 1S70 with Dec. 1880, can scarflely realize that they are living i a the same country, and that only one decade has elapsed since the terrors of 1870. Since then Gnat, has seen progress in every respect, and all due to the energy of this man, who has not wavered in his efforts to educate his fellow- citizens to the standard of the times. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 12, 14, 1875; Jan. 12, 1SS1. *In 1870 there were primary schools in all the towns for the compulsory and gratuitous education of children of the poor. Boddarn Whetliam’s Across Cent. Am., 39. Later there were established three high schools: the Rolitec- nica, for the education of officers at the expense of the state; alumni were also admitted at their own charge, who were not bound to accept commissions in the army; the Normal, for the training of teachers; and the Bclen, for the instruction of females. All those schools were in charge of teachers from the U. S. and Europe; the Belen being conducted on the plan pursued in the U. S. 5 lie was a man of the people, flattered the lower classes and the soldiers, especially those of Los Altos, and won their good-will. G Espionage existed. Domestic servants even were used as spies. The postal service was like an office of the old inquisition. These charges are probal ly true, and the system, one of long standing, may have been demanded COSTLY INSULT. 433 The efforts of the reactionists to regain the upper- hand were finally defeated in the latter end of the year, when an amnesty was granted to the remnants of rebels in Santa Rosa and elsewhere.7 In the fol- lowing year an outrageous act was perpetrated by a military officer, bringing upon his government a seri- ous complication with a foreign power. Colonel Gon- zalez, a native of Spain, who had been intrusted with the responsible command at the port of San Jose, for some disagreement with the British vice-consul, had him seized and beaten as a common criminal m the most barbarous manner. Realizing, on the next morning, the responsibility he had incurred, he tried to escape on the American mail steamship, but his by the political situation. It lias been said that he had a young Spanish priest named Felix Pages murdered in cold blood. The other side of the story is that Pag^s shot at him Sept. 14, 1877, in San Pedro Jocopilas, missed him, a scuffle ensued for the possession of the weapon, when other persons entered the room, one of whom was Barrios’ body-servant, Ines Cruz, who seeing Pages again trying to discharge the revolver at his master, drew out his own weapon, and shot the priest dead. This version is the official one, and was communicated by U. S. Minister Williamson to his government. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. pt 1, 73—4; Star and Herald, Oct. 20, 1877. It is that some women were gagged, confined in the common jail, and afterward banished to distant towns. Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 24. I have no space for the innumerable accusations of anonymous and irresponsible persons. The following are given because made by a prominent Mexican general who served some time under Barrios: Innocent men of respectable position were whipped by his order, and women confined in the common jail. A judge was set to sowing grass. A distinguished lawyer was made to march i:i a religious procession through the streets dressed as a private soldier. An ecclesiastic, for failing to salute him, was kept for hours opposite his balcony with head uncovered and erect, and treated with contumely. He had the head of a city councilman shaved like a priest’s, and then shut him up in a convent. It was Barrios’ practice to have men beaten till they told what he wanted of them, and he invented a cruel torture called el apreton, which was compressing the person’s temples. His assassinations were wanton and cold- blooded. This general, however, was a considerable time in Barrios’ service, a id had a falling out with him. His statements may be the result of spite. As a ruler who had in his hands during nearly 12 years the destinies of his country, he undoubtedly committed many errors, and as a man he had de- f :cts; but how deny, speaking with truth, the benefits his abilities, patriotism, constancy, and energy bestowed? Uraga, J. L., Replica a J. R. Barrios, 6-7, 1-4. Another Mexican who says horrible things of Barrios, whom he called Li Pantera de Guat., signed himself I. Martinez, in S. F. El Cornista, March 4. 1885; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885. 7 Decree of Nov. 4, 1873, requiring them to surrender with their arms. Gnat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Dernoc., i. 203; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 23, Nov. 22, 1S73; Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 5. For his complicity in the insurrection, the guardian of the archdiocese had to leave the country, and remained absent till he was permitted to return. El Porvenir da Nic. , Aug. 17, 1873. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 28 434 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. infamous conduct had preceded him, and he was driven away. Both he and his accomplice, Bullies, were promptly arrested, tried, and sentenced to un- dergo heavy penalties.8 The British government demanded prompt reparation of the insult, which Bar- rios unhesitatingly acceded to. Guatemala saluted the British flag at San Jos4 with every mark of re- spect,9 and was mulcted in the sum of $50,000, which she paid.10 The government had another foreign difficulty on its hands in 1875, resulting from a hasty recognition of the independence of Cuba on the 6th of April. In August, Commodore E. Butler, of the Spanish royal navy, arrived at Guatemala, bearing a note from Conde de Valmaseda, captain-general of the island, to President Barrios, demanding satisfaction. It was finally agreed 11 that Guatemala would at once accredit a minister at Madrid to discuss the subject and arrange it satisfactorily. This was done, and the difficulty was amicably settled.1" The political outlook at the beginning of 1876 was 8 Gonzalez was expelled in disgrace from the army, and sentenced, more- over, to confinement for ten years in the fortress of San Felipe. He was also deprived of all right to hold office. Bulnes was also deprived of this right, and condemned to three years imprisonment. And yet lie had insti- gated Gonzalez to commit the outrage, and was morally the guiltier of the two. U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt 1, 177-83. 9 There were present on shore, upon that occasion, the commanding gen. of the Guat. forces, the British rear-admiral, Cochrane, and officers of four of his ships lying at San J ose, the British charge, the Am. minister, and others, besides 200 Guat. troops, and a like number of marines and sailors from the British ships. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 44, Sess. 1, Doc. 1, pt 1, 128-9. 10 The victim of Gonzalez’ brutality declined to receive any portion of the money. Scolfield, the British representative at Guatemala, for the manner in which he conducted the affair, was knighted. 11 Butler had several conferences with the min. of foreign affairs, insisting on the revocation of that decree, which the min. invariably refused. El Pro- greso, Aug. 29, 1875. However, it seems that Guat. gave way, and declared her recognition of Cuban independ. to be null. The Mexican Financier, Apr. 18, 1885. 12 In 1876 the Sp. gov. recognized that the captain-gen. had exceeded his powers, and must be censured. But in March 1880 it asked Guat. as a favor to forego that clause, which the latter acceded to on being reassured that in future the usages of international etiquette should be observed in the rela- tions between the two governments. Guat., Becop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 129; Id., Mem. Min. Bel. Est., 1881, 13-14. FURTHER HOSTILITIES 435 not such a one as promised a continuance of peace. Serious troubles were impending over three of the important sections of Central America. Barrios had brought about the assembling of a diet, which was installed in Guatemala January 15th, with the object of reorganizing the country under one government.15 Civil war raged in Honduras, and while the diet was sitting, Barrios was moving his troops; 600 men were stationed in Esquipulas, and 1,200 more marched to Jutiapa.14 Salvador was not slow in preparing for hostilities. On the 23d of January, however, Guate- mala and Salvador agreed to disarm.15 It was believed in Guatemala that Enrique Pala- cios, and about 3,000 of her refugees sojourning in Salvador, had been wheedled and promised aid by President Gonzalez for the overthrow of Barrios, and that they were exasperated, and would insist on those promises being carried out. On the other hand, Bar- rios was chagrined at the failure of the diet to arrive at a conclusion in favor of consolidation.16 He now resolved, whether with the purpose of pursuing the reorganization scheme or with that of further secur- ing himself, or both, to change the rulers of Salvador and Honduras, replacing them with his supporters. The task in Honduras was an easier one, that coun- try being in the throes of revolution. Salvador, as he thought, with a hostile government in Honduras, and war threatening from the side of Guatemala, must succumb. The results of his policy were as 13 Circular of Nic. foreign min., Sept. 5, 1876, in Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 26, 1876. 11 Both places within Guat. territory, but near the boundaries of the other two states. 15 Barrios reviewed in Guat. 11,000 men, and ostensibly disbanded them. He really had about 18,000 under arms, and it would have been easy for him to make the number 20,000 in eight or ten days. Salv. went slow in the work of disarming. She had 2,300 men in Santa Ana, 3,000 in San Salvador, and 2,000 in other places; and the government had decreed a forced loan of half a million dollars, of which one half had been collected. Having taken the laboring men from their peaceful vocations, the govt feared a revolution if it desisted from war with Guat. Pan. Star and Herall , Feb. 14, 16, 1876. 16 Neither cajolery, argument, nor movement of troops produced the de- sired effect, for the delegates could only see in his propositions the destruc- tion of their several nationalities. 436 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. he had planned them. The fortune of war favored him,1' and from 1870 to 1884 he could count on the resources of Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras18 to effect what he undertook to accomplish single-handed at another time. But this will be treated of at the proper time. After his successful campaign, Barrios was received in triumph at his capital,19 and erelong other honors poured upon him. Costa Rica made him a general of division of her army.20 The constituent assembly declared him a benemerito de la patria ; and the legis- lature of conquered Salvador voted him a sword of honor.21 The political atmosphere, however, became cloudy immediately after the return of the forces. Barrios would have dismissed his ministers then had they not been preparing their reports to present to the constituent assembly which was to assemble in a short time.22 The assembly was installed on the 11th of Septem- ber, 187G,23 and passed a few acts; namely, October 19th, approved all the acts of Barrios during the time he had held the executive office, and his budget for the fiscal year from July 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877; October 23d, declared that the proper time for fram- 17 The war cost Guat. about 2,000 lives, anil one and a half million dollars, however. The events connected with Salvador and Honduras appear in the history of those states for this period. 18 Nicaragua in 1877 joined the three hi treaties to act in concert, and harmonize ‘ las ‘tendencias de la familia Centro- Americana,' Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 3, 1877. 19 Gregorio Solares, to whom the successes were chiefly due. entered the city quietly, receiving no share of the popular plaudits, which were all be- stowed on Barrios as the victor. “Sept. 9, 1876. It was revoked March 22, 1885, when Barrios undertook to establish the Cent. Am. republic by force. Coxta R., Boletin Ofic., March 23, 1885. 21 The sword was delivered him Sept. 15, 1877. Salo., Gaceta Ofic., Sept. 25, 1S76; Feb. 25, March 21, Sept. 28, 1S77; Pan. Star ami Herald, Nov. 1, 1877. 28 lie would not go to the palace, but made the ministers come to his resi- dence, and adopted measures without consultation with them. He was in fear of being poisoned. Uraga, J. L., Replica, 18-20. “It had been originally convoked Oct. 21, 1875, the date of meeting being left for future consideration. Its first meeting was Aug. 31st, when its officers were chosen. This was the seventh constituent assembly in 55 years of national existence. Guat., Recop. Lei/., Gob. Democ., ii. 159-68; Salv., Gaceti Ofic., Sept. 9, 24, 1876. MURDEROUS PLOT 437 ing a national constitution had not yet arrived; the work was therefore postponed to a more suitable period. The presidential term for Barrios was fixed at four years from the date of the decree.24 The change of ministers Barrios desired to make finally took place.25 With the exception of an insignificant affair in Qui- chfi, the year 1877 had nearly run itself out without any alarms or disturbances, when on the 1st of No- vember a plot was detected in the capital, having for its objects, as appeared, to murder the president and other leading men, sack the city, and effect a general change in affairs. The persons implicated were tried by court-martial and convicted; seventeen of the chief leaders being executed in the plaza de arinas, and accomplices of a lower degree sentenced to other pen- alties. Most of the latter were subsequently par- doned.26 24 In the temporary absence of the president, the council of ministers was to take charge of the executive office. In case of his death or other inability, the council of state was to convoke an assembly. The president was called upon to appoint a council of state composed of competent and upright men, which he did. Id., Nov. 3, 9, Dec. 8, 1876. 2JSamayoa gave way to J. M. Barrundia, and went to Europe; Alburez, min. of the treasury, was succeeded by J. A. Salazar; Lainfiesta in fomento by M. M. Herrera; Barbercna was min. of the interior, and Macal of foreign affairs, who later was replaced by Lorenzo Montufar. 26 With the evidence obtained during the day and night of the 1st, several persons said to be implicated were arrested, and the judicial investigation was initiated. The plan of the sedition was ascertained from the acknowledg- ments and confessions of its promoters and others. The priest, Gabriel Aguilar, Jose Lara 1’avon, Enrique Guzman, and others, as appeared in the testimony, had organized themselves as a society, recognizing one another by means of signs, to promote a revolt. The execution of their plan was left to A. Ko- peski, commander of the artillery, and his second, Capt. Leon de Rodas, at whose quarters assembled in the night of the 1st a number of men who were then armed, to be ready for relieving the guards at the palace and comandan- cia general, after they had been narcotized with wine and morphine furnished by Aguilar. This part of the plot once accomplished, the commanders of other bodies of troops were to receive forged orders to bring their men, with- out arms, into the city, when others in the conspiracy stationed outside woul 1 seize the arms. One of these orders, ostensibly signed by Barrios, was sent Oct. 31st to the comandante at Palencia, who, not doubting its genuineness, was on the point of obeying it; but despatched an officer to inquire where he was to station his men, and the object of the call. The president at once telegraphed to other commanders, and was advised that they had similar orders. One man was arrested, and then another, until the plot was unrav- elled. A large portion of the criminal element, as well as of the lower classes, were mixed up in the affair. The president, his family, ministers, and friends were to be assassinated. Rich men would have to ransom their lives with 438 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. On the 9th of November, 1878, the president issued a convocation for a constituent assembly of 71 mem- bers to meet on the 15th of March following, for the purposes of framing a national constitution, and re- solving upon such matters as the government would submit to its deliberations.27 The assembly was in- stalled on the appointed day, and the president, whose term of appointment in 1876 had not expired, surren- dered his dictatorial powers. In a lengthy message he gave a detailed account of public affairs, with the assurance that the republic was enjoying peace and prosperity.28 For further particulars he referred to the reports of his ministers. This much-valued peace continued uninterrupted, notwithstanding the efforts of refugees in Chiapas to invade Guatemala with views hostile to the government. But they were balked by the action of Mexico at Barrios’ request, in keeping the parties away from the frontier.29 The sums ranging from 850,000 down to $10,000. Daggers, gags, and morphine were discovered. Barrios decreed, Nov. 5th, that the parties should be tried by court-martial. This decree was countersigned by all his ministers; namely, J. Barberena, Jose Ant. Salazar, Lorenzo Montufar, and under sec. of war A. Ubico, then in charge of the portfolio. Foreigners as well as natives real- ized their narrow escape from a fearful catastrophe, and commended Barrios and his ministers for their action. The justice of the sentences was fully acknowledged. Barrios, in his message to the constituent assembly, in March 1879, alluding to the affair, said: ‘ La sociedad guatemalteca se vio por un momento al horde de un abismo de sangre y devastacion. ’ The reac- tionists, he added, unable to demand the abolition of the reforms which had so greatly improved the condition of the people, 4 pedian al punal y al veneno, a ese recurso traidor y alevoso, una hecatombe suprema, una montana de cadaveres.’ Barrios, Mensaje, March 15, 1879; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Nov. 13, 18, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 1, 1877; La Voz de Hex., S. F., Feb. 23, 1S78. 27 In the preamble he alludes to the declaration of the last assembly oi Oct. 23, 1S76, adding that he accepted the dictatorship as a necessity, because of the unsettled condition of the country, though well aware that unre- stricted powers are incompatible with republican principles. The election of deputies was to begin Jan. 10th, and all citizens were made eligible, except- ing only such as held certain offices, as jefes politicos, revenue officials, judges, and military commandants, who could not be candidates in their official de- partments or districts. U. S. Gov. Doc., Cong. 46, Sess. 2, i. pt 1, 140; Salv., Diario Ofic., Nov. 22, 1S78; Jan. 22, 1879; La Voz de Mix., May 6, 1S79. 28 He had endeavored, he said, to maintain friendly relations with the other Cent. Am. governments, and as for those with Salv., Hond., and Nic., 4 jamds se han cultivado con el verdadero espiritu de fraternidad con que hoy se man tienen y formentan.’ 29 The same course was pursued by Guat. toward Mexican citizens residing in her territory, who were causing in 1S79 and 1880 disturbances in Soconusco and Chiapas. The correspondence and proceedings of the governments in BARRIOS DICTATOR. 439 constituent assembly adopted on the 1 ltli of December, 1879, a new constitution for the republic, which was promulgated a few days after. It recognized the great principles of democracy and social reform, and was in harmony with the social condition and political needs of Guatemala.30 Pursuant to the requirements of the constitution, the government issued on the 13th of December, 1879, and 12tli of January, 1880, decrees for the elections of president of the republic and deputies to the assem- bly, which took place without any disturbance. Justo Rufino Barrios was chosen, by popular suffrage, presi- dent of the republic for the term from March 1, 1880, to March 1, 1886. 31 Peace continued without inter- ruption,32 and the government was enabled to devote its attention to the advancement of the country’s edu- cational and material interests. Judicial and adminis- both affairs appear in Mex., Correspond. Dipl., ii. 221-91; El Guatemalteco, Sept. 7, 1879; Mex., Diario Ofic., Nov. 8, Dec. 2, 1879. 3U Every principle won with the loss of so much blood was secured. The legislative authority was vested in a chamber of representatives, and the executive in a president, whose term of office was six years. Gnat., Mem., Sec. Gobern., 1880, 7. Objections were made by foreign representatives, in- cluding the minister of Mexico, to art. 5th of the constitution respecting Guatemalan nationality. On this point a constituent assembly in 1S85 author- ized the government to settle it by treaties, which was equivalent to nulli- fying the clause. There were exceptions also to the 14th, intended to set down as a principle that neither citizens nor foreigners were entitled to in- demnity for damages accruing to them during civil wars from the acts of revolutionary factions. The right of Guat. to insert in her fundamental law every principle or rule she might deem proper for her internal administration was fully recognized; but as regarded those dependent for their sanction on the consent of nations, in their intercourse with one another, the representa- tives reserved their respective country’s rights. Mex., Correspond. Dipl., ii. 293-8; Gnat., Mem. Sec. Bel. Ext., 1880, 0. 31 The new constitution was to have effect from March 1, 1880. Thu3 Barrios had the glory of endowing his country with a political constitution of its own, and with a republican and democratic form of government. It will be borne in mind that after the disruption of the Cent. Am. confederation, since 1S40, Guat. had been under a dictatorship, or under institutions which greatly curtailed the political rights of the ruled. 33 A treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and extradition was conclude 1 July 17, 18S0, between Guat. and Hond., giving to Guatemalans in Hond., and Hondurans in Guat., the same civil and political rights enjoyed by the natives of the respective country, though exempting them from military ser- vice and forced loans. Refugees could be allowed asylum, but were not to use the privilege to promote hostile acts against their own or other govern- ments. Merchandise, excepting such articles as were subject to estanco, or monopoly, were to be allowed free entry. Guat., Mem. Min. Bel. Exter., 1881, 28-34. 440 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. trative reforms were introduced, and the army was reorganized, receiving marked improvements in every branch. Agriculture and commerce progressed, and the national finances had never been in so promising a condition.33 Barrios took advantage of this quiet to pay a visit to the United States. He landed at New Orleans, and thence repaired to Washington, where he was re- ceived with the high consideration due to the chief magistrate of a friendly nation. In other cities of the union he was also welcomed and hospitably enter- tained.34 His visit was one of business rather than of pleasure, having the double object of inviting the American government, Mexico having likewise done so, to act as mediator for the final settlement of their long-pending boundary question ; and also of bespeak- ing the influence and good offices of the same power to bring about the union of the five Central American states, in order that they might form a single repub- lic. The first request was acceded to, and the boun- dary difficulty was terminated.35 As regarded the other matter, the United States, while recognizing the wis- dom of the five Central American republics becoming consolidated, declined to interfere. Barrios made a flying visit to Europe, and returned by way of the United States, embarking at San Fran- cisco, California, for his country, where he arrived early in November 188 2. 36 On the 29th of Decem- 33 Star and Herald, Jan. 23, 1883; Guat., Mem. Min. Eel. Extcr., 1881-5; Id., Gobern. y Just., 1881-5; Id., JIac. y Grid. Pub., 1881-5; Id., Guerra, 1881-5; Id., Formento, 1881-5; Id., Instruc. Pub., 1881-5. The following per- sons acted as ministers of state during some portion of Barrios’ present term : Lorenzo Montufar, Fernando Cruz, Cayetano Diaz Merida, Delfino Sanchez, J. M. Orantes, J. Martin Barrumlia, M. M. Ilcrrera, Angel Pefia, R. A. Sala- zar, Ramon Murga, and F. Lainfiesta. 34 The Guat. govt manifested its high appreciation of those courtesies on the part of the authorities and people of the U. S., in a note to the Am. min- ister, II. C. Hall. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt 1, 4G-7. 35 This question is fully treated of in Hist. Alex., vi. chap, xix., this series; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i., For Rel. no. 1, pt 1, 326-33. 36 He did not resume his office till the 6th of January, Gen. Orantes con- tinuing at the head of the government. BARRIOS RESTLESS. 441 her he laid before the legislative assembly, then sitting in extra session, his resignation of the executive office, pleading the precarious state of his health, which de- manded rest and special care. He said that the con- stitutional regime being restored and consolidated, his further services might be dispensed with. He con- sidered the occasion a propitious one for a change in the chief magistrate.37 Barrios’ act caused much anxiety to his friends,38 but the assembly, while appreciating his motives, de- clined to accept the resignation, alluding to the alarm the news of it had created among the people. It did not seem to concur with him on the point of internal peace being secure, apprehension existing against re- actionary projects which might arrest the progress of the past few years. The chamber promised, however, to devise some means of conciliating the demands of his health with the need of his services.39 It was un- derstood that if the project of the union of the states, then engaging the attention of their governments, should be carried out, the measure to be suggested by the assembly would be granting him a leave of ab- sence. The decision of the legislature was received with great satisfaction by the people. Barrios ac- cepted it, and on the 6th of January, 1883, in an address to the people, announced his resumption of the presidency, though only for a short time.10 37 He added that he wished to stand aloof, and observe the working of the free institutions he had contributed to establish on a firm basis as he hoped; without neglecting, however, the duty he owed at all times to his country, and to those who, like himself, shed their blood in their efforts to the same end. lie would be ever found ready to support the liberal government, and hoped that no credence would be given to the slander that he desired to leave the country, and thus shirk responsibility. This charge was made when he left for the U. S. to settle the boundary question with Mexico. Barrios, Men- s'tje, Dec. 29, 1882. Even more had been said, to wit, that he had the plan of annexing Gnat, to the U. S., which was an absurd charge. 38 It was beyond question that he had a strong hold on the affections of those who did not belong to the reactionary party, and * even among the lat- ter he would be preferred to any one who would be likely to succeed him. ’ U. S. Min. Halls desp. to sec. of state, Jan. 8, 1883, in U. S. (Jov. Doc., li. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 32-3. 39 A measure might be adopted in the next ordinary session, when, per- haps, ‘ events may have occurred in regard to the Cent. Am. union. ’ 40 He urged them to labor for the development of the country, whose pro- gress and prosperity were certain, if all would cooperate to that end. 442 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. Meanwhile the scheme of Central American recon- struction had not been neglected. Barrios at an early day renewed negotiations with that object in view. Salvador and Honduras seemed to be in full accord with his plan; but Nicaragua and Costa Bica had failed to see the practicability of its realization. Delfino Sanchez, a Guatemalan commissioner, and Salvador Gallegos, minister of foreign affairs of Sal- vador, together visited Honduras, whose president, ministers, and influential citizens renewed assurances of concerted action. They next repaired to Nicara- gua, and then to Costa Rica, at both of which places they met with cordial receptions, and their proposi- tions were attentively considered, leading them to expect a successful result to their joint mission.41 Those governments consented to accredit five dele- gates each to a congress, which was to sit in March 1884, either at Ahuachapan, or Santa Tecla, in Sal- vador, with powers limited to discuss and subscribe to the plan for a general constitution, and organic laws intended for the reorganization of Central America. Costa Rica’s promise was subject to sanction by her legislature. She subsequently receded, and officially made- it known to the government of Nicaragua.42 The project was early in 1884 as far from realization as ever. Barrios in his message of that year to the national assembly alludes to the result as a sore dis- appointment to him ; adding that no one had dared to declare himself against the lofty idea, and yet there 41 Barrios addressed, Feb. 24, 1SS3, an extensive circular to the liberal party of Cent. Am., to assure them that his motives in working for the consoli- dation had been to promote the general weal, and not his personal aggrandize- ment. He repeated that he did not wish, nor would he accept, the presidency of Cent. Am. , disclaiming that he had ever tried to impose his will on the other states, and pledging his word never to attempt it in the future. Pan., El Cronista, March 10, et seq., 1SS4; U. S. Gov. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 49-53. 42 As appears in a telegram of March 28th from Nic. govt to Guat. foreign min., who replied next day, that if Costa R. refused to join the diet, the meeting of delegates from only four states could have no practical effect. Gual., Mem. Sec. Pel. Exter., 1844, 3-5, annexes A to D; Costa R., Mem. Min. Pel., 1883, 3, ann. 1 and 13; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 20, 23, 18S3; Pan. Canal, Feb. 1G, March 21, 22, 1883. ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION. 443 had been so many elements, both of personal ambition and localism, hostile to its success,45 that the use of force would have had to be resorted to, which had formed no part of his peaceful plan, to conquer the covert and persistent opposition. But his government would not let slip any opportunity favorable to its realization, continuing meantime with its liberal insti- tutions, laws, and general policy, to exhibit unequivo- cal proofs of a fraternal spirit. He soon had a falling out, however, with President Soto of Honduras, who, believing himself in peril of overthrow, or other form of revenge, at the hands of his more powerful neigh- bor, was charged with abandoning his slippery position, and seeking safety in a foreign land, well provided with pecuniary means to lead a luxurious life. But on this subject more particulars are given in connection with Honduras history in another chapter. With Nicaragua a general treaty of friendship, de- fensive alliance, commerce, navigation, and extradition of criminals was concluded at Guatemala, December 27, 1883. 44 An attempt was made, with a metallic bomb, against the life of President Barrios, as he was walking in the Plaza del Teatro with the minister of war, J. Martin Barrundia, on the evening of April 13, 1884. Hie bomb burst, happily, failing of its object. No one was injured; but the incident served to excite alarm and indignation against the perpetrators of the crime throughout Central America. Expressions of sympathy and congratulation at the narrow escape of Barrios and his companion, came in from the diplo- matic corps, and from all classes of society.45 43 ‘ Tantas ambiciones pequeflas, tantos menguados intereses de localidad, y tantas miras estrechas.’ Ban-ios, Memaje , March 1, 1884; El Guatemalteco, March 4, 1884. 44 It was to be perpetual as to peace and friendship; and as regarded the other clauses, its duration was to be of ten years. Gnat., Mem. Sec. Bel. Exter. , 1884, annex 3. 4J Barrios published an address to the inhabitants expressing gratitude for their sympathy. He made special mention of the cordial manifestation of the diplomatic corps, and the foreign residents. El Guatemalteco, Apr. 18, 22, 1884; Snlv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 17, 1884; Rond., Gaceta, Apr. 21, 1884; Mcx., Clamor Pub., June 2, 1884. 444 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. The investigations made by the authorities led to the discovery of the perpetrators, and they were tried, convicted, and sentenced.46 But the president, exer- cising his prerogative, granted them a full pardon on the 4th of July, and they were at once set at liberty. Barrios, who had been visiting the western depart- ments, returned to the capital on September 13th, having with him as national guests the presidents of Salvador and Honduras with their suites, and Tomas Avon, representing the chief magistrate of Nicaragua, who had been unable to respond in person to the invi- tation of the government of Guatemala, and be present witli the others at the inauguration of the southern railroad.4. The visit of these personages lasted till the termination of the festivities, when they took their departure the 21st; Barrios and his ministers accom- panying them as far as Port San Jose. The scheme of Central American unification was never lost sight of. Barrios had been watching for a propitious opportunity, and early in 1885 resolved to initiate it. He accordingly issued, on the 28th of February, a decree wherein, after explaining in a long preamble the advantages which would accrue to all concerned from his action, he proclaimed, in accord with the legislative assembly of Guatemala, the con- solidation of the five states into one republic, and the manner of effecting it.43 He likewise made a manifesto 4GFour to death, two to the chain-gang with hard labor for life, one to sim- ple imprisonment for 10 years, and two others were acquitted. One of the chief implicated made a full confession, the plot being to cause a change in the govt by killing Barrios. El Guatemalteco, May 10, July 5, 12, 18S4. The chief person implicated has, since the death of Barrios, made a representation to the assembly declaring the accusation false, and that the real authors of the bomb plot were in the process made to appear as the victims. Rodriguez, G., Expox. y Docx., pp. i.-iii., 1-120, 3-17. 47 The president of Costa R. also received an invitation, but being unable to leave the state, expressed through his min. of foreign affairs warm con- gratulations. Costa R., hforme Sec. Rel. Exter., 1S85, 19-20. 48 It was countersigned by all his ministers, to wit: J. Martin Barrundia, of war; Fernando Cruz, of foreign affairs; Francisco Lainfiesta, of fomento; Dellino Sanchez, of treasury and pub. credit; Cayetano Diaz Merida, of govt and justice; and Ramon Murga, of pub. instruction. The following is a synopsis of the decree. Art. 1. The ruler of the rep. of Guat. proclaims the union of Cent. Am. ; to which end he assumes the role of supreme military chief with absolute control. Art. 2. He will accept the cooperation of such DIVERSIFIED OPINIONS. 445 to the people of Central America at large, assuring them that he was not prompted by personal ambition, or the desire of holding power, for he had had abun- dant experience of its bitterness.49 The president of Honduras on the 7th of March telegraphed to Guatemala the resolutions adopted that same day by the state assembly in favor of Cen- tral American consolidation.50 The people of Guatemala and Honduras seemed to be generally disposed to support their governments. But it proved to be otherwise in Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, though many citizens of the three states favored the initiative of Guatemala. The ad- ministration of Salvador having failed to second the govts, communities, and rulers, as, within the terms laid down, should ac- quiesce and make common cause with them. Art. 3. A gen. assembly of 15 members from each state, freely chosen by popular suffrage, should meet at Guatemala May 1st to enact the political constitution of Cent. Am., and estab- lish the manner, time, and form of choosing the president, his official term, date upon which he was to receive the executive authority from the assembly, and the place where the supreme federal authorities were to reside. Art. 4. Any person attempting by word or deed to oppose this decree would be dealt with as a traitor to the cause of Cent. Am. Art. 5. The people of Cent. Am. are urged to aid the accomplishment of this project. Art. (5. Suitable rewards offered to officers of army and militia efficaciously aiding. Art. 7. Rewards also offered to the rank and fdc. Art. 8. Establishes the flag of the rap.: three vertical stripes, the middle one white, the other two blue; the white stripe exhibiting the coat of arms, a quetzal perched upon a column, with the following inscription: ‘Libertad y Union— 15 de Setiembre de 1821 — 28 de Febrero de 1885.’ Art. 9. No negotiations relating to territory, inter- national treaties, foreign or national loans, or other stipulations of analogous nature or importance, entered into by the other states of Cent. Am. after the date of this decree, would be recognized. Art. 10. The minister of foreign affairs was directed to lay this decree before the assembly of Gnat., the other govern, of Cent. Am., and all powers of Am. and Europe with which Guat. had relations of friendship and trade. La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1S85; El Cronista (S. F.), March 14, 21, 1S85; S. F. Chronicle, March 10, 13, 1885; ■S’. F. Call, March 13, 1885. It will be well to mention here the reasons which prompted the legislative assembly to proclaim the unity of Cent. Am. in the manner adopted by Barrios: ‘El inmenso prestijio de que gozaba aquel memorable jefe, el civismo de que siempre habia dado inequivocas muestras, y los muchos elementos de que disponia para haeer practico aquel pensa- miento, acariciado por todos los buenos hijos de la America Central.' This was said after Barrios was dead. Costa It., Informe Sec. Pel. Exter., 1885, 21-5, 35. 49 ‘ Bastante he saboreado, por triste experiencia, todas las amarguras del poder. ’ 50 Art. 1. The people of Hond. proclaim the union of Cent. Am. Art. 2. Gives the executive full power to render Barrios every possible aid. Art. 3. Congress and the executive were to frankly explain the true motives of the revolution. 44G EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. movement, Barrios’ passionate temper was roused. He wrote President Zalcfivar that, relying upon the assur- ances of Salvador and Honduras,51 he had launched his decree of February 28th, and as he had not shown the proper disposition to fulfil his pledges, the govern- ment of Guatemala would employ its abundant re- sources to force compliance;52 for he was resolved to carry out his enterprise at all hazards. He announced at the same time the appointment of Francisco Me- nendez, a Salvadoran general of division, to command the western departments of the latter republic,53 with instructions to raise over them the standard of Central America, and expressed the hope that Zaldivar would not permit obstacles to be thrown in that officer’s way. Zaldivar telegraphed him on the 9th to await the visit of their mutual friends, Menendez and Avilez, and not act hastily, nor look upon him as a foe, for he had no wish to be one. Barrios then concluded to wait for the coming of those commissioners.34 51 Zaldivar then, as well as afterward, denied having betrayed Barrios. The circular of Feb. 24, 18S3, to the liberal party, was issued by the latter after a conference with the former at Asuncion Mita. In that famous mani- festo, Barrios pledged his honor not to attempt effecting the unification, ex- cept by peaceful means, and with the concurrence of the five republics. His message to the Guat. assembly in 1884 indicated that violent means were out of the question. A correspondent of a Panama paper, who seemed to have personal knowledge of the negotiations, both public and confidential, assures us that at every interview between the two rulers the Salvadoran had opposed without ambiguity all propositions, open or implied, to employ force; and that Barrios had every time admitted the weight of the reasons adduced by him. Indeed, only 20 days before his attempted assumption of supreme command over Cent. Am. Barrios assured of Salvadoran minister of foreign affairs, Gallegos, who had gone to Guat. upon a confidential mission from Zalivar, of his conviction that never had the plan of reconstructing Cent. Am. by compulsion been so unpropitious and dangerous as at the present time; adding these words: ‘ Poner hoy la mano en este asunto equivaldrfa & meterla cn un avispero.' La Estella de Pan., May 9, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, June 5, 1S85. 52 ‘ El gobiemo de Vd no responde, y no necesito decir porque no lo hace. ’ These words would seem to imply that there had been an understanding be- tween the two, and treachery was suspected. 53 Menendez, calling himself a soldier of the union, had urged all Central Americans to aid Barrios. Zaldivar on March 15th promulgated an act of the Salv. congress declaring Menendez a traitor to his country. This decree was in force only a short time. 54 Melchor Ordoflez, Spanish minister accredited to both republics, had in a telegram assured him that Zaldivar was his sincere friend, but was in a difficult position, having to act in accord with public opinion. He should bear in mind the Salvadorans had been led to believe that he, Barrios, in- tended to deprive them of their nationality to gratify his own ambition. COERCION CONDEMNED. 447 The decree of February 28th, which was now raising such a political storm, had been officially communicated to the foreign diplomatic and consular corps on the Gtli of March. The German minister was the first to answer it; he seemed to commend the effort about to be made. The other representatives acknowledged its receipt in more or less expressive terms The Spanish minister endeavored, however, though unoffi- cially, to dissuade Barrios from carrying out his plan without the concurrence of the other states. His ef- fort, lie said, was to avert bloodshed. Barrios was indisposed to brook this interference, returning on the 10th a haughty reply to the effect that the question of Central American unification was not an international one, and solely concerned the people of Central Amer- ica. He therefore requested him to discontinue his officious intervention, and finally added, that if Zaldfvar fulfilled his engagements, paying attention only to the wishes of patriotic citizens, there would be no blood- shed. The minister then went to Guatemala, and wrote an explanatory letter, closing his interference, to which Barrios replied that, being engaged with other important affairs, he could not give his letter all the attention it demanded ; but he was glad the dis- cussion had been brought to an end. The government of Mexico, to which the Guatemalan minister, Fran- cisco Anguiano, had made known Barrios’ action, replied through its minister of foreign affairs, Ignacio Mariscal, disapproving of the movement, and signify- ing its intention to provide for the defence of Mexico’s frontiers and interests.55 The government of the United States also looked with disfavor on the plan of forcible organization, promptly ordering naval forces to the Central Ameri- can coasts for the protection of American interests. The Nicaraguan congress had, on the 8th of March, resolved to reject the union decreed by Guatemala, 65 ‘Las medidas 4, que toda nacion priulente apela durante el estado de guerra en que se colocan sus veeinos. ’ 448 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY and to energetically oppose what they called Barrios1 attempt to impose his will, and to constitute himself a dictator over Central America. The executive was accordingly empowered to make provision, singly or conjointly with other states, for national defence at whatever sacrifice. The government of Costa Rica adopted a similar course, the executive being clothed with extraordinary powers.56 Finally, the three republics of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica appealed to the governments of the United States and Mexico to interfere on their behalf against Barrios’ projects. Mexico responded at once. President Diaz notified Barrios on the 10th by tele- graph, that the governments and people of those three republics had rejected his scheme, which had, more- over, produced an impression on the Mexican people, demanding on the part of their government the as- sumption of an attitude suitable to an emergency by which the independence and autonomy of nations of this continent had been menaced. Barrios telegraphed back that his answer would go by mail. He after- ward issued an address to the Mexican nation, of a friendly nature.5' But the die was cast. War was now unavoidable. The three opposing governments, for their mutual protection, entered on the 22d of March into an alliance offensive and defensive, 6S and 60 The govt issued a stirring manifesto to friendly powers on the 17th of March, 1885, against Barrios’ coup d’etat, signed by J. M. Castro, sec. of foreign relations. Costa R., Iu/orme Sec. Rel. Exter., 1885, 27-9; Id., JIanif del Gob. Rep., 1-6. 57 The telegraphic despatches and diplomatic notes which passed between the two governments appear in Mex. , Diario OJic., March 12, Apr. 1, 29, May 5, 1885; Id., Siglo XIX., March 13, 25, 30, 1885; Costa R., Doletin OJic., March 14, 1885. 58 The treaty was signed in the city of Santa Ana, Salv., by the plenipo- tentiaries Jose Duran for Costa R., Buenav. Selva for Nic., and Salv. Ga- llegos for Salv. It was to be in force until Barrios should be overthrown, and another govt established entirely disconnected with him and offering guaranties of peace for Cent. Am., after which the issue of Cent. Am. union might be considered by the parties in a proper spirit, and at an opportune occasion. Costa R. pledged herself to furnish 3,0 )0 men at her own cost, but if only 1,000 were called for, she would contribute also .8100,000, and 1.000 Remington rifles with 500 cartridges for each. Nic. agreed to furnisn 4.000 troops also at her own cost. Salv. would contribute her whole avail- able military force. The command-in-chief was vested first in the president DEATH OF BARRIOS. 449 took active measures to give effect to the union. Guatemala on her part, and her ally Honduras, had not been slow in their preparations for the impending strife. Regardless of all opposition, Barrios was still bent upon his difficult task, and for its accomplish- ment marched an army into Salvadoran territory. The events of this campaign are given in another chapter, in connection with the history of Salvador, where the fighting took place. Let it suffice to say here that the invaders met with disaster, and Barrios lost his life, fighting heroically, on the 2d of April.59 His remains were rescued, it is said at the cost of twenty lives, and conveyed to Guatemala, where they were interred with civic and military honors. His widow, Francisca Aparicio de Barrios, and their seven children, being escorted to the port of San Jose by a military guard, embarked for San Francisco, accom- panied by friends. They afterward transferred them- selves and their belongings to New York, where Senora Barrios established her residence, it being un- derstood that the family has been left amply provided with pecuniary means.60 Upon the news reaching Guatemala of the disasters which had befallen the army operating in Salvador, and of the death of the president, the legislative as- sembly, and the provisional president, Alejandro Sini- baldi,61 in accord with it, revoked on the 3d of April of Salv., next in that of Nic., and third in that of Costa R., or of such per- sons as one or the other might designate. Costa R., however, supplied 2,000 men, and offered to loan money to Salv. Costa R., I ti/orme Sec. Rel. Exter., 1885, 31-3. Mex. placed a force near the Guat. frontier as soon as hostilities began in Cent. Am. •>s In an unsuccessful assault against the fortifications of Chalchuapa. He was slain between 9 and 10 o’clock in the morning. One of his sons also perished fighting at his side. La Estrella de Pan., May 9, 1885; Mex., La Prinsa, suppl. ap. 4, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, Apr. 3, 5, 10, 1885; S. F. Alta, Apr. 23, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, Apr. 23, 1885. 60 Barrios’ last will executed at Guatemala on the 23d of March, 1885, which was filed Dec. 7th of said year in the office of the surrogate in New York, declared his wife to be the sole heir of all his property and interests. D ; iia.il full confidence that she would deal fairly by each of their seven chil- dren. He desired her to pay $25,000 to his nephew Luciano Barrios as a memento of his good services. She was also to continue providing for Anto- nio Barrios, then in the U. S. Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 21, 1885. 61 Sinibaldi, chosen by the assembly Apr. 30, 1884, 1st designado, vice J. Hist. Cent. Aii., Vol. III. 29 450 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. tne decree of February 28th. Subsequently, through the mediation of the diplomatic corps, preliminaries of peace were agreed to, but not before the president of Salvador had signified an unwillingness to treat with Sinibaldi and Barrios’ ministers. The former then surrendered the executive office to the second designado, Manuel Lisandro Barillas, and the minis- ters retired with him. The new government on the 15th of April restored peace with Salvador and her allies Nicaragua and Costa Rica.62 All treaty stipulations existing between Guatemala and Salvador on the 28th of February last were also restored, to remain in force until a new treaty should be concluded.63 An amnesty was granted to all Guatemalans who took part in the late presi- dent’s movement, and to all Guatemalans who were absent for political offences committed six months prior to the aforesaid date; the government signify- ing its intention of making the amnesty general as soon as circumstances would permit.64 With the change of ruler diplomatic relations were reestablished with the government of Mexico.65 M.‘ Orantes resigned, had been in charge of the executive office since Barrios prepared to go to the front. U2On the following grounds: 1st. The decree of Feb. 28th having been revoked, and Barrios being dead, the causes which placed Guat. at war with Salv., Nic., and Costa R. had ceased to exist; 2d. It was a patriotic duty to promote feelings of fraternity and concord; 3. That the governments of the republics of Cent. Am. were prompted by the same sentiments, and those of Salv., Nic., and Costa R. had already made peace with Hond., which had seconded the movement of the late president of Guat. ; 4. That through the friendly mediation, of the foreign corps an understanding with Salv. had been easily arrived at, and honorable terms agreed upon for a firm and stable peace between the two republics and Salvador’s allies. 63 Salv., Nic., and Costa R., also made similar declarations in regard to Guat. fi'1 The same decree included a national vote of thanks to the diplomatic body accredited to the governments of Cent. Am. for their friendly intervention to bring the war to an end, and appointed Sunday the 19th to solemnize the peace thus restored. Countersigned by the four ministers, to wit: Angel M. Arroyo, of foreign relations and pub. instruction; Antonio Aguirre, of treas- ury and pub. credit; Manuel J. Dardon, of governm. and justice; and E. Martinez Sobral, of fomento. Costa R., Informe Sec. Rel. Exter., 1885, 35-8; La Estrella de Ran., May 23, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, May 23, 1885. 63 Pres. Diaz also in a telegram to Zaldlvar manifested a desire to see cordial relations restored between Salv. and Guat. Mcx., Diario Ofic., Apr. 11 1885; La Nucva Era (Paso del Norte), Apr. 17, 1885. PEACE AT LAST. 451 The cabinet of Salvador now proposed to the other four republics the meeting of a congress of plenipoten- tiaries on the 15th of May at Santa Tecla, with the object of reconstructing Central America as one re- public, or at least of adopting measures conducive to that end. President Zaldfvar then signified his inten- tion of resigning his office on the assembling of con- gress, and as soon as it should have arrived at some resolution on the scheme. Guatemala deemed it pre- mature. Nicaragua declined. Honduras accepted the proposition. The government of Costa ldica, though her magistrate was clothed with ample pow- ers, did not feel justified in entering into such an arrangement without first obtaining the assent of con- gress, which was not then in session, and would not be for some time.66 Peace and quiet being generally reestablished, mar- tial law was removed, the country placed under the rule of the constitution, a general amnesty decreed, and a constituent congress convoked.67 Congress as- sembled on the 24th of August, the acting president manifesting much confidence in its wisdom to accom- plish much good to the country. But it does not appear that after a long session, it accomplished any thing worth recording.68 The election took place on the 22d of November, Barillas being chosen president by a unanimous vote of the electoral college. Colonel Vicente Castaneda, a deputy, was elected vice-president.69 Barillas was quite the opposite of Barrios in some respects. He was a man of the kindest and most benevolent instincts, who would rather suffer wrong than do wrong. The discontented were not long in taking advantage of his 6e Costa R., Informe Sec. Rel. Exter.. 1885, 55-7; La Estrella de Pan., May 23, 1885. 67 Decrees of June 23(1 and 27th. All subsidies were suspended for one year. The purpose of calling a convention was to effect some amendments to tiie constitution, and to enact some needed laws. 68 Notwithstanding the great necessity of allaying the excitement still ex- isting, there were riotous scenes on several occasions in the chamber. Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 9-30, 18S5, passim. 89 The president’s inauguration was on the 15th of March, 1S86. 452 EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY. clemency to create disturbance. A number of gen- erals and others were detected in a diabolical plot, in- tended to murder Barillas and destroy the foreigners. The parties implicated were arrested, and surrendered to the courts, the president refusing to interfere. The ministers were requested to resign their port- folios, which were intrusted to the following persons, all young men of recognized abilities and progressive ideas, namely: A. Lazo Arriaga, of foreign relations; Abel Cruz, of government and justice; Escobar, of the treasury and public credit; Carlos Herrera, a son of the late Manuel M. Herrera, one of Barrios’ best assistants, minister of fomento; and Manuel Valle, journalist, poet, and orator, minister of public instruc- tion. CHAPTER XXII. HONDURAS AFFAIRS. 1865-1886. National Flag and Escutcheon — Order of Santa Rosa — Medina’s Long Rule — His Differences with Duenas, and Triumph — War with Sal- vador and Guatemala — Medina Defeated and Overthrown — Celeo Arias Succeeds Him — His Liberal Policy — He is Beset by the Con- servatives— His Former Supporters Depose Him— Ponciano Leiva Becomes President — His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets Me- dina against Him — He is Forced to Resign — Marco Aurelio Soto Made President by Barrios — Attempted Revolt of Ex-president Medina — His Trial and Execution — Sotos’ Administration — He Goes Abroad — His Quarrel with Barrios, and Resignation — Presi- dent Bogran — Filibustering Schemes. There is very little to record for Honduras in the five years from 1865 to 1870; the country enjoyed comparative peace under the same conservative system existing in Guatemala and Salvador. President Me- dina being reelected was again inducted into office on the 1st of February, 1866, and a few days later the military rank of lieutenant-general was conferred on him.1 On the 16th of the same month congress de- creed a change in the national coat of arms and flag, in the manner described at foot.’2 Early in 1868 Medina and congress, with the appro- 1 Feb. 9th. He was to draw from the pub. treasury as pay §200 monthly when in actual service. Nic., Gaceta, April 14, 1866. Later he was made a captain-general. 2 The escutcheon was to be the same as formerly, with the sole exception of exhibiting a rising sun in lieu of the Phrygian cap. The flag was to be as follows: Two blue stripes with a white one between them, all three running horizontally, three to four varas in length, and nine inches in width; with the national coat of arms in the centre of the white stripe, and a group of five blue stars in a semicircle under it. Merchant vessels were to use the same dimensions and colors without the coat of arms. 453 454 HONDURAS AFFAIRS. bation of the council of state,3 resolved upon the crea- tion of an order of merit to reward important civil, military, and religious services rendered to the nation, and other praiseworthy acts of its citizens. Congress then on the 21st of February established the Or- den de Santa Rosa y de la Civilizacion de Honduras.4 The executive promulgated the decree on the 24th with the signature appended of Trinidad Ferrari, min- ister of the interior. The idea met with the approval of some, and excited the ridicule of others. The order soon fell into discredit, many unworthy persons having obtained it, and its suppression was decreed.5 Medina was chosen president for another term of four years. In order to do this, the clause in article 33 of the national constitution forbidding reelection for the next immediate period was repealed, which Medina’s partisans effected through a constituent as- sembly convoked ad hoc.6 He was accordingly rein- augurated February 1, 1870. Honduras was now to experience another series of troubles, which lasted several years. In the last days of December 1869, disturbances were apprehended in 3 Under the constitution of 1865 the congress consisted of a senate with seven members, and a legislative assembly of eleven. The council of state was constituted with the ministers and seven other members. 4 For the bestowal of decorations of the order was created a senate of six members to reside in the capital. This body wras also empowered to dismiss any member of the order for good cause. The president was authorized to frame the statutes and appoint the senators, conferring grades of the order before its installation. The senate, once installed, was to grant decorations. The same right was reserved for congress, and the president of the republic, who was made ex-officio president of the senate of the order. A copy of the decree in Spanish is given in Nic., Gaceta, May 23, 1868; Lafern&re, De Pans a Guatemala, 427-8. In connection with the subject is mentioned the name of Bustelli Foscolo, an agent of the Hond. govt, sentenced to imprisonment in Paris for fraudu- lent transactions. 6 Tli is body was called by the regular congress at the solicitation, as it was made to appear, of the several municipalities, and was installed Aug. 8, 1869. On the 13th it declared that in view of the popular actas in the several towns proclaiming Medina president for the next term, he was actually elected. The same day the 33d article of the fundamental law was amended to read thus: ‘The presidential term shall be of four years, commencing on the 1st of Feb. in the year of renewal.’ On the 19th the convention adjourned sine die; Medina having warmly thanked it for the trust reposed in him, and accepted it, writh the pledge of not holding the office a day after the expiration of his term. Nic., Gaceta, Sept. 11, 18, 1869; Feb. 5, 1870; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 18, 1869. TROUBLES WITH SALVADOR. 455 Olancho and Paraiso, in connivance with Nicaraguan exiles, for which reason those refugees were concen- trated in Comayagua. Some seditious attempts were made in the following year, but were easily put down. Early in 1871, serious differences existed between the governments of Honduras and Salvador, or, to be more exact, between presidents Medina and Duehas, on several points. The causes, as well as the fruit- less efforts made by Honduran commissioners in San Salvador to effect a peaceable settlement of long- existing differences, are fully explained elsewhere.7 Medina, on the 7th of February, declared all trea- ties between the two republics suspended, and war soon broke out. A Salvadoran army, under Gen- eral Xatruch, invaded Honduras and took Coma- yagua, that commander styling himself provisional president. The Honduran government had entered into a correspondence with the United States minis- ters resident at Tegucigalpa and San Salvador, calling their attention to the 14th article of the treaty of July 4, 18G4, between their nation and Honduras, under which the former recognized the rights of ownership and sovereignty of the latter in the line of the Hon- duras interoceanic railway, the works on which, it said, were in danger of interruption by the Salvadoran in- vaders. From the tenor of its notes, it would seem as if it expected the United States to hoist their flag over Comayagua, which might have hindered the op- erations of Xatruch. Medina’s pretension was unten- able, the understanding being that the obligation of the United States did not attach till after the comple- tion of the work.8 Moreover, the Honduran govern- 1 1 will, however, repeat here in a few words the causes alleged by Hond. Salvador had violated the treaty of Santa Rosa of March 25, 1802, in refusing to surrender the perpetrators of two atrocious murders. She had abetted the refugees who, in the last six years, had been fanning the flame of discord in Hond.; had refused to heed the remonstrances of the latter; and on the con- trary, had placed a force on the frontier, and generally assumed a hostile attitude. 6 The guaranty was given as a consideration for certain advantages, which could not accrue till after the road was finished. The Am. gov. could not therefore be required to repel an invasion of the route from abroad. The 453 HONDURAS AFFAIRS. ment could not reasonably expect that those ministers had an armed force at their command. The United States had no need, even if willing to accept the duty of protecting those works, to adopt any measures, be- ing assured by the Salvadoran government that the neutrality of the Honduras railway would not be in- terfered with in any manner. Medina was not idle in devising means to injure the enemy. He occupied Sensuntepeque on March 17th, and next Uobasco. Duenas’ forces under General Tomds Martinez attacked the latter place on the 19th, and being repulsed retreated to Cojutepeque. General Santiago Gonzalez with Hondurans and disaffected Salvadorans occupied San Vicente on the 19th, the reserve remaining in Sensuntepeque, which revolted against Duenas.9 The campaign in Salvador ended at Santa Ana, where the fate of Duenas’ government was decided.10 Peace was then concluded between the new government of Salvador and that of Hon- duras. Medina started after Xatruch, who then had about 700 men in Gracias; but the news of the result at Santa Ana reaching there his troops deserted him. The war was soon over, Xatruch himself in a proc- lamation of May 11th signifying his intention to leave the country. After this the political situation was for a while satisfactory. Still Medina deemed it expedient to invite a plebiscit, and ascertain if the people wished him to continue at the head of affairs the rest of his term.11 The result was as he desired it. A great commotion was caused in August by 300 or 400 Indians and revolutionists, against whom the government forces never obtained but partial suc- cesses. The disturbance lasted until an understanding correspondence between ministers Baxter and Torbert with the govts of Hond. and Salv., and with their own, appears in U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt 1, 575-8, 685-93. lJ Jlond., Clarin Ojic., March 26, 1871; A’ic., Gaceta, Apr. 22, 29, May 13, 1871. 10 Particulars in Salv. historical chapter. 11 This course was doubtless adopted because of the dissatisfaction appear- ing, and of a revolution which was attempted during the last war. EL Por • venir de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871 PERPETUAL WAR. 457 was arrived at with the rebel leaders on the 13th of December.12 Further trouble was impending, this time between Medina and the liberal governments lately established in Salvador and Guatemala. He claimed of Salvador an indemnity for his services in overthrowing Duehas, which that government deemed preposterous and dis- allowed. The two governments, which had entered into an alliance offensive and defensive, on the other hand accused Medina of having formed a coalition with the oligarchs to restore the latter to power.13 Medina closed official relations with Salvador March 25th; and this act, being looked upon by Salvador and Guatemala as a declaration of war, they invaded Honduras, and soon after a victory over Medina’s gen- eral, Velez, occupied the principal towns, all of which revolted against Medina, and a provisional government was set up14 with Celeo Arias at the head of affairs. Medina had temporarily placed the executive office in charge of Crescencio Gomez, and taken command of his troops in the field. Upon Comayagua being occupied by the Salvadorans, Gomez and his officials fled to Gracias. Medina attempted, May 27th, to recapture Comayagua, but was repulsed.15 Omoa had been given up July 20th to Jiian Anto- nio Medina, a Salvadoran general, for Arias’ govern- ment. Medina, the president, suffered a defeat on the same day at Potrerillos, and a crushing one on the 12 A full amnesty was granted to all the insurgents. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 300-2; Nic., Gaceta, Sept. 2 to Nov. 4, 1871; Feb. 3, 1872; El Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 1 to Nov. 12, 1871; Jan. 7, 1872 13 Convention signed at Leon Dec. IS, 1871, by Manuel Colindres, on be- half of Medina, Ex-pres. Martinez of Nic., Miguel Velez, Nicasio del Cas- tillo, Rosalio Cort6s, R. Alegria, Buenav. Selva, Sefernio Gonzalez, and three others. This doc. at first was considered apocryphal, but proved to be gen- uine. El Porvenir de Nic., June 23, 1872. u With the avowed object of bringing Hond. under republican institutions. El Porvenir de Nic., Apr. 28 to Aug. 14, 1872, passim; Nic., El Sernanal Nic., May 30, 1S72. 13 After this victory the presidents of Guat. and Salv. had an interview with Arias, and returned with their troops to their respective countries, leav- ing 800 men to aid Arias in reorganizing the country. The campaign had lasted 24 days from the date on which Laugue on the Hond. side of the fron- tier was occupied. HONDURAS AFFAIRS. •US 26tli, in Santa Barbara, at the hands of the allied forces of Arias, Guatemala, and Salvador, escaping with only six officers to Ornoa,16 where he joined the other man of the same surname, who had a few days previously accepted the executive office, transferred to him by Crescendo Gomez, proclaiming himself provisional president, and appointing a cabinet. But a revolt of the troops put an end to this arrangement, Jose M. Medina, his substitute Gomez, and others being made prisoners, and sent at once to Comayagua, where they arrived on or about August 9th.1' Arias’ government now had but little difficulty to secure its tenure of power. Ex-president Medina was held in confinement to answer such charges as would be pre- ferred against him before the next national congress.1* A full amnesty was decreed for all political offences committed from March 5, 1871, to November l, 1872, the only persons excluded from its benefits being Jose Marla Medina, and his ministers, Manuel Colindres and Rafael Padilla, who were also to abide the action of congress.19 The constitution of 1865 having become a dead let- ter, the provisional government, in a decree of Novem- ber 15th, recognized as existing in their full force all the rights of citizens under republican institutions,20 though reserving the privilege of suspending some of them in the event of public disturbance. This decree 16 Id., Aug. 1, 1872; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. I1G-17. 17 Juan A. Medina, Gen. Miranda, and a few friends succeeded in escap- ing. Nic., El Semanal Nic., Aug. 8, 29, 1872. 18 Further details may be found in Costa R., Informe Sec. Rel., 1873, 7-8; El Porvenir de Nic., May 26, June 2, 1872; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 303-6; Nic., Gaceta, June 15 to Nov. 30, 1872; hi.. Col. Dec. y Acuerdos, 1872, 50-1; Mex., Diario Ofic., Aug. 9, 1872. Circular of Nic. Min. of For. Rel., Sept. 5, 1876, referring to his government’s fruitless efforts at mediation between the belligerents, adds that it finally accepted accom- plished facts, and opened relations with Arias’ govt. Salv., Gaceta OJic., Oct. 26, 1876. 19 Crescendo Gomez, Max. Aranjo, Casto Alvarado, Jesvis Inestrosa, and a few others wTere also pardoned, but required to stay away from Hond. until after the promulgation of a new constitution. Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 30, 1872; Id., Semanal Nic., Nov. 26, 1872. Life, liberty, equality, security, property, inviolability of domicile, and correspondence, and writings, freedom of transit, of peaceable assembling, and of the press, rights of petition, and of preferring against public officials. COMING OF CONSERVATIVES. 459 was countersigned by the three ministers of state.21 The people were on the 17th of March, 1873, con- voked to choose deputies to a convention which was to frame a new constitution. The last Sunday of the following April was named for the elections.22 Guatemala was experiencing troubles in her east- ern departments. An expedition of conservatives landed at Trujillo from the ship General Sherman, menacing the government of Arias, and at the same time aiding the faction which was trying to overthrow that of Guatemala.23 The latter and Salvador attrib- uting the scheme to President Guardia of Costa Rica, jointly accredited a minister in Nicaragua, the result of whose mission was a tripartite defensive alliance. Arias decreed martial law, and reassumed the dicta- torship which the people conferred on him the previous 24 year. The revolutionary forces under Miranda were sig- nally defeated by the Guatemalan commander, Solares. on the north side of the Cliamelecon River on the 9th of August, with great loss, General Casto Alvarado and Colonel A. Munoz being killed, and a large quan- 21 Juan N. Venero, of treas. and for. affairs; Miguel del Cid, of justice, govt, and pub. worship; Andres Van Severen, of war. 22 Any Honduran in full possession of his civil rights, having besides prop- erty worth §1,000, or upwards, or being a licentiate, could be chosen. The only exceptions were the president of the repub., and the military in active service. 23 That expedition sailed from Colon, and was led by Enrique Palacios, Casto Alvarado, Miranda Baraona, and others. It landed at Utila, one of the Bay Islands, and organized a govt for Hond., Colindres and Padilia, min- isters of Medina, assuming the executive under art. 30 of the constitution of 1865, in view of the events of July 1872 at Omoa. From Utila the exped. proceeded to Trujillo, which was surrendered June 9th. That part of the plan failed, and the expedition then went to Puerto Cortes. The invaders had an understanding with Betancourt, the officer in command at Omoa, who toward the end of June rebelled with the garrison of 150 men; but he was attacked and defeated by Streber, of Arias’ govt. It was during this trouble that Streber’s troops pillaged, in July, the mercantile houses of Omoa, foreign as well as native, which culminated in the bombardment afterward of the port by a British man-of-war, of which I gave the details elsewhere. The house of the Am. consul having been likewise invaded, the government had to give satisfaction, saluting the U. S. Hag March 22, 1874, in the plaza of Comayagua, in the presence of their representative, troops, the ministers of state, and others. 21 Nic., Semanal Nic., June 2S, July 17, 1872. 4G0 HONDURAS AFFAIRS. tity of war material falling into the victor’s hands.25 The presidents of Guatemala and Salvador, after the insurrection in the former republic had been quelled, held conferences at Chingo on the situation in Hon- duras, and came to the conclusion that Arias’ govern- ment, being unpopular, could not sustain itself without their material as well as moral support, which would be a heavy burden. He was then asked in a joint note to give up the executive office to some one more in the confidence of the people. He refused to accede to the demand, and the allied troops approached Comayagua to carry out their suggestion. The first notice of their intent was the proclamation in the town of Aguanqueterique, of Ponciano Leiva as provisional president, who organized his administration at Cliolu- teea on the 23d of November, and on the 8th of De- cember declared all the acts of Arias null.26 The allied forces of Leiva under his minister of war, General Juan Lopez, of Guatemala under Solares, and of Salvador under Espinosa, laid siege to Coina- yagua on the Gth of January, 1874, and after seven da}'s’ resistance, Arias, together with his ministers and chief supporters, had to capitulate on the 13th. Ex- president Medina was released from confinement, and eventually, having recognized the new ruler, Was set free, when he went to live in La Paz.27 Leiva’s government was soon recognized by the other states. It was of course expected to pursue a policy in accord with the governments that gave it existence. But it seems that Leiva preferred to fol- low an independent course,28 and in a short time the 25 The remnants of the insurgents fled by the railroad. Id., Aug. 7, 21, 28, Sept. 18, 1873. 26 The constituent congress, called by Arias, assembled Dec. 14th, and re- fused to accept his resignation. It also adopted other measures, which it is unnecessary to recite here, as they never took effect. 27 A circular of the Nic. minister of foreign affairs of Sept. 5, 1876, alludes to these events. Further particulars appear in Arias, Memaje, Dec. 14, 1873; U. S. Govt. Docs., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 141; Barrws, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1S76; Nic., Semanal Nic., Jan. 18, 24, Feb. 19, 1874: Salv., Gaceta OJic., Oct. 26, 1S76. 28 Leiva seemed to be a non-partisan, a man of intelligent and liberal views, and a popular favorite. LEIVA SUCCEEDS ARIAS 461 two powers that so elevated him were in antagonism, Guatemala using her influence against and Salvador for him, as will be seen hereafter. A constituent congress convoked by Leiva adjourned in May, after adopting three important measures; namely, confirm- ing Leiva as provisional president, restoring the con- stitution of 1865, and ordering Arias into exile for five years.29 The political state of affairs was not satisfactory to Guatemala. The elections had yielded a majority of conservatives and reactionists in con- gress, and many if not most of the public offices had gone into the hands of men of that party, one of the most prominent being Manuel Colindres. The regu- lar congress was installed on the 20th of January, 1875, and the next day the executive sent in his mes- sage, giving in detail the condition of public affairs. February 1st he took the oath of office as consti- tutional president, having been elected by the people.30 A full amnesty for political offences was granted by congress February 9th, and promulgated the same day by the president and his minister of relations and justice, Adolfo Zuniga. The people of Honduras were not allowed, however, to enjoy the benefits of peace but for a short time; for Ex-president Medina instigated, as it was generally believed, by President Barrios of Guatemala, raised at Gracias, on the 21st of December, the standard of revolution, proclaiming himself provisional president.31 29 Guat. objected to the treatment awarded Arias, and sent Ramon Rosa as confidential agent to Leiva to represent that Arias had been solemnly pledged security for his life and liberty, and respect for his high character and personal merits; against which pledge Arias had been kept in prison and subjected to prosecution. The gov. of Guat. believed that the men compos- ing that assembly were not competent to try Arias, for they were reactionists, and he one of the truest liberals in Cent. Am. Leiva answered, July 8th, that he had exerted himself in Arias’ favor, and that the exile he was sentenced to he would have undergone of his own accord; for he could not live in the country for some time. It was for his own benefit that the terms of the surrender had been modified. U. S. Gov. Docs., H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt i. 179-80. 30 Sale. , Dinrio Ofic., Feb. 5, 12, March 3, 11, Apr. 4, 1875; Max. Mem. Min. Rel., 1875, annex 3, Doc. 7, p. 36; Nic., Mem. Sec. Rel. Est., 1S75, vi.- xi., app. 7-10. 31 The grounds alleged for the revolt were: 1st, that the liberties of Hond. 462 HONDURAS AFFAIRS. He afterward suffered for liis lack of wisdom. The government at once prepared to meet the emergency. Salvador organized a force to support it, and Guate- mala resolved to sustain Medina, whose real plan was to hurl Gonzalez from the executive chair of Salvador, as well as Leiva from that of Honduras. The revolution assumed proportions, and Medina had come to believe himself master of the situation. The presidents of Salvador and Guatemala arranged at Chingo, on the 15th of February, 1876, to intervene in Honduras and stop the revolution. At this time it was thought that Leiva could not hold his own, his forces having been routed at Intibuca, and his author- ity being felt only in the eastern departments. The rebels had captured the capital, Comayagua, and de- livered it to the horrors of an exterminating war. But the battle of Naranjo changed the aspect of affairs, Leiva’s troops gaining there a decisive victory, which restored his authority over almost the whole extent of the republic.32 There was no further need of Guate- mala and Salvador pacifying Honduras; peace had been virtually restored, and only a few scattered par- ties of rebels in the departments of Copan and Gracias had to be eliminated.33 But soon after another con- testant for the presidential office appeared on the field, namely, Marco Aurelio Soto, ex-minister of for- eign relations of Guatemala,34 whom a Guatemalan force supported. A treaty of peace was concluded, however, with the mediation of Salvador, at Los Ce- were under thraldom to Salv., which had failed to carry out the objects of the revolution of 1871; 2d, the deplorable state of the finances, because Ama- pala had been made a free port; 3d, that the die of Hotid. had been given to Salvador. Salv., Diario Ofic., Jan. 4, 5, 21, 30, March 20, 1S70; La Peijenera- cion, Oct. 9, 1876. 33 Further particulars in Pan. Star and Herald, March 2 to June 1, 1876, passim; Salv., Gaccta Ofic., June S, Oct. 26, 1876. 33 At this time war broke out between Gnat, and Salvador, and the former sent an army under Solares through Honduras to operate against Salvador's eastern departments. Details on these events are given in other chapters on treating of the relations between the two belligerents. At the conclusion of peace, Hond. joined them in a treat}’ of alliance. 31 He resigned his portfolio Feb. 26th, with the understanding that he was to be president of Honduras. PRESIDENT SOTO 4G3 dros June 8, 1876, 35 and the executive office went into the hands of Crescencio Gomez by transfer from Mar* celino Mejia, to whom the treaty had given it. Gomez decreed August 12th to turn over the office to Medina, who declined accepting it; but as the republic was thereby left without a chief magistrate, he concluded on the 18th to call Marco Aurelio Soto to fill the position,36 denying in a manifesto that Guatemala pur- posed controlling the affairs of Honduras.31 Soto announced August 27th from Amapala38 his assumption of the executive duties, declaring that his policy would be fair and friendly at home and toward the other Central American states, and that he was free from internal or foreign entanglements. He was soon after recognized by other governments as the legitimate chief magistrate of Honduras.39 Under his administration the people were once more enabled to devote themselves to peaceful pursuits. On the 27th of May, 1877, in an extensive message to congress, he set forth the condition of public affairs, and what his government had done in every branch of the public service during the last nine months. He assured the representatives that no branch had been neglected; and expressed the hope that if peace and order were preserved, the country would erelong begin to reap the benefits of his measures.40 He had been chosen by the people, on April 22d, constitutional president, and the extraordinary congress acknowledged him as 35 Negotiated by Cruz Lozano, on behalf of both Salvador and Medina, and M. Vigil and Luis Bogran for Leiva, both contestants giving lip their claims, and agreeing to recognize Marcelino Mejia as the provisional presi- dent, which was done. Id., June 24, 1876. 30 It was said that Soto had been proclaimed in several places, and that he enjoyed the confidence of the governments of Guat., Salv., and Costa R. 37 Another version is that Roderico Toledo arrived at Comayagua, as com- missioner from Guat. and Salv., and demanded of Gomez the surrender of the executive to Soto, which is quite possible, Gomez affecting the surrender through his former chief, Medina. 38 The garrison had declared in his favor on the 21st, the comandante Col Salvador Ferrandis losing his life. 39 El Porvenir de N~ic., March 18, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 4, 1876; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 44th Cong., 2d Sess., i. 36-9; Costa R., In'orme Min. Pel., 1876, 11-14. 40 Solo, Mensaje, May 27, 1877; Salv., Gaceta OJic., June 22, 1877. 464 HONDURAS AFFAIRS sucli on the 29th of May. He was formally inaugu- rated on the following day. Ex-president Medina, and the Salvadoran general Ezequiel Marin, together with two colonels and sev- eral other officers of less rank, and a number of civil- ians, for an attempted rebellion in the latter end of 1877, were subjected to the action of a court-martial at Santa Rosa, on the charge of high treason and other offences,41 and sentenced to death. The cause being taken, for revision, to the supreme council of' war, the sentence against Medina and Marin was con- firmed, the court having found no extenuating cir- 7 O O cumstances; one lieutenant and one sergeant obtained a commutation to ten years’ confinement in the fortress at Omoa. The other prisoners were set at liberty, but with a warning never again to engage in si mi- lar conspiracies, or the sentence of the court-martial against them would be enforced. Medina and Marin were shot at Santa Rosa at 8 o’clock in the morning of February 8, 187 8. 42 The other two men were at once despatched to their prison at Omoa. Jose Maria Medina has been styled a genuine lib- eral, and his friends gave him credit as a commander of resources, and an able administrator. His military record showed that he surrendered the fortress of 41 The order for their trial was issued by the comandante general of the republic Dec. 12th, the executive having first, on the 10th, asked the advice of the supreme court of justice, which was given on the next day. The crimes preferred against the prisoners were conspiracy, instigation to rebel- lion, high treason, and concealment of government arms. The officers form- ing the court-martial were Gen. Emilio Delgado, president, generals Eusebio Toro and Luis Bogran, colonels Inocente Solis, Belisario Villela, Manuel Bonilla, Antonio Cerro; auditor de guerra, Justo Cdliz; prosecuting officer, eing signed, Riotte promising that the delivery of arms by the insurgents should begin on the 26th. This con- vention was ratified at Managua Oct. 25th by Acting Pres. Chamorro, coun- tersigned by Antonio Falla, sec. of govt and war. Nic. , Gaceta, Jan. 8, March 19, 1870; Nic., Semanal Nic., Jan. 2, 1873; Nic., Informe Min. Gobern. , 1870, Doc. iv. In 1870 congress rejected the 3d clause and approved the 4th. During these troubles the rights of foreign residents were protected by Min. Riotte. Id., Informe Min. Del., 1S70, 1-24. Credit is also due to the efforts of the commissioners from the other Cent. Am. states to bring about peace. The revolutionists began the surrender of arms on the 27th, placing at Riotte ‘s command 20 pieces of artillery, 2,292 other fire-arms, etc. 19 Ale., Gaceta, Oct. 30, Nov. 20, Dec. 4, 1869. 20 ‘ Por el tino, firmeza, y energia que supo desplegar en la emergencia por- que acaba de pasar Nicaragua.’ Id., Jan. 29, 1870; Nic., Decretos Legist., 1869- 70, 94. 21 In his inaugural speech, he promised to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor, whose policy he extolled, expressing his acknowledgments. His words were: ‘ Dejando en practica principios politicos, y mejoras materiales, que antes de el apenas se habian ensayado. ’ Id., March 4, 11, 1871; Id., Manif. Disc. Inaug., no. ix. ; Id., Mensaje, March 1, 1871, 1—10. 476 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. ing first authorized the president to raise loans for covering the more pressing needs of the treasury, and empowered him to act as he might think best on be- half of the honor and interests of the country during the recess.22 In the war between the above-named states, Nicaragua maintained the strictest neutrality, and had the good fortune to escape being mixed up in that trouble. The country being at peace, both at home and abroad, the government was enabled to devote its whole attention to the finances, which were in an un- satisfactory state, owing to a marked decrease of the revenues in the two last fiscal years.23 The general situation, if not good, was nevertheless far from dis- couraging. But a new element was now ushered in, which was destined to become erelong an agent of disturbance. I refer to the coming of seventy mem- bers of the society of Jesus, who on their expulsion from Guatemala landed unopposed at Realejo, and journeyed to Reon, where a portion of the inhabitants gave them a warm reception. Discussions ensued; some were in favor of giving the new-comers convents, turning over to them public education, and allowing them every privilege as they had had at their late field ; others demanded that they should be sent away. The government took no action, other than permitting them to remain, and they soon ingratiated themselves with the masses.24 Toward the end of the year rumors of an impend- ing revolution were rife. There was no cause for it. Quadra’s administration certainly was deserving of public support.25 But it seemed the fashion of Xica- 22 Message and reply in Nic., Oaceta, Apr. 8, 1871. 23 The gov. encountered much difficulty to effect a loan, except on ruinous terms. Meantime, the utmost economy was observed; nearly all public works were at a stand-still. 24 Their supporters believed that their example would be beneficial io the morals of the native clergy, which made a writer remark: ‘ Debe hacerle mucha cosquilla & nuestros clerigos. que casi todos son doblemente padres.’ El Porvenir de Nic., Dec. 3, 1871. 23 Its opponents abused Quadra for doing what the condition of the coun- try required. Easing the treasury, reforming the administrative system, and PARTIES AND PRINCIPLES. 477 racma either to be on the eve of or in the throes of O revolution, or at least to talk of one.26 At the present time there were three political parties, and a club as- piring to that rank. The party in power was called by some of its members liberal conservador, and by others republicano. This party had a large following of well- to-do and sedate citizens. It had no monarchical, aris- tocratic, or theocratic tendencies; on the contrary, its principles were liberal and progressive, but it moved slowly, from fear of disturbing peace and order. Another party was formed, of men who at one time used to call themselves democrats, but had lately taken a conservative for a leader, become associated with the clergy, and adopted the name of moderado. The third party, hardly entitled to the rank, was made up of young men anxious for the greatest development of liberty and progress. Its members were scattered, or affiliated with other parties. Then there was the club, composed of a few hot-heads who insisted on being the mountain, and parodying the French Jacobins of 1793. The fears of revolution were on the increase in the first part of 1872. The self-styled moderados of the five states were working together in Leon, the native clergy and the jesuits being the common cen- tre of the revolutionary propaganda, and the govern- ment of President Medina of Honduras encouraging them. The congressional elections took place in October with much agitation and disturbance in several locali- ties.27 There was considerable independence exhibited restoring public credit. For this they called him a retrogressionist, a despot, and a fool; for being a respecter of the laws they claimed he should be cen- sured. 26 It was insinuated that the Pan. R. R. Co. might be underhandedly promoting discord, to throw obstacles in the way of an interoceanic canal being made in Nic. The company had been also suspected of doing so in the late war between Salv. and Hond., to prevent, or at least retard, the construc- tion of an interoceanic railway in the latter state. Such reports probably had no foundation in fact. 27 In Subtiava, dept of Leon, there was a sedition of Indians, accompanied with murders, and finally the authorities had to resort to force. Salgado, Mem., 1-18; Nic., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 19, 1872. There were scandalous pro- ceedings in Rivas, Chinandega, Chichigalpa, island of Ometepe, Matagalpa, and elsewhere. In some places the priests headed the drunken rabble, rmed 478 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. by the voters. The liberal conservatives obtained a working majority, and high hopes were entertained from the congress which was to sit on the 1st of Janu- ary, 1873. The year 1872 was a happy one for Nicaragua. Not only was peace consolidated, but party animosity greatly decreased. Trade and agriculture yielded good results; the public administration was much improved ; the treasury also felt easy, and public credit was restored. Congress assembled on the appointed day, and the president’s message contained an en- couraging report. He said that the rights of citizens had been respected, and an asylum allowed to the refugees of other states, including the jesuits.23 He labored to impress upon the representatives the neces- sity of providing means to increase the revenue; but nothing had been done at the end of February, and the president saw, besides, that notwithstanding his moderate, impartial, and conciliatory policy, a consider- able portion of the citizens refused to lend him their cooperation. In view of all this, and of his advanced aafe and ill health, he tendered his resignation on the 1st of March, setting forth the reasons for his doing so; but the chambers refused to accept it.29 Congress adjourned on the 20tli of March to continue its labors in 1874. Several important laws had been passed, for which the legislature deserved credit. On the other hand, it was blamed for a lavish bestowal of pensions, and for an excessive number of pardons and other favors to criminals. The jesuit question was resolved February 12th in favor of permitting the priests to remain.30 with clubs and crying Viva la religion! Mueran los herejes! To the native priests and jesuits were imputed all the troubles. El Porvertir de Nic., Oct. 20, 1872. 98 He spoke cf certain exiles, ‘ individuos de ordenes monasticas, cuyo establecimiento definitivo en el pais no permiten las leyes, peroque permanecen aum p.silados.’ Id., Jan. 12, 1873; Nic. , Oaceta, Jan. 11, 1873; Id., Senuinal Nic., Jan. 2, 1873. 99 Several members visited him to congratulate him on the second anniver- sary of his accession to the executive office. Nic. , Renuncia, 1-3; Id., Oaceta, March 8, 1873. 39 By a vote of 10 against 5 in the chamber of deputies. El Porvenir de Nic., Fell 1C. 1ST). v<> ('. -'•"I- A - 12. 1873. PRESIDENT QUADRA. 479 The relations with Costa Rica were most unsatis- factory, and the government took action to meet any possible emergency. Pursuant to its decree of Au- gust 28th, congress assembled September 16th, when President Quadra’s message made known that events had taken place calling for an abandonment of the policy he had hitherto pursued of absolute abstention from interference in the affairs of the other Central American states.31 His administration reported the intrigues of President Guardia of Costa Rica with discontented Nicaraguans for its overthrow. It wTas generally believed that a disturbance of the public peace was impending, and that Costa Rican money had circulated among the men concerned in the plot.32 These men, some of whom were officers in the service of Nicaragua, concealed themselves, and a number of them went to Costa Rica to tender their services to the enemy of their country. Meantime a body of armed men raised by the reactionary party of Central America made its appearance in Honduras, which alarmed the governments of Guatemala and Salvador. These powers represented to Nicaragua the move- ments to be unquestionably the work of Costa Rica, proposing an alliance against the latter.33 A defensive alliance was concluded on the 26th of August, the plenipotentiaries being Anselmo H. Rivas and B. Ca- razo. This treaty was approved by the three govern- ments.34 It contained, besides, two other clauses; namely, the allied powers were to endeavor to bring 31 Congress acknowledged that Nic. could not remain a passive spectator of those events. Nic. , Menrnje, 1-8; Nic., Semanal Nic., Aug. 28, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic., Sept. 7, 1873; Nic. , Gaceta, Sept. 27, Oct. 4, 18, 1873. 32 The Costa Rican officer Ramon Tinoco was implicated. The money — some $22,000 — was brought by P. Salamanca, apparently for the purchase of cattle, but really for revolutionary purposes. Both Salamanca and Tinoco, when their plan became known, escaped, Nic., Semanal Nic., Aug. 28, 1873. 33 The memorandum of B. Carazo, minister of Guatemala and Salvador, had for its main objects the overthrow of the existing govt of Costa R., and the expulsion of the jesuits from Nicaraguan territory. After a discussion on the latter point, Carazo no longer insisted on that action. Nic., Informe Min. Pel., in Nic., Gaceta, Oct. 18, 1S73. In the last preceding chapter this subject was also mentioned. 34 Gnat., Recap. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 198-200; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, 112, 117, 123. 4S0 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. about a settlement of the boundary question between Nicaragua and Costa Biea, and cooperate toward the reorganization of Central America under a single gov- ernment.33 Congress closed the session on the 15th of October, and shortly after the government was apprised of the departure from Puntarenas, Costa Pica, on the vessel named Tigre, of an expedition of Nicaraguans under Tinoco bound to Nicaragua.36 The expedition landed on the 3d of November, not in Nicaraguan territory, but in San Bernardo, a small port of Honduras. Nicara- gua at once sent a force to the frontier, and Minister Delgadillo started for Honduras to obtain permission from the government to pursue the invaders within her limits, which being granted, the Nicaraguans marched from Somotillo into Honduras, and acting in accord with another force from Salvador, the in- vaders abandoned Corpus, and repaired to Teguci- galpa, where Tinoco capitulated.37 The Nicaraguan government’s force then returned home.33 The elections for president and members of con- gress took place within the last three months of 1874 under no hindrance, and without any serious disturb- ance of the peace.39 Quadra’s message of January 13, 1875, announced that public confidence in a con- 33 Maximo Jerez, though a champion of unity, opposed the treaty on the groimd that it violated that of friendship with Costa Rica, wherein it was stipulated that neither party should wage war against the other, nor enter into offensive alliances without tirst having asked for explanations; which formality he claimed had not yet been complied with. Nic. , Oaceta, Oct. 18, Nov. 8, 1873. The treaty was approved in the senate by nine votes against two, the two nays being those of Jerez and Seferino Gonzalez. Nic., Senmnal Nic., Oct. 9, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic. , Oct. 12, 1873. 36 The loyal people of Nic. at once manifested their resolve to sustain the govt. Nic., Serna nal Nic. , Nov. 20, 29, Dec. 4, 6, 11, 20, 1873; Jan. 3, 10, 1874. 31 Dec. Gth, to Gen. F. Espinosa, the Salvadoran commander. Nic. , Mem. Min. Gobcrn , 1875, 3-5; Id., Semanal Nic., Nov. 6-20, 1873; Id., Gaceta, Nov. 15, Dec. 20, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 16, 1S73. 38 The troops were congratulated on their good fortune in not being used as ‘ instrumentos inocentes de venganzas y pasiones ajenas,’ as so many before them had been. Nic. , Semanal Nic., .Ian. 31, 1874. The proprietor and editor of this journal was A. H. Rivas, the min. of foreign affairs. 39 There were a few local riots, and the government was made the subject of violent abuse in flying sheets. Nic., Mem, Min. Gobern., 1875, 7-12; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 10, Nov. 21, 1S74. PRESIDENT CHAMORRO. 4S1 tinued peace was not yet fully restored ; but a dispo- sition to work and maintain order was taking deep root among the masses.40 Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the elect of the people for the next presidential term, w’as inducted into office on the 1st of March, 1875. 41 Quadra returned with alacrity to private life. The new administration soon had to deal with seditious attempts which had been prepared during Quadra’s rule. One of Chamorro’s first acts was to issue an unconditional pardon to the parties implicated, hoping that it would bring the gov- ernment’s opponents to a better feeling. But the re- sult was quite different; for they began a series of plots, and it then became necessary to issue, on the 17th of November, 1875, a decree of expulsion and of partial banishments. This quieted the country, and peace would have become consolidated but for the opportunities afforded the agitators in the neighboring states to start another conflagration. Costa Rica be- came the asylum of the discontented of Nicaragua, who took advantage of the interrupted relations be- tween the two governments to promote a war that might give them the control of affairs in their country. Costa Rica suspended diplomatic and commercial relations with Nicaragua ; but the latter concluded not to decree a suspension of trade, with the view of not injuring innocent persons. No actual war existed, but it might break out at any moment, in view of Costa Rica’s menacing attitude.42 At last the gov- ernment found itself threatened from various quarters. It then called on all patriotic citizens for new sacri- 48 Nic. , Mensaje del Presid., 1-11; Id. , Contestation, 1-2; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 3, 1875. 41 No policy was laid down by him to be pursued without deviation, except that in general terms he assured congress and the people of his disposition to respect the laws, maintain peace, and do his best for the happiness and pros- perity of his country. Salv., Diaiio Ojic., Apr. 10, 11, 1875. 42 She placed a large force in Guanacaste, and Nic. had to station another on the frontier under Gen. Joaquin Zavala. A plot was discovered in March 18(6, and about 20 prominent persons concerned in it were expelled, some going to Costa R., and others ta Hond. Salv., Diario Otic., March 22, 26, 1876. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 31 4S2 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. fices, to which they responded with enthusiasm.43 Martial law was proclaimed, and the president assumed personal command of the forces, the executive office being temporarily placed in charge of Senator Pedro Balladares. When the danger of war had passed, the decree of martial law was repealed.44 Elections for supreme and local authorities took place without hin- drance and in good order. But the country suffered severely from natural causes.45 Peace reigned during the last two years of Cha- morro’s rule, which enabled him to devote his attention to the advancement of the country’s interests. Not- withstanding the past difficulties, the national finances had attained a better organization, and the national credit was on a higher plane. The people showed a growing disposition to employ themselves in the arts of peace, their civil and political rights being fully respected by the authorities. Friendly relations ex- isted with foreign powers, and no complications were apprehended with the neighbors.40 The elections for president, deputies, and senators were effected at the usual time, the government abstaining from all inter- ference. General Joaquin Zavala, having been the popular choice for chief magistrate, took possession of his office with the customary formalities on the 1st of March, 1879, promising to follow the conciliatory policy of his predecessor. He congratulated the rep- resentatives on the stability which the republic was evidently arriving at.47 43 The govt had endeavored to maintain and develop the harmony which Quadra had established with the ecclesiastical authorities. The bishop and his clergy efficaciously impressed on the masses respect for pub. authority, love for their institutions, and a spirit of independence. Nic. , Mensaje del Presid., Jan. 24, 1877. 44 Nov, 15, 1876. Later on the govts of Guat. and Salv. united their efforts to restore a friendly feeling betw. Nic. and Costa R., and finally succeeded in their purpose. Salv., Gaceta OJic., June 7, 12, 1877. Relations were reopened in June 1878. 45 A visitation of locusts did great havoc in the corps; and a succession of gales from the 3d to the 5th of October caused heavy damages in the city and department of Managua, in Granada, Rivas, and other parts, including a large portion of Mosquitia, ruining many valuable estates. 46 Chamorro. Discurso en el acto de entrega, March 1, 1879. 47 He based his conclusion on this ground: ‘La trasmision legal y tranquila PEACE AND PROGRESS. 483 Congress closed the session on the 1st of April. The results of its three months’ labors were quite im- portant.48 Though acting with independence, the ut- most harmony prevailed in its relations with the execu- tive. At the opening of the next legislative session in January 1881, the president made known that peace had been undisturbed both at home and abroad, and there was no cause to apprehend any immediate change. As far as the government’s scanty means permitted, works of public utility had been fostered.4'1 Public education made considerable progress. The finances were duly attended to, and a few reforms in- troduced.50 The president congratulated the nation on the fact that all had been accomplished with the ordinary revenues. The public credit stood higher than ever. The foreign debt had been cancelled, and the internal, which amounted to $1,600,000, reduced to one half this sum.51 Congress adjourned March 6th. Several important measures were introduced and dis- cussed, but left for completion in the following year.52 del Mando Supremo, que viene repitiendose desde tantos aiios en Nicaragua.' Nie., Discurso /navy, del Presid. Zavala, March 1, 1879; Salv., Diario OJic., Sept. 28, Nov. 12, Dec. 12, 22, 1878; Jan. 22, March 13, 1879; Voz de Mej., May 6, 1879. 48 The following measures were passed: law of civil registration; penal code; mode of procedure in criminal cases; creation of justices of the peace, and military courts of first resort, to take the place of the governors of de- partments, where for greater economy it has been deemed expedient to sup- press these officers, as well as the respective military garrisons; restoration of the universities; and the appropriations for the current fiscal biennial term. It also sanctioned the treaty concluded with Guat. and Salv. in 1877, and the treaties and conventions lately entered into with Hond. ; namely, amity, com- merce, extradition, exportation of cattle, postal, and telegraphic. 49 Those ou the railway decreed by the assembly of 1870, and begun by the former administration, were progressing. Two important contracts were made, one for navigation on the lake by fair-sized steam vessels, and another for the construction of a railroad from Chinandega to Moabitaor Leon Viejo, and thence to Granada. The section between Corinto and Chinandega went into operation Jan. 1st. Telegraphic lines were in working order. A contract had also been concluded to lay a submarine cable to connect with the Mexi- can telegraphs. 50 Excise tax on real estates, export duties, and certain monopolies were abolished. 51 Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 1881. 62 Among them were one for amending the constitution, and for abolish- ing judicial fees, in order to have gratuitous administration of justice. An act to seize private lands, by paying for it, for facilitating the construction of railroads, was passed. Id.. Apr. 1, 1881. 484 POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. The apprehensions felt by a large number of citizens of serious troubles from the presence of the jesuits were realized in May 1881. On the 6th there was an Indian insurrection in Matagalpa, accompanied with considerable bloodshed, and the jesuits were said to ne the instigators.53 Twenty members of the order resid- ing in that place were arrested and taken under guard to Granada. A still more alarming revolt took place in Leon. At the opening of the Institute de Occi- dente, an educational establishment under the special protection of the national authorities, Professor J. Leonard, from Spain, made certain remarks, at which the jesuit fathers took umbrage.54 They, together with a certain Apolonio Orozco, accused Leonard and Calderon of being free-thinkers and assailants of reli- gion. The forty or fifty fathers living in Leon took the matter in hand energetically, and in two days there was hardly a person in the place who had not been told that the religion of their fathers was imper- illed by the propaganda of the free-thinkers of the instituto. Relying on the support of a fanatical rabble, they assumed a bold attitude, and demanded prompt action on the part of Bishop Ulloa y Larios. But the latter would not uphold them. This greatly exasper- ated them. Meantime the rabble became seditious. Parties of armed men intrenched themselves in the old Recoleccion convent, and laboring under the excite- ment produced by the speeches of their leaders and the free use of rum, they resisted the troops engaged in an effort to preserve order, eight or ten being killed, and many more wounded. The mob retreated to the Recoleccion, resolved to continue the fight, defying the local authorities, who, in fact, did not show much disposition to put them down, the prefect being a 53 It was proved beyond a doubt. El Porvenir de Nic., May 28, 1881. 61 In exhorting the young to avail themselves of the advantages the insti- tute would afford them, he said that Christianity was the true basis of educa- tion, and added that liberty of conscience and of speech was necessary for the perfect education of free men. JESUIT DISTURBANCES. 485 friend of the jesuits. The commander of the forces was an aged soldier, who could not do much active service. However, he captured the two chief leaders, Bermudez and Duvon, and sent them to Managua, where they were imprisoned. The supreme govern- ment adopted prompt measures, despatched troops to Leon, who brought the rebels under subjection, anti then expelled the jesuits from the country.55 It was believed that the real object of those movements was to overthrow Zavala and place Pedro Balladares in the executive chair. The question for a time seemed to be who should rule — the government or the jesuits. Zavala’s energy settled it. In July 1882 there was a slight rebellion in Gracias & Dios, and later disturbances in Matagalpa, Telica, and Subtiaba; but though causing some expense, because the government had to station a strong force there during a considerable time, public works were not thereby interrupted. The president, in his mes- sage to congress at the inception of 1883, expressed himself as gratified with the report he had to make, and retained the most perfect confidence in the future progress and prosperity of the republic. His suc- cessor, Adan Cdrdenas,50 elected by popular suffrage, was placed in possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1883. 5‘ Congress adjourned on the 12th of March. The new government issued a decree pardon- ing all who were concerned in the revolutionary dis- turbances at Matagalpa and Leon in 1881 and 1882. 55 Several prominent citizens, among whom were Ex-president Chamorro, and Ex-minister Rivas, urged the govt to let the jesuits remain; hut their arguments could not stand against Zavala’s determination to rid his country of a dangerous religions and political body. Nic. , Mem. Mm. Oobern., 1883, 5-li, annexes A and B; Costa It. , June 9, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, May 21, June 16-18, 1883; S. F. Bulletin, July 6, 16, 1881. 06 He was a man about 55 years of age, of small stature, gray-haired, and wearing spectacles. His sharp, intelligent eyes showed the man of culture and shrewdness. 51 He organized his cabinet with the following ministers: Teodoro Delga- dillo, ot justice and religion; Francisco Castellon, of foreign affairs and pub. instruction; Jos6 Chamorro, of pub. works; Joaquin Elizondo, of war and marine. Hie., Mem. Min. Bel., 1884, 8; Pan. Star ami Herald, Oct. 20, Dec. 1, 1882; March 20, Apr. 17, 1883. 4SG POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA. The question of reconstructing the republic of Cen- tral America was now being considered by the five governments.68 Nicaragua was at peace and progress- ing both morally and materially. It must be con- fessed, however, that priestcraft and bigotry still reigned almost supreme. The country had suffered, however, during the last two years from epidemics and other causes.59 On the receipt at Managua in March 1885 of in- formation respecting the resolution of the assembly of Guatemala to effect the reconstruction of Central America by force, and the order of President J. Rufino Barrios, styling himself general-in-chief of the Central American forces, the people became greatly excited, manifesting a resolution to oppose Barrios’ schemes with all their might. The government entered into an alliance offensive and defensive with Salvador and Costa Rica to provide for their mutual defence against Barrios, and troops were organized, President Cdr- denas taking command of the Nicaraguan forces in the field, first calling Pedro Joaquin Chamorro to temporarily occupy the executive office.60 Nicaragua at once despatched 500 men to the aid of Salvador, and prepared 500 or 600 more.61 After the defeat and death of Barrios, the scheme of forcible reconstruc- tion was abandoned by Guatemala, and peace being restored, Nicaragua returned to her normal condition. In the latter part of 1885, however, a movement was 58 Vicente Navas, Enrique Guzman, Gilberto Larios, and Ladislao Argiiello were appointed to represent Nic. at the conference of delegates of the live republics. 69 Sinall-pox and dysentery broke out in several districts, destroying many lives. The town of San Carlos was burned down; and the eruption of Ometepo volcano drove the inhabitants of that island from their homes. The govt afforded relief to the sufferers. Other places have been lately injured by earthquakes. Jfic., Mensaje Pres. Cardenas, Jan. 15, 18S5; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 4, 1885. 60 On the 13th and 14th of March they issued manifestos to Central Americans in general, as well as to their own people, inviting them to resist Barrios, who, as they said, claiming to seek the reconstruction of the old union, really was bent on conquest for his own aggrandizement. Costa R., Boletin Ofic., March 13, 23, 29, Apr. 2, 1885; U. S. Gov. Dor., Sen Jour., 1884-5, 5(58-71; S. F. Call, March 13, 1885; S. F. Chronicle, March 13, 1885. 61 Costa R., Gaceta, June 2, 1885. DISCOMFITED REVOLUTIONISTS. 487 made with the view of overthrowing Cdrdenas. A party of revolutionists, calling themselves liberals, landed atNancital; but being unable to effect their purpose, took refuge in Honduras, where they were disarmed.62 6jThey fled in disorder on the approach of govt troops. Costa R. and Hond. had placed forces on the frontiers to secure their neutrality. Id., Nov. 4, 8, 10, Dec. 4, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 1885. CHAPTER XXIV. INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS. 1S01-1S22. Administration under Spain — Influence of Events in Europe and Span- ish America on the Isthmus — Hostilities in Nueva Granada — Con- stitutional Government — General Hore’s Measures to Hold the Isthmus for Spain — MacGregor’s Insurgent Expedition at Porto- bello — Reestablishment of the Constitution — Captain -general Murgeon’s Rule— The Isthmus is Declared Independent — Its Incorporation with Colombia — Jos£ Fabrega in Temporary Com- mand— Jose Maria Carreno Appointed Intendente and Coman- dante General — Abolition of African Slavery. The intimate relations of tlie Panama Isthmus with Central America, and indeed with the whole Pacific coast, led me in the first instance to give its history; and in continuation of that purpose, 1 herewith carry on the narrative of events in that quarter, although in the later political partition Panamd is not classed among the Central American states. We have seen in a preceding volume how Panamd, formerly the entrepot for the trade of Spain with her South American colonies on the Pacific, in the course of the eighteenth century descended from her lofty position, and became veiled in obscurity, until the name of the once famous Castilla del Oro is well- nigh consigned to the pages of modern mythology. The events of the following century, which so bene- ficially changed the political condition of most of the American provinces, only tended to impoverish the Isthmus. However, its important geographical posi- (488) UNDER THE VICEROYS 489 tion, making it a bridge between the two great oceans, brought back for a time the old prosperity, notably by reason of the discovery of gold in California, the build- ing of a railway, and the much-discussed project of an interoceanic ship canal. The Isthmus was enjoying in 1801 its usual tran- quillity under the rule of the Spanish viceroy at Santa Fe de Bogota, Pedro de Mendinueta y Muzquiz, as well as under the more immediate one of Brigadier Antonio Narvaez y la Torre, the governor and co- mandante general. He was in 1803 promoted to ma- riscal de campo, and relieved on the 15th of March the same year, by Colonel Juan de Marcos Urbina, who at his death in 1805 was succeeded1 by Brigadier Juan A. de la Mata. The latter is represented to have been a man of estimable character, and as he was both re- spected and liked, he found during his term but little difficulty to rule the three provinces of Portobello, Veragua, and Darien, and the partidos of Natd and Alange, into which this region had been divided.2 Pursuant to the customary policy of Spain, an asesor, or legal adviser, was appointed to consult with him, while the military functions of the governor, in case of his being prevented, were assumed by another sub- stitute, also nominated beforehand, with the title of teniente de rey. 1 Urbina was made a brigadier a few months after he became governor, and died Feb. 22, 1805, on which day the teniente rey Mata took the govt. Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 3, 1808. 2 Each province was ruled by a governor and comandante de armas, and the partidos by alcaldes mayores, all being, however, under the governor at the capital, in whose hands were the superior civil government, the real patronato, and the superintendency of the treasury. Pan. Docs., in Pan., Col. Docs., MS., no. 36, 6; Arosemena, Apunt. Hist., 3-4; Id., in Pan. Bol. OJtc., Feb. 25, 1868; Arosemena, Mariano, Apuntamientos llist&ricos ccm relation al lstmo de Panama, Pan., 1868, 8vo, 48 pp. The author, one of the promi- nent citizens who took an active part in the affairs related by him, and was one of the signers of the independence, kept a diary of events occurring on the Isthmus during many years, and in 1868, as he tells us, purposed the publication of his memoranda from 1S01 to 1840. I have succeeded in ob- taining a portion of his writings, and find them important for the period embraced. Mariano Arosemena died at Panama on the 31st of May, 186S. He had several sons and daughters, one of the former being the distinguished Colombian statesman, Justo Arosemena, who has held high diplomatic posi- tions in Europe, the United States, and South American republics, besides some of the most important offices in his own country. 490 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS. The judicial organization was equal to those of other Spanish colonies; matters of little importance were decided by the ordinary alcaldes or the city councils, and only appeals were brought before the courts of Bogotd.3 There was also an extensive financial de- partment, comprising the custom-houses of Porto- bello, Chagres, and Panamd, a general treasury with its dependent offices and the different administrations of customs and monopolies belonging to the crown. Put their product was not sufficient to cover the ex- penses of the provinces, with their numerous officials and a permanent military force,4 required as garrisons for Portobello, Chagres, and Panamd, all of which places were then fortified, and temporarily financial subventions from Peru became necessary. The reason vTas the decline of commerce which involved a corre- sponding neglect of husbandry, and other branches, agriculture producing only what was required for home consumption. Stock-raising, for which the soil of Veragua was so well adapted, decreased; and min- ing in Portobello and Darien was scarcely worthy of mention. Such a depressing state of affairs could but have a degfeneratiugf influence on the inhabitants, which, if not fostered by the government, at least was allowed to gm on without an effort to check it. Ldu- O cation was at a low ebb everywhere; in the capital there was one primary school and a Latin class. Nearly all books not of a certain religious character5 were forbidden, intercourse with foreigners was hin- dered, and the diffusion of liberal ideas was effectually repressed. The facility of obtaining the few means of 3 Arosemena, Apunt., 5; Bol. Of. (1868), 32. For the district of Panami proper, there was, moreover, a high justice, ‘ justicia mayor de cruces,’ who on entering the city had power to take cognizance of all affairs laid before the alcaldes. 4 In addition to the regular troops of one company of artillery and one bat- talion of infantry, distributed in various places, there were militia forces com- prising one battalion of white and one of colored soldiers at Panama, an equal force at Nata, one battalion of whites in Veragua, and seven companies in fan try and artillery scattered in different places. Bol. Of. (1888), 32. 5Arosemena, Apunt., 10-11, gives several titles of such books, of which as specimens may be mentioned Las Fdbulas da Samaniejo El A no Cristiano, El Semanarw Santo. HAPPY DAYS. 491 suosistence required in such a climate contributed to produce that state of indolence which characterized the inhabitants at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Most of their time was spent in bull-fights, gambling, and religious performances, there being more than one hundred holidays in the year. The regular clergy, as in other parts of Spanish America, had al- ways been powerful in Panamd,, and possessed, not- withstanding the decadence of the country, a number of establishments independent from those belonging to the bishopric.6 Thus all was lethargy in Panamd while the new viceroy of New Granada, Antonio Amar y Borbon, quietly assumed the government at Bogotd. F ew of the inhabitants of the Isthmus had a clear understand- ing of the political convulsions that had taken place in France and in the United States. The masses were totally indifferent to and suffered little from the policy of the government, which carefully suppressed all information about the countries where anti-mo- narch ical principles prevailed. The course pursued by the crown in this respect was as fruitless as was another effort made at the time to revive trade by reestablishing on January 20, 1803, the casa de con- tratacion de Indias. The hope of Panamd, again be- coming the great entrepot for all ports on the Pacific was not realized. Not a single vessel came from Spain during the year; and open trade with foreign countries being unlawful, smuggling was resorted to by the merchants of Panamd and Jamaica, their rendezvous being generally in the neighborhood of Chagres, where English vessels transferred their car- goes to small boats, which took the goods on shore.7 6 There was a college de propaganda fide of Franciscans; convents of bare- footed Augustinians, Dominicans, and the order of Mercy; nunneries of la Concepcion and San Juan de Dios; moreover a hospital, and a charitable in- stitution, dedicated to Santo Tomas de Villanueva, for poor women. Hos- pitals belonging to the order of San Juan de Dios existed likewise at Nat;i and Portobello. Bol. Of. (1SG8), 32. ' The transportation into town was effected at night, and generally in packages, similar in size and shape to those used for carrying country pro- ducts to market. Arosernena, Apunt., 8. 492 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS. This trade was continued, even in 1804, after Spain had declared war against England, an event which otherwise caused much excitement on the Isthmus. But the people, instead of preparing for defence, con- tented themselves with invoking the Lord of hosts for favor to the Spanish arms, and for relief of their own distress, or in other words, their laziness.8 The government and priesthood, acting in accord, thus kept most of the population under control; and it was only in 1808 that liberal ideas began to have expression in the province, and this was due altogether to foreign influence. The government of the mother country, having declared the American possessions to be no longer colonies, but integral parts of the mon- archy, their people having the same rights as the people of Spain9 — although the declaration of the cortes to this effect was not generally known or ap- preciated, to the intelligent, its significance was fully understood. The movements for independence made in other provinces could no longer be concealed from the people, and the idea rapidly gained ground that Span- ish domination of America was approaching its end. This greatly exacerbated the ill feeling always exist- ing, though only to a limited extent on the Isthmus, between the Spaniards and the native Panamenos.10 In connection with it, a system of espionage was established by the rulers, the discussion of politics was discountenanced, and the holding of meetings for- bidden. But this policy was without effect; the lib- erty to trade with Jamaica, granted in 1809 with a view to appease the discontent of the Isthmians, in- vigorated not only their commercial but also their political life.11 Newspapers from Jamaica were occa- 8 Prompted by the Franciscans, public processions were held, at which some persons wore crowns of thorns, others carried heavy crosses on their shoulders, or ropes round their necks, etc. 9 Full particulars on this point have been given in connection with the histories of Mexico arid Guatemala for that period. 19 Distinctions of classes, resulting from differences of color, were natural enough; but the rivalry was now intense between natives of Spain, and Americans of pure Spanish descent. “ The permission was granted by the governor of Panami, and never re- REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 493 sionally received, and the contract with an enlightened people gave rise to new ideas. In New Granada the first resistance occurred at Cartagena, where the governor, Francisco Montes, opposed the establishment of a diputacion provincial, and assumed an attitude hostile to the liberal c-abildo. He made his report to the viceroy, but before any re- dress could be made he was arrested on June 14, 1810, and sent away to Habana.12 Hardly one month later a similar movement broke out at Bo- gota, where several previous plans to overthrow the viceregal authority had failed;13 but the agitation be- ing continued, on the 20th of July a trifling incident14 sufficed to cause an outbreak. Three days later the viceroy was imprisoned and the government placed in charge of a junta.15 The revolutionary movement in Bogota as in Cartagena did not at the time purpose to break wholly with Spain; its real object was to obtain an autonomic government without ignoring the supremacy of that of the mother country.16 It was with such intent that both juntas extended invitations to all the provinces of New Granada to meet in con- gress and discuss the form of government to be adopted. The governor of Panamd declined to take part, and endeavored to persuade the people of the Isthmus that there was no need for such a revolu- tion.1' That the absence of the Panamehos from the congress, which met early in 1811, had not been of yoked even though its political influence became apparent, because of the increase of revenue resulting from that trade. Bol. Of. (ISOS), 72. 12 A detailed account of the occurrences at Cartagena is given in Restrepo, Hist. Col., ii. 1C5-8. 13 The governor of Panama had hastened to send an auxiliary force of sev- eral hundred men, but it arrived too late. Arosemcna, Apwit., 19. 14 ‘Una espresion indiscreta que el espanol Don Jose Llorente dijo a Don Francisco Morales .... por la que despreciaba a los americanos. ’ Restrepo, Hist. Col., ii. 174. 10 In August the same junta obliged the viceroy to go to Cartagena, and thence to Spain. Id., 191. 16 Indeed, the authority of the Spanish cortes was formally recognized by the several provinces as late as 1811, and it was only afterward that thoughts of absolute independence were expressed. 17 The Spanish party ridiculed the aspirations of the patriots, because of certain dissensions already cropping out among them. Bol. Ojic., 1808, 75. 494 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS. their own choice, was not a secret to that body; and when the fundamental act of the federation was passed, it contained a clause binding all those represented in the congress to labor for the freedom of the other provinces which were still under Spanish control.18 It seemed, however, as if Panamd was more distant than ever from gaining her independence. Early in 1812 a new viceroy, Benito Perez, arrived, and being unable to get to Bogotd, established his residence on the Isthmus,19 where the audiencia and other offices were also established Thus Panamd became tempo- rarily the capital of New Granada, an honor little cherished at that time by the friends of independence. Perceiving the unsafe condition of the government, the new viceroy took steps to increase his military force. Upon his request, three men-of- war were sent from Cuba and a battalion of soldiers from Spain, part of which reenforcements were despatched to Santa Marta, then at war with Cartagena. The latter place was blockaded, and being hard pressed for supplies, the insurgents despatched two commissioners with the avowed object of treating with the viceroy for an ar- mistice. The project was favored by the vice-admiral of the English squadron at Jamaica, Charles Sterling, who guaranteed the commissioners a safe return. They arrived at Panamd in October 1812, and at once began pretended negotiations, their real purpose being to gain time for the besieged town, obtain if possible a suspension of hostilities, and ascertain the feeling of the population. But some correspondence intercepted by the governor of Santa Marta,20 and forwarded to to Viceroy Perez, apprised the latter, who at once had the commissioners arrested and brought to trial. They 18 • Deben scr el primer objeto de la defensa y de la tierna solicitud del congreso . . . redimiendo las segundas de las cadenas que hoy las oprimen.’ A rosemena, Apunt., 22; Dol. Ojic., 1868, 75. 19 He assumed the government at Portobello, Feb. 19th, and somewhat later transferred himself to Panamd. Ifcxtrepo, Hist. Col., viii. 28, followed hy Perez, Jeog., 109. 20 A letter from the vice-president of the junta gubemativa at Cartagena to Commandant Rlbon at Mompos let out the object of the mission. Arose- niena, Apunt., 24. THE VICEREGAL PARTY. 495 would have been severely dealt with but for the timely interference of Sterling, who energetically demanded their release, which the viceroy at last acceded to, returning them to Cartagena. They had meantime become satisfied that the intelligent part of the popu- lation strongly favored the emancipation, and that the new governor, Cdrlos Meyner,21 could not prevent any effort for independence. The only opposition to be feared would be from the viceroy and the chief officers of the garrison, most of whom were loyal and energetic. But fortune seemed to smile on the revo- O lutionary party; several vessels with troops and mili- tary supplies despatched by Perez to the relief of Santa Marta, then beseiged by the insurgents, fell into the hands of the latter, and the viceroy himself was removed from his position by the government in Spain.22 His successor was the mariscal de campo, Francisco Montalvo, who with some reenforcements Furnished by the governmnent of Cuba proceeded from Habana directly to Santa Marta, where he arrived in May 1813, and forthwith began to push the military operations against the revolutionists of Cartagena. The natives of Panamd rejoiced on hearing of the establishment of the viceregal seat at Santa Marta, and for obvious reasons. The danger was removed that Panaind might become the theatre of a bloody war, and on the other hand, there would be less diffi- culty in working for the emancipation of the province. The cause of independence gained more and more sympathy; and when toward the close of 1813 it was proposed to form a confederation, comprising New Granada, Quito, Venezuela, and Tierra Firme, the idea was eagerly embraced by the patriotic party on the Isthmus. The friends of independence gradually became bolder; they openly manifested their dislike 21 Gov. Mata had died in 1S12, soon after his promotion to mariscal de campo. He was succeeded by Brigadier Victor Salcedo, who ruled only a few days. 22 The cause was dissatisfaction of the regency at Cadiz because he had remained in Panama instead of selecting some other place from which he might have reached Bogota. 496 INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS. of Spanish rule at parties and in public songs, and induced the cabildo to demand and obtain from the government at C&diz the removal of the bishop,23 and the transfer of the officials of the audencia, then in Panama, to other places. But the latter met with opposition from the senior oidor, Joaquin Carrion, who well understood the workings of the patriotic party, and disregarding the protestations of the city council, continued alone to exercise the jurisdiction of the audiencia till 1816. Strange though it may appear, and perhaps owing to the listlessness Panama had thus far exhibited, when revolution prevailed every- where else, the city came to be looked upon by the government in Spain as most loyal; whereupon the cortes resolved to reward it, establishing there a dipu- tacion provincial,24 which did not then come to pass, for only one month later King Fernando suppressed all such bodies, together with the constitution o£ 18 12. 25 Unwilling to relinquish her hold on the American colonies, Spain, early in 1815, fitted out an expedition comprising sixty-five large and several smaller trans- port vessels, convoyed by the line-of-battle ship San Pedro Alcantara of seventy-four guns and several frig- ates; the total number of sailors, soldiers, and marines being 15, 000, 26 all well provided with artillery and supplies, the soldiers being veterans of the war against Napoleon’s army. The original plan had been to send both fleet and 23 1 Arrancd el ayuntamiento de Panama con insidiosos manejos del gobier- no de Cadiz el decreto de que fuese el R. Obispo removido de su silla. Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 69. The name of the bishop was Joaquin Gonzalez, who died in July 1813. His successor was Jose Hijinio Duran y Martel, mentioned as bishop for the first time in 1814, who was one of the signers of the inde- pendence— Bol. Of. (1868), 88 — and still in office in 1821. See also Pan. Col. Doc., no. 125, MS. 24 Other distinctions, among which an addition to the coat of arms, were also resolved in the same session. C6rtes, Actas Ord. (1814), ii. 206. 23 His decree of May 4, 1814, was carried out on the Isthmus in August of the same year. Pan., Doc. Hist., in Pan., Col. Doc., no. 36, MS., 8-19. 26 Bustamante, Cwul. Hist., iv. 161-3, gives the number as 10,473, which agrees with the figures given by Restrepo, Ihut. Col., vi. 49; but this author- ity refers only to the troops. GOVERNOR HORE. 497 army to Montevideo, but subsequently it was consid- ered more urgent to regain possession of Venezuela and New Granada, and to strengthen the forces on the Isthmus.27 The general-in-chief was Marisctd de campo Pablo Morillo, a brave man of firm character, who, in nine years, had risen from sergeant to gen- eral. Soon afterward more forces were sent out from Spain to cooperate with those of Morillo, after which they were to be stationed at Panamd. Their com- mander, Alejandro de Hore, was appointed governor. Military supplies were also sent to equip troops for a campaign in Peru. The expectations of the Isthmi- ans were now almost beyond the possibility of realiza- tion. It made but little difference that a part of Hore’s force fell into the hands of the insurgents of Cartagena,28 and that Hore himself barely escaped with the auxiliaries that Morillo could furnish almost at any time; he was always able to maintain the Span- ish regime on the Isthmus. No sooner, indeed, had he arrived at Panama and established the government on a military basis,29 than he displayed his harsh, de- spotic character.30 An extensive system of espionage was organized, and it is said that Hore treated the members of the patriotic party “according to their proclivities for independence, always availing himself of some false pretext to strike.” Much as the Isth- mians suffered under his iron rule, their anxiety be- came greater when it was said that Morillo was on 2: This was the principal object; ‘ asegurar este isttno en sugecion perpetua a la Espafia, fuera cual fuese el ecsito liual de la guerra de la indepeudeueia The only buildings that remained standing were those of the railway. Pacific mail, and canal company. Ten thousand persons were left without shelter. 96 Pan. Star and Herald , April 10, 1885. Burt and the canal company's officers caused supplies to be brought to Colon. Their houses and offices offered shelter to the destitute inhabitants. Kane and his officers and men labored day and night to relieve suffering, and won themselves the gratitude of the distressed community. La Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, 1885. According to 554 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS. But to return to Panamd. Aizpuru took advan- tage of the situation, Gonima being left with only GO soldiers, and a few civilians that had joined him, to occupy the principal streets, on the 31st. To make the story short, by 3 o’clock in the afternoon he was master of the place, Gonima having surrendered.97 Aizpuru announced in a proclamation on the 1st that he had assumed the functions of jefe civil y militar, to which he had been called by the supporters of free political principles, and on the 4th appointed his ad- visers,98 and adopt measures to protect the city from incendiarism, and specially to guard the interoceanic transit. Marines and sailors having been landed on the 8th of April from the United States frigate She- nandoah, by Aizpuru’s request, both ends of the Isth- mus were on the 10th guarded by American forces. Soon after the United States sent reenforcements of marines and sailors with special instructions to protect the transit and American citizens and their interests, avoiding all interference in the internal political squab- bles. Several war vessels of the U. S. home squadron, under Rear-admiral Jouett, arrived at Colon.99 In the night of the 24th of April, while the revolution- ists were erecting barricades, against an understand- ing with the American commander, the marines under Commander McCalla took possession of the city, as a necessary measure to protect American property, and Aizpuru and others were arrested. However, on the later accounts, the losses by the burning of Colon were 18 lives, and about §5,000,000. Pan. Evg Telegram, Apr. 3, 1S86. 9: The number killed probably did not exceed 25. The prisoners were treated with every consideration, and soon after released. Much property was damaged. Pan. Cronista, Apr. 11, 1885; Nueva Era, of Paso del Norte, Apr. 1, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, 1885. 98 Sec. of gov., C. A. Mendoza; of war and fomento, Jeronimo Ossa; of treasury, Carlos Icaza Arosemena. The last two declined the appointments. Commander of the state forces, B. Correoso. Gaceta de Pan., Apr. 7, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 9, 1885; Cent. Am. Miscel., no. 29, 41-3. 99 Toward the latter part of April, there were about 400 in Panamd city. Total, number of marines on the Isthmus 000, their commanding officer being Brevet Lieut-col. Charles Heywood, who commanded at Panama. McCalla held command in Colon. In case of need, the Am. squadron could place on shore 1,800 men, and 30 pieces of artillery. Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 23, 1S55; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885. RESULT OF COLUNJE’S SYSTEM. 555 next day, Aizpuru having pledged himself not to raise barricades or batteries, the prisoners were released, and the Americans retired to their encampment out- side.100 On the 27th a well-equipped Colombian expedi- tion of about 850 men, under General Rafael Reyes, arrived from Buenaventura to support M. Montoya as civil and military chief of Panamd until a consti- tutional government could be organized.101 With the good offices of the foreign consuls, a peaceable ar- rangement was entered into, by which Aizpuru bound himself to disband his forces, deliver all arms, and retire to private life.102 But having failed, as it was alleged, as late as the 2d of May to surrender all the ritles and caps in the hands of the rebels, he and others were arrested and confined in the town hall.103 On the 12th Aizpuru was sent to Buenaventura and held at the disposal of the supreme government of Colombia.104 It is understood that the rebel leaders were called upon to pay large sums of money to meet the govern- ment’s necessarily increased expenditures; and that, in order to secure payments, their property was seized. This is the result of Colunje’s system, which Correoso followed. He has been now repaid in the same coin. 100 Aizpuru expected soon to be attacked by a superior force from Cauca. He despatched B. Correoso aud A. Clement as peace commissioners to Buena- ventura, but they were arrested there. Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 25, 27, May 4, 1885. 101 After which it was to proceed to Cartagena. La Estrella de Pan., May 4, 1885. lu3 Aizpuru s terms were as follows: 1st. To resign his powers into the hands of Vives Leon, Pablo Arosemena, or any other constitutionally entitled to receive them. 2d. General pardon for all offences of a strictly political character, but the punishment of the guilty of crimes in Panama, Colon, or elsewhere on the Isthmus. Id., Apr. 29, 1885. 103 On the 4th he claimed to have delivered a larger number of arms than his commissioners had bound him to surrender. La Estrella de Pan., May 3, 9, 1885. lu4 La Estrella de Occid., May 16, 1885. Both Aizpuru and Correoso were subsequently deprived of their military rank. The former, being tried by court-martial in Bogota, was sentenced, Nov. 3, 1885, to 10 years’ exile, with loss of offices, income, and political rights during that time, and payment of costs and of damages caused by his rebellion. Pan. Star and, Herald. Oct. 1, Dec. 10, 24, 1885. 556 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS. The Isthmus being now pacified, and 500 more Co- lombians having arrived on the 9th of May, under Colonel Dominguez, being another portion of Reyes’ force to relieve Santodomingo Vila at Cartagena, the American marines, who had been expressly sent out by their government, returned home, leaving a good name for discipline and general good conduct.105 The flagship Tennessee of Admiral Jouett, and the Galena, Commander Kane, went to sea from Colon on the 1 1th of May. The former conveyed General Reyes, with relief for the Colombian government’s troops at Car- tagena. O After the death of President Olarte in 1868, the Isthmus for many years did not enjoy a single day of peace. The general wealth having declined through- out the country, and more so in the interior, poverty prevailed. Capital, both foreign and native, abandoned so dangerous an abode. The cattle ranges and estates disappeared; likewise agriculture, except on a small scale.106 The black men of the arrabal in the city of Panama, after they were made important factors in politics, accustomed themselves to depend on the public funds for a living, and the people of the interior, who were always peaceable and industrious, came to be virtually their tributaries. The state became the puppet of the men at the head of the national government, or of political clubs at Bogotd, whose agents incited dis- turbances, removing presidents indisposed to cooperate with or to meekly submit to their dictation, substi- tuting others favorable to their purposes, and thus making themselves masters of the state government, together with its funds, and with what is of no less import, the state’s vote in national elections. Since the establishment of the constitution of 1863, 185 Upon which they were publicly complimented by Rear-admiral Jouett in general orders. 1,6 ‘No siembran mas que lo que justamente consumen por temor de ser robados en la forma de contribuciones. ’ Maldonado, Aswiton Fold. Pan., MS., SOCIETY AND POLITICS. 557 Panama has been considered a good field by men aspiring to political and social position without risk- ing their persons and fortunes. They have ever found unpatriotic Panamenos ready to aid them in maintain- ing the quondam colonial dependence, and investing them with power, that they might grow fat together on the spoils. Almost every national election, since the great war of 1860, has brought about a forced change in the state government. The first victim, as we have seen, was Governor Guardia, deposed by na- tional troops under Santa Coloma. That was the be- ginning of political demoralization on the Isthmus. Every similar illegal device to insure party triumph and power at Bogotd has been, I repeat, the work of agents from the national capital assisted by men of Panamd to push their own interests, and supported by the federal garrison. 10/ The office of chief magistrate is desired for control- ling political power, and the public funds to enrich the holder and his chief supporters. Patriotism, and a noble purpose to foster the welfare of the country and the people in general, are, if thought of at all, objects of secondary consideration. At times, the presidency is fought for with arms among the negroes themselves, and the city is then a witness of bloody scenes. The aim of every such effort is to gain control of power for the sake of the spoils. Panamd cannot, being the smallest and weakest state of the Colombian union, rid itself of the outside 197 Witness the proceedings of the troops brought by Santa Coloma, and later, at different times, by the battalions Tiradores, Pichincha, 3d de linea, and others. Upon the subject of undue federal interference with the domes- tic affairs of the Isthmus, the following charges preferred by M. J. Perez from Panama in a letter of Oct. 22, 1S84, to Anibal Galindo, are worthy of notice: 1st. Public intervention of the general government in internal affairs of the state; 2d. Barefaced protection by the gen. govt to rebels in arms against the constitutional govt of the state; 3d. Intimate alliance of the federal force with the opposing conservatives and with the radicals to disarm the government, and exercise pressure on the assembly, forcibly hindering its performance of constitutional functions; 4th. Consequences of the foregoing course; acts of piracy on the part of the rebels, violence, bloodshed, international claims, humiliation. Pan. Cronista, Oct. 25, 1884. Correoso corroborates all this in his remarks on the conduct of the Guardia Colombiana on the Isthmus, in 1800, 1805, 1808, 1873-5, 1878, and subsequently. Sucesos de Pan., 3-8. 558 FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS. pressure. Neither can it crush the unholy ambition of its politicians. Both entail misfortunes enough. But the Isthmus must also share the same sufferings as the other states in times of political convulsion in the whole nation.108 In view of the fact that the Isthmus of Panama may before many years become much more than it has heretofore been, a great highway of nations, and that the great interests which will be constantly at stake on the route will demand an effectual pro- tection, it is self-evident that measures of a perma- nent character must in time be adopted to secure that end. Panamd, as an appendage of Colombia, and at the mercy of an irresponsible population, cannot afford that protection; neither is Colombia, with her con- stantly recurring squabbles, better able to fulfil any international obligations she might assume in the premises. Without intending to cast any slur upon her, or to doubt her honorable intentions, all — her- self among the number — must own that it would be extremely dangerous to lean on so weak a reed. The question therefore occurs, and must soon be solved, What is to be the future status of the Isthmus ? A strong government is doubtless a necessity, and must be provided from abroad. Shall it assume the form of a quasi independent state under the protectorate of the chief commercial nations, eliminating Colombia from participation therein? or must the United States, as the power most interested in preserving the inde- pendence of the highway, take upon themselves the whole control for the benefit of all nations? Time will tell. Since the foregoing remarks were written, a change has taken place in the political organization of the United States of Colombia, by which the govern- ment has been centralized, the name of the republic being changed to Republica de Colombia, and the 198 ‘No solo cs victima de sus propios males, sino tambien de los que le vienen de fuera.’ Maldonado, Asuntos Pollt. Pan., MS., 26. PANAMA A DEPARTMENT. 559 state of Panamd, being reduced to a mere national department, to be ruled by a civil and military gover- nor appointed by the national executive at Bogota. Under the new order of things, General Santodo- mingo Vila, the former president, became civil and military ruler, with powers to inaugurate the depart- mental organization.109 He took possession of his office, and dictated several measures toward that end, and the suppression of gambling and other abuses. But without good grounds, after recognizing the press to be free, suddenly suspended that freedom, though he soon after restored it. Meantime, how- ever, he caused the suspension for sixty days of the Star and Herald and Estrella newspapers, alleging their hostility to the government because they de- clined to publish some of his measures.110 109 Discussions in the national Consejo ae Delegatarios, in Nov. and Dec. 1885, and law of Dec. 11, 1885, to regulate the gov. of Panama. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 6-15, 1886. 110 Id., March 20, 29, suppiem., 1886. The publication of the journal was restored after the term of suspension expired. Vila’s course was disapproved by the general government, and he was peremptorily recalled for disobedience of orders. The proprietors of the journal have made a claim for heavy dam- ages. Buenaventura Correoso, Sucesos de Panamd Informe d la Nation, Buga, 1886, 4to, 24 pp. The writer, one of the prominent political men of Panama, in this pamphlet purposes, as he assures us, to point out the source of the almost continuous disturbances that have occurred on the Isthmus since 1860, laying particular stress on the events from 1880 to 1885. It might be expecting too much that he should express an impartial and wholly un- warped judgment on those events, and on his political opponents. It must be acknowledged, however, that his statements appear to be fair enough, and that his assumption of responsibility for some of the acts which he cen- sures is frank. Simon Maldonado, Asuntos Politicos de Panamd, MS., 42 pp. The author of this review is a native of Panama, and has filled responsible positions in his country, more especially in the judiciary. His views of affairs there are impartial, and entitled to consideration for their soundness. CHAPTER XXVII. CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. 1886. Extent of the Country — Climate — Mountains and Volcanoes — Earth- quakes— Rivers and Lakes — Costa Rica’s Area, Possessions, and Political Division and Government — Her Chief Cities — Nicara- gua, her Territory, Towns, and Municipal Administration — Honduras’ Extent, Islands, Cities, and Local Government — Sal- vador, her Position, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule— Guatemala’s Extent and Possessions — Her Cities and Towns— Internal Ad- ministration— Isthmus of Panama — Area, Bays, Rivers, and Is- lands— Department and District Rule — The Capital and Other Towns — Population — Character, and Customs — Education — Epi- demics and Other Calamities. Central America proper embraces the region situ- ated between the state of Chiapas in the republic of Mexico on the north, and the former state, now de- partment, of Panamd on the south, extending from about latitude 7° to 18° north, in length from 800 to 900 miles, and in breadth varying from about 30 to about 300 miles. The united area of the five republics comprised therein is about 175,000 square miles.1 The climate of this region on the Atlantic coast is about the same as that of the West Indies, somewhat modified by various causes. The Atlantic coast from Trujillo downward, including the Mosquito region, is low and insalubrious. That of the Pacific coast is 1 An official doc. of the U. S. govt gives 174,800; Am. Cyclop., of 1873-6, 178,277; Crowe, Gospel in Cent. Am., roughly computes it at 200,000. Other authorities widely differ. I refer the reader to the following maps, namely : John Baily’s, 1850; Max. Von Sonnenstern’s offic. maps of Salv., 1858, and Guat.. 1859; Herman Au’s, of Guat., 1875; Paul Levy’s, of Nic., 1873; Molina's map of Costa R. in his Bosquejo. 560 PHYSICAL FEATURES. 5G1 better in every respect, tne neat not being so oppress- ive, which is due to a drier and purer atmosphere. The result is, that while the coasts on the Alantic are nearly uninhabited, those on the Pacific are lined with towns and well settled. Beginning with Guatemala, and going southward, in Los Altos, the highlands of the republic, the aver- age temperature is lower than anywhere else. Snow falls occasionally near Quezaltenango, but soon dis- appears. The heat is never excessive.2 In the vicin- ity of the city of Guatemala, the thermometer ranges from 55s to 80° with an average of 72°. In Vera Paz, the north-eastern department, it is nearly 10" warmer. The whole coast from Belize down to Izabal and Santo Tom&s is hot and unhealthy.3 The state of Salvador, lying entirely on the Pacific slope, has probably a higher average temperature than Guatemala or Hon- duras; but the heat is oppressive only at some points on the coast.4 Honduras has a fine climate, except- ing the portion spoken of on the coast of the Atlantic.5 Nicaragua, with the exception of her department of Segovia, which borders on Honduras and has the same surface and temperature, has a topography and climate of her own, with an average temperature in the lake region of about 79s to 80°, due more to favor- able causes than to elevation. In Costa Rica there is almost every degree of temperature, from the intensest heat of Puntarenas to the constant spring of San Jose, or the autumnal temperature of the belt above Cartago. The coast from Chiriqui lagoon to the north is hot, wet, and unhealthy.6 Properly speaking, there 2 ‘Never so g-reat as during the summer months in England.’ Dunlop's Cent. Am., 258; Crosby's Statem., MS., 114-17; Guat., Mem. Min. Hoc., 1883, 15-16. 3 The same may be said, though in a less degree, of the northern and east- ern coast of Hond. from Omoa to Gracias ft Dios. 4 La Union, San Miguel, Acajutla, Sonsonate, etc., owing to local causes. 6 4 he average temperature at Tegucigalpa, Comayagua, Juticalpa, and Gracias is about 74°. Squier's Notes on Cent. Am., 25-7; Belly, A t rovers 1' Amir. Cent., i. 53-4. '’('old and salubrious on the table-lands in the interior, the thermom. ranging from 65° to 75° Fahr. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 28. The climate of hisT Cent. Am., Vol. III. 3S 562 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. is no dry season on the Atlantic coast of Central America. However, from June to September, inclu- sive, there is less rainfall on the Atlantic side. Dur- ing these months the Pacific slope has its rainy season, but the rains are brief, occurring in the after- noon and night.7 At a short distance from the Pacific coast the coun- try is traversed from north-west to south-east by an unbroken chain of mountains,8 at least to Nicaragua Lake, and covered with diversified vegetation. This cordillera is a connecting chain between the Rocky Mountains of the northern, and the Andes of the southern, continent.9 On the slopes and summits are fine table-lands, some of which are quite extensive, and all temperate and surpassingly fertile. It may be asserted that no portion of the earth presents a greater diversity of level on an equal extent of surface than Central America, or a greater variety of climate. The majority of the highest peaks are volcanoes, and no less than thirty volcanic vents are said to be in activity. Extinct craters, rent rocks, lava beds, scorise, vitrified, charred, and pumice stones, hot and sulphur- ous springs, mark Central America as a most volcanic region.10 Costa R. varies from 50° to 60° Fahr., according to elevation. Galindo, in Joum. Royal Geog. Soc. of London, vi. 134; Laferri&re, De Paris a Guatim., 47-8. 7 This is by far the pleasanter season, the forenoons being usually cloudless, ■with a clear, elastic, and balmy atmosphere. Owing to local influences in some portions of the eastern coasts it rains more or less the whole year. Crowe’s Gospel, 1-12. 8 Consisting of three groups; viz, the Costa Rican traversing that republic and Panama, the Honduran and Nicaraguan, and the Guatemalan. 9 Some of the summits are 17,000 ft high. Several spurs from the Sierra Madre — the main ridge — cut the plains at right angles, and sometimes reach the sea-shore. 10 All the volcanoes of Cent. Am. are on the Pacific coast, almost in a line, and running due north-west and south-east, beginning with the Cartago or Irazu, in Costa Rica, which is 11,480 ft high, and has left traces of violent eruptions before the historic period; the only proof of its present activity being a small rill of smoke visible from the foot of the mountain. There are hundreds of other volcanic peaks and extinct craters on the line, the most notable being the Turrialba, which was in active eruption in 1866, the ashy matter from it having been beneficial to the coffee plantations; Chirripo, Blanco, Zavalo, Barba, Los Votos 9,840 ft high, also in Costa R. Abogado, Cerro Pelado, Tenorio, Cucuilapa, Miravalles, Rincon de la Vieja, La Hedi- ouda, Orosi, Madera, Ometepec, Zapatera, Guanapepe, Guanacaure, Solenti- HISTORIC EARTHQUAKES. 563 In a region abounding with volcanoes, and where great convulsions of nature have taken place, earth- quakes— violent ones, at times — frequently occur.11 The great shocks experienced by the city of Guate- mala in 1751, 1757, 17G5, and the one of 1773, which caused the abandonment of the old site, have been elsewhere mentioned.12 The year 1809 was noted for a succession of violent temblores, causing much dis- tress among the inhabitants of Guatemala and Hon- duras, and doing much damage, particularly in the nami, Mombacho, Chiltepe, Masaya or Nindiri; this last said to have been in a state of eruption upwards of 250 years ago, and still continues active; it had a small eruption Nov. 10, 1858; Managua; Momotombo, 6,500 ft high, near the Managua or Leon Lake, about which the Indians had a tradition of a tremendous eruption some 100 years before the coming of the Spaniards, the lava running into the lake and destroying all the fish; the latter part of the story seems to be incorrect, there being evidence that the lava did not reach the lake shore; it partially revived in 1852; Las Pilas, Asososca, Orota, Te- lica, Santa Clara, El Viejo 6,000 ft high; El Chonco; Cosegiiina, whose first eruption was Jan. 20, 1835, believed to have been the most violent ever re- corded in history; and Joltepec — all in Nic. El Tigre, Nacaome, and Amapala, or Conchagua, in Hond. In the republic of Salv. are several; namely, the San Salvador, which had not broken out in upwards of three centuries; but in old times it ejected immense masses of lava and scoriie to a distance of more than 18 miles. It is of great depth, computed by Weems, an American who descended it, at about 5,000 varas; the bottom is occupied by a lake; San Miguel, about 15,000 ft high. In old times it ejected large quantities of cin- ders and half-melted stones of immense size. The country for 30 miles or more, including the site of San Miguel, one of the oldest towns in Am., being covered with lava and scoria;; San Vicente; Izalco, which broke out about 100 years ago, is in constant activity, but has not caused any serious damage; Paneon, and Santa Ana. In Guat. are the Pacaya; the Volcan de Agua; the Volcan de Fuego constantly smoking with occasional explosion and shocks, its last eruption being in 1880; Eucuentro, Acatenango; Atitlan so remarkable at one time for frequent and violent eruptions, the last ones being in 1828 and 1833, which caused much destruction on the coast of Sucliitepequez; Tesa- mielco, Zapotitlan, Amilpas, Quezaltenango, and Cerro Quemado whose last eruption was in 1785. There are many other nameless ones. Near a number of the active and extinct volcanoes are small and almost circular openings in the ground, through which is ejected smoke or steam. The natives call them ausoles or infiernillos, little hells. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 3, 13-17, 52-5, 91-2, 118-20, 284-90; Squier’s Trav., ii. 101-19; Squier’s Cent. Am., 359-61, 492-8. Other authorities speaking of the volcanoes of Cent. Am. are: Stout's Nic., 143; Silliman's Journal, xxviii. 332; Levy, Nic., 75-85, 147-53; Guat., Gacela, Feb. 10, 1854; Diario de A visas, Nov. 22, 1856; Nic., Gaceta, June 5, Aug. 7, 1869; March 18, 1871; Salv., Diario OJicial, Oct. 11, Nov. 15, 1878; Overland Monthly, xiii. 324; La Voz de Mi)., March 17, 1866; Pirn and See- mann's Dottinys, 39-40; Daily's Cent. Am., 75-8; Wells' Hond., 231-2; Har- per’s May , xix. 739; and the Encyclopedias; Guat., Revista Ohservatorio Me- teor., i. 21-3. 1 1 About 300 have been recorded in 3| centuries, which are probably the hundredth part of the actual number. 11 Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 719-21, this series. CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. 564 latter state.13 Since that time the five republics have constantly had such visitations, causing at times loss of life and damage to property. I give in a note a number of such occurrences.14 The Isthmus of Pan- amd has likewise repeatedly experienced the effects of earthquakes, some of which have created much alarm and injured property.15 13 June 20th, at 3 A. m., was felt a heavy shock in Gaut. ; no great damage was done. In Comayagua and Tegucigalpa the shocks continued from the 20th to the 25th; the people abandoning their dwellings. Many buildings, both public and private, were much injured. The shocks were also felt in Trujillo. 14 Apr. 23, 1830, Guat. experienced one said to have been the most severe since that of 1773. Feb. and Sept. 1831, a great part of San Salvador was ruined. The authorities and most of the people fled to Cojutepeque. This was the sixth time the city had been more or less damaged by earthquakes. Sept. 2, 1S41, Cartago, in Costa R., was nearly levelled to the ground; of 3,000 houses previously existing, not 100 remained entire; of the 8 churches, the smallest and ugliest was the only one escaping uninjured. May 1844, the city of Granada was nearly ruined; the town of Nicaragua was greatly damaged, the lake of this name rising and falling several times, as if having a tide. Amatitlan, Petapa, Palin, and other places near the volcano of Pa- caya, hardly had a house left standing in the end of March and in beginning of April 1845. In the repub. of Guat. shocks have been repeatedly experi- enced, those of 1S84 and 18S5 causing devastation in Amatitlan. San Sal- vador experienced heavy ones in 1575, 1593, 1025, 1650, and 1798, and was completely ruined in 1839, 1854, and 1873, and several other towns in the republic fared almost as badly in the latter year. Oct. 2, 187S, there was loss of life. Dec. 27-29, 1879, Ilopango, Candelaria, and other places were demolished. In Costa R. the destruction of Puntarenita occurred Aug. 4, 1S54; and in 1882 the towns of Alajuela, San Ramon, Grecia, and Heredia were damaged, with heavy loss of life. In Dec. 1S07, a tidal wave swal- lowed the island of Zapotilla, in Golfo Dulce, drowning all the inhabitants. The earthquake shocks seem to be of two kinds, namely, the perpendicular, which are felt only in the vicinity of volcanoes, and the horizontal, reaching great distances from the places where they originate, being very unequal in their progress, in some parts rocking the ground violently, and in others, in their direct line, nearer their source, being but slightly felt. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 290-3; Squier’s Cent. Am., 298, 304-7, 405; Squier's Travels, ii. 85, 120- 6; Pontons Earthquakes, 69, 76-7; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 83-4; Nouv. Antiales Coy., clxv. 360-1; lxxxv. 264; Iciii. 121; Montiifar, Reseila Hist., iii. 608-9; Wagner, Costa R. , Pref. viii. ; Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 101-3; Id., Gaceta, Sept. 10, 1853; July 15, Aug. 5, 26, Sept. 2, 1854; Id., Boletin Ojic., Aug. 31, Dec. 23, 1854; files’ Reg., lxi. 257; Pirn's Gate of the Pac., 26; Mission Sclent, au Mex. Geol., 13-16, 511-12; Wells’ Hand., 233; Salv., El Siglo, May 28, June 3, 1851, Sept. 3, 1852; Id., Diario Ofic., Oct. 5-27, 1S7S; Jan. 13, 14, 18S0; Id., Gaceta, May 20, 1854; Id., El Rol, Oct. 13, 20, Nov. 10, 17, Dec. 1, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; Guat., Gaceta, Oct. 21, 1853; May 5, 1854; Nic., Gaceta, March 26, 1864; Feb. 10, 1866; Jan. 18, May 9, Oct. 31, 1868; Jan. 8, June IS, Aug. 20, 1870; La Union de Nic., Jan. 12, 1861; El Porvenir dc Nic., Oct. 15, 1871; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 796, 808, 814; Id., Cong. 44, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 129; Unarte, Terremotos de Cent. Am., in Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, ii. 189-95; Mex., Eco Mercantil, Apr. 24, 1882; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 5, 7, 11, 1886. Very full information from 1469 to 18S2 in Guat., Revista Observatorio Meteor., i. 24—39. ^ Worthy of mention were the shocks of July 11, 1854, felt throughout LAKES AND RIVERS. 565 From the lofty sierras and volcanic cones descend streams, which, meeting on the plains below, form beautiful lakes, or swell into rivers that roll on to either ocean. They are numerous, and though not of great length, because of the narrowness of the region they traverse, are by no means insignificant.16 The country has several lakes, some of which have occu- pied the attention of scientists, statesmen, and mer- chants, and I will have occasion to treat of them in connection with interoceanic communication and com- merce farther on.1' The republic of Costa Rica is that portion of Central America extending between Nicaragua and o o the Isthmus, Sept. 11th, the same year, felt in Chiriquf; 1857, 1858, 1868, and Sept. 7, 1882; this last was a heavy one, damaging public and private buildings; also delaying the transmission of passengers and merchandise over the railway. Salv., El Rol, Dec. 1, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, Oct. 21, 1854; S. F. Alta, Oct. 2, 1857; Sac. Union, Aug. 2, 1858; S. F. Call, June 23, 1868; Sept. 8, 9, 25, 1882; S. F. Chronicle, Sept. 9, 1882; La Estrella de Pan., Sept. 14, 1882; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 14, 1S82. 16 The most important ones are the Usumasinta, known also under the names of Lacandon, Pasion, etc., in Guat., of about the size of the Garonne or Elbe in Eu rope, or the Hudson in the U. S., which drains nearly half of the state, and pours its waters through several mouths into the bay of Campeche and the laguna de Terminos. The Dulce unites the bay of Rond, with the Ilulce Gulf. The Hondo; the Belize, or Old River, famous for the fine mahog- any its banks have yielded; the Motagua and the Polochie; the Black or Tinto in the Poyais country; the San Juan del Norte, Coco, also named Telpaneca and Wanks, Grande or Chocoyos, and the Mico or Blewfields; the Tipitapa, uniting lakes Nicaragua and Managua; the Paz, separating Guat. and Salv. ; and the deep and rapid Lempa, the largest on the western shore, at its lowest ebb exceeds 140 yards in breadth. nThe following are the notable ones: Atitlan, in Guat., covering upwards of 250 square miles; declared to be unfathomable, a line of 300 fathoms not reaching the bottom. Though receiving the waters of many rivers, no outlet lias been found for its dark and benumbing waters; still, it is probable that a subterraneous outlet exists, as in the lakes of Guijar and Metapa in Salv., which are united by a subterraneous communication. Golfo Dulce, or Izabal Lake, of about 50 miles in circuit, subject to violent agitations, and forming the port of Izabal on the Atlantic coast of Guat. The small Amatitlan, about 20 miles from the city of Guat., which, notwithstanding its hot springs and brackish waters, abounds in a delicate fish called mojarra, in other small fish, and in wild fowl. In Hond. is the Yojos. In Nie., the lake of the same name, whose surplus waters run to the Atlantic by the San Juan del Norte River; an inland sea, 96 miles long, and 40 miles in its greatest breadth, forming an ellipse with its main axis due N.W. to S.E. Its depth in some parts is of 45 fathoms, and its area must be at least 2,000 square miles. It contains a small archipelago. Lake Managua is 38 or 35 miles in length, and 16 in its greatest breadth. It has little depth, and several sandbanks render navigation difficult. The laguna de Masaya, 340 ft lower than the city of the same name, which is 750 ft above the sea level. Its area is of about 10 square miles, Livy, Hie.. 86, 95-8. CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. 5GG Panama, and having on one side the Pacific Ocean, and on the other the Atlantic.18 Costa Rica has the islands of Colon, San Cristobal, Bastimento, La Popa, and others in Boca del Toro; the Escudo de Veragua in the Atlantic, the Cocos, Cano, San Lucas, and Chira in the Pacific; these latter two and smaller ones lying within the gulf of Xicoya. The political division of the republic is in provincias and comarcas;19 namely, provincias of San Jose, Car- tago, Alajuela, Heredia, and Guanacaste, and the comarcas of Puntarenas and Limon. The provin- cias and comarcas are alike divided into cantones, and the latter subdivided into barrios. At the head of each provincia and comarca is a governor, and of each canton ajefe politico, all of executive appoint- ment. The police department is under the governor, unless, in special cases, the supreme government should assume the immediate control over it in certain locali- ties. Each provincial capital has a municipal corpora- tion,20 acting, like the governors and other subordinate authorities, under the general ordinances, made and provided for the government of the whole republic. The cities of the republic are San Jose, Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, Liberia, Puntarenas, and Limon. There arc, besides, seven or eight villas, and nine or ten pueblos.21 18 From 8° to 11° 16' N. lat., and 81° 40' to 85° 40' long. W. of Greenwich. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 25. Between 8° and 17° SO7 N. lat., and 11° 50' to 22° 32' W. of Santiago de Chile, which is situate in meridian 70° 38' G" west of Greenwich. Astaburuaya, Cent. Am., 2. Am. Cyclopeedia, v. 393, gives it betw. 8° 11' and 11° 8' N. lat., and long. 82° 28' to 85° 45' W. of Greenwich. Between about 8° and 11° N. lat., and 82° to 86° W. long. Encyclopaedia Britannica, vi. 397. 19 By the law of March 27, 1835, the country was divided into three de- partments; namely, Cartago, Alajuela, and Guanacaste, with a jefe politico at the head of each. Repealed by executive decree of April 28, 1843, after having had several amendments. Costa R., Col. Ley., iv. 180-3. 20 San Jose has 9 regidores, Cartago and Heredia 7. Each municipality chooses a president and vice-president from among its own members, and a secretary. At each cantonal head town there are alcaldes, and in each barrio a juez de paz. Costa R., Id., iii. 226-40; x. 465-92; xi. 89-138; xvii. 161-98; xix. 168-74; Costa It., Mem Instruc. Pub., 18S4, annexes 1 2— f 7 ; Id., Mem. Gohern., 1852-84; El Costar icense, Nov. 24, 1849; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 9, 16, March 2, 1850. 21 San Jose, the national capital, was founded a little more than 100 years ago, owing its existence to the earthquakes which nearly destroyed Cartago, POLITICAL DIVISIONS. 5G7 The republic of Nicaragua, probably the most im- portant section of Central America, is bounded on the south by Costa Rica, on the north-west by Honduras, on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the south- west by the Pacific.22 Nicaragua has a few insignifi- cant isles or cays on her coasts of both oceans. The republic is politically divided into seven de- partments; namely, Granada, Leon, Rivas, Chinan- dega, Chontales, Matagalpa, and Nueva Segovia. Their capitals or head towns are respectively Granada, Leon, Rivas, Chinandega, Acoyapa, Matagalpa, and Ocotal.23 The departments are subdivided into dis- tritos, and the latter into cantones. For the purposes of civil administration there is a prefect at the head of each department, who is also a subdelegado of the treasury ; a subprefect rules over each district, and the cantones have jueces de paz.24 These officials are appointed by the executive government. The capi- the old capital. San Jose is situated on an elevation of about 4,500 ft, upon the table land formed between the mountains of Dota or Herradura on the south, and those of Barba on the north. On one side flows the river Torres, and on the other the Maria Aguilar. Its streets are paved, straight, and forming right angles. The dwellings are mostly of a single story, with spa- cious courts; there are, however, a good many buildings of two stories. The majority are made of adobe, plastered over; but the national palace is of stone, and a fine building. An aqueduct supplies the city with water from the Tor- res, though a large portion of the fluid consumed is drawn from the wells ex- isting in almost every house. Besides, the government palace, the university, Mora theatre, some of the churches, and a few other buildings, do honor to the city. The electric light was introduced in 1884. Cartago, the oldest town in the state, though it has lost its political importance, and has been shattered by earthquakes, retains some traces of its former magnilicence. It is gradually improving. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 51; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am,., 50; Squiers Cent. Am., 463-4; Boyles Ride across a Continent, ii. 217; Lafer- riiire, De Paris a GuaUm. , 47; Wappaus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 364-5; Costa R., Informe Gobern., 1874, 2-3; El Cronista, S. F., Oct. 18, 1884. --It is situated between lat. 10° 45' and 14° 55', and between long. 83° 15' and 87° 38'. Am. Cyc., xii. 420. Between 10° 30' and 15° lat., and from 83° IT to 87° long. Encyclop. Brit., xvii. 490. Between 9° 45' and 15° lat. N., and between 83° 20' and 87° 30' long. W. Squier's Cent. Am., 348. Between 10° 50' and 15° N. lat., and between 83° 13' and 87° 37' long. W. of Greenwich. Nic. , Gareta, Jan. 18, 1868. 23 That is the civilized region. There is, besides, a wild portion compris- ing about 24,090 geographical miles. Levy, Nic., 372. 24 In the absence of the prefecto the first alcalde of the head town acts in his place ad int., with the full pay of the office. Nic., Acuerdos y Dec., 1857- 8, 70-8, 203-5; Rocha, C6d. Nic., i. 58-77, 145-8, 195-6; ii. 5-20; Nic., Bole- tin Ofic., Apr. 16, 1856; Feb. 8 to Nov. 15, passim, 1862; Id., Gace‘a, March 5, 1864; Id., Informe Gobern., 1863-83. 568 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. tals of departments and head towns of districts and cantones have elective alcaldes, and regidores consti- tuting the municipal corporations.25 In each depart- ment there is a gobernador de policfa, who likewise derives his appointment from the national executive. The principal cities of the republic are Granada, Managua, Masaya, Leon, Rivas, and Chinandega. Managua was an insignificant town, but being situated between Granada and Leon, was made the national capital, in order that the government might be rid of the complications arising from their constant rivalry, and intrigues to control the destinies of Nicaragua. The position of the capital is a splendid one, the sur- roundings being very picturesque.26 The streets are not paved; the town has not a building worthy of mention. The government house is a low, square edi- fice, with balconies in the old Spanish style, without any exterior ornamentation or architectural character. Leon, the old capital, is situated on a beautiful plain, and spreads over a very wide area.27 In the central part the streets are paved and lighted. There are some fine buildings in the city, those most worthy of notice being the cathedral, a strong piece of masonry, often used as a fortress in times of civil war, the old and new episcopal palaces, the university, government house, two churches of greater architectural beauty than the cathedral, four buildings which were formerly convents, and now devoted to objects of public utility. The place being in the region of earthquakes, and the 20 The corporations are formed, according to the importance of the local- ity, with one or two alcaldes, and their respective suplentes, regidores, one secretary, one sfndico, and the agricultural judge, all serving without pay. The prcfecto controls the municipal affairs of his whole department, and especially those of the chief town. He presides ex-officio over all the munici- palities, and in case of a tie has a casting vote. He cannot be accused except before the senate, and is consequently a petty president in his department. Levy, Nic., 331-5. 2BIt was made a city in 1846, and special ordinances were provided for it from time to time. Rocha, C6d. Nic.., i. 148; Sandoval, Rev. Polit., 58; Nic., Reyistro OJic., 342; Id., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1863, 2, 46, 118-19; Id., Dec. y Acu- erdov de la Junta, 12-13, 145-8. 27 It has been greatly damaged by military operations, but never burned down, like Granada. NOTABLE CITIES. 509 temperature extremely warm, the buildings are made to meet these conditions There is also a fine stone bridge, which Garcia Jerez had constructed. Near Leon, and with only the width of a street from it, is Subtiaba, which has a separate municipality, and whose church is the largest, after the cathedral, and the old- est of the temples in Nicaragua.28 I give in a note some information on other cities deserving of special notice.29 28 Leon was connected in 1881 with Corinto by rail; and the line has been afterward extended to Leon Viejo, on Lake Managua, and thence to Granada. Notable places in the department of Leon are Telica, birthplace of Miguel Larreyuaga, an oidor of the last Spanish audiencia, or superior court of judi- cature, who drew up the declaration of independence; El Sauce, Santa Rosa, El Jicaral or San Buenaventura, and San Nicolas. 23 Granada has a good commercial position on tlieN. W. end of Lake Nica- ragua, and at the foot of the Mombacho volcano. It was burned by pirates in 1 0(15, nearly ruined by the freebooters in 1670, the raiders having come on both occasions by the San J uan River and the lake; and a third time destroyed by fire in 1685, the work of pirates who landed at Escalante on the Pacific. In 1844 it was greatly damaged by earthquakes. In 1856 it was burned by William Walker, the filibuster. But it has risen from its ashes, and become prosperous. The city is irregular in its construction, the streets not being straight or rectangular. They are mostly unpaved, and generally in a bad condition. The city obtains water for consumption from the lake, distant about a mile, brought by men on their shoulders; and its food supplies, not from the surrounding fields, but from numerous Indian pueblos on the S. E. Masaya was an Indian town, but raised to the rank of a city in 1S39. Rocha, Cdd. Nic., i. 148. It is supplied with water from the deep lagoou south of and near the city. There were women who for 80 cents monthly supplied two large jars of water every day. A steam-pump was put up in 1872 to raise the water of the lake to the plaza. There is no building worthy of men- tion in the place. Other notable towns in the department of Granada are Nandaime, Jinotepe, San Rafael de la Costa, Diriomo, Tipitapa, Nindiri, and Zapatera Island. The towns of San Carlos and El Castillo, on the San Juan, belong to the same department, though governed in a special manner. San Juan del Norte, alias Greytown, has little importance now; its houses are of wood and palm-tliatched. Rivas bore the name of Nicaragua till the early part of the present century. The city has suffered greatly from earthquakes, particularly hi 1844. It was partially destroyed during the Walker war. A real curiosity in the department of Rivas is the island of Ometepe in the lake, having two towns, the Pueblo Grande, or villa de Altagraeia, and the Moyogalpa, united by a good wagon road. Chiuandega is one of the most beautiful spots in Nic. It is a perfect garden. In the wild or uncivilized portion of the territory lies the Mosquito region, whose chief town is Blow- fields, having two wooden buildings; the rest being mere huts. Levy, Nic., 373-90; Laferrkre, De Paris d Guatem., 73-6; Saravia, Bos<[. Polit. Estadist., 10-11; Manure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 153-4; Froebel’s Cent. Am., 19, 29^47, 62-75, 92—104; Froebel, Aus Arnerika, i. 250-80, 311-17, 350-4; Squier’s Tear., i. 138-40, 146-50, 211-15, 25S-67, 339, 353-6, 365; Squier’s Cent. Am., 346-7, 356-9, 366-76; Squier’s Nic. , 646; Belly, Nic., i. 196-9, 212, 225-9, 249; Still- mans Golden Fleece, 206-8; Dunlop’s Cent. Am., 6-8; Stout’s Nic., 27-9, 41-5, 9S-100, 156-64; Bully s Cent. Am., 117-18; Bates ’ Cent. Am., 131-2; Marr, Cent. Am., i. 158-9, 165-71, 228-30; Boyle's Ride, i. 13, 83-91; ii. 8; Rekhardl, Nic., 6-18, 20-7, 59, 62-3, 71-2, 81-9, 105-6, 129-31, 134, 155-9, 165-9, 231; Wells' Hond., 39, 42, 72-4. 570 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. The republic of Honduras is bounded on the north and east by the bay of Honduras and the Caribbean Sea, extending from the mouth of the River Tinto to the mouth of the Wanks or Segovia. On the south it is bounded by Nicaragua — the line of division follow- ing the Wanks for about two thirds of its length, and thence deflecting to the south-west, to the sources of the Rio Negro, flowing into the gulf of Fonseca; it has a coast line of about sixty miles on this gulf from the Rio Negro to the Rio Goascordn. On the west and south-west are the republics of Salvador and Guate- mala.30 Honduras possesses in the gulf of Fonseca the islands Tigre, Zacate Grande, and Gueguensi ; and in the Caribbean Sea the group known as Bay Islands; namely, Roatan, Guanaja, or Bonacea, Utila, Helena, Barbaretta, Morat, and other smaller isles. The republic is politically divided into seven depart- ments: Choluteca, Comayagua, Gracias, Olancho, Santa Bdrbara, Tegucigalpa, and Yoro. Nacaome is the capital of Choluteca, and Jutecalpa of Olancho. The other capitals bear the same names as the depart- ments to which they belong. The departments are subdivided into districts, and at the head of each of the former is a jefe politico, appointed by the execu- tive, who is the organ of communication between the supreme government and the people.31 The principal cities in the republic are Comayagua, anciently called Valladolid, the former capital, and Tegucigalpa, the present seat of government. The former is on the right bank of the Humuya or Ulua River, and on the southern border of the wide and fertile valley of Comayagua. From its position, up- wards of 2,000 feet above the sea-level, surrounded by high mountains, its temperative is mild and equa- 30Hond. is therefore betw. 13° 10' and 10° lat. N., and within 83 20' and S9° 30' long. W. Squicr'8 Cent. Am., 68; Encyclop. Brit., xii. 133. Between 13° 10' and 16° 5' N. lat., and within 83° 12' and 89° 47' W. long. Am. Cyclop., viii. 787. 31 The towns have their municipal corporations, whose members are re- quired by law to be able to read and write. TOWNS AND HOUSES. 571 ble. The political disturbances of the country have reduced Comayagua to a low condition,32 and the loss of its standing as the capital has tended to bring it down still lower. Most of the houses are of a single story, and built of sundried bricks. The former fine fountains, monuments, and public buildings have gone to decay. The only building still in good condition is the cathedral, which is a rather imposing edifice.33 Tegucigalpa enjoys a cool temperature, and has an excellent climate. The city is the largest and finest in the republic. It is built with regularity, and has six churches, the parochial edifice comparing favor- ably with the cathedral at Comayagua. There are also a number of magnificent convents, and the uni- versity also deserves mention.34 There are other places in the state not entirely devoid of interest, a few particulars about which I append in a note.35 The republic of Salvador, the only one of Central America not having a coast line on the Atlantic, is 32 Before 1S27 it was a prosperous city; but the serviles burnt it that year. Since then it lias suffered several times, especially in 1872 and 1873. 33 Squier’s Cent. Am., 129-30; this authority also gives a cut of the cathe- dral on p. 20 1 ; Wappaus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 310-11; Huston's Journey, 24-7. 31 The town stands on the right bank of the Choluteca River in an amphi- theatre among the hills. It has a tine stone bridge of ten arches spanning the river. Wells’ Hond., 186-8; Laferriere, Dc Paris d Guatem., 95-0; Squier’s Cent. Am., 155. 3> Onioa is situated about a quarter of a mile from the beach on level ground, but the back country rises rapidly into a chain of high mountains, beginning abruptly at Puerto C'aballos, now called Puerto Cortes. Owing to its position, Omoa is generally cool and healthy, has seldom been visited by epidemics. The place is defended by the San Fernando castle. Trujillo lies close by the sea at the foot of a lofty mountain covered with vegetation, and reaching to the very edge of the water. The town was at one time of consid- erable importance, both in a commercial and military point of view; but now it has an antique, dilapidated, and abandoned appearance. Amapala, on the island of Tigre, was in old times a favorite resort of pirates; it was here that Drake had his depot during his operations in the Pacific. Owing to the visits of those marauders, the Indian population of Tigre and Zacate Grande retired to the mainland, and the islands remained almost entirely deserted till 1838, when Amapala was made a free port, since which time it has become a very important place. It has a salubrious climate. Further details on the towns ot Honduras may be found in Montgomery's Harr, of a Journey to Gnat., etc., in 1838, 31; Squier’s Cent. Am., 98-129, 142-161; Squier’s Hond. 11. A’., 74- 84, 99-102; Squier’s Trciv., ii. 164-8; Young’s Resid. Mosq. Shore, 138-40; Wells' Hond., 324-5, 574-9; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 89-90, 93-5; Wappaus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 311-19; Froehel’s Cent. Am., 177-83; Pirn’s Gate of the Pac., 28-9. B72 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. bounded on the north and east by Honduras, on the south-east by Fonseca Bay, on the south by the Pacific Ocean, and on the north-west by Guatemala.36 It pos- sesses the small islands called Punta Zacate, Martin Perez, Conchaguita, and Mianguera in the bay of Fonseca. For the purposes of government the republic is divided into fourteen departments; namely, San Sal- vador, Cuscatldn, San Vicente, La Paz, Usulutan, San Miguel, Gotera,3' La Union, Cabanas, Chalate- nango, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, Sonsonate, and La Libertad. The departments are subdivided into dis- tricts, and the latter into cities, villas, pueblos, and aldeas. The chief towns of the departments bear the same names as the latter, excepting those of Cusca- tkin, La Paz, Gotera, La Union, Cabanas, and La Libertad, which are respectively called Cojutepeque, Zacatecoluca, Osicala, San Cdrlos, Sensuntepeque, and Nueva San Salvador. They all have the rank of cities. Chinameca, Jucuapa, Uobasco, Suchitoto, Metapan, and Izalco enjoy the same distinction. There are, besides, about 36 villas, and 176 pueblos. At the head of each department is placed a governor, who has a substitute to fill the office in his absence, both being appointed by the national executive for a constitutional term. They may be impeached for misdemeanors in office before the senate.33 The al- caldes of district head towns are the chief authorities 36It is comprised within lat. 13° and 14° 30' N., and long. S7° 30' and 90° 20' W. Am. Clycop., xiv. 010. Between 13° and 14° 10' N. lat., and between 87° and 90° W. long. Syuier's Cent. Am., 279; Laferriire, De Paris d Guatim., 111. 37 By decree of President Gonzalez, July 14, 1875, the department of San M iguel was cut up, and that of Gotera created with the districts of Gotera and Osicala. San Miguel was compensated with Chinameca, detached from Usulutan. Salv., Diario OJic., July 20, 1875. 38 It is made a part of the governor’s duty to Keep the gen. govt apprised of every important occurrence within his department or its vicinity; in addi- tion to which he must furnish annually a gen. report on every branch of the public service, with suggestions for the further improvement and progress of the communities under his charge. His subordinates in districts and towns report to him. A number of governors’ reports may be seen in ScUv., Gaceta, Sept. 3 to Dec. 24, 1878; Jan. 2 to Dec. 18, 1877; Id., Diario Ojic., May 17 to Dec. 3, 1879; Jan. 15, 1880, etc. MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS. 573 of their respective districts, and like the alcaldes of other towns, are subordinate to the governor. In the event of absence or disability of an alcalde, the regi- dor depositario assumes his duties pro tempore. Al- caldes are represented in distant country places by comisionados of their own appointment. Each town has for its internal management a municipal corpora- tion chosen by the direct votes of the citizens, and consisting of one alcalde, one slndico, and from two to six regidores, according to population.™ Such corpo- rations act under the general ordinances provided for the government of municipal districts.40 The principal cities are San Salvador, San Miguel, Santa Ana, which has been the capital, Cojutepeque, which has also been the seat of government, Sonso- nate, Zacatecoluca, San Vicente, Sensuntepeque, Cha- latenango, Santa Rosa, Ahuachapan, and Santa Tecla or Nueva San Salvador. San Salvador was first founded at a place now called Bermuda, about eighteen miles to the northward of the present site. During the Spanish domination it was the residence of the gobernador intendente. After the separation from the Spanish crown it became the capital of Salvador, and for a while was the federal district, and seat of the Central American government. The city, as I have stated elsewhere, has been repeat- edly shattered by earthquakes, but in each instance rebuilt, notwithstanding efforts to abandon the site. Both the town and its position are beautiful. It is in the midst of a broad elevated plateau in the coast range, between the valley of the Lempa River and the Pacific Ocean, 2,115 feet above the sea.41 The 39 Towns of from 200 to 2,000 inhabitants two regidores, of upwards of 2,000 to 10,000 four, and those exceeding the latter number six. Each cor- poration elects a competent clerk to authenticate its acts and those of the alcalde. 10 Id., May 1-16, 1875; March 5-22, 1879. “Like other Spanish towns, it covers a large area in proportion the popu- lation. The houses are built low, of a single story, and adapted to resist the constant shakes of the earth. Each house has an inner court, frequently containing a fountain and garden. The dwellers run out to the court on feei- 574 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. place lias a cathedral, and other churches, a national palace, a university, and other government buildings. Excepting the central and paved park, San Salvador is embowered in tropical fruit-trees. San Miguel is justly considered the second city of Salvador. Its houses have a home aspect, comfort in the interior, and elegance in the exterior. It is sup- plied with water by an aqueduct. There are foun- tains to refresh the air and to please the eye. Two iron bridges cross the San Miguel River, said to have been constructed by Guzman at an expense of $90,000 of his own money. Back of the town is the majestic volcano of San Miguel. In the bay of Fonseca is the excellent port of La Union, to the west that of La Libertad, and beyond that of Acajutla at a short distance from Sonsonate and the Izalco volcano. The republic of Guatemala is bounded on the north and west by the Mexican states of Yucatan and Chi- apas; on the east by British Honduras, the bay of Honduras, and the republics of Honduras and Salva- dor; and on the south by the Pacific Ocean.4'’ The state is divided for the purposes of civil government into departments; namely, Guatemala, Sacatepequez, Amatitlan, Escuintla, Chimaltenango, Solola, Totonicapam, Quiche, Quezaltenango, Retal- huleu, Suchitepequez, Hueliuetenango, San M fir cos, Peten, Baja Yerapaz, Alta Yerapaz, Livingston Iza- bal, Chiquimula, Zacapa, Jalapa, Jutiapa, and Santa Rosa.43 They are subdivided into municipalidades, each of which forms regulations or ordinances for the management of its own affairs, subject to approbation ing a temblor of some force. When the shocks are heavy anil continuous, they seek safety in the plazas and open fields, where they erect tents. 42 It is situated between N. lat. 13° 50' and 18° 15', and within W. long. SS° 14' and 93° 12'. Am. Cyclop., viii. 288. Between 13° 42' and 18° lat. N., and between 88° and 93° 5' W. long. Encyclop. Bril., xi. 211. 43 The chief towns have the same names as the departments to which they belong, excepting those of Sacatepequez, Quichd, Peten, Baja Verapaz, Alta Vcrapaz, and Santa Rosa, whose respective names are Antigua, Santa Cruz del Quiche, Flores, Salami, Coban, and Cuajiniquilapa. Salv., Oaceta OJie., Juno 6, 1877; Gnat., Mem. Sec. Gobern. y Just., 1884, 4-5, annex 4; El Guute- mxilteco, May 10, 1884. DEPARTMENTAL GOVERNMENT. 575 or amendment by the supreme government. At the head of each department is a jefe politico, and some of them likewise have a sub-jefe. The general government makes its administrative action felt in the departments. Down to 1879 the laws relating to civil administration in them were not only confused, but contained clauses which were, some of them, opposed to the principles of modern legislation, and others directly contrary to the liberal and progressive system the nation had adopted since 187 1. 44 Hence the necessity of prescriptions con- sonant with the existing situation.40 A decree was also issued to insure common principles and rules for the municipal corporations.46 Under the new order of things, the sum total of receipts by all the munici- palities in 1883 was $530,040, and of expenditures $489, 422.47 Guatemala, the capital, together with the whole re- public, lias had its beauties more or less extolled by every foreign traveller who has visited it and pub- lished a book, from 1822 to late years. These praises were well deserved; but they fall short of what they now should be, considering the improvements intro- duced by the energetic administration of President Barrios, which placed it on a level with many cities of greater pretensions and resources.48 *4 Under the old system the department was under a corregidor who was not only civil governor, hut also military chief, judge, revenue collector, and postmaster. Berendl, in Smithsonian Rept, 1807, 424. 45 Under art. 34 of this organic law the jefes were required to send the supreme gov. for approbation police regulations, under the instructions fur- nished them for the sake of uniformity. They did not fail to comply. Ouat , Mem. Sec. Gobern. y Just , 1880, 1-2. 46 The law determined with precision the manner of organizing the muni- cipalities, and the functions of the councilmen, increasing at the same time the number of committees; at that time they had committees of finance, sup- plies, water, police, health, ornamentation, schools, vaccination, roads, and statistics. Further information on internal administration, police, and gen. condition of the departments may be found in Gnat., Recop. Ley., i. 492-512, 527-75; Bari-ios, Mensaje, 1876; Salv. Diario OJic., May 13 to 16, 1875; Gnat., Mem. Sec. Gobem., 1880, 1881, 1882, 1884; Batres’ Sketch Gnat., 23; Conk liny’ 8 Guide, 341. 47 With only three exceptions every department had a surplus. The three excepted had deficits amounting together to 83,578. 48 1 will name a few of the authorities: Dillon, BeautLs de Vhist., 218-38; Thompson's Guat., 465-9; Stephens’ Trav. Cent. Am., i. 192-4; Muev o Viajero 576 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. The city stands about 5,300 feet above the sea, upon a fertile plateau traversed by the Rio de las Vacas, being almost surrounded b\T ravines. It is laid out in wide, regular, well-paved, and clean streets, forming right angles, and has extensive suburbs. The number of houses is probably 5,000, most of them of one story. There is, however, a considerable number with two stories. They are mostly constructed with solidity and comfort, and many have fountains, gar- dens, and courts.49 Besides the cathedral, archepisco- pal palace, government house, mint, and other public buildings, there are several beautiful churches, and a number of fine and extensive edifices, formerly occu- pied by religious orders, and now devoted to practical uses.50 There are many reservoirs filled with potable water, some of them of handsome construction, and surrounded by beautiful grounds. Water is supplied the city by aqueducts from a distance of several miles.51 Most of the houses also have wells. The city is like- wise well provided with educational and benevolent establishments, as well as places of amusement, such as the theatre and the hippodrome.52 From the Joco- tenanoo ward to the circus there is a fine boulevard O along which runs the tramway from the Calvary. The city will soon be in communication with Port San Jose by railway, as it has long been by telegraph with the other chief towns. The monkish, funereal Univ., iii. 602-7; Baily’s Cent. Am., 49-54; Valois, Mexique, 291-6; Rcichardt, Cent. Am., 54; Crosby's Slatem., MS., 86-90; Belly, Nic., i. 114—16; Laferri&re, De Paris d Gfuatdm., 259-60; Dice. Univ. Hist. Gcog., iii. 724—7; Dunlop’s Cent. Am., 76-86; Squier’s Cent. Am., 497-50; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc. Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. 444-5; Astaburaaya, Cent. Am., 78-9; Am, Clyclop., viii. 290-2; Encyclop. Brit., xi. 214. 49 There are two fortresses, the Matamoros and San Jose. Among the open places are the plaza mayor, and the recently laid out plaza de la Con- cordia, now the favorite resort of the inhabitants. There is another plaza containing a fine theatre. 60 San Francisco, La Recoleccion, La Merced, and Santo Domingo are among the notable ones. 11 The govt in late years has provided for an increase of the water supply to meet the future requirement's of a town whose population is rapidly grow- ing. Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1884, 43-4; 1885, 49-51, 56-8. 49 With government aid, a jockey club was also established in 1882. Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 47-50, 75. PANAMA ISTHMUS. 577 appearance which Guatemala presented prior to 1871 has disappeared, being succeeded by a pleasing aspect of life. The city police has been organized and equipped in American style, and the body of men is second to none in Spanish America 53 Panannl was formerly a state, but under a recent organization of the republic of Colombia, has been reduced to the condition of a national department. It lies partly between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific, and is bounded on the south-east by the state of Cauca in the same republic, and on the west by Costa Rica.54 There are a number of islands belonging to the department, among which are the Mulatas archipela- go, the Pearl group, Coiba, Taboga, and Flamenco.55 The range of mountains traversing the Isthmus is a continuation of the Andes, but the elevation in some 53 Antigua, or Old G-uat., presents its majestic ruins, much the same as they were left by the earthquakes of 1773. Many of the buildings appear like fortresses. Among the best preserved are the old government palace and the university. The place was much damaged by an earthquake in 1S74. Thompson in Ids' Cent. Am. has a description of the ruins as they were in 1825, 245-9; others have described them at later dates. Stephens’ Trav., i. 200-71, 278-80; ii. 204; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 53-5; Macgregor’s Prog, of Am., i. 791-2; Valois, Mexique, 376-8,390; Squier’s Cent. Am., 450, 504-10; Ratres' Sketch, 27-9, 40. Quezaltenango is 8,130 feet above the sea. It is every day growing in importance and wealth. Living is cheap there; the climate is cool and healthy. Most of the streets are narrow, but they are well paved and have flagstone sidewalks. The houses are of good appearance, some of them of two stories. Among the public buildings are the penitentiary, on the plan of that in Philadelphia, the Indian cabildo of two stories, the hospital, national institute, and other educational establishments, some fine churches, etc. Boddam Wlietham's Across Cent. Am., 66-7; Conkling’s Guide, 334, 337, 343. The city of Flores, head town of the department of Peten, is worthy of mention for its picturesque position on one of the islands of Lake Itzal, and its charming view from a distance. The place is hot, however, and un- cleanly. 1,4 Occupying the Isthmus which connects North and South America, be- tween lat. N. 6° 45' and 9° 40', and within long. W. 77° and 83°. The area is of about 31,921 square miles. In its general form it is an arc curving from east to west, with the convex side toward the north. In the widest part from sea to sea it is about 120 miles, in the narrowest from the gulf of San Bias to the mouth of the Bayano River about 30, and along the line of the railway 47A miles. Am. Cyclop., xiii. 31. “In addition to these are Taboguilla, Uraba, Naos, Perico, Culebra, San Jose, Tortola, Tortolita, Iguana, Washington, Napoleon, Stanley, and many smaller ones. Tavares, Gulf and Isthmus of Darien, March 31, 1761, MS., 52- 65; Imray’s Sail. Directions, 6-12; Humboldt, Tableau, 710. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 37 578 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. parts does not exceed 300 feet above the sea. From this ridge flow about 150 streams into the Atlantic, and more than double that number into the Pacific.66 The state has been hitherto divided into depart- ments; namely, Panamd, Colon, Code, Chiriqui, Los Santos, and Veragua,57 which are subdivided into distritos parroquiales. At the head of the distrito capital and departamento de Panamd, is a governor, and the other departments have prefectos. Each distrito is under an alcalde.58 The city of Panamd is laid out with regularity, on a rocky peninsula, presenting a fine appearance from the sea, as it stands out from the dark hills inland with an air of grandeur. The Ancon — a hill 540 feet high rising a mile westward of the city —helps to ren- der the place conspicuous. But on entering, the vis- itor finds himself disappointed. The principal streets cross the peninsula from sea to sea, intersected by the Calle Real, running east and west. The place has a quiet and stately appearance, without promising com- fort. The houses are mostly of stone built in the Spanish style, the larger ones having heavy balconies in the upper stories, with court-yards or patios. There is little relief or variety.59 The smaller ones are of a single story. The churches and public buildings, namely, the cathedral, casa de la gobernacion, cabildo or “The largest being the Tuira, 160 miles long, navigable about 102 for barges, empties into the gulf of San Miguel; the Chagres, navigable for bungos about 30 miles, runs into the Caribbean Sea; the Chepo Hows into the bay of Panamd. 57 The principal town of Code is Penonomd; of Chiriqui, David; and of Veragua, Santiago. The rest bear the same names as their respective departments. 58 The governor and prefectos report yearly to the chief of the Isthmus the state of their respective departments. Pan., Mem. Soe. Jeneral, 1877, etc. 59 Just prior to the influx of the foreign element, upon the discovery of the gold placers in California, the town had a gloomy and ruinous aspect. There was nothing to be seen all around but ruin and poverty; whole blocks and streets of old, dilapidated buildings, propped-up houses with people living in them, and luxuriant vegetation in the plazas, walls, etc. With the coming of foreigners a great change took place within the short space of three or four years. Nearly all the old dwellings underwent repairs, and new ones were built. In lieu of the old sad appearance and silence, all was now bustle and movement. Maldonado, Arwntox Pollt. Pan., MS., 7. BUILDINGS AND POPULATION. 579 town hall, ecclesiastical seminary, and four convents for friars and one for nuns, were strongly built; but years of neglect and the deteriorating effects of the climate have brought many of them to decay; notwithstand- ing which some of the ecclesiastical edifices are still used for the service of God, whilst others, not utterly ruined, are applied to other purposes.60 The place was at one time tolerably well fortified, but the fortifica- tions no longer exist; the south and west ramparts are, however, in good condition forming an agreeable promenade. The drainage is very bad; many neces- sary things to insure cleanliness and comfort are want- ing; good potable water being scarce and high-priced.61 The city has enjoyed the benefit of gas light for sev- eral years past, and since the construction of the canal was begun, it has had many improvements introduced, among them a fine and spacious hospital.62 The place next in importance on the Isthmus is Colon, otherwise known as Aspinwall, on the island of Manzanilla. It is the Atlantic port of the Isthmus, and contains the stations, offices, and wharf of the railway company, as well as those of the several steam-ship companies, and likewise a number of build- ings of the ship-canal enterprise. The town was pro- gressing rapidly, and had a number of fine modern buildings other than those before mentioned, but it was ruined by the vandalic act of revolutionists, which event has been elsewhere described in this volume.63 69 The cathedral has nothing to recommend it except its two fine towers. It is in a ruinous condition, and though repaired a few years ago and reduced to a single nave, further repairs are loudly called for. This building as well as the cabildo face the main plaza. 01 Efforts have been made in late years by the state government for the construction of an aqueduct; but without success. Pan., Gaceta, May 16, 1874; Apr. 9, 30, 1876; Pan. Star and Herald, May 19, 1874; Feb. 14, Apr. 13, 1876. 62 The following are among the authorities giving more or less detailed descriptions of the city of Panama: Cash’s Sketch, 54-61, 29-71 ; Bidwell's Pan., 1-9, 75-7, 119-35, 341-8; Beechy’s Voy., i. 11-17, 23-4 ; Scarlet’s South Am., ii. 189-211, 221-9, 254—69; Seemann's Narr., 84-8, 275-95, 289-94; Wilsons Trav. in Cal., 9-10, 17-19; Worthy's Trav., 320-2; Scherzer, Nan-., ii. 42L-5 ; Pirn's Gate, 209-20. 63 Gisborne's Darien, 160-70,205-9; Otis' Isth. Pan., 70-127; Harper s May., xvii. 19-28,32-9; Tomes’ Pan. , 40-66. The following contain descriptions of 5S0 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. The official census of population in the Isthmus of Panamd for 1880 showed the number of inhabitants to have been 307, 598. M The report laid by the state government before the assembly in September 1882 stated that the population had increased since 1880 to 343,782, which was due to the influx of men employed on the canal-works. There have been many fluctua- tions since. The proportion of negroes and mixed breeds has ever been larger than the pure whites in the city of Panama and on the Caribbean Sea coast, and after the opening of the canal-works it became greatly increased with laborers from the coast to the south, Jamaica, etc., almost all being negroes. In the interior departments the case is quite different, the majority of the inhabitants being of pure whites. Efforts made from time to time to develop foreign colonization through land grants have never led to any advantageous acquisition of immigrants.65 other places as well as of the transit between the two seas: London Geog. Sor. Jour., i. 69-101; xxiii., 184; Niles Reg., xxxviii. 141; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 201- 2; Willey's Person. Mem., 37-8; Masset's Exper. of a '/filer, MS., 1; Lachapelle’s Raousset- Boulbon, 43-7; Champagnac, Voyageur, 175-6; Froebel, Aus Amerika, 211-31; Nie., Cor. 1st., May 30, 1850; Marry alt's Mountains, 1-17; Holinski, La CaUfornie, 45-61; Rouhaud, Reg. Nouvelles, 1 67 ; Nouv. Annales des Voy., cxxiii. 220-2, 226-7; cxlv. 17-22; cxlvii. 15-17; Polynesian, v. 29; vi. 121; Thornton's Or. and Cal., ii. 34S-54; Oswald Cal. und Seine, 87-92; Kelley's Canal Mantimera, 27-8; Auger, Toy. en Cal., 35-92; Saint-Amant, 25-62, 80- 97; Griswold’s Pan., 41-7; Rossi, Souvenirs, 47-50; Esguerra, Dire. Geog. Colom- bia, 2-275; Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 23, 1881. G* Department of Pan., including 18,378 in the city, 43,462; Code, 33,134; Colon, including 4,000 in that port, 1,057 in Chagres, and 1,319 in Portobello, 8,276; Los Santos, 37,670; Veragua, 36,210; Bocas del Toro, 5,250; Darien, 1,036. Pan., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, 43-6. The population at the time the Isthmus seceded from Spain was variously estimated at from 80,000 to 111,- 550; 1843, 129,697; the census of 1863 yielded 180,000; but it is believed the population was made to appear larger than it really was, so as to gain one more representative in the national congress. The best informed citizens computed it at only 150,000. In 1868, 220,542, authorities keeping the same figures till 1S79, excepting one estimate for 1874 reducing it to 174,000. Humboldt, Pers. Narr., vi., pt i. 142; Seemanns Toy., i. 296; I mr ay's Sail. Dir., 14; BidwelCs /slh. Pan., 178-80; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 18, 1868; Mex. Soc. Geog. Bole- tin, 3d ep. i. 728; Colombia, DiarioOfic., Sept. 6, 1872; Aug. 4, 1874; March 1, 1876; Esguerra, Dice. Geog. Colomb., 171. 115 Veraguas, Deer, de la Cam; Id., Notas Ofic.; Id., Ordenanzas, 1853; t'hiriqul, Corresp. Gob. Nac., 1851; Id. , Ofic. del Gob.; Id., Comp, de Fomento, 1855; all in Pinart, Pan. Coll. Doc., MSS., nos. 63, 65, 69, p. 25-7, no. 39, 4-9, no. 88, p. 22, no. 40, 1-4; besides other doc. in the same Coll., no. 31, p. 40-1, nos. 49, 50, 52, 103; 17. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 41, Cong. 36, Sess. 2, vi. 55; El Noticioso del Istmo Am., in the Californian, S. F., ii., June 12, 1847. ISTHMUS SOCIETY 581 The number of American indigenes on the Isthmus is computed at about 10, 000. 60 The chief of the Savaneries claimed the sovereignty over the land they occupied, and their rights thereto were recognized by the authorities of Yeraguas.67 The Manzanillos occasionally visit Portobello and neighboring villages, and at one time, if not always, were in a state of warfare with the Bayanos. The latter hate the Spaniards and their descendants, but are friendly to the English.68 In 1873, a law was enacted to compel the wild Indians to adopt the usages of civilized life, and prompt action was recommended by the executive of Panama in 1874, but nothing came of it.69 There are but few families of the higher class in Panamd,, and time is required to establish a footing of intimacy with them. Considerable has been said in Europe against the character of the women of Panama which is not borne out by fact. Much real worth exists among them. Indeed, the native women of the Isthmus generally, possess the best qualifications. They are not only pretty, graceful, and refined, but are dutiful daughters, and excellent wives and mothers. Those in the higher positions, even while laboring under the disadvantage of a limited education, which during a long time was the case with a majority of them, have, as a rule, been of industrious and economi- cal habits. In later years the young girls of the better class have been enabled to acquire an education. The same cannot be said of the women of the lower classes, 06 For their dwelling-places I refer to Native Races of the Pcic. States, i. 795-7, this series. 67 In 1835. Veraguas, Dec. cle la Cam., in Pin., Pan. Col. Doc., MS., no. 57, 17-22; Id., Informe, in Id., MS., no. 78. 68 Their chief at times visited the British consul at Panama, but never agreed to his returning the visit at their homes. Seemanns Very., i. 321. Neither would they accept presents from any white person. One of their chiefs who accepted a present was degraded by his tribe, and the present was sent back. But 'Dell's Isth. Pan., 36. 09 Many persons were killed by the Bayanos in Oct. 1870; and their hos- tilities were repeated in 1874. Pan., Gaceta, Nov. 10, 1870; Dec. 23, 1873; Apr. 14, 1874; Id., Star and Herald, Feb. 17, March 12, 1874; Id Informe Sec. Est., 1874, 18-19. 582 CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS. whose moral scale is quite low, marriage with them being the exception rather than the rule. For this state of things the upper class is partly responsible, inasmuch as from a misguided feeling of charity it looks upon the practice with indifference instead of frown- ing upon it.'0 The women of Panamd, since the early days of rail- way travelling, have abandoned their former ways of dressing and of arranging their beautiful hair, adopt- ing European fashions and putting on hats. The women of the lower order, till very recently, wore the polleras;1 but this is becoming a thing of the past. These women are very untidy ; they move about their houses slipshod and stockingless. The dress of the native laboring man is a pair of cotton or linen trousers and a shirt. The young men of the educated class are well- mannered, and most of them have an average share of ability, but application and steadiness of purpose are wanting. Like their sisters, they are kind and affec- tionate to their families and relatives.''2 Nearly all the male inhabitants speak English as well as their native language, and a number, who have been abroad, are conversant with French and even German. In their domestic life, notwithstanding their con- stant intercourse with people of other nations, the Panamanians keep themselves secluded, much as they did before the railway was constructed. They still hug a portion of their old opinions and prejudices. Nevertheless, the fullest liberty of conscience and of religion being recognized by the Colombian laws, all forms of worship may be publicly practised.'3 70 The lower classes are improvident and fond of dress and finery 71 Low dresses without sleeves, and with lace trimmings on the bust. 72 There are many of them given to gossiping and propagating scandalous reports even about their friends. Politics and the bottle have in late years debauched many a fine young man, the vice of drunkenness of late gaining ground. 73 There are associations of various kinds, including secret ones, like the masonic, of which there are several lodges, with many native Panamanians among their members. The natives still observe the custom of long mourn- ings as of old. In a community where families are more or less connected by EDUCATION. 583 The government of Panamd, has not always mani- fested a proper interest in the diffusion of knowledge among the masses. It must be acknowledged, how- ever, that during the existence of the central regime, prior to 1860, the children throughout the Isthmus had a better opportunity to acquire instruction, there being schools with paid teachers in nearly all the towns.74 After the revolutionary period became inam- gurated, the funds of the government hardly ever sat- isfied the greed of political leaders, or sufficed to meet the cost of a large military force, and public instruc- tion suffered. This occurred more particularly in the interior, and even the capital has seen its public schools closed for the want of funds.'5 The legislators in 1871 gave a new organization to this branch of the public service, but for various reasons nothing was accomplished until 1873, when the philanthropic Manuel J. Hurtado undertook the task of getting some light out of the existing chaos. His efforts soon began to yield good results, though more satisfactory ones might have been obtained had the state govern- ment afforded larger means.'8 Normal schools have been also established for training teachers, and several other educational institutes have been founded, one for ties of blood or marriage, the result is that mourning often seems to be the common dress. 74 Details in Constitueional del Istmo, Nov. 21, 1832; Colegio de Pan., Decreto, 1-2; El Movimiento, Dec. 1, 1844; AT. Granada, Gaceta, Feb. 22, 1840; Bogota, Gac. Ofic., Feb. 0, 184S; Chiriqul, Deerctos, MS., 1849; Pan., Cr The relations between church and state are held under a concordat with the holy see of August 29, 18G2. Since then there have been dissensions, but they were bishop in 1810, and figured prominently in the revolutionary period. He had to emigrate in 1824 to Guatemala, where he died in 1825. Vicar Cuadra was guardian till 1851, when under a reconstruction of the diocese, Costa R. hav- ing been detached, Jorge Viteri y Ungo was transferred to it from Salvador. He died July 25, 1853. The see had no bishop till the appointment of Ber- nardo Pinol y Ayciuena. It took place in Nov. 1855, and the papal bulls reached Granada in 1S56, where, owing to Walker’s war, they were kept in the parish church, and finally destroyed with the city. Piuol was consecrated in Guat. July 17, 1859, and performed his functions till Sept. 14, 1868, when he departed for Guat. as archb. During his rule Manuel Ulloa was made bishop of Lemira, in part, infid., and coadjutor; he was made bishop of Nic. in 1871, and resigned the office in 1883. El Costaricense, Nov. 10, 1S49; Salv., Gaceta, March 8, 1850; Aug. 12, 1853; Pio IX., Carta, Squier's Trav. Cent. Am., i. 391; Nic., Corr. 1st, Feb. 6, March 7, June 20, Dec. 12, 1S50; Id., Gac., Aug. 13, Sept. 3, 1853, Dec. 16, 1865; Jan. 6, Apr. 21, 1866; Id., Se- manal Nic., Oct. 10, 1872; Id., Boletin Ojic., Apr. 12, 1862; Id., Dec. y Acuer- dos, 1859, ii. 162; 1863, 215; 1865, 136; El Pol, March 15, 1855; Decreto sobre la hula de S. S., Perez, Mem. Rev. Nic., i. 8-9; El Porvenir de Nic., Feb. 25, 1872; Levy, Nic., 62-6; Pan. Star and Herald, July 2, 1883. 63 In 1871 a number of jesuits expelled from Guat. managed to get into the country, and were allowed to remain several years, but were finally sent away. Details have been given in a former chapter. In 1S72 several friars expelled from other parts tried to enter the country, but were not permitted to stay. El Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871, to Feb. 16, 1873, passim; Nic., Se- manal Nic., June 18, 1872; Id., Mem. Min. Golem., 1875, 23-4; 18S3, 25-6, annex B, 27-8, F, 1-4. 04 For the seminary $2,000; the bishop $3,000; the chapter and other ec- clesiastics $4,158; music $1,000; other expenses about $4,000. The chapter consists of dean, archdeacon, chancellor, three .anons, and six or seven other officials. The church gets the first-fruits from farmers. Tithes have been abolished since 1862. 300 or 400 priests without parishes depend entirely on fees. The cathedral has no valuables, having bee._ sacked several times. Nic., Boletin Ojic., Dec. 6, 1856; March 1, 1862; Union, Nic., March 2, 1861; Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857-8, 261-5; Id., Gac., Aug. 6, 1870; Livy, Nic., 383-4. 634 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT. settled at Rome.56 After several vain attempts, Costa Rica was finally made a separate bishopric by a bull of Pius IX., dated March 1, 1850, and since that time the see has been ruled by only two bishops.57 Under the concordat with the pope of October 2, 1882, the government of Costa Rica is bound to make the church an allowance of $9,000 yearly,58 but it has almost invariably paid more than double that sum.59 The concordat places the clergy under restrictions. There exists in Costa Rica but little bigotry, except in the lower people. In fact, the educated classes merely acquiesce in the pretensions and formulas of the church.60 The most perfect freedom of religion exists, and those not professing the catholic are pro- tected in the exercise of their own forms of worship.61 66 Appointments of parish priests, and publications of papal bulls or briefs, and decrees of ecclesiastical councils must first obtain an exequatur from the president of the republic. Parish priests before assuming their offices must take the oath to support the constitution, and to do no act against the nation’s independence or the public peace. Hie. , Alem. Min. Fomento , 1869, 13-16; 1871, 9-10; Id., Mem. Min. Bel., 1871, 7-10, 25-8; Id., Gaceta, May 30, 1S08; Oct. 29, Nov. 5, 1870. 67 Anselmo Llorente y Lafuente was the first caded to fill the position of bishop of San Jose de Costa Rica, April 10, 1851. He had not been long in office when he tried to collect tithes on coffee, but failed, and his course greatly displeased the people and lowered their regard for the church, 'the matter was finally settled by a concordat entered into at Rome, Oct. 2, 1852, and tithes were declared abolished. He died in 1872; and the government soon after proposed a successor, who was not approved of by the Roman curia. Finally, Oct. 11, 1879, the government nominated Bernard August Thiel, a native of Germany, and professor of the university of Costa Rica, for the office, and he was confirmed by the pope Feb. 27, 1880. During the vacancy the see was under the guardianship of the bishop of Abydos, in part, infid. Costa R., Col. Ley., v. 155-60; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Rev. Cent. Am., 203; Mon- tufar, Reseua Hist., ii. 247-9; Costa R., Mem. Min. Rel., 1851, 1-2, 10-12; 1854, 11-12; Id., Informe See. Rel., 1872, 19-20; 1873, 19; 1874, 12; 1880, 19-20; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 63, 111-12; El Siqlo, July 18, 1851. 68 For the bishop §3,000, the ecclesiastical chapter §3,000, and the Colegio Tridentino §3,000. Montufar, Reseila Hist., ii. 207; Costa R., Mem. Min. Rel., 1859, 11; Id., Gac. Gob., July 16, 23, 30, 1853; Hond., Gac. Ojic., Jan. 24, 1853, suppl.; Salv., Gac., Aug. 12, 1853; Gnat., Gac., Sept. 16, Oct. 14, 1853; Astaburuaja, Cent. Am., 49-50. 69 Costa R., Mem. Sec. Rel., 1884, 31. 60 The clergy have, indeed, lost much of their influence. The mode of life of the majority of them cannot inspire respect. Letter from Costa R. by a British consul, quoted in Squiers Cent. Am., 468-9; Wappdus, Alex, und Cent. Am., 360. Lafcrriere, writing for 1873, gives a discreditable picture of the church, its priests and feasts. De Paris a Guatem., 56. 61 There is a protestant church and cemetery in San Jose. The govern- ment cordially upholds the liberal laws on the subject of religion. Costa R., Mem. Sec. Rel., 1884, 32. INQUISITION ABOLISHED. 635 Harmony had prevailed for years in the relations of the state with the church, until Bishop Thiel and some of his priests undertook to assume a superiority over the government. Their attempts failed. President Fernandez expelled the bishop in August 1884, 62 and Vicar Antonio C. Zamora, who took charge of the diocese, restored friendly relations. After the death of President Fernandez, Bishop Thiel was recalled. Before bringing the ecclesiastical subject to an end, I must add some remarks on church affairs of the Isthmus of Panamd. The diocese of the Isthmus has had, from its creation in 1514 till 1884, 45 bishops appointed.63 The inquisition was abolished in 1821. The bishop and his clergy were partly supported from the tithes, which at that time yielded about $25,000 a year. The number of clergy was then 89 secular and 25 regular.64 Panamd had been well provided with religious build- ings, most of which have since been completely ruined.66 62 His salary was also suspended. Costa R., Mem. See. Rel., 1885, 17. 63 Of whom 39 received their offices during the colonial period, the last one being Friar Higinio Duran, of the order of Mercy and a native of Lima. He took possession in 1818, and died in Chepo on the 22d of Oct., 1823. This bishop was one of the signers of the declaration of independ. of the Isthmus in 1821. His successors were Manuel Vasquez, Juan J. Cabareas Gonzalez, Juan F del R. Manficdo y Ballestas, Friar Eduardo Vasquez, who died in Rome, Jan. 2, 1870, Ignacio Antonio Parra, who took possession June 3, 1871. Hernaez, Extracto del Libro de la Comp, de Jesus, in Maldonado, Asuntos Pollt de Pan., MS., 34-5; Pan., Col. Docs., MS., nos 125-6; Pan , Docs., Monhifar, Re sen a Hist., iv. 344; Nie. , Boletin Ojic., Nov. 1, 1862; Pan., Boletin Ojic , Marcli 4, 1869; Id., Gaceta, June 6, 1871 Parra held the office only a few years, and was succeeded by Telesforo Patil, who occupied it till Dec. 1884, when he repaired to Bogota, his native city, to fill that arch- episcopal see. The assembly of the state on the 22d of Dec., 1884, adopted a resolution recognizing his efforts to promote harmony, and appointed a com- mittee to escort him as far as Barranguilla. La Estrella de Pan., Jan. 1, 1885; El Cronista (Pan.), Jan. 3, 1885. 64 Bui well' 8 hstii. Pan., 242. The congress of Nueva Granada in 1837 fixed the bishop’s salary at 84,000. N. Granada, R&jistro Ojic., 21. 63 Originally there were 11 churches, 4 convents of friars, one nunnery, a cathedral, and one ecclesiastical college established by the government of Old Colombia under a rector, vice-rector, and assistant, with a sufficient rev- enue. A law of New Granada provided for the sale at auction of all prop- erty that had formerly belonged to the jesuits not required for national use. Pan , Cr6n. Ojic., Aug. 5, 1852. Stories are related of buried treasures having been disinterred in after years by jesuit agents, from the ground of their old house, and from the orchard of T. M. Feuillet. These stories bear some semblance of truth. See Memoranda, in Maldonado , Apuntes , MS., 36 et seq 636 INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT. There existed from the earliest days of the republic an intimate alliance between the national government and the ecclesiastical authorities, and they aided one another 66 The clergy were quite wealthy, possessing many valuable estates, and mortgages on almost all the landed property in Colombia.6, In the course of centuries the church became, if not the sole owner, the co-owner of all estates. It also derived a large revenue from first-fruits, tithes, fees, etc. The republican government from a very early time understood that the immense power wielded by the church was incompatible with the spirit of the age, and began gradually, almost year by year, to curtail it, and to loosen the ties formerly existing between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. In the decade from 1851 to 1860, the church lost much of its political sway, but still held the powerful lever of its great wealth. It was afterward deprived of that wealth, and its much-abused power ceased. This occurred during the war begun in I860 by the liberal party under General Mosquera against the conservatives, in which the clergy took sides with the latter. Mosquera triumphed ; and his first measure was to destroy the power of the church. He issued decrees confiscating its whole property.68 That was, of course, accom- panied with banishments of bishops and priests.69 But afterward, when affairs became more settled, they returned poor and submissive to live on fees for the 66 The bishops in the exercise of their functions, and administration of church property, had the assistance of the civil authorities, who carried out their orders without questioning them. 6; Every New Granadan or Colombian assigned, to the prejudice of his heirs, a certain amount to the church for masses and other supposed benefits it could do to his soul. Successive descendants followed the example. The priests often threatened the dying with the penalties of hell if they did not purchase their salvation. Clerical intolerance knew no limits. Bs Excepting only cathedrals, the chief church of each parish, and the sa- cred vessels and ornaments. Maldomulo, Amnios Poltt. Pan., MS., 3-5, 15, 17. 69 The bishop of Panama left, and his priests followed his example one by one. Panama was thus left without a priest; the dead had to be buried without the offices of a minister; for more than a year the churches had no bell-tolling or officiating minister. An English catholic missionary, passing to San Fran- cisco, ventured to say mass and baptize in private. He was arrested, though finally allowed to embark. Bidvxlls Jsth. Pan., 238-43. PANAMA CHURCH AFFAIRS. 637 ministration of religious rites.70 From all accounts the people had not lost much by the absence of the priests The clergy, taken all in all, did not deserve any con- sideration, and with a few honorable exceptions, do not deserve it now, for they have taken no pains to enlighten the masses, and their discipline and morals have not been and are not exemplary. It was made unlawful to settle property on the church. Religious communities, such as friars, or monks, nuns, etc., were strictly forbidden.'1 Church and state have been since that time independent of one another, but by law no person can become a bishop or the guardian of a diocese who is not a native citi- zen of the republic. All religious sects not indulging in immoral practices are recognized and protected by the laws.'2 In Panamd the cemeteries are in charge of a commission deriving its powers from the civil government. 70 The laws were modified in May 1864. The govt reserved the right of inspection, but made the oath of submission obligatory on the chief of the church having authority as such. Bulls or orders emanating from any one residing in a foreign country could not be published or enforced without first obtaining permission from the national executive. Pan., Boletin Ojic., Jan. 16, 1868. 71 Under Mosquera’s decrees when he was dictator, the few nuns — four aged .and one young — occupying the convent of La Concepcion in Panama were made to abandon it in Sept. 1862. Nic., Boletin Ofic., Oct. 4, 1862. These women would not forsake the cloister, but sought an asylum in Lima. With tearful eyes they exiled themselves from their home, and from friends, many of whom had received their education from them. 'J heir departure caused no little feeling in the pub. heart. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 18. 72 Dec. 15, 1S68, a charter was granted by the state govt to a protestant church association. Pan., Boletin Ofic., Feb. 18, 1869. CHAPTER XXXI. JUDICIAL AND MILITARY 1887. Judicial System of Guatemala — Jury Trials in the Several States— Courts of Honduras — Absence of Codes in the Republic — Dilatory Justice — Impunity of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua— Salva- dor’s Judiciary — Dilatory Procedure — Codification of Laws in Nicaragua — Costa Rican Administration — Improved Codes — Pan- ama Courts — Good Codes — Punishments for Crime in the Six States— Jails and Penitentiaries — Military Service — Available Force of Each State — How Organized — Naval — Expenditures — Military Schools — Improvements. During the Spanish rule the administration of justice in Central America was vested in the real audiencia, composed of a regente, several oidores, a fiscal, and secretary, the governor, captain-general of the provinces, being ex-officio the president. The courts of first resort were filled by alcaldes may ores.1 One great step taken early in the nineteenth cen- tury was the abolition of torture of prisoners and wit- nesses.2 The cortes had previously, in September 1813, decreed the abolishment of flogging for crime, or in houses of correction, seminaries, schools, etc.3 Soon after the establishment of the Central Amer- ican confederation, the national constituent assembly 1 Some of the alcaldes may ores had in 1810 only $300 allowed them yearly, oihers $500, and the highest paid received $1,200. The system did not recom- mend itself. Gnat., Apunt., 65-71. There was also a consulado or tribunal of commerce established in Guat. April 30, 1794. Juarros' Stat. and Comm. Hist. Gnat., 142 3. ‘ Royal decree of July 25, 1814. Fernando VII , Dec., 12. 3 The king ratified it June 4, 1820. The Indians were benefited thereby, for even priests were strictly forbidden to Hog them. Id., 301-2. (638) PRESENT JUDICIAL SYSTEM. 639 organized a supreme court of justice for the state of Guatemala. Since the dissolution of the confedera- tion, the judicial system of the several states has undergone many changes, which it would occupy too much space to detail here.4 I will therefore confine myself to the present organizations, giving such other particulars as are of general interest. In Guatemala the administration of justice is in- trusted to a supreme court, four chambers or sections of second resort in the capital, and one court of second resort in Quezaltenango.5 There are also courts of first resort and lower courts for the adjudication of petty civil cases, or the correction of trivial offences. The jury system was formally established by the lib- eral government in 1872. 6 The legislature, recognizing the necessity of amend- ing the existing codes, authorized the executive to issue laws conducive thereto, which was done.7 The government has caused the construction of two peni- tentiaries, one in the city of Guatemala, and the other in Quezaltenango.8 Under the late organization justice is administered 4 Those desirous of studying the judiciary of Guat. as it existed down to 1872 may find information in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 241-2, 003-4; li. 21-45, 51-69; iii. 215-29, 305-6; Rocha, C6d. Nic. , ii. 242-3; Montufar, Reseha Hist., ii. 336-41; Guat., Boletin Ojic., 132-7. 5 The first complete reorganization was by the law of May 22, 1872. The creation of the superior court at Quezaltenango was by law of July 29, 1872. Guat., Recop. Ley. Gob. Dernoc., i. 88-9, 114-15. On the 15th of Oct., 1876, a supreme court, composed of a president and four magistrados, was estab- lished, because the organization of the superior courts hindered the prompt administration of justice. Salv., GacetaOJic., Oct. 13, 14, 1876. Subsequently, there was an increase in the number of justices, the court was divided into five sections or chambers, of which the fifth was suppressed March 29, 1882. 6 Trial by jury had been decreed, on the promulgation of the Livingston code in Jan. 1837, under the law of Aug. 27, 1S36. It was suspended by de- cree of March 13, 1838, on the ground of its impracticability in a country so unprepared for it us Guat. then was. Montufar, Reseha Hist,. , ii. 289-343; iii. 63-84; Salv., Diario Ojic., Feb. 14, 1875; Pineda de Mold, Nota, in Guat., Recop. Ley., i. 464; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 192; Squier’s Trav. Cent. Am., ii. 419, 426. 7 In consequence 350 reformatory articles were adopted in connection with the civil code, and the reforms to the code of procedure in civil cases were almost as extensive; a few were also made to the commercial; and a consider- able number to the penal code, and to that of procedure in criminal causes. Gucd., Mem. Sec. Gobern., etc., 1880-3. kGuat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880, 38-9, 65-6, 1885, 53, and annex 13 640 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY. with fair regularity and promptness.9 During Barrios’ rule an efficient police was organized in the capital. In Honduras the absence of a penal code caused delays in the prosecution of criminals, and there being no good jails or prisons, their offences often went un- whipped of justice.10 Hence the numerous robbers and assassins then infesting the frontiers. However, we are assured that in the well-settled portions of the country life and property were secure. Capital pun- ishment being abolished by the constitution, the severest punishment that could be inflicted was that of 500 blows with a heavy withe of the consistency of India-rubber.11 The government in 1876 and succeeding years in- troduced reforms in the police department. The polit- ical disturbances, which had nullified the action of the courts, being now at an end, the supreme and lower courts were at once reorganized, and permitted to ex- ercise their functions. But the non-existence of suit- able penal establishments, and the antiquated legis- lation, were powerful drawbacks. The minister-gen- eral was directed by the president to procure the best works on legislation, and the most noted codes on civil and criminal matters, as well as on mining, com- merce, etc., with the view of placing the materials in the hands of competent persons, who were to form codes suited to the requirements of the country.12 Such work demands careful study, and time to accom- plish it. I am not aware that it is even commenced. 9 During 1881 the supreme court, issued 1,995 sentences in criminal cases, only two of them were capital, one of which was commuted; in 1882, 1,467; 1883, 1,726; 1884, 2,489 offences were classified as crimes, and 10,130 as mere misdemeanors; of the former 1,321, and of the latter 1,460, were acquitted; 1,168 of the former and 8,670 of the latter were sentenced, none to death, and only two to extraordinary imprisonment. 10 It was notorious that escaped criminals freely moved, menacing the lives of those who had had any agency in their arrest. The facility for evading the action of the law was such that criminals did not fear it. Bond., Mem. Min • utro Gen., 1S52, 9-10. "A robber and murderer named Umansor, who effected his escape from the fort at Omoa, survived under 400 blows on two occasions; but 200 blows on the bare back generally ended the sufferings of the culprit when applied with that design. Wells' Bond., 229-30. 12 Presid. Solo, Mensaje, May 27, 1877 SALVADOR AND NICARAGUA. 641 The laws of Salvador were codified in 1875. 13 The judiciary is vested in a supreme court, tribunals, juries,14 and inferior judges established by the constitution and the laws.15 The president in his message of 1878 to congress stated that the administration of justice was not yet as expeditious as it should be, owing chiefly to confusion in the laws, to obviate which he had ap- pointed commissioners to study them, and introduce harmony in the legislation.16 During the year 1878 the chamber of third resort issued 188 decisions, com- prising final sentences and decrees in civil and criminal causes.1' The administration of justice in Nicaragua is vested in a supreme court and a variety of lower courts.18 The supreme court is divided into two sections, one residing at Leon, and the other at Granada.19 The alcalde of each town has cognizance of civil cases not exceeding $100 in value, and of simple infractions of 13 Salv., Mem. Sec. Gobern., 1875; Id., Diario Ofic., March 17, 1875. 14 Trial by jury in criminal cases was first established in Aug. 1832, but being found impracticable, owing to the ignorance of the masses, it was abol- ished. Dunlop’s Cent. Am., 186. The system was restored by the constitution of 1872. Salv., Diario Ofic., Oct. 17, 1875. lD The supreme court is composed of eleven magistrados, one of whom is the president. In San Salv. there are two chambers of 2d resort with two justices in each, and one of 3d resort composed of the president and the two senior justices. A majority of the magistrados constitutes the full supreme court. There is also a chamber of 2d instance in San Miguel, and another in Santa Ana. Seven suplentes or substitutes fill temporary absences of the in- cumbents, three for the capital, and two for each of the others. No magis- trado, or judge of a court of first resort, can hold office in the executive or legislative departments of the government. The supreme court-martial was abolished by law of Aug. 31, 1875. Military courts of first instance existing in the depts were suppressed, excepting that in the capital, and their functions devolved on the comandantes. Salv. , Diario Ofic., Sept. 3d-Sth; Id., Gaceta Ofic., Sept. 13, 1876. 1B Presid. Zaldivar, Mensaje, Jan. 14, 1878. 17 The 1st chamber of 2d instance in the capital, 1,736; the 2d, 1,889; that of Santa Ana, 2,323; and the one at San Miguel, 1,370. Salv., Mem. Sec. Del. Just., etc., 1879; Salv., Diario Ofic., June 26, 28, July 4, 13, 1878. 18 The Livingston code of Louisiana with trial by jury was established in 1S36, but suspended in 1845. Dunlop's Cent. Am., 192; Sandoval, Dev. Do III., 22. The organic law of the courts is dated July 4, 1857, and underwent modi- fications Sept. 3, 1858. Docha, C6d., Nic., ii. 167-98; Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1859, ii. 27-8; Ivforme, Min. Gobern., 1859. 19 The former has jurisdiction over the depts of Leon, Chinandega, and Segovia; and the latter over those of Granada, Rivas, Chontales, and Mata- galpa. Levy, Nic., 344. Hist. Cent. Am., Von. III. 41 642 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY. police ordinances. Cases of greater importance must go before the judge of first resort.20 The laws have never been collected and revised to form one body of legislation. The only ones published, to my knowledge, are the code of commerce, on March 12, 1869; the civil code, on March 31, 1871; that of civil procedure, in May 1871; and lastly, the laws on hacienda, in 1872.21 The executive in his message of 1871 complained that the legislation was defective, and that it was almost impossible to terminate suits at law.22 In criminal causes the constitution enjoined the greatest precautions and restrictions for inflicting the death penalty, which was by shooting the prisoner. But that penalty was finally abolished on the 31st of March, 1873.23 Trial by jury for grave offences was es- tablished on the 31st of March, 1871. Punishments for other offences are, under the penal code of 1839, 24 detention for a long or short term, with or without pecuniary fines, in chains or without them, and with hard labor, or none. Women sentenced for serious crime are made to work in the hospitals. Incorrigible criminals of the male sex may be sentenced to receive a number of blows on the bare back, even as many as 500, as elsewhere.25 The number of criminal prosecutions initiated from December 1, 1880, to Nov. 30, 1882, throughout the 20 There is in each department or district a court for civil and criminal affairs; but in largely populated departments there is also a court of criminal jurisdiction. Rocha, Cdd. Nic., ii. 217, 244-316. There should also be a juez de agricultura, and a juez de la mesta, under existing laws. Cases involving only $100 are acted upon verbally; all others in writing. 21 Nic., Ivforme Min. Fomento, 1869; Icl., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1871, 123-33; Id., Oaceta, March 18, Apr. 1, 22, June 3, 1871; El Porverdr de Nic., Oct. 22, 1871; Feb. 25, 1872; Nic , Mem. Min. Hoc., 1872; Id., Informe Min. Gobern., 1875. 22 ‘ Los pleitos, por decirlo asl, se eternizan, y es muy raro ver uno que Uegue a concluirse. ’ Mensaje del Presid., Marzo 1871. 23 Nic., Semanal Nic., Oct. 16, 1873. 24 Manure, Efem., 49. It has been asserted that as a rule offenders are not vigorously prosecuted, and for various reasons often go unpunished. 25 Ley de presidios, Aug. 18, 1858; Ley de Palos, Sept. 1, 1858. Prisoners sentenced to hard labor serve out their terms on the works in forts San Juan and San Carlos, by president’s order of Oct. 6, 1880. Nic., Mem. Min. Gobern., 1883, 22-3, and annex B, 27. COSTA RICA JUDICIARY. 643 republic, were 1,97G of men and 161 of women, a total of 2,137.26 Costa Rica, as soon as she became a member of the Central American confederation, organized a judiciary of her own, consisting of a superior court, several tri- bunals of first resort in the provinces, and the alcaldes of towns, who were justices of the peace, with juris- diction over petty affairs both civil and criminal. The supreme court has since undergone many changes, which would occupy too much space to detail. Its members have been sometimes appointed by the exec- utive, and at others chosen by the people or the legis- lative body.27 At present, they are elective, the court being formed with the following personnel: president of the full court, presidents of the first and second sections, six justices, secretary, and the requisite clerks, etc.2>< The administration of justice in the first in- stance is vested in courts sitting in each province, and having civil and criminal jurisdiction, except in the province of San Jose, which has a civil and a criminal court, distinct from one another.29 Costa Rica adopted in or about 1841 a civil and penal code, and likewise a code of procedure, with which she rid herself of the old cumbersome and ex- pensive legislation.30 But nothing was done toward 26 Of which 578 resulted in conviction; 244 were dismissed; and 1,087 were pending. Id., annex G, no. vi. 27 Costa R. , Col. Ley., iii.-xxii., passim; Id., Menu Min. Gobern., 1857 and 1859; Montufar, Reseila Hist., v. 344, 348. 28The yearly salaries are: chief president, $2,160; the other presidents, $2,040 each; justices, $1,800 each; secretary, $1,200. The yearly appropria- tion for the supreme court is nearly $43,000. Costa R., Mem. Sec. Gobern., 1884, annex D. 29 Suits for sums not exceeding $100 and trivial offences are attended to by alcaldes and jueces de paz. There is also a special court of hacienda to ad- judicate upon claims of the treasury against private parties, and for the trial of offences against the revenue, including also the counterfeiting of coin. The expense of this court is nearly $700 per month. In Limon there is an alcalde who acts as judge. The civil and criminal judges of San Jose receive $105 a month each; the other judges, $125; the alcalde at Limon, $50. The yearly expenditure of the judiciary, including the supreme court, fiscal agencies, casa de reclusion $720; presidio de San Lucas $11,560; and contingents for the year 1884 was a little over $90,100. In former years, when the ecclesi- astic and military fueros were recognized, each had its own courts, the system being an inheritance from the old Spanish rule. It has been abolished. 39 Costa R., Informe Sec. Int., I860 and 1865. 044 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY. improving this work. Indeed, the administration of justice in Costa Rica is not what it should be, not for lack of honesty, ability, or laboriousness on the part of the courts, hut because of the antiquated and inade- quate civil legislation and mode of procedure.31 The government, after obtaining1 the authorization of the national congress, appointed a commission to form new codes.32 No difficulties were apprehended in regard to the civil code ; but the penal code, involv- ing the manner of dealing with criminals, has required a more careful study, with the view of abandoning the old vindictive system.33 Under the new penal code there were to be three separate presidios for different grades of criminals; but owing to scarcity of funds only two were estab- lished, one on Coco Island, and the other on San Lucas.34 But later, under an executive order of No- vember G, 1882, the prisoners on Coco were removed to San Lucas, and thus were the three presidios which should have been separate merged into one. Under the latest constitution of the state of Panamd,, the judiciary was comprised of the following: a superior court in the state capital;35 one district court for civil and one for criminal affairs in the same city; in the other departments the district judge has jurisdiction over civil and criminal causes. In each ward of the capital there is an alcalde, and in the country a regidor for each canton.38 31 This was recognized by the min. of justice in his report of May 15, 1884. Costa A'., Mem. Soc. Just, y Gracia, 1884, 29. 32 The commissions began their labors at once, but had not completed them i i July 1885. Costa R., Mem. Just, y Gracia, 1872-85. 33 A law of July 10, 1873, introduced the jury system in criminal causes. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxii. 52-69; Id., Informe Sec. Just., 1873, 23-4; 1876, 19-20. 31 The prison on Coco was first decreed July 3, 1S74, hut the law not hav- ing been carried out, it was reiterated Jan. 21, 1878. The regulation of Feb. 25, 1874, for San Lucas placed it under the control of the governor of the comarca of Puntarenas. Costa R., Col. Ley., xxii. 35-48, 89-90; Id., Inf. Sec. Gobern., 1874, 28; 1879, 16-18; Id., Col. I)ispos. Ley., 1878, 92-3. 35 Composed of three justices, whose terms of office are of four years. There are substitutes to fill temporary vacancies. 30 The alcaldes and regidores have charge of the preservation of order in their respective districts, and iuitiate proceedings for offences against the PANAMA MATTERS 645 A penal code was adopted by the constituent assem- bly in July 1863, under which capital punishment was abolished, and the highest penalty established was that of ten years in chains with hard labor.37 V contract was entered into with Justo Arosemena in 1868 to revise some codes and form others A and in general to codify all existing laws. The contract was fully carried out, and the state became possessed of a full and well-arranged system of legislation. Of the criminal prosecutions initiated in 1876 only thirteen per centum resulted in convictions, which elicited from the government secretary some depreca- tory remarks.39 The state had in 1880 an organized body of police of a little over forty men including the officers. The men are armed with a club, and on ex- traordinary occasions with carbines or rifles.40 The prison arrangements have nothing to commend them.41 In regard to the military department of the Isth- mus, hardly anything can be said with certainty. It might possibly, in an emergency, keep under arms 3,000 or 4,000 men for a short period. The force in active service has varied with circumstances from 400 or 500 to 75. 42 The number of commissioned officers laws, and after the investigation has been completed, pass the papers to the proper court. These officials also have jurisdiction over civil causes not ex- ceeding $200 in value. When the claim does not exceed .$25, the court's decision is final. If it does, the court hears the parties, receives the testi- mony of witnesses, and renders a decision, which may be appealed from to the superior court. Judges and alcaldes in former years were greatly re- spected by the people, and their decrees obeyed without demur. Maldonado, Asuntos Polit. Pan., MS., 2, 5. 37 Other penalties: imprisonment, banishment, deprivation or suspension of political rights, surveillance of the authorities, fines, etc. Credits are allowed prisoners for good behavior. Trial by jury in criminal cases exists. A jury of seven meet at the chief town, hear the evidence, and by an absolute majority convict, qualifying the offence, or acquit. Pan., Gaceta, Aug. 30, to Sept. 24, 1863; Feb. 19, 1880; Id. , Boletin Ojic., Nov. 18, 1865. 38 The civil, penal, procedure, military, and commercial codes. Id., Sept. 5, 1868; Id., Inf. Mem. Sec. Est., 1872, 13; 1877, 33. 39 He drew the conclusion that the jury system, in the state of ignorance so general among the masses, instead of being a safeguard for society served to afford impunity to criminals. Id., Mem. Sec. Jen. Est., 1876, 19-22; 1879, 102-3. 40 Pan., Ley., 1879-80, 52-5. 41 Pan., Informe Gobernador, 17-19. 42 A decree of Dec. 23, 1879, fixed the force at 140 with the officers; a 646 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY. has ever been large, and not a few of them received pay without rendering any service worth mentioning.43 The general government of Colombia usually keeps a force of its own, varying between 150 and 500 men, with the double object of guarding the transit from interruption, and of controlling the political situation. The available military force of Costa Rica for active service is close upon 15,000 men, to which must be added a reserve of nearly 6,000, the national guard of about 3,500, and the field and company officers num- bering 2,485. The garrisons of San Josd, Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, Liberia, and Puntarenas in 1883 aggregated less than 500, including officers, and 85 musicians, a reduction of 128 from the preceding year.44 The garrison formerly kept at the president’s house was suppressed. Schools exist for instructing the militia officers. A good supply of arms, ammuni- tion, and other war material is kept in serviceable condition.45 Costa Rica formerly had a navy of three steam vessels and one schooner. The latter is all she has now, besides two small steamers used for the protection of the revenue. ^ In Nicaragua the army continued in the biennial period of 1881-2, as formerly organized, in three divis- ions of 3,200 men each, which might easily be in- creased, but that number was deemed sufficient to cover the garrisons.46 The republic is provided with second of March 1, 1880, ordered the organization of the battalion Ancon no. 1 with 95 to 125; another of Feb. 22, 1881, reduced it to 75. The pay of the rank and file was fixed in 18S0 as follows: 1st sergt, $27; 2d sergt, $24; 1st corporal, $21; 2d corp., $18; private, $15. No rations allowed. Pan., Oa- ceta, Jan. 8, March 21, May 9, June 24, 27, 1880; Sept. 15, 25, 1881. The force was greatly augmented during the disturbances of 1885. Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 22, 1885. 43 A law of 1881 established the ranks of gen. -in-chief, gen. of division, gen. of brigade, colonel, lieut-col, major, capt., lieut, and sub-lieut. On the 1st of Dec., 1877, there were 8 generals, 43 colonels, lieut-col, and majors, and 254 from captains down. The appropriations for 1877 and 1878 were $64,000 each, of which $45,000 was for pay. Pan., Mem. Sec. Jen. Est., 1878, p. xxvii.-xxxii. ; Id., Id., Hacienda, 1878, annex X. 44 Laferri^re, writing for 1873, says that the regulars did not count for much as to numbers, though the country had been of late years under a mil- itary gov. De Paris a QiwJUwi., 55-6. 45 Costa R., Mem. Min. Ouer., 1883 and 1884. 46 There were garrisons in Managua, Granada, Leon, Corinto, San Carlos, ARMY ART) NAVY. 647 artillery and other arms, as well as with the requi- site ammunition. Invalided men, and widows and orphans of the soldiers, receive pensions.47 Nicaragua mav in the course of time become a O */ i maritime nation. At present there is no Nicaraguan navy. The naval service is reduced to the mere police of the ports of San Juan del Norte, San Juan del Sur, and Corinto. Honduras has but a small number of men under arms in time of peace, but all male citizens from 18 to 50 years must do military service in time of war.43 The men do not make a fine display, but will march from 50 to 60 miles a day with no other food than a plaintain and a little cheese, and when well officered, will fight desperately. The government has had it in contemplation to introduce some order in the service, and to develop a sentiment of respect and appreciation of the military profession; but I am not aware that any change for the better has taken place. Honduras has forts at Omoa and Trujillo, the same which existed in the Spanish domination; they could offer resistance to scarcely any force bombarding them from the sea. The government of Salvador, in May 1879, ordered a complete reorganization of the army, fixing its force at 20,000 men in four divisions,49 whose commander- < 'astillo Viejo, and Matagalpa, aggregating with the officers 506 men. The revenue guards and police number about 460. Nic., Mem. Min. Ouer., 1883. The battalions stationed at Managua, the capital, bears the name of guardia de los supremos poderes, being the guard of honor of congress or the execu- tive. The officers and soldiers are well dressed. The other troops merely get a pair of pants and a shirt. The bright trimmings distinguish them from civilians. As to pay, the general of division in active service receives $5 per day; the private only 30 cts per day and no rations. Levy, Nic., 343-4. 47 In 1882 the monthly appropriation for pensions was $1,188. Nic., Mem. Min. Ouer., 1883. 48 The army might be raised to 30,000 or 40,000 men. Pan. Star and Herald, June 2, 18S6. The practice has been to send out press-gangs, to seize men and force them into the ranks, thus forming as motley a set as can well be imagined; some have shirts, some jackets, and others neither. Most of them probably have breeches, but exceedingly short at the legs. Wells’ Hond., 238 -40; Laftrri&re, De Paris a GuaUm, 100-1; Squier’s Trav., ii. 183-4. 49 The eastern, furnished by the departments of San Miguel, Usulutan, La Union, and G-otera; the central, by San Vicente, Cabanas, Cuscatlan, and Chalatenango; the western, by Santa Ana, Sonsonat, and Ahuachapan; and 648 JUDICIAL AND MILITARY. in-chief should be the president of the republic,50 who allowed himself four aides-de-camp of the rank of colo- nel, four of the grade of lieutenant-colonel, and eight others from captains to sub-lieutenants. The term of military service was fixed at six years, each man being credited with double time for active service. The cost of the force doing garrison duty, which in 187G had been fixed at 1,427 men — exclusive of the general staff, other officers of all grades, and two music bands — was computed at $31,788 per month.51 An act of congress of January 1877 suppressed pensions of officials on retiring from service, and ex- tended the rule to military men having means of their own for support. The retired pension was to be paid only to destitute ones, and in no case was it to exceed fifty dollars a month.52 A new military code was pro- mulgated on the 1st of January, 1880. 53 In Guatemala military service is required of every male citizen of the ages of 18 to 50, excepting Indians, priests, ‘students,’ and those who pay fifty dollars a year for exemption.54 The strength of the army is estimated at 16,000, but there is no doubt that a larger force can be raised when needed. The following are the grades of commissioned officers in the service : the reserve, by San Salvador, La Paz, and La Libertad. Each division was formed with four brigades, and another of artillery; each brigade to have 1,000 men in two battalions; five companies of 100 men to form a battalion. Salv., Diario OJic., Apr. 6, May 16, July 9, 10, 1879. 48 Divisions to be commanded by generals of division, brigades by generals of brigade; battalions to have colonels and lieut-colouels; and each company a capt., 1st lieut, 2d lieut, and 2 sub-lieuts, 5 sergeants, and 8 corporals. Brevets were recognized in all grades of commissioned officers, under an ex- ecutive decree of 1875. Id., Aug. 13, 1875. 61 The pay of a gen. of div. was $150 per month, of a gen. of brig. $125, col $100, lieut-col $90, capt. $57, lieut $45, sub-lieut $37.50, serg. $15, corp- orals, $13J, and private $11.25. The new organization given the army at that time was said to secure a saving of $200,000 a year. Salv., Gaceta OJic., Oct. 7, 11, 1876. 62 The scale was fixed in March 1877, from $50 for a general of division down to $10 for a sub-lieut, sergeants $7 and $6, corporals $5, and privates $4. The same scale standing for widows and orphans to whom pensions might be allowed. Id., Feb. 16, March 6, 1877. 43 It went into effect on the 15th of that month and year. Salv., Diano OJic., Jan. 2-14, 1880. 43 A few paid for their exemption till 1892. Guat., Mem. Sec. Hac., 1883, 24, and annex 19. GUATEMALA AFFAIRS. 649 generals of division and of brigade,55 colonel, lieuten- ant-colonel, first and second comandantes, captain, lieutenant, and sub-lieutenant.56 The government of President Barrios labored as- siduously in providing the country with a well-disci- plined militia, having competent officers, as well as with the other necessary elements of a perfectly organized army. The military school has already furnished use- ful officers.57 The ranks are filled without dragging men from their usual vocations; garrisons are fre- quently relieved, the active service being distributed among the several departments. Citizens have since looked on the profession as one of honor and glory, instead of shunning it as in former times.58 A well- provided hospital was established in the capital, which went into operation on March 15, 1881. 59 The expenditures of the war department for the fiscal year 1883 were $1,031, 501. 60 65 The ranks of captain-general and lieutenant-gen., created for Miguel Garcia Granados and J. Rufino Barrios respectively, soon after the overthrow of the oligarchs, were suppressed by the latter in his decree of Feb. 9, 1873, together with the grade of mariscal de campo formerly existing. He likewise annulled the grade of sargento mayor, creating in lieu thereof those of se- gundo comandante and primer comandante. Gnat., Recop. Ley. Gob. Democ., ii. 12-13, 25. 36 The pay of a private is three reales per day, out of which he supports and clothes himself. 37 The secretary of war said of it: ‘ Este establecimiento promete muclio para el porvenir. ’ And indeed, a number of its graduates were already en- gaged in engineering work on the northern railroad, in running the boundary line with Mexico, and in instructing the several battalions. Some had been also assigned to the artillery department. Guat., Mem. Sec. Guer., 1884, 6, annex no. 1. 58 Officers in active service cannot marry without leave from the sec. of war, which is not granted if their marriage may prove detrimental to the service. Id., 1882, 5, 13-14. 59 It has been properly kept, with beneficial results. Id., 1882, 15; 1883, 6-7, annex 3; 1884, 9-10, doc. 3. 60 Id., 1884, annex no. 1. Other authorities containing information on military affairs of Guat. from 1822 to 1873: Thompson’s Guat., 49G- 504 ; D un- lop sCent. Am., 168-9; Guat., Recop. Ley., ii. 639-759, passim; Id., Gob. Democ., i. 6, 103-5, 132-7; Id., Decretos, nos. 11, 23, 36-7; Id., Mem. Sec. Guer., 1837, 24-6, table 6; Squier’s Cent. Am., 516-17; Boddam Whetham’s Across Cent. Am., 205-8. CHAPTER XXXII. INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 1800-1887. Early Agriculture — Protection of the Industry — Great Progress Attained — Communal Lands— Agricultural Wealth — Decay of Cochineal — Development of Other Staples — Indigo, Coffee, Sugar, Cacao, and Tobacco — Food and Other Products — Precious Woods and Medicinal Plants — Live-stock — Value of Annual Production in Each State — Natural Products of Panama — Neglect of Agricul- ture— Mineral Wealth — Yield of Precious Metals— Mining in Honduras, Salvador, and Nicaragua — Deposits of Guatemala and Costa Rica — Mints — Former Yield of Panama — Mining Neglected on the Isthmus — Inclpiency of Manufactures — Products for Do- mestic Use. In the early part of the present century cattle were the mainstay of the large estates in Central America; but the great staple was indigo.1 Sugar and raspadura were also important crops, but the most valuable was that of Indian corn. Some tobacco was also grown. The cacao plantations had ceased to exist. The cul- tivation of jiquilite, cochineal, and vanilla had also declined.2 Guatemala passed, from time to time, laws for the protection and development of agriculture,3 and yet it made no notable progress down to the end of the seventh decade.4 But with the establishment of a 1 Humboldt estimated the production at the value of $4,500,000. Essai, Polit., ii. 440; Guat., Apunt., 17-20; Guat., Gaceta, vi. 70-1, 293-337, passim. 2 The yearly products of Cent. Am. were estimated in 1826 at $52,529,450. Ocios Esp. Emirjr., v. 3-11. iGuat., Recop. Ley., i. 658-89, 744-60. 4 Though land was free to all, agriculture was so low that even on the richest soil staples were scarcely produced in sufficient quantities for the con- sumption. Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept, 1867, 424. (650) GUATEMALA PLANTATIONS. 651 more liberal system, a great change soon became manifest. The cultivation of cochineal having become unproductive,5 the government turned its attention to the development of coffee,6 until it became the first source of wealth of the country. In Antigua Guate- mala coffee, and in Amatitlan sugar, have taken the place of cochineal.7 Every possible encouragement has been given to other products, such as sugar, wheat, tobacco, cinchona, jiquilite, spices, and grapes, with good results in some of them, and prospects of the same in others.8 I give in note statistical data on the country’s productions.9 Honduras produces all the great staples of the trop- ics. The land on both coasts is adapted for cotton.10 A soft, slender, and juicy sugar-cane is indigenous; two and even three crops are taken annually. This cane requires replanting only once in ten or twelve years. Excellent coffee may be had in abundance if cultivated. Cochineal and grapes were obtained in former years.11 The nopal is indigenous and abun- dant in Comay agua. The tobacco of Honduras has a well-deserved reputation. Indigo is produced in 5 The annual export was estimated at nearly $1,100,000, but chemical sub- stances having been discovered to take its place for coloring, the decadence of the industry soon followed. Cochineal could not fetch over 2 to 3 francs per kilogr. in France. Laferriere, De Paris a Guatim., 247. 6 It had young trees planted in every department, and for the further in- crease of the staple, exempts the product from interior taxation and export dues. Pan. Star and Herald, May 29, 1886. I Presid. Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876. sGuat., Mem. Sec. Gobern. y Just., 1880; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880-2; Id., Sec. Hac., 1882-3; Pan. Star and Herald, March 2, May 29, 1886. 9 Cochineal, reduced from 67,709 qls in 1860—4 to 2,845 in 1879-83. Coffee, 1860-4, none; crop of 1883-4 was 495,385 qls; next year’s estimated 520,000, valued at $5,291,074. Sugar, 1860-4, 115,486 qls; the production of 1883 of sugar, panela, muscovado, and molasses valued at $976,902; 1884, $1,058,551; 1885, $915,789. Rubber, 1879-83, 9,074 qls. Sundries, 1879- 83, 115,999 qls. Flour, 1884, probable production 931,144 qls. Tobacco cult, progressing. Live-stock, 1884, horses, 107,187; mules and asses, 41,386; neat cattle, 441,307; sheep, 417,577; goats, 27,618; swine, 177,118. Total value, $15, i 12,233. Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1885-5; El Gualemalteco, Jan. 1, Sept. 15, 1884; Pan. Evg Telegram, May 26, 1886. 10 As early as 1800 there were 9,600 trees of China cotton. Quinta Junta Pub., 14—15; Juarros, Guat., i. 38-46. II Viag. Univ., xxvii. 1 72—4. The Sp. gov. had all the vines destroyed for fear of injury to the wine industry of the mother country. Squier’s Cent , Am., 273; IF. Ind. , Descr. Sp. Settlers, 45. C52 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. quantities for commercial purposes. Food staples are varied and abundant. The country has also a wealth of precious woods, and indeed, of every variety com- mon to the tropics. Of fruit-trees, there are many indigenous. Sarsaparilla, of which there is none supe- rior, is found in abundance, particularly on the north- ern and eastern coasts. Vanilla grows in the same districts.12 Agriculture is progressing. The cultiva- tion of fruit-trees on the northern coast has drawn the attention of capitalists. Coffee, indigo, sugar-cane, and tobacco are the chief staples. Neat cattle were the most obvious source of wealth, the interior country beino- favorable for their increase.13 o Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica enjoy the the same advantages as the other two states already described, and have within the last thirty years de- veloped agriculture in a remarkable degree. The great products of the first named are indigo, coffee, maize, sugar, and rice. A variety of other articles contribute to increase the country’s wealth.14 The old system of communal lands prevails throughout Cen- tral America. The chief staples of Nicaragua are cacao, sugar, indigo, tobacco, cotton, coffee, wheat, and other cereals, and plantains and fruits in great profusion.15 12 Squier’s Cent. Am., 192-204; Laferri&re, De Paris a GuaUm., 97 13 They do not yield a high income, however, the consumption at home be- ing comparatively small, and the demand of the neighboring states limited. Id., 209-11, 272. Gov. is endeavoring to improve the breed. 14 Comparative values: Indigo — as early as 1030 the yield was 10,000 quintals a year; the production from 1791 to 1800 was 8,752,502 lbs. at $2 a It).; 1804, §1,129,105; 1877, 82,140,423. Coffee— 1804, about §80,000; 1877, §2,115,009. Maize — 1877, §2,780,433. Sugar and muscovado — 1877, §334,- 301. Rice — 1877, §154,728. Hides and deer-skins — 1S70, §444,805. Cattle — 1870, §072,948. Aggregate values for 1870-7— including rum made from molasses, aud set down at §925,457 — were §15,448,794. These figures are from official sources, but may not be altogether reliable. Salv., Diario OJic., Oct. 21, 1S75; Id., GacetaOjic., Feb. 7, 24, 1877; Feb. 19, 1878. 15 The cotton is of superior quality, and grown in considerable quantities; the cacao is second only to Soconusco; the sugar-cane is indigenous, and yields beautiful sugar; the indigo has a high reputation; the coffee is fully as good as Costa Rica’s, and flourishes well in the higher grounds. The same may be said of tobacco. Maize and rice grow in perfection and abundance. Stout's Hie., 73-85, 345-53; Dunlop’s Cent. Am., 265-7; Baily’s Cent. Am., 120-4; Squier’s Cent. Am., 363-4, 377-8, 663; Id., Trav., i. 34 9, 158-63; Id., Hie., 620-2; Levy, Hie., 45S-81; Wells’ Hand., 141—3; Id., Walker’s Eaeped. , COSTA RICA AND PANAMX 653 The departments of Rivas, Granada, Leon, and Chi- nandega supply trade with the most valuable staples. The government has endeavored to promote agricul- ture, particularly the cultivation of coffee and tobacco.10 Among other productions mention must be made of the inexhaustible quantities of medicinal plants, and valuable cabinet and dye woods.1' Cattle are another source of wealth, but cattle-raising has its drawbacks.18 Costa Rica produces indigo and sugar of excellent quality, and some of the best cacao in the Matina Val- ley.19 Wheat, potatoes, and other vegetables, apples, and other fruits of the temperate zone are also found ; but the republic’s chief staple and source of wealth is coffee.20 The plantations are small and looked to with the utmost care. The largest one of Costa Rica 116; Lafer-ribre, De Paris a Guatern., 77-80; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 75, 210-12, 216, vol. x. Cong. 31, Sess. 1; Pan. Star and Herald, March 13, 18S6. 16 Exempting them from taxation and otherwise. Rocha, C6d. Nic., i. 191- 4, 206-11; ii. 106-11; Nic., Reg. Ofic., 328-9; Id., Dec. y Acuerdos, vol. for 1851-61, passim; Ley de Agric., Feb. 18, 1862; Nic., Boletin Ofic., Feb. 15, 1862; Id., Gaceta, years 1865-74, passim. 17 Mahogany abounds, especially on the margins of the branches of the large rivers. The cutters are mostly Mosquitos and Caribs, who hire them- selves for the season at $10 to $15 a month and fed. In 1862-9 the govt adopted the plan of farming out the privilege of cutting mahogany. The caoutchouc trees were by law declared in 1S60 govt property. Nic., Mem. Min. Hac., 1862; Id., Gaceta, Apr. 1, 1865; El Nacional, Nov. 10, 1S60. 18 Nutritious grasses and water are scarce in the summer. On the other hand, an immense quantity of vermin constantly torment the animals, and disease takes hold of them, killing many. Cows yield only a small quantity of milk. A dairy possessing 150 to 200 milch cows is said to do well if they yield 50 lbs. of cheese per day. Livy, Nic., 478. 19 Said to be as good as that of Soconusco; but the country is generally too high and cold for cacao culture; nor is the climate favorable for cochineal, cotton, or grape, owing to excessive rains. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 30-1; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 37. Spec, laws have been passed for the promotion of cacao and indigo culture. Costa R. , Col. Ley., xi. 299-301; xii. 216-17; Id., Col. Ley., 1866, 161-2; Id., xix. 184—6. 20 As late as 1829 her sole article of export was Brazil wood. The miser- able condition of the country made its name ridiculous. But in a few years the situation become changed. An act was passed Sept. 7, 1831, to promote coffee culture, and in 1835 the first export of the article took place. Another decree for the same purpose was issued in 1843. Id., iii. 94-6; El Nicaragu- ense, Jan. 9, 1856. In 1845 no less than 45,000 quintals were produced; in 1848 double that quantity; and in 1850, 140,000 qls; from 1854 to 1856 there was no increase, owing to cholera, locusts, and the Walker war in Nic. However, the crop of 1856 was about 55,200 qls. Costa R., Gaceta, Jan. 26, 1850; July 1 to Sept. 23, 1854; Id., Boletin Ofic., June 29, 1854; Id., Mem. Sec. Rel., 1856, 10-12; Guat., Gaceta, Oct. 7, 1853; Wagner, CostaR., 41, 307- 21; Squier's Cent. Am., 454r-72; Laferriere, De Pans a Guatirn , 48-9; Belly, A trav. I' Amir. Cent., i. 397-400. 654 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. would be considered small in Guatemala; but on the other hand, men and women find occupation, and there is no actual poverty. The production of coffee has steadily increased, except when rains have been scanty or excessive, or locusts have caused devastation in the fields.21 Fiscal monopolies have kept back, in a great meas- ure, the development of the cultivation of sugar and tobacco.22 The country is well supplied with live- stock of all kinds, and is also rich in valuable cabinet and dye woods as well as in medicinal plants. The soil of the Isthmus of Panamd is well adapted for all tropical productions. The country only needs an industrious population and peace to develop its immense natural wealth. The chief productions are Indian corn, sugar-cane, rice, a great variety of fruits, vegetables, and nutritious roots, such as yam, yucca, etc. Agriculture has been limited to the supply of edibles, and of late years to the shipment of some fruit to the United States. The cultivation of sugar and coffee might be made profitable, though requiring a large outlay, but for being dependent on an uncertain supply of labor. In 18G2 and 18G3, cotton culture was undertaken in the interior with fair success, and in 1864 had spread all over the country.23 The plant is perennial, and yet, with this and other advantages, the natives have not become awake to the importance 21 In 1802 there was a fair crop: 1873, 333,843 qls; 1874, about 300, OOU valued in 1’untareuas port at $15.50 per quintal of 100 lbs.; 1G76, a scanty crop; 1876, 186,000; 1877, 180,652; 1879, excessive raius caused heavy loss; 18S4, about 375,000 quintals; but 1SS5 only yielded 125,000 or 150,000. Costa Ii., Informe Sec. Interior, 1862, 10-11; Id., Sec. Agric., 1S74, 28; 1876, 20-1; 1878,14; 1879,22; Lafervikre, De Paris a Gnatim., 34; Julfs, Die Seeliafen, 18; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 9, 23, 1885. 22 The manufacture of rum from sugar-cane is a government monopoly. The cultivation of tobacco has been for many years under the strictest regu- lations; its manufacture and sale was exclusively in the hands of govt agents. In 1S50 it was declared free from Jan. 1, 1852, but the law was repealed June 23, 1851. In 1889 the monopoly was abolished, but restored again by law of Feb. 4, 1884. Molina, Bosq. Costa B. , 30; Costa It., Col. Ley., x. 132-40; xi. 331-3; Id., Col. Ley., 1869, 15-17, 219-20; Id., Mem. Sec. Hoc., 1852-3; Id., Mem. Sec. Gobem. llac., etc., 1884, 25-6. 23 The U. S. govt evinced in 1863 a disposition to promote its cultiv. See correspond, of agric. dept, with U. S. consul in Pan. Bklwell’s I situ Pan., 268-70 VERAGUA AND CHIRIQUL 655 of it. Cacao is another article that might be grown to advantage. The government has tried to promote the culture of coffee and cacao.24 Coffee and sugar are cultivated, but not in sufficient quantity to meet even the home demand. I append in a note an official account of agricultural production for 1882, though not giving it much value.25 Veragua and Chiriquf have good plains for raising neat cattle, goats, pigs, horses, asses, and mules.26 Poultry, and a great variety of wild animals exist in abundance. The seas on the two coasts are well stocked with fish. The Isthmus has plenty of timber of the best kinds and of enormous size, found in South Darien, and in all the mountains on both coasts, and in the islands; also cabinet and dye woods, and medicinal plants.27 Of the five states of Central America, Honduras appears to be the most plentifully supplied with min- eral wealth. Mount Merendon was long celebrated for its silver and gold mines. Until about thirty or forty years ago, mining was the most prominent inter- est in the state, but wars and political disturbances caused the abandonment of the mines, and the works fell into decay, after which there was neither enter- prise, capital, nor skill to restore them. The owners of the property afterward became owners of immense grazing estates. Some mines were continued in oper- 24 Exempting from taxation, and by other privileges. Pan. Ley., 1S7G-7, 7; Id., Gaceta, Jan. 7, 1877; Bidwell’s Isth. Pan., 264—72; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 113, vol. vi. 1-2, 35-7, Cong. 41, Sess. 2. "Tobacco, 2,770 quintals; grain, 197,320 qls; cacao, 201 qls; sugar, 155 qls; panela, 29,445 qls; molasses, 4,694 jugs; coffee, 2,853 qls; rubber, 80 qls; sundries, 354,285 qls; medicinal roots, 390 qls. Total value, $518,062. Pan., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, annex L. 20No sheep are raised, and the goats, sometimes killed, are a poor substi- tute. The pork is excellent. Live-stock said to exist on the Isthmus in 1882: neat cattle, 114,157; mules and asses, 470; horses, 9,942; goats, 24,- 732; hogs, 203,209. Total value, $1,270,945. lb. 27 It would take too much space to enumerate them; but a list may be found in the report on the physical and polit. geog. of the state of Pan. , drawn up by a commission despatched thither for that purpose, by the govt of New Granada, in 1859. See also report of Martin, New Granada minister in London, May 1858, in Bidwell’s Isth. Pan., 322^40. 656 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS ation, however, on a small scale, and in a rude manner.28 In 18G0 and for some preceding }mars the bullion export of Honduras amounted to about $400,000 an- nually, most of it being gold collected by the Indiano from shallow washings. The development of the mining wealth of Hondu- ras is engaging the attention of foreign capitalists.29 Several companies have been organized in the United States, France, and elsewhere to work the mines in the departments of Tegucigalpa, Santa Barbara, Yus- caran, and Jutigalpa.30 Guatemala has not been noted for mines. How- ever, the district in the Alotepec mountains was ricli toward the latter part of the eighteenth century, yielding large quantities of silver.31 The river sands of the department of Chiquimula are auriferous, and 28 Silver ores are the most abundant, and chiefly located on the Pac. group of mountains, whereas the gold washings, if not the gold mines proper, are most numerous on the Atlantic side. The mineral districts in the depart- ments of Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Gracias are very ricli in silver in various combinations. The upper or old mine of Coloal yielded 5S per ct. of copper, and 78 to 84 ounces of silver to the ton; the ores of the new mines uf Coloal, a combination of chloride of silver, a little sulphuret of silver, oxide of iron, and antimony, mixed with earthy matter, yielded 8,470 ounces per ton of 2,000 lbs. Gold mines abound in llond., hut only a few have been worked. The chief supplies have been drawn from the washings of Olancho. The rivers of Guayape and Jalan, as well as the streams running into them, are decidedly the richest in auriferous sands. The finest gold is from the Guayape, Jalan, and Mangualil, and from the Sulaco, Caimito, and Pacaya, in the dept of Yoro. The southern districts bordering on Nic. have rich placers. Hond. has also mines of copper, iron, platina, cinnabar, zinc, and coal. Very productive opal mines are worked to some extent in Gracias. Amethysts are said to be found in Campuca. Squier’s Cent. Am., 145-51, 178-89; Id., Hond. It. It., 85-94; Montgomery’s Harr., 1194; Baity' s Cent. Am., 100-2; Hond. Gac. Ofic., Feb. 20, March 10, 1853; Wells’ Hond., 233- 539, passim. 29 Foreigners are allowed to work and own mines, under the federal law of June 27, 1825. The ordenanzas of New Spain regarding mines were declared to he in force June 17, 1825. Itocha, C6d. Nic., i. 209; Gnat., Recop. Leyes, i. 238. 30 The absence of roads and difficulty of travel make mining unprofitable as yet. Prcsul. Soto, Mensaje, Feb. 19, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1883; Feb. 23, 1886; II. S. Davys ’ Gold Fields along the Guayape, etc., in Cincinnati Enquirer. 31 Combined with lead and copper, and also as a sulphide of silver. Mate- rials convenient for working them were at hand. The Central Am. Mining Co operating on the locality sold between 1858 and 1865 ore and bar silver to the amount of 621,000 ounces, worth over §700,000. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex Doc., Cong. 40, Sess. 2, pt 1, 212-14; Squier’s Cent. Am., 526; U. S. Land Off. Rep., 1867, 116-17, 131-2, 188-90; Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 28, 1S66. MINERALS AND METALS. 657 the Indians wash them for gold.32 Recently several deposits have been reported to the government, of lead, silver, gold, cinnabar, coal, kaoline, marble, etc.33 Nicaragua possesses an immense wealth in minerals, which has not been developed as yet, except on a small scale, and generally, without any intelligence. Gold and silver and several useful metals are found in great abundance.34 There are also deposits of gypsum, marble, alabaster, lime, saltpetre, etc. Sul- phur is sometimes found pure. The mining laws favor the industry by either natives or foreigners. A mint has existed in the republic for several years. 3,1 32 Early in the present century nuggets of 22 carats were found near Choi. In some mines the ore treated with quicksilver yielded one ounce of gold to the 100 lbs., or §320 to the ton of 2,000 lbs. Blazquez, Opinion, in Doc. Orig. Chiapas, 5. 33 Gold placers in the dept, of Izabal were being worked on a large scale. Several silver mines promise large yields when they become exploited. The Indians of Zunil repeatedly offer for sale in Quezaltenango quicksilver obtained from a mine which they keep strictly secret. In the departments of Quiche, Alta, Vera Paz, and Huehuetenango are salt springs and deposits; in Chimal- tenango peat and lignite; between Guastoya and Izabal, marble; and in sev- eral places on the Atlantic slope, coal. The government had a mineralogical survey of the country made. Guat., Mem. Sec. Hac., 1882, 28; 1S83, 34, 72-4; Id., Mem. Sec. Fornento, 1884, 42; Wagner, Costa R., 36; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 17, 1883. 34 Among them must be mentioned zinc, iron, copper, lead, tin, antimony. The mines of lead, iron, and copper are believed to be inexhaustible. They are situated in a fertile, cool, healthy, and picturesque region, affording every other facility for working them. The whole northern frontier abounds in silver, a little of it being obtained by primitive processes. Quicksilver mines, though not rich, are common. The gold veins of Nic. come from Hond., running along the cordillera to the San Juan River, where they become somewhat ramified before crossing it, and reappear in Costa R. The chief one crosses the Machuca River. The gold is almost pure when washed from river-beds, and more or less mixed with silver when dug out of the earth. In the districts of Juigalpa and Libertad hundreds of mines have been en- tered. The Jicaro mines near Trinidad, and those of Santa Rosa, Achuapa, San Francisco, etc., have been famous. The Potosi and Corpus in colonial times yielded large quantities of gold. The whole upper region of the Coco River is rich. It may be asserted that the mines of Nic. are excellent, but the miners are generally incompetent. They use the crowbar, avoiding gun- powder as too expensive. Men are easily procured, who work steadily though slowly and by primitive methods, earning $8 to $10 per month, and their rations. The mills are mostly poor. Sixteen carat gold is worth at the mine $12 an ounce, but the average price paid by factors was $8 or $9. Consider- able quantities of gold are taken by the Indians from river sands and bed, and washed in pans. Levy, Nic., 160-6, 4S2-6; Squier’s Cent. Am., 364, 392- 400; Id., Nic., 653-6; Nic., Mem. Min. Fornento, 1871; Id., Mem. M in. Pel., 1875; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 212-13, vol. x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; Belly, Nic., i. 340-6; Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 11, 1865; May 26, 1866, suppl. ; Sept. 7, 1867; Jan. 11, July 18, Aug. 8, 1868. 30 Nic., Gaceta, March 1, 1873; Rocha, C6d. Nic., L 163-72; Nic., Correa 1st., Aug. 29, 1850. Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 42 058 INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. In Salvador there can be no mines of precious metals out of that portion of the state which is geo- logically dependent on the mountain system of Hon- duras. The silver mines of Tabanco, Encuentros, Sociedad, Loma Larga, Divisaderos, Capetilla, Santa Rosalia, etc., in the department of San Miguel, on the north-eastern part, and bordering on Honduras, have had a wide celebrity. Some of them were ex- tensively worked, and with great profit. The group called Minas de Tabanco, holding the ore in combi- nation with galena and sulphuret of zinc, are easily worked.36 Salvador has rich mines of iron near Santa Ana, and of brown coal throughout the valley of the Lempa, and in the valleys of some of its tributaries, over a region of 100 miles long by 20 miles broad.37 Costa Rica has been less favored than the other states in mining wealth. Rich gold mines are sup- posed to exist near the border of Panamd.38 In the Aguiate Mountains and at cuesta del Jocote gold mines vTere worked by foreigners with a moderate profit. It is stated that the country also possesses mines of silver, copper, nickel, zinc, iron, le d, and coal.39 The republic keeps a well-organized mint, the improvements having been first introduced by Chief Mora; since then none of his successors has neglected that establishment. 36 It is said their yield was 47 to 2,537 oz. of silver to the ton. Dunlop lias it that they yielded at one time $1,000,000 annually, though worked rudely and without machinery, and the chief one of them once produced $200,000 annually. Trav. in Cent. Am., 277. A French company undertook to work the Tabanco and Encuentros, invested a large capital, and sustained losses. The Loma Larga and Divisadero, though represented as richer, probably fared not much better. Dunn's Guat., 225-6; Daily’s Cent. Am., 92- 3; Squier's Cent. Am., 291-4; Salv., Diario Ojic., Dec. 1, 2, 1875; Jan. 23, 1876; Jan. 28, 1879; Id., Gaeeta Ojic., Oct. 24, 1875; Jan. 30, Aug. 15, Nov. 11, 1S77. 37 Squiers Coalmines of Riv. Lempa, 3-13. 38 It is believed that the Tisingal, which gave the country its name, lies near the Colombian frontier on the Atlantic. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 33. 39 Squier’s Cent. Am., 457; Land. Geog. Soe., Jour., vi. 128; Thompson’s Gnat., 214-15; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 42; Costa R. , Gaeeta, July 15, 1854; ]le 4; 1S80, 23-4; Id., Gaceta Gob., Jan. 26, Feb. 10, 1850; Id., Mem. Sec. Marina, 1883, 7, and two tables, annex 5; Id., Regl. Franqiticias , 1883, 1-15; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1SS1; Sept. 13, 1882; Jan. 17, Feb. 1, 17, Marcli 23, 1883; March 8, 15, Dec. 16, 1884; March 9, Oct. 24, 1885; June 2, 1886; La Estrella de Pan., Nov. 6, 1884; Samayoa, J. M. , Apuntam., 1885, 5. 6 The principal fairs were held at Chalatenango, San Vicente, and San Miguel, in Salvador. That of San Miguel took place in November, and lasted two weeks. There was another fair at the same town about the beginning of Feb., to which, as well as to the former one, large numbers of cattle were taken from Hond. and Nic. In Guat. annual fairs were held in several places; namely, Esquipulas, where large quantities of merchandise were sold; it was also a cattle fair; Rabinal in Vera Paz, for dry goods; Mazatenango, for cattle, cacao, drygoods, etc.; San Pedro Ayampuk; Solola, for dry goods, fruit, and stock; Quezaltenango and Chimaltenango, for woollen manufactures. In Jocotenango a fair was held every Aug. In later times fairs have been author- ized at several other places, to wit, at the hippodrome, near the capital, Sal- caja, Santa Cruz del Quiche, Jalapa, Santa Rosa, and San Pedro Pinula. Squiers Cent. Am., 3.19-530; Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, 38; 1885, 39-40; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 14, 1885. 7 The Am. Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Co. of New York, of which Vanderbilt and White were the chief owners, undertook to construct an iateroceanic canal. Their contract with the'Nic. govt involved the privilege to the company of exclusive steam navigation in the interior waters, meaning Lake Nicaragua. The company concluded to separate this privilege from the rest of the contract, and succeeded, Aug. 1851, in obtaining from the Nic. govt the monopoly of transit from San Juan del Norte to San Juan del Sur. It is unnecessary to go into details as to how this was consummated; suffice it to say, it was by fostering the intestine war then raging. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 75, 141-5, x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; Id., Sen. Doc., 08, 84-103, xiii., Con”. 34, Sess. 1; Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., 45; Stout's Nic., 272-91; Wells Walkers Exped., 203-5; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 210-11; Scherzer, Cent. Am.. 245-0. GG8 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. Accessory Transit Company, as it was called, went into active operation and carried thousands of passengers to and from California.8 The first interoceanic trip was made in August 1852, and the service continued successfully until February 18, 1856, when it was suddenly closed, and the company’s charter was re- voked by the government of Rivas, at the dictation of William Walker.9 The transit continued for a time under Walker’s control, mainly to furnish his army with recruits, until the steamers fell into the hands of his enemies.10 Navigation on San Juan River and Granada Lake was regulated in June 1861. In 1868 a convention was concluded between Nica- ragua and Costa Rica for the navigation of the rivers San Juan and Colorado. In 1870 a contract was made with Hollenbeck and his associates for steam naviga- tion on Lake Granada, and it was inaugurated in 1872.11 6 The first steamboat used in Nic. waters was the Orus, wrecked on the Machuca rapids; the next, the Director , was worked over the rapids, and plied on the lake for several years, being the sole transport for passengers from San Carlos to La Virgen. The increase of the Transit company’s business brought the Central America and other steamers. Nic. , Corr. 1st., Sept. 5, 1850; Stout's Nic., 65-6. 9 The particulars of this transaction appear elsewhere. Previous to this, in 1854, there had been serious differences between the gov. of Nic. and the company, about the settlement of accounts, and even then the govt threatened to cancel the charter. Gnat., Gaceta, May 13, July 8, 1853; Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 55-6; Id., Mem. Camp. Nac., 27-30; El Nicarcujiiense, Feb. 23, 1856. 10 In 1858 the Nic. govt confiscated the company’s property, and the next year made the transit free to all nations. However, under a subsequent arrangement between it and the original Transit co., under the name of Cent. American Transit Co., ratified in March 1801, the latter agreed to reopen the route; but failing to do it within the required time, the govt seized all the property, as agreed in the contract. The matter was settled in diplomatic cor- respond. with the U. S. govt in 1863. Rocha, C6d. Nic., ii. 133-4, 141-2; Nic., Dec. y Acuerdos, 1857-8,44-5; 1859, ii. 78-9; Id., Gaceta, Jan. 16, 1864. The company renewed its operations, and continued them until annihilated by the overland railway to S. F., in 1869. Livy, Nic., 434. 11 Costa R. in 1872 forbade the navigation of the Colorado River by Hol- lenbeck & Co. Nic., La Union, June 29, 1861; Id., Dec. y Ac., 1861, iv. 57-68; 1869-70, 100— G; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 8, 1868; March 12, July 23, Aug. 20, 1870; Dec. 7, 1872; Id., Mem. Min. Guerra, 1872, 12; Semanal Nic., Dec. 5, 1872; El Porrenir de Nic., May 26, June 2, 1872. Trade between Granada and San Juan del Norte was continued in piraguas and steamers, the former measuring from 15 to 25 tons. There were river and lake steamers. Mer- chandise was first transferred at San Carlos, and often in the summer a second time at the Castillo. For some time the steamboat plying in the lower part of the river passed by the Colorado branch because of scanty water in the San Juan. ROADS AND CURRENCY. 6G9 The national highways of Costa Rica are not all in the best condition, which is due to the destructive force of the winter rains. The government, however, endeavors to render them serviceable. In Nicaragua, the public roads, prior to the construction of railways, were only fit for mule travel, except at short distances from towns, which wagons could traverse. In the rainy season they were impassable, owing either to mud or swollen streams. The same is to be said re- specting those of Honduras. Much has been success- fully accomplished in late years in the improvement of roads and construction of bridges. Salvador appro- priated in 1876 funds for macadamizing the public highways. Guatemala is well provided with roads and bridges, and derives a considerable revenue from tolls to keep them in repair, and to construct new ones.12 Railways and telegraphs are treated of else- where. The monetary unit of Costa Rica is the peso of one hundred centavos, with 25 grammes of silver of the standard of 0.900. The government mint coins gold, silver, and copper.13 Gold coin became very scarce in Nicaragua. There was no copper, and the smallest of silver was the half- real. Gold coins of the United States, Great Britain, and France, and the silver money of those countries, Switzerland, Belgium, Mexico, Peru, and Spain, were current for their full value.11 In Salvador nearly all 12 Costa R., Informe Obratt Pub., for years 1876-80; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomente, years 1883-4; Belly, Mir,., i. 321; Livy, Nic., 412; Nic., Mem. Min. Guerra, 1875, pp. x.-xv. ; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 2, 1881; Feb. 1, 2, 1883; Id., Cronista, Jan. 20, 1883; Salv., Gac. Ojic., Sept. 5, 7, 1870; Presid. Barrios, Mensaje, 1876, 39-60; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Dernoc., 10-12; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomento, for years 1 880-5. 13 Gold, pieces of 10, 5, 2, and one dollar, the first named having the weight of 16,120 grammes. In former years it coined gold ounces with the weight of 25,836 grammes, worth $16, and halves, quarters, eighths, anti six- teenths; silver peso, and its subdivisions worth 50, 25, 10, and 5 cts. Copper one-cent pieces containing 95 parts of copper and 5 of nickel. Silver in coins of 10 and 5 cts in legal tender only to the sum of $100; and cents not exceed- ing 100. The money coined in Costa Rica in the years 1829-82 has been as follows: gold, $2,351,808; silver, $56,648; total, $2,922,138. Astaburuaga, Cent. An., 41; Costa R., Gaceta, Nov. 21, 1885; Id., Mem. Sec. Hoc., 1883, annex no. 10. 11 There is a nominal money used in retail trade called peso sencillo, worth CTO COMMERCE AND FINANCE. foreign coins were received for their face value. In Honduras the currency was much vitiated by the in- troduction of the moneda provisional— copper slightly alloyed with silver — of the denominations of quarter and half dollars, of which probably $1,500,000, nominal value, went into circulation since 1839. 15 Besides this coin there has been in circulation the cut money of the old kingdom, a portion of the Honduras government's own coinage, and that of the federal republic; all of which, together with English and American coins, make up the bulk of money in circulation.16 In a de- cree of September 21, 1870, the government of Guate- mala endeavored to introduce in its coinage the decimal system, recognizing the peso as the unit.1. Another law of November 15, 1878, provided for the coinage of gold pieces of 1, 2, 5, 10, and 20 pesos, and silver pieces of 8, 4, and 2 reales, and half and quarter reales.18 Foreign coins circulated at the rates fixed by the government.19 There have been banks in most of the states of Central America for a number of years, several being now in successful operation.10 80 cents. The old Costa R. doubloon passes for $14.40 only, and the sub- divisions in proportion. The new Costa R. piece of $5 is worth only $4.50. Chilian and Colombian condors pass for $9. Livy, Nic., 370-1, 521. lJ It paralyzed foreign trade, became depreciated, and caused other evils. Montufar, Res. Hist., iii. 277. The govt endeavored to retire this coin by a gradual redemption every year. 16 Foreign coins pass at their true valuation. Very little money leaves Honduras. Hond., Gaceta Ofic., May 20, 1853; Squier's Cent. Am., 272; Wells' Jfond., 567-72. 17 In former times there was the ounce of $16 and its subdivisions, and the silver peso with its subdivisions down to medio real, or (t\ cents. Most of the silver coin in circulation was the macuquina or cut, which was a nuisance. The government in 1873 ordered it retired, which was in the course of time done. The system established in the law of 1870 found favor with the people as regarded gold coin. Not so with silver; the public clinging to the old de- nominations, and refusing to accept base metals which this law had also pro- vided for. 18 Standard of the coin 0.900. Weight of the peso 25 grammes. 19 Mex. eagle $20; its subdivisions in proportion. Peruvian pieces of $20 and $10, and Colombian condors of .$20 and $10, at their face value. Chilian condors of $10, $9.50. German gold piece of 20 marks, $4.93j. American, French, and English gold coins have their full value; though they generally command a high premium. Further details may be found in Gnat., Recop. Ley., ii. 578-82; Id., Gob. Dem., i. 83, 197; Salv., Diario, Dec. 14, 1878. w There were in 1883 two banks, the Internacional and Colombiano, in the city of Guatemala; both having ample capital for a time stood high. The former, founded in 1878, suspended in 1885. The latter, founded in 1879 BANKS AND MAILS. 671 The states of Central America, including the Isth- mus of Panama, maintain communications by mail, not only with one another, but likewise with other nations of Europe and America, and through them with the rest of the world.21 The several republics use their by capitalists who were mostly Colombians, has no agencies, and limits its operations within the capital of the republic, and to the sale of bills of exchange on foreign markets. There was also the Banco de Occidente at Quezaltenango with a capital of .fl00,000; its main object being to assist agriculture and manufactures in the wealthy departments of Los Altos. Its standing was somewhat shaken by its bills having been largely counterfeited in Sept. 1882; but it managed to weather the storm. The Banco de Nica- ragua, a bank of issue, loans, and discounts, with a capital of $600,000, has been quite successful It was chartered in May 1871. The Banco Anglo- Costaricense went into operation at Managua in 1873, with a capital of $100,- 000, under the management of Allan Wallis. The Banco Internacional of Salvador began business on the 20th of Aug., 1880, and has since been pros- perous, excepting in 1885, owing to the war with Guatemala, and a subse- quent revolution. However, the results of the first six months were satisfac- tory In 1867 the Banco Nacional de Costa Rica went into operation at San Jos6, with a capital of $500,000, and power to increase it to one million dollars, under a contract for ten years between John Thompson and the government. Dec. 1, 1876, the government decreed the statutes of the Banco de Emision, with a capital of $500,000 secured with mortgages on real estate to the amount of $1,000,000. But the stockholders failing to pay in the capital, the govern- ment suspended the bank, which had been operating, and ordered the books transferred to the Banco Nacional of San Jose, which was to redeem all notes of that bank in circulation. The Banco Nacional had been created by a de- cree of Dec. 25, 1877, with a capital of $250,000. Its operations were not to include the issue of notes. A charter was granted in Jan. 1881, to establish a Banco Hipotecario Franco-Costaricense with a capital of $500,000. The by laws were approved by govt in July 1881. The bank was to have a branch in Paris. Batres' Sketch Guat., 24; S. F Cronista, Feb. 3, 1883; Jan. 31, Apr. 25, 18S5; Nic., Caceta, Aug. 3, 1867; July 8, 1871; Id., Semenal Hie., Apr. 10, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 3, 1867; Sept. 2, 1885; Costa It., Col. Ley., xvii. 45-50, 51-5; xx. 4-19, 110-16, 295-7,304-6, 311-12; xxiv. 197— 205; xxv 245-60; Id., 1878, 104-6; 1881, 17-26, 64-6, 143-68; Gnat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1882, 37 21 In 1809 there was a postal service between Guatemala and David in Panama, via Cartago in Costa Rica, by which route correspondence was kept up with South America. In 1811 a tri-monthly mail was established between Guat. and Mex., Merida, the Windward Islands, and Spain. In 1S29 there was a monthly packet between New York and the Isthmus. After that, some sort of mail service was kept up till it became regular with the estab- lishment of steamship lines. In 1844 the first mail steamer touched at Cha- gres, and in 1845 a line was established between Panama and Valparaiso. In 1846 a post-route between the two oceans was established under a grant of the Brit. govt. At this time the U. S. contemplated establishing a line of steamers from Pan. to Or. via Cal. The present Pacific Mail Steam- ship Company was organized in 1847 for that purpose, and on the 5th of Oct. their pioneer steamship, the California, went to sea, followed at short intervals by the Panama and Oregon. At the inception of the enterprise, success was looked for only from the agricultural resources of the Pacific coast. The discovery of gold in Cal. secured that success. The company kept up the service between N. Y. and Colon, and between Panama and S. F via Acapulco and Manzanilla, and later sent ships to China. Niles' Reg., xxxvii. 242; Pan. Constitucional del Istnio, Oct. 30, 1834; Mayer’s Mex. 672 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. best endeavors to perfect the internal mail service.’2 They pay subsidies to steamship companies for bring- ing and carrying their mails, and are members of the Universal Postal Union. The discovery of gold in California, as is well known, restored life to the Isthmus of Panama. In Decem- ber 1849, the first emigrants went across, bound for the new El Dorado. In 1850 there was a laro-e o travel,23 notwithstanding innumerable difficulties and discomforts. After the construction of the railway the traffic over it still increased; most of it was in transitu, but the local trade was not insignificant.24 The note at foot contains data mainly procured from official sources on the amount of transportation from the earliest days of the opening of the road to a re- as it Was, etc., 369-74; Pan., El Movimiento, Dec. 22, 1844; Seemann’s Hist. 1st. Pan., in Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 17, 1847; Crosby's Statem., MS., 3-10. 22 Costa R. has been quite successful. The number of pieces received at and forwarded by the main office at San Jose in 1SS3 were 1,377,243, against 549,096, in 1880, and 1,172,259, in 18S2. In Nic. the service is a source of considerable expense to the govt. In 1861-2, the expenses were only $5,349. In 1881-2, $39,327; the receipts $19,476, leaving a deficit of $19,851. This is owing to long distances and sparse population. In Hond. the exchange of mail matter amounted in 1880 to 937,331 pieces; the expenses of the depart- ment, $17,102. In Guat. the aggregate amount of mail matter was as follows: 1880, 835,906; 1SS1, 1,039,652; 18S2, 1,400,043; 1S83, 2,111,366; 18S4, 2,912,- 411. The receipts in 1884, $48,342; expend. $46,017. The appropriation for the fiscal year 1886-7 was computed at $58,812. Costa R., Mem. Sec. Gobcrn., years 1883 — 4; Id., Guerra, 1880, 1883; Id., Hac., 1S84; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; Pan. Canal, Jan. 13, 18S3; Id., Star and Herald, July 2, 1 SSI ; Feb. 8, 1883; Sept. 9, 1885; Nic., Informe. Sec. Hoc., 1875; Id., Id., 1883; Id. , Mem. Sec. Gobern., 1883; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 18, Nov. 30, 1875; July 12, Nov. 2, 1878; March 5, 1879; Guat., Mem. Sec. Fomento, 1880-5; Id., Prcsupuerto Gen., 1886, 18-19; Encyc. Brit., xvi. 492; El Guatemalteco, Feb. 2, Sept. 24, 1884; Bat.res' Sketch Guat., 69-76. 23 Crosby’s Statem., MS., 3-10. At the sailing of the Panama there were 2,000 persons to embark for S. F. ; four steamships to sail for the same desti- nation; namely, Sarah Sands, Carolina, Isthmus, and Gold Hunter. Early in the summer of the same year there were 4,000 passengers waiting for vessels to take them to Cal., in a place which could hardly afford accommodations for 100. Hundreds of deaths occurred. Pan. Star, March 29, 1850; Sac. Placer Times, i., Apr. 26, 1850; Advent, of a Capt.’s Wife, 18; Cal. Courier, Sept. 14, 1850. The steamer If . H. Aspinwall then began to ply on the River Chagres, between Chagres and Gorgona, which did away with the bongos nuisance. Sac. Transcript, March 14, 1851. 21 1850-5 were years of brisk business for the Isthmus. Gold circulated so abundantly that few did not handle gold coin. Provisions ruled high. Silver was so scarce that in 1850 a five-dollar gold piece could buy only 40 dimes. Americans said that Panama was a better place for business than S. F. Maldonado, A tulles Fold. Pan., MS., 7. ISTHMUS TRAFFIC. 673 cent date."5 It will be noticed that in the latter part of the sixth decade of this century the transit traffic through the Isthmus became greatly diminished. This was mainly due to the construction of the over- land railway to the Pacific in the United States, and to the establishment of a British line of large and fleet steamers running from Europe to ports in the south Pacific through the straits of Magellan, affording ad- vantages over the Panama railroad transportation. The transportation of passengers and merchandise to and from the Isthmus has been mainly effected by steamship lines — American and British during the first fourteen or fifteen years, to which were subse- quently added those of a French company; and still later those of a German one.' 25 1852-66: passengers, 517,852; gold and silver, $849, 157,076; paper money, $19,062,567; jewelry, $513,001; 1855-66: merchandise, mail matter, baggage and coal, 614,535 tons. Mail matter averaged 380 tons yearly. Merchandise steadily increased from 10,658 tons in 1856, the lowest, to 93,414 tons in 1866, the highest; and coal from 8,934 in 1856 to 13,418 in 1866. In 1860 and 1861, the coal transportation exceeded 16,000 tons a year. The total tonnage trans- ported across the road in 1856 was 20,053, which increased every year till it reached 107,590 tons in 1866. The largest number of passengers crossed was in 1859, 46,976, nearly 5,000 in excess of 1858; the smallest number was in 1852, 26,420, being 5,280 less than in 1866. The large travel of 1859 was due to great reduction of passage money by steam lines running in opposition. The gold transported in 1856 was $48,047,692; in 1866, $48,234,403; at no other period did it equal these amounts. Silver showed a gradual increase from $9,439,648 in 1856 to $18,653,239, declining in 1866 to $14,331,751. Paper money was transported by the U. S. govt during the war. Jewelry varied from $102,718 to $844,490, hut gradually declined. The tariff rates established by the company Jan. 1, 1865, were as follows: passengers, foreign, $25 each, children of 6 to 12 years one half, under 6, one quarter; Colombians, $10 each. Baggage exceeding 50 lb., 5 cts per lb. Merchandise, special rates: 1st class paying 50 cts per cubic foot; 2d to 6th 1-J cts to £ cent respectively per lh. All payments in Am. gold, or its equivalent. Otis’ Hid. Pan. R. R., 139-45; Bidwell’s Isth. Pan., 277-86, 389-93. In 1867, the value of the transit trade in merchandise and treasure over the route was $92,191,980, and 35,076 passengers. In 1872 the road conveyed 194 millions pounds of weight, 2-i millions of feet, besides 215,000 gallons of oil, 13,952 of wine, and 13,952 pas- sengers. Ji'dfs, Die Seehxifon, 11. 1878-9, merchandise, 314,220 tons; 1880-4, 1,033,596 tons; the quantity in 18S4 was 2S7,243, not including 10,000 tons of bananas, an increase of 71,518 over 1883. 1880-4, passengers, 1,024,128; the number in 1884 was 515,520, an excess of 75 per cent over 1883; the large increase being mainly due to the operations of the interoceanic canal company, and the transportation of their vast material. Pan. Star and Her- ald, May 2, 14, 1867; May 17, Sept. 5, 1877; June 23, 1881; Apr. 22, 1885; S. F. Eng Bulletin, Apr. 12, 1878; Apr. 2, 1884; S. F. Chronirle, Apr. 3, 1884; Superint. Burt’s Report, March 7, 1885; U. S. Govt Hoc., Comm. Rel., years 1 857-7 1 . 26 The steamship lines doing such service in 1867 were the following: 1st. The Pacific Mail Co. of N Y , whose capital in 1847 was $400,000; raised in 1850 Hist Cent. Am., Vol III 43 674 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. The Isthmus traffic, from the earliest (lays of Span- ish occupation of South America, was carried on by pack-mules at excessive rates.'2' In the early part of this century, the condition of trade being unsatisfac- tory, reforms were loudly called for by both Spaniards and Americans.28 A brisk contraband trade was con- stantly going on.20 After the war of independence, the traffic between Spain and South America ceased. In 1825-30 trade was at a low ebb.30 With the view to $2, 000, 000; in 1860 to $4,000,000; and in 1866 to $20,000,000; the lowest estimate of its property being set down in 1867 at $30,000,000. This com- pany has passed through many vicissitudes, as indicated by the stock market. The highest rates attained by its shares were 24S in 1863, 325 in 1864, 329 in 1865, 234 in 1866. Every other year they have been under 200, the highest being 173J in 1867. From that time they sank very low, even to 16} cents in 1876, the highest that year being 39}. 2d. Brit, and W. India and Pac. running between Liverpool, W. Ind., W. coast of S. and Cent. Am., and Colon. 3d. Brit. Royal Mail, between Southampton, W. Ind., eastern coast of Mexico, S. and Cent. Am., and Colon. 4th. Brit. Pan., New Zealand, and Australia. 5th. Brit. Pac. Steam Navigation Co., between Pan. and ports of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. 6th. Pan. R. Road Co.’s steamers between Pan. and Acapulco, touching at all Cent. Am. ports. This line finally was merged in the Pacific Mail Co. 7th. Am. 'Cal. Or. and Mex. Co.’s line running between S. F. and Mex., and between S. F. and Portland, Or., and Island of Vancouver. It was afterward discontinued. 8th. French Transatlantic Co. running between St Nazaire in France, W. Ind., Mex., and Colon. 9th. German line. In 1871 the following arrivals of vessels occurred: steamers, Brit., 84, with 158,579 tons; Am., 25, with 66,813 tons; German, 36, with 42,740 tons; French, 24, with 15,782. Sailing vessels, 56 Brit., 43 Am., 12 German, 4 French, 8 Italian, 112 Colombian, mostly small. Grand total of tonnage, 316,271 tons. Otis’ Hist. Pan. R. R., 50-6, 148-60, 169-232; Pan. Star and Herald, May 2, 1867; Apr. 14, 1877; U. S. Gov. Doc., Comm. Rel., 1871-2, 252, 263; BidwelCs Isth. Pan., 353-7. The author of the last- quoted work was British vice-consul at Panamd, and enjoyed leisure and opportunity for gathering facts from many sources, concerning tiie past and present history of Panama, as well as on her resources, trade, etc. The arrangement of the book, as he acknowledges, is defective, there being no order — chronological or other — in the information he gives. The descrip- tion of the social and political condition of the city and country, to the time of his writing, is quite accurate. 27 Between 1825 and 1830 the expense of conveying a bale of goods over- land, including duties and taxes, was $10 or $12. “In 1820 it was deplorable. Cdrtes, Diario, 1820, iv. 180-2; Gordon's Hist, and Geog. Mem., 48-9. “It was said that $45,000,000 of English' manufactures unlawfully crossed the Isthmus for Sp. Am. between 1810 and 1817. Arrillaga, Inf., in Cedulario, iv. no. I, 72; Alanian, Hist. Mij. , iv. 473-4. 30 Communication was kept up on the Atlantic side with Jamaica by a Brit, man-of-war which twice a month carried letters and specie; with Cartagena by government vessels bimonthly; and with the same and other points by independent traders. On the Pacific traffic was better along the whole coast. In 1825 the spirit of enterprise was rash. Exclusive of small coasters, there came to Chagres 1 ship, 7 brigs from France, 21 schooners from the W. Indies, 6 schooners from the U. S., and 3 from Cartagena. In 1828, these numbers GOLD AND THE ISTHMUS CANAL. C75 of fostering it, the New Granadan government, in 1847, decreed the suppression of custom-houses at Panamd,, Portobello, and Chagres.31 I refer elsewhere to the great improvement wrought by the influx of travellers consequent upon the discovery of gold in California. The amount of business done in providing conveyances, accommodations, and supplies of all kinds for passengers was very large, and money became quite abundant. The opening of the railway in 1855 par- alyzed the local trade.32 The local trade of the Isthmus in 1865 is set down to have been $350,000 to $400,000 of imports, and between $500,000 and $600,000 of exports.33 With a few exceptions, the chief trade in foreign goods is car- ried on by foreigners, most of whom deal in almost every kind of merchandise; the United States fur- nishing the greater part of the provisions, and other commodities. With the works on the canal, and the large increase of population, the local trade became greatly augmented. Weights and measures and money were based on the French decimal system.34 All kinds of money were current. American coin generally commanded a high premium. Bank notes or paper currency of any kind could be easily passed.35 Small were reduced to about 20 all together. In the same years the entries at Panama were respectively 17 and 24 vessels. In 1830 trade was in a state of stagnation. Lloyd’s Notes Istli. Pan., in Roy. Oeog. Soc., i. 96-7; Niles’ Reg., xxxviii. 141. 31Bocas del Toro was also made a free port. El Arco Iris, July 25, 1847; Molina, der Freistaadt, Costa R., 58-9; S. F. Californian, ii. , Sept. 29, 1847. 32 The passengers from Cal. no longer remained in Pan., but were hurried off to Colon; thus the expenditure formerly made by the thousands of passen- gers ceased. Many business houses had to close in 1855 and 1856. Later the influx of passengers from Europe, who stop longer at Panama, helped to support the hotels, etc. Bidwell’s Istli. Pan., 263. 33 A portion of the imports was paid for in remittances of specie, or in bills on Europe, sold from time to time by foreign men-of-war and steamship com- panies. The amount of exports may be augmented some $100,000 by produce sold to steamship companies. Besides pearls and pearl shells, ivory, nuts, and India-rubber figured considerably among the exports. The recklessness with which the rubber-trees have been cut down has reduced the production in 1886 to an insignificant quantity. The imports from 1856 to 1863 inclusive reached $6,386,135; the exports from 1857 to 1863 probably $5,000,000 or $6,000,000. Data on this point are unreliable. U. S. Govt Doc., Comm. Rel., 1859-61; Bidwell’s Istli. Pan., 265-7, 277-8; Pan. Star and Herald, May 2, 1867. 34 Adopted in 1853. Pan., Crdnica Ofic., Aug. 20, 1853. 33 The national government of Colombia, on the 3d of May, 1861, decreed (576 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. silver coin was generally scarce, and there was no copper currency. There were no banks of issue, though some merchants did a banking business. Bills of ex- change on England usually commanded a premium. Those on France were about par. The canal company sells exchange, receiving the existing currency in pay- ment. The Pearl Islands, comprising sixteen islands and numerous rocks, had a population of about 2,000 souls, about 700 of whom were engaged six months of the year in pearl fishing, which yielded about 1,000 tons of pearl shells valued at $70 per ton, and pearls enough to raise the value of both to $300,000 yearly. This industry had almost ceased to exist in 1873, owing to recklessness. Fishing for pearl oysters was forbidden by law on the 7th of May, 1872, for the term of five years, in order to allow the mollusk time to renew its vitality, which was in danger of destruction; but so far the measure has had no visibly good effects, and the fishery has not been revived. Pearl fishing was carried on with success by the Indians of Costa Pica on the coast of Nicoya, the shell being an established article of export.30 Pearl oysters are also found near the south of Caroon Island, but yield so few pearls as to make it unprofitable to search for them.37 that the notes of the National Bank, silver coin of the fineness of 0.500, and nickel coin, should be the only legal tender receivable at public offices of the nation, states, and department of PanamcL The enforcement of the decree in Panama, where the money in circulation is sufficient for all purposes, is deemed ruinous, as the paper thus forced into circulation is irredeemable. There are no manufactures nor products that merchants can send abroad in payment of the articles of daily necessity which are imported. Pan. Star and Herald, May 31, 1886. 36 Dunlop's Cent. Am., 39-40; Wagner, Costa R., 458-65; Squier’s Cent. Am., 457. The exportation of shells on a large scale upon the coasts of the mainland, gulfs, and islands was farmed out in Oct. 1885, to a private party for 16 years, the lessee paying for the privilege as follows: 1st. §1,000 a year during the first six years, and $2,000 a year for each of the other ten. 2d. $6 for every 1,000 kilog. of pearl shells taken out in the first six years, and $8 per 1,000 kilog. the next ten years. Costa R., Caceta, Nov. 7, 1885. 31 Findlay, Directory, i. 236. J Lafcrrih-c, De Paris a Quat4ma la; Notes de Voyages an Centre A meripte, Paris, 1877, fol. 448 pp., 4 sheets, and wood- cuts, is a narrative of a commercial traveller of three journeys to and through the five republics of Cent. Am., in 1866, 1870, and 1874—5, containing gen- eral information on their history and resources, agriculture, and other industries, and the character, manner, and customs of their inhabitants. REVENUE AND DEBT 677 As to finances prior to the separation from the mother country, and the disruption of the Central American confederacy, it can scarcely be said that the country had any. A sketch of the revenue of the so-called reino de Guatemala, made in 1818 for the five years 1817— 1821, 88 shows the various sources. Tli° ordinary im- posts yielded 402,944 pesos, and the special 256,975 pesos, making an aggregate of 719,919 pesos.39 The scale of expenditure to the day of independence had been kept down ; financial wants being few, the needed resources were easily collected, and did not weigh heavily on the people. The ruin of the treasury began in 1821, but was not felt till later, during the period Central America was harnessed to the Mexican empire.40 On the 2d of July, 1822, the congress of the Pro- vincias Unidas de Centro America decreed the reco^- nition of the public debt. In December 1824, the government, duly authorized by congress, contracted a loan with Barclay, Herring, Richardson, and Com- pany, of London,41 recognizing an indebtedness of $7,142,857, and the receipt of a net sum of about Statistical tables, and numerous cuts of important towns and of natives are accompanied. The style is plain, clear, and concise, and the mode of treat- ment shows an intelligent observer. In an unpretentious manner the author gives much that is valuable on those countries. 38 The information which has reached us for the years previous to 1817 is both meagre and contradictory. One authority has it that Spain undoubt- edly received every year till 1809 a net revenue of a little over 50,000 pesos; another claims that a yearly allowance of 150,000 pesos came from the treasury of New Spain. Torrente, Revol. Bisp. Am., i. 23-5; Mex., Mem. Sec. Hoc., 1875, 65. In 1812 the Sp. cortes abolished the tribute till then exacted from the Indians. COrtes, Diario, 1811-12, xi. 376. 39 Including 157,681 pesos from excise, 3,872 pesos from gunpowder, and 256,975 from tobacco. During those five years the tobacco monopoly had sales amounting to 2,920,316 pesos, the expenses being 1,325,869 pesos, leav- ing a clear profit to the treasury of 1,594,447 pesos, or an average of 318,890 pesos a year. Dunn's Gnat., 214. 40 * Habia desaparecido durante la esclavitud del imperio. ’ Manure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 140. 41 The public debt amounted to $3,726,144, and the yearly expenses were nearly $900,000, to meet which the revenue was totally inadequate. The sev- eral states were in no better condition, inasmuch as the revenue from stamped paper, rum, excise, and other small sources, which had been assigned them, was not enough for their needs. 67S COMMERCE AND FINANCE. $5, 000, 000. 42 The banking house agreed to advance $200,000 at the end of two months, and $150,000 at the end of seven and nine respectively. To make the story short, the federal government received only $328,310, notwithstanding which its debt had r isen in the early part of 1830 to one million dollars.43 After the dissolution of the Central American union, the several states assumed a share of the foreign debt, and adopted measures to provide their governments with means to cover their expenses. Most of them depended chiefly on receipts from customs, and the monopoly of spirituous liquors and tobacco, stamped paper, excise, and a few other sources.44 The gross receipts for the fiscal year 1883, includ- ing a balance of $104,327 on hand from the preceding year, were $6, 728,007. 45 The expenditures amounted 42 A security for the payment of the interest and of the sinking fund to extinguish the principal, the revenue from tobacco and customs was hypothe- cated. Under the contract the interest was payable quarterly together with §50,000 for the sinking fund. It was calculated that the debt would be ex- tinguished in twenty years, and that the interest would come to §482,571. El Indicador de Gnat., Apr. 21, May 18, 1828; Guat., Mem. Min. Hac., 1830-1. 43 A natural result of selling §100 bonds at §30, and paying §100 the next year. The govt was shamefully swindled by the few men who had a share in the transactions. Id., 1S46, 51-6. On the other hand, the funds received from the loan were misapplied. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 142-7. 44 Direct imposts: Guatemala’s sources of revenue were 3 per thousand on the assessed value of real estate, military, ami road taxes. Several others existing as late as 18S2, such as a tax on sugar-cane, were suppressed. Indi- rect duties on imports and exports, and port charges paid by ships. Stamped paper, slaughtering cattle, imposts on native flour, salt, inheritances, and en- dowments, and 5 per ct on sales and transfers of real estate. Monopoly of spirituous liquors, tobacco since 1S79, gunpowder, and saltpetre. To these are to be added a number of other means of lesser import, but which in the aggregate yield considerably over §100,000. ‘"From the following sources, namely: direct taxation, §176, 90S; indirect ditto, §1,916,987; govt monopolies, §1,549,173; special revenue, §323,212; divers and extraordinary receipts, §S8,577; contracts and divers negotiations, §2,569,418, being for temporary loans, etc. The total amount of revenue from customs included in the item of indirect taxation was §1,485,280, mostly collected at the general custom-house in Guatemala city; to which must be added §52,793 collected on the frontiers, §3,734 for export duties, and §1,530 for port charges. The revenue from imports in the four preced- ing years were: 1879, §1,501,729; 18S0, §2,008,237; 1881, §211,765; and 1S82, §1,679,047. The total revenue from all sources from 1852 to 1862 footed up §8,442,835; from 1863 to 1871, §8,547,529; 1871 yielded only §750,848; 1872-9, §19,571,233; 1880, §4,158,199; 1881, §4,423,964; 1SS2, §4,131,945. The net proceeds or actual revenue from the sale of spirituous liquors for 1878-83 was §6,178,095; from tobacco, 1879, for licenses, §8,656; 1880, two monthc, §32,232; 1881-3, §484,263. The total amount of munici- GUATEMALA INDEBTEDNESS. 679 to $6,613,607, of which $3,027,511 was the actual ex- penses of administration, and $3,586,096 went toward extinguishing the internal debt.40 The indebtedness of Guatemala at the end of 1883 was as follows : Internal, including interest, $4,257,631. It is understood that on the 30th of September, 1885, it was estimated at $6, 138, 000. 47 The foreign debt resulted from the loan made in March 1869, in Lon- don, for the nominal sum of £500,000 at 6 per cent annually, and 3 per cent for a sinking fund.48 The government remitted to London from 1870 to 1876, on account of that debt, for interest and sinking fund, $1,377,000, which was somewhat more than it had received. No further payments were made after Oc- tober 1876. Consequently, at the end of 1885 the nation was owing, on account of that loan, £468,600 of principal, and £276,474 for interest, aggregating £745,074, which with exchange at 20 per cent make $4,470,444. Moreover, there is due by Guatemala, on account of her share of the federal indebtedness — she having assumed £100,000 of it — a very large sum. The debt had been reduced in 1873 to £70,600 to pal revenue throughout the republic was $485,622 in 1883, and $535,304 in 1884. Guat., Mem. Sec. Hac., 1873, 1880-4; Id., Fomento, 1885. 46 The outlay in 1855 appears to have been $993,522, including $317,094 applied to payment of the public debt; 1864, $1,130,708; 1879, $4,526,263, a3 follows: Ordinary expenses, $2,728,457; public works, $27,837; advance to the railway company, $200,000; payment of warrants, reimbursement of tem- porary loans, etc., $1,569,969; 18S1, $7,313,889, of which only $3,333,470 was for expenses; $163,241 was for purchase of tobacco, powder, and saltpetre; the balance to payment of debts; 1882, $6,503,422, of which $3,414,747 was for the actual expenses. Astaburuar/a, Cent. Am., 84-5; Camp’s Year-Book, 1869, 1527; Guat., Mem. See. Hac.,' 1880-4. 47 In order to be enabled to meet expenses, and payments of the internal debt, the rate of duties on imports was raised in 1873 and again in 1879. It also established an export duty of 121 cents per quintal on coffee. In 1879, after consolidating the whole debt, 40 per cent of the customs revenue was reserved for its gradual payment. 48 The interest and portion of the sinking fund were made payable twice a year; viz., April 1st and Oct. 1st. After several deductions, the amount actually received in Guat. was $1,351,069. One of the deductions was of £15,000 for retiring from the London market £20,000 five per cent bonds of the federal loan, purchased at 75 per cent. Samayoa, Apuntam., 1885, 29-37; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 4S, Sess. 1, pt 1, 72; Mex. , Informe Sec. Hac., 1873, 24—5; Pan. Canal, Jan. 13, 1883; Id., Cronista, Feb. 21, 1883; Gnat., Mem. Sec. Hac., 1880-4. 680 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. which must be added the dividends accrued to the present time.49 The national assembly voted on the 5tli of July, 1886, for the fiscal year from July 1, 1886, to June 30, 1887, appropriations for expenditures of adminis- tration, aggregating $2,252,471, and afterward granted the extra sum of $326,800 for contingent expenses.50 No provision was made as regards the foreign debt. The revenue of Honduras in 1886 has been esti- mated at about two and a half million dollars, beinac considerably in excess of the expenditures.51 Honduras has a foreign and a home debt. The lat- ter is partly consolidated and the rest floating. The consolidated, which was one million dollars, had been in 1883 reduced to $885,000. All treasury notes had been cancelled. The floating debt, amounting in 1880 to $578,609, had been reduced in 1883 to $244, 694. 52 The indebtedness to British subjects, including the portion of the old federal debt which Honduras as- sumed, was finally extinguished by the payment of $50,000 in 1882, and the country was freed from the burden long weighing on the custom-house at Trujillo The rest of the foreign debt, amounting in 1876 to $29,950,540, is held in London and Paris, having been issued at high rates of interest and at a low valuation. 49 According to the calculation of the secretary of the treasury, it had be- come increased on Apr. 1, 1880, to §3,404,967. Gnat. Presupaerto Gen., 1886, ill-14. 51 The chief sources are import duties and port charges, export duty on woods, tax on spirituous liquors, stamped paper, tobacco, and gunpowder monopoly, etc. Squier, Cent. Am., 271, estimated the revenue in 1856 at about §250,000; but Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 71-3, sets it down at §154,248, and deducting $37,713 for loans and other receipts not belonging to ordinary revenue, and $24,000 for two years’ interest on the English debt, there re- mained $92,535 to meet an expenditure calculated at $1 16,898. The assembly voted for 1857, $134,253; 1858, $119,852; 1859, $132,912. In 1857 and 1858 $40,000 more had to be added, owing to political disturbances. fVappaus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 306. In 1867 the receipts seem to have been about $200,000, exceeding the expense some $17,000. Camp's Year-Book, 1869, 527. Those of 1869 are set down at about $560,000. Mex., Informe Sec. Hac., 1873, 88. For 1872 they were estimated at $400,000. Am. Cyclop., x iii. 791. Ac- cording to President Soto's message in 1883, the revenue in 1881 was $1,120,- 175, and in 1882, $1,298,878. Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1883; June 2, 1886. 62 It is understood that President Bogran, in his efforts to diminish the ex- penditures, reduced in 1886 Ins own and other salaries. Id., June 2, 1886. RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES. 6S1 Since that time the accumulated interest has never been paid.53 It is unknown what portion of the bonds issued has been negotiated. The actual indebtedness may fall short of the above amount after a thorough investigation of the financial affairs connected with the railroad. The revenue receipts of Salvador from all sources, according to President Zaldfvar’s messages of 1883 and 1884, were, for 1882, $4,549,209, and for 1883, $4,061,020. The expenditures as stated by the same authority were $4,416,454 in 1882, and $4,001,654 in 1883. 54 In 1866 the budget presented by the execu- tive to congress estimated the receipts at $2,211,613, and the expenditures at $2,716,505, leaving a deficit of $501,869. Salvador had in 1853 a foreign debt not far from $325,000. 55 Between 1861 and 1863 the government made an arrangement for the foreign debt, giving bonds to the amount of $405,260 to cover principal and interest. They were paid in due time, and since then the republic has kept itself free from foreign in- 53 Pres. Soto, in his message of 1883, says that the opinion prevailed in Europe that Honduras had been victimized; he believed that in truth and justice the republic cannot be held responsible for the enormous debt. In- deed, it is of a very questionable origin. It was contracted for the alleged purpose of constructing an interoceanic railway. There were four loans negotiated; namely, two in London, in 1867, for the nominal amount of £1,000,000, issued at SO with 10 per cent interest; another in 1868 at Paris for the nominal sum of 62,252,700 francs, issued at 75 and 6 per cent interest, and the last in London in 1870, for £2,500,000, issued at 80 and 10 per cent interest. Am. Cyclop., viii. 791; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, 1883; La Estrella de Pan., Jan. 10, 1884. . 64 The chief sources were customs, monopoly of spirituous liquors, tobacco, and gunpowder, stamped paper, etc. The receipts of 1848-56, including $175,419 for loans in 1856, were $3,408,068, averaging $359,183 a year; for 1866-9, $3,224,348, or $806,087 per year; for 1870-4, $4,930,238, or $1,232,- 560 yearly; for 1875-8, $7,880,316, or an average of $1,970,079. Expendi- tures: 1848-56, $3,251,802; 1867-8, $1,468,850; 1S73-8, $9,269,113. SThe greater portion was Salvador’s share of the federal debt; which was augmented by several foreign claims aggregating about $100,000. No interest on the federal debt had been paid since 1S48. Syuier’s Cent. Am., 308. 682 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. debtedness. Her internal debt, consolidated at the end of 1882, was $1,589,861, and became slightly in- creased in 1883. 56 In June 1885 it was $7,147,359. The financial condition of Nicaragua at the present time is quite easy. Her revenue has been steadily on the increase for several years past, except when inter- rupted by political disturbances, such as that of 1875, which caused a considerable diminution. The receipts from all sources in the biennial term of 1883-4 were $3,238,363, an excess of $359,426 over the two pre- ceding years.57 The expenditures in the biennial term of 1881-2 were $3,240,940, as itemized below.58 66 1 find that the republic paid up in 24 years, prior to 1875, $4,833,775 to cover both the federal debt and its own — an equivalent of about a million and a quarter every five years by a population of only 600,000 souls. Salv., Piano Ofic., Apr. 6, Aug. 4, Oct. 28, 1S75; Oct. 17, 1878; Id. , Gaceta Ofic., Feb. 15, 1*878; Am. Cyclop., xiv. CIO; Mex. , Informe Sec. Hac., 1873, 25; Lafcrnhre, De Par Li a Guatim., 191; Salv., Mem. Min. Hac., 1875; Nic., Semanal Hie., Apr. 16, 1874; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 26, 1884. 51 The chief sources of revenue are those of customs, slaughtering cattle, and sales of spirituous liquors, tobacco, gunpowder, and stamped paper. The total revenue of 1S45 amounted to $74,911, a sum entirely inadequate to meet the most necessary expenses of the government. The import duty was 20 per cent ad valorem, to which was added 8 per cent. The oidy export duty was 1 to 3 per cent on gold, silver, and precious stones. A transit duty of 5 per cent was levied on goods passing through Nic. to the other states. Merchant vessels paid 50 cts per ton. The total revenue from customs in iS46 was $51,818; from internal taxation, $3,626; from rum, etc , $24,260. The revenue from tobacco was pledged to the Brit, govt, in order to ransom the port of San Juan del Norte. Other sources were insignificant. Receipts of 1851, $122,686; 1857-60, $1,327,637; 1861-70, $5,665,877. The tarifl_of imports was modified in Dec. 1868, and increased 10 per cent in Feb. 1870. Agricultural implements, materials for mining, and other articles, were ex- empted from import duty by a law of Nov. 2, 1869. The revenue from cus- toms became flourishing, and yielded in 1883 $1,275,506, due to the law of Sept. 25, 1879, which raised the duties on several articles, and changed the mode of collecting from ad valorem to weight. It seems that most goods paid no more under the new system than formerly; but much fraud was averted. Imports generally paid 50 per cent ad val. The port of San J uan del Norte and the Mosquito reservation have a free zone, the merchants of San Juan paying a tax in lieu of import duties. Receipts of 1S71, $958,922; 1873-80, $8,410,879; 1881-2, $3,351,767, an increase of $951,674 over the preceding two years. Belly, Nic., i. 311; Livy, Nic., 353-8; Nic., Gaceta, March 6, 1863; March 18,' Apr. 29, 1865; Jan. 20, 1866; March 21, 1868; Jan. 2, 23 30, Nov. 6, 1869; May 27, 1871; Jan. 20, 1872; Id., Decretos, 1869-70, 123; Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 1, 1883. 58 Expenses of the supreme powers, $112,548; departments of the interior, $513,069; war, $389,466; treasury, $1,353,612; foreign relations, $762,457; sundries, $109,787. During this term was paid $57,586 outstanding from the preceding, the ordinary expenses of administration; for improvements, $563,918; and extraordinary expenses caused by disturbances. The expendi- tures in 1846 and 1851 were $106,145 and $173,646, respectively, in both cases creating deficits; in 1859-60, $652,515; 1861-70, $5,316,951; 1871-2, $1,721,355; 1873-4, $1,995,040. Those of the following years kept pace with NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA. 68S At the end of 1880 Nicaragua's share of the old federal indebtedness to British creditors — £31, 5 10, 59 as per adjustment made in London on the 27th of March, 1874 — had been reduced to £4,170 15s. 6d., which remained unpaid because the holders had failed to produce their claims. Since then the balance was further reduced to £4,011 15s. 6d,and the funds were on hand to pay it off on demand. This was the sum total of the republic’s foreign liability. At the end of 1882 the internal debt was $920,258, of which $644,218 were subsequently paid, leaving a balance due of $328,667; adding thereto balances of special accounts, the whole debt of the republic at the end of 1884 was $908,707; but as the amount of consol- idated bonds was being met, the whole indebtedness would really be $802,3 10. 60 Costa Rica’s financial condition is anything but an easy one. The receipts of the treasury for the fis- cal year 1883-4 amounted to $1,5 8 6, 5 61. 61 The re- ceipts for the fiscal years 1884-5, and 1885-6, were estimated at about $2,559,866 and $2,936,756, respect- ively.62 The expenditures for the fiscal years 1882-3, the increased revenues; but large sums were appropriated to internal improve- ments, education, and other purposes conducive to the intellectual and material advancement of the republic. Nic., Mem. Sec. Hue., for years 1846 to 1883; and the Gacetas quoted in the preceding note. 59 She had on the 15th of Sept., 18(57, recognized £45,000 as her propor- tion. Nic., Gaceta, March 28, 18(58. 60 Presicl. Cardenas, Mensaje, Jan. 15, 1885, in Costa R., Gaceta OJic., Feb. 4, 1885. For further information, see the biennial reports of the minister of the treasury; Livy, Nic., 358-150; Am. Cyclop., xii. 424; Pan. Star and Herald , Feb. 1, 1883. 61 From customs, §427,395, which was less than had been expected; liquor monopoly, $200,168; stamped paper and stamps, $63,033; paper money issued, $310,7(54; the balance from sundry sources. The receipts in specie were $1,046,967 The law of Dec. 10, 1839, first established the sources of revenue for tiie state govt as follows: Maritime and internal duties on merchandise; purchase and coinage of bullion; sales of public lands; monopoly in cultivation and sale of tobacco; sale of gunpowder, stamped paper, domestic and foreign liquors; postage, excise, confiscation of contraband goods, and fines. Montu~ far, Resena Hist., iii. 272, 570. 62 A new tariff, to go into effect Jan. 1, 1886, was decreed, subjecting im- ported merchandise to specific duties, anil considerably modifying the tariff of 1877. Gold and silver in bullion, bars, dust, or coin, as also fence wire, lightning rods, machinery for agriculture, material and tools for ship-build- ing, ships, and animals were exempted from duty. Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 12, 13, 1885; Id., Col Ley., xxv. 15-47. The following figures show approxi- mately the receipts of the government for about forty years past, to wit: 1845, 684 COMMERCE AND FINANCE. and 1883-4 were respectively $2,796, 4G8 and $1,985,- 426; the former leaving a deficit of $1,246,448, and the latter of $398,865. Congress voted for expenses of the fiscal year 1885-6, $2,936,756, and for 1886-7, $2, 607, 613. 63 The following statement exhibits the financial con- dition of the republic at the end of 1882, as represented by the secretary of the treasury. It will be well to state here that until 1871 Costa Rica was free from foreign debt, her proportion of the old federal indebt- edness in London having been paid off at an early day of her independent life.04 The government owed, on the 30th of April, 1871, $92,878; adding thereto the disbursements of eleven years — 1871-82 — $30,251,- 284, and $2,110,905 paid the railway, in bills of ex- change on the national agent in London, and not included in the aforesaid outlay, we have an aggregate of $32,455,067 ; and deducting therefrom the revenue of the same eleven years, a deficit results of $6,524,- 516, which is made up of $1,454,086, excess of expen- diture over receipts at the end of 1882, and $5,070,430, the equivalent in Costa Rican money of £895,221 3s. lid., net proceeds of loans negotiated in London at 6 and 7 per cent.65 However, the council of bond- $132,000 — there is no published history of the finances of Costa R. prior to 1845; 1847-50, 81,000,207; 1851-00, §5,950,873; 1S01-70, §8,518,030; 1S71- 82, §30,475,828, less amounts included, which were merely casual receipts, §4,545,277, leaving for actual revenue, §25,930,551. Molina, Borq. Costa /?., 45; Squier’s Cent. Am., 470-1; Aslal/uruaija, Cent. Am., 43; Enajclop. Brit. (Am. ed.), vi. 398; Costa II., Informe Sec. Hac., 1852-85. “As near as I have been able to ascertain, the outlay of the Costa Rican treasury has been, for 1847-50, §986,245; 1851-00, §0,637,124; 1861-70, §9,682,265; IS71-82, §32,362, 1S9. Id. ; Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 14, 1886. M‘Se logro la total chancelacion de la deuda inglesa. ’ Costa B., Informe Min. Hac., etc., 1848, 16. 66 The history of these loans, as furnished in the reports of the Costa Rican treasury department, is the following: In 1871, Costa Rica contracted with Bischoffsheim and Goldmidt for a loan of the nominal amount of £1,000,- 000, at 72 with 6 per cent interest, and 2 per cent for a sinking fund; how- ever, per agreement of May 5, 1871, the rate was reduced to 56, and only yielded £560,000. Bischoffsheim and Goldsmidt retained £105,000, which reduced the proceeds to £455,000, and this sum was further diminished £42,000, leaving only £413,000, or somewhat less than 42 per cent. A new loan was negotiated in 1872, with Knowles and Foster of London, which ap- peared as for £2,400,000, but did not exceed £2,226,500, the difference not having been taken up. The negotiation was at 82, with interest at 7 per FOREIGN INDEBTEDNESS. 685 holders formed in 1883 the following statement of Costa Rica’s foreign debt, namely : outstanding of six per cent loan of 1871, £941,200; overdue interest, £564,720, making £1,505,920. Outstanding of seven per cent loan of 1872, £1,460,200; overdue interest, £1,073,175 10s., making £2,553,273 10s. Grand total, £4,039,193 10s. The home debt was set down in 1885 at $519, 000.68 cent, and 1 per cent for a sinking fund. This loan actually yielded to Costa Rica £598,611 18s. 5d. , which is explained thus: Knowles and Foster paid over to E. Erlanger and Co. of London in money £1,576,240 9s. 1'/. , the dif- ference between this sum and that taken up being £650,259. Erlanger and Co. were the syndics of the loan under the 8th clause of the contract with Knowles and Foster, and had bound themselves to take up £800,000 of it. Under the 3d and 4th clauses, they were empowered to repurchase bonds for account of Costa Rica, though subject to the following conditions: 1st. That the repurchasing should be indispensable to secure the success of the loan; 2d. It was not to be done with the £800,000 Erlanger and Co. were bound for; and 3d. The operations were not to be effected but within 30 days of the issue. This condition was violated. Erlanger and Co. claimed to have re- purchased with the money received by them bonds of both the 6 per cent and 7 per cent loans to the value of £1,426,500. The result of this transaction was that the loan, save the £800,000 taken up by Erlanger and Co., was ex- hausted; and yet it was said, in and out of Costa Rica, that her government had received $17,000,000. BncycUyp. Brit. (Am. ed.), vi. 398. The whole yield of both loans was but £1,011,611 18s. 5 cl., or $5,058,060. Besides the £105,000 retained by Bischoffsheim and Goldsmidt, under the pretext of se- curing the interest of the 6 per cent loan, the government remitted for inter- est and sinking fund £135,000, which were taken from the very funds received, and reduced them to £876,611 18s. 5 d. Moreover, under an agree- ment with Erlanger and C'o., the government of Costa Rica was authorized to draw on them for £150,000. Its drafts were allowed to go to protest, and the amounts drawn for had to be replaced. The government felt that it had been victimized, and in order to protect the country’s good name, after consulta- tion with legal lights of London, established suits at law against the parties. The suit has cost a great deal of money; early in 1877 $373,380 had been paid for expense. Costa R. , Mem. Sec. Hac., 1 874-7. Should the decisions of the British courts be against Costa Rica, her financial situation should not be deemed very alarming, as is made apparent. The 7 per cent loan, reduced to Costa Rican money at 9 per cent, £2,226,500, nominal $12,134,425. Bonds repurchased, £1,026,500 $5,594,425 Received from Erlanger and Co., and appearing among the liabili- ties, £598, 611 18s. 5d 3, 262, 435 Amount not appearing among the liabilities, £601,388 Is. Id. .... 3,277,565 $12,134,425 Accepting the responsibility for the whole 7 per cent lean, it would amount to $12,134,425, deducting $3,262,435, and $5,594,425 for repurchased bonds, the total sum not included in the liability in 1876 would be reduced to $3,277,565, to which must be added $13,517, balance of the 6 per cent loan, making $3,291,082. Advantageous offers were received from Europe to extinguish the debt, which, if accepted, would reduce the nominal indebtedness of $11,990,000 to $2,398,000. This loan was negotiated for funds to build a railway. The road has cost $12,239,296, and its three sections are valued in 1883 at $6,600,000. Id., 1872-5, 1883, annexes 7 and 8. 66 Ran. Star and Herald, March 29, 1884; Costa R., Gaceta, Sept. 4, 1885. 68G COMMERCE AND FINANCE. In Panamd the receipts of the treasury from all sources in 1812, a few years previous to the separa- tion from Spain, this nation being then at war with her American colonies, were $74G,241.67 In 1827, six years after the independence, the receipts were $241,G83,6S and the expenditures $238,929. Under the law suppressing custom-houses in the ports of the Isthmus, the revenue of the province in 1847 became reduced $77,880. The amount appropriated by the provincial legislature in October 1849, for expenses of the fiscal year 1840-59, was $5 1,220. 69 After the organization of the Isthmus as a state of the Colombian confederation, there being no receipts from customs, the chief portion of the expenses has been met with a tax assessed on merchants and shop- keepers, estimated on the amount of business done by each, the legislative assembly fixing annually the sum required for the next year’s expenditures, and the proportion of it to be covered by the commercial tax. The state received $50,000 out of the annual subven- tion of $250,000 paid by the railway company to the Colombian government. Other sources of revenue have been the taxes levied on steamship agencies, consumption, slaughter of cattle, ice, distilleries, and several others which in the aggregate are not insig- nificant. The republic of Colombia being on the point of changing her organization, Pananul, consequent upon recent political events, was at the end of 1885 under a military government, the chief of which, exercising Half a million dollars was voted by congress in July 1SS6 to the extinction of tlie internal debt. Id., Aug. 14, 1886. 07 From customs, §145,000; rum, §24,000; loans, §42,500; received from Spain, $10,000; voluntary and forced contributions, §150,000; judicial de- posits, §101,000; papal dispensation bulls, §27,000 — were among the items. Lloyd's Notes Isth. Pan., in Roy. Geoy. Soc., Jour., i. 99. “Including §4,527, balance from the preceding year; §86,820 of loans; §70,000 from customs; §15,820, duties on tobacco. Id., 98. 69 The general government decreed in 1849 the suppression of tithes; re- quiring of the several provinces of the Isthmus to make up the amount which the suppressed tax yielded the previous year. The aggregate was to be applied to cover national expenses. Pinart, Pan. Col. Doc., MS., no. 86, p. 14; Pan., CrOmca Ojic., Oct. 23, 1849. DEBT OF PANAMA G87 his extraordinary powers, ordered the continuance after January 1, 1886, of the appropriations that had been decreed for 1885, with a few modifications.70 The financial condition of the state on the 30th of June, 1878, was an indebtedness of $214, 317. 11 715 The commercial tax was not to be more than double that assessed in 1885. The general govt on the 1st of April, 1885, established a salt monop- oly, and in the same year decreed the reestablishment of custom-houses at the Isthmus ports. This decree was subsequently suspended. La Estrella de Pan., May 10, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 2, 4, Dec. 30, 1885. The budgets for the ten years from 1807 to 1870 amounted together to $3,018,393, and the appropriations voted for the same year were $3,335,084. The ab- sence of regular accounts for the period 1807-75 renders it impossible to find out what were the actual receipts and expenditures. The revenue from Jan. 1, 1870, to June 30, 1877, was $339,520, and the expenses reached $350,483, though only $274,298 were paid. The revenue collected from July 1, 1877, to June 30, 1878, $218,095; the assembly voted for expenses of that fiscal year $382,841, but the government seems to have paid out only $220,278. For 1880-1 the legislature computed the revenue at $300,028. It had the preceding year authorized the executive to increase the commercial tax 25 per cent. The expenditures for the year were estimated at $310,077. Pan., Mem. Sec. Jen., 1878, 43-0, 48; 1879, 3, 32-3; Id., Leyes, 1879-80, 8, 9, 04-78. n $81,375 of it bore interest at 6 percent. Pan., Mem. Sec. JIac., 1879, 37. Dec. 19, 1879, the legislature authorized the executive to borrow $50,- 000 at 12 per cent. For further information, see Pan., Gaceta, Nov. 17, 1870, to Sept 1, 1881, passim. CHAPTER XXXIY. nTEROCEANIC communication 1801-1S87. Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage — From Peru to La Plata — Cape Horn Discovered — Arctic Regions — McClure’s Successful Voyage — Crozier’s Discovery — Franklin’s Attempts — Finding by Nordenskiold of the North-east Passage — Projects to Unite the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmuses — Plans about Tehuantepec — Explorations for a Ship-canal Route in Nicaragua, Panama, and Darien — The Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company — Construction of the Panama Railway, and its Great Benefits — Further Efforts for a Canal— Organization of a French Company — A Ship-canal under Construction across the Isthmus of Panama — Difficulties and Expectations — Central American Railroads and Telegraphs — Submarine Cables. No sooner had lands been discovered to the west- ward of Europe than the minds of cosmographers be- came fixed in the idea of short routes to India in that direction;1 nor would they abandon it until long after both shores of the western continent had been explored from the Arctic sea to Cape Horn.2 1 See summary of geographical knowledge and discovery from the earliest records to the year 1540. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 68-154, this series. -They thus argued from the first: Quintus Metellus Celer, proconsul of Rome in Gaul, was presented by the king of Suevia witli a number of red men, who had been thrown upon his coast. So said Cornelius Nepos, and Pliny repeated it. Now these savages, having no knowledge of ships or navi- gation, could not have come from America; they were not black, and conse- quently were not from Africa. There were no people in Europe like them; so they must have come from Asia. But how? Either from the east or from the west; they could not have rounded the eastern hemisphere either by its northern or southern side, for obvious reasons; therefore they must have come from the north-west, and hence there must be a way from Asia north- eastward to Europe, running round the north pole. Upon this logic were staked thousands of lives and millions of money. Dominicus Marius Niger, the geographer, speaks of men who were driven from India through the north sea to Germany, while on a trading expedition. As late as 1 1 60, some strange (088) EARLY EXPLORATIONS. C89 I have elsewhere presented a full account of explo- rations by land and sea to establish com m unications between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans prior to the opening of the present century.3 The most important of the earlier discoveries, since Magalhaes’ time, was that of the open polar sea south of Cape Horn, which was named by the Dutch navigators Le Mai re and Van Schoutcn.4 The north-west passage, so long the object of search, was at last found in 1851 by an English expedition. The discovery was effected by Robert Le Mesurier McClure, who, in command of the Investigator, sailed, together with the Enterprise under Richard Collinson, from England in 1850. Be- fore the close of the year, McClure passed Point Bar- row, pushed along the continent, doubled the south end of Banks Island, and sailed through Prince of Wales’ Strait, where he wintered near Melville Sound. In 1851, the west side of the peninsular part of Wol laston Island to Prince Albert’s Sound was surveyed By finding the strait connecting the continental chan nel with Melville Sound, McClure became the dis- coverer of the north-west passage, and was the first navigator to pass from Bering Strait to Baffin Bay.5 persons arrived on the coast of Germany. Humboldt thought they might have been Eskimos. Othon, in his Storie of the Gotlies, speaks of such arrivals, arguing that they must have drifted in through a north-west passage. Gilbert’s Discourse, in Hakluyt, iii. 16-17. Again, Hakluyt finds it recorded that some 200 years before the coming of Christ, the Romans sent a fleet against the Grand Khan, which, crossing the strait of Gibraltar, and steering toward the N. W. , in lat 50° found a channel, in which it sailed to the westward until it reached Asia, and after fighting the king of Cathay, returned by the way it went. 3 Hist. Cal., i. 1-109; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 1-342; Hist. North Mexican States and Texas, i. 1-201; Hist. Oregon, i. I will add, in this connection, that Juan de Ayola, with 200 Spaniards, in 1535 crossed from the Paraguay River to Peru. Irola, twelve years later, ascended the Paraguay River to 17° S., crossed the mountains to the Guapay River, and succeeded in estab- lishing communications between Peru and her dependency, La Plata. Lard- ner's Cabinet Cyclop., ii. 90. 4 They fitted out two vessels, Le Maire advancing most of the money, and going on the voyage as supercargo, Van Schouten as commander. They doubled the cape with one remaining ship in Jan. 161G. The Spaniards after- ward completed the exploration, and their forts in Magellan Sound became useless. The straits of Magellan have been, however, used in late years as the transit of an English steamship line. 5 Previously several attempts had been made. Kotzebue, of the Russian navy, went in 1815 to Bering Strait, and the next year discovered the sound Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 44 690 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. Yet he gave to Captain Crozier, second in command of Franklin’s expedition, the credit of prior discovery. bearing his name. Golovnin made a voyage also, but accomplished nothing. The English made a number of efforts, which, if unsuccessful in not attaining the main object, added much to geographic knowledge. Herewith I give the expeditions fitted out in England, or under English auspices. In ISIS two ships, the Dorothea and Trent, under Buchan and Franklin, went to the Spitzbergen waters, but could not advance far. Two other ships, the Isabella and Alexander, under John Ross and W. E. Parry, were ordered to Davis Strait and verified Baffin’s exploration of Baffin Bay. Ross entered Lancaster Sound, and reached 81° 30' W. by 74° 3' N. Parry made three other voyages, in 1819, 1821, and 1824, in the last of which one of his ships, the Fury, was wrecked in seeking a passage through Regent Inlet. In 1827 he at- tempted the polar voyage in sled-boats from Spitzbergen, reaching 82° 40' 30", the farthest point hitherto attained. Capt. John Franklin tried to find the passage overland from York Factory on the west coast of Hudson Bay. He wintered at Fort Chepeweyan in 1819, and in the Enterprise in 1820. In July 1821 he navigated the Arctic sea, east of Coppermine River, a considerable distance, hoping from the trend of the coast to reach Hudson Bay. Want of provisions compelled the abandonment of the expedition, and after severe hardships, and journeying 5,500 miles, reached Great Slave Lake in Dec. 1821. Lyon in 1824 attained Sir Thomas Rowe’s Welcome. Franklin re- newed his land survey of the Arctic coasts, 1825-7. He wintered in 1825 on Great Bear Lake, descended the Mackenzie, and surveyed the coast line westward to Return Reef in 70° 26' N., and 148° 52' W. Meanwhile Rich- ardson and Kendall of his party made a voyage from Mackenzie to Copper- mine River, doubling several capes, and completing the survey of the coast through 60 degrees of longitude. Beechey in 1S26 in the Blossom explored the coast from Kotzebue Sound to Icy Bay. One of his parties reached Cape Barrow. He waited for Franklin till Oct. 1827, and returned home via Cape Horn. Ross in 1829 tried to find a passage through Regent Inlet, but had to abandon his ship in Victoria Harbor, near 70°. P. W. Dease and T. Simpson in 1837-9 made important explorations between Point Barrow and Mackenzie River; the portion on the east side between Point Turnagain and the estuary of the Back s Great Fish River; and also the south sides of Victoria Land and King William Land. John Rae of the Hudson’s Bay Company sur- veyed a part of the Arctic coast east. In 1845 he surveyed Regent Inlet east and west, found an isthmus between Regent Inlet and the sea explored by Dease and Simpson. Franklin and Crozier were despatched in May 1845 with two stout ships, the Erebus and Terror, well supplied for three years. The expedition sent letters from Whalefish Island, near Disco, and was last seen on July 26th waiting to cross the ‘ middle ice’ on to Lancaster Sound, 220 miles distant. The orders were to proceed to about 74|° N. lat. and 98° W. long.; thence take a S. and W. course for Bering’s Strait, the passage west from Melville Island being precluded. A number of expeditions were despatched in search of Franklin; namely, one under John Richardson and Rae, 1847-9; ships Enterprise and Investigator under Ross and Bird, 1848-9; Herald and Plover under Kellet and Moore, 1848-52; North Star, commanded by Saun- ders, 1849-50; the Investigator and Enterprise, in 1850, under McClure and Collinson; whaler Advice, under Goodsir; a squadron commanded by Austin, consisting of the Resolute and the Assistance. Capt. Ommaney with two steam tenders under lieuts Osborn and McClintock; several ships sent by Franklin’s wife; Rae in 1851; expedition under Edward Belcher, 1852-4; ships Amplii- trite and Plover, 1852-5; McCormick in 1852; Rae in 1853-4; Anderson in 1855; and several others, among which deserve mention the American ex- peditions under lieut De Haven and S. P. Griffin, E. K. Kane, Hayes, Hall, and Schwatka; most of whom made important geographical discoveries and found relics of Franklin’s party. It was ascertained beyond a doubt that NORTH-EAST PASSAGE. 691 McClure with the Investigator was shut in during the winters of 1851-2, and 1852-3. In the spring of 1853 he resolved to abandon the ship and seek Mackenzie River and Lancaster Sound in two parties, a journey which would have been disastrous. At this moment, April 6th, Lieutenant Pym of the Resolute appeared.6 The McClure party were taken to the Resolute , and reached England in 1854. The north-east passage was discovered by Adolf Erick Nordenskiold in 1879, after 326 years from the first attempt by Hugh Willoughby in 1553.7 The necessity of shorter communication between the two oceans becoming more evident from day to day, with the increase of traffic with the western coast of America, with China, and with the numerous islands of the Pacific, various projects were enter- tained to establish such communication either by canal or railway. At Tehuantepec, Honduras, Nica- ragua, and the isthmus of Panama were formed the Franklin sailed up Wellington Channel to 77°, descended by the west side of Cornwallis Island, and wintered 1845-6 at Beechey Island. The wintering positions of the ships were in 1846-7-8 off the north end of King William’s Island. Franklin died June 11, 1847, and the ships were abandoned near the above spot Apr. 22, 1848, Capt. Crozier intending to lead the 105 survivors to Great Fish River. Only 40 men reached the vicinity of this river, and all died, according to Eskimo accounts. On this journey Lancaster Strait was connected with the navigable channel along the continent, and the existence of the north-west passage proved. Richardson s Polar Regions, 136-7, 146-9, 151-202; Lanlner’s Cabinet Cyclop., iii. 176-7, 198-247; Tytler’s Hist. Vieiv, 133-4, 283-92; Franklins Narr., i. ii. ; Quarterly Rev., xviii. 219; Am. Jour., xvi. 130-2; Encyclop. Brit., xi. 347; xviii. 329-30; xix. 331-2, 335-8; Dictionnaire de la Conversation, xii. 2; xiii. 608-10. 6 Sent by Capt. Pellet on Barrow Strait, and was guided by a message left by McClure at Winter Harbor on Melville Island. 7 Nordenskiold, a Swedish professor and experienced navigator, with the steamer Vega, commanded by Lieut Palander, on the 19th of August, 1878, reached Cape Severo or Tchelyusken, the most northern point of Siberia and of the Old World in 77° 4T N., and steered a south-easterly course, the sea free from ice and quite shallow. Aug. 27th the mouth of the Lena River was passed, the Vega parting company with her tender, the Lena, and continuing her course eastward; she almost accomplished the passage that first season; but toward the end of Sept, the Vega was frozen in off the shore of a low plain in 67° 7' N. and 173° 20' W. near the settlement of the Chugaches. After an imprisonment of 294 days, the Vega on the 18th of July, 1879, continued her voyage, and on the 20th passed Bering Strait. Nordenskiold, without loss of life or damage to his ship, arrived at Yokohama Sept. 2, 1879. Encyclop. Brit. (Am. ed.), xix. 337. INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. 692 Interoceanic Communication. TEHUANTEPEC ISTHMUS. 693 most favorable conditions for a forced or artificial transit.8 The breadth of the isthmus of Tehuantepec between the bays of Campeche and Tehuantepec at the narrow- est point is 130 miles. It is drained by the rivers Coatzacoalcos and Tehuantepec, the former running northward, discharging its waters into the first-named bay, and extending over three fourths of the width of this isthmus; the latter flowing into the bay of Tehuantepec. There are several lakes and lagoons. At one time k, was proposed to cut a canal across this isthmus, and to improve the navigation of the Coatza- coalcos, to which end surveys were made.9 But no 8 For canal: I. Tehuantepec, connecting the rivers Coatzacoalcos and Chimilapa. II. Honduras. III. River San Juan de Nicaragua: 3. River San Carlos, Gulf of Nicoya. Nicaragua Lake: 4. Rivers Nino and Tempisque, Gulf of Nicoya; 5. River Sapoa, Bay of Salinas; 6. San Juan del Sur; 7. Port Brito. Managua Lake: 8. River Tamarindo; 9. Port Realejo; 10. Bay of Fonseca. IV. Panama: River Chagres: 11. Gorgona, Panama; 12. Trinidad, Caimito; 13. Navy Bay, Rivers Chagres, Bonito and Bernardo; 14. Gulf of San Bias, and River Chepo. V. Darien: 15. Bay of Caledonia, Port Escoces, Gulf of San Miguel; 16. Rivers Arguia, Paya, and Tuyra, Gulf of San Miguel. River Atrato: 17. River Napipi, Bay of Cupica; 18. River Uruando, Kelley’s Inlet. Overland. 1st. Coatzacoalcos, Tehuantepec; 2d. Bay of Honduras to Bay of Fonseca; 3d. River San Juan, Nicaragua, Managua, Bay of Fonseca; 4th. Port Limon to Caldera, Costa Rica; 5th. Laguna de Chiriqui on Golfo Dulce; 6th. Colon, Gorgona, and Panama; 7th. Gorgon Bay, Realejo; 8th. Gorgon Bay and San Juan del Sur. Nouv. Annales des Voy., cliii. 9-10; Davis' Bept, 20. 9 A survey made in 1715 was sent to the secret archives of Madrid, where other like documents lie hidden. In 1774 the Spanish officers Corral and Cramer, after inspecting the route reported that a canal of about eight leagues might join the Chimalapa and Malpaso rivers, and establish a communication between the two streams. The Spanish general Orbegoso in 1821 explored this isthmus, and formed a map, which was not published till 1839. In 1825 he showed that it was not easy to carry a through-canal across Tehuantepec. In 1842-3 a survey was made under the auspices of Jose de Garay by C. Moro and others, to determine the practicability of a ship canal by way of the Coatzacoalcos to the gulf of Tehuantepec. The objections to the route were shown to be the expense of cutting, the uncertainty of water upon the sum- mit level, and inadequate ports at the termini. Garay, however, announced as practicable a canal of the same size as the Caledonia, in Scotland, and was put in possession of lands, etc. ; but nothing came of the transaction but diplo- matic complications resulting from Garay’s transfer of his grant to a foreign company. Finally, the Mexican congress in 1851 declared the grant forfeited. Nouv. Annales des Voy., ci., iii. , 8-9; Duflot de Mofras, Ejplor. de t Oregon, 119; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 183-4, 1SS-9; Cortes, Diario, 1S13, xix. 392; Rallies, Prov. Chiapa, 70; Chevalier, Pan., 61-2; Mex. Col. Dec. y Orel., 115; Id., Col. Ley., Ord. y Dec., iii. 113-14; Bustamante, Med. Pacific, MS., ii. , suplem. 15; Mex. Mem. Sec. Rel., 47-8; Rivera, Gohern. Mex., ii. 116; Id., Hist. Jalapa, ii. 362; iv. 211, 225, 236; Duhlan and Lozano, Leijisl. Mej., i. 738-9; Institute Nac. de Gcoy., Bol. No. 1, 30-43, with map and profile; Ward's Mex., i. 311; 694 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. action having been taken toward constructing a canal by the parties to whom franchises had been given, the scheme of a railroad across this section has been also contemplated,10 and finally a grant was made to James B. Eads, to construct a ship railway between the two gulfs, capable of having transported over it the largest ships with their cargoes.11 The scheme has been de- clared by Eads, and by other engineers of high repute in Europe and America, to be practicable. His oppo- nents deride it. He applied, without success, to the United States government for assistance.12 The idea of uniting the two oceans, by means of a canal across the isthmus of Nicaragua, occupied the attention of the Spanish court from a very early day after the conquest to the last years of its occupation of the country.13 Since the separation of Central Liot's Pan., Nic. and Tehuan., 6-12; Ramirez, Mem., 1-10S; Garay, Pri vilegio, 1-28; Id., Survey Isth. Tehuan., 3-188; Manero, Mode. Hint., 51-6; Id., Apunt. Hist., 12-13; Mex. Mem. Sec. Guerra, 1852, 19-22; Id., Mem. Instruc. de los derechos, etc., in Mexican Financier, no. 1, 1-39. In 1850-1 an American commission headed by Maj. Barnard, U. S. Engineers, surveyed the route, who reported it to possess hut little ‘ merits as a practicable line for the con- struction of a ship canal.’ Davis' Report, 5-6. In 1869 officers of the U. S. surveyed the route, and made a favorable report. In 1870 Capt. R. W. Shuffeldt, of the U. S. navy, made another survey, which confirmed the con- clusions of the former, to the effect that no extraordinary engineering diffi- culties existed, as sufficient water could be had from rivers in the Sierra Madre to supply the canal. The route begins about 30 miles above the mouth of the Coatzacoalcos, and after traversing a long distance, rises to a level of about 680 ft, then descends to the lagoon on the Pacific, a total distance of 120 miles. The distance from New Orleans to Hongkong would be 8,245 miles less than by Cape Horn, and 1,588 less than by way of Panama. Am. Cyclop., iii. 690; Manero, Apunt. Hist., 13-15. 10 By resolution of the Mexican congress, the contract of the American company was declared void in Oct. 1S82, and soon after the govt made an arrangement to have the road built on its own account. Id., Articulos, Soc. Arquit., 7-10; S. F. Call, Oct. 5, 1882; Mex. , Diario OJic., Oct. 10, 17, 18, 20, 1882. 11 Mex., Diario Debates, 10th Cong., i. 273-1930, passim.; Id., El Nolicioso, Nov. 29, 1880; Id., Col. Ley., xxxvi. 320-4; Id., Diario OJic., June 2, 1881; Aug. 10, 23, 1882; Mex’n Financier, Dec. 13, 20, 27, 18S4; Jan. 10, 24, 1885. The Mexican govt guaranteed in 1885 one and a quarter million dollars per annum for 15 years. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 16, 1886. 13 Gov. Pedrarias D&vila had the outlet of lakes Nicaragua and Managua discovered. His officers Este and Rojas favored the plan of a canal round the falls of the San Juan, and another on the Pacific slope. The project occu- pied the court and colony for many years. Herrera, iv., iii., ii.; Cent. Am., Extractos Sueltos, in Squier's MS., xxii. 108; Frobel, Aus. Am., i. 144, 241. The plan not only engaged the Spaniards but the French and English, the latter contemplating the conquest of the country. The royal engineer Man- uel Galisteo in 1781, the system of locks being little known then, declared the NICARAGUA ISTHMUS. 695 America from the crown, the canal scheme has ever been uppermost in the minds of her rulers and thinking men, and many scientific engineers and capitalists of Europe and America have taken a deep interest therein. But for divers reasons nothing was accom- plished toward establishing an adequate interoceanic communication, in any form, down to 1849. 14 This year a new arrangement was made with Cornelius Vanderbilt and Joseph L. White of New York, in which the government of the United States, through its representative, E. George Squier, became concerned. connection of the lake with the Pacific to he impracticable. In 1791 La Bas- ticle proposed widening the river Sapoa between the lake and Papagayo Gulf, and cutting a canal between that river and the gulf of Nicoya; but the French revolution caused the matter to be forgotten. In 1814 the Spanish cortes decreed the survey and construction, but subsequent political events made that decree inoperative. Saravia, Bosq. Polit. Est., 13-17; Viajero, Univ., xxvii. 180-4; Bastide, M&m. Bur. Nouv. Passage, 1-70; Humboldt, Essai Polit., i. 1-17; Bourgoane's Trav., in Pinkertons Coll., ii. 498-9; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 169-70; Dujlot de Mofras, Explor. de I’Oregon, i. 137; Squier s Nic. , 658. 14 Herewith I give a synopsis of what occurred. In 1823 a franchise was given to John Baily for a house in London, who did nothing, and the privi- lege was granted to parties in New York, who also failed to carry out the stipulations. Numerous proposals came between 1825 and 1829, which were successively accepted, but neither of them had effect. In 1829 a franchise was decreed to the king of Holland, and there was some prospect of a canal being constructed; but the war which detached Belgium from Holland broke out, and the king abandoned the project. President Morazan then contem- plated doing the work on Central American account, and the survey was begun in 1837, interrupted by Morazan ’s fall, but continued in 1838 for ac- count of Nicaragua. This same year Edward Belcher, of the Brit, navy, suggested the possibility of an artificial communication between Lake Mana- gua and the bay of Fonseca. Baily ’s explorations along the line from Rio Lajas to San Juan del Sur were terminated in 1843, and their publication furnished exact data on the canal. Meanwhile, P. Rouhand (1839), Veteri (1840), Castellon and Jerez (1842), had unsuccessfully tried to raise funds for the work in Europe. The king of France in 1844 refused his cooperation. In 1846 Louis Napoleon became warmly interested for a time. Great Britian in 1847 seized San Juan del Norte on the north, and Tiger Island on the south. Louis Napoleon turned his thoughts to other subjects. Orsted studied, in 1847-8, for the Costa Rican govt, a canal project which differed from Baily ’s in choosing a low line south of San Juan del Sur along the Sapoa River into Salinas Bay. Nicaragua in 1848 entered into a contract to build the canal with a house in New York, which, however, surrendered it. Baily's Cent. Am., 127-50; Annalcs des Voy., cliii. 14-17; clvii. 16-17; Nouv. Annales dcs Voy., xxviii. (1825), 370-82; xxxii. (1826), 369-74; Squier’s Trav., ii. 251-80, 405-20; Id., Nic., 65S; Liot’s Pan. Nic. and Telman., 13-16; Niles' Reg., xxx. 447; xxxi. 2, 72-3; lxiv. 130-1; lxv. 57-61; lxvii. 148; Salv., Diario Ojic., Dec. 16, 1S79; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 171-3; Loud. Geog. Soc., Jour., xiv. i27- 9; xx. 172; Scherzer, Cent. Am., 241; Belly, Nic., i. 84-7, 137; Id., Carted' etudes, 3545, Strains hit. Comm., 7-8; Garella, Projet, 182-8; Sampsons Cent. Am., 7-18; Marure, Mem. Hist., 1—47; Bulow, Nic., 44—57; U. S. Comm. Rept, 145, p. 230-65; U. S. Gov. Doc., Sen. Miscel. , Cong. 30, Sess 1, no. 80, 69-75; Id., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 31, Sess. 1, no. 75, 50-326, passim. 696 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. This arrangement gave rise to complications with Great Britain, which were finally settled by the Clay- ton-Bulwer treaty to perpetually guarantee the neu- trality of the canal to be constructed. The contractors failed to carry out their agreement as regarded the construction of a canal, but established the Accessory Transit Company, and by means of steamers on the two oceans, and on the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, rendered valuable service in the transpor- tation of passengers. The matter was given in detail, in connection with the relations of that company with the Nicaraguan government, including its history from the date of the foundation till 1869, when it ceased to exist. However, their engineer, 0. Childs, made a survey of the route for a canal in 1851, and recommended one from the mouth of Lajas River to Port Brito, traversing the Rio Grande Valley.15 Since that time many schemes have been contem- plated, and contracts entered into, but none of them have given the desired result.16 I have yet to mention Pirn’s scheme, advanced in 1853, of building a railway from Punta Mico on the 13 This survey was considered reliable. English engineers pronounced Brito ‘ unworthy of this great ship navigation. ’ Davis’ Deport, 6-7. ISS. Bayley in 1S52 proposed a route from La Virgen to San Juan del Sur, nearly following that of the Transit Co. without passing through the valley of the Lajas, which Baily recommended in 1843. In 1853 E. G. Squier tried to revive Belcher’s plan of utilizing both lakes, and reaching Fonseca Bay through the Conejo Valley and the Estero Real. Squier ’s proposed Honduras railway also was to reach that bay; and it is quite possible that lie contem- plated connecting the two works. Felix Belly, for Belly, Millaud, and Com- pany, in a contract of May 1858 with the Nicaraguan government, purposed carrying into execution Orsted’s proposition; but after several years’ waiting without Belly or his assigns, the International Canal Co., accomplishing any- thing, or offering better prospects for the future, the government, in 1868, declared his contract forfeited, and entered into another with Michel Cheva- lier, from which better expectations were entertained; but they were destined not to be realized. Chevalier required, as a condition sine qua non, that the contract should be ratified by the Costa Rican congress. This took place a year later, and then came the war between France and Prussia, and Nicara- gua’s last effort, like all former ones, was frustrated. Belly, Nic., i. 31-50, 170-4, 401-6; ii. 1-13, 27-36, 59-164; Id., Carte d’Hudes, 19-27, 49-91; Mr. Canal de, 1-21; Col. Dec. y Acuerdos, 1863, 39-40, 118; 1869-70, 8-23; Pirn's Gate of the Pac., 1-14, 58, 116-34, 221-30, 322-70, 394; Me., Gaceta, Jan. 7, Apr. 8, 1865; March 20, Apr. 17, 1869; Id., Informe Sec. Pel., 1869, 8—9; Id., Id., Hacienda, 1869, 3-5; Marcoleta, Min. Nic., 1-32; Hunt's Merck. May., lv. 31-48; lvi. 32-1. ACROSS MOSQUITIA. C97 Atlantic to San Mkmelito, on the eastern shore ot* © - the lake, traversing Mosquitia. A company was formed, but the project was soon found to be imprac- ticable.1. No efforts have been spared ever since by Nica- ragua and American citizens to brino- about the ac- complishment of the long-expected canal, under the impression that it is the most desirable, feasible, and least expensive route. The assistance of the United States government has been solicited, and treaties made to afford facilities, but the American congress has thus far refused to do anything, except send com- missions to explore the several lines, and their re- ports seem to be favorable.18 The last treaty concluded 11 Nic., Gciceta, Dec. 12, 24, 1S63; Nov. 9, 18G7. 18 The exploration by Com. Lull, of the U. S. navy, established the ex- istence of a practicable route for a canal with Lake Nicaragua as its summit level, 107 ft above mean tide. It was proposed to connect the lake with the Pacific by a canal 16.3 miles in length, from the mouth of the Medio River to Port Brito. The first 7.5 miles would require an excavation averaging 54 ft in depth, which would be the most costly part of the work. The plan calls for ten locks, and one tide-lock between the lake and the sea. The lake navi- gation is of 56 miles. The river San Juan would be improved by means of four dams; namely, at the rapids of Castillo, Balas, and Machuca, and at the mouth of the San Carlos River, all of which places are suitable for dams. A short section of canal with one lock would be needed to get around each of the upper three dams. From the fourth dam to San Juan del Norte, an in- dependent canal 41.4 miles long with 7 locks must be constructed, which pre- sents no apparent engineering difficulty. The total length of the canal would be 61.7 miles. No tunnelling needed. The harbor of San Juan del Norte must be dredged, and otherwise improved, to insure that no water but that of the canal shall run into the harbor. Short breakwaters must be built to pro- tect the entrances from the surf. Lake Nicaragua with a surface of 2,700 sq. miles, and a drainage area of 8,000 sq. miles, will supply 38 times the maxi- mum possible demand of water. The depth of water would be 26 ft; the width at bottom 72 ft, and at surface 150 ft. The locks, 21 in number, with a lift of from 8 to 10 ft, would be 400 ft long, 72 ft wide. The cost was esti- mated at about eighty million dollars. U. S. Gov. Doc., Sen. Jour., 916, Cong. 41, Sess. 2; Id., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt. 1, 670-8; Id., Id., 3d Sess., i. p. 160, 462-5; Id., Sec. Navy Ilept, Cong. 43, Sess. 1, p. 10-12; Id., Nic. Ship Canal Route, Cong. 43, Sess. 1; Livy, Nic., 428-40; Nic. , Gaceta, Aug. 20, 27, Oct. 22, Dec. 24, 1870; Oct. 21, 1871; Jan. 11, Fell. 22, July 12, 1873; March 21, June 6, Nov. 28, 1874; Id., Mem. Sec. Pel., 1871, 10-16, 29- 39; 1875, xiii.-xiv. ; 1879, xxvii.-viii. ; Costal’., Col. Ley., xix. 17-34, 180-1; Id., Informe Sec. Del., 1872, 2-5; 1877, 2; 1885, 4-6, 47-54; Gnat., Mem. Sec. Del., 1884, 6, 8, 9; Pan. Canal, March 5, 1883; Id. , Star and Herald, Feb. 12, 14, 1883; La Estrella de Pan., Jan. 15, 1885; El Guatemalteco, March 4, 1884. It has been asserted that formidable obstacles exist to a permanent deep-water entrance at San Juan del Norte, owing to sand and other detritus carried into it by the San Juan River, rendering it shallow and dangerous. Qisbonis lsth. Darien, 8-11. 698 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION between the two governments with reference to a canal was rejected by the United States senate. The last survey made under the auspices of the American gov- ernment was that of Engineer Menocal, of the United States navy, who, with other officers, visited Nicara- gua in January 1885. His report was presented in November of that year. The plan of this commission had been at first to convert the river San Juan above its junction with the Sarapiqui into an extension of the lake by constructing a dam 74 feet high, but it was found impracticable. The proposed route extends from San Juan del Norte to Brito. The total length is 169.8 miles, of which 38.98 miles will be excavated canal, and 130.82 navigation by Lake Nicaragua, the river San Juan, the basin of the river San Francisco, and seven locks. Lake Nicaragua will be connected with the Pacific by a canal, and with the Atlantic by slackwater navigation in the river San Juan, by a short section of canal from the San Juan to the basin of the San Francisco, by navigation through this basin, and by a canal thence to the Caribbean Sea. The route has been divided into three divisions, the western, eastern, and middle.19 The cost was carefully esti- mated, including a contingent of 25 per cent, at $64,- 043,697. De Lesseps is of opinion, however, that a canal with locks would be inadequate to pass the traffic that will frequent it, and would suffer from uncertainty of sufficient water to supply the lockage and evapo- ration.20 One of the four routes suggested by Antonio Galvao 19 The report of course gives in minute detail the engineering features of the three divisions. The proposed locks have a uniform length of 650 ft be- tween gates, and at least 65 ft of width. The canal is to have a depth of 28 or 30 ft. It is anticipated that a ship can pass from San Juan to Brito in 30 hours. Thirty-two vessels can pass the canal in a day. Excellent materials for construction are at hand. Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 5, 1885, and San Francisco newspapers. 29 This latter objection seems to be disproved by the researches of the American engineers. But the great difficulty still remains about the estab- lishment and future maintenance of a deep-water entrance to the canal at San Juan del Norte. Encyclop. Brit. (Am. ed.), iv. 701. PANAMA ISTHMUS. 699 to the king of Spain, for cutting a canal to join the two oceans, was the Isthmus of Panamd.21 Soon after New Granada threw off the Spanish yoke, several surveys of Panamd and Darien were made, and canal projects recommended;22 two of them, deemed the most important, were that of Lloyd’s to build a railroad from Panama or La Chorrera to the Trinidad River, a tributary of the Chagres; and that of a sluiced canal recommended in 1843 by Garella and Courtines, who 21 This Isthmus was surveyed in 1520 by two Flemish engineers, who re- ported adversely. The king for politic reasons would not have the subject mentioned again. So it has been said. Dufiot de Mofras , Explor. de V Oregon, i. 119. The section was repeatedly explored. In 1534 preliminary work for a ship canal was done, under royal order, by Gov. Gama. The Chagres River was made navigable to where the wagon road began. Pan. CM., in Siguier's MSS., xi. 1-6; Andagoya , Carta al Rey., in Id., 8; Garella, Isth. de Pan., 3-5; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Ind., 761. Various schemes were broached in the 17th century, meeting with no encouragement. In 1687 Lionel Wafer was guided by Mandinga Indians from the gulf of San Miguel to Concepcion on the Atlantic side. W. Paterson, from his settlement at Caledonia Harbor, made several journeys into the interior, recommending it to his company for interoceanic traffic. Ulloa and Jorge Juan explored Panama for a route in 1736. Juan and Ulloa Voy., i. 94; Fitz-Roy, in Bond. Geog. Soc., Jour., xx. 170, 178; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 164-5. A road was opened on the isth. of Darien by Gov. Ariza from Puerto Escoces to Puerto del Principe on the Sabaua River, which enters the Pacific. Ariza, Darien, MS., 11-12; De Puydt, in Bond. Geog. Soc., Jour., xxxviii. 69; Cullens Darien, 192-204; Pirns Gate oj the Pac., 183-4; Scherzer, Cent. Am., i. 248-9. In 1S20 Capt. Illingsworth of the Chilian corvette Ba Rosa (a) Andes had his shallop drawn across the cor- dillera, and launched in the Napipi, whence it proceeded to Quibdo or Citera, near the mouth of the Atrato, where it was found in 1824 by Cochrane, who in examining Darien for a canal route found the obstacles almost insurmount- able. Annales des Voy., cliii. 8, 22, 36. Domingo Lopez, a Colombian, traced a line for a canal between Panama and Portobello. Arosemena, Apuntes Hist,, 4. In 1827, C. Friend of the British navy made an excursion from the banks of the Atrato to the bay of Cupica. But the first formal exploration was made, shortly after Friend’s tour, by Lloyd of Pres. Bolivar’s staff, and Capt. Falmarc, a Swede in the Colombian service, under Bolivar’s auspices. After completing their labors in 1829, they declared that a railway, if not a canal, was feasible between Chagres and Panama. The notes of the expedition were published in Philosophical Trans., for 1830, and in Bondon Geog. Soc., Jour., i. 69-101 ; chevalier, Pan., 112-13; Bull. Society Geog., xiv. 88, 53-66; Demoo. Rev., vi. 297-8; JVouv. Annales des Voy., xlviii. 380-1; Garella, Isth. de Pan., 8-9. “Thierry’s canal project, 1835; Biddle’s survey for a canal, 1836; Morel, soon after Lloyd’s survey, in 1837-8, sought a canal route somewhat south of the line from Chagres to Pan. in the angle between the rivers Chagres and Trinidad, through Vino Tinto Lake. In a later survey he kept more to the left; Watts’ explorations in 1838; Barnet’s survey of Chiriqux in 1839. Niles' Reg., xlviii.; Arosemena, Exdrnen, 8-34; Pinart, Hisc. Papers, no. 1, Decrees 113-17; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 4, 1882; Interoc. Canal and Monroe Doct., 23-4; Chevalier, Pan., 117-22; Barnet's Surv., in Chiriqui Imp. Co. Coll.; Pan., Gaceta 1st., Sept. 20, 1841; G. B. Watts, in Am. Geog. and Slat., Soc. Bull., L pt. iii. 64-80. 700 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. studied the Isthmus under a commission of the French government. And there were other projects.23 The attention of the United States government was directed to the subject of interoceanic routes as early as 1825. In 1835 the executive "was requested by the senate to enter into negotiations with the Central American states and New Granada, conducive to treaties for the protection of Americans who might attempt opening the communication between the two oceans. A treaty was made by the United States with New Granada on the 12th of December, 184G, under which the latter guaranteed to the former “the l ight of way or transit across the Isthmus of Panama, upon any inodes of communication that now exist, or that may be hereafter constructed.” The United States government on its part guaranteed to New Granada the neutrality of the Isthmus, and the rights 23 Garella’s canal, beginning at Limon Bay, was to pass under the Aliog- ayegua ridge by means of a tunnel 120 ft high and 17,390 ft long, to the bay of Vaca del Monte, 12 miles west of Panama. The route follows the Bernar- dino and Caimito valleys on the southern slope, and those of Quebrado and Chagres on the northern. The highest elevation 4.79 feet above the sea level, the mountain being tunnelled 324 feet 9 in. below its highest point; so that the canal would at the summit be 135 feet above the sea, and require 35 locks. Lloyd, acting for the British government, arrived at the same conclusions. Garella, Projet d'un canal, 11-194, 230; Nouv. Ann. des Voy., cvi. 36-40; (J. S. Gov. Doc., II. Com. Rcpt, 145, p. 70-7, 506-71, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; Arosemena, Exdmen, 5-6, 11. Hellcrt, in 1S44— 5, explored the Darien from Rio Paya to the Atrato. W. B. Liot, of the Brit, navy, proposed in 1S45 a macadamized road, or a railroad from Portobello to Panama. Capt. Kellet, being informed by Indians that tire Napipi River, a tributary of the Atrato, approached very closely to the bay of Cupica, crossed on foot in 1S47 till he reached a river which was supposed to flow into the Atlantic. Cullen claimed to have crossed the Darien. In 1S49 he found the Sabana River, ascended it, crossed from Canasas to the sea-shore at Port Escoces and returned. In 1850 and 1S51 he crossed several times alone by different routes from the Sabana to Escoces, convinced that this must be the future route for ships. Here are the requi- site secure harbors; the highest elevation of the valleys through the ridges is not over 150 feet, which is lower than any level as yet found; locks and tun- nel might be avoided; the canal need be only 26 or 27 miles long, two miles through hard rock. Unfortunately, Cullen gave no notes or measurements to prove this. Capt. Fitz-Roy, of the British navy, published a memoir on a communication between the Atrato, by way of its tributary the Napipi or Naipi, and Cupica Bay. Greiff, a Swedish engineer, confirmed his observa- tions. In 1S50-1 Chevalier explored the Isthmus for information on inter- oceanic routes. (J. S. Coast Survey, 18GS, 260-7; Liot' s Pan., etc., p. iii. ; See- rnann’s Voy., i. 220; Davis' Rept, 9-14, and several maps; Cullen's Isth. Darien Ship Canal, 2ded., 19; Annales des Voy., cliii. 23; Chevalier, in Soc. Gcoy. Bull., Ber. iv., tom. iv., no. 19, pp. 30-70. PANAMA RATLWAY. 701 of sovereignty and property over its territory.24 At last an American company, being stimulated by the great traffic across the Isthmus, took up the matter of a railway.25 The termini resolved on were Colon on the Atlan- tic, and on the Pacific, a little to the eastward of the city of Panama, quite clear of the suburbs. The work was begun in January 1850, and finished on the 28th of January, 1855. Its total length is 47 miles, 3,020 feet. The line is a single one, but has four very com- modious sidings; namely, Gatun, 7^ miles from Colon; one near Barbacoas, 22 miles; one at Matacliin, 30 miles; and one at the summit, 37 miles. There are stations at every four miles. The undertak- ing was a bold one, and was successfully carried out under the able and energetic superintendence of George M. Totten.26 The actual cost, as per con- 24 The U. S. had the country surveyed in 1833-4 between the Chagres and Panama. Fairbairn, in United Serv. Jour., 1832, pt ii. 207-9; U. S. Gov. Doc., 4 Ex. Doc. 228, vol. iv., Cong. 25, Sess. 2; Id., Id. 77, vol. iv., Cong. 28, Sess. 1; Id., U. S. Comm. Rep. 145, p. 3, 265-332, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; Pub. I’r ca- des, 1S75, p. 55S; Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 18, 1848; Niles' Reg., i. 440; Tucker's Monroe Doc., 43-4. 25 The parties forming the company were William H. Aspinwall, Henry Chauneey, and John L. Stephens, all of New York, who on the 15th of April, 1850, made a contract with the New Granadan government, binding them- selves to construct within a given time a railway between a point on the Atlantic and Panama, for the transportation of travellers, cattle, merchan- dise, etc., under a fixed tariff of rates. Certain advantages were allowed New Grenadan citizens. It is not necessary to state here all the terms of the con- tract. It was to be in force 49 years, and the New Granadan government was to receive three per centum of the net profits. It subsequently received $10,000 a year additional on the mails. Passengers, merchandise, and every- thing else passing in transitu over the railroad, were to be free of duties and im- posts. The contract was amended July 5, 1867. Under the new arrangement the company was to own the railway for 99 years; and pay the Colombian gov- ernment one million dollars in gold, and thereafter $250,000 a year in quar- terly instalments, Colombian mails passing over the road free of expense. Large grants of land were made to the company, who further bound them- selves to carry the railroad to the islands of Naos, Culebra, Perico, and Fla- menco, or to some other suitable place on the bay. The prolongation has never been carried out. Bidwell’s Isth. Pan., 299-308, 397 — 41 7 ; Pan., Boledn OJic., Nov. 15, 1867; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 31, 1880; Arosemcna, Pan. Prolong. Ferro - carril, 1-18; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 3, Oct. 5, 1867; Sept. 12, 13, 28, 1877; Rouliaud, Regions Nouv. , 1878-9, p. 343-51; Pan. Mem. Sec. Jen., 1877, 21-2. 20 The difficulties of the ground and climate, together with scanty resources of the country and scarcity of labor, were overcome. The road runs on the easterly bank of the Chagres River as far as Barbacoas, where it crosses the river over a bridge 625 ft long, 18 ft broad, and 40 ft above the mean level. '02 I XT ER OCEANIC COMMUNICATION. struction account, was eight million dollars. The road has been improved from year to year. Articles of the coarsest and heaviest description, as well as ordi- nary merchandise, have been constantly conveyed over it. The road began to yield some income since 1852, when it had reached Barbaeoas. I give in a note some statistics on receipts and expenditures.27 The company from the beginning of its operations had a line of telegraph between Panama and Colon. In 1881 the railway was sold to the company organized to construct a canal for $17,500,000, being at the rate of $250 per share. Adding other items, and interest on annual instalments, the share-holders received about twenty million dollars.23 A survey made by United States officers in 18GG, through Chiriquf, showed that it was practicable to build a railway through the cordillera. The harbors of Chiriqui and Sheperd on the Atlantic, and of Golfito in Golfo Dulce, were favorably reported upon by Commodore F. Engle.29 A full account of the construction may be found in Otis’ Ilist. Pan. R. R., 1- 46; Thornton's Oregon and Cal., ii. 349-52; Pint’s Gateway, 192-209, 415-28; Hie., Carr. 1st., May 30, June, 12, 1850; De Bow's Encyc., pt ii. 493-4; Fremont's Am. Trav., 171-2, and other authorities too numerous to name here. The construction cost many lives of all nationalities, owing to the climate; and was finally completed with negroes of the Isthmus, Jamaica, the coast of Cartagena and Santa Marta. Maldonado, Asuntos Polil., MS., 6. 27 Receipts from 1852 to Dec. 31, 1854, §1,026,102; 1855-00, $8,748,020; 1801-6, $12,309,602. Total, $22,143,850. Expenses to end of 1855, includ- ing share of profits paid the New Granadan govt, $1,123,081; of 1850-00, $8,748,318. Total, $9,871,399. Net proceeds, $12,272,451. The transit trade has been the main business of the Isthmus. For many years, till the Brit steamship trade by the straits of Magellan developed, and the overland rail- way between Omaha and S. F. was completed, almost all merchandise going to or from Europe and the eastern ports of the United States, Cuba, etc., to California, the west coast of South America, and Central America, was sent by way of the Isthmus, including even copper from Bolivia and Chile. Re- ceipts of the railroad 1883-4, $0,300,700. Expenses in same years, $3,979, 144. Net proceeds $2,327,616; a net increase of earnings in 1884 over 1883, of $24,032. Further information in the last preceding chapter connected with the Isthmus transit trade. Buhoell's Isth. Pan., 286; Otis' Hist. Pan. R. R., 59-69; Supcrint. Burt's Rept, March 7, 1885, in Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 22, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885. 28 Pan. Star and Herald, June 23, 1881; Sept. 18, 1882; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 217-19. 29 Davis’ Rept, 8; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Journ., 1345, Cong. 36, Sess. 1; 541, Cong. 36, Sess. 2; Id., Sen. Doc. 1, pp. 17, 36-44, iii. pt 1, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; Harper’s Mag., xxii. 193-209. VARIOUS SCHEMES. 703 But the idea of an interoceanic canal was ever pres- ent.3’ Nothing was practically done, until the whole 30 New Granada granted, in 1852, to Fox, Cullen, and others, the privi- lege of opening a canal between Caledonia Bay and the gulf of San Miguel. Cullens Darien Ship Canal, 1-14G. Gisborne thought it was a mere matter of excavation costing about sixty million dollars. After having spent a great deal of time on the examination of the Atrato and San Juan rivers since 1852, F. M. Kelly, of N. Y., in 18G4 explored the route from Chcpo River to the gulf of San Bias, which is only 30 miles long, but calls for a tunnel. Several surveys followed; namely, Strain, of the U. S. navy, early in 1854, with a party explored the Darien. After several weeks’ toil they lost them- selves; five men perished, the rest reaching Yavisa on the east coast. About the same time a New Granadan expedition under Codazzi made a similar at- tempt, but meeting with disaster, after losing several men, gave up the enterprise. The same year English and French officers made explorations. Cullen and Gisborne were with them, and saw their former statements proved false. Next in order is Kennish’s examination, followed by Michler and Cravens, of the U. S. navy, who confirmed his report in all essential points. Schemer, Cent. Am., 250-1; Mex. Annies Min. Fomento, i. 83-8; Strains Inter. Comm., 18-27. La Charme, in 18G5, by order of the merchant Gogorza, surveyed from the south of the gulf of Darien to the gulf of San Miguel by way of the Tuyra River. De Puydt, for the International Colom- bia Co., reported having found a favorable route from Puerto Escondido to the Tuyra, and thence to the gulf of San Miguel. Abert’s Ship Canal, G3-9, 72-9; La Charme, in Putnam's Mag., iii. 329-41; Pan., Gaceta, July 2, 187G; Lond. Gcog. Soc., Jour., xxiv. 249; xxxviii. G9-99. Bourdivl, in 18G4, passed from the Pacilic with 25 men to the mouth of the Lara, and thence across the Isthmus to Chucuanaque River, reaching it just below the Sucubti. Here the natives left him for fear of the savages, and he had to return. Rear- adm. C. H. Davis, supt of the U. S. Naval Observatory at Washington, issued a Report on Interoceanic Canals and Railways, for his government, in 1867, reviewing modern explorations of the continent from Darien to Hondu- ras for canals and railroad routes, and giving maps thereof, and a list of au- thorities thereon. His work is quite thorough to its date. Davis’ Rept, 15- 19. The secretary of the U. S. navy thus summarized in 1S73 the report of Com. Selfridge, who, in 1870-2, made a thorough exploration cf several lines in the narrower portion of Darien. This route includes 100 miles of naviga- tion of the Atrato River, which is capable of being navigated by the largest steamers. Between the Atrato and the Pacific, a canal must be made of 28 miles in length, of which it would pass 22 through a plain with a gradual rise of 90 feet. Of the other 6 three would be in moderate cutting, the other three would be of tunnelling. The estimated cost was between $52,000,000 and $03,000,000, and the time for completing the work ten years. The tun- nel would be 112 ft high, 60 feet wide, and have 87 ft of clear headway above the surface of the water. The canal would have 25 ft in depth, 50 ft of width at the bottom, and 70 at surface. The locks, 20 in number, were to be 427 ft long, 54 ft wide, with a lift of 10 ft. The water supply, much in excess of the requirement, would be derived from the Napipi River. Two alternative schemes were also presented, increasing the length of tunnelling, and diminishing the number of locks, at an estimated cost of $85,000,000 to $90,000,000. He proved De Puydt ’s line impracticable. Selfridgc’s full report, with maps and illustrations, etc., in U. S. Gov. Doc., Darien Explor., Cong. 42, Sess. 3; Brief reports by sec. of the navy and Selfridge, in Id., II. Ex. Doc., i. p. 3 (sec. of navy), vol. iii., pp. 9-10, 133-41, Cong. 41, Sess. 3; Harper’s Mag., xlvii. (Nov. 1873), 801-20; Enclyclop. Brit. (Am. ed. ), iv. 700-1. In 1873 Selfridge surveyed the valley of the Bojaya, another tribu- tary of the Atrato, more to the north, which was regarded as more favorable. The Am. govt despatched two other expeditions in 1874, one of which sur- 704 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. subject was discussed in 1875 at the congress of geo- graphical sciences held in Paris, and a company was organized under General Ttirr for effecting the requi- site explorations. Lucien N. Bonaparte Wyse, a lieutenant of the French navy, assisted by other en- gineers, was sent out to the Isthmus. The exploring commission effected their work thoroughly, and the section from Colon to Panama was given the prefer- ence.31 The Colombian government granted on the 18th of May, 1878, to the Civil International Inter- oceanic Association, residing in Paris, the exclusive privilege for ninety-nine years of constructing a canal between the two oceans, at the same time establish- ing the neutrality of the ports at the termini, and of the canal itself.32 De Lesseps, of Suez Canal fame, undertook in 1879 the task of constructing the canal, and the first meet- ing of the company, now called Compagnie Universal du Canal Interoceanique de Panama, took place in 1881. It was calculated that six hundred million francs, or be it $120,000,000, would cover the expense of construction and completion. One of the company’s first acts was to establish in New York a branch board of directors, and another was to purchase the Panama railway.33 The works were commenced in October 1881. 34 The canal in course of construction follows veyed a line between the Atrato and the Pacific across the state of Canca; the other a line parallel with the Panama railway. 31 It affords a much shorter route than that of Darien, and the cordillera is there less than 290 ft high. The watershed being nearer the Pacific than the Atlantic, the streams running into the former ocean are of little impor- tance, whereas the Chagres on the Atlantic slope, with its tributary, the Obispo, forms a navigable channel, which in the rainy season attains to for- midable proportions. 32 A copy of the contract and grant appears in Bogota, Diario OJic., May 22, J STS; an English translation in U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 4G, Sess. 2, i. pt i. 243. Under the contract the Colombian govt will receive at certain periods of it from G to 8 per cent of the net receipts; but its share is never to be under $250,000 a year. 33 The U. S. govt tried to secure by treaty with Colombia the right to establish forts, arsenals, and naval stations on the Isthmus, though no forces were to be kept there in time of peace. A protocol was signed i:i New York by representatives of both governments in Feb. 1S81, to amend the treaty of 1 84G, but failed of ratification at Bogota. Diario de Cundinamarca, Apr. 28, 1S81; Pan. Star and Herald, May 20, 24, June 24, 25, 1881. 31 De Lesseps, Wyse, and. other officials of the canal, received the highest DIFFICULTIES TO OVERCOME. 705 the route of the railway, though keeping closer to the bed of the Chagres, which it is to cross again and again; on the Pacific side it will descend the Rio Grande Valley, and continue seaward to the island of Perico, a total length of fifty-four miles.35 The works have been prosecuted with more or less vigor, by the use of powerful dredges, until the capi- tal became exhausted, and their operations declined for many months, seeming to confirm predictions of failure.36 However that may be, De Lesseps and his friends are confident that the opening of the canal will become an accomplished fact within eight years from the time of commencement.37 There can be no doubt marks of regard from the people of the Isthmus. Pan. Ley., years 1879-80, 9-11, 30; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 1, 12, 19, 22, 1880; Jan. 27, Feb. 13, 17, 1881. The company at once made provision for a health service, in spacious and well-regulated hospitals, etc. Companyo, Projet d’ or ganiz. du serv. de santd, 1 137, and a map. 3d The bottom throughout its length, 8.5 metres below the mean level of both oceans; width, 22 metres at bottom, 50 metres at top; except through the Culebra ridge, where the depth will be 9 metres, with the width of 24 metres at bottom and 28 metres at top. It must be observed that the levels of the two oceans are not alike at all times; at Colon the difference in the tides never exceeds 23 inches, whereas in Panama it is usually 13 ft, and at times nearly 20. This must produce a current in the canal sufficient to im- pede navigation for several hours at each tide. The great difficulties to over- come are the mountain and the river Chagres. The company contemplated at first to tunnel the mountain, but gave up the plan, and resolved to cut down through the solid strata — fortunately soft and otherwise easy — for a depth of between 300 and 400 ft over a long distance. The next task — by far the most difficult one — is to deal with the eccentricities of the Chagres, which discharges at Matachin a volume of water averaging 100 cubic metres per second, which at low water may sink to 15 or 20 cubic metres, and at flood rise to 500 or 600. Several plans have been contemplated, one of which was to construct an enormous dam at Gamboa, between the Obispo and Santa Cruz hills, 9G0 metres at the base, 1,960 at the top, with a width at bottom of 1,000 metres, and a height of 45 metres. But it is understood that the engineers have finally concluded to make no use of the waters of the Chagres, but to change their course and let them run to the ocean through the desert; this will be left to the last. Moreover, locks will be built to control the tides. De Lesseps, confident that the canal will be finished in 1889, says there will be no time in the interval to construct the locks; that they can be made later. The chief point being that shipping shall pass through the canal. .See Bulletin da Canal Oc&anique, issued since 1879; Engineering, 1883-4; Reclus, Explor., in Tour du Monde, for a series of views; Sullivan’s Prob- lem of Interoc. Communic., Washington, 1883; Ammon’s Interoc. Ship Canal, Pliila., 1880; N. Y. Herald, Feb. 6, 1882; Encyclop. Brit. (Am. ed., 1885), xviii. 213. 30 It is estimated that the excavation of the canal proper demands the re- moval of about 122,000,000 metres, and up to Jan. 31, 1886, only 15,000,000 metres had been done, at an expense of $30,000,000. 37 Charles D. Jameson, a member of the Boston Society of Civil Engineers, IIist. Cent. A:r., Von. III. 45 706 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. that a large portion of the original capital was wasted, and if rumor is not at fault much was misappropriated. But public confidence in De Lesseps remains unshaken in France, and he has been able to obtain by subscrip- tion abundant funds to continue the work,38 and it is now being vigorously pushed. His calculation is that there will be business for the canal to the extent of 7,250,000 tons, yielding 6 or 7 per cent on 2,000 million francs, or 108,000,000 francs, equivalent to $21,000,000. This is not the piace in which to speak of the sev- eral northern railways across the continent. The Central American states- — exclusive of Panama, which has had that benefit since 1855 — have made some progress in late years toward establishing railway communication between the two seas. ( Guatemala has one line from Port San Jose, on the Pacific, to the capital,39 and another from Port Champerico, also on the Pacific, to Retalhulen.40 Measures had likewise been taken to communicate the capital by railroads with the northern sea, con- templating at the same time to build another line from thinks there is no insurmountable obstacle. The following newspapers con- tain information on the canal’s affairs. Pan. Canal, July 12, 18S1; Id., Star and Herald, July 20, 1881; July 11, Nov. 10, 1882; ami in almost every issue till 1886 inclusive. La Estrella de Pan., July 31, 1884; S F. Bulletin; Id., Alta Cal.; Id., Morning Call; Id., Chronicle; and every other published on the Pacific coast, as ■well as in the whole United States; Mex. Financier, July 5, 1884; Correoso's Statement, MS., 9-11. 38 To raise the original capital the liabilities of the company became $150,- 000,000, which at 4 per cent equals $6,000,000 annual interest. If ships crossing the canal be charged $3 per ton, $5,780,000 will be yearly required to pay the interest. S. F. Call, Nov. 9, 1886. De Lesseps reckoned the monthly output of excavation, which in 18S5 was 658,000 metres and in 1886 1,079,000, should reach 2,000,000 metres a month in 18S7, and 3.000,000 metres a month in 18S8, and up to the completion of the work in 1889. Pan. Star and Herald, Aug. 5, 7, 11, 12, 1886. 39 It is well to say in this connection that tramways have also been built in the capital, under the auspices of the govt. It was also planned to have another from the department of Sacatepequez, to run from the town of Ciu- dad Vieja, through Antigua Guatemala, to the town of Pastores. 40 Gnat., Mem. Sec. Fomenlo, for years 1880-5; Id., Sec. Bel., year 1884; Id., El Guatcmalteco (official), March 4, May 10, 22, Oct. 12, 1884; July 19, 1885; BatreF Sketch Bonk, 8-10, 43; Pan. Star and Herald. Nov 24, Dec. 16, 1882; March 8, 1884; Id., Canal, Jan. 17. 188? CENTRAL AMERICAN RAILWAYS. 707 Coban to the Polochic River. However, these pro- jects, so far as I know, have been, since President Barrios’ death, in abeyance. The Spanish court was repeatedly urged to open communications between Puerto Caballos and the bay of Fonseca.41 Traffic on mule-back was carried on between both seas in colonial times; but what we know of the isthmus of Honduras is derived from the surveys made by the British Honduras Interoceanic Railway Company, and reported by their agent, E. G. Squier. As a practi- cable route for a ship canal, Honduras is out of the question ; but the construction of a railroad was begun between Puerto Caballos or Cortes, on the Caribbean Sea, and Amapala in the bay of Fonseca,42 through the valley of the Goascoran and Humuva rivers — 232 miles. The road was graded, and a narrow-gauge track was built from Port Cortes to San Pedro, of about 37 miles in length. The work was suspended in 1871, and abandoned in 1873. Civil disturbances and lack of means have prevented its resumption. Several franchises have been granted in later years for continuing it; but nothing of a practical nature has resulted.43 Salvador has no territory on the Atlantic slope. She has a railroad between San Miguel and Port La Union; another line is being built from Port Acajutla to the heart of the coffee region of Santa Ana. It is possible that in the future the republic may be placed 41 A nihon, Discurso, Izaguirre, Relation, Duarte, Relation, and Criado de Castilla, Descub., all in Squeir's MSS., v., vii., viii., and xvii., respectively. 42 Loans were raised in Europe for the purpose, the particulars of winch are given in connection with Honduran finances. 11 For further information, see Squier s Cent. Am., 74-9, GSO, 729-30, 756- 9; Id., Hond., 207-16, 225-35; Id., Hond. Interoc. Railway, 1-102; Reicliardt, Vic., 284—6; Wells' Hond., 130-1; Fitz- Roy' s Rept Railway; Guat., Gaceta, Jan. 27, 1854; Hond., Gaeeta Ofic., May 10, 1854; Costa R., Gaceta, March 4 to Oct. 21, 1854, passim; Nic., Gaceta, July 25, Nov. 21, 1868; March 20, Nov. 13, 1869; Feb. 19, 1870; Feb. 11, Aug. 19, 1871; Id., El Porvenir, Oct. 1, 1871; U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 306; Nic., Semanat Nic., May 15, 1873; Am. Cyclop., viii. 790; Froebel's Cent. Am., 189-90; Bell- Nic., ii. 22-7; Rim's Gate of the Pac., 313-21; Laferriere de Pains a Guat., 101-6; Pan. Star and Herald, March 23, Oct. 4, 1883; March 20, 1886; Id., Canal, March 28, 1883; Hex. Financier, Dec. 8, 1883. 703 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. in communication, by railway, with the Atlantic, through the territory of her neighbors. In Nicaragua the line between Corinto and Chinan- dega, and hence to Leon, was in operation in 1881-2. The work steadil}r progressed. The western section was opened to public service in 1884, connecting it with the steam-ship line on the lake. Thus was Managua, the capital, placed in rapid and cheap communication by steam with Corinto, the chief port of the republic. The whole line from Momotombo to Corinto was yield- ing six and four fifths per cent on the capital invested. In the eastern section the work was going on rapidly at the end of 1884, and 20 miles to Masaya would soon be finished. The government contemplated to have a direct railway line from Villa de la Paz to Managua, thus establishing a continuous communica- tion between Managua and Granada.44 Costa Rica, thus far, has three lines, or rather divisions or sections; namely, the Central, running between San Jose and the interior provinces, via Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, Tres Rios, and San Joa- quin; the Atlantic, from Limon to the interior, which is the route through which most of the country’s foreign trade is carried on ; and the Pacific which runs from Puntarenas to Esparta.45 The five Central American republics are intersected by telegraph lines belonging to their respective gov- ernments, and communicating their chief towns with one another within themselves, and with the sister republics.46 The isthmus of Panamd has a cominuni- 44 Kic. , Mem. Min. line., 1883, pp. vii.-viii. ; Presid. Cardenas, Mensaje, Jan. 15, 1885, in Costa R., Gar eta Ojir., Eel). 4, 1S85. 45 The termination of the Atlantic and other lines depends on the arrange- ment of the republic’s foreign indebtedness. The cost of the three sections was S12,239,29ti; and in 1883 they were valued at 86,900,000. Costa R., Mew. Sec. Hacienda, 1883, Table no. 10; Annexes 8 and 9; 1884, 152-3, 287; Id., Id., Fomento, 1S83, 1-4; 1884, 29-30; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 8, 1S83; July 23, Oct. 24, 1885; Costa R., Gaceta, May 16, Aug. 12, Sept. 1-27, 1885. 46 For particulars, see Costa R., Informe See. Gohern., years 1873-4; Id., Id., Olrras Pith., 1879-80; Id., Id., line., 1880, 1883; Id., Id., Fomento, 1883; Id , Col. Ley., 18S0, 85-9; 1381, 55-9; Nic., Semanal Kic., Jan. 15, 1884; Saiv. , TELEGRAPH LINES. 709 cation by submarine cable with Central America and Mexico at the port of La Libertad and Acapulco. The cities of Panamri, and Colon are in direct commu- nication by wire. The Isthmus is further connected by cable, on the Pacific, with Peru, via Buenaventura, which also places it in telegraphic communication with Bogota and the rest of Colombia. A cable to Jamaica affords another connection, via Cuba, with the United States and Europe.47 Diario Ofic., Aug. 18, Sept. 12, 1878; Id., Gaceta Ofic., Aug. 12, 187G; Jan. 9, Feb. 22, .June 29, 30, 1877; Apr. 19 to Nov. 13, 1879, passim; Nic,, Mem. Sec. Hac., 1883; Id., Id., Gobern., 1883; Id., Id., Interior, 1883; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 81; Id., Mem. Sec. Fomento, years 1880-5; Id., Presupuesto Gen., 19-29. 47 Eardley- Wilmot's Our Journal, 69; Colombia, Diario Ofic., Feb. 26, Sept. 10, 1874; Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 11, Aug. 12, 1880. The connection at La Liber- tad was established on the 1st of Oct., 1882. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. 51-4. Scattered through this third volume have been given bibliographical notices of about twenty of the chief works consulted in its preparation. I have now to add a few others deserving of special mention. The Gospel in Central A mer- ica was written by Frederick Crowe, an Englishman, and a Baptist preacher, who resided some time in Central America in the interest of his church. The book— a 12mo of 588 pages, published in London, 1850 — contains, as its title implies, a sketch of the country, including British Honduras, physical and geographical, historical and political, moral and religious. The author did his task as well as circumstances permitted, in view of the fact that at his violent deportation much of the material he had gathered was left behind and never recovered. At all events, it afforded much which till then was little known of that country. The statements contained therein not original are credited to the sources from which they were taken; for events after the declaration of independence the author relied on the book of travels by Robert C. Dunlop, from which I have also culled some important facts. Centro- Arnerilca, and Nicaragua, both written in German by the traveller C. F. Reichardt, and published in Braunschweig, in 8vo form, respectively in 1851 and 1854; the former being of 256, and the latter of 296 pages, one and the other provided with maps. The two works contain valuable data, entitled to credit. A ns Amerika, by Julius Frobel, issued in 1855 at Leipzig, and Geographic und Statestif von Mexico und Centralamerika, by J. G. Wappaus, published at Leipzig in 1863, have also afforded much useful knowledge. In writing this chapter on interoceanic communication, I am indebted to the Cabinet Cyclopaedia, directed by Dionysius Lardner, and to John Richardson’s Polar Regions, the first-named giving in it3 first three volumes all that was known to 1830-1, on the geography of the ancients and middle ages, and on modern voyages and discoveries. The latter narrates the voyages made to discover the north-west passage, furnish- ing likewise a view of the physical geography and ethnology of the polar regions north and south; the whole subject, though treated in a summary way, brings it out quite comprehensively. The Report on Interoceanic Canals and Railroads, between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans— an 8vo of 37 pages with numerous maps printed in Washington, 1867 — by Charles H. Davis, superintendent of the U. S. Naval Observatory, contains all that was known on the subject to the time of its publication. The Encyclopaedia Britannica — American edition, issued, 1875-86, at Philadelphia — has also afforded valuable data on the voyages in the polar seas, and on explorations and surveys con- 710 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. The question of interoccanic communication by ship-canal across the isthmuses of Central America occupying, as it does, general attention, I have con- cluded to append hereto information on the subject by several competent authorities; namely, the British explorer, Dr Edward Cullen, and E. George Squier. Ignorance respecting Darien. — It is a very singular circumstance that the coast of Darien, the first settled in America (Santa Maria having been founded in 1509, and Acla in Caledonia Bay in 1514), within eighteen days’ steaming from England, close also to such frequented ports as Chagres, Carthagena, and Kingston, Jamaica, should he at the present day as unknown as the coasts of Patagonia or of New Guinea, and that the vast advantages of this tract of country, for a canal, should have escaped the penetration of the great Humboldt, who, after having examined all the maps in the Deposito Hidrografico of Madrid, appears to suggest the Chuquanaqua. He says: ‘ On the Pacific coast, also, the deep Golfo de San Miguel, into which falls the Tuyra with its tributary, the Chuchunque, runs far into the Isthmus; the river Chuchunque, too, in the upper part of its course, runs within sixteen geographical miles of the Antillean shore of the Isthmus, westward of Cape Tiburon. ’ Views of Nature, Potsdam, June 1849, p. 432 of Bohn’s translation. The Atrato route labors under the disadvantage of a bad harbor, on the Pacific side, Cupica being of very small extent, and open to the s. w. ; and the Atrato has a bar with only five feet of water on it, while the rise of tide in the Gulf of Darien is only two feet. The Chagres, or Limon Bay and Panama route, surveyed in 1829 by Col Lloyd and M. Falmarc, under a commission from the Liberator, Simon Boli- var, and subsequently by M. Garella, has such bad harbors that the idea of a canal by that line has been totally abandoned. The route from Chepo mouth to Mandinga Bay, proposed by Mr Evan Hop- kins,48 who attempted to survey it in 1S47, for the New Granada govern- nected with canal matters. None of those works, however, nor the numerous others consulted, have furnished the required information from the beginning of the 19th century to the present time; and those of later years do not usually, to any extent, go back to early ones, or if they do, it is only to give some meagre information. But my researches have not been confined to books. Aside from the im- portant facts obtained directly from the lips of intelligent natives and other persons conversant with Central American and Panamanian affairs, I have had before me presidential messages, reports of ministers and other officials of the several states, U. S. govt reports, official journals, statements of ex- plorers and surveyors, cyclopaedias, magazines, reviews, and a host of news- papers of different countries and in various languages, among which special credit should he given to the Star and Herald of Panama for an ever well- informed and reliable gatherer and transmitter of news to and from the coun- tries on both oceans over this bridge of the nations. Important data, wheresoever found, have been brought into requisition. 48 ‘ Mr. Hopkins, ’ says Capt Fitzroy, p. 23, ‘ was lately prevented by the Indians from ascending the Chepo River toward Mandinga or San Bias Bay; Mr Wheelwright was also stopped there in 1837; and Dr Cullen was likewise *topped by the aborigines while endeavoring to ascend the Paya River, that DISCOVERY OF THE SAVANA RIVER. 711 ment, although the narrowest line across the Isthmus, being only twenty-seven miles across from Chepo to Carti, has the disadvantages of had coasts, a very high cordillera, of from 2,000 to 0,000 feet elvation, and a large population of Indians. The bar at the mouth of Chepo River is quite dry at low water, as is also a sand bank which extends several miles out into the bay of Panama; the part of the Atlantic coast on the other side is beset with reefs, shoals, and kays, and is dangerous of approach. Capt Fitzroy, R. N., in his Considerations upon the Great Isthmus of Central America, suggests a line from the upper course of the Tuyra to the Atrato, or the coast of Darien above its mouth, as an improvement of the route proposed by me; but this would be nearly twice the distance of the Port Escoces, and gulf of San Miguel route; there would be the moun- tain of Chacargun or the Sierra de Maly to cross, and should the canal open into the Atrato, there would be the very formidable obstacle of the bar to remove, while of the coast above the Atrato mouth, the Columbian Navi- gator says: ‘All this coast from Tarena Kays to Cape Tiburon is high and precipitous, with deep water off it; and it is very wild in the season of the breezes. It is very advisable, therefore, at these seasons, to shun it.’ Any route, however, in this direction, would be included in the privilege granted, on the 1st of June, 1852, by the New Granada government, to Edward Cul- len, Charles Fox, John Henderson, and Thomas Brassey, for cutting a canal from Port Escoces to the gulf of San Miguel, which gives power to select any place from the west mouth of the Atrato to Punta Mosquitos, for the Atlantic entrance of the canal. Discovery ok the Savana River and the Route for the Ship-canal. I imagine that the river Savana was not delineated in the maps which Hum- boldt saw.49 Such, indeed, was the case with the map which I had on my first journey into Darien in 1849, so that I was totally ignorant of its exist- runs from near the mouths of the Atrato to the Tuyra, which falls into the gulf of San Miguel.’ I learned in Darien that Mr Hopkins and Don Pepe Hurtado, a Granadian engineer, made a present of a scarlet military coat to an Indian on the Chepo, and that as soon as the Indian chief of the district learned it, he flogged the Indian who accepted the present, and summoned his people to arms, and Mr H. and Don Pepe had to fly for their lives. Most probably the chief looked upon the acceptance of gaudy trappings as an acknowledgment of sub- mission to foreigners. I have mentioned elsewhere my having learned subse- quently that the reason of the Indians having stopped me was the fear of small-pox being introduced amongst them rather than any dislike to for- eigners. 49 This I attribute to the jealousy of the Spaniards, who were careful to withhold any information that might lead the English to the discovery of an easy communication between the two seas. Alcedo, in his Diccionario His- torico de las Indias Occidentales, says that it was interdicted, on pain of death, even to propose opening the navigation between the two seas. ‘ Eu tiempo de Felipe II. se proyecto cortarlo, y comunicar los dos mares por medio de un canal, y a este cfecto se enviaron para reconocerlo dos Ingenieros Flamencos, pero e.icontraron dificultades insuperables, y el eonsejo de Indias rcpresento los perjuicios que de ello se seguirian a la monarquia, por cuya razon mando aquel Monarca que nadie propusiese 6 tratase de ello enadelante, pena de la vida.’ The navigation of the Atrato also was interdicted, on pain of death. 712 INTEROCEAN IC COMMUNICATION. ence until I actually saw it, after entering Boca Chica, when, finding the great depth of water at it; mouth, and that it flowed almost directly from the north, I became convinced that I had at last found the object of my search, viz., a feasible route to the Atlantic, and thereupon immediately ascended it, and crossed from Canasas to the sea-shore at Port Escoces and back, and subsequently, in 1S50 and also in 1S51, crossed and recrossed, at several times and by several tracks, the route from the Savana to Port Escoces and Cale- donia Bay, notching the barks of the trees as I went along, with a machete or cutlass, always alone and unaided, and always in the season of the heaviest rains. I had previously examined, on my way from Panama, the mouths of Chepo, Chiman, Congo, and several other rivers, but found them all obstructed by bars and sand banks, and impracticable for a ship passage, so that upon seeing the Savana, I had not the least hesitation in deciding that that must lie the future route for interoceanic communication for ships. The Darien Canal Route. — Port Escoces, or Scotch Harbor, and the bay of Caledonia, on the Atlantic coast of the Isthmus of Darien, present an extent of six nautical miles, from s. E. to N. w., of safe anchorage in all winds. These harbors are situated between Carreto Bay and the channel of Sassardi, and are 140 miles e. s. e. of Limon Bay, and twenty -one miles w. n. w. of Cape Tiburon, the N. w. boundary of the Gulf of Darien. Port Escosces extends to the S. E. to lat. 8° 50' and long. 77° 41'; and Golden Island, or Isle de Oro, or Santa Catalina, which forms the N. W. boundary of Caledo- nia Bay, is in lat. 8° 54' 40", and long. 77° 45' 30". The channel of Sassardi, also, extending from Caledonia Bay n. w. five miles to the Fronton, or point of Sassardi, is sheltered from the winds and seas of both seasons, and has good depth of water. Twenty-two miles s. w. of Port Escoces is the site of the old Spanish set- tlement of Fuerte del Principe, on the river Savana, established in 1785, and abandoned in 1790. From thence the river Savana has nearly a s. by e. course for fourteen miles to its mouth, which opens into the river Tuyra, Santa Maria, or Rio Grande del Darien, three miles above Boca Chica and Boca Grande, the two mouths by which the latter discharges itself into the Gulf of San Miguel on the Pacific. Thus the distance from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, by the route from Port Escoces or Caledonia Bay, to the gulf of San Miguel, by way of the river Savana, would be thirty-nine miles. In a direct line, from Port Escoces to the gulf, the distance is thirty-three miles. In Considerations on the Great Isthmus of Central America, read before the Royal Geographical Society of London, on the 11th and 25th Nov., 1850, Captain Fitzroy, R. N., says: ‘Any route that could be made available be- tween San Miguel Gulf and Caledonia Bay, or the Gulf of Darien or Choco, would have the advantage of excellent harbors at each end, and a great rise of tide in one of them (San Miguel). The river Savana is recommended by Dr Cullen from personal examination, as being more navigable (for canoes5®), and approaching nearer the north coast than the Clmquanaqua does; though this does not appear in the Spanish maps. From the head of the Savana, a ravine, about three leagues in length, extends to Caledonia 50 In its upper course, as it is navigable for large vessels nearly to Principe. PASSAGE FOR THE PACIFIC TIDE. 713 Bay, and there (Dr Cullen says, having passed through it) he thinks a canal might be cut with less difficulty than elsewhere, if it were not for the opposi- tion of the natives. He also speaks of the Indians transporting their canoes across at this ravine, and of the comparative healthiness of this part of the Isthmus.’ The whole work to be done, in order to make a ship-canal communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by this route, would be to cut from Principe or from Lara mouth to Port Escoces or Caledonia Bay, a distance of from twenty-two to twenty-five miles, of which there would be but three or four miles of deep cutting. The canal, to be on a scale of grandeur commensurate with its important uses, should be cut sufficiently deep to allow the tide of the Pacific to flow right through it, across to the Atlantic; so that ships bound from the Pacific to the Atlantic would pass with the flood, and those from the Atlantic to the Pacific with the ebb tide of the latter. Such was the plan recommended in my report to Lord Palmerston. By such a canal — that is, one entirely with- out locks — the transit from sea to sea could be effected in six hours, or one tide.51 For the engineering details, and estimates of the cost of the work, I beg to refer to the valuable report of Mr. Lionel Gisborne, C. E., who, with his assistant, Mr. Forde, was commissioned, last April, by Messrs Fox, Hender- son, and Brassey, to survey this route, which they found to be perfectly feasi- ble for a ship-canal communication, and fully as eligible as I had represented it. 61 ‘ It is ascertained,’ says Captain Fitzroy, ‘ that there is only a trifling dif- ference between the levels of the ocean at this Isthmus. A rise of tide not exceeding two feet is found on the Atlantic side, while in Panama Bay the tide rises more than eighteen feet; the mean level of the Pacific in this par- ticular place being two or three feet above that of the Atlantic. It is high water at the same hour in each ocean.’ Colonel Lloyd says that the Pacific at high water is thirteen feet higher than the Atlantic, while the Atlantic is highest at low water by six feet. Baron Humboldt said, in 1809: ‘The difference of level between the Carib- bean Sea and the Pacific Ocean does not, probably, exceed nine feet; and at different hours in the day, sometimes one sea, sometimes the other, is the more elevated. ’ But this difference would be no hindrance, but, on the con- trary, a most important advantage in a ship-canal, since it would create a current from the Atlantic to the Pacific during the ebb, and one from the Pacific to the Atlantic during the flood-tide of the Pacific, and these alter- nate currents would enable each of the fleets to pass through at different times, those bound from the Atlantic to the Pacific during the ebb-tide of the latter, and those from the Pacific to the Atlantic during the flood-tide of the former. This arrangement in the periods of transit would afford many advan- tages, such as obviating the meeting of the vessels, and the necessity of their passing one another, and preventing their accumulation or crowding together in the canal, as each fleet could be carried right through in one tide, if not by the current alone, at least witli the aid of tug steamers. The alternation of the currents would have the further beneficial effect of washing out the bed of the canal, and keeping it free from the deposition of sand or mud, so that dredging would never become necessary; and would also render the degree of width necessary for the canal less; though I do not reckon this to be a point of moment, as the wider and deeper it is cut the better, and the work once finished will last to the end of the world, since the natural effect of the alter- nate currents will be a gradual process of deepening and widening, which will convert the canal into a strait. 714 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. It is needless to say that, under the auspices of Messrs. Fox, Henderson, and Brassey, who, with that clear discernment and prompt decision, which have placed them in the elevated position which they occupy, adopted this route in December 1851, after a careful examination of my statements, the great work of an interoceanic canal is sure, erelong, to be accomplished. I trust that an attentive consideration of the advantages of this route — viz., its shortness, the excellence of its harbors, the low elevation of the land, the absence of bars at the Savana and Tuyra mouths, the depth of water and great rise of tide in the former, its directness of course and freedom from ob- structions, the healthiness of the adjacent country, the exemption of the coasts from northers and hurricanes, the feasibility of cutting a canal without locks, and the absence of engineering difficulties — will fully justify me in as- serting it to be the shortest, the most direct, safe, and expeditious, and in every way the most eligible route for intermarine communication for large ships. An examination of the physical aspect of the country from Port Escoces to the Savana — presenting, as it does, but a single ridge of low elevation, and this broken by gorges, ravines, and valleys, and grooved by rivers and streams, with a champaign country extending from its base on each side — will prove the feasibility of making the canal entirely without locks, a supe- riority which this route possesses over others, which all present insurmount- able physical obstacles to the construction of such a canal. In fact, a glance at the map ought to convince the most sceptical that na- ture has unmistakably marked out this space for the junction of the two oceans, and the breaking of the continuity of North and South America; in- deed, so narrow is the line of division, that it would almost appear as if the two seas did once meet here. Details of the Route Proposed. — I shall now enter into a more detailed description of this route, which I discovered in 1S49, and proposed for a ship- canal communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans in the Panama Echo of February 8, 1850, in the Daily News and Mining Journal of May 1850; 52 in a paper presented to the Royal Geographical Society, and read at the Edinburgh meeting of the British Association in July 1850; and in a report to Lord Palmerston, of January 15, 1851 Port Escoces. — Of Port Escoces, Caledonia Bay, and the channel of Sassardi, the Columbian Eaviyator, vol. 3, p. 218, says: ‘ Port Escoces, or Caledonia, lat. 8° 51', long. 77° 44', is a noble harbor; very safe, and so extensive that a thousand sail of vessels may enter it. ‘ Punta Escoces is the s. e. point of Caledonia Bay, the greater islet of Santa Catalina, or de Oro (gold), being the N.W. Between point and point the distance is four miles, and the points lie N.w. and s.e. (n. 40° w., and s. 40° E.), from each other; and in respect to this line the bay falls in one mile and two thirds. In the s.e. part of this bay is Puerto Escoces (or Scot- tish Harbor), which extends inward two miles in that direction, and forms good shelter. There are various shoals in it, which are represented in the particular plan of the harbor, by which plan any vessel may run in, for the 62 And subsequent months, in a controversy with Evan Hopkins, Esq., C. E. & M. E. SOURCES OF FRESH WATER. 715 depths are five, six, seven, and eight fathoms of water over a bottom of sand. ‘ Between Piedras Islet to the north, the west point of Aglatomate River to tli.. south, and that of San Fulgencio to the s.w., is formed the Ensenada, or bay of Caledonia, and the channel of Sassardi. Caledonia Bay. — ‘The Ensenada, or cove of Caledonia, is, strictly speaking, formed by the points already mentioned, which lie with each other N. N. w. f w., and s. s. E. § E. (n. 25° w., and S. 25° E.), one mile distant. This bay is clean, and has good deep water; the greater part of its coast is a beach, and near the middle of it disembogues the river Aglaseniqua. The point of San Fulgencio is salient, scarped, and clean, and it also forms an indent with little depth of water, bordered by mangroves and various kays at its western part. The Channel of Sassardi. — ‘Between San Fulgencio point, the great Oro Island, Piedras Islet, and the Mangrove Kays, which are to the west of them, the channel of Sassardi is formed; the s. E. entrance to this channel is off and on, with four cables’ length in extent, from edge to edge, and with from nine to twelve fathoms depth on oaze; and farther in, from eight to ten fathoms; as also between the turn of the bank off Piedras Islet, and the bay of Cale- donia, the depth is from seven to fifteen fathoms; and the piece of sea which intervenes between this bay and the Puerto Escoces is of a good depth of water; but at a short mile s.E. by E. A E. (s. 55° E.), from Piedras Islet the sea breaks when the breeze blows fresh.’ From its entrance the channel of Sassardi extends N. w. five miles. The engineer has here, then, a wide scope for selecting a locality for the Atlantic mouth of the canal, which may thus open anywhere from the s. E. end of Port Escoces to the N. w. entrance of the Channel of Sassardi, an extent of eleven nautic miles. Along a great extent of Port Escoces and Caledonia Bay, vessels can lie so close in shore that no boats would be necessary in the taking in or dis- charging cargo; the same great advantage also presents itself at several points in the channel of Sassardi. flood fresh water may be obtained in abundance from any of the numerous streams which fall into these harbors, particularly from the Aglaseniqua or Aglatomate. Port Escoces is entirely uninhabited, nor is there any settlement in.and of it; at Caledonia, near the mouth of the Aglaseniqua, there are five huts, in- habited by a few Indians of the Tule tribe, and about two leagues up the river is another small settlement; this, however, is at a considerable distance westward of the projected line of canal. From the sea-shore a plain extends for nearly two miles to the base of a ridge of hills, which runs parallel to the coast, and whose highest summit is about 350 feet. This ridge is not quite continuous and unbroken, but is divided by transverse valleys, through which the Aglaseniqua, Aglatomate, and other rivers have their course, and whose highest elevations do not ex- ceed 150 feet. The base of this ridge is only two miles in width; and from its south side a level plain extends for thirteen miles to a point on the river Savana, called Canasas, which is about twenty miles above its mouth. 716 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. The river Savana, at Canasas, has a depth of six feet of water, hat is ob- structed by ledges of a slate, called pizarra, or Jdlles, for four miles, down to the mouth of La Villa, up to which the tide reaches. At Canasas, there is a forest of a species of bamboo, so dense as to be impenetrable; and above it there is a fall of two feet, when the river is low, but after rains this entirely disappears. The first fall, in ascending the river, occurs at Caobano, a little above La Villa. From La Villa, where there is a depth of ten or twelve feet, the river is perfectly free from obstructions down to Principe. At Fuerte del Principe, two miles below La Villa, there is a single ledge of slate, visible only in a very low state of the river, which has here a depth of three fathoms, and a rise of tide of six feet. The banks of the river are elevated about ten feet above the level of the water, and are quite free from swamp. The site of the old Spanish settlement is here indicated by a patch of very dense scrubby bush, without high trees, on the west bank of the river; but the only remains to be met with are some fragments of hotijag, or water-jars. Principe is in lat. 8° 34', and long. 77° 56', by my observations; it is only two or three hours’ journey from the mouth of the river. The Savana River, called by the Indians Chaparti, is very direct in its course, from Principe to its mouth, and free from sinuosities, playas, deep elbows, shoals, rocks, snags, or other obstructions. Its banks, elevated several feet above the level of the water, are quite free from swamp and malarious miasmata, consequently the endemic fevers caused by these in Chagres, Portobello, Limon, and Panama, would not prevail in any settlements that may be formed in the neighborhood of the Savana. Indeed, it cannot be inferred that the Isthmus of Darien is unhealthy, because the towns on the Isthmus of Panama have all been settled in swampy localities, and in the most unfavorable positions in a sanatory point of view. A convincing proof of the freedom from swamp of the whole tract of coun- try, from Port Escoces to the gulf of San Miguel, is the total absence of musquitoes, which invariably infest all swampy grounds in the tropics. The great longevity of the people of Darien, and the large proportion of very old men, also attest the healthiness of the climate. From Principe to the mouth of Matumaganti, one mile s. 8. w., the river increases greatly in width and depth; there are some islands in this reach; and on the west bank a very large cuipo-tree stands conspicuous, towering above the adjacent forest. From Matumaganti to the mouth of Lara, two miles, the river has a depth of four fathoms, and a rise of tide of ten feet. From Lara mouth to the islands in the second reach, four miles, the river is very direct in its course, with a depth of five or six fathoms. A ridge of hills runs parallel to each bank, at about two miles’ distance. Just below this mouth, and above a widening of the river, called Revesa de Piriaki, is Cerro Piriaki, a hill of about 400 feet elevation, and above this there is no hill near either bank of the Savana. Above the islands, Estero Corotu, Rio Corredor, and other streams fall into this, the Calle Larga, or Long Reach. From the islands to Areti mouth, s.s.E., three miles, the river has great width and depth; a ridge of hill here runs along each bank, at about two miles’ distance. RELATIVE WATER DEPTHS. 717 Junction of the Savana and Tuyra. — F rom Areti mouth to the junc- tion of the Savana and Tuyra rivers, s., four miles, the river has a uniform width of two miles, and a depth of from eight to nine fathoms. On the west bank of this reach is Punta Machete, with a small shoal above it, called Bajo Grande, and one below it, Bajo Chico. Both of these are close in shore, and oysters are found on them. The Savana Mouth. — From the west point of the Savana mouth, in lat. 8° 21', long. 77° 54', the land rises into a ridge of hill of about 309 feet eleva- tion, running N. for about four miles parallel to the river, from which it is separated by a strip of level land half a mile wide. There is a quebrada, or rivulet, in the ridge, called Laguadilla, which has plenty of fresh water in the driest season. Behind Nisperal, the east point of the Savana mouth, there is a low ridge of hills; from the north bank of Iglesias, also, a narrow ridge follows the course of the Savana for about three miles. This is the Cerro Titichi, which gave its name to a mission of Indians at the mouth of the Chuquanaqua, the last survivor of whom is a man named Marcellino, who resides at Pinogana, on the Tuyra. On the north bank of Iglesias is Quebrada de Tigre, and on the Savana, above its mouth, is Quebradita la Monera, where fresh water may be obtained. At the mouth of the Savana there are nine fathoms, at low water, and the tide rises from twenty-one to twenty-seven feet. Boca Chica and Boca Grande, the mouths of the Tuyra, are perfectly safe entrances, and have a depth of thirteen to twenty fathoms of water respect- ively. The gulf of San Miguel has good depth of water, and would hold the ship- ping of the world. Its mouth, between Cape San Lorenzo on the north, and Punta Garachine on the south, is ten miles across, and opens into the Pacific, quite outside the bay of Panama. Its direction inward is N. e. fifteen miles to Boca Chica. Inside the bay of Garachine, the shores of the gulf approach each other, and the width diminishes to four miles, between Punta Brava and Morro Patino, with a depth of from nine to twenty fathoms, but again increases, and then diminishes to Boca Chica. Close to Cape San Lorenzo is a small shoal, called El Buey, which may be easily avoided. There are several islands in the gulf, as Iguana, Cedro, Islas de San Diego, etc., etc., which are all safe of approach. On the north side, the rivers Congo, Buenavista; and on the south the Moguey, Guaca, Taimita, and Sambu, open into the gulf; while the Tuyra and Savana fall into its eastern end, the Ensenada del Darien, called by the Granadians ‘Boca de Provincia,’ or Mouth of the Province. Cullen’s Isth. of Darien. From what has been said, it sufficiently appears that Nicaragua is a country of great beauty of scenery and vast natural resources. She has, however, attracted the attention of the world less on these accounts than because she is believed to possess within her borders the best and most feasible route for a ship-canal between the two great oceans. The project of opening such a canal began to be entertained as soon as it was found that there existed no natural communication between the seas, as early as 1527. Since that period it has furnished a subject for much speculation, but beyond a few partial 718 INTEROCEANIC COM M UN ICATION. examinations, until very lately, nothing of a practical or satisfactory charac- ter had been attempted. In 1851 a careful survey was made of the river San Juan, Lake Nicaragua, and the isthmus intervening between this lake and the Pacific, by Colonel 0. W. Childs, previously engineer-iu-chief of the state of New York, under the direction of the now extinct Atlantic and Pacific Ship-canal Company. Until then, it had always been assumed that the river San Juan, as well as the lake itself, could easily be made navigable for ships, and that the only obstacle to be overcome was the narrow strip oi land between the lake and the ocean. Hence, all the so-called surveys were limited to an examination of that part of the line. One of them was made under the orders of the Spanish government, by Don Manuel Galisteo, in 1781 ; another, and that best known, by Mr. John Baily, under the direction of the government of Central America, in 1838. An intermediate examination, quoted by Thompson,53 seems to have been made early in the present century. The following table will show the results of these surveys as regards this par- ticular section: Authorities. Distance from Lake to Ocean. Greatest Ele- vation above Ocean. Greatest Ele- vation above Lake. . 17 miles, 200 feet. 272 feet. 134 feet. .17 “ 320 “ 296 “ 154 “ .16 “ 730 “ 615 “ 487 “ .18 “ 3,120 “ 159 “ 474 “ As the survey of Colonel Childs is the only one which can be accepted as conforming to modern engineering requirements, it will be enough to present the detailed results to which he arrived. The line proposed by him, and on which all his calculations and estimates were based, commences at the little port of Brito, on the Pacific, and passes across the Isthmus, between the ocean and lake, to the mouth of a small stream called Rio Lajas, flowing into the latter, thence across Lake Nicaragua to its outlet, and down the valley of the Rio San Juan to the port of the same name on the Atlantic. The length of this line was found to be 194J miles, as follows: Miles. Western Division. — Canal from the port of Brito on the Pacific, through the valley of a small stream called Rio Grande, falling into the Pacific, into that of the stream called Rio Lajas, to Lake Nicaragua 18.588 Middle Division. — Though Lake Nicaragua, from mouth of Rio Lajas to Fort San Carlos, at the head of San Juan River 5G.500 Eastern Division. — First Section. — Slack-water navigation on San Juan River from San Carlos to a point on the river opposite the mouth of the Serapiqui River 90.800 Second Section. — Canal from opposite mouth of Serapiqui to port of San Juan del Norte 28.505 Total, as above 194.393 Origin of the Canal Grant. — The charter of this company under which Colonel Childs carried on his investigations is dated September 22, 63 Narrative of an Official Visit to Guatemala, by G. A. Thompson. Lon- don, 1829, p. 512. DIVERSIONS OF THE CANAL. 719 1849, and was obtained for a term of eighty-five years from the completion of the proposed canal. The surveys were to be commenced within one year, and the whole to bo completed in twelve years. The canal, hy the terms of the charter, was to be of dimensions sufficiently great to admit and pass ves- sels of all sizes with speed and safety. The company was to pay to the state, during the period assigned for the construction of the work, the annual sum of $10,000; to give to the state $200,000 of stock in the canal, on the issue of stock; the state to receive, for the first twenty years, twenty per cent annually out of the net profits of the canal, after deducting the interest on the capital actually invested, at the rate of seven per cent; and for the re- maining sixty-five years, twenty-five per cent of the profits. The company, on the other hand, were to receive fifteen per cent annually out of the net profits of the canal for the first ten years after it should revert to the state, provided it did not cost over $20,000,000; but if it should cost more than that sum, the company to receive twenty per cent for twenty years. During the period of constructing the canal (twelve years), the company had the exclusive right of navigating the waters of the state by steam, and also the privilege of opening a transit route through its territories, upon the principal condition of paying ten per cent of the net profits to the state. There were some other provisions as to lands, tolls, etc., of no special importance. Under this charter, the company perfected its organization. It divided its original shares into a considerable number, called ‘canal rights,’ which were sold, and their holdors brought into the organization. The first instal- ment was paid, and in August 1850, just in time to meet the stipulation providing that the surveys should be commenced within one year from the date of the contract, a party of surveyors was sent out to Nicaragua. They were under the direction (as already said) of Colonel 0. W. Childs as chief engineer. He arrived in Nicaragua on the 27th of August, 1850, and so far as his report is concerned, we are left to infer that he at once commenced the surveys for the canal. His report is dated March 9, 1852. The Line of Survey. — In the various projects for uniting the two seas, the line of the river San Juan has always been contemplated as that by which the great lake of Nicaragua is to be reached. From that lake to the Pacific, various routes have been suggested: 1. From Lake Nicaragua via the river Sapoa to the bay of Bolanos, in the gulf of Salinas, on the Pacific. 2. Via the Rio Lajas to the port of San Juan del Sur, or some point not far from it, on the Pacific. 3. Via the Rio Tipitapa into the superior lake of Managua, and from this lake to the Pacific at the little port of Tamarindo, the port of Realejo, or into the magnificent gulf or bay of Fonseca. By his instructions, Colonel Childs was limited to a survey of the direct routes from Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific, provided either of them should prove practicable. As a consequence, finding a route which, in his opinion, was practicable, he made no surveys from the superior lake of Managua to the Pacific. He, however, made some observations on the line of the con- nection between the two lakes by the river Tipitapa — if a channel dry for most, if not all, of the year can be called a river. This is a source of great regret, especially in view of the deficiency, on the surveyed routes, of a good 720 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. harbor on the Pacific, while both Realejo and the gulf of Fonseca are all that can be desired as ports. Lake Nicaragua is estimated by Colonel Childs to be one hundred and ten miles in extreme length by thirty-five in (average) width. Its nearest ap- proach to the Atlantic is at its southern extremity, from which, on a right line, it is about eighty miles distant. The point of its nearest approach to the Pacific is near the middle of its length, where, by the shortest line, the distance is about eleven miles. The San Juan River was found by Colonel Childs to be, following its sinuosities, 119 miles in length. It has a great number of tributaries, gen- erally small, with the exception of the San Carlos and Serapiqui, which come in from the mountains of Costa Rica on the south. The first of these enters the San Juan at sixty-five miles, and the second ninety miles below the lake. These streams flow through valleys transversely to that of the San Juan, which is further intersected by ranges of hills, coming in both from the nortli and the south, at the Rapides del Toro, Castillo, Machuca, etc. The lake of Nicaragua lies longitudinally, nearly parallel to the Pacific Ocean, and is separated from it, for nearly two thirds of the length of the lake, by hills of comparatively moderate acclivity and elevation, in most cases capable of cultivation to their summits. Within this distance, also, are several transverse valleys, extending nearly (Colonel Childs says quite) across, with summits varying in height, and furnishing generally good oppor- tunities for direct communications by ordinary roads or by canal. Route via River Sapoa. — This line lies chiefly in the department of Guanacaste, now in dispute between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and actually occupied by the latter. The examination of this line by Colonel Childs only proved its impractica- bility for the purpose of a canal. He found that to pass the summit a cut 1 19 feet in depth would be required, and an up-lockage from the lake of 350 i feet, and a down-lockage to the Pacific of 432 feet. Water to supply the upper locks, it was ascertained, could only be obtained with difficulty, and at great cost. Besides, a long rock cut of three fourths of a mile would be required from low-tide mark in the bay of Salinas to deep water. In short, the physical difficulties on this line, if not of a nature to make the construc- tion of a canal impossible, were nevertheless such as to make it impracticable. Route from Mouth of tiie Rio Lajas to Brito. — The line from Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific, to which public attention has been most directed, i3 one starting from the mouth of the Rio Lajas, a few miles below the town of Rivas, or Nicaragua, to the port of San Juan del Sur, or Concordia, on the Pacific. As already stated, not less than three surveys had been made over this line; one in 1781 by Galisteo, a Spanish engineer, and the last by Mr. Baily, an Englishman, under the republic of Central America, published in Stephens’ InculrtUs of Travel in Central America. The line pursued by both Galisteo and Baily was governed by the circumstance of a measurably good port on the Pacific — that of San Juan del Sur, the best on the whole line of coast from the bay of Salinas northward to Realejo. Baily 's line is sixteen miles and 730 feet in length, and the greatest elevation above the lake 4S7 feet. That of Galisteo i3 seventeen miles 200 feet in length, and the greatest elevation above the sea 272, and above the lake 134 feet. Baily ’s EXPLORING FOR A LINE. 721 line, for half of its distance, involved 209 feet of average vertical cutting; that of Galisteo, for half of its length, an average vertical cutting of 108 feet. These facts, and others, among which the absolute impossibility of supplying the summit levels with water, and the necessity of tunnels, combined to make the construction of a canal on this line wholly impossible. Colonel Childs seems to have been satisfied of the impracticability of this line, after a very rapid examination, and to have devoted himself to the dis- covery of one more feasible. In doing this, however, it was found necessary to abandon San Juan del Sur as the western terminus. Starting at the point on the lake to the eastward of Rivas, levelling west- ward, through a transverse, moderately undulating plain, he ascended, on a distance of six and a half miles, 32G feet, to the summit of a broad valley, passing between the hills (which are here of moderate height), and connect- ing with another valley on the west side, which extends to a place on the Pacific called Brito, where a stream, named Rio Grande, flows into the sea. The quantity of water available for this summit being entirely inadequate, and the cut altogether too formidable, on the plan of carrying through the level, this route was abandoned. Another line, not far from this, was at- tempted, with very nearly the same result. Colonel Childs next started from the mouth of the Rio Lajas, the same point with his predecessors, and carried a line of levels to the summit of a transverse valley lying about six and a half miles south of Rivas, and reach- ing between the valley of Rio Lajas and that of the Rio Grande, already mentioned as flowing into the Pacific at Brito. This summit was found to be only forty-seven and a half feet above the surface of the lake, as it stood on the 23d day of December, 1850, at which time it was three and a half feet above its lowest stages, and one and a half feet below the level at which it ordinarily stands at the height of the rainy season. The length of this line from lake to sea is about twenty miles. This is the route, and the only direct one, between the lake and sea, regarded by Colonel Childs as fea- sible, and upon this all his calculations respecting the proposed canal are based. In his own language: ‘The conclusion was arrived at that the line Lading from the lake, at the mouth of the river Lajas to the Pacific at Brito, presented more favorable conditions for the construction of the canal than any other; it was therefore determined to survey and carefully to locate a line across upon this route.’ This line, then, runs through the valley of the river Lajas, the waters of a principal branch of which interlock with those of the Rio Grande, and, through the valley of the latter, reaches the sea. The stream first named has its origin about ten miles south-westerly from its entrance into the lake, on the eastern slope of the dividing ridge, and after running north-westerly two miles, along the base of the lulls, takes a northerly direction through comparatively level savannas, a distance of six miles or eight miles, when it bends to the east, and in a mile and three fourths enters the lake. The Rio Grande rises on the eastern slope of the same range of hills, and two or three miles north-west from the sources of the Lajas, and, after flowing some three or four miles at the foot of their slope, bends to the west, and by a narrow and somewhat irregular valley passes through the ridge, and thence, in a more capacious and uniform valley, into the Pacific. IIist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 46 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. 722 Western Section of Proposed Canal between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific. — The entire line of the canal proposed by Colonel Childs, and upon which all his calculations and estimates are based, is therefore through the valley of the river San Juan into Lake Nicaragua, across Lake Nicara- gua to the mouth of the Rio Lajas, through the valley of that stream, and across the summit of forty-seven and a half feet which separates it from that of the Rio Grande, and down the valley of the Rio Grande to Brito, where that stream enters the Pacific. Now, in order to understand Colonel Childs’ conclusions, and appreciate the data which he gives, we must know what kind of a work he proposes, lie contemplates a canal but seventeen feet deep; and as he intends to sup- ply the western section, from the lake to the sea, by water from the lake, it would be necessary to commence construction in the lake at a point where the water is seventeen feet deep at mean stage. This point is opposite the mouth of the Lajas, and twenty-five chains from the line of the shore. From this point, for a mile and a half, partially along the river Lajas, the excava- tion will be principally earth; but beyond this, for a distance of five and a half miles, which carries the line beyond the summit, three fourths of the ex- cavation will be in a trap rock. That is to say, the deepest excavation, or open cut, will be sixty-five feet, and involve the removal of 1,879,000 cubic yards of earth, and 3,378,000 cubic yards of rock. The excavation and con- struction in this five and a half miles alone are estimated at upward of $6,000,000. The summit passed, and the valley of the Rio Grande reached, the exca- vation, as a general rule, will be only the depth of the canal. Colonel Childs found that the lake, at ordinary high water, is only 102 feet 10 inches above the Pacific at high and 111 feet 5 inches above it at low tide, instead of 12S feet, as calculated by Mr. Baily. This descent he proposes to accomplish by fourteen locks, of eight feet lift each, placed at proper points in the valley of the Rio Grande, thus bringing us to Brito, the terminus on the Pacific. The harbor of Brito, as it is called, or the point where the Rio Grande enters the sea, is at best only a bad anchorage. There is here a small angu- lar indentation of the land, partially protected by a low ledge of rock, but nothing adequate for the terminus of an important work like the proposed canal, or capable of answering the commonest requisites of a port. To rem- edy this deficiency, Colonel Childs proposed to construct an artificial harbor, of thirty-four acres area, by means of moles and jetties in the sea, and by extensive excavations in the land. If, as he supposes, the excavations here would be in sand, it is obviously almost impossible to get proper foundations for the immense sea-walls and piers that would be necessary for a work of this kind. On the contrary, if these excavations should be chiefly in a rock, as seems most likely, the cost and labor would almost surpass computation. Assuming the excavations for the purpose to be in earth and sand, Colonel Childs estimates the cost of making a harbor at a little over $2,000,000. Middle Section of Proposed Canal — Lake Nicaragua. — Proceeding from seventeen feet depth of water in the lake, opposite to the river Lajas, in the direction of the outlet of the lake at Fort San Carlos, there is ample water for vessels of all sizes for a distance of about fifty-one miles, to a point half a mile south of the Boacos Islands. Here the depth of water diminishes THE RIVER SAN JUAN. 723 rapidly to fourteen feet. For the remaining five and a half miles to the fort, the water is variable, averaging only about nine feet at low and about four- teen at high water. For this distance of five and a half miles, therefore, an average under-water excavation of eight feet would be required to make the channel, at low water, of the depth of the canal, or seventeen feet. But if the lake were kept at high level, the under-water excavation would be but an average of three feet. Colonel Childs proposed to protect this portion of the channel by rows of piles driven on each side, along its whole extent, and thinks, after the ex- cavation were made, a sufficient current would be established to keep the channel clear. Eastern Section — The River San Juan. — We come now to the section between Lake Nicaragua and the Atlantic, through or along the river San Juan. Excepting a small settlement at the Castillo Viejo, at the Castillo Rapids, thirty-seven miles from the lake, the valley of the San Juan is wholly uninhabited. This section, hitherto supposed the easiest, is, nevertheless, by far the most difficult part of the proposed enterprise. Colonel Childs carried a line of levels from the lake at San Carlos to the port of San Juan, on the northern bank of tjje stream. The whole distance from San Carlos to seventeen feet depth of water in the harbor of San Juan is 119J miles; and the whole fall, from the surface of high lake to the surface of highest tide in the harbor, is 107 ^ feet — to lowest tide, 1 08 J feet. Of the above distance, the first ninety-one miles, or from San Carlos to half a mile below the Serapiqui River, Colonel Childs proposed to make the river navigable by excavating its bed, and by constructing dams, to be passed by means of locks and short canals; the remaining twenty-eight miles of the canal to be constructed inland, or independently of the river. Of the whole fall, sixty-two and a half feet occurs on that portion which it is proposed to improve by dams, and on which there were to be eight locks, and the remain- ing forty-six and a quarter feet occurs on the iidand portion of the canal, on which were to be six locks — fourteen locks in all. Colonel Childs proposed to place the first dam at the head of the Castillo Rapids, a distance of upward of thirty -seven miles from the lake, and to pass the rapids by means of a lateral canal. By means of this dam he proposed to raise the water, at that point, twenty-one and a half feet, and the entire level of Lake Nicaragua five feet above its lowest stages, or in other words, to keep it at high-water mark. The fall at this dam would be sixteen feet. He proposed also six other dams, four of eight feet fall, one of fourteen and a half feet, and one of thirteen and a half feet. Between all of these there would be more or less excavation in the bed of the stream, sometimes in earth, and often in rock. Colonel Childs proposed further to improve the harbor of San Juan by moles, etc., and to construct an artificial harbor in connection with it of the capacity of thirteen acres. In respect of the amount of water in the San Juan, we have some interest- ing statistics. This amount, of course, varies greatly with the different seasons. The quantity of water that passed from the lake at its lowest stage, on the 4th of June, 1851, was 11,930 cubic feet per second. The greatest rise of the lake is about five feet. When it stood at 3.43 feet above its lowest 724 IXTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. level, the flow of water was 18,059 cubic feet per second, being an increase of about fifty per cent. Supposing the same ratio of increase, at high lake the amount of water in the river would be doubled. The river receives large accessions from its tributaries. Below these, and above the point of divergence of the Colorado, flowing direct into the sea from the San Juan, which falls into the harbor of the same name, the flow of water was 54,380 cubic feet per second, of which 42,056 passed through the Colorado branch into the ocean, and 12,324 through the San Juan into the port. Dimensions of the Proposed Canal. — Where the excavation is in earth, Colonel Childs proposed (and all his estimates are founded on these dimen- sions) that the canal shall have a depth of 17 feet; that it shall be 50 feet wide at the bottom, 86 feet wide at 9 feet above the bottom, and 118 feet wide at the surface of the water. Where the excavation is in rock, the canal is to be 50 feet wide at bottom, 77 feet at 9 feet above bottom, and 7Sjj feet at the surface of the water. Length of Proposed Canal. — The total length of the line proposed by Colonel Childs, from San Juan del Norte on the Atlantic, to Brito on the Pacific, is 194^ miles, as follow^: Miles. Canal from port of San Juan to its point of intersection with the river, near the mouth of the Serapiqui 28.505 Slack-water navigation on the San Juan River, from the above point to San Carlos, at the outlet of the lake 90.800 From San Carlos, across Lake Nicaragua, to the mouth of the Rio Lajas 56.500 From mouth of Rio Lajas to Brito 18.588 Total, as above 194.393 Estimated Cost. — The cost of the work is estimated by Colonel Childs in detail. The recapitulation, by divisions, is as follows: Eastern Division (i. e., from port of San Juan to lake) 812,502,346 Middle Division (through lake) 1,025,676 Western Division (from lake to Pacific) 13,896,603 $27,424,625 Add, for contingencies, 15 percent 4,113,693 Total estimated cost of canal $31,538,318 The canal company published a pamphlet, in which the estimates for the canal were made at New York prices, and in which the total was put down at $13,243,099. ‘The prices adopted in the estimate of $31,500,000,’ says Colonel Childs, ‘ are made up with reference to the completion of the work within six years from the time of breaking ground, and a commencement of the settlement of the country in the vicinity of the line previous to letting the contracts.’ Capacity of the Proposed Canal. — The charter of the canal company provided that the capacity of the work should be sufficiently great ‘ to admit vessels of all sizes.’ And it is obvious that a work which will not pass freely THE VIEWS OF COLONEL CHILDS’. 725 the largest vessels can but imperfectly answer the purposes of its construc- tion, or meet the requirements of commerce. But Colonel Childs proposed only one 17 feet deep, 50 feet wide at bottom, and 118 feet wide at top — a capacity wholly inadequate to pass the larger classes of vessels, and one which fails to meet the stipulations of the charter. The larger merchant- ships, such as are gererally employed in the eastern trade, have a draught of from 20 to 25 feet, and would require, to say nothing of war vessels and large steamers, a canal of from 25 to 30 feet in depth, which would involve more than double the amount of excavation proposed, and probably treble the amount of cost, and carry it up from $31,500,000 to $100,000,000. Here is the fatal deficiency in the whole proposition of Colonel Childs. To make the canal capable of passing vessels drawing 20 feet of water, Colonel Childs says, would increase to a very great degree the amount of the excavation on the river section, and still more the expense. ‘Any consider- able increase in the depth proposed (17 feet) would require under-water exca- vations between the lake and the Toro Rapids, a distance of 27 miles, to be almost continuous; it would very much lengthen the cuts on the other por- tions of the river, and the liability of these artificial channels to receive deposits of earth to such an extent as to obstruct navigation would be very much greater. On the inland portion of the canal,’ continues Colonel Childs, ‘ a depth of 22 feet of water would, with fifty feet bottom-width, give a trans- verse water-section about 45 per cent greater than a depth of 17 feet, with the same bottom- width; and the expense of the inland portions would also, by reason of the greater depth of excavation, be increased in a still higher ratio. Colonel Childs seems sensible of the inadequacy of a canal of the proposed dimensions, but thinks that by changes in model, etc., ships of great size could be built to pass a 17-foot canal. That is to say, the world may build ships for the canal, instead of the canal company a canal for the ships of the world! He states that most steamers draw less than 17 feet, and quotes from Murray’s Treatise on Marine Engines to show that of 201 steam-vessels, prin- cipally English, 15 draw over 17 feet, 21 have 17 feet draught, and 225 less than 17 feet. But he neglects to tell us that experience and economy point to the construction of larger steamers than those now in use, and that such as would be used in the eastern trade, in the event of the construction of the canal, would be still larger than those of the Collins line, which draw over 22 feet. Besides, a canal of 17 feet is only adequate to the passage of vessels of 15 feet draught. No canal ought to be contemplated with a less depth than 25 feet, and with proportionate top and bottom width. The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal has a depth of 10 feet. The Welland Canal is 28 miles long, 9 feet deep, 35 feet wide at bottom, and 71 feet at top. It passes vessels of 350 tons. The Caledonian Canal, between the eastern and western shores of Great Britain, is 59 miles in length, of which 21 | miles is inland and 37 A through lakes. It is 50 feet wide at bottom, 110 feet at top, and is 20 feet deep. It is capable of passing frigates of 32 guns, and merchant-vessels of 1,000 tons. The canal from Amsterdam to New Dieppe, in Holland, is 50 miles long, 36 feet wide at bottom and 124 at top, and is 20 feet 9 inches deep. In respect of navigating the canal, according to Colonel Childs’ sugges- tions, steamers will propel themselves, and sail-vessels will be moved by tugs 72G INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. constructed for the purpose, except on the portion west of the lake, and be- tween the river and port of San Juan, where the delay of the driving steamers in passing the locks would make the use of animal-power advisable. Calcu- lating 24 minutes as the time required for a vessel to pass each lock, GO ves- sels, it is calculated, could be passed in a day. The average rate of speed with which steamers might safely move in the inland portions of the canal is calculated at 2 3 miles per hour, on the river portions 7 miles an hour, and on the lake, 1 1 miles an hour. Sailing vessels propelled by horse-power might move on the canal at the rate of two miles an hour, and on the river and lake with an average speed of 4 miles per hour. For steamers, therefore, the pas- sage from sea to sea is estimated at 461 hours, or about two days; for sailing vessels, 77 hours, or 3 l days. Facilities for Constructing the Canal. — There are many considera- tions connected witli an enterprise of this kind besides its feasibility in a mere engineering point of view, such as labor, materials, etc., etc. To all of these Colonel Childs seems to have devoted some attention. Timber. — As compared with those of the United States, the original for- ests of Nicaragua are inferior in size, and the kind and quantity of timber proper for use less in proportion. The tree called the ‘cedro,’ or cedar, is produced in considerable abundance, and can be usefully applied. It grows to a great height, and will produce timber 36 to 40 feet long, and 12 to 18 inches square. The ‘roble,’ a species of oak, is also a tall tree, and furnishes timber equal to the cedar in size. The ‘nispero,’ ‘laurel,’ ‘madera negra,’ and others, answer a very good purpose. The ‘ nispero ’ is 29 per cent stronger than white oak, and may be procured in sufficient quantities, in the opinion of Colonel Childs, to be relied on as a substitute for all the purposes in which oak is required. He thinks that, in the aggregate, the forests of Nicaragua, in the sections traversed by the canal, wdl probably produce all the lumber required. Stone. — Along the river San Juan, the rock is chiefly trap, graywacke, and shale; in many localities too friable for use, but in others, Colonel Childs thinks, it may be found fit for the purposes required. On the west side of the lake limestone quarries were found, capable of producing good lime in abun- dance. The stone, generally, between the lake and Pacific, on the proposed canal line, is not good, but it was thought that in case of need it might be obtained from Granada, sixty miles to the north-west, and from a lower point on the Isthmus. Very good and abundant clays were found, and a stone from which water-lime of a fair quality may be obtained. Labor.-— Colonel Childs concedes that the prosecution of the works of the canal would be attended with vast difficulties, resulting from a lack of all the essential requisites in the shape of mills, roads, carriages, etc., etc. He thinks the oxen of the country may be obtained in sufficient numbers to do all the necessary hauling of materials. But there is yet a consideration of vastly more importance, viz., labor. Colonel Childs apprehends that it would be necessary to rely chiefly on foreigners. He says that, although the laboring population of the country, when under compulsory circumstances, are capa- ble of great activity and of enduring much fatigue, in their ordinary avoca- tions they are tardy and irregular in their labor. An exception is, however, made in favor of a class of boatmen employed on the river, some 400 in CLIMATIC TRIALS. 727 number, in whom we have an example of physical labor and exposure to the elements scarcely equalled in any country, endured by them with no per- ceptible prejudice, but apparently with advantage to their health. Tiiese men sleep on a narrow plank across their boats, with no other protection than a single blanket; yet there is probably in the world no class of men of more athletic forms, and notwithstanding their indifferent attention to the con- ditions of health, more capable of hard service. So far as can be gathered from Colonel Childs’ observations, it seems that he would rely chiefly on for- eign labor for the construction of the proposed work. He seems to think it is not unlikely that foreigners, already accustomed to hard labor, may, when thoroughly acclimated, and under no unnecessary exposure, be capable of a fair amount of labor in this country, although not as great an amount as in higher latitudes. He states that of the party en- gaged in the survey west of the lake, nine were unaccustomed to the climate. After a few months, a slight fever, followed by ague, prevented some of the number from continued daily exercise; but being in all cases under the con- trol of medicine, it was of short duration. During seven months in this part of the state, illness in the party at no time interrupted a daily prosecution of the survey. Upon the San Juan River, the surveying party consisted of twelve persons, exclusive of native citizens. The survey occupied six and a half months, from March to September. ‘The party generally enjoyed good health, and no individual was prevented by indisposition, beyond a day or two, from full service. Of those engaged as axemen in clearing the line, two were northern men, whose daily exercise exceeded that usual to men in canal- work, without detriment to health or constitution.’ Soil. — From San Juan Harbor to w here the proposed canal would strike the river, the soil is vegetable mould, coarse sand, and sandy loam. Along the river it is of a more mixed character, clay and loam predominating in the valleys, and a gravelly clay, with detached stones, on the hills. West of the lake, the central portion of the summit is principally clay; the remainder, together with the soil through the valley to Brito, has a very nearly uniform aud equal intermixture of clay, sand, and gravel. The surface soil is gen- erally fine, and contains enough of vegetable mould to render it capable of great production. Food. — Among the staple articles of food that would, during the con- struction of the canal, be most required for consumption, may be named maize, plantains, and beans. Of the former and latter two crops are annually raised on the same ground, and the supply of plantains is constant. Besides these are bananas, oranges, lemons, pineapples, cocoanuts, squashes, melons, tomatoes, and other garden vegetables. Colonel Childs, while considering these sources of supply iu food, is nevertheless of opinion that salt meat and flour would have to be brought in large quantities from abroad. Fresh beef, pork, and poultry are abundant in the country. Opinion of Colonel Abert and Lieutenant-colonel Turnbull. — Al- though a different impression has been sought to be produced in the public mind, yet the government of the United States had no direct interest in the proposed canal, nor manifested any other than might naturally attach to any enterprise of supposed general importance. The surveys of Colonel Childs seem, nevertheless, to have been sent to the secretary of war, with a request 72S INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. for the opinion of the government engineers. Mr Conrad politely referred it to Colonel Abert and Lieutenant-colonel Turnbull, of the bureau of topo- graphical engineers, who give their opinion in a brief letter, dated March '20, 1852. Proceeding upon Colonel Childs’ data, they think his plan practi- cable, that his estimates for a canal of seventeen feet are liberal, and that some reductions might possibly be made. They think that a shorter line might be traced between the port of San Juan and the point of intersection with the river, and recommend another survey of that portion. Opinion of English Engineers.- — The American minister in England, at the request of the company, appears to have transmitted Colonel Childs' surveys to the earl of Malmesbury, with a wish that he would submit it to competent English engineers for their opinion. James Walker, Esq., civil engineer, and Edward Aldrich, captain of the royal engineers, were named for this service. They seem not only to have examined Colonel Childs’ sur- vey, but to have subjected that gentleman, who was then in England, to a very close personal examination. Taking his plans, measurement, and state- ments to be correct, their opinion is, on the whole, favorable. They think that his estimates for work are ample, but regard the amount set down for ‘ contingencies ’ (fifteen per cent) too small by at least ten per cent, that is to say, that it should have been twenty-five instead of fifteen per cent. Of all the works of the proposed navigation, they regard the Brito or Pacific harbor as least satisfactory. To use their own language: ‘Presuming Colonel Childs’ statements and conclusions to be correct, the Brito harbor is in shape and size unworthy of this great ship navigation, even supposing the Pacific, to which it is quite open, to be a much quieter ocean than any we have seen or have any information of.’ They also object to the proposed size, and suggest a canal twenty feet deep instead of seventeen, sixty feet wide at the bottom instead of fifty, and the locks 300 feet instead of 250, as being one ‘ more efficient for the general pur- poses of trade, by steam or sailing vessels.’ This would, of course, be attended with great additional cost; but, as they truly observe, ‘if the junction of the Pacific with the Atlantic be worth doing at all, it is worth doing well. ’ They conclude that, judging from the data, without presuming to vouch for their accuracy, the work is practicable, ‘and would not be attended with engineer- ing difficulties beyond what might naturally be expected in a work of this magnitude; ’ that the surveys have every appearance of accuracy, and they are satisfied of the perfect fairness and candor of Colonel Childs; that the works are generally sufficient for the purpose they are intended to answer; and that the estimates upon the present value of money are adequate, in a general way. so far as judgments can be formed from the documents produced and the explanations of Colonel Childs.’ Opinion of British Capitalists. — We come now to a point not indicated in the report of Colonel Childs, viz., the refusal of the leading capitalists of England to engage in the projected work. It is well known that at least two expeditions or missions to England were undertaken by agents of the canal company. At their first visit in 1851, they were unable to present any specific data upon which to solicit the aid of capi- talists; they, however, made out a hypothetical case, which they submitted, and received foi answer, ‘ Substantiate your statements by facts, and no REASONS FOR DECLINING. 729 difficulty will be experienced in securing the financial aid which you desire; until then, we can return you no definite answer. ' This reply was not made public in terms, but the agents, on their return, proclaimed that the ‘great European capitalists had engaged to furnish half the capital for the enter- prise. ’ A few, and it is believed only a few, persons, considering the precise source whence this vaunt came, attached the slightest importance to it. The second expedition was made in 1852, and this time the agents took out with them both Colonel Childs and his surveys. The opinion of certain Brit- ish engineers (as we have seen) was procured, and the whole matter resub- mitted to the great capitalists, who now, for the first time, thought it sufficiently advanced to merit their serious attention. The result of their examination was communicated to the company in a letter from Mr Bates, head of the house of Baring Brothers, in August 1852, and consisted in a declension to embark in the enterprise, for a variety of reasons, chiefly, of course, financial. 1. The dimensions of the canal were not such as, in their opinion, to meet the requirements of commerce, and the work could not be used except by medium-sized steamers and small vessels. 2. That the proposed dimensions were not in conformity with those re- quired by the charter of the company, and that it could not be built of the proposed dimensions without securing a modification of the charter, which, in the existing state of feeling in Nicaragua, it was not likely could be effected. 3. That, supposing the work not to exceed the estimated cost of $31,000,- 000, the returns, to meet the simple interest of the investment at six per cent, must be at least $1,8(10,000 over and above its current expenses; or, to meet this interest, and the percentage to be paid to Nicaragua, it must reach, over and above its expenses, $2,269,200. Estimating the expenses of repairs, superintendence, cost of transportation, etc., at $400,000 a year (a sum regarded as too small), then the gross returns to make the work pay must be $2,670,000. 4. But it is found, by inquiry and calculation, that little, if any, of the European trade with the Orient would pass through the canal, inasmuch as the passage hy the way of Cape Good Hope is, on an average, 1,500 miles nearer than by way of the proposed work. 5. That even if the distance were in favor of the proposed canal, its small size would prevent nearly, if not quite, two thirds of the vessels engaged in the Indian trade from passing it; and this objection would equally lie against most of the vessels employed in the trade with western America, the only trade in which the canal would prove serviceable to Europe. 6. That the heavy toll of $3 a ton on ships would prevent such vessels as could pass the canal from doing so, inasmuch as on a vessel of 1,000 tons the toll would be $3,000, or more than the average earnings of such vessels on their voyages. 7. That a canal of the proposed size could oniy he used by small passenger- steamers, the returns from which would not be adequate to pay the current expenses of the enterprise. While unhesitatingly conceding the immense local advantages of a canal to the United States, these capitalists confessed themselves utterly unable to 730 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. discover how it could prove of compensating value to the men who should invest their money in the enterprise. They therefore, for these and othe» reasons, declined to meet the views of the projectors and their agents. Guarantee of the United States, etc. — By the convention of 1850*be- tween the United States and Great Britain, a qualified guaranty was extended to this enterprise, in common with several others. There was also a clause inserted with direct reference to this company, which provided that it should ‘ have a priority of claim over every other company to the protection of the United States and Great Britain, ’on condition that it should, within ‘one year from the date of the ratification ’ of the convention, ‘ conclude its ar- rangements and present evidence of sufficient capital subscribed to accom- plish the undertaking. ’ The treaty was ratified, and the ratifications exchanged July 5, 1850. No subscription of stock having taken place, and no evidence of capital having been presented in the time specified, or indeed at any other time, the company forfeited this special protection in July 1851; and as the twelve years within which the work was to be constructed will expire in 1861, it may be assumed that its prosecution will depend upon new condi- tions and combinations. Indeed, it may be questioned if the opening of rail- ways between the oceans may not indefinitely postpone the project of a canal; for, however desirable such a work may be, its realization will depend upon precisely those practical considerations which apply to the simplest works of public utility. It will not do to foot up the commerce between Europe and Asia, and assume, as has generally been the case, that the totals will pass through the canal, if constructed. Now, the simple truth is, that, so far as Europe is concerned, that part of her trade which goes to ports on the Pacific coast of America, to the Sandwich Islands, Japan, the northern ports of China, to New Zealand and Australia, is all that will be materially benefited by the construction of a canal. As regards Australia, the principal advan- tage would be in having a safer, easier, and consequently quicker and surer means of communication than is afforded by the Cape of Good Hope; for the Pacific Ocean is preeminently the sea of steamers, and where steam naviga- tion, in respect of speed at least, is destined to achieve its most brilliant suc- cess. So far as the United States is concerned, the advantages of such a work would naturally be greater than to Europe. Assuming a canal to be built across the Isthmus of Nicaragua, the follow- ing table will illustrate the relations of Liverpool and New York with the principal ports of the east, in respect of distance: Via Cape of Good Hope. Via Proposed Canai. Net Loss. Net Gain. From Liverpool — a Canton 12, !)()() 13,800 900 Calcutta 11,440 15,480 4,040 Singapore 11,880 15,120 4,240 Sydney From New York— 14,080 12,550 2,320 3 Canton 14,100 11,820 3,280 Calcutta 12,360 13,680 1,320 Singapore 12,700 11,420 280 Sydney 15,720 9,480 5,240 [The distances to Sidney are calculated via Torres Straits.] THE COURSE OF TRAFFIC. 731 The following table will illustrate the relations of Liverpool and New York in respect to the principal western ports of America: Via Cape Horn. Via Proposed Canal. Gain. F rom Liverpool — To Valparaiso 8,700 7,500 1,200 Callao 10,020 6,800 3,220 Sandwich Islands. 13,500 8,640 4,860 From New York — To Valparaiso 8,580 4,860 3,720 Callao 9,900 3,540 5,360 Sandwich Islands 13,200 6,300 6,900 But it is not to be assumed that all the trade, much less all the travel, treasure, and mails to the points which I have indicated, will, under any cir- cumstances, pass through a canal. The passengers between New York and San Francisco, amounting annually to nearly 100,000, would never consent to make a voyage of from 1,000 to 2,000 miles out of their way, to Nicaragua, Panama, Darien, or Atrato, for the sake of passing through a canal, however grand, when by a simple transshipment at Honduras, for instance, and a transit of 209 miles by railway, they would be able to avoid this long detour, and effect a saving of from 5 to 8 days of time; for even if steamers were to run to any canal which might be opened, and supposing no detention on account of locks or other causes (calculated by Colonel Childs at 2 days), even then it would be necessary for them to stop, for coals and other supplies, more than quadruple the time that would be occupied by the passengers over the rail- way in effecting their reembarkation. And what is true of passengers is equally true of treasure, the mails, and light freight of small bulk and large value. I do not wish to he understood as arguing against a canal; what I mean to illustrate is this: that, open a canal wherever we may, it will always stand in the same relation to a railway as does the baggage-train to the express. A canal would be chiefly, if not wholly, used by ships and vessels carrying heavy and bulky freights; but as most articles of this kind are kept in stock in all the principal ports of the world, it is not of so much consequence to have rapidity as constancy of supply, and hence, unless the canal shall be constructed so economically as to admit of a moderate tonnage rate, it is not improbable that ships of this kind would find it more economical to follow the routes now open. Squier's States of Cent. America. In tracing, or attempting to trace, the routes of recent travellers in Darien, there is extraordinary difficulty, although the locality in question does not exceed a space of 40 miles by 30. Strange to say, the routes of the old buccaneers, of Dampier, Ringrose, Sharp, Wafer, and Davis, the inland jour- ney of that remarkable man Paterson, and of the Spanish officer Don Manuel Milla de Santa Ella,54 can be followed on the old Spanish maps, but not in our modern ones, even the best; while there are no data hitherto published that afford more than a guess at the tracks of modern explorers after leaving the sea-coast. Mr Gisborne has compiled, or rather copied, the principal part of the map, on which he has shown, in red, those portions which he himself saw 54 March 13, 1788. 732 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. and was enabled to lay down. No surveyor who reads his Journal and He- port can doubt that he has given eye-sketches, aided by compass bearings and estimated distances; but the estimation of a practised eye is not to be undervalued. Dr Cullen can be traced up the Tuyra to Yavisa, and up the Paya; also up the Savana, but no farther inland. The state of our geographical knowledge of that exceedingly interesting region is the following: All examinations, all surveys, of the Great Isthmus were made by Spain alone, while she held the country (till the years 1821-31). Very good maps of much of the Spanish territory existed at that time; but they have been copied and recopied by all manner of hands; scales and bearings have been altered, not intentionally, but by mistake; names omitted or misspelled; and absolute longitudes applied erroneously. Thus good original work came to be so deteriorated by its transmutations as to be almost useless. No surveys need be better than some of the Spanish works undertaken toward the end of the last and during the beginning of this century. Methods ami instruments were used by Tofino, Malaspina, Espinosa, Bauza, Cordova, and others, that were not adopted, if known, by French or English surveyors until afterward. Triangulation without the compass, bases ob- tained by angular measurements of known objects,65 and the most perfect style of plan-drawing on true principles, were practised by Spaniards before this century commenced. The south coast of the Great Isthmus and the interior of Darien were not explored and mapped sufficiently, because of the hostile Indians, and politi- cal reasons connected with the gold mines in that district. There was also another source of error in that particular vicinity which has only recently been eliminated; namely, the great difference of longitudes, according to the maps, between places on opposite sides of the Isthmus which are really in the same meridian. This amounted to more than 30 miles along all the coast from Chiriqui to Darien with respect to the corresponding southern coast-line. Thanks to the far-seeing and indefatigable hydrographer to the admiralty, Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort, the British surveys have included much of the coasts of Central America, and they are now placed in relatively correct positions on our latest maps. Having therefore exact coast-lines, or boun- daries, we can avail ourselves more readily of much Spanish interior detail; but it is exceedingly difficult to get at the original works. A very neatly engraved and apparently complete map of the Isthmus has been lately published at New Orleans by Dr Autenreith, but in reality it is only a copy of Spanish documents and recent surveys made by England; it is not an original work. There are in this country at present more materials for a map of Darien than exist elsewhere. Bauza brought copies of all the Spanish-American documents to this country, with many original maps; but there is still a great extent, nearly all the interior of the Isthmus of Darien, unexamined by the eye of a surveyor. In the last century (1780), a Spanish party of five engineers and surveyors, under Donoso, escorted by a large body of troops,66 was stopped by the “Masthead angles were taken in Cordova’s voyage, 1785-6. “Four hundred. INJURY TO TRUTHFUL GEOGRAPHY. 733 Indians in the Chucunaque River, and obliged to return without executing their orders to survey the region near Caledonian harbor; and this was the last attempt by Spain, or by any one, to make a regular survey of the interior of that part of the Isthmus. In the valuable collection of Mr Arrowsmith are many Spanish documents, among which one plan, dated 1774, shows all the Spanish establishments, military and religious, as well as mining, at that date, in Darien. Others show details of a previous century, and a few give the earliest settlements of the lGtli century. And here allow one word to be said of the injury to truthful geography, caused by copying all materials without acknowledgment, or by adding imaginary topograpy without explanation. The map by Dr Autenreith has much the appearance of an exact survey; there is no distinction made between those parts for which there is authority and those which are partly the re- results of imagination (the interior hill-work). The public in general being unaware of the authorities for a map, the mere copyist is often supposed to be the author of the work. Maps or charts that are not original ought always to show from what data they have been com- piled. In order to assist in now forming a correct opinion of Darien, a retrospect- ive historical glance at a few points is necessary. The first settlement in all America was founded in 1509 at the mouth of the Atrato. It was called Santa Maria do la Antigua. The next settlement on the Isthmus was at Acla, or Agla, in 1514, a few miles inland57 from that port or bay now famed in history and romance, called by Paterson Caledonian Harbor. It was from Agla that Balboa crossed to the South Sea, and that the earliest expeditions to Peru were despatched. In 1532 these two settlements were abandoned, and their population trans- ferred to Nombre de Dios and Panama. This is said to have been done on account of the unhealthy site of Santa Maria el Antigua, surrounded by marshes and mangrove jungles; but why Agla was abandoned does not ap- pear, except by Paterson’s narrative, whence it may be inferred that the set- tlers there were harassed by the Indians, and were too far from the sea-shore. Besides which, as intercourse increased with places on the Pacific coasts it became, no doubt, more convenient to have a principal rendezvous on the southern shore more accessible from the Pacific. In those early days so famed was Darien for gold, that the province was called ‘ Golden Castile ’ 58 (Castilla del Oro). It was the principal portion of that ‘tierra finne, ’ so famed afterward as the ‘Spainish Main,’ the real ‘ El Dorado ’ to which Sir Walter Raleigh went in 1517-18, Sir Francis Drake in 1557, troops of buccaneers in the 17th century, and the Scotch colony in 1C98. Repeated aggressions on this auriferous district, where abundance of gold was procured by black slave labor, after the aborigines had been diminished in numbers by oppressive cruelties, induced Spain to close and abandon the 67 Five leagues from the shore. Sp. MS. 68 The arms of Santa Maria de la Antigua were a golden castle between a jaguar and a puma. 734 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. mines for a time (early in the 18th century) — even those famous ones in the mountains of Espiritu Santo near Cana, from which alone more gold went through Panama in a year than from all the other mines of America taken to- gether. These Cana mines were sacked in 1702 and 1712 by English, in 1724 by French, and by the Indians in 1727. Nevertheless, in 1774 the mining operations were again going on, having been reestablished a few years pre- viously. When Cana was taken by the expedition (as narrated by Davis) sent from Jamaica by Colonel Beckford in 1702, there were about ‘ 900 houses ’ (probably most of them mere huts); therefore, the population could hardly have been less than 3,000 at that time. From 1719 to 1727 there was a great and general resistance of the Indians, who attacked the Spaniards in ail directions, and drove them out of all the detached settlements. Some years afterward peace was made (in 1740), missions of the Jesuits advanced among the natives, and by their aid not only much topographical knowledge was acquired, but Spanish set- tlements in the interior were renewed and mines worked. But the Indians again rebelled; therefore, small forts were reestablished at Yavisa, Molineca, and Santa Maria Real, with a new post (in 1780) at El Principe, or Ocubti, from which a road was cut by Arisa, leading toward Caledonian Harbor, 'lhe fort El Principe does not appear in the Spanish MS. map of 1774; it was built about 1785, when the Spaniards had again advanced into the in- terior Indian territory. In 1788 Milla de Santa Ella, an officer of Spain, went from Caledonian Harbor to El Principe direct by the road then recently opened by the Span- iards; but as he did not think it advisable to return the same way, he went down the Savana, and up the Chucunaque to the Tubuganti and Chueti rivers, whence he crossed to his station at Caledonian Harbor by the same route, undoubtedly, that Paterson traversed on his visit to the Indian great chief at Ponca in 1698. The examination of no traveller, except Humboldt, previous to 1850, induced a belief that a canal might be cut directly through Darien. Dr Cuilen’s personal inspection of Caledonian Harbor, and of the Savana River, with their neighborhood, added to the information he obtained orally and by reading, led him to the (Conclusion that the lowest summit level between those places did not exceed 300 or 400 feet, while it might he very much less. Feeling so confident that a lower level existed, he went there again to explore; but while collecting further information and arranging preliminaries, at Bogata, the seat of government in New Granada, Mr Gisborne (an engineer employed by Messrs Fox and Henderson) made short excursions from each side of the Isthmus, which satisfied him that the lowest summit level does not exceed 160 feet above the sea. According to the most authentic map of this district, Mr Arrowsmith’s last printed, not yet published, the distance across in a direct line — between deep water on each side — is about 33 miles. The windings of a canal may require nearly a third more, and if so, the whole distance to be canalized is about 40 miles — a shorter distance than can be found elsewhere, Mr Gisborne’s examination of the principal features of this line across Darien, however incomplete, is a material advance toward certainty. We have his two bases of operations, at Caledonian Harbor and San Miguel A HASTY SCRAMBLE. 735 (entrance), nearly determined by recent government surveys, and we have his character as a guaranty for the value of those details which he has given in his Report. There may be a few miles of distance to settle, and there may be doubts whether the river near his watershed, or summit level, called by him Caledonia, may not be another river, perhaps the Chucunaque, or one of its tributaries; and moreover, that the range of heights supposed by him to separate those rivers is not truly placed, while his river Caledonia (otherwise the Golden River, or Aglatomate) winds through a more northerly area. But these are trifles compared with his barometric measurement of the summit level, and his own overlapping eye-views of the country which he did not traverse. If indeed the mouth of the Savana be not accurately laid down, or assumed by him, if it be much farther west than he supposed, his surveys may not have overlapped; and he may have looked across two different plains; in which case there may be yet another ridge or watershed beneath the rivers which he actually touched. The expedition employed by our government to survey this coast did not examine the mouths of rivers running into San Miguel. Oidy the western part of that gulf was examined in continuing the coast line. Hence the position of the Savana may be less accurately known than is generally supposed. It is hardly necessary to remark here that to make independent observa- tions for latitude, longitude, distance, aud accurate triangulation requires more time and instruments than can be carried in a hasty scramble through a wild country. Mr Gisborne’s examination of the geology and mineralogy is valuable. Far from discovering any remarkable impediments to cutting a canal, he states that there are no particular engineering difficulties with respect to the ground; that there is much stratified shale-rock, easy to quarry, and fit to line a canal. There is abundance of fine timber. Mangrove forests, rather than jungles, surround the waters of the gulf. Densely matted underwood follows on drier ground; and then, on the elevated country, there are magnifi- cent timber-trees very little encumbered by underwood. Having thus endeavored to take a general view of this question, we may perhaps ask ourselves what are the greatest impediments to the excavation of a canal- -impediments exceeding those that would attend any correspond- ing work in Europe. Supposing that political arrangements are satisfactorily completed, the claims of other parties compromised or barred, and adequate funds disposable, the only peculiar and important impediments will be two — the natives and the climate. The native or Indian question, as connected with the inde- pendence and rights of the aborigines, should be considered deliberately. That the Indians may be overawed and conciliated by proper management, there is no doubt; but their reasonable claims must be satisfied, irrespective of all jurisdiction assumed over them by New Granada — a jurisdiction which the natives of Darien repudiate. Fair dealing, while an overpowering force is in sight, will prevent any attempt to have recourse to arms, or to molest the parties employed about a canal, and would therefore obviate any irritat- ing and probably prolonged guerrilla hostilities. It is estimated that there are about 5,000 independent Indians on the 736 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. Isthmus east of Costa Rica. Of these, it may be presumed that there are not 2.000 capable of bearing arms; a small number when dispersed in the high- lands between Costa Rica and Choco, but quite enough to molest small parties of workmen very seriously. For defensive purposes, as well as for the general order and discipline of very large bodies of laborers, in a wild country, some degree of military organization and an acquiescence in military discipline would seem to be indispensable. Whether convicts might be employed advantageously may be a subject for grave consideration. In clearing the wood of a tropical forest, and expos- ing ground to the sun’s rays for the first time, much pestilential sickness may be caused, as has been repeatedly proved (at Pulo Penang, Fernando Po, and many other places). It cannot be doubted that convicts would be peculiarly liable to the influence of such diseases, and therefore it might be unwise to make such an experiment. Natives of tropical climates, or Chinese, would probably be able to stand the malaria of newly cleared ground far better than Europeans. The most formidable, because permanent and irremediable, obstacle is unquestionably the climate. There is no doubt that rain prevails about two thirds of the year, even on the higher grounds of Darien; while it is no less certain that in the gulf of San Miguel (where mangrove jungles bound low, muddy shores, and the great fall of tide exposes extensive mud-banks) there is a continued succession of rains, more or less heavy, except during short intervals. Examine any travellers' accounts, read their narratives — they themselves bear witness to the undeniable fact, although in ijeneral terms they may say there is not so much rain, and it is not so unhealthy, as has been supposed. Many Europeans state they did not suffer, although much and continu- ously exposed to the rains and heat. Active and temperate men have not found the climate very detrimental. Persons who have had many years’ ex- perience there assert that care and regularity will ward off such attacks of fever or dysentery as are common among thoughtless Europeans unaccus- tomed to tropical regions. It is possible that the great rise of tide on the south side of the Isthmus may tend to purify the air on its shores, and this effect, in such a place as San Miguel Gulf, may be very beneficial. On the Atrato, at Chagres, at Portobello, and other notoriously unhealthy places, there is little or no rise of tide; and the air among the mangrove jungles becomes at times pestilential. Seemann, in his Voyage of the Herald, recently published, gives so correct a description of such places that it de- serves attention. He says (vol. i. p. 249): ‘The sea-coast, and those parts influenced by the tides and the immediate evaporation of the sea, produce a quite peculiar vegetation, which is generally characterized by a leathery, glossy foliage, and leaves with entire margins. In all muddy places, down to the verge of the ocean, are impenetrable thickets formed of mangroves, which exhale putrid miasmata, and spread sickness over the adjacent dis- tricts. Occasionally, extensive tracts are covered with the “Guagara de puerco,”its fronds being as much as 10 feet high. Myriads of mosquitoes and sand-flies fill the air. Huge alligators sun themselves on the slimy banks. THE LONG-SOUGHT WAY. 737 lying motionless, blinking with their great eyes, and jumping into the water directly any one approaches. To destroy these dreaded swamps is almost impossible.’ Again (pp. 251, 252), he says: ‘ Forests cover at least two thirds of the whole territory. The high trees, the dense foliage, and the numerous climb- ing plants, almost shut out the rays of the sun, causing a gloom which is the more insupportable as all other objects are hidden from view. Rain is so frequent, and the moisture so great, that the burning of these forests is im- possible.’ ‘From reading the highly colored accounts with which many travellers have endeavored to embellish their narratives, the European has drawn, in imagination, a picture of equinoctial countries which a comparison with nature at once demolishes.’ Speaking of the ‘ vegetable ivory, ’ and referring to the climate, Mr. See- mann says (p. 222) : ‘ It grows in low, damp localities, and is diffused over the southern parts of Darien and the vicinity of Portobello, districts which are almost throughout the year deluged by torrents of rain, or enveloped in the thick vapor that constantly arises from the humidity of the soil and the rankness of the vegetation. ’ Describing the appearance of one of these mangrove forests, as they may be called, the same author observes (p. 73): ‘The trees were actually in the water. The tall mangroves, with roots exposed for 12 or 14 feet, formed a huge tangled trellis-work, from which the tall stems rose to a height of 60 or 70 feet.’ Fitzroy’s Further Considerations on the Great Isthmus of Cent. Am. March 1853, in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc , xxiii. 176-87. The project of uniting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by a canal large enough to permit the passage of sea vessels has attracted the attention and enlisted the earnest sympathies and efforts of the Old and New World, from the discovery of the Isthmus of Panama down to the present time. The great historian Prescott says: ‘The discovery of a strait into the Indian Ocean wras the burden of every order from the government. The discovery of an Indian passage is the true key to the maritime movements of the fif- teenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries.’ The desire to discover this passage, which was confidently believed to exist, and thus give to Spain the dominion of the seas, and pour into her treasury all the wealth of that marvellous land of exaggeration, the Spice Islands, sent Columbus, Pizarro, Cortes, Balboa, Gil Gonzales, and the other Spanish mariners and adventur- ers, upon their long, arduous, and eventful voyages, and resulted in the dis- covery, conquest, and settlement of the American continent. However long the voyage; however great the discovery; however bound- less and rich the new countries that were subjected to the Spanish crown; however brilliant the prowess of a chivalrous soldiery — the emperor always asked, ‘ Have you discovered the way to the Spice Islands?’ If not, he was unsatisfied, and the discovery and conquest were robbed of half their value. He was constantly reminding his brave and adventurous mariners that he desired above all things to discover the way to the Spice Islands, and j^rorn- ised great honors and rewards to the fortunate adventurer who should make the discovery. In 1523 the Emperor Charles the Fifth wrote to Cortes, ear- nestly urging him to search for a shorter way to the ‘ Indian Land of Spice,’ Hist. Cent. Am.,, Vol. III. 47 738 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. and for a shorter and more direct passage between the eastern and western coasts of Central America. In answer to the emperor, Cortes wrote: ‘It would render the king of Spain master of so many kingdoms that he might consider himself lord of the world.’ In 1524, in obedience to the emperor’s wishes, he fitted out an expedition to discover it. Columbus wrote to the emperor: ‘ Your Majesty may be assured that as I know how much you have at heart the discovery of the great secret of a strait, I shall postpone all in- terests and projects of my own for the fulfilment of this great object.’ It was for the purpose of making this discovery that Gil Gonzales fitted out the expedition that resulted in the discovery of Nicaragua. The interest in the interoceanic communication was not confined to the Spanish emperor, or his adventurous mariners. It extended to the learned men of Spain, and seriously engaged their attention. Francisco Lopez de Gomara, one of the earliest writers on America, in his chapter on ‘the pos- sibility of a shorter passage to the Moluccas, ’ in his work on the Two Indies, published in 1551, says: ‘The passage would have to be opened across the mainland from one sea to the other, by whichever might prove the most profitable of these four lines; viz., either by the river Lagartos (Chagres), which, rising in Chagres, at a distance of four leagues from Panama, over which space of territory they proceed in carts, flows to the sea-coast of Nom- bre de Dios; or by the channel through which the lake of Nicaragua empties into the sea; up and down which (the Rio San Juan) large vessels sail; and the lake is distant only three or four leagues from the sea; by either of these two rivers the passage is already traced and half made. There is likewise another river which flows from Vera Cruz to Tecoantepec, along which the inhabitants of New Spain (Mexico) tow and drag barks from one sea to the other. The distance from Nombre de Dios to Panama is seventeen leagues, and from the gulf of Uraba to the gulf of San Miguel twenty-five, which are the two most difficult lines.’ Cortes was in favor of the first of these routes, Gil Gonzales of the second, and Pizarro of the third. Herrera, royal his- toriographer of Spain, writing of the events of 1527, refers to the routes via Nicaragua and Panama, and the possibility of other connections between the two oceans. Martin Behaim, a geographer of Nuremberg, Germany, was probably the first who suggested the possibility of a natural communication between the Atlantic and Pacific. So Magellan stated in his memorial of November 28, 1520, to the court of Valladolid, asking permission to search for such a channel. It was granted, an expedition was fitted out, and he discovered the Straits of Magellan, bearing his name. Soon after the discovery of Nicaragua by Gil Gonzales, it was declared and believed by many that there existed a navigable channel, connecting Lake Nicaragua with the Pacific, and that vessels would be enabled to pass from one ocean to the other. But no systematic attempt was made to ascer- tain the truth of this conjecture until 1529, when Pedrarias de Avila, then governor of Nicaragua, sent an expedition of soldiers and Indians, under Martin Este, to explore lakes Nicaragua and Managua; when they had pene- trated into a province called Voto, a little north of Lake Managua, they were attacked by a large body of Indians, and compelled to return. They reported that they saw from a mountain top a large body of water (doubtless the gulf of Fonseca), which they supposed to be another lake. Don Diego Machuca OVIEDO’S ACCOUNT. 739 soon afterward fitted out another expedition in the same year, which he accompanied and commanded. It resulted in the discovery of the river San Juan as the true outlet of the lakes. He sailed down that river to the Atlantic. Machuca Rapids take their name from him. Oviedo says that in 1540, at St Domingo, he met Pedro Cora, a pilot who had been attached to the expedition of Martin Este, and subsequently to that of Captain Diego Machuca. He gives a long and interesting account of the second expedition, as narrated to him by Cora. Cora said that at the port of Nombre de Dios he met with some old friends who had built a felucca and brigantine on the shores of Lake Nicaragua at an expense of several thousand dollars. Among them was Diego Machuca, who had been commandant of the country of the Tender!, and of the district about Lake Masaya. They em- barked on these vessels on Lake Nicaragua for the purpose of exploring it. Captain Machuca, with two hundred men, advanced along the shore, keeping in sight of the boats, which were accompanied by several canoes. After some days they entered the San Juan River, and passed down to where its waters appeared to flow into the sea. Being ignorant of their locality, they followed the sea-coast in an easterly direction, and finally arrived at Nombre de Dios, where the pilot Cora met them. They were arrested at this place by Doctor Robles, who desired to found a colony at the mouth of the San Juan River, and thus reap the benefit of their labor and discoveries, ‘ as is the custom, ’ says Oviedo, ‘ with these men of letters; for the use they do make of their wisdom is rather to rob than to render justice.’ For this outrage he was deprived of his office. The pilot, though strongly importuned, refused to tell Oviedo where the river emptied into the ocean. Oviedo says: ‘ I do not regard the lakes as separate, because they connect, the one with the other. They are separated from the South Sea by a very narrow strip of land. . . .This lake (Nicaragua) is filled with excellent fish. But what proves that they are both one lake is the fact that they equally abound in sea fish and turtles. Another proof is, that in 1529 there was found in the province of Nicaragua, on the banks of this lake, a fish never seen except in the sea, and called the sword-fish. I have seen some of these fish of so great size that two oxen attached to a cart could hardly draw them. . . .The one found on the shores of this lake was small, being only about twelve feet in length. . . . The water of the lake is very good and healthful, and a large number of small rivers and brooks empty into it. In some places the great lake is fifteen or twenty fathoms deep, and in other places it is scarce a foot in depth ; so that it is not navigable in all parts, but only in the middle, and with barks specially constructed for that purpose. . . .It has a large number of islands of some extent, covered with flocks and precious woods. The largest is eight leagues in circumference, and is inhabited by Indians. It is very fertile, filled with deer and rabbits, and named Ometepec, which signifies two mountains. It formerly contained a population much more numerous than now, divided into eight or ten villages. The mountain in this island toward the east (Madeira) is lowest; the other (Ometepec) is so high that its summit is seldom seen. I passed a night at a farm belonging to a gentleman called Diego Mora, situated on the mainland ’ — probably near the site of Virgin Bay. ‘The keeper told me that during the two years he had been in that 740 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. place lie had seen the summit but once, because it was covered with clouds.’5* There are many evidences that the channel of the San Juan River was once much deeper and freer from rapids and obstructions than it is at pres- ent. At one time, sea vessels passed regularly up and down the river. It would be impossible for them to do so now. The river is too shallow, and the rapids are too many and difficult. In 1G48 a Spanish brig from Cartha- gcna (de la Indias) arrived at Granada, and discharged her cargo, reloaded, and started on her return. On her voyage back the river was found unnavi- gable at one point, and the vessel returned to Granada; the cargo was taken out, and the ship laid up, and finally broken to pieces. Thomas Gage, an English monk, who visited Nicaragua in 16G5, says that vessels often arrived at Granada, from South America, Spain, and Cuba, and reloaded and re- turned to those countries by way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua. In 1781 Manuel Galisteo, by order of the Spanish government, examined the country, and carefully surveyed a route for a canal between Lake Nicara- gua and the Pacific. He estimated the level of the lake above the Pacific to be one hundred and thirty-four feet. The route selected by him was from the mouth of the Rio Lajas in the lake to San Juan del Sur. Early in the present century, a survey was made by an engineer name Thompson, of which we have no details, further than that he adopted the report made by Galisteo. In 1837 Mr Baily was employed by the federal government of Central America, and made a careful survey of a route for the canal. He spent much time and a considerable sum of money in making the surveys, but was never paid for his services. Dr Andreas Oersted, of Copenhagen, made a survey in 1S48, and published a map of the country. He selected the bay of Bolanos, thirteen and a half miles from Lake Nicaragua, as the Pacific terminus of the canal. In 1851 Colonel Childs, an Englishman, made a thorough survey and estimate of the whole work. He selected Brito as the Pacific terminus. According to his estimates, the actual length of water navigation, including the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, would be one hundred and ninety- four and one half miles. He submitted his plan and surveys to the British government, by which it was referred to James Walker and Edward Aldrich, royal engineers, who reported unfavorably. The plan and reports were then laid before a committee of English capitalists, with the purpose of raising the necessary capital for the work. But after a careful investigation, the com- mittee declined to recommend the enterprise, believing it would be unprofit- able, and more for the benefit of the United States than of Great Britain. This survey, arid the action of the British government upon it, furnish strong confirmation of the general opinion, as to the purpose of that government, in seizing Greytown and the bay of Fonseca. A survey was made in 1850 by the Central American Transit Company. After the independence of the Central American states had been estab- lished, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, afterward governor of Nicaragua, represented to the federal congress, in July 1823, the urgent necessity for opening the canal without delay. But no action was then taken in the mat- ter. During the next year several propositions relative to the construction of the canal were made to the federal government by parties in Europe. 59 Squier’s Nicaragua, vol. i. p. 195. MR CLAY’S ASSURANCE. 741 Barclay & Co., of London, made a proposition, on the 18th of September, 1824, to open a canal, between the Atlantic and Pacific, by way of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, at their own cost, if the government would assist them in certain particulars. On the 2d of February, 1825, Charles Bourke and Matthew Llanos addressed a communication to the government, stating that in the preceding December they had sent an armed brig with a party of engineers to Greytown, to survey the route, and praying that they might be granted: 1. An exclusive proprietorship and control of the canal; 2. An exclusive right to navigate the lakes and dependent waters by steam; 3. Free permission to use all natural products of the country necessary for the work; 4. Exemption from duty for the goods and materials introduced by the company during the pendency of the work. They offered to pay the government twenty per cent on the tolls received, and to surrender the work at the end of a certain number of years. On the 8th of February, 1825, Don Antonio Jose Canas, then minister from the federal government to the United States, addressed a communication to Henry Clay, then secretary of state, upon the subject of the canal, soliciting the cooperation of our government in the work, upon the ground that ‘ its noble example had been a model and protection to all the Americas,’ and en- titled it to a preference over any other nation in the ‘ merits and advantages of the proposed undertaking.’ He proposed by means of a treaty to effect- ually secure its advantages to the two nations. Mr Clay instructed Colonel John Williams, U. S. charge d’affaires in Central America, to assure that govern- ment of the great interest taken by the United States in an undertaking ‘ so highly calculated to diffuse a favorable influence on the affairs of mankind, ’ and to carefully investigate the facilities afforded by the route, and transmit the intelligence acquired to our government. Colonel Williams never made any report of his action under these instructions. During the year 1825, many other propositions for the construction of the canal were received by the federal government from Europe. The attention of the government was thus strongly attracted to the importance and value of the proposed canal, both as affording a considerable revenue to the govern- ment, and aiding in the settlement of the country, and development of its resources. In June 1825, the federal congress passed a decree defining the terms and conditions upon which the canal might be consti'ucted. Another decree, published at the same time, fixed the period of six months for receiv- ing proposals for the work. The time was much too short, and but few offers were received. Among them was one from Mr Baily, the surveyor, as agent for the English house of Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., which was con- ditional, and one from Charles Beninske for Aaron H. Palmer, of New York, which was accepted. The contractors, under the name of ‘ The Central American and United States Atlantic and Pacific Canal Company,’ agreed to open a canal through Nicaragua, which should be navigable for large ships, and to deposit two hundred thousand dollars in the city of Granada, within six months, for the preliminary expenses of the work; to erect fortifications for its protection; and to commence work within one year. The contractors were to receive two thirds of the tolls from the canal until they had been re- imbursed for the full cost of the work, with ten per cent interest; afterwards to have one half of the proceeds for seven years, with the right to introduce 742 IXTEROCEAXIC COMMUXICATIOX. steam-vessels. The government agreed to place at their disposal all the docu- ments in its possession relating to the canal; to furnish laborers at certain wages; and to permit the cutting and use of the timber in the country. If the canal was not completed, all the work done was to be forfeited to the gov- ernment. This contract was dated June 14, 1826. The contractors had not sufficient capital for the construction of the canal, and failing to obtain it in Xew York, addressed a memorial to the United States congress, praying the assistance of the government in their work, which they represented to be of national importance. The memorial was referred to a committee, but never reported on. The enterprise excited considerable attention in Xew York, and the grant obtained from the federal government of Central America was believed to be valuable. Mr Palmer executed a deed of trust to De Witt Clinton, Stephen Van Renssalaer, C. D. Clinton, Phillip Hone, and Lynde Catlin, constituting them directors of the company which was being organ- ized for the construction of the canal. Mr Palmer went to England in 1827, and endeavored, but without success, to obtain the cooperation of English capitalists. All his efforts were ineffectual, the necessary capital could not be raised, and the enterprise was abandoned. Mr Clay, then secretary of state, earnestly advocated the construction of the canal, believing it would be of great advantage to this country. In 1828 an association of capitalists in the Xetherlands, under the patron- age of the king of Holland, undertook the construction of the canal. In 1829 the king sent General Verveer, as plenipotentiary to Guatemala, with special instructions relative to the canal. In October of the same year, commis- sioners were appointed by the federal government to confer with General Yerveer, and on the 24th of July, 1830, they agreed upon a plan, which was to be laid before the federal congress for its approval. The conditions were much the same as in the contract with Mr Palmer. The revolution in Bel- gium, and the separation of Holland, terminated this enterprise. The fed- eral congress had been stimulated to greater anxiety for the construction of the canal by these various proposals and contracts, and believing that there was more likelihood of its being made by the Dutch company than any other, in 1832 made ineffectual efforts to renew negotiations with Holland for reviv- ing that company, and enabling it to complete its contract. In the mean time, the efforts and representations of Mr Clay, De Witt Clin- ton, and other distinguished men had awakened public interest in the people and government of the United States in the proposed canal, and convinced them that it was important that our government should, if possible, control the work, and reap the benefits and advantages which it was believed would result to our commerce from it. On the 3d of March, 1835, the United States senate adopted a resolution, requesting the president to consider the expedi- ency of opening negotiations with the Central American states and Xew Granada for protecting by treaty stipulations companies undertaking to open a canal across the Isthmus, connecting the two oceans, and of securing its free and equal navigation to all nations. By virtue of this resolution, Presi- dent Jackson appointed Charles Biddle, and directed him to go to San Juan del Xorte, and thence across the Isthmus to the Pacific, by the proposed route; to proceed to Guatemala, the capital, and with the aid of Mr De Witt Clinton, U. S. charge d’affaires, obtain all public papers, and copies of the laws ACTION OF THE GOVERNMENT. 743 passed, and all papers and information relating to the canal. He was also to go to Panama, and ascertain all about that route. Mr Biddle did not go to Nicaragua, and died soon after his- return to the United States. His mission was a failure. The government of Central America now determined to survey the route for the canal, and thus demonstrate to the world its practicability. In 1837 President Morazan employed Mr John Baily to survey the route, which he did, as already stated. In 1838 a convention between Nicaragua and Hon- duras authorized Peter Bouchard to make an agreement in France for the organization of a company to construct the canal. He did not succeed in ac- complishing anything. Don Jorge Viteri, bishop of San Salvador, was sent as ambassador to Rome, and make like efforts, but without success. In the same year, a company of Americans in New York and New Orleans sent Mr George Holdship to Central America. He made a contract with Nicaragua, which had seceded from the federal republic, for the construction of a canal, the establishment of a bank, and the introduction of colonists. This scheme was extensive, but amounted to nothing, as the enterprise was soon aban- doned. In 1838, Aaron Clark, Herman Leroy, William A. Duer, Matthew Carey, and William Radcliflf, citizens of New York and Philadelphia, addressed a memorial to congress, representing the necessity for the opening of the inter- oceanic canal. It was referred to a committee, of which Hon. Charles F. Mercer was chairman, who, upon the 2d of March, 1839, reported upon it, recommending the following resolution, which was adopted: 1 Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to consider the expediency of opening or continuing negotiations with the governments of other nations; and particularly with those the territorial jurisdiction of which comprehends the Isthmus of Panama, and to which the United States have accredited ministers or agents, for the purpose of ascertaining or effect- ing a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, by the con- struction of a ship-canal; and of securing forever, by suitable treaty stipulations, the free and equal rights of navigating such canal to all nations, on the payment of reasonable tolls.’ The president and senate, acting under this resolution, negotiated and made a treaty between the United States and New Granada, by which our government guaranteed the neutrality of the Isthmus, and New Granada conceded a free transit across it. The Panama Railroad Company was organized by virtue of this treaty; and, as we all know, the existing railroad across the Isthmus was built by them; with what labor, and cost in money and human life, it is foreign to our purpose to inquire. Between the years 1838 and 1844, Central America was distracted by civil wars, and all action relative to the canal was suspended. In 1844, Don Fran- cisco Castellon, minister from the republic of Nicaragua to France, made a contract with a Belgian company, acting under the patronage of the king of Belgium, for the construction of the canal. But this contract was as unsuc- cessful as its predecessors. In 1840, Mr Marcoleta, Nicaraguan charge d affaires to Belgium, made a contract with Louis Napoleon (the present French emperor), then a prisoner at Ham, for its construction. With his characteristic vanity, he stipulated that it should be called ‘ Canal Napoleon 744 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. tie Nicaragua.’ Napoleon wrote and published a pamphlet in London, upon the subject, and made a feeble attempt to awaken the attention of capitalists, but without success. His pamphlet had only a limited circulation, but was afterward republished by M. Belly. On the 16th of February, 1849, Wil- liam Wheelright made a proposition in behalf of an English company for the construction of the canal, but it was not acted upon. On the 14th of March, 1849, Mr D. T. Brown, in behalf of certain citi- zens of New York, and General Munoz, commissioner for Nicaragua, entered into a contract for the construction of a canal, but it was neither ratified by the executive of that republic nor by the company in New York, within the stipulated time. The seizure of Greytown by the English, in 1848, and the pretext of a Mosquito protectorate, were rightly regarded by the Nicaraguan government and our own, as directed to obtaining command and permanent control and dominion over the only possible route for an interoceanic canal. On the 21st of June, 1849, Mr Hise, U. S. charge d’affaires to Nicaragua, concluded a convention with commissioners appointed by that republic, giv- ing the United States a perpetual right of way through that republic, of erecting forts, and protecting the transit. This convention was not approved by our own government, or by that of Nicaragua. On the 4th of March, 1850, General Taylor was inaugurated president of the United States, and soon after sent Mr E. G. Squier to Central America to supersede Mr Hise, as charge d affaires to Guatemala, with special commissions to the other states of Central America, “with full power to treat with them separately on all mat- ters affecting their relations with this republic.’ Upon his arrival in Nica- ragua, Mr Squier found an agent of Cornelius Vanderbilt, and others of New York, who was endeavoring to obtain a grant from that government for the construction of a canal. The government was at first indisposed to listen to his overtures, until assured by Mr Squier that the United States government would guarantee any charter, not inconsistent with our public policy, that might be granted by Nicaragua. On the 27th of August, 1850, a contract was signed between the govern- ment of Nicaragua and the agent of the New York company, and afterward ratified on the 23d of September following, containing the following provis- ions, viz.: 1. That the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Company may con- struct a ship-canal, at its own expense, from San Juan to Realejo, or any other point within the territory of Nicaragua, on the Pacific, and make use of all lands, waters, or natural materials of the country for the enterprise. 2. The canal shall be large enough to admit vessels of all sizes. 3. The grant is for eighty-five years from the completion of the work; the surveys to be commenced within twelve months; the work to be completed within twelve years, unless interrupted by unforeseen events. If not com- pleted within the stipulated time, the charter will be forfeited, and all work done shall revert to the state. At the end of eighty-five years the canal shall revert to the state; the company, nevertheless, shall receive fifteen per cent annually of the net profits for ten years thereafter, if the entire cost of the canal does not exceed twenty million dollars; but if it does, then it shall receive the same percentage for twenty years thereafter. 4. The company to pay the state ten thousand dollars per annum, during FURTHER CONTRACT PROVISIONS. 745 the progress of the work, and to give it two hundred thousand dollars of the capital stock, and to pay twenty per cent of the net profits for twenty years, and twenty -five per cent thereafter. 5. The company to have the exclusive right to navigate the interior waters of Nicaragua by steam, and within twelve years to open any land or other route, by means of transit or conveyance across the state, and pay ten per cent of the net profits of such transit to the state, and transport on such transit, and the canal, when finished, the officers and employes of the repub- lic free of charge. 6. The canal to be open to the vessels of all nations. 7. The contract and the rights and privileges conceded by it to be held inalienably by the individuals composing the company. 8. All disputes shall be settled by commissioners appointed in a specified manner. 9. All machinery and other articles introduced by the company into the state, for its own use, to enter free of duty; and all persons in its employ to enjoy all the privileges of citizenship, without being subject to taxation or military service. 10. The state concedes to the company, for purposes of colonization, eight sections of land, on the line of the canal, in the valley of the river San Juan, each six miles square, and at least three miles apart, with the right of alien- ating the same under certain reservations. All settlers on these lands to be subject to the laws of the republic, being, however, for ten years exempt from all taxes and from all public service so soon as each colony shall contain fifty settlers. On the same day Mr Squier negotiated a treaty with Nicaragua, which provided that citizens, vessels, and merchandise of the United States should be exempt from duty in the ports of Nicaragua; and that citizens of the United States should have a right of way through the republic. The government of the United States agreed to protect the company in the full enjoyment of its rights from the inception to the termination of its grant. The rights, privileges, and immunities granted to the government and citizens of the United States shall not accrue to any other government, unless it first enter into the same treaty stipulations with Nicaragua as the United States has done. This treaty was ratified by the Nicaraguan legislative chambers on the 23d of September following, but was not acted upon by the United States senate, to which it was sent by President Taylor. This treaty was opposed by the British minister at Washington, who energetically exerted himself to secure its defeat. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty between the United States and England guaranteed the neutrality of the canal, and both governments agreed to pro- tect any company undertaking the work. The object of our government in this convention was to put an end to the Mosquito protectorate. In August 1850 the company sent a party of engineers from New York to Nicaragua to survey a route from Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific, near the line taken by Galisteo and Baily. Soon afterwards the steamer Director was sent from New York to Lake Nicaragua, and smaller boats were sent to the San Juan River. A new road was opened to the Pacific from Virgin Bay on the lake to San Juan del Sur. A line of steamers was established from New York to Grey town, and from San Juan del Sur to San Francisco. 746 INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION. The new contract made with United States citizens, and ratified and en- forced by treaty with our own government, was not consistent with the wishes or policy of Great Britain, but the generosity of our government in throwing open the proposed canal to all nations disarmed hostile criticism, and deprived Europe of any pretext for opposition or protest. It quickened England into new energy, in the assertion of her claims under the Mosquito protectorate. On the 15th of August, 1850, the British consular representative in Central America addressed a note to the Nicaraguan government, in which he stated the boundary claimed by his government as follows: ‘The undersigned, her Britannic Majesty’s charge d’affaires in Central America, with this view, has the honor to declare to the minister of foreign relations of the supreme gov- ernment of Nicaragua, that the general boundary line of the Mosquito ter- ritory begins at the northern extremity of the boundary line between the district of Tegucigalpa in Honduras, and the jurisdiction of New Segovia; and after following the northern frontiers of New Segovia it runs along the south- eastern limits of the district of Matagalpa and Chontales, and thence in an easterly course, until it reaches the Machuca Rapids, to the river San Juan.’ If this boundary line had been allowed, as claimed, it would have placed the only possible route for the proposed canal in the occupation and control of Great Britain. Daniel Cleveland's Across the Nicaragua Transit, MS., 118-42. INDEX A Aa, P. V., works of, ii. 745-6. Abibeiba, Cacique, domain of, invaded, 1512, i. 352. Abrego, F., bishop of Pan., 1569-74, ii. 474-5. Acajutla, battle of, 1524, i. 670-3. Acala, province, Dominicans in, 1550- 5, ii. 360; invasion of, ii. 365. ‘ Accessory Transit Company, ’ men- tion of, iii. 341-2; iii. 667-8. Acla, name, i. 418; founding of, 1515, i. 418; massacre at, 1516, i. 441; town of, laid out, i. 441; abandoned, ii. 396. Acosta, J., ‘Compendio,’ ii. 62. Agriculture, in Cent. Amer., iii. 650- 5. Aguado, J., commissioner of inquiry, 1494, i. 176. Aguilar, E., president of Salv., 1846, iii. 291-2. Aguilar, Friar G. de, shipwreck, etc. , of, 1512, i. 350; rescue, 1519, i. 350. Aguilar, G. de, bravery of, i. 688-9. Aguilar, M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12- 13; mission of, 1828, iii. 180; jefe of C. R., 1837-8, iii. 183. Aguilar, V., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12- 13; vice-president of C. R., 1859, iii. 373. Ahuachapan, siege of, 1876, iii. 403-5 Ahzumanche, Prince, death of, i 637 Aillon, L. V. de, exped. of, 1520, i 138; 1523, i. 142-3. Alarcon, H. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 153. Albites, D. de, mission to Nicuesa, 1510, i. 331-3; exped. of, 1515, i. 404-5; battle with Darien Indians, 1516, i. 425; further expeditions, i. 429-30, 471; founds Nombre de Dios, i. 471; in command at Nata, i. 508; gov. of Hond., 1532, ii. 155; death, ii. 155. Albuquerque, A. de, voyage of, 1503. i. 121. Alcaine, M , intercession of, 1855, iii. 261. Alcalde, office of, i. 297-8. Alcantara, M. de, death of, ii. 41. Alcazaba, S. de, exped. of, 1534, i. 150. Alcedo y Herrera, D. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 584. Alderete, — , gov. of Pan., 1725-30, ii. 583. Alfaro, F., revolt of, 1842, iii. 219. Alfaro, J. M., jefe of C. R., 1842, iii. 224, 226; 1846, iii. 227-8. Almagro, D. de, joins Pedrarias’ exped., 1514, i. 391; character, etc., of, ii. 3-4; Pizarro’s exped. to Peru, ii. 4-8, 19, 35—10; death, ii. 40. Almagro, D. de jun., assassination of Pizarro, ii. 40-1; execution of, ii. 42. Almansa, F., mention of, iii. 38. Altamirano, Friar D., advice to Cor- tes, i. 580-1. Altamirano, J. C., bishop of Guat., 1611-15, ii. 664. Alvarado, D. de, exped. of, 1530, ii. 121. Alvarado, G. de, battle of Tacuxcalco, 1524, i. 673; capture of Mixco, 1525, i. 687; conquest of the Mames, 1525, i. 695-702; revolt caused by, ii. 79-80. Alvarado, J. de, gov. of Guat., 1527, ii 95, 104-5; executor of P. de Al- varado, ii. 207-8 Alvarado, P. de, conquest of Guat., 1522-4, i. 617-62; of Itzcuintlan, 1524, i. 663-5; invasion of Salv., i. 669-76; the Cackchiquel revolts, 1525-6, l. 681-92; ii. 74-85; con- quest of the Mames, i 695-702; exped. to Peru, ii. 38-9, 122-30; re- turn to Mex., ii. 85-6; trial of, ii. 100—4; marriage, ii. 102; return to Guat., 1530, ii. 116-17; residencia, etc., of, ii. 131-2; exped. to Hond., 1535-6, ii. 160-5; 1539, ii. 296-9; de- parts for Spain, ii. 165, crown grant 747 748 INDEX. to, 1538, ii. 203; exped. of, 1539-41, ii. 203-7; death, ii. 207; will, ii. 207-9; character, ii. 209-11; off- spring, ii. 211-12. Alvarez, Gen. M., capture, etc., of Walker, 1860, iii 364. Alzayaga, J. de, exped. of, 1696, ii 685-6. Alzuru, Col, revolt, etc., of, 1831, iii. 514. Amar y Borbon, A , viceroy of New Gran., 1803, iii. 491 Amatique Bay, discovery of, ii 650 Amedzaga, J H. de, gov. of Pan., 1711-16, ii. 583 America, aborigines of, i. 59-68; sighted by Biarne, 986, i. 76; dis- covery of claimed by Arabs, 1147, i. 78; name of, i. 291-2. 4 American Coast Pilot, ii. 758 Amezqueta, B. de, exped. of, 1696, ii. 686-7. Anacaona, Queen, execution of, i. 259-60. Anaquito, battle of, 1546, ii. 254. Andagoya, P. de, exped to Bird, 1522, i. 139, 502-3; joins Pedrarias, i. 391; works, etc., of, i. 503-4; ii. 247. Andres, Cacique, guide to Sharp’s exped., 1680, ii. 520-3. Angel, Dona M., imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii. 697-701. Angulo, Father, bishop of Vera Paz, 1559, ii. 374. Animo, U., gov. of Pan., 1854, iii 518; protest of, iii. 518-19. Aninon, F. de, memorial of, ii. 398-9. Anson, Capt. G., exped. of, 1739-44, ii. 592-3. Antigua, founded by Enciso, 1510, i. 327-8; Balboa in command at, i. 328-30, 338-57; Nicuesa at, i. 334- 5; factions in, i. 338-40; growth of, i. 341; prosperity of, i. 385; ranked as a city, 1514, i. 391; scarcity at, i. 396; Indian outbreaks near, 1522, i. 476; abandoned, 1521-4, i. 499. Antonelli, Surveyor J. G., rept of, ii. 399. Apaneca, battle of, 1876, iii. 403-4. Apochpalon, Cacique, meeting with Cortes, etc., 1524, i. 547-50, 557. ' Appendix to Sharp’s South Sea Wag- goner,’ MS., ii. 758. Aquino, A., revolt of, 1833, iii. 168. Arada, battle of, 1850, iii. 279-80. Arana, Licentiate T. I. de, rept of, ii. 707. Aransivia y Sasi, S. de, gov. of Nic., 1721, ii. 607. Arbolancha, P. de, Balboa’s envoy to Spain, 1514, i. 384-5; delay of, i. 392; reception, i. 393. Arce, M. J., imprisonment of, iii. 20; defeats Padilla, iii. 58; president of Nic., 1825, iii. 80; rule, iii. 82-94; ‘ Memoria,’ iii. 107; defeat of, 1832, iii. 113; pacification of Nic., 1825, iii. 172; invasion of Salv., 1S44, iii. 190-1. ‘Archives of the Indies,’ i. 195-6. Arellano, J. R. de, bishop of Guat., 1601, ii. 663-4. Arguello, F. de, aids Balboa, i. 441, 450; execution of, 1517, i. 457-9. Arguello, J., vice-jefe of Nic., 1825, iii. 173; contest with Cerda, iii. 174. Arguilar, V., execution of Mora, 1860, iii. 376; death of, iii. 376. Arias, C., provis. president of Hond., 1872^, iii. 457-60. Arias, G., exped. of, 1529, ii. 109. Aristocrats, attitude, etc., of, in Guat., 1848, iii. 274r-6, 281. Ariza, Don A. de, ‘Comentas,’ ii. 481; gov. of Pan., 1774, ii. 582. Ariza y Torres, Capt. R., revolt of, 1823, iii. 72-3. Arizpuru, Gen. R., revolt of, 1873, iii. 538; revolution of, 1875, iii. 541-2; 1878, iii. 543; president of Pan., iii. 542; occupation of Pan., 1885, iii. 554; arrest, etc., of, iii. 554-5. Armies, of Cent. Amer., iii. 645-9. Arosemena, M., works, etc., of, iii. 489. Arrazola, affair at, 1S27, iii. 91. Arteaga, B. de, storming of Mixco, 1525, i. 691. Arteaga y Abendano, J. de, bishop of Chiap., etc., 1538, ii. 330; death, ii. 330. Arzu, Brigadier M., exped. of, 1822, iii. 60-1; operations of, 1828, iii. 94. Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, see Congress, Central American. Aspinwall, see Colon. Astaburuaga, F. S., ‘Reptiblicas de Centro- America, ’ iii. 361. Atahualpa, Inca, Pizarro’s invasion, ii. 19-20; capture, etc., of, ii. 21- 32; ransom, ii. 32-6; execution, ii. 36-8. Atiquipac, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 666. Atitlan, enslavement of natives in, ii. 234-5. Atlacatl, King, submission of, 1524, i. 674. Audiencias, description of, i. 270-3. | Audiencia of the Confines, establd I 1543, ii. 241; jurisd. ii. 241; per- INDEX. 749 sonnel, ii. 301; seat of the, ii. 301, 310, 370, 400; iii. 326; dispute with Las Casas, etc., ii. 303-7; dissen- sions, 1696-1702, ii. 661-3. Audiencia of Los Reyes, establd. 1543, ii. 241; jurisd. ii. 241. Audiencia of Panama, establd. 1533, ii. 57; jurisd., etc., ii. 57-8, 585; abolished, 1533, ii. 241; reestabld. ii. 464. Audiencia of Santo Domingo, establd. 1526, i. 269; personnel, i. 269-70; jurisd. i. 270 Aury, Commodore, capture of Tru- „ jillo, 1820, iii. 24-5. Avalos, J. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 171-2. Avendano, Father A. de, mission to the Itzas, 1695, ii. 689-90. Avendano, D. de, president of Guat. 1642-9, ii. 653. Aycinena, M., jefe of Guat., 1827, iii. 150-2 Aycinena, P., acting president of Guat., 1865, iii. 413. Ayora, J. de., exped. of, 1514, i. 396- 402; outrages of, i. 399-402; es- cape, i. 402. Ayuntamientos, functions, etc., of, iii. 8-10; votes of on union with Mex., 1821, iii. 53-4. Ayza, J. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 608. Azinitia, J. A., cabinet minister, 1845, iii. 268-9, 272. B Bacalar, fort built at, ii. 625. Bachicao, H., exped. to Pan., ii. 254-5. Bachiller, definition, etc., of word, i. 297. Badajoz, Capt. G. de, joins Pedrarias’ exped. 1514, i. 390; exped. of, 1515, i. 412-17; defeat, i. 415-17; meet- ing with Espinosa, i. 420-1. Badillo, J. de, exped., etc., of, 1537, ii. 54-7. Balboa, V. N. de, character, i. 324, 454—5; early career, i. 324—5; gov of Antigua, i. 329-30, 338-56; dip- lomacy, etc., of, i. 338-40; exped. against C'areta, i. 354-6; visit to Comagre, i. 347-9; Panciaco’s story, i. 347^S; exped. to Dabaiha, 1512, i. 351-2; defeats confederated tribes, i 353; charges against, i. 356-7; crosses the Isthmus of Darien, i. 358-74; defeats Porque, i. 363^4; discovers the South Sea, etc., 1513, i. 129, 364-73; encounter with i Chiapes, i. 369; canoe voyage of, i. 374- 5; Tumaco’s story, etc., i. 375- 7; return to Antigua, i. 378-84; pacifies Teoca, i 378; cruelty to Poncra, i. 379-80; Pocorosa’s state- ment, i. 381 ; captures Tubanama, i 381-3; sickness at Comagre, i. 383; spoils of exped., i. 384-5; super- seded by Pedrarias, 1514, i. 393-4; trial of, i. 395; exped., 1515, i. 406- 7; feud with Davila, i. 432-3, 437; capt. -gen. of Coibaand Pan., i. 435; betrothal, i. 439; reestablishes Acla, 1516, i. 441; ship-building on the Balsas, 1517, i. 441-5; at the Pearl Islands, i. 445-52; fate of, forecast, i. 447-8; arrest of, i. 452-3; trial, i. 456-7; execution, 1517, i. 457-9. Balsas, Rio de las, ship-building on the, 1517, i. 442-5. Barahona, Admiral J. de, naval com- bat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7. Barbacoas, Morgan at, 1671, ii. 499. Barillas, M. L., president of Guat., 1886, iii. 451-2; cabinet, iii. 452. Barker, A., exped. to Bond., 1576, ii. 637-8. Barranco, — , bishop of Hond., 1811- 19, iii. 631. Barrientos, Vicar P. de, mention of, 1576, ii. 374. Barriere, P., proceedings of, iii. 45. Barrionuevo, Capt. F. de, gov. of Cas- tilla del Oro, ii. 46, 51. Barrios, Gen. G., defence of Leon, 1844, iii. 199; at San Miguel, iii. 201; operations of, 1857, iii. 300; pronunciamiento, etc., of, iii. 301; coup d’etat, iii. 302; president of Salv., iii. 302; operations, 1863, iii. 304-6; besieged at San Salv., iii. 306; capture and execution, 1865, iii. 307. Barrios, J. R., revolution of, 1871, iii. 419-24; president of Guat., 1S73-85, iii. 420-49; invasion of Salv., 1876, iii. 402-5; 1885, iii. 409-10; efforts for confed. of Cent. Amer., 1883-5, iii. 442-9; quarrel with Soto, 1883, iii. 467-8; character, iii. 431-2; at- tempted assassination of, iii. 443-4; death, 1885, iii. 410, 449. Barrios y Leal, president of Guat., 1688-95, ii. 659-61; exped. of, 1695, ii. 682^; death, ii. 6S5. Barroeta, R., vice-president of C. R., 1872, iii. 3S1-2. Barrundia, J. F., imprisonment, etc., of, iii. 18-19; revolutionary meas- ures, iii. 33, 86-7; jefe of Guat., 1824, iii. 146; rule, iii. 146-8; presi- 750 INDEX. dent, 1829, iii. 102; rule, iii. 102-12; negotiations with Carrera, iii. 129- 30. Baskerville, Sir T., defeat of, 1595, ii. 422. Bastidas, R. de, exped., etc., of, 1500- 2, i. 114, 183-94; biog., i. 195. Battles, Tonola, 1524, i. 028; Xelahuh, 1524, i. 639-41; Acajutla, 1524, i. 670-3; Tacuxcalco, 1524, i. 673-4; Iztapa, 1524, ii. 216-17; Canales, 1526, ii. 83; Patinamit, 1526, ii. 84; Panama, 1671, ii. 504—6; Villanueva, 1338, iii. 135-6; Arada, 1850, iii. 279-80; Santa Ana, 1871, iii. 395-6; Apaneca, 1S76, iii. 403-4; Pasa- quina, 1S76, iii, 404; Narango, 1S76, iii. 402. Bay Islands, colony of, establd. 1850, iii. 319. Bayano, — , campaign of, ii. 387-8. Bazan, J. de V., gov. of Pan., ii. 479; rule, ii. 479-80. Beatriz, Dona, grief of, ii. 311-12; gov. of Guat., 1541, ii. 312-13; death, ii. 317. Becerra, F., exped. of, destroyed, 1515, i. 403. Behaim, M., map of globe, 1492, i. 93. Belen River, Columbus at, 1503, i. 218-19. Belen, village, Nicuesa’s exped. at, 1510, i. 305-6. Belgium, colonization scheme in Guat., iii. 589-90. Belize, origin of name, ii. 624; wood- cutters in, ii. 624—35; Figueroa’s exped. to, ii. 624-8; map, ii. 627; English claims, ii. 629-31; treaties concerning, ii. 632-4; O’Neill’s ex- ped. to, 1798, ii. 635; iii. 314; rights of settlers in, iii. 313-14; commerce, etc., of, iii. 317. Belly, F., works of, iii. 263. Benalcazar, Capt. S. de, joins Pedra- rias’ exped., 1514, i. 391; conquest of Peru, ii. 15, 26, 38-9. Benvenida, Friar L. de, mission to C. R., 1540, ii. 185. Benzoni, G., exped. to C. R., 1545, ii. 192-9; works, etc., of, ii. 232-3. Berenger, ‘ Collection, ’ ii. 751-2. Berlanga, Friar T. de, alleged miracle, etc., of, 1537, ii. 59. B-rmejo, J., the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 274-86; defeat at Pan., ii. 284-6; death, ii. 286. Berrospe, G. S. de, president of Guat., 1696-1701, ii. 661-2. Betanzos, D. de, convent founded by, 1529, ii. 135-6. Betanzos, Father P. A. de, labors of, 1555-70, ii. 432-3. Bcthlehemites, in Guat., ii. 666-7. Biamonte y Navarra, J. B. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 480. Biru, Andagoya’s exped. to, 1522, i. 502-3. Birues, de, exped. of, 1515, i. 407. Blanco, M., pronunciamiento of, 1S68, iii. 378. Blewfields, population, etc., of, 1847, iii. 249. Bobadilla, Commissioner F. de, pro- ceedings of, at Espauola, 1500-2, i. 180-1, 248-9; enslavement of na- tives, i. 266. Bobadilla, Friar F. de, labors of, in Nic., ii. 1S445. Bobadilla, J. F., gov. of C. R., 1780, ii. 622. Bogran, Gen. L., president of Hond., 1883, iii. 468. Bolivar, S., congress at Pan., 1826, iii. 511-12; at Angostura, iii. 513. Bonnycastle, R. H., ‘Spanish Amer- ica, ’ iii. 248. Bordone, B., map of, 1528, i. 144. Borland, S., U. S. minister, interfer- ence of, iii. 255. Bosch, L. van der, writings of, ii. 745. Botello, L., execution of, 1517, i. 457-9. Boucher, G., ‘ Bibliothiique Univer- selle,’ ii. 760. Bourbourg, B. de, ‘ Histoire des Na- tions Civilisees du Mexique,’ i. 201. Bradley, Capt., foray on the Ilaclia, 1670, ii. 491; captures San Lorenzo, ii. 494-6. Brigantine, picture of, i. 189. Briones, Capt., exped. to Hond., 1524, i. 525; treachery of, i. 526; Olid’s assassination, i. 531-3; exe- cution of, i. 534. Briones, J. A. L. de, gov. of Nic., 1744, ii. 607. Buccaneering, origin of, ii. 451-3. Buccaneers, name, ii. 452; mode of life, ii. 454-6; excesses, etc., of, ii. 489-90. Buena Esperanza, founding of, 1535, ii. 157; abandoned, 1536, ii. 161-2. Buitrago, P., director of Nic., 1841-3, iii. 238-9. Bure, G. F. de, ‘ Bibliographique In- structive,’ ii. 760. Burnaby, Sir W., mission to Belize, ii. 630. Burney, J., works of, ii. 753. Bustamante y Guerra, Gen. J., capt.- gen. of Guat., 1811, iii. 6; biog., iii. 6-7; rule, iii. 6-21. INDEX. 751 C Caballon, Licentiate J. de, defeats Gaitan, 1554, ii. 425; exped. of, 1560-2, ii. 425-6. Caballos, Puerta de, name, i. 519; L’Olonnois’ raid on, ii. 458. Cabanas, T., siege of Leon, 1844, iii. 199; at San Miguel, iii. 201; defeat at Quelapa, iii. 202; president of Hond., 1S52-5, iii. 321-2; character, etc., iii. 321. Cabello, D., gov. of Nic., 1766, ii. 608. Cabezas Islands, Drake at, ii. 407-8, 414, 416. Cabezas, R., jefe of Guat., 1830, iii. 153; biog., iii. 153-4. Cabot, J. , voyage of, i. 98-9. Cabot, S., voyages of, i. 98-9, 108-9, 143. Cabral, P. A., voyage of, 1500, i. 1 13— 14. Cabrera, P., surprised by Verdugo, ii. 263. Caceres, Capt., captures Lempira’s stronghold, 1537, ii. 291-2; treach- ery of, ii. 291-2. Cackchiquel, map of, i. 629. Cackchiquels, power, etc., of the, 621; subjugation, 1524, i. 652-7; revolt of the, 1524-5, i. 681-92; 1526, ii. 79-85; 1534, ii. 130. Cacos, party, iii. 26-7; revolutionary movements, iii. 33; policy, iii. 42-3. Caibil Balam, Cacique, submission of, 1525, i. 702. Caicedo, J. de, mention of, i. 333. Calancha, J. L., president of Pan., 1864-5, iii. 533. Caldas, S. A. A. R. de, president of Guat., 1667-70, ii. 658-9. Caldas, President, ‘ Copia de Carta,’ ii. 761-2. Calderon, A., bishop of Pan., ii. 475. Calimaya, Conde S. de, president of Guat., 1654, ii. 657. Calvo, B., gov. of Pan., 1856, iii.527-8. Camachire, Cacique, torture, etc., of, ii. 194-5. Camara y Raya, bishop of Pan., 1614, i. 477-8. Camargo,A. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 151. Camargo, M. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607. Cambranes, F., bishop of Guat., ii. 378. Campbell, Capt., the Scots’ colony, ii. 578-9. Campo, R., president of Salv., 1856, iii. 300-2. Campoy, F. de P., bishop of Hond., 1841, iii. 631. Camus, A. G., works of, ii. 760. Can, M. F., embassy of, 1695, ii. 689. Cana, sack of, ii. 586. Canales, battle of, 1526, ii. 83. Caiias, A. J., minister to U. S., 1825, iii. 81. Caiias, J. , ruler of Salv., 1840, iii. 143. Caiias, Gen. J. M., mention of, iii. 345-6; execution of, iii. 376. Cancer, Friar L.. labors in Vera Paz, etc., ii. 353-5; exped. to Flor. , ii. 355-6; martyrdom, 1549, ii. 356; biog., ii. 357. Cancuc, revolt at, 1712, ii. 697-704. Candia, P. de, conquest of Peru, ii. 11, 13. Cano, Friar A., mission of, 1685, ii. 680. Capac, M., inca of Peru, ii. 38; revolt of, ii. 39; defeat of, ii. 40. Carabajal, D. de, naval combat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7. Caravel, picture of, i. 187. Carbajal, Friar A. de, bishop of Pan., 1605-11, i. 476-7. Carbajal, R. de, mission to Pan., ii. 256-7; gov. of Pan., 1779, ii. 584. Carcamo y Rodriguez, bishop of Salv., iii. 632. Cardenas, A., president of Nic., 1883, iii. 485. Cardenas, Father T. de, bishop of Vera Paz, 1565, ii. 374-5. Cardona, J. de L., founds Quezalte- nango, 1524, i. 638. Careta, Cacique, capture, etc., of, 1511, i. 343-6; friendship for Bal- boa, i. 359, 399; cruel treatment of, i. 399^00. Caribs, of Hond., iii. 609-10. Carillo, B., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14. Carillo, Capt. L. , Pedrarias’ exped., 1514, i. 390; Balboa’s exped., 1515, i. 406; death, i. 407. Carranza, B., provis. president of C.. R., 1870, iii. 379-80. Carrasco, Licentiate, bishop-elect of Nic., ii. 434-5. Carrascosa, A., mention of, ii. 15. Carreno, J. M., iutendente of Panama, 1822, iii. 508-9. Carrera, R., insurrection of, 1837, iii. 124-8; biog., iii. 125; negotiations with, iii. 129-30; captures Guat., iii. 131-2; defeat at Villanueva, iii. 135-6; capitulation, iii. 137-8; pro- nunciamiento of, 1839, iii. 140; defeats Morazan, iii. 141-2; nego- tiations with Guzman, iii. 203; man- ifesto of, iii. 207-8; despotism of. 752 INDEX. iii. 264-7; president of Guat., 1S44, iii. 267; plot against, iii. 268; at- tempted assassination of, iii. 269; revolution against, 1847-8, iii. 271- 3; resignation, 1848, iii. 274; return to Guat., 1S49, iii. 277-8; com- mander-in-chief, iii. 27S; proscrip- tion, iii. 279; operations, 1850, iii. 2S0; president for life, 1854, iii. 282; rule, iii. 283; campaigns of, 1863, iii. 304—7; death, iii. 283-4. Carrillo, B., jefe of Costa Rica, 1835, iii. 181; 183S, iii. 183; rule, iii. 182- 4, 215-17. Carrillo, Capt. L., defence of Granada, 1550, ii. 277. Carrion, Oidor J. , mention of, iii. 494. Cartagena, Ojeda’s defeat at, 1509, i. 2DS-9; Enciso at, 1510, i. 322-3; Heredia at, 1532, ii. 47-8; Drake at, 1572, ii. 407-9; captured by Drake, 1586, ii. 420; description of, ii. 579-80; captured by filibusters, 1697, ii. 580; bombarded by Ver- non, 1740, ii. 591; revolt at, 1810, iii. 493; 1S12, iii. 494-5. Cartago, description of, ii. 445; Mans- velt’s raid on, ii. 461-2; conspiracy at, 1823, iii. 66; revolt at, 1835, iii. 182; 1S75, iii. 385. Casa de Contratacion de las Indias, origin of, 1493, i. 168; description of, i. 282-3. Casas, F. de las, exped. against Olid, 1524, i. 52S-34; Olid’s assassination, i. 531-3; departure for Mex., i. 533. Casas, B. de las, see Las Casas, B. de. ( asaos, P. de, capt. -gen. of Pan., 1545, ii. 258-9. Casaus y Torres, R., archbishop of Guat., iii. 29-30; biog., iii. 30. Cascaras, Brigadier F., campaign of, 1S27, iii. 92-3. Casillas, Friar T., mention of, ii. 345. Casillas, Father P., bishop of Chiap., 1550, ii. 373. Casorla, J. R., president of Pan., 1878, iii. 543. Castaneda, D. de, exped. of, 1548, ii. 186. Castaneda, F. de, gov. of Nic., 1531, ii. 166-7; misrule, ii. 167-9; flight, etc., ii. 169. Castaneda, Col V., vice-president of Guat., 1886, iii. 451. Castafion, C., gov. of Chiap., iii. 38. Castellanos, F. de, campaign of, 1530, ii. 111-13. Castellanos, J. de, works of, ii. 60-1. Castellanos, V., president of Hond., 1862, iii. 324-5. Castellon, F., revolt of, 1854-5, iii. 259-61. Castile, kingdom of, i. 10. Castilla, Dr A. C. de, president of Guat., 1598-1609, ii. 649-51. Castilla del Oro, (see also Panama), name, i. 294—5; Nicuesa’s exped. to, 1509-10, i. 294-30S; maps of, i. 323; ii. 49. Castillo, Friar B. del, adventures, etc., of, ii. 172-5. Castillo, M. S. del, president of Salv. , iii. 302. Castillo, N. del, president of Nic., 1856, iii. 351-2. Castro, J. A., mediation of, iii. 219- 20; minister -gen. of C. R., 1843, iii. 224. Castro, J. M., president of C. R., 1847, iii. 228-30; 1866, iii. 377; resigna- tion, iii. 236. Castro, V. de, mission to Peru, ii. 250-1. Caxamalca, Pizarro at, ii. 21-38. Cebaco, Cacique, dealings with Hur- tado, 1516, i. 427. CGis, D. G. de, mission to Alvarado, 1835-6, ii. 161-2; complaints against, ii. 163-4. Cemaco, Cacique, defeated by Enciso, 1510, i. 326-7; by Pizarro, 1511, i. 344; victory of, i. 352-3. Central America, enslavement, etc., of natives in, ii. 232-9; the new laws, 1543, ii. 240-4; historical re- view of, ii. 733-5; revolution in, ii. 1818-21, iii. 23-41; union with Mex., 1821-2, iii. 42-59; confedera- tion, iii. 60-78; seal of, iii. 71; con- stitution, iii. 75-7 ; treaty with Colombia, 1825, iii. 81; with U. S., iii. 81; designs of Fernando VII., iii. 105-6; Spaniards excluded from, iii. 106; republic of, dissolved, 1837 -40, iii. 127^4; attempted unifica- tion of, 1883-5, iii. 442-9; physical features, etc., iii. 560-5; population, 1883-5, iii. 587-8; colonization in, iii. 588-94; castes, iii. 594-6; dis- eases, etc., in, iii. 619-20; education in, iii. 621-7; church and clergy, iii. 627-37 ; ailministr. of justice, iii. 638-45; military affairs, iii. 645-9; agric., iii. 650-5; mining, iii. 655- 60; manufact., iii. 660-2; commerce, iii. 663-7, 675; navigation, iii. 667- 8; roads, iii. 669; currency, iii. 669- 70, 675-6; mails, iii. 671-2; finances, iii. 677-87; debt, iii. 677-87; rail- roads, iii. 700-2, 706-8; telegraphs, iii. 708-9. INDEX. 753 Centi, treasure found at, ii. 48. Cerda, C. de la, capitulation, etc., of, iii. 86. Cerda, M. A. de la, jefeof Nic., 1825, iii. 173; contest with Argiiello, iii. 174; execution, iii. 174. Cereceda, A. de, gov. of Hond., ii. 146-7, 155-64; imprisonment, etc., of, 1531, ii. 151-3; counter-revolu- tion of, ii. 154; exped. to Naco, ii. 156-7; dispute with Cueva, ii. 158- 9; appeal to Alvarado, ii. 160-1; complaints of, ii. 163. Cerna, V., president of Guat., 1865- 71, iii. 413-23. Cerrato, A. L. de, juez de residencia, ii. 183-4, 308-9; president of the audiencia of the Confines, ii. 308- 10; administr., ii. 326-7. Cervera, D., president of Pan., 1880- 4, iii. 544-9. Cesar, F., mention of, ii. 50-1; ex- ped., 1536, ii. 52; 1537-8, ii. 53-5; death, ii. 56. Chacon, J. M., president of Guat. constituent congress, 1824, iii. 145. Chacujal, Cortes at, 1525, i. 569-70. Chagre River, Cueto at, 1510, i. 305. Chahul, capture of, 1530, ii. 112. Chalchuapa, assault on, 1885, iii. 410. Chamorro, F. , suprema delegado, 1844, iii. 189, 194, 196. Chamorro, F., director of Nic., 1853, iii. 256; provis. president, 1854, iii. 258; revolt against, iii. 259; death, iii. 259-60. Chamorro, P. J., president of Nic., 1875-9, iii. 481-2. Chamula, capture of, 1524, ii. 221-5. Charles V., the rebellion in Peru, ii. 265. Chatfield, Consul, F. , mediation of, requested, 1839-40, iii. 186-7; the Mosquita difficulty, iii. 251; de- mands on Salv., iii. 297-8; negotia- tions, etc., of, iii. 318-19. Chaves, F. de, death of, ii. 41. Chaves, H. de, battle of Xelahuh, 1524, i. 139; exped. to Zacatepec, 1527, ii. 89; capture of Copan, 1530, ii. 113-15. Chaves, Capt. J. de, exped. of, 1836, ii. 164-5. Chiapas, ancient inhabitants of, ii. 214; conquest of, 1524-6, ii. 215- 27; settlement, etc., of, ii. 228-31; church affairs in, ii. 229-30, 328-39, 373-5, 712-13; maps of, ii. 331; iii. 39; the new laws, ii. 332-3, 338; pros- perity of, ii. 669; character of pop- j Hist. Cent. Am., Vol. III. 48 ulation, ii. 669-70; govt, etc., of, ii. 670-1; the Tzendal revolt, 1712— 13, ii. 696-705; population, 1813, iii. 36; education, iii. 37; industries, iii. 38; revolution in, iii. 38-41. Chiapas, city, coat of arms, ii. 330. Chiapas de los Indios, founding of, 1526, iii. 227. Chiapas, stronghold, capture of, 1524, ii. 217-20; 1526, ii. 226-7. Chiapes, Cacique, encounter with Balboa, 1513, i. 369. Chepo, Cacique, execution of, 1515, i. 404. Cherino, D. de A., gov. of C. R., etc., 1573, ii. 430; exped. of, 1575, ii. 430-1. Chignautecs, defeat of the, 1525, i. 688-9; submission, i. 690. Chilapan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 542. Chilun, captured by Tzendales, 1712, 11. 698. Chinameca, treaty of, 1845, iii. 203-4. Chinandega, pacto de, iii. 187-90; convention of, iii. 187-8; capture, etc., of, 1S45, iii. 241-2. Chiracona, Cacique, torture, etc., of, 1516, i. 429-30. Chiriqui, revolt in, 1526, i. 509; prov- ince of, organized, 1849, iii. 516-17. Chiriquita, captured by freebooters, 1686, ii. 556. Chiru, Cacique, capture of, i. 423. Choles, attempted conversion of, 1675- 88, ii. 679-80. Choluteca, affair at, 1S44, iii. 194. Chroniclers, early, credibility of, dis- cussed, i. 317-20. Church, tithes, ii. 139-40; affairs of in Hond., ii. 299-301, 641-2, 712- 13; in Chiap. ii. 328-39, 373, 712- 13; in Guat., ii. 341-8, 663-9, 710- 12, 728-33; in Vera Paz, ii. 353-4, 374-5; in Soconusco, ii. 372; in Nic., ii. 612-17; religious orders suppressed, 1870-4, iii. 425-7; his- tory of the, iii. 627-37. Cihuatlan, Cortes in, 1524, i. 542-3. Cimarrones, depredations, etc., of, ii. 366-9; Drake’s exped., ii. 407-17, Oxenham’s exped., ii. 418. Ciudad Real, founding, etc., of, 1528, ii. 229-30; a cathedral city, 1538, ii. 329; revolt, etc., at, 1712-13, ii. 705; flood at, 1785, ii. 706; revolu- tion at, iii. 39-10. Clayton -Bui wer Treaty, 1850, iii. 252. Clergy, expatriation of, 1829, iii. 103- 4; immorality of, iii. 472-3; privi- leges, etc., of, iii. 627-9, 630—7. Climate of Cent. A:ner., iii. 561-2. 754 INDEX. Coatepeque, Carrera’s repulse at, 1863,' iii. 304. | Coats of arms, Chiap., ii. 330; Guat., iii. 147; C. R., iii. 229. Coco, affair at, 1885, iii. 410. Cocori, Cacique, seizure, etc., of, ii. 194-5, 197. Code, organic, iii. 8-10. Codro, M., forecasts Balboa’s fate, i. 447-8. Coiba, reported wealth of, i. 343-5. Cole, B., mention of, iii. 328. ‘ Coleccion de Documentos, Ineditos, ’ i. 200. Colindres, M., mention of, iii. 339. ‘Collection of Voyages and Travels,’ ii. 740. Colmenares, R. E. de, exped. to Vera- gua, 1510, i. 331; relieves Nicuesa, i. 331-2; exped. to Dabaiba, 1512, i. 351-2; mission to Spain, 1514, i. 388. Colombia, insurrection in, 1820, iii. 24-5; treaty with, 1825, iii. 81; C. R. boundary question, iii. 233-5; Ban. annexed to, 1821, iii. 506-8; republic of, organized, 1819, iii. 513; severed, iii. 519. Colon, disturbances at, 1885, iii. 551- 3; destruction of, iii. 553. Colon, D. de, mention of, i. 174-5; gov. of Espanola, 1509, i. 268; rule, etc., i. 268-9, 273; death, 1526, i. 274. Colon, L., suit, etc., of, 1538-40, ii. 64. Columbus, B., adelantado, 1494, i. 173; character, i. 175-6. Columbus, C., voyages of, i. 86-97, 109-11, 119-20; theory of, i. 92-3; biog., etc., i. 155-7; character, i. 156-7, 171-2, 181, 232-8; agree- ment with the crown, i. 157-8; exped. of, 1492-3, i. 158-64; 1493 -5, i. 168-76; 1498-1500, i. 177-82; 1502-4, i. 202-31; charges against, i. 176; arrest, etc., of, i. 181-2; en- slavement of natives, i. 253-5, 262, 265-6; death, 1506, i. 231. Columbus, F., biog., i. 203-4; ‘LaHis- toria,’ i. 204. Colunje, J., president of Pan., 1865-6, iii. 533-4. Comagre, Cacique, Balboa’s visit to, 1512, i. 347-9. Comayagua, founding of, 1539, ii. 293- 4; capture of, 1827, iii. 162; de- scription of, iii. 570-1. Commerce, of Guat., ii. 383-4; of Pan., ii. 390-3, 587, 594; Asiatic, ii. 391- 2; of Nic.. ii. 438; contraband, ii. 473-4; of Cent. Ainer., iii. 663-7. Companon, F., mention of, ii. 442-5; at the Pearl Islands, 1517, i. 452, 467; gov. of Nata, i. 508-9; dispute with Cordoba, i. 586. ‘Compendium of Authentic and En- tertaining Voyages,’ ii. 750. Concepcion, founding, etc., of, ii. 67, 70. Concepcion, convent, founded at Granada, 1528, ii. 184. Concepcion, R. de la, conspiracy of, iii. 18. ‘ Confederacion Centro Americana, ’ established 1844, iii. 188-9. Congress, Central American, installed, 1823, iii. 67-8; measures, iii. 68-78; parties, iii. 69-70. Congress, federal, measures, iii. 79- 85, 118-19; dissolved, iii. 88; reas- sembled, iii. 102; last session, 1S38, iii. 134. Contreras, H. de, revolt of, 1550, ii. 274-88; death of, ii. 287-8. Contreras, Brigadier J. T. de, defec- tion of, 1821, iii. 46; revolution against, iii. 46. Contreras, P. de, revolt of, 1550, ii. 274-88. Contreras, R. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 169- 71; exped. to El Desaguadero, ii. 170-1, 175-6; arrest, etc., of, ii. 177; residencia of, ii. 178-9, 183-4; charges against, ii. 180-2; dispute, etc., with Gutierrez, ii. 190. Copan, capture of, ii. 113-15. Cordoba, F. H. de, voyage of, 1517, i. 132; exped. to Nic., 1524, i. 512—14. Cordoba, G. F. de, bishop of Nic., 1535, ii. 435; of Guat., 1574, ii. 378- 80. Cordoba, H. de, defection of, i. 578- 80, 584; Pedrarias’ exped. against, i. 587-9; execution of, 1526, 589. Cornejo, J. M., intrigues of, iii. 1 15— 16; rebellion, iii. 1832, 116; defeat of, iii. 117-18; jefe of Salv., 1829- 32, iii. 167. Coronado, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1604, ii. 464. Coronado, F. V. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 152. Coronado, J. V., exped. of, ii. 427-30; gov. of C. R., 1565, ii. 430. Corpus, affair at, 1844, iii. 310. Corral, D. del, mission to Nicuesa, 1510, i. 331—3; intrigues, etc., of, i. 341; gov. of Antigua, 1522, i. 476. Corral, Gen., negotiations of, 1855, iii. 260; capitulation with Walker, 1855, iii. 335; execution of, iii. 337-8. INDEX. 755 Corregidor, jurisd., etc., of, i. 297. Corregimientos, suppression of, 1660- 1790, ii. 715-16. Correoso, B., president of Pan., 1868- 72, iii. 637-B; 1878, iii. 543; works of, iii. 559. Cortereal, G., voyage of, 1500, i. 114; 1501, i. 117. Cortes, decree of, iii. 5; memorial to, iii. 7; proceedings, iii. 30-1. Cort6s, H., exped. of, 1519, i. 133—4; popularity, etc., of, i. 522-3; Olid’s exped., i. 524-8; exped. to Hond., 1524—6, i. 537-81; rumored death of, i. 544; machinations against, i. 572-5, 580-1; return to Mex., i. 582; Alvarado’s exped., 1523-4, i. 627; Pizarro’s, ii. 12, 14, 40. Cortes, Archbishop, administr. of, 1778-9, ii. 726. Cortes y Larraz, Dr P., archbishop of Guat., 1768, ii. 730-2. Corzo, Pilot, explorations of, ii. 246. Cosa, J. de la, map of, i. 115-16; friendship for Ojeda, i. 294; death of, 1509, i. 299. Cosigiiina, volcano, eruption of, 1835, iii. 176-7. Coslo y Campa, T. J. de, president of Guat., 1712—16, ii. 703—6; the Tzen- dal campaign, 1712-13, ii. 704-5. Costa Rica, Gutierrez exped. to, 1540- 5, ii. 187-99; maps of, ii. 188; iii. 184, 234; Franciscans in, 1555-90, ii. 432-3; secession, 1821, iii. 49; union with Mex., iii. 66; assembly, iii. 178-9, 217-18, 224-5, 228, 374, 378-86; Nicoya incorporated with, 1825, iii. 179; location of capital, iii. 181; a state, iii. 183-4; secession, 1848, iii. 208-9; Morazan’s invasion, 1842, iii. 216—17 ; Alfaro’s revolt, iii. 219-22; constitution, iii. 225, 228, 374, 378, 381; arms of, iii. 229; a republic, iii. 230; treaties, iii. 230; boundary question, iii. 231-6; Walk- er’s exped., 1855, iii. 342-5; 1856-7, iii. 354-61; war with Nic., 1857, iii. 362; Mora’s invasion of, iii. 387; independence of, threatened, 1885, iii. 389-90; difficulty with Nic., 1873-5, iii. 478-82; extent, iii. 565- 6; polit. divisions, etc., iii. 566; cities, iii. 566-7; population, iii. 587-8; colonization schemes, iii. 593; character of population, iii. 596-7 ; dwellings, iii. 597; food, etc., iii. 597- 8; markets, iii. 598; dress, iii. 598- 9; amusements, iii. 599; edu- cation, iii. 622; church affairs, iii. 634-5, adininstr. of justice, iii. 643^1; army, iii. 646; agric., iii. 653-4; mining, iii. 658; revenue, etc., iii. 683—4; debt, iii. 684-5; railroads, iii. 708. Council of the Indies, description of the, i. 280-2; decree of the, 1519, ii. 237. Cox on, Capt., commander-in-chief of pirates, 1680, ii. 527; defection of, ii. 537-8. Creoles, condition, etc., of the, iii. 595-6. Crowe, F., ‘The Gospel in Cent. Amer.,’ iii. 709. Cruces, pillage of, 1550, ii. 281 ; cap- tured by Drake, 1572, ii. 413-14; Morgan at, 1671, ii. 500. Cruz, Gen. S., rebellion of, 1867-70, iii. 414-18. Cruz, Brigadier V., vice-president of Guat., 1845, iii. 269; revolt of, 1848, iii. 276-7; death, 277. Cruz, Col V. M., revolt of, 1872, iii. 428-9. Cuba, Columbus at, 1492, i. 162-3; character of inhabitants, i. 165-6. Cueva, C. de la, exped. to Hond., 1535, ii. 157-8; dispute with Cere- ceda, ii. 158-9. Cueva, F. de la, lieut.-gov. of Guat., 1541, ii. 312-13; gov., 1542, 319. ‘ Curious Collection of Travels, ’ ii. 750. ‘Curious and Entertaining Voyages, ’ ii. 755. Cuzcatlan, Alvarado’s occupation of, 1524, i. 675-6. D Dabaiba, name, i. 351 ; fabled temple of, i. 351, 406-7; ii. 51; Balboa’s exped. to, 1512, i. 351-2; other ex- peds., 1515, i. 406-7; cacique, ii. 51; sierra of, ii. 52. Dalrymple, A, works of, ii. 754. Dampier, Capt. W., defection of, ii. 541; march across the Isthmus of Pan., 1681, ii. 544-8; raid onRealejo, 1684, ii. 548; off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50; ‘A New Voyage round the World, ’ii. 568-9. Dardon, J. P., campaign of, 1529, ii. 107-8. Darien, discovered by Bastidas, 1501, i. 190-2; maps of, i. 362, 400, 405; mining in, iii. 659-60. Darien River, see Atrato River. Davila, G. G., see Gonzalez, G. Davila, P., see Pedrarias. Davis. C. H., ‘ Report, ’ iii. 709. 756 INDEX. Davis, Capt. J., raid on Realejo, 1684, ii. 548; off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50; out-manoeuvred off Pan., ii. 551-3; capture of Leon, ii. 554. De Brosse, 1 Histoire des Navigations,’ ii. 754. De Bry, T., works of, ii. 741-2. Debt of Cent. Amer. states, iii. 677- 87. De Costa, B. F. , ‘ The Pre-Columbian Discovery,’ i. 70. Delaporte, M. l’Abbe, works of, ii. 754. De Lesseps, F. de, the Panama canal, iii. 7 04 6. Delgado, J. M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12- 13; party leader, iii. 27; president of congress, iii. 67. ‘ Derrotero de las islas Antillas, ’ ii. 759. Despard, Col, exped. to Mosquitia, 17S2, ii. 605-6. Diaz, B., joins Pedrarias’ exped., 1514, i. 390; Cortes’ exped. to Hond., 1525- 6, i. 540, 549; ii. 78; Marin’s exped. to Chiap., 1524, ii. 215-19, 224. Diaz, J. J., president of Pan., 1868, iii. 535-6. Diaz, M., imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii. 701. Diaz, President P., correspondence with Barrios, 18S5, iii. 448-9. Diaz, Father P., quarrel with Cordoba, ii. 379-80. Diego, Father D., martyrdom of, 1623, ii. 675. Diriangen, Cacique, meeting with Gon- zalez, 1522, i. 490-1; battle with, i. 491-2. ‘ Documentos para la Historia de Mexico,’ i. 201. Domas y Valle, J., president of Guat., 1794-1801, ii. 728. Dominguez, V., defeat, etc., of, 1832, iii. 114. Dominicans, in Espaiiola, i. 275; in Cuba, i. 276; in Guat., ii. 135-7, 344-5, 666; in Nic., ii. 168-71, 436- 7, 180-2; in Chiap., ii. 339; rivalry with Franciscans, ii. 347-8; provin- cia establd. by, etc., 1551, ii. 376-7; missionary labors, ii. 672, 680. Dovalle, G., exped. to Lacandon, 1559, ii. 363. Drake, E. C., works of, ii. 751. Drake, Admiral Sir F., early career of, ii. 404-5; attack on Nombre de Dios, 1572, ii. 405-6; on Cartagena, 407-9; captures Cruces, ii. 413-14; captures treasure-train, ii. 415; re- turn to England, ii. 417-18; voyage round the world, ' j77-80, ii. 418— i 19; exped. of, 1585-6, ii. 419-21; 1595, ii. 422; death, 1596, 423. Duenas, F., president of Salv., 1852, iii. 299, 308; 1868-71, iii. 393-6; biog., iii. 392-3; surrender of, iii. 396; exile, iii. 397. Dunlop, R. G., ‘Travels in Cent. Amer.,’ iii. 223. Dururua, Cacique, defeats Gutierrez, etc., ii. 68-9. E Eads’ ship railway, iii. 694. Earthquakes in Guat., 1575-87, ii. 384-5; 1607-89, ii. 656; 1751, 1757, ii. 719; 1773, ii. 720-3; at Santiago, 1830, ii. 707—8; iii. 154; in Nic., 1835, iii. 175-6; in Salv., 1854, iii. 300; 1873, iii. 399-400; in Cent. Amer. 1575-1885, iii. 563-5. Echever y Suvisa, P. A. de, president of Guat., 1724, ii. 709. Education, in Pan., iii. 583-4; in C. R., iii. 622; in Nic., 622-4; in Salv., 624; in Hond., 624-5; in Guat., 625-7. El Desaguadero, exped. to, ii. 170-1, 175-6. El Espinal, affair at, iii. 58. El Infierno de Masaya, adventure at, 1537, ii. 172-5; eruption of, 1670, ii. 444. El Sauce, affair at, 1855, iii. 330. Encinas, D. de, compilations of, i. 286-7. Encinasola, P. de, exped. toVeragua, 1535-6, ii. 65-71. Enciso, Bachiller M. F. de, Ojeda’s exped., i. 297-8; at Cartagena, i. 322-3; defeats Cemaco, i. 326-7; founds Antigua, 1510, i. 327-8; de- posed, i. 329-30, 339; works of, l. 339-40; denounces Balboa, i. 357, 386-7; alguacil mayor of Antigua, 1514, i. 390. Encomendero, system, description of, i. 262-6. England, the Scots’ colony, 1695- 1700, ii. 570-9; trading factories of, ii. 587; reprisals, ii. 587-8; war with, 1739-44, ii. 588-93; treaties with Spain, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600; 1783, ii. 606; war with Spain, 1769- 80, ii. 608-11; claims of, in Belize, ii. 629-31; mediation of, sought, 1839-40, iii. 186-7; claims on Nic., iii. 239-40; protectorate over Mos- quitia, iii. 244—51 ; hostilities with Nic., 1848, iii. 251-2; Clayton-Bul- ; wer treaty, 1850, iii. 252; Zeledon- INDEX. 757 Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 252-3; diffi- culty with Salv., iii. 297-8; relations with Hond., iii. 317; claims on Hond., iii. 317-19; usurpation in Hond., iii. 319-20; treaty with Hond., 1859, iii. 320; difficulty with Guat., 1874, iii. 433-4; MacGregor’s exped. to Panama, 1818-20, iii 498- 501; difficulty with New Gran., 1836, iii. 518. Epidemics in Guat., 1558, ii. 360; 1565, ii. 369-70; 1601, 1686, ii. 656. Escobar, J. B., president of Guat., 1848, iii. 276-7. Espano, Missionary F. de, labors of, 1667-8, ii. 644. Espanola, Columbus at, 1492-3, i. 164- 5; 1493-5, i. 169-77; 1498, i. 179; 1502, i. 203-6; character of inhabi- tants, i. 165-6; natives of, destroyed, i. 276. Esparza, sack of, 1680, ii. 541. Espinola, Capt., capitulation, etc., of, iii. 86. Espinosa, Licentiate G. de, alcalde mayor of Antigua, 1514, i. 390; exped. to the South Sea, 1516-17, i. 418-31; atrocities of, i. 422-3, 429-30; spoils, i. 431; trial of Bal- boa, 1517, i. 457; promotion of, i. 461; jealousy of Pedrarias, i 464- 5; other expeds., i. 468-9, 472, 504-5; founds Nata, i. 505-6. Espiritu Santo, name, i. 642. Esquivel, A., president of C. R., 1875, iii. 384-5. Esquivel, J. de, cruelty of, i. 260. Estacheria, Brigadier J., gov. of Nic., 1783-89, ii. 608. Estete, M., expeds. of, i. 667-8, 611; ii. 113. Estrada, J. M., provis. president of Nic., 1855, iii. 260; negotiations, etc., of, iii. 260-1; appeal to Car- rera, iii. 339; death, 1856, iii. 351. Estrada, T. D. de, gov. of Nic., 1728, ii. 607. Europe, condition of, 1475-1525, i. 1-5. Exquemelin, A. 0., works of, ii. 567-8. F Fabrega, F., gov. of Pan., 1855, iii. 526-7. Fabrega, J. de, comandante of Pan., 1821, iii. 504, 508-9. Feria, P. de, bishop of Chiap., 1575, ii. 373. Fernandez, J., exped. to Peru, ii. 126-7. Fernandez, Gen. P., president of C. R., 1882-5, iii. 388-90; biog., iii. 388-9; death, iii. 390. Fernando VII., manifestoes, etc., of, iii. 20-225; designs on Cent. Amer., iii. 105-6. Ferrera, F., president of Hond., 1841, iii. 309; biog., iii. 309. Figueredo y Victoria, Dr F. J. de, archbishop of Guat., 1753-65, ii. 728-30; death, ii. 730. Figueroa, P. P. de, bishop o Guat., 1736, ii. 711-12; consecration, ii. 711; biog., ii. 711; archbishop, 1745, ii. 712; death, 1751, ii. 712. Figueroa y Silva, A. de, exped. to Belize, ii. 624-8. Figuerra, Gen. F., acting president of Salv., 1876, iii. 411. Filisola, Brigadier V., exped. of, 1822, iii. 56-7 ; operations against San Salv., iii. 62—1. Findlay, A. G., works of, ii. 759. Fine, O., map of, 1531, i. 149. Fitoria, B. G., gov. of Nic., 1730, ii. 607. Flores, C., vice-jefe of Guat., 1824, iii. 146; jefe, iii. 148; administr., iii. 148-9. Flores, H. C. , bishop of Hond., 1854, iii. 631. Flores, J., gov. of C. R., ii. 622. Florida, missionary exped. to, 1549, ii. 355-6. Fonseca, C., defence of Leon, 1844, iii. 199. Fonseca, J. R. de, patriarch 'of the Indies, i. 168. Forster, J. R., works of, ii. 752-3. Franciscans, in Espanola, i. 275; in Guat., 1535, ii. 345-8; rivalry with Dominicans, ii. 347-8; in C. R., 1555-70, ii. 432-3; in Itza, ii. 673-6. Francos y Monroy, C., archbishop of Guat., 1779, ii. 726, 732. Frederick, G., biog., etc., iii. 245-7. Frederick, R. C., mention of, iii. 248. Frobel, J., ‘ Aus Amerika,’ iii. 709. Fuensalida, Friar B., mission to Itza, 1618, ii. 673-5. Fuentes y Guzman, F. A. de, works, etc., of, ii. 86, 736-7. G Gainza, Brigadier G., command, etc., of, iii. 25-6; measures, iii. 32-6; capt. -gen., 1821, iii. 44; manifesto of, iii. 54-5; edict, iii. 55. 758 INDEX. Gaitan, J., revolt of, 1554, ii. 424-5; execution, ii. 425. Galarza, D., revolt of, 1812, iii. 14. Galdo, A., bishop of Hond., 1613-45, ii. 64 1-2. Oaleaza, picture of, i. 188. Galindo, V. 0., president of Pan., iii. 534-5. Gallegos, J. R., jefe of C. It., 1833, iii. 181; 1845, iii. 227. Galleon, picture of, i. 183. Galley, picture of, i. 188. Galvano, A., works, etc., of, ii. 738- 9. Galvez, Don M. de, exped. to Mosqui- tia, 1782, ii. G04-5; capture of San Fernando de Omoa, 1779, ii. 617; president of Guat., 1778-83, ii. 725- 8. Galvez, M., Cornejo’s revolt, 1831-2, iii. 116-17; deposed, 1838, iii. 128- 31; jefe of Guat., 1831, iii. 155-6. Gama, A de la, gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 45-6. Gamez, P. de, captures Quema, 1516, i. 426. Garabito, A., exped. to Cuba, 1516, i. 434, 487; treachery of, i. 449-53. Garabito, Cacique, exped. against, ii. 427-8. Garay, F. de, expeds. of, i. 134, 140, 625. Garcia, L., campaign of, ii. 5S0-1. Garcia, Father W. P. J.I., ‘Subleva- cion de los Zendales, ’ MS. , ii. 705-6. Garro, P. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 578. Gasca, P. de la, character, etc., ii. 235-6; power intrusted to, ii. 260; reception at the Isthmus, 1546, ii. 233-9; negotiations with Mejia, ii. 267; with Hinojosa, ii. 269-70; de- spatches, etc., of, ii. 270-2; exped. to Peru, ii. 272-3; the Contreras re- volt, 1550, ii. 278-83. Gazistas, party, iii. 23-7. Geography, ancient, i. 70-4. Germany, difficulty with Nic., 1376, iii. 256. ‘ Gobierno politico de Guatemala,’ iii. 2S-9. Godoy, D. de, exped. to Chiap., 1524, ii. 216, 221. Goitia, P., president of Pan., 1363, iii. 532-3. Golfo Dulce, name, i. ICO; Bastidas at, 1501, i. 190; Pedrarias at, 1522, i. 484-5. Gomara, F. L. de, biog., i. 314; works of, 315-16. Gomera, Conde de la, president of Guat., 1611-23, ii. 651-2. Gomez, C., acting president of Hond., 1876, iii. 433. Gomez, E., exped. of, 1525, i. 142. Gomez, Licentiate I., mission of, 1S48, iii. 296. Gonzalez, G., voyage of, 1522, i. 139- 40; contador of Espaiiola, 1511, i. 237 ; character of, i. 479; dispute with Pedrarias, i. 481-3; exped. of, 1522-3, i. 483-94; escape to Santo Domingo, i. 516; exped. to Hond., i. 1524, 518; encounter with Soto, i. 519-20; meeting with Olid, i. 527- 8; Olid’s assassination, i. 531-3. Gonzalez, Padre P., mention of, ii. 1528. Gonzalez, Gen. S., acting president cf C. R., 1S73, iii. 383; victory at Santa Ana, 1871, iii. 395-6; presi- dent of Salv., 1872-5, iii. 396-401; war with Guat., iii. 401-6. Goodrich, F. B., ‘ Man upon the Sea, ’ ii. 757. Gottfreidt, J. L., works of, ii. 742. Gracias a Dios, founding of, 1536, ii. 165; audiencia of the Confines at, 1545, ii. 301. Gracias a Dios, cape, rounded by Co- lumbus, 1502, i. 211. Granada, founding of, 1524, i. 527; the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 275- 8; description of, ii. 438-41; cap- tured by pirates, 1665, ii. 441 ; 10S6, ii. 557-9; revolt at, 1S1 1, iii. 14; junta at, iii. 48, 170; besieged by Jerez, 1S54 5, iii. 259; captured by Walker, 1S55, iii. 332; Zavala’s as- sault. 1856, iii. 353-4; recapture of, iii. 356-7. Granados, M. G., opposition to Guat. ministry, 1869; iii. 416-17; exile, iii. 419; revolution of, 1871, iii. 419 -24; president of Guat. 1871-3, iii. 423-30. Granda y Balbin, L. A. de, exped. to Talamanca, ii. 618-19. Green, I., works of, ii. 747. Greenland, sighted by Gunnbjorn, 876, i. 75-6; named by Eric the Red, i. 76. Grijalva, J. de, map of, 1518, i. 132; death, 1526, i. 591; character, i. 591-2. Grognict, Capt., joins Davis’ free- booters, 1685, ii. 550; capture of Puebla Viego, ii. 556; of C'hiriquita, 1686, ii. 556; defeat at Pueblo Nue- vo, ii. 557; capture of Granada, ii. 557-9; journey to the North Sea, ii. 563-6. Grynaivs, ‘Nows Orbis,’ i. 148-9. INDEX. 759 Guadalupe, .affair at, 1827, iii. 91. Gualcince, Salvadoran’s surrender at, 1323, iii. 64. Guanacaste, disturbance at, 1875, iii. 383-4. Guarda Viejo, convention at, 1838, iii. 128-9. Guardia, S. de la, gov. of Pan., 1S60, iii. 528-30; death, iii. 530. Guardia, T. , president of C. R., 1S70-G, iii. 380-4; 1877-82, iii. 386-8; death, 1882, iii. 338. Guardiola, Gen. S., operations, etc., 1S45, iii. 200, 202, 205-G; victory of, 1844, iii. 310; honors paid to, iii. 311; pronunciamiento of, iii. 313; president of Hond., iii. 322- 3; character, iii. 323; defeat at El Sauce, 1855, iii. 330; at La Vlrgen, iii. 331. Guatemala, Alvarado’s conquest of, 1522-4, i. 617-02; maps of, ii. 91, 320; iii. 191; slavery in, ii. 234-0; the new laws, ii. 323-5; church affairs in, 1541-8, ii. 341-8; 1 G01 — 82, ii. GG3-9; 1753-1S8G, ii. 728-33; iii. 630-1; epidemics in, 1558, ii. 3G0; 1505, ii. 309-70; 1G01, 1GS6, ii. G5G; mining, ii. 383; iii. 65G-7; commerce, ii. 3S3-4; earthquakes, etc., in, 1575-87, ii. 3S4r-5; 1607- 89, ii. G5G; 1S30, iii. 154; prosper- ity of, 1G50-1700, ii. 653-4; terr., 1750, ii. 713-14; provinces subject to, ii. 714; army, ii. 727-8; iii. 648- 9; society, iii. 1-2; loyalty of, iii. 2-3; captain a general, iii. 20-1; archbishops of, iii. 29-30; union v. .h Mex., iii. 50-1; war with Salv., 1S27-9, iii. 90-1G0; assem- bly, iii. 101-4, 145-8, 2G7, 273-G, 201-2, 416-17, 438-41; rebellion in, 1337, iii. 128-9; state govt dis- solved, 1838, iii. 134; arms of, iii. 149, 269-70; medal, iii. 151; an in- dependent state, 1839, iii. 160-1; Malespin’s invasion of, 1S44, iii. 191-3; secession of, 1847-8, ii. 207- 8; conncil convoked, iii. 2G7; inde- pendence recognized, iii. 270; for- eign relations, iii. 270-1; revolu- tions in, 1847-8, iii. 271-3; 1871, iii. 419-24; war with Salv. andNic., 1350-3, iii. 279-80; with Hond., 1350-6, iii. 279-81; 1871-2, iii. 393-9; 1872-6, iii. 428, 457-62; with Salv., 1876, iii. 401-5; 1885, iii. 409-10; constitution, iii. 281-2, 438-9; Walker’s exped., 1856-7, iii. 350-61; revolts in, 18G7-70, iii. 414- 18; 1S72, iii. 423-9; suppression of religious orders, 1871-4, 425-7; dif- ficulty with England, 1874, iii. 433- 4; with Spain, 1S75, iii. 434; at- tempted unification of Cent. Amcr., 1883-5, iii. 442-9; boundaries, iff. 574; departments, iii. 574; govt, iii. 574-5; population, 1883-5, iii. 588; 18S5, iii. 613; colonization in, 589-91; classes, etc., iii. 613-16; dwellings, iii. 6 1 G— 1 7 ; dress, iii. Cl 7-18; amusements, iii. 618; edu- cation, iii. 625-7; administr. of jus- tice, iii. 638-40; agric., iii. 650-1; manufact., iii. 661; currency, iii. 670; revenue, etc., iii. 677-80; debt, iii. 673-80; railroads, iii. 706-7. Guatemala City (see also Santiago City), description of, 1773, ii. 717- 18; 1S8j, iii. 575-7; earthquakes in, 1751, 1757, ii. 719; 1773, ii. 720-3; site of, removed, ii. 723-6; occupa- tion of, by Salvadorans, iii. 74; captured by Morazan, 1829, iii. 99- 100; by Carrera, 1838, iii. 130-2; recaptured by Morazan, iii. 141; outbreak at, 1844, iii. 266; revolt at, 1845, iii. 25S; plot at, 1S77, iii. 437. Guatusos, attempted pacification of the, ii. 613-17. Guerra, C., voyage of, 1499, i. 196. Guerrero, J., director of Nic., 1847, iii. 244. Guill, A., gov. of Pan., 1758, ii. 584. Gutierrez, D., exped. to C. R., 1540- 5, ii. 189-99. Gutierrez, F., exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 65-73. Gutierrez, J., capture, etc., of, ii. 50-1. Gutierrez, M. P., quells revolt, 1812, iii. 15. Gutierrez, P. , the Tzendal campaign, 1712, ii. 701-3. Guzman, Gen. A., operations, 1849, iii. 277-8. Guzman, A. T. de, exped. to Pan., 1515, i. 403-6; outrages of, i. 404. Guzman, F., president of Nic., 1807- 71, iii. 369, 470-5. Guzman, J. de, proposed exped. of, ii. 256; joins Hinojosa, 1545, 260-1; president of Guat., ii. 652. Guzman, J. E., vice-president of Salv., 1844, iii. 195; administr., iii. 201-4; biog., iii. 202. Guzman, J. E. de, capt. -gen. of Chiap., 1529, ii. 230-1. Guzman, J. J., president of Salv., iii. 287. Guzman, Don J. P. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 493; forces, etc., of, 503-5; de- feated by Morgan, 1671, ii. 504-6. TOO INDEX. Guzman, N. de, exped. of, 1530-1, i. 145-6. Guzman, R., defeat, etc., of, 1832, iii. 113-14. H Haclia, Rio, Bradley's foray on the, 1670, ii. 491. Hacke, Capt. W., ‘A Collection of Original Voyages,’ ii. 569. Hakluyt, R., works, etc., of, ii. 739-41. Haro, F. de, battle of Panama, 1671, ii. 505. Harris, J., works of, ii. 744-5. Harris, Capt. P., raids off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50. Hayti, see Espanola. Henderson, G., ‘British Honduras,’ iii. 247. Henningsen’s operations under Walk- er, 1856, iii. 355-7. Heredia, A., exped. of, ii. 49-50. Heredia, A. F. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607-8. Heredia, P. de, province of, ii. 46-7; expeds., ii. 47-8, 52-3. Hermosillo, J. G. de, rept of, 1S56, ii. 397-8. Hernandez, Gen., defeats Pineda, 1855, iii. 332. Herrera, A. de, biog., i. 316; works of, 316-17. Herrera, D., jefe of Hond., 1S24, iii. 161-2; of Nic., 1830, iii. 174-6. Herrera, Oidor, juez de residencia, ii. 179; opposition to Contreras, ii. 182. Herrera, Col T., defeats Alzuru, 1831, iii. 514; jefe, etc., of Pan., 1840, iii. 515; gov., iii. 516. Herrera, V., president of C. R., 1875- 7, iii. 385-6. Herrera, V. de, gov. of Hond., ii. 144-5; stratagem of, ii. 147; exped., , 1531, ii. 149-50; plot against, ii. I 150-1; assassination of, ii. 151. Herrera, V. de, regent of audiencias, | 1778, ii. 715. Hinojosa, Friar A. de, bishop of Guat., ii. 380. Hinojosa, P. de, conquest of Pan., | 1545, ii. 255-61; deteats Verdugo, ii. 263-4; negotiations with Gasca, ii. 269-70; defection of, ii. 271-2. Hinostrosa, Capt. D. M. de, arrest, I etc., of, ii. 144-5. ‘ Historia de la Marina Real Espaiiola, ’ ii. 757. ‘Historical Account of the Circum- navigation of the Globe,’ ii. 752. Hodgson, Col R., mission of, ii. 601-2. Holguin, G., exped. to Peru, ii. 125-7. Hollins, Commander, bombards San Juan del Norte, 1854, iii. 255. Honduras, maps of, i. 51S; ii. 148; iii. 110, 205; colonization, etc., in, 1524-5, i. 522-36; Cortes’ exped. to, 1 52-Mi, i. 537-81; Alvarado’s, 1535- 6, ii. 160-5; 1539, ii. 296-9; slav- ery in, ii. 233-4:, 302; roads, ii. 293- 4; settlements, 1547, ii. 294, 637-40; mining, ii. 295; church affairs, ii. 299-301, 641-2, 712-13; iii. 361; the new laws, ii. 301-7; piratical raids, 1576-95, ii. 636-9, 645; Gage's description of, 1636, ii. 639-40; an- nexation to Mex., 1821, iii. 46; revo- lutions in, 1829-30, iii. 109—1 1 ; 1844, iii. 3)0; assembly, iii, 161-2, 309- 10; disturbances in, iii. 162-3; in- dependence declared, 1838, iii. 164; war with Nic., 1844, iii. 194-200; with Salv., iii. 202-6, 393-9, 455-S; union with Salv. and Nic., iii. 209- 11; war with Guat., 1850-6, iii. 279-81; 1872-6, iii. 398-9, 428, 457-62; relations with Gt Britain, iii. 317; British claims on, iii. 317- 19; British usurpation in, iii. 319- 20; treaty with Gt Britain, 1859, iii. 320; Walker’s exped., 1856-7, iii. 350-64; boundaries, iii. 570; de- partments, etc., iii. 570; cities, iii. 570-1; population, 18S3, iii. 588; im- migration, iii. 591; races, iii. 608- 10; women of, iii. 610-11; dwell- ings, iii. 611; food, etc., iii. 611-12; dress, iii. 612; amusements, iii. 612; education, iii. 624-5; administr. of justice, iii. 640-1; army, iii. 647, agric., iii. 651-2; mining, iii. 655- 6; manufact. , iii. 661; currency, iii. 670; revenue, iii. 680; debt, iii. 6S0-1; railroads, iii. 707. Hore, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1S15, iii. 497; oppression of, iii. 497-8; re- captures Portobello, 1819, iii. 500- 1; death, 1820, iii. 592. Iluascar, defeat of, 1532, ii. 19; death, ii. 34. Huistlan, besieged by Tzendales, 1712, ii. 702. Humboldt, A. von, works of, i. 69. Hurtado, B., exped. to Dabaidu, 1512, i. 352-3; arrest, etc., of, i. 354-5; atrocities of, i. 401, 417; explora- tion of, 1516, i. 426-8; exped. to Olancho, 1528, i. 589-91; death, i. 591. Hylacomylus, ‘ Cosmographiaj Intro- dvctio,’ i. 123. INDEX. I Ibanez, Col P., gov. of Nic., 1759, ii. U07. Icazbalceta, collection of, i. 201. Iguala, plan of, accepted in Hond., iii. 46; in Nic., iii. 47-8. Illanes, J. de, proposed exped. of, ii. 256; joins Hinojosa, 1545, ii. 260-1. Illustrations, caravel, i. 187; galley, i. 188; galeaza, i. 188; galleon, i. 188; navio, i. 189; brigantine, i. 189. Indians, treatment of, i. 253-66; ii. 232-9; of Hond., iii. 608-10; of Guat., iii. 615-16. Infante, Father H., mission of, 1646- 7, ii. 677-8. Inquisition, in Spain, i. 32. Interoceanic communication, projects, etc., for, 1534, ii. 246-7; 1539, ii. 293; 1616, ii. 471-2; 1801-87, iii. 68S-709. Interoceanic road, project for, 1514, i. 396-7; termini, i. 465; completed, 1519, i. 471-2. Irving, W., works of, i. 69, 200, 239- 43. Isabela, founding of, 1493, i. 169. Isla de Pinos, visited by Columbus, 1502, i. 207-10; Drake at, 1572, ii. 405-7. Isla Rica, named by Balboa, 1513, i. 377; cacique of, 408-10. Iturbide, A., designs of, iii. 51; in- structions to Filisola, iii. 62; down- fall of, iii. 65. Itzas, attempted conversion of the, ii. 673-6; attempted subjugation, ii. 682-95. Itzcuintlan, Alvarado’s conquest of, 1524, i. 663-5. Izaguirre, B. de, bishop of Pan., 1655, ii. 479. Izalco, Indian outbreak at, 1875, iii. 400. Izancanac, Cortes at, 1524, i. 557. Izaru, Volcano, eruption of, 1723, ii. 620. Iztapa, Guat., ship-building at, 1539, ii. 205. Iztapa, Chiap., battle at, 1524, ii. 216. Iztapan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 543. J Jacote, convention of, 1842, iii. 216- 17. Jalisco, insurrection in, 1541, ii. 206- 7. 761 Jamaica, coasted by Columbus, 1494, i. 171. Jaragua, Bastidas shipwrecked at, 1501, i. 192. Jerez, M., pronuneiamiento of, 1869, iii. 472. Jerez, Bishop N. G., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14. Jeronimites, mission of the, 1515-18, i. 277-80. Jesuits, in Nic., 1616-21, ii. 442-3; in Talamanca, 1684, ii. 447; expulsion of the, 1767, ii. 730-1; 1871, iii. 425-6; 1881, iii. 476, 484-5; 1884, iii. 389; revolts caused by, 1S81, iii. 476, 484-5. Jews, mediaeval brutality toward, i. 27-9. Jimenez, J., president of C. R. , 1S63, iii. 377; 1S68, iii. 378-9; arrest, etc., of, 379-80. Joroco, convention of, 1845, iii. 203. Juan de Dios, order of, in Pan., ii. 477-8. Juarros, D., works of, ii. 142, 737. Junta, suprema central gubernativa, iii. 4; suprema de censura, iii. 26; consultiva, iii. 35-6, 42-5, 50, 52, 57. Justice, administr., etc., of, in Cent. Amer., iii. 638^45. Jutiapa, Malespin’s forces at, 1844, iii. 191-2. K Kaustman, ‘Munich Atlas,’ i. 69-70. Kerr, R., works of, ii. 756. Kinney, J. L., exped of, iii. 327-8. Kohl, J. G., works of, i. 69. L La Antigua, revolt in, 1828, iii. 96; assembly installed at, 1824, iii. 145; affair at, iii. 420. La Concepcion, convent, establd. in Guat., 1546-8, ii. 343-4. La Gloria, S. G. de, imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii. 699-700. La Harpe, works of, ii. 748-9. La Navidad, fortress of, built, 1492, i. 164; abandoned, 169. La Union, blockade of, 1849, iii. 297-8. La Virgen, affair at, 1855, iii. 331. Lacandones, depredations, etc., of, ii. 361-2; exped. against, 1559, ii. 362- 6; independence, etc., of, iii. 615— 16. 762 INDEX. Ladinos, condition, etc., of the, iii. 594. Lafond, G., works of, ii. 755. Lagares, P. de, labors of, in Tolo- galpa, ii. 450. LamiUa, Father A. de, bishop of Guat., ii. 378. Lauda, Capt., cruelty of, ii. 282; exe- cution of, 1550, 287. Laudecho, J. M. de, gov., etc., of Guat., ii. 306-9. Lara, Friar D. de, bishop of Chiap., 1574, ii. 373. Lara, J. C. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 007. Lara, Father S. de, priest of Cancuc, 1712, ii. 697. Lara y Mogrobejo, A. de, president of Guat., 1649-54, ii. 653. Lardner, D., ‘Cabinet Cyclopsedia, ’ iii. 709. Las Casas, B. de, character of, i. 274- 5; labors in Cuba, i. 276; protector of the Indians, i. 277; efforts in Spain, i. 279-84; works of, i. 309- 10; dispute with Quevado, i. 462-3; mission to Peru, etc., ii. 136-7; ar- rival in Nic., etc., 1532, ii. 169; op- position to Contreras, ii. 170-1; the new laws, ii. 239-40; dispute with the audiencia of the Confines, 1545, ii. 303-7; bishop of Chiap., 1543, ii. 330-1; administr., ii. 332-5; retire- ment, etc., ii. 335-6; works of, ii. 336; pacification of Vera Paz, ii. 348-54; death, 337 ; character, 337-8. Las Charcas, federal defeat at, 1829, iii. 97. Lawrie, Col, supt. of Mosquitia, ii. 603-4. Leiva, P., provis. president of Hond., 1873-6, iii. 460-2. Lempira, Cacique, valor of, ii. 290-1 ; stronghold of, captured, 1537, ii. 291-2; death, ii. 291-2. Leon, founding of, 1527, i. 513; butch- ery of natives at, 1528, i. 610; con- vent founded at, 1532, ii. 168-9; the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 275-6; Gaitan’s defeat at, 1554, ii. 425; new city of, ii. 439-40; captured by freebooters, 1685, ii, 553-5; cathe- dral of, 1743, ii. 613; revolts, etc., at, 1S11-12, iii. 14-16; junta guber- nativa at, 1823, iii. 170—1 ; sack of, 1824, iii. 171; siege of, 1824-5, iii. 171-2; 1844, iii. 197-200; revoltsat, 1845, iii. 241; 1S53-4, iii. 258-9; 1869, iii. 471-3; 1881, iii. 484-5; seat of govt at, 1847, iii. 244; de- scription of, iii. 568-9. Lepe, D. de, voyage of, 1499, i. 113, 186. Levy, P., ‘Notas,’iii. 255. Liano, Pilot, exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 66. Liberals, Guat., party, iii. 69-70; atti- tude of, iii. 85-7 ; operations of, 1826-7, iii. 148-50; prosecution of, iii. 151; division among, iii. 275. Lindo, J., jefe of Salv., 1841, iii. 286; coup d’etat, iii. 286; president .of Hond., 1847-51, iii. 311-21. Literature, of C. R., iii. 622; of Nic., iii. 623; of Salv., iii. 624; of Guat., iii. 627. Llamas y Rivas, Dr F. J. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 583. Llano, Capt. A. del., deputy to cortes, iii. 5. Llano, Col M. del, deputy to cortes, iii. 5. Loarca, A. L. de, storming of Mixco, 1525, i. 690-2. L’Olonuois, F., character, etc., of, ii. 456-7; atrocities, 457-8; expeds., ii. 458-60; death, 460. Lopez, Father T., explorations, etc., of, 1778, 1782, ii. 614-16. Lorca y Vellena Vivas, M. V. de, gov. of Nic., 1757, ii. 607. Lorenzana, Marques de, president of Guat., ii. 652-3. Los Altos, state organized, 1838, iii. 156-7; assembly, iii. 157; maps of, iii. 157, 275; incorporated with Guat., 1840, iii. 158. Los Santos, surprised by freebooters, 1686, ii. 561; revolution at, iii. 505-7. Loyola, P. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607. Luque, Padre, Pizarro’s conquest, ii. 3, 8, 12, 14, 36. M M’Donald, A., usurpation of, in Yuc., iii. 315. Macdonald, regent of Mosquitia, iii. 248; arrest of Quijano, 1841, iii. 249-51. MacGregor, G., exped. of, 1818-19, iii. 498-501. McLure, R. Le M., discoveries of, iii. 689-91. Madriz, Licentiate, disturbances in- cited by, 1699-1701, ii. 662. Magellan, F. de, voyage of, 1519, i. 134-6. Mail service, of Cent. Amer., iii. 671-2. Maiollo, map of, i. 136. Major, R. H., ‘ Life of Prince Henry of Portugal,’ i. 70. INDEX. 763 Malacatan, capture of, 1525, i. 697- 9. Maldonado, A., alcalde mayor of Es- panola, i. 250. Maldonado, A., compilation of, i. 286. Maldonado, A. de, visitador, 1535, ii. 131; juez de residencia, ii. 132; president of the audiencia of the Confines, ii. 301 ; dispute with Las Casas, 1545, ii. 304-7; residencia of, ii. 308-9; provis. gov. of Guat., 1542, ii. 323; exped. to Talamanca, 1660, ii. 446. Malespin, president of Salv., iii. 190; defence of Salv., 1844, iii. 190-1; invasion of Guat., iii. 191-3; ofNic., iii. 194-5; capture of Leon, iii. 197- 200; dispute with Guzman, iii. 202-3. Malespin, Col F., revolution of, 1842, iii. 289; president of Salv., iii. 290; defeat of, iii. 293-4; death of, iii. 294. Malinche, see Cortes, H. Maines, Alvarado’s conquest of the, 1525, i. 695-702. Managua, revolt at, 1833-4, iii. 175-6; 1845, iii. 240-1; seat of govt at, 1845, iii. 241; cholera at, 1855, iii. 330; description of, iii. 568. Manches, Christianization, etc., of, ii. 672-3. Manosca y Murillo, J. de, president of Guat., 1670, ii. 659; bishop of Guat., 1668-75, ii. 668. Mansvelt, buccaneer, raids, etc., of, ii. 460-3. Manufactures, of Cent. Amer., iii. 660-2. Maps, the world, i. 73; Zeno’s chart, 1390, i. 82; Behaim’s globe, 1492, i. 93; Cosa’s map, 1500, i. 115; Ruysch’s, 1508, i. 126; Peter Mar- tyr's, 1511, i. 127; Ptolemy’s, 1513, i. 130; in Munich Atlas, 1518, i. 133; Sehdner’s globe, 1520, i. 137; Bordone’s, 1528, i. 144; Ribero’s, 1529, i. 146; the New World, 1530, i. 147; Ruscelli’s, 1544, i. 148; Fine’s, 1531, i. 149; Castillo’s, 1541, i. 153; manuscript, 1532—40, i. 154; Casti- lla del Oro, i. 323; ii. 49; Darien, i. 362, 400, 405, 416, 427; Nie., i. 513; ii. 175; iii. 258; Hond., i. 518; ii. 148; iii. 110, 205, 198; Quiche and Cackchiquel, i. 629; Peru, ii. 9; Alvarado’s march, ii. 82; Guat., ii. 91, 320; iii. 191; C. R., ii. 18S; iii. 184, 234; Chiap., ii. 331; iii. 39; Lacandon war, ii. 363; Mosquitia, ii. 603; iii. 246; Belize, ii. 627; de- feat of Padilla, iii. 58; Los Altos, iii. 157, 275; Salv., iii. 191, 205; Walker’s exped., iii. 343; inter oceanic communication, iii. 692. Maracaibo, plundered by Morgan, ii. 490-1. Marchena, Treasurer R. de, mention of, ii. 280-1. Marin, E., acting jefe of Salv., 1842, iii. 286-7. Marin, Gen. E., execution of, 1877, iii. 464. Marin, Capt. L., character of, ii. 215; exped. to Chiap., 1524, 215-25. Marquez, D., contador at Antigua, 1514, i. 390. Marquez, G., acting jefe of Guat., 1830, iii. 154^5. Marroquin, F., biog., etc., ii. 134; bishop of Guat., 1533, ii. 135; ad- ministr. , ii. 135-40; Alvarado’s ex- ecutor, etc., ii. 207-9; dispute with Las Casas, ii. 303-6, 343; gov. of Guat., 1542, ii. 319; Indian policy, ii. 325-6; poverty of, ii. 342-3; con- vent, etc., founded by, ii. 343-4; death of, 1563, ii. 375. Martin, A., first Spaniard to sail on South Sea, 1513, i. 369-70. Martinez, B. , bishop of Pan., 1583, ii. 475. Martinez, Friar C., bishop of Pan., 1625, i. 478. Martinez, J. A., president of Guat., 1848, iii. 274. Martinez, Gen. T., operations of, 1855, iii. 261; 1856-7, hi. 352, 356, 360; member of junta, 1857, iii. 365; president of Nic., 1857-67, iii. 365- 9; biog., iii. 366; death, iii. 370. Martyr, P., map of, 1511, i. 127-8; biog., i. 312; works of, i. 312-14. Marure, M. A., works of, iii. 17-18; imprisonment of, iii. 19-20. Masaya, revolt at, 1812, iii. 15; Walk- er’s attack on, 1856, iii. 353; de- struction of, 1856, iii. 355-6. Mata, Brigadier J. A. de la, gov. of Pan., 1805, iii. 489. Matagalpa, insurrection in, 1881, iii. 484. Mayorga, M. de, president of Guat., 1773-8, ii. 717-25. Mazariegos, D. de, conquest of Chiap., 1526, ii. 226-7, meeting with Puer- tocarrero, ii. 227-8; administr. of, ii. 229-30; residencia of, ii. 230. Mazariegos, M. R. , exped. of, 1695, ii. 682-5. Mazatecs, submission of the, 1524, L 557-8. 764 INDEX. Mazatenango, capture of, 1525, i. 693 -7. Medina, Alcalde, in cliarge at Tru- jillo, 1525, i. 535. Medina, F. do, mention of, ii. 220-1. Medina, J. M., president of Hond., 1836-72, iii. 453-8; revolt of, iii. 431-3; execution, 1878, iii. 464; biog., iii. 434—5. Medrano y Solorzano, E., exped. of, 1699, ii. 695. Mejia, G., prosecution of Alvarado, ii. 100. Mejia, H., surprised by Verdugo, ii. 283; defection, etc., of, 1546, ii. 237-8, 271. Mejicanos, Arce’s defeat at, 1823, iii. 64; surrender of, iii. 95. Melendez, Gov. P., defence of Porto- bello, 1C02, ii. 4C7. ‘ Memorias,’ iii. 1C7. Mencos, M., exped. of, 1699, ii. 694- 5. Mencos, M. C. de, president of Cuat., 1657-87, ii. 657-8. Mendavia, Dean P. de, disturbance caused by, ii. 177-8. Mendez, D., in Verag., 1503, i. 222-4; I plot of, ii. 150-3; execution of, ii. 154. Menendez, Gen. F., revolution of, 1885, iii. 411. Mendez, 1L, procurator to Spain, etc., 1545, ii. 323-4. Mendez, M., murder of, 1872, iii. 399. Mendinueta y Muzquiz, P. de, viceroy of New Granada, 1801, iii. 4S9. Mendoza, H. de, exped. of, 1532, i. 148. Meneses, Capt., joins Pedrarias’ ex- ped., 1514, i. 390; garrison of, be- sieged, i. 402, 494. Mercado, J. N. de, assassination of Olid, i. 531-3. Mercado, Friar M. de, bishop of Pan., 1578, ii. 475. Merced, order of, establd. in Guat., 1537, ii. 140-1; convent founded at Ciudad Peal, ii. 328-9. Merlo, R. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 577. Mestizos, characteristics of the, iii. 594-5. Mexico, union of Cent. Amer. with, 1821- 2, iii. 42-59; war with Salv., 1822- 3, iii. 62-4. Mexico City, machinations against Cortes, i. 572-5, 5S0-1. Meyner, C., gov. of Pan., 1812, iii. 495. Milla, J. J., vice-jefe of Hond., 1824, iii. 161; defeats Herrera, iii. 162. Millen, F. F., colonization scheme of, 1883, iii. 590-1. Mining, in Hond., ii. 295; in Guat., ii. 383; in Pan., ii. 395-6, 585-6; in Cent. Amer., iii. 655-60. Miro, G., president of Pan., 1873, iii. 541. Mitla, insurrection in, 1837, iii. 124- 5. Mixco, capture of, 1525, i. 686-92; federal victory at, 1829, iii. 97. Moderados, Guat., party organized, 1848, iii. 275. Molina, Col M. A., jefe of Los Altos, 1S38, iii. 157-9; execution of, 1S42, iii. 218. Molina, P. , ‘ El Editor Constitucional, ’ iii. 27-8; biog., iii. 27-8; revolution- ary movements, iii. 33; envoy to Bogota, 1825, iii. 81; jefe of Guat., iii. 104; downfall of, iii. 105. Mollinedo y Sara via, G., capt. -gen., 1801, iii. 3; rule, iii. 3-6; death, iii. 6. Monasteries, suppression of, 1829, iii. 104. Monasterio, Capt. J. de, operations, etc., of, 1603-9, ii. 650-1 Montaiglon, M. de, works of, i. 54. Montalboddo, ‘Paesi Nouamente re- trouati,’ i. 123. Montalvo, F., viceroy of New Gra- nada, 1813, iii. 495. Montealegre, J. M., president of Costa Rica, 1859-63, iii. 373-7. Montejo, F. de, gov. of Hond., 1537- 9, ii. 289-99; negotiations with Al- varado, 296-9. Mouterroso, F. de H., acting gov. of Pan., 1708, ii. 583. Montes, F., arrest, etc., of, 1810, iii. 493. Montes, J. F., president of Hond., 1863, iii. 324-5. Montfraisier, Du P. de, ‘Histoire Uni- versellc,’ ii. 748. Montiano, M. de, gov. of Pan., 1749- 55, ii. 584. Mont Afar, Col M. , surrender of, iii. 95. Mora, F., invasion of C. R., iii. 387. Mora, J., jefe of C. R., 1S22-33, iii. 179-81; biog., iii. 180. Mora, J. I'., president of C. R., 1849 -53, iii. 236-7. Mora, Gen. J. J., operations of, 1856, iii. 338. Mora, J. R., president of C. R., 1859, iii. 372; revolt against, iii. 372-3; exile, iii. 373; revolt of, iii. 374-5; execution, 1S60, iii. 375-6. INDEX. 765 Morales, Capt. G. de, joins Pedrarias’ exped., 1514, i. 390; exped. to the Pearl Islands, 1515, i. 408-11; atro- cities of, i. 411. Morales, M. R., director of Nic., 1847, iii. 243. Morazan, Gen., victory at Gualcho, 1828, iii. 95; campaign in Guat., 1828-9, iii. 96-100; harsh measures of, iii. 100-3; operations in Hond., iii. Ill; president, 1830, iii. 112; rule, iii. 112-42; departure, 1840, iii. 142-3; invasion of C. R., 1842, iii. 216-17; measures, iii. 217-18; provis. jefe, iii. 218; capture of, iii. 219-20; execution, iii. 221-2. Moreno, Fiscal P., exped. to Hond., 1525, i. 535-6. Morgan, H., early career of, ii. 482-3; plunders Puerto Principe, ii. 4S3; captures Portobello, 1668, ii. 483-9; atrocities of, ii. 484-7, 510-12; en- counters gov. of Pan., ii. 488-9; forces, etc., of, ii. 491-2; captures Santa Catarina, ii. 493; lands at Chagre, ii. 49G-7 ; march across the Isthmus, ii. 497-502; captures Pa- nama, 1671, ii. 504-7; plot against, ii. 512; return to San Lorenzo, ii. 512-13; division of spoils, ii. 514; knighted, etc., ii. 515; imprison- ment of, ii. 515. Morillo, Mariscal P., exped. of, 1815, iii. 496. Moseoso, L., exped. of, 1530, ii. 121. Mosquitia, description of, ii. 595-8, 600-1; buccaneers in, ii. 598; Brit- ish rights in, ii. 598-9; British ag- gression in, ii. 601-2; maps of, ii. 603; vi. 246; Galvez’ exped. to, 1782, ii. 604-5; Despard’s exped. to, 1782, ii. 605-6; British protectorate over, iii. 244-52; kings of, iii. 245-8; at- tempts at colonization, iii. 248-9. Motolinia, Fray T. de, labors in Nic., 1528, ii. 184; in Guat., ii. 345-7. Mourgeon, Mariscal J. de la C., capt.- gen. of New Granada, 1821, iii. 503; exped. of, iii. 504. Moya, R., jefe of C. R., 1844, iii. 227. Munoz, F., execution of, 1517, i. 457-9. Munoz, J. B., ‘Historia del Nuevo Mondo,’ i. 197-8. Munoz, Gen. J. T., siege of Leon, 1844, iii. 197; promotion of, iii. 240; operations, etc., of, 1845, iii. 241-3; revolt of, 1851, iii. 256; negotiations, iii. 260; death, 1855, iii. 330. Murillo, Licut-col A., victory at Te- cauname, 1855, iii. 261. N Nacaome, diet of, 1848, iii. 208. Naco Valley, exped. to, ii. 145, 147, 156-7. Nancintlan, burning of, 1524, i. 668. Napoleon I., usurpation of, iii. 2. Narango, battle of, 1S76, iii. 462. Narragansett Bay, settlement founded at, 1000, i. 76. Narvaez y la Torre, Brigadier A., gov. of Pan., 1801, iii. 489. Nata, surprised by Espinosa, 1516, i. 423; settlement founded at, i. 505-9. Nata, Cacique, capture of, 1515, i. 414; surrender of, 1516, i. 423-4; exped. against, i. 424-5; revolt of, 1517, i. 431. Nava, J. de, gov. of C. R., 1773, ii. 622. Navarette, M. F. de, works of, i. 69, 198-200; biog., 198. Navas y Quevada, A. de las, bishop of Nic., 1667, ii. 443-4. Navigation, internal, iii. 667-8. Navio, picture of, i. 189. Nebah, capture of, 1530, ii. 111-12. Negroes, importation of, ii. 386-7; regulations concerning, ii. 389-90. Neira, G., president of Pan., 1872-3, iii. 538^41. Nelson, H., exped. to Nic., 1780, ii. 609-11. ‘New Collection of Voyages,’ ii. 750. Newfoundland, Leif lands at, 1000, i. 76. New Granada, rebellion in, 1810-13, iii. 493-6; state of, organized, 1831, iii. 513; revolution in, 1840, iii. 515-16; difficulty with England, 1836, iii. 518; with U. S., 1S55, iii! 519; 1856-7, iii. 520-2; mining inr iii. 659-60; treaty with U. S., 1846, iii. 700-1. New laws, publication of the, 1543, ii. 240; provisions, ii. 240-1; oppo- sition to the, ii. 242-3, 301-2, 323; repealed, 1545, ii. 325; opposition to, ii. 334-5, 338. New St Andrew, founding of, 1698, ii. 576. Newspapers, iii. 27-8, 273, 288, 290, 559, 584, 622, 627. ‘ New Universal Collection,’ ii. 750. ‘New Voyages and Travels,’ ii. 751. Nicaragua, Davila’s exped. to, 1522- 3, i. 483-94; maps of, i. 513; ii. 175; iii. 258; church affairs in, ii. 168-9, 443-4, 612-17; iii. 632-3; revolts in, ii. 274-8; iii. 240-2, 259-61; set- tlements, etc., of, ii. 434, 437-8; 766 INDEX. Dominicans in, ii. 436-7 ; commerce of, ii. 438; piratical raids in, 1685- 6, ii. 553-62; diputacion provincial in, iii. 47; annexation to Mex., 1821, iii. 47-8; internal strife in, 1833-7, iii. 170-7; juntas guberna- tivas, iii. 170-2; assembly, iii. 172— 3, 243, 257-60, 337, 475-8; earth- quake, etc., in, 1835, iii. 176-7; se- cession, 1838, iii. 178; British media- tion requested, 1839-40, iii. 186-7; war with Hond., 1844, iii. 194-200; union with Salv. and Hond., iii. 209-11; C. R. boundary question, iii. 231-3; British claims, iii. 239- 40; British aggressions in Mosqui- tia, iii. 244-51 ; hostilities with England, 1S48, iii. 251-2; Zeledon- Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 252-3; treaty with Spain, 1850, iii. 253; concordat, iii. 253; foreign rela- tions, iii. 254; difficulty with U. S., 1854, iii. 254—5; with Germany, 1876, iii. 256; declared a republic, 1852-4, iii. 257; war with Guat., 1850-3, iii. 279-80; Walker’s cam- paign in, 1855-6, iii. 328-46; cholera in, 1855, iii. 330; war with C. R., 1857, iii. 362; junta de gobierno in, 1857, iii. 365; revenue, iii. 366-7; constitution, iii. 367; rebellion in, 1869, iii. 471—4; difficulty with 0. R., 1873-5, iii. 479-82; jssuitic seditions, iii. 4S4-5; opposition to Barrios, 1885, iii. 486; boundaries, iii. 567; departments, etc., iii. 567- 8; cities, iii. 568-9; population, 1883, iii. 588; colonization in, iii. 591-2; character of population, iii. 599-601; dress, etc., iii. 601-2; dwellings, iii. 602; mode of life, iii. 603; amusements, iii. 603-4; education, iii. 622-4; administr. of justice, iii. 641-3; army, iii. 646-7; agric., iii. 652-3; mining, iii. 657- 8; manufact., iii. 661; revenue, etc., iii. 683; debt, iii. 483, 683; railroads, iii. 708. Nicaragua, Cacique, Ddvila’s visit to, 1522, i. 486-9; attacks the Span- iards, iii. 493. Nicaragua, isthmus, project for canal, iii. 694-8. Nicaragua, Lake, discovery of, 1522, 1. 489. Nicoya, Cacique, Ddvila’s meeting with, 1522, i. 485-6. Nicoya, province, incorporated with C. R., 1825, iii. 179. Nicoya, town, the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 277-8. Nicuesa, D. de, biog., etc., of, i. 292- 4; gov. of Castilla del Oro, i. 294— 6; quarrel with Ojeda, i. 296-7; ex- ped. to Veragua, 1509, i. 296-308; relieved by Colmenares, i. 331-2; reception at Antigua, i. 334-5; de- posal, i. 335; fate of, i. 335-6. ‘Nina,’ voyage of the, 1492-3, i. 159- 64. Nindiri, volcano, eruption of, 1775, ii. 608. Nino, Pilot A, exped., etc., of, 1522- 3, i. 478-93. Nino, P. A., voyage of, 1499, i. 186. Nito, Cortes’ arrival at, 1525, i. 565-7; sickness, etc., at, i. 567-8; site of, abandoned, i. 568, 570. Niza, Friar M. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 151—2; rept of, ii. 205. Nombre de Dios, name, i. 307; Nicu- esa at, i. 307-8; fort of, built, 1510, i. 307-8; departure of garrison, i. 337-8; abandoned, i. 331-3; 412-13; refounded, 1519, i. 471; tra ’.e, etc., of, ii. 248-9; Nombre de Dios, Ver- dugo’s invasion of, ii. 263-4; Gasca at, 1546, ii. 267-9; 1550, ii. 282-3; the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 278, 281-3; removal of site, etc., ii. 396- 9; Drake’s attack on, 1572, ii. 405-6; destroyed by Drake, 1595, ii. 422. Norf, Cacique, execution of, ii. 55-6. North-west passage, discov. of, iii. 689-91. ‘ Notes de Voyage en Centre Amer- ique,’ iii. 676-7. ‘Nouvelle Bibliothfeque des Voyages,' ii. 757. Nueva Andalucfa, name, i. 294; Oje- da’s exped. to, 1509-10, i. 294-301. Nueva Jaen, founding of, ii. 186. Nueva Segovia, freebooters at, 1687, ii. 5634. Nueva Valladolid, growth, etc., of, 1557-74, ii. 640-1; earthquake in, 1774, ii. 640. ‘Nuevo Viajero Universal,’ ii. 758. Nunez, A., Nicuesa’s exped., 1509- 10, i. 307-8. Nuiiez, J., vice-jefe of Nic., 1835, iii. 177. Nufiez, Capt. V., capture, etc., of, ii. 257-8. Nutibara, Cacique, defeat of, ii. 54. 0 Oajaca, city, capture, etc., of, iii. 6. Obaldia, J. de, gov. of Pan., 1858, iii. 528. INDEX. 767 Obaldfa, Col A., revolt of, 1868, iii. 537-8. Occhuc, Tzendales repulsed at, 1712, ii. 703-4. Ococingo, massacre at, 1712, ii. 699. Ojeda, A. de, voyage of, 1499-1500, i. Ill, 186; 1502, i. 118, 19; early career, etc., of, i. 292-4; gov. of Nueva Andalueia, i. 294-6; quarrel with Nicuesa, i. 296-7; exped. of, 1509, i. 296-301; death, i. 301. Olancho, sedition in, 1829, iii. 109-11; revolt at, 1844, iii. 310. Olancho Valley, occupation of, 1526, i. 589-90. Olano, L. de, Nicuesa’s exped., 1509- 10, i. 301-7; ill treatment of, i. 332- 3; death, i. 441. Olarte, V., see Galindo, V. 0. Olaziregui, V., gov. of Pan., 1769, ii. 584. Olid, C. de, exped. to Hond., 1524, i. 524; character, i. 525; treachery of, i. 526-7; meeting with Gonzalez, i. 527-8; fight with Casas, etc., i. 529-30; assassination, i. 531-3. Olmos, P. de, defeat of, ii. 109-10. Otnoa, bombardment of, 1873, iii. 320. O’Neill, Gen., exped. to Belize, 1798, iii. 314. Orbita, Friar J. de, mission to Itza, 1618, ii. 673-5. Ordonez, Col C., commandant at Granada, iii. 59; revolt of, 1824, iii. 171-2. Oriluna, F. de, juez de residencia, 1529, ii. 105-6; exped. of, ii. 110- 11; prosecution, etc., of, 1530, ii. 117-18. Oreamuno, F. M., jefe of C. R., 1844, iii. 226-7; vice-president, 1853, iii. 237. Orosco, Presbyter L. de, assassination of, ii. 709. Ortega, J., president of Pan., 1878, iii. 543-4. Ortiz, A., exped. of, ii. 148. Orueta y Irusta, J. B de, gov. of Pan., 1709, ii. 583. Osorio, D. A., bishop of Nic., 1531, 11. 168-9. Ostuncalco, Indian outbreak at, iii. 123. Osuna, J. V. de, capture of Copan, 1530, ii. 115. Ovalle, Missionary P. de, labors of, ii. 644. Ovando, N. de, gov. of Espanola, 1502, 1. 249; instructions to, i. 249-50; exped. of, i. 250; administr. i. 250- 2, 256, 259-6;. 266-8. Oviedo, G F. de, biog., i. 310: works of, i. 150, 310-12; veedor at Anti- gua, 1514, i. 390; efforts in Spain, 1515, i. 463-4; 1523, i. 511-12; regidor perpetuo de Antigua, l 473; rule, i. 474-5; deposed, i. 476; departure, etc., 1528, i. 477; capt.- gen. of Cartagena, i. 593. Oxenham, J., exped. to Pan., 1575, ii. 418. Oxib Quieh, King, accession of, 1524, i. 645; plot of, i. 646; capture, etc., of, 648. Ozorco y Berra, ‘ Cartograffa Mexi- cana,’ i. 70. P Pacheco, Gen., defeat of, 1829, iii. 97. Pacific Ocean, see South Sea. Paiz, Brigadier G., cabinet-minister, 1845, iii. 268-9. Palahunoh Pass, Alvarado’s victory at, 1524, i. 634-6. Palomar, J. M., in command at Tru- jillo, 1820, iii. 24. Palomino, J. A., exped. to Nic., ii. 262. Panaguali, Cacique, execution of, ii. 91. Panama (see also Castilla del Oro), audiencias of, ii. 57-8, 370-1, 585; slavery, etc., in, ii. 232-3; com- merce, etc., in, ii. 390-3, 587, 594; iii. 672-5; shipping, ii. 392; pearl fisheries, ii. 394-5, 585; mining, ii. 395—6, 585-6; iii. 659-60; Drake’s raids in, 1572, ii. 405-17; Oxenham’s exped., 1575, ii. 418; officials of, ii. 471; smuggling in, ii 473-4; iii. 491-2; church affairs, i. 500-1, ii. 474—80; iii. 635-7; Morgan’s raids in, 1668-71, ii. 483-515; Indian raids in, 1745-74, ii. 581-2; in- corporated with New Gran., 1718, ii. 584; revenue, iii. 490, 686-7; industrial depression in, iii. 490; population, etc., iii. 490-2, 580-1; viceregal seat at, 1812, iii. 494; Macgregor’s invasion of, 1818-19, iii. 498-501; revolution in, 1821, iii. 602-7; 1831, iii. 514; 1840, iii. 514-15; 1868, iii. 536-7; annexed to 'Colombia, 1821, iii. 506-8; slav- ery abolished in, iii. 509; subju- gation of, iii. 515-16; declared a state, 1855, iii. 525, 529; constitu- tion of, iii. 526, 540, 542, 544; dis- turbances in, 1883^4, iii. 546-8; a national department, iii. 559; boun- daries, etc., iii. 577-8; departments. 70S INDEX. iii. 578; cities, iii. 578-9; women of, iii. 5S1-2; education in, iii. 583- 4; literature, iii. 584; amusements, iii. 584-5; epidemics, etc., iii. 585-6; administration of justice, iii. 644-5; army, iii. 645-6; agric., iii. 654-5; currency, iii. 675-6; telegraphs, iii. 708-9. Panama, city, name, i. 404; post es- established on site of, 1517, i. 429; founding of, 1519, i. 468; progress, etc., of, i. 495-500; arms of, i. 500; slave market at, i. 608-9; Pizarro’s exped., ii. 1-15; proposed removal of site, 1531, ii. 247; prosperity, etc., of, ii. 249-50; pillage of, ii. 255; Hinojosa’s conquest of, 1545, ii. 255-61; Gasca at, 1546-7, ii. 269-72; captured by Contreras, 1550, ii. 279-SI; Bermejo’s defeat at, ii. 284-6; sickness at, ii. 399- 400; official embezzlement at, ii. 401-2; defences of, ii. 402-3; deca- dence of, 1610, ii. 470; convent establd. at, 1592-8, ii. 475-6; fires at, 1644, ii. 479; 1737-71, ii. 582; prosperity of, 1645-70, ii. 480-1; descriptions of, ii. 502-3; iii. 578- 9; captured by Morgan, ii. 504-7; destruction of, 1671, ii. 507-8; site of, removed, ii. 517-18; rebuilding of, ii. 517-19; naval combat off, 1680, ii. 534-7; freebooters defeated off, 1685, ii. 552-3; revolution at, 1821, iii. 504-8; gen. congress at, 1826, iii. 510-12; disturbances at, 1856, iii. 520-1; 1859-60, iii. 528-30. Panama Isthmus, infested with crimi- nals, iii. 518-19; guard of the, 1854, iii. 519; transit refused, iii. 522-3; order restored at, iii. 524; protec- tion of the, iii. 539-40, 551—8; dis- turbances at, 1885, iii. 550-7; canal, iii. 698-700, 703-6; railroad, iii. 700-2. Panciaco, story of the South Sea, i. 348; kindness to the Spaniards, i. 383. Parada, J. G. de, bishop of Guat., 1729-36, ii. 710-11. Peredes, A. G. de, exped., etc., of, 1695, ii. 687-90. Paredes, M., president of Guat., 1849, iii. 277; treachery of, iii. 277-8. Paris, Cacique, defeats Badajoz, 1515, i. 415-17; tomb of, plundered, i. 468. Parker, Capt. W., exped. of, 1002-3, ii. 465-8. Pasamonte, M. de, treasurer-general at Santo Domingo, 1508, i. 266-7. Pasaquina, battle of, 1876, iii. 404. Pastora, F. F. de la, gov. of C. R., 1746, ii. 622. Paterson, W., the Scots’ colony, 1695- 9, ii. 570-7. Patinamit, description of, i. 655-6: Alvarado’s reception at, 1524, i. 656-7; abandoned by natives, 1524, i. 683-4; sack, etc., of, 1525, ii. 77; battle of, 1526, ii. 84. Patzicia, pronunciamiento at, 1871, iii. 420-1. Paul III., bull of, 1531, ii. 239. Pavon, M. F., minister of relations, etc., 1844, iii. 192; death of, 1855, iii. 283. Paz, M. J., jefe of Guat., 1838, iii. 159. Paz, R. , president of Guat., 1 840-4, iii. 266-7. Pazaco, Alvarado attacked at, 1524, i. 669. Pearl fisheries, of Pan., ii. 394-5, 585; condition of, iii. 676. Pearl Islands, named, 1513, i. 377-8; Morales’ exped. to, 1515, i. 408-11; Balboa at, 1517, i. 445-52; yield, etc., of, iii. 676. Pedrarias, D., character, etc., i. 387, 615-16; capt. -gen. of Castilla del Oro, 1514, i. 387; armament, i. 389; retinue, etc., i. 389-91; instructions to, i. 391-2, 397-9; voyage, i. 392; landing at Antigua, i. 393-4; exped. to Centi, 1515, i. 417; founds Acla, i. 418; feud with Balboa, i. 432-3; fraud of, i. 435-6; duplicity, i. 452, 455; Balboa’s trial and execution, 1517, i. 456-9; founds Panama, 1519, i. 468; residencia of, i. 474, 594-6; resignation, i. 474; dispute with Gonzalez, i. 481-3; exped. against Urraca, i. 507-8; exped. to Nic., 1526, i. 587-92; 1528, i. 605; Pizarro’s exped., i. 612-13; death, 1530, i. 614. Pedraza, Licentiate C'. de, arrival in Hond., 1538, ii. 292; intercession of, ii. 298; bishop, ii. 299; admin- istr., ii. 299-308. Peinado, J. M., intendente of San Salv., ii., 13-14. Pelaez, F. de P. G., ‘ Memorias, ’ ii. 732-3, 737; archbishop of Guat., iii. 630. Pelham, C., ‘The World,’ ii. 751. Pefialver y Cardenas, L., archbishop of Guat., iii. 29. Peralta, F. de, naval combat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7. Peraza, Friar V. de, bishop of Pan., i. 501; ii. 59. INDEX. 769 Perez, A., insurrection of, 1512, i. 355-6; captures Nata, 1515, i. 414. Perez, B. , viceroy of New Gran., 1812, iii. 494-5. Perez, J., works of, iii. 345-6. Perez, M., director of Nic., 1843, iii. 239. Perie, J., gov. of C. R., 1779, ii. 622. Perks, W., command, etc., of, iii. 93 -4. Peru, Pizarro’s conquest of, ii. 1-42; map, ii. 9; traditions, ii. 16-17; annals, ii. 17-18; Alvarado’s exped. to, ii. 38-9, 122-30; rebellion in, 1544-7, ii. 252-73. Peten, capture of, 1697, ii. 692-3. Peten, lake, Cortes at, i. 559-61. Piedrahita, Bishop L. F., works of, ii. 62. Pierzon, Col J., operations of, 1826, iii. 148-9; execution, iii. 150. Pineda, D. de, juez de comision, ii. 178. Pineda, Gen. J. L., director of Nic., 1851-3, iii. 256; revolt against, iii. 256; defeat of, 1855, iii. 332. Pineda y Zaldana, T. M., bishop of Salv., iii. 632. Pinelo, A. de L., works of, i. 287-8; ii. 762. Pinkerton, J., works of, ii. 755-6. Pinol y Aycinena, B., archbishop of Guat., 1868, iii. 630. ‘Pinta,’ voyage of the, 1492-3, i. 159-64. Pinta, A., capture of San Jose, 1842, iii. 219-20; biog., iii. 219; execution of Morazan, iii. 222; comand.-gen., 111. 224; dismissal, iii. 225-6. Pinto, J. A., vice-president of C. R., 1872, iii. 381-2. Pinzon, M. A., voyage, etc., of, 1492-3, i. 158-63. Pinzon, V. Y., voyage of, 1492-3, i. 112, 158-63; 1499, i. 186; 1506, i. 122, 289. Pisa, A. de, captures Dururua, ii. 68; exped. to C. R., ii. 192-9. Pizarro, F., joins Ojedas’ exped., 1509, i. 298; at San Sabastian, i. 321-3; defeats Cemaeo, i. 344; Balboa’s exped., 1514, i. 376; Tabira’s, i. 407; exped. to the Pearl Islands, 1515, i. 408-11; arrests Balboa, 1517, i. 452-3; exped. against Urraca, i. 504-5; character, etc., ii. 1-3; con- quest of Peru, ii. 3-38; commission, ii. 13; assassination of, ii. 40-2. | Pizarro, G., conquest of Peru, ii. 13: gov, of Quito, ii. 251 ; revolt of, I 1544, ii. 252-4; conquest of Pan.. IIist. Cent. Am., Voi.. III. 4J ii. 254-61; defeat of, ii. 272; execu- tion, ii. 273. Pizarro, H., conquest of Peru, ii. 22- 40; death, ii. 40. Pizarro, J., conquest of Peru, ii. 13. Pizarro, Friar J., martyrdom of, 1586, ii. 433. Pizarro y Orellana, F., works of, ii. 273. Pocoa, Cacique, attack on Nata, etc., 1527, i. 510. I’ocorosa, Cacique, meeting with Bal- boa, etc., 1513, i. 381-2; captures Santa Cruz, 1515, i. 403; attacks Guzman, i. 405-6. Ponca, Cacique, exped. against, 1512, i. 346; welcomes Balboa, i. 361-3. Ponce, Gen. F., president of Pan., 1868, iii. 536. Poncra, Cacique, Balboa’s cruelty to, i. 379-80. Pontaz, Friar, labors of, ii. 133. Pontaza, Friar F. M. de, hermitage establ. by, 1524, i. 638. Porque, Cacique, defeat of, 1513, i. 363-4. Portobello, Columbus at, 1502, i. 216; Nicuesa at, 1510, i. 307; fair, etc., at, ii. 48-9; site of Nombre de Dios removed to, 1597, ii. 399; captured by Parker, 1602, ii. 466-8; descrip- tion of, ii. 468-70; treasure fleet at, ii. 468-9; captured by Morgan, 1668, ii. 483-9; sacked by pirates, 1679, ii. 519; captured by Vernon, 1739, ii. 588-91; by MacGregor, 1819, iii. 498-9; recaptured, iii. 501. Poveda, A., gov. of Nic., 1722, ii. 607. Prado, M., vice-president, Cent. Amer. republic, 1830, iii. 112-13; jefe of Salv., 1832-4, iii. 122, 167; rule, iii. 167-8. Prescott, W. H., works of, i. 242-6. Press, freedom of, established, iii. 44-5. Prestan, P., outrages of, 1885, iii. 551-3. Prevost, Abbe A. F., works of, ii. 746-8. Prior, P. , ‘ Informe,’ ii. 762. ‘ Provineias Unidas del Centro de America,’ established, 1823, iii. 68; debt of, iii. 667-8. Ptolemy, maps of, i. 130, 147. Pueblo Nuevo, pirates defeated at, 1680, ii. 539; 1686, ii. 557. Pueblo Viejo, captured by freebooters, 1686, ii. 556. Puente, A. de la, treasurer at Anti- gua, 1514, i. 390. Puerta, C'. M. de la, labors of, in 770 INDEX. Tegucigalpa, ii. 042; martyrdom of, ii. 043. Puerto de Caballos, Alvarado at, 1539, ii. 204; raids on, 1595-6, ii. 639; 1603, ii. 650; site of, removed, ii. 650. Puerto Dulce, founding of, ii. 651. Puerto Principe, captured by Morgan, ii. 483. Puertocarrero, P., battle of Xelahuli, 1524, i. 639; character, ii. S7-S; exped. to Zacatepec, ii. 88-91; cap- ture of Sinacam’s stronghold, ii. 93-5; invasion of Chiap., 1526, ii. 227-8. Purchas, S., works of, ii. 742-4. Q. Qat, King, Alvarado’s embassy to, i. 622-3. ' Quadra, V., president of Nic., 1S71-5, iii. 475-81. Quarequa, Balboa at, 1513, i. 363-4. Quauhtemotzin, King, execution of, 1524, i. 551-4. Quema, Cacique, capture, etc., of, 1516, i. 426. Quesada, Dr A. R. de, president of the audiencia of the Coniines, 1555, ii. 358; administr., ii. 358-60. Quevedo, J. de, bishop of Darien, 1514, i. 390; mediation, etc., of, i. 436-9; departure for Spain, i. 461 ; dispute with Las Casas, i. 462-3; memorials of, i. 463; death, i. 463. Quezada, convention of, 1844, iii. 193. Quezaltenango, founding of, 1524, i. 638; riot at, iii. 88-9; state congress at, 1826, iii. 148; captured by Picr- zon, iii. 149; revolt at, iii. 283; affair at, 1871, iii. 422. Quiche, power, etc., of, i. 620-2; map of, i. 629; conquest of, i. 634-6, 643-51. Quiiano, Lieut-col, protest, etc., of, iii. 250. Quinones, F., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14. Quintana, works, etc., of, ii. 42. Quiroga, M. de, gov. of Nic., 17S0, ii. 608. R Rabago, J. de E., exped. of, ii. 425-6. Rada, J. de, assassination of Pizarro, ii. 40-1. Radroads in Cent. Amer., iii. 700-2, 706-8. j Ramirez, D., mission to Chiap., 1543, j ii. 338. Ramirez, Friar H., bishop of Pan., 1644, ii. 479. Ramirez, J., bishop of Guat., 1600, ii. 381. Ramirez, M., director of Nic., 1S49, I iii. 256. 1 Ramirez, N., jefe of Salv., 1841, iii. 286. Ramirez, P., exped. to Lacandon, 1559, ii. 363-5. Raon, J., gov. of Pan., 1762, ii. 584. Raoul, N., commander of artillery, etc., 1825, iii. 83; arrest, iii. 85-6. Reactionists, Gnat., choice of presi- dent, 1848, iii. 274; efforts of, 1872, iii. 427-9; 1873, iii. 433. Realejo, the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 277; piratical raid on, 1684, ii. 548; 1685, ii. 555; 1686, ii. 560; block- ade of, 1846, iii. 240. ‘ Recopilacion de Leyes de las Iudias, ’ i. 257-8. ‘Recueil de Voiages an Nord, ’ ii. 749-50. Regent of Audiencias, office of, created, | 1776, ii. 714-15. Remesal, Friar A. de, works of, ii. ! 339-10, 736-7. ! Repartimiento, system, description of, i. 262-6. j ‘Republica de Colombia,’ name adopted, iii. 558. | Residencia, explanation of term, i. | 250. Revenue, of Cent. Amer. states, iii. 677-S7. Revolutions, Carrera’s Guat., 1837- 40, iii. 127-44; Alfaro’s C. R., iii. 219-22; against Carrera, 1847-8, iii. 271-3; Menendez’, 1885, iii. 411; Granados-Barrios, 1871, iii. 419-24; in Pan., 1821, iii. 502-7; 1S40, iii. 515-16; 1868, iii. 536-7; 1S75, iii. 541-2. Ribera, Dr, defeats Verdugo, ii. 263— 4. Ribera, Duque de, bishop of Pan., 1594, ii. 475. Ribera, P. E. de, bishop of Guat., 1359-G8, ii. G67-S. Ribero, D. de, Nicuesa’s exped , 1509 -10, i. 302-4. Richardson, J., ‘Polar Regions,’ iii. 709. Rincon, Gen. B. T. M. del, president of Guat., 1789-94, ii. 728. Ringrose, B., adventure of, 1680, ii. 5.30-2; naval combat off Pan., ii. 535-7; works, etc., of, ii. 568. INDEX. 771 Rios, P. de los, gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1526, i. 592-3; rule, i. 593-4; exped. to Nic., i. C02 4; Pizarro’s conquest, ii. G-8, 12; character, etc., ii. 44—5; usurpation, of, ii. 177-8. Riotte, Gen. C. N., intervention of, 18G9, iii. 474. Rivas, Friar, mission to Lacandon, 1685, ii. GSO-1. Rivas, F. R. dc, president of Guat., 1716-24, ii. 70G. Rivas, President P., denounces Walk- er, iii. 349; govt of recognized, iii. 350; colonization decree of, 1855, iii. 592. Rivas, city, Walker’s defeat at, 1856, iii. 344-5; siege of, 1S57, iii. 358-60. Roads, in Pan., 1541-56, ii. 247-8; in Hond., 1539-47, ii. 293-4; of Cent. Amer., iii. 669. Roatan, island, captured by pirates; etc., ii. 647-8; restored, iii. 113; British seizure of, iii. 319. Roberta, 0. W., ‘Narrative of Voy- ages,’ iii. 247-8. Robertson, W., works of, i. 196-7. Robles, Dr, exped. to El Desaguadero, ii. 176; gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 245; oidor, 1538, ii. 245; residencia of, ii. 245-G. Rodriguez, J. M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 13. Rojas, D. de, capture, etc., of, 1530, ii. 113. Rojas, G. de, in charge at Acla, 1515, i. 418; exped. of, 1525, i. 577-8; 1526, i. 589-92. Ruano, Capt. J., mention of, i. 536. Rueda, P. M. da, president of Guat., 1589-03, ii. 3S2. Ruiz, Pilot B., exped. to Peru, ii. 5-8. Runnels, R., chief of isthmus guard, iii. 519. Ruscelli, map of, 1544, i. 148. Ruysch, J., map of, 1508, i. 126. S Saavedra, H., capt. -gen. of Hond., 1525, i. 574, 582; Pedrarias’ exped. against, 1526, i. 589-92. Sacasa, Col C., general order of, iii. 47; comand.-gen. of Nic., iii. 48; measures, iii. 48-9. Sacasa, J., deputy to cortes, iii. 26. Sahquiab, Cacique, defeat of, 1525, i. 699-700. Salaya, H. de, death of, i. 501. Salaya, Licentiate S. de, alcalde mayor of Antigua, 1522, i. 475. Salazar, A. de, the Zacatepec revolt, 1525, i. 694. Salazar, Gen. C., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14; biog. iii. 131-2; victory at Villanueva, 1838, iii. 135-6. Salazar, Factor G. de, proceedings of, 1530, ii. 16; usurpation, etc., of, ii. 75-6. Salazar, L., pronunciamiento of, 1868, iii. 378. Salcedo, D. L. de, gov. of Hond., 1525, i. 598; rule, i. 599-600; ex- ped. to Nic., i. 600-5; imprison- ment, etc., of, i. 605-7; return to Trujillo, 1529, ii. 145; death, ii. 146. Salguero, R., the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 274-86; death, ii. 286. Salinas, Minister, suggestions to Nic. assembly, 1847, iii. 243-4. Salvador, Alvarado’s invasion of, i. 669-76; independence proclaimed in, 1821, iii. 45; protest of, 1822, iii. 57; war with Guat., iii. 57- 8, 90-100, 27S-S0, 401-f, 409- 10; with Mex., 1822-3, iii. 62-4; secession of, iii. 116-17, 168; de- partments, iii. 165; state govt or- ganized, 1824, iii. 165-6; church affairs in, iii. 166, 632; maps of, iii. 191, 205; war with Nic., 1S44, iii. 196-200; with Hond., iii. 202-6, 393-9, 428, 455-62; union with Nic. and Hond., iii. 209-11; assembly, iii. 285-7, 397-8, 407; constitution, iii. 286, 308, 397-8, 407-9; invasion of, iii. 295; difficulty with England, 1849, iii. 297-8; declared a repub- lic, iii. 300-1; seal of, iii. 301; Walker’s exped., iii. 350-61; earth- quake in, 1873, iii. 399-400; pros- perity of, 1874, iii. 400; disturb- ances in, 1875, iii. 400-1; revolu- tion in, 1885, iii. 411-12; bounda- ries, etc., iii. 571-2; polit. divisions, iii. 572; govt, iii. 572-3; cities, iii. 573-4; population, etc., iii. 588, 604-6; immigration, iii. 591; dress, iii. 606; mode of life, iii. 606-7; education in, iii. 624; administr. of justice, iii. 611; army, iii. 647-8; agric., iii. 652; mining, iii. 658; manufaet., iii. 661; revenue, etc., iii. 681; debt, iii. 681-2; railroads, iii. 707-8. ‘ Salvador, ’ ship, case of the, 1864, iii. 522. Samano, viceroy of New Gran., 1821- 2, iii. 503. Sainayoa, J. M., minister of war, Guat., 1876, iii. 402; exile of, iii. 419. INDEX. San Bartolome Island, capture of, 1780, ii. 609-10. San Buenaventura, Father J. de, mission of, 1695, ii. 690. San Carlos, fort, capture of, 1665, ii. 441; 1812, iii. 14; attack on, 1769, ii. 608-9. San Cristobal, freebooters at, 1625, ii. 453-4. San Fernando, seat of Nic. govt at, iii. 240. San Fernando de Omoa, fort, build- ing of, ii. 645; captured by English, 1779, ii. 646; recaptured, ii. 647. San Gil de Buenavista, site of, trans- ferred, i. 565. San Jorge de Olancho, founding of, 1530, ii. 121. San Jose, Morazan besieged at, 1842, iii. 219-20; treaty of, 1858, iii. 232- 3; pronunciamiento at, 1868, iii. 378; emeute at, 1870, iii. 379. San Juan, J. N., deputy to cortes, iii. 26. San Juan de Puerto Rico, Drake de- feated at, 1595, ii. 422. San Juan del Norte, British aggression at, iii. 249-52; bombardment of, 1S54, iii. 254-5. San Juan, fort, capture of, 1780, ii. 611. San Juan River, exploration of, 1528, i. 607-8. San Lorenzo, fortifications of, ii. 494; captured by Bradley, 1670, ii. 494- 6; castle, etc., of, destroyed, ii. 514; captured by Vernon, 1740, ii. 59. San Lucas, affair at, 1871, iii. 423. San Miguel, federal defeat at, 1828, iii. 95; sack, etc., of, 1875, iii. 400- 1; occupied by Solares, 1876, iii. 404; description of, iii. 574. San Miguel, gulf of, named by Bal- boa, 1513, i. 373. San Martin, J. M. de, president of Salv. , iii. 299. San Pedro, L’Olonnois’ raid on, ii. 458-9. San Salvador, revolt at, 1811, iii. 13- 14; 1814, iii. 20; 1844-5, iii. 200-1; junta at, 1821, iii. 45; Arzu’s attack on, 1822, iii. 60-1; 1828, iii. 94; Filisola’s exped. against, iii. 62-4; aid sought from U. S., iii. 64; Arce’s repulse at, 1827, iii. 91; captured by [ Morazan, 1832, iii. 117-18; a federal district, 1835, iii. 120; convention at, 1840, iii. 143-4; seat of federal govt, iii. 152, loS-9; earthquake at, 1854, iii. 300; siege of, 1863, iii. 306; description of, iii. 573-4. San Sebastian, founding of, 1510, i. 299-300; abandoned, i. 321-5; re- built, ii. 50. Sanabria, Alcalde, mention of, ii. 71-2. Sanchez, Pilot B., in Verag., 1503, i. 225-6. Sande, Dr F., president of Guat., 1593-6, ii. 382; gov. of Nueva Gali- cia, 1596, ii. 382-3. Sandoval, J. L., director of Nio., 1845-7, iii. 240-2. Santa Ana, captured by Arce, 1826, iii. 92; affair at, 1827, iii. 93; battle of, 1871, iii. 395-6; treaty of, 1876, iii. 406. Santa Catarina, buccaneer colony at, i. 461-3; captured by Morgan, 1670, ii. 493, 496. Santa Clara, B. de, treasurer at Santo Domingo, i. 267. Santa Coloma, Gen. P., president of Pan., 1863, iii. 533. Santa Cruz, settlement of, founded, 1514, i. 400; destroyed, 1515, i. 403. Santa Fe de Bogota, revolt at, 1810, iii. 493. Santa Marla, piratical raid on, 1680, ii. 520-8. ‘Santa Marla,’ voyage of the, 1492, i. 159-62. Santa Marta, viceregal scat at, 1813, iii. 495. Santa Rosa, insurrection in, 1871, iii. 424-5. Santa Tecla, insurrection at, 1883, iii. 408. Santiago, city (see also Guatemala, city), founding of, 1524, i 678-8J ; site of, removed, 1527-8, ii. 96-9; 1542, ii. 321-2; disorders in, 1530, ii. 1 18—19; distress at, ii. 120; church affairs at, ii. 136; cathedral of, ii. 137-8, 341-2, 668; flood, etc., at, 1541, ii. 314^18; decree of ca- biido, 1543, ii. 323; prosperity of, 1650-1700, ii. 653; Gage's sketch of, ii. 654^5; office-holding in, ii. 655-6; ayuntamiento of, ii. 657; convents, etc., of, ii. 645; earthquakes at, 1702-17, ii. 707-8. Santiago del Principe, founding of. 1570, ii. 388. Santillan, Fiscal P. de M., imprison- ment, etc., of, 1669, ii. 658. Santo Domingo, founding of, i. 179; gold-hunting near, l. 252; sovereign tribunal at, 1511, i. 269; audiencia of, establd., 1526, i. 269-70; cap- tured by Drake, 1586, ii. 420. Santo Tomas, colonization at, iii. 589- 90. INDEX. 773 Serna, Capt. H. de la, explorations of, ii. 246. Serviles, Guat., party, iii. 69; atti- tude of, iii. 85; downfall of, iii. 100; plot of, 1831, iii. 113-14; disturb- ances created by, iii. 123-4; league with Carrera, iii. 140-1 ; elections, iii. 150-1; persecution of, iii. 152-3. Sharp, Capt. B., raid on Santa Maria, 1680, ii. 520-8; further operations, ii. 533, 541-2; trial of, ii. 542. Silva, Dona B. de, mention of, ii. 344. Simon, P., works of, ii. 61. Sinacam, King, Alvarado’s meeting , with, 1524, i. 652-3; capture, etc., of, i. 661-2; ii. 92-5. Sinibaldi, A., provis. president of Guat., 18S5, iii. 449-50. Santo Tomas de Castilla, founding of, ii. 650; Dutch raid on, 1607, ii. 651; abandoned, ii. 651. Saravia, J. M., minister of state, 1S42, iii. 217; capture of, iii. 219-20; death, iii. 220-1; biog., iii. 221. Sawkins, Capt., raid on Santa Maria, 1680, ii. 523-5; naval combat off Pan., ii. 535-7; reply to gov., ii. 538-9; death of, ii. 539. Schlessinger, L. , envoy to C. R. , 1 855, iii. 342; defeat of, 1856, iii. 343-4. Sehoner, J., map of, 1520, i. 137. Scots’ Colony, the, 1695-1700, ii. 570-9. Seals, Cent. Amer., iii. 71; Salv., iii. 301. Segovia, N. de, campaign of, 1712, ii. 703-4. Sensenti, treaty of, 1S45, iii. 206. Slavery, Indian and African, i. 253- 66; in Pan., ii. 232-3; in Hond., ii. 233—4, 302; in Guat., ii. 234-6; in Vera Paz, ii. 355. Soberanis, R. de, gov. of Yuc., etc., 1695, ii. 688, 691. Society, mediaeval, in Spain, i. 15-57. Soconuscans, subjugation of, 1524, i. 628. Socunusco, church affairs in, ii. 335, 372. Solares, Gen. G., invasion of Salv., 1876, iii. 403-4; cooperation with Granados, iii. 420-2. Solis, J. D. de, voyages of, i. 131, 2S9. Soltero, B. G., bishop of Guat., 1650, ii. 664-5. Sosa, J. de, exped. to Veragua, 1535- 6, ii. 65-73. Sosa, Lope de, capt. -gen. of Castilla , del Oro, 1517, i. 460; arrival at An- tigua, i 472; death, 1520, i. 472-3. ) Soto, B., president of C. R., 1885, iii. 390-1; biog., iii. 390. Soto, F. de, exped. of, 1538, i. 151. Soto, H. de, joins Pedrarias’ exped., 1514, i. 391; exped. against Urraca, i. 504; encounter with Gonzalez, i. 519-20; dispute with Cordoba, i. 586; journey to Nata, i. 586-7; con- quest of Peru, ii. 20-5. Soto, M. A., president of Hond., 1876 -83, iii. 463-8; quarrel with Bar- rios, 1883, iii. 467-8. Sotomayor, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1601, ii. 464. Soto-Mayor, V., works of, ii. 761. South Sea, discov. of, 1513, i. 364-8; Balboa takes possession of, i. 370- 3. Spain, origin of inhabitants, i. 5-7 ; the Iberian element in, i. 5-6, 15- 16; the Celtic, i. 5-6, 15-17; the Phoenician, i. 5-6, 16-17; the Roman, i. 6-7, 15-16; the Gothic, etc., i. 6-7, 16-18; the Moorish, i. 7-10, 16-19; language of, i. 7-9; greatness of, 1474-1516, i. 11; de- cadence, i. 11-12; climate, i. 14-15; inquisition in, i. 32; slavery in, i. 33; sumptuary laws, i. 55-7; voyages of Columbus, i. 157-82; title to new world, i. 166-8; extension of new world privileges, i. 183-4; cur- rency of, 1475-1525, i. 192-3; ad- ministr. of the Indies, 1492-1526, i. 247-85; colonization of Tierra Firme, i. 290-2; effect of Balboa’s discov., i. 386; colonial policy, i. 514—15, 597-8; ii. 251-2; commer- cial policy, ii. 391-3; war with Eng- land, 1739^44; ii. 588-93; 1769-80, ii. 608-1 1 ; treaties with England, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600; 1783, ii. 606; affairs in, iii. 1-4; measures for protection against, iii. 105-6; C. R. boundary question, iii. 235-6; treaty with Nic., iii. 253; exped. of, 1815, iii. 496-7. Spaniards, race elements and evolu- tion, i. 15-19; character, i. 12-24, 29-32, 57-8; castes, etc., i. 25-6; occupations, i. 26-7; pastimes, i. 34-5, 49-50; dwellings, i. 35-9; markets, etc., i. 37; women, i. 39, 51-4; dress, i. 39-45; religion, i. 45; food, etc., i. 45-8; hospitality, i. 49; treatment, etc., of women, i. 51-4. Sauier, E. G., biog.. iii. 261-2: works oi, m. 261-L Sterling, Vice-admiral C., mention oi, iii. 494-5. 774 INDEX. Stevens, H., ' Historical and Geo- graphical Notes,’ i. 70. Stout, P. F., ‘Nicaragua,’ iii. 247. Strangeways, T., ‘ Sketch of the Mos- quito Shore,’ iii. 247. Swan, Capt. , raids off coast of South j Arner. , 1684-5, ii. 549-50; capture of Leon, ii. 554. T Tabira, J. de, factor at Antigua, 1514, i. 390; exped. of, 1515, i. 407. Tobaga, island, Pedrarias at, 1519, i. 487; pirates at, 1880, ii. 538. Tacuxcalco, battle of, 1524, i. 073-4. Tacuylula, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 687. Tafur, Licentiate, mention of, ii. 7. Talamauca, revolt in, 1610, ii. 445- 6; Maldonado’s exped. to, 1660, ii. 446; Franciscans in, ii. 447; at- tempted subjugation of, ii. 617-20. Talavera, B. de, piracy of, i. 300; exa-, cution, 1510, i. 301. Tapia, G. de, capture, etc., of, 1550, ii. 2S2. Tarragona, Maestre de Campo, execu- tion of, 1554, ii. 425. Tatahuitlapan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 544- 5. Tataracherubi, Cacique, Badajoz’ deal- ings with, 1515, i. 413-14. Tayasal, pueblo, Cortes at, i. 559-61. Tecum Uman, King, defeat of, 1524, i. 639^41. Tegucigalpa, missionary labors in, ii. 642-3. Tegucicalpa, city, capital of Hond., 1880, hi. 485; description of, iii. 571. Tehuantepec, city, Alvarado's recep- tion at, 1524, i. 627. Tehuantepec, isthmus, project for ca- nal, iii. 693-4. Telegraphs, in Cent. Amer., iii. 708- 9. T mango, captured by Tzendaies, 1712, ii. 698. Tenciz, pueblo, Cortes at, 1525, i. 534. Teoca, Cacique, encounter with Bal- boa, 1513, i. 378. Teotilac, Cortes at, 1524, i. 550-7. Terci, J., gov. of C. R., 1785, ii. 622. Terminos, bay of, buccaneer settle- ment at, ii. 623. lernaux-Compans, II., works of, i. 230; ii. 759.” Tetlepanquetzal, execution of, 1524, i. 551-4 Thevenot, M., ‘Relation de Divers Voyages,’ ii. 744. Thevet, A., works of, ii. 233. Thiel, Bishop, mention of, iii. 389; expulsion, etc., of, iii 635. I Tiac, Cortes at, 1524, i. 558. Tierra Firtne, name, i. 290-1 ; proposed colonization of, i 290-2; partition of, i. 294; subject to viceroy of Peru, 1571, ii 400-1. Tiger Island, British seizure of, 1849, iii. 318. Tizapetlan, Cortes at, 1524, i. 549-50. Tlascaltecs, enslavement of, ii. 234. Toledo, M. de, claim of, ii. 64. Tologalpa, missionary labors in, ii. 447-50. Tolosa, Father D. de, martyrdom of, 1549, ii. 356. Tonala, battle of, 1524, i. 628. Torre, Friar T. de la, mention of, ii. 345; provincial, ii. 376. Torres, Friar J. de, mention of, ii. 133. Tortuga, freebooters at, ii. 453—4. Totonagua, Cacique, surprised by Ba- dajaz, 1515, i. 413. Totonicapan, natives muster at, 1524, i. 633. Townley, Capt., joins Davis’ free- booters, 1685, ii. 550-1; capture of Leon, ii. 554; of Granada, 1686, ii. 557-9; surprise of Los Santos, ii. 561; defeat of, ii. 561; death, ii. 561. Treasure fleet, regulations, etc., for, ii. 468-9, 473. Treaties, Anglo-Spanish, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600; 1783, ii. 603; 1786, ii. 632-4; of Zacota, 1844, iii. 196-7; Chinameca, 1845, iii. 203-4; Sen- senti, 1845, iii. 206; San Jose, 1858, iii. 232-3; Clayton-Bulwer, 1850, iii. 252; Zeledon-Wyke, 1860, iii. 253; of Santa Ana, 1876, iii. 406. Triana, R. de, mention of, i. 160. Triunfo de la Cruz, founding of, 1524, i. 520, 527. Trota, Cacique, exped. against, 1527, i. 509-10. Trujillo, founding of, 1525, i. 535; Cor- tes at, 1525-6, i. 571-82; Mendez’ revolt at, 1531, ii. 150-3; destitution at, ii. 155-6; partial abandonment of, ii. 158, 289; demands of colonists, ii. 159-60; raid on, 1596, ii. 639; 1643, 1797, ii. 645; description of, ii. 639; capture of, 1S20, iii. 24-5; British occupation of, 1849, iii. 317. Tubanami,, Cacique, captured by Bal- boa, 1513, i. 381-2. Tuero, J. N., deputy to cortes, 26. INDEX. 775 Tumaco, Cacique, meeting with Bal- boa, 1513, i. 375-7. Tumbez, Pizarro at, 1532, ii. 18. Tuxpan, Cort6s at, 1522, i. 624. Tuzulutlan, see Vera Paz. Tzendales, revolt of the, 1712-13, ii. 696-705. U Ubilla, Don F. A. de, bishop of Chiap., 1592, ii. 373. Ugarte y Saravia, A. de, bishop of Guat., 1630-41, ii. 664. Ulloa, A. de, ‘Noticias Americanas,’ ii. 760-1. Ulloa, F. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 152. United States, Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 1850, iii. 252; difficulty with Nic., iii. 254-5; with New Gran., 1855, iii. 519; 1856-7, iii. 520-2; treaty with New Gran., 1846, iii. 700-1. United States of Colombia, organized, 1860, iii. 529; govt of, centralized, 1885, iii. 558. Uraga, Gen. L., operations of, 1876, iii. 403. Urbina, Col J. de M., gov. of Pan., 1803, iii. 489. Urraca, Cacique, exped. against, i. 504-5; attack on Nata, i. 506; con- flict with Pedrarias, i. 507-8; cap- ture, etc., of, 509; death, 510. Urrdtia, C., capt.-gen., 1818, iii. 23; rule, iii. 23-32. Ursua, M., enterprise of, 1692, ii. 681- 2; Soberanis’ opposition to, ii. 688, 691; campaigns of, 1697-9, ii. 691-5. Ursua, P. de, campaign of, ii. 387-8. Uspantan, exped. against, 1529, ii. 108-10; capture of, 1530, ii. 112-30. Utatlan, description of, i. 643-5; burning of, 1524, i. 649-50. V Vaena, J., labors of, in Tegucigalpa, ii. 642-3; martyrdom of, ii. 643. Valarino, J., biog., iii. 513. Valderas, Friar, mission to Spain, ii. 346. V alderribano, A. de, execution of, 1517, i. 457-9. Valderrama, F. de, gov. of C. R., ii. 621. Valdivia, Regidor, mission to Es- panola, 1511, i. 342; fate of, i. 349- 50. Valdivieso, A. de, bishop of Nic., 1544, ii. 179-80; biog., ii. 179; feud with Contreras, ii. 180-3; dispute with the audiencia of the Confines, 1545, ii. 303-7; assassination of, 1550, ii. 276. Valencia, Capt.-gen. P. de 0., cam- paign of, ii. 388. Valenzuela, joins Espinosa, i. 425; ex- ped. of, 1516, i. 426. Valladolid, junta at, 1541, ii. 239-40. Valle, J. del, leader of gazistas, iii. 26; biog., iii. 26-7; death of, iii. 121. Valtonado, B., bishop of Nic., 1621, ii. 443. Val verde, G. de, president of Guat., 1578-89, ii. 380-1. Valverde, V. de, conquest of Peru, ii. 27-9, 37-8. Vara, R. de la, archbishop of Guat., iii. 29. Vargas, Capt. A de, exped. of, 1527, i. 509-10. Varnhagen, F. A. de, ‘Le Premier Voyage de Amerigo Vespucci, ’ i. 70. Vasco y Orosco, J., gov. of Pan., 1764, ii. 584. Vasconcelos, D., defeat of, 1850, iii. 279-80; president of Salv., iii. 294-9. Vazquez, F., works of, ii. 142-3, 736-7. Vela, Viceroy V. N., measures of, in Pan., 1544, ii. 242-3; arrival in Peru, 1544, ii. 252; revolt against, ii. 252-3; death of, 1546, ii. 254. Velasco, D. F. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1616, ii. 471. Velasco, J. D. de, exped. of, 1695, ii. 682-5; 1696, ii. 686. Vera Paz, pacification of, ii. 348-54; slavery, etc., in, ii., 355; church af- fairs in, ii. 374; colonization in, iii. 122-3, 589. Vera y Villaquiran, D. 0. de, exped. of, 1646-8, ii. 977-9. Veragua, Columbus’ explorations, etc., in, 1503, i. 218-31; quibian of, i. 219-28; colony founded in, i. 221-2; abandoned, i. 229-30; Nicuesa’s ex- ped. to, 1509-10, i. 302-8; descrip- tion of, ii. 63; Gutierrez’ exped. to, 1535-6, ii. 65-73; secession of, 1840, iii. 515. Verdelete, E., labors in Tologalpa, ii. 448-50; martyrdom, 1612, ii. 450. Verdugo, M., arrest, etc., of, ii. 261-2; invasion of Pan., 1545, ii. 262-3; defeat of, ii. 263-4; rebuked by Gasca, ii. 269. Vernon, Capt. E., exped. of, 1739-42, ii. 588-93. Verrazano, G., exped. of, 1524, i. 140- 1. 77G INDEX. Verveer, Gen., mediation of, iii. 9S. Vespucci, A., voyages of, i. 99-107, .12-13, 117-18. Vetatcur, Don R. V., gov. of Yuc., ii. 631; exped. to Belize, ii. 631-2. Vetancur, Father de S. J., founds Bethlehemite order in Guat., ii. 666. Vila, Gen. R. S., president of Pan., 1885, iii. 549-50, 559. Villa Hermosa, Marques de, gov. of Pan., 1730-5, ii. 583-4. Villa de Nicaragua, revolt at, 1812, iii. 14. Villa Real, see Ciudad Real. Villa Rocha, Marques de, gov. of Pan., 1708, ii. 582. Villacorta, J. V., jefe of Salv., 1824, iii. 166-7. Villalpando, B. de, bishop of Guat., 1564, ii. 375-8. Villanueva, battle of, 1838, iii. 135-6. Villar, A. del, prosecution of conspir- ators, iii. 18-19. Villasenor, Col V., defection of, 1842, iii. 216-17; execution, iii. 221-2. Villasis, Friar 8. de, mission of, 1646, ii. 677-8. Viteri, Bishop, mention of, iii. 190, 193, 202; revolution of, 1842, iii. 2S9; intrigues of, iii. 291-3. Vivero, R. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 472. Votan, tradition of, ii. 213. ‘ Voyage Pittoresque, ’ ii. 754-5. ‘Voyages round the World, ’ii. 752. ‘Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp,’ ii. 568. Voyages of discovery, early, i. 68-154. W Wafer, ‘A New Voyage,’ ii. 569. Walckenaer, C. A., works of, ii. 749. Walker, W., campaign in Nic., 1855- 6, iii. 328-46; bir.g., iii. 329; plan of exped., iii. 343; president of Nic., iii. 350; surrender, iii. 360-1; second exped. to Nic., iii. 363; exped. to Hond., iii. 363; execu- tion, 1860, iii. 364. Wappaus, J. G., ‘ Geographic und Statestif, ’ iii. 709. Warner, T., exped. of, 1625, ii. 453. Weatherhead, W. D., works of, iii. 502. Wells, W. V., works of, iii. 323. Wheeler, Amer. minister, relations with, discontinued, 1855, iii. 340. ‘ World Displayed,’ ii. 250. X Xalpatlahua, Penol, capture, ii. 82-3. Xatruch, Gen., invasion of Hond., 1871, iii. 455-6. Xelahuh, city, Alvarado’s occupation of, 1524, i. 638; battle of, i. 639-41. Xequiquel, river, named, 1524, i. 636. Xicaques, missionary labors among the, 1667-98, ii. 643-4. Xumay, outbreak at, 1529, ii. 107-8. Y Yucatan, Valdivia’s shipwreck, etc., off, 1512, i. 350; buccaneers in, ii. 622-3; British usurpation in, iii. 315; population, iii. 316; products, iii. 316-17. Z Zacaha, fortifications of, i. 633. Zacatepecs, revolt of tli3, 152, i. 692-5; 1527, ii. 88-91. Zacatula, ship-building at, 1522, i. 623. Zaclunes, revolt of the, 1624, ii. 676. Zacota, treaty of, 1844, iii. 196-7. Zakuleu, capture of, 1525, i. 700-2. Zaldlvar, R., president of Salv., 1876- 84, iii. 406-11; biog., iii. 406-7; negotiations with Barrios, iii. 446-7. Zamora, A. C., bishop of C. R., 1884, iii. 635. Zamora, J., revolt of, 1826, iii. 179-80. Zamudio, M., gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1511, i. 335; cruelty to Nicuesa, i. 335-6; outdone by Balboa, i. 339-40. Zapata y Sandoval, J., bishop of Guat., 1621-30, ii. 664. Zapotitlan, capture of, 1524, i. 629-31. Zavala, Gen. J., president of Nic., 1879-83, iii. 482-5. Zavala, Gen. V., operations of, 1856, iii. 353-6; disturbances caused by, iii. 361-2; revolt in favor of, 1869, iii. 416-17. Zelaya, G., jefe of Hond., 1827, iii. 162. Zeldon-Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 253. Zeno, chart of, 1390, i. 82. Zepeda, Father, explorations of, 1750- 1, ii. 613-14. Zepeda, J., jefe of Nic., 1835, iii. 177. Zipangu, fabled realm of, i. 160-1. Zorita, Oidor, measures of, in Guat., 1555, ii. 359. Zuazo, Licentiate, despatch to Cortes, i. 572-3. Zubiaur, P. dc, exped. of, 1695, ii. 690. Zutugils, subjugation, 1524, i. 657-60 Date Due _ b (|) PRINTED IN U. S. A.