;^:^ 
 
 
c — rt /•"' 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 FIRST SETTLEMENT THEREOF 
 
 IN 1628, 
 UNTIL THE YEAR 1750..;^, 
 
 By THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Efq. 
 
 Late Governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 Hifteria, non oftentationi, fed fidci, Teritatique componitur. 
 
 Pirn, EpiJI. L. 7. E. 33. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMESid^ 
 
 VOL. IL 
 
 With additional Notes and Corrections, 
 
 PRINTED AT BOSTON, 
 
 Br MANNING and LORING, 
 For THOMAS and ANDREWS, No. 45, A^fw^tfry-^/r^^r/j^^^^w, 
 
 1795' 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 5H£ Preface, 5 
 
 Chap. I. From the Charter in 1691, until the Ar- 
 rival of Governor D u d l e y, />2 1 7 o 2 , 9 
 
 Chap. II. From the Arrival of Governor Dudley, 
 y^ in 1702, to the Arrival of Governor Shute, 
 
 ^ in iyi6, 124 
 
 - Chap. III. Fro7n the Arrival of Governor Shute, 
 ^ in iyi6, to the Arrival of Governor Belcher, 
 
 ^ in i73^:> 197 
 
 ^ ^ Chap. IV. Fro?n the Arrival of Governor Belcher, 
 in 1 730, /o the Reimburfement of the Charge of the 
 Expedition againji Cape Breton, and the Aboli- 
 tion of Paper Money ^ in 1749, 331 
 
 ^ APPENDIX. 
 
 ^^ No. I. A Summary of the Affairs of the Colony of 
 New-Plym^outh, from the firfl Settlement until 
 the Incorporation with Massachusetts, l5fc. 
 in one Province, 404 
 
 No. IL The Examination of Mrs. Ann Hutchin- 
 son at the Court at Newtown, November, 
 1637, ' 423 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 JL he conftitution and hiftorical occurrences of 
 the Colonies in America become, every day, more 
 and more, fubjeds of fpeculation in Great Britain. 
 To this I attribute the favourable reception given 
 there to my Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachu- 
 fetts, which I intended merely for the benefit of 
 my own countrymen, and to preferve among 
 them the remembrance of fads but little intereft- 
 ing to the reft of the world. 
 
 The perufal of the materials from which I 
 compofed my work, efpecially the letters and pa- 
 pers of our firft planters, afforded me a very fenfiblc 
 pleafure. We are fond of prolonging our lives 
 to the utmoft length. Going back to fo familiar 
 an acquaintance with thofe who have lived before 
 us, approaches the neareft to it of any thing we 
 are capable of, and is, in fome fort, living with 
 them. I was fo pleafed with their company, that 
 the further enjoyment of the fame kind of pleaf- 
 ure was inducement enough to colled: and perufe 
 materials for the Hiftory of the Province of Maf- 
 fachufetts from the year 1692, when we concluded 
 the Hiftory of the Colony. I found that a little 
 more time than the bare perufal required, would 
 be fufficient to arrange the materials and reduce 
 
 them 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 them to order, and I fet about it with a view to 
 render thenl of ufc to pofterity. I had proceeded 
 as far as the year 1730, when a misfortune befel 
 me which had Hke to have rendered my paft labour 
 of no effedl, and to have prevented me from pro* 
 ceeding any farther. The ftamp-adt had difturbed 
 the minds of the people of America. In fuch a 
 ftate of affairs, the vicious, the abandoned, have a 
 peculiar opportunity of gratifying their corrupt 
 affections of envy, malice and revenge. I had in 
 public and private, in every way and manner 
 which appeared to me the moft prudent, endeav- 
 oured to fhew the inexpediency of an ad: of parlia- 
 ment of this nature ; but an unaccountable jeaioufy 
 of the contrary had been infufed into the minds 
 of the populace, and, being thus mifguided, they 
 expreffed their refentment and rage by breaking 
 into my houfe, deftroying and fcattering all my 
 furniture, books, papers, &c. The fober, virtuous 
 part of the Province expreffed the greateft detefta- 
 tion of this ad: of violence, and few or none ven- 
 tured to juffify or approve of it. The lofs ^yhich 
 1 fuftained, as far as it was repairable, by his majr 
 efty's molt gracious recommendation to the Prov- 
 ince and their generous grant in confequence of it» 
 both which in this public manner I moft gratefully 
 ackuovv'ledge, has been repaired or compenfated ; 
 but the lofs of many papers and books, in print 
 as well as manvifcript, befides my family memor 
 nals, never can be repaired. 
 
 For 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Til 
 
 For feveral days, I had no hopes of recovering 
 any confiderable part of my Hiftory, but by the 
 great care and pains. of my good friend and neigh- 
 bour, the reverend Mr. Eliot, who received into his 
 houfe all my books and papers which were favcd, 
 the whole manufcript, except eight or ten fliects, 
 w^ere collcded together, and although it had lain in 
 the ftreet fcattered abroad feveral hours in the rain, 
 yet fo much of it was legible as that I was able t^ 
 fupply the reft and tranfcribe it. The moft valu- 
 able materials were loft, fome of which I defigned 
 to have publiftied in the Appendix. I pray God 
 to forgive the adtors in and advifers to this moft 
 favage and inhuman injury, and I hope their pof. 
 terity will read with pleafure and profit what has 
 fo narrowly efcaped the outrage of their anceftors. 
 
 The hazard which attends fuch papers, together 
 with the requeft of many of my friends, induced 
 me to publifli my manufcript fooner than I 
 intended. 
 
 I have carried down the ftory to the year 1 750, 
 but that part which relates to the laft twenty years 
 in a more general way, being deprived of fome 
 papers which would have enabled me to render it 
 more particular and circumftantial. 
 
 Some of my friends of the colony of New- 
 Plymouth took it unkindly that I faid no more of 
 their affairs in the firft part of my Hiftory. My 
 principal objedt was the Maflachufetts Colony ; be- 
 fides, I never could meet with many papers relative 
 
 to 
 
Vlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 to Plymouth. From fuch papers as I have been 
 able to obtain, I have prepared the beft fummary 
 i could, to which I fhall give a place iri the Ap- 
 pendix. 
 
 I have endeavoured to avoid ofFence to any pcr- 
 fons or families, as far as my obligations to truth 
 would permit. 
 
 We ihall never be all of one mind in our polit- 
 ical principles. I defire no more candour from 
 thofe who differ from me, than I ever have been, 
 and ever fhall be ready to fhew to them* 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 O F 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Fro7n the Charter in 1691, until the arrival of Governor 
 Dudltj in iyo2, 
 
 A BRIEF recapitulation of the rife and progrefs of 
 the MafTachufetts colony, may not be an improper 
 introduclion to this Second Part of our Hiilory. 
 
 The firft planters of the MafTachufetts colony removed 
 to America, expecting there to enjoy civil and religious 
 liberty in a greater degree than their fellow-fubjefts at 
 that time enjoyed it in England. The country to which 
 they removed, was claimed by the crown of England, 
 by right of difcovery. The property of a very large 
 tra6t, in which MafTachufetts is contained, had been grant- 
 de to a certain corporation called the council of Plym- 
 outh in Devon. This council made a grant of MafTa- 
 chufetts to Sir Henry Rofwell and others, who intended 
 to fend out planters and fervants to be under the direc- 
 tion of the proprietors in England. An incorporation 
 was thought necefTary, and a charter was obtained from 
 king Charles, which, fome manufcripts fay, coil the com- 
 pany two thoufand pounds flerling.* The principal un- 
 dertakers were Puritans. Planters and minifters, of the 
 fame perfuafion, together with fervants, cattle, and all 
 
 neceffaries 
 
 * " I paid 50I. and Mr. Eaton lool. and fundry other merchants the fame fums 
 refpeftively fcr the purchafe cf the charter, we being members of the corporatia* 
 for N. E." John Davvi^trt' s iett. to Joon Gotten, N. Huven, 24. 4"^' 65. 
 
 Vol. II. B 
 
m THE HISTORY OF [Chai*. f. 
 
 neceffarles for beginning a colony, were fent over j the' 
 expenle of which was very great. Subfcriptions were 
 fiowly paid, and a cloud arofe, very early, upon the af- 
 fairs of the colony ; but it was foon difpelled by a pro- 
 pofal from Johnfon, V/inthrop, and feveral other Puritans 
 of good families and eftates, to remove to America ;• 
 provided they might carry the charter with them, and 
 manage the affairs of the colony without any dependence 
 upon fuch of the company as fiiould remain in England. 
 This, by feme, was thought irregular ; but, after conful- 
 tation, it was agreed to- The removal of fo many perfons 
 of character, induced a great niimber of others, of the 
 fame opinions^' who were not of the company, to remove- 
 with or tbiiow after them, and put themfelves under their 
 protedion and- governments They complained of the 
 then reigning prince, that he deprived his fubje£ls of 
 their jufl rights, and had i>o regard to the great charter 
 of the kingdom. What dependence then could ration- 
 ally be placed upon a fpecial charter to a fntall part of 
 his fubjects in America r They were foon convinced that 
 it was an infufficient fecurity, A circnmftantial account 
 of an attempt to vacate it the fecond' year after their re- 
 moval, we have in a letter to the governor Irom^EmanueF 
 Downing, father of Sir George Downing.-* 
 
 In 1638, a foymal demand was niade of the furrender 
 of their charccr,. which was refufed, and other proceed- 
 ings followed, which would have iffued in a final decifive 
 judgment carried inco execution, and probably have prov- 
 ed fatal to the plantation, if the change of affairs in En- 
 gland had not prevented. Upon this change the colony 
 became a favourite. The principal men were the inti- 
 mate friends of the leading, members of parhament, Pym, 
 Hambden, kc, who had been engaged with them, and 
 from time to time were expefted to join them. Whilft 
 Cromwell ruled, he (lie wed them all the indulgence they 
 defired. 
 
 Erom 1640 to 1660 they approached very near to an 
 independent commonwealth ; and, during this period, 
 
 completed 
 
 * Tills was a very f nfiblc letter, and I intended to have printed it, but It was 
 unfertunately dellioyv.'^f. 
 
Chap. I.] MASSACHUSETTS. it 
 
 completed a fyftem of laws and government, the plan of 
 which they had before laid and began to execute. In 
 this they departed from their charter ; and inftead of 
 making the laws of England the ground work of their 
 code, they preferred the laws of Mofes ; and, notwith- 
 flanding the charter knew no reprefentative body,* they 
 eftablifhed one ; and, although it gave them no power to 
 judge and determine capital offences, they gave this pow- 
 er to the judicatories they erected. This laft pr6vifion 
 became necelTary, from their diflance from the judicato- 
 ries in England ; but I know not how to excufe the per- 
 fecution of all who could not conform to their religious ef- 
 tabhfhments, when their charter granted toleration to all 
 . Chriftians, except Papifts. 
 
 For the firft thirty years, although the governor and af- 
 fiftants were annually chofen by the body of the people, 
 yet they confined themfelves to the principal gentlemen 
 of family, eftate, underifanding and integrity ; but, as one 
 faid, who lived at that time when king Charles command- 
 ed them to fill up their numbers in government, which 
 they had negleded, the new perfons empowered were Dii 
 minorum gentium ; and one of their divines told them in 
 public, they were in danger of being undone by creeping 
 flatefmen. 
 
 Upon the reftoration, not only Epifcopalians, but Bap- 
 tifts, Quakers, Gortonifts, &c.t preferred complaints 
 againfl the colony ; and although, by the intereft of the 
 earl of Mancheiler and lord Say, their old friends, and of 
 fecretary Morrice, all Puritans, king Charles confirmed 
 their charter, yet he required a toleration in rehgion and 
 an alteration in civil matters, neither of which were fully 
 complied with. The heirs of Ferdinando Gorges and of 
 John Mafon alfo complained, that, by a liberal conftruc- 
 tion, MalTachufetts had extended their bounds to compre- 
 hend the provinces of Maine and New Hampfhire. Com- 
 
 mifTioners 
 
 * Dcuglafs in his Summar)', p. 409. ift. part, fpeaks of reprefentativcs of town- 
 fliips in the old charter. He is erroreous. 
 
 f Several perfors who have obferved in the firft volume a reference to a manu- 
 fcript hiftory of the trial of Mrs. Hutchinfon, for her religious tenets, exprcffcd 
 their coni-trn that it was not printed ; v/e Ihall give it a place in the <4ppendix to this 
 volume. ♦ 
 
 . r B2 
 
t2 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 mifTioners were fent over in 1665, to fettle the bounds 
 of the colonies, and to make inquiry into their flate in 
 general. Malfachufetts denied their authority, and pro- 
 nounced the commiflion a violation of their charter. 
 
 Notwithftanding the ads of parHament for regulating 
 and reftraining the plantation trade, a conflant trade was 
 carried on with foreign countries for contraband and 
 enumerated commodities. This gave great offence. 
 There was no cuftom-houfe. The governor was the na- 
 val officer, with whom or his deputy all veflels entered 
 and cleared. The governor, being annually eleded by 
 the people, was the more eafily difpofed to comply with 
 popular opinions. It feems to have been a general opin- 
 ion that ads of parliament had no other force than what 
 they derived from ads made by the general court to ef- 
 tabhfh or confirm them. This could not confifl with the 
 charter. By this, they could make no laws repugnant 
 to the laws of England.* Had the corporation continu- 
 ed within the realm, as was intended, the company and 
 every member mufl undoubtedly have been fubjed to the 
 law of the land. Upon complaint made by Edward 
 Randolph, who firll came over in 1 6y6^ and by the repeat- 
 ed orders from the crown to conform to the ads of trade, 
 they pafTed an ad or law of the colony, declaring that 
 thole ads fhould be executed there. For feveral years, 
 they were threatened with the lofs of their charter. Ran- 
 dolph was unwearied in foHciting againfl them.f By re- 
 peated addreifes and agencies, they endeavoured to ex- 
 culpate themfelves, but to no purpofe.' In 1684, t>y a 
 judgment or decree in chancery, their charter was declar- 
 ed forfeited, and their liberties were feized into the king's 
 hands 5 and whatever opinions fome had formed, that 
 
 their 
 
 * This claufe has been conflrued, by fome, in another colony (Rhode Ifland") to 
 intend the common law only, and not ilatutes, efpecially notfuch as were made after 
 the date of their charter. 
 
 f Mr. Randolph had the principal flxare in bringing forward the quo warranto 
 againft the charter, which fccms to have rendered him odious, more than the fhare 
 he had in the fucceeding admiriiftration as one of Sir Edmund's council. When he 
 was imprifoned and applied for bail, tiic houfe of reprefcntatives, June 25, 1689, 
 voted "That Mr. Edward Randolph is not bailable, he having broke a capital law 
 of this colony in endeavouring and accomplifliing the fabvcrfion of our government, 
 and having been an evil counfellor." :; 
 

 cAvA.'] MASSACHUSETTS. 13 
 
 their fubjection depended upon mutual compad between 
 the crown and the colony, they were forced to fubmit to 
 fuperior power and to fuch form of government as king 
 Charles the fecond, and his fucceflbr king James thought 
 fit to eftablilh. Upon the firfl advice of the landing of 
 the prince of Orange, they re-affumed their charter, and 
 earneflly folicited a rc-eltablifhment of it, with fome nec- 
 effary additional powers : but the king could not be pre- 
 vailed upon to confent to it. A new charter was obtain- 
 ed ; from the arrival of which, this fecond part of their 
 hiilory is to be carried on. 
 
 But before we proceed, it will be proper to obferve the 
 difference between the new and the old charter, with re- 
 fpedt to the territory and to the powers of government. 
 I The new province contained the whole of the old colony, 
 • without any dedu6lion or referve ; and to this were added 
 the old colony of New Plymouth, the province of Main, 
 the province of Nova Scotia, and all the country between 
 ^the province of Main and Nova Scotia, as far northward 
 as the river St. Lawrence, alfo Elizabeth, iilands, and the 
 iflands of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. A vafl ex- 
 pofed frontier mud bring heavy burthens upon a govern- 
 ment. In the courfe of fixty years, the province of Maf- 
 fachufetts hath been at greater expenfe and hath lofl more 
 of its inhabitants than all the other colonies upon the 
 continent taken together. 
 
 The two colonies of Maffachufetts and New Plymouth 
 were tolerably well peopled ; but the province of Maine 
 had never been (locked with inhabitants ; and, juft before 
 the new incorporation, had been depopulated by the wars 
 with French and Indians. The whole province of Nova 
 Scotia was deftitute of Britifli inhabitants ; and although 
 there were feveral thoufand French, who had been lately 
 conquered, yet they were a burden, and there could be 
 no dependence placed upon their fidelity. From the 
 time of the conqueft of Nova Scotia, the MafTachufetts 
 colony had confidered the inhabitants as a part of the 
 colony, and had given commiflions and inflruftions to 
 perfons for the exercife of government there. All the 
 lands between the province of Maine and Nova Scotia 
 
 were 
 
14 THE HISTORY OF [Cha# L 
 
 were uninhabited, except at and near Pemaquid, where 
 there were a few fcattering Englifh ; and upon the prin- 
 cipal rivers, the Penobfcot, Machias and Norridgawock 
 Indians had their wigwam?. The bounds of this vafl ter- 
 ritory were underftood, to be the river St. Lawrence oa 
 the north, the colonies of Rhode Iftand and Connecticut 
 on the fouth, the Atlantic on the eaft, and the South Sea 
 on the weft ; but within thefe limits lay the provinces of 
 New Hampfhire* and New York. In the controverfies 
 with feveral of the other governments, it has been urg- 
 ed againfl MaiTachufetts, that their weflern boundary 
 could be extended no farther than \yhere the line met 
 with Rhode Ifland or Connecticut, The words in the 
 charter are, ^'From the Atlantic towards the South Sea, or 
 weftward as far as the colonies of Rhode Ifland, Connedti- 
 cut and the Narraganfet country." The MafTachufetts 
 colony was the northern boundary of Rhode Ifland and 
 Connecticut ; it was impofTible, therefore, the new prov- 
 ince which contained the whole of the old colony Ihouldt 
 generally be bounded weft upon either of thofe colo- 
 nies : and it would be a ftrange conftrudion, to fuppofe 
 a corner of Rhode Ifland colony, which is but a few 
 miles from the Atlantic, to be the utmoft limits the prov- 
 ince was to extend weflward ; for it could then contain 
 but a very fmali part of the old colony of MafTachufetts, 
 whereas the whole is exprefsly included. The only fenfe 
 the words can bear, undoubtedly is this, viz. that the 
 province fhall extend as far towards the South Sea or weft- 
 ward as Rhode Ifland or Connecticut do extend. Narra- 
 ganfet c<5untry, although it lies between Rhode Ifland and 
 Connecticut, is mentioned after Connecticut, becaufe it 
 
 ^ was 
 
 * Whilft the event of MafTachufetts, felicitations was uncertain, NewHampfhire 
 lay dill. Samuel Allen, who clainned the foil ^by purch<ife from John Mafon's 
 heirs, was in expectation of a commiffion for the government alfo, and oppofcd the 
 motion of the MafTachufetts agent for including New Hiimpfhire in the fame char- 
 ter with MaiTachufetts, &c. alleging tluit the inhabitants were averfe to it. As foon 
 as the tenor of the charter was known, addrcfTes were fent over to Sir Henry 
 Afhurfl from the affembly of New Kampfhire, and from the inhabitants in general, 
 praying that his Majefty would annex them to MafTachufetts government. En- 
 couragement to hope for fuccefs was given by Lord Nottingham, but the king, how' 
 ■ ever friendly to the liberties of the nation, was lefs difpofed to enlarge the privileges 
 of the cplonifls than fome of his minifters. This plainly appeared to the MafTa- 
 chufetts agents. It was finally deti^rmined that New Hampfhire fhould" be under 
 the fame governor with Mafiachufetts, but not with the fame privileges. 
 
tCHAP. I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 15 
 
 was then claimed by that colony, as within the bounds of 
 their charter; and the MaiTachufetts agents favoured 
 that claim, and confidered it a^; an appendage to Con- 
 nedicut. 
 
 The governor, under the old charter, ahhough he 
 carried great porte, (fo does the doge of Venice) yet his 
 fhare in the adminiftration was little more than that of 
 any one of the affiflants. He had the power of caliiiig 
 the general court upon urgent occafions, fo had the dep- 
 uty governor or major part of the alliftants, if the gov- 
 ernor did not think fit to do it ; but he could not adjourn, 
 prorogue or dilTolve the court ; the vote of the major 
 part of the whole court was necelTary. He voted with 
 the aififtants, and if there v/as an equal vote, his vote was 
 twice counted to make a calling vote. He gave conimif- 
 fions to civil and military officers, but this was merely a 
 miniflerial ad, in which nothing v/as left to his difcrction, 
 all officers being eleded by^the general court. Under 
 the new charter, there muft be an annual m.eeting of the 
 general court,, on the laft \yednefday in May ; but the 
 governor calls an affismbly at any other times he thinks 
 proper, and adjourns, prorogues and dillolves at pleafure.o 
 He has no vote in the legiflature, and does not, or regu- 
 larly fhould not, intereft himfelf in matters in debate, in 
 (:ouncil, or in the houfe ; but no a6l of government is 
 vahd without his confent. He has the appointment of 
 all mihtary officers, folely, and of all officers belonging to 
 the courts of juftice, with the confent of the council ; 
 other civil officers are eleded by the two houfes, and he 
 has his negative ; no money can iflue out of the treaf- 
 ury but by his warrant, with the advice and confent of 
 the council. 
 
 The affiflants or counfellors, under the old charter, 
 were annually elected by the votes of all the freemen of 
 the colony ; they were not only, with the governor, one of 
 the two branches of legiflature, but the fupremc e^cecutive 
 court in all civil and criminal caufes, except in fuch cafes 
 where, by the laws, an appeal was allowed to the general 
 court. The new charter provides, that upon the laft Wed- 
 pefday in May, annually, twenty-eight <:ounfellors fhall, by 
 
 the 
 
i6 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 the general court or affembly, be newly chofen. At the 
 firft eledion, it was made a queftion, whether, by the gen- 
 eral court or aflembly, was intended the houfe of repre- 
 fcntativcs only, or the whole three branches, and it is hand- 
 ed down to us, by tradition, that, after fome time fpent 
 in meflages and replies, the council of the former year gave 
 up the point, and fent major Walley, one of their number, 
 to acquaint the houfe with it ; but when he came to the 
 door he heard the fpeaker putting the queftion to the houfe, 
 and finding they had conceded to the council, he returned 
 without delivering his meffage ; and a committee coming 
 foon after from the houfe to bring up the vote, the council 
 by this accident retained a privilege which they have been 
 in the exercife of ever fmce ;* and, no doubt, it is in a 
 great meafure owing to this, that any great change in the 
 council has been rarely effefted, even when there have been 
 very warm altercations between the two houfes the preced- 
 ing year. It is very difficuh to form a fecond branch of 
 legillature, analogous to the fecond branch in the Britifli 
 conftitution. The colonies are not ripe for hereditary 
 honours, otherwife there feems no more room for excep^ 
 tion to them there, than in Ireland. In the charter gov* 
 ernments of Connedicut and Rhode Ifland, this branch is 
 more dependent upon the people in general than the houfe 
 pf repreientatives ; the firft being elected by the freemen 
 in general, the lait by the freemen of their feveral towns ; 
 and there have been inftances, in thofe colonies, where the 
 reprefentatives have had virtue enough to withftand popu- 
 lar prejudices when the council have not. In the royal 
 governments, as they are called, the council can fcarcely 
 be confidered as a diftin6t branch ; frequently they receive 
 their appointment from the recommendation of the gov-, 
 ernor ; they are always liable to be fufpended by him, and 
 if it be v/ithout fufficient caufe, the remotenefs of the col- 
 onies from the place where redrefs is to be obtained, and 
 the expenfe of foliciting it, are, very often, fufficient to dif- 
 courage from applying for it. In MalTachufetts, this 
 branch is dependent both upon the governor and people ; 
 
 and 
 
 * It feems V-y the records that the governor voted this year with the council and 
 Jioufe. 
 
Chap. I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 17 
 
 and we have feen, at different times, the influence of the 
 one or the other over this branch, according to the degree 
 of fpirit and refolution vi^hich has refpedively prevailed. 
 We have feen inftances alfo of counfellors, who have had 
 fortitude enough to refill an undue influence from either, 
 and who from year to year have had violent oppofition to 
 their eledion. We have feen fo many good men members, 
 that I may not give the epithet to this branch which is 
 fometimes ufed for the fmall boroughs in England. But 
 we have often feen, that the mod likely way to fecure a feat 
 for many years is to be of no importance, and therefore it 
 mufl: be pronounced defedive. Neither in Maflfachufetts, 
 nor in the royal governments, do we meet with that glori- 
 ous independence, which makes the houfe of lords the bul- 
 wark of the Britifli conftitution, and which has fometimes 
 faved the liberties of the people from threatened encroach- 
 ments, and at other times put a flop to advances making 
 upon the royal prerogative? 
 
 The reprefentatives, under the old charter, were elecled 
 by freemen only ; under the new, every freeholder of forty 
 fhillings flerling a year is ^ voter, and fo is every other 
 inhabitant who has forty pounds flerling perfonal eftate. 
 The fpeaker of the houfe was at firfl elecled and took his 
 place without any notice to the governor ; and for many 
 years after the prefent charter, there was only the formal- 
 ity of notice, until difputes, upon other points with the 
 governor, caufed hirn to infifl upon his right of negativing 
 the fpeaker, which the houfe was obliged, after a long 
 druggie, to fubmit to. 
 
 We find nothing in the new charter, of an ecclefiaflical 
 conflitution. Liberty of conscience is granted to all, ex- 
 cept Papids. The agent fuppofed, that the power given 
 to the general court to make laws, was fufficient for fup- 
 porting and encouraging fuch modes of worfliip, and fuch 
 form of church government, as fliould be moll agreeable 
 to the inhabitants in general.* At the fird feffion of the 
 
 general 
 
 * Religion is fecured, for liberty is granted to all men to worfhip God after that 
 manner, which, in their confciences, they fhall be perfuiided is the moft fcriptural 
 way. The general court may, by laws, encourage and proted that religion whicn 
 is the general profeflion of the inhabitants there. Inc. Mather s act cunt of bis nr^oiia- 
 4'tGns, 
 
rB THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 general court, an adi paiTed, eftablifhing all the local laws 
 of the Maflachufetts province, until other provifion ihould 
 be made. By this law, the platform of church difcipline, 
 among the other laws, was eftabhfhed, but the law was dif- 
 approved in England. At the next fefiion, by another law 
 it was ena£ted, " that the refpe6live churches, in the fev- 
 ^ral towns within this province, fliall at all times hereafter, 
 nfe, exercife and enjoy all their privileges and freedoms 
 refpeding divine worship, church order and difcipline, and 
 fhall be encouraged in the peaceable and regular profeflion 
 and practice thereof." An attempt v/as foon made, to con- 
 tinue the pradice of an appeal to the general court in con- 
 troverfies upon ecclefiaflicai matters. A great part of the 
 church and inhabitants of Salem village, petitioned the 
 general court to appoint an ecclefialiical council to fettle 
 a controverfy with Mr. Paris, the minifter, but the court 
 refufed. There have been infhances of the general court's 
 int.erpofing, fo far as to recommend an ecclefiaflicai coun- 
 cil ; and fometimes committees have been appointed by the 
 court, for-the fake of preferving or relloring peace, pro- 
 » feifing rather to advife than enjoin meafures ; but excep- 
 tions have generally been taken to fuch votes or orders of 
 court, as irregular, and not confifting with the dignity of 
 the fupreme legiilatiye authority of the province. Synods 
 were occafionally called under the old charter. Some fteps 
 were taken for calling a fynod about thirty years after the 
 new charter arrived, but a royal inftruclion prevented any 
 further progrefs. 
 
 If the firft commiffions from the crown to the governor 
 of any colony, and the form of government prefcribed by 
 fuch commiffions, are a precedent to be followed in all fuc- 
 ceeding commiffions, and a fyftem of laws once approved 
 by the crown cannot be repealed, (all which is contended 
 for by the inhabitants of the royal goveri^ments) the char- 
 ter to Maflachufetts was not fo great a boon as our fore- 
 fathers generally imagined, the material difference in the 
 conflitutions being in the fecond branch, only, of the le- 
 giflature ;* but it is certain, that, at the time of granting 
 
 the 
 
 * " The Maff.icliufetts agents, confidering that a naked reflitution of their charter, 
 i^ which fo many of the necelTary powers of government were omitted, would not 
 
 ferve 
 
j(592.] MASSACHUSETTS. 19 
 
 the charter, it was deemed a much greater fecurity to the 
 people for the enjoyment of the privileges granted by it, 
 than they could have had merely from a royal temporary 
 commiflion to a governor. 
 
 The diftrefs of the people, at the time of the arrl¥al of 
 the charter, is reprefented to have been peculiarly great. 
 The fea coaft was infcfled with privateers, fo that few vef- 
 fels could efcape them ; the inland frontiers, eafl and wefl, 
 were continually harafled by French and Indian enemies ; 
 ^ late expedition againfl Canada had expofed the province 
 to the refentment of France, the effecls of which were fronn 
 time to tim.e expected ; the fame expedition brought fo 
 heavy a debt upon the government, that it required all the 
 (kill of the adminiftration to fupport the public credit, and 
 to procure farther fupplies for carrying on the war ; a 
 flrong party in the government had oppofed every other 
 meafure, except the adhering to the old charter, and was 
 now diflatisfied with the acceptance of the new ; but the 
 greateft misfortune was, an apprehenfion that the devil was 
 let loofe among them, that many had entered into a league 
 with him, and others were afPiided, tormented, and the 
 fubjects of diabolical rage and fury. The minds of people 
 in general were feized with gloom and horror. The great- 
 er part were credulous, and believed all they heard, and 
 expeded by and by their own turn ; the few, who believed 
 the whole to be an impoflure or delufion, were afraid to 
 difcover their fentiments, leil fome who pretended to be 
 bewitched fliould accufe them, and in fuch cafe there was 
 jio room to hope for favour. 
 
 Sir William Phips arrived at Bofion with the charter, 
 Saturday the 14th of May, 1692, towards evening. On 
 Monday he was conduced from his houfe to the town- 
 houfe, by the regiment of Bofton, the military companies 
 of Charleilown, the magiftrates, minifters and principal 
 gentlemen of Bofton and the adjacent towns. The charter 
 
 was 
 
 ferve their turn, put^in their prayer for additional powers fpecially named, which be- 
 ing obferved by the lords w:rc fet down in their report ; and upon the whole matter 
 it was refolved, that their government fhould be in all points as in the other planta- 
 tions, faving that once in a year they fhould have an eleilion of their counfcllors, who 
 fliould make the upper houfe in all general aflemblies." M, S. Uiter 1694. 
 
20 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 was fird publlflied, then the governor's commiffion ;* and 
 thereupon the venerable old charter governor Bradftreet 
 refigned the chair ; I dare to fay, not vtithout a deep figh 
 from many of the fpedators. After publifliing the lieu^ 
 tenant governor's commiffion, and adminiftering the oaths, 
 the governor was conduced, with the fame parade, to the 
 place appointed for a public dinner, and from thence to 
 his houfe again.! By the firft ffiips, letters from the gov- 
 ernor and council were fent to the archbilhop of Canter- 
 bury, the earl of Nottingham, and the countefs of Sunder- 
 land, Hugh Bofcawen, John Hambden, and Francis Charl- 
 ton, Efqrs. thankfully acknowledging the favour Mr. Math- 
 er the agent had received from them, and the affe^lion 
 which they had difcovered to the intereil of their Majeflies' 
 fubjeds in the province. At the firft general council for 
 the appointment of flieriiFs, juitices and other civil officers, 
 the governor either mifconceived, or was prevailed upon 
 to give up, the powers which belonged to him by charter, 
 the council nominating or choofmg the officers, and the 
 governor giving his confent. This pradice would have 
 leffisned the weight and influence of the governor. It was 
 not fuftered long to co;ntinue. After the vacating the 
 colony laws under the old charter, by the publication of 
 the new charter, there was room to quefdon what was the 
 rule of law in civil and criminal matters, and how far the 
 common law and what ftatutes took place. The council, 
 appointed by the charter,| were to continue until May, 
 
 ^ Sir William, by his commifiion, was appointed captain-general over the colonies 
 of Connadticut and Rhode Ifland, and it is laid went to the iall named government 
 foon after his arrival at Bofton, in order to fettle the militia there. He divided the 
 cnlctiy into regiments, and a great number oi military commiflioiis were lent up to Coi, 
 Stanford, who was intended to be the chief military officer of the coloay ; but there 
 Ijeing no law of the colony to enjoin rubmiflion, no regard was paid to them by the 
 people, and moil of the officerj refufed to take the commilfions. This probably was 
 the reafon the government there g?.ve themfelves but little concern, Mr. Dudley 
 afierwarns attempted to cxeixife the fame authority with as little fuccefs. 
 
 f The ceremony was opened with prayer by Mr. Allen, a minifter of Bofton, and 
 concluded in like manner by Mr, Morton, a miniiter of Charleftown. Some of the 
 fpirit of the old charter remained. 
 
 I The council appointed by the new r Ivarter were — Simon Bradf.reet, ^ohn Richards, 
 Nathanad Salto<:faU,lVait PVinthroJJ, John Phillips, y«;/?fi RuJfcll,SaTmielSeivall, Samuel 
 Atipleton, Bjrthoiomeiv Gedtwyyjolm Hatvthorn, Elijha Hutc'nirfun, Robert i*ii^, Jonathan 
 Curwin, "Joh-t 'yov//^!-, Adam Wjnthrop, Richard Middlecot, John Fofter, Peter Ser- 
 jeant, Joleph JLynd, .'-air.ucl I layman, /itephen Muion, ThoTffus Hi.-dley, JVilltafn Brad- 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 21 
 
 1693, and fo no fpeclal provifion was made for a general 
 affembly in May, 1692, but writs ilTued immediately up- 
 on the governor's arrival, and the court met the 8th of 
 June, and an ad paiTed, declaring that all the laws of 
 the colony of Maflachufetts and the colony of New Plym- 
 outh, not being repugnant to the laws of England nor 
 inconfiftent with the charter, fliouW be in force, in the 
 refpeQive colonies, to the loth of November, 1692, ex- 
 cept where other provifion fhould be made by ad of aifem- 
 bly, and all jufUces of ^|he peace (afTiItants, like aldermen 
 of London, were, ex officio, juilices under the old char- 
 ter) had the fame powers given to them, in the execution 
 
 of 
 
 foriy John WalUy, Barnabas Lothropy Job Alcot, Samuel Daniel, and Silvanus Davis. 
 Thofe in italic, had been affiftants in MafTachufetts or Plymouth colonies. Bradllreet 
 was an old fenator, having been in conftant fervice, except in Dudley's and Androfs's- 
 adminiflration, for 62 years. Richards, although he came into the country in low 
 circumftances,'(Randolph, in one of his letters, lays he was a fervant) yet became un 
 opulent merchant in Bofton, had been employed as agent with Dudley, but remained 
 fteady to what was called the country intereft. Saltonftall was the grandfon of Sir 
 Richard, and the father of Gurdon Saltonftall, afterwards governor of Conne6ticut. 
 He lived at Haverhill. Wait Winthrop was the fon of the firft governor of Connec- 
 ticut and New Haven colonies united, and grandfon of the firft governor of Maffa- 
 chufetts. He was originally of Connecticut, and not long before removed to Bofton, 
 and was one of Androfs's council. Phillips and RulTcl were botfi qf Charleftown ; 
 the latter the fon of Richard Ruffel, chofen afliftant in 1659. Sewall was originally 
 of Newbury, but had lived feveral years at Bofton. Appleton, of Ipfwich. Gedney 
 and Hawthorn, ©f Salem ; the latter, fon of WilHam Hawthorn, the lirft fpeaker upon 
 record, and afterwards an affiftant. Hutchinfon was a merchant in Bofton, fon of 
 EdwardHutchinfon, who was killed by the Indians in 1675, and grandfon to Mrs. 
 HutchraSbn, who was baniftied for her religious opinions. Pike w«s of SaUfbury, a 
 principal military officer there. Curwin, of Salem, efteemed, and conneded with the 
 principal families there. JoylifFe, of Bofton, had been many years an aji^ive feledman 
 and of primitive zeal. Adam Winthrop, (defcended, by a younger fon, from the 
 firft governor) had been very atflive in the revolution : he was of Bofton, as was alf3 
 Middlecot, who had a good cftate in Warminfter in England, where fom.s of his 
 pofterity are now living. Fofter was a merchant in Bofton, of the lirft rank, who 
 came not many years before from Ailftjury in England, but had a great ftiare in the 
 management of afTalrs from 1689 to 1692. Sergeant and Lynd were alfo of Bofton. 
 Hayman of the province of Maine. Mafon was a merchant in London, rf^fcalous 
 man in the caufc of New England, and I fuppofe his name was inferted in the charter 
 from mere refpect and gratitude, for he never came to New England. Hinkley had 
 been many years governor of New Plyuiouth. Bradford was fon to governor Brad- 
 ford ; and Walley and I>othrop were of good families in that colony. Alcot and** 
 
 • Daniel, or Donnell, were of the province of Maine. Davis, of the country farther 
 caft or Sagadchoc ; he had been commander of the fort at Cafco, where he -v^as taken 
 prifoner and carried to Canada. However dry this account may appear to foms 
 readers, it may not be difagretable to others, and perhaps may excite a laudable am- 
 bition in fome of the defendants of the firft mugiftrates to merit the honours of their 
 unccftors ; for although places and titles in the colonies are not herclitary, yet a^trh 
 paribus, the defccndaiits of fuch as have done worthily have fome cLiim to be diftin- 
 g'uifhed, " namfi q'As ab infuiite estate habet caufam crleoritatis et nominit, etui a patre cccsp- 
 tum - " 'in bune etuli Bmnium eonjitiuniur.'* C:c. de ()ff,(iis. 
 
ii THfe HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 of laws, which magiftrates ufed to have. The confufioji 
 the country was in from the fuppofed witchcrafts, feems 
 to have occafioned an adjournment of the general court 
 on the 2d of July, to the fecond Wednefday in October ; 
 very little pubhc bufmefs having been done during the 
 feffion. 
 
 The great nolfe which the New England witchcrafts 
 made throughout the Englifh dominions, proceeded more 
 from the general panic with v/hich all forts of perfons 
 were felzed, and an expedation that the contagion would 
 fpread to all parts of the country, than from the number 
 of perfons who were executed, more having been put to 
 death in a fmgle county in England, in a Ihort fpace of 
 time, than have fuffered in all New England from the 
 firft fettlement until the prefent time. Fifteen years had 
 paifed, before we find any mention of witchcraft among 
 the Enghfh colonifls. The Indians were fuppofed to be 
 worfliippers of the devil, and their pov^^ows to be wiz- 
 ards. The firfl fufpicion of witchcraft among the Enghfh, 
 was about the year 1645 ; at Springfield, upon Connecli- 
 cut river, feveral perfons were fuppofed to be under an 
 evil hand, and among the refl two of the minifler's chil- 
 dren.* Great pains were taken to prove the fads upon 
 feveral perfons charged with the crime, but either the na- 
 ture of the evidence was not fatisfaftory, or the fraud was 
 fufpecled, and fo no perfon was convided until the year 
 1650; when a poor wretch, Mary Oliver, probably wea- 
 ry of her hfe from the general reputation of being a witch, 
 after long examination was brought to confefTion of her 
 guilty but 1 do not find that flie was executed. Whilfl 
 this inquiry was making, Margaret Jones was executed at 
 Ch^edown ;t and Mr. Hale mentions a w^oman at Dor- 
 chefter, and another at Cambridge about the fame time, 
 who all at their death afferted their innocence. Soon after, 
 "^Hugh Parfons was tried at Springfield, and efcaped death. | 
 In 1655, Mrs. Hibbins, the afTiftant's widow, was hanged ' 
 at Bofton.§ In 1662, at Hartford, in Connedicut, (about 
 30 miles from Springfield, upon the fame river) one Ann 
 Cole, a young woman who lived next door to a Dutch 
 
 family, 
 
 * Johnfon. t Vol. I. f Vol. I. § Vol. I. 
 
i692.3' I^ASSACHUSETTS. 25 
 
 family, and no doubt had learned fomething of the lan- 
 guage, was fuppofed to be poflefled with demons, who 
 fometimes fpake Dutch and fometimes Englilh, and fome- 
 times a language which no body underftood, and who 
 held a conference with one another. Several miniflers, 
 who were prefent, took down the conference in writing, 
 and the n'ames of feveral perfons mentioned in the courfe 
 of the conference, as actors or bearing parts in it ; particu- 
 larly a woman, then in prifon upon fufpicion of witchcraft,, 
 one Greenfmith, who upon examination confeffed, and 
 appeared to be furprifed at the difcovery. She owned 
 that fhe and the others named had been familiar with a 
 demon, who had carnal knowledge of her,* and although 
 file had not made a formal covenant, yet llie had promif- 
 ed to be ready at his call, and was to have had a high 
 frolic at Chrillmas, when the agreement was to have 
 been figned. Upon this confeflion Ihe was executed, 
 and two more of the company were condemned at the 
 fame time.t In 1669, Sufanna Martin, of Salifbury, was 
 bound over to the court, upon fufpicion of witchcraft, 
 but efcaped at that time.j; '■f^'^ 
 
 In 1671, Elizabeth Knap, another ventriloqtm^ plann- 
 ed the people of Groton in much the fame manner as 
 Ann Cole had done thofe of Hartford ; but her demon 
 was not fo cunning, for inftead of confining himfelf to 
 old women, he railed at the good minifter of the town 
 and other perfons of good character, and the people 
 could not then be prevailed on to believe him, but be- 
 Heved the girl, when fhe confeffed fhe had been deluded, 
 and that the devil had tormented her in the fhape of 
 good perfons ; and fo fhe efcaped the punifhment due to 
 her fraud and impoflure^' 
 
 In 
 
 * The Egyptians fuppofe a divine fpirit may pofiibly approach a woman and pro- 
 duce in her the principles of generation ; but on the other fide, that it is impoflible 
 lor man to have any i'uch intcrcourfe with a goddefs. It is however altogether 
 irrational, to believe that any god or d<?mon is capable of a fenfuai love for human 
 bodily form or beauty. Plutarch's life of Numa. 
 
 f Jan. io, i66z, three witches were condemned at Hartford. Feb. 34. 
 After one ©t' the witches was hanged, the maid was well. GcJ': ihs n^idde^: 
 
 \ She filled deaUx in 1692. 
 
24 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 In 16735 Eunice Cole of Hampton was tried, and the 
 jury found her not legally guilty, but that there were 
 llrong grounds to fufpect her of familiarity with the devil. 
 
 In 1679, William Morfe's houfe, at Newbury, was 
 troubled with the throwing of bricks, ftones, &c. and a 
 boy of the family v/as fuppofed to be bewitched, who ac- 
 cuied one of the neighbours ; and in 1682, the houfe of 
 George WaltOn, a Quaker, at Portfmouth, and another 
 houfe at Salmon falls (both in New Hampfhire) were at- 
 tacked after the fame manner. 
 
 In 1683, the demons remo\red to Connecticut river 
 again, where one Defborough's houfe was molefled by 
 an invifible hand, and a fire kindled, no body knew how, 
 which burnt up great part of his eftate ; and in 1684, Phil- 
 ip Smith, a judge of the court, a military officer, and a 
 reprefentative of the town of Hadley, upon the fame riv- 
 er, (an hypocondriac perfon) fancied himfelf under an 
 evil hand, and fufpeded a woman, one of his neighbours, 
 and languilhed and pined away, and was generally fup- 
 pofed to be bewitched to death. While he lay ill, a num- 
 ber of brifk lads tried an experiment upon the old wom- 
 an. ' Having dragged her out of her houfe, they hung 
 heit* up until Ihe was near dead, let her down, rolled her 
 fome time in the fnow, and at lail buried her in it, and 
 there left her, but it happened that ilie furvived, and the 
 melancholy man died. 
 
 Notwithftanding thefe frequent inflances of fuppofed 
 witchcrafts, none had fuffered for near thirty years, in the 
 Mallachufetts colony. The execution of the affiflant or 
 counfellor's widow in 1655, was difapproved of by many 
 principal perfons, and it is not unhkely that her death 
 faved the lives of many other inferior perfons. But in 
 1685, a very circumftantial account of all or moH of the 
 cafes I have mentioned, was publifhed, and many argu- 
 ments were brought to convince the country that they 
 were no delufions nor impoftures, but the effeds of a fa- 
 miliarity between the devil and fuch as he found fit 
 for his inflruments ; and in 1687 or 1688, began a more 
 alarming initance than any which had preceded it. Four 
 of the children of John Goodwin, a grave man and a 
 
 i^ good 
 
 ft 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 25 
 
 good liver at the north part of Boflon, were generally be- 
 lieved to be bewitched. I have often heard perfons who 
 were of the neighbourhood fpeak of the great confler- 
 nation it occafioned. The children were all remarkable 
 . for ingenuity of temper, had been religioufly educated, 
 and were thought to be without guile. The eldcit was a 
 girl of thirteen or fourteen years. She had charged a 
 laundrefs with taking away fome of the family linen. 
 The mother of the laundrefs v/as one of the wild Irifh, 
 of bad charader, and gave the giil harfh language; fooii 
 after which Ihe fell into lits, which were faid to have fome- 
 thing diabolical in them. One of her fillers and two 
 brothers followed her example, and, it is faid, were tor- 
 mented in the fame part of their bodies at the fame time, 
 although kept in feparatc apartments, and ignorant of on-e 
 another's complaints. One or two things were faid to 
 be very remarkable ; all their complaints were in the day 
 time, and they ilept comfortably ail night ; they were 
 ftruck dead at the light of the aflembly's catechifm, Cot- 
 ton's milk for babes, and fome other good books, but 
 could read in Oxford's jefls, Popidi and Quaker books, 
 and the common prayer, without any dilhculty. Is it 
 pofTible the mind of man fhould be capable of fuch flrong 
 prejudices as that a fufpicion of fraud fhould not imme- 
 diately arife ? But attachments to modes and forms in re- 
 ligion had fuch force, that fome of thefe circumftances 
 feem rather to have confirmed the credit of the children. 
 Sometimes they would be deaf, then dumb, then blind ; 
 and fometimes all thefe diforders together would come 
 upon them. Their tongues would be drawn down their 
 throats, then pulled out upon their chins. Their jawSj, 
 necks, flioulders, elbows and all their joints would appear 
 to be difiocated, and they would make mod piteous out- 
 cries of burnings, of being cut with knives, beat, &c. 
 and the marks of wounds were afterwards to be feen. 
 The minifters of Bofton and Charledown kept a day of 
 fading and prayer at the troubled houfe ; after which, 
 the youngefl child made no more complaints. The 
 others perfevered, and the magiftrates then interpofed, 
 and the old woman was apprehended -, but upon exam- 
 VoL. 11. C ination 
 
26 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 illation would neither confefs nor deny, and appeared 
 to be difordered in her fenfes. Upon the report of phy- 
 licians that fhe was compos mentis^ flie was executed, de- 
 claring at her' death the children iliould not be relieved. 
 The eideii:, after this, was taken into a miniller's family, 
 where at iirft Ihe behaved orderly, but after fome time 
 fuddeniy fell into her fits^ The accpunt of her affliClion 
 is in print ; fome things are mentioned as extraordinary, 
 'which tumblers are every day taught to perform ; others 
 feem more than natural ; but it was a time of great cre- 
 duhty. The children returned to their ordinary beha- 
 viour, lived to adult age, made profelTion of religion, and 
 the afiiiction they had been under they pubhckly declar- 
 ed to be one motive to it. One of them I knew many 
 years after. She had the character of a very fober vir- 
 tuous woman, and never made any acknowledgment of 
 fraud in this traniaciion. The printed account was pub- 
 lilhed with a preface by Mr. Baxter, who fays, " the ev- 
 idence is fo convincing, that he muil be a very obdurate 
 Sadducee who will not beUeve."* It obtained credit fuf- 
 
 ficient, 
 
 * In the year 1 720, at Littleton, In the county of Middlefex, a family was fup- 
 pofsd to be bewitched. One J. B. had three daughters, of ii, 9, and 5 years of age. 
 The eldcft was a forward girl, and having read and heard many ftrange (lories, would 
 fnrprife the company where fhe happened to be with her manner of relating them. 
 Pleaied with the applaufe, Ihe went from ftories fhe had heard, to fome of her own 
 framing, and lb on to dreams and vifi.ons,and attained the art of fwooning,and of being 
 to all appearance for fome time breathlefs. Upon her revival, fhe would tell of flrange 
 things ihe had met with in thi-. and other worlds. When fhe met with the words, God^ 
 Chrijl, ths Holy Ghojl, in the bible, Ihc would drop down with fcarce any ligns of life im 
 her. Strange noUes were often heard in and upon the houfe ; ftones came down the 
 
 chinmey and did great mifchicf. She complained of the fpe6lre of Mrs. D y, a 
 
 woman living in the towji ; and once the mother of the girl ftruck at the place where 
 
 the faid D y was, and the girl faid, Ton havz ftruck her on the belly, and upon inquiry 
 
 it was found, th?.t D y complained of a hurt in her belly about that time. An- 
 other time, the mother ftruck at a place, where the girl faid there was a yellow-bird, 
 ^nd fhe told her mother fhe had hit the fide of its head ; and it again appeared that 
 
 D y's head v/as hurt abou't he fame time, it was common to find her in ponds 
 
 ofw^ater, crying out fhe ihouid oe drowned; fometimes upon the top of the houfe, 
 and fometimes upon the tops of trees, where fhe pretended fhe had flown ; and 
 fome fancied they had fcen her in the air. There were often the marks of blows and 
 pinches upon her, which were fup])ofcd to come from an invifible hand. 
 
 The fecond daughter, after her fifter had fucceeded fo well, imitated her in com- 
 plaints of D y, and outdid her in feats of running upon the barn, climbing trees, 
 
 &ZC. and, what was mofl furprifmg, the youngeft attempted the fame feats, and in fume 
 i;iftances went beyond her fiftcrs. The neighbours agreed they were under an evil 
 hand, and it was pronounced a piece of witchcraft, as certain as that there ever had 
 been any at Salem; and no great piins were taken to doted the impofture. Phyfi- 
 cians hud been at firft employed, but to no purpofe ; and afterwards minillers were 
 
 called 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 27 
 
 ficient, together with other preparatives, to difpofe the 
 whole country to be eafily impofed upon by the more ex- 
 tenfive and more tragical fcene, which was preiently after 
 ad:ed at Salem and other parts of the county of Eflex. 
 Not many years before, Glanvii publiflicd his witch ftorie.^ 
 in England ; Perkins and other Nonconformifts were ear- 
 lier ; but the great authority was that of Sir Matthew Hale, 
 revered in New England, not only for his knowledge in 
 the law, but for his gravity and piety. The trial or the 
 witches in Suffolk was publifhed in 1 6B4. All theie books 
 were in New England, and «he conformity between the 
 behaviour of Goodwin's children and moft of the fuppofed 
 bewitched at Salem, and the behaviour of thofe in En- 
 gland, is fo exad:jas to leave no room to doubt the (lories 
 had been read by the New England perfons themfelves, 
 or had been told to them by others who had read them. 
 Indeed, this conformity, inftead of giving fufpicion, was 
 urged in confirmation of the truth of both ; the Old En- 
 gland demons and the New being fo much alike. The court 
 juftified themfelves from books of law, and the authorities of 
 Keble, Dalton and other lawyers, then of the firfl character, 
 who lay down rules of convi6tion as abfurd and danger- 
 ous as any which were pradtifed in New England. The 
 trial of Richard Hatheway, the inipoftor, before lord 
 
 chief 
 
 failed to pray over them, but without fuccefs. At length D y, not long after th« 
 
 fuppofed blows, took tb her bed, and after fomc time died, and the two eldeft girls 
 ceafed complaining ; the youngeft held out longer, but all perfiftcd in it that there 
 had been no fraud. The eldeft, not having been baptized, and being come to adult 
 age, defired and obtained baptifm, and the minifter then examined her upon her con- 
 duft in the affair, and fhe perfifted in her declarations of innocency. In 1 728, having 
 removed to Medford, fne offered to join the church there, and gave a fatisfaAory ac- 
 count of herfelf to the minirter of the town ; but he knew nothing of the {hare fhe had 
 in this tranfadion. The Lord's day before fhe was to be admitted, he happened to 
 preach from this text, " He that fpcakdh 'lies Jl^all not efcape^ The v/oman fuppofed 
 the fermon to be intended for her, and went to the minifter, who told her nobody had 
 made any objection againft her ; but being determined to confefs her guilt, fhe difclof- 
 ed the fraud of herfelf and her filters, and defired to make a public acknov/ledgment 
 in the face of the church; afid accordingly did fo. The two fillers, feeing her pitied, 
 hLid become a<5tors alfo with her, without being moved to it by her ; but v.-hen fhe law 
 them follow her, they all joinedln the fecrct and a<5ted in concert. They had co 
 particular fpitc againft D y ; but it was neceffary to accufe fomebody, and the eld- 
 eft having pitched upon her, the reft followed. The woman's complaints, about the 
 fame time the girl pretended flie wasitruck, proceeded from other caufes, which were 
 not then properly inquired into. Once, at lealt, they were in great danger of bcinj 
 detected in their tricks ; but the grounds of fufpicion were overlooked, through tiie 
 indulgenc'i and credulity of their parents. M, S. of fht R^-j, Mr. Tvrd'.^ ninifttr tj 
 M.'dfard. 
 
 C 2 
 
£8 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 chief juftice Holt, was ten or twelve years after. This 
 vvas a great difcouragement to profecutions in England 
 for witchcraft, but an effedual flop was not put to them 
 until the ad of parliament in the reign of his late Majef- 
 ty.* Even this has not wholly cured the common people, 
 and we hear of old women ducked and cruelly murdered 
 within thefe lad twenty years. Reproach, then, for hang- 
 ing witches, although it has been often call upon the peo- 
 ple of New England by thofe of Old, yet it mull have 
 been done with an ill grace. The people of New England 
 were of a grave call, and hr.^ long been difpofed to give a 
 ferious, folemn conltruclion even to common events in 
 providence; but in Old England, the reign of Charles the 
 Second was as remarkable for gaiety as any whatfoever, 
 and for fcepticifm and infideHty as any which preceded it. 
 Sir William Phips, the governor, upon his arrival, fell 
 in with the opinion prevailing. Mr. Stoughton, the lieu» 
 tenant-governor, upon whole judgment great flrefs was 
 laid, had tal^en up this notion, that although the devil 
 might appear in the fhape of a guilty perfon, yet he would 
 never be permitted to aflume the Ihape of an innocent 
 perfon.f This opinion, at firfl, was generally received. 
 
 Some 
 
 * I rcmeir.'ber to have heard a gentleman, who in other refpeds was very fenfible, 
 exprefs his furprife upon the firfl: news of this a6l. The parliament, he faid, had ia 
 cfFecft declared that there were no evil fpirits ; he was afraid they would declare by 
 i-TiOthev aCl that there are no good ones. 
 
 Frmn 1694 to 1701, there were ii perfons tried for witches before lord chief juf- 
 tice Holt, all of whom were acquitted. In Scotland feven were executed for witches 
 in 1697, upon the teftimony of one girl about 1 1 years old. 
 
 t " A gentleman of more than ordinary underftanding, learning and experience, 
 dcfired me to write to New England about your trials and conviAions of witched, 
 not being fdtisf.ed with the evidence upon which forae who have been executed were 
 found guilty ; he told me, that in the time of the great reformation parHamcnt, a 
 certain perfon or perfons hud a commiffion to difcover and profecute witches. Upoti 
 thefe profecutions many were executed, in at leafl; one county in England, until, at 
 length, a gentleman of eftate and of great chara61:er for piety was accufed, which 
 put an end to the commiflion, and the judges, upon a re-hearing, reverfed many of 
 the judgments ; but many lives had been taken away. All that I fpeak with much 
 wonder that any man, much lefs a man of fuch abilities, learning and experience as 
 Mr. Stoughton, fhould take up a pcrfuafjon, that the devil cannot aflum.e the like- 
 nefs of an innocent, to aflli(^ another perfon. In'my opinion, it is a perfuafion ut- 
 terly deflitute of any folid reafon to render it fo much as probable, and befides, con- 
 tradlvSlory to many inftances of fads in hiilory. If you think good, you may ac- 
 quaint Air. Stoughton and the other judges with what I write." Letter from London 
 
 io Inc. Mather, J.in, 9, 1 69 2-3. 
 
 I fuppcfc the long parHament muft be intended by the great reformation parh'a- 
 ment, fur in 1644, 1645 and 1646, one Matthew Hopkins went frona place to place 
 
 to 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 29 
 
 Some of the mod religious women v. ho were accufed, 
 when they faw the appearance of diftrefs and tortuic in 
 their accufers, and heard their folemn declarations, that 
 they faw the fliapes or fpeflres of the accufed afBiding 
 them, perfuaded themfelves they were witches, and that 
 the devil, fomehow or other, although they could not re- 
 member how or when, had taken pofTefTion of their evil 
 hearts, and obtained fonie fort of aflent to his afflicting in 
 their fnapes ; and. thereupon they thought they might h;i 
 juftified in confefTmg themfelves guilty. 
 
 It feems, at this day, with fome people, perhaps but 
 few, to be the queftion, whether the accufed or the affii6t- 
 ed were under a preternatural or diabolical pofTefTion, 
 rather than whether the afflicled v/ers under bodily dif- 
 tempers, or altogether guilty of fraud and impofture. As 
 many of the original examinations have fallen into my 
 hands, it may be of fervice to reprefent this affair in a 
 more full and impartial light than it has yet appeared to 
 the world. 
 
 In February 169 1-2, a daughter and a niece of Mr. 
 Paris, the minifter of Salem* village, girls of ten or elev- 
 en years of age, and two other girls in the neighbour- 
 hood, made the fame fort of complaints as Goodv/in's 
 children had made two or three years before. The phy- 
 ficlans, having no other way of accounting for the dif- 
 order, pronounced them bewitched. An Indian woman, 
 who was brought into the country from New Spain, and 
 
 then 
 
 to find out witches. Mr. Baxter fays a great nun-.ber were liarg^d by his difcovcry, 
 and that Mr. Calamy went along with the judges to hear the confefri:Dn?, and to fee 
 that there was no fraud or wrong done. Hopkins fearchcd for teats, fjt feme t'.p'^r. 
 frools or tables crofs-legged, and kept them twenty four hours without meat or drink, 
 within which time it was faid their imps would come and fuck ; others he tried by 
 fwimming them, and at length ralfed the indignation of certain gentlemen, who 
 caufed him to be feized, and his hands and feet being tied, to be thrown into the 
 water, where, fortunately for him, he was proved to be a witch or wizard himfelf, 
 by his fwimming or floating upon the water. The country was cleared of him, and 
 fome lamented that the experiment had not been made fooner. 
 
 * Dbuglafs in his funamary fays, " In Salem and its neighbonrhmd, enthufiafln 
 and other nervous diforders feem to be endemial ; it was the feat of the New Eng- 
 land witchcraft, anno 1692." I queftion v/hether he had any ctl -r found.itior for 
 this remark than merely this fcene of V.-itchcraft, which muft be confidcred a; the 
 diitemper of the country in general, rather than of any particular tinvn or county : 
 and had Mr. Paris's family lived in any other part of the province, perhaps the n^igk- 
 bourhood would have been as much infccfted ; and no impreiTion ought to be made 
 to the difadvantage of a town the moil an:icnt, zn^ at this day the fecond in rank 
 ^vitkin the province, and upon other accounts juftly refpeiflable. 
 
39 ' THE HISTORY OF . [Chap. L 
 
 then lived with Mr. Paris, t:ried fome experiments which 
 flie pretended to be ufed to in her own country, in or- 
 der to find out the witch. This coming to the children's 
 knowledge, they cried out upon the poor Indian, as ap- 
 pearing to them, pinching, pricking and tormenting 
 them ;• and fell into fits. Tituba, the Indian, acknowL 
 edged that fhe had learned how to find out a witch, but 
 denied that fhe was qne herfelf. Several private falls 
 Vere kept at the minifter's houfe, and feveral, more pub- 
 lic, by the whole village, and then a general fafl through 
 the colony, to feek to God to rebiike Satan, &c. So 
 much notice taken of the children, together with the pity 
 and compalTion expreffed by thofe who vifited them, not 
 only tended to confirm them in their defign, but to draw 
 others ^nto the Hke. Accordingly, the number of the 
 complainants foon increafed, and among them there were 
 two or three worsen, aiid fonie girls old enough for wit- 
 peffes. Thefe had their fits too, and when iu them cri- 
 ed out, not only againfl Tituba, but againll Sarah OjT- 
 burn, a melancholy diftrafted old woman, and Sarah 
 Good, another old woman who was bed-rid. Tituba, at 
 length, confeiTecl herfelf a witch, and that the two old 
 women were ber confederates ; and they were all commit^ 
 ted to prifon ; and Tituba, upon fe^rch, was found to have 
 fears upon her back which were galled the devil's mark, 
 but might as well have been fuppofed thofe of her Span- 
 ifh mafter. "JThis ccmmitment was on the ill of March. 
 About three weeks after, two other women, of good 
 chara«^l:ers and church members, Corey and Nurfe, were 
 complained of and brought upon their examinaton ; 
 when thefe children fell into fits, and the mother of one 
 of them, and wife of Thomas Putman, joined with the 
 vhildren and cornplained of Nurfe as tormenting her ; 
 and made m.oil: terrible fhrieks, to the amazement. of all 
 the neighbourhood. The old women denied every 
 thing ; but were fent to prifon : and fuch was the infat- 
 uation, that a child of Sarah Good, about four or five 
 years old, was committed alfo, being charged with biting 
 fome of the afilidled who fhewed the print of fmall teeth 
 on their arms. On April 3d, Mr. Paris took for his text, 
 
 '' Have 
 
1692.3 MASSACHUSETTS. 31 
 
 " Have not I chofai you tzcehe, afid o?ie of you is a dtvil." 
 Sarah Cloyfe, iuppofing it to be occalioned by Nurfe's 
 cafe, who was her filter, went out of meeting;. She was 
 prefently after complained of for a witch, examined and 
 committed. EUzabeth Prowler was charged about the 
 fame time. — Her hufband, as every good huiband would 
 have done, accompanied her to her examination, but it 
 coft the poor man his Hfe. Some of the afBicted cried 
 out upon him alfo,andthey were both committed to prifon. 
 
 Inftead of fufpeding and fitting the v/itnelfes, and fuf- 
 fering them to be crofs-examined, the authority, to fay 
 no more, were imprudent in making ufe of leading quef- 
 tions, and thereby putting words into their mouths or 
 fuffering others to do it. Mr. Paris was over ofiicious ; 
 mod of the examinations, although in the prefence of one 
 or more of the magiftrates, were taken by him. Tho 
 following examinations of feveral of the accufed, mav 
 ferve as fpecimens, they being genei:ally made in the iamc 
 manner. 
 
 " AT a court held at Salem, nth April, 169*2, by the 
 honourableThomasDanforth, deputy governor. Q^ John,* 
 who hurt you ? A. Goody Prodier firft, and then Goody- 
 Cloyfe. C^ What did Ihe do to you? A. She brought 
 the book to me. Q^ John ! tell the truth, who hurts you ?' 
 Have you been hurt ? A. The firft was a gentlev/oman. 
 I faw. (^ Who next ? A. Goody Cloyfe. (^ But who 
 hurt you next ? A. Goody Procter. (^ What did fhe do 
 to you ? A. She choaked me, and brought the book. 
 C^ How oft did file come to torment you ? A. A good 
 many times, flie and Goody Cloyfe. Qj^ Do thev come to 
 you in the night as well as the day ^ A. They come moit 
 in the day. Q^ Who ? A. Goody Cloyfe and Goody 
 Procter. Q^ Where did flie take hold of you ? A. Upon 
 my throat, to (top my breath. (X Do you know Goody 
 Cloyfe and Goody Procter? A. Yes, here is Goody 
 Cloyfe. (Cloyfe) When did I hurt thee .^ A. A great- 
 many times. (Cloyfe) Oh ! you are a grievous liar. 
 Q^ What did this Goody Cloyfe do to you ? A. She 
 pinched and bit me till the blood came. Q^ How long 
 
 fmcc 
 
 * This was Tituba's hufband, who feems to have been n running fellow, and tu 
 avoid being accufed joined with the afSidcd. 
 
-32 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 fmce this woman came and hurt you ? A. Yefterday at 
 meeting. Q^ At any time before ? A. Yes^ a great many 
 times. Q^ Mary Walcot ! who hurts you ? A. Goody 
 Cloyfe. CX^ What did fhe do to you ? A. She hurt me. 
 (^ 13id fhe bring the book ? A. Yes. Q^ What was you 
 to do with it ? A. To touch it, and be well. — Then fhe 
 ' fell into a fit. (^ Doth fhe corns alone ? A. Sometimes 
 alone, and fometimes in company with Goody Nurfe and 
 Goody Corey, and a great many I do not know. — Then 
 ihe fell into a fit again. Q. Abigail Williams ! did you 
 fee a company at Mr. Paris's houfe eat and drink ? A. Yes 
 Sir, that was %their facrament. (^ How many were 
 there ? A. About forty, and Goody Cloyfe and Goody 
 Good were their deacons. Q^ What was it ? A. They 
 faid it was our blood, and they had it twice that day, 
 C). Mary Walcot ! have you feen a v/hite man ? A. Yes 
 Sir, a great many tim^es. Q^ What fort of a man was he ? 
 A. A fine grave man, and when he came, he made all 
 the witches to tremble. Abigail Williams confirmed the 
 fame, and that they had fuch a fight at deacon Ingerfoll's, 
 Q. Who was at deacon Ingerfoll's then ? A. Goody 
 Cloyfe, Goody Nurfe, Goody Corey, and Goody Good. 
 Then Sarah Cloyfe afked for v/ater, and fat down as one 
 feized with a dying fainting fit ; and feveral of the af- 
 fiided fell into fits, and fome of them cried out, Oh ! 
 her fpirit is gone to prifon to her filter Nurfe. (^ Eliz- 
 abeth Profter ! you underfland whereof you are charged, 
 viz. to be guilty of fundry ads of witchcraft ; what fay 
 you to it ? Speak the truth, and fo you that are afflided, 
 you m.uft fpeak the truth, as you will anfwer it before 
 God another day. Mary Walcot ! doth this woman hurt 
 you ? A. I never faw her fo as to be hurt by. her. CX Ma- 
 ry Lewis ! does flie hurt you ? — Her mouth was flop- 
 ped.' Q. Ann Putman ! does fhe hurt you ?— She could 
 not fpeak. (^ Abigail Williams ! does fhe hurt you ?— 
 Her hand was thruft in her own mouth. Q^ John ! does 
 fhe hurt you ? A. This is the woman that came in her 
 iliift and choaked m.e. (^ Did fhe ever bring the book ? 
 A. Yes Sir. (^ What to do ? A. To write. (^ What, 
 this woman? A.^Yes Sir. Q. Are you fure of it? 
 
 A. Yes 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 33 
 
 A. Yes Sir. Again, Abigail WilliarrtS and xlnn Patman 
 \vere fpoke to by the court, but neither of them could 
 make any anfwer, by reafon of dumbncfs or other fits. 
 Q^ What do you fay. Goody Profter, to thefe things ? 
 A. I take God in heaven to be my witnefs, that I know 
 nothing of it, no more than the child unborn. (^ Ann 
 Putman ! doth this woman hurt you ? A, Yes Sir, a great 
 many times. — Then the accufed looked upon them and 
 they fell into fits. Q^ She does not bring the book to 
 you, dees flie ? A. Yes Sir, often, and faith fhe hath 
 made her maid fet her hand to it. C^ Abigail Williams i 
 does this woman hurt you ? A. Yes Sir, often. O. Does 
 fhe bring the book to you ? A. Yes. Q^ What would 
 (he have you do with it ? A. To WTite in it and I fhall be 
 well. Did not you, faid Abigail, tell mc, that your maid 
 had written ? (Proder) Dear child, it is not fo. There 
 is another judgment, dear child. — Then Abigail and Ann 
 had fits. By-and by they cried' out, Look you, there 
 is Goody Prober upon the beam. By-and-by both of 
 them cried out of Goodman Procter hin^felf, and faid 
 he was a wizard. Immediately many, if not all of the 
 bewitched had grievous fits. Q^ />nn Putman ! who 
 hurt you ? A. Goodman Procter and his wife too. Af- 
 terwards, fome of the afflicted cried, There is Prowler 
 going to take up Mrs. Pope's feet ; and her feet were 
 immediately taken up. Q^ What do you fay, Goodman 
 Procter, to thefe things? A. I know not. I am innocent. 
 Abigail Williams cried out. There is Goodman Procter 
 going to Mrs, Pope, and immediately faid Pope fell into 
 a fit. You fee the devil vv^ill deceive you ; the children 
 could fee what you was going to do before the woman 
 was hurt. I v/ould advife you to repentance, for the dev- 
 il is bringing you out. Abigail Williams cried out 
 again, There is Goodman Proder going to hurt Goody 
 Bibber ; and immediately Goody Bibber fell into a fir. 
 There was the like of Mary Walcot, and divers others. 
 Benjamin Gould gave in his teftimony, that he had fccn 
 Goodman Corey and his wife, Procter and his wife, 
 Goody Cloyfe, Goody Nurfe, and Goody Griggs in his 
 chamber lafl Thurfday night. Elizabeth Hubbard was 
 
 in 
 
54 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 5n a trance during the whole examination. During the 
 examination of Elizabeth Proder, Abigail Williams and 
 Ann Putman both made offer to ftrike at faid Prober ; 
 but when Abigail's hand came near, it opened, whereas 
 it was made up into a hfl before, and came down ex- 
 ceeding lightly, as it drew near to faid Profter, and at 
 length with open and extended fingers touched Prober's 
 hood very lightly. Immediately Abigail cried out, her 
 fingers, her fingers, her fingers burned, and Ann Putman 
 took on moil grievouily, of her head, and funk down." 
 
 '^ Salcm, Jprii iith^ ^69,3. Mr. Samuel Paris was de- 
 fired by the honourable Thomas Danforth, deputy gov- 
 <'3rnor, and the council, to take in writing the aforefaid ex- 
 aminations, and accordingly took and delivered them in ; 
 ^nd upon hearing the fame, and feeing what was then 
 ieen, together with the charge of the afflided perfons, 
 ^vere by the advice of the council all committed by us. 
 
 John Hawthorne, ^ ^j^^ft,„j^_., 
 
 No wonder the whole country was in a conflernation, 
 when perfons of fober lives and unblemiilied charaders 
 were committed to prifon upon fuch fort of evidence. 
 Nobody was fafe. The mod efFe61:ual way to prevent 
 an accufation was to become an accufer ; and according- 
 ly the number of the atili£led increafed every day, and 
 the numxber of the accufed in proportion, who in general 
 perfifted in their innocency ; but, being flrongly urged 
 to give glory to God by their confellion, aud intimation 
 being given that this was the only way to fave their lives, 
 •^nd their friends urging them to it, fome were brought 
 to own their guilt. The firft confefuon upon the files 
 is of Deliverance Hobbs, May nth, 1692, being in prif-r 
 on. She owned every thing fhe was required to do. 
 The confeiTions rauliiphed the witches ; new companions 
 were always mentioned, who were immediately fent for 
 and examined. Thus more than an hundred women, 
 many of them of fair characters and of the mofi: reputable 
 families, in the towns of Salem, Beverly, Andover, Bille- 
 yica, he. were apprehended, examined, and generally 
 
 committed 
 
jb92.j MASSACHUSETTS. 35 
 
 committed to prifon. The confeflions being much of the 
 fume tenor, one or two may fervc for fpccimens. 
 
 ^^The examination and confeffion (Stb Sept. 1692) 0/ 
 Mary 0/good, zvife of Capt, Of^ood, of Andovcr^ taken before 
 jfohn Hawthorne and other their Majejiies* jufiicea. 
 ' SHE confcfics, that about eleven y^^ars ago, when fhe 
 was in a melancholy ftate and condition, flie ufed to wall: 
 abroad in her orchard ; and upon a certain time fhe faw 
 the appearance of a cat, at the end of the houfc, which 
 yet fhe thought wa^s a real cat. However, at that time, it 
 diverted her from praying to God, and inftead thereof 
 file prayed to the devil ; about which time fhe made a 
 covenant with the devil, who, as a black man, came to 
 her and prefented her a book, upon which ihe laid her 
 finger and that left a red fpot : and that upon her fignlng, 
 the devil told her he was her god, and that (lie fhould 
 ferve and v^^orfhip him, and flie believes fhe confented to 
 it. She fays further, that about two years agone, (lie was 
 carried through the air, in company with deacon Frye's 
 wife, Ebenezer Baker's wife, and Goody Tyler, to five- 
 mile pond, where llie was baptized by the devil, who dip- 
 ped her face in the water, and made her renounce her 
 former baptifm, and told her fhe muft be his, foul and 
 |)ody, forever, and that fhe mud ferve him, Vvhich fhe 
 promifed to do. She fiiys, the renouncing her firfl bap- 
 tifm was after her dipping, and that flie was tranfported 
 back again through the air, in company with the fore- 
 named perfons, in the fame manner as fhe went, and be- 
 heves they were carried upon a pole. (^ How many 
 perfons were upon the pole ? A. As I faid before, 
 viz. four perfons and no more but whom flie had named 
 above. She confefles fhe has afflided three perfons, Johu 
 Sawdy, Martha Sprague and Rofe Fofler, and that fhe 
 4id it by pinching her bed clothes, and giving confent the 
 devil fhould do it in her fhape, and that the devil could, 
 not do it without her confent. She confefTes the affliding 
 perfons in the court, by the glance of her eye. She fays^ 
 as fhe' was coming down to Salem to be examined, fhe 
 and the reft of the company with her flopped at Mr. Phil- 
 lips's to refrefh themfelves, and the aflli^lcd perfons, be- 
 in^ 
 
36 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 ing behind them upon the road, came up juil as (he was 
 mounting again, and were th^n afflided, and cried out 
 upon her, fo thai Ihe was forced to flay until they were 
 all pad, and faid fhe only looked that way towards them. 
 O. Do you know the devil can take the fhape of an inno- 
 cent perfon and afflid ? Ao I believe he cannot. Q. Who 
 taught you this way of witchcraft ? A. Satan, and that he 
 promifed her abundance of fatisfaftion and quietncfs in 
 her future (late, but never performed any thing ; and that 
 ihe has lived more miferably and more difcontented fmce 
 than ever before. She confeffes further, that fhe herfelf, 
 jn company with Goody Parker, Goody Tyler and Goody 
 Dean, had a meeting at Mofes Tyler's houfe, lafl Monday 
 night, to afflict, and that llie and Goody Dean carried the 
 ihape of Mr. Dean, the minifler, between them, to make 
 perfons beheve that Mr. Dean afflided. (^ What hinder- 
 ed you from accompUfhing what you intended ? A. The 
 Lord would not fufFer it fo to be, that the devil fhould 
 affli^L in an innocent perfon's fliape. (^ Have you been 
 at any other witch meetings ? A. I know nothing thereof, 
 as I fhall anfwer in the prefence of God and his people ; 
 but faid, that the black man flood before her, and told 
 her, that what fhe had confeiTed was a lie ; notwithfland- 
 ing, fhe faid that v/hatfhe had confeffed was true, and there- 
 to put her hand. Her hufband beijig prefent was aO:ed, if 
 he judged his wife to be any way difcompofed. He an- 
 fwered, that having Hved with her fo long, he doth not 
 judge her to be any ways difcompofed, but has caufe to 
 believe what fhe has faid is true. When Miftrefs Ofgood 
 was firfl: called, fhe afflided Martha Sprague and Rofe 
 Fofler by the glance of her eyes, and recovered them out 
 of their fits by the touch of her hand. Mary Lacey and 
 Betty Johnfon and Hannah Pofl faw Miflrefs Ofgood ^f- 
 fliding Sprague and Fofter. The faid Hannah Pofl and 
 Mary Lacey and Betty Johnfon, jun. and Rofe Fofler and 
 Mary Richardfon were afflided by Miflrefs Ofgood, in 
 the time of their examination, and recovered by her touch- 
 ing of their hands, 
 
 " I underwritten, being" appointed by authority to take 
 this examination, do teflify upon oath, taken in court, that 
 
 this 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 37 
 
 this is a true copy of the fubflance of it, to the befl of my 
 knowledge, 5th Jan. 1692-3. The within Mary Ofgood 
 was examined before their Majefties' jullices of the peace 
 in Salem. Atteft. 'John Higginfon^ Jult. Pac.'' 
 
 A miferable negro woman, charged by fome of the girls 
 with affliding them, confelTed, but was cunning enough to 
 bring the greatefl fhare of the guilt i>pon her miflrefs. 
 
 ** Salem, Monday, July 4, 1692. The examination of 
 Candy ^ a negro ijuoman^ before Bartholomew Gedney and John 
 Hawthorne^ Efq*rs. Mr. Nicholas Noyes alfo pre/bit. 
 
 " Q^ CANDY ! are you a w^itch ? A. Candy no witch 
 in her country. Candy's mother no witch. Candy no 
 witch, Barbados. This country, miflrefs give Candy 
 witch. Q^ Did your miftrefs make you a witch in this 
 country ? A. Yes, in this country miilrefs give Can- 
 dy witch. Q^ What did your miftrefs do to make you a 
 witch ? A. Miflrefs bring book and pen and ink, make 
 Candy write in it. Q^ What did you write in it ? — She 
 took a pen and ink, and upon a book or paper made a 
 mark. Q^ How did you affli£l or hurt thefe folks, where 
 are the puppets you did it with ?■ — She alked to go out 
 of the room and fhe would (liew or tell ; upon which flie 
 had hberty, one going with her, and fhe prefently brought 
 in two clouts, one with two knots tied in it, the other one ; 
 which being feen by Mary Warren, Deliverance Hobbs 
 and Abigail Hobbs, they were greatly affrighted, and 
 fell into violent fits ; and all of them faid that the black 
 man and Mrs. Hawkes and the negro flood by the puppets 
 or rags and pinched them., and then they were alBided, 
 and when the knots were untied yet they continued as 
 aforefaid. A bit of one of the rags being fet on fire, the 
 afHi6led all faid they were burned, and cried out dreadful- 
 ly. The rags being put into water, two of the aforenamed 
 perfons were in dreadful fits almoftchoaked, and the other 
 was violently running down to the river, but w^as flopped. 
 Attefl. John Hazvthorne, Jufl. Peace." 
 
 Mrs. Hawkes, the miflrefs, had no other way to fave 
 her life but to confefs alfo. 
 
 Mr. Hale, the minifler of Beverly, who has the charac- 
 ter of an impartial relator, acknowledges that the confef- 
 
 fors 
 
38 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 fors generally went off from their confefllons ; fome fay- 
 ing they remembered nothing of what they had faid, others 
 that they had belied themfelves, &c. but he thinks, if the 
 times had been calm, the condition of the confeflbrs might 
 have called for a melius inquirendum ; and thiiiks it remark- 
 able that children and grandchildren fliould confirm their 
 parents' and grandparents' confeiTion,in[lancing in the cafe 
 of Goody Fofter, her daughter Mary Laeey, and grand 
 daughter Mary Lacey, jun. ^and that other children fiiould 
 accufe their own parents, as in^ the cafe of Richard 
 Carrier, a lad of eighteen years of age. Thefe con- 
 feffions are preferved, and a few extradls from themi 
 will ihew they were forced from them, through fear 6f 
 iofmg their lives if they refufed ; and their fear, in fome,- 
 was fo great as to difordcr their brains, and they fcarce 
 knew what they faid. 
 
 *' 2 1 ft July, 1 692. BeforB Major Gidney^ Mr, Hawthorne:, 
 Mr, Corwin and Capt, Higgw/on. 
 
 " (^ GOODY Fofter ! you remember we have three 
 times fpoken with you, and do you now remember what, 
 you then confeffed to us ? You have been engaged in very 
 great wickednefs, and fome have been left to hardnefs of 
 heart to deny ; but it feems that God will give you more 
 favour than others, inafmuch as you relent. But your 
 daughter here hath confeffed fome things that you did 
 not tell us of* Your daughter was with you and Goody 
 Carrier, when you did ride upon the ftick. A. I did not 
 know it. (^ How long have you known your daughter 
 to be engaged ? A. I cannot tell, nor have I any knowl- 
 edge of it at all. Q. Did you fee your daughter at the 
 meeting ? A. No. Q^ Your daughter faid ihe was at the 
 witches meeting, and that you yourfelf ftood at a diftance 
 off and did not partake at that meeting ; and you faid fo 
 alfo ; give us a relation from the beginning until now. 
 A. I know none of their names that were there, but only 
 Goody Carrier. CX Would you know their faces if you 
 faw them ? A. I cannot tell. Q^ Were there not two 
 companies in the field at the fame time ? A. I remember 
 no more. Mary Warren, one of the afHided, faid that 
 Goody Carrier's ihape told her, that Goody Fofter had 
 
 made 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. ^f 
 
 made her daughter a witch. Q^. Do not you acknowl- 
 edge that you did fo about thirteen years ago ? A. No^ 
 and I know no more of my daughter's being a witch than 
 what day I ihall die upon. (^ Are you wiihng your 
 daughter fhould make a full and free confeilion ? A. Yes. 
 Q^ Are you willing to do fo too ? A. Yes. Q^ You cannot 
 exped peace of confcience without a free conleflion. A. If 
 I knew any thing more, I would fpeak it to the utmoft.- 
 Goody Lacey, the daughter, called in, began thus ; Oh ! 
 mother ! how do you do ? We have left Chriit, and the 
 devil hath gat hold of us. How^ Ihall I get rid of this- 
 evil one ? I defire God to break my rocky heart that I 
 may get the vidory this time. (^ Goody Foller ! you 
 cannot get rid of this fnare, your heart and mouth is not 
 open. A. I did not fee the devil, I was praying to the 
 Lord. (^ What Lord ? A. To God. O^ What God 
 do witches pray to ? A. I cannot tell, the Lord help me, 
 Q^ Goody Lacey ! had you no difcourfe with your mo- 
 ther when riding ? A. No, I think I had not a word. 
 Q^ Who rid foremofl on that flick to the village ? A. I 
 fuppofe my mother. Goody Fofter faid, that Goody 
 Carrier was foremofl. (^ Goody Lacey ! how many 
 years ago lince they were baptized ? A. Three ot four 
 years ago, I fuppofe. Q^ Who baptized them ? A. The 
 old ferpent. Q^ How'did he do it ? A. He dipped their 
 heads in the w^ater, faying, they were his, and that he had 
 power over them. (^ Where was this ? A. At FalPs- 
 river. Q^ How many were baptized that day ? A. Some 
 of the chief; I think there were fix baptized. Q^ Name 
 them. A. I think they were of the higher powers.* 
 Mary Lacey, the grand-daughter, was brought in, and 
 Mary Warren fell into a violent fit. Q^ How dare you 
 'come in here, and bring the devil with you, to afllict thefc 
 poor creatures ? Lacey laid her hand on Warren's 
 arm, and fhe recovered from her fit. Q. You are here 
 accufed of pradifmg witchcraft upon Goody Ballard ; 
 which way do you do it ? A. I cannot tell. Where is my 
 mother that made me a witch, and I knew it not r Q^ Can 
 you look upon that maid, Mary Warren, and not hurt 
 
 her ? 
 
 * k was time t« ftop. 
 
40 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 her ? Look upon her in a friendly way. She, trying fo 
 to do, ftruck her down with her eyes. Q^ Do you ac- 
 knowledge now you are a witch ? A. Yes. Q^ How long 
 have you been a witch ? A. Not above a week. (^ Did 
 the devil appear to you ? A. Yes. Q^ In what Ihape ? 
 A. In the fhape of a horfe. Q^ What did he fay to you ? 
 A. He bid me not to be afraid of any thing, and he would 
 not bring me out, but he has proved a har from the be- 
 ginning. CX "When was this ? A. I know not ; above a 
 week. Q^ Did you fet your hand to the book ? A. No, 
 Q^ Did he bid you worfliip him ? A. Yes ; he bid me 
 alio aiTii£t perfons. You are now in the way to obtain 
 mercy if you will confefs and repent. She faid, The 
 Lord help me. (^ Do not you defire to. be faved by 
 Chriil ? A. Yes. Then you mud: confefs freely what 
 you know in this matter. She then proceeded. I was in 
 bed, and the devil came to me, and bid m.e obey him and 
 I Ihould want for nothing, and he v/ould not bring m^e 
 out. Q^ But hovv^ long ago? A. A little- more than a 
 year. C)^ Was that the firll: time ? A. Yes. Q^ How 
 long was you gone from your father, Vv'hen you ran away ? 
 A. Two days. Q^ Where had you your food ? A. At 
 John Stone's. (^ Did the devil appear to you then, 
 when you was abroad ? A. No, but he put fuch thoughts 
 in my mind as not to obey my parents. CX Who did the 
 devil bid you affli6l ? A. Timothy Swan. Richard Car- 
 rier comes often a-nights and has me to affli6l perfons. 
 (^ Where do ye go ? A. To Goody Ballard's fome- 
 times. Q^ How many of you were there at a time ? 
 A. Richard Carrier and his mother, and my mother and 
 grandmother. Upon reading over the confelTion fo far. 
 Goody Lacey, the mother, ov/ned this lad particular. 
 (^ How many more witches are there in A^ndover ? 
 A. I know no more, but Richard Carrier.'^ 
 
 Carrier, at firll, denied all, but was followed until he 
 was brought to accufe his mother, much in the fame man- 
 ner with Fofler's daughter and grand-daughter. 
 
 It is urged by the writers of that day, as a principal 
 part of the evidence againft Mr. Burroughs, the mnnifter, 
 that feven or eight of the confelTors witneiTed againft 
 
 him. 
 
1692.3 MASSACHUSETTS. 41 
 
 him. It will appear from the examinations, that the con- 
 feffion was drawn from the examinants by the court. 
 
 " (^ Mary Lacey ! was there not a man alfo among 
 you at your meeting ? A. None but the devil. Q^ What 
 fhape was the devil in then ? A. He was a black man, 
 and had a high-crowned hat. Q^ Your mother and your 
 grandmother fay, there was a minifter there. How many 
 men did you fee there ? A. I faw none but Richard Car- 
 rier. Q^ Did you fee' none elfe ? A. There was a min- 
 ifter there, and I think he is now in prifon. Q^ Were 
 there not two* minifters" there ? A. Cannot tell. C^ Was 
 there not one Mr. Burroughs there ? A. Yes." 
 
 Carrier's examination is in this manner ; the quefllons 
 are omitted. " We met in a green which was the min- 
 
 ifter's paiture — — We were in two companies at lafl^ > 
 
 I think there was a fevv^ men with them 1 heard Sarah 
 
 Good talk of a minifter or two One of them was he 
 
 that has been at the eaflward, his name is Burroughs, 
 and is a little man. I remember not the other's name." 
 
 Margaret Jacobs had been brought to accufe herfelf, 
 and then to charge Burroughs, the minider, and her own 
 grandfather ; but, flruck with horror, chofe to lofe her 
 own life rather than perlifl in her confefFion ; and beg- 
 ged forgivenefs of Burroughs before his execution, who 
 is faid to have freely forgiven her ; and recanted all fhe 
 had faid againfh her grandfather, but in vain as to his life. 
 Her own Hfe was faved by a diforder in her head, which 
 prevented her trial at the firfl court ; but before the next 
 court, fhe made a formal recantation of all fhe had con- 
 feffed, and delivered it to the judges. 
 
 " The 
 
 * Mr. Deane, one of the minifters of Attdover, then near fourfcore, feems to have 
 heen in danger. He is tenderly touched in feveral of the examinations, which might 
 he owing to a fair charader, and he may be one of the perfons accufed, who caufed 
 a difcourageraent to further profccutions. " Deliverance Deane being alked why 
 fne and the reft brought in Mr. Deane as affliding pcrfon?, fhe anfwered, it was 
 Satan's fubtilty, for he told her he would put a fham upon all thefe things, and 
 make people believe that he did afflisft. She faid Mrs. Ofgood and fhe gave their 
 confent the devil fhould bring Mr. Deane's fliape to afflicl. Being aflced again if 
 Mrs. Ofgood and fhe aded this bufmefs, fhe faid yes," Mr. Deant wa* much be- 
 holden to this woman. 
 
 Vol, II. D , 
 
42 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 " The humble declaration of Margaret Jacobs unto the 
 honoured court now fitting at Saleniyjhezveth^ 
 
 " THAT whereas your poor and humble declarant be- 
 ing clofely confined here in Salem gaol for the crime of 
 witchcraft, which crime, thanks be to the Lord, I am al- 
 together ignorant of, as will appear at the great day of 
 judgment. May it pleafe the honoured court, I was cried 
 out upon by fome of the polTeired perfons, as aifliding 
 them ; whereupon I was brought to my examination, 
 which perfons at the fight of me fell down, which did 
 very much flartle and affright me. The Lord above 
 knows I knew nothing, in the lead meafure, how or who 
 alHicled them ; they told me, without doubt I did, or elfc 
 they would not fail down at me ; they told me if I would 
 not confefs, I fhould be put down into the dungeon 
 and would be hanged, but if I would confefs I fhould 
 have my life ; the \yhich did fo affright me, with my 
 own vile wicked hearty ta fave my life made mc 
 make the like confefTion I did, which confeflion, may it 
 pleafe the honoured court, is altogeU^r falfe and untrue^ 
 The very firft night after I had made eatifeflion, I was in 
 fuch horror of confcience that I could not fleep, for fear 
 the devil fnould carry me away for telling fuch horrid lies* 
 I was, may it pleafe the honoured court, fworn to my 
 confefTion, as I underfland fmce, but then, at that time^ 
 w^as ignorant of it, not knowing what an oath did mean. 
 The Lord, I hope* in whom I truft, out of the abundance 
 of his mercy, will forgive me my falfe forfwearing myfel£ 
 What I faid was altogether falfe, againfl my grandfather^ 
 and Mr. Burroughs, which I did to fave my life and t» 
 have my liberty ; but the Lord, charging it to my con* 
 fcience, made me in fo much horror, that I could not 
 contain nlyfelf before I had denied my confeflion, which 
 I did, though I faw nothing but death before me, choofmg 
 rather death with a quiet confcience, than to live in fuch 
 horror, which I could not fuSer. Where, upon my de- 
 nying my confefTion, I was committed to clofe prifon, 
 where I have enjoyed more felicity in fpirit a thoufand 
 times than I did before in my enlargement. 
 
 «And 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 45 
 
 " And now, may it pleafe your honours, your declarant 
 having, in part, given your honours a delcription of my 
 condition, do leave it to your honours pious and judicious 
 difcretions to take pity and compalFion on my young and 
 tender years ; to adt and do with me as the Lord above 
 and your honours fhall fee good, having no friend but 
 the Lord to plead my caufe for me ; not being guilty in 
 the lead meafure of the crime of witchcraft, nor any other 
 fm that deferves death from man ; and your poor and 
 humble declarant fhall forever pray, as fhe is bound in 
 duty, for your honours happinefs in this life, and eternal 
 felicity in the world to come. So prays your honours 
 declarant* 
 
 Margaret JacolsJ'* 
 
 The recantation of feveral perfons in Andover will 
 Ihew in what manner they w^ere brought to their confef. 
 fions* 
 
 *' WE whofe names are underwritten, inhabitants of 
 Andover ; whenas that horrible and tremendous judg- 
 ment beginning at Salem village in the year 1692, by 
 fome called witchcraft, firfl: breaking forth at Mr. Paris's 
 houfe, feveral young perfons, being feemingly afflided, 
 did accufe feveral perfons for afflicting them, and many 
 there believing it fo to be, we being informed that, if a 
 perfon was fick, the afflided perfon could tell what or 
 who was the caufe of that ficknefs : Jofeph Ballard, of 
 Andover, his wife being Tick at the fame time, he either 
 from himfelf or by the advice of others, fetched two of 
 the perfons, called the affllQed perfons, from Salem vil- 
 lage to Andover, which was the beginning of that dread- 
 ful calamity that befel us in Andover, believing the faid 
 accufations to be true, fent for the faid perfons to come 
 together to the meeting houfe in Andover, the afflidled 
 perfons being there. After Mr. Barnard had been at 
 prayer, we were bhndfolded, and Our hands v/ere laid up- 
 on the afflicted perfons, they being in their fits and falling 
 into their fits at our coming into their prefence, as they 
 ■faid ; and fome led us and laid our hands upon them, and 
 then they faid they were well, and that we were guilty of 
 affliding them. Whereupon we were all feized, as prif- 
 
 D 2 onerS;, 
 
44 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 foners, by a warrant from the juftice of the peace, and 
 forthwith carried to Salem. And, by reafon of that fud- 
 ,den furprifal, we knowing ourfclves altogether innocent 
 of that crime, we were all exceedingly aftoniflied and 
 amazed, and conilernated and affrighted even out of our 
 reafon ; and our nearefl and deareit relations, fjeeing us 
 in that dreadful condition, and knowing our great danger^' 
 apprehended there was no other way to fave our lives, as 
 the cafe was then circumllanced, but by our confefling. 
 ourfelves to be fuch and fuch perfons as the afflided rep- 
 refented us to be, they, out of tendernefs and pity, per- 
 fuaded us to confefs what we did confefs. And indeed 
 that confeiTion, that it is faid we made, was no other than 
 wh^t was fuggefted to us by fome gentlemen, they telling 
 us that we were witches, and they knew it, and we knew 
 it, which made us think that it was fo ; and our under- 
 llandings, our reafon, our faculties almofl gone, we were 
 not capable of judging of our condition ; as alfo the hard 
 meafures they ufed with us rendered us incapable of mak- 
 ing our defence, but faid any thing and every thing which 
 they defired, and moil of what we faid was but in effedl a 
 confenting to what they faid. Some time after, when 
 we were better compofed, they telKng us what we had 
 confelTed, we did profefs that we were innocent and ig- 
 norant of fuch things ; and we hearing that Samuel 
 Ward well had renounced his confeffion, and quickly after 
 condemned and executed, fome of us were told we were 
 going after WardwclL 
 
 " Mary Of good ^ Deliverance DanCy Sarah Wil/on, 
 Mary Tiler ^ Abigail Barker ^ Hannah Tiler. '^* 
 
 The teflimonial to thefe perfons' charadlers by the prin- 
 cipal inhabitants of Andover, will outweigh the credulity 
 lof the juftices who committed them, or of the grand jury 
 which found bills againft them. 
 
 " To the honoured court of AJfize held at Salenu 
 " The humble addrefs of fever al of the inhabitants of Andover^ 
 ^' May it pleafe this honoured court, 
 
 " WE being very fenfible of the great fufferings our 
 neighbours have been long under in prifon, and charita- 
 bly judging that many of them are clear of that great 
 
 tranfgreflion 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 45 
 
 tranfgreffion which hath been laid to their charge, have 
 thought it our duty to endeavour their vindication fo far 
 as our tcftimony for them will avail. The perfons, in 
 whofe behalf we are defired and concerned to fpeak fome- 
 thing at prefent, are Mrs. Mary Oigood, Eunice Frye, 
 Deliverance Dane, Sarah Wilton and Abigail Barker, who 
 are women of whom we can truly give this charader and 
 commendation, that they have not only lived among us fo 
 inoffenfively as not to give the leaft occafion to any that 
 know them to fufpect them of witchcraft, but by their 
 fober, godly and exemplary converfation have obtained a 
 good report in the place, where they have been well ef- 
 teemed and approved in the church of which they are 
 members. 
 
 " We were furprifed to hear that perfons of known in- 
 tegrity and piety were accufed of fo horrid a crime, not 
 confidering, then, that the mod innocent were liable to 
 be fo mifreprefented and abufed. When thefe women 
 were accufed by fome alHided perfons of the neighbour- 
 hood, their relations and others, though they had fo good 
 grounds of charity that they fliould not have thought any 
 evil of them, yet through a mifreprefentation of the truth 
 of that evidence that was fo much credited and improved 
 againfl people, took great pains to perfuade thetn to own 
 what they were, by the afflicled, charged w^ith ; and in- 
 deed did unreafonably urge them to confefs themfelves 
 guilty, as fome of us who were then prefent can teflify. 
 But thefe good w^omen did very much aflert their inno- 
 "cency ; yet fome of them faid they were not without fear 
 left Satan had fome way enfnared them, becaufe there 
 was that evidence againfl them which then was by many 
 thought to be a certain indication and difcovery of witch- 
 craft, yet they ferioufly profeffed they knew nothing by 
 themfelves of that nature. Neverthelefs, by the unweari- 
 ed fohcitations of thofethat privately difcourfed them, both 
 at home and at Salem, they were at length perfuaded 
 publickly to own what they were charged with, and fo fub^ 
 mit to that guilt which we ftill hope and believe they are 
 clear of. And, it is probable, the fear of w^hat the event 
 might be, and the encouragement that, it is faid, was fug- 
 
 ecllcd 
 
45 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 gefted to them, that confefTing was the only way to obtain 
 favourj might be too powerful a temptation for timorous 
 women to withftand, in the hurry and diftradion that wc 
 have heard they Vv^ere then in. Had what they faid againft 
 themfelves proceeded from convidion of the fa6t, we 
 fhould have had aothing to have faid for them ; but we 
 are induced to think that it did not, becaufe they did foon 
 privately retrad what they had faid, as we are informed ; 
 and, while they were in prifon, they declared to fuch as 
 they had confidence to fpeak freely and plainly to, that 
 they were not guilty of what they had owned, and that 
 what they had faid againft themfelves was the greatefl 
 grief and burden they laboured under. Now, though 
 we cannot but judge it a thing very fmful for innocent 
 perfons to own a crime they are not guilty of, yet, con- 
 Udering the well ordered converfation of thofe women 
 while they lived among us, and what they now ferioufly 
 and conflantly affirm in a more compofed frame, we can^ 
 not but in charity judge them innocent of the great tranf-. 
 greffion that hath been imputed to them. As for the reft 
 of our neighbours, who are under the like circumftances 
 with thefe that have been named, we can truly fay of them, 
 thac, while they lived among us, we have had no caufe to 
 judge them fuch perfons as, of late, they have been repre- 
 fented and reported to be, nor do we know that any of 
 their neighbours had any juft grounds to fufpedl them of 
 that evil that they are now charged with, 
 
 Dudley Bradjlreet 'John Abbot ^ fen, Elizabeth Rite 
 
 Francis Dane, fen, Samuel Blanchard Wm, Peters 
 
 *Thomas Barnard Wm, Ballard Samuel Peters 
 
 Tho, Chandler^ fen, Thomas Hoofer Walter Wright 
 
 yohn Barker John Hooper Hooker Ofgood 
 
 tlenry Ingolls^fen, Wm, Abbot Benja, Stevens 
 
 Wm, Chandler, fen, "James Rujfell Ann Bradjlreet 
 
 Samuel Martin Oliver Holt Joanna Dane 
 
 Stephen Parker John Preffon Eliza* Stevens 
 
 Samuel Ingolls Francis Dane, Jun, Eliza, Barnard 
 
 Ephraim Stevens George Abbot Phebe Robinfon 
 
 Daniel Poore Wm, Chandler, jun, Hannah Chandler 
 
 John Ingolls John Chandler Hannah Dum 
 
i592.] MASSACHUSETTS. 47 
 
 Henry IngoUs^jiin* Jofeph Robin/on Bridget Chandler 
 yohn Frieyfen. Thomas Johnfo7i Mary John/on 
 James Frie Tho. Johnfon^jun, Robert Rujfel 
 
 John AJlebee Andrew Peters Mary RuJelJ* 
 
 Samuel Holt Mary Peters 
 
 Among the confefling witches I find Dorothy Falkener, 
 a child of ten years, Abigail Falkener of eight, and Sarah 
 Carrier between feven and eight. 
 
 " Sarah Carrier's Confejfion^ Augufi the iithy 1696. 
 
 *' IT was afked Sarah Carrier by the magiflrates or 
 juftices, John Hawthorne, Efq. and others ; How long 
 haft thou been a witch ? A. Ever fmce I was fix years 
 old. Q^ How old are you now ? A. Near eight years 
 old; brother Richard fays I fhall be eight years old in No- 
 vember next. (^ Who made you a witch ? A My 
 mother ; fhe made me fet my hand to a book. Q^ How 
 did you fet your hand to it ? A. I touched it with my 
 fingers and the book was red, the paper of it was white* 
 She faid fhe never had feen the black man ; the place 
 'where (he did it was in Andrew Fofter's pafture, and Eliz- 
 abeth Johnfon, jun. was there. Being aflced who was 
 there befide, fhe anfwered her aunt Toothaker and her 
 coufm. Being afked when it was, (he faid, when fhe was- 
 baptized. Q. What did they promife to give you ? 
 A. A black dog. Q^ Did the dog ever come to you : 
 A. No. C^ But you faid you faw a cat once : what did 
 that fay to you ? A. It faid it would tear me in pieces if 
 I would not fet my hand to the book. She faid her mother 
 baptized her, and the devil or black man was not there, 
 as (he faw, and her mother faid when (lie baptized her. 
 Thou art mine forever and ever and amen. Q. Hov/ 
 did you afHiO: folks ? A. I pinched them, and me faid 
 file had no puppets, but fhe went to them that flic af- 
 flided. Being afked whether fhe went in her body or 
 her fpirit, fhe faid in her fpirit. She faid her mother 
 carried her thither to afHid. (^ How did your mother 
 carry you when fhe was in prifon ? A. She came like a 
 black cat. (^ How did you know that it was your 
 mother ? A. The cat told me fo that fhe was my moth- 
 er. She faid fhe afflided Phelp's child laft Saturday, and 
 
 Elizabeth 
 
4B THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 Elizabeth Johnfon joined with her to do it. She had a 
 wooden fpear, about as long as her finger, of Elizabeth 
 Johnfon, and fhe had it of the devil. She would not owix 
 that fhe had ever been at the witch meeting at the village. 
 This is the fubftance. 
 
 Attefl. Simon Willard:* 
 
 This poor child's mother then lay under fentence of 
 
 death, the mother of the other two children was in prif- 
 
 on, and foon after tried and condemned, but upon her 
 
 confefTion reprieved, and finally pardoned. 
 
 I meet with but one perfon in near an hundred 
 whofe examinations are upon file, that v/as difmiffed after 
 having been once charged, for which he might thank one 
 of the girls who would not agree with the reft in the 
 accufation. 
 
 " The eamnination of Nehe?niah Abbot ^ at a court at Salem 
 'Village^ by John Hawthorne and Jonathan Corwin, E/q*rs, 
 2 2d Aprils 1692. 
 
 WHAT fay you, are you guilty of witchcraft, of 
 which you are fufpeded, or not ? No Sir, I fay before 
 God, before whom I ftand, that I know nothing of witch- 
 craft. Who is this man? Ann Putman named him. 
 Mary Walcot faid fhe had feen his fhape. What do you 
 fay to this ? I never did hurt them ? Who hurt you, 
 Ann Putman ? That man. I never hurt her. Ann 
 Putman faid, he is upon the beam. Jufl fuch a difcov- 
 ery of the perfon carried out, and flie confefTed ; and if 
 you would fmd mercy of God, you mufl confefs. If I 
 fhould confefs this, I mud confefs what is falfe. Tell 
 how far 'ou have gone, who hurts you ? I do not know, 
 I am abfolutely free. As you fay, God knows. If you 
 will confefs the truth, we defire nothing elfe, that you 
 may not hide your guilt, if you are guilty, and therefore 
 confefs if fo. I fpeak before God that I am clear from 
 this accufation. What, in all refpeds ? Yes, in all re- 
 fpeds. Doth this man hurt you ? Their mouths were 
 flopped. You hear feveral accufe you, though one can- 
 not open her mouth. I am altogether free. Charge 
 him not unlefs it be he. This is the man, fay fome, and 
 fomc fay he is very like him. How did you know his 
 
 name ? 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 49 
 
 name ? He did not tell me himfelf, but other witches 
 told me. Ann Putman faid. It is the fame man, and then 
 ihe was taken with a lit. Mary Walcot, is this the man ? 
 He is like him, I cannot fay it is he. Mercy Lewis faid. 
 It is not the man. They all agreed, the man had a bunch 
 on his eyes. Ann Putman, in a fit, faid, Be you the man ? 
 ay, do you fay you be the man ? did you put a mid before 
 my eyes ? Then he was fent forth till feveral others* were 
 examined. When he was brought in again, by reafon of 
 much people and many in the windows fo that the accu- 
 fers could not have a clear view of him, he was ordered 
 to be abroad, and the accufers to go forth to him and view 
 him in the light, which they did, and, in the prefencc of 
 the magillrates and many others, difcourfed quietly with 
 him, one and all acquitting him, but yet faid he was like 
 that man, but he had not the wen they fav/ in his appari- 
 tion. Note, he was a hilly-Biced man, and flood Ihaded 
 by reafon of his own hair, fo that for a time he feemed to 
 fome by- (landers and obfervers to be confiderably like the 
 perfon the afflided did defcribe. 
 
 " Mr. Samuel Paris, being defired to take in writing 
 the examination of Nehemiah Abbot, hath delivered it as 
 aforefaid, and upon hearing the fame did fee caufe to dif- 
 mifs him. John Ha'ujtborne, 7 ^^^^^^^.j. 
 
 Jona, Lorwin^ 3 
 
 We fee, from the preceding examinations and confef- 
 fions, the method of proceeding preparatory to the trial of 
 the accufed perfons. 
 
 For three or four months, the afflicted generally con- 
 fined themfelves to their own neighbourhood, in their ac- 
 cufations. In the examinations there is fometimes men- 
 tion made of flrangers, whofe fhapes or fpectres were un- 
 known to the afflided. The hrfl accufed, in any other 
 county, was Mrs. Gary, wife of Mr. Nathaniel Gary, a 
 principal inhabitant of the town of Gharlellown. He, as 
 foon as he heard of it, carried his wife to Salem village, 
 fuppofmg file would not be known to the affli«Sled. They 
 happened to arrive jufl as the juftices were going into 
 the meeting houfe, where they held their court to exam- 
 ine pxifoncrs. All the prifoners, which were brought in, 
 
 were 
 
50 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 were accufed, and the girls fell into fits as ufual; but 
 Mrs. Gary came in and fat Xvithout any notice, except 
 that one or two of the affiided came to her and alked her 
 name. After the examination, her hufband went to the 
 tavern, intending there to difcourfe with one of the girls, 
 whom he heard had accufed his wife. John, the Indian, 
 v/ho pretended to be one of the afflided, was a fervant in 
 the h^ufe. Two of the girls were foon brought in, and 
 inftead of giving any opportunity of difcourfmg with 
 them, they tumbled about the floor, crying out, Gary, 
 Gary, and a warrant came to apprehend her ; the Indian 
 joining with the two girls in the charge. No bail could 
 be admitted, nor was it to any purpoTe to make any de- 
 fence, and fhe was ordered to the prifon in Bofton ; but, 
 upon the requeft of her hufband, was removed to Cam- 
 bridge gaol, where flie was kept in irons] Afterwards, 
 when the trials came on at Salem, her?hufband went there 
 to fee how they were managed, and he thought the only 
 chance his wife had for her life, was by an efcape, which, 
 by fome means or other, he effected, and fled with her to 
 New York, where governor Fletcher entertained them 
 very courteoufly. They petitioned, I fuppofe before the 
 efcape, that {he might be tried in the county where fhe 
 lived. If the court thought they were held to try the fa6t 
 in the county where it was committed, there feems to 
 have been room for an argument, her body being in 
 Middlefex at the fame time that her fpe£tre and the body 
 of the afliiO;ed perfons were in Eflex. 
 
 Mrs. Gary was committed about the middle of May, 
 Towards the end of the month, Gapt. John Alden, of 
 Boflion, was accufed, who was thereupon fent down to 
 . Salem. He had been many years commander of a floop 
 in the colony fervice, employed for fupplying the forts 
 eafl: with provifions and fliores ; and although, upon his 
 fir ft appearing, the ju dices allowed that he always had the 
 charader of an honeft man, yet one of them, Gidney, 
 foon after, let him know he then faw reafon to think 
 otherwife of him. Alden, in his account, fays, that the 
 accufer firft pointed to another man and faid nothing, but 
 that the man who held her fl:ooped down to her ear, and 
 
 then 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 5X 
 
 then fhe cried out, Alden, Alden. All were ordered in- 
 to the flreets, and a ring made, and then ilie cried, out. 
 There Jiands Alden, a boldfelloiv, ivith his hat 07i, fells povjder 
 andjhot to the Indians^ lies ivith thefqnaijs and has papoofesy 
 life. He was immediately taken into cuflody of the mar- 
 fhal and required to deliver up his fword. A further ex- 
 amination was had in the meeting-houfe, and his hands 
 were held open by the officer, that he might not pinch 
 the afflifted, who were flruck down at the fight of him, 
 and made their ufual cries ; all which the juflices deemed 
 Sufficient grounds for committing him to gaol, where he 
 lay fifteen weeks, and then he was prevailed on by his 
 friends to make his efcape, and to abfent himfelf until the 
 confternation fhould abate, and the people recover the 
 ufe of their reafon. 
 
 Although the number of prifoners had been increafing*, 
 from February until the beginning of June, yet there had 
 been no trials. The charter was expeded from day to 
 day, and the new conftitution of government to take place. 
 Soon after its arrival, commiffioners of oyer and terminer 
 were appointed for the trial of withcrafts. By the charter, 
 the general aifembly are to conftitute courts of jufLice, 
 and the governor with the advice of council is to nomi- 
 nate and appoint judges, commiffioners of oyer and ter- 
 miner, &c. but whether the governor, with advice of 
 council, can conftitute a court of oyer and terminer, with* 
 out authority for that purpofe derived from the general 
 aflembly, has been made a queftion ; however, this the 
 moil important court to the life of the fubje£i: which ever 
 was held in the province, was conftituted in no other 
 manner. It was opened at Salem the firft week in June. 
 Only one of the accufed, Bridget Bifhop, alias Oliver, was 
 then brought to trial. She had been charged with witch- 
 craft twenty years before. The accufer, upon his death 
 bed, confefled his own guilt in the accufation ; but an old 
 woman, once charged with being a witch, is never after- 
 wards wholly free from the accufation, and (lie being, be- 
 fides, of a fradious temper, all the lolTes the neighbours 
 met with in their cattle and poultry, and accidents in over* 
 letting their carts, &c. were attributed to her fpite againd 
 
 them. 
 
52 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 them, and now fuffered to be teftified againft her. This 
 evidence, together with the teftimony of the afflided, and 
 of the confelTors, what they had heard from the fpedres 
 arid feen of her fpeclre, and an excrefcence, called a teat, 
 found upon her body, were deemed by court and jury plen- 
 ary proof, and (lie was convided, and on the loth of June 
 executed. The further trials were put off to the adjourn- 
 ment, the 30th of June. The governor and council 
 thought proper, in the mean time, to take the opinion of 
 feveral of the principal minifters upon the flate of things 
 as they then flood. This was an old charter practice. 
 They gave their opinion as follows.* ' 
 
 *' The return of feveral min'iflers^ confulted by his excellency 
 
 and the honourable council upon the prefent witchcraft in 
 
 Salem village, 
 
 Boflon^ June i^th^ 1692. 
 
 '' I. THE afflided flate of our poor neighbours, that 
 are now fuffering by moleflations from the invifible world, 
 we apprehend fo deplorable, that we think their condition 
 calls for the utmofl help of all perfons in their feveral 
 capacities. 
 
 " 2. We cannot but, with all thankfulnefs, acknowl- 
 edge the fuccefs which the merciful God has given to the 
 fedulous and affiduous endeavours of our honourable rul- 
 ers, to defeat the abominable witchcrafts which have been 
 committed in the country, humbly praying, that the dif- 
 covery of thofe myflerious and'mifchievous wickedneffes 
 may be perfeded. 
 
 " 3. We judge that, in the profecution of thefe and all 
 fuch witchcrafts, there is need of a very critical and exquif- 
 ite caution, left by too much credulity for things received 
 only upon the devil's authority, there be a door opened 
 for a long train of miferable confequences, and Satan get 
 an advantage over us \ for we fhould not be ignorant of 
 his devices. 
 
 " 4. As in complaints upon witchcrafts there may be 
 matters of inquiry which do not amount unto matters of 
 
 prefumption, 
 
 * I fancy this muft be what Douglafb had heard fomething of, and calls by miftake 
 ** the addrefs of many of the very popular but very weak minifiers or clergy to Sir 
 W. P. a very weak governor, with thanks for what was already done, and exhort- 
 ing him to proceed." 
 
t592.] MASSACHUSETTS. 53 
 
 prefumption, and there may be matters of prefumptiort 
 which yet may not t)e matters of convidlion, fo it is necef- 
 fary, that all proceedings thereabout be managed with 
 an exceeding tendernefs towards thofe that may be com- 
 plained of, efpecially if they have been perfons formerly of 
 an unblemifhed reputation. 
 
 " 5. When the firll inquiry is made into the circum- 
 fiances of fuch as may lie under the jull fufpicion of witch- 
 crafts, we could wifh that there may be admitted as little 
 as poffible of fuch noife, company and opennefs as may too 
 hallily expofe them that are examined, and that there may 
 be nothing ufed as a ted for the trial of the fufpecled, the 
 lawfulnefs whereof may be doubted by the people of God; 
 but that the directions given by fuch judicious writers as 
 Perkins and Bernard, may be obferved. 
 
 " 6. Prefumptions whereupon perfons may be commit- 
 ted, and, much more, convictions ■whereupon perfons may 
 be condemned as guilty of witchcrafts, ought certainly to 
 be more confiderable than barely the accufed perfon's be- 
 ing reprefented by a fpectre unto the afflicted ; inafmuch 
 as it is an undoubted and a notorious thing, that a demon 
 may, by God's permiffion, appear, even to ill purpofes, in 
 the (hape of an innocent, yea, and a virtuous man. Nor 
 can we efleem alterations made in the fufferers, by a look 
 or touch of the accufed, to be an infallible evidence of 
 guilt, but frequently Hable to be abufed by the devil's 
 legerdemain. 
 
 " 7. We know not whether fome remarkable afrronts 
 given the devils, by our difbelieving thofe teflimonies 
 w^hofe whole force and ftrength is from them alone, may 
 not put a period unto the progrefs of the dreadful calam- 
 ity begun upon us, in the accufation of fo many perfons, 
 whereof fome, we hope, are yet clear from the great tranf- 
 greflion laid to their charge. 
 
 " 8. Neverthelefs, we cannot but humbly recommend 
 unto the government,, the fpeedy and vigorous profecutions 
 of fuch as have rendered themfelves obnoxious, according 
 to the directions given in the laws of God, and the whole- 
 fome ftatutes of the Englifh nation, for the detection of 
 witchcrafts." 
 
 The 
 
^4 THE HISTORY OP [Chap. L 
 
 The judges feem to have paid more tegard to the lafl 
 article of this return, than to feveral which precede it ^ 
 for the profecutions were carried on with all poflible vig- 
 our, and without that exquifite caution which is propofed* 
 
 At the firfl trial, there was no colony or provincial law 
 againfl v/itchcraft in force. The ilatute of James the firfl 
 mud therefore have been confidered as in force in the 
 province, witchcraft not being an offence at common law* 
 Before the adjournment, the old colony law, which makes 
 witchcraft a capital offence, was revived, with the other 
 local laws^ as they v/ere called, and made a law of the 
 province. 
 
 At the adjournment, June 30, five women were brought 
 upon trial, Sarah Good, Rebekah Nurfe, Sufannah Mar-^ 
 tin, Elizabeth How, and Sarah Wilder. 
 
 There was no difHculty with any but Nurfe. She was 
 a member of the church and of a good chara<Eler, and, as 
 to her, the jury brought in their verdid, not guilty ; upon 
 which the accufers made a great clamour, and the court 
 expreffed their diffatisfaclion with the verdid, which cauf- 
 ed fome of the jury to defire to go out again ; and then 
 they brought her in guilty. This w^as a hard cafe, and can 
 fcarcely be faid to be the execution of law and jujlice in mer* 
 cy,'^ In a capital cafe, the court often refufes a verdid: of, 
 guilty ; but rarely, if ever, fends a jury out again upon 
 one of, not guilty. It does not indeed appear, that in this 
 cafe the jury was ordered out again ; but the diffatisfadioA 
 expreffed by the court feems to have been in fuch a man- 
 ner as to have the fame effe61:. The certificate given by 
 the foreman of the jury, to fatisfy the relations of the 
 ■woman, fhews how the fad was. 
 
 " July 4tb, 1692. 
 « I THOMAS FISK, the fubfcriber hereof, being one 
 of them that were of the jury lafl week at Salem court, 
 upon the trial of Rebekah Nurfe, &c. being defired, by 
 fome of the relations, to give a reafon why the jury brought 
 her in guilty ^ after the verdid not guilty ; I do hereby give 
 my reafons to be as follows. 
 
 "When 
 
 * A part of the oath the king takes at his coronation, " Tfhieh judgei Ihottld have 
 Written on their heart-s." Fo/Iar's crtxvn laze. 
 
i6g2.2 MASSACHUSETTS. 55 
 
 *' When the verdid, not guilty^ was given, the honoured 
 tcourt was pleafed to object againfl it, faying to them, that 
 they think they let flip the words which the prifoner at 
 the bar fpake againfl herfelf, which were fpoken in reply 
 to Goodwife Hobbs and her daughter, who had been faul- 
 ty in fetting their hands to the devirs book, as they had 
 confefled formerly ; the words were, What do thefe perfons 
 give in evidence againji me now ? they vfcd io come among us ? 
 After the honoured court had manifefted their dilfaiis- 
 fadion of the verdidt, feveral of the jury declared them- 
 felves defirous to go out again, and thereupon the honour- 
 ed court gave leave ; but when we came to confider the 
 cafe, I could not tell how to take her words as an evidence 
 againfl her, till file had a further opportunity to put her 
 fenfe upon them, if fhe would take it ; and then going in- 
 to court, I mentioned the words aforefaid, which by one 
 of the court were affirmed to have been fpoken by her, 
 flie being then at the bar, but made no reply nor interpre- 
 tation of them ; whereupon, thefe words were to me a 
 principal evidence againfl her. Thomas Fijh,^* 
 
 Nurfe, being informed of the ufe v/hich had been made 
 ©f her words, gave in a declaration to the court, that 
 ^^ when fhe faid Hobbs and her daughter were of her 
 company, fhe meant no more than that they were prifon- 
 crs as well as herfelf ; and that, being hard of hearing, 
 fhe did not knov/ what the foreman of the jury faid." 
 But her declaration had no efFe6l. 
 
 Mr. Noyes, the minifler of Salem, a zealous profecutor, 
 excommunicated the poor old woman and delivered her to 
 Satan, to whom he fuppofed fhe had formally given her- 
 felf up many years before \ but her life and converfation 
 had been fuch, that the remembrance thereof, in a Ihort 
 time after, wiped off all the reproach occafioned by the 
 civil or ecclefiaflical fentence againfl her. 
 
 It is faid, that at the trial of Sarah Good, one of the 
 afHIiSled perfons fell into a fit, and, after recovery, cried 
 out, " that the prifoner had flabbed her and broke her 
 knife in doing it ;" and a piece of the knife was found 
 upon the aiHidled perfon ; but a young man declared, that 
 the day before, be ^roke that Terv knife and threw away 
 
SG THE HISTORY OF [Chap* L 
 
 the piece, this afflided perfon being then prefent. The 
 court took fo much notice as to bid her tell no more lies, 
 but went on to improve her as a witnefs againft other 
 prifoners.* Something happened, not unlike to this, in 
 a trial before Sir Matthew Hale. The afflided children, 
 in their fits, would Ihriek out upon the leafl: touch from 
 Rofe Cullender, one of the witches, but remained quite 
 infenfible when any body elfe touched them. Left there 
 fhould be any fraud, Lord Cornwallis, Sir Edmund Bacon*, 
 Serjeant Keeling and other gentlemen attended one of 
 the girls, whilft fhe was in her fits, at another pal't of the 
 hall, and one of the witches was brought, and an apron 
 was put before the girl's eyes ; but inftead of the witches 
 hand, another perfon's hand was taken to touch the girl, 
 who thereupon Ihrieked out as fhe ufed to do. The gen- 
 tlemen returned and declared to the court they believed 
 the whole was an impofture. Notwithftanding this, the 
 witch was found guilty, and the judge and all the court 
 were fully fatisfied with the verdid, and awarded fentence^ 
 accordingly. 
 
 Sufannah Martin had been fufpeded ever fmce 1669, 
 fo that many witch ftories were reported of her and given 
 in evidence againft her. One of thefe women, being told, 
 at her execution by the minifter, Mr. Noyes, that he knew 
 file v/as a witch, and therefore advifed her to confefs, fhe 
 replied, that be lied^ aiid that /he ivas no more a witch than he 
 was a wizard ; and if he took away her life^ God would give 
 him blood to drink. ^ 
 
 At the trial of another of them, it is faid, that one of 
 the afflided cried out in court upon Mr. Willard, a min- 
 ifter of Bofton, and that flie was immediately fent out of 
 court ; and it was given out that fire was miftaken in the 
 perfon. | There was one Willard then in prifon for 
 witchcraft. 
 
 At 
 
 * This flory is related by Calef, who hy his narrative gave great offence, having 
 ccnfured the proceedings, at a time when in general the country did not fee the error 
 they had been in ; but in his account of fa its which can be evidenced by records, 
 and other original wnitings, he appears to have been a fair relator. 
 
 f Calcf. They have a tradition among the people of Salem that a peculiar cir- 
 cumftance attended the death of this gentleman, he having been Choakcd with blood, 
 which makes them fuppofe her, if not n vi'itch, a Pythoniffa, at Icaft, in this inftarfce, 
 \ Calef. 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. c^^ 
 
 At the next adjournment, Aug. 5th, George Burroughs, 
 Tohn Procter and Elizabeth his wife, John Willard, 
 George Jacobs and Martha Carrier were all brought upon 
 trial and condemned, and all executed upon the ipthrof 
 Auo-uft, except Elizabeth Profler, who elcaped by plead- 
 ing her belly. 
 
 Burroughs had been a preacher* feveral years before 
 tfcis, at Salem village, where there had been fome mif- 
 underftanding beUv'een him and the people. Afterwards 
 he became a preaSjfer at Wells, in the province of Main. 
 We will be a little more particular in our account of his 
 trial.t The indiftment was as follows. 
 
 •* ^^ Anno Re^s et'RegiiidE^ Iffc. quario. 
 
 EiTex if. THE jurors for our fovereign lord and lady 
 the king and queen, prefent, that George Burroughs, 
 late of Falmouth in the province of Mallachufetts, clerk, 
 the ninth day of May, in the fourth year of the reign 
 of our fovereign lord and lady WiHiam and Mary, by 
 the grace of God of England, Scotland, France, and Ire-^ 
 land, •king and queen, defenders of the faith, hz, and 
 divers other days and times, as well before as a^ter, cer- 
 tain deteftable arts called witchcrafts and forcer%, wick- 
 edly and feloniouily hath ufed, pradifed and exercifed, 
 at and within the town of Salem, in the county of Eflex 
 aforefaid, in, upon and againft one Mary Walcot, of 
 Salem village, in the county of EiTex, fmgle woman ; by 
 which faid wicked arts, the faid Mary Walcot, the ninth 
 day of May in the fourth year abovefaid, and divers other 
 
 days 
 
 * The confefTmg witches were examined concernino; him. " Richard Carrier af- 
 firmed to the jury that he faw Mr. George Burroughs at the witch meeting at the 
 village, and faw him adminifter the facrament. Mary Lacey, fen. and her daugh- 
 ter Mary affirmed, that Mr. George Burroughs was at the witch meetings and 
 witch facraments, and that fhe knows Mr. Burroughs to be of the company of 
 witches. Aug. 3, 169a." 
 
 f Amotig the fufferecs difcovered in England by Matthew Hopkins in 1645, 
 there was one Mr. Louis, whom Mr. Baxter calls an old reading parfon, and fays 
 that he confeffed he had two imps, and that he fent one to fink a Ihip which he faw 
 on the coaft, and that afterwards he faw the fhip fink. Do6lor Hutchinfon, in 
 his obfervations upon the Suffolk witches, fay?, Mr. Lewis was an ancient clergy* 
 man, near fourfcore, who read (^Elizabeth's homilies inftead of fermotis, but be- 
 ing what was then called a malignant parfon, he was more eafily convided ; that 
 upon his trial he afferted his innocency, and at his execution read the fervice for 
 burial himfclf ; that the confeflion Mr. Baxter mentions was • from the evidence 
 of perfons at his trial, and as Hopkins had fwam him feveral times till he w.mi 
 near drowning, fuch confeflion, or any othe/, was not matter of great wonder. 
 
 Vol. II. E 
 
SS THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 days and times as well before as after, was and is tor- 
 tured, afflided, pined, confumed, wafted and tormented, 
 againfl the peace of our fovereign lord and lady the king 
 and queen, and againfl the form of the ilatute in that 
 cafe made and provided. Endorfed Blila vera," Three 
 other bills were found againft him for witchcrafts upon 
 other perfons, to all which he pleaded not guilty, and put 
 himfelf upon trial, &c. 4 
 
 The affiided perfons, and the confefling witches were 
 firfl examined ; for although, by thd|§dvice of the el- 
 ders, their evidence was not conclulive, yet fome pre- 
 fumption arofe from it, and with other circumitances to 
 corroborate it, the proof might be fulTicient to convid. 
 One circumftance was, that, being a little man, he had 
 performed feats beyond the ftrength of a giant, viz. had 
 held out a gun of ttven feet barrel with one hand, and 
 had carried a barrel full of cyder from a canoe to the 
 ihore. Upon his urging that an Indian, who was prefent, 
 held out the gun alfo, and the witnelTes not remembering 
 that any- Indian was there, it was faid the Indian muft 
 have been the black man, or the devil, who the witnefles 
 fwore Iqcftis like an Indian. Other evidence was given of 
 his harm treatment of his wives, having been twice mar- 
 ried, and of his pretending to them that he knew what 
 had been faid to them in his abfence, and his perfuading 
 them to give'it under their hands in writing, and to fwear 
 to it, that tltey .would not reveal his fecrets ; and it was 
 further faid they had privately complained to the neigh- 
 bours that their houfe was haunted with fpirits. And a 
 brother of one of his wives fwore, that going cut after 
 ilrawberries,'Upon their return, he went into the bullies 
 on foot, and though they rode a quick pace, yet when they 
 came near home, to their ailonifhment they found him 
 with them, and that he fell to chiding his wife for talking 
 to her brother about him, and faid he knew their thoughts, 
 which the brother faid, was more than the devil knew ; 
 to which Burroughs replied, that his god told him. 
 ♦ Againfl this evidence he urged, that a man was with him, 
 to fhew that another walked as fafl as he did ; and this 
 was immediately determined to be the black man alfo. 
 
 And, 
 
i6g2.2 MASSACHUSETTS. 59 
 
 And, upon the whole, he was confounded, and ufed many 
 twillings and turnings, which I tl\ink we cannot wonder 
 at. At his execution, he concluded his dying prayer with 
 the Lord's prayer ; probably to convince lome of the 
 fpe61:ators of his innocence, for it was the received opinion, 
 that a true witch could not fay the Lord's prayer without 
 ^blundering,* and in many of the examinations it was ufed 
 as a teft ; and feveral of the old w^omen not faying it right, 
 this was improved againO: them. 
 
 September the 9th, Aiarlba Cory, Mary Ejly, Alice Par- 
 ker^ Ann Pudeater, Dorcas Hoar, and Mary Bradbury were 
 tried, and September 17th, Margaret Scott, Wibnot Read^ 
 Samuel iVard-ivell, Mary Parker, Abigail Falkner, Rebec- 
 kah Eames, Mary Lacey, Ann Fofter, and Abigail Hobbs, 
 and all received fentence of death. Thofe in Italic were 
 executed the 2 2d folio v/ing. 
 
 Mary E/ty, who was fifter to Nurfe, gave in to the court 
 a petition ; in which fhe fays, ilie does not afk her own 
 life, although fhe is confcious of her innocence, but prays 
 them, before the^y condemn any more, to examine the 
 confeiTmg witches more flridly ; for fhe is fure they have 
 belied themfelves and others, which will appear in the 
 world to which fhe is going, if it fhouldnot in this w^orld. 
 
 Thofe who were condemned and not executed, I fuppofe 
 all confefTed their guilt. I have feen the confeflions of 
 feveral of them. \Vardwell alfo confefTed, but he recant- 
 ed and fufFered. His own wife, as well as his daughter! 
 accufed him, and faved themfelves. There are many in- 
 ftances, among the examinations, of childre^ accufmg their 
 parents, and fome of parents accufmg their children. 
 This is the only inflance of a wife or hufband accufmg 
 one the ot'her, and furely this inflance ought not to 
 have been fufFered. I fhudder while I am relating it. 
 Befides this irregularity, there were others in the courfe 
 of thefe Ujials. The fa6ls laid in the indictments were, 
 witchcr^t3 upon particular perfons ; there was no evi- 
 dence 
 
 * ** &h.& was bid to fay the Lord's prajwp. When fhe came to, Forgh'e vs our tnf^ 
 pajfes, as ive~forgive them that trefpafs agai^is, fhe faid, So do /. No other miflake, in 
 faying the prayer, remarkable." A iv^iin': examination^ Sept. 21, 1692. 
 
 t The daughter upon a fecond inquiry denied that fbc knew her father and mother 
 to be witches ; the wife was not afked a fecond time. 
 
So THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 dence of thefe fa£ls, but what was called fpe£lral evidence, 
 which, in the opinion of the minilters, was infufficient ; 
 fome of the other evidence was of fafts ten or twenty years 
 before, which had no relation to thofe with which they 
 were charged ; and fome of them no relation to the 
 crime of witchcraft. Evidence is not admitted, even 
 againfl the general charader of perfons upon trial, unlefs, 
 to encounter other evidence brought in favour of it ; much " 
 lefs ought their whole lives to be arraigned, without giving 
 time fufficient for defence.* 
 
 Giles Cory was the only perfon, befides thofe already 
 named, who fuffered. He, feeing the fate of all who had 
 put themfelves upon trial, refufed to plead ; but the 
 judges, who had not been careful enough in obferving 
 the law in favour of the prifoners, determined to do it 
 againft'this unhappy man, and he had judgment of /»^/;z^ 
 fort et dure for {handing mute, and was prefled to death ; 
 the only inflance which ever was, either before this time 
 or fmce, in New-England. In all ages of the world, 
 fuperflitious ct^dulity has produced greater cruelty than , % 
 is pradlifed among the Hottentots, 6r' other nations, Jj^ 
 whofe belief of a Deity is called in queftion. 
 
 This court of oyer and terminer, happy for the coun- 
 try, fat no more. Nineteen perfons had been executed, 
 all alTerting their innocence ; but this was not enough to 
 open the eyes of the people in general. The gaol at Sa- 
 lem was filled vvdth prifoners, and many had been remove 
 ed to other saols ; fome were admitted to bail, all re- 
 ferved for triS, a law having paffed conftituting a fu- 
 preme ftanding court, with jurifdidion in capital, as well 
 as all other criminal cafes. The general court alfo fhew- 
 ed their zeal againfl witchcraft, by a law pafled in the 
 words of the flatute of James the firfl ; but this law was 
 difallowed by the king. If the court was of opinion that 
 the ftatute extended here, I fee no neceffity of a provincial 
 a6t exadly in the fame words ; if the ftatute %id not ex- 
 tend 
 
 * Againll many of the women there was likewlfe given in evidence the return of 
 a jury of one man, a dodlor, and eight woliien appointed to examine their bodies for 
 tetts and other devil's marks. The fcarch was curious enough, but the return is to* 
 indelicate to appear in this relation. Some faid the credulity was fuch, that, a fle^- 
 bite would pafi well enough for a tett or the devil's mark. * 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. * 6u 
 
 tend here, I know not by what law the firfl that w^ 
 
 P tried could be fentenced to death. 
 
 The time, by law, for holding the court at Salem, w^-; » 
 not until January. This gave opportunity for conlidcr- 
 ation ; and this alone might have been fufncient'^br* a 
 change 'Of opinions and meafures ; but^nother reafon 
 * has been given for it. Ordinarily perfens of the loweft 
 rank in life have had the misfortune to be charged with 
 witchcrafts ; and although many fuch had fuifered, yet 
 'there remained in prifon a number of women, of as rep- 
 utable families as any in the towns where they lived, and 
 feveral perfons, of itill Hiperior rank, were hinted at by 
 the pretended bewitched, or by the confeiling witches. 
 Some had been publickly named, Dudley Bradflreet, a 
 juflice of peace, who had been appointed one of prefident 
 Dudley's council, and who was fon to the worthy old gov- 
 ernour, then living, found it neceffary to abfcond. Hav- 
 ing been remifs in profecuting, he had been charged by 
 Jome of the afflided as a confederate. His brother, Johr; 
 
 '^radftreet, was forced to fly alfo. Calef fays it was inti- 
 mated that SirWilliam Phips's lady was among the accufed. 
 It is certain that one who pretended to be bewitched at 
 Bofton, where the infection was beginning to fpread, charg- 
 
 > ed the fecretary of the colony of Connedicut.* Mrs. 
 Hale, wife to the minifter of Beverly, wasa^ufed alfo ; 
 
 ^ which caufed her hufband to alter his judg^nt, and to be 
 lefs active in profecutions than he had been. 
 
 At the court in January, the grand jury found bills 
 againft about fifty for witchcraft, one or two men, the reft 
 women ; but upon trial, they v/ere all acquitted, except 
 three of the w(*cft characters, and thofethe governour re- 
 prieved for mb king's mercy. All that were not brought * 
 upon trial he ordered to be difcharged.f- Such a gaol 
 
 delivery ^ 
 
 ^" As to what you mention, concerning that poor crcr.ture in your town that is 
 affli(5led, and mentioned my name to yourfelf and fon, I rtturn you hearty thanks for 
 your intimation about it, and for your charity therein mentioned ; and I have great 
 caufe to blefs God, who, of his mercy hitherto, hath not left, nie to fall into fuch^an 
 horrid evil.'* ExtraSi of a Ltiir from fecretary Allen to Inc. Mather ^ Harlfcrtly 1 8 
 March, 92-3. ^. fc V ♦ 
 
 f It is faid^tJie governor's lady, vaWn Sir William was ahfent, faved one poor 
 woman from^nkl. " in Sir William 'jPbfence, his lady, I fuppofe upon account of 
 her name's bein^ Mary, (William and Mary) was foiicited fur a favoiu: in behalf 
 
*62^ THE HISTORY Of [Ci^ap. L 
 
 #' 
 
 '0 
 
 delivery was made this court, as has never been known 
 at any other time in New-England, 
 I» Several perfons had been charged and imprifoned in the 
 county of Middlefex alfo, and at the firfl court at Charlef- 
 town they were brought to trial, but the jury acquitted 
 them all. Somt.of the court were diffatisfied. The juries 
 changed fooner than the judges. However, it was not 
 long before one, at leafl, of the judges of the firfl court 
 of oyer and terminer was fenfible of his error. Mr. Sew- 
 all, at a public fafl, gave in to the minifter a bill, acknowl- 
 edging his error in the late proceedings, and defiring to 
 humble himfelf in the fight of God and his people. It is 
 faid that the chief jullice, Mr. Stoughton, being informed 
 of this aftion of one of his brethren, obferved for himfelf 
 that, when he fat in judgment, he had the fear of God be- 
 fore his eyes, and gave his opinion according to the befl of 
 his underftanding ; and although it might appear after- 
 wards that he had been in an error, yet he faw no neceffi- 
 ty of a pubhc acknowledgment of it. ^ 
 
 One of the minifters, who, in the tim.e of it, was fully 
 convinced that the complaining perfons were no impof- 
 tors and who vindicated his own cond iQ; and that of the 
 court in a narrative he pubUflied, remarks not long after, in 
 his diary, that many were of opinion that innocent blood 
 had been fhed. None of the pretended afflided were ever 
 brought upon trial for their fraud, fome of them proved 
 profligate perfons, abandoned to all vice, others pafTed 
 their days in obfcurity or contempt. 
 
 The opinion which prevailed in New-England, for ma- 
 ny years after this tragedy, that there was fomething pre- 
 ternatural in it, and that it was not all the ^e61: of fraud 
 and impofture, proceeded from the relu<^am:e in human 
 nature to rejeift errors once imbibed. As the principal 
 adors went off the flage, this opinion has gradually leffen- 
 
 ed ; 
 
 of a woman committed by one of the judges, on accufation of witchcraft, by a formal 
 warrant under his hand and feal, and in clofe prifon for trial the next aflizes, then not 
 far off. The good lady, propria 'virtute, granted and figned a warrant for the faid 
 woman's difcharge, which was obeyed-by the keeper, and the woman lives ftill for 
 aught I know. Truly I did not believe' this ftory, till I Hiv^ a cojpy of the mittimus 
 and difcharge, under the keeper's hand, attefted a true copy, for which difcovery the 
 keeper was difchargcd from his truft and put out of his employmerit, as he himfel( 
 told xne, M. S. later. 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 63 
 
 ed ; and perhaps it is owing to a refpe£l to the memory of 
 their immediate anceftors, that many do not yet feem to 
 be fully convinced. There are a great numbeir of perfons 
 who are willing to fuppofe the accufers to have beea un- 
 der bodily diforders which affected their imaginations. ^ 
 This is kind and charitable, but feems to be winking the 
 truth out of fight, A little attention mufl force convI(ftion 
 that the whole was a fcene of fraud and impodure, began 
 by young girls, who at firfl: perhaps thought of nothing 
 more than being pitied and indulged, and continued by 
 adult perfons, who were afraid of being accufed themfelves. 
 The one and the other, rather than confefs their fraud, 
 fufFered the lives of fo many innocents to be taken away, 
 through the credulity of judgejiSnd juries.* 
 
 It was propofed that the members of the general court 
 fhould, during the recefs, confider of fuch laws as were 
 necefTary to be eflabli/hed ; for the a£t reviving the colony 
 laws was to continij.e in force no longer than until No- 
 vember, 1692. 
 
 This was a work of great importance, and required the 
 wifeft heads, and ought to have been committed to feledt 
 perfons upon a preconcerted plan, the whole of which 
 each perfon fliould have kept in view ; for want thereof 
 the people of the province have been fufFerers ever fmce ; 
 the conflruclion of many laws has been doubtful and va- 
 
 •* lying, it being impoiTible to reconcile the feveral parts to 
 any general principle of law v/hatfoever. Befides, being 
 pafTed one after another, as they happened to be brought 
 in, and fent to England for allowance, fome were difap- 
 proved ; others, which depended upon or had fome con- 
 nexion with thofe which were difapproved, were allowed : 
 
 "whereas, if one complete code or fyflem had been prepar- 
 ed and fent to England, fuch alterations would have been 
 propofed as might finally have ifTued in a well-digefted 
 confiftent body 'bf laws ; and d, tem.porary provifion might , 
 
 hayfe 
 
 *Thc general court, about twenty years after, upon the petitions of the relations 
 ©f thofe who had been executed, and of ftveral perfons who had been chaj-ged and 
 fled, and whofe goods had been feized, made grants for and in conftdera^on of the 
 loffes fuftained ; but the petitioners alleged, that they bore no proportion to the real 
 damage. Philip Eaglifn, a merchant in Sakm, received £.300. He computed 
 his damages at £. 1500. Inquiry was made by a conan^ittce, and they profcffed t« 
 report fuch furas as each petitioo^ bad fun'ercJ. * 
 
 * » 
 
64 THE HISTORY OF . [Chap. I, 
 
 have been made, un^il this perpetual rule fhould be fettled. 
 Seven years had palled, and four different a6:s had been 
 fent, one after another, to England, for eftablifhing courts 
 of juftice, before the royal approbation could be obtained. 
 , It was the pradice of the adminiilration then, and it feem^, 
 at that time to have been well enough received in the prov-. 
 ince,* to point out, either in the order difallowing laws, 
 or to the agent who prefe^ied thern, the particular excep- 
 tions, and to propofe fuch alterations as might render 
 them acceptable, except in fuch cafes where the law in all * 
 its parts was difapproved. f 
 
 The legiilature confiding of many of the fame perfons 
 who had compofed the j^iilature under the old charter, 
 we find the fame fpirit,.;^ rnoft of the laws which were 
 firll paifed, as had been in the colony laWs. The hrft ad 
 was a fort of magna charta^ alfei ting and fetting forth their 
 general privileges, and this claufe was among the reft ; > 
 ^' No aid, tax, tallage, aifelfment, cuftom, loan, benevo- ^ 
 lence or impofition whatfoever, fhall be tlaid, affeifed, 
 impofed, or levied on any of their majeilies' fubjeds, 
 or their eftates, on any pretence whatfoever, but by the 
 ad and confent of the governor, council and rcprefenta- 
 tives of the people aifembled in general court." The 
 other parts of the ad were copied from magna charta. 
 
 This 
 
 * " I am alfo obliged to acknowledge your Lordfliip's favour In making known 
 the reafons of the repeal of divers adls and laws made within this province, which is 
 of good information and direction unto the general affembly in their new making of 
 others to thofe purpofes." Extr.from Lt. Gov. Stoughton s letter to lords oftrade^ Sept, 
 30, 1697. , . Jf* 
 
 f ^By Poyning's ad, fo called, it is provided, " that no parliament be hereafter 
 holden in the faid land of Ireland, but at fuch feafon as the king's lieutenant and 
 • council there firft do certify the king, under the great fe^l of that land, the caufes ana 4(#* 
 confiderations, and all fuch aifts as them feemeth fhould pafs in the fame parliament,jj* ' ^ 
 and fuch caufes, confiderations and a6ts afhrmed by the king and his council to be '^ ^>' • 
 good and expedient fqr that land." By an ad of the parliament of England 3d and 
 4th Phli. & Mar. it was determined, that the meaning of the words " good and ex- 
 pedient for that land" was, that the ads fent to England mi^ht be pafTed in fuch 
 form and tenor as fent over, or that any part of them migh^* changed and altered 
 before they were fent back to Ireland t6 be pafled by the parUament there. A quef- | 
 
 tion, however, was ftarted in the 12th of K. James I. and it was referred to the chief 
 juftice, (Sec. to confider both the Irilh and Engliili ad, and although it may feem dif- ^ 
 
 ficult to include corredion and alteration in affirmation, yet, it was certain, the ad ^ 
 
 of Phil. & Mar. had fo explained it ; and thus, although the ads themfelves are to 
 be originally drawn or propofed in Ireland, yet the amendments or alterations, which 
 may be as material as the ads themfelves, originate in England. This feems uncon- 
 flitutional in an Euglifh government. It is not certain, however, that there may 
 not be conveniences arifing hereby to the people of Ireland fufficient to balance ail 
 inconveniences. 
 
1692.] MASSACHUSETTS. 6s 
 
 This was foon dif;^lo\^d. So was an acl for punlfliing 
 capital offenders ; amongfl whom are ranked idolaters, 
 bkl'phemers and incefluous perfons, and, what the benig- 
 nity of the common iaw makes manllaughtcr, was by this 
 acl exprefsly declared to be wilful murder. This law was 
 framed from the judicial laws of Mofes. Divers other 
 acls, which difcovered the fame fpirit, met with the fame 
 fate. The danger they had been in from Sir Edmund 
 Andros's calling their titles in queftion, I imagine mud 
 have occafioned an ad for quieting polleirions ; declaring 
 that three years quiet poffeffion fhould give a title, with 
 the ufual favings of infants, &c. This probably was 
 thought too fhort a term, and therefore difallowed ; as 
 was aUb an act for the equal diilribution of iniblvents' ef- 
 tates ; the rule of law for paying debts according to their 
 nature and degree was thought preferable ; but the people 
 having never been ufed to this, it would have been very 
 inconvenient, and'^^ftpon further trial the aft, or one to the 
 
 ^fame purpofe, was allowed. It is indeed difficult to affigu 
 a fufficient reafon, why not only one fet of creditors of a 
 deceafed infolvent fliall be paid their full debts to the ex- 
 clufion of all others ; but even an executor or adminiflra- 
 tor fliall ha^c it in his power to pay himfelf, to the exclu- 
 fion of othS^s^whofe debts were of the fame nature. 
 
 Other acts .which were paffed were appro"\i^d,^viz. one 
 for prevention of frauds and perjiriies, conformable to the 
 ftatute of Charles the fecond ; others for punilhing crim- 
 inal offences, in many parts mitigating the penalties at 
 common law ; for the obfervation of the Lord's day ; fol- 
 
 Aenjnizing marriages by a miniffer or a juftice of peace ; 
 
 fciettlement ancj fupport of miniffers and fchool-maders ; 
 
 Sr^gulating towns and counties ; requiring the oaths ap- 
 pointed inflead of the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, 
 as alfo the oaths of officers ; effablilhing fees ; afcertain- 
 ing the number and regulating the houfe of reprefenta- 
 tives ; and divers other afts of immediate neceffity and 
 
 I general Aility, which have l^een in force ever fmce ; but 
 none of more univerfal influence than the aft for fcttle- 
 ment of the eftates of perfons dying inteftate. In a new 
 country the l^gth of time an eftate has been in a family 
 
 cannot 
 
66 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 cannot be urged for the further continuance of it ;* where 
 improvements are continually making, the perfonal ef- 
 tate is continually changing into real, which increafes 
 the natural injufUce of one child's taking the real eftate 
 of the parent, to the exclufion of the other children ; it 
 was therefore thought reafonable, that the real as well as 
 perfonal eftate of a parent fhould be equally dillributed 
 among his or her children, faving to the eldefl fon, either 
 from the rule in the law of Mofes, or a fuppofed ju(l 
 claim from primogeniture, a double lliare. The a£t there- 
 fore, in general, was planned upon the jflatute of diftribu- 
 tions, but gave two fhares to the eldefl fon, and undoubt- 
 % ediy in the diftribution among the children of an inteftate, 
 refpeQ:ed real effates in like manner with perfonal j the 
 widow had her thirds in the real for life only. ^ 
 
 It is evident, that the principal point in view was 
 to make real eftates partible among the children of an 
 inteftate, and that they never confidelred the full opera- 
 tion of the claufe in the flatute, and which is alfo brought 
 into the ad, providing, that where there are no chil- 
 dren the whole ettate fhall go to the next of kin to the 
 inteftate.f 
 
 The new government, as we have obferved, found * 
 themfelves in a ftate of war. The authorif^^^of the col- 
 ony had appointed EUfha Hutchinfon, who was one of 
 the afTiflants and chief oiKcer of the regiment of Bofton, 
 to be commander of the forces. He was at Portf- 
 mouth, in New-Hampfhire, when the charter arrived, and s 
 had difpofed his men upon the eaftern frontiers, fo as to 
 cover the few inhabitants which remained there af-^ 
 
 * In Ruffia, it is faid, they dlftlnguifh between lands that have been a long tidlflV 
 in a family and thofe of late original. " Lands, that have not been above tweitty'^ 
 years in a family, fali to the younger children proportionably with the eldeft/* 
 f^oyage to the northern coajls of Europe. fr- 
 
 f Accordingly, for more than thirty years after t^^ pafling this law, it was the 
 prevailing pradlce, I am not fure it was fo in every inftance, for real eftates to de- 
 jfcend and be diftributed by the courts of probate as at common law, the inftance- of ♦ 
 ' » children of an inteftate only excepted. At length by judgments at common law, firft 
 
 the half blood, then the fatlier and the mother have been determiiiedlo be entitleji||fc: 
 to the real in like manner with the perfonal eftate. General entails have been ad- " 
 judged, notwithftanding, not to be partible. I fuppofe, upon this principle, that by 
 this ait the eommon law is altered only with refped to inteftate eftates, and takes 
 place in davifes as if it had not been made. It had been exprefsly declared, in the laws 
 of Plymouth colony, that lands in fee fimple fliould go to alhthe fons, the eldeft a 
 «[ouble Ihare, but entails Ihould go according to the laws of England, 
 
j6g2,2 MASSACHUSETTS.' * 67 
 
 ter the deflruclion of York. CaptaiR Convers, with fif- 
 teen men, was polled in a garrifon houfe at Wells, called 
 Stortr's garrifon ;* and about as many more were on 
 board, two iloops, which went from Bollon with provifions. 
 About the loth of June, the inhabitants were alarmed 
 by their cattle runmng home from the woods in a fright, 
 and fome wounded. This notice caufed the feveral fam- 
 ilies to betake themfelves immediately to this one houfe, 
 where they were fcarce lodged when an army of French 
 and Indians, of three or four hundred,, furrounded the 
 houfe. A French officer, Labrocree, was commander, 
 and Madockewando^ Moxus, Egeremet, and other noted 
 Indian chiefs were under him. They tirit attempted the 
 garrifon houfe ; but having no cannon, they were repulf- 
 ed and went to the iloops. The river v/here they lay is 
 not above eip;hteen*or twenty ^feet broad, but the banks 
 /helve away fo that they could not leap aboard. I'hey fet 
 the Hoops on /ire feveral times with fe arrows, but the 
 fire was as often extinguiflied, and, aftTr a variety of con- 
 trivances to Ihelter themfelves from the Englifli iliot, they 
 gave over and returned to the garrifon, where they had no 
 better fuccefs. The women not only tende(J the men 
 with ammunition and other neceffaries, but many* of them 
 took their mulkets and fired upon the enemy. Very- 
 good terms were offered the garrifon if they would fun- 
 render, but ho regard was paid to them ; -4x1 army of 
 French and Indians were not to be trufted. Being drove 
 again from the garrifon, they made a fecond attempt upon 
 the floops by a fire raft, which fortunately drove afliore 
 and broke, without any damage to the veifels. ,. Having 
 fpent eight and forty hours in this way, they withdrew, 
 with tbe lofs of Labrocree, their commander, and fome 
 
 * Coh Stgg^, the prefent poffelTor, kept up the ftocl?adoes, and one or more of the 
 flankarts unnnince the year 1760, rather as a memorial thin neceffary defence. . 
 
 We may ohferve here, that, in every frontier fettlcment there were more or lefs 
 frarrifon houfes, fome with a flankart at two oppofite angles, others at each corn<;r of 
 the houfe ; fome houfes furrounded with pallifadoes, others which were fmaller built 
 with fquare timber, one piece laid horizontally upon another, and loop-holes in every 
 fide of the houfe ; and, befides thefe, generally in any more confiderablc plantuLion 
 there was one principal garrifon houfe, capable of contair^jte" foldiers fent for the de- 
 fence of the plantation, and the families near, whofe houfe:*5|^re not fortified. It was 
 thought juftifidble and neceffary, whatever the general rule of law might be, to erc€t 
 fuch forts, caflles or bulwarks as thefe upon a mun's own ground, withofi*- ccmmiri .:» 
 •r fpecial licenfe therefor. 
 
68 ' THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L, 
 
 few of the men. In their retreat, they wreaked their 
 malice in torturing a poor Englifhman, John Diamond, 
 who was taken prifoner in paffmg from the Hoops to the 
 fort, and in killing all the cattle they could find. 
 
 Sir William Phips was charged by his inftrudiions to 
 build a ftrong fort at Pemaquid. This he performed the 
 fir ft fummer, going down in perfon. The country in 
 general difliked it. They have been reproached for 
 grudging at fo fmall an expenfe for their own fafety ;* 
 but this was not the principal caufe of their averfion to a 
 fort here. It anfwered no other purpofe than to keep 
 polfeflion of that particular harbour, and was not conve- 
 nient for a poft for any marching parties, who from time 
 to time were fent out for difcovery of the enemy, nor for 
 the fettlers of the frontiers to retreat to. The miniftry, I 
 think, had a view in it, which the people of the province 
 feem not to have confidered, viz. preventing the French 
 from claiming Ai^die as a derelid country, and perhaps 
 taking pofTeflion of it ?.s fuch. However, the fort was 
 built and a very refpedable one, and a garrifon main- 
 tained there at the charge of the province. The French 
 immediately formed a defign, or profecuted what was be- 
 fore defigned, to poffefs themfelves of the place. Two 
 Ihips of war, le Poli and I'Envieux, under Iberville, were 
 to attempt the place by fea, whilft Villebone,g^with a body 
 of Indians, did the fame by land. The fhips%ame late in 
 the fall, and finding an Englifh veffel at anchor under the 
 guns of the fort, and having no pilots, nor any body ac- 
 quainted with the coaft, they thought it prudent to retreat. 
 The Indians had aifembled in great numbers, and' were 
 very much diflatisfied, depending upon driving away their 
 troublefome n^eighbours the Elnglifh. The French, at Que* 
 bee, fuppofed thefe extraordinary preparations, which 
 fruftrated their attempt, were caufed by the intelligence 
 which two deferters, who had been fpirited away by Mr. 
 Nelfon, gave to the authority in Malfachufetts, but this 
 was a'miftake.f 
 
 Whilfl 
 
 * Difcovery and fettlei||fent of the Engllfli in America, In Harris's collection. 
 't Charlevoix, and YpCl. Hill. Maff.p. 378. 
 
1693.] MASSACHUSETTS. 69 
 
 Whilft the governor was at Pemaquld, building the fort, 
 he fent major Church, the celebrated commander in Phil- 
 ip's war, with part of th^ forces to Penobfcot, and upon 
 his return he ordered? him to Kennebeck. 'Chjftrch took 
 three or four prifoners and fome plunder at Penobfcot, 
 and difcovered a great number of Indians ; but«fer want 
 of whale-boats could not purfue'them. At Kennebeck, he 
 burned a fort which the Indians had at Taconnick, and 
 deftroyed their corn, but neither killed nor took prifoners* 
 any of the enemy. 
 
 We meet with nothing elfe memorable this year rela- 
 tive to the frontiers. The Indians had not been very 
 active ; they were fenfible of their ill treatment from the 
 French, who had often abandoned them, and^it was tah)^ 
 influence of the priefts and the bigotry of^JtJie Indians 
 to the Romifli religion, which prevented theW'forfaking 
 the French interefl and adhering to the Englifii ; befides, 
 the Englifh had feveral of their principal peopje prifoners 
 at Bofton, of whofe redemption they were very defirous, 
 and had no hopes of accomplifhing it except by a treaty 
 of peace. ' **'\,/ 
 
 The appointment of counfellors in the charter was in 
 confequence of the nomination made by Mr. Mother, the 
 agent. *JPerhaps he was \tell enough pleafed,riij^.the time 
 of it, with having it in his power to diltinguilh hk friends 
 fome of whom he afterwards thought ungratefi^l 'to him ; 
 and thofe who had formerly been in, and now thought 
 themfelves injured, as foon as they were reftored, fhewed 
 their refentment ; and he ufed to fay he hadibeen more 
 unkindly treated, from time to time, by the council than 
 any other men in the province. j^The eletlion in May, 
 1693, was the firfl opportunity the country had of fhew- 
 ing their own fenfe of Mr. Mather's nomination. Wil- 
 liam Stoughton, Thomas Danforth, John Pynchon, Elifha 
 Cooke, Ifaac Addington, William Browne, Nathaniel 
 Thomas, John Saffin, Francis Hook and Charles Froft 
 were ^leded counfellors, (the fix firfl: named had^been af- 
 fillants, but were left out of the charter) and Simon Brad- 
 flreet, Samuel Appleton, John Joyliffe, Adam Winthrop, 
 Richard Middlecot, Jofeph Lynde, Samuel Hayman, 
 
 Stephen 
 
* 
 
 yo THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 rk 
 
 Stephen Mafon, Thomas Hinckley and Job Alcot were 
 left out of the counciL^^ Stoughton, the lieutenant-^gov- 
 ernor, had a£led as a counfellor all the year ,1692, al- 
 though fm^fc were twenty-eight, wkhout him ; the depu- 
 ty-govepor ufed to be confidered as an afliftant under 
 the oiSfch artery* but it was now thought proper to 
 choofe him one of the twenty-eight. They were not fure 
 of always having a heutenant governor fo agreeable to 
 the people as he was. The governor refufed his con- 
 fent to Mr. Cooke. He had oppofed, when he w^as in 
 England, the appointment of the governor. He was 
 however in real efleeni with the people, and the negative 
 v/as impolitic. 
 
 Repeatii^ applications had been made for a naval force 
 to be fent- from England, fuiiicierit in conjundlion with 
 land forces to be railed in New-England and New-York, 
 for the redudion of Canada, but without fuccefs ; other 
 affairs . of the war not permitting this, though deemed 
 importaiit, to be engaged in. In 1692, it was reiblved 
 there Thouid be an expedition the next year.f A^iieet 
 was to be employed in the winter in reducing Martinico, 
 and, having performed that fervice, was to go to Boflon, 
 there to take on board a body of land forces under Sir 
 William Phips, and fo proceed to Quebec. H^ Quebec 
 been th4 only objed", and reafonable notice given to the 
 colonieSj'^there was reafon to exped fuccefs. By' the 
 '' fleet's 
 
 * The agents tliought the cafe to be the fame under the new charter. I'his w^t 
 the reafon whji.in the firft draught the deputy-governor as well as the council 
 was to be annually ele«5led by the aiTembly, when the governor was" appointed by 
 the crown. 
 
 f " It has pleafed the king, cut of his great goodnefs and difpofition for the wel- 
 fare of all his fubjedls, to fend a confiderable ftrength of Ihips and men into the 
 Weft-Indies, and to direct Sir Francis Wheeler, the admiral, to fail to New-En- 
 gland from' the Caribbee iflands, fo as to be there by the laft of May or middle pf 
 June at fartheft, with a ftrength fufficient to overcome the enemy, if joined and 
 feccnded by the forces of New-England. I mean fuch a fupply of ftiips, men and 
 provifion as may fccure a conqueft of Nova-Scotia and Canada, the only means to 
 make Nevv--England happy and fecure hereafter. There never can be fuch an 
 occafion for you to affift with your beft perfuafion, or for the people of New-En- 
 gland to Ihew their zeal for their religion alid love to their king and country. 
 His majefty has taken care, befides the fhips of war, to fend you a thouland expe- 
 rienced foldiers, if their number be not diminiflied by their fervice in the Weft-In- 
 dies, under a commander Who has looked the fame enemy in the face, and will ftiew 
 an example Worthy to be foUov.-ed. Sir William Phips, I fuppofe, will be at the 
 head of the New-England volunteers, and will eaiily acquiefce, according to the 
 rules of war, in leaving the chief command as his majefty has determined it." 
 Extr. from Blayth'waH'''s letter to J. Mather ^ %0 Ft-b. 9Z-3. 
 
1693.3 MASSACHUSETTS. 71 
 
 fleet's going to the Weft-Indies, the whole defign was 
 blafted. If licknefs had not weakened them, the force 
 would ftili have been infufliclent for the redudion of 
 Martinico ; but the mortahty was fo great, that before 
 Sir Francis Wheeler, the commander in chief, came to * 
 Bofton with the fleet, June nth, he had buried 1300 
 out of 2100 failors, and 1800 of 2400 foldiers. It may 
 well be fuppofed the admiral had done with the thoughts 
 of the Canada expedition.* The land army, perhaps, 
 might have been recruited, but a fupply of feam^n cciuld 
 not be obtained. Befides, not the leaft: preparation had 
 been made ; he brought the news himlelf of his propofed 
 attempt. The letters dated in February, the velfel being 
 by fome means or ot?her delayed or beat off tlie coafl:, did 
 not arrive until July. ' In an affair of fuch importance 
 and jipL a time of war, notice might well have been ex- 
 ^e£led by many different conveyances. Sir Francis fet- 
 tled with the government a plan for another year, viz. 
 2000 land forces to be fent from England, and 2000 
 more to be raifed in the colonies, the fhips and forces 
 from England to be at Canfo by the firfl of June, where 
 the forces from the colonies were to be ready for them 5 
 the whole force to go up the river, there to divide, and 
 attack Montreal and Quebec at the fame time. Confid- 
 ering the ftate Canada was then in, this feems to have 
 been no injudicious plan. A rendezvous at Bofton would 
 have been known at Quebec, by perfons from the fron- 
 tiers, before a fleet could have gone up the river. With 
 Canfo (Cape Breton not being then fettled) the French 
 in Canada had lets communication : the whole force go- -^ 
 ing up the river was not lefs judicious. Former and later 
 attempts h:;ve fhewn, how uncertain the mutual aid • 
 would have been of an army up the river and another 
 inarching within land. 
 
 The diflemper which had been in the fleet fpread in f 
 Boflon and was more malignant than ever the fm.all- 
 pox had been, or any other epidemical ficknefs which 
 had been in the country before j and many families left 
 
 the X 
 
 * He aflccd the opinion of the governor and council, whether they thought 
 •he ftrength he then had was fuSicient, and they gave their opinijn tjiat it \v»* 
 »ot. 
 
 ♦ * 
 
72 ' ' THE HISTORY OF ** [Chap. I. 
 
 the town and refided in the country, until the infedion 
 ceafed. 
 
 The moieilations upon the f'rontlers this year were 
 not very great. Preparations were made for carrying on , 
 the war. Captain Convers, v^ho had behaved well, was 
 appointed with a major's commiffion to the command 
 of the forces eaftward. With a fmall army of four or 
 five hundred men, he marched to Taconick, on Kenne- 
 beck, but met with none of the enemy, except one party 
 which he furprifed not far from Wells. On his return, 
 he madi fome flay at Saco river ; and about two leagues 
 up the river, on the weflern fide, near the falls, a very 
 proper ftation, he built a (lone fort, an irregular penta- 
 gon with a tower. This was in the heart of the Indians' 
 hunting ground at that time, and was thought to have ac- 
 celerated a treaty of peace. An apprehenfion prevailed 
 among them, at the fame time, that the Iroquoisy iM 
 ftigated by the Englifh, would fall upon them. 
 
 Thurry, a French mifiionary at Penobfcot, fpared no 
 pains to prevent it, but they w^ere ineffedutl. The In- 
 dians fued for peace, and the Englifh were glad of a ref- 
 pite from war. Pemaquid being appointed for the place 
 of treaty, on the nth of Auguft the articles were figned, 
 and hoftagcs delivered by the Indians as a fecurity for their 
 fidelity. This fecurity could not be obtained from them 
 in later treaties. It was inefFe£lual at this time. 
 
 Charlevoix has not truly reprefented this traiffadion. 
 He may have been mifmformed by the Indians who have 
 always kept from the French, as far as they could, the 
 fubmiflions made to the Enghili. He fays, Sir WiUiam 
 Phips had engaged a few of the Abenakis to a fort of an 
 accommodation, and that two of their chiefs in the month 
 of May* had promifed that they would conclude upon 
 articles of peace, and gave two hoftages for the perform- 
 ance of their promife ; and that Phips came in perfon to 
 Pemaquid to have finifhed the affair, if de VilHeu, a French 
 cfEcer, had not by his diligence prevented ; for being fee* 
 onded by the priell Thurry, he found out the fecret of 
 
 recovering 
 
 [ * Phips was at Pemaquid in May, 1694, and there obtained from Madockewan- 
 4o a deed of the lands at St. George's river. See Waldo s defence of Leveret's claims 
 X736,/. 24-] 
 
*T^93-3 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 recovering Madockewando, who had declared in favour 
 of the Englilh, and prevailed upon him to ralfc two hun- 
 dred and fifty men and make a defcent upon Pifcataqua 
 river, ^6 miles from Boflon. Charlevoix has brought the 
 treaty, made in 1693 ^^^^^ i^94i ^rid by calling it only a 
 propolal for a treaty, has given a glofs to the whole allair, 
 and extenuated the perfidy of the Indians in their hoftili- 
 ties foon after, and the guilt of the prieft in exciting them. 
 
 Upon the weftern frontiers, in the fummer of this year, 
 the Indians, led on by the French, made what the latter 
 call /a petite guerre upon our new fettlements, but forces 
 conftantly kept up prevented any remarkable deftruftion. 
 
 Whilfl the government had their hands and hearts full 
 in providing for their own defence, they were called upon 
 to provide their quota of men for the defence of New- 
 York. Mr. Stoughton, in Sir William's abfence eaflwarJ, 
 excufed the province from concerning itfelf therewith, in 
 a letter to Lord Nottingham, Oct. 20, 1693. 
 
 "I CRAVE leave further to acquaint your lordfliip, 
 that the governor of New- York having written unto his 
 excellency the governor here, (Ignifying his appointment 
 of a meeting at New- York, upon the fird Wednefday of 
 this month, of commifTioners from the feveral govern- 
 ments of New-England, Virginia, &c. to concert and agree 
 upon a certain quota of men and money for the defence of 
 Albany, &c. in obfervance of their majellies' commands ; 
 it happened to be at fuch a time and under fuch a con- 
 juncture of affairs here, that no m.eet perfons could be pro- 
 cured to attend that Congrefs. Much may be faid to ex- 
 cufe this province from contributing towards the charge 
 of maintaining and defending the frontiers belonging to 
 New-York, being at fuch a confiderable diflance from the 
 frontiers of this province far more large and expofed, 
 which have been defended and maintained at their own 
 charge, and many thoufand pounds more fpeiit in the fup- 
 port and defence of New-Hampfliire. Vv'ere the whole 
 account of the charge of the war to be proportioned among 
 the feveral colonies, it would plainly appear, upon a right 
 computation, that we have not been fo forward to com- 
 VoL. IL F plain 
 
74 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 plain of the burden as fome of our neighbours ; but it is 
 hoped a true and impartial reprefentation of this matter 
 will apologize for us unto their majefties, that we be not 
 included in the charge at New-York.'** 
 
 Sir William Phips's rule was fliort. His condu61-, 
 when captain of the ihip of war, is reprefented very much 
 to his advantage j but further talents v/ere necelfary for 
 the good government of a province. He was of a benev-* 
 olent, friendly difpofition ; at the fame time quick and 
 pafTionate. A clofe attachment to his friends engaged 
 him in a difpute with the collector of the cuftoms ; and 
 provocation, both from the collector and the captain of 
 a man-of-war, caufed him to break out into fome indecent 
 failles of paflion and rage, and to treat both of them in 
 fuch a manner as v/as diihonourable to him. Mr. Brenton, 
 a young gentleman of a principal family in Rhode-Ifland 
 government, had been appointed colleiSor for the port of 
 Boflon. This was before the eftablifhment of cuflom- 
 houfes in the plantations by a£i: of parliament. The peo- 
 ple thought it enough to enter and clear at the naval-of- 
 fice, and queflioned the authority of the colledor.f The 
 governor l3eing the naval-officer, and afting by his dep- 
 uty, did not difcountenance this opinion of the people^ 
 
 A veflel 
 
 * A new appointment was made in I7CO, in which MalTachufetts and New- 
 Hampfliire were left out. Neither of them had the intended efFetft. New- York 
 Iiad fu/Tercd greatly by the deftrudion of Schenectady, and Albany was thought to 
 be in danger. Thefe apportionments were principally for the fake of that province. 
 The next war they provided for their own fecurity by a neutrality which carried 
 the whole force of the enemy upo-n their neighbours. 
 
 f Under the firft charter the a^s of trade had not been duly regarded. In l68r, 
 Xdward Randolph came over with a commiffion as colle<3:or. Soon after the gener- 
 al court paffed a law for ereiiling a naval office, which Randolph reprefented as done 
 in oppofition to him. After tJie charter was vacated, divers xjeffels from Malaga, &c. 
 were feized and condemned for illicit trade, and Randolph makes no complaint of 
 being impeded in the execution of his office during that time ; but upon his return 
 to England after the revolution, he gave in a lift of near thirty veffels which had 
 been guilty of breaches of the adts of trade, and prayed that he might be reftored 
 to the office of collector ; and the agents v/ers required by the lords of the council 
 to make anfwer. They denied the fait as to many of the veffels, and exculpated the 
 government as to the reft, alleging that the general court had declared that they 
 would ftri(itly obferve the adts of trade, and, that none might plead ignorance, had 
 ordered them all to be publiffied. Sir WiUiam Phips appointed one Benja. Jackfon 
 it)aval-officer. The fenfe of the people upon the oSicer of coUedlor will appear from 
 the following extract of a letter to the agents. 
 
 " Mr. Brenton, their majefties' colle6tor, has been endeavouring to impofe upon 
 the government, by obliging all mafters of fhips and other veffels to enter and clear 
 with him, thereby burdening the people with unneceffary and unreafonable fees, ef 
 
 whick 
 
1594-] MASSACHUSETTS. 75 
 
 A veflfel arrived from the Bahama-iflands with a load of 
 fuflic, for which no bond had been given. Col. Foiler, 
 a merchant of Boflon, a member of the council, and fafh 
 friend to the governor, bought the fuflic at fuch price 
 that he was loth to give up the bargain. The collcdor 
 feized the vefiel and goods ; and upon Profiler's reprcfv^nt- 
 ation to the governor, he interpofed. There v/as at that 
 time no court of admiralty. By the charter, the king 
 referved admiralty jurifdidion, but no court had been 
 conflituted. I have a manufcript, fent at that time to 
 England, which fays, the governor imagined, that, by 
 virtue of his commifTion for vice-admiral, he had a right 
 to fit as judge, and that he condemned feveral prizes, 
 and among the reft the St. Jofeph, brought in by a pri- 
 vateer of the Leeward-iflands, which the captain vvould 
 have carried thither for condemnation, but was not per- 
 mitted. Be this as it may, it is certain that Sir William 
 took a more fummary way of deciding this cafe, and fent 
 an order to the colle6^or to forbear meddling with ths 
 goods ; and upon his refufal to obferve orders, the gov- 
 ernor went to the wharf, and, after warm words on both 
 fides, laid hands upon the colleiStor, but with what de- 
 gree of violence was controverted by them. The gov- 
 ernor prevailed, and the vefTel and goods were taken out 
 of the hands of the collector. 
 
 There had been a mifunderfranding alio between the 
 governor and captain Short, of the Nonefuch frigate. 
 In their paflage from England, a prize was taken ; and 
 Short complained that the governor had deprived him of 
 part of his fiiare or legal intereft in her. Whether there 
 were grounds for it, does not now appear. The captains 
 of men-of-war, flationed in' the colonies, were in thole 
 days required to follow fuch inflruftions as the governors 
 gave them, relative to their cruizes and the protection of 
 the trade of the colonies ; and the governor by his com- 
 milTion had power, in cafe of anv great crime committed 
 
 which complaints have been frequently ni'dcle. We do not find any adl of parlia- 
 ment requiring the fame, there being nothing of the growth or produce of this 
 province from whence any cuiloms arlfe, and the governors of the feveral planta- 
 tions are efpecially enjoined by law to take care that tlie acts of trade and naviga- 
 tion be duly obfcrved, under a fevere penalty for thsir uegkil." Litter to H. Af' 
 t^rftand C, Fhi^s^ Fil>. il, 16^2-3. 
 
 F2 
 
-6 THE HISTORY OF [Chaf, I. 
 
 By any of the captains of men-of-war, to fufpend them, 
 aiid the next officer was to fucceed. The governor re- 
 quired captain Short to order part of the men belonging 
 to the Nonefuch upon fome fervice, which I do not find 
 iiientioned, probably to man fome cruizer, there being 
 many pick^eroons about the eaflern coaft, but he refufed 
 to do it. This was ilF taken by the governor; and 
 meeting captain Short in the ftreet, warm words pafled, 
 and at length the governor made ufe of his cane and 
 broke Short's head. Not content with this, he committed 
 him to prifon. The right of a governor to commit by 
 his own v/arrant had not then been queftioned. From 
 the prifon he removed him to the caflle, and from thence 
 on board a merchant veflel bound to London, to be de- 
 livered to the order of one of their majeflies' principal fec- 
 r.etaries of Hate ; giving the mailer a warrant or authori- 
 ty fo to do. The veflel by fome accident put into Portf- 
 mouth in New-Hampihire.. Sir William, who feems to 
 have been made fenfible of fome irregularity in thefe pro- 
 ceedings, went Vo Portfmouth, required the mailer of the 
 merchantman to return him the warrant, which he tore to 
 pieces, and then ordered the cabin of the iliip to be open- 
 ed, fecured Short's cheits', and examined the contents., 
 Short was prevented going home in this veiTel, and went 
 to New- York, to take paifage irom thence for England ; 
 but Sir F. Wheeler arriving fo on after at Boflon fent for 
 him and carried, him home with him. The next officer 
 fucceeded in the command of the ihip, until a new captain 
 arrived from England. Short was reilored to the com- 
 mand of as good a ihip, Brenton's complaint was made 
 to the lords of the treaRiry about the fame time, and re- 
 ferred to the board of trade, and both came before the 
 king, who was folicited immediately to difplace the gov- 
 ernor. This the king refufed to do without hearing what 
 he had to fay in his defence ; and he was ordered to leave 
 his government, and make an anfwer in England. The 
 governor's friends in New-England excufed him by the 
 great provocation he received, both from the captain o£ 
 the man-of-war and the colledor. This would ferve bet- 
 ter to excufe a private perfon than the governor of a prov- 
 ince.^ 
 
:i594.1 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 V / 
 
 ince. The prejudices were great againfl him in England. 
 Mr. Dudley, who was upon the fpot and defired to fuc- 
 ceed him, heightened them. There was a llrong party 
 againfl him alfo within the province. By negativing Mr, 
 Cooke, he had made many of thole who had oppofed all 
 meafures, except the reiloration of the old charter, to be his 
 enemies. Dudley had been trying to reconcile himfelf to 
 his countrymen ever fince the revolution : he had great 
 family intereft. Stoughton, the lieutenant-governor, re- 
 tained his friendfhip, and fe-cretly correfpjonded Vv^ith him^ 
 and was very cold in Sir William's intereil.*^ They who 
 had been in favour of the charter were for him. They v/ere 
 the mofl numerous, but not moll; Lclive and zealous. The 
 private letters fent to England were generally againlt him. 
 He had a hai"d tafk to keep a majority of the general court 
 in his favour. An addrels was pro.pofed and carried in the 
 houfe of repreftntatives, humbly praying his majeily that 
 the governor might not be removed ; but -of fifty mem.- 
 bers prefent, twenty-four voted againfl it.f The non-ref- 
 ident acl was not then in for<:e ; and it appeared that molt 
 of the inhabitants of Bofton, who reprefented towns in the 
 country, were againft the addrefs. The party in favour 
 of the addrefs, to prevent farther trouble, if there fliould 
 be further occafion for any thing to be done in hivour of 
 the governor, brought into a bill, which was then before 
 the houfe, a claufe rellraining towns from choormg any 
 perfon to reprefent them in the general court other thaa 
 freeholders and refidents wdthin fuch towns. This pro- 
 vifion is generally looked upon as a privilege, ai>d a point 
 gained by the people ; but it certainly was occafioned by 
 what is commonly called the prerogative party iij govern- 
 ment, 
 
 * " In my laft I inclafe<l -the copies cf feveral corRpIr.ints againfi: your governor, Sir 
 William Phips. I am ferry to lee you weakened by your own hands, and thole 
 friends among yourieives that defign the intsrelt of the coui:try fo little ;i^res iu 
 the means and manner of doing it. You are reproached here, that vvnir governor 
 •is of one opinion, your deputy-governor of another, and that the negative voice a 
 ufed to keep out a third perfon from your council ; and yet you aU lecm to deiign 
 ihe fame end. By thofe meafure«, your enemies get ground pf you, and lar;jh ?jal 
 feoff at you." LetUrfrom Sir H. Ajlarji, Jan. 3';>, 16:; 3-4. 
 
 t M. S. 
 
^S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 jnentjand however falutciry,\vas defigned as an abridgment 
 of liberty.*^ Sir William left Bofton the 17th of November. 
 An injudicious ufe of power produced, what were 
 judged by the crovvii, necelfary regulations, fooner than, 
 perhaps they would otherwife. have been made, viz. the 
 eftabhfhment of a judge of admiralty,! powers to the of- 
 ficers of the cufloms, and the oath to the governors by 
 the 7th and 8th of William ; and the remembrance of 
 this, together with other a6i:s of plantation governors, 
 might alfo caufe the power over the iliips of war to be 
 taken from them, although it was fuffered to continue 
 feme years after this time* 
 
 The 
 
 ^ " It was very fui-prifing to me to fee the laborious methods taken to obtain an. 
 addrefs from the general affembly here, for the continuance of Sir William in the 
 government. The cppofers vrere gentlemen principally of Boilon, v/ho were too 
 near Sir William to tbinkwell of him, but ferved in the houfe for feveral towns and 
 villages at fome diflance, where fome of them were born, and others had their eflates 
 and improvements above any dwellers in the palace for which they ferved. To be rid 
 of them all at once, a bill was brought in, or rather a claufe brought into a bill that no. 
 man whatibever fhould ferve in the houfe of commons for any town, unlefs where he 
 did at that time live and dv/ell, which paiTcd with the diffent of twenty-four, the- 
 whole hoiifc coniilling of fifty, and with fome heat in the upper houfe. Sir William 
 hereupon ruilies into the houfe of commons and drives out the non-refidents, and I am 
 miflaken if either for eftates or loyalty they left any of their equals in that houfe.'*" 
 X>dt:r to London, Nov. I, 1 694. 
 
 Doiiglafs, whofe foible it was to fpcak well or ill of men very much as he had a. 
 perfonal friendlhip for them, or had a perfonal difference with them, of which I 
 may inftance more efpecially in his moft elaborate endeavours to fet Mr. Shirley in. 
 a difadvantageous light, his laboured encomiums of feveral I choofe to avoid mention- 
 ing, becaufe for fome of them he had other foundation, had taken up a prejudice 
 againll the two Mathers, father and fon, and remarks upon the occafion of this adl,, 
 *' It is faid that anno 1693, there were fome Bolton gentlemen reprefentatives for 
 fome of the out towns, but not agreeable to the reverend I. Mather. Mr. Byfield 
 for Eriilol is mentioned. Mr. Mather, of great intereft with the weak governor 
 Phips, and with the devotionally bigottcd houfe, procured this a<5l." 
 
 f " I find gi'eat offence taken at your governor Phips, for beating the captain of the 
 '«ian-of-war there for not yielding his fhipmen to the governor's command elfewhere^ 
 My fon feems to apprehend him a perfon not competent to be a governor, for fo do- 
 ing ; and, as a commiflioner of the admiralty, feems to indulge the captain's com- 
 plaint, and reflec5l upon the govex-nor as an adl miibecoming his pofl. I fear the 
 confcquence of this preiudice againft the governor by our admiralty cpmmiffioners 
 efpoufing the captain's intereft againft him, which 1 doubt will be ; and my fon 
 feems to refleft upon the whole plantation, for choofing a governor of no better prin- 
 ciples or pra6lices than to forget himfelf fo far as to cane or ftrike a commiffion of5- 
 ter, none of his, which will m'dch provoke the admiralty to fe^id a judge thither, of 
 and for the admiralty, net the governor to take his pofl." Sir Nath. Rich to I. 
 Mather, London, Jan. 25, 1 693-4. 
 
 Sir N. Rich probably mifunderfrood his fon ; the immediate motive to the ap- 
 pointment of a judge of admiralty was not the caning of the captain, but the gover- 
 nor's improper ufe of admiralty power. 
 
1694-] MASSACHUSETTS. 79 
 
 The government falling into Mr. Stoughton's hands, 
 upon Sir William's leaving the province, feems to have 
 been adminiilered by him to good acceptance in England, 
 and to the general fatisfa6tion of the people of the prov- 
 ince. The rule of a lieutenant-governor it is expected 
 will be fhort ; it is fcarce worth while to form parties 
 againfl him within the government ; and if there lliould 
 be any mifrule, which requires check or cenfure from 
 England, it is of lefs confequence, his authority being fo 
 foon to be fuperfeded. This is not the only reafon why 
 the adminiftration of Mr. Stoughton and one of his fuc- 
 cefTors, Mr. Dummer, have been generally well fpokcn 
 of. They had each of them fpent fome time in England, 
 and better knew what conduct v/ould be approved of 
 there ; they were well acquainted with the tempers of 
 their own countrymen ; each of them, very prudently, 
 rather aimed at an eafy quiet adminiftration, than at any 
 thing great and ftriking ; confidering themfelves as at 
 helm, to kep the ifhip in its fleady courfe ; they feldom 
 relied v/holly upon their own judgments, ading in the 
 mod common affairs by advice of council, which ferv- 
 cd as a juftification of any meafures which might be un- 
 popular, or in which there might be any miftake, and yet 
 took not away the credit of fuch as proved to be well judg- 
 ed, and were generally applauded. At the firft election, 
 Mr. Cooke being chofe of the council, although he had 
 ever been of the party oppofite to the lieutenant-governor, 
 yet he approved of the choice. 
 
 The treaty, laft year, at Pemaquid, had produced near a 
 twelvemonth's quiet to the frontiers. The French did 
 not intend it fiiould laft fo long. They kept the Indians 
 from reftoring the prifoners according to their engage- 
 ments. The hoftages were no fecurity whilft the Indians 
 had a much greater number of the Englifti in their pow- 
 er. New hoftiUties therefore were every day expected. 
 At length, the 1 8th of July, they fell with fury upon a 
 village at Oyfter-river, in New-Hampfnire province, killed 
 and carried away ninety-four, fome accounts fay about one 
 hundred men, women and children. This was a heavyblow. 
 The Englilli reprefent the enemy as a very great army, 
 
 Charlevoix 
 
8q the history of [Chap, t 
 
 Charlevoix fays there were two hundred and fifty of Penob« 
 fcot and St. John's Indians, befides fome of father Bigot^'s 
 miffion,* and only one Frenchman. He adds, that twO: 
 hundred and thirty Englifh periihed. His account of the 
 number of the enemy is moft to be depended upon ; and 
 our account of the lofs we fuflained. Madockewando, a 
 Penobfcot, who was the head of the party, went with the 
 body of his countrymen to Quebec, and prefented the 
 fcalps to Frontenac, the governor of Canada.f We hear 
 nothing of prlfoners. Toxus, the Norridgewock chief, 
 with about forty of that tribe, marched along towards 
 Merrimack-river. In their way, after an unfuccefsful at- 
 tempt upon the houfe of one Blackford, they murdered 
 Mrs. Cutt, the widow of prefident Cutt, and three of her 
 people, at her farm houfe. Having croiTed Merrimack^ 
 on the 27th of July they fell upon Groton, about forty 
 miles from Bofton. They were repulfed at Lakin's gar- 
 xifon houfe, but fell upon other houfes, where toe people 
 were off their guard, and killed and carried away from, 
 the vicinity about forty perfons. Toxus's two nephews 
 were killed by his fide, and he had a dozen bullets through 
 his blanket, according to Charlevoix, who adds, that he 
 carried the fort or garrifon and then went to make fpoil 
 at the gates of Boilon j in both which fa(5s the French, 
 account is erroneous. 
 
 In Auguft, fome (Iragglers killed ten or eleven perfons 
 at Spruce-creek and other parts of Kittery, and knocked 
 in the head, fcalped and left for dead a little girl named 
 Downing, about feven years old, who was found alive the 
 next morning, and lived many years afterwards ; and Sep- 
 tember the 4th, Jofeph Pike, a deputy-lheriff, and another 
 perfon with him, were ihot down between Almfbury and 
 Haverhill. 
 
 After all thefe outrages, Bomazeen, a noted Norridge- 
 wock chief, one who had figned the treaty at Pemaquid, 
 and yet was afterwards a principal adlor in the carnage 
 upon the Englifh, came flraight to Pemaquid with a flag of 
 truce, pretending he came from Canada with feveral more 
 who were in company with him, and that he was very 
 
 forry 
 
 * Norridgewocks, f Charlevoix, lib. 15, 
 
694.] 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 81 
 
 forry for what had happened.* The commanding officer 
 at the fort confidered them as rebels, and fent them to 
 Bofton, after a promife or encoura<]^ement given them of 
 fafety. The French called this Enghfh treachery.t The 
 governinent of MalTachufetts fuppoied, that for their per-i 
 fidy they were to be treated as land-pirates and murderers. 
 Be it fo, yet the public faith given to them is not to be 
 violated. This is one of thoib actions which have caufed 
 the Englifh to be charged with injuring the Indians and 
 provoking them to all the cruelties which have been com- 
 mitted, as a jull return. I do not undertake to juflify it ; 
 but think, that inftead of imprifoning Bomazeen and the 
 reft for feveral months at Boilon, they ought to have been 
 fet at liberty, whether we confider the atfair in a moral or 
 political view. I know of no other adion of this fort 
 which can be juftly charged upon the government. j We 
 
 fhall 
 
 * " November 19, Bomazeen, with ten or a dozen Indians, called over the bar-^ 
 bican, defiling to fpcakwith Capt. March, and fet up a flag, by which they did im^ 
 plicitly own themfclves enemies and breakers of the peace. We did not put out ours 
 until an hour or two after theirs ; would have perfuaded them there was no reafon 
 for it ; that flags were ufed between enemies in time of war, not friends in time of 
 peace : minding them of the late agreement at Pemaquid ; but they called carncft, 
 ly for it. We refolved to feize Bomazeen at any, rate, except pofitive violation of 
 promife. We made no other promife before he came over but that he fliould be 
 welcome, we fhoiild be glad of his company, wou.id treat him kindly, and do hinx 
 no hurt. After he was feized, we told him the fame, and obferved it pundually, 
 fo long as he ftaid here ; but withal told him we muft know who did the mlfchicf at 
 Oyfler-river and Groton, &c. of which they made themfelves ignorant ; why th© 
 peace was fo fcon broken and by whom ; that they muft go to Bofton and abide 
 there till Sheepfcote John was fent to fetch in the other Sagamores, and then they 
 ihould come again with fome of the Englifh to treat, &c. We thought it not un- 
 lav/ful, nor culpable to apprehend fuch perfidious villains and traitors (tho;;gh under 
 a white rag) that have fo often falfified their promife to the Englilh, viz. at Coche- 
 co, at Cafco fort, at Oyfter-river and other places ; that make no confcience of break- 
 ing the peace whenever it fcrves their turn, although never fo fclemnly confirmed 
 with fubfcriptions and oaths. They have no regard to the law of nations, and 
 therefore deferve no human refped. Eelides, we are credibly informed, they came 
 with a certain defign to betray their maiefties' fort here, under pretence of trade, 
 friendfhip, &c. and fo they are fallen into a pit of their own digging. Neither did we 
 aim at any thing more than their detainment as prifoners, fuppofing fome advantage 
 might accrue to the peer captives, if not the country thereby. If your honours 
 judge it not fairly done, they are now in your hands to difpofe of and deal with 
 them as may be for their majefties' honour, and as the circumftances of the cafe re- 
 c^uire." LetL-r from J<jl>n Flke to go-j. 13* coi^ic'U, Pemaq. 7 °fuii. 1 694. 
 
 f Cliarlevoix. 
 
 \ Mention is made of a defcendant of D'Aulney, governor of Acady, who fcat^ 
 t^ed a mungrel breed in tb.at part of the country, and feveral others coming in tA 
 Saco, at the fame time Bomazeen came to Pemaquid, and, Charlevoix fays, they 
 were all killed j but I can find nothing of i: in any lin^liih accounts cr papers. 
 
8a THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 iliall be obliged to relate more unjullifiable adions of 
 fome particular inhabitants. 
 
 Sir William PHips, upon his arrival in London, was fu- 
 ed, by Dudley and Brenton, in anions of twenty thoufand 
 pounds damage. Sir Henry Afliurfl bailed him. What 
 were the grounds of Dudley's adion does not appear. 
 Sir William urged in his defence againfl Brenton, that 
 there was no cuilom-houfe eflablifhed in the plantations 
 by zCz of parliament, and that Brenton had no authority 
 to compel mailers to enter and clear with him, the navaU 
 officer, then known and eftablifhed by ad of parliament, 
 being the only proper officer for that purpofe. 
 
 Captain Short exhibited no articles in form. Sir Wil- 
 liam's friends in New-England fuppofed his affairs in En- 
 gland would have been all accommodated, and that he 
 would have returned in a fhort time to his government, 
 if death had not prevented. He laid his arrefl fo much 
 to heart, that it was fuppofed to have brought upon him 
 or increafed the ficknefs of which he died the i8th of 
 February, 1694-5. 
 
 After Mr. Mather and the other agents w^ho folicited 
 the fettiement of the government left England, Sir Henry 
 Allnirll alone appeared as agent. In 1693, Conflantine 
 Phips (afterwards lord chancellor of Ireland) was joined 
 with Aihurfl, and .both inflru(Sted by the general court. 
 They v/ere both of them friendly to Sir WilHam. 
 
 Mr. Dudley had been making friends, with a view to 
 fupplant the governor while he was living ; and, upon his 
 death, folicited for the government with freffi vigour and 
 application,* Without lofmg his old friends, he fuccefs- 
 
 fully 
 
 * " Mr. D tliought himrdf as fure of being governor, as you are of my friend-i 
 
 ihip. He had laid it with the D. of Leeds, Sidney, Blathwait and my lord Cutts, 
 who hath made Portland entirely for him, and the matter fettled, and poor Sir Wil- 
 liam Phips arrefled in an a6lion of ^^.20,000, by Mr, D's and Mr. B's affidavits, 
 for which I was bail. I h^xc been oppofaig your grand enemies, who have got all 
 thofe letters to recommend him from your miniflcrs. I hope he will trouble you 
 no more. The reverfmg of Ijcifler's attainder hath I hope a train of good confe- 
 quences. I ihall never do Nev/-England fo much good as by getting this bill pafTed. 
 I hope the door Is nailed againfl him, and you will have the earl of Bellamont gover- 
 nor. I could not believe what Sir Wiliiaj-n Phips told me of Mr. Stoughton and Mr, 
 Addington. I perceive I had wrong notions of things." Sir H. Afourjl's lett. t9 
 Mather, May 5, 1 695. 
 
 "I drev/ a bill for reverfing the attainder of Capt. Leifler, Mr. Milburn and Mr. 
 Govcnieur, which palled the lords without oppoiition ; but when it came to the 
 
 common! 
 
1694.] MASSACHUSETTS. S^ 
 
 fully applied hlmfelf to bring over fome who had been his 
 violent entniies. He recovered the favour of many of the 
 niinifters in New-England, and recommended himfelf, 
 by a grave ferlous deportment, to the dilfenters in En- 
 gland ; whilft, at the fame time, by his good fenfe and po- 
 lite behavipur, he acquired the notice and efleem of many 
 confiderable perfons at court. His income was very mod- 
 erate ; and yet, with economy, he made a decent appear- 
 ance in England, and gave feveral of his children educa- 
 tion there, whilfl: the reft of his family was fupported by 
 him in New-England. A vacant government had divers 
 candidates, but it looks as if he would have carried it from 
 the reft, if it had not been for the oppofition made by the 
 two agents for the province, Afhurft and Phips, who were 
 obliged to urge againft him the fliare he bore in the trial 
 and condemnation of Leiller, at New- York ; and for the 
 fake of laying open that affair to the prejudice of Dudley, 
 they both of them promoted a bill in the houfe of com- 
 mons, of which Afliurft was a member, for reverfmg Leif- 
 ler's attainder. Mr. Dudley could ftand it no longer, 
 and withdrew his folicitations for that time ; and foon af- 
 ter, by the intereft of lord Cutts, obtained the place of 
 lieutenant-governor of the Ifle of Wight, of which his 
 lordfliip was then governor^ From that time, lord Bella- 
 mont was looked upon as the governor of Maffachufetts, 
 although he was not adlually appointed until the next year. 
 The 'dCts of trade had been very little regarded in any 
 of the colonies. Buccaniers or pirates, who in times of 
 peace made their depredations upon Spanifti fliips and fet- 
 tlements in America, were very numerous. They brought 
 their plunder chiefly to New- York, and fome to other 
 colonies. With a view to put a ftop to thefe mifchiefs, the 
 earl of Bellamont was pitched upon as the moft proper 
 
 perfoa 
 
 commons, Dudley, having notice of It, made all the oppofition to It imag:Inable, which 
 was the thing wc dcfired ; for by that means, we had f.-veral hearings before a full 
 committee of the commons, and had the opportunity of giving a full account of thofc 
 proceedings, and letting the world fee how great a part he adted in that tragedy. 
 Since that, he is not fo much as talked of to be governor, but the three competitors 
 are, the earl of Bellamont, major Bremin and colonel Layton, and I beUeve ray lord 
 Bellamont is the moil hkcly to have it." Coi^fi. Phips to I. M. il% j, 1695. 
 
S4 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 perfon for the government of New- York,* and, probably, 
 to make the appointment worth accepting, as well as to 
 render the other pm*pofes more effe<Slual, Maffachufetts 
 and New-Hampfliire were put under the fame perfon. 
 
 The year 1695 P^^'^d away with lefs moleflation from 
 the enemy than any year fmce 1688. In the fpring, they 
 killed one of the foldiers belonging to Saco fort and car- 
 ried another away captive. A mortal ficknefs prevailed 
 among the Indians, and the French found it impradticablc 
 to fend them out in parties upon our frontiers. Their at- 
 tachment one to another equals that of more civilized na- 
 tions. Befides the hoftages they had given in 1693, ^^® 
 Indians feized at Pemaquid were in the prifon at Boftan ; 
 Bomazeen in particular they greatly valued, and they were 
 ready to fabmit to aimoft any terms to obtain their relief. 
 The French reprefent the Englilh as treating the hoftages 
 and prifoners with cruelty ; but there was no other cru- 
 elty than a confinement in a prifon in Bofton, which it 
 mud be acknowledged was a very bad one. The Englifli 
 were not lefs defirous of peace than the Indians, if they 
 could have had any fecurity for the continuance of it. 
 One of the hoilages, Sheepfcote John, undertook to go 
 from Boflon as a mediator, and, by his influence, fifty ca- 
 noes of Indians came within about a league of the fort at 
 Pemaquid, the 20th of May, and fent in eight captives ; 
 acknowledged their fault in violating the lafl treaty, and 
 propofed the releafe of captives on both fides, and the ef- 
 tablifhment of a durable peace. A truce of thirty days 
 was agreed upon, and commiffioners were to come from 
 Boflon, to fettle the terms of the peace. The commiflion- 
 jers, colonel Philips, lieatenant-coionel Plawthorn and ma- 
 jor 
 
 *" It is wellknoTvn, that, for feveral years, two very pernicious things have been 
 l^rowin-g in our American colonies ; an unlawful trade, in fraud of the a6ls of navi- 
 gation, infinitely prejudicial to England, and the curfed practice of piracy, utterly de- 
 'ftru<ftive of all comKaerce, In the beginntng of the year 1695, his njajefly thought 
 fit to name the earl of Bellamont to be governor of New- York, a place remarkably 
 infedled with thofe two dangerous difeafes. The earl has often told me, that what 
 the king faid to him, when he hrA let him know his pleafure, was that which prin- 
 cipally induced him to accept of the employment. His majefty did him the honour 
 to fay, he thought him a man of refolution and integrity, and, with thofe qualifica- 
 tions, more likely than any other he could think of to put a flop to that illegal trade, 
 and to the growth of piracy ; for which reafon he made choice of him for that gov- 
 ernment, and for the fame reafon intended to put the government of New-England 
 into his hands." 
 
 Aecount of procedlngi in relation to Capt, KidJ^ Land. IJOl* ^ 
 
1^95-] MASSACHUSETTS. ff^ 
 
 jor Con vers foon after met delegates from the Indians at 
 Pemaquid, but refufed to enter upon any treaty with them, 
 until all the Englilh in their hands fiiould be delivered up, 
 Bomazeen, their great warrior, and fome others, were left 
 in prifon at Bofton. TJie Indians looked upon themfelves 
 not well ufed ; fenfible that v/hen they had parted with all 
 their prifoners, they fliould have no way of obtaining the 
 releafe of their own people, except by a new fet c^ cap- 
 tives. They therefore refufed to treat any further, and 
 left the place abruptly. The government, I imagine, ex- 
 pected that, by retaining fome of the Indians as hoftages, 
 fome reftraint would be laid upon the reft, from exercifmg 
 cruelty towards Englifh prifoners, feeing we fhould have 
 it in our power to retaliate it upon their own people ; and 
 chofe rather to rifk the continuance of the war than part 
 with this fecurity. 
 
 Charlevoix, who fuppofes the- lieiitcnant-governor, 
 Stoughton, to have been there in perfon, fays, " the Abe- 
 naquis infifted upon the releafe of their brethren, who were 
 detained in violation of the flag of truce and the laws of 
 nations, and Stoughton only returned bloody reproaches 
 for their late holtihties, and terrible threats if they did 
 not deliver up the authors of them* The Indians were as 
 Itout as he was. At length both fides began to foften* 
 Stoughton was not willing to drive to extremity a people 
 who had formerly known how to make themfelves a terror^ 
 They were defirous, at any rate, of recovering their rela- 
 tions out of the hands of the Englifh ; being fully deter- 
 mined, that when they had accomplifhed their ends, they 
 would revenge the blood of fuch of them as had been mur- 
 dered ; but perceiving that,, whilft they were in treaty, 
 the Englifh were preparing to furround them, they ran to 
 their arms." This, no doubt, was the account they gave 
 to their prieft, when they returned home. 
 
 Immediate notice was given to the frontiers to be upon 
 their guard, but this did not prevent fpoils upon divers: 
 places.- In July, major Hammond, of Kittery, was taken 
 prifoner and carried to Canada, but, being above the or- 
 dinary rank of the Indian captives, he was very kindly 
 ttfedby count Frcntenac, the governor j and foon return- 
 ed 
 
S6 THE HISTORY OP [Chap. L 
 
 ed.in a vefTel which went from Bofton for exchange of 
 prifoners. In Auguft, they killed and took fifteen at 
 Eillerica, and plundered the houfe of — — Rogers, and 
 foon after furprifed and killed the ferjeant of Saco fort. 
 In September, they killed four, an^ wounded fix, belong- 
 ing to Pemaquid fort. In October, they came upon the 
 houfe of John Brown, of Newbury, and carried away nine 
 perfons ; but being purfued and overtaken in the night, 
 by a party under captain Greenleaf, they firll tomahav4^ed 
 ail their prifoners, which effedlually prevented them from 
 joining the purfuers, and then took to their heels and ef- 
 caped. Some of thefe unhappy prifoners lived feveral 
 months, and fome more than a year ; but all finally died 
 of their wounds, except a lad who happened to be wound- 
 ed in the llioulder, and not in the head, as the reft were. 
 The winter of 1695 proved a time of reft to the fron- 
 tiers. Their only fears in the winter were from an army 
 or large body of the enemy, fufEcient to refift any force, 
 which could be colleded before they had done their mif- 
 chief and had time for a retreat. Small parties would be 
 in hazard, when they could be tracked upon the fnow. 
 The fpring of 1696 opened as ufual. In May, a poor fel- 
 low, who had been a captive before, and made his efcape, 
 was killed at Cochecho. In June, three women, lifters, 
 going with their hufbands from York to Wells ; one of 
 them, wife of Thomas Cole, with her huft^and were Ihot 
 down, the others efcaped. In the fame month, feveral 
 houfes were burnt by the enemy, within the limits of Portf- 
 mouth ; twelve or fourteen of the inhabitants were ilain, 
 and four taken prifoners. One woman was fuppofed to 
 be left dead, and her fcalp was carried to Canada, as the 
 evidence of it ; but thofe who went out to bury the dead 
 finding her alive, carried her home, and Ihe recovered. 
 The Indians generally are content with a piece not larger 
 than the palm of the hand, from the top of the crown ; and, 
 if it was not for the blows of the tomahawk, many might 
 have furvived the operation of the knife. Some, who have 
 loft the flxin from the whole crown, have recovered and 
 lived many years, 
 
 la 
 
1696.] MASSACHUSETTS. ^y 
 
 In July, they attaked Cochecho again, a plantation 
 which often fu&red ; killed three of the inhabitants, as 
 they were going home from public worfhip, wounded 
 three more, and carried other three away prilbners to Pe- 
 nobfcot. 
 
 We have taken no notice of Nova-Scotia, although in- 
 cluded in the bounds of Mairachufetts charter ; the in- 
 habitants in general for feveral years having been under 
 the power and command of the authority fcnt from France ; 
 but, this year, the affairs of that and of the other parts of 
 the government are more inter v/oven. 
 
 After the conquefl: of that province, by the MalTachu- 
 fetts colonj in 1690, the French in Europe gave themfelves 
 but little concern about the recovery of it. and the Englifli 
 as little about its prefervation or fecurity. INIailachii- 
 fetts was unable to bear the charge of a fufficient military 
 force to keep the inhabitants in fubjection : flie gave com- 
 miihons to judges, juftices and other officers, and requir- 
 ed oaths of fidelity ; and, in 1691, gave power and au- 
 thority to Mr. Nelfon, v/ho was bound there from BoiLOii 
 upon a trading voyage, to be commander in chief in 
 Acadie ; but when he came near the river St. John's, he 
 Was taken by monfieur Villebon, who, having a commif- 
 fion from the French king, had been in to Fort-royal 
 and ordered the Enghlh flag to be flruck and the French 
 liag to be hoifted there, but intended 10 make St. John's 
 the place of his refidence, and took poifeflion of it, where 
 he carried on great trade with the Indians, fupplying them 
 with warhke ftores, prcvifions, ccc. v/ithout which they 
 could not have carried on the v/ar. In 1692, foon after 
 Sir William Phips's arrival, an attempt was made by the 
 province, with a fmallliaval force, to remove Villebon; but 
 it proved unfucceisful. In 1695, captain Eams, in his 
 niajefly*s fhip Sorlings, was fent from Eoilon to intercept 
 the ftores with which Villebon every fpring had been fur- 
 nifhed from France ; but the French (hip happened to be 
 of greater force than ufual, and, after an engagement at 
 the mouth of the river Eams, v/as glad to retreat. It feem.s 
 that until now the inhabitants of Malfachufetts looked 
 
 upon 
 
88 THE HISTORY OF [CrUP. 1. 
 
 upon themfelves as in fome fort of pofTeflion, and that there 
 had not been an entire revolt of the whole province ; for 
 this year, the general court, from a fenfe of their inalDihty 
 to protect it, petitioned the crown that the province might 
 be freed from any further expenfe in the defence of Port- 
 royal or St. John's, and that garrifons might be kept in 
 both thofe places, at the charge of the nation. This, per- 
 haps, might be deemed a refafal to exercife jurifdidion 
 over that part of the province, and a renunciation of their 
 right; and accordingly, after the treaty of Utrecht, when 
 polTefTion was returned to the crown, it was fettled a dif- 
 tin£l province ; oihtrwiio,^ jus pqftluninii might have taken 
 place, as well with refpecl to the rights of a body corpo- 
 rate as thofe of particular perfons* 
 
 The difappointment iaft year, which the Sorlings, a 
 fmgle fliip, met with, occafioned the force to be doubled 
 this year, to effedt the like purpofe. Captain Paxton, in 
 the Newport, came to New-England in company with the 
 Sorlings,* and both Ihips were ordered, together with a 
 yacht or tender in the province fervice, to lay off the river 
 St. John's to wait the arrival of the ftgie-fliip. It happen- 
 ed, unfortunately, that the French at Quebec were, at the 
 fame time^ fitting out two men of war, v^^ith the addition of 
 two companies of foldiers and fifty Michmack Indians, in 
 order to reduce the Nev/-England fort at Pemaquid. Thefe 
 iliips were of fuperior force to the Englifh fhips, and Iber- 
 ville,! an experienced officer, commanded. When they 
 had put into a port upon their paffage, Villebon, from 
 St. John's, informed them of the fituation and circum- 
 itances of the fmall Englifh fleet. They went immediate- 
 ly in queft of them, and came upon them when they were 
 not expeded. The Newport, after the lofs of one of her 
 topmafls, furrendered. A fog arofe, which gave the Sor* 
 lings and the tender an opportunity for their efcape, and 
 they returned to Boflon, with the news of this fecond dif- 
 appointment. The French commander, being flrength-^ 
 ened with the Newport, went in to St. John's, and there 
 refitted. From thence, he proceeded to Fenobfcot, where 
 
 the 
 
 * In 1694. 
 f TK5s was not the Iberville who laid the fcundatlon of the French colony at Mif- 
 fifippi in 1690. He died in a year or uvo after that. 
 
£696.] [MASSACHUSETTS. 89 
 
 the baron St. Caftine was waiting for him, with two hun- 
 dred Indians. The whole force arrived before the fort at 
 Pemaquld, the 14th of July. Captain March, who was a 
 good officer, had refigned the command of the fort a feVv 
 months before, and was fucceeded by a very diiferent 
 man, captain Chubb. Iberville, upon his arrival, font a 
 fummons to furrender. Chubb returned a vain fooliih an- 
 fwer, " that if the fea was covered v/ith French velTels, 
 and the land with Indians, yet he would not give up the 
 fort." The Indians thereupon began their fire, and return 
 was made by the mufketry and with a few cannon from 
 the fort. This brought the firil day to a ciofe. In the 
 night, Fperville landed his cannon' and mortars ; and the 
 next day, before three in the afternoon, had raifed his 
 batteries and thrown five bombs into the fort, to the great 
 terror of Chubb and the garrifon. Caftine, about this 
 time, found fome way of conveying a letter into the fort, 
 and let them know that, if they delayed furrendering until 
 an affault was made, they would have to do with favages, 
 and mud expecb no quarter, for he had feen the king's 
 order to Iberville to give none.* This did the bufmefs ; 
 the chamade was beat* immediately, and the fort was fur- 
 rendered, upon the terms offered by the French, that the 
 garrifon fhould be fent to Boflon and exchanged for the 
 like number of French and Indian prifoners ; only, a 
 fpecial fecurity or engagement was infilled upon from 
 the French commander, that their perfons fliould be pro- 
 tected againft the rage of the Indians. 
 
 Chubb' s conduct was univerfally cenfured, and at firft 
 he was put under an arreic, but came oit without any other 
 punifhment than being laid afide. T'he fort had fifteen 
 cannon mounted, and ninety able men to manage them, 
 and no want of ammunition or (lores. The French fup- 
 pofe, that if there had been a brave defence, the event 
 would have been doubtful ; at leafl:, that the fort could 
 not have been carried without a great lofs of men ; and 
 attribute the furrender to the cowardice of the garrifon, 
 who compelled the commander to act contrary to his 
 Vol. II. ' G own 
 
 * Original letter in Cafline's band writtir.g. 
 
90 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 own inclination.* This makes the acquifition to appear 
 of more importance. 
 
 After all, there is room to doubt whether a better gar- 
 tifon could have withftood that force, until rehef might 
 have been afforded from Bofton. The French were pro- 
 vided v/ith cannon and mortars, were numerous enough 
 to refift any failles from the garrifon, without interrupt- 
 ing the fiege -, there v/ere no cafemates nor other fhelter 
 for the men, and the magazine itfelf v/as bomb proof in; 
 one part of it only, which v/as under a rock. 
 
 The reafon of the garrifon's requiring an extraordinary 
 caution againfl the rage of the Indians, was this. They 
 were confcious of their own cruelty and barbarity, and 
 feared revenge ; and a fecurity from it might probably 
 haften the furrender, lefl it fhould afterwards not be in 
 their power to obtain it. In the month of February be- 
 fore, Egeremet, a chief of the Machias Indians ; Toxus^^ 
 chief of the Norridgewocks ^ Abenquid, a fagamore of 
 the fame tribe ; and feveral other Indians came to the fort, 
 to treat upon exchange of prifoners. Chubb with fome 
 of his garrifon fell upon the Indians in the midil of the 
 treaty, when they thought themfelves moft fecure, mur- 
 dered Egeremet and Abenquid with two others. Toxus 
 and fome others efcaped, and fome remained prifoners ; 
 one Indian was found in the fort, in irons, when the French 
 took polfeffion of it. Such was the fury of Caftixie's In- 
 dians, that there was no way of fecuring the garrifon but 
 by removing them to an illand, under a conftant guard 
 of French troops, until proviiion was made for tranf- 
 portlng them to Bofton, Some writers palliate and feem 
 inclined to juftify this action of Chubb. Surely, the cru- 
 elty fhewn by the Indians to the Enghfh muft have bialTed 
 and blinded them. Private letters, which pafTed at this 
 time between fome of the beft men in the province, con- 
 demned it as an horrid piece of villany. 
 
 The French remained at Pemaquid until the 1 8 th of 
 July, demolifhing the fort, (their plunder was fmall) and 
 then went to Penobfcot, where they tarried until the 3d 
 
 of September. 
 
 When 
 
 * Charlevoix, 
 
i6g6,'] MASSACHUSETTS. 51 
 
 When the news of the lofs of the man-of-war and of 
 the fort came to Boflon, it was expecled the enemy would 
 proceed weftward as far as Portfmouth. Five hundred 
 men were raifed without delay, and marched thither, to 
 be ready for the defence of New-Hampfhirc. Two men 
 of war, the Arundel and Orford, arriving at the fame 
 time at Bofton^ a detachment from the militia was fent 
 on board them, to ferve as marines ; and thefe Ihips, to- 
 gether with the Sorhngs, and a merchant fhip of twenty 
 guns, and a fire-fliip taken up by the province, were fent 
 in queft of the enemy, and came in fight of them juft as 
 they failed from Penobfcot. The French, who were well 
 acquainted with the coaft, kept their fhips clofc in fliore. 
 Whether the Englifli were afraid of the coaft, or were too 
 far a-ftern, or did not make fail enough, does not appear ; 
 it is certain they did not come up with them the firil; day, 
 and the next day being foggy, they reached St. John's riv- 
 er, and the Englifh veflels returned to Bolton. The 
 French account* takes no notice of the fog, makes the 
 five Englifh veffels feven, and fays, they fleered for St. 
 John's river, whilft the French fleet went to Cape-Breton 
 and from thence to Newfoundland. The French writers 
 fuppofed two expeditions to have been but one, and im- 
 agined a number of fmall velTels, under colonel Church, 
 were the fame which purfued Iberville. As the Orford 
 was returning, fne met with a French fnallop belonging 
 to St. John's, with twenty-three foldiers under Villeau, 
 their captain, and brought them prifoners to Boflon. 
 Charlevoix feems to miftake Villebon for Villeau, and, 
 finding him foon after at St. John's, defending his fort, 
 he takes it for granted he mufl have been releafed, as 
 having a pafTport and not liable to be retained. 
 
 When Mr. Stoughton found the enemy was gone back 
 to the eaflward, he ordered colonel Church, who had the 
 command of the five hundred men at Portfmouth, to em- 
 bark them on board brigantines and other fmall veffels, 
 and to range along the eaflern fliore. Church faw none 
 of the enemy, except now and then an Indian canoe, until 
 he came to Penobfcot, where he did not arrive uatil after 
 G 2 ^ the 
 
 • Charlevoix. 
 
32 The history of [c^ap. i^ 
 
 the French fleet had failed, and the coaft clear. Not be- 
 ing willing to return without doing fome fervice, he re^ 
 folved to know the condition of the province of Nova- 
 Scotia, and failed dirediy up toXlhignefto or Beauballin. 
 Upon the difcovery of the EngHfh forces, mod .of the 
 French inhabitants left their houfes and fled into the 
 woods. The Enghfli purfued, and foon met Bourgeois, 
 (Church calls him Bridgman) a principal inhabitant, com- 
 ing to aflv quarter for himfelf and family ; which was 
 readily granted. Upon his examination, it appeared that 
 there were Indians mixed with the French in the woods,, 
 and orders were thereupon given to renew the purfuit, 
 and to ofl:er quarter to all the French, but to give none 
 to the Indians. Bourgeois was ordered alfo to give no- 
 tice to all his countrymen who would come in, that they 
 fhould-be well received. Many of the inhabitants came 
 in, and it was propofed- to them to join with the Englifli 
 in purfuing- the Indians, and upon their comcplying their 
 houfes ftiouid be fpared, what of their goods had been 
 takeivfhouid be reltored, and the reft of their fubftance 
 preferved. This was a hard condition and in effe£l oblig- 
 ing them to 'quit their country, for otherwife as foon as 
 the Englifli had left them without fuiiicient prote(9:ion, 
 the incenfed Indians would have f^^il upon them without 
 mercy. They therefore refufed to comply ; and their 
 houfes were thereupon burnt, and their cattle, flieep, &c= 
 deftroyed, and their goods became plunder for the army, 
 Charlevoix fays, that Bourgeois produced a writing^- 
 by which Sir William Phips had given aflTurances of pro- 
 tedion to the inhabitants of Chignedo, whilft they re- 
 mained faithful fubjeds of king WilUam ; and that Church 
 gave orders that nothing in their houfes, .kc. fliould be 
 touched ; but whilft he was entertained by Bourgeois, 
 together with the principal ofEcers, the reft of the army 
 difperfed themfelves among the other houfes and behaved 
 as if they had been in a conquered country. This may 
 be true. Men raifed from the mihtia of any country^ 
 until they are ufed to difcipline, are feldom exemplary for 
 due fubordination. Charlevoix adds, that many of the 
 inhabitants, not trufting to the promifes of the general, 
 
 refufed 
 
1.596.] MASSACHUSETTS. 93 
 
 r^fufed to come in, and that It was well they did ; for 
 foon after, he broke through all bounds, and left only the 
 church and a few houfes and barns (landing, and having 
 difcovered, polled up in the church, an order of Fronte- 
 nac, the governor of Canada, for the regulation of trade, 
 he threatened to treat them as rebels, fet fire to the church, 
 and the houfes which he had before fpared and which 
 were now ail reduced to aflies ; and having done this, he 
 prefented a writing, which he told them was an acknowl- 
 edgment of their having renewed their fubjeclion to king 
 William, and would be a fecurity to them in cafe any En- 
 glifli fliould again land among them. 
 
 The condition of thefe Acadians was truly deplorable. 
 Their natural attachment was to the French. They were 
 bigotted to the Roman Catholic religion, in proportion 
 to the meannefs and other difadvantages of their education. 
 Commerce, fmall indeed, led them to fome. connexion 
 with the Enghfh. For a vvhole century together, they 
 were, once in a few years, changing their maders ; and 
 no fooner had owned themfelves the fubjeCls of one crown, 
 but they were left to fall again under the power of the 
 other. It was hardly reafonable, where protection was 
 refufed or neglected, to charge them with being traitors 
 and rebels. When under Englifli government, although 
 allowed the exercife of their religion, yet their prieils, al- 
 ways fufpeded of drawing them over to the French, w^ere 
 hated and often molefled by the Engllfli. Their civil 
 liberty was much the fame under either government. 
 They had certain perfons, annually chofen, whom they call- 
 ed deputies and fometimes feledmen,* which they borrow- 
 ed from the Englilh colonies of New-England, but they 
 had no other authority than to bring and carry meffages 
 from and to their governors ; and upon any general dif- 
 turbance or all'air of general concern, the whole village 
 or diftrid was fummoned to appear. Thus they v/ere al- 
 ways depreffed and without fpirit. No people are more 
 confined to their own country than they were, few or 
 
 none 
 
 * They corrupted their language, having greater convcrfe with the Englifh than 
 xvith the European French; and intermixed many EngHfh words, as et ■vans iooj in- 
 ftead oi et vsus at'J:—/>as yd, inftead of />as e/itorr, and many like e)fprefliou8. 
 
94 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. 1. 
 
 Fione of them upon any occafion ever paffing fo far as New- 
 England. Their fate at lad was hard and pitiable. 
 
 But to return to our flory. Church left Chigned:o 
 the 2oth of September, and flood with his tranfports for 
 the river St. John's, and landed his men, not without fomc 
 oppofition, upon the eaft fide. He took feveral prifoners, 
 interrupted the building of a new fort at the mouth of 
 the river, and dellroyed the materials they had prepared 
 for it ; brought away twelve of their cannon and what 
 plunder he met with. Being informed there was not depth 
 of water in the river for his veflels, he made no attempt 
 to go up to Villebon*s fort, but departed for Bofton, in- 
 tending to touch at all the harbours and rivers upon the 
 eaftefn coafl, in his way. 
 
 Mr. Stoughton, having much at heart the removal of 
 Viliebon from St. John's, ordered the Arundel, captain 
 Kiggins,* who returned to Boflon the beginning of Sep- 
 tember J the province galley, captain Southack, and a 
 tranfport floop, captain AIden,t to go out and meet Church 
 v/ith his forces, and attempt to drive Viliebon from his 
 fort. A reinforcement for the land forces was fent in the 
 tranfport, and the command of the whole given to colo- 
 nel Hawthorn, of Salem, one of the council. This was 
 an impoHtic meafure, unlefs any mifconduft. in Church 
 made it neceifary that he fhould be fuperfeded ; and it is. 
 evident, by his own account, that he was not a little mor- 
 tified ; and although he fubmitted, it was with reluctance, 
 and every thing went on heavily. The men alfo, having 
 their faces towards home, were loth to turn back, but 
 were obliged to it ; being met by the iliips not far from 
 the river. Viliebon had timely notice of the return and 
 reinforcement, and made the beft preparations he could 
 for his defence. Four of the fmall veffels went up the 
 river, and landed their men near the fort, Odlober the 
 jzth. They raifed a battery for two field-pieces, and be- 
 gan to fire with them and with their mufketry the fame 
 day ; and the French made return. When night came 
 on, which proved very cold, the Englifli lighted their fires 
 
 to 
 
 * Charlevoix calls him Sikik. 
 f The fame who was imprifoned for witchcraftj when Hawthorn the colonel had 
 been one who examined hiin. 
 
1696.] MASSACHUSETTS. $5 
 
 to keep them from perifliing. This made them a mark 
 for the French cannox^, which difturbed them to that de- 
 gree, that they were obliged to put out their fires and to 
 be expofed all night to the inclemency of the weather. 
 They were foon difcouraged, for the next night they re- 
 embarked ; and having joined thofe at the mouth of the 
 river, made the bed of their way to Bofton. No notice 
 was taken of any lofs on either fide, except the burning 
 a few of the enemy's houfes ; nor is any fufficient reafoii 
 given for relinquifliing the defign fo fuddenly. It is prob- 
 able that the forces v/ere not provided with tents nor 
 cloathing fufficient to defend them from the cold, which 
 they had reafon to expe6t to increafe every day, and it is 
 certain the old colonel Church v/as offended at being fu- 
 perfeded in command. 
 
 Whilft the forces which ufed to be employed for the 
 defence of the frontiers were upon other fervice, the in- 
 habitants kept clofe confined to their garrifons and were 
 hindered from their labour, the Indians being upon the 
 ■watch in every quarter, and now and then would feize or 
 ihoot down a man who ventured to ftep out of his door. 
 Befides thofe mentioned, in the beginning of fummer. 
 Major Froft and his wife were killed at Berwick, as they 
 were returning from meeting ; and two men, who went 
 to carry the news to the garrifon at Wells, were ambuili- 
 ed and flain. In O^lober, four foldiers were killed, be- 
 longing to the fort at Saco. A late author fays, " a dread- 
 ful defolation was threatened, and more for want of man- 
 agement than power ;"* but this is not fo judicious as 
 fome others of this author's refle<3tions. The fettlement 
 of a nev/ country could never be effecied, if the inhabit- 
 ants fliould confine themfelves to cities or walled towns. 
 A frontier there mufc be, and nothing lefs than making 
 every houfe a fort, and furnifhing every traveller with a 
 flrong guard, could have been an effedual fecurity againfl 
 an enemy, as greedy after their prey as a wolf, and to 
 w^hom the woods were equally natural and familiar. 
 
 An expedition againft Canada had been folicited every 
 year fmce 1692. This year there was a more than ordi- 
 nary 
 
 * Difcovcry and fettlement of the Engllfli in N. America, in Harris's collection. 
 
96 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 nary dependance upon it. The bad fuccefs of the war in 
 Europe put an end to this dependance. Intimations were 
 given, divers ways, of a French armament from Europe 
 by fea, and land forces from Canada to make a defcent. 
 upon the Englilh colonies. Apphcation had been made 
 to the French king, by the governor of Canada, in the 
 latter part of 1695, ^^^ ^^'^^ ^^ tv/elve men-of-war, to be 
 fent the next fpring from feveral ports in France, to en- 
 counter an Englifli fquadrcn, wiiich it was expeded would 
 have been at fea about that time ; and, having conquered 
 the Englifli fnips, then to go and take B.ofton, which was 
 reprefented to be a place of great trade ; and if they could 
 gain pofleflion of it, they would gain by that means the 
 fole pofreilion of thehfliery.* Nothing more was intend- 
 ed by the French court than the poiTeilion of Newfound^ 
 land, and the removal of the Englifh from Acadie. Both 
 thefe were eifefted : for after Iberville had taken the fort 
 at Pemaquid, he went with the fhips to Newfoundland, 
 and poffefted himfelf of St. John's and the other harbours 
 there, and made a very fuccefsful expedition. This was 
 not only a much eafier acquifition than Bofton would have 
 been, to a flronger fquadron than Iberville's, although it 
 was not then one fourth part fo well fortified as it is at this 
 time ; but, by gaining all the ports in Newfoundland, the 
 whole colony was gained ; whereas, the gaining of Boflon 
 v/ould not ha.ve enabled them to have poliefTed even the 
 reil of that province nor, without a very great land army, 
 could they have held the pofTefTion of Bofton alone one 
 winter, againft fo great a number of inhabitants as were 
 then ia the province.! 
 
 The 
 
 * Charlevoix. 
 
 •f The winter of 1696 was as cold as had been k»own from the flrft arrival of thft 
 En^ailli ; flays and loaded fieds palTmg great part o£ the time upon the ice from Bof- 
 ton as far as kantalket. Greater loffes in trade had never been known, than what 
 were rnet with in this year ; nor v/as there, at any time after the firft year, fo great 
 a- fcarcity of food ; nor was grain ever at a higher price. 
 
 Lord Beilamont had been expedled for two years paft. His long delay occafion- 
 ed feme doubt, whether he had not laid afide the defign ; but, in February 1696, 
 Mr. Blalthwait writes, " You may be in expeAation, for^ie time this fummer, of my 
 lord Bellamont, who is now in a way of receiving his difpatches for the government 
 of New-England, and probably of New- York too, for the better uniting our flrength 
 againft the French and Indians. In the mean time, I hope the colony of Maffachu- 
 felts will take care to defend themfelves againft the further encroachments of the 
 cnsray,and protsd tlicir neiglibours of J^evv-Hampfliire, for the common intereft.'' 
 
i6gy.y MASSACHUSETTS. 97 
 
 The lafl year of the war proved more alarming to the 
 province than any of the preceding years. An iavafion 
 was every day expected, for feveral weeks together ; and 
 news was brought to Eofton, that a formidable French 
 jfileet had been feen upon the coaft. It was indeed a very 
 critical time, perhaps equal to that when the duke d'An- 
 viile was with a fquadron at Chibuclou. The force un- 
 der the duke was fuperior, but the province at that time 
 wa3 in proportion (Ironger and better able to repel it. 
 France expeded that a very llrong fquadron v/ould be, 
 fent from England to recover the ports in Newfoundland, 
 which Iberville had taken the lafc year. Great prepara- 
 tions were therefore made, to defeat fuch fquadron, and, 
 after that, or in cafe it lliould not proceed, then to lav 
 wafle the Englifh colonies. Frontenac, the governor of 
 Canada, upon whom great dependance had always deferv- 
 edly been placed, had orders to raife fifteen hundred men, 
 prepared to march upon fliort warning ; but, at this time, 
 the fervice for which they were intended was not comma-, 
 nicated. He made provifion accordingly, and they would, 
 have been already upon eight days notice. The remem- 
 brance of this danger is loll in New-England. « Charle- 
 voix's account will be new to mod people. " The intend- 
 ed expedition agalnft Bollon was very well concerted, and 
 would not have failed, as all vv^hich preceded it had done, 
 if it had been vigoroully purfued. The king had entrulU 
 ed the command with the marquis of Nefmond, an officer 
 of great reputation, and had appointed for the fervice ten 
 men-of-war, a galliot, and two frigates. Bofiion was not 
 the only object. He had orders to be ready to leave Bred, 
 with part of the fquadron, by the 25th of April at farthell, 
 in order to join the other part which lay at Rochel under 
 commodore de Magnon ; and, v;ith all poffible difpatch, to 
 proceed to Placentia-bay in Newfoundland, that he might 
 be beforehand of the Englifli, who it was faid were deter- 
 mined to recover all they had lo(l the year before in that 
 illand, and to clear it entirely of the French. If he found 
 Placentia befieged by the Englifh, he had orders to attack 
 them ; if they fliould be gone before he arrived, he was 
 to follow them and giv€ them battle, whether they had fuc- 
 
 ceeded 
 
9S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 ceeded or not. After their defeat, he was to fail for Pe- 
 iiobfcot ; difpatching at the fame time a packet-boat to 
 <>uebec,* to inform count Frontenac of his route, that fo 
 that general might meet him at Penobfcot, with fifteen 
 hundred men, which he was to have in readinefs. As 
 foon as the jundion was made, and the troops embarked, 
 the fleet, without iofs of time, was to go to Bofton, and, 
 that town being taken, it was then to range the coail: to 
 Pifcataqua ; dellroying the fettlem.ents as far into the 
 country as they could, and fo etfedually as that it might 
 take the Englilh a long time to re-ellablifli themfelves. If 
 there fliould be time left for further acquifitions, the fleet 
 was to go to New- York, and, having reduced that city, 
 the French American troops were to march through that 
 colony to Canada, laying the country wafte as they went 
 along. The king had this expedition fo much at heart, 
 that he had given permifTion to de Nefmond to ftrengthen 
 his fleet with the addition of certain ihips, deflined for 
 another expedition in Hudfon's-Bay, if he fhould happen 
 10 meet them at Placentia and think them neceffary." 
 
 We flrall next fee, from the fame author, how this en- 
 ferprize happened to fail of fuccefs. 
 
 '' As the French court had not received the news of 
 the fiegef of Naxoat (St, John's river) when the inftruc- 
 tions were prepared, but it happened to be brought a fhort 
 time after, upon de Nefmond's anchoring in Rochelle 
 road, he found orders had been fent from court to meet 
 him there, requiring him to give the chevaHer de Villebon 
 all that aid both of men and ftores which fhould be necef- 
 fary to maintain him in or reflore him to his poll. When 
 de Nefmond came to Placentia, he found there a letter 
 waiting for him from the count de Pontchartrain, giving 
 him intelligence of eighteen Engiifii iliips, laden with fait 
 and ready to fail from Lifbon, under convoy of a man-of- 
 war ; which fliips were to be employed in the cod fifliery 
 at Newfoundland ^ and he was required to do every thing 
 
 in 
 
 * This fccms to Lc ths greateft defedl In the plan. The time in pafling up the 
 river St. Lawrence, embarking the troops, and coming down to Penobfcot, from the 
 uncertainty of that navigation, might take up the greateil part of the fummer, and 
 render the whole defign abortive. 
 
 t By the Mitfiachufetts forces. 
 
1697O MASSACHUSETTS. 99 
 
 in his power to prevent their efcaping him. T!ie count 
 added further, that if he fliould be fo fortunate as to beat 
 the Englifh fleet, which was expeded to be or have been 
 at Newfoundland, then it ^as the king's pleafure that he 
 fhould range the eaftern coafl of Nev/foundland, and take 
 or burn all the Englifh fhipping he could meet with. But 
 de Nefmond departed too late to carry fo many and fo 
 great defigns into execution. EeHdes, meeting with con* 
 trary winds, he had above two months palUige, not arriv- 
 ing at Placentia until the 24th of July. There he heard 
 no news of the Englifh fleet. He held a grand council of 
 war, in order to determine whether immediately to proceed 
 to Bofton or not. All the voices were in the negative, and 
 for thefe reafons, — there was no aifurancc that it could 
 be a prudent meafure, whilft they were wholly ignorant 
 of the fituation and circumflances of the enemy ; more- 
 over, let there be ever fo great difpatch in giving notice 
 to count Frontenac, the Canada forces could not be at 
 Penobfcot before the i oth of September ; and by that 
 time the fleet would not have above fifty days provifions 
 left, and would be in no capacity of undertaking any 
 thing." 
 
 It was known in New-England that a formidable French 
 fleet was at no great diftance, and the approach of it was 
 every day expeded. There Vv^ere no great hopes of an 
 Englifh fleet to encounter it. The inhabitants were in 
 great confl:ernation. The lieutenant-governor of Ivlalfa- 
 chufetts made the befl preparations he could. The mili- 
 tia, for feveral weeks, were held in readinefs to march to 
 the fea-ports. The cafl:le at Eofton was then but an in- 
 confiderable fortrefs. Such additions were made as the 
 time would admit of; and, when the danger was over, 
 many perfons exprefled themfelves, in the accounts they 
 gave of it to their friends, as if they had no doubt that the 
 fhips would have been ftopped from coming up to the town. 
 It was expelled that a great body of French and Indians 
 from Canada would fall upon the eafiern frontiers, when 
 the French fleet was upon the fea coafl ; five hundred men 
 were therefore railed, and fent under major March, for 
 the defence of that part of the province. 
 
 This 
 
lao THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. L 
 
 This fcheme of the French, in all probability, faved the 
 livcs'of many of our inhabitants. The greatefl part of 
 the fummer, the flrength of Canada, which would have 
 been employed for our annoyance, was kept in a ftate of 
 inaclion, w^aiting for orders to move ; and until September 
 we were quiet, both eaftward and w'eftward. A party 
 of the enemy then fell upon Lancafter, and killed twenty 
 or thirty perlbns, Mr. Whiting, the roinifter of the town, 
 being one of them.* 
 
 The next year, -they began early, and in February fur- 
 prized Andover, about twenty-five miles from Bofton, 
 where they killed feven of the inhabitants, and took others 
 prifoners, and burned many houfes. Among the flain 
 was Chubb, the captain of Pemaquid fort, who lived here 
 with his family, in a place thought to be not expofed. 
 His death afforded as much joy to the Indians as the de- 
 ilrudlion of a whole town, becaufe they had taken their 
 beloved vengeance of him for his perfidy and barbarity 
 to their countrymen. Jt is not probable, that they had 
 
 any 
 
 * Governor Bradflreet died at Snlem March 27tli, 1697, aged 94 or 95. We 
 ■h?:ve had frequent. occiifion to mention him, efpeciiilly in the lirit part of our hiftory, 
 \vh°re he appears in the chnra-ilcr of an afuflant, fecretary, agent, commiiiioner for 
 the United Colonies, and at length governor. He feems to have been of a moder- 
 ate genius, fuch an one as we often fee by a long courfe of Iteady inofFenfive con-» 
 du6it rife from flep to fi:ep, but at thofe intervals when there happens to he none 
 more fhining or enterprizing to obflruit it. He was the y.onngeft of all the afiift- 
 antswho came over v.-ith the ftrll- charter, but had been fenior afliftant many years 
 ticfore he atlah:eu to the chair. At length, in the 76th year of his age, k fell to 
 his lot. It is not improbable th«t fome, who would otherwife have beeji his com- 
 petitors, acquiefced in his advancement from the fame ccnuderatioijs that the com- 
 petitors in the conclave at Rome have often acquiefced in the choice of a very old 
 cardinal to the popedom; Whe.n king Charles demanded a fur'render of the charter, 
 he was for complying. The event proved it to be eafier to re-alFurae after a forced 
 furrender than after a judgment sgainfl: it. The king had promifed lenity upon a 
 compiiance, and threatened all feverity if the colony forced him to a judgm.ent againft 
 them. This influenced Mr. BradHreet. He thought it w ifdom t.o fave part of the 
 privileges of the colony rather than lofe the whole. Befides, it was fuhmitting to 
 •the neceiTity of the times, fubuiittlng to a power they could not reHft. Some faid if 
 judgment went againft them, one ti}ne or other it might be reverfed. He thought 
 that dureffi per minas migllt be pleaded to avoid their own a6l, if ever a favourable 
 opportunity fhould offer for it. He v/as reproached for his pufiUanimity. If he 
 was upright, the cenfure of the oppofite party iliould not tranfmit reproach to pof- 
 terity. The mofl: tenacious are not always mod virtuous : men will fometimes, 
 ^urfuing popular meafures, run rifques in public affairs, which they would not think 
 prudent in their private concerns. The reafon is obvious. Their particular fliarc 
 in the public, if the event Ihould prove unfortunate, has not equal weight upon their 
 tninds with the appiaufe which they are fure of, fuccecd or not, for fortitude and 
 heroifra. Bad men in this way can oftentimes alfo gratify their private affcilioK-s, 
 -•f envy, hatrsd, and defirc of revenge, at the public expenfe. 
 
i6gS.2 MASSACHUSETTS. tot 
 
 any knowledge of the place of his abode, but they fell up-* 
 on him by mere accident. Rapin, the EngiiCi hiftorian, 
 would have pronounced fuch an event the immediate 
 judgment of Heaven ; Voltaire that, in this place of, fiip- 
 pofed fafcty, the man could not avoid his deiliny. Among 
 the prifoners was colonel Bradftreet (who ablconded ia 
 1692, to fave himfelf from a profecution for witchcraft) 
 and all his family. Fortunately for them, the Indians 
 apprehended they were piirfued by a fuperior force, and 
 fled, leaving their prifoners to efcape. Their terror mufl: 
 have been great, feeing there was not dme to knock the 
 prifoners on the head, according to the ufual pradice 
 when purfued. The enemy, upon their return home, 
 made fome fpoii upon the town of Haverhill. In March, 
 another party came upon the fame town, burned nine 
 houfes, and killed and took prifoners, in the whole, about 
 forty perfons. There wps a woman (Hannah Duilan) a 
 heroine, made prifoner at this time, whofe (lory, although 
 repeatedly puLs^^imed, we cannot w^ell omit. She had lain 
 in but a week, when the Indians attacked the houfe. Her 
 hufband, with i^cven of his children made their efcape j 
 but the v/ife, the nurfe ajid the young infant were feized* 
 The Indians foon beat out the infant's brains againft a 
 tree. The two women they made to travel with them 
 twelve miles the firft night, and to continue travelling from 
 day to day towards an^Indian town,* the fettlement of 
 which, as the Indians faid, had been begun a little while 
 before, about two hundred and fifty miles from HaverhiiL 
 When they had travelled one hundred and fifty miles, the 
 Indians told the women there was one ceremony which 
 could not be difpenfed with upon their arrival. They 
 mud be dripped, and run the gantlet through the village- 
 this difcipline has been fometimes fo cruelly adminidered, 
 that the poor captives have funk under it. The women 
 had been afPigned as fervants to an Indian familyf confid- 
 ing of two men, three women, and fevei-t children, belides 
 
 - * The diftance woiiM agree v/cll enough with St. Francis or Becancour ; but 
 Charlevoix fays, this fettlement began fix or fevcn years later, in 1 704. 
 
 f It was the pradlice of the Indians, after they had fell iipon the'Entrlir.i and wert 
 OHt of danger, to divide into fmull parties or fmg^^le families, and difperi'e for the fai.; 
 •f mare advantageous hunting ia their retuin. 
 
102 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. I. 
 
 an Englifh boy, who had been piifoner a year and an half. 
 The terror of the Indian gantiet feems to have infpired 
 Duflan with refolution, and (ht prevailed upon the nurfe 
 and the Englifh boy to join with her in the deftrudion 
 of the Indian family. The Indians kept no watch. The 
 boy had been with them fo ionr, as to be confidered as 
 one of their own children. From women, ordinarily, at- 
 tempts of this fort are not to be expected. In the morn- 
 ing, a little before day, Duflan arofe, and, finding the 
 whole company in a found lleep, calls upon her con- 
 federates to join with her, and with the Indian hatchets 
 they filenced fuch as they began with, and yet took care 
 not to make fo much noife as to awaken the reft ; and in 
 this manner they difpatched the whole family, except a 
 favorite boy, vvhom they defignedly left, and an old wo- 
 man they fuppofed they had killed, but who jumped up, 
 and with the boy made their efcape. They took off the 
 fcalps from ten, to bring home with them. Their danger 
 was great from the enemy and from famine, in travelHng 
 home above an hundred miles, through thick woods and 
 acrofs mountains and rivers ; but they arrived fafe with 
 their trophies. They received a reward of fifty pounds 
 from the general court, and many prefents from their 
 neighbours ; and colonel Nicholfon fent them a valuable 
 prefent from Maryland,* the fam.e of fo uncommon an 
 action having foon fpread througv the continent. 
 
 The lieutenant-governor, Stoughton, had held the reins 
 four years, and had kept free from controverfy with 
 the other branches of the legiflature. The defence of the 
 province, by fea and land, was enough to employ the at- 
 tention of the public. Internal difputes and controverfies 
 in States are, ordinarily, moll effedually avoided or fuf- 
 pended by imminent external dangers. Befides, Mr. 
 Stoughton now flood fo well in the efteem of the people, 
 that they chofe him, at every eledion, one of the council, 
 although at the fame time he was commander in chief. 
 Before the year expired, a new governor might arrive, 
 in which cafe he would take his place as a counfelior. 
 Sheriffs in England are named or remain in commiflion 
 
 for 
 
 * Nicholfon was then governor of Maryland, 
 
1698.] MASSACHUSETTS. 103 
 
 for the peace during their fhrievalty, although the ex- 
 ercife of their authority, as juftices, is fufpcnded for 
 fuch time. 
 
 The earl of Bellamont embarked on board one of his 
 majefty's fhips early in the fall. The merchant veifels, 
 which failed at the fame time for Bofton, all arrived fafe 
 with fliort paifages ; but the man-of-war was blown off 
 to Barbadoes, and there wintered, not arriving at New- 
 York until fome time in May. Immediately upon the 
 advice of his lordfhip's arrival, a committee was fent v/ith 
 congratulations from MalFachufttts ; and, during his 
 refidence at New- York, he was frequently confulted, 
 and all matters of importance were communicated to 
 him, and his advice or directions were generally follow- 
 ed ; but the adminillration of all a6ts of government were 
 in the name of the lieutenant-governor, as commander 
 in chief. The party difputes, which ran high at New- 
 York, and detained his lordfhip there about a year, do 
 iiot come within our defign. In general we may obferve 
 that he countenanced the Leiflerians.* This, together 
 with the interell which had been made for Mr. Dudley in 
 England in oppofition to his lordfhip, feems to have prej- 
 udiced him in favour of all Dudley's enemies in New- 
 England. Whilfl he was at New- York, he kept a con- 
 ftant correfpondence with Mr. Cooke, one of the coun- 
 cil for MafTachufctts, who was a principal man of that 
 party ; and feems to have placed more confidence in him 
 than in Mr. Stoughton, who ever remained, in his heart, 
 attached to the Dudley party. 
 
 The peace of Ryfwick was proclaimed in Bodon De- 
 cember the 10th, 1697. '^^^ ^^'"'^ ^^'^^^ ^^^ Indians did 
 not immediately ceafe. The beginning of the next year 
 they fhewed themfelves at Kittery, where they killed an 
 old man ; and at the fame time they carried away three 
 perfons from York- In July, they appeared upon the weft- 
 ern frontier, and took three or four prifoners at Hatneld: 
 but the French no longer daring to atibrd them adiilance, 
 they fpent the refl of the year in contriving a peace- 
 
 Upoft 
 
 • His lordfliip was one of the committee of parliament to inquire into the triuls 
 ©f Leifler and Milbournc, and told Sir Henry Afiiuril ikaii aiC4 wc/c muxd«irud. 
 and barbareuily murdered. 
 
i04 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 Upon intimations given by the Indians to any of the 
 forts or out-po(ls that they are difpofed to peace, the 
 Englifli are very jeady to embrace the offer. The prin- 
 cipal objed: is the recovery of the captives, which at the 
 end of the war have generally been numerous. In Oc- 
 tober, major Con vers and captain Akien \vere fent to 
 •Penobicot to fettle preliminaries, one of which was to be 
 the releafe of all priibners, but no more could be obtain- 
 ed on this head than a promife to return all fuch as defir- 
 ed it ; the Indians refufed to com.pel any v/ho inclined to 
 remain wfth them. In the winter, John ThiUips, efquire, 
 of the council, with major Convers, and Cyprian Souths 
 ack, commander of the province galley, Vv^ent with full 
 powers to conclude a treaty. The Indians are not very 
 nice in acknowledging their perfidy in fuch terms as the 
 Engliili prepare for them, and make fuch fubmiffiohs and 
 promifes ot future fidelity as are defired. The treaty was 
 in the fame terms with that in 1693. Several captives 
 w^cre reiLored, and others were promJfed in the fpring ; 
 but many remained, males and females, who mingled 
 with Indians and contributed to a fuccefhon of favages to 
 exercife cruelties upon the Engliili frontiers, in future 
 wars, and perhaps upon fome of their own relations. 
 
 The leaving bounds to be fettled between the Englifli 
 and French, upon the continent, by commilTaries, and 
 the ambiguous terms made ufe of in treaties (perhaps 
 artfully introduced by the French) have been the caufes 
 of new difputes between the two crowns ; and, in one 
 inflance at leaft, have very foon brought on a new war.* 
 The peace of Ryfwick was fcarcely proclaimed in New- 
 England, Vvdien the inhabitants were made fenfible of the 
 defigns of the French to make themfelves fole proprietors 
 of the filhery, and to reftrain the Enghfli from the poflef- 
 fion of any part of the country contained in the Maifachu- 
 fetts charter to the eaflward of Kennebeck. It was un- 
 derflood by the Englilh court, that, by the treaty 6f 
 Ryfwick, ail the country weftward of Saint Croix was to 
 remain to the Englifh, as being within the bounds of the 
 province of Maffachufetts. The French court, immedi- 
 ately 
 
 * After the treaty of Ak la Chapelle in 1 748, 
 
t698.] MASSACHUSETTS. 105 
 
 ately after the treaty, alTerted an exclufive right to the 
 iifhery upon the fea-ooafts, and to all the inland country.* 
 A French man-of-war, bound from France to Port-royal, 
 met one of our fifhfng veffels off Cape-Sables, fent for 
 the fkipper to come on board, and caufed to be tranflated 
 and, read to him in Englilh an order of the French king 
 for feizing all Englifh veffels found fifliing on the coafls, 
 and told him to give notice of this order to all other vef^ 
 fels. Villebon, governor of St. John's river, writes fooii 
 after to Mr. Stoughton, that he had orders from the 
 French king his mailer to take poffeffion of and defend 
 the whole country as far as Kennebeck.f 
 
 The Norridgewock Indians, this year alfo, built a 
 church at their chief fettlemcnt upon Kennebeck river, 
 \vhich was complained of by the Maffachufetts government 
 as a French encroachment ; but I know not for what rea- 
 fon, except their having a Frenchman for their priefl caa 
 be thought one. 
 
 Reprefentations were made to the the miniffry, and the 
 right of the Engliffi to the eafliern country as far as St. 
 Croix was infifted upon. The lords of trade write thus 
 to the earl of Bellamont : " As to the boundaries, v/e have 
 always infifted and fhall infift upon the Engliffi right as far 
 as the river St. Croix ; but in the mean while, in relation 
 to the encroachments of the French and their building a 
 church on Kennebeck river, that feems to us a very proper 
 occafion for your lordffiip's urging the general affembly 
 of Maffachufetts to rebuild the fort at Pemaquid, which 
 
 they 
 
 * Acadle has 'been ftretched and contraited at different times, as the French foun4 
 it to ferve their intereft. 
 
 t " I am exprefsly ordered by his majefty to maintain the bounds between New- 
 England and us, which are from the head of Kennebeck river unto its mouth, leaving 
 the courfe of the river free unto both nations, and I expc6l that you will no longer 
 confider the Indians inhabiting there as your fubjc6ts. I am informed that you have 
 divers filhemien on our coafts, and that you permit your people to trade in the 
 French ports. You may well cxpcft, Sir, that I Ihall feize all the Englifli who fliall 
 be found fifhing or trading ; for you cannot be ignorant, that it is plainly prohibit- 
 ed by the treaty between the two crowns, which you yourfelf font to me. Monf. 
 de Bonaventure, commander of the Envicux, has alio lent you fome of your fifliing 
 veffels, which he had taken, and acquainted you, that if they r^itumcd, cither fgr 
 fiftiing or trading, he v/ould make prize of ttcm.**' 
 
 Fillebons letttr^ Sip. <, 1698. 
 
 Vol. IL H 
 
i6i THE HISTaRY OF [Chap. E 
 
 they ought to have done long ago, and thereby they might 
 have prevented this and many other inconveniences."* 
 
 The French perfifted in their moleftations of the En- 
 glifli hfhermen, and there feems to have been no great 
 concern about it in the Englilh miniftry ; other greater 
 affairs, in difference between the two crowns, engaged the 
 attention, and brought on a new v/ar ; and it was well 
 they did, for it looks very probable that this difpute about 
 the fiffiery would not have made a breach, but if peace 
 had continued, the French would have excluded the En» 
 glilh, and this, valuable branch once loll might never have 
 been recovered.. 
 
 King James, always under the influence of France, had 
 relinquifiied his right to Acadie, or Nova Scotia ; and, al- 
 though his governor (Andros) for the fnort time the king 
 remained afterwards upon the throne, retained the poffef- 
 fion of Pemaquld, and challenged a right to St. Croix ; 
 and although the friendlhip between the two m^onarchs 
 might prevent any feverity upon the Englifh fiffiermen, 
 yet the French infifted upon their right both to the coun- 
 try and coafts. The war upon the revolution fufpended 
 the difpute about title. At the treaty of Ryfwick, En- 
 gland was not difpofed to urge any points which would re- 
 tard the peace, and the French immediately after renewed^ 
 the fame claim they had made under king James. 
 
 Lord Bellamcnt arrived at Bofton from New- York 
 May 26th, 1699. A nobleman at the head of the gov- 
 ernment, was a new thing. All ranks of people exerted 
 themfelves to fliew him refpecl, and the appearance was fo 
 pompous, that his lordlliip thought it gave him- good rea- 
 fon to exped a very honourable fupport from a province- 
 fo well flocked with inhabitants, and in a ftate of fo much 
 affluence. He took every method to ingratiate himfelf 
 with the people. He was condefcending, affable and 
 courteous upon all occafions. He profeffed to be of the 
 mofl moderate principles, in rehgion and government ; 
 although a churchman, yet far from high church, and. 
 
 he 
 
 * Oiftoter 30, 1 700. 
 
1^99.] MASSACHUSETTS. 107 
 
 he attended the weekly le£lure at Boflon* with great rev- 
 erence, and profefTed great regard and efleem for the 
 preachers. He avoided all unneceflary tontefls with pri- 
 vate perfons or with either branch of the legiflature. His 
 inchnation led him to Mr. Dudley's enemies, but he did 
 not neglect thofe who were friendly and attached to him. 
 There was perfect harmony in the General Court whiHl 
 he prefided. There was fomething fmgular and unparlia- 
 mentary in his form of proceeding in council ; for he con- 
 fidered himfelf as at the head of the board in their legifla- 
 tive as well as executive capacity. He concerned himfelf 
 in all their debates ;t propofed all bufmefs, and frequent- 
 ly recommended to them to refolve into a committee upon, 
 bills or claufes in bills ; and then, as the entries (land, 
 he left the chair, and the committee (being ready to re- 
 port) reafiumed : nor did he think it proper they fliould 
 ad: as a houfe of parliament in his abfence ; but when 
 detained at home, by meffages from time to time, direded 
 their going into a committee and preparing bufmefs- 
 againfl fuch time as he fhould be able to attend. This 
 was guiding them in all their debates and refolves, as far 
 as his influence would extend, which was not a little way ; 
 and yet afterwards, as a feparate branch, he had his nega- 
 tive upon ail their proceedings which were not according 
 to his mind. This irregularity does not feem to be the 
 mere effed of his lordlhip's authority and influence over the 
 
 council. 
 
 * The Grneral Court in that day ab.vays adjourned to attend the Icdnre. An 
 anecdote or f.vo, or what the French call perfunaliter., will give us an idea of feme 
 -parts of his lordfliip's characfler. The precife part of the country, however trcafted 
 with refpedt in public, were not mofh agreeable for private company and more inti- 
 mate acquaintance. Among the more liberal was one Bullivant, an apothecary, 
 who had been a juftlce of peace under Andros. Lord Beliamont, going from the 
 ledure to his houfe, with a great crowd round him, paffed by Bullivant Handing at 
 his fhop door, loitering ; " DoBor^'' fays his lordfhip \'\'ith an audible voice, " yow bavt 
 Icjl a precious fcrmon to day.''^ Bullivant whifpcred to one of his companions who ftood 
 by him, " If I could have got as much iy being there as his lordjhip ivill,J ivould have been, 
 there too.''^ 
 
 A fpeech of his to his lady, when his table was filled with reprcfentatives from 
 the country towns, is yet remembered: — "^Dame^-wejkotdd tr:at ihefj gentlemen ivell ; 
 they give tis our bread" 
 
 f Henry IV. fat in the houfe of lords in De la Pole's c^fe ; hut the lords proteftcd 
 againfl the king's interpofmg in their rights and privileges. In the reign of his prc- 
 deceflbr, Richard II. the houfes of parliament had rcfolved that the king has the ap- 
 pointing what matters fhall be firfl handled in parliament, and, alter that, what next, 
 and fo CB to the end of the feflion. 
 
 Ha 
 
loS THE HISTORY OF CChAp. 1 
 
 council. The conflitutlon under the new charter was not 
 fettled. They came off by degrees from their pradicc 
 under the old charter. The governor, created by the peo- 
 ple, ufed then to vote with the airilfcants ; and although- 
 he had no negative, yet Be had a calling voice.* Lord 
 Bellamont finding this t» have been the praftice, and, 
 confidering how much it increaied his fliare in all afts of 
 government, might be difpofed to retain it. Experience 
 taught, v/hat was not at hrfl conceived, the great differ- 
 ence between the privilege of propofiilg or originating and 
 that of rejecting. In fome fucceeding adminiflrations, it 
 has given caufe ci exception and complaint when the gov- 
 ernor has interedcd himfelf in the debates of the council^ 
 l?o influence their determinations and abridge them of that 
 freedom: to which they are equally entitled with the other 
 branches of the legillature. He was the firfl governor 
 who imitated the lord-lie-^tenant of Ireland, in forma! 
 fpeeches, as the king's reprefentative, to the two houfes 
 Cfi parliament, copies of v/hich were delivered to the fpeak- 
 er and afterwards printed- Extratls from one or two fhew 
 they vv'ere calculated ad captanditnu The unfavourable 
 fentiments of the inhabitants in general of the reign of 
 ithe Stuarts were well knov/n to him ^ no fubject could 
 be more engaging than a cenfure upon that family. He 
 concludes his hrft fpeechy which is a very long one, in 
 this manner. " I fhould be wanting to you and myfelf 
 too, if I did not put you in mind of the indifpenfable du- 
 ty and refpeft v^e owe the king, for being the glorious in- 
 Ifrument of our deliverance from the odious fetters and 
 chains of popery and tyranny, which has almofl over- 
 whelmed our Gonfciences,and fubverted all our civil rights* 
 There is fomething that is godlike in what the king hath 
 done for us. The works of redemption and prefervation 
 come next to that of creation. I would not be mifunder- 
 ftood, fo as to be thought to rob God of the glory of that 
 Itupendous ad of his providence, in bringing to pafs the 
 late happy and wonderful revolution in England. His 
 
 blefled 
 
 * While Mr. Stoughton was commander in chief, he had always been chofen of 
 the council ; it can fcarcely be fuppofed that he gave his voice as one of the cQUHcilj 
 in. leaiilative- matters. 
 
j59<).] MASSACHUSETTS. 109 
 
 • 
 bleiTed work it was, without doubt, and he was pleafed t® 
 jniake king William immediately the author and inftru- 
 ment of it. Ever fmce the year 1602, England has had a 
 fucceflion of kings, who have been aliens in this refpecl, 
 that they hav^e not fought our battles nor been in our in- 
 terefls, but have been in an unnatural manner plotting 
 and contriving to undermine and fubvert our religion, 
 laws and liberties, till God was pleafed, by his infmite. pow- 
 er and mercy and goodnefs, to give us a true Engiilli king, 
 in the perfon of his prefent majefty, ivho has apon all occa- 
 fions hazarded his royal perfon in the fronts of our battles 
 and where there was moO: danger- He has reflored to our 
 nation the almofl: loft charadcr of bravery and valour ; 
 and, what is moft valuable of all, his majeily is entirely in 
 the intereft of his people. It is therefore our duty and in- 
 tereft to pray to God, in the moft fervent manner, that he 
 would blefs our great king William with a long and prof- 
 perous reign over us, to which I am perfuaded, you that 
 are prefent and all good people will heartily fay amen.'* 
 
 His laft fpeech had expreftions, ftrong enough, upon the 
 fame ftrain. " The parting with Canada to the French 
 and the eaftern country called Acadie, or Nova-Scotia, 
 with the noble filhery on that coaft, were moft execrable 
 treacheries to England, and intended, without doubt, to 
 ferve the ends of popery. It is too well knov/n, what in- 
 tereft that kiug favoured, who parted with Nova-Scotia, 
 and of what religion he died." 
 
 By avoiding offence to particular perfons, and by a gen- 
 eral conformity to the caft or prevailing difpofition of the 
 people, his lordftiip obtained a larger fum, as a falary and 
 gratuity, not only than any of his predeceftbrs, but alfo 
 than any who fucceeded him, when the inhabitants weie 
 more numerous and more opulent, and money, compared 
 with the neceifaries of life, had become lefs valuable ; for 
 he remained but fourteen months in the province, and the 
 grants made by the General Court amounted to ^.2500 
 lawful money, or ^T. 18 75 fterling. 
 
 His time was much taken up in fecuring the pirates and 
 their efFefts, which we have obferved was a great induce- 
 ment with the king to fend him to America. Before his 
 
 arrival 
 
no THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 arrival In Boflon, feveral fufpeded perfons had been feiz- 
 ed. After thirty or forty years indulgence, there fue- 
 ceeded a general abhorrence of buccaniering, and the buc- 
 caniers or freebooters were hunted from one colony to 
 another. A large fum of money was feized in the poffef- 
 fion of one Smith, part of it foreign coins and the impref- 
 fions unintelligible ; and he was brought upon trial, but 
 the evidence produced being infufficient to fatisfy the jury^ 
 he was acquitted. 
 
 About the fame tim.e, one Bradifh was apprehended* 
 He had been boatfwain's mate of a Ihip fitted out by mer- 
 chants and tradefmen of London to India, in the inter- 
 loping trade. The crew turned pirates ; and, having left 
 the mafler afhore at Polonais, gave the command to 
 Bradifh. They came to America, and lodged large fums 
 of money and goods with perfons upon Long-Ifland and 
 other places within and near to the government of New- 
 York, and then difperfed ; fome to Connedicut, others 
 to MafTachufetts, where Bradifh was taken and others of 
 his crew, and fent to England. The vigilance ufed in pur- 
 uiing and apprehending them, appears from the account 
 Mr. Stoughton tranfmitted to the fecretary of flate.* But 
 
 Kidd 
 
 * " I have further to obferve unto your honour that, about the 19th of March lail 
 paft, there arrived at the eaft end of Long-Ifland, in the province of New- York, the 
 ihip or hack-boat named the Adventure, of London, burthen about three hundred 
 and fifty tons, mounted with twenty-two guns, Thomas Gullock late commander ; 
 which fhip failed from Gravefend the i6th day of March, 1697-8, bound to the 
 Ifland of Borneo in India, upon an interloping trade ; being fet forth by captain 
 Henry Tate and captain Hammond, who kept a brew-houfe in Thames-fbreet, and 
 Mr. Samuel Shephard and the Heathcoats, merchants in London. Having proceed- 
 ed fo far onward of the voyage as Polonais, they there flopped to water ; and the 
 faid commander, with feveral of the ofiicers, mariners and fome paffengers being on 
 iliore upon the faid ifland, and the boatfvvain gone on board with water, the reft of 
 the fliip's company combined and confpired together to leave the faid commander 
 and others v/ith him on ihore upon the faid ifland, and to run away with the fliip 
 and lading ; which they accordingly put in execution, on the 17th day of Septem- 
 ber lafl: paft, cut the cables and brought the fliip to fail, offering the yawl to fome 
 of the company that refufed to join with them in the faid piracy, to tranfport them 
 to the fliore ; which they accepted of, and feveral went off in her to the faid ifiand : 
 tlie furgeon's mute and two other youths they forced to ftay in the fhip : the chief 
 mate alfo, v/ith the boatfvvain and armourer, not confenting unto the faid villan- 
 ous ad, but unwilling to go afliore at the aforefaid ifland, they gave the long-boat 
 unto them with neccflary provifions, <5cc. three days after, being then about twenty 
 leagues from the land, in which they went off from the filip ; the remainder of /the 
 company on board, being five or fix and twenty m number, made choice of or«e 
 Jofcph Bradifh. the boatiVaiii's matCj to be their corximander, 'whom they preferred 
 
 fe? 
 
i599.] MASSACHUSETTS, iii 
 
 Kidd was his lordfhlp's chief object. His own reputation 
 and that of feveral of his friends depended upon his fei- 
 zure, being the only elFedual way of removing the jeal- 
 oufies and unjuft furmifes, not only againft feveral of the 
 miniftry, but even againil the king himfelf. In order to 
 fupprefs the piracies committed by Englifli fubjecls in 
 India, &c. it was thought proper to fit out a (liip for that 
 fpecial purpofe. Lord Rumney, Sommers and others, 
 became adventurers, to the amount of fix thoufand pounds 
 fterhng, and a grant was made to them of all captures, 
 faving one tenth only referved to the king. Lord BeU 
 
 lamont 
 
 for liis flcill in navigation, and dirr eled tlieir courfe for Mauritius, where they fitted 
 the (hip, took in fome frcfh provifions and two young gentlemen named Charles 
 Seymour and John Power, who, being on a voyajj^e for India, in a fliip under die 
 command of one captain Pye, were unhappily left behind on the faid ifland ; and 
 from Mauritius they came about Cape bon Efpcrance and in fome fliort time after 
 made a fharing of the money on board, which was contained in nine chefl^, flowed 
 in the bread-room, and fet forth three or four and twenty fingle fhares, befides the 
 captain's which was two fhares and a half. In weigiiing out the money, fome re- 
 ceived fifteen others fixteen hundred dollars for a Cngle fhare. Tiiey afterwards made 
 a fecond fharing of broadcloths, ferges, fcuffs and other goods on board. They ftop- 
 pedat the ifland of Afcenfion, took ferae turtle and frefh provifions there, and thence 
 diredled their courfe for this continent and arrived as aforefaid at Long-If.and, whfr; 
 the faid captain Bradifh went on fhore, carried the moil of his money and fome rin-- j 
 and jewels with him ; committed them to the care of a gentleman on faid iCund • 
 fent a pilot on board to remove the fliip and bring her to an iHand called Gardner's- 
 Ifland ; hut the wind not favouring them, ran over to Block-Ifland within Rhode- 
 Ifland government ; from whence they lent two of the company to faid Pvhode-Ifland 
 to buy a floop, but the government there, having notice that a fiiip was hnverinjf 
 about thofe parts, fufpeded to be a pirate, feized on the faid two men and detained 
 them ; the intelligence whereof being carried to the fhip, and fome floops bein^ 
 dtfcried coming from faid Ifland towards the fhip, th^ company, fearing that they 
 were manned out from thence to feize them, fortliwith came to fail and flood off t» 
 fea ward; the floops following, came up with them,' and being informed what the 
 floops were, permitted them to come on board and bought one of the floops and 
 hired another to tranfport them and their money, allowing the floops' men to take 
 ■what they pleafed out of the fhip and gat on fhr^re, fome in one place and fome in 
 another ; landing at farm, houfe^, where they provided themfelves with horfes, and 
 fcattered into divers parts of the country ; the aiptain, and fome other? with liim, 
 coming into this province ; upon the firfi intelligence whereof, a proclamation was 
 ifTued, and hue and cries fent through the province and into the neighbouring gov- 
 ernments to purfue and feize all fuch of them as could be found, with their trcaf- 
 ure. The captain with ten more of the company are apprehended and in cuflody 
 here in order to a trial, who upon examination feverally confefled the particulars 
 before recited ; and a ccnfiderable quantity of money, to the value of near three 
 thoufand pounds, with feveral goods and merchandizes taken out of the faid fh-p 
 are fcized. Seven or eight more arc apprehended within Connedicut gnvernment, 
 and purfuit is making after the refl. ^ The juflices of the peace and other ofhcerg', 
 in their refpeiftive flations, have been very vigorous in the profecution of thefe vil- 
 lains, and the people in general have iull refentment and abhorrence of fuch vile 
 anions, and the government here will be very zealous in the difcountcnancin"- ani 
 yuniihing all fuch criminals." 
 
 Mr, Stotightons ktt:r to Mr. Sctrrdary Fcrnon^ Af>, 12, 1699. 
 
113 THE HiaXORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 lament feems to have had the principal direction. Upon 
 inquiry for a proper commander, Mr. Livingftone, a 
 principal inhabitant of New-York being then in London, 
 recommended Kidd, who had failed out of New-York ^ 
 and, having a family there, no qu^eflion was made of his. 
 attachment to it, and there was no fufpicion of his ever 
 turning pirate hin^Felf. From London he went firft to. 
 NeW'York, where he broke through the inflrudions he 
 had received, fhipplng his men upon new^ terms y and, 
 %vhen he arrived in India, not only connived at and fuf- 
 fered to continue, a known pirate velfel, but committed 
 divers alarming aces of piracy himfelf, to the endangering 
 the amity fubfifting between the Eaft-India company and 
 the princes in that part of the world. The leafl faid by 
 the enemies of the adminiftration was, that, from a greedy 
 defire of gain, an ill-judged meafure had been engaged 
 in, which would be attended with very mifchievous con- 
 fequences, and the malice of fonie infinuated a criminal 
 intention in the undertaking. 
 
 Where Kidd would feek an afylum was uncertain. 
 Strangely infatuated, he came from Madagafcar to BofloUj^ 
 and made a bold open appearance there, July the firft, this 
 year, and fome of his crew with him. Oji the third, he 
 was fent for by the governor, and examined before the 
 council. What accoimt he could giv€ of himfelf does 
 not now appear, but he was not immediately committed, 
 and only ordered to draw up a narrative of his proceed-, 
 ings ; which neglecling to do in the time affigned him, 
 on the fixth he was apprehended and committed toprifon. 
 Being a very refolute fellow, when the officer arrefted him in 
 his lodgings, he attempted to draw his fword, but a young 
 gentleman,* who accompanied the officer, laying hold of 
 his arm, prevented him, and he fubmitted. Several of his 
 men were fecured at the fame time, and advice having been 
 fent to England, it wast thqught an affair of fo much im- 
 portance, that a man-of-war was fent to carry them there ; 
 where Kidd, Bradifii and divers others were condemned 
 and executed. The party writers in England pretended, 
 that after Kidd's arrival he had alTurance from fome anti- 
 courtiers, 
 
 * Mr. ThoiTxas Hutchinfonj afterwards for mapy years one of the council. 
 
1699.] MASSACHUSETTS. 113 
 
 courtiers, who examined him in prifon, that his Ufe fhould 
 be fpared if he would accufe his employers, but that he 
 was not bad enough to comply with fuch a propofaL 
 
 Lord Bellamont held two felTions of the General Court 
 this year ; the firft, the anniverfary for the eledion of 
 counfellors 5 the latter the 31(1 of March following, occa- 
 fioned by a general rumour through the colonies, that the 
 Indians (from all quarters, not only thofe upon the fron- 
 tiers, but thofe who were fcattered through the towns in 
 the fevcral colonies) had united and agreed, at an appoint- 
 ed time, to fall upon the Englifh in order to a total extir- 
 pation. The Indians were no lefs alarmed with a report, 
 that the king had withdrawn his protection from them and 
 ordered his fubjeds to unite in their dc{lru<^ion. Thefe 
 reports were fuppofed to have been raifed by evil- 
 minded perfons among the Englifh or Dutch ; but it is 
 rnore probable, the Indians of the Six Nations,* to obtain 
 the prefents which accomxpanied all treaties between the 
 Englifh and them, w^ere the contrivers and managers of 
 the whole affair. Such v/as the confternation in Maf- 
 fachufetts, that feveral a6ls paifed the General Court for 
 levying foldiers ; for punifhing mutiny and defertion ; 
 for holding all the militia in readinefs to march ; and for 
 enabling the governor to march them out of the province, 
 which, by charter, he was reftrained from without an -a«5l 
 of alTembly. As it happened, there was no occafion for 
 carrying thefe laws into execution, the general terror 
 fubfiding foon after. 
 
 Soon 
 
 * I remember that when the commlffioners from fevera! governments were at Al- 
 bany, upon treaty with the Indians of the Six Nations,in the year i745,Hendrick,the 
 Indian chief, (who afterwards loft his Ufe fighting under the Englifh when baron 
 Dieflcau was defeated) had contrived, a little while'before the treaty, to fpread a ru- 
 mour, among his countrymen, that the Englifh had laid a plan for their deftruAion ; 
 and that the ammunition. Sue. were provided and fent to the frontiers, in order to 
 make a ftroke upon them, when they leaft expecfted it. The commifiioners were fur- 
 prifed at the general difcontent dlfcovered by the Indians, their frequent affembling 
 and their backwardnefs in conferring with the Engiilh ; and having fome intimation 
 of the rumour, they refolved to fearch to the bottom of it. Hendrick, finding him- 
 ielf in danger of being difcovered, and fearing thq refentment of his own countiymen, 
 <:ame to the commiflioncrs privately, and defired they would make no further inqui- 
 ry ; he would undertake to quiet the Indians and remove their fears. The commif- 
 fioners confideredhim as a neceffary man, who had been very ufeful in bringing his 
 countrymen to agree to meafurcs propofed by the EngliHi, and thtit it was good poh-. 
 cy not to expofe him, and left it to him to convince the reft that their fufpicions were 
 groundlffs, v/hich he effeded in a very fhort time. 
 
EJ4 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 Soon after the feiTion of the General Court in May,. 
 170O5 lord Bellamont took his leave of Maflachufetts and 
 went to New- York, where he died the 5th of March fol- 
 lowing. Mr. Stoughton took the chair again v/ich re- 
 iudance. His advanced age and declining ilate of health 
 jnade him fond of eafe and retirement. 
 
 As foon as the news of the governor's death reached 
 England, Mr. Dudley renewed his folicitations, with frefh 
 vigour, for a po(l which he never loft fight of. By the 
 intereil of lord Cutts, and the condefcenfion of lord 
 Weymouth, whofe fon-in-law was a -competitor, he was 
 cholen member for New^town, in Southampton county, in 
 king \¥iUiam's laft parliament. This, v*/ith the place of 
 lieutenant-governor of the Ifle' of Wight, was to be pre- 
 ferred to all he could exped in New-England, if it had not 
 been his native country ; but he had a paffion for laying 
 his bones there, which equalled that of the ancient Athe- 
 nians, and which he could not help mentioning to every 
 New-England man who paid him a vifu ; as many fre- 
 quently would do, from Portfmouth, where they were 
 often detained for convo)^ 
 
 When Sir Pilchard Onflow and Mr. Harley* w^ere com- 
 petitors for the fpeaker's place, his inclination led him 
 to the latter, from whom he had received favours ; but 
 his favourite objed, which he was then purfuing, obliged 
 him to comply with the court and vote for the former. 
 He made ufe of the diifenting intereil in England to ob- 
 tain his commifTion and to recommend him to his coun- 
 trymen upon his arrival.! There was another difficulty 
 
 ftill 
 
 * We have a tradition that Mr. Harley hadfome New-England blood In him, hi* 
 mother being a grand-daughter of Sir Richard Sakonftall. A letter from her to one 
 of her lifters in New-England is faid to have been preferved many years after hi« 
 death for the fake of this pafTage in it. " I am nov/ going to carry Bob up to the 
 inns of court, to make a man of him." 
 
 f " Rev. Sirs, London, Augujl 13, 170J. 
 
 The juft and great concern we have for the welfare of New-England, has, upon all 
 occafions, engaged us to improve that little intereft vve have or can make at court, 
 in the appointment of your governor from time to time, that he may be fuch a one 
 as may feck your good, and under whom you may be fecure and encouraged in your 
 holy religion, ap.d alfo in your civil rights and privileges ; and fuch a one we hope 
 and have a great deal of reafon to believe is colonel Dudley, whom the king was 
 pleafed upon his departure to appoint your governor ; and we crave leave to acquaint 
 you that we were very well pleafed in his majefty's nomination upon many accounts, 
 •ur own perfoxnal kno v/lcdge cf his tharuder to be a man of karniug, prudence and 
 
 iobrictjr, 
 
I70I.] 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. iic^ 
 
 ftill remaining, the king was not willing to appoint a gov- 
 ernor who he knew^ had been very obnoxious to the peo- 
 ple. A petition was therefore procured, from fuch per- 
 fons belonging to Maffachufetts as were then in London, 
 and from the principal New-England merchants, praying 
 that Mr. Dudley might be appointed governor. He had 
 alfo the addrefs to reconcile himfelf to Mr. Mather the 
 younger, and to obtain from him a letter favouring his 
 caufe, which he made known to the king, and vv^hich re- 
 moved his obje<51:ion j* and although lord Cornbury, a 
 
 near 
 
 fobriety, and of good acceptance with the prefent government of England for hi» 
 faithful fervice in the Hie of Wight, and that his family, eftate and interclt h in your 
 country. Upon the w hole, we judge it an efpecial act of the king's liivcur toward* 
 you, that he, among fo many othirrs that always offer upon fuch accounts, fhould be 
 determined for you. We hope and believe it is the efpecial providence of God, and 
 fhall heartily pray that you may foon fee him and have the benefit of his good con- 
 duvfl and care for you, and do not doubt but you will joyfully receive him and aflilt 
 him with your prayers and advice. At all tinaes we are, Reverend Sirs, your molt 
 aiTcdionate and humble fervants, 
 
 John Quick, Jeremiah White, 
 
 Robert Billio, Richard Strctton, 
 
 Jofiah Chorley Norwich, Thomas Powell, minillcr 
 
 Fr. Glafcocke, of the golpel, 
 
 John Long, Mart. Sylvefter." 
 
 Letter from dijfent'tng minijlirs in England to thi minijiers cf Alajjachiif.tts. 
 
 * " I have been fo hurried in parUament, and indifpofed by my late attending 
 committees, that I could not find leifure to write to you ; or rather, I was fo cut of 
 humour with my ill ufage here and in New-England, for my faithful twelve years 
 fervice, that 1 had no heart to write. I fee, he that is faithful to his religion and hi» 
 country, mufl expedl his reward above. Before the king died, I had another hearing 
 before the council and the king. Mr. Dudley and Mr. Phips on the one fide, and 
 I alone on the other. Mr. Dudley produced Mr. Cotton Mather's letter, and read 
 it to the king ; and Mr. Phips and he averred, that there was not one minifter nor 
 one of the affembly but were impatient for his coming. I wifh you very happy 
 under his government. As to my lord Cornbury, he was bred at Geneva, and would 
 no more have attempted upon your religious intereft than I would. I could not be- 
 lieve that my lord Weymouth fuould hinder his own fon-in-lav.' from being cliofen 
 parliament-man, that Mr. Dudley, when I oppofed him, might get in, and that Mr. 
 Blaithwait and the bifhop of St. Afaph, faould fo eameftly be for Dudley's foing, 
 and that on purpofe to ferve the intereft of your churches. Mr. Stretton gat ;rll ih-z. 
 non-cons to fubfcribe that letter. Poor Mr. Glafcocke wept to Ivlr. Howe for fign- 
 ing it. Whatever you pleafe to fay or think of me, I have the teflimony of my con- 
 fcience, that in the integrity of my heart, in tiie fight of God, I have fcrved Ntw- 
 England with all my might." Sir H. Afcurjl t» I. J\I. March 25, 1702. 
 
 Sir Henry Afhuril was miftaken in his opinion of lord Cornbury. Mr. Smith, 
 in his hiftory of New-York, has given us an account of ihe -rbitrury fevere treatment 
 the Diffenters received from him. A circumiiantial acco..nt of his profecuting two 
 itinerant preachers 1 have feen, under the hand of one of them. The fouthern cole - 
 nies being deilitute of minillers of any fort, the diffenting miniftcrs in London, with 
 feme principal men of their congregations, made prcviUcn for the fupport of two 
 itinerant miffionarits from Virginia to New-York, who were to be abfcnt two 
 
ii6 THE HISTORY OF [Chap.!, 
 
 near relation of the late queen and the princefs Ann, being 
 appointed for New-York, expefted Maflgichufetts alfo, yet 
 Mr. Dudley prevailed ; and his commiffion pafled the feals. 
 The king's death, a few months after, caufed him the 
 trouble of taking out a new commiflion from the queen, 
 but he had the unufual favour (hewn him of remitting 
 mod if not all the fees. 
 
 Whilft 
 
 years ; and upon their return, two others were to be fent out, and fo from time t» 
 time. The two firft were George Macnifti, from Scotland, and John Hampton, 
 from Ireland ; but being ftrangers to America, Francis Mackennie, another minifter 
 who had been there before, accompanied them. Beginning their miflion at Garoli-? 
 na, they travelled northward ; and M'Nilh being left to take care of five meeting-? 
 houfes in Sonaerfet, Maryland, the other two went on to New- York. They waited 
 upon the governor, and v/cre civilly received ; and fome of the inhabitants who de- 
 fired to hear them, applied to his lordfhip to give them leave to preach in the Dutch 
 or French church, but he refufed it, and the minifters of the churches did not care 
 to admit them againO: his mind. Mackennie, in compliance with the defires of the 
 people, preached in a private houfe with the doors open, and a day or two after left 
 New- York in order to preach at Newtown on Long-Ifland, where he and Hampton, 
 who had preached in the meeting-houfe at Nev/town, were apprehended by a war- 
 rant from the governor, carried before him, and charged with preaching in his gov- 
 ernment without his licenfe. They replied, that they prefumed upon the liberty 
 given by an adl of parliament the I ft of WiUiam and Mary, and had obtained cer- 
 tificates according to tiie dircdlions of the act which they delivered him. He told 
 them the adl v/as local, and they muft find fureties for their good behaviour, and ef- 
 pecially not to preach any more in his government. This they declined, and were 
 committed to cuftody, where they continued many weeks at the expenfe of forty 
 fhillings per week. During their confinement, they applied to the minifters of Bof- 
 ton, defiring them to reprefent their cafe to fome gentlemen in England who might 
 appear in there behalf, which oecafioned among ethers the following letter. 
 
 « Sirs, BoJloH, N. E. April i, 1707. 
 
 We have lately given you fome account of the violent and illegal anions of my 
 lord Cornbury, governor of New- York, in imprifoning two qualified prefbyterian 
 minifters (Mr. F. M. and Mr. J. H.) for offering to attend the duties of their min* 
 iftry in his government, under the Ihelter of the a6l of toleration. The gentlemen 
 lay prifoners for more than fix weeks, at forty fniilings per week charges, upon a 
 mittimus figned by my lord, not in the queen's name, and without any crime fpeci- 
 fied. Though both my lord and the queen's attorney denied the a6l of toleration to 
 extend unto the plantations, yet they have fince made the aft of uniformity, notwith- 
 ilanding the claufes of limitation ia it, fo extenfive. The chief juftice, finding him- 
 felf under a neceffity to grant the gentlemen an habeas corpus, which would have dif- 
 charged them, my lord (from whom they have no hope of obtaining here any fatif- 
 faftion for their falfe imprifonment all this while) ferved a new mittimus upon them. 
 A grand jury was packed,whereof three where juftices of the peace, who had already, 
 as fuch, appeared agalnft the prifoners ; the reft of the Englifti were high-flying 
 churchmen, and the biggeft part were Dutch and French, M'^ho neither knew the 
 Englifh law nor fpake the Englifti tongue, and either were dependents on my 
 lord or fufpedled of popery. This grand jury found againft Mr. Francis Mack- 
 ennie a bill, that on the ijd day of January he did preach and teach at the houfe 
 of one WilUam Jackfon, where were aflembled together above the number of five 
 perfons at one time, and did voluntarily and unlawfully ufe other rites and cere- 
 monies and form and naanncr of divine worfliip than what are contained in a 
 certain book entitled, the book of common prayer and adminiftration of the fa- 
 cramentc, againft the ftatute in that cafe made and provided. Mr. John Hampton 
 
 « was 
 
1702.3 MASSACHUSETTS. n; 
 
 Whilfl thefe things were tranfacling in England, the 
 Keutenant-governor^ Mr. Stoughton, died, July 7th, 1701, 
 at his houfe in Dorchefter. The adminiftration for the 
 firfl time devolved upon the council. Some manufcript 
 minutes and letters, which I have leen, about the timcy 
 and after the fettlement of the charter, take it for granted 
 that upon the death or abfence of the governor and lieu- 
 tenant-governor the fenior counfellor would prefide, and 
 an inftrudion from th^ crown has been given for that 
 purpofe ; but the exprefnon in the charter, if it will ad- 
 mit of this conftruftion, does not favour it. We mufl 
 not wonder therefore, that twenty-feven counfellors did 
 not readily give up their fhare in the adminiftration to 
 him that happened to be the eldeft. It is a defe-fl in the 
 conflitution ; for although-^ for certain purpofcs, fevcn: 
 counfellors make a quorum, yet in all a6ts, as command- 
 ers in chief, it has been judged neceifary, that fifteen (or 
 a majority of the whole number) fhould gfve their con- 
 fent. This mufl be extremely inconvenient, efpecially 
 in time of war, when difpatch, often, and fecrecy, fome- 
 times, are of great importance. 
 
 Mr. 
 
 was difcharged, Being a man of lefs intereft. On this bill, the faid Mr. Francis 
 flklackennie is bound over to the court in June, when he expetils another jury 
 of the fame complexion, and that their delrgn* is then to make a prey of him. 
 Except a fpecdf relief be obtained, the iiTue will be, not only a vail opprefiicn on 
 a very worthy fervant of God, but alfo a confufion upon the whole body of 
 Diflenters in thofc colonies, where they are languilhing under my lord Cornbury's 
 arbitrary and unaccountable government. We do therefore earneilly fohcit you, 
 Aat you would humbly petition the queen's majefty on this occaficn, and reprefent 
 the fufferings of the Diffenters in thofe parts cf America ;which are carried on in fo 
 direft violation of her m.ajefty's commands, of the laws of the nation, and the com- 
 mon rights of Englilhmen. 
 
 The diftance of a thoufand leagues between England and thefe colonies, and the 
 uncertainty of communication in this time of war, make our condition under 
 ♦pprefTors the more infupportable, before any relief or fo much as a check to fuch 
 a governor as my lord Cornbury can be obtained ; and befpeaks the more lively 
 •ompaflion of thofe unto whom we cry, as we novv- do unto you to be our advocates. 
 It is the caufe of the opprtffed that you now have to plead ; the caufc of not 
 •nly many thoufands in America, but of a great part of the Engllfti nation, jind 
 indeed the common caufe of humanity itfelf. You may depend upon the truth 
 «f the reprcfentation here laid before you, and it is to be wifhed that it may be pub- 
 Uihed unto the whole Englilh nation. 
 
 Ths defircs of many of the moft eminent pcrfons In New-England, thus addref* 
 anto you by the pen of. Sirs, 
 
 To Sir H. Afhurft, Your moft humble fervant- 
 
 Sir W. Afhurft, and 
 
 Sif £dci« Harciion, JLondoa.'* * 
 
ii3 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 Mr. Sroughton's father was edeemed by the people ; 
 was coPximander in chief of the forces of the colony in 
 the firft war againft the Pequod Indians, and after that 
 many years a magillrate, and of a confiderable eflate for 
 thofe times. This circumftance caufed his own natural 
 endowments, which Vv'ere cultivated and improved by the 
 bed education the country afforded, to be more obferved 
 and valued. He was, in early life, a candidate for the 
 miniflry ;* but the people judged him proper to take his 
 father's place as a magiltrate ; then employed him as their 
 agent in England ; and urged him a fecond time to en- 
 gage in the fame fervice. It is no blemifn in his charac- 
 ter that he had many oppofers. Every man, who makes 
 it more his aim to ferve than to pleafe the people, may 
 expecl it. From the obfervations he made in his agency, 
 he WT.S convinced it was to no purpofe to oppofe the de- 
 mands of king Charles ; and from the example of the 
 corporations in England, he was for furrendering the char- 
 ter rather than to fuffer a judgment or decree againft it. 
 In fuch cafe, a more favourable adminiftration might be 
 expected to fucceed it, and in better times there would 
 be a greater chance for re-aiTuming it. He confented to 
 ad as one of the council under Sir Edmund Andros, in 
 hopes, by that means, to render the new form of govern- 
 ment more eafy. By this ftep he loft the favour of the 
 people, and yet did not obtain the confidence of the gov- 
 ernor, who would willingly have been rid of him, feldom 
 confulted him, and by the influence he had over the ma- 
 jority of the council, generally carried the votes againft 
 his mind. He joined upon the revolution with the old 
 magiftrates, w^ho made no fcruple of receiving him, in re- , 
 affuming the government ; but upon the eledion after- 
 wards made by the people he did not obtain a vote. At 
 
 the 
 
 * Many gentlemen, before and fmce Mr. Stoughton, who have been probationers 
 for the miniftry, have afterwards made a figure at the barj and, in the legiflative as 
 well as executive courts of the province, gained great reputation ; and fome, who 
 have been fettled miniflers, liave not been lefs efleemed for leaving their parifhes 
 where an infuflBcient fupport has been afforded, or there has been other good caufc 
 affigned ; but thefe inftances are more rare. The New-England clergy do not af- 
 I'ume an indelible chara6ler ; however, after having been once ordained, or, to ufe 
 one of their own a? well as a fcriptural cxpreflive ttrm,feparated to the work of the 
 rn iniltry, there feems to be fome more fpccial reafons requifite to juftify the forfak-? 
 ing this, than wowld be fuficieut in the cafe of a civil employment or courfe of life. 
 
■i7cr2.^ MASSACHUSETTS. 119 
 
 the defire of the council and reprefentatives he drew up a 
 narrative of the proceedings of Sir Edmund and his ac- 
 complices, figned by him and feveral others of the coun- 
 cil ;* in which they modeflly take exception to many 
 things in the adminiftration, and exculpate themfelvcs 
 from any fhare in them. He was nine vc'ars lieutenant- 
 governor, and fix of them commander in chief ; had ex- 
 perienced the two extremes of popular and abfolute gov- 
 ernment ; and not C4ily himfelf approved of a mean be- 
 tween both, but was better qualified to recommend it, by 
 a diicreet adminiftration, to the people of the province. 
 He died a bachelor. Inftead of children, he faw, before 
 his death, a college reared at his expenfe, which took the 
 name of Stoughton-hall.f He had good reafon to thinlc 
 it would tranfmit a grateful remembrance of his name ta 
 fucceeding ages. 
 
 Sir Henry AfhurflJ and Conllantine Pliips had contin- 
 ued agents for the province, in England, for ten years to- 
 gether. Divers attempts had been made, by Mr. Math- 
 er's friends, to- fend him again to England in the fervice 
 of the province ; and, after Mr. Stoughton's death, the 
 two houfes came to a refolution to cbt)ofe fom.e perfon in. 
 the jfrovince, and fend him to England as their agent j 
 and a great intereft was made that Mr. Mather might be 
 the man ; but it happened that Mr. Cooke, who had not 
 forgot their former dirference when joint agents, flood as 
 well with the affembly at this time as he had ever done^ 
 and had influence enough to prevent Mr. Mather from 
 
 fucc ceding. 
 
 * They conclude their narrative with thefe words : " Thefe are the chief matters 
 ■^hich upon this occafion, without any undue prejudice againft any man, or dtfigix 
 to juftify the dtfe6ts of ourfelves in the performance of our own f}iarcs of duty, but 
 in anfvvcr to the defire fignified to us as above, we have to fet forth ; prcfeffing tru- 
 ly, that by fuch a ftate of things as we had the experience and f-eling of, the places 
 thr.t we held were rendered exceeding uneafy to us, and that out of a fincere refpecT: 
 to the profperity of thefe their majelly's plantations, v/e could nyt but be very de- 
 Crous, that through the favour of God and our fiiperiors, all due rcdrefs miglit in 
 a good happy feal'en be obtained ; and the way of governing Englifh fubjc(5ls ii> 
 their niajefties' dominions, without an affembly ©f the people's reprefentatives, be 
 kanilhcd forever. 
 
 William Stoughton, Walt. Winthrop, 
 
 Thomas Hinklcy, Samuel Shrimpton.**" 
 
 Earth. Gedney, 
 
 f The foundation (lone was laid the 9th of May, 1698. 
 
 ^ Sir Henry was finally diiiniired juil bffere lord BcUamea; left tha province. 
 
i'2o tHE lilSTORY OP [Chap. L 
 
 faccedlng. The choice fell upon VNTaitftlU Winthropj 
 granciroii to the firft governor of Maflachufetts and fon to 
 the firll: governor of Connedicut, and who either out of 
 refpeft to his family, or for fome other reafon which does 
 not now appear, was confidered as prefident of the council^ 
 pJthough there were many who by priority of appoint- 
 ment, the rule generally obferved, fliould have preceded 
 him. 
 
 The French claim to the country call of the river Ken- 
 nebeck-, and to an exclufive fifliery upon the fea-coaft, were 
 the reafons publickly aiTigned for the choice of an agent at 
 this time, and an addrefs to the king had paiTed the coun- 
 cil and aiiembly^ and Mr^ AVinthrop's inflrudions were 
 prepared. Thefe proceedings of the French were really 
 alarming. The profefTed reafons, however, were not the 
 true reafons. Mr. Dudley's folicitations for the govern- 
 ment were known, and, although his inter eft in the prov^ 
 ince was increafmg, yet, a majority of the General Court 
 had a very ill opinion of him. Mr. Winthrop was a good 
 fort of a man, and although he was of a genius rather 
 inferior to either of his anceftors, yet he was popular, and 
 the party againft Mr* Dudley wifhed to have him gover- 
 nor. They flattered themfelves that his being acceptable 
 to the country would, together with his family and his 
 eftate, both which were of the firfl rate, be fufficient 
 to recomanend him ; but they were miftaken. Winthrop 
 was a plain honeft man. Dudley had been many years 
 well acquainted with the cuftoms and rnanners of a courts 
 and would have been more than a match for him. Jufl 
 as he was about to embark, news came that Mr. Dudley 
 was appointed governor and Thomas Povey lieutenant- 
 governor. The reafon of Mr. Winthrop's appointment 
 to the agency immediately appeared. The vote for his 
 inftruclions was re-confidered, and his voyage laid afide. 
 It was thought proper, however, that the addrefs to the 
 king fhould be forwarded. This was fent to Mr. Phips. 
 A fecond addrefs accompanied it, occafioned by advice of 
 a bill being brought into the houfe of lords for difToiving 
 charter governments. It is not probable that the Maifa- 
 chufetts charter was the fpecial occafion of this bill. It 
 
 differs 
 
^702.] MASSACHUSETTS. i2i 
 
 differs fo little from the commiiTions in the royal govern- 
 ments, as they are called, as not to be worth notice* 
 About this time, or a little before, the fplrit againfl: the 
 king had caufed the re-afmmption of many grants which 
 he had made of private eftates. If there was a fpecial 
 prejudice againfl: colony charters, it is probable the char- 
 ter to Pennfylvania was the mofl exceptionable. The pro- 
 prietor was obnoxious, had abfconded a few years before 
 upon a fufpicion of treafonable pradices, and was flill un- 
 der a cloud. The people of Malfachufetts inflrud their 
 agent as follows : " As to the bill, faid to be lying before 
 the houfe of lords, for the diflblving charter governments 
 in the plantations, we entreat you to be very w^atchflil in 
 that matter and ufe the utmofl diligence, by all convenient 
 means, to prevent our being comprehended in or conclud- 
 ed by the fame. Our circumftances are different from 
 thofe of other plantations under charter government, 
 our firfl fettlement being wholly at our own cofl and 
 charge ; and by our prefent fettlement we are already 
 reduced to a more immediate dependence on the crown, 
 his majefty having referved to himfelf the nomination of 
 our governor, lieutenant-governor and fecretary, and a 
 negative on our laws.'' In their addrefs to the king they 
 thus exprefs themfelves : " And forafmuch as we are 
 given to underflarid that, through the fuggeflions of 
 fome perfons not well affected to charter governments, 
 a bill has been preferred in the houfe of lords for vacat- 
 ing charter and proprietary governments within your 
 niajefly's plantations, we in all fubmiflion crave leave 
 humbly to pray yoiir majefliy's grace and favour towards 
 your good fubjedls within this your province, that no 
 fuch fuggeflions may make an impreflion in your royal 
 breafl to deprive us of thofe privileges which we enjoy 
 under your majefly's mofl gracious grant, and that we 
 may not be included in any fuch a£t to our prejudice, 
 without having opportunity given us of being heard and 
 fpeaking for ourfelves." The bill was dropped in the 
 houfe of lords, and, a war with France being every day 
 expected, the longefl fword was to determine, the points 
 complained of in the firfl addrefs. 
 Vol. II. I The 
 
t2Z ■ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. L 
 
 The fending thefe addreffes to Phips was grievous to 
 Afhurft.* Although he had not very fliining . talents, 
 yet being a member of parliament, having a great family 
 intereft, and being an honed: man and confcientious in 
 the difeharge of his truft, he had been very ferviceable 
 to the province. He had however the fate of mod 
 agents* As foon as the party againfl him found they 
 were ftrong enough, they left him out of the agency, 
 and he made frequent complaints that they had flighted 
 his fer vices, and neglected giving him an adequate re- 
 ward. Ail the agents who had been employed before 
 him, except Mr. Winilow, v/ere unfuccefsful, and feveral,: 
 probably for that reafon, thought unfaithful. The firfl 
 who were employed were Weld, Peters and Hibbins, in 
 1640. They borrowed money for the fervice of the 
 colony, and proper care not being taken by the govern- 
 ment for th@ payment, thefe agents, for feveral year^ 
 after, were contending about the proportion in which 
 they fhould pay it themfelves. Winilow, who went over 
 in 1 6465 foon found more pi^ofitable employment ; but 
 his allowance was fo fcant from the colony that the cor- 
 poration for propagating the gofpel among the Indians 
 allowed him ;{!.ioo fterling for promoting that defign^ 
 but wrote to the government that it ought to be reftored.- 
 Bradilreet and Norton were fent in 1660. Norton laid 
 the reproaches he met with fo much to heart as to affedl 
 his health and fhorten his life. In 1677 Stoughton and 
 Bulkley were employed, and foon after their return it 
 was faid by thofe who charged Bulkley with too great 
 compliance with court meafures, that his fun fet in a- 
 cloud. He died of melancholy. Stoughton was re- 
 proached, 
 
 *" Sir Henry Alhurfu was fon to Henry Afliurn:, efquire, who had a great hand" 
 in fettling the corporation for propagating the gofpel among the Indians in New- 
 England and parts adjacent. Sir Henry being a zealous Diflentcr, accompanied 
 Mr. Baxter when he was brought to hig trial before a favage judge, was at the 
 expenfc of fees for his counfel, and, after the trial, led him through the crowd 
 and conveyed him away in a coach. Notwithftanding this, he was created a 
 baronet in the fame reign, when Diffenters, in oppofition to the church of England, 
 were in favour, juft before the revolution. His lady was daughter of lord Paget. 
 He died in 1 710, leaving only one fon, Su- Henry Alhurft, who married a daughter 
 and coheirefs of Sir Thomas Draper, of Sunninghill-park, Berklhire, and was mem- 
 ber for Windfor in 1714, and died in 173a without ilTue, fo that the title is extin<5l:» 
 but the defccndants of thefjrft Henry by the younger branches remain, and the 
 family is Hill refpeflable.. 
 
 
S702.] MASSACHUSETTS. 123 
 
 preached, and, although he had a majority of the court 
 ill his favour, he could not be prevailed on to rifque his 
 reputation a fecond time. Dudley and Richards were 
 the next, in 1682. The former managed the whole 
 bufinefs, and bore the whole blame, but, being of a very 
 different temper from fome of his predecellbrs, inftead of 
 laying to heart the flight of his countrymen, he was 
 politic enough to improve frowns at home to procure 
 favours from abroad. Mather, Cooke and Oakes were 
 employed to folicit the reftoration of the firft charter. 
 In this they failed. Mather without the confent of bJs 
 brethren accepted the prefent charter^ and although, at 
 firfl, a majority of the court acknowledged his merit, 
 the oppofite party foon after prevailed, and he failed of 
 his expected reward, and complained all his life of the 
 ingratitude of his countrymen, after having fpenx not on- 
 ly his time but part of his eftate in public fervice. I 
 would draw a veil over our tranfa6i:ions relative to agents, 
 if my obligations to truth would permit me. Errors and 
 failings, as well as laudable deeds, in pad ages, may be 
 rendered ufefulj by exciting pofterity to avoid the one 
 >nd to imitate the other. 
 
 t 
 
 *« 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 
THE HISTORY OF [CiiAP. It 
 
 CHAP. IL 
 
 from the arrival cf Gover nor Dudley^ in 17025 io the atrivat 
 of Govsrnor Shute^ in 1716. 
 
 iVlR. Dudley was received with ceremony and marks:' 
 of refpedt, even by thofe who had been his greatefl op- 
 pofers in the reign of king. James. Winthrop, Cooke, 
 Hutchinfon,* Fofler, Addington, Ruflfel. Phillips, Browne, 
 Sargent, and others, who had been of the council which 
 committed him to prifon, where he lay twenty w^eksy 
 Were of the council when he arrived. Upon fuch polit- 
 
 VA, ical changes, a general amneity is oftentimes advifeablc 
 and necellary.. 
 
 The affront and infult fliewn by Lewis XIV. not only' 
 to the prince upon the throne, but to the Engliih nation, 
 in proclaiming another perfon king, had rendered a war 
 
 iS^With France inevitable^ before the governor left England, 
 "ilie news of its being proclaimed arrived in a few weeks 
 after him. Nothing ielV could be expected than a wai° 
 with the Indians alio. Ever fmce the peace, in 1698, the 
 governor of Canada, by his emiffaries, had been contin- 
 ually exciting them to hoftilities ; and-juflified himfel£ 
 upon this principle-, that the Indians having call them- 
 felves upon the French long fmce as their prote£lors, 
 and being proprietors of the eadern country, where the 
 Englifli had ufurped a jurifdidion, which as far weflward 
 as Kennebeck rightfully belonged to the French^ the En- 
 ghfli therefore were to be confidered as intruders and in- 
 vaders upon the jurlfdi^lion of the French, and. upon the 
 ^property of the Indians.. 
 
 ^^. The governor, in the fummer of 1703, vifited all the-| 
 eaflern frontiers as far as Pemaquid ; taking fuch gentle-- 
 men of the General Court with him as he thought prop-- 
 er jt J^etthe delegates from the Indian- tribes and confirm-,,^ 
 
 * Col. Hutchinfon liad the command of the caille when Mr. Dudley arrived, \i\xt\£i 
 wa'; removed and fucceeded by lieutenant-governor Povey. 
 
 I He always refufed to allow the two houfes to appoint committees to attendhimf 
 f-poj) Jiny treaties-. y?V^ 
 
 '-•if 
 
 m 
 
5703.] MASSACHUSETTS. 1^25 
 
 cd the former treaties which had been made. He had 
 recommended, in his iirfl fpeech to the aflembly, the re- 
 building the fort at Pemaquid ; and the gentlemen who 
 accompanied him eaft, reported in favour of it, and their 
 report was accepted by the council ; but tbe houfc con^ 
 tinned of the fame mind they had formerly been, urgin;^ 
 that all the money they could raife would be wanted foi 
 other fervices more necefl'ary than that, and refui'ed to 
 comply with the governor's propofal. His heart was fct 
 upon it ; the miniflry coniin.ued their prejudice in favour 
 of this particular fpot, and, it is not improbable, that he 
 had given encouragement he fhouW be able to carry a 
 point which his predeceflbrs could not, and therefore 
 was the more mortified at the failure. 
 
 The Indians upon the Mallachufetts frontiers continu- 
 ed quiet this year, but the Nova-Scotia Indians feizcd 
 three of the fifhing velfels belonging to this province, up- 
 on a report that war was declared. The council attempt- 
 ed to reco-'er them, and by the interpofitioii of Bruillonj 
 governor of Nova-Scotia, two if not the third were rc- 
 ftored. 
 
 At the firfl eledion Mr. Dudley treated tlie houfe more 
 cavalierly than Sir William Phips or Lord Bellamont had 
 ever done. After the lid of counfellors cled had been, 
 prefented, " A mefl'age was fent from his excellencv, to 
 defire Mr, fpeaker and the houfe forthwith to attend him 
 in the council chamber ; and, Mr. fpeaker and the houfe 
 being come up, his excellency obfcrved to them, that 
 in their lift of eleQ:ions prefented to him, he took notice 
 that there Vv'^re feveral gentlemen left out that were of 
 the council laft year/? who were of good ability, for eftate 
 and otherwife^ to ferve her niajeity, and well difpofed 
 thereto, and that fome others v/ho were new elected,, 
 were not fo well qualified, fome of them being of little, 
 or mean eftate ; and withal figniiied that he fhould ex- 
 punge five of the name in their lilt, viz. Eliflia Cooke, and 
 Peter Sargent, efquires, Mr. Thomas Oakes, Mr, John 
 Safiin, and Mr. John Bradford, and difmifled the houfc, 
 who returned to their chamber."'* Cooke had been of 
 
 •-General Court record. 
 
 f ,-..' 
 
126 THE HISTORY OF [ChAp. IL 
 
 ^ the council nine or ten years, had been afliflant before 
 the revolution, married a daughter of governor Leveret, 
 and was allied to the bed families in the province, had a 
 better ellate than the governor himfelf, but then he had 
 been agent in England, and difcovered greater zeal for 
 profecuting the complaints againfl Andros, Dudley, &c. 
 than any of his fellow agents. Sargent had married the 
 relict of Sir William Phips. Oakes had been one of the 
 agents in England alfo, and under the diredion of Cooke. 
 Saffin was a principal inhabitant of Briftol, (the father of 
 Thomas Saflin in Stepney church-yard, whofe memory 
 the author of the Spectator has immortalized) and Brad- 
 ford was grandfon of the firft worthy governor of 
 Plymouth. 
 
 There had been but one inftance of the governor's 
 refufal of a counfellor fmce the charter. The right of 
 refufal could not be difputed. Had the power been fre- 
 quently exercifed, lefs exception would have been .taken 
 to this inftance ; but the long difufe of it caufed the re« 
 affumption of it upon fo many perfons at once to be more 
 difagreeable. Oakes was of the houfe, and, notwith- 
 flanding the negative as a counfellor, remained there ; and 
 if he could be of any confequence, this would add to his 
 weight. 
 
 Lord Cornbury, governor of New- York, fome time ia 
 the month of May advifed Mr. Dudley of an army of 
 French and Indians, intending to make a defcent upon 
 Deerfield, in MaftaGhufetts. The intelligence was brought 
 to Albany, by fome of the praying or chriftianized Mo- 
 hawks, who had been to vifit their friends at Cagnawaga 
 in Canada, who formerly had belonged to the fame village 
 about forty miles from Albany. This defign was not 
 immediately carried into execution. 
 
 Whiift every one was fearing hoftilities from the In- 
 dians, feveral Englifhmen, pretending friendlhip toCaftine, 
 fon of the baron de St. Caftine by an Indian woman, who 
 now lived at Penobfcot, plundered his houfe, &c. and 
 made great fpoil. Upon his complaint to the govern- 
 ment, he was affured the adion fliould not go without 
 due puniihment, and that reflitution diould be made. 
 
 About 
 
1703.] MASSACHUSETTS. T27 
 
 About the fame time, the Indians did mifchicf to fome of 
 th& people of Kennebeck. Which a£lion was firit, I 
 cannot afcertain. Perhaps neither of them was from re- 
 fentment or revenge for the other. 
 
 Before the end of the year, the blow threatened in the 
 beginning of it was ftruck upon Deerfield. This was the 
 mofl remote fettlement upon Connedicut river, except a 
 few families at Squakheag, or Northfield, adjoining to it. 
 Deerfield, being eafiefl: of accefs of any place upon the 
 river, had often fuffered by fmall parties. In 1697, an 
 attempt was made upon it, but failed of fuccefs, through 
 the vigilance and bravery of the inhabitants, with Mr. 
 Williams their minifler at their head. Colonel Schuyler, 
 of Albany, had obtained information of the defigns of 
 the enemy upon it this year, and gave notice feafonable 
 enough to put the people upon their guard. It was af- 
 terwards thought remaikable, that the minifler had it 
 ftrongly imprefied upon his mind, that the town would 
 be deftroyed. It vv'ould not have been very ftrange, if 
 this impreffion had never been off his mipd. He warned 
 his people of it in his fermons, but too many made light 
 of the intelligence, and of theimpreffions whioh naturally 
 followed. The government, upon his application, order- 
 ed twenty foldiers as a guard. The party, which had been 
 fitted out at Canada, confided of about three hundred 
 French and Indians, under Hertel de Rouville, who had 
 four brothers with him ; their father had been a noted par- 
 tizan, but was now unable to take fo long a march. They 
 came upon the town, the night after the 28th of Februa- 
 ry. In the fore part of the night, and until about two 
 hours before day, the watch kept the ftreets ; and then 
 unfortunately went all to deep. The enemy, who had 
 been hovering about them, and kept continually recon- 
 noitring, perceived all to be quiet, and firil furpriied the 
 fort or principal garrifon houfe. The fnow was fo high 
 in drifts that they had no difficulty in jumping over the 
 walls. Another party broke into the houfe of Mr. Wil- , 
 liams, the minifler, who, rifing from his bed, difcovered 
 near twenty entering. He expeded immediate death, but 
 had the iirmnefs of mind to take down a piflol, which he 
 
 alwavs 
 
 ^x 
 
< 
 
 128 THE HISTORY OF ^ [Cha?. IL 
 
 always kept loaded upon his teller, and to prefent it to 
 the bread of the firft Indian who came up to him. The 
 piftol, fortunately for Mr. Williams, fnapped only and 
 jnifTed fire.. Had he killed the Indian, his own life no, 
 doubt would have been taken in revenge. Being in ef- 
 fed: difarmed, he was feized and pinioned, and kept 
 flanding in his fhirt only in that cold feafon the fpace of 
 sn hour. In the mean time, his, houfe was plundered, 
 snd two of his children and a negro woman murdered. 
 His wife and five other children w^ere fuffered to put on 
 their clothes, and then he himfelf was albwed to drefs 
 and prepare for a long march. 
 
 Other parties fell upon other houfes in the town, and 
 flew about forty perfons, and made about one hundred 
 more prifoners. Sun about an hour high, the enemy 
 had finifhed their work, and took their departure, leaving 
 uU the houfes, out-houfes, &c. in flames. Mrs. Williams, 
 J^had fcarcely recovered from her lying-in, and was in a 
 weak flate. The enemy made all the hade they could, 
 left a fuperior force fliould overtake them. The fecond 
 day, Ihe let her huCband know fhe was unable to travel 
 any farther, as faft as they did. He knew the confe- 
 quence, and would gladly have remained with her and af- 
 fi fled her ; but they had different mafters, and leave could 
 3iot be obtained, and he was carried from her and foon. 
 ^fter heard that her niafler had funk his hatchet into her 
 brains. One cannot eafily conceive of greater diftrefs 
 than what an afFe6lionate hufband muft then have felt. 
 About twenty more of the prifoners, in their travel to- 
 wards. Canada, gave out, and were killed alfo.* They 
 
 were 
 
 * This is not mentioned as an inflance of favagc barbarity. Their own preferva- 
 tion often depends upon their deftroying their prifoners. Henry V. of England 
 killed, in cold blood, the flower of France, when he fuppofed his own little 
 army to be in danger. The Indians, after thefe onfets, always expe<fted to be pur- 
 fued. If they left their grown captives In the wooda they would difcover them to 
 tiieir purfuers, if fuch captives fhould*" be found by them. To leave young children 
 to die would be more cruel than to kill them outright. Their barbarities are com- 
 niitted when they are intoxicated with liquor or enraged with paflion. Some of 
 the children who were taken at Dcerfield they drew upon flays ; at other times 
 they have been known to carry them in their arms or upon their backs to Canada. 
 This tendernefs has occafioned the beginning of an affe6tion, which in a few years 
 has been fo rivettcd, that the parents of the children, wSb have gone to Canada to 
 fcek them, could by no means prevail upon them to leave the Indian? and return 
 hpme. One of Mr. Vv''jlliams's daughters married an Indian hulband, and yet lives 
 
 Wits 
 
1703.] MASSlCHUSETTS. 129 
 
 were twenty-five days between Deerfield and Chambli^ 
 depending upon hunting for their fupport as they travel- 
 led.* Vaudreuil, the French governor of Canada, treat-* 
 ed thefe prifoners with humanity ; and although the In-, 
 dians have been encouraged, by premiums upon prifon-. 
 ers and fcalps, to lay wafle the Englilh frontiers, yet the 
 captives who have been carried ta Canada have often re- 
 ceived very kind ufage from the French inhabitants. 
 
 The unfortunate provinces of Maflachufetts and New- 
 Hampfhire, were the only people upon the continent 
 ajgainft whom the French and Indians, during a ten years 
 war, exerted their ftrength. Connecticut and Rhode- 
 Wand were covered by Maliachufetts. New- York took 
 care of themfelves and of the colonies fouth of them, by 
 a neutraUty which the Iroquois or Six Nations (influenc- 
 ed by thofe who had the dire£lian of Indian affairs) en- 
 gaged to obferve between the Englifli and French. This, 
 was, in effect, a neutrality between the French and the 
 Englifh governments to the fouthward of New-England. 
 Nothing could be more acceptable to the Canadians. 
 The New-England governments felt the terrible confe- 
 quences. Charlevoix gives this account of it. " Tegan- 
 ifforens arrived, a little while after, at Montreal, and, in 
 the conference which he had with the commander in 
 chief, he appeared at firll to be out of humour, which 
 boded ill to the bufmefs he came upon. The Europeans, 
 fays he, are an out-of-the-way people ; after they have 
 made peace, one with another, they go* to war again 
 for mere nothing at all. This is not our practice ; after 
 we have once figned to a treaty, there mud be fome very 
 ftrong reafons to induce us to break it. He went on and 
 declared that his nation fhould not engage in a war which 
 they did not approve of, neither on one fide nor the oth- 
 er. Monfieur de Vaudreuil let TeganilTorens know that 
 
 he 
 
 with them. I faw at Albany two or three men, in the y«ar 1744, who came in 
 with the Indians to trade, and who had been taken ;it Grorc n in this, tiiat is called 
 
 queen Anne's war. On-e of them, Tarbell, was fald to be one of the weakh- 
 
 ieft of the Cagnawaga tribe. He made a vifit in his Indian drefs and with his In- 
 dian complexion (for by means of grenfe and paints but little difference co^ld be 
 difcerned) to his relations at Groton, but had no inclination to remain there, 
 
 * Moft of the captives were redeemed after fome years. Two of Mr. WiUiams's 
 fons, after their return, were worthy miniflers, of amiable charadicrs, one at "Wm- 
 tham, now deceafed ; the other Itill living at Long-Meadow, in Springfield. 
 
X3^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. II. 
 
 he defired nothing further ; and, that the Iroquois might 
 have no pretence to break fo advantageous a neutrality, 
 he determined to fend out no parties towards New-York/* 
 Again, upon another occafion, " At all events, the Six 
 Nations, and efpecially the Tfononheans,* were refolved 
 ftridly to obferve the neutrality which they had fworn, 
 and of which they had begun to feel the benefit ; but 
 you may fee that they were much fet upon including the 
 Enghfh, that they might be confidered as mediators be^ 
 tween them and us. M. Vaudreuil, who had very early 
 feen through their defign, had acquainted the court with 
 it, and received for anfwer, that if he was able to carry on 
 the war to advantage without putting the crown to any 
 extraordinary expenfe, he fhould reject the propofals of 
 the Iroquois ; otherwife he might fettle a neutrality for 
 America upon the befi: terms he could, but that it was not 
 for his majefiy's honour that his governor and lieuten- 
 ant-general fhould be the hrfc mover of it. The minifler 
 added, that he thought it v/ould be moll proper for the 
 miffionaries to let the Indians know that the French did 
 not deiire to difturb the peace of the country ; that al- 
 though they were very well able to carry on a vigorous 
 war, yet they preferred the quiet of Canada to all the ad- 
 vantages they might reap from the fuperiority of their 
 arms ; and if the Six Nations, convinced that this was 
 our difpoiition, fliould caufe the Englifh toaika neutrality 
 for their colonies, M. Vaudreuil might confider of it ; 
 but that he fhould not come to a conclufion without or- 
 ders from the king." 
 
 I am fenfible Charlevoix fays, that "the BoHoneers 
 would have obtained the fame thing from the Abenaquis, 
 or eaftern Indians. "" It is certain, that the MaiTachufetts 
 government would have been content (provided the eaft- 
 ern Indians had continued at peace with the Engliih) that 
 they fliould not be obliged to go to war againfl the 
 French ; but the inhabitants of MaiTachufetts, in all their 
 treaties with the eaftern Indians, made peace for the other 
 governments as well as for themfelves ; and hoftilities 
 ;againfl Connecliciit or New- York would have been deem- 
 ed 
 
1703.] MASSACHUSETTS. 131 
 
 ed a breach of the peace, as well as thofc agp-ind: Maf- 
 fachufetts ; whereas the New-Yorkers, or rather the Al- 
 banians, fuffered the Canada Indians to go through their 
 province and fall upon any of our frontiers, without look- 
 ing upon it to be a breach of the neutrality, and carried 
 on great trade both with French and Indians at the fame 
 time, and fometimes the plunder made in the county of 
 Hampfhire became merchandize in Albany. Some of 
 the bed people deteflcd fuch proceedings, particularly 
 colonel John Schuyler, of Albany, who, by means of the 
 Indian^ of the Six Nations in the Englifh intereft, inform- 
 ed himfelf of the intended expeditions of the French, and 
 French Indians, and gave frequent notice to the people 
 upon our frontiers to be upon their gua^d ; but moll of 
 the inroads made upon us he had it not in his power to 
 difcover. 
 
 That the French might improve this plan to greater 
 advantage, they drew off, about this time, a great number 
 of the Abenaquis families from Penobfcot, Norridgewock, 
 Saco, Pigwacket, &c. and fettled them at Becancour and 
 St. Francois, in Canada, where they were known to the 
 Englifh by the name of St. Francois Indians. Here they 
 were under the conftant direction of the governor of Can- 
 ada, and were fent out, from time to time, with parties of 
 the Six Nations in the French interefl and French Cana- 
 dians, to malfacre the men, women and children upon the 
 eafl and weft frontiers. Charlevoix fays, " they were 
 intended as a barrier againft the inroads of the Six Na- 
 tions, in cafe of a future war between them and the 
 French." 
 
 Maflachufetts, thus harafied and perplexed, thought it 
 neceiTary to remain no longer on the defenfive only, and in 
 the fall fent out three or four hundred men to a noted fettle- 
 ment of the Indians at Pigwacket, and another party to the 
 ponds, Offapy, &c. upon the back of the eaftern frontier ; 
 but neither party met with the enemy. Soon after, col- 
 onel March going out with another party, killed and took 
 about a dozen of the enemy. This meafure not anfwer- 
 ing expectation, to encourage fmall parties of the Englifli 
 to go out and hunt the Indians, the General Court prom- 
 
 ifc'i 
 
1^2 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 Jfed a bounty or reward no lefs than forty pounds, for 
 «very Indian fcalp. Captain Tyng went out in the win^ 
 ter and brought in five. 
 
 In the fpring, another proje6l was tried. About an 
 hundred Indians "were obtained from Connedlicut and 
 polled at Berwick, in the county of York ; but thefe In- 
 dians were not only flrangers to the woods, and wholly 
 ignorant of the frontiers of Canada, but by long living in 
 a depreffed flate among the Englifh, were difpirited, ener- 
 vated, and i^nfit for this feryice, and nothing remarkable 
 •was effected. Had not the Six Nations been reftrained,' 
 parties of them^ haraffing the French fettlements, would 
 have induced the French, for their o\yn prefervation, to 
 liave fuffered the frontiers of New-England as well as 
 New-York to have rernained unmolefted. 
 
 All thefe attempts failing, aftill more expenfive under- 
 taking was agreed on. It was fuppofed that an army to 
 fweep the Goaft and country from Pifcataqua-river to No- 
 \^a-Scotia, would flrike terror into the Indians and bring 
 them to reafon. Colonel Church, noted for his exploits 
 in former wars, efpeciallj In Phillip's war, was pitched 
 upon to command in this expedition, and had orders to 
 enlik as many as he could, both of Englifh and Indians, 
 who had been in fervice before. This is called by Char- 
 levoix an expedition againfl Port-royal ; but Church was 
 in(lru6led not to make any attempt againfl the fort there, 
 and to ravage the country only. Mr. Dudley had inti- 
 mations of the queen's intention, to fend fhips the next 
 year for the redu<3:iQn of that fortrefs. * 
 
 Church had five hundred and fifty foldiers under him, 
 in fourteen fmall tranfports, and was provided with thir- 
 ty-fix whale-boats, and convoyed by the Jerfey man-of-war^ 
 of forty-eight, the Gofport of thirty-two, and the province 
 fnow of fourteen guns, He flopped firll at Montinicus, 
 and fent two of his boats to Green-Iiland, where he took 
 four or five French and Indians,who ferved him for pilots 
 up Penobfcot river and to the Indian fettlements there. 
 In this river he killed and took captive divers of the ene- 
 my j 
 
 * This he puhlickly gave as his reafon. His enemies charged him with a fecrer 
 telcfire^that the place might be preferved, for the fake of unlawfyl trade- with the i^- 
 ^abitaats, in which He was to be a fharcr. 
 
« 
 
 ip4'l MASSACHUSETTS. 13^ 
 
 iny ; among the captives were Caftine's daughter and her 
 children, her hufband and father being gone to France, 
 where Cafline had an eftate,upon which he Hved after he left 
 America. The tranfports lay at Mount Defart. Church, 
 having taken from them a frefh fupply of provifions, v/en: 
 in the boats up the weflern Paflimaquady. In the har • 
 hour, he found only a French woman and her children 
 upon an ifland, and another family upon the main, near 
 to it. He then went up the river, where he took prifon- 
 ers Gourdon a French officer and his family, who lived- 
 in a fmall cottage. Church feeing fome of his men hover - 
 ing over another hut, he called to them to know what they 
 were doing ; and upon their reply, that there were people 
 m the houfe who would not come out, he, hadily bid hi:> 
 men knock them in the head ; which order they immedi- 
 ately obferved. He was much blamed for this after his 
 return, and excufed himfelf but indifferently. He fearcci^ 
 the enemy might fail upon his men, whom he faw were olF 
 their guard, which put him in a pallion. He went as 
 high up the river as the falls, taking or deflroying all in 
 his way ; miffed Chartiers, another French officer, who- 
 lived or was ported there. The tranfports took in the 
 forces at the harbour or mouth of the river, and carried 
 them to Menis ; the men-of-war (landing for Port-rovaL 
 At Menis he met with fome oppofition, the enemy firinp^ 
 from the banks a-s he rowed up the river to the tov/n ; 
 but he loft none of his men.. They found plenty not on- 
 ly of frefh provifions but good liquor in the town, which 
 occafioned fuch diforders among the men, efpecially th& 
 Indians, that it wa-s neceffary ta ftave all the cafks which 
 had any wine or fpirits in them, and it was done accord- 
 ingly. Here the lieutenant of Church's own company,^ 
 Barker, (Charlevoix calls him the lieutenant-general) and 
 one man more were (hot down, which were all that were 
 loft in the expedition. After plundering the inhabitants^ 
 'of all their goods, they fet the town on fire, and then em^ 
 barked on board the tranfports-. The inhabitants of a 
 village upon another branch of the river fuppofed the 
 EngUfii to be gone, and that they fhould efcape ; but 
 Church went back with his boats, and, going up thii 
 
 branchjj. 
 
i34 THE HISTORY OF [tlHAP. 11 
 
 branch, came unexpeftedly upon the village and took 
 what prifoners he had a mind to, and, among the reft, 
 two gentlemen who had been fent by the governor of 
 Port-royal to bring two companies of foldiers for the de- 
 fence of the place againd: the men-of-war which appeared 
 in the gut. Church gave the gentlemen leave to return, 
 for the fake offending a meifage by them to the governor, 
 to defire him to acqu:iint the governor of Canada, that if 
 he did not prevent his French and Indians froiji commit- 
 ting fuch barbarities upon poor helplefs women and chil* 
 dren as the people of Deerfield had fuffered the lafl year, 
 he would return with a thoufand Indians and let them 
 loofe upon the frontiers of Canada to commit the like bar* 
 barities there. This the French governor mud know to 
 be a gafconade. 
 
 The forces after this went up what is called the eaft- 
 ern river, and deftroyed the fettlements there, and then 
 returned to the tranfports, and joined the men-of-war at 
 Port-royal ; where it was agreed, both by fea and land 
 officers, that no attempt fhould be made. The men-of- 
 war returned to Mount Defart harbour, and Church, 
 with his tranfports, went up to Chigneclo. The inhabit- 
 ants all fled, taking with them as much of their fubflance 
 as they could carry away ; the reil they left to the mercy 
 of the Englifli, who laid all wafle. From Chignedlo they 
 went to Mount Defart ; the men-of-war being gone to 
 Boilon, the tranfports followed ; and, flopping at Gafco- 
 Bay, Church found orders lodged there, from the gov- 
 ernor, to go up Kennebeck river as far as Norridgewock 
 fort ; but having intelligence that it was deferted, and 
 his men having undergone much fatigue, he thought it 
 befl to return home. 
 
 This expedition Mr. Dudley fuppofes, in his fpeech to 
 the alTembly, ftruck great terror into the Indians, and 
 drove them from our frontiers ; but it appears from 
 Church's journal, that the poor Acadians, who had been 
 fo often ravaged before, were the principal fufferers now^ 
 and that the Indians were httle or nothing annoyed.* 
 
 An 
 
 * Mr. Dudley laid himfelf open to cenfure. The profeffed defign was the reduc- 
 tion of Poi-t-royal. When it was known that this never was the real defign, it wa* 
 
1 7^4-1 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 135 
 
 An exploit of Caleb Lyman, of Northampton, defervcs 
 to be recorded. Hearing of a fmall party of Indians at 
 Cohafs, far up Connedicut river, he went out with only 
 five friend Indians, and, after nine or ten days* travel, 
 came upon the enemy Indians in the night, killed feveu 
 ©ut of nine, and the other two efcaped, but were wounded. 
 
 This may be placed among the favourable years ; but 
 the frontiers were not without annoyance. In April, an 
 Indian fcout killed Edward Taylor, at Lamprey river, and 
 carried his wife and child to Canada ; major Hilton with 
 twenty men purfuing without overtaking them. They 
 lay in wait to take colonel Waldron at Cochecho, but 
 milled him, carrying off one of his fervants in his (lead.* 
 July 31. About four hundred French and Indians fell 
 upon Lancaller, and alTaultcd fix garrifon-houfes at the 
 fame time, which made a brave defence. 1 hey burned 
 many other dwelling-houfes and the meeting-houfe. An 
 alarm was foon fpread, and three hundred men were in 
 the town before night, who engaged the enemy with forne 
 lofs on both fides. The beginning of Auguil, a party of 
 the enemy, lying in wait, fired upon a fmall fcout going 
 from Northampton to Weftfield, killed one man and took 
 two prifoners 5 but more of our forces being behind^ 
 they came up, retook the two men and killed two of the 
 Indians. Soon after, they killed lieutenant Wyler and 
 feveral others at Groton, and at a plantation called Nafli- 
 cway. 
 
 Almfbury, Haverhill and York, in MalTachufetts, and 
 Exeter, Dover, and Oyiler river, in New-Hampfhire, luf- 
 fered more or lefs this fuinmer by the enemy. 
 
 The 
 
 not an cafy th-ngtopcrfuade the people thr.t want of orders from tlie q'.ieen wa^trc 
 true caui'e. A cortrelpondencc between the friends ol" the governor and the French in 
 Acadie was fufpeii^cd, and it wasfaid the place muft be prei'ervcd for the fakeof trade, 
 in the profits of which the governor was to have his fhare. " W^hcn Church went with 
 his fcTccs to Port-royal hecouldcafilyhavetakcnthefort,ovdoneanything;in the world, 
 but the reafon which he has often given for his not doing it 'u, becaufc you abfolatelr 
 forbad him, you peremptoiily forbad him. The caufe you afirgned was, becaufc 
 the matter had been laid before the queen, and the queen liad fent over no orders for 
 
 it, and though the queeil had fent no orders we fend with a pretence to take it. 
 
 But the ftory grows now too black a ftory for mc to meddle svith it The exp'-di- 
 
 tion baffled The fort never fo much as demanded An eternal gravcftone lairf 
 
 on our buried captives A ncfl: of hornets provoked to fly out upon us A 
 
 fname call upon us that will niver be forgotten 1 dare not, I cannot meddle wiJik 
 
 thefe myfteries." Cotton AUthet'i Uticr U Co-v. Dudley, "Jin. £0, 1707, 
 
 * Thia ftory was a fid-02. 
 
i9S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. It 
 
 The licentious pra<5lice, indulged among the feamen^ 
 of making depredations upon foreign nations in the Eall 
 and Weft Indies was not wholly fupprefied. John Quelch 
 (who had been mafter of the brigantine Charles, and had 
 committed many piratical ads upon the coafl of India) 
 came with feyeral of his crew and landed, fome in one 
 part" of New England, fome in another. Quelch and fix 
 more were condemned at Bofton and executed. Some 
 were admitted to be witnefTes for the king, fome repriev- 
 ed, and fome pardoned. The governor, upon this occa- 
 fion, found old prejudices againft him reviving. Reports 
 were fpread of large fums of money falling into the hands 
 of the governor and of his fon, the queen's advocate^ 
 which, however groundlefs, eafily obtained credit.* 
 
 Mr. Dudley's principles in government were too high 
 for Maffachufetts people. He found it very difficult to 
 maintain what appeared to him to be the jull prerogative 
 of the crown, and at the fame time to recover and preferve 
 the efteem of the country. The government had been 
 fo popular under the old charter, that the exercife of the 
 powers referved to the crown by the new charter was fub> 
 mitted to with reluctance. Sir William Phips was under 
 the influence of fome of his council and fome of the min- 
 lilers of note, and fufFered remains of cuftoms under the 
 old form hardly confiftent with the new. Mr. Stoughton, 
 expecting every day to be fuperfeded, avoided all occa- 
 fions of controverfy. Lord Bellamont, indeed, in fome 
 inflances, alTumed more than he had right to. His quaU 
 ity, and the high efteem at firft conceived of him, prevent* 
 ed any controverfies during his very fliort adminiftration* 
 Mr. Dudley fet ouj; with refolution to maintain his author- 
 ity. The people were more jealous of him than they 
 would have been of any other perfon. His negativing Rvc 
 
 of 
 
 * I h:ive taken fo many fadls and remarks, in my firft volume, from a manufcript 
 hiftory of Mr. William Hubbard, one of the minifters of Ipfwich, that I may not 
 omit taking notice of his death, Sept. 14, 1 704, at the age of eighty-three years ; and 
 giving him the chara6ler he defcrved, of a man of learning, of a candid and benev- 
 olent mind, accompanied, as it generally is, with a good degree of catholicifm ; 
 which, I think, was not accounted the moft valuable part of his chara61er in the age 
 in which he lived. Among his other grandchildren, Nathaniel Hubbard,efquire,fhonc 
 with peculiar luilre, inherited his grandfather's virtues, efpecially that amiable fpirit 
 of benevolence. He was of the council, and one of the juilkes of the fuperior court, 
 too late in life for kis country to reap any long benefit, 
 
 fW 
 
1705.] MASSACHUSETTS. 137 
 
 ' of the council, the firfl eledion, was an upopular flroke. 
 The next year (1704) the two houfes chofe again two of 
 the negatived perfons, Mr. Cooke and Mr. Sargent, and 
 the governor again refufed to approve of them. They 
 were fuch favourites of the houle, that the fpeaker, the 
 houfe being prefent, addrelTed his excellency and prayed 
 him to re-confider his negative and to approve of the choice. 
 This was out of charader, and the houfe difhonourcd 
 themfelves, and had the mortification of being denied. 
 This year neither of the perfons were chofen of the coun- 
 cil, but one of them, Mr. Oakes, being chofen fpeaker of 
 the houfe, upon the governor's being acquainted there- 
 with, he fignified to the houfe that he difapproved of their 
 choice, and direded them to proceed to the choice of an- 
 other, which they refufed to do. It had been always the 
 pradice for the governor to give diredions to the two 
 houfes to proceed to the choice of counfellors ; but the 
 difpute about the fpeaker prevented it at this time, the 
 council inferted themfelves, and the queftion being put, 
 whether it was in the governor's power, by virtue of 
 the charter, to refufe the eledion of a fpeaker and dired: 
 the choice of another, they determined it w'as not, and 
 immediately joined the houfe in eleding counfellors. 
 The next day the governor declared, that he looked upon 
 it to be her majefly's prerogative to allow or difallow the 
 choice of a fpeaker, but he would not delay the affembly 
 by difputes, when the affairs of the war were fo preffmg, 
 faving to her majefly her jufl. rights at all times. 
 
 The governor had it in fpecial command to recom- 
 mend three things to the aifembly ; the re-building the 
 fort at Pemaquid ; the contributing to a fort at Pifcata- 
 qua ; and the eflablifhing honourable falaries for the gov- 
 ernor, lieutenant governor and judges of the courts. 
 He had been preffmg thefe things from his firfl arrival, 
 but could obtain neither of them ; and as to falaries, they 
 not only refufed fixing a falary, but allowed him only 
 500I. per annum, viz. three hundred of it in the fpring 
 and two hundred in the fall. To the lieutenant governor 
 they gave 200I. annually, as lieutenant governor and 
 captain of the caftle ; and although it was more than any 
 Vol. II. K lieutenant 
 
138 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. 11. 
 
 lieutenant governor has received fince, yet he found it 
 infufficient to fupport him, and this year, by the way of Lif- 
 bon, v/Qut back to England and never returned to the 
 province. A meflage from the houfe this year to the 
 governor, though not very elegant, jQiews the fenfe they 
 had of thefe matters. 
 
 *' May it pleafe your excelleneyy 
 
 " IN anfwer ta thole parts of your exceilency's fpeech 
 at the beginning of the feffion, referring to her majefty's 
 diredions for the building a fort at Pemaquid, contribut- 
 ing to the charge of a fort at Pifcataqua, and fettling of 
 falaries, we cmve leave to oier, 
 
 " Imprimis, as to the building a fort at Pemaquid, we 
 are humbly of opinion, that her majefty hath received 
 niifreprefentations concerning the necelTity and ufefulnefs 
 of a fort there ; wherefore this houfe^in their hu'mble ad- 
 drefs to her majefly, dated th© 27th of March^ 17035 ^i^^ 
 iince twice repeated, did among other things lay before 
 her majefty our reafons why we could not comply with 
 her expedations in that affair ; as 
 
 " Firil, the Httle benefit faid fort was to us, not being, 
 as we could difcern, any bridle to the enemy or barrier to 
 our frontiers, being out of the ufual road of the Indians, 
 and one hundred miles dillant from any Englifli plantation % 
 and feemed only to make ai- anchorage for a few fifhing 
 boats that accidentally put In there ^ but the expenfc there- 
 on was very great, not lefs than twenty thoufand pounds*. 
 
 " Secondly, the charge of the faid fort will be fuch that 
 we cannot fee how the province can poffibly fullain it, hav* 
 ing already laid aut feveral large fums of money in raifmg 
 new fortifications at Caftle IHand, &c. which was fet forth 
 in the addrefs and memorial accompanying the fame \ but 
 we underfiiand we have been fo unhappy as that the faid 
 addrefs and memorial did not reach her majefly's hands, 
 becaufe proceeding from this houfe alone, although the 
 addrelTmg. her majefly is a privilege ever allowed to the 
 meanefi of her fubjects. We did therefore, at our feihon 
 hi February lalt, join the council in making our humble 
 riddrefs to her majefty upon the altair aforefaidy which we 
 
 hope 
 
1705.] MASSACHUSETTS. 139 
 
 hope hath fome time fince arrived, to her majefty's favour- 
 able acceptance. 
 
 " The fecond article is the contributing to the charge 
 of Pifcataqua fort. The fort in that province has beea 
 built feveral years pafl, when it was not defired or thought 
 necelfary that this province fhould afliil them therein. 
 I'he late reforms and reparations made of the fame, as we 
 have been infonned, (lands that whole province about the 
 fum of five hundred pounds, which doth not amount to 
 the quota of feveral particular towns, within this province, 
 towards the charge of the war one year ; and all the nav- 
 igation and trade of this province, coming down Pifcata- 
 qua river, have been charged with a confidcrable duty to- 
 wards the fupport of that fort ; and this province hath 
 always afforded fuch guards as were needful for their haul- 
 ing of mails, timber, &;c. for her majefty's fcrvice, whilll the 
 principal benefit and advantage of the trade hath accrued 
 to that province. And they have never contributed any 
 thing to the charge of our forces, forts and garrifons, or 
 guard by fea, that are as great a fafety and defence to them 
 as to ourfelves ; but the pubHc charge of that government 
 has been much lefs proportionably than the charge of this; 
 which being confidered, we hope no alTiftance will be ex- 
 pected from us towards the charge of the faid fort. 
 
 " Thirdly, as to the fetthng fixed falaries, the circum- 
 flances of this province as to our ability to fupport the 
 government are at times fo dilierent, that we fear the fet- 
 tling of fixed falaries will be of no fervice to her majefly'ji 
 interefl, but may prove prejudicial to her majefly's good 
 fubjecls here : and as it is the native privilege and right 
 of EngHlh fubjeds, by confent of parliament, from time 
 to time, to raife and difpofe of fuch fums of money as the 
 prefent exigency of affairs calls for ; which privilege we 
 her majefty's loyal and dutiful fubjecls have hitherto Hv- 
 cd in the enjoyment of, fo we hope and pray always to 
 enjoy the fame under our moft gracious fovereign and her 
 fucceffors." 
 
 The governor then propofed the feveral matters to the 
 council. 
 
 ift. Whether they advifed to the building a fort at Pe- 
 maquid. 
 
 IL2 2d. Whether 
 
lAo THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. IL 
 
 2d. Whether they advifed to a contribution towards 
 the charge of Pifcataqua fort. 
 
 'ijd. Whether they advifed to the fettling a fixed falary 
 for the governor and lieutenant governor for the time 
 behig. 
 
 - And they gave a negative anfwer to each queflion. 
 
 It was a great difappointment to be able to carry nei-* 
 slier of thefe points, which the miniflry were very much 
 fet upon, and which it is not improbable they were en- 
 couraged might be obtained. Had they been matters lef$ 
 unpopular, yet Ehe governor's v/eight at this time would 
 have been fcarce fuflicient to have carried them through. 
 The prejudices againfl him were great. The people in 
 general looked upon him as an enemy, eveti to the privi- 
 leges of the new charter. Sir Henry Ailiurft procured 
 an original letter, WTote by the governor's fon Paul, who- 
 was then attorney general, to Mr. Floyd, and fent it to 
 New England, in which were thefe expreflions : — " The 
 government and college are difpofed of here in chim- 
 ney corners and private meetings, as confidently as 
 can be — this country will never be worth living in for 
 lawyers and gentlemen, till the charter is taken away— — 
 My father and I fometjmes talk of the queen's eflabliiliing 
 a court of chancery in this country. I have wrote about 
 it to Mr. Blathwait." Copies were difperfed about the 
 province, and the letter was foon after printed. Mr. Dud- 
 ley had no reil the firfl feven years ; befides the oppofi- 
 tion he met with m his adminiflration, endeavours were 
 ufing foon after his arrival to fupplant him, and his ene- 
 mies prevailed upon fir Charles Hobby (who had been 
 knighted as fomefaid for fortitude and refolution at the 
 tim.e of the earthquake in Jamaica, others for the further 
 confi deration of 800L fterling) to go to England and fo- 
 licit for the government. He was recommended to fir 
 H. Afhurll, v/ho at firfl gave encouragement of fuccefs. 
 Hobby was a gay man,. a free fiver, and of very different 
 behaviour from what one Vv'ould have expeded fhould 
 have recommended him to the clergy of New England 5 
 and yet, fuch is the force of party prejudice, that it pre- 
 vails 
 
i7o5.] MASSACHUSETTS. 141 
 
 vails over religion itfelf, and fome of the mofl pious rain- 
 iflers ftrongly urged in their letters that he might be ap- 
 pointed their governor inftead of Dudley ; for which 
 Afhurfl himfelf, after his acquaintance with Hobby, re- 
 proves and cenfures them. 
 
 The governor this year lent Mr. I.ivingdon, Wiiliani 
 Dudley the governor's fon, and two or three other gen- 
 tlemen, to Canada, for the exchange of prifoners ; who 
 brought back with them Mr. WiUiams, the miniflcr, and 
 many of the inhabitants of Deerfield, with other captives. 
 Vaudreuil, the French governor, fcnt a conimilTioner to 
 Bofton, with propofals of neutrality, which vverc commu- 
 nicated to the general court, who did not think proper, 
 to take any (teps towards eifefting it. They wifhed and 
 hoped infread of a neutrality for the reduction of Canada ; 
 whereas the employment given \o the French flrength in 
 Europe might well caufe Vaudreuil to fear the v/ant of 
 protection, and difpofe him to fecure himfelf by a neutral- 
 ity. Dudley, however, kept the matter in fuipenfe with 
 Vaudreuil for fome time ; and to the policy of his negoci- 
 ation it was owing, that the people upon the frontiers 
 enjoyed remarkable tranquillity, and he values himfelf up- 
 on it in his fpeech to the general court. Charlevoix 
 fays, " It was evident Mr. Dudley had no intention to 
 agree, that he was along time in treaty, and at length de- 
 clared that he could come to no agreem.ent without the 
 confent of the other Engliih colonies ; and thereupon 
 Vaudreuil caufed hofiilities to be renewed againll the 
 people of New England. He adds, that the Canadians 
 were much dilTatisfied with their governor, for fuffering 
 Mr. Dudley's fon* to remain fome time at Quebec, under 
 pretence of hnifliirig the treaty, and for permitting a 
 New England brigantine to go up and down the river."t 
 
 Another negociation the next year had a lefs defiral)le 
 eifect. William Rowfe was fent in a fmall veflel to Nova 
 Scotia as a flag of truce. He tarried there a long time, 
 and brought back only feventeen prifoners. Being fent 
 
 a fecond 
 
 * Afterwards colonel Dudley, the governor's youn;reft fou, many ytrais a niemh.r 
 of the houfe, fpeakcr, and then of the council, defcrvedly e(tcemcd and conftanti/ 
 employed in the moft important fervlces of government. 
 
 f Thomas Hinkley, cl'tjuirc, many years governor ©f Plymouth colony, d^;;^ at 
 Barnflable aged 74. 
 
142 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 a fecond time, he brought no more than feven. Much 
 greater numbers were expelled, confidering the time fpent 
 in procuring them. Upon his laft return, it was charged 
 upon him, that inftead of employing his time in redeem- 
 ing captives, he had been trading with the enemy and fup- 
 plying them with ammunition and other (lores of war. 
 Rowfe, upon examination, was committed to prifon. 
 Samuel Vetch, afterwards colonel Vetch, and governor of 
 Nova Scotia ; John Borland, a merchant of note in Bof- 
 ton, and Roger Lawfon, were all apprehended and exam- 
 ined, and bound to anfwer at the fuperior court. There 
 was a general clamour through the province ; and it was 
 ivhifpered about that the governor was as deeply concern- 
 ed as any of the reft ; and fuch reports againft a governor 
 as eafily obtain credit, with many, without grounds as 
 with.* The houfe of reprefentatives took thefirft oppor- 
 tunity of fatisfying themfelves. It was fuggefted there, 
 that the fuperior court had no cognizance of the offence ; 
 and that admitting Nova Scotia to be part of the province, 
 yet it was not within the bounds of any county, and there 
 was no authority but the general court that could pun- 
 ifh it. (The carrying the goods from Bofton, and the 
 confpiracy there, were not confidered.) Befides, no per- 
 fons could be fuppofed to have the public intereft fo much 
 at heart, and none fo like to fearch to the bottom. They 
 thereupon refolved, that the fuperior court had not jurif- 
 diftion, and that a parliamentary inquiry was neceflary ; 
 and, in imitation of the houfe of commons, they framed 
 articles of accufation and impeachment againft the fev- 
 eral perfons apprehended, for traitcroufly fupplying the 
 queen's enemies, &c. Thefe were figned by the fpeaker, 
 and fent by a committee to the council, (June 25) pray- 
 ing " that fuch proceedings, examinations, trials and 
 judgments may be had and ufed upon and relating to the 
 faid perfons as is agreeable to law and juftice." It was 
 expeded that the council fhould proceed as the houfe of 
 lords do upon an impeachment. No wonder the council 
 did not immediately proceed. In trying a capital offence 
 it behoved them to be well fatisfied of their jurifdidion. 
 
 No 
 
 * Tam Jii}i praviqtte tenax ([uam nuncia vert. ViR. 
 
f7o6.] MASSACHUSETTS. 143 
 
 No notice is taken of the affair in the council books for 
 above a fortnight. The governor fat every day in coun- 
 cil, and he flill continued the praclice of directing every 
 day upon what bufmefs the council fliould proceed. It 
 having been reported that the houfe, in their examination 
 of the prifoners, inquired how far the governor was con- 
 cerned, on the 9th of July they palled a vote, vindicating 
 themfelves from an afperfion caft uport-them, as having, 
 in the examination of the prilbners, made it the fird 
 queftion, whether the governor was not concerned with 
 them in the unlawful trivde ; wickedly infmuating that 
 the houfe had fufpicion thereof, which they deelared to be 
 utterly falfe; and they thanked his excellency for his ut- 
 moft readinefs and forwardnefs, upon all occafions, in de- 
 te£ling and difcouraging all fuch illegal trade and traders 
 For this the governor gave them thanks. 
 
 Before the 13th of July, the houfe were either convinc- 
 ed that the form of proceeding \vas irregular, or elfe 
 that they could not fupport the charge of high treafon, 
 and ordered a bill t;o be brought in for infiicling pains 
 and penalties ; fome moved for a bill of attainder, but 
 the court being near rifmg, a mefTage was fent lo the 
 governor, defiring that the prifoners charged might be 
 kept in clofe cuflody until the next felTion, in order to 
 further proceeding againil them. 
 
 At the next feiTion^i few weeks after, the perfcns charge 
 ed, with two or three other accomplices of lefs note, were 
 brought upon trial before the whole court ; the govern- 
 or's fon, Paul Dudley, the queen's attorney, fupporting 
 the charge. The prifoners wei^e heard by council in their 
 defence. The court pronounced them all to be guilty, 
 and then proceeded to determine their punilhment. A 
 committee of the two houfes reported a fine of loool. on 
 Mr. Borland and three months' imprifonment ; 350!. on 
 RogerLawfon and three months' imprifonment ; 400I. ou 
 Samuel Vetch and one year's imprifonment ; loool. on 
 William Rowfe, one year's imprifonment and incapacity 
 of fuftaining any office of public truft ; lool. on John 
 Philhps, jun. and one year's imprifonment ; and lool. on 
 Ebenezer Coffin. The houfe accepted this report, wkh 
 
 an 
 
144 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. II. 
 
 an addition to Rowfe's punifliment, that he fit an hour 
 upon the gallows with a rope about his neck : but the 
 board difagreed to and reduced all the fines except Rowfe's, 
 and difagreed to the infamous part of his punifhment. 
 After a conference between the two houfes, they fettled 
 the penalties as follows, viz. on Vetch a fine of 200I. 
 Borland 11 col. Lawfon3ooL Rowfe 1200I. and incapac- 
 ity ; Phillips loot and CofEn 60I. all to (land committed 
 until the fines and coils of profecution were paid ; and 
 fix feparate ads palfed the whole court for thefe purpofes. 
 By a claufe in the charter, the general court is empow- 
 ered to impofe fines, imprifonments and other punifh- 
 ments, and in confequence of this claufe the proceeding 
 was thought to be regular ; but the queen did not think 
 fo, and thefe acls were difallowed.* The governor was 
 
 . under 
 
 * " At the court at Kenfington the a4th of September, 1707, prefent the queen'a 
 jnoft excellent majefty, his royal highnefs prince George, lord archbilhop of Can- 
 terbury, lord Chancellor, lord Treafurer, lord Privy Seal, lord Steward, earl of Sun- 
 derland, earl of Berkeley, lord blfhop of London, lord Coningfby, Mr. Bertie, 
 Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, lord chief juftice Holt, lord chief juftice Trevor, Sir Charles 
 Hedges, Mr. Vernon. ., 
 
 " V/hereas by pov/ers granted under the great feal of England, to the governor 
 cr commander in chief of her majelly's province of Maflachufetts Bay in New En- 
 glandy in America, the governor, council and aflembly of that province are authorifed 
 and empowered to make, conflitute and ordain laws, ftatutes and ordinances for the 
 public peace, welfare and good government of the faid province, which laws, ftatutes 
 and ordinances are to be (as near as conveniently may be) agreeable to the laws and 
 ilatutes of England, and to be tranfmitted to her majefty for her royal approbation 
 or difallowance of them. And whereas, in purfuance of faid powers, there have 
 been paffed in the faid province, the 7th of Augufl;, fix adte, intitled, viz. An a6t for 
 the punlfiiment of Samuel Vetch, efquire, for high mifdemeanor. An adl for the 
 puniihment of John Borland, merchant, for high mifdemeanor. An adt for the pun- 
 ifliment of Roger Lawfon, merchant, for high mifdemeanor. An adl for the pun^ 
 ifhment of William Rowfe, mariner, late commander of the floop Ann, a flag of 
 truce in the immediate fervice of her majefly's government of this province, for hig^i 
 mifdemeanor. An ad for the puniihment of John Phillips, jun. for high mifde- 
 meanor. An aA for the puniihment of Ebenezer Coffin, mariner, for high mifde- 
 meanor. The faid feveral perfons above-mentioned having been accufed of trading 
 with, the French and Indians at Nova Scotia ; which faid feveral a6ls having been 
 perufed and well confidered by the lords commiffioners of trade and plantations, who 
 by their report, this day read at the board, humbly reprefent their opinion, that the 
 faid afts are not fit for her majefty's royal approbation, the crimes in the faid feveral 
 ads mentioned being in nowife cognizable before the general aflembly there, in re- 
 gard they have no power to proceed againft criminals, fuch proceedings being left to 
 the courts of law there, in which they may beft be carried on by the ordinary rules 
 and known methods of juftice : her majefty taking the fame into confideration and 
 approving of the faid report, is gracloufly pleafed, with the advice of her privy coun- 
 cil, hereby to declare her royal difapprobatlon and difallowance of the faid ads ; and 
 purfuant to her majefty's pleafure thereupon, the faid ads are hereby repealed and 
 declared void and of no effed. And her majefty is further pleafed to order, and it 
 is accordingly hereby ordered, that the fines impofed upon the faid Samuel Vetch, 
 
 John 
 
1706-] 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 145 
 
 under a difadvantage, any obflrud;ion to the tv/o houfes 
 would have been improved as an evidence of the truth of 
 the reports of his being particcps criniinis ; his compHance 
 did not fatisfy the people. An ill imprcfllon againfl pcr- 
 fons in authority is not eafily effaced. Several perlbns, 
 fome in Bofton, the mod in London, figned a petition,* 
 
 full 
 
 John Borland, Rcp;cr Lawfon, William Rowf?, Ebcnezcr Cofnn and John Pliillips, 
 by virtue of the afore-mcnticned adls, be rtftored and paid hack to them, they firft 
 giving fufficient furety, not exceeding the value of the rcfpcAive fines, to frand a 
 new legal trial at law, if theyi fhould hz prcfecuted within a year after their enter- 
 ing into fuch fecurity ; but in cafe they be not profecutcd within the term of one 
 year, for the crimes mentioned in the faid acfts, that the faid fccuritics be void. And 
 the governor or commander in chief of her majefty's faid province of New England, 
 and all others whom it may concern, are to take notice of this her rnajefly's pLafure, 
 and yield all due obedience hereunto accordingly. £o'ivard Soui/jtvell." 
 
 The power of making laws feems to be undcrftood by the lords of trade to be 
 founded upon the commifTion to the governor. Perhaps a fomi ufed in allowing or 
 difallowing aifls of the royal governments, without tonfidering the charter, v^as ta- 
 ken up for Maflachufctts. 
 
 * " To the queen's moil excellent maj,'{!:y. 
 
 •" The tumble petition of your majejiy's mojl loyal f:bjc£isy inhabitants in your majejly s da- 
 millions in America or trading thereto, Jhciveth^ 
 
 " That colonel Jofeph Dudley, whofe arbitrary and tyrannical proceedings had 
 expofcd him to the jufi refentments of his countrymen before the liappy revolution, 
 hath been ncvertheleis fo fortunate as to obtain the government of the Maflachufetts 
 colony in New England. 
 
 " That your petitioners are certainly informed of divers unheard-of corruptions 
 and opprefllons, and unjufl and partial pradices of the faid Dudley, on which they 
 might ground many complaints againft him ; but they are fo fcnfible of the immi- 
 nent danger which threatens your majefty's fubjefts in this and the neighbouring 
 colonies, through his mal adminiftration, that they at this time beg leave humbly 
 and fingly to reprefent to your majefty, 
 
 ♦' That tlxe faid Dudley hath countenanced a private trade and correfpondence 
 with your majefty's enemies, the French of Canada and the Indians which are in 
 their intereft, and furnifliing them with ammunition and provifions- 
 
 " That the perfons m.anaging the faid correfpondence pretended a voyage to New- 
 foundland, and being arcufed of high treafon by the general affembly of New En- 
 gland, the faid governor, by his intereft and power, .delayed their profecution till the 
 ammunition he had lurnifhcd the enemy was ufed by them to the dcftruAion of yo'.r 
 majefty's good fubjedts, and thai colony thereby put to thirty thoufand pounds charjre. 
 
 " That many of the beft and moft prudent members of the lower houfe of repr-?' 
 fcntatives being tired with his delays, and necelfitatcd to go home and defend th::r 
 plantations from the enemy, he prevailed v/iththofe that remained, who were f.-ar:c 
 a number to make a houfe, that the accufation againft his agents'ftiould be ch.\n:^i 
 from treafon to mifdemeanor ; and they being convicfted, he laboured to mitiv :c 
 their fines ; all which was fo apparent to the people of New England, that t:.:/ 
 threatened to pull down his houfe. 
 
 " That he had the confidence, neverthelefs, to apply to the general affembly for an 
 addrefs to your majefty in his favour : but this application was received with a gen- 
 eral murmur and contempt, and nothing done therein. And although hi; hath fince 
 endeavoured to obtain your majefty's good opinion, by collecting a number of names, 
 of perfons under his command and influence, to give him a charadtei", your petition- 
 ers, who apprehend their wives, families and cftates to he in imminent danger under 
 fuch a governor, do therefore humbly pray, that faid Dudley may be fpeedily remov- 
 ed, and that your majefty would be plcafed to give fuch diredlicns thereupon as to 
 
 your 
 
146 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. II, 
 
 full of inveQ:ives againfl the governor, which was prefent- 
 ed to the queen. Upon information of this petition, the 
 council and houfe of reprefentatives paiTed votes declaring 
 their fenfe of the injury done the governor by the perfons 
 figning this petition or addrefs.* Mr. Higginfon, who is 
 at the head of the petitioners, w^as originally of New Eng- 
 land and educated at Harvard college ; afterwards he trav- 
 elled to the Eaft Indies, and upon his return became a 
 merchant in London, was a member of the corporation 
 for propagating the gofpel among the Indians of New 
 England, 5cC. and had fo good intereft, that fome perfons 
 
 of 
 
 your majefly's great wifclom Ihall feem meet, and your petitioners as in duty liound 
 fnall ever pray. 
 
 Nath. Higginfon^ William Partridge* Steph. Mafon, John Caivley, Thorn. Taylor, 
 
 JB. IVright, Richard Partrrdge,\ Thomas Allen ^\ Jofeph BiJkep,Hugh MuJ[on,Alex. 
 
 H-olmesy Michael Wilfon, John Bur ridge y IVill. IVharion, John Hinds t,\\ Thomas 
 
 Neivton, John Morton, J. IVright, Francis Clarky Jno. Bulfnch. 
 
 " Read before* the queen in conncii, at Kcnfmgton, the loth of June, and ordered 
 
 to be heard, at Windfor, the aSth of the fame month, before her majefty in council." 
 
 Stephen Mafon was appointed one of the afliflants pr counfellors by the charter. 
 
 * " Upon reading the copy of an addrefs to her majefly againft his excellency, our 
 prefent governor, figned Nath. Higginfon, &c. Voted, that we firmly believe and 
 are of opinion, that the allegations therein, of the governor's trading or allowing a 
 trade with her majefty's enemies the French and Indians in their interefl:, is a fcan- 
 ♦iajous and wicked accufation ; the contrary being always apparent to all her majef- 
 ty's good fubjeAs under his government, more especially to this board, and in par* 
 ticular to the general officers attending his excellency, as the fecretary and commif- 
 fary general ; his negociations and letters with the agents or meffengers from the 
 French governor or cpmmanders of the neighbourhood being, from time to time, 
 laid before the council and the affembly vi^hen they have been fitting, an<i arc fenfil*^o 
 of his indefatigable care and protedtion of his majefty's good fubjeds. Paffed unan- 
 imoully." Couitcil records. 
 
 " A vote paffed in the hotife of reprefentatives and fent up, being in the wordt 
 following — Upon reading the addrefs offered to her majefty againft his excellency 
 our prefent governor, figned Nath. Higginfon, &c. Voted, that we firmly believe 
 and ar€ of opinion, that the allegations therein, of the governor's trading or allowing 
 Vetch, Borland and Lawfon to trade with her majefty's enemies the French and 
 the Indians, in their intereft, is a fcandalous and wicked accufation." Idem, 
 
 The vote of council was imanimous ; but Samuel Sewall, Isng known by his title, 
 judge Sewall, being in intimate friendfhip with fcmie, who at that time had a very 
 bad opinion of the governor, was either influenced by them and perfuaded he had 
 gone too far in giving his affent to this vote, or for fome other reafons, Was fo diffatif- 
 fied with his conduit, that he could not be eafy without declaring his diffatisfadtion 
 and protefting or remonftrating againft hkown conduA. The original paper which 
 he fent to ohe of thofe friends is ftill preferved. 
 
 " Tiiefday, November ^^„ I707. 
 
 " The' reafons of my withdrawing my vote from what was paffed in council, upon 
 Saturday, November the firft, relating to an addrefs offered to her majefty, figned 
 Kath. Higginfon, &c. ' *' Becaufe 
 
 * Late liiutcnant governor of N. Hampjhire. f Son to lieutenant governoir Partridge^ 
 
 \ Sony it is fuppofedy to gcverv.or Allen of N. Hampjliire. 
 I Formerly a N. Kampjhire nunfeUor. 
 
1706.] MASSACHUSETTS. ' 147 
 
 of note by their letters fignlfled that they thought the 
 two houfes impolitic in the feverity of their expreflions, 
 \vhich, from being their friend, might at lead caufe him 
 ^o become cool and indifferent. 
 
 Befides this petition, a pamphlet from New England 
 appeared about the fame time in London, charging the 
 governor with treafonable correfpondence, and it was ex- 
 pelled that his enemies would prevail. Mr. Povcy wrote 
 to him from London, that he mufl prepare to receive the 
 news of being fuperfeded ;* but he was fo fortunate, as 
 either to convince the queen and her miniflers of his in- 
 nocence, or by fome other means to lay the ftorm which 
 had been raifed againfl him. The charge of fupplying 
 the enemy with ammunition is incredible. Thofe perfons 
 who were convicted, had he been an accomplice, would 
 have difcovered him. He left them to fuffer fuch punifh- 
 ment as the court thought proper to infli(^. There was 
 no certainty that the a£ls would be repealed, and 
 after they were repealed fome remained long in prif- 
 on ; Rowfe lay there eighteen months, unable to find 
 fecurity. The whole that appeared upon the trial, 
 was an invoice of loom, of nails, which, at the re- 
 
 quefl 
 
 " Bccaufemy motion, for leaving the confideration of it till the Monday following, 
 was not admitted, and it was entered upon and paffed about noon, in a very ihort 
 time, being a matter of great concernment to our liege lady queen Anne, to the prov- 
 ince, to his excellency our governor, and to the council and reprefentatives. The 
 governor's ptrfonal intereft was much in it, and therefore, I humbly conceive, the 
 vote ought to have been debated and framed by the members of council, apart by 
 themfelves, in the abfence of the governor. 
 
 " The words Jirmly beliei'e, and alivays apparent, were never pleafing to me ; and 
 now I do not firmly believe that the governor did no way allow Mr. Borland and 
 Capt. Vetch their trading voyage to her majefty's enemies the French, ^i non vetat 
 peccare, curp poJfit,jubet. Not that I fufpev^l the governor defigned to hurt the prov- 
 ince, but to gratify _fr^7/£/'w/ merchants. And I readily and thankfully acknowledge 
 the governor's orders, for the defence of the frontiers, to be truly excellent, both re- 
 fpcifting the fuitablenefs of the orders themfelves and the quicknefs of their difpatch ; 
 and I blefs God for the fuccefs that has attended them. 
 
 " I have been acquainted with Mr.Nath. Higginfon thefe forty years, and I cannot 
 judge the offering this addrefs to her majefky to be, in him, a fcandalous and wicked 
 accufation, until 1 Itnow his inducements ; and I fear this cenfure may be of ill con- 
 fequence to the province in time to come, by difcouraging perfons of worth and prob- 
 ity to venture in appearing for them, though the nQccflity fliould be never fo great. 
 
 Samuel Srwall.^* 
 
 * .Sir William Alhurft writes — " London, May lo, 1707. As to Mr. Dudley, 
 though he may meet with fome with you that will facrifice their cnuntjy and con- 
 fciences to his intereft, I can aflure you he will not meet with ; ny fuch here. 1 doubt 
 not but in a little time he will be Succeeded by a more worthy perfon, and the coun- 
 try freed from his oppreflions." 
 
148 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIv 
 
 quell of the governor of Port-royal, Mr. Dudley allow- 
 ed to be fhipped. This was foundation enough, though 
 in no degree criminal, to give rife to all the calumny. It 
 is not improbable, from the remonftrance of Mr. Sewall^ 
 who was a perfon of great integrity, that connivance might 
 be ihevv^n of fome fupplies of merchandize, and that thi^ 
 indulgence might be abufed to the fupply of powder, Ihot, 
 &c. contrary to the governor's mind. It was the general 
 opinion, that, without thefe fuppHes, the French could 
 not have proceeded in their expedition againft Newfound, 
 land, where the harbours this year were much fpoiled, 
 and great lofs and damage were fuftained, not by the Eu- 
 ropeans only, but by the New Englanders, who had then 
 large commerce there.* 
 
 That I might finifh what relates to this profecution, 
 which was a fubjed of converfation for many years after, 
 I have been led a year or two forv/ard. I meet with no 
 remarkable devaftations by the enemy in 1705, but, in 
 April, 1706, they renewed their inroads and murdered 
 eight or ten people in one houfe at Oyfler river. There 
 was a garrifon houfe near, where the women of the neigh- 
 bourhood had retreated, their hufbands being abroad at 
 their labour, or abfent upon other occafions. This houfe 
 being attacked, the women put on their hufbands' hats 
 and jackets, and let their hair loofe, to make the appear- 
 ance of men ; and firing brifkly from the flankarts, faved 
 the houfe and caufed the enemy to retreat. 
 
 Colonel Schuyler gave intelligence of two hundred and 
 feventy men having marched from the frontiers of Cana- 
 da, 
 
 * There were fome who fuppofed this affair to be brought, by the governor's in- 
 fluence, before the general court, to prevent its being carried into the common law 
 courts, where the trial would have been public, and where he could not have fet lim- 
 its to the inquiry. If this was the cafe, it fliews that he was no contemptible poli- 
 tician, for they who were the moll difaffeded to him in the general court were the 
 moil zealous for taking cognizance of jt. 
 
 " The whole affair of thofe grateful merchants will by degrees be brought to 
 light, yea, it is already fo, and the communications between Roxbury and the prifoa 
 are difcovercd, will be publifhed on the houfe-top, and fome fear it will be found 
 minor fiiit ipfa infamia viro. A trial of that nature by the general affembly is a thing 
 which you had always decried with the greateft abhorrence ; yet you permitted it, 
 yet you promoted it, yet you managed it when a perfonal advantage might come out 
 of it. The people were enfnared, the country endangered." €. Matter's letter .t9 
 Dudley, Jan. 20, I707. 
 
 A fmall fum (600I.) was colledied in the churches this year and fent for the relief 
 of iuch of the poor inhabitants of St. Chriftophers as had been diftrcffed by the enemy. 
 
1706.] MASSACHUSETTS. 149 
 
 da, which was an alarm to all the frontiers of New En- 
 gland ; for it was uncertain upon which part they would 
 fall. They made their firfl: appearance upon Merrimack 
 river, about Dunflable, furprifed and burned a garrifon 
 houfe there, in which twenty foldiers were polled, and 
 did other mifchief. Five of their Indians, probably from 
 the fame party, ventured down as far as Reading, about 
 fifteen or eighteen miles from Boflon, furprifed a poor 
 woman, who had eight children with her in a lone cot- 
 tage, killed the woman and three of the children, and 
 carried away the reft ; but the diftant inhabitants were 
 alarmed time enough to overtake them in their retreat, 
 and recovered three of the children. Chelmsford, Sud- 
 bury, Groton, Exeter, Dover and other plantations had 
 more or lefs of their people killed or taken ; fome of the 
 latter they murdered before they could reach Canada, 
 others very narrowly efcaping. A poor woman, Rebek- 
 ah Taylor, after the mifery of a long travel to St. Law- 
 rence river, near to Montreal, having offended her Indian 
 mafter, he took off his belt and faftened one end of it 
 round her neck and threw the other over the limb of a 
 tree ; but the weight of her body broke the limb. He 
 was making a fecond attempt, when the noted Bomazeen 
 came by and refcued her. In their march, their hunting 
 failing, they were kindhng, a fire to roaft a child of one 
 Hannah Parfons, when a ftrange dog, falling in their way, 
 fupphed the child's place. A Groton foldier, Samuel 
 Butterfield, defended himfelf bravely and killed one of 
 their chiefs. This occafioned a difpute about the kind of 
 punilhment, fome being for burning alive-, others for 
 whipping to death. It was left to the dead man's widow 
 to determine it. She told them, that, if killing the prif- 
 oner would bring her hulband to life, fhe cared not what 
 kind of death he fuffered, but if not, ffie defired to have 
 him for a Have ; and her requeft was granted. 
 
 It appears by the French accounts, that the Indians 
 themfelves were tired with the war, and with great diffi- 
 culty were prevailed upon to continue it. To encourage 
 them, a noted chief, dreaded by the Englifh upon the 
 frontiers from the report of his cruelties, Nefcambouit, 
 
 was 
 
150 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 was about this time fent by M. Vaudreuil to France, to 
 receive his reward from the king himfelf. Upon his ap- 
 pearance at court, he held out his arm, and bragged, that 
 with that arm he had flain one hundred and fifty of his 
 majeily's enemies. The king was fo much pleafed, that, 
 as was then reported, he knighted him and fettled a pcn- 
 fion of eight livres per day for life. 
 
 Charlevoix attributes the diflrefs of the New Engend- 
 ers to their refufal of a neutrality : " The Abenakis con- 
 tinued to lay New-England defolate ; Mr. Dudley either 
 being unwilling or afraid to accept the neutraUty which 
 had been propofed for that province. He was much af- 
 fected with the cries of the inhabitants, who were no long- 
 er able to improve their lands, which were continually 
 ravaged by the Indians, and he thought the only way to 
 put an end to this diflrefs was to extirpate the French 
 from Acadie." 
 
 Dudley depended upon the French being extirpated 
 from Canada as well as Acadie, otherwife he would have 
 been glad of a neutrahty, if he could have had the queen's 
 leave to agree to it. It was known, that an armament 
 was intended this year from England againft the French, 
 either in Canada or Acadie, or both. Troops were actu- 
 ally deflined for this fervice, and general Maccartney was 
 to have commanded ; but the battle of Almanza, in Spain, 
 made fuch an alteration in affairs, that the troops could 
 not be fpared, and the expedition was laid afide. MafTa- 
 chufetts would have been ready with the forces expected 
 from them ; and it was determined early in the fpring, 
 that fuch a number of men fhould be raifed as might be 
 fufHcient for the reduction of Acadie, although no alFifl- 
 ance came from England. At leafl the other parts of 
 Nova Scotia might be ravaged; but for Port-royal, it 
 was doubted whether it could be fubdued : however, the 
 fortrefs there was " to be infulted, if by a council of 
 w^ar upon the place it fhould be found practicable." 
 
 One thoufand men it was refolved fhould be raifed in 
 MafTachufetts, and propofals were made to New Hamp- 
 fhire, Connecticut and Rhode Ifland to join. Connecti- 
 cut declined. The other two governments alTifled, and 
 
 Mr, 
 
i^o;.] MASSACHUSETTS. 15! 
 
 Mr. Dudley, in his fpeech to the affembly, acknowledges 
 that he had received a very honourable affiflance from 
 Rhode Illand, and a proper force from New Hamplhire. 
 The naval force was barely fufficient for convoy, there 
 being only the Deptford man-of-war, captain Stukelcy,and 
 the province galley, captain Southack. The command of 
 the land forces was given to colonel Pvlarch, who had be- 
 haved well at Cafco fort, and upon fome other occafions ; 
 but had never been tried in any fervice where other tal- 
 ents, befid^s mere natural bravery, were neceflary. The 
 fleet failed from Bofton the 13th of May, and arrived 
 the 26th at Port-royal. March immediately landed, with 
 feven hundred men, on the harbour fide ;* colonel Ap- 
 pleton, with three hundred men, landing on the other 
 fide. The next day, as March with his men were ad- 
 vancing towards the fort, they difcovered about two hun- 
 dred of the enemy, with Subercas, the governor, at their 
 head, near the top of a hill. A fhort Ikirmiflif enfued, 
 and Subercas had his horfe killed under him ; but the 
 numbers being very unequal, the French foon retreated, 
 leaving two of their number killed, and having wounded 
 three of the Englifli. On the 29th, Appleton and his 
 three hundred men were attacked by a body of Indians, 
 joined by about fixty Canadians who had arrived jufl be- 
 fore to man a privateer which lay in the harbour. They 
 killed two of the EngHlh, and then retreated. All the 
 inhabitants forfook their houfes and retired to the fort, 
 which was well garrifoned. They made a continual fire, 
 with cannon and mortars, upon the Englifh camp ; but 
 w^anted fkilful engineers ; very few of their Ihells falling 
 fo as to be any annoyance. The Indians, upon every 
 quarter Ikulking about, lliot down every man who ven- 
 tured without the camp. It is evident that our forces 
 were very diffident of fuccefs, from their firft landing ; 
 and the army would in a great meafure have faved their 
 reputation, if, in conformity to the vote of the court for 
 engaging in the expedition, they had at a council of war 
 
 determined 
 
 * Charlevoix fays, they had twenty-four veffels, the largeft of fifty ^uns ; and 
 that they landed fifteen hundred mec on the fide where the fort was, and dvc hua- 
 4red ou the other fide. 
 
 f Un combat vif. CbarUxsh, 
 
152 THE HISTORY OF [Cha^. H. 
 
 determined not to attack the fort, and proceeded to rav- 
 age the country. Some intelligence, which they had re* 
 ceived of the difpofition of great part of the garrifon to 
 revolt, feems to have encouraged them more than any 
 hopes they had of being able to reduce the place by a 
 regular fiege or fudden attack. The i3Lh of May, at a 
 council of Vv-ar, it was agreed, " that the enemy's well 
 difciplined garrifon in a ilrong fort, . was more than a 
 match for our raw, undifciplined army." They open- 
 ed their trenches., notwithflanding, and in three or four 
 davs they had made fome breaches, and determined upon 
 a general alTault ; but, advancing towards the fort and 
 finding no deferters come over, they altered their minds, 
 and the 6th or 7 th of June the whole army were re-em- 
 barked. Colonel Redknap, the engineer, and colonel 
 Appleton went to Boflon for further orders ; the reft of 
 the army to Cafco-Bay.* A great clamour v/as raifed 
 at Boilon againft March and Wainwright, and letters 
 were fent them from thence, fome anonymous, vilifying 
 them as cowards and deferving the gallows. They charg- 
 ed Appleton with being the firil for decamping, but own 
 it v/ould have been to no good purpofe to have remained, 
 as there v/as no profpect of carrying the fort. Captain 
 Stukeley, of the Deptford, gave an account of the ftrength 
 of the place, and added that he hoped the fighting men at 
 Boilon, who had wrote fo many fcurrilous, vilifying let- 
 ters, without names, would be fatisfied that regular, well 
 fortiiied and well defended forts are not to be taken by 
 raw men ; and he was very certain, that fifteen hundred 
 of the beft of them would come back again as the army 
 had done. 
 
 Mr. Dudley, notwithflanding the diffidence exprefTed, 
 thought of nothing fhort of the redudion of Port-royal 
 from the beginning ; and after fo great expenfe in raifmg 
 fuch an armed force, and fo little diminution of it, he was 
 
 loath 
 
 * " The ignorance, Idlenefs and flothfulnefs of fome of our officers, malce things 
 go on not fo fmooth as dcfired, and by the difobedience of private foldiers we loft 
 two men this day in our very fight, fcalped and mangled by the Indians. Thefe an^h, 
 fome other difficulties caufed the refult of a council of war, this day affembled, whi.oh 
 I herewith fend. The commander in chief will make a general ravage of the coun- 
 try and fea coaft, which will be all we ftiall do at this time." William Dudley if 
 governor Dudley, ilji May^ I7C>7. 
 
1707.] Massachusetts. 153 
 
 ^ loath to give over the defign, and fent immediate orders 
 ' for the forces to remain where they were, whilil he con- 
 fidered of further meafures. March was beloved by the 
 foldiers ; befides, his courage was not fufpeded, although 
 his capacity for a general was called in queftion. It was 
 not, therefore, thought proper to recal him ; to appoint 
 a general officer over him would be as exceptionable. 
 An expedient was pitched upon, fuggeded perhaps by the 
 praftice of the Dutch. Three gentlemen of the council ^ 
 were to be fent to the army, with as full powers to fuper- * 
 intend and direct the proceedings as the governor himfelf 
 would have had if prefent in perfon^ Colonel Hutchin- 
 ^fon, colonel Townfend and Mr. Leverett were pitched 
 upon for this purpofe. They embarked the middle of- 
 July in captain Gerrilh, \vith about one hundred recruits 
 and^ feveral deferters, who had left the army at Cafco.* 
 ^tlpon their arrival they found parties formed ; among 
 officers and men no fubordination ; a coldnefs in the offi- 
 cers, and an averfion in the privates to a return to the 
 ground they had left. But, it feems, the governor had made 
 a point of it, that at all events the army fhould go back.f 
 nl find a roiind robin among colonel Hutchinibh*s pa- 
 pers, figned by a great number, peremptorily refufmg to ^ 
 go to Port-royal ; but the ringleaders being difcovered* 
 and fecured, whilil their fentence was under confideration, 
 the refl: humbled themfelves and fubmitted, and the (hips 
 of war and tranfports failed. They (lopped at Paffima- 
 quadi about the 7th of Auguft. March's fpirits were 
 broke and his health affetled, fo that when the dlfpofition 
 was making for landing the army, he declared himfelf in- 
 capable of ading, and the command was given to Wain- 
 
 wright, 
 
 * They were not chofen by 'the afTembly ; but to teep the power, as far as he 
 could, in his own hands, and at the fame time obtain a grant for or acqiuefcence in 
 the expenfe, the governor, in this and other itiftances, pitched upcn fuch pcrfons as 
 he kntw would be acceptable. Hutchinfon and Townfend were popular men, and 
 Leverett had been fpeaker of the houfe. 
 
 f We have fo Ijttle profpedl of any fervice from the marine, after we have taken 
 the ground, that, for the keeping it, we muft have dependence upon our other force, 
 ^ being only feven hundred and forty-three officers and foldiers, Uck, and well ; and 
 they are fo extremely difpirited, that we cannot look upon them equal to three hun- 
 dred efFeiflive men. However, we have your excellency's commands, which we yield 
 ^an abfolute obedience to, and fliall proceed." 
 
 Cohntl HuHhirfon': Utter to iovfinir PuM.-y, Capo^ ittb July, I707. 
 
 Vol. IL L^ 
 
154 THE mSTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 •UTight, the next officer. The loth of Auguft they crofT- -^^ 
 ed over to Port-royal where they landed, but on the op- 
 pofite fide to the fort, and in every refped in a much 
 worfe condition than before. The nights were growing 
 cold, the men fickenhig, and the army in general incapa- . 
 hie of fuftaining the fatigues of a fiege. Wainwright's 
 letter to the eommi/Tioners, Auguil 14, lliews the (late 
 they were in : '^ Our not recovering the intended ground 
 on the oppofite fide is^ a mighty advantage to the enemy, 
 in that they have opportunity, and are improving it, for 
 cafting up trenches in the very place where we defigned 
 to land and draw up our fmall forces. Yefterday the 
 French 5 about eight of the clock forenoon, on the fort ^ 
 point, with a fmaii party of St. John's Indians, began to 
 fire on our river guards and fo continued u,ntil about three 
 afternoon ; then appeared about one hundred Indians 
 and French upon the fame ground, who kept continually 
 firing at us until dark. Several were Ihot through their 
 clothes, and one Indian through the thigh. About four 
 in the afternoon, I fuffered a number of men, about forty 
 or fifty, to go down to the bank of the river, to cut thatch 
 to cover their tems. All returned well, except nine of 
 captain Dimmock's men, who were led away by one 
 Mansfield, a mad fellow, to the next plantation to get 
 cabbages in a garden, without the leave and againft the 
 V/ill of his officer. They were no fooner at their plunder, 
 but they were furrounded by at leaft one hundred French 
 r.nd Indians, who in a few minutes killed every one of v 
 them, their bodies being mangled in a frightful manner. ^ 
 Our people buried them, and fired twice upon the enemy ; 
 on which they were feen to run towards Our out-guards 
 next the woods, which we immediately flrengthened. In- ^ 
 deed the French have reduced us to the fame flate to 
 which w^e reduced them, at our lafl being at Port-royal ; 
 furrounded with enemies, and judging it unfafe to proceed , 
 on any fervice without a company of at leafl; one hundred 
 men. I fhal! now give you a fhort account of the flate of 
 our people, truly, as deHvered me by do^or Ellis. There 
 is a confiderable number of them vifited with violent flux- 
 es, and although we have things proper to give them, yet 
 
 ^■- dare^ 
 
 ^% ^^^^^^ ^ 
 
4 A^ 
 
 dare riot do it ; wfe^rs taken with mighty fwellings iqi^ 
 their throats ; ©th^rs filled with terror at the confideratioii ^ 
 
 ;' of a fatal event of the expedition, concluding that in a 
 
 '■ ihort time there wilJ no|: be wel} enough to carry off the 
 
 fick. 
 % ' ^' I am diflreffed to know which way to keep the Indians v 
 
 t^ fteady to the fervice. They proteft they will draw ofJ^ t! 
 ; whatever becomes of .thenj. It is truly aftonifhing to be- 
 hold the miferable pollure and temper that n^oft of the ' 
 army are in, befides the fmallnefs of our number, to be 
 attacked by the enemy, which \ve ^xpei^ £very moment. ♦ 
 ^^' I am much difordercd in my health by a great cold. 
 
 ^ 1 fhall not ufe it as an argument to be drawn off myfelf, 
 
 but, as you are maflers of the affair, lay before you the • 
 true ffate of the army, which indeed is very deplorable. 
 I fiiould much rejoice to fee fome of you here, that you ^ 
 mig^ht be proper judges of it. 
 
 ^' If we had the tranfports with us,it would be impoffible^ 
 without a miracle, to recover the ground on the other 
 
 ^ ' fide, and i believe the French have additional ftrengtl;i v 
 £very day. In fine, mofh of the forces are in a diftreSfed 
 ftate, fome in body and fome in mind, and the longer they 
 are kept here on the cold ground the longer it will grow ^ 
 ^ipon them, and, I fear, the further we proceed the yorfe ^ 
 the event. God help us." 
 
 * iCaptai-n Stukeley had given encouragement, that he 
 
 5vould lead on an hundred of his own -men ; but the bad < 
 flate of affairs caufed him to change his mind, and he had '^i 
 •drawn them off before the date of this letter. 
 "* The army continued aftore jiiity -the 20th, 'vvhen they, ^, 
 ^ -rcvembarked. The enemy then attacked them. Our aog^^ ^ 
 counts ifay, that we killed and wounded many of the ene- J^ 
 iivy, and -finally put them to flight. The French fay, tha^t .^ 
 -t)oth retreated by turns. Each feem to have been glad tp' ^ 
 •be rid of the other, i^bout fixteen ^vere killed in the 
 whole expedition, and as many wounded. The French, 
 fmding fo few dead bodies, fuppofed \ve thr^evv them into 
 the fea. j^ 
 
 m When the-forces rret^Fned, Mr. Dudley .put the bed ^ 
 
 fiVqe Hjpon their ill fuccefs. ^n his -fpeech to the allembly 
 
If 
 
 «* ^5 # ^TllE HIStcmY OF -^ "PC^iAFjt 
 
 he- fays, '' Though we have not obtained all that we aefir- 
 ed againll; tjie enemy,, yet we are to acl^nowledge the fat, ^ 
 ^ your of God in preferving'our forces in the expedition^ 4^* 
 aiid profpering them fo ftif as the deftrucliori of the FrencK*^ 
 ' fSftlements and eftates. In and about Port-royal, to a gre^*-^ 
 . ^ JF^^f ? whigh niufl need^ di^;-efs the enemy to a veryiiU 
 ^ ^ great degree.*^^^ • _^ ^_ '• ^^ ? 
 
 ikj^ court-marpal was judged neceflary^ and orderedybuflJ* 
 ^ ^v^r met* The act of the provlhce for conftituting 
 ^TS'rrs martia! made fo many officers requifite, that it was 
 found impraclicable to hold one.* This muft be owing 
 itOi'the great nuni!r)er of peribns charged, the remainder 
 "being infuiUcient to^lry them^ 
 
 Whilil: the forces were employed againfl the French, 
 the Indians, kept haraiTingoiir' frontiers. Oyfter river^ 
 Exeter, Kingiloh and Dover in New Hampiliire govern- 
 ment, and Berwick, York, Wells, Winter harbour, Caf* 
 CO, and even the inland town of Marlborough, in Maifachu- 
 fetts, faftained lof|. The winter following paffed without 
 • ^ inolefLation.f"^ Early ijifthe. fpnng, Mr. Littlefield, the ' 
 lieutenant of Wells^,,traveiling to York, was taken and 
 carried to*Canada. J'c^Teveral months after, the enemy 
 feemed to have farfakem the frontiers. It afterwards ap-' 
 V peared that they were colleding their forces in Canada 
 ior fome important ftroke. 
 
 Schuyler had fuch influence over the French Mohawks,- 
 
 who kept a conftant trade with Albany,'that they inclined 
 
 •' ^Q^aaiiore general peace with the Englifh than merely 
 
 ^ #»'^thof%^f^ ^^w York. The French difcovered their indif-* 
 
 J^^ '^ference, and, to keep them engaged, a grand council was 
 
 ^ 'jfc-^alled at Montreal the beginning of this year, and an ex- ** 
 
 , \ pedition was agreed upon, in which were to be employed 
 
 V *lt the principal Indians 6f every tribe in Canada, the Abena- 
 
 kis Indians, and one hundred Medi French Canadians, and 
 
 a number of volunteers, feveral df whom were officers in 
 
 'v the French troops. They were to make in the whole 
 
 lburv,hundred men. .^ '■ ,^< Dc 
 
 Sf .*!fGovenior's fpeecli. y 
 
 ♦ f Noyeml>er'^z7, 1707, died JoIv.-i Winthrop, efquire, goverftor of Conne(Siicut-. 
 
 und was buried at Bofton, December 4th. The bones of John Winthrop, the firft 
 > jjovepnor of INIaffachufetts, his fon and grandfon, two governors of Conue<5ticut, . 
 'Veft i#the fame tomb in the firft or oldeft burying ground. " 
 
i7oS.] MA^sAcTiU^SETlrS. ^ ^5? 
 
 ^De Chaillons, at^cf Hertel de Rouville (he whofcicked . 
 Deerfield) cominiindeJ the French, and La Peniere the 
 Indians. To givc^the lefs alarm to the P^nglilh, the PVicnch 
 party,' with the Algonquin and St. Francois and Hurom ■ 
 Indians, marched by the way of the river St. Francois : L:i 
 Perriere and the French Mohawks went by lake Cham- 
 plain : they were^to rendezvous at lake.^Nikifjpiqijej and 
 there the Norridgewock, Penobfcot and other eaitern in^Al 
 dhms were to join them. They all began their march thuV 
 1 6th of July, but the liurons gave out and returned^bc- 
 * fore they arrived at St. Francois river. One ortli^m had ^ 
 
 ^ killed his companion by .accident, which they thouglit'an 
 
 '«^ * ill omen, and that the exp-^dition would prdVe unfortunate. 
 
 The Mohawks alfo pretended, that fome of ^thejr number ^ 
 were taken fick of an ini^eclious difteiTiper, wfnch wouki ^ 
 be communicated to the rerts'Vnd they returned Vau- 
 dreuil, when he heard thefe accounts, fent^orders t6 his 
 French officers, that, .although the Algotiqnin aind S1. 
 Francois Indians fhould leave tliem alfo, yej they ihouUl 
 go on, and fall upon fome of .our fcattered.fettlenfents. 
 ^ When the Indians are tired of murdering^oor hclplefi^ 
 ^ women and chjiidren, VaudreuTi employs his French offi- 
 
 '' cers to do it.^ Thofe Indians, idwever, did* not^eave^ 
 them, and, bemg about two hunclred in all^ they marcljetl 
 between four and five hundred «niles through th^^woods 
 to Nikipifique, where theyjfoun^ none of i^he eaftern In- 
 dians. This was a happy dirappulutiuent fjr the En-^liih. 
 Had the whole propofed nuiiTiber rendezvoufed there, 
 Newbury, or perhaps Ponfinp^ih, miglft have been fur- 
 ^ prifed and deflro^eJ ;'but the army being thu> reduced, 
 p. Haverhill, a fmall but coiiip.ifl village was p"t(^ied upon. 
 
 ** Intelligence had been carriecj. to Bolton that aA atmy of 
 eight hundred men was-, intended for feme part of ihe 
 frontiers, but it was uncertain which. Guards were it:i\t^ 
 toFIaverhill as well another places ; but they wxre U31U3 in 
 »* th^^e moil expoied'parts of the town, and the ^nemy avoided 
 
 '^ them or paffed ondifcovered, a'nd the 29th of A'uguit^ about 
 break of day, furpriffd the body of the town adjoining 
 I ^" to Merrimack riVer, where w^re twenty or thirty houfes ' 
 together, fevcral of which they burned, and attempted to 
 
 burn 
 
 ^ 
 
158 **^%Hl^Isf 5r^^ of [Chap. U, ^ 
 
 ♦feurrf' tlie meeting-houlfe, but failed. The reft of thft 
 t houfes they ranfacked and plundered* Mr. Rolfe, the 
 ^inifter, Wainwright, the captain of the town, and thirty 
 '^dr forty more, the French fay above otie hundred, were ,^ 
 killed, and many taken prifoners. Mr. Rolfe's maic^ 
 jumped out of bed upon the alarm, and rati with his tw5 , 
 daughters of fix or eight years old into the cellar, and' 
 ' '^^ covered tljem with two large tubs, which the Indians neg- 
 lected to turti over, and they were both preferved.* 
 Three very good officers were at that time in the town, ma- 
 *. jor Turner,! captain Price, and captain Gardner, all of Sa-» 
 iem, but moft of their men were pofted at a diftance, and 
 before any fufficient number could be colle£ted the mifchief 
 was done. The enemy, however, was purfued, ovettaken 
 and attacked jufl as they were entering the woods. The 
 French reported when they got back that they faced about, 
 and that our people, being aflonifhed, were all killed OT 
 taken, except ten or twelve, who efcaped. The truth is^ 
 that there was a brufh which lafted about an hour, and 
 that the enemy then took to the woods, except nine who 
 were left dead, among whom was Rouville's brother, and 
 another officer. Many of the prifoners were alfo recov* 
 ered. The governor, in his fpeech to the affembly, fays, * ' 
 *' We might have done more againft them if we had fol- 
 lowed their tracks." 
 
 The return of the French Mohawks might be owing to 
 Schuyler's negociations with them, which, it may be faid, 
 he would have had no opportunity for, if it had not been 
 for the neutrality between them and Albany ; btit, on 
 the other hand, not only thofe Indians, at other timesy ^ 
 but even the Penobfcots and Norridge,wocks were enabled, 
 by this neutrality, to make their inroads upon us. The ^^ 
 governor of Port-royal, in a letter to the count de Pont- 
 chartrain, fays, " That the Michmacks were quite naked, 
 and the KennebeckansJ and Penobfcots would have been 
 fo too, if they had not carried on a trade with the Indians of 
 Hudfon's river, or rather, by their means, with the Eli- 
 
 glifh, 
 
 * One was afterwards wife to the late colonel Hatch, of Dorchefter, and is lately 
 ieceafed; the other ftill living, the wife of the Re-.-. Mr. Checkley, fen. of Bofton. 
 
 f Afterwards colonel Turner, a principal merchant of Salem, and many year*- a 
 member of the council. 
 
 I Mo+ridgewoclis. 
 
i7o8.] MASSACHUSE^TTS. 159 
 
 glifh, who allowed a crown a pound for beaver, and fold 
 their goods very reafonably.'* Charlevoix jullly remarks 
 upon it, " Thus our own enemies relieved cur mod faith- 
 ful allies when they were in necefTity, and whilll they 
 were every day hazarding their lives in our fervice/* 
 The Maflachufetts general court alfo, this year, in an ad- 
 drefs to the queen, fay, " A letter from M. Vaudreuil, 
 governor of Canada, to the late governor of Poit-royai, 
 was fometime fmce happily intercepted, and came to our 
 governor's hands ; wherein he writes thus, namely, that 
 he endeavours to keep all quiet on the fide of Orange or 
 Albany^ having command from the king his mailer not 
 to have any quarrel with your majefly's fubjetls on that 
 fide, or with the Mohawks, which he hath ftridly obferv- 
 ed. And they are in a profound peace, having met with 
 little or no lofs on the land fide, either in men or ellaies, 
 this w^r." 
 
 The enemy were fatisfied with their fuccefs at Haver- 
 hill for this feafon, and, except now and then a llraggling 
 Indian, none of them appeared again *upon the frontiers 
 this fummer. 
 
 The party againfl the governor Hill purfued their 
 fcheraes in England for his removal. Afliurll engaged 
 a committee of the kirk of Scotland, who came up to 
 London to fettle fome affairs with the queen's council, to 
 ufe their interefl that Dudley might be removed and a 
 new governor appointed ; and he was very fanguine that 
 this would do the bufinefs, and that Hobby would be ap- 
 pointed, though not fuch a perfon as he could wiili ; but 
 t/je earth, he fays, 7nuji help the woman : which too often 
 means no more than ivc mu/} do evil that good may come of 
 it. In the province, the governor's interell was fl:rength. 
 ening. Some of the old fenators, who had been difaf- 
 feded to him, were left out of the council. Oakes, 
 whom he had negatived as fpeaker, and one other mem- 
 ber for Bofl;on,^loft their eledtion, and John Clark ai^u 
 Thomas Hutchinfon, two young gentlemen of the tovAiij 
 who were under no prejudice againil him, came into the 
 houfe in their flead ; and although this year Mr. Cooke 
 was again chcfen one of the council, it was the lafl effort. 
 
 'Ihe 
 
i5o^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 The governor perfifted in negativing him, and at the fame 
 time negatived Nathaniel Paine, of Briftol ; but he had 
 fo accuftonied them to negatives, that they gave lefs of-, 
 fence than they virould have done after long difufe. 
 
 The principal fubjed of the affembly's addrefs, which 
 we have jufl before mentioned, to the queen, was the 
 reduction of Canada and Acadie by an armament from 
 England, to be alTifted by forces raifed in the colonies. 
 Vetch, who the laft year was charged as a traitor, this 
 year appeared before the queen and her minifters folicit- 
 ing in behalf of the colonies ; being able to give a full 
 information of the condition of the French in America.* 
 
 Early in the fpring, Mr. Dudley was advifed, by letters 
 from the earl of Sunderland, that the queen had deter- 
 mined upon an expedition, and Vetch, made a colonel,, 
 came over with inflruftions to make the neceflary prepa- 
 rations. The plan was extenfive. The French were to 
 be fubdued, not only in Canada and Acadie, but in New- 
 foundland alfo. A fquadron of Ihips were to be at Bof- 
 ton by the middle of May. Five regiments of regular 
 troops v/ere to be fent from England, to be joined by 
 twelve hundred men, to be raifed in Maffachufetts and 
 Rhode liland, and the governments were to provide tranf* 
 ports, flat-bottomed boats, pilots, and three months' pro, 
 vifions for their own troops. V^ith this force, Quebec 
 was to be attacked j at the fame time fifteen hundred 
 men, propofed to be raifed in the governments fouth of 
 Rhode Illand, which were to march by the way of the 
 lake, were to attack Montreal. The men affigned to Maf- 
 fachufetts to r^ife were ready by the 20th of May ;i^ and 
 Vetch gave a certifigate under his hand, that all the govr 
 
 ^ ernments 
 
 * Auguft aift, this year, died Ezeklel Cheever, venerable "not merely for his great age, 
 94, but for having been the fchoolmafler of moft of the principal gentlemen in Bof-, 
 ton v/ho were then upon the ftage. He is not the only mafter who kept his lamp, 
 longer lighted than otherwife it would have been, by a fupply of oil from his fcholars. 
 
 John Higgtnfon,the firll minifter of Salem, who came over with his father in 1629 
 at the ngQ of fourteen or fifteen, lived until the 9th of December, 1708, having alfo 
 teen minifter of the fame church from the year 1660. His early days he fpent in 
 ConneAicut colony, and in 164I was chaplain to Mr. Fenwick and lady Botcler, at 
 the fort at Saybrook. 
 
 Tuefday the 1 4th of December was remarked as the coldefl day ever known in the 
 country from its firft fettlement. 
 
 f The tranfports and nine hundred troops, raifed by MafTachufctts, were kept ic 
 pay from the aoth of May to the beginning cf November. 
 
I70Q.] MASSACHUSETTS. .i6r 
 
 ernments concerned had cheerfully and punclually com- 
 plied with the orders given, except Pennfyivania !* It was 
 left to lord Lovelace, governor of New York, to appoint 
 the general officer t for the fifteen hundred men, but by 
 his death the power devolved upon Mr. Ingoldlby, the 
 lieutenant governor ; andNicholfon, who had been lieuten- 
 ant governor of New York under Andros, and afterwards ' 
 lieutanant governor of Virginia and Maryland5being then in 
 America, was pitched upon as a proper perfon, and march- 
 ed with the forces under his command as far as Wood- 
 creek, there to wait until the arrival of the fleet at Boilon, 
 that the attack on both places might be made at one time. 
 The tranfports and troops lay waiting at Bofton from May 
 to September, every day expeding the fleet. No intelli- 
 gence coming from England, Vetch being fenfible it \vas 
 too late to go to Canada, propofed a meeting, at New 
 London, of the governors of the feveral colonies, to con- 
 fider in what other way the forces railed fliould be employed 
 againlt the enemy, that the expenfe might not be wholly 
 loft ; but Nicholfon unexpectedly returned with his men 
 from Wood-creek, and he and Vetch and colonel Moody 
 met fome of the governors at Rhode Ifland. Two or 
 three days before the Gongrefs, (Odober i ith) a fliip ar- 
 rived at Bofton from England, with advice that the forces 
 intended for America were ordered to Portugal, and with 
 diredions to confult whether the forces raifed in America 
 might not be employed againft Port-royal, the (hips of 
 war of which there were feveral then at Bofton to be aid- 
 ing and afiifting.J There was no great honour or profit. 
 to be expelled by the captains of the men-of-war, if the 
 expedition fhould fucceed, nothing more being required 
 of them than to ferve as convoy to the tranfports, and 
 cover to the forces at their landing ; therefore two of the 
 frigates, whofe ftation was New York, failed immediately 
 
 from 
 
 * Pennfyivania, at that time, principally confifted of the people called Quakers, 
 and we are to impute their backwardncfs to a religious principle or pcriuufion, and 
 not to difafFedlion. 
 
 [f 'I'he other governors had a voice, and concurred in his appointment.] 
 
 \ It is faid in one of the articles of lord Oxford's impeachment, that an expedition 
 againft Canada, having been frequently deliberated upon and maturely confidered in 
 a conamittee of council, was hid afide a? dangerous and impradicable ; but there can 
 be no doubt that an expedition was fully determined upon this year, and wus laii 
 alide upon an unexpeded charge of affairs in Europe. 
 
^m 
 
 xsl THE HISTORY 0¥ [Chap. IL 
 
 from Bofton without taking leave of any body, and the 
 commanders of the reft, Mathews (afterwards admiral 
 Mathews, who was then commander of the ftation Ihip at 
 Boflon) only excepted, peremptorily refufed. As fooa as 
 this was known to the two houfes, the court being fitting, 
 they defired the governor to difcharge the tranfports and 
 difband the men, it not being fafe to proceed without 
 convoy. This was a heavy charge upon the province, 
 without any good effed:. It was indeed late in the year 
 for the attempt againfl Port-royal, but then the profped o£ 
 furprifmg the enemy was fo much the greater, and if it 
 had happened otherwife and the forces had returned with- 
 out fubduing the place, it would have caufed but little in- 
 creafe of the expenfe. 
 
 Whilfl Nicholfon lay at Wood-creek, the governor of 
 Canada, who had intelligtence of all his motions, fent out 
 an army of fifteen hundred French and Indians, who left 
 Montreal the 28th of July, N. S. and the three firfl days 
 advanced forty leagues towards the Englifh camp ; but 
 upon a report that they were five thoufand ftrong, and 
 upon the march to meet the French, and there being dif- 
 cord at the fame time among the French officers, it was 
 thought beft to return to their advanced pofts, and wait ^ 
 to receive the Engliih there. Had they proceeded, they 4 
 were equal to the Engliih, better acquainted with the 
 country, would have come unexpeded, and the event 
 would at lead have been doubtful for us. 
 
 Charlevoix gives an inftance of the treachery of the 
 Indians of the Six Nations, and of their intention to de- 
 ■ftroy the whole Englidi army. Speaking of father Ma- 
 reuilj who had been a prifoner at Albany, he fays ; — \ 
 ''" This miHionary having bqen exchanged for a nephew 
 of the principal officer at Albany, we learned from him all 
 the circumftances of that affair, and to what New France 
 owed her deliverance from the greateft danger to which 
 fhe had been at any time expofed from that quarter.'* 
 Then having mentioned a grand council of the Indians, 
 held at Onondago, where all their general meetings 
 upon important matters were held, he goes on ; " The 
 Onondago, one of the old men of that nation, who was 
 
 thp 
 

 ^ 1709.] MAS ^.ACHU SETTS. 163 ^^ 
 
 the fpeaker, alked whether it was out of their minds that 
 
 they were lituated between two potent people, either of * 
 
 '^Tiwhich were capable of totally extirpating them ; and that 
 it would be the intereil of either to do it, as foon as they 
 fhould have no further occafion for them, it beliovcd 
 them therefore to be very careful that they did not lofe ^ ^ 
 
 ^ their importance, which they would do, unlefs each of J 
 
 • thofe people were prevented from deilroying the other. ^* 
 This harangue made great impreflion upon the alLmbly, 
 
 and it was refolved, upon this occafion, to continue the 
 
 political condud which they had hitherto oKerved. Ac- 
 
 w cordingly, the Iroquois, when they had joined the En- 
 
 gliih army, and found, as they imagined, that it would ^^ , 
 be ftrong enough to take Montreal, employed their whole *f <i 
 attention in contriving the de(tru6lion of it ; and this was -^ 
 the way they w^ent to work — The army being encamped 
 - Upon the banks of a fmall river,* the Indians, who fpent ^^ 
 mod of their time in hunting, threw the fkins of all the^ .^ t^ 
 creatures which they flead into the river a little abov^>^ ^ 
 the camp, which foon corrupted the water. The Englifh |^ 
 never fufped:ed this treachery and continued to drink the ■* ^m 
 water ; but it caufed fuch a mortality among them, that g^ 
 ^ father de Mareuil and the two officers who went to fetch ^ •yC 
 * him from Albany to Canada, judged by the graves that ^ 
 
 ■' there mud have been at leaft a thoufand buried there." .^Jf . 
 Nicholfon certainly decamped fooner than w^as exped:-v ^ 
 ed, which caufed fome difTatisfaclion. The army was in 
 a bad flate. I have a letter dated New York, November 4 
 4th, 1709, which fays, that many of the foldiers who 
 were at the lake died as if they .had been poifoned. 
 
 Although the French were in conftant expectation of 
 being attacked themfelves, yet it did not take them off ^ 
 
 from employing fome of their flrength this fummer -^ 
 againft the New England frontiers. Iil^ April, a man waS* 
 taken prifoner at Deerfield. In May, feveral men were 
 furprifed and taken as they were paffmg to a fa w mill in 
 Exeter ; and in June, one of the Rouvilles, with one 
 hundred and eighty French and Indians, made another * 
 
 ♦ attempt upon Deerfield, to deftroy or carry away prrifon-^ 
 
 "Wood-creek. 
 
ri^ 
 
 i;64 ' THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 > ers the poor people, who but a little while before had re- 
 turned from their captivity; but the enemy was difcovered 
 at a diilance and beat off, the inhabitants bravely defending 
 themfelves. The town of Brookfield, in the weft, and 
 Wells, in the eaft, foon after loft fome of their people by 
 fmall parties of Indians.* ^ 4 
 
 Nicholfon went to England in the fall, to folicit a force | 
 againft Canada the next year, and an expedition feems 
 to have been again refolved upon. Advice was received 
 in New England, that in July lord Shannon, with a lifeet ^ 
 deftined for that fervice, lay under orders for failing, but ^^ 
 that it was feared the wefterly winds would detain him "^ 
 until it w^as too late. Port-royat, which did not require 
 fo great force, and which might be attempted late in the 
 year, was afterwards made the only objed. The Dragon 
 and Falmouth, with a bomb-ftiip and. a tender,^' and twp' 
 or three tranfports, left England in the fpring, and 
 Nicholfon was on board one of, them. They arrived at 
 ' Bofton, July the 15th, and feem to have laiiiAvaiting thei^|5 
 ^ for orders, or until it fhould be made certain whether 
 they were to be joined by any^ further force from En- 
 gland.! On the 18th of September a fle^t failed from | 
 NantaHvet for Port-royal, confifting of three fourth rates, 
 viz. the Dragon, commodore Martin ; the Cl^efter,| Mat- 
 thews ;t the Falmouth, Riddle ; two fifth rates, the Loe- 
 ftaffe, Gordon, and the Feverftiam, Pafton, together with 
 the Star bomb, Rochfort, and the Province-galley, South- 
 ack, with fourteen tranfports in the pay of MafTachtifetts, 
 five of Conne6licut, two of New Hamplhire and three of 
 Rhode Ifland. Thefe, with the tender and tranfports from^ 
 
 England, 
 
 * Feb. 24th, 1709, Jofcph Hammond, of the council, died at Kittery. " ^ 
 
 f Thefe ftiips being feen in the bay, and no certainty of any fleet intended f?oni 
 England, the ufual fignalJor an alarm was given at the Caftle, and the militia in 
 Bofton was kept under a^ms until evening, when news came that they were Engliih 
 ihips. 
 
 The like happened upon the arrival of a fleet of fmall merchant yeffels from Sal- 
 tertudas a year or tv/o after, but the confternation was greater and more exten^ve. 
 'Ihe number of fhips fecn oil Plymouth was reported to be very great, and fome of 
 them, it being war time, were fitted with mizen-top-gallarttfails arid fpreetfail-top- 
 falls, and other unufual fails for merchant-men, and no doubt was made of their be-, 
 ing capital French mefl-of-vvrar. The country were coming in, when one of the^ 
 fmall vefTels arrived and informed of the rell. tf' 
 
 t "^'lic CheHer failed a fliort time befoVe tlie rtfl as a cruifer, and joined theih o» 
 the paflage. ,. * , 
 
 *V#. 
 
^. 
 
 tyio.] MASaAGHU SETTS. * 165 
 
 ' England, made tftirty-fix fail. There was a regiment 6f " ^ 
 marines, commanded by colonel Redding, and four regi- 
 
 I5 ments raifed in New England, two commanded by fir 
 
 ' Charles Hobby and colonel l\iiler of Mailachufett^ 
 
 one by colonel Whiting of Connedicut, and one by colo- '^'*'\ ♦ 
 
 nel Walton of New Hampfliire. Nicholfon was general 
 
 and Vetch adjutant jgenelaL One tranfport, captain Taye, 
 
 ran afliore at the mouth of the river and was lolt, and 
 
 *<twenty-fix men were drowned ; the reit of the fleet arriv- 
 
 4)(^d^fafe at Port-royal the 24th of September. The forces ' 
 
 >i^ere' landed without any oppofition. Subercafe; the 
 
 governor, had only two hundred and fixty men, and mofi: 
 
 of them he was afraid to truft out of the fort, left they 
 
 flioiil^ defert to the EngliOi. As the army was marching 
 
 up to 'the fort, feveral men were killed by the inhabitants, 
 
 who fired from their houfes and from behind their fences, 
 
 and made their efcape ; and for three or four days, whilft,. ^ ^ 
 
 j^the neceiliiry preparations were making by the Englifii, ..^ 
 
 *^he French threw (hells and fliot from the fort, and tha 
 bomb-fliip, on the other hand, plied the French with her o^- 
 Ihells. ' It was commonly faid, after the return of '.the 
 forces to Boflon, that early intimation was given to the^ 
 Englifh that they would meet with no great difficulty, a . .. .^ >^ 
 decent pretence for a fur render was all that was defired. '^ ' •^^. 
 On the 29th, the governor fent out a flag of truce, pray- ;' ' ^ 
 ihg leave for fome of his ladies, who wer6 afraid of tln^ ^ ' 
 bombs, to be fheltered in the Engliih camp. The officer., ^ ^ „ 
 not obferving the rules of war, was put under arreft, anU. ^ 
 
 an EngHfh officer fent to the fort to acquaint the governor ^ 
 
 "udth the reafons of it. The firfl of Oclober, the two en- 5 
 
 gmeers, Forbes and Redknap, had three batteries open, ' 
 
 two mortars and twenty-four cohorn mortars ready, with— ' ' . 
 in one hundred yards of .the fort, and began their firing T %, 
 the French firing their fhot, and throwing fliells at the ^ 
 
 fame tinie. The fame day, colonel Tailer and captain 
 Abercromble were fent, with a fummons to furrender, '-. 
 and in confequence thereof a ceilation of arms was agreqilL -• ^ 
 upon, and the terms of the capitulation were foon fettled, ^ 
 
 ^ and^e next day the following articles figned. ^ ' -it *a^ -^ 
 •^" '' Articles m J ^ 
 
 
t66 THE mSTORYIOF^ ^ 
 
 ' t *^ ♦ 
 
 *' Articles of capitulation agreed upon for the furrender efthe ^ 
 
 fort at Port-royal^ ^c, betwixt Francis Nicbolfon; efquirfy 
 f general and commander in chief of all the forces of her ^ 
 t • ^^^ ■' facred majefly Anne^ queen of Great Britain^ hfc. and 
 ^A * ' monfieur Subercafe^ governor ^Is'c, for bis mofi ChriJHan 
 
 ^rnaj^' . . m 
 
 -^^ ^- \, THAT the garrifon fh all march out with their arms 
 
 and baggage, drums beating and colours flying. 
 
 1i 
 
 *'^ 
 
 ^ ..r, 2. That there fhall be a lufficient number of fhips and' 
 
 jjl i^ provifions to tranfport the faid garrifon to Rochel or • 
 ^ Rochfort, by the fhorteft paflage, when they ihall be fur- 
 ^&^; r^nifl^ed with pafTports for their return, 
 d < 3. That I may take out fix guns and two mt)rtars5^'fuch^ 
 ■ ^as I Ihall think fit. 
 
 4. That the officers ihall carry out all their cffeds, of 
 what fort foeyer., except they do agree to the felling them ; 
 ** '^ 'the payment of which to be upon good faith. 
 t Jjjr 5. That the inhabitants, within cannon-ihot of Port •% | 
 jj^^^y^^5 ^^^^ remain upon their eflates, with their com,' * 
 \ % cattle and furniture during two years, in cafe they are not 
 ^ ''■' defirous to go before, they taking the oaths of allegiance 
 
 and fidelity to her facred majefty of Great Britain. 
 j^^l 6. l^iat a veifel be provided for the privateers t)elong- 
 ''ftg to the iHands in America^ for their tranfportation 
 thither. 
 
 7.. That thofe who are defirous to go for Placattia in 
 Newfoundland, fliall have leave by the neareft paflage. 
 3. That the Canadians, or thofe that are defirous to go 
 %^ "Sphere, may, for during the fpace of one year. 
 p 9. That eiFeds, ornaments and utenfils of the chapel 
 
 I # and hofpital fhall be deliverd to the alrnoner. 
 
 v^ 
 
 ^ ^# ^^' ^ pi"oniife to deliver the fort of Port-royal into tlic 
 
 W Bands of Francis NicholfoUjefquire, for the queen of Great 
 
 ^Britain, within three days after the ratification of this 
 
 ■ prefent treaty, w-ith all the eifeds belonging to the king, 
 
 ,as guns, mortars, bombs,, ball, powder and all other fmall 
 
 ferms; 
 
 II. I will difcover, upon my faitb^ all the mines, fu- 
 
 ^gaifes and cafemates. 
 
 <^ ^^ 12. All the articles of this prefent treaty fhall be exe- 
 
 Q^te^ upon good fafth, without difficiilty, and figned by 
 
 ^ ' . " ^each 
 
tyio.] MASS'UCHUSETTS. 167 ^ 
 
 each other at her majelly of Great Britain's camp before '*^j 
 Port-royal fort, this fecond day of Odober, in the ninth 
 year of her majefty's reign, ilnnoque Domini 1710. < 
 
 Francis Kicholfon, Subercase. 
 
 IvIemor-andum. The general declared, tliat within 
 cannon-fhot of Port-royal, in the fifth article abovefaid,is 
 \.o be underftood three Englifli miles round the fort, to be. 
 Annapolis-royal, and the inhabitants within three miles to 
 have the benefit of that article. Which perfons, male 
 and female, comprehended in the faid article, accordiug 
 to a lift of their names given in to the general by M. Allen, 
 amounts to four hundred and eighty-one perfons/' h 
 
 The Englifli loft fourteen or fifteen men in the expedition, 
 befides the tvi^enty-fix drowned when the tranfport wasi 
 loft. The fort had been neglected and was in a very bad 
 ftate. Subercafe told the general " he was very forry for 
 the king, his mafter, in lofmg fuch a ftrong fort and the 
 territories adjoining.** This was the compliment to Nich- 
 olfon, but il was in no condition to ftand a fiege. Char- 
 levoix fays, Subercafe's character fuffered a great (liock. 
 He mentions feveral adions w^^ich our accounts take 
 HO notice of — " The troops being landed, and nothing to 
 oppofe their march, went on towards the fort ; but when 
 they came within reach oi the cannon, the governor cauf- 
 ed io fmart a firing as put them to a ftand, killed a great 
 many of their men, &c.** Again — " The eighth, N. S. 
 M. Subercafe, having obferved the fpot where the enemy 
 were about to txtOi their batteries, made fo lucky a fir^ , 
 that Mr. Nicholfon, after having loft a great many men, 
 was obliged to retreat." 
 
 The general having left a fufficient garrifon under the 
 command of colonel Vetch, v/ho was deftined, in cafe of 
 fucc-efs, to the government of the country, returned with 
 the fleet and army to Bofton, arriving there the 26th of 
 Odober. 
 
 Whilft the forces were at Port- royal, it waB thought 
 proper, at a council of w^ar,to fend Caftine, whomi fuppofc 
 was in the fort, and major Livingftone,to Canada, througii 
 the country, with letters to M. Vaudreuil, acquainting 
 him that the country of Acadie was fubdued, and that all 
 
 <*< 
 
^ 
 
 J63 ; triE- HISTORY OF [CHAf-. It. 
 
 the inhabitants, except fuch as were within cannon-fhot 
 of the fort, were prifoners at difcretion ; and as the coun- 
 cil had been informed that he had often fent out his bar- 
 barous Indians to murder the poor innocent women and 
 children upon the frontiers of New England, if he con- 
 tinued that practice they would caufe the fame execution 
 upon the people of Acadia or Nova Scotia, now abfolute- 
 ly in their power ;* but they abhorred fuch barbarities, 
 and hoped he would give them no further occafion to 
 copy after him, but rather would releafe and fend home 
 fuch prifoners as had beeti taken by the Indians. After 
 a mod fatiguing, hazardous journey,! having three 
 Indians for their guides, they arrived at Quebec. The 
 governor fent his anfwer to the meffage by two parti- 
 %'^ zans, Rouville and Dupuis, by land through Albany, that 
 
 H they might be acquainted with the country and more fit 
 
 ^j to be employed in making war upon any future occafioti.| 
 The fum of the anfwer was, that Nicholfon had been fo 
 ^ well taught the laws of war as to know that they did not 
 
 y; admit of reprifals upon fuch inhabitants as had furrender- 
 ITf e.d upon an exprefs promife of being well treated.- That 
 rit he, Vaudreuil, never knew the French charged with inhu- 
 manity, and he was not afraid to appeal to the Englifli 
 prifoners, within his government, againft fuch a charge ; 
 li* "^ they had often been redeemed from the Indians at great 
 Htj^ expenfe^ 
 
 M^, * This wonld have heen rather a harder cafe upon the poor jAcadians than any 
 
 *^ they have ever been obliged to fubmit to. 
 
 ^ Ajf v^ 1 1 have Livingilonc's journal. He v.'ent about the middle of 0(5lober from Port- 
 
 V '^ royal to Penobfcot, where he was kindly entertained by Caftine, at his own houfe ; 
 
 •-^^ " • and fr«m thciice went up the river in canoes^ until they came to an ifland where 
 
 ' Z**^ * was a great bbdy of Indians, men, \vomen and children. Here an Indian, being in 
 
 ' * a rage becaufe fome Englifh prifoners had run away with his canoe, feized Livihg- 
 
 "^f^ llone by the throat, and would have difpatched him with a hatchet, if Ciftine had 
 
 not thrown himfelf between them and refcued him. The Indians would not fuffer 
 
 them to proceed for feveral days. At length, November 4th, they fet out in their 
 
 canoes, and ttie next day the canoe the major was in overfet, and one of the 
 
 Indian guides was drowned. Soon after, the water beginning to freeze, the ice fo 
 
 jfs jj' TV( Ihattered their tender velTeiS and made the pafling fo difficult, that they were oblig- 
 
 '*' ^ed to betake themfelves to the land and to travel by their compafs, through a coun* 
 
 ?^try fo thick with fpruce, cedar and pine wood and underwood, as to be fcarcc 
 
 k 
 
 f** ji paffable, andthe greateft part of the way broken and mountainous land. They 
 JK^ * \vere above a fortnight without the fight of the fun, the weather being ftormy ot 
 foggy the whole time. They had fpent their provifions fix days before they came 
 ^ A^ "■ to any French fettlement, and lived wholly upon mofs, leaves and dried berries. 
 i J^ ; At length, tlie i6th of December, they arrived at Quebec. 
 Mt:^ "t tCh:irlew,x. 
 
 % 
 
J7IO.] lilASSACHUSETTS. i6g 
 
 €xpenfe, and out of pure charity. Indeed, the Indians 
 themfc'lves ordinarily did not treat them ill ; but let that 
 be as it would, the French were not accountable for the 
 behaviour of the Indians : it was not his fault that this 
 Unfor lunate war was not over a long time ago, and all the 
 miferies which had been the'confequence mufl be attrib- 
 uted to thofe who had refufed the neutrality betv;cen 
 ihe two colonies. He was very ready to agree to 
 the exchange of prifoners, but he had not the command 
 of thofe which were in the hands of his Indian allies. As 
 for the menace, of delivering up the Acadians to the In- 
 dians of Ne>v England if the Indians of New France fhould 
 refufe to deliver the Englifh prifoners, it was contrary to 
 all the rules of juflice and humanity, and if it fhould be 
 carried into execution he fhould be obliged to do as much 
 to all the Englifli he had in his power. This vras all the 
 cffeci: of Livingflone's mod fatiguing, hazardous journey. 
 The affair of the agency in England has, often occafion- 
 cd a divifion and contention in the general court. They 
 who have ferved the province well and done every thing 
 in their power, have not done enough. If our rights 
 and claims do not appear in the fame light to thofe v/ho 
 judge of them in England, as they do to ourfelves, we 
 are too apt to attribute it to the want of fkill or fidelity 
 in thofe who appear for us. At this time, a change ia 
 the agency was agreed upon from a different caufe. The 
 change of the minidry in England was as alarming to 
 New England as to any part of her riajefty's dominions. 
 Mr. Phips was deeply engaged in the new meafures. 
 There could not then have been any apprehenfion of his 
 removing to Ireland ; but a whig people would not be 
 fatisfied with a tory agent. Sir H. Affiurll never had any 
 great powers, and he was now declining in age and health. 
 The party that ufed to fupport him fet up his brother, 
 fir WiUiam Affiurft, a gentleman of fuperior chara6ler 
 and real worth. Mr. Dudley did every thing in his pow- 
 er to prevent the choice, but when he could not prevail 
 made a merit of accepting it. An addrels to the queen 
 was fent to fir William, but he refufed the agency ; h« 
 was well acquainted with the flights put upon his brother. 
 Vol. it. M and 
 
r'-ja THE HISTORY OF [Chap; ft 
 
 and the little or no reward given hiin for fo long ferviceSe 
 When he excufed himfelf, he recommended a New En- 
 pland young gentleman, then in London, Jeremiah Dum- 
 mer,* who alio procured from th€ principal merchants in 
 London, tradmg to New England, letters in his favour. 
 He waxS not at that time acceptable to Mr. Dudley, and in 
 a meffage to the alTembly he advifed ihem to choofe Henry 
 Newman,! a New England man, then in London alfo, a 
 perion of great p-robity, who had lived fome yeai^ in the 
 duke of Somjerfet's family, and who afterwards was fecre- 
 tary to the fociety for promoting Chriftian knowledge ; 
 but the choice fell upon Mr. Dummer and the governor 
 did not think proper to negative him. 
 
 Mr. Dudley found means to remove the prejudice of 
 fir \¥illram Aihurfl. From this time, all his letters are ia 
 a dliferent (train from what they ufed to be, and he repre- 
 fents the times to be fuch, that there was no profped: of 
 a better governor, and advifes the people, if they could be 
 tolerably eafy, not to run the ripK: of a change. This was^ 
 not the only tim'e when fuch a word of advice, to this, as 
 well as other colonies, would have been feafonable. Mr. 
 Bummer, who was attaching himfelf to the new minillry 
 and had great favour Ihewn him, engaged alfo in Mr. 
 Dudley's interefl. Mr. Phips, who at firft: oppofed him, 
 had for fome time been very friendly to him» It was a 
 
 rule 
 
 * Mr Dummer's grandfather, Ricliard Dummer, wa^ an afTiflant the year when 
 Mr. Vane was governor ; but, being of the governor's party, was left out, with 
 others of the fame fidS ; and -rved many years after, maintaining a fair character 
 •and acquii-ing a good eftate, at Newbury. His father wa^ an a6iing juftice of peace 
 in Boflon. Mr. Dummer, befides the advantage of bright natural parts, had been 
 •■•/.M-y well educated. The college at Cambridge fitted him for the Univerfity of 
 Utrecht, whcxe he fpent fome years, and received a doctor's degree. After that, he- 
 rcturnt- d to New England : but finding no profpeA of employment there that would 
 l>e agreeable to him, he went to England, where he arrived a little before the change 
 of queen Anne'sminiftry. Contrary to the expectation of his countrymen and con-' 
 ilituents, he devoted himfelf to the perfons in power, was employed by lord Boling- 
 broke in fome fecret negociations, and had aifurances of promotion to a place of 
 honour and profit, but the death of the queen blafted all his hopes. His letter to a 
 noble lord upon the Canada expedition, and his defence of the New England char- 
 ters, will tend morfe to perpetuate his memory in his country, than all his fervices in 
 tac agency, which wci-e far from inconfiderable. Mr. Dummer conformed to his 
 patron, lord BoHngbroke, ia religion as well as pohtics. In the latter, he left him, 
 upon the change of time-. : in the former, he is faid to have adhered to him to the 
 end of his life. He died in 1739. The tranflation of the travels of James Maflcy, 
 wrote to encourage fccpticifm and infidelity, was dedicated to Mr. Dummer. SomCj. 
 who did not know they were onginall^' wrote in French, fuppofed he was the author»- 
 
 I rifr, Newman was many ytars agsnt for the proviiice of New Hampfhirs,- 
 
^710.] MASSACHUSJETTS.. iyi 
 
 rule with him to gain his enemies, he was fure of his 
 friends. It requires much of that art and Ikill, of which 
 he is faid to have been mafter, to render this rule, for any 
 length of time, fuccefsful. He happened alfo, as we have 
 obferved, when he was in England to be known to and 
 favoured by Mr. Harley, and his interefi; there w^as lb ef- 
 tablifhed, that he was no longer in danger, until the death 
 of the queen caufed an entire revolution, both as to men 
 and meafures. In the province, fome reports againi^h him 
 were of fo grofs and criminal a nature, that although they 
 might find fome ready to believe them at firH, yet time 
 alone had funk the credit of them, and the remembrance 
 of lefler matters funk with it, and the lad days of his 
 adminiftration were his bell: days. 
 
 This year, the enemy made their firft appearance, in 
 the fpring, at York, but found the inhabitants upon 
 their guard. In June, colonel Hilton, of Exeter, being 
 in the woods with eighteen men, was ambufhed by a par- 
 ty, who fired and killed the colonel and two of his com- 
 pany, and took two prifoners, the reft efcaping. HiU 
 ton was a good officer, and had behaved well with Church, 
 in 1704, and upon other occafions ; but at this time was 
 off his guard. One hundred men went out upon the 
 alarm, but had no other fuccefs than to bring in the 
 dead mangbd bodies to a decent interm.ent. A few 
 days after, fixty or feventy French and Indians appeared 
 in the fkirts of the town of Exeter, but were alarmed by 
 the firing of a gun, and went off with four children only, 
 which they picked up in the ftreet or road at play, to the 
 unfpeakable diftrefs of their parents upon receiving the 
 news. In their retreat, they killed one man and took 
 another prifoner. They then travelled weftw^ard and kill- 
 ed feveral of the inhabitants of Waterbury and Simfbury 
 in Connedicut, flruck dowm upon Brookfield and Marl- 
 borough, and from thence to Chelmsford, where major 
 Tyng was (lain, an officer refpeded for his prudence and 
 courage. 
 
 The 2d of Auguft, about fifty Indians came upon Win- 
 ter harbour, and hovered about the place fome time, 
 until they had killed four or five and t^iken eight or ten 
 
 M2 of 
 
1^2 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 of the inhabitants. They infulted the fort, and found 
 the garrifon too many to be taken \ but not enough to 
 fally out and attack them. October the firft, feveral per- 
 fons, as they were going X.Q meeting at Berwick, were 
 waylaid, one of them killed, another had his horfe Ihot. 
 under him, the reft efcaping. The loth of the fame- 
 month, Bomazeen, with lixty or feventy more Indians, 
 appeared at Winter-harbour, killed three or four and took 
 as many captives ; one of the latter was Johnfon Harman, 
 a noted officer in expeditions, the next war, againfl th© 
 enemy. The Indians, after they had done the mifchief, 
 fent a fiag of truce to the fort, and offered to ranfom their 
 prifoners, if a veffel fiiould be fent to Kennebeck river to 
 receive them. 
 
 Our forces had been fcouring the v/oods all the fum- 
 mer, but the parties of the enemy avoided them. To- 
 wards winter, colonel Walton, after his return from Port- 
 royal, with one hundred and feventy men ranged the 
 ealtern country, and killed a Norridgewock chief and fix 
 or eight others^ He made a fecond march to Winnepifi- 
 aukee without any fuccefs \ but in the mean time, the 
 Indians he was hunting after were feeking for th^ir own 
 bloody game, more or lefs of which they met with at 
 Cocheco, York, Weils, &c.'* 
 
 After Port-royal was reduced, Nicholfon went to En- 
 gland to folicit another expedition againll Canada ; and^ 
 although his intention was known, there feemed to be no 
 expectation that he would fucceed. The New England 
 people we have obferved were all whigs, and fuppofed the 
 tory miniftry to be determined upon a peace, and rather 
 difpofed to fuffer France to recover part of what flie had 
 loft, than to make further acquifition from her. And 
 there was a general furprife at Nicholfon's return to Bof- 
 ton, the 8th of June, with orders from the queen to the 
 feveral governments of New England, to New York, the 
 Jerfeys and Fennfylvania to have their quotas of men in 
 readinefs for a fleet which was expelled to arrive a few 
 
 days 
 
 * July 29, 1 710, died at ErIIlol, in Maffachufctts, John Baffin, efquire, who hai 
 fccen one of the council. 
 
 Feb. 9th, 1710-11, died colonel John Fofter, one of the council from the charter, 
 and a wealthy merchant in the town of B&llon, of a moil fair and wnbl«nifl»*A 
 charatftcr. 
 
I71I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 173 
 
 days after, and in faift did arrive the 24th following. Thii^ 
 was fliort warning. What was more extraordinary, ten 
 weeks' provifion for the army was to be procured at Bof- 
 ton. It was one reafon given for this mearure, that there 
 might be no fufpicions in Europe of the deftination of thi^ 
 armament. It might well be doubted whether it would 
 be poilible to procure fuch a quantity of provifions at Bof- 
 ton in feafon, and if it was not, it would be impofiible to 
 proceed. This extraordinary me^fure increafed a jealoufy, 
 began before, that it was not defigned Canada fhould be 
 taken, and that the blame fliould be caft upon New En- 
 gland. This jealoufy may have been as groundlefs as the 
 charge, which Walker firfl, and after him, many other 
 authors have brought againfl New England, for not af- 
 fording that ready afiiilance which was expe<5l:ed ; but h 
 certainly had this effed, to caufe, not only the govern, 
 ment, but even private perfons to exert themfelves with 
 more zeal and vigour than had been done upon any oth- 
 er occafion ; and the people fubmitted, not without reluc- 
 tance, it is true, to have their property taken from them 
 in a way and manner which I think the people of Great 
 Britain or Ireland, at this day, would not fubmit to. A 
 general meeting of all the governors was appointed im- 
 mediately after Nicholfon's arrival at New London, and 
 they were fitting when the ileet arrived.. The aflembly 
 happened to be fitting at Bodon when the f.rfl orders came. 
 The governor, without delay, recommended to them a full 
 compUance with the orders he had received. The firfl 
 thing necelTary was money. The credit of the treafury 
 was fo low in England, that no merchants or private per- 
 fons here would take bills, unlefs the drawers would make 
 themfelves refponfible, and there was nobody authorifed 
 to draw fuch bills. The general court determined to if- 
 fue forty thoufand pounds in bills of credit, and to lend 
 them to merchants and others, for the term of two yeais. 
 Thefe perfons with their bills of credit purchafed bills of 
 exchange upon the treafury in England, which, it was 
 hoped, before the expiration of the tv.o years, would be 
 paid ; and if they fliould not, it would be in the power of 
 the government to continue the loan, but there was no 
 
 engagemeui 
 
174 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 engagement to do it. The next difficulty to be removed 
 was the extravagant price to which provifions had ftarted, 
 upon the advice of this extraordinary demand. For this 
 purpofe, an order pafled the court, dating the prices of 
 the feveral fpecies of provifions neceffary for the fervice. 
 The owners of the provifions fhut up their flores, or re- 
 moved their provifions in order to conceal them. The 
 demand, which had raifed the price, they urged, was the 
 common chance in trade which every merchant was juft- 
 ly entitled to. Another order foon palfed the court to 
 imprefs all provifions, in whofe polTeiTion foever, and for 
 this purpofe to open all doors and enter. This effe£led a 
 general compliance. The fhort time fpent for this pur-^ 
 pofe, and the refufal of particular perfons to fubmit at 
 firft, caufed a charge from the officers againft the country 
 in general, for unneceiTarily delaying the fleet and army ; 
 cind no notice was taken of the zeal of the government 
 and this extraordinary meafure for the removal of thefe 
 impediments. The addition of fo many mouths had cauf- 
 ed a fudden rife of all poultry and frefh meat, and at that 
 feafon of the year, if the ufual confumption had continu- 
 ed, the forces muH have failed of neceflary refrefhment. 
 This conlideration induced many of the principal gentle- 
 men in Bofton to deny themfelves, and to engage, while 
 the fleet lay there, to eat fait provifions and no other in 
 their faijiilies. The foldiers and feamen, fome of them, 
 deferted, and were concealed by the inhabitants who were 
 juftly cenfured for doing it ; but not fo the country ; for 
 in all countries there are more or lefs perfons who for the 
 fake of gain will do the fame. A law againft this offence 
 was made, with a very fevere penalty, and a more fumma- 
 ly way provided for trial of the offence than ever had been 
 in any inftance before. The defertion of the men put the 
 admiral out of temper, and he wrote the governor an an^ 
 gry letter, in v^^hich he tells him, the fervice had been prej- 
 udiced, rather than forwarded, fmce his arrival at Bofton, 
 and demands from the government a fupply of men equal 
 to the lofs. This could be done in no other way than an 
 imprefs. The inhabitants, it muft be owned, would not 
 
 havQ 
 
J7II.] MASSACHUSETTS. 175 
 
 have fubmitted to it, but in general would have preferred 
 a prifcn on fhore to a man-of-war at fea. 
 
 Befides the miftake, in the plan of this expedition, with 
 refpedl to a fpeedy fupply of provifions at Bolton without 
 previous notice, there was another, in prefuming that flvil- 
 ful pilots were to be obtained there. The bed in the 
 country were iliipmaflers, who had been once or twice up 
 the river St. Lawrence. Thefe were employed in other 
 bufmefs upon which their future fupport depended, and 
 ■they w^ere averfe to leaving it ; but the government im- 
 prefled them into the fervice, and afterwards was charged 
 with their defect of Hiiil, which, admitting it to be true, 
 could not be helped. 
 
 The troops were all landed upon Noddle's iiland, about 
 a mile from the town, where they were every day cxcr- 
 cifed in a healthy. air ; and it was allowed, that men were 
 never landed and re-embarked in better order. The land 
 force, including two regiments from New^ England, 
 amounted to near feven thoufand men, an army more than 
 equal in number to that which afterwards reduced C^ie- 
 bee, under general Wolfe ; akhough, in 171 1, it was not 
 half fo ftrong as in 1759. 
 
 The fleet which arrived at Bofton confiiled of fifteen 
 fail of men-of-war and forty tranfports, and all faik^d 
 again the 30th of July. Greater difpatch could not well 
 be expeded from fuch fhort warning. Nicholfon fet out 
 for Albany the fame day^ to take the command 0/ the 
 forces which were to marcR by land. 
 
 Nothiilg remarkable happened in the paiTage of the fleet 
 to Gafpee, where it arrived Augufl 18, and failed again 
 the 20th, The next day and the day after proving foggy, 
 and the wind beginning to blow frefh at E. S. E. the fiiips 
 brought to, W'ith their heads to the fouthward,* being out 
 of fight of land and out of foundings. This the admiral, 
 in his own account, fays w-as by the advice of the pilots, 
 both Englilh and Erench, and that they were of opinion 
 the fleet would drive into the midfl of the channel or river. 
 The New England pilots always denied they gave fuch 
 
 advice, 
 
 [* Penhallow fays, the pilots advifed the admiral to bring to, with their he.sd« fa 
 xKtfoi.thivurc, hut that he ordered thcni to the ^orth•v^-a^d. See JV^n of N. England^ 
 
17^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 advice, and declared, upon their oaths, their opinion was 
 not followed nor regarded. Some of the principal per- 
 fons on board one of the fhips which belonged to New 
 England, reported, that upon the fleet's being ordered to 
 lie with their heads to the fouthward, the v^'hole fhip's 
 company determined they muft drive upon the north 
 fhore, and they v/ere confirmed in their former jealoufy, 
 that it was never intended the fleet fliould arrive at Que- 
 bec. This, however, is incredible, and the admiral, who 
 had not the charader of an abandoned man, v/as incapable 
 of facrificingsthe lives of fo many men ; and it muft be 
 prefumed he would not have thrown away his own life, 
 which was expofed as well as the reft. The pilots from * 
 Bofton fuppofed the admiral had a very mean opinion 
 of them, and laid greater ftrefs upon the judgment of 
 the French pilots, who, through ignorance or from defign,, 
 occafioned this wrong meafure. In two or three hours 
 after the fleet brought to, fome of the tranfports were 
 among the breakers. Eight or nine fliips were loft upon 
 the rocks, about midnight, one thoufand of the men that 
 were on board drowned, and about fix or feVen hundred 
 faved by the other fliips. All the men-of-war efcaped ; ' 
 the admiral's Ihip is faid to have anchored, and the reft 
 either ftood oflT or came to anchor ; and the next morn- 
 ing, the wind fliifting to W. S. W. the admiral bore away 
 for Spanifh river, the men-of-war and tranfports following; 
 but, the wind fliifting again to eaft, they were eight days 
 before they all arrived, and as they had the wind might 
 more more eafily have gone to Quebec. In a council of 
 war it was unanimoufly refolved, not only not to make any 
 further trial to go up the river St. Lawrence, but alfo not 
 to attempt any thing againft Placentia in Newfoundland ; 
 the fleet not being fufliciently victualled for either. They 
 failed the i6th of September, and the admiral arrived the 
 9th of October at Portfmouth, and the 15th his fluip, the 
 Edgar, blev/ up ; the caufe not being known, jealous 
 minds would fuggeft that even this was not without defign. 
 The admiral fuppofed, in his account of the expedition, 
 that if they had arrived at Quebec and landed their men, 
 their misfortune would have been ftill greater } that the 
 
 French 
 
■/ 
 
 I7II.] MASSACHUSETTS. 177 
 
 French v/ould either have quitted the place and carried 
 all their provifions with them, or that they would have 
 defended the place until the provifions of the fleet and 
 army were Ipent, and they mud have laid down their 
 arms ; or if they haally furrendered, it was not to be ex- 
 pected the provifions for fo fmall a garrilbn would have 
 Jailed any time for twelve thoufand men, and French and 
 Englifh muil have flarved together. Vaudreuil had made 
 the belt preparations he could for their reception, having 
 early notice of their coming from the governor of Piacen- 
 tia. An Enghfn prifoner, carried in there from Bofton, 
 gave an account of Nicholfon's arrival, of the fleet that 
 was to follow, and of the forces intended by way of the 
 lake ; and the captain of a privateer faw the fleet within 
 fixty leagues of Bofton. This intelligence was afterwards 
 confirmed by an Onondago Indian, who came to Chiebec 
 to inform of the great preparations making at Albany.* 
 
 Nicholfon had made but little progrels in his march 
 when he received the news of this difaller, and if the fleet 
 had arrived fafe, he would have been too late to have 
 drawn any of the French force from Quebec, before fo 
 much of the provifions of the fleet had been fpent that it 
 Vvouicl not have been flife to have remained any longer ; 
 and it is well he did not proceed, for as foon as Vaudreuil 
 had advice of fo many fhips (love, and fo many dead bod- 
 ies with red coats drove upon the fhore, and that the river 
 was clear of fhips, he ordered all the flrength of Canada 
 towards Montreal and the lake Champlain, which, if 
 Nicholfon had palTed, would have been fufScient to pre- 
 vent his return. 
 
 To complete the charge againfh MaflTachufetts, they arc 
 fald to have reprefented the navigation to Qkiebec to be 
 cafy and without hazard, of which they were wholly ig- 
 norant ; for the French, after an hundred years' experi- 
 ence, almofl every year fuffered fliipwreck, and failhig 
 in the bay and river St. Lawrence was fo hazardous that 
 they could hardly obtain failors for a voyage thither. The 
 MafTachufetts people knew very well that Fhips and his 
 fleet went up and down without difficulty, ig 1690 ; that 
 
 fla^s ■ 
 
 * Charlevoix, 
 
f7'S THE HISTORY OF. [Chap. iL 
 
 flags of truce had frequently pafTed and re-pafled, and they 
 iuppofed the French reprefented the pailage difBcult to 
 deter other nations, and experience now fliews that they 
 judged right. 
 
 The American tranfports were all preferved, except one 
 vidualler, and the crew of that were faved. The difap- 
 pointment and lofs were grievous to New England. Some 
 pious minds gave over all hopes of reducing Canada. So 
 many attempts blafled, plainly indicated, as they conceive 
 ed, that Providence never defigned the whole northern 
 continent of America for one European nation. Upon 
 the firfl news in England of the difafler, the blame was 
 laid upon governor Dudley, and it was faid he would be 
 removed, but his conduct foon appeared to have been 
 unexceptionable.* 
 
 Upon the return of the MafTachufetts troops, they gave 
 an account of the freedom ufed by the fea and land officers^ 
 in attributing the whole misfortune to the colonies. The 
 forces v/ere unreafonably detained at Bofton — the provi- 
 fions fell ihort of what was expeded-— the pilots were ig- 
 norant and not fit to be trufted. The general court 
 therefore thought that it was necelTary to exculpate them- 
 felves, and that it would be prudent to lay no blame any 
 where elfe. The governor, in his fpeech, 06lober 17, 
 fays — " I condole with you upon the Ibrrowful difafter of 
 the fleet and forces fent hither, by her majefly's fpecial 
 favour, to all her good fubjecls in the provinces of North 
 America. I have had time enough, fmce the account 
 thereof, to confider the fev/eral articles of her majefly's 
 commands to this government for the putting forward the 
 -expedition, and therein I cannot charge this airembly with 
 negle6l in any particular ; but when I perufe the journal 
 of the proceedings, I think there was all provifion and 
 expedition made, in every article referring to foldiers, ar- 
 tificers, pilots, tranfports and provifions for the fervlce of 
 her majefty's Britifli forces, as well as our own ; which I 
 hope you will fee reafon to confider and reprefent home 
 for our juftification, that it may be demxonfhrated that we 
 were in Carnefl to do our duty to the utmoll, for our own 
 
 benefit 
 
 * Letters from London in I7ii, 
 
I7II.] MASSACHUSETTS. 379 
 
 benefit and eflablifliment, as well as her majefly's honour 
 and jufl rights." 
 
 Three of the principal pilots in the fervice were fcnt to 
 England, to be ready to give an account of their conducl, 
 if inquiry fhould be made. A journal of the proceedings 
 relative to the expedition was prepared and tranfmitted, 
 together with an addrefs* to the queen. The inilrucHons 
 to the agent were given with prudence and caution. " it 
 chiefly concerns us to fet forth that we have done our du- 
 ty, by giving all afhitance in obedience to her maje(i:y*s 
 royal commands, as we have reprefented in our humbb 
 addrefs herewith tranfmitted to be prefented by you, and 
 will appear by the journal and orders accompanying the 
 fame. We comported with the fuppfies, in the large de- 
 mands made upon us, to the utmoil of our power, beyond 
 what we had at hrft a reafonable profpeQ: to have provid- 
 ed timely, having fofliort notice, but made our utmoil ef- 
 forts and happily got through the fame, in which you are 
 to vindicate and jullify the government. 
 
 " It is not our province, nor mull you enter thereinto, 
 to fault or impeach others, for want of doing their duty, 
 or for their condudl in that affair, any further than is ab- 
 folutely neceffary for our own vindication. If there be 
 jufl caufe therefor, her majefly in her princely wifdom 
 will direcl the inquiry thereinto." 
 
 The pilots waited many months in England ready to 
 anfwer any queftions, but none were ever aiked, nor was 
 any inquiry ever made into the caufe of the failure of the 
 expedition. Upon the whole, it cannot be conceived that 
 the admiral, general and principal perfons employed iu 
 the execution of this plan, purfued any particular meaf- 
 ures in order to defeat and overthrow it ; that thofe who 
 projedled it in England had not good reafon to expeft, 
 from the infufficient provifion made, that it mufl fail of 
 
 fuccefs, 
 
 * In this addrefs it is among; ether thinpjs afTerted, that one fifth part of the whoir 
 inhabitants of the province capable of bearing arms, were in pay thatfummfr. The 
 like proportion was employed two or three years fucceflively in jhe late war. 
 This would be thought extraordinary in any State in Europe. 
 
iSo THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 fuccefs, and at bed, were well content that it fhould, is 
 not fo certain.* 
 
 Although the pnncipal objea of this expedition was not 
 obtained, yet, in all probability, Annapolis-royal was faved 
 by h from falling into the hands of the French. The 
 garrifon there v/as reduced to a handful of men. Between 
 two and three hundred of the New England forces were 
 kept there, after the place was reduced, and four in five 
 were dead, and they were afraid even of the Acadians 
 alone, without any additional flrength ; but the French 
 court, fenfible of their miftake in not giving more atten- 
 tion to the prefervation of that country when it was in their 
 hands, prefled the governor of Canada in the ftrongeft 
 manner to exert himfelf for the recovery of it, A body 
 of troops was raifed and ready to depart from Canada, 
 when the news arrived of the Enghih fleet and other 
 preparations making j and the men who were defigned 
 
 againft 
 
 * The account which C'larlevDix gives of the French pilot docs not agree with 
 Walker's. " There was on hoard the admiral, a French prifoner, one Paradis, an 
 eld feaman, who was perfcdtly acquainted with the river St. Lawrence : this man 
 cautioned him, when he was off the Seven Illands, not to venture too near the land, 
 ajid he obhged him to make frequent tacks and to keep near the wind, which did 
 not favour him. At length the admiral, tired cut, and perhaps fufpeding the pilot 
 only defigned to wear out his men, refufed to come to flays, and bordered fo near ^ 
 little ifland called the Ifle-of-eggs, that he and feven more were driven afhore by a 
 very fudden fquall at fouth-eaft, and ftove to pieces, and but very few people were 
 faved." 
 
 I will add a brief account of the difafcer the fleet met with, from a letter of the 
 New-England commiiTary, Sampfon Sheaf — ^" When I accepted the employment of 
 commiffary to the New-England forces on the Canada expedition, it was in hopes 
 of doing fome good fervice ; wherein I defigned to do my bell, and hoped witTi my 
 diligence and bell underllanding to have been of fome ufe ; but on the 22d of Au- 
 gull, our fleet, under the command of fir Hovenden Walker, about eight or ten leagues 
 above the entrance of Canada river, about eleven or twelve at night, met with a 
 difmal difailer. Ten or eleven of the Entllh tranfports run on the north fliore and 
 were daflied to pieces againft the rocks. I hear but of one veiTel belonging to New 
 England met with any damage. There is an eminent providence of God therein^ 
 which doubtlefs we ought to confider ; but as to tlie iiaftrumental caufe, by whofc 
 mifconducl, remains to be examined, and I hope will be made evident. The admi- 
 ral and general v/ere in great danger, they faved themfelvcs and their fhips by an- 
 choring, but loft feveral anchors. It was lamentable to hear the flirieks of the fink- 
 ing, drowning, departing fouls. The ihip wherein I was embarked, with very great 
 <lifficulty weathered the rocks, but we were iu no capacity to fuccour them that 
 were in diftrefs. 
 
 " Admiral Walker, juft before our departure from SpaniHi river, fet up a crofs with 
 ■an^infcription, dated 15th of September, In 7iomlnc Patris, 'k^fc the purport of which 
 •was, that thereby he took poffelfion of that country for her majefty. 
 
 " This will be a bitter pill for New England. The French will now employ their 
 feidians with redoubled rage and malice, to diilref. aiid deilroy our cxpofed frontieiSo 
 ^' Axilla fslii J^eycl, O^S. 6^1-] II J* 
 
1711.] MASSACHUSETTS. iSi 
 
 againd Nova Scotia were detained at home to defend 
 Canada. The French inhabitants of Acadie, having no- 
 tice of the force intended from Canada, grew infolcnt, 
 and it was not fafe for an Englifli man to flir out of the 
 fort. As foon as they heard of the difappointment, they 
 became fubmifTive again and made acknowledgment of 
 their fauhs ; but at the fame time let Vaudreuil know 
 that the French king had no better fubjedls, and necellity 
 alone had brought them to this fubmiliion. Thefe were 
 the inhabitants round the fort inchided in the capitulation. 
 Many of thofe at a diftance had not yet fubmitted to the 
 EngHfh, and captain Pigeon, an officer of the regularsj^ 
 was fent up the river to deftroy fo;r.e of the French houfes, 
 as well as to cut timber for the repair of the fort. He 
 was furprifed by a great number of Indians, who killed 
 the fort-major, the engineer and all the boat's crew, and 
 took thirty or forty of the garrifon prifoners. This (troke 
 encouraged the inhabitants again to take up arms, and 
 five hundred of them, with as many Indians as they could 
 colleci, were preparing to attack the fort, expecling an 
 experienced officer from Placentia to head them ; but the 
 governor not being able to fpare one, they laid down their 
 arms again and difperfed. 
 
 To meet the French or Indian enemy, who were ex- 
 peded upon our frontiers, colonel Walton was fent in the 
 fall with one hundred and eighty men as far as Penob- 
 fcot, where he burned tv/o veffels which were defigned 
 for privateers or cruifersj and took fome prifoners. 
 
 The year 171 1 was rendered remarkable by a fire in 
 the town of Boflon, which from that time until the year 
 1760 was called the great fire. It was fuppofed to have 
 been caufed by the carelefTnefs of an old woman in or 
 near what is called WilUams's court ; all the houfes on 
 both fides of Cornhill, from School-flreet to what is called 
 the flone fhop in Dock-fquarc, all the upper part of King- 
 flreet on the fouth and north fide, together with the town- 
 houfe, and what was called the old meeting houfe above 
 it, were confumed to afhes.* 
 
 Early 
 
 * Colonel Taller arrived in th^ fall ff Hac year 17II with her majcfiy's commir- 
 Jon for keutenant governor. 
 
182 THE HISTORY OF [Chap; IL 
 
 Earl) ill the fpring, the enemy fell upon us, and made 
 ipoil upon Oyfter river, Exeter, Kittery, York and Weils. 
 In May, a party of Englifli went up Merrimack river and 
 killed eight Indians, without lofs to themfelves ; but the 
 Indians will not refl long without revenge. In June and 
 July, they killed or took prifoners feverai from Berwick, 
 Kittery, Wells, Dover and Khigllon. At Dover, appre- 
 hending they were in danger as they were fcalping two 
 children, for greater difpatch they took off both their 
 heads, leaving the bodies a doleful fpe^lacle to their un- 
 happy parents. In the fall, a great number of people 
 being at a wedding of captain Wheelwright's daughter, 
 of Wells, the enemy furprifed feverai of the company, and 
 among the refl the bridegroom, Mr. Plaifted, fon to a 
 gentleman of Portfmouth. The Indians expedled a good 
 ranfom for fuch a prifoner, and, inftead of carrying him 
 to Canada, fent in a flag, and ofrered upon payment of 
 three hundred pounds to releafe him ; and the money 
 was paid and the prifoner returned. 1 am tired of relat- 
 ing thefe inroads of the enemy, many of which I have 
 given an account of in general terms, and avoided fre- 
 quently enumerating circumftances which excite horror 
 from the mere relation. This was the lafl adlion of any 
 confequence. In the fpring, after the peace of Utrecht 
 was known in America, the Indians fent in to major 
 Moodey at Cafco, to pray that there might be peace be- 
 tween the Englifn and them alio, and propofed a treaty 
 to be held there ; but the governor thought it more for 
 his honour to oblige them to come to Portfmouth, the 
 chief town of one of his governments, than to go to the 
 borders of their ufual refidence ; and upon the 1 3th of 
 July they entered anew into articles of fubmifTion and 
 pacification, figned by a number of chiefs of their feverai 
 tribes, wherein they alk pardon for all their pad rebel- 
 lions and violations of former promifes, and engage to 
 demean themfelves for the future as very obedient faith- 
 ful fubjeds of the crown of Great Britain. An obferva- 
 tion occurs to me which I may properly enough bring in 
 at the clofe of this war. 
 
 Notwithftanding 
 
1713.} MASSACHUSETTS. 183 
 
 Notwithflanding the inhabitants in the colonies in gen- 
 eral double their numbers, from their natural growtlt 
 or increafe, in twenty-iive years at mofl, yet the growth 
 of the Maflachufetts colony and New Hampfhrie have 
 borne no proportion to the reft; and in the year 17 13 
 there was not double the number of inhabitants in the 
 Maifachuietts province, which the feveral colonies of 
 which it was formed contained fifty years before. Dur- 
 ing this period, there was no remarkable emigration to 
 other colonies. There was vacant land fufficient to ex- 
 tend fettlements upon, and as eafy to be procured as any 
 where elfe. The heavy taxes may have drove iome to 
 other governments, but the chief reafon of the ditierence 
 is the conlhmt Hate of war which thofe two provinces 
 were in, Maflachufetts efpecially. From 1675, '^^'l^e^"^ 
 PhiUp's war begun, to 17*3, five or fix thouland of the 
 youth of the country had perifhed by the eneniy, or by 
 diftempers contracted in the fervice ; nine in ten of theie 
 would have been fathers of families, and in the courfe of 
 forty years have multiplied to near an hundred thouiand 
 Ibuls.* 
 
 I cannot avoid a reflection alfo upon the heavy burdens: 
 which the province fubjeded itfelf to during this war^ I 
 fuppofe beyond thofe of any other ten years from the firlt 
 fettlement. The Cafl:le and other fortifications at Bofloii^ 
 the fcveral forts in the ealtcrn country, the various ex- 
 penfive expeditions adually profecuted, and the prepara- 
 tions made far others, added to the conitant defence of 
 the extenfive frontiers and to the fupport of the civil gov- 
 ernment without any relief or compenfatlon from the 
 crown, certainly muft have occafioned fuch an annual 
 burden as was not felt by any other fubjeds of Great 
 Britain ; and the merit of the people of that day ought 
 not to be forgot. 
 
 I'he fettlement of the line of jurifdidlQn between the 
 province and the colony of Connedicut v.hich was accom.- 
 
 pliihed 
 
 * The r^ime obfervation may be made from 1722 to 1762,. '^The inhabitants have 
 not doubled their number. I'he lots of two or three thov.laiid youn^ men, at and. 
 after the fiegc of Louifbourg, will j?;o a great way towards accounting for the defi- 
 ciency. It IS probable there would have been two hundred thoufand Ibuls more 
 than there arc at this time in Nev»- England, if the French had been driven frcr- 
 Canada an hundred years ago. 
 
i84 THE HISTORY OP [Cha?. IL 
 
 pllfhed in the year 1713, after ineffe<5lual attempts for 
 leveral years before, deferves particular notice. In 1636 
 the firlt fettlers upon Connedicut river removed from 
 MafTachufetts and took poifeflion of the country upon and 
 near the river on both fides, from Springfield as low a$ 
 Vv^'eathersfield, incliifive of both, and managed their af^ 
 fairs by virtue of authority from the general court of Maffa- 
 chufetts. In 1638 the inhabitants of Springfield, which 
 included what was afterwards called Suffield, below on 
 one fide of the river, and Enfield on the other fide, hav- 
 ing no doubt that they were within the limits of the Maf- 
 fachufetts patent, petitioned the general court that they 
 might be feparated from the other tovms below, and be 
 received and continued as part of the colony, which was 
 o;ranted, and jurifdidion exercifed accordingly. In 1642, 
 by order of the general court, two mathematicians, as 
 they are called in the records, Nathan Woodward and 
 Solomon Baffery, run a line v/eft, as they fuppofed, from 
 a ftation three miles north of Charles river, until they came 
 to Windfor upon Conncdicut river, where it flruck 
 the houfe of EiiTell who kept the ferry. The people who 
 had fettled upon Connecticut river had no better title to 
 land or jurifdidion than poffeiTion, the grant made them 
 by the Maffachufetts general court being a mere nullity* 
 In 1630, the earl of Warwick had obtained from the 
 council of Plymouth a patent of the lands upon a ftraight 
 line near the fea Ihore towards the fouth-weft:, wefi:-and-by- 
 fouth, or weft, from Naraganfet river forty leagues, as the 
 coafi: Hes tovv-ards Virginia, and all within that breadth to 
 the South Sea, and yet, in 1635, all the lands between 
 Connedicut river and the Naraganfet country were af- 
 figned by thefame council to the marquis of Hamilton. 
 Lord Say and others had purchafed the earl of Warwick's. 
 title, and by their agents built a fort at the mouth of Gon- 
 nedicut river about the year 1635, and four or five years 
 after Mr. Fenwick came over with defign to take poflef- 
 fion of the lands upon Connedicut river under lord Say, 
 &c. and remained in poifefiion of the mouth of the river 
 until 1644, when the fettlers purchafed the titl^ of the 
 
 lord?, 
 
t7i3.j MASSACHUSETTS. 185 
 
 lords, as it was called, and formed thcmfelves into, or 
 continued the form they had alTumed^ of a body politic. 
 
 When the line was run by Woodward and Saffery, 
 Fen wick was to have joined, as the Mailachufetts com- 
 miflioners for the United Colonies afterwards aflirmed, 
 though Connedicut commilFioners denied it ; and in 
 J 648, when a difpute arofe about a duty required of 
 Springfield for the fupport of the fort at the mouth of 
 the river, Maflachufetts offered to run the line anew 
 if ConneQicut would be at the charge, Maffachufetts 
 having been at the fole charge before ; but this was not 
 agreed to, and the fort being burned down, and the con- 
 troverfy about the duty at an end, this line fcems to have 
 been acquiefccd in ; and in 1662, Mr. Winthrop obtained 
 from king Charles a charter for the colonies of Connec- 
 ticut and New Haven united, the north line whereof is 
 intended to be the fame with the fouth line of Maffachu- 
 fetts. From this time until after the incorporation of 
 Maffachufetts by a new charter in 1691, we hear noth- 
 ing about bounds, except forae controverfies between 
 Springfield and Windfor about their tov/ns* grants, and 
 letters from the authority of each government relative to 
 it; and in i686 many of the inhabitants of Roxbury 
 pitched upon a tract of land to fettle upon, which was 
 bounded on the fcuth by Woodward and Saffery's line, 
 and it was granted to them by the Maffachufetts govern- 
 ment, and took the name of Woodilock. Grants were 
 alfo made to particular perfons of trads of land near to 
 this line. 
 
 After the new charter, Connefticut made a more ferious 
 affair of what was called the Maffachufetts encroachments, 
 and in 1700, upon the appointment of a committee by 
 Connecticut with a general power to fettle the bounds be- 
 tween the two governments, Maffachufetts appointed a 
 committee* with a fpecial limited power, viz. to lind the 
 fouthernmofl line of the late colony of Maffachufetts 
 as anciently run by Nathanael Woodward and Solomoa 
 Saffery, and to make report thereof to the general court. 
 This was not what Connecticut wanted, for thev fuppofed 
 Vol. II. N Woodward 
 
 * Colonel Hwtchinfon; Mr, Taylor, JVJr, Anthrum, and Mr. Prout. 
 
;86 THE HISTORY OF [Chap, il. 
 
 Woodward and SaiFery's line to be erroneous ; however, 
 they appointed a committee* to attend the work, who re- 
 ported to their conftituents that a line from three miles 
 north of Charles-river, or Woodward and Saffery's fta- 
 tion, would run fome miles to the northward of John Bif- 
 fell's houfe,. where Woodward and Saffery fuppofed it to 
 run, and in 1702 Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Con» 
 nedicut, wrote to governor Dudley and defired that Maf- 
 fachufetts would join in afcertaining the difference of lati- 
 tude between the Charles-river flation and BifleU's houfe. 
 There were other attempts to bring this affair to a con- 
 clufion, but ineffedual, and in 1708, by a ftate of the cafe 
 read in both houfes, it appears that Mailachufetts intended 
 *' to rely upon the line formerly run, as it is therein fald, 
 by two Ikilful artiils in the year 1642, and which has con- 
 tinued the dated boundary for fixty-fix years/^ They 
 add, that Conne£i:icut charter, which was granted in 16625 
 was bounded by the fouth line of Maffachufetts, which 
 was not then an imaginary or untried line, but well 
 known to the gentlemanf who fclicited that charter, who, 
 if he had thought it controvertible, would doubtlefs have 
 obtained an order for re£^ifying and adjufting it ; and 
 fuppofing, which was not granted, that there fiiouid be 
 any error or millake in the line, yet, having been run and 
 ftated fo long before the grant of Connecticut charter^ 
 and held by poffeffion for fixty-fix years, and towns and 
 plantations having been granted and fettled upon the fame,. 
 it was unreafonable now to draw it into queftion. 
 
 There being fo little profpe£t of Maffachufetts receding 
 from a line of v/hich they had fo long been in poffeffion, 
 Connecticut made their application to England, and I find 
 by a letter from governor Saitonftall, of Connedicut, in 
 1710, that he Vi^as expeding orders concerning it. If 
 any came, probably they were fuch as repeatedly after- 
 wards were fent to New Hampfhire, viz. to fettle the con- 
 troverfy by commiffioners appointed or agreed upon by 
 the general courts of each colony. Be that as it may, it 
 is certain that Connedicut renewed their application to 
 
 Maffachufetts, 
 
 * William Pitkin, efquire, and captain William Whiting. 
 
 f Mr. Winthrop, many, years an afllftant in MalTachufettSv See Vel. I. Chap, i- 
 
1713.] MASSACHUSETTS. 187 
 
 MafTachufetts, and at length commiflions pafTed the feals of 
 each govrnment with ample powers to fettle the contro- 
 verfy. IvIaiTachufetts people were intent upon fecuring the 
 property to fuch perfons to whom they had granted lands, 
 and the jurifdidlion of thofe towns which had been fettled 
 by them. Sullield, Enfield and Woodflock were the only 
 towns which could be affected. Connedicut was alfo 
 apprehen/ive that part of the town of Simfl^ury, which 
 had been fettled by that government, might fall within 
 Maifachufetts. It was therefore fettled as a preliminary, 
 that the towns fhould remain to the governments by 
 which they had been fettled, and the property of as many 
 acres as fhould appear upon a balance to have been gained 
 by one government from the other fliould be convey- 
 ed out of other unimproved lands as a fatisfadion or 
 equivalent, only, as there was about two miles which 
 Windfor claimed upon the town of Sufiield, there having 
 been long contefl between thefe two towns concerning the 
 validity of the relpedive grants, it was agreed the two 
 miles fhould belong to Connecticut if they fell withia 
 their line. 
 
 Nothing could be more equitable, nor tend more to 
 the future peace and content of the inhabitants of the 
 contefted borders. 
 
 It appeared by the report of the commlfTioners, that 
 one hundred and feven thoufand feven hundred and nine- 
 ty three acres of land were due from MafTachufetts, who 
 accordingly made a grant thereof to Connecticut. They 
 accepted and made fale of the fame, and applied the prod- 
 uce to the fupport of Yale college and other public ufes, 
 and the controverted towns for many years after continu- 
 ed without moleftation under the juriidiction by whick 
 they were firfl fettled. 
 
 The affairs of the war had fo engaged the attention of 
 all perfons, that we hear little of party difputes and dif- 
 cord, for five or fix years pafl ; but as foon as they were 
 delivered from enemies without, a contention began with- 
 in from a new caufe, the effeds of which were felt many 
 years together. The paper bills of credit were the caufe 
 of this contention. So many bills had been iffued for the 
 
 N 2 charges 
 
i88 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. ll 
 
 charges of the war, particularly the large fum of forty 
 thoufand pounds, iffued for the Canada expedition, that 
 they were become the fole inftrument and meafure of 
 commerce, and filver and gold were entirely baiifhed. 
 Of two- infiriiments, one in ufe in a particular State only, 
 the other with the whole commercial world, it is eafy to 
 determine which mufl leave that particular State and 
 which remain. The currency of filver and gold entirely 
 ceafnig, the price of every thing bought or fold was no 
 longer compared therewith, but with the paper bills, or 
 rather with mere ideal pounds, fhillings and pence. The 
 rife of exchange with England and all other countries 
 was not attributed to the true caufe, the want of a fixed 
 flaple medium, but to the general bad flate of the trade. 
 It was thought that increafmg the paper bills would enliv- 
 en and reform the trade. Three parties were formed-, 
 one very fmall, v/hich was for drawing in the paper bills 
 and depending upon a filver and gold currency. Mr. 
 Hutchinfon, one of the members for Boflon, was among 
 the mod active of this party. Ke was an enemy all his 
 life to a depreciating currency, upon a principle very an- 
 cient, but. too feldoni practiled upon, nil utile quod non 
 honejlum. 
 
 Another party was very numerous. Thefe had firojeded 
 a private bank, or rather had taken up a projed: publifhed 
 in London in the year 1684 ; but this not being general- 
 ly known in America, a merchant in Boflon was the 
 reputed father of it. There was nothing more in it than 
 ifluing bills of credit, which all the members of the com- 
 pany promufcd to receive as money, but at no certain 
 value compared with filver and gold ; and real eflates to 
 a fulHcient value were to be bound as a fecurity that the 
 company fliould perform their engagements. They were 
 foliciting the fanQ:ion of the general court, and an aiSi: of 
 government to incorporate them. This party generally 
 confided of perfons in difficult or involved circumflances 
 in trade, or fuch as were poifelTed of real eftates, but had 
 little or no ready money at command, or men of no fub- 
 fiance at all ; and we may well enough fuppofe the party 
 to be very numerous. Some, no doubt, joined them fropi. 
 
 miflakeo. 
 
I7I4-3 MASSACHUSETTS. 1^9 
 
 miftaken principles, and an apprehenfion that it was a 
 fchenie beneficial to the pubUc, and fome for party's fake 
 and popular applaufe. 
 
 Three of the reprefentatives of Bofton, Mr. Cooke, fon 
 to the agent we have fo often mentioned, Mr. Noyes, a 
 gentleman in great efteem with the inhabitants in general, 
 and Mr. Payne, were the fupporters of the party. Mr- 
 Hutchinfon, the other, (an attempt to leave him out of 
 the houfe not fucceeding) was fent from the houfe to the 
 council, where his oppofition would be of lefs confequence. 
 The governor was no favourer of the fcheme, but the 
 lieutenant governor, a gentleman of no great fortune, and 
 whofe llipend from the government was trifling, engaged 
 in this caufe with great zeal. 
 
 A third party, though very oppofite to the private bank, 
 yet were no enemies to bills of credit. They were in 
 favour of a loan of bills from the government to any of 
 the inhabitants who would mortgage their e^^ates as a 
 fecurity for the re-payment of the bills, with interefl, in 
 a term of years, the intereft to be paid annually, and ap- 
 plied to the fupport of governrrient. This v/as an eafy 
 way of paying public charges, which, no doubt, they 
 wondered that in fo many ages the wifdom of other gov- 
 ernments had never difcovered. The principal men of 
 the council were in favour of it, and it being thought by 
 the firft party the lead of two evils, they fell in with the 
 fcheme, and after that the country was divided between 
 the public and private bank. The houfe of reprefenta- 
 tives was near equally divided, but rather favourers of 
 the private bank, from the great influence of the Bofton 
 members in the houfe, and a great number of perfons of 
 the town, out of it. The controverfy had an univerfal 
 fpread, and divided tov/ns, pariflies, and particular 
 families.* 
 
 At length, after a long flruggle, the party for the public 
 bank prevailed in the general court for a loan of fifty 
 
 thoufand 
 
 • May 8,1713, died at Yarmouth John Thachcr, eftjuire, one of the council, in 
 his 75th year. 
 
 In Vol. I. Chap. iii. it is faid fir Edmund Andros died in Virginia ; but I find 
 by letters from London dated the 24th Feb. 171 3-14, that he died there in that 
 w^ek. 
 
190 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. II. 
 
 thoufand pounds in bills of credit, v/hich were put into 
 the hands of truftees* and lent for five years only, to any 
 of the inhabitants at five per cent, intereft, one fifth part 
 of the principal to be paid annually. This lelTened the 
 number of the party for the private bank, but it increafed 
 the zeal, and raifed a ftrong refentment, in thofe which 
 remained. 
 
 A velTel which arrived at Boflon from Ireland the 1 5th 
 of September, brought the firfl news of the death of the 
 queen, and the accellion of king George the firft ; and 
 two days after a veifel arrived, from fome part of Great 
 Britain, with the printed proclamation in the London 
 Gazette. This the governor thought fuiEcient warranty 
 without exprefs orders, for proclaiming the king in the 
 province. The pradice in the colonies has not been uni- 
 form on the like occafions. At New Hampihire, the king 
 was proclaimed from the fame intelligence the 2 2d of 
 September ;t at Rhode IHand, the 29th ; at New York, 
 the I ith of Odober ; at New Haven, in Conne^licut, the 
 14th ; at Philadelphia, the 27th ; no exprefs orders be- 
 ing received in any of thofe places ; but at Annapolis- 
 royal it was delayed until the 2d of December. The pro- 
 priety of proceeding v/ithout exprefs orders has been quef- 
 tioned ; but the abfurdity of a6ts of government, in the 
 Tiame and by authority of a prince, for months together 
 after certain intelligence of their demife, has generally in- 
 Huenced the governors to proceed. 
 
 The fecret defigns of queen Anne's lafl miniftry were 
 no where more fufpedled, nor more dreaded, than in Maf- 
 fachufetts ; and the firfl of Augufl was no where celebrat- 
 ed with greater joy, during the whole of the king's reign. 
 
 The Hazard floop, fent exprefs from England with or- 
 ders to the government, was loil upon Cohaffet rocks th^ 
 1 2th of November ; the veffel being flove to pieces, and 
 no papers of any confequence faved. Enough wafhed 
 afhore to make certain what veifel it was, and one man 
 
 had 
 
 * The truftees were Andrew Belcher, Addington Davenport, Thomas Hutchin- 
 fon, Edward Hutchinfon, and John White. 
 
 ^ The a3d by fpeclal order from the governor the king was proclaimed at Salem, 
 the civil and military officers and principal gentlemen, as well as great numbers of 
 other inhabitants, attending. This was not the only inllance of refpe(3; fhewn by 
 Mr. Dudley to this ancient and reputable town. 
 
1714.] MASSACHUSETTS. 191 
 
 had been landed and left at Nantucket. Six months from 
 the king's accefiion expired, and no orders had arrived 
 for continuing officers in their polls. The authority of 
 the governor began to be called in queftion. By the 
 charter, upon the death, removal or abfence of the gov- 
 ernor and lieutenant governor, and there being no perfon 
 commiiTionated as governor v/ithin the province, in fuch 
 cafes the government devolves upon the council or the 
 major part of them. The council deriving their authori- 
 ty from charter and not from a royal commiffion, the act 
 of parliament limiting the continuance in office to fix 
 months after the death of a prince, it was fuppoied, could 
 not alFe(5l their authority. The advice of the mifcarriage 
 of the firft orders went the firfl opportunity to England, 
 and new orders were daily expected, and Ibme were in- 
 clined to wait ;" but, on the 4th of February, the council 
 affumed the government, the lieutenant governor, being 
 of the council, joining with the reil, and ifTued a procla- 
 mation for all officers to continue in their pofls, kc. 
 
 An inftruclion had been given by the queen, in 1707, 
 direding that in cafe of the death or abfence of the gov- 
 ernor and lieutenant governor, the eldeil counfellor fhould 
 prefide in the province ; but the charter giving the pow- 
 ers of government to' the major part, this inftruction was 
 not regarded. 
 
 The adminiflration of the council was fliort, and noth- 
 ing of moment was tranladed. On the 21ft of March, 
 the king's proclamation was received, and the governor 
 re-alTumed with as great parade as if he had been firil en- 
 tering upon the government ; but he had reafon to exped 
 his rule would be ffiort. His friends in the province were 
 increafed. Thofe who had been his greateft oppofers had 
 many of them changed fides and were Urongly attached 
 to him, and ufed what interefl they had with fir Wil- 
 liam Afliurft'* and others that he might be continued, and 
 
 at 
 
 * " I am glad to hear of the profperlty of New England, and that the governor 
 engages the good wifhes of the people for his conticuance. I am of opinion you 
 cannot be better than you are at prefent ; If you fhould have a new one you muft_ 
 expeift it to be a necefhtous perfon. Certainly you have reafon to exped more ad- <*' 
 vantages from one that is born among you than from A HxAOger t» yvux cdiUUur- 
 tioa." IV. AJlurJl to /, Mather i Aug. lo, 1714. 
 
19^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 at their requefl Afhurft appeared for him. The bankers 
 were the chief of the difaffeded, and colonel Byfield,* a 
 gentleman of the council, father-in-law to the Heutenant 
 governor, went over to England to endeavour to fupplant 
 him, but wanted interell. In England Mr. Dudley loft 
 feis friends by the queen's death. Colonel Burgefs, who 
 had ferved under general Stanhope, was by his intereft in 
 February appointed to the government, and his commif* 
 fions palTed the feals March the 17th ; and Afhurft writes 
 that the general had promifed to be anfwerable for his 
 "good behaviour. 
 
 Mr.- Dudley met the aflembly at the eledion in May, 
 but made no fpeech, though he had never failed of 
 doing it before. The council and houfe chofe his great 
 ?.dverfary, Mr. Cooke, f whom he had fo often negatived, 
 into the council, and either from indifference, or a fpii it 
 of forgivenefs before his political departure, he now ap-^ 
 proved of him. 
 
 Colonel Burgefs Intended to flay a fhort time in Eru 
 gland. The bank party were impatient for the removal 
 of Dudley, who did not favour them, and whofe fecond 
 fon, William Dudley, who began to have great weight in 
 the houfe of reprefentatives, was a violent oppofer. An 
 unufual ftep was taken, that the governor's commiflion 
 might be fuperfeded. An exemplification of Burgefs's 
 commifTion was obtained, and that, with the new commif- 
 
 fion 
 
 * Colonel Byfield came from England a-bout the year 1680, and fettled foon after 
 at Briftol, in the colony of New Plymouth. His father was Richard Byfield, one 
 of the affembly of divines ; his mother, fifter to bifhop Juxon. He had intereft to 
 obtain a commilTion for judge of the admiralty in 1703, which he held until 1715-. 
 He complained of being injurioufly reproved by Mr. Dudley in council, for fome 
 alleged errors in judicial proceedings, and was after that always in the oppofition. 
 
 f Mr. Cooke died the 31ft of Odober this yeaf, aged 78. He was cfteemed as 
 a phyfician, but moft remarliable in hia political charafter, having been more than 
 forty years together employed in places of public truft, always firm, and fteady to his 
 principles. I am obliged to Mr. Middlecot Coolce, his grandfon, for many of hi* 
 papers, which have been of great ufe. 
 
 The fame day Thomas Oliver, efquire, another of the council, died at Newton. 
 
 Mr. Addington died this year alfo (March 19,1714-lj.) He had been fecretary 
 before the arrival of the charter, and had the character of great integrity, and of 
 being in every other refped well qualified for his port. After his death, the govern- 
 or appointed his fon Paul Dudley and Addington Davenport, commilfioners for 
 keeping the great feal and the public records and files, until his majefty Ihould ap- 
 point a fecretary for the province. 
 
 Samuel Woodward arrived at Bollon, Sept. aad, 1 715, with his majefty's com- 
 xnifllon for fecretary. 
 
 Nov, 16. Ichabci Plailled, ef^ulre, another of the council, died in his 5 ad year. 
 
1715.] MASSACHUSETTS. ~ 193 
 
 fion or warrant to the lieutenant governor Taller, were 
 publifhed in Bofton at the fame time, the 9th of Novem- , 
 ber ;* and thereupon Tailer took upon him the adminif- 
 tration. It was quefUoned whether this was regular ; the 
 commiffions lay three or four weeks for the council to 
 confider of ; but at length they advifed to the publication, 
 I know of no other initance of the publication of a gover- 
 nor's commiilion in Maffachufetts before his arrival in 
 perfon. In Virginia it muft have been praclifed, if a pub- 
 lication has been judged neceffary ; feveral of their gover^ 
 nors having never been in the colony. The houfe of 
 reprefentatives, the firll day of their fitting (Nov. 23d) 
 appointed a committee to confider of the commilfions, but 
 no public exception was taken, Mr. Dudley's friends 
 were fenfible he could continue but a fliort time, for the 
 original commifiion with the new governor would remove 
 all doubt ; he himfelf was in advanced life, near feventy, 
 and had felt fo much of the burden of governm.ent that 
 he might well be weary of it, and, like his friend Mr. 
 Stoughton, wifh to retire. 
 
 No New England man had palled through more fcenes 
 of bufy life than Mr. Dudley. His friends intended oth- 
 erwife. He was educated for the miniftry, and if various 
 dignities had been known in the New England churches, 
 poilibly he had lived and died a clergyman ; hut wirncut 
 this, nothing could be more dilfonant from his ^enius. He 
 foon turned his thoughts to civil affairs ; was nrii a dep- 
 uty or reprefentative of the town of Roxbury, then an af- 
 fiflant, then agent for the colony in England, where he laid 
 a foundation for a commiffion, foon after appointing him 
 prefident of the council, firll for Maffachufetts only, but, 
 under Andros, for all New England, Upon the revolution, 
 for a fliort time he was funk in difgrace, but foon emerg- 
 ed. He appeared firft in the character of chief juftice at 
 New York, then returning to England, became lieutenant 
 governor of the Ifle of Wight and member of parliamert 
 for Newtown, both which places he willingly refigned for 
 the chief command in his own country. Ambition was 
 
 the 
 
 * His commiflTion for lieutenant governor under Burgefs had been read in council 
 the »4th of September, and he then took the oaths, but no exemplification of Bur- 
 gefs's commiilion was then arrived. 
 
194 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 the ruling paiTion, and perhaps, like Caefar, he had rather 
 be the firft man in New England than the fecond in Old. 
 Few men have been purfued by their enemies with great- 
 er virulence, and few have been fupported by their friends 
 with greater zeal. We have feen a fecond generation in- 
 herit -the fpirit of their ancefrors, the defcendants on one 
 fide preferving an affedion for his family and pofterity, 
 and on the other, retaining equal difafFection againfl them. 
 Some of his good qualities were fo confpicuous, that his 
 enemies could not avoid acknowledging them. He appli- 
 ed himfelf with the greateft diligence to the bufmefs of 
 his ftation. The aifairs of the war and other parts of his 
 adminillration were conducted with good judgment. In 
 economy he excelled both in public and private life. He 
 fupported the dignity of a governor without the reproach 
 of parfimony, and yet, from the moderate emoluments of 
 his poft, made an addition to his paternal eflate. The 
 vifible increafe of his fubilance made fome incredible re- 
 ports of grofs bribery and corruption to be very eafdy re- 
 ceived ; but, in times when party fpirit prevails, what will 
 not a governor's enemies believe, however injurious and 
 abfurd ? At fuch a time, he was charged with difpenfmg 
 Jummum jus to Leiiler, and incurring an aggravated guilt 
 of blood, beyond that of a common murderer. The oth- 
 er party, no doubt, would have charged the failure of 
 juftice upon hini, if Leiiler had been acquitted. His 
 cringing to Randolph, when in his heart he defpifed him, 
 was a fpot in his character ; and his fecret iniinuations, 
 to. the difadvantage of his country, was a greater; both 
 being for the fake of recommending himfelf to court fa- 
 vour. I think it is no more than juftice to his character, 
 to allow that he had as n^any virtues as can confift with 
 fo great a thirfl for honour and power. 
 
 His life would afford convincing evidence, if there was - 
 any doubt, that an humble calm mind enjoys more hap- 
 pinefs in private life, than an ambitious, anxious mind in 
 the higheit (lation. No man in our hiilory had i^txi more 
 of the temporum varietates fortunaqtie viciffitudines^ which 
 Cicero, in one of his epiftles to Lucceius, fays, afford a 
 pleafmg narration, however irkfome to the man who has 
 the experience of them. 
 
 Colonel 
 
1715.] MASSACHUSETTS. 195 
 
 Colonel Tailer's ftrong attachment to the bank party 
 procured him the adminiftration for a few mouths ; but 
 was the caufe of his lofing his commilFion for lieutenant 
 governor immediately after. It was fuppofed, I know not 
 upon what grounds, that colonel Burgeis would favour the 
 fame parry, and his arrival v/as every day wilhed for by 
 them ; whild the other party dreaded it, and laboured to 
 prevent it. It was faid alfo that, in other refpccls, he 
 would by no means be agree:ible to the country ; a gen- 
 tleman of a more grave, ferious turn of mind vvouid be 
 more likely to be happy here himfelf and to render the 
 people fo. Mr. Belcher, afterwards governor, who was 
 very oppofite to the bank party, was then in London ; he 
 joined with Mr. Dummer, the agent, and they engaged 
 fir Wilham Afhurfl with them, and prevailed upon Bur- 
 gefs for a thoufand pounds llerling, v/hich Bclchor and 
 Dummer advanced equally between them, to refign his 
 commiffion, that colonel Shute might be appointed in his 
 ftead. Colonel Tailer's friends had endeavoured to en- 
 gage Ailiurft in his favour, but to no purpofe ;* the fame 
 interell obtained ihQ lieutenant governor's commiffion for 
 Mr. William Dummer, a New England gentleman, who 
 had married a daughter of Mr. Dummer, one of the com- 
 miffioners at Plymouth, and was in fome poil there him- 
 felf; bi^t, his wife dying, he had returned to his native 
 country. 
 
 Colonel Shute's family were generally diffenters : his 
 father an eminent ciiizen in "London ; his mother, daugh- 
 ter of Mr. Caryl, a dillenting miniiter of great note. His 
 brother, afterwards lord Barrington, was then a member 
 of parliament, and at the head of the diifenting intereft. 
 The colonel began his education under Mr. Charles Mor- 
 ton, who about the year 1684 came to New England and 
 was minifter of Charleftown. After tuition under him, 
 
 he 
 
 * " I have no defign to klTen colonel Tailer's merit, but T mud obfervc on this 
 article, that you fccin knoAvingly and induftrioufly to fupprefs the true reafon of his 
 popularity, which is his being at the head of the private bank, and which I take to 
 be a new and ftrong realbn for putting him out of his employment ; and, in this, 1 
 do not rely upon my own judgment, but upon the judgment of many principal gen- 
 tlemen in the bank of England, who condemn it as milchicvous to the country, uad 
 calculated to fcrvc private, finiilcr views."- 4/^''>fs Id. to Mather. 
 
J96 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IL 
 
 he was fent to Leyden. He went after that into the ar- 
 my under king William, who made him a captain, ferved 
 under the duke of Marlborough, was a lieutenant colonel, 
 and wounded in one of the principal battles in Flanders. 
 He had a good acquaintance, and was well efleemed at 
 court ; had the character of a friend to liberty, and was 
 of an open, generous and humane difpofition. A gover- 
 nor of his character might be fuppofed to be welcome to 
 New England men ; but the intereft of party prevail 
 over all other confiderations, and virtue, religion, private 
 friendfhip and public good are all facrificed to pro- 
 mote it.* 
 
 * Feb. 14, J715-16, died at Salem William Browne, efquire, in his 78th year, an 
 afliftant under the old charter, and one of fir Edmund Andros's council, which feems 
 to have been the reafon of his not being nominated by Mr. Mather, and appointed 
 by'king William under the prefent charter. This negledl naturally procured him 
 lome votes at the firft cle6lion afterwards, and he was brought into the council and 
 continued many years. 
 
 Jan. 14th, the fame year, died at Salem Eli2Mibeth Patch, the firft born female in the 
 old colony of Maffachufetts, fo that fhe muft have lived 86 or 87 years; and April 
 14th following, died at Newport Mary Godfrey, aged about 77, being the firft child 
 born there. The longevity of the firft born in each of the three colonies is wortl% 
 noting. — July 20, 1704, died at Marfhfield Peregrine White, aged eighty-three 
 years and eight months, the firil born in Plymouth colony. 
 
 The foUotv'ing paragraphs fasuld have been added to the note in pag£ 1 36, 'viz. The 
 
 governor, in the month of March this year, [1704] returning by water from his 
 pther government of New Hampfhire, before the brigantine in \vhich he had taken 
 his paffage came up with Cape Ann, was furprifed with as violent a ftorm as had 
 been known, and of as long continuance. There being advice brought to Bofton 
 of his failing from Portfmouth, and no further intelligence of him, it was generally 
 apprehended that the veffel muft have foundered. At length came news of his arrival 
 in the harbour of Gloucefter, having been four days at anchor on the back of the 
 Cape, cxpe»5ling every hour to perifh. In a proclamation for a public thankfgiving- 
 a few days after, notice is taken of his wonderful prefervation from fliipwreck. 
 
 April 4, 1 704, died at Newbury Daniel Pierce, eftjuire, of the council.- 
 
 CHAP. 
 
1716.3 MASSACHUSEtTS. 197 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 From the arrival of governor S/jute, in 1716, to the arrival 
 of governor Belcher ^ in 1730. 
 
 OOLONEL Shute arrived at Bodon, Odoberr the 4th, 
 1716, in a merchant-fliip, and was received with ufual 
 parade. He made the oppofers of the bank his iirll ac- 
 quaintance, the old governor's family in particular, and 
 took his lodgings at Mr. Paul Dudley's, lie had receiv- 
 ed very unfavourable imprelfions of the other party, from 
 Mr. Belcher and Mr. Dummer, in England, and was con- 
 frdered from his firfl arrival as an enemy to the fcheme> 
 and the heads of the party were the heads of an oppofition, 
 during the whole of his adminiftration. In his firil fpeech 
 to the general court, November 7th, he puts them in mind 
 of the bad flate of the trade of the province, an important 
 article of any people^s happinefs, owing, as he fuppofed, 
 to the great fcarcity of money, and recommends the con- 
 fideration of fome effedual meafures to fupply this want, 
 and thereby to reftore trade to a flourifhing condition. 
 This was pointing out to them a further emiffion of gov- 
 ernment's bills, and the reprefentatives, pleafed with fo ea» 
 fy a method of obtaining money, foon determined upon a 
 fecond loan of one hundred thoufand pounds for ten 
 years, to be put into the hands of commiirioners appoint- 
 ed for each county in proportion to th*:r taxes. This 
 provifion being made by the government, there was the 
 lefs pretence for private perfons or companies ifluing their 
 bills ; but it gave no relief to the trade, the whole cur- 
 rency foon depreciating to that degree as, with this addi- 
 tion, to anfwer the purpofes of money very little more 
 than if it had not been made. The governor became {^^w- 
 fible of it, and recommended to them to provide againfl 
 it, which they were not able to do ; and many of them 
 would not have been willing if they had been able, be- 
 ing in debt, and by means of the depreciation difcharging 
 
 their 
 
19S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 their debts by a nominal fum, perhaps of not more than 
 one half the real vakie of the debts. He foon found the 
 cfFeds of it upon his own falary, which they refufed to ad- 
 vance as the bills funk, and having recommended this 
 meafure in a public fpeech,it became more difficult after- 
 wards to refufe repeating it. 
 
 The province had been at war with the eaftern. Indians, 
 except fome ihort intervals, for about forty years. The 
 profpecl of a long peace between Great Britain and France 
 encouraged us to hope for the like with the Indians, who 
 had always been under French influence ; but their father, 
 Ralle, a Jefuit, was conflantly iniligating them to infult 
 and annoy the new fettlers, who, he pretended, encroach- 
 ed upon the lands of the Indians, and by fupplying them 
 with fi:rong drink debauched their -morals and prevented 
 the progrefs of the good v,^ork he had began among them. 
 A treaty or conference was thought expedient to confirm 
 them in their friendfhip with the Englifir, and if pofTible, 
 to dra.w them from, the Roman Catholic to theProteflant re- 
 ligion. Thegovernor,therefore, the firfl: fummer after his 
 arrival, in Auguft, attended by feveral of the council both 
 of Maflachufetts and New Hampfhire and other gentlemen, 
 met the Indians at Arowfick iiland. 
 
 At the beginning of the conference, he delivered them 
 an Englifli and an Indian bible, which he told them con- 
 tained the religion of the Enghfli ; and at the fame time 
 recommended to them Mr. Baxter, a minifler who went 
 down as a milTionary, and told them he would explain the 
 bible and inflrud them in the principles of religion. 
 They were at no lofs for an anfwer. '' All people, they 
 faid, loved their own minifters ; and as for the bible, they 
 defired to be excufed from keeping it ; God had given 
 them teaching, and if they fhould go from that, they fhould 
 difpleafe God." They v/ere fixed in their religion, and it 
 would have been a lofs of time to attempt to move them. 
 The reft of the conference was upon the right of the En- 
 glifli to fettle in that part of the country. Upon com- 
 plaint made by the Indians of encroachments upon their 
 lands, the governor produced one of the original deeds 
 which had been given by their fachems. They acknowl- 
 edged 
 
1717^1 MASSACHUSETTS. igg 
 
 edged the lands to the wefl: of Kennebeck belonged to the 
 Engliih, but they were lure no fale had ever been made 
 of any lands to the eaft. The governor told them, the 
 Enghfh v/ould not part with an inch of the land which 
 belonged to them. The Indians were fo offended that 
 they rofe immediately, and, without any ceremony, took 
 to their canoes and went to another illand where they had 
 their head-quarters, leaving behind an Englifh flag which 
 the governor had given them.* In the evening, feveral 
 of them returned to Arowfick with a letter from Pv.alle to 
 the governor, acquainting him that the French king did 
 not allow, that in any treaty he had given away the land 
 of the Indians to the Engliih, and would proted the 
 Indians againfl the Englifii encroachments. The gov- 
 ernor let them know, that he highly refented the infolence 
 of the Jefuit, and the next morning ordered the fignal for 
 
 failing. 
 
 * Wiiviirrs. We are willinr^ to cut on our laads as far as the mil's and the coaih 
 to Pemaquid. 
 
 Governor. Tell them we defire only what is our own, and that we will iiave- 
 We will not wiong them, but what is our own we will be mafters cf. 
 
 Wiiu. It was fald at Caico treaty that no mere forts fheuld be made. 
 
 Goi}. Tell them the forts arc not made for their hurt, and that I wonder they 
 fhould fpeak againll them, when they uie for the fetuvity of both, \ve being all fi:b- 
 jeAs of king George. 
 
 Wiij. We cannot underhand how our lands have been purchafed ; what has ncenr 
 alienated was by our gift. [His excellency hereupon ordered that a deed of iale 
 of lands on Kennebeck river, made by fix Indian fagamores to Richard "Whar- 
 ton, fhould be opened and exhibited to them ; which was tionc, and partly read and 
 interpreted to them.] 
 
 Wiiv. As for the wefl: Tide of Kennebeck river I have nothing to fay, but airt 
 fure nothing has been fold on the eaft iide. 
 
 Gov. I expecSl their pcfitive anfwer and compliance in the matter, that the En- 
 glifii maybe quiet in the poiTefTion of the lands they have purchafed. 
 
 Wiiv. We don't know what to think of new forts built. 
 
 Gov. I have fpoke to that already, and told them they are for our mutual dcfencc. 
 
 fVitv. We fkould be pleafed with king George if there was never a fort in the 
 eaftem part?. 
 
 Gw. Tell them that whereever there is a new fettlement 1 faall always order a 
 fort, if I think it proper, and that it is for the fecurity of them and us ; and fo do the 
 French. Are any people under the fame government afraid of being made too ftrof.^ 
 to keep out enemies ? 
 
 IVitv. We arc a little uneafy concerning thefe lands, but are willing the Englifh 
 ftiall poffefs all they have excepting forts. 
 
 Gov. Tell the«i wa will not take an inch of their land, nor will we p~rt with as 
 inch of our own. 
 
 iFliu. We fhall have fifhing and fowling where we will. 
 
 Gov. It is freely confented to, and they are alTurcd of it. [Thea the Indians roie 
 up at once and withdrew in a hafty abrupt manner, without taking leave, and left 
 behind them their EngHIh colours, returning to the head-qi^arters at Puddlclione's 
 iiknd.— ^-C«^«rr*B»tf at Artivfiek^ 1 71 7- 
 
£oo THE HISTORY Ol? [Chap. IIL 
 
 failing; Ralle in his letters often laments the unfleadi* 
 nefs of the Indians. They were afraid at this time of a 
 new war. The old men were loath to quit their villages 
 at Norridgewoek and Penobfcot, where they Hved at eafe, 
 and encam.p in the woods, or, which was much worfe, de- 
 pend upon the French, who, they would often fay-, 
 treated them Hke dogs when there was no immediate 
 occafion for their fervice* This confideration induced 
 them to fend two of their number with a meifage to the 
 governor, acknowledging that yefterday they had been 
 rude and unmannerly, and earneftly defiring to fee him 
 again* He let them know he would fee them upon no 
 terms, unlefs they quitted their pretenfions to the lands 
 which belonged to the Englifli. This the meffengers 
 promifed fliould be done, and deftred that the Engliih 
 colours which they had flighted might be returned them^ 
 In the evening, they came again to the conference, and 
 appointed a new fpeaker as a mark of refentment againft 
 the former, who, they faid, had behaved ill" the day be- 
 fore, and, without entering into any difpute about partic- 
 ular limits or bounds, declared they were v/illing the En- 
 gUfli fliould fettle where their predeceifors had fettled ; de- 
 lired to live in peace and to be fupplied with neceflaries 
 in a way of trade ; confeffed that fome of their inconfid- 
 erate young men had offered injuries to the Englifh, and 
 violated the treaty of Portf mouth in 17 13* After renew- 
 ing that treaty, the conference ended. 
 
 The beginning of an adminiflration in the colonies is 
 generally calm and without ruffle. Several months paifed, 
 after colonel Shute's arrival, without open oppofition tp 
 any meafures. The town of Bofton at the firll election 
 of their reprefentatives, left out fuch as had been bank 
 men, and chofe fuch as were of the other party, but Mr. 
 Cooke, who was at the head of the firft party, had inter- 
 eft enough to obtain a place in council. It was foon after 
 infmuated that the governor was a weak man, eafily led 
 away, and that he was in the hands of the Dudleys, men 
 of high principles in government, and it behoved the peo- 
 to be very careful of their liberties. Mr. Cooke, who 
 had the character of a fair and open enemy, was free in 
 
 expreffing 
 
1718.J MASSACHUSETTS. 201 
 
 €xpreffing his fentiments, and the governor was informed 
 of fome contemptuous language in private company, with 
 "which he was fo much offended as to procure Mr. Cooke's 
 removal from the place of cleik to the fuperior court. 
 A difpute happening about the fame time between Mr. 
 Bridger,* furveyor of the woods, and the inhabitants of 
 the province of Maine, concerning the property of the 
 white pine trees within that province, Mr. Cooke imme- 
 diately inferted himfelf in the controverfy, publickly pat- 
 ronized the inhabitants, and in a memorial to the houfe 
 of reprefentatives charged the furveyor with mal-conduCl 
 in threatening to profecute all who without licenfe from 
 him Ihould cut any pine trees in their own ground, which 
 Mr. Cooke alleged they had good right to do ; and he 
 further charged the furveyor wdth permitting fuch per- 
 fons as would pay him for it, to cut down the trees which 
 were faid to belong to the king. 
 
 The furveyor thereupon preferred his memorial to the 
 governor and council, juftifying himfelf in the difcharge 
 of his truft, and complaining of Mr. Cooke, one of the 
 members of the council, for oflicioufly concerning himlelf 
 with the affairs of the furveyor's ofiice, and obilruciing 
 his meafures for the fervice of the crown. Mr. Cooke 
 had many friends in the houfe ready to fupport him, and 
 this difpute was the beginning of the public controverfy 
 which continued until the end of colonel Shute's admin- 
 iflration ; parties w^re formed, new fubjects for conten- 
 tion from time to time v/ere furniflied, until at length the 
 governor was forced to leave the province. 
 
 I do not find any vote of council upon this memiorial, 
 but the governor efpoufed the caufe of the furveyor ; and j 
 to ihew his refentment againft Mr. Cooke, when the lift 
 of counfellors was prefented at the next election, dire6led 
 
 his 
 
 * John Bridger came to New England by way of New York in 1698, in the 
 fame fhip with lord Bellamont. He was commiffioned, together with Benjamin 
 Furzcr, by the comaiiflioncTS of the navy, to inquire into the ftate of the counti-y 
 and its capacity for producing naval ftores, and they were to furvey all the woods, 
 not merely for malls, but for oak timber for fhip-buildiug, for trees for tar, pitch 
 and turpentine, and for land fuitabk for hemp. There being no hopes of fuccjfs 
 from the other parts of the commiflion, it was foon confined to tiie prefcrvatioa 
 of mafls, and, fo far only, fervsd as a precedent for fuccecding lurveyorg of iLc 
 woods. 
 
 Vol. II. O 
 
^o^- THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 his fpeech to him in particular, and let him know he 
 would excufe him from attending at the board for the 
 enfuing year.* 
 
 Mr. Cooke foon after prefented his memorial to the 
 council, in which he juftified his own conduct, and charged 
 Mr. Bridger with " ufing his utmoil efforts to invade the 
 rights and propel ties of the people in the province of 
 Maine by his exorbitant anions, as well as bafely betray- 
 ing the trufl the crown had invefled him with, by daily 
 felhng and bartering the very logs and timber which he 
 gave out was the king's, his mailer, whofe bread he then 
 ate." The council fuffered the memorial to lay upon 
 their table, but aded nothing upon it. Afterwards, upon- 
 the appointment of a commirtee by the houfe, they joined 
 a committee of council to confuier in general of Mr* 
 Bridger's conduct. This committee, in their report, juf- 
 tified Mr. Cooke, and condemned the proceedings of the 
 furveyor. The council put off the confideration of this 
 report alfo, but the houfe voted their acceptance of it,- 
 The governor, of courfe, tranfmitted to the board of trade 
 an account of all thefe proceedings, and very foon receiv- 
 ed 
 
 * The form of pracecding" has ahvays been for a committee of the houfe to lay 
 hefore the goverjior a lift of the counfellors eled, upon which he iignifies his confent 
 <:«- refulal, and fends back the lift by the fecretary, which is read in council atid then' 
 in the houfe. 
 
 In the month of April, 17I7, a pirate iltip, the Whidah-, of twenty-three gun* 
 a^id one hundred and thirty mt-n, Samuel Bellamy, commander, ventured upon the 
 ccafl of New England'near to Cape Ccd,and after having taken feveralveffels, fevea 
 a', the pirates v/ere put on bojrd one of them, who foon got drunk and went to fleep. 
 The mafrer of the veilel which had been taken run her alhore upon the back of the 
 Cape, and the feven men were fecured. Soon after, the pirate Paip in a fiorm was 
 forced aflaore near the table land, and the whole crew, except one Englifhman and 
 one Indian, were drowned. Six of the company, imcn trial by a fptcial court oC 
 admiralty, were proiiounced gitilty and executed at Bollon, November 15th. 
 
 The year 1717 %vas remarkable for a p '-cater mortali;:y among aged people than 
 had at any time been known. Five of the council died within the rompafs of a 
 year, nil of them well efteemed. John Hawthorn at Salem, May'ioth, aged 76: 
 Andrew Belcher, Odlober 3Tfl;, aged 71. Wait Winthrop, November 7th, aged 76. 
 riifiia Hutchinfon, December loth, aged 77 ; and Eliakim Kutchinfon, April 22, 
 rfged 78. The lafl: four of Bofton. Henry Bering and his wife, in one grave, 
 and another inhabitant of Bofcon, Robert Winfor, and his wife, in another, were 
 buried the {i\xne evening, all above 70. 
 
 The famous Indian warrior, Benjamin Church, who had efcaped the enemy's 
 bullets in a great number of encounters v*'hen in the mofl imminent hazard, met 
 death this year by a fall from his horfe, at the age of 78. 
 
 Mr. Woodward, fscretary of the province, tired of a poft of much labour and 
 Httle emolument, dilpofed of it to Jofiah Willard, efquire, w^ho obtained the royft.'» 
 coxnmifiion,' and arrived at Eoilon from London December the 1 2th. 
 
i7l8»] MASSACHUSETTS; 203 
 
 cd an anfwer, cenfuring the houfe of reprefentatives for 
 countenancing and encouraging P.Ir. Cooke. This being 
 laid before the houfe, they by a vote declared that the cen- 
 fure ot the board of trade was occafioned " by fending 
 home the papers on one fide only, whereby their lordfliips 
 were informed ex parte.'* The houfe had avoided any 
 direcl attack upon the governor until this vote, many of 
 the principal members this year being well afFecled to 
 him ; but the party without doors, efpecially in Bofton, 
 had been increafmg againd him, and at the next eleclion 
 for that town, they fent all new members,* and a change 
 was made in many other towns, unfavourable to the gov- 
 ernor's intereft. 
 
 The famous projcdlor, captain Coram, in the year 
 171 8, was bufy in a fcheme for fettling Nova Scotia and 
 the lands between Nova Scotia and the province of Maine, 
 and a petition was preferred by fir Alexander Cairnes, 
 jfames Douglafs and Jolhua Gee, in behalf of themfelves 
 and others, praying for a grant upon the fea-coa(l five 
 leagues fouth-weO: and five leagues north-ealt of Chi- 
 budo harbour, where they propofed to build a town, and 
 to improve the country round it in raifmg hemp, in mak- 
 ing pitch, tar and turpentine ; and they undertook to fettle 
 a certain number of families to confill of tvv'o hundred 
 perfons in three years, the red of his majefly's fubjedts 
 not to be prohibited fifliing on the coafls under regula- 
 tions. To this petition Mr. Dummer, the Madachufetts 
 agent, objefted, becaufe of the lad claufe, which laid a 
 redraint upon the fiiliery. The lords of trade, however^ 
 reported in favour of it, but it dopped in council. 
 
 Another petition was preferred by William Armdrong 
 and others who had been officers and foldiers in the ar- 
 my, " praying for a grant of the lands between Nova 
 Scotia and the province of Maine, the faid tra^t of land 
 having been conquered by the French in 1696 and pof- 
 feded by them until 17 10, when it v>'as recovered by the 
 Englifh, and, by the treaty of Utrecht, was with Nova 
 Scotia given up by France to the BritiOi crown." The 
 eonqued in 1696 was the taking Pemaquid fort, and hold- 
 O 2 ing 
 
 * Slilha Cooke, Oliver Noyes, Ifaiah Tay, and WiUiaaa Ci*rk. 
 
204 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 ing pofTeffion of the harbour two or three days. This, 
 however, was made a ferious aifair, and the agent, Mr. 
 Dummer, was feveral times heard before the lords of trade. 
 The general court being reflrained from conveying thefe 
 lands v/ithout confent of the crown, it v/as propofed, that 
 if they would confent to refign the jurifdiction between 
 Kennebeck and Penobfcot, the crown fliould confirm the 
 property of the foil ; but upon the propofal's being com- 
 municated to the court they inftru6ted their agent to make 
 ilo conceflions. 
 
 ^ One Sarah Watts, fetting forth that (he w'as heir at law 
 to Thomas Gofie, deputy governor and one of the twen- 
 ty-fix patentees of the old colony, claimed a twenty-fixth 
 part of the colony, and the ilTues and profits for eighty or 
 ninety years. She filed a bill of complaint in chancery 
 agaiaft the province, and there was a commifTion of fe- 
 queftration for feveral New England fliips in the river, 
 which coit the owners feveral guineas each, to the fliarp- 
 ers who had urged the woman to the fuit. The agent 
 'was required to anfwer the bill, which he did by declaring 
 that if the complainant could make it appear that Thom- 
 as Golfe was once feized of a twenty-fixth part of the col- 
 ony, and that fhe w^as heir at law to him, which he did 
 not believe flie was able to do, yet he verily believed that 
 when the patentees, with others, were incorporated into a 
 body politic, their refpedive rights ceafed and paiTed to 
 the corporation, who had granted the lands away. The 
 poor v/onian was at laft arrelled for debt and fent to New- 
 gate, where fhe perifhed. 
 
 The governor, in the beginning of the year 171 8, had 
 confented to aii impofl bill which laid a duty not only up- 
 on Weif-India goods, wines, &c. but alfo upon Enghfh 
 manufa6lures, and a duty of tonnage upon Englilh fhips. 
 Before the fefiion in May, the nest year, he had received 
 an in(lru6lion from the king to give all encouragement 
 to the manufadures of Great Britain. The houfe, how- 
 ever, paffed a bill of the fame tenor with that of laft year,* 
 and fent it to the council for their concurrence. An 
 
 amendment 
 
 * The houfe never pafs an impofl hill oi- hill for the general tax (or the fuppor-f 
 of government for a longer term than, one year» 
 
I7I9-] MASSACHUSETTS. 205 
 
 amendment was propofed, viz. to leave out the duty upon 
 Englifli vcflels and goods, but the houfe adhered to their 
 bill. A conference enfued, for the houfe were net then 
 fo exa£l as they have been fince in refufing to confer 
 upon money bills. This produced nothing more than a 
 propofal from the houfe to alter the word E/i^IiJh to Eu- 
 ropean^ which, being trivial, was refufed. It fecms the 
 governor, a little out of time, had taken the opinion of 
 the council upon this queflion, whether, confifcent with 
 his inftrudion, he could give his confent to the bill, which 
 they determined he could not, if it fliould be offered to 
 him. The houfe then tried the council with the foliov.- 
 ing refolve ; " The houfe innit on their vote, forafmuch 
 as the royal charter of this province gives power to the 
 government to impofe and levy proportion^ible and rea- 
 fonable affeffments, rates and taxes upon the eftates and 
 perfons of all tmd every the proprietors and inhabitants 
 of the fame, which this government has been in the free 
 and uninterrupted exercife of ever fmce the enjoyment of 
 the faid cherrter. Sent io tJj^ upper houfe for their concur- 
 rence." The upper houfe was a new name for the council, 
 and defigned as a fleer, and to intimate that they might 
 confider themfelves in another capacity than as a privy 
 council.* Perhaps if Cromwell's epithet for his houfe of 
 lords had come into their minds, it v/ould have been thg 
 other houfe. Taunts and language which tend to irritate 
 can upon no occafion be juftihable from one branch of 
 the legiflature to the other. Upon an agreement and 
 harmony the intereH of the people depends. Upon dif- 
 ferent apprehenfions of this intereft, if it be the real ob- 
 jecl, the fevcral branches, by the perfuafive voice of rea- 
 fon, will ftrive to convince each other, and be willing to 
 be convinced as truth Ihall appear. 
 
 The council thought themfelves unkindly treated, and 
 by a meffage defired the houfe to alter their vote ; buc 
 they refufed to do it, and gave their reafons for the new 
 form. " The houfe have received new and unufual treat- 
 ment 
 
 * Whatever the ill is, the upper houfe is the caufe of it, that being the true nam« 
 of it ; a grand jury being peers as well as tjiey. Mr. Vaagh^n in Greft JJi3i.s 4/ 
 the korp of commons. 
 
2o6 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 inent from the board, ill. It is new and unufual for the 
 council to give his excellency their advice upon a bill, till 
 they have a£led in concert with the houfe in concurring 
 or non-concurring. 2d. It is likewife new and unufual 
 for the council to defire a free conference upon a fubjedl 
 matter, and then, at the management, to inform the houfe 
 that by a previous vote they had fo far engaged them- 
 felves that they could not recede from it. 3d. It is like- 
 wife a new and unufual method for the honourable board, 
 after a melfage to the houfe defiring feveral amendments 
 to a bill of rates and duties which were in a great meaf- 
 ure agreed to by the houfe, immediately to non-concur 
 the bill. 4th. It is likewife new and unufual for the hon- 
 ourable board to intermeddle fo much with the grants 
 and funds, which this houfe take to be their peculiar prov-^ 
 ince.'* 
 
 The houfe having in this manner exprelfed their refent- 
 ment returned to their old ftyle, and then the council, by 
 meffage, let them know that they would not give their 
 concurrence to any bill laying a duty upon European 
 goods, denied the charge made againll them by the houfe, 
 of innovations, and intimated that any further meffages 
 would only tend to increafe the mifunderftanding and re- 
 tard the affairs of the government, and defired the houfe 
 rather to join v/ith them in a dihgent endeavour to bring 
 the fefiion to fuch a conclufion as fhould promote his maj- 
 eily's honour and the intereil of the province. 
 
 Several weeks having been fpent in thefe altercations, 
 the governor thought it time, to interpofe, and, fending 
 for the houfe to the council chamber, he made thq follow- 
 ing mild and healing fpeech to them.-^ 
 
 ^' Gentlemen y 
 ^' MY deftgn in fending for you up at this time, is to 
 let you know how concerned I am at the unhappy mifun- 
 derilandings that have been for many years between the 
 council and your houfe relating to the impoft bill, and to 
 alfure you that no perfon here prefent can be more defir- 
 ous of preferving the privileges of this people than myfelf, 
 fq far as is confident with the late znflrudions I have re- 
 ceived 
 
t7T9-J MASSACHUSETTS. 107 
 
 ceived from my royal mafler, v^hich have by his fj^ecial 
 direclicn been laid before this court. I am fully perfiiad- 
 ed, that to a6t any way contrary thereto, after the many 
 debates and votes which have been upon that head, would 
 rather deflroy than preferve thofe privileges we juilly 
 prize. Gentlemen, I defire your feriaus confideration of 
 what I have hinted, that fo the important affairs of the 
 province yet lying before you may have a fpeedy and hap- 
 py conclufion." 
 
 This fpeech which, a year or two after, when the prej- 
 udices againd the governor were at the height, would 
 have been excepted to as irregular and anticipating mat- 
 ters, which it would have been time enough for the gov- 
 ernor to have declared his icrSc of v/hen they came to be 
 laid before him, had now a good efied, and i»ie houfe the 
 fame day refolved that a new impod bill Ihould be brought 
 in, and that the controverted claufe in the former bill 
 /hould be left out ; but in the preamble to their refolve 
 they make a heavy charge againd the council for not con- 
 curring their former bill. — 
 
 " Whereas this houfe have voted and palled a bill 
 granting to his majefty feveral rates and duties ot impofl 
 and tonnage of {hipping, in which was included one per 
 cent, on European merchandize, for which article or 
 claufe the honourable council have feveral times non-con- 
 curred the faid bill, notwithfranding all proper endeavours 
 have been ufcd by this houfe to atlain the fame which 
 have hitherto proved fruitlefs, whereby a confiderabls 
 part of the revenue v/hich would have accrued to this 
 province is for this prefent feifioji foregone, which alio 
 tends to the depriving this government of their jud rights, 
 powers and privileges granted by the royal charter ; 
 Refolved," &c. 
 
 The council were fond of peace, and as foon as thi^ 
 refolve came to their knowledge, they fent a mefiage to 
 the houfe defiring they vvould not print the reiblve in their 
 votes, a5 it v/ould have an ill ede^l, and would oblige the 
 council in their own vindication to reply, although they 
 wifced that all controverfy between the two houfes might 
 
 ceafe* 
 
so8 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 ceafe. The houfe printed it notwithftanding, and the 
 next day the council fent the following anfwer. — 
 
 " The board are very much concerned to find, among 
 the votes of the honourable houfe, a declaration as if the 
 council in non-concurring the bill of impoil as it was firfl 
 framed, had dene that whereby a confiderable part of the 
 revenue which would l^ave accrued to this province is for 
 this prefent feffion foregone, which alfo tends to the depriv- 
 ing this government of their jull rights, powers and priv- 
 ileges granted by the royal charter. 
 
 '' This declaration contains or implies fuch a charge as 
 the council can by no means futFer themfelves to lie un- 
 der, without alTerting and folemnly declaring their integ- 
 rity ; and they are more furprifed at the imputation of 
 doing a thing which tends to deprive this government of 
 their juft rights, powers and privileges granted by the 
 royal charter, becaufe on the 23d current the board fent 
 down a meffage to the honourable houfe, ' that they were 
 always ready and desirous to concur with the honourable 
 houfe of reprefentatives in fuch propofals relating to an 
 impoH: as may not tend to alter or expofe our prefent 
 happy conflitution under the royal charter ;' fo that it 
 was from a fmcere and juft regard to the rights, powers 
 and privileges of this government, granted by the royal 
 charter, that the council chofe rather to omit the duty of 
 one per cent, on Englifh goods for this feffion. 
 
 " That the council apprehended the duty of one per 
 cent, on Englilh goods affedled the trade of Great Britain, 
 and fo came within the meaning of his majefty*s late ad- 
 ditional inflruciion, is certain ; and, being of that opinion, 
 it would have been inconfiftent for the board to concur 
 the bill of impod as it was fent up. However, they can 
 boldly and truly fay, they have aded from a principle of 
 duty to his majefly, love and fidelity to their country, and 
 have nothing more at heart than the jufl:, wife and care- 
 ful prefervation of thofe invaluable rights, pov/ers and 
 privileges granted by the royal charter, which God long 
 continue." 
 
 This controverfy being over, the court was prorogued. 
 
 Before 
 
1720.] MASSACHUSETTS. 209 
 
 Before the next feflions in November, the governor re- 
 ceived a reprimand from the lords juflices, the king being 
 abfent, for confenting to the duty on Enghlli goods, ^c. 
 by the impofl ad in 1718. This he laid before the court. 
 The fame houfe, which had fo long contended with the 
 council the feffion before for this claul'e in the bill, now 
 " readily acknowledge the exceptions taken to it are jult 
 and reafonable/' An inftrudion to the governor to fup- 
 port the furveyor of the woods in the execution of his of- 
 fice, which was communicated bo the houfe at the fame 
 time, was not fo favourably received ; and in an anfwer 
 or remonftrance occafioned by the governor's fpeech, they 
 charge the furveyor with inflances of very grofs mal-con- 
 du6t. What evidence they had of it does not now fully 
 appear. The governor, by a melTage, defired they would 
 not print their remonftrance. They fent a committee to 
 acquaint him, they mud infift upon the right they had to 
 make it pubhc. He made a very great miftake, and told 
 the committee that his majefty had given him the power 
 of the prefs and he would not fuffer it to be printed. 
 This doctrine would have done v;ell enough in the reigns 
 of the Stuarts : in the prefent age it is juftly exceptiona- 
 ble ; although by the liberty of the prefs we are not to 
 underlfand a Hberty of printing every thing, however 
 criminal, with impunity. The houfe had no opportunity 
 to take notice of this declaration. Upon another occa- 
 fion they let him know they had not forgot it. The gov- 
 ernor was fo difpleafed with the proceedings of the houfe, 
 that he put an end to the fefiion, and they never met 
 again. 
 
 We are now arrived to the memorable year 1720. The 
 contefts and dilfenfions in the government rofe to a greater 
 height than they had done fmce the rehgious feuds in the 
 years 1636 and 1637. 
 
 The public affairs in general were in a very indiftereTit 
 flate. The Indians upon the eaflern frontiers were con- 
 tinually infulting and menacing the Englifh inhabitants, 
 fo that but little progrefs had been made in fettling the 
 country fnice the peace j and this year mofl of the Settle- 
 ments 
 
;eio the history of [Ckap. III. 
 
 ments which had been begun were deferted, and a new 
 war was every day expeded. 
 
 The trade of the province declined. There was a gen- 
 eral cry for want of money, and yet the bills of credit, 
 which were the only money, were daily depreciating. 
 The depreciation was grievous to all creditors, but par- 
 ticularly diftreiTmg to the clergy and other falary men, to 
 widows and orphans whofe eflates confided of money at 
 interefl, perhaps juft enough to fupport them, and being 
 reduced to one half the former value, they found them- 
 felves on a fudden in a ftate of poverty and want. Exec- 
 utors and adminiitrators, and all who were poifefTed of the 
 cffeds of others in trufl, had a flrong temptation to retain 
 them. The influence a bad currency has upon the mor- 
 als of the people is greater than is generally imagined. 
 Numbers of fchemes, for private and pubUc emilTions of 
 bills, were propofed as remedies, the only effectual one, 
 the utter abohtion of the bills, was omitted. 
 
 By thefe calamities, the minds of the people were pre- 
 ])ared for imprefiions from pamphlets, courants, and other 
 news-papers, which were frequently publiflied, in order 
 to convince them that their civil liberties and privileges 
 w^ere flruck at, and that a general union was neceffary. 
 Thefe did not pafs without anfwers, attributing all the dif- 
 trefs in pubhc affairs to the wrath and refentment, the 
 arts and fmifter views of a few particular perfons ; but 
 the voice of the people in general was againfl the gover- 
 nor. In our mother country, when difputes arife between 
 the branches of the legifiature upon their refpeclive rights, 
 parties are formed and the body of the people are divid- 
 ed ; for in a well-conftituted government it is of import- 
 ance to the people that the fliare even of the popular part 
 of the conflitution fhould not be unduly raifed to the fup- 
 preffion of the monarchical or ariflocratical parts. From 
 a regard to the common interefl, therefore, in a difpute 
 concerning prerogative and privilege, the people ordina- 
 rily are divided in fentiment. The reafon is obvious why 
 it is lefs frequently fo in a colony. There, the people in 
 general confider the prerogative as an interefl, without 
 them, feparate and diflind from the interior intereft of 
 
 the 
 
J720.] MASSAC?IUSETTS. 211 
 
 the colony. This takes their attention from the iufl pro- 
 portion of weight due to each branch in the conflitution, 
 and caufes a bias in favour of the popular part. For the 
 fame reafon, men fond of popular applaufe are more fure 
 of fuccefs with lefs degree of art in a colony, than in a 
 State not fo conne-fled, and confcquently, men who with 
 unbiaifed judgments difcern and have virtue enough to 
 purfue the real interefl: of their country, are more likely 
 to be reproached and vilified. 
 
 The hrft acl of the houfe of repref^ntatives was the 
 choice of Mr. Cooke for their fpeaker. A committee was 
 fent to the governor, at his houfe, to acquaint him with 
 the choice. They reported, at their return, that his ex* 
 cellency faid, " It was very well." In the afternoon, the 
 governor being in council fent the fecretary to acquaint 
 the houfe that he was now in the chair, and ready to re- 
 ceive their melTage refpefting the choice of a fpeaker. 
 They fent back an anfwer that his excellency, upon being 
 informed of the choice in the morning, had laid " It was 
 very well," and they had recorded his anfwer in the books 
 of the houfe. The governor replied, that he would re- 
 ceive no melfage from the houfe but when he was in the 
 chair.* The houfe then propofed by meiTage to the 
 council, to join wjth them in the bufmefs of the day, the 
 choice of counfellors ; but upon the governor's telling 
 their committee, who carried up the melfage, that no 
 election fhould be m.ade until he was acquainted who was 
 chofen fpeaker, the houfe fent a new committee to ac- 
 quaint him with the choice they had made. The gover- 
 nor replied to this committee, that Mr. Cooke had treated 
 him iU as the king's governor, and therefore, according 
 to the power given him by the royal charter, he negatived 
 the choice, and defired they would proceed to choofe 
 another perfon. They fent back their anfwer, that they 
 had chofen a fpeaker, according to their known and legal 
 privileges, and therefore infifted upon the choice ; and at 
 the fame time they renewed their motion to the council 
 to join with them in the eledion. The governor told 
 
 the 
 
 * The journal of the houfe adds, •* and that he had received no fueh mefTags 
 $rom the houfe, and given no fuch anfwer ;" but the general court's records take n« 
 If tice of this. 
 
212 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. ILL 
 
 the committee, thai» he had received a mefTage from the 
 hoiiie, acquainting him with the choice they had made of 
 a fpeaker, which choice had been negatived, and he was 
 no fpeaker. Upon this, the houfe fent their committee 
 to the board to acquaint them, that two meilages having 
 been fent to propofe to the board to join in the choice of 
 counfeliors and no anfwer having been given, they now 
 defired to know whether the board w^ould join in the 
 eieftion or not. 
 
 If there had been any further delay on the part of the 
 board, it is very probable the houfe Vi^ould have proceeded 
 without them, v»^hich mud have increafed the perplexity. 
 The governor, therefore, left the board, having firft 
 charged the fecretary with the following meffage to the 
 houfe : — 
 
 " His excellency orders me to acquaint you,^hQ is in- 
 formed that governor Dudley did, in the time of his gov- 
 ^nment, difallow of a fpeaker chofen by the houfe, and 
 that his proceedings therein were approved by the com- 
 miffioners of trade and plantations, and that he was there- 
 upon dire6led by the faid commiilioners to acquaint the 
 council, that it would not be thought fit that her majefly's 
 right of having a negative upon the choice of a fpeaker 
 be given up, which was refer ved to her m.ajefty, as well 
 by the charter as by the conllitution of England/' 
 
 Notwithilanding the v/arm difputes in the preceding 
 year between the two houfes, only one new counfellor 
 was chofen, John Burrill, efquire,* of Lynn, who had been 
 many years fpeaker of the houfe, but this year was fent to 
 the board, in the room of Mr. Iligginfon. The houfe had 
 been as fond of this Mr. Bur rill as of their eyes. His 
 temperate fpirit, until now, had engaged the v/hole houfe 
 in his favour, and from year to year procured him a gen- 
 eral 
 
 ■^.This Mr. Burri.11 bore a very fair ch2r?><5:er. I h:?ve often heard his contem- 
 poraries applaud him for his great integrity, his acquaintance with parliamentary 
 forms, the dignity and authority with which he filled the chair, the order and deco- 
 rum he maintained in the debates of the houfe, his felf-denial in remaining in the 
 houfe, from year to year, when he might have been chofen into the council, and 
 faw others, who called him their father, fent there before him ; to fay a great deal 
 of him in one word, there was as much iikenefsin his chara6cer to that of the right 
 honourable perfon v.-ho fo many years filled the chair in the houfe of commons with 
 fuch applaufe, as well can be between fmall and great. Mr. Eurrill died of the 
 finall-pox at Lynn, Deceraber loth, 1 721. 
 
i-j^o.-] MASSACHUSETTS. 215 
 
 cral vote ; but this year the houfe were willing to part with 
 him for a gentleman obnoxious to the governor^ which 
 meafure, it was eafy to forefee, maft give a further occa- 
 fion of controverfy. 
 
 Two of the new elcv^ed counfellors were neratived, 
 Nathanael Byfield, who had been foliciting in England for 
 the government when colonel Shute was appointed, and 
 John Clark, who was a perfon of many valuable qualities, 
 and obnoxious only for being fi.rongly attached to Mr, 
 Cooke, and having been a great fupportcr of the caule. 
 
 After the cledion, the governor made a further attempt 
 to bring the hcufe to a compliance by the following fpeech. 
 
 " Gentlemen^ 
 " AT the opening of this felTion you thought fit to 
 make choice of Eliiha Cooke, efquire, for your fpeaker, 
 and upon your reporting of it to me, I did declare rny dif- 
 acceptance of that election, and am fn-m in my opinion 
 that I had good right fo to do, by virtue of his majerty's 
 commiiTxon and the powers reft^rved by the royal charter ; 
 and am alio confirmed in it, by what I find tranfacled by 
 the late governor Dudley during his adminiftration, and 
 alfo by the opinion of the right honourable the lords of 
 trade and plantations in that matter^ 1 muir further ob- 
 ferve to you, that the perfon you have chofen had invaded 
 the king my mafter's rights in the woods of the province 
 of Maine, though confirmed to his majeify by an ad of 
 the Britifli parliament ; and I have received the thanks of 
 the right honourable the lords of trade and plantations 
 for removing him out of the counciL lie has ill treated 
 me, who am the king's governor, and has been ccn- 
 fured by the council for it, which (lands upon record in 
 the council books.* How acceptable this matter will be 
 at home, confidering the warning we have lately had from 
 the court of Great Britain upon the account of pxailing 
 the impoft bill, will be worthy of your ferious reflection. 
 Thefe things I thought necelfary to acquaint you with, 
 and advife you to return to your houfe and choofe fome 
 other perfon fpeaker, with a refervation of your own 
 
 rights, 
 
 * The co\:ncil boolcs from the cliarter were burnt in the court houfe In the year 
 J ^4 7, and this cenrurc does not aj^pear any where but in this fpeech. 
 
«i4 THE HISTORY Ot [Chap. lit. 
 
 rights, until you fhall fend to the court of Great Britain 
 for the explanation of that part of your charter, relating 
 to the affair of a fpeaker.*' 
 
 The houfe^ immediately upon their return to their 
 chamber, entered into a debate upon this fpeech, and the 
 queltion being put, whether, for the reafons affigned by 
 his excellency, the houfe will proceed to the choice of a 
 new fpeaker, it palled in the negative, ?iemhie contradice?ite» 
 
 The governor gave them no opportunity to proceed on 
 any other bufmefs^ for the next day he fent for them up 
 again, and after another ihort fpeeeh diilbived the court. 
 
 '•^ Gentlemeii^ 
 
 *' OUT of a tender regard I have for the welfare of 
 this province^ I fhall give you the following advice be- 
 fore we part ; that when it fhall pleafe God we meet 
 again in a general aflembly, which flrall be as foon as pof- 
 fible, you will not let this province fuifer by the perverfe 
 temper of a particular perfon, but that you will choofe 
 one for a fpeaker that has no other viev/ but that of the 
 public good, one that fears God and honours the king^ 
 It is irkfome and difagreeable to me to diiTolve an aflem- 
 bly, but as matters now fland I am forced to do it, or 
 mull give up the king my mafter's prerogative, which 
 nothing fhall ever obhge me to do, who am the king's 
 governor. Gentlemen, I do not think it for the honour 
 of his majefly's government that this affembly fhould fit 
 any longer, and therefore I fhall diiTolve you."* 
 
 Writs were ilTued for a x\tw affembly, to meet the 13th 
 df July. The governor had no great reafon to hope for 
 a more favourable houfe. The people in general thought 
 their privileges were attacked. The charter indeed was 
 filent upon this point. In a difpute between the crown 
 and the houl'e of commons in the reign of king Charles 
 the lid. an expedient was found which feemed to avoid 
 the acknowledgment of the right of the crown to refufe a 
 fpeaker ; but a provincial law v,/as principally relied upon, 
 which declares^ " that the repreientatives affembled in 
 any great and general court fhall be the fole judges of the 
 
 eleftions 
 
 ♦ Neither of thefe fpeeches are printed in the journal of the houfe. The char|;e9 
 Tjjjon thcij- fpealcer feem to have been the reafon. 
 
ipo.} MASSACntJSETTS. -14 
 
 elections and qualifications of their own members, and 
 may from time to time fettle, grder and purge their own 
 houfe, and makefuch neceifary orders for the due regula- 
 tion thereof as they Ihall fee occafion." Whether the 
 legifiators had in contemplation the right of the houfe to 
 choofe a fpeaker, exempt from the governor's negative, 
 might well be quedioned, but it was urged that the du;i 
 regulation of the houfe might very well include thi.^ 
 right. 
 
 The towns in general fent the former members. Boftom 
 difcovered how they flood affected by leaving out Mr. 
 Tay,who was one of thofe perfons who ferve upon a pinch ^ 
 when a favourite cannot be carried by a party, to flop thv-, 
 gap and prevent an oppofite candidate, and he came iu 
 ieveral times upon fuch occafions. In his room, the towrv 
 now chofc Mr. Clark, the negatived counfellor. 
 
 The houfe was willing to fit and do bufniefs, which tlip 
 choice of the former fpeaker would have prevented. They 
 therefore pitched upon a perfon lefs attached to party, 
 Timothy Lindall, one of the reprefentatives of Salem, to 
 whom no exception was taken. The governor in his 
 fpeech recommended a peaceabk feilion, but the houfe 
 could not forget the late diffolution. They began with a 
 warm meffage or remonflrancejto the governor, in which 
 they tell him — " The lad aflembly took no great pleafure 
 in being diifolved, before they had gone through the ulual 
 neceflary bulinefs ; their ailbrting and maintaining their 
 jufl right and ancient privilege of choofmg their fpeaker, 
 and not owning his excellency's power to negative him, 
 was nothing but what they were fi:ricl:ly obliged to ; and 
 the new houfe are humbly of opinion, that whoever was 
 of advice to his excellency in the matter, did not confult 
 his majefty's intereft, nor the public weal and quiet of the 
 government, but oificioufly endeavoured to beget unhap- 
 py mifunderftandings between his excellency and the 
 houfe, and break off that defirable harmony which every 
 one ought to keep up. We earneftly hope and defne tht2 
 province may never have an affembly, that will willingly 
 forego luch a valuable privilege as king William and 
 queen Mary of ever-bleffed memory gracioufly favoured 
 
 the 
 
6iS THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 the province with, when they gave their royal alTent to a 
 law direclhig and governing that affair."* 
 
 Ail the iubfequent proceedings of this fliort feffion 
 fhew how much the houfe was out of temper. 'An Indian 
 war ufed to be univerfally dreaded. To prevent it, the 
 €;overjior and council had been treating with three of the 
 Penobfcot^ tribe, who were fent for or came to Boflon, 
 and the houfe were defired to make a grant for a prefent 
 to them, but by a vote they refufed to do it. Some time 
 after, they ordered a fmall fum, ten pounds only. To the 
 controveriy with the governor, and the oppofition made 
 to the propofals which came from him, the war which foon 
 after broke out was by the governor's friends attributed. 
 
 There had been no public notaries in the province, 
 except fuch as derived their authority from the archbifliop 
 of Canterbury. The houfe now firfl obferved, that a no- 
 tary public was a civil oiEcer, which by the charter was 
 to be chofen by the general court, and ient a meflage de- 
 firing the council to join with the houfe in the choice of 
 fuch an officer in each port of the province. To all in- 
 fh'uments w^hich were fent abroad, not only the attefta- 
 tion of the notary himfelf would be neceflary, but a cer- 
 tificate vmder the province feal, to fliev/ the authority to 
 atteft ; the council therefore took time to confider of the 
 expediency of appointing fuch an oi^cer, and referred 
 the matter to the next feffion,! but the houfe immediately 
 proceeded and chofe the ofBcers by their own votes. 
 The arguments to prove that an officer to be chofen by 
 the whole court could derive an authority from the ma- 
 jority of the members of the houfe of reprefentatives, 
 have not been preferved.J Being 
 
 * In this controverfy the houfe fecm to have mifapprehended ' their own caufe, 
 and to have laid moft ftrefs upon the weakeft argument. The analogy hetween the 
 governor and a provincial houfe of rcprefentatives, and the king and the commons 
 of Great Britain, they leave out of the queftion. By charter, or commifiions, the 
 form of government is fettled, the governor reprefenting the king's perfon, the 
 lower houfe reprefenting -the people. I fee no arrogance, whatever difproportion 
 there may he betweeti Britain and her colonies, in fuppofmg an analogy hetween 
 the conflitutions, except where peculiar rights or powers are otherwife fettled in 
 the refpevSlive branches. 
 
 f As a pubhc notary in the feveral ports was judged to be a neceffary officer, the 
 council afterwards concurred with the houfe, and a choice has been ever fince annu^- 
 ally made by the general court. 
 
 :|: They fent a rnelTage the next day to the governor, to defire him to approve of 
 the choice, but he gave them for anfwcr, that as the council did not join he did not 
 fee how they could be fvvcrn. 
 
3r72o.] MASSACHUSETTS. 217 
 
 Being offended with the council, the houfe fent a mef- 
 fage, defiring, " that confidering the low circumflances 
 of the province, no draught be made upon the trealury 
 for expenfes at times of public rejoicing * for the fu- 
 ture." 
 
 It had been ufual to make a grant to the governor for 
 the falary of half the year, at the beginning of the feffion. 
 The houfe deferred it until the clofe, and then reduced 
 it from fix to five hundred pounds, although the curren- 
 cy was depreciated. To the lieutenant governor, they 
 ufed to make a prefent once a year never lefs than fifty 
 pounds ; they now reduced it to thirty-five. P>Ir. Dum- 
 mer had fo much fpirit, that he inclofed the vote in a 
 letter to the fpeaker, acquainting him that " having the 
 honour to bear the king's commiflion for lieutenant gov- 
 ernor of the province, and having been annually more 
 than fifty pounds out of pocket, in that fervice, he did 
 not think it for his honour to accept of their grant." 
 
 The governor took no public notice of the proceed- 
 ings of the houfe. On the 23d of July he put an end to 
 the fefiion. 
 
 During the recefs of the court (Auguu: 7th) a party 
 of the eaftern Indians fell upon Canfo, within the prov- 
 ince of Nova Scotia, but peopled every fummer from 
 Maffachufetts. The Indians furprifed the Englifh in 
 their beds, and flripped them of every thing, telling them 
 they came to carry away what they could find lipon their 
 own land. Three or four of the Englifh were killed. 
 Some of the French of Cape Breton were in confederacy, 
 and came with their vefTels the next night, and carried 
 off the plunder, together with about two thoufand quin- 
 tals of fifh. The Englifh veffels in the harbour were 
 not attempted. A floop happening to arrive the next 
 day, the mafler offered his fervice to go out and make 
 reprifals, and being furniflied with a number of men and 
 two or three fm^aller veffels for his conforts, for want 
 of more ample authority, he took a commifuon from one 
 Thomas Richards, a Canfo juftice, and went after the 
 French and foon brought in fix or feven fmall fidiing 
 Vol. II. P veffels, 
 
 * TPhe king's birtii-day, aaceffion, cwonation, &c. 
 
i2iS THE HISTORY Ot [Chap. IIL 
 
 velfels, having all of them more or lefs of the Englifli 
 property aboard. 
 
 Mr. Henfhaw, of Bollon, a principal merchant at Can- 
 fo, went to Loiaifboxirg with a complaint to the French 
 governor, who excufed himfelf from intermeddling, the 
 Indians not being French fiibjecis, nor under his control. 
 The French prifoners were fent to /' nnapolis-royal. The 
 lofs fuflained by the Englifli was eltimated at twenty 
 thoufand pounds currency^ 
 
 The fears of the people in the eadern parts of Mafla- 
 chufctts were increafed by this llroke upon Canfo. In a 
 fliort time after, the cattle were deftroyed, and the lives 
 of the owners threatened. The governor was ftill defir- 
 ous of preferving peace, and by the advice of council fent 
 orders to colonel Walton, the commanding officer of 
 fuch forces as upon the alarm had been fent there, to in- 
 form the Indians, that commiffioners fhould be fent to- 
 treat with them-* The Indians liked the propofal and 
 promifed.to attend the treaty. 
 
 Before the time appointed, the general court met,* and 
 the houfe paiTed a refolve, " that one hundred and fifty 
 eiTedive men, under fuitable oCicers, be forthwith order- 
 ed to march up to Noi ridgewock, and compel the Indiansr 
 that lliall be found there, or in Gather thofe parts, to 
 make full fatisfacLion for the damage they have done the 
 Englifli, by killing their fwine and fheep or carrying them' 
 away, or fiealing provifions, clothing, or any other way 
 wronging them. And that a warrant be directed to 
 captain John Leighton, high-fheriff of the county of 
 York, who is to accompany the forces, for the appre- 
 hending and fafe bringing Mr. Ralle to Bofton, who is 
 at prefent refident at or near Norridgewock in Kenne- 
 beck river in this province ; and, if he be not to be found,' 
 that then the flierifl:' direct and command the Indians 
 there, or in the parts adjacent, to bring in and furrender 
 up the Jefuit to him the fheriff ; and, upon their refufal: 
 to comply with either of the faid demands, that the com^ 
 manding officer is to take the befl: and m.ofl effedual way 
 to apprehend and fecure the Indians fo refiflfmg, and fafe 
 condud them to Bofton.'* The 
 
 * N«v.. ii. 
 
1720.] MASSACHUSETTS. J19 
 
 The governor looked upon this refolve to be, 111 efre<5l, 
 a declariition of war, and an invafion of the prerogative ; 
 it neceflarily prevented a treaty he had agreed to hold 
 with the Indians, and a new war mufl be the confequcnce 
 of fuch a meafure. The council were fond of peace, and 
 when the refolve was fent to them for concurrence, thcv 
 rejected it. The houfe were lefs averfe to war. The 
 charge of cari-ying it on, it was faid, would be no burden 
 to the province ; the French now durft not join the In- 
 dians, and this would be the mofl favourable opportunity 
 which could be expecled to fubdue or utterly extirpate 
 them. That the charge fhould be no burden feems to be 
 a paradox, but a wild opinion had filled the minds of 
 great part of the people of the province, that if bills of 
 credit could be iffued, the advantage to trade would be 
 fo great, that the taxes by which, at diflant periods, they 
 were to be drawn in again, would not be felt. Many 
 fchemes of public expenfe were projeded, and, among the 
 relt, a bridge over Charles-river broader and much deep- 
 er than the Thames at London or Weflminfter. 
 
 I (hall take no pleafure in relating the proceedings of 
 the general court in this and the two next years. The 
 befl excufe I can make for the houfe is, that the attempt 
 made to deprive them of the exclufive right of choofmcr 
 their own fpeaker, was deemed by them a grievance ; that 
 the royal governments infill upon this right, and there 
 was nothing in Maffachufetts charter which took it from 
 them ; that this attempt raifed in their minds a jealoufy 
 of a defign againft their privileges in general, and, in. 
 this flate of mind, they w^re more eafily prevailed upon 
 by their principal directors, whofe principal views were 
 to diftrefs the governor, to agree to fuch meafures as 
 under other circumflances they mufl have difapproved. 
 The rule, perhaps, holds flronger with political bodies 
 than with individuals, that when juft bounds are once 
 exceeded, the fecond flep is as eafy as the lirf]:, and fo 
 on, until at length they are drawn by degrees to fuch 
 cxcefTes Tis ^ per fait um^ they would have been incapa-ble of. 
 
 The pubhc records of the general court are always 
 
 •pen to the infpedion of any of ths members, but, that 
 
 P 2 the 
 
i^6\ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 the houfe might have them under their more immediate 
 view and charge, they palled a vote, that the fecretary 
 fliould make duplicates of all public records, and that one 
 fet ihould be lodged in fuch place as the houfe fliould ap* 
 point. The council, willing to have duplicates for great- 
 er fecurity, concurred with an amendment, viz. in fuch 
 place as the general aifeinbly fliould dired ; but this 
 amendm.ent the houfe rejeded. 
 
 The houfe, Ending the council a bar to their attempts,, 
 refolved, in one inflance, to a6l by themfelves. There was 
 a complaint or fuggeition,that falfe mufters were made by 
 fome of the officers in the pay of the province. The houfe 
 taking the affair into tonfideration, refolved, "that one 
 or more meet perfons be appointed by this houfe, clerk 
 of the check, who fliall, from time to time, have an in- 
 fpedion into the forts, garrifons and forces, and take care 
 that every one have their complement of men ; and the 
 better to enable them to execute the truft repofed in them,, 
 that when and fo often as they fhall fee reafon, the com- 
 manders of the forts, garrifons and captains of any of the 
 companies, in the pay of this government, fhall call forth 
 their men before them, and if any do not appear, the 
 commanding officer to' give the reafon of fuch abfent 
 men, and that no mufler-roU fhall be accepted and paid 
 by the treafurer, unlefs approved of by the clerk of the 
 check." The governor did not intend to admit this offi-* 
 cer, appointed by the houfe, into the forts, garrifons, &c. 
 which by the charter the crown had referved to the gov- 
 ernor, but he kept filent. 
 
 To another acl of the houfe the council took exception.^ 
 A meffage was fent by the houfe to the council to let them 
 know they had appointed a committee to prepare a bill for 
 levying foldiers, . " taking it to be their peculiar care.'^ 
 Left it fhould be underftood that this was to exclude the 
 council from concurring or non-concurring fuch bill, or 
 from advifmg to the levying foldiers upon an emergency 
 in the recefs of the court, the council defired the houfe to- 
 withdraw thofe words, " taking it to be their peculiar 
 care," which they agreed to. 
 
 At this feffion, the houfe again withheld one hundred 
 pounds from the governor's ufual half year's falary. He 
 
 had 
 
1720.] 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. -21 
 
 had pafled it over without notice before, but now he 
 thought it proper to lay before them a royal inftru£lion 
 to recommend to the aflerably to eftablifh a fufficient 
 allowance for him by a fixed falary. They fent him a 
 reply, " that they humbly conceived what was granted 
 him was an honourable allowance, and the affair of fet- 
 tling falaries being a matter of great weight and wholly 
 new to the houfe and many of the members abfent, they 
 xlid not think it proper to enter upon the conlideration of 
 it, but defired the court might rife." The governor com- 
 plied with their requefl.* At 
 
 * The Maffachufetts province afforded fiil)jeJl; for fume part of t"hc madncfs of 
 the people of England 'i» this remarkable year. W'ufte l.mds have an imaginary- 
 value fet upon them, fometimes higher, fonictimes lower, and continually afford 
 fubjeifl for bubbles among ourfelves. Mr. Dummcr raifed a bubble from the eall- 
 cm lands, but had not time for any very great fucccfs. 
 
 " It remains now that I give an account to the general court of a very confidera- 
 b!e undertaking which I fet on foot, and have been carrying on for feveral months 
 paft, in hopes to procure thereby many great advantages to the province. I have 
 projedcd a fcheme to raile hemp and flax in the eaftern fionticrs of the province 0} 
 Maine for the fupply of this kingdom. In .order te accomplilh this defign, I pro- 
 pofed that the lands between St. Croix and Penobfcot fhoukl be granted to the 
 undertakers and their affjgns by the crown, and that they fhould alfo hg.ve a charter 
 of incorporation, with all reafcnabie privileges and advantages allowed them. 
 
 " I fet myfclf heartily to work, and, that I might lay a good foundation, I chofe 
 feventeen managers for carrying it en, who are ;jll peribns of great diftinAion, and 
 attend diligently upon the birfinefs at every meeting. My iord Barringtor. is one, 
 and colonel Bladen of the board oi trade is another, and alderman Eailis, a commlf- 
 fioner of the cufloms, is a third. The reft are either men of note and figure in par- 
 liament, as Mr. Young, firll commiffioner for dating the accounts of the army, or 
 eminent citizens, as fir Juftus Beck, who is one of the greatefc merchants in the 
 kingdom. Being thus f^rong, 1 had no reafon to take notice cf Coram ar.d friends, 
 or to have any ^^prehenfions of what they were doing or capable of ^doi'/g agalnft 
 me, yet, for quictnefs' fake, I fent them v/iord that, if they vi'ould withdraw their 
 petition and give me no more trouble, they fhould find an account of profit from 
 this undertaking beyond what they could ever expect if it v.ere to be ur.dcr their 
 own condu<5t. Coram immediately lubmitted to my petition, but when he after- 
 wards WHS told that I had left out of my petition the tra6l: of land between Ktnnc- 
 beck and Penobfcot, he ran about in a mad rage, declaring he would raiher flarvc 
 than come into it, and that the whole defign was only a trick in me to fave that fih<* 
 country for the villanous people of New England. I have therefore fince trcatevl 
 and a^eed with his partners and patrons by whofe inter .-ft he v/as fiipported, fo that 
 Coram is now entirely dropped, and I have no oppofition. 
 
 " Neverthelefs, it is the opinion cf the managers to reft a little till the miniflry h.is 
 quelled th-; great number of companies that are erected every day in defiance of the 
 late a<5t of parliament, and are lb offenfive to the government, that the bcft fchcnie in 
 the world would fuffer Ibme difgrace by appearing at this time. I have only te 
 add, that I have referved twenty thoufand pounds of th.- fubfcriptiou for the ufc 
 and benefit of the province, which, when the time come?, I will put in the name of 
 proper truftecs for that end.'"' Dum?fnt\- Uiter, Sept. 1 7, I 720. 
 
 The time never came for appointing truftees for the province. The great bubble 
 was breaking, whitli no doubt inclined the managers of t'lis finall one to {lop a 
 llide. 'The capital was to be one hundred thoufand pounds flerling. Query, 
 whether there arc no bubbl^i rifinj io EnjlanJ, fioui Ui« w*ftc lands of /\nn»:iciit 
 at this day ? 
 
222 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 At the opening the next fefTion (March 15th) the gov- 
 ernor in his fpeech recommended meafures to preve;it the 
 depreciation of the currency, to fupprefs a' trade carried 
 on with the French at Cape Breton, and to punifh the 
 authors of fadious and feditious papers, to, provide a pref- 
 ent for the Five Nations, and to enlarge his falar}^ 
 
 They refafed, directly or virtually, every propofal.. 
 To the firft the houfe tell him, in their anfwer, " they had 
 palTed a bill for ilTuing one hundred thoufand pounds 
 more in bills of credit.''* This alone had a dired ten- 
 dency to increafe the mifchief ; but they add, that " to 
 prevent their depreciation they had prohibited the buying, 
 felling and bartering filver, at any higher rates than fet by 
 ;i6i: oiF parHament.'' This certainly could have no ten- 
 dency to lelTen it. Such an a6t can no more be executed 
 than an a6; to Hop the ebbing and flowing of the fea. It 
 would probably carry away and keep out all filver and 
 gold. The depreciation of their currency w^ould, not^ 
 withflanding, have been as vifible by the rife of ex- 
 change with foreigi:i countries, and have been as fenfibly 
 felt by every creditor among themfelves. To his other 
 propofals they fay, " they know of no trade carried on 
 by any people of the province with Cape Breton, and do 
 not think any law to prevent a trade there is neceffary ; 
 and for fediidous and fcandalous papers, the bed way to 
 fupprefs or prevent them is, for the executive part of the 
 government to bring the authors to condign punifhment ; 
 and if proper meafures had been taken to difcover and 
 
 punilli 
 
 * Fifty thoufand pounds had been iffued the laft year, 17ZO, and diftributed to the 
 feveral towijs in proportion to their taxes, the hills to he repaid at i limited time ; 
 and the goverr.or feemed to approve of &:id encourage this way of iiTuing bills at hi$ 
 iirfl: arrival, but was afterwards convinced of their mifchievous effedls. Having 
 about ihis time received an inilru<5lion laying him under a reftraint in ifluing bills o^ 
 credit except for ncceffary charges, unlefs by inch ac^s or orders as fliould not have 
 cffetfl untl'I his majeity's pkafure was known, he chofe to found his obje«5tioa f the 
 bill upon his inftru6lion. 
 
 This inflrudion was not occafioned by the bad effei5l of bills upon the currency, 
 as later inflrudlions and a6is of parliament have been, but by a complaint from mei> 
 chants trading to New York of an a6t of aflembly there for ifluing bills equal to for- 
 ty thoufand ounces of plate, which were all applied to the govern®r as a gratuity 
 over and above his flated falary, to the council for pretended fervices at the revolu- 
 tion near thirty years before, and to the houfe of reprefentatives for their fervicea. 
 After the bills were in private hands, to revoke the acfl would work injuftice, but 
 to prevent fucli adts in any colony for the futiue, circwkr inilrudions were ci'dergi 
 to the fcvcrd governors. 
 
I72I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 223 
 
 punlfh the ;iuthors of a libel, called, News from Robin/on 
 Cru/oe's ijlandy wherein the members of the houfe are 
 grofsly refleded upon, few or none would hate dared af- 
 terwards to publifh any thing of that nature or tendency ; 
 but to fufler no books to be printed without iicenfe from 
 the governor will be attended with innumerable inconve- 
 niences and danger.* As to the Five Nations, the houfe 
 do not know enough of their number, nor what the other 
 governments intend to give, and therefore cannot judge 
 what is proper for them to do ; and for the allowance to 
 the governor, they think it as much as the honour and 
 fervice of the government calls for, and beheve the inhab^ 
 itants of the feveral towns through the province are of 
 the fame mind.'* 
 
 There never had been an inflance of any governor's ro- 
 fufmg or negleding, at the beginning of the year, to ap- 
 point a faft, in conformity to the pradice of the country, 
 but the houfe now endeavoured to anticipate the governor, 
 and appointed a committee to join with a committee of 
 council to prepare a proclamation for a public fall. The 
 council refufed to join, <>nd acquainted the houfe they 
 could find no precedent ; but the honfe replied, that if 
 fuch days had not the fanclion oi the whole court, peopl* 
 would not be liable to punilhment for working or playing. 
 The governor, vv'illing to conform to the houfe fo far as 
 w^ould confifl with maintaining his right of iiluing proc- 
 lamations, mentioned in the proclamation which he foon 
 after pubhlhed, that the appointment v/as by advice of 
 council and upon a motion from the houfe of reprcfenialives ; 
 but the houfe refufed to meet him, and declared they had 
 never made any fuch motion, and ordered that no mem- 
 bers of the houfe fhould carry any proclamations to their 
 towns, for the prefent. The day was, however, obfcrved 
 as ufual, except that onef of the reprefentatives of Boilon 
 yvould not attend the public worflii^, but opened his warc- 
 houfe as upon other days. 
 
 Certain perfons had cut pine trees, upon that part of the 
 province of Maine which had not been granted by the 
 
 general 
 
 * This was a juft return ^> the governor's declaration, tMt the kin^ hud ^''-'t* 
 t^riu the poA-er «f tke preis. * 
 
 t J^r. V'iliiam GJark. 
 
J224 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 genera! court as private property. A deputy to the fur- 
 veyor of the woods gave hceiife to cut the trees, as belong- 
 ing to the king. The houle appointed a committee to, 
 join with a committee of council, which joint commit- 
 tee were to leize and fecure, for the province, the fame 
 logs which had been cut by licenfe. The council concur- 
 red with a " faving to his majefly all fuch rights as are 
 referved by the royal charter and afts of parliament to 
 trees for the royal navy.^' 
 
 The houfe defired this faving might be withdrawn, not 
 that they apprehended the refervation made in the char- 
 ter or the proviiion by ad of parliament were of no force, 
 but they alleged that the trees they defigned to feize were 
 cut by one deputed by the deputy of the furveyor of the 
 woods, and cut, not for the royal navy, but for other ufes, 
 and therefore they did not come within reafon of the ref- 
 ervation or provifion. 
 
 Finally, upon the council's refufmg to join, the houfe 
 appointed a committee of their own to feize the logs, and 
 directed the attorney general to profecute thofe who had 
 trefpaffed and made fpoil upon the province lands. After 
 they were feized, the houfe again defired the councij to 
 concur a vote or order for fecuring and converting the 
 logs to the benefit of the province. This, without any 
 judicial determination, was flill more irregular, and the 
 council declined meddhng with them. 
 
 As the time approached for ifTuing writs for a new 
 affembly, the governor made the following fpeech to theni 
 before their difTolution. 
 
 " Gentlemc?! of the houfe of reprefentatives ^ 
 
 '*' IN my fpeech at the beginning of this feffionj I gave 
 you the reafons of my meeting you at this time. I have 
 fince received your anfwer, which I ihall take care to 
 tranfmit by the firft conveyance, that his majeity may fee, 
 not only how his governor of this province is treated and 
 fupported, but what fort of regard is paid to his own roy- 
 al inftru6tions. I fliall alfo lay before the right honoura- 
 ble the lords commiflioners of trade and plantations, the 
 bill for prohibiting a trade to Cape Breton, which I rec- 
 ommended to you feveral feflions, ^nd which had twice 
 
 the 
 
I72I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 225 
 
 the concurrence of his majefty's council, but was as often 
 thrown out in your houfe, notwithftanding the mellage 
 that accompanied that bill. 
 
 " I am very much furprifed you fliould refufe two oth- 
 er bills, which came down from the council, the one to 
 prevent riots, the other to prohibit the making and pub- 
 lifhing libels and fcandalcus pamphlets, the pafTmg of 
 which would, in my opinion, have tended both to the 
 honour of the government and the public peace. 
 
 " But Vw'hat gives me the greatefl concern is, that the 
 proceedings of your hcufe, with refpecl to the woods in 
 the province of Maine, are diredly contrary to the refer- 
 vation of his majefty's right in the royal charter and an adl; 
 of parliament, which v/ere both fet forth in my proclama- 
 tion, dated the ift of November, 1720, for prcvtrnting the 
 deftrudion and fpoil of his majefty's v/oods. 
 
 " I could heartily wifli, that inftead of obliging me to 
 make fuch reprefentations to the lords of trade as I fear 
 will not be to your advantage, you had a6led with that 
 calmnefs and moderation, which becomes the fubjeds of 
 a prince who poffelles thofe qualities in an eminent de- 
 gree, and which becomes the repiefentatives of a province, 
 that, without any encroachment on the royal prerogative, 
 enjoys as many and as high privileges as the greateft ad- 
 vocates for liberty can defire or expect. 
 
 " I mufl therefore recommend to you a loyal and 
 peaceable behaviour, and to lay afide thofe mifunderfland- 
 ings and animofitics that of late prevail fo^ much among 
 you, which you will find to be your truefl and bed in- 
 terefl." 
 
 Dodor Noyes, one of the reprefentatives of Bofton, 
 died whilll the court w^as fitting (March i6th) after a 
 fhort illnefs. He was very flrongly attached to the pop- 
 ular party, and highly efteemed by them, was of a very 
 humane obliging difpofition, and in private life no man 
 was more free from indelicacies, Mr. William Hutchin- 
 fon who fucceeded him was alfo a gentleman of a very 
 fair character, fenfible, virtuous, difcreet, and of an inde- 
 pendent fortune. He began his poKtical life at a time 
 when perfons, thus qualified, w^ere wanted for the fervice 
 
 ef 
 
#26 THE HISTORY OF [Chap, III, 
 
 £>f their country, to moderate the pafnons of thofe wh(? 
 were lefs temperate and who had the lead in the houie. 
 In general, he adhered to the popular party alfo, but liv^ 
 cd but a Uttie while. Longer experience might probably 
 have convinced him, that he would have fhewn his gratis 
 tude to his conllituents more by endeavouring to convince 
 -them that they were running to an extreme, than by en- 
 >couraging the fame extremities himfelf. 
 
 The fellion of the general court in May, this year, begarj 
 as unfavourably as any former feffion. The houfe chofe 
 for their fpeaker John Clarke, efquire, who the year ber 
 fore had be.en negatived by the governor as a counfellor. 
 To prevent a negiitive, as fpeaker, they projected a new 
 form of meifage direiSled to the governor and council 
 jointly, to acquaint them " that John Clarke, efquire, is 
 chofen fpeaker of the houfe, and is nov/ fitting in the 
 chair." This was undoubtedly a very extraordinary 
 contempt of the governor. Mr. John White,* a gentle- 
 man of unfpoifsd chara6i;er, had been clerk of the houfe 
 for many yeafi. He was no zealous party man^ but hi$ 
 mod intimate friends, who efteemed him and fought 
 his company for the fake of his valuable accomplifhments, 
 were ilrongly attached to the governor. This alone was 
 enough to difmifs him, and Mr. William -Payne, brother 
 by marriage to Mr. Cooke, and who had form.erly beeu 
 -of the bank party, was appointed clerk in his flead. 
 
 The governor was more wroth than upon any occafion 
 before. He came to council in -the afternoon, and fent 
 hnmediateiy for the houfe, no doubt with an intent to 
 diilolve the court. He had feveral faithful advifers about 
 him, and whilft the houfe w^ere preparing to come up, he 
 fent a meifage to flop them, and to let them know he ac^ 
 cepted their choice of a fpeaker. This was giving a con- 
 flrudion to their meliage which they did not intend, and 
 it was giving his confent before it was afked, but it was 
 to be preferred to a diilolutian ^ for a diffolution of the 
 •court, before the eledion of counfellors, according to the 
 conftrudion the houfe havefometimes put upon the char- 
 i:er, would have been a diliblution of the government for 
 
 on^ 
 
 * He died before ihe ywr was cut (Dec. lo) #f vKe fotall-pox by iniocuUtie^ 
 
I72I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 227 
 
 one year at lead, becaufe the time mentioned for the firlt 
 election was the lafl Wednefday in May. The counlcl* 
 lors named in the charter were to continue until others 
 were chofen and appointed in their Itcad. I do not know 
 of anv words in the charter which v/ould make the choice 
 upon another day invahd, akhough that be the day more 
 particularly deligned for that bufmefs. The houfe (hew, 
 ed their refentment againil the lieutenant governor and 
 Mr. Belcher, who were both left out of the council. 
 The reil were continued. 
 
 The next {lep was the appointing a committee to carry 
 a hfl of the new cleQed connfellors to the governor ; 
 but the committee was not to defire his approbation, 
 though this form had never been omitted in anv one in- 
 ftance. The governor fent the lift back and took notice 
 of the omillion. The houfe thereupon refolved, " that 
 confidering the fmall-pox was in Bofton, and they were 
 very delirous the court fhould be removed to Cambridge, 
 they would fend the lift in the ufual terms, faving their 
 right to aflert their privileges at a miore convenient time." 
 What privileges they had in their minds it is difhcuh 
 now to difcover. Surely they couLd not imagine the 
 eleclion would have been valid without his confent. 
 The governor negatived colonel By field, the reft he con- 
 fented to.* 
 
 The court was adjourned to Cambridge. The gover- 
 nor, in his fpeech, took no notice of paft differences. All 
 was fair and fmooth, and all was fair in the houfe alfo 
 the firft fortnight ; but on the 19th of June, the gover- 
 nor's fpeech at the diffolution of the laft aflembly was 
 ordered to be read, and a committee was, appointed " to 
 vindicate the proceedings of the hgufe from the infmua- 
 tions made by the governor of their want of duty and 
 loyalty to his majefty." This committee made a report, 
 not in the form of an addrefs or meffage to the governor, 
 but of a narrative' and juftification of the proceedings of 
 
 the 
 
 * An odd aflfair happened in the houfe, this fitting of the court. One'cf the 
 members fat down in j-rayer time. The fpcaker, after prayers, alked him the rea- 
 fon of it. He faid he could not join with them in calling God " ot^r Fatlitr." 
 The houfe immediately rcfolvtd, " that Philip Tabor be exptlkd this houie -3 Ji*l 
 >Yortby tc ccntir-ue » u-itiubcr therco:.". 
 
S28 THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. IIL 
 
 the lail afTembly, and the houfe accepted it and ordered 
 it to be printed. 
 
 To vindicate the pafl proceedings about the pine trees, 
 a full confideration was now had of the feveral ads of 
 parliament, and the refervation to the crown in the prov- 
 ince, charter. The houfc did not deny a right in the 
 crown to the trees, vvhiill they were Handing and fit for 
 mails, but fuppofed that, as foon as they were felled and 
 4:ut into lengths fit for boards or timber only, the right 
 of the crown ceafed, and the owners of the foil recovered 
 or acquired a new property in them. This, it was faid, 
 would render the provifion made for the prefervation of 
 the trees, which at bed is fufficient, to be of no effed, 
 nothing being more eafy than for the owners of the foil 
 to procure the trees to be felled and cut into fhort logs, 
 without polnbility of difcovery. However, they came to 
 Jhe following refolution, viz, " That inafmuch as a great 
 number of pine trees have been cut in the province of 
 Maine, which, when fcanding, were fit for mads for the 
 Toyal navy, but are now cut into logs of about twenty 
 feet in length, and ' although the .cutting them Ihould be 
 allowed to be an infringement of his majefly's rights re- 
 ferved in the charter,' yet in the condition they are now 
 in, being no longer capable of being ufed for mads, it is 
 iav/ful for and behoves this government to caufe fuch logs 
 to be feized and converted to their own ufe, and to bring 
 the perfons v/ho cut dov;^n the trees to punilhment.'' In 
 confequencs, and for the purpoles of this refolve, a com^ 
 inittee was appointed, 
 
 The refervarion in the charter is In thefe words- — •" For 
 the better providing and furnifliing of malls for our royal 
 navy, we do hereby referve to us, our heirs and fucceffors, 
 all trees of the diameter of twenty-four inches, and up- 
 wards of twelve inches from the ground, growing upon 
 any foil or tra6l of land not heretofore granted to private 
 perfons. And v/e redrain and forbid all perfons whatfo- 
 -ever from felling, cutting or dedroying any fuch trees 
 without the royal licenfe of us, our heirs and fuccelTors 
 iird had and obtained, upon penalty of forfeiting one hun^ 
 dred pounds derhng unto us, our heirs and fucccffors, for 
 every fuch tree/* Jt 
 
^721.] Massachusetts. 229 
 
 It was fald further upon this occafion, that ahhough 
 the crown referved the trees and reflrained all perfons 
 from ciUting them, which the neceflity of the trees for 
 national ufe and fervice might be fufficient to jiiilify, yet it 
 was not equitable to take them without a valuable coniid- 
 eration. The crown had made an abfolute grant of the 
 province of Maine to Gorges, from whom Pvlallachufetts 
 purchafed. The Maffachufetts charter indeed was de- 
 clared forfeited. Where the right was after that, mi^jht 
 be difputed, but this was a hard judgment, and it was the 
 plain intent of the charter in general, to rcPccre rights^ 
 except that of the form of jurifdiftioii or adminiftration 
 of government, to the former (late. 
 
 Be this as it may, it has however been thought by fome 
 judicious perfons, that coTifidering the extreme difficulty 
 at prefent of convicting trefpaflers of cutting the king'*-? 
 trees, and by fuch conviction putting a frop to the fpoil 
 and havoc continually maldng, it -would be good policy 
 to allow the owners or proprietors of thefe lands a fum 
 for every tree, felled for a malt, equal to vvhat it would 
 be worth when cut into logs for boards or timber. This 
 would be fcarce a tenth part of the value of the tree for 
 a mafb, and yet would take a^way the temptation to cut it 
 for logs, and would encourage the preferving and culti- 
 vating the young trees, which are at prefent of ieffer di- 
 menfions. Trees that are incapable of ever ferving for 
 mails, either from decay or other defects, although of 
 fufficient diameter, might alfo be allowed to be cut for 
 Jogs, and it would be no prejudice to the crown. At 
 prefent, the trefpalTers m.ake no diflin6:ion, and trees are 
 continually cut worth twenty pounds liicrling for a mad, 
 which, when cut into logs, are fcarce worth twenty {hil- 
 lings. Very few trees are cut for mails by trefpaflers. 
 The notoriety of hauling, felling and fliipping mafls, will 
 render it very difficult, when the burden of proof where 
 the mads were cut fhall lie upon the pcrfon who claims 
 the property, to efcape difcovery and conviction, whereas^, 
 among the multitude of logs which are continually let 
 loofe to float down rivers to faw-miils, the greatcfl part 
 txf the trefpalTes will efcape notice. 
 
 There 
 
*3b THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. tlL 
 
 There are great numbers of white pines, growing in 
 parts of the country fo remote from the fea or any river 
 by which they can be floated to the fea, that the expenfe 
 of brino^ins: them thither would be twenty times the value 
 of a mail: in England. It feems unneceiTary to deprive the 
 inhabitafits of fuch places from making ufe of the trees 
 for tim.ber and boards, when they mull infallibly decay 
 and die in the ground-, if they are to ferve for no other 
 purpofe but maflsi, 
 
 But to return. The houfe negiecled maldng any pro- 
 vifion for the fupport of the governor, or the other offi- 
 cers of the government who depend upon the court for 
 their falarles. They waited to fee how far the governor 
 would confent to their feveral ads and votes. On the 
 other hand, the two houfes having chofe the treafurer, 
 impoft officer, and other civil officers, the governor laid 
 by the lift, and neither approved nor difapproved. V^Then 
 the houfe fent a melTage to the council, to inquire wheth- 
 er the governor had pafTed upon the lift, he directed the 
 committee to tell the houfe that he fhould take his own 
 time for it. This occaftoned a reply from the houfe, and 
 divers meft'ages and anfwers pafted upon the fubjed* At 
 length the houfe, by a vote, determined they would not 
 go into the confideration of grants and allow^ances before 
 his excellency had pafted upon the a6ls, refolves and elec- 
 tions of that feffion. This was in plain terms avowing 
 what the governor at firft charged them with tacitly in- 
 tending. To have recurred to this inftance would have 
 laid the houfe under difadvantage in the difpute, fome 
 years after, about a ftxed falary. To compel the gover- 
 nor to any particular meafure, by making his fupport, in 
 whole or in part, depend upon it, is faid to be inconfiftent 
 with that freedom of judgment in each branch of the leg- 
 iflature, which is the glory of the Englifti conftitution. 
 This was not all. The houfe withheld the fupport of all 
 the other falary men, becaufe the governor w^ould not 
 comply with the meafures of the houfe. 
 
 Refentment was ftiewn againft fome of the governor's 
 fi-iends. The agent in England, Mr. Dummer, in fome 
 ©f his letters, had informed the court of the fentiments of 
 
 tkc 
 
I72I.} MASSACHUSETTS. ^ji 
 
 the miniilry upon the proceedings of the houfe of rcpre- 
 fentatives, and of the general approbation in England of 
 the governor's condud. A faithful agent would rather 
 fell them the truth, than recommend himfelf to them by 
 flattery and falle reprefentations. He lod the favour 
 of the houfe, who, upon the receipt of thefe letters, voted, 
 that it v/as not for the interefl of the province Mr. Dum- 
 rner fliould be continued agent any longer, and therefore 
 it was ordered that he iTiould be dilmiiled.* This vote 
 they fent to the council for concurrence, who defired the 
 houfe to inform them of the grounds and reafcns of this' 
 difmiffion. The houfe voted the n^efiage to be unprece- 
 dented, and infifted that the council had nothing elfe to 
 do but to concur or non-concur, and then they non-con- 
 curred the vote ; but this was much the fame with a dif- 
 miflion, at lead for a time ; for an agent having no fixect 
 falary depends upon temporary grants, which the houfe 
 refu fed to make, after this vote. 
 
 Patil Dudley, efquirc, another of the governor's friends, 
 had the misfortune alfo of falling under the difpleafure of 
 the houfe. Me had been chofen, by a fmall majoritv> 
 counfellor for Sagadehoc. By the charter, it w^as necefla- 
 ry for him to have been an hihabitant or proprietor of 
 that part of the province for w^hich he was chofen. Hr 
 dwelt in the old colony of Maliachufetts, It was fuggeft- 
 ed in the houfe that he had no lands at Sagadehoc, and 
 they appointed a committee to inquire Into this fa61:. IJpoit 
 their applying to Mr. Dudley for evidence of his title, ho 
 told them it was too late, they fhould have inquired be- 
 fore 
 
 * Mr. Dun-rnrr was publifliing his (Teferce of th^'^ charters nhcn this vote paiTeJ 
 for his difmifTion. " I think it now paft ail doubt that a bill will he broujjht intf* 
 the houfe of commons at their next fefiion to disfranchiie the charter Kovcmmcnt?, 
 and therefore I have printed a manufcript which has lain by n>c fome time in de- 
 fence of o'ur charters. I have dedicated it to my lord Carteret, one of his majefly'i 
 principal fccretarics of flate, and who has the plantations under his care, for which I 
 had his lordfliip'^s permiflion. It will come out to-morrow, and I will put up a f^-w 
 of them under cover to vow. for the ufe of any nieniTiers of the general couit wh* 
 may have a defire to fee what I have wrote on the fubje6t. 
 
 " I expect no thanks from the afTejubly for this fervice, as I had none for thf 
 cotinterfeit bills fent them over laft fprin-^, though I thought it an important fcr- 
 vice. It is a hard fate upon mc, when I am doing the province and the gentlemen 
 in it all the honour and juftice that is in my power, that fome pcrfons in the lowrr 
 koufe Ihould tike equal pains to lefTen and expofe me. I wifh they do not preju- 
 dice themfelvcs by it in the end. It matters very littlj whitt bcc^m^* »r me- ' 
 
d52 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 fore the eledion. Perhaps he was in ah error. He went 
 on and told the conimittee, he had a deed which he would 
 not expofe to the houfe, but he would ihew it to two or 
 three of the members. Upon this they fent another com- 
 mittee, to inform him it was expeded he ihould produce 
 his deed the next morning, to be laid upon the fpeaker's 
 table. He replied that he would not produce his deed 
 before the houfe, for they might pofTibly vote it infuffi- 
 cient. in this part of the province there are fcarce any 
 lands which have not more than one ciaimer, and it is 
 not improbable foiiie of the members of the houfe claim- 
 ed the lands in Mr. Dudley's deedi The vote of the 
 houfe Would not have determined his title, but might have 
 undue influence upon a jury in a judicial proceeding. 
 
 Mvk Dudley's anfwer was unfatisfadory, and the houfe 
 voted that it was an affront ; that his declining to produce 
 his deeds gave fufticient grounds to believe that he was 
 no proprietor, and it was therefore refolved that his elec- 
 tion be declared null and void. This vote being fent to 
 the council \va$ by them unanimouily non-concurred. 
 
 No grants had been made, and no officers for the enfu- 
 ing year had been conflituted ; the houfe, notwithftand- 
 ing, fent a meifage to the governor to defire the courjt 
 might rife. He refufed to gratify them. Thurfday the 
 13th of July had been appointed for a public faft. The 
 members defired to be at home with their families, and 
 on Wednefday, by a vote, they adjourned themfelves to 
 Tuefday in the next week. The houfe of commons ad- 
 journ for as long time, without any immediate ad: of roy- 
 al authority, but, I prefume, never contrary to a fignifi- 
 cation of the mind of the king ; and the adjournments 
 over holidays are as much eflabliflied, by ancient ufage, 
 as the ordinary adjournments from day to day, and, being 
 conformed to by both houfes of parliament, no inconve- 
 nience can arife. But the charter was urged by the gov- 
 ernor to be the rule in this aifembly, not the analogy 
 between a Maifachufetts houfe of reprefentatives and the 
 commons of Great Britain. The governor, by charter, 
 has the fole power of adjourning, proroguing and diffolv- 
 ing the general court. Taken flridly, it would be 
 
 extremely 
 
l72i.] MASSACHUSETTS. 233 
 
 extremely Inconvenient ; for the acl of the governor would 
 be necefiary every day. Upon a reafonable conftrudion, 
 therefore, the houfe had always adjourned from day to 
 day, but never for fo great a number of days. The coun- 
 cil, who were obliged to fpend near a week without 
 bufmefs, unanimouily voted, upon hearing the houfe had 
 adjourned, that fuch adjournment, Vvithout his excellency's 
 knowledge and confent, was irregular and not agreeable 
 to the charter. 
 
 The governor afterwards made this adjournment one 
 of the principal articles of complaint againft the houfe. 
 
 Upon Tuefday, like th® firfl day of a fcflion, there was 
 fcarcisly a houfe for bufmefs. The next morning fome 
 Votes paffed, which were offered to the governor, and 
 which he would not fuffer to be laid before hini, until he 
 had fent for the houfe and told them they had made a 
 breach upon his majefliy's prerogative, which he was 
 under oath to take care of, and he infided upon an ac- 
 knowledgment of their error befort they proceeded to 
 bufmefs. 
 
 The houfe, by a vote or refolve, declared they had no 
 defign to make any breach upon the prerogative, but ac- 
 knowledged they had made a miflake in not acquainting 
 his excellency and the board with the adjournment. 
 
 The governor obferved to them, that they had induiLri- 
 oufly avoided acknowledging that the fole power of ad- 
 journing, as well as proroguing and diifolving the general 
 alfembly, is veiled in his majefty's governor by the royal 
 charter. They thereupon agreed to the following meifage. 
 
 " The houfe of reprefentatlves do truly acknowledge, 
 that by the royal charter your excellency and the governor 
 for the time being have the fole power and authority to 
 adjourn, prorogue and diifolve the general court ; and 
 the houie further acknowledge, that your excellency ought 
 to have been acquainted with the defign and intention of 
 the houfe in their adjournment from Wednefday the 12th 
 to Tuefday the 18th inilant, before they did adjourn, and 
 that it was fo defigned and cafually omitted." 
 
 The houfe carefully difllnguifhed betVvecn the power of 
 adjournin.g the general court and adjourning the houfe of 
 Vol. II. (^ reprefentatlves. 
 
S34 ' THE KISTOfet OF [Chap, ifc 
 
 reprefentatives, one branch only, and fcem to fuppofcji 
 that their only millake was their not acquainting the gov- 
 ernor and the board v^^ith their intention, which was by- 
 no means fatisfaftory to thd governor, and he immediately 
 ordered the houfe to attend him in the council chamber. 
 The fpeaker ordered all the members of the houfe to be 
 called in, and, expedling a difTolution, they refoived " that 
 all the votes of the houfe in the prefent fefTion-, more efpe- 
 cially relating to any mifunderiianding or difference that 
 hath arifen between- his excellency and the houfe, fhall be 
 prepared to be fent hbme, and that the fpeaker tranfmit 
 them to William Taikr, efquire, now refident in London, 
 or, in his abfence, to fuch meet perfons as he fhall think 
 iit, defiling them to lay the fame before his majefty in 
 council, or any where elfe, if n^ed require, to obviate any 
 complaint that may be made by his excellency the gov- 
 ernor againfl the proceedings of this houfe for their juft 
 and neceffary vindication." So much time was taken up' 
 in this vote, or refolve, that the governor was highly of- 
 fended, and fent a fecond time, requiring them to attend 
 him forthwith,- It has always been the practice of the 
 houfe, before and frnce, upon a meflage from the gover- 
 nor, to (top all bufmefs and go up- without delay. The 
 fpeaker, at this time, was among the forwardelt in the 
 oppofitiou. There v/as no need of four or five m.embers 
 to hold him, as the fpeaker of the houfe of commons w;as 
 once held, in the chair, until a number of ilrong refolu- 
 tions had paifed the houfe. 
 
 The governor directed his fpeech to the houfe only. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the houfe of reprefentatives ^ 
 " I AM very much concerned to find in the printed 
 journal of the houfe, firft, an order to appoint a commit- 
 tee to draw a memorial upon, or reprefentation of, my 
 fpeech, made before the diffolution of the aiiembly in 
 March laft, and afterv\^ards the memorial itfelf, figned by 
 Mr. Cooke, in the name of the committee. 
 
 " This treatment is very furprinng, from a houfe of 
 reprefentatives that profefs fo much loyalty and refped to 
 his majefty's government. It appears to me to be very 
 irregular, that the prefent houfe of reprefentatives, where- 
 
 ©I 
 
r72i.] MASSACHUSETTS. * -35 
 
 of John Clarke, efquire, is fpeaker^ and which confifts of 
 a majority of new members, fliould take upon them to 
 anfwer my fpeech made to a former houfe of reprcfcnta- 
 lives, whereof Timothy Lindall, efquire, was fpeaker. 
 Thefe proceedings are not only improper, but without 
 precedent from any former alfembly. 
 
 " I mufl alfo obferve to you, that you have not (liewia 
 that refpecl which is due to me as governor of this prov- 
 ince, by fufFering this order or memorial to go into the 
 prefs, before it was communicated to me, which, if you 
 had done, I could have convinced you that it would have 
 been very much for the fervice of your conftituents, that 
 neither the order nor the memorial fhould have appeared 
 in print. 
 
 " It is my opinion, that you will quickly be convinced 
 how much you have been wanting in your duty and inter- 
 efl, by difowning the authority of the right honourable 
 board, which his majefly has conftituted to fuperintend 
 the affairs of the province and all the other plantations. 
 
 " For thefe reafons, I Ihculd have didolved the general 
 court when the memorial firll appeared, but I was in 
 hopes the houfe might have been brought to correv^l or 
 expunge it. Inlf ead of making this ufe of my tendernefs, 
 you have gone on in the mod undutiful manner to with- 
 draw from his majefty's and your country's fervice, by 
 adjourning yourfelves for near a week, without my knowl- 
 edge or content, contrary to the royal charter, which ab- 
 folutely vefts in the governors of this province the povver 
 of adjourning, proroguing and difiblving ; and that at a 
 time when I thought it for the interefl of the colony to 
 adjourn you for two days only, having an affair of the 
 greateffc confequence to communicate to the houfe, which 
 was to perfuade you to take fome effectual meafures to 
 prevent the plague comitig among us, there being noth- 
 ing fo likely to bring it in as the French filk and fluffs 
 which are conftantly brought into this province. 
 
 " Thefe your unwarrantable proceedings oblige me to 
 diffolve this affembly." 
 
 This fpeech, and the diffolution which followed, further 
 
 alienated the minds of the people from the governor. 
 
 C^2 Scxrx 
 
-36^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IHv 
 
 Some of his friends -wiflied he had carried his refentment 
 no farther than putting an end to the feffion, and giving 
 time to dehberate. There was no room tb exped a 
 change for the better, upon anew election.' 
 
 There wtis yet no open -Wcir with- the Indians, but they 
 continued their infuks. The French infligated them, and' 
 furnifhed them with ammunition and provifions. Gov« 
 crnor Shute piibHfhed a proclamation requiring the inhab- 
 itants to remain upon their eilates and keep polfeflion of 
 the country. No wonder the proclamation was not 
 obeyed. Tknow no authority he had to require them to 
 remain. If the prefervation of their own property v;as 
 not fuliicient to keep them there, it could not be expeded- 
 they would remain merely as a barrier for the reft of the 
 province. 
 
 In the month' of Aiiguft, two hundred Indians, with' 
 two French Jefuits,; came to George-town upon Arowfick 
 iiland, armed and under French colours, and, after fome 
 parley with the inhabitants, left a letter to be delivered tc 
 the governor, in which they make a heavy charge againfl 
 the Englifli for unjuftly imT.ding the property of the In°' 
 dians, and takingTrom them the country which God had' 
 given them; 
 
 Ralle, their fpiritual father, was their patron alfo in- 
 their temporal concerns^. Eithei* from a confcioufnefs of 
 their having conveyed the country to the Englifh, or from-^ 
 a defire of peace and quiet, they were averfe to engaging 
 in war. When' they were at their villages, the priefts 
 lyere continually- exciting them to a£t vigoroufly, and 
 drive all the Englifh to the weftward' of Kennebeck ; and 
 fuch was their influence over them that they would often- 
 fst out from home, with great reiblution to perfift in their 
 <.lemands, and in their parleys with the commanders of 
 forts 3 as well as at more public treaties, would appear at 
 firft to be very fturdy, but were foon foftened down to a- 
 better temper, and to agree that the Englifli fhould hold 
 the lands without moleftation. When they returned 
 home, they gave their father an account of great firmnefs. 
 they had fhewn in refufmg to make any conceflions, and 
 to this we are to impute the erroneous relation of thefc 
 treaties by Charlevoix and others. 
 
 But 
 
.172^1.] M AS S A C H U S E T T S. c^^ 
 
 But about this time Toxus, the Norridgcwock chief, 
 died. When they came to choofe another Toxus, the 
 old men, who were averfe to war, contrary to Ralle''e, 
 mind pitched upon Ouikouiroumenit, w'ho had always 
 been of the pacific party. They took anotlier very diJa- 
 greeable flep, and fubmitted to lend four hoitages to Bof- 
 ton, fureties for thdr good behaviour and for the payment 
 of the damages the English had fuftaincd. Vaiidreuil, 
 the governor of Canada, was alarmed, and thought it nec- 
 effary to exert-himfelf upon. this occafion. He writes to 
 father Rallc, of the :15th of June — " I was at Montreal, 
 my reverend father, v/hen your letters of the -i 6th and i8th 
 of May came to my hands, informing me of the bad ftep 
 taken by the Norridgewocks, in choohng Quikouirou- 
 -nienit fuccelTor to thedcceafed To.?ius, of tlie great lofs 
 which the -whole Abenakis nation hath fuftain<:d by his 
 death, and the divifions prevaihng among the Norridgc- 
 wocks, many of whom, and efpecially their chiefs, have 
 betrayed the intereft of their tribe in openly favouring 
 the pretenfions of the Englifli to the country of Norridgc- 
 wock. The faim hearts of your .Indians in giving hod- 
 ages to the Englifh, to fecure payment of the damage they 
 have fuflained, and the audacious language which they 
 have ufed to the Indians, in order to keep paiTefiioi^ of 
 their country and to drive you out of it, fully convinced 
 me that every advantage v/ould be taken of the prefenc 
 itate of affairs, to fubjedl them to the E>iglifh, if the ut- 
 mofl care fliould not -be immediately taken ^to prevent fo 
 great a misfortune. Without a moment's-delay, I fet out, 
 in order to. apply myfelfto.the bufmefs at Montreal, and 
 from thence to St. Francois and Becancour, where I pre- 
 vailed with the Indians of thofe villages v^Igoroufly to 
 fupport their brethren of Norridge^vvock, .and 4o fend two 
 deputies for that purpofe, to be prefent at -the treaty, and 
 to let the Englilh know that they w'ill not have to do 
 with the Norridgewocks alone if they continue their inju- 
 ries to them. The intendant and I have joined in a let* 
 ter,to defire father la Chafe to take a journey to Norridgc- 
 wock, in order to keep thofe Indians in their prefent dif- 
 ^pofition, and to encourage them to behave with (irmnefs 
 
 and 
 
23S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 and refolution. He will alfo go to Penobfcot, to engage 
 them to fend fome of their chiefe alfo, to be prefent on 
 this occafion and to ftrengthen their brethren,'* 
 
 Begoir, the intendant, writes at the fame time to Ralle : 
 *' I wrote, my reverend father, to Monf. de Vaudreuil, 
 who is at Montreal, the fentiments of father de la Chafe 
 and my awn, viz. what we think convenient to be done, 
 until we hear from the council of the marine whether the 
 French Ihail join the Indians to fupport them openly 
 aindnli the Englifli, or fliall content themfelves with fup- 
 plying ammmiition, as the council has advifed that M. Vau- 
 dreuil might do, in cafe the Engliih fliould enterprife any 
 thing againft them. He thought it more proper to fend 
 the reverend father la Chafe, than Monf. de Croifil, lieu- 
 tenant, &c. becaufe the Enghfh can have no room to ex- 
 cept to one mifTionary^s vifiting another, the treaty of 
 peace not forbidding it ; whereas, if a French officer was 
 lent, they might complain that we fent French men into 
 a country, which they pretend belongs to them, to excite 
 the Indians to make war upon them. 
 
 " It is to be wifhed that you and your Indians may be 
 fuffered to live in quiet until we know the king's inten- 
 tions whether we (hall openly join the Indians if they are 
 attacked wrongfully; in the mean time we fhall affift them 
 with ammunition, which they may be alfured they fhall 
 not want. 
 
 " P. S. Since I wrote the foregoing, the Indians of 
 St. Francois and Becancour have defired M. Vaudreuil 
 that M. de Croifil may go with them to be a witnefs of 
 their good difpofition, and he has confented to join him, 
 with father de la Chafe." 
 
 The Maffachufetts people made heavy complaints of the 
 French governor, for fupporting and ftirring up enemies 
 againd them in time of peace between the two crowns, 
 but he juftihed himfelf to his own malfer. Ralle was 
 ranked by the Englifh among the mod infamous villains, 
 and his fcalp would have been worth an hundred fcalps 
 of the Indians. His intrepid courage and fervent zeal to 
 promote the religion he profelTed, and to fecure hi-s neo^ 
 phytes or converts to the intereft of his fovereign, were 
 
 the 
 
€721.] MASSACHUSETTS. £35, 
 
 the principal caufes of thefe prejudices. The French, for 
 •the fame reafons, rank him with faints and heroes. He 
 had been near forty years a miilionary among tlie Indians, 
 and their manner of life had become quite eaiy and agree- 
 able to him. They loved and idolized him, and were al- 
 ways ready to hazard their own lives to proferve his. 
 His* letters upon various fubjedls difcover him to have 
 been a man of fuperior natural powers, which had been 
 improved by an education in a college of Jefuits. The 
 learned languages he was mailer of. His Latin is pure, 
 >cla(Iical and elegant. He had taught many of his con- 
 verts, male and female, to v/rite, and correfponded with 
 ■them in their own language, and made fome attempts in 
 Indian poetry. When he v;as young, he learned to fpeak 
 Dutch, and fo came more eafily to a fmattering gf En- 
 g\i(h, enough to be underflocd by traders and tradefmen 
 who had been employed in building a church and other 
 work at Norridgewock. He correfponded, in Latin, with 
 one or more of the miniders of Bofton, and had a great 
 fondnefs for fliewing his talent at controverfy. Pride v/as 
 -his foible, and he took great delight in laill^ry. The En- 
 glifli idiom and the flat and bald Latin, in fome of his 
 correfponde.nts' letters, afforded h-hn fubject. Some of hi.j 
 xotemporaries, as v/ell as Cotton^ Norton, Mitchel, and 
 •Others of the firfl nxinifbers of the country, would have 
 .been a match for him. He contemned and often provok- 
 ed the Englifli, and v/hen threatened with deftru^^ion by 
 them, if they fhould £ver take Norridgev/ock, he replied 
 — If- — . We fhall fee, by-and-by, that he met with the 
 fame fate with others long before him, who by the like 
 laconic and infulting anfwevs had unnecefTarily provoked 
 their, enemies. 
 
 The Englifli charge the Indians with perfidy and breach 
 of the moft folemn engagements. The Jefuit denies it, 
 and juftiiies their conduct from their being under dureife 
 at fuch times, and compelled to agree to whatever terms 
 are propofed to them ; particularly when they met gov- 
 ernor Shute, at Arowfick, in 1717, he fays, "The body 
 of the Norridgewocks had fully determined, that the En- 
 glifn Ihouid fettle no farther upon Kennebeck river than a 
 
 certain 
 
24« THE HISTORY OF [Chap. TIL 
 
 certain mill ; for all the pretence they had to go beyond 
 that, was a bargain of this fort, made by fome Englifhman 
 with any Indian he happened ,to meet with — :' I will give 
 you a bottle of rum if you will give me leave to fettle 
 here, or if you will give me fuch a place ; give me the 
 bottle, fays th^e Indian, and take as much land as you have 
 a mind to : the Englifhman afks his name, which he 
 writes down, and the bargain is finiflied.' Such fort of 
 bargains being urged againfl the Indians, at the treaty, 
 they rofe in a body and went away in great wrath y and 
 although they met again the next day and fubmitted to 
 the governor's terms, yet v/hen they came home, all they 
 had done was difallowed by the body of the nation and 
 rejeded/* Whiifl the Englifh kept within the mill, 
 the Jefuit forbad the Indians moleiiing them ; but if any 
 fettled beyond thofe bounds, he allowed and encouraged 
 the Indians to kill their cattle and to make other fpoil. 
 
 The confideration made by the purchafers of Indian 
 lands v/as not always fo inconfiderable as the Jefuit men- 
 tions,and thepurchafes were from chiefs or reputed chiefs 
 or fachems, and poflefTion had been taken and improve- 
 ments made fqores of miles, beyond the limits he wauld 
 reiLrain the Englifh to, more than fixty years before. 
 
 The French governor, Vaudreuil, in his manufcript let- 
 ters, and the French hiilorian, Charlevoix, in print, fup- 
 pofe the Englifh fettlers to be mere intruders, and charge 
 the Enghfh nation with great injuftice in difpoffefTrng the 
 Abenakis of their country. The European nations, 
 which have their colonies in America, may not reproach, 
 one another upon this head. They all took po&fIion<, 
 contrary to the minds of the natives, who would gladly 
 have been rid of their new guefts. The befl plea, viz. 
 that a fmail number of families laid claim to a greater part 
 cf the globe than they were capable of improving, and to 
 a greater proportion than the general proprietor defigned 
 for fo few people, who therefore had acquired no fuch 
 right to it as to exclude the refi: of mankind, will hold as 
 w^ell for the Englifli as any other nation. The firfl fet- 
 tlers of MaHachufetts and Plymouth were not content with 
 this, but made confcieace of paying the natives to theij- 
 
 /atisfaftioB^ 
 
172I.J MASSACHUSETTS. 24} 
 
 fatisfaftion for all parts of the territory which were not 
 depopulated or deferted, and left without a claimer. 
 Gorges, the original patentee of the province of Maine, 
 made grants or conveyance of great part of the fea-coalc 
 and rivers of that province without purchafe from the na- 
 tives ; other parts had been purchafed from them by par- 
 ticular perfons, and the remaining part, as well as the 
 country eaft of i:, the government claimed by conquefi: ; 
 but it muil be confelled, that in the feveral treaties of 
 peace this right had not been acknowledged by the In- 
 dians, nor infided upon by the Englifli, this controverfy 
 being about thofe parts of the country which the luiglifh 
 claimed by purchafe, and nq mention made of a right to 
 the whole by conquefi. 
 
 The governor, immediately after the diiTolution of the 
 general court, ifTued writs for a new houfe of reprefenta-. 
 tives, and the court met, the 23d of Aygud, at the 
 George tavern, the extrejne part of Bofton, beyond the 
 ifthmus or neck, the fmall pox then prevailing in the 
 town. The houfe chofe Mr. Clarke, their former fpeak- 
 cr, and informed the governor of it by mellage, and he 
 fent his approbation, in writing, to the houfe. They 
 palfed a refolve, that they intended no more by their 
 melfage than to inform the governor and council ot the 
 choice they had made, and that they had no need of the 
 governor's approbation. 
 
 The firfl act of the houfe gave new occafion for contro- 
 verfy. They were fo near the town as to be in danger, 
 and, inftead of defiring the governor to adjourn or pro- 
 rogue the court to fome other place, they paflbd a vote 
 for rem.oving the court to Cambridge, and fent it to the 
 council for concurrence. The council non-concurred th(* 
 vote. The governor let the houfe know, that he fliould 
 be very ready to gratify them if he was applied to in fuch 
 manner as fhould confifl with the fole right in him of 
 adjourning, proroguing and diilblving the court. They 
 replied, that they were very willing to acknowledge his 
 right, fo far as refpecled time, but as to place, by the 
 law of the province the court was to be held ia.Boilon, 
 and therefore ^n a^ or order cf the t^aree branches wa^ 
 
 ni?ceffary 
 
242 ' THE IIISTOr^Y OF [Chap. Hi 
 
 3iiecefrary to remove it to any other place. They let the 
 governor know further, that although they had convened 
 in confequence of his fummons, yet, as m^ny of the mem- 
 bers apprehended their iives in danger, they would leave 
 the court and go hoirie. There was a quorum, however, 
 who hole to rill: thdr lives rather than concede that the 
 governor had pov/er, by his own ad;, to remove the court 
 from Bofton to any other town in the province, or riik 
 the confequence of refufing to remain a fuffxient number 
 to make a houfe. 
 
 The governor had received from England the opinion 
 •of the attorney general, that he had good right to nega- 
 tive the fpeaker, and the lords commiflioners of trade and 
 plantations had wrote to him and fignified their approba- 
 tion of his proceedings. Thefe papers he caufed to be 
 laid before the houfe. The houfe drew up a remon^ 
 fh-ance, in which -they judify their ov/n conduct and that 
 of former aiTembiies, in their controverfies with the gov- 
 ernor, and with a great deal of decency -declare, that, with 
 all deference to the opinion of the attorney general, they 
 muil flili claim the right of folely dealing and conltitut- 
 ing their fpeaker ; and they humbly prefumed that their 
 fo doing could :not be conilrued a flight of or difrefpeft 
 to his majefty's inilrudions, or bearing upon the royal 
 prerogative. The governor gave them a (liort and very 
 moderate anfwer ; that he had made his majeily's inftruc- 
 tions and the royal charter the rule of his adminidration ; 
 that he did not defire to be his own judge ; the former 
 houfe had voted to fend an account of their proceedings 
 to England, and it would be very acceptable to him, if the 
 prefent houfe would ilate ithe cafe and fend it home to 
 perfons Isarned in the law, and give them diredions to 
 appear for the houfe, that his majefty might judge between 
 his oovernor and them ; but in the mean time it was his 
 
 o 
 
 duty to foilovsr his infiruclions until they were counter- 
 manded. 
 
 Here feems to have been a calm interval. The flame 
 was abated, but the fire not extinguiflied. Frefli fuel 
 foon caufed a frefli fiamc. The grant to the governor 
 aficrded proper matter. It was faid the houfe were bad 
 
 economiils. 
 
I72I.] MASSACHUSETTS. 243 
 
 cconomlds. To fave an hundred pounds in the govcr* 
 no' 's ialary, they put their conftituents to the expenfe of 
 f.vj hundred pounds for their own wages. If the gov- 
 ernor's deiTiand was unrealbnable, the houfe may be jufti- 
 hea, although the wages of the members for the lime 
 fpent in the debate amounted to much more than the fum 
 in diipjre. The currency alfo continued to depreciate ; 
 but this is a coniiJeration wliich never had its jufi: weight. 
 Twenty fliilhngs one year, mufL be as good as twenty 
 fhiUings another. They received and paid their private 
 dues and debts in bills of credit according to their denom- 
 inations — why fliould not the government's debts be paid 
 in the fame manner ? A majority of the houfe were pre- 
 vailed upon to vote no more than five hundred pounds 
 for half a year's falary, equal to about an hundred and 
 eighty pounds flerling. 
 
 The governor was irritated ; inflead of obtaining an 
 eftabliflied falary of a thoufand pounds fterling per annum, 
 which he had been inflruded to infift upon, his whole 
 perquifites from the government would not alFord him a 
 decent fupport, and they were growing leis every day by 
 the finking of the currency in its value. 
 
 The houfe, from an expectation that the governor 
 would, from time to time, make complaints to the minif- 
 try, voted 500I. fieri, to be paid into the hands of fuch 
 perfons as ihould be chofcn to defend their rights in En- 
 gland ; but the council refufed to concur the vote, be- 
 caufe it was not CApreffed by whom the perfons fhould be 
 chofen. 
 
 At the clofe of the felTion, the houfe and council came 
 into a vote, and the governor was prevailed with to con- 
 fent to it, " that three hundred men fhould be fent to the 
 head-quarters of the Indians, and that proclamation fnould 
 be made, commanding them, on pain of being profecuted 
 with the utmod feverity, to deliver up the Jefuits and the 
 other heads and fomenters of their rebellion, and to make 
 fatisfadion for the damage they had done ; and if they 
 refufed to comply, that as many of their principal men as 
 the commanding oflicer fliould judge meet fliould be feiz- 
 ed, together with Ralle, or any other Jefuit, and fj^nt to 
 
 Boflon ', 
 
£44 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. i& 
 
 Bofton ; and if any oppofition fhould be made, force 
 Ihould be repelled by force.'* Jlidge Sewall,* one of the 
 council, fcrupled the lawfulnefs of this proceeding againll 
 the Indians, and entered his dilTent. After the gener?4 
 court was prorogued, the goyernor, notwithftanding he 
 liad confented to the vote, fufpended the profecution until 
 .the Indian hoflages efcaped from the Caftle ; but a war 
 being then deemed inevitable, orders were given for raif- 
 ing the men. The hoftages \yere taken and fent back to 
 their confiitenient, and then the orders were recalled. 
 
 A proniife had been made by the governor to the In- 
 dians, that trading houfes Iho.uld be built, armourers or 
 fmiths fent down, at the xharge of the .province, and that 
 they fhould be fupplied with pravifions, clothing, &c. for 
 their furs and ikinsoi The comphance with this promife 
 was expected from the general court, and at any other 
 time it would have been thought a xvell-judged meafure ; 
 but the unhappy controverfy with the governor would 
 2iot fufFer any thing from him to be approved of, and the 
 private traders provoked the Indians by their frauds and 
 other injuries, and it feems the governor, as well as good 
 Mr. Sewall, fcrupled whether a declaration of war againfl: 
 them was juft or prudeutc Tills houfe and council chofe 
 to call the proceedings againll them a profecution for 
 rebellion, but, if a view be taken of all the tranfaclions 
 between the Englifii and them from the beginning, it will 
 be difficult to fay what fort of fubjecls they were ; and it is 
 not certain that they underftood that they had promifed 
 any fubjedion at all. 
 
 The houfe, dllfatjisfied with the governor for not carry- 
 ing into execution a vote of the whole court, refolved at 
 the beginning of the next lellion, " that the government 
 has Hill fufhcient reafon for pi'ofecuting the eaftern In- 
 dians for their many breaches of covenant." The vote 
 being fent up for concurrence, the council defired the 
 
 houfe 
 
 * This gentleman was a ^ood friend to the aborigiaals of every tribe, not from 
 ■mere humanity and compaflicn, but he v/as much inclined to think they were part 
 of the ancient people of God, and that the ten tribes, by fome .means or other, had 
 ftroUed into America. He was a commifl'ioner from the corporation for propagat- 
 ing the gofpel among them, and with his own fubjlance b'.ult them a fynagogue, 
 , iind did mauy other charitable ar^is. 
 
 ,_ f Treaty ?.t Arowfick. 
 
iyl I .] M A S S xA: C H U S E T T S". J4 r 
 
 hoiife to explain what they intended by prorecution, bu»: 
 they refufed to do it, and defircd the council cither to 
 concur or non-concur. The houfe rcfufing to explaiit 
 their meaning, the board undertook to explain it, and con- 
 curred the vote with a declaration that they underftood 
 it to be I'uch a profecution as had been determined the 
 former fellion. This no doubt was irregular in the coun- 
 cil, and left room to queftion whether it was a vote of the 
 court, the houfe not having agreed to it as the counci! 
 qualified it. However, in confequence of it, a party of 
 aien were ordered up to Norridgewock, and returned- 
 with no other fuccefs than bringing off fome of Ralie's 
 books and papers, his faithful difciples having taken care 
 to fecure his perfon and to fly with him into' the woods. 
 This infult upon their chief tovs\n, and the fpoil made up- 
 on their prieil, will not long remain unrevenged. 
 
 The fellion began at Boiton the ;i^(\ of November. The 
 governor prorogued the court, to meet at Cambridge the 
 7th ; and before they proceeded to bulniefs, to avoid any 
 difpute about the place of meeting, which would have 
 obflrucled the important affairs of the province, he gave 
 his confent to a- vote of the tv/o houfes, that by this in- 
 llance of the governor's adjourning the court, no advan- 
 tage fliould be taken in favour of his fole power of remov- 
 ing the court from place to place. In his fpeech, he had- 
 taken no notice of party difputes, and only recommended* 
 to them to raife money for the fervice of the government,- 
 and particularly of their expofed frontiers. 
 
 The houfe, in their vote for fupply of the trcafury, 
 brought in a claufe which had not been in foruier votes, 
 and which the council fuppofed would lay fuch rcftraint 
 upon- the money in the treafury, that it would not be in 
 the governor's power, with their advice and confent, ^cy 
 much as to pay an exprefs without a vote of the whole 
 court ; they therefore non-concurred the vote, and the 
 houfe refufed any provifion without that claufe. In the 
 midft of the difpute, Mr. Hutchinfon, one of the members 
 for Bofton, was feized with the fmall-pox and died in a 
 £cw days.* The fpeaker, Mr. Clarke, was one of the 
 
 moft 
 
 * N9Y. 3«. . 
 
^4^ THE HISTORY OF [Ckap. IIL 
 
 mofl noted pbyficians in Bofton, and, notwithflanding all 
 his care to cleanfe himfelf from infedion, after vifuing 
 his patients, it was fuppofed, brought the diitemper to his 
 brother member ; which fo terrified the court, that after 
 the report of his being feized, it was not pollible to keep 
 them together, and the governor found it neceffary to pro- 
 rogue them.* At the next felhon in Marchj, the hqufc 
 infiiiing upon the form of fupply which they had voted 
 in the lall feillon, the council concurred. 
 
 An allair happened during this feffion, which fnewed 
 the uncertainty of the relation the Indians flood in to the 
 Engiifh. Caftine, fon by an Indian wom.an to the baron 
 de St. Caftine, who lived many years in the laft cenmry 
 at Penobfcot, had appeared among the Indians, who v/ere 
 in arms at Arowfick, By an order of court, he had been 
 afterwards feized in the eaftern country, and brought to 
 Eofton and put under clofe confinement. 
 
 The houfe ordered, that he fliould be brought upon 
 trial in the county of Suffolk, before the fuperior court, 
 and that the witnefTes who faw him in arms fliould be 
 fummcned to attend* This, no doubt, would have been 
 trying in one county a fact committed in another. The 
 council non-concurred, and voted to fend for witnefTes, 
 that the court might judge in what manner to proceed 
 againiL him ; but this was not agreed to by the houfe. 
 Some time after, a committee was appointed to examine 
 him. Caftine was a very fubtle fellow, and made all fair 
 with the committee. He profeffed the highefl friendfhip 
 for the Englilh, and affirmed that he came to Penobfcot 
 to prevent the Indians from doing mifchief, and promifed 
 to endeavour to influence all that tribe to keep peace. 
 The committee therefore reported, and the two houfes 
 accepted the report, that he fhould be fet at large. The 
 governor approved of this proceeding. He had yet hopes 
 of preferving peace. To have puniflied him as a traitor 
 would have deftroyed all hopes of an accommodation. It 
 might alfo very well be queflioned whether it would have 
 been juftifiable. Th^ tribe or nation with which he was 
 mixed, has repeatedly, in words of which they had no ad- 
 equate ideas, acknowledged themfelves fubjects j but, in 
 
 fad, 
 
 * Nov, 17. 
 
X72I.] MASSACHUSETTS. C47 
 
 fad, in concomitant as well as precedent and fubicquent 
 traniaciions with them, had always been confidered as' 
 free and independent, and, although they lived wirhin 
 the hmits of the charter, the government n^vcr made any 
 attempt to exercife any civil authority or iuriidiclion over 
 them, except when any of them came withih the Knglifh 
 fettlements, and difpiKes had arifen betv/een ihem and the. 
 Englilli fubjeds. 
 
 The houie who, the lad feiTion, were for profecutin;^ 
 the Indians, and could not reafonabiy have lappofed that 
 they would bury, as they exprels theinfclves, the late 
 march of theEnglifh toNorridgewock, feem, notwithftand- 
 ing, to be fuddenly changed from vigorous meafuics for 
 bringing them to terms, to fchemes for appeafn\^; and 
 foftening them j and a prcfent was ordered to be lent to 
 Bohiafeen, the Norridgewoci: captain, to engage him in- 
 favour of the EngliOi. 
 
 The fmall-pox this year made great havoc in Bofton 
 and fome of the adjacent towns.* Having been prevent- 
 ed fpreading for near twenty years, all born within that 
 time, befides many who had ei'capixi it before, Vv^ere liable 
 to the diflemper. Of five thoufand eight hundred and 
 ei?htv-nine, which took it in 'Boflon- ei^hc hundred and 
 forty.four died. Inoculation was introduced upon this 
 occafior^, contrary to the minds of the inhabitants in gen- 
 eral, and not without hazard, to the lives of thofe who 
 promoted it, from the rage of the people. Dodor C. 
 Mather, one of the principal miniilers of Boflon, had ob- 
 ferved, in the philofophical tranfadions, a letter of Ti- 
 monius from Conflantinople, and a treatife of Pylarinus, 
 Venetian coniul at Smyrna, giving a very favourable ac- 
 count of the operation ; and he recommended a tiial to the 
 phyficians of the tov;n, when the fmall-pox firfl began to 
 fprcad ; but they all declined it except dodor Boyllion^ 
 who made himfelf very obnoxious. To iliev/ the confi- 
 dence he had of fucceis, he began Vv^ith his own children 
 and fervants. Mjmy fober, pious people were flruck 
 with horror, and were of opinion that, if any of his pa- 
 tients fhould die, he ought to be treated as a murderer. 
 
 The 
 
 * It was brought int« the Karbyur of Uof^on aoout the midcik «f April Ly tkc 
 Saltsrtugas Sett. 
 
7-'4 THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. IlL 
 
 The vulgar were enraged to that degree, that his family*" 
 was hardly fafe in his houle, and he often met with af- 
 fronts and infults in the ftreets. 
 
 The faculty, in general, difapproved his condiicl^ but 
 doclor Douglafs made the moll zealous oppofition. He 
 had been regularly bred in Scotland, was aikiming, even 
 to arrogance, and in feveral fugitive pieces which he pub- 
 lifned, treated all who difl'ered from him with contempt. 
 He was credulous, and ea(i.ly received idle reports, of 
 perfons who had received the fmall»pox by inoculation 
 taking it a fecond time in the natural way, of others who 
 perifhcd in a mod deplorable manner, from the corrupt 
 matter, which had fo infeded the mafs of blood as to 
 render the patient incurable. At other times, he pro- 
 nounced the eruption from inoculation to be only*a puf- 
 fulary f(:ve'r hke the chicken or fwine-pox, nothing anal- 
 ogous to the fmail-pox, and that the patient, therefore, 
 had not the leafl fecurity againfl the miaii-pox afterw^ards 
 by ordinary infe^lion. 
 
 Another praftifer, Lawrence Dalhonde, who had been 
 a furgeon in the French army, made oath that at CremiO- 
 na, about the year 1696, the operation was made upon 
 thirteen foldiers, four of which died, three did not take 
 the diifemper, the other fix hardly efcaped, and Vt^ere left 
 with tumours, inflammations, gangrenes, &c. and that 
 about the time of the battle of Almanza, the fmall-pox 
 being in the army, tw^o Mufcovians were inoculated, one 
 without any immediate efFed, but fix weeks after was feiz- 
 ed with a frenzy, fwelled all over his body, and was fup- 
 pofed to be poifoned, and, being opened after his death, 
 his lungs were found ulcerated, which it was determined 
 was caufed by inoculation. 
 
 The juilices of the peace and fele6i:men of the town call- 
 ed together the phyficians, who, after mature deliberation, 
 came to the following conclufions. " That it appears by 
 numerous inftances, that inoculation has proved the death 
 of many perfons foon after the operation, and brought 
 diilempers upon many others, which in the end have 
 proved deadly to them. That the natural tendency oi^ 
 infufing fuch malignant filth in the mafs of blood is to 
 
 corrupt 
 
iyiu'] MASSACHUSETTS. 249 
 
 corrupt and putrify it, and if there be not a fuincient dil- 
 char|;e of" that malignity, by the place of incidon or elfe- 
 where, it lays a foundation for many dangerous difeafes. 
 That the continuing the operation among us is likely to 
 prove of the moil dangerous confequence.** The practice 
 was generally condemned. 
 
 The common people imbibed the flrongefl prejudices, 
 and fuch as died by inoculation were no more lamented 
 than felf-murderers. Doctor Mather, the lirft mo\'er, 
 after having been reproached and vilified in pamphlets 
 and news-papers, was at length attacked in a more violent 
 way. His nephew, Mr. Walter, one of the mini iters of 
 Roxbuiy, having been privately inoculated in the doctor's 
 houfc in Eollon, a villain, about three o'clock in the 
 morning, fet hre to the fuze of a granado fliell, filled with 
 Gombufiible fluff, and threw it into the chamber where 
 the fick man was lodged. The fuze was fortunately beat 
 off by the paffmg of the fhell through the window, and 
 the wild fire fpent itfelf upon the floor. It was generally 
 fuppofed"^ that the burlling of the fheii by that means was 
 prevented. A fcurrilous menacing writing was fafLencd 
 to the fliell or fuze. 
 
 The moderate oppofers urged, that the praclice was to 
 be condemned, as trufting more to the machination of 
 men, than to the all-wife providence of God in the ordi- 
 nary courfe of nature, and as tending to propagate diftem- 
 pers to the deflrudion of mankind, which proved it to be 
 criminal in its nature and a fpecies of murder. The mag- 
 iffrates, I mean thofe in Bofton, fuppcfed it had a tenden- 
 cy to increafe the malignity and prolong the contipuance 
 of the infection, and that therefore it behoved them to 
 difcountenance it. 
 
 At length, the houfe of reprefentatives laid hold of it, 
 and a bill w^as brought in and paffed to prohibit all perfons 
 from inoculation for the fmall-pox , but the council were 
 in doubt, and the bill ffopped. 
 
 Such is the force of prejudice. All orders of men, in 
 that day, in greater or leffer proportion, condemned a 
 Vol. II. R practice 
 
 * I remember to have feen the fhell, which wus not fjld v/itii powder, tut a 
 «iijLtur« &f briniilone with bitUTviuous matur. 
 
c:^^ THE HISTORY OF (^Cuat. M^ 
 
 p] atllce which is now generally approved, and to which- 
 many thoufands owe the prefervation of their lives. 
 
 Boy] (Ion continued the praftice, in fpite of all the op- 
 uofition. About three hundred were inoculated, in Bof- 
 ton and-the adjacent towns. It is impoffible to determine 
 the number which died by it. Douglal^ would have it 
 there was one in fourteen, w^hilft the favourers of the 
 jira^^lice v/ouki not allow more than one in feventy or 
 eighty. It was evident, from the fpeedy eruption, that 
 many had'taken the difren^per before they were inoculat- 
 ed. Indeed, where peifons have continued in an infecled 
 •jir for months together, no true judgment can ever be 
 made of the experiment.^" 
 
 The new houfe of reprefenta-tives, in May, chofe the 
 former fpeaker, and- the governor declared his approba- 
 tion in the fame manner he haxi done before. He nega- 
 dved two of the ceunfellors elect, colonel Byfield and Mr,.- 
 William Clark. Mr. Clark, being a member of the 
 Iioufe for Bofton^ had ever adhered clofely to Mr. Cooke, - 
 i'he governor Ihewed his refentment by refufmg to admit 
 iiiin to the council, but did not ferve his own intereft^ 
 Mr. Clark's oppcfitioHbeing of greater confequence in the 
 houfe. 
 
 The Indians were meditating mifchief from the time 
 the Englllh v/-ere at Norridgewock, but committed no 
 hoililities until June follov/ing. They came then v/ith 
 about fixty men, in tv/enty canoes:, into- Merrymeeting: 
 bay, and took prifoners nine families, but gave no marks 
 of their ufual rage and barbarity. Some of their prifon- 
 ers they releafed immediately, and others in a fhort time 
 after. Enough were retained to be a fecurity for the re- 
 turn of their boll ages -from Bofton. A'nother fmall party- 
 of Indians made an attempt upon a fifliing velTel belong- 
 ing to Ipfwich, as Hie lay in one of the eaftern harbours, 
 but the lidiermen being armed, they killed two or three 
 of the Indians, and the rgft retreated. The colledor of 
 
 the 
 
 ■' It h-appcncu, that in the fame month in winch inoculation began in Bcfton, 
 two childrcii, a daughter, I fuppoie, of lady Alary W. Montague, and a fon of doc- 
 tor Keith, Vi'cvii inoculated in England. Thtn an experiment was made upon fix 
 condemned criminals. After that, tln-ee or four children were inoculated, and the 
 A"pring follo-wiiig leveral children in the hofpitals. The fuccefs of thefe attempt* 
 ence-ara^iid tkt like ■vvith two of the princcn^s, %Yhichr- fvic»eedetl- very favourably,. 
 
.1-72^.] MASSACHUSETTS. -51 
 
 the cuftoms at Annapolis-royal, Mr. Newton, with John 
 Adams, fon of one of the council for Nova Scotia, were 
 coming from thence, with captain Blin, to Bofton, and, 
 putting in to one of the Paflimaquadies, went afliore, 
 with other pailengers, and were all feized and made piif- 
 oners by about a dozen Indians and as many French ; the 
 people left on board the lioop cut their cables and fled to 
 Bofton. 
 
 Another party of Indians burned a floop at St. George's 
 river, took ieveral prifoners, and attempted to furprife the 
 fort. 
 
 Intelligence of thefe feveral hodile acls came to Bodon 
 whilfi; the general court w^as fitting, but there feemed- 
 to be no difpofition to engage in war. Inflead of the 
 former vigorous refolves, upon leiTer provocations, the 
 lioufe propofed that a meflage fliould be fent to the Nor- 
 ridgewock Indians, to demand the reafons of this beha- 
 viour, reftitutionof the captives, and fatisfa£tion for dam- 
 ages; and acquaint them that, if they refufed, cfFe<5lual 
 methods would be taken to compel them. The hoftages 
 given by the Indians were fent down to the eaftward, and, 
 upon the reftoring the Englifh captives, they were to be 
 fet at hberty. 
 
 The friends of the Englifh captives v/ere importunate 
 with the government to take meafures for their redemp- 
 tion, and a view to effect this feems to have been the chief 
 reafon which delayed a declaration of war. But, foon 
 after the prorogation of the court, news came that the 
 Indians had burnt Brunfwick, a village between Cafco- 
 Bay and Kennebeck, and that captain Harman, with part 
 of the forces polled upon the frontiers, had purfued the 
 enemy, killed feveral, and taken fifteen of their guns. 
 Immediately after this news (July 25) the governor, by 
 advice of council, caufed a declaration of war to be pub- 
 liflied. 
 
 Foreign wars often delivered Greece and Rome from 
 their intefline broils and animofities, but, this war furnifh- 
 ed a new fubjedt for contention. The governor often 
 charged the party in the houfe with affuniing the direc- 
 tion of the war, and taking into their hands that power 
 R 2 which 
 
^5^ THE HISTORY OF [CnAr. I!^ 
 
 v/hich the charter gives to the governor. He gave thenl 
 a' hint in his fpeeoh (Augufl 8th) a^ the opening the next 
 ieilioni " One thing I would particularly remark to you, 
 which is, that, if my hands and the council's be not left 
 nt a much greater liberty than of late they have been, I' 
 fear our affairs will be carried on with little or no fpirit. 
 Surely, every perfon who willies well to li4S country will 
 think it high time to lay afide all animofities, private 
 piques and felf-intereft, that fo v.^e may unanimoufly join 
 in the vigoroms^ profecution of' the weighty affairs which' 
 are now upon the carpet." 
 
 The houfe, in an addrefsto the gov-ernor, flgnlfied their 
 fentiments of the neceili ty of this declaration of war, and 
 promifed " all neceilary and cheerful affiilance." A com= 
 mittee of the two houfecTettled the rates of wages and pro- 
 vifions for the forces, to which- no excepti-on was taken -^ 
 but they vz-ent further and d-etermined the fervice in which 
 they were to be employed, three hundred men to be fent 
 upon an expedition to Penobfcot, and the reft- to be poft- 
 e-d at different places on the frontie-rs^^, and qualified their 
 report by defiring the governcr to give orders according- 
 ly. He let them know, that the king hismafter and the 
 royal charter had given him the folc command and direc- 
 tion of the militia, and all the forces, which might be 
 raifed en any emergency, and that he would not fuffer 
 them to be under any diredion but his own and thofe 
 officers he fliould think ht to appc?inr. The houfe mad© 
 him no anfwer. The deftination of the mihtary forces in 
 this manner, andniaking the eftabliOiment of their wage^ 
 depend upon a corapliance with it^ had not been the prac- 
 tice in former wars and adminiftrations, but the gov- 
 ernor found he muft fubniit to it, or the frontiers would 
 be wi-thout defence. He gave up his own opinion with 
 refpecl to the Penobfcots, and had laid the fame plan" 
 which the committee had reported, and he intended to 
 profecute it, which made his compliance more eafy. The 
 houfe being diffatisfied with major Moody, who had the 
 command of the forces^ paffed a vote defiring the gover- 
 nor to difmifs him. The council non-concurred this 
 Tote, ^' becaufe he was condemned' unheard," and fubfti- 
 
 tuted; 
 
<l7t^2.] MASSACHUSETTS. 255 
 
 :tuted another vote to defire the governor to fend for hinu, 
 that he might attend the court ; but this the houfe would 
 not agree to, and fent a feparate meiTage to the governor 
 to defire him to fufpend the major from his poiL The 
 governor told them he was furprifed they fliould defire U> 
 high a piece of injuftice as the punifning a man without 
 hearing what he had to fay for himfelf, and let .them 
 know he would inquire into the grounds of their com- 
 plaint. Several other voles .paflcd, relative to the forces., 
 which the goyerjQor did not approve. 
 
 At the next feiTion, November 15th, he recommended 
 .51 law to prevent mutiny and d'^fertion, for want of whicii 
 the men were daily runni^ig away. The houfe thought 
 it necefiary to be flrfl fatisficd, whether thedefertion in th« 
 army was not owing to the unfiiithfulnefs of the oiiicer;j, 
 and appointed two committees, one to repair to the head- 
 quarters on the eafliern, and the other csn the Vv'eflern 
 frontiers, with powers lo require >the oilicers to mufler 
 their companies, when an exact lift was to be taken of 
 the men that appeared, an account of all deferters, and of 
 2l11 fuch as were abfent upon foriough, or had been dif- 
 miflfed or had been ei^icbanged, together wkh divers other 
 powers. They then applied ±0 the governor, to give or- 
 ders to all in command to pay a proper deference to the 
 vote and order of the houfe refpecling -repeated abufes 
 and mihnanagementrS among the forces, &c. 
 
 This the governor thought he had good right to except 
 to, and he made the vote itfelf, as well as the manner in 
 which it was to be executed, an article of complaint againfl 
 the houfe to the Icing.; but -he was prevailed upon to ccn- 
 fent to it, and either m.ade or intended to make this condi- 
 tion, that the committees fliould make report to him. 
 The houfe urged tiiis confent againfl him, but in England 
 it was not thought a fufHcient julfification. 
 
 The conceding in one poiut naturally led to a demand 
 of the like concefTions in others. 
 
 It was thought a falutary meafure to fen.] for delegates 
 from the Iroquois, who were in friendfliip with us, and to 
 defire them to ufe the influence they had over the eadern 
 .Jjadians, in order to their making fatisfa<5lion for thj inju/- 
 
 ries 
 
^54 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 ries. done, and to their good behaviour for the time to 
 come. When the delegates came to Boflon, the houfe 
 voted that the fpeech to be made to them by the governor 
 fliould be prepared by a committee of the two houfes. 
 The governor had prepared his fpeech, and he direded 
 the fecretary to read it to the houfe of reprefentatives ; but 
 this was not fatisfadory, and they fent a mefiage to defire 
 that what the fecretary had read might be laid before the 
 houfe. The governor refufed at firfl, but upon further 
 confideration confented, defiring they would fpeedily re* 
 turn it. They fent it back to him, and let him know they 
 could not agree to it, unlefs he would fpeak in the name 
 of the general court, and the houfe of reprefentatives 
 might be prefent when the fpeech was delivered. This 
 was difagreeable to him, and a novelty to, the Indians, who 
 had always conlidered in their treaties, the governor of 
 Pennfylvania, as \vell as the governor of New York, to 
 be treating with them in their own names, of the name 
 of the king, and not of their refpedive affemblies ; but he 
 fubmitted. 
 
 In confequence of the vote of the houfe in the laft fef- 
 fion, the governor had directed an expedition to Penob- 
 fcot, although it was not altogether agreeable to his own 
 judgm.ent. It feem.s he had hopes of an accommodation, 
 with that tribe at leaft. Colonel Walton, v/ho had the com- 
 mand on the eaftern frontiers, feleded forces proper for the 
 purpofe, and they had actually begun their march, when 
 intelligence arrived to the colonel that Arov/fick wa'; at- 
 tacked by a great number of Indians. He immediately 
 fent an exprefs with orders to the forces to return, and 
 acquainted the governor with his proceedings. The 
 council advifed to keep the whole forces for the defence 
 of our own inhabitants, and to fufpend acting upon the 
 offenfive until winter, which they judged a more proper 
 feafon for the expedition ; and the men, in confequence 
 of this new advice, were employed in marches upon the 
 back of the frontiers. But the houfe were diifatisfied, 
 and fent a meffage to the governor " to defire him to or- 
 der, by exprefs, colonel Walton to appear forthwith be- 
 fore the houfe, to render his reafons why the orders 
 
 relating 
 
:T722.] MASSACHUSETTS. 255 
 
 .relating to the expedition had not been executed/' This 
 "was not only to take Walton from the command, as long- 
 as the houle fhould think fit to detain him, but the orders, 
 * relating to the expedition,' might be underRood to mean 
 the orders which had been given by th€ houfe, and no.c 
 what he had received from the captain general. The 
 governor told the -committee that he would take no notice 
 •of the meffage from the houfe unlefs it was oiherwife ex- 
 prefled ; befides, he .and the council were well fatisficd, 
 and he thought every body cKe was. He added, that he 
 intended the officers fhould give an account ^ to him' of 
 their condud. The next day (Nov. 20th) they fent an- 
 ,other melTage to him to defire him to inform the houfe, 
 whether he would fend for Walton as they had dell red, 
 •He then told the committee, he would fend his anfwcr 
 to the houfe when he thought proper. Upon this, thc\' 
 feem to have appointed a mcilcnger to go to the eaflward, 
 upon, what occafion does not appear, and the next day 
 -paifed the follo\^ ing extraordinary vote. *' Whereas this 
 houfe did on ThuxKlay laft appoint a committee to waic 
 on his excellency the governor, praying his orders l^or 
 colonel VvTalton's appearance before the houfe, and renew- 
 ed their requelt lo him yefiierday, and his exceJIency has 
 not yet [qqu caufe to comply with that vote, and the deni- 
 al of colonel Walton's being fent for has extremely dif- 
 ;Couraged the houfe in projecting any further fchemes for 
 carrying on the war, under any views of fuccefs ; and 
 this houfe, being zealoully inclined to do what in them 
 lies to bring this people out of the calamities and perplex- 
 ities of the prefent war, and to fpare no cofl and charge 
 to effect fo great a good, were fome things at pi'ef^nt rem- 
 edied : We do therefore, once more, with the greatell 
 fmcerity and concern for our country's good, apply to 
 your excellency for your fpeedy iiTuing your orders con- 
 cerning colonel Walton, to be difpatched by the meifen- 
 ger of this houfe going into thofe parts. '^ The governor 
 did not like to be fo clofely prefTed, and ^hen the com- 
 mittee came to his houfe, he told them he would not 
 receive the vote, and, as it is inferted in the report and 
 journal of the houfe, " he went Jii.- way." They iheii 
 
 appoi-Qted 
 
2s6 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. Ill, 
 
 appointed their fpeaker and eight principal members, a 
 committee to wait upon the governor and defire him to. 
 return to the chair, "on fome important affairs which 
 hiy before the houfe,*' but he refufed to fee the commit- 
 tee, and dire<Sted his fervant to tell them he would not 
 then be fpoken to by any body. 
 
 Walton was a New Hampfliire man at the head of the 
 forces, a fmall part only of which were raifed in that 
 government. This might prejudice many, but there was 
 a private grudge againfi him in fome of the leading men 
 of the houfe, and they never left purfuing him until they 
 elfected his rem.oval, 
 
 * The houfe finding the governor would not comply, all 
 their meilages to him being exceptionable, as founded 
 upon a fuppofsd right in the houfe to call the officers out 
 of the fervice to account before them whenfoever they 
 thought proper, and alfo to order the particular fervices 
 in which the forces fliould be employed without leaving it 
 in the governor's power to vary, they made fome altera- 
 tions in the form of their requeft, and (December 4th) 
 paifed the following vote. " Whereas this houfe have 
 been informed of divers mifcarriages in the management 
 of the war in the eaftern country, voted, that his excel- 
 lency the governor be delired to exprefs colonel Walton, 
 that he forthwith repair to Bofton, and, when he hath 
 attended upon his excellency, that he v/ould pleafe to di- 
 red him to wait on this houfe, that they may examine 
 him concerning his late condud in profecuting the war, 
 more efpecialiy referring to the late intended expedition 
 to the fort of Penobfcot." This being jnore general, and 
 not confined to the laying afide the expedition, which was 
 known to be in confequence of orders, the governor was 
 willing it fnouid be conllrued favourably, and fent for 
 Walton. 
 
 The council having fleadily adhered to the governor, 
 he took this opportunity to recom.mend to the houfe to 
 a6l jointly with the council in meifages to him of general 
 concern, and at the fame time, in a verbal mellage by the 
 fecreiary, endeavoured to foften the temper of the houfe. 
 '' Mr. fpeaker, his excellency commands me to acquaint 
 
 this 
 
1722.] MASSx\CIIUSETTS. ^^^-j 
 
 this honourable houfe that he has taken into confideration 
 the Icveral meflages relating to colonel Walton, and 
 thinks it moil agreeable to the conftitution, and what 
 would tend to keep up <i good agreement between the 
 council and houie of repreientativcci, for all their mellages, 
 of a public nature and wherein the whole govermneut is 
 concerned, to be fent up to the council lor their concur- 
 rence, and not iinniediately to himlelf ; however, that he 
 will give order for colonel Walton's coming up. to town, 
 and, when has received an account of hi^ proceedings, the 
 whole court fhall ha\'e the hcai'ing of him if they dcfire 
 it." In this way, the governor intended to guard againit 
 any undue proceeding, there being no danger of the 
 council's condemning a meafure to which a little while 
 before they had given their advice and confent ; but the 
 houfe improved the hint to a very different purpofe, and 
 on the 5th of December voted *^' that a committee, to 
 conhil of eleven members of the two houfes, fevcn of the 
 houfe of reprefentatives and four of the council, iliall meet 
 in the recefs of the court, once in fourteen days, and oft- 
 ener, if occafion fhould require, to concert what fleps 
 and methods fliail be put in practice relative to the war, 
 and having agreed upon any proje^Hons or defigns, to lay 
 them before his excellency for his approbation, who is 
 dcfired to take effectual care to carry them into fpeedy 
 execution."* In aifairs of government, of what nature 
 foever, this was an innovation in the conftitution j but in 
 matters relative to the war it was taking the powers from 
 the governor, which belonged to him by the conftitution, 
 and vefting them in a .committee of the tv/o houfes. The 
 council unanimoufly non-concurred the vote, and alterca- 
 tion enfued bctv/een them and the houfe, but the council 
 
 perfevered. 
 
 * This was unprecedented, and had It heen only a devolvinjj the powers, by th« 
 conftitution entrufU'd with the whole Icginuture, could not be juilified ; but it was 
 an affuniing the power given to one branch only, the governor, and then devolving 
 it to 2 few of their own number. Such innovarions are dangerous. They may be 
 improved to lerve the purpofcs of an arbitrary prir>>;e or governor, as well as thole 
 pf a popular fi.Aion. When Richard H. had a packed parliament devoted to his 
 will and pleafure, be procured an a(5l or order, under colour of difp^ttching bufmefs, 
 which inveftcd the whole authority of parliament in the king, v/ith tv/elve peers 
 and fix common'*rs. On the other hand, in 1641, the lords and commons having 
 determined to adjourn from tlic 9th of September to the -zoth of October, appointed 
 committees, viz. fcvcn of the lords and forty-three of the co:ii:r.oi;s, to take care, 
 during the rscef;, of tl^e moil weighty :<.nd urgent affi^irs. 
 
^5« ' THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 yerfevered. In the mean time the governor was engaged 
 with the houfe in freih difputes. 
 
 The committee of the houfe, which had been ferit to 
 the eaftern frontiers, returned, and inflead of making 
 their report to the governor, which was the condition of 
 his confcnt to their authority and of his orders to the of- 
 ficers to fubmit to themi they made their report to the 
 houfe. This was difmgenuous. It would not do to urge 
 that he had no right to make conditions to their votes, 
 for he had given no confent, unlefs k was conditional, 
 and without his confent they could have no authority.* 
 As foon as he heard of the repott, he fent to the houfe 
 /or his original order, which he had delivered to the 
 committee. They anfwered that they were not poirelfed 
 of it ; but the chairman of the committee had left an at- 
 tefled copy on their iiles, w^hich he might have if he pleaf- 
 ed j but he refufed the copy and infilled upon the origin- 
 al. He then fent for John Wainwright, the chairman of 
 the committee, to attend him in council, and there de- 
 manded the return of the original order. Wainwright, in 
 general, was what was called a prerogative man, but the 
 ihoufe had enjoined him not to return the order. He ac- 
 
 knowledge4 
 
 * In tlie firll year of the xcf^p of the late klnor William, a motion was made;^iii 
 -th« houfe of commons for an addrefs to his majefty to fend perfons into Ireland tQ 
 -take account of the numbers of the army and the provifions, which the king aiTured 
 them he would do. Afterwards, a motion was made that the commons flic^uld fend 
 fome of their members and of tlxeii own iiominatien. The king being informed of 
 it fent the following meiTjge. 
 -" IFiliiam II. 
 
 " His majeily having- already declared his refolutions to profecute the war in Ire- 
 land with the utmoft vi_p;our, and being defirous to ufe the means tliat may be mofl 
 fatisfadory and effefiual in order to it, ib gracioufly pleafed, that this houfe do rec- 
 ommend a number of perfi)ns, not exceeding feven, to be commifTioned by his maj- 
 =efty, to take care of the provifions and fuch othej- pi-eparations as Ihall be neccflary 
 for that fervice. 
 
 " His majeily is further pleafed to let the houfe know, that, upon confideration 
 A)f the addrefs of the llth of November, he gives them leave to nominate fome per- 
 fons to go over to Ireland, to take an account of the number of the army there and 
 -the ftate and condition of it, who fliall receive his majefty's orders accordingly." 
 
 This is calltd a condefcending meffage. It is certain the houfe of commons did 
 not think fit to take thefc powers upon them, bu-t, after a vote of thanks to his 
 majcfty, 
 
 " Refolvcd, that this houfe doth not think to reccmmend any member of this 
 houfe to be employed in the fervice of Ireland, for the purpofes expreffed in his maj- 
 efty's gracious mcfl'age of Saturday laft. 
 
 " Refolved, that this houfe doth humbly defire to be excufed from recommending 
 any perfons to his m:ijcfty to be employed in the fervice of Ireland ; bwt humbly 
 leave it to his majefty's great wifdom to nominfl^e fit perfons for that fervice." 
 
1722.] MASSACHUSETTS. 259 
 
 knowledged he had the order in his poffeflion, but defired 
 to.be excufed from deHvering it, the houfe having dire£l^ 
 ed him to dehver r^o original papers. The original vote 
 of the houfe, and the governor's order in coniequencc or 
 it, came to my hands by accident. 
 
 " /;/ tJ?€ hoi^fe cf rcprcjlntat'rjcs^ Ncv. 11, 1722. 
 *' Whereas this houfe have been informed of repeated 
 abufes and mifmanagements among the officcrj now in 
 pay, tending greatly to the diflionour and damage of the 
 government, and are defiroiis to ufe all proper and fuita- 
 ble methods for the full difcavery thereof ; and to effed: 
 the fame have fent a committee from the houfe to inquire 
 into thefe rumours, and report how they find things ; we 
 the reprefentatives do mod earnellly delire your excellen- 
 cy's orders, by the fame committee, to the commanding 
 officer and all others in command there, to pay all proper 
 deference to the vote and order of this houfe refpeCling 
 that matter. John Clarke^ fpeakcr.'' 
 
 ^' Boston, Nov. 17, 1722, 
 To the officer comina72dmg 'm chief at the eajlxvard, 
 " I do hereby give orders to the commanding officers 
 and all other inferior officers to pay deference to the com- 
 mittee, and do expect that the committee lay firft before 
 me their report, as captain general, and afterwards, upon 
 the defire of the houfe of reprefentatives, it fhall be laid 
 before them. Samuel Shiite.'* 
 
 The houfe expedled the governor would complain of 
 them for ufurping a mxilitary power, and might refufe to 
 part with the original votes or orders by which he had 
 fignified his confent to it, the condition not preceding the 
 exercife of fuch power. 
 
 Soon after (Dec. i8th) colonel Walton came to town, 
 and the houfe fent their committee to defire the governor 
 to direct him to attend the houfe the next morning, but 
 the governor refufed to give fuch orders, and told the 
 committee that, if his officers were to anuver for their con- 
 duct, it fliould be before the whole court. They then fent 
 their door-keeper and melfenger to ^Valton, to let him 
 know the houfe expefted his attendance. H':; went im- 
 mediately, 
 
ip6o TKE HISTORY OF [Cha-p. HI, 
 
 mediately^ but refuled to give any account of his proceed- 
 ings without leave from the governor. The next day, 
 AValton was ordered to appear before the whole court, 
 and the governor fsnt a meffage by the fecretary, to ac- 
 quaint the houfe that they might then ,alk any queitions 
 they thought proper, relative to his condud ; but they 
 refolved, that their intent, in fending for him, was that 
 he fhould appear before them. The next day, he fen-t 
 another meffage to acquaint the houfe that Walton was 
 then before the governor and co.uncil, with his journal^ 
 and if the houfe inclined to it, he defired them to come up, 
 and aik any queftions they thought proper. They return- 
 ed for anfwer, .that they did not think it expedient, for 
 they looked upon it not only their privilege, but duty, 
 to demand, of any officer in the pay and fervice of the 
 government, an accouni of his management, while em- 
 ployed by the pjablic,. 
 
 This, perhaps, in general, was not the caufe of difpute, 
 but the queflion was, whether he was culpable for oMerv- 
 ing the orders which the governor had given contrary to 
 the declared mind and order of the houfe. They then 
 paifed an order for Walton forthwith to lay his journal 
 before the houfe. This was their lad vote, relative to 
 this affair, whilfl the governor was in the province. He 
 had, without making it public, obtained his majefty's per- 
 miffion to leave the province and go to England. The 
 prejudice in the minds of the common people increafed 
 every day. It was known to his friends, that as he fat in 
 one of the chambers of his houfe, the window and door 
 of a clofet being open, a bullet entered, through the win- 
 dow and door paffages, and paflfed very near him. If 
 fome thought this a mere accident, yet, as he knew he 
 had many virulent enemies, he could not be without fuf- 
 picion of a wicked delign ; but his principal intention in 
 going home, was to reprefen<: the conduct of the houfe, to 
 call thein to anfwer before his majefty in council, and to 
 obtain a decifion of the points in controverfy, and there- 
 by to remove all occafion or pretence for further difputes. 
 His departure was very fudden. The Seahorfe man-of- 
 war, captain Durell, lying in Nantaiket, bound to Barba- 
 
 does 
 
^721.] MASSACHUSETTS. 20* 
 
 does to convoy the Saltortugas fleet, the governor v/ent 
 on board her, Dec. 27th, intending to go from Barbadoe:> 
 the firll opportunity, for London. Not one member of 
 the court was in the fecret, nor indeed any perfon in the 
 province, except two or three of his dcmedics. The 
 wind proved contrary for three or four days, during- 
 which, the owners of the Ihip Ann, captain Finch, v»hicl> 
 was then loading for London, by employing a great num- 
 ber of hands, had h^er fitted for the fea, and fent her to- 
 Nantafket and offered the governor his paiTage in her, and 
 he went on board and failed the firlt of [anuarv. 
 
 Upon a review of this- controverfy with governor Shute, 
 } am apprehenfive fome of my readers will be apt to doubt 
 the impartiality of the relation. Such ftcps and fo fre- 
 quent by one party, without fcarce any attempts by the 
 other, are not ufual ; but I ha^^'e made the mofh diligent 
 fearch into the conduct cf' the governor, as v/cU as th;! 
 houfe, and I am not fenfible of having omitted any mate- 
 rial facl, nor have I defignedly given a varnifh to the ac- 
 tions of one party, or high colouring to thofe of the oth- 
 er. Some will fay, it was unncceflary to pubhfh to the 
 world tranfa6lions which tend to- fet the country in an 
 unfavourable light. I profefs to give a trile relation of 
 facls. I fee no difference between publifliing falfe facts 
 for truth, and omitting any which are material for the 
 forming a jufl conception of the reft. Colonel Shute had 
 the charader of being humane, friendly and benevolent^, 
 but fomewhat v/arm and fudden upon provocations re- 
 ceived, was a lover of eafe and diverfions, and for the 
 foke of indulging his incWnations in thofe refpeds, would 
 willingly have avoided controverfy v/ith particular perfons 
 or orders of men in the government ; but it was his mif- 
 fortune to arrive when parties ran high and the oppofitiork 
 had been violent. With great Ikill in the art of govern- 
 ment, it might not have been impoiTible for him to have 
 kept both parties in fufpenfe, without interefting himfelf on 
 either fide, until he had broke their refpeclive connexions, 
 or the animofity had fubfided ; but, void of art, with 
 great integrity he attached himfelf to that party which 
 appeared to him to be right, and made the other his ir- 
 
 reconcileable 
 
koi ti-IE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 Teconcileable enemies. His negativing Mr* Cooke, when 
 chofen to the council, was no more than what he had an 
 undoubted right to do by charter ; but the refufal to ac- 
 cept him as fpeaker, perhaps, was- impolitic, the country 
 in general fuppofing it to be an invafion of the rights of 
 the houfe ; and it would have been lefs exceptionable to 
 have diifolved them immediately, which he had a right to 
 do, than to diilolve th^jm after an unfuccefsfui attempt to 
 enforce his negative when his right was doubtful in the 
 province, although not fo with the attorney and folicitor 
 general, who fuppofed the hoiife of reprefentatives claim- 
 ed a privilege which the houfe of commons did not; The 
 leading m.en in the houfe of reprefentatives did not think 
 ib. That point had not been in queflion in England 
 iince the reign of king Charles II. when it was rather 
 avoided than determined ; and it was not certain that the 
 Iioufe of commons in the reign of king George I. v/ould 
 more readily have given up the point than their predecef- 
 ibrs in the time of king Charles. The houfe, in the oth- 
 er parts of the controverfy, had lefs to fay for themfelveSj 
 midy with refpeCL to the attempts upon his military au- 
 thority*, were glad to be excufed by an acknowledgment 
 of their having been in the wrong. The clipping his fal- 
 ary, which, at the highefl, AvoUld no more than decently 
 fupport him, was highly refented by him ; and I have 
 heard his friends fay, that he would have remained in 
 the government and waited the decifion of the other 
 points, if the two hundred pouitds, equal to about fifty 
 pounds fterling, the deduQion made, had been reflored.* 
 
 Under 
 
 * " I muft icquaint you that another thing, that gives great offence to the min- 
 iftry, is, that they hear the governor is made uneafy in his government, anti yet 
 they receive no complaints of his mifcondudl or mal adminiflration. Colonel Shutc 
 .is known at court, and at the offices of (late, under the character of a very worthy 
 gentleman, and one of a fmgular good temper, fitted to make any people happy that 
 are under his command. When therefore they find the contrary in New England, 
 they conclude from it that we would have no governor at all from hence, hut want 
 to he independent of the crown. Now, though this be a ftrained and moil injuri- 
 ous inference, yet they will not eafily he purfuaded out of it. I could not fatisfy 
 jny confcience without mentioning this article, though I am fenfibie it will afford 
 a handle to my enemies to reproach me, as minding the governor's interefl more 
 than the country's." Dimmer s letter, 23^ Ap7-il, 172I. 
 
 " The affairs of the country are, in the opinion of all men here, in dcfperatc cir- 
 rumftances. I was lad night in company with the governor, who has laid his me- 
 Tnorial before the board of trade, where it was maijtnalned ti^at the condud of the 
 
 affembly 
 
fp'2.2 M A S S A C H U S E T T S. 263: 
 
 Under an abfokite monarch the people are without 
 fpirit, and wear their chains defpairing of their freedom. 
 A change of mafters is the fum of their hopes, and, after 
 infurreciions and convulfion^, they Itill continue flaves. 
 In a government founded upon the principle of Hberty, 
 as far as government and Hberty can' confift, fuch are the 
 fweets of liberty, that we often fee attempts for a greater 
 degree of it than will confifh with the eftabliflied conflitu- 
 tion, although anarchy, the greateft and word of tyran- 
 nies, may prove the confequence, untir the eyes of the 
 people are opened and they fee the necefTity of returning 
 to their former happy ftate of governmen^t and order. 
 
 The lieutenant governor took the chair, under the dif- 
 advantage of being obliged to- maintain the fame ca^^e 
 which had forced hrs predecclTor out of it. Perfonal" 
 prejudice againfl the governor was the caufe of ailuming 
 rights referved by charter to tlie crown. The caufc 
 nov/ ceafed, but power once affumed is not willingly part- 
 ed with. Mr. Dummer had demeaned himfelf very dif- 
 creetly. His attachment to the caufe of the governor 
 loft him fome friends, and proved a prejudice to him and 
 to his fucceflbrs ^ for it had been ufual to make an annu- 
 al grant or allowance to the lieutenant governor, in con- 
 fideration of his being at hand, or, as they expreffed ity 
 ready to ferve the province, in cafe of the governor's ab- 
 fence, but, after the tv/o or three firil years from hiS"' 
 arrival, they withheld it. Without any mention of the 
 unhappy (late of affairs, in a fhort fpeech to the twcy 
 houfes- he kt them know that he would concur with them 
 in every meafure for his majefly's fervice and the good 
 
 of 
 
 alTemLly in tlie affuir of tlie militia was na lefs tiian high treafon by the laws of 
 England, as appeared to them by their o^vn printeivotcs. Their report will in a 
 day or two be laid before tlie regency, and what ifl^c it will have there I will net 
 prophcfy. The j^overncr fhewed me the printed votes with regard to the dedica-^ 
 tion of the thefes-of Harvard college, at which I could not but Ihmd amazed. I 
 fee no hopes of faving the country unlef$ the next general aiTcmbly will difavow 
 file proceedings of the laO:. The cry of the city here runs exceedingly againfl you,- 
 and they revive the ftory of 1641. The governor, I affure you, grieves and pities' 
 you, but knows not hov/ to help you. The plame of this whole afTair is laid here- 
 to Mr. C and one cr two more, who, under the notion of patriots, are likr 
 
 tw be the inflruments of the lofs of that which is one of the deareft things to yoir 
 in the world. In what light they will appear to pollerity they will do well t(t 
 confider. What remains is only to condol-e v/ith you the dark flate of your af^ 
 Iaij3." ■ ■■■ £xtrm(i of g letter from Mr. N^aify author tf the hifory of Neiv ErgljrJ. 
 
e54 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 of the province. An aged fenator, Mr. Sewail, the only 
 perfon alive who had been an ailidant under the old char- 
 ter, addreifed hiiiifelf to the lieutenant governor with 
 great gravity and fniiplicity, in primitive flyle, whicli, 
 however obfoletc, may be worth preferring* " If your 
 honour and the honourable board pleafe to give me leave, 
 I would fpeak a v/ord or two upon, this folemn occalion. 
 Although the unerring providence of God has brought 
 your honour to the chair of government in a cloudy and 
 tempeiluous feafon, yet you have this for your encour- 
 agement, that the people you have to do with are a part 
 of the Il'rael of God, and you may expatl to have of the 
 prudence and patienc^e of Mofes communicated to you 
 foT your condudi It is evident, that our almighty Saviour 
 counfelled the hrft planters to remove hither and fettle 
 here, and they dutifully followed his advice, and therefore 
 he will never leave nor forfake them, nor theirs ; fo that 
 your honour mud needs be happy in fmcerely feeking 
 their happinefs and welfare, which your birth and educa- 
 tion Vv'ili incline you to do. Difficilia qu^ pidchra, I 
 promife myfelf, that they who fit at this board will yield 
 their fiiithful advice to your honour, according to the 
 duty of their place." 
 
 The houfe thought it neceffary to take immediate meaf- 
 ures.for their defence and vindication in England. The 
 governor had mentioned nothing more to the lieutenant 
 governor than that he was em^barked and intended to 
 return to his government early in the f^dl. This the lieu- 
 tenant governor communicated to the council, and the 
 council to the houfe. They fent a commiittee immediately 
 to the lieutenant governor, to pray him to inform them 
 what he knew of the governor's intended voyage ; but he 
 could tell them no m$>re. They then appointed another 
 committee " to prepare and lay before the houfe what 
 they think proper to be done in this critical juncture, in 
 their juft and necefTary vindication at the court at home," 
 and a iliip, captain Clark, then ready to fail for London, 
 was detained until the difpatches were ready. Anthony 
 Sanderfon, a merchant of London, had been recommend- 
 ed by Mr. Popple, of the plantation office, in a letter to. 
 
 the 
 
i72j.] MASSACHUSETTS. 265 
 
 the fpeaker, as a proper pcrfon for the Province ?lgent. 
 To him the houfe fent their papers, to be improved as they 
 fnould order.* 
 
 The 'houfe Was loth fuddenly to recede, and the day 
 after the governor failed, they appointed a committee, to 
 join with a committee of council, to conlider of proper 
 ways for carrying into execution the report of a commit- 
 tee of war. This was the province of the captain general, 
 and the council refufed a concurrence. The houfe then 
 palfed another vote, protefling againft carrying on an of- 
 fenfive war, unlefs Walton, the colonel, and Moody, the 
 major, fnould be removed, and other fuitable perfons ap- 
 pointed. Before the council paifed upon this vote, the 
 two obnoxious perfons were prevailed upon to write to 
 the lieutenant governor, and defire a difmiiTion, provided 
 they might be paid their wages ; and the letters being 
 communicated to the council, they palTed another vote 
 defiring the lieutenant governor to difmifs the ofiicers, 
 agreeable to the letters received from them. This vote 
 the houfe non-concurred, and infifted upon their own vote, 
 which the council then non-concurred. The houfe then 
 paiied a refolve, that, unlefs Walton and Moody were dif- 
 miifed, they fliouid be necefiltated to drav/ off part of the 
 forces, and fent their refolve ' to be laid upon the council 
 table.' The lieutenant governor, by a melTage, let the 
 houfe know, that the king had appointed him general of 
 the forces, and that he only had the power to draw them 
 off, aad added, that he expelled all mciTages from the 
 houfe fhould be properly addreffed to him, otherwife he 
 Ihould pay no regard to them. Ihe houfe w^ere fenfible 
 they had gone too far, and appointed a committee to wait 
 upon the lieutenant governor, to defire they might have 
 leave to. withdraw their refolve, and declared that, how- 
 ever expreffed, they intended only that they would not 
 vote any further pay and fubfiftence. They perfifled, 
 however, in their refufal to provide for the pay of the two 
 officers, whofe difmilTicn they required, nor would they 
 make provinon for further carrying on the war until oth- 
 er officers were appointed. 
 Vol. II. S Among 
 
 * In November, 1721, died at Solsaa Daniel Epps, cfquirc, of the coungii. 
 
156 THE HISTORY OF [Chaf. lit 
 
 Among the other inftances of additional power to the 
 lioufe, they had, by degrees, acquired from the governor 
 raid council the keys of the treafury, and no monies could 
 he ifTued without the vote of the houfe for that purpofe. 
 This is no more than fome colonies without charters -claim 
 »nd enjoy, but by the charter, all monies are to be paid 
 out of the treafury ' by warrant' from the governor with- 
 advice and confent of the council. The right of the houfe 
 to originate all ads and orders for raifmg monies from 
 the people, and to appropriate fuCh monies to fuch fer- 
 vices as they thought proper, was not difputed ; but they 
 went further, and would not admit that payment fhould 
 be made for fuch fervices until they had judged whether 
 they were well performed, and had paiTed a fpeclal order 
 for fuch payment. Thus they kept every officer de- 
 pendent, and Walton, becaufe he had not obferved their 
 orders to go to Penobfcot, but had conformed to the 
 (governor's orders, from v/hom he derived all the author-- 
 ity he had to march any where, was denied his pay. Oth- 
 er matters were alleged againil V/alton in the courfe of 
 the difpute, but this feems to have been the principah 
 
 The expofedflate which the frontiers nlufi: have been- 
 in if the forces had been drawn oif, and they could not 
 be kept there without pay^ induced the lieutenant gover- 
 nor to difmifs Walton,and to appoint Thomas Weftbrookc 
 colonel and commander in chief, whereupon an eflablifh- 
 ment v/as fettled by the houfe, premiums were granted 
 for Indian fcalps and prifoners, and an end was put to the 
 feflion. 
 
 The Indians, vv^e have obferved, were indigated by the- 
 French to begin the v/ar. The old men were averfe to it. 
 Ralie, v/ith difficulty, prevailed upon the Norridgewocks. 
 The Fenobfcots were {cill more dinnclined, and, after hof- 
 lilitiQS began, expreifed their defires of an accommodation. 
 The St. Francois Indians, who lived upon the borders of 
 Canada, and the St. John's, as alfo the Cape-Sable Indians, 
 were fo remote as not to fear the deflrudlon of their vil- 
 lages by the Englifh. They mixed with the Norridge- 
 wocks and Fenobfcots, and made the war general. In the 
 latter part cf Xuly tiie enerny furprifed Canfo and other 
 
 harbours 
 
lyii^,'] MASSACHUSETTS. 267 
 
 harbours near to it, and took fixteen or feventeen fall of 
 filhing vcfTels, all belonging to MalTachufctt.s. Governor 
 Phillips happened to be at Canfo, and caufcd two floops 
 to be manned, partly with volunteer faJJbrs from mer- 
 chants' velfels which were loading with n(h,and fent them, 
 under the command of John Eliot, of Bolton, and John 
 Robinfon, of Cape-Ann, in queft of the enemy. Eliot, 
 as he was ranging the coaft, elpied feven veflels in a har- 
 bour called Winnepaug, and concealed all his men, except 
 four or five, until he came near to one of the vefiels, which 
 had about forty Indians aboard, who were in expedlation 
 of another prize falling into their hands. As fobn as he 
 was within hearing, they hoided their pendants and called 
 out, Strike, Englilli dogs, and come aboard, for you are 
 all priibners. Elipt anfwered, that he would make all the 
 haftc he could. Finding he made no attempt to efcape, 
 they began to fear a tartar, and cut their cable with in- 
 tent to run alhore ; but he was too quick for them, and 
 immediately clapped them aboard. For about half an 
 hour they made a brave refillance, but, at length, fome of 
 them jumping into the hold, Eliot threw his hand grana- 
 does after them, which made fuch havoc, that all which 
 remained alive took to the water, where they were a 
 fair mark for the EngliOi Ihot. From tliis or a like ac- 
 tion, probably took rife a common expreffion among 
 Englifh foldiers and fometimes Englilli hunters, who, 
 when they have killed an Indian, make their boaft of hav- 
 ing killed a black duck. Five only reached the fliore. 
 
 Eliot- received three bad wounds, and fcveral of the 
 men were Vv^ounded and one killed. Seven veffcls, \Vith 
 feveral hundred quintals of fifh, and fifteen of the cap- 
 tives, were recovered from the enemy. They had fent 
 ipnany of the prifoners away, and nine they had killed in 
 cold blood. . The Nova Scotia Indians had the character 
 of being more favage and cruel than the other nations. 
 
 Robinfon retook two velfels, and killed feveral of the: 
 enemy. Five« other veffeis the Indians had carried fo far 
 up the bay, above the harbour of Malagafii, that thev 
 were out of his reach, and he had not men fufficient to 
 land, the enemy being very numerous. 
 
 S 2 The 
 
2£f^ THE HISTOID Y OF [Chap. IIll 
 
 The lofs of fo many men enraged them, and they had" 
 determined to revenge themfelves upon the poor fiilier- 
 men, above twenty of whom yet remained prifoners at 
 Malagafii harbour, and they^ were all deitined to be facri-- 
 ficed to the manes of the llain Indians. The powowing 
 and other ceremonies were performing, when captain- 
 Biin, in a Hoop, appeared oil" the harbour, -and made the 
 hgnal or Tent in a token which had been agreed upon be- 
 tween him and the Indians, when he was their prifoner, 
 ihould be his proteclion. Three of the Indians went 
 aboard his veiTel, and agreed for the ranfom both of vef- 
 fels and captives^ which were dehvered to him and the 
 ranfom paid. In his way to Bofton he made prifoners of 
 three or four Indians near Cape-Sables, and about the 
 fame time captain Southack took two canoes with three 
 Indians in eiich^ one of. which was killed and the other 
 live brought to. Boflon. 
 
 This Nova Scotia affair proved very unfortunate for 
 the Indians. The Mailachufetts frontiers afforded them 
 lefs plunder, but they were in lefs danger. On the i.6th- 
 of September, between four and frfe hundred Indians 
 were difcovered upon Arowfick ifland, by a party of fold- 
 krs employed as a- guard to the inhabitants while at their 
 Libour. They immediately made an alarm, by firing: 
 fome of their guns, and the inhabitants of the ifland, by 
 this means, had fufTicient. notice to fhelter themfelves in 
 the fort or garrifon-houfe, and alfo to fecure part of their 
 goods, before the enemy came upon them. 
 
 They fired fome time upon the fort and killed one man, 
 after v/hich they fell to deilroying the cattle, about fifty 
 head, and plundering the houfes, and fet fire to twenty- 
 fix houfes, the flames of which the owners beheld from 
 the fort, lamenting the infufiiciency of their numbers to 
 fally out and prevent th@ mdfchief. 
 
 Thefe were the Indians which put a (top to the march 
 to Penobfcot.* There were in the fort about forty fold- 
 iers, under captain R.obert Temple and captain Penhal- 
 low. Captain Temple was a gentleman, who came over 
 from Ireland with an intent to fettle the country with a 
 
 great 
 
 * P'-'ge J54. 
 
J^y^'l MASSACHUSETTS. a6g 
 
 great number of families from the north of Ireland, but 
 this rupture with the Indians broke his meafures, and, 
 having been an oiHcer in the army, colonel Shute gave 
 him a command here. Walton and Harman upon the 
 firft alarm made <:ll the difpatch they could, and befo-e 
 night came to the ifiand in two v/hale-boat>; with thirty 
 men more. With their joint force the Englifli made au 
 attempt to repel the enemy, but the difproportion in 
 numbers was fuch, that, in a buHi-fight or behind trecj, 
 there was no chance, and the Euglifh retreated to the 
 fort. The enemy drew oti' •le fame night, and pafiing 
 up Kennebeck river, met the Province floop, and hring 
 upon her killed the mailer, Bartholomew Stretton, and 
 then made an attempt upon Richmond fort, and Irom 
 •thence went to the village of Norridgewock, their head- 
 quarters. 
 
 A man was .killed at Bcrv/Ick, which was the lad mif- 
 . chief done by the enemy this lirlt year of the war. 
 
 When the general court met in May* next year, no 
 advice had been received of any meafures taken by the 
 governor in England. The houfe chofe their fpeaker and 
 placed. him in the chair, without prefenting him to the 
 lieutenant governor, which he took no notice of. They 
 continued their claim to a iliare in the direcLion of the 
 .war, and infifted, that if any propoir/ls of peace ihculd be 
 made by the Indians, they ihould be communicated to 
 the houfe and approved by them. The^y repeated alfo a 
 vote for a committee of the two houies to meet in the re- 
 cefs of:the court, and to fettle plans for managing the af- 
 fairs of the war, which the heutcnant governor was to carry 
 into execution.; but in this the council again non-concur- 
 red. The lieutenant governor's feal being affixed to a 
 belt given to the delegates from the Iroquois, who came 
 to Boiton to a conference, the houfe palled a rciolve 
 " that the feal be defiiced, and that the feal of the Prov- 
 ince be affixed to the belt, as the committee of the two 
 houfes have agreed," and fent the refolve to the council 
 for their concurrence. The council, initead of concur- 
 ring^ 
 
 f Colonel Byfield, who liad been repeatedly refufod by governor SlMite, bclnor 
 this year again chofcn to the council, tlic lieutenant governor thought nt to rcfiilif. 
 .bis conlent alfo. 
 
270 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 ring, voted, as well they might, that the refolve contained 
 juit matter of offence, and therefore they defired the houfe 
 to withdraw it. This produced another refolve from the 
 houfe Hill higher, " that the affixing a private feal * con- 
 trary to the agreement of a committee, was a high affront 
 and indignity to them, and therefore they very juilly ex- 
 pected the advifers .and promoters thereof to be made 
 known to the houfe. There was a double error in this 
 tranfadion of the houfe, the lieutenant governor having 
 the unqueftionable right of ordering the form of proceed- 
 ing in treaties or conference; of this kind, and the houfe 
 having no authority to direcl the king's feal to be appHed 
 to any purpofe,, the governor being the keeper of the feal ; 
 and although in common parlance called the Province 
 feal, v/hich I fuppofe led to the miftake, yet is, properly 
 fpeaking, the king's feal for the ufe of th^ Province. 
 
 The lieutenant governor took no public exception to 
 -any votes of the houfe this fefiion, which we mult pre- 
 fume to be owing to his apprehenfions that, in a fliort 
 time, a full confideration would be had in England of 
 matters of the famxC nature during colonel Shute*s admin- 
 iflration. Before the next feffion of the general court 
 (Od. 23d) the agent, Mr. Sanderfon, tranfmitted to the 
 fpeaker a copy of the heads of complaint exhibited againll 
 the houfe for encroaching upon his majefty's prerogative 
 in JeYen inftances. 
 
 " I ft. In their behaviour with refpecl to the trees re- 
 fer ved for mafts for the royal navy. 
 
 "2d. For refufrng^to admit the governor's negative 
 upon their choice of a fpeaker. 
 
 " 3d. Affuming pov/er in the appointment of days for 
 failing and thankfgiving. 
 
 " 4th. Adjourning themfelves to a diftant day by their 
 own ad. 
 
 " 5th. Difmantling forts, and directing the artillery 
 and v/arlike ft ores to other than the cuftody of the cap- 
 tain general or his order. • " 6th. 
 
 * This was an equivocal exprefiion. It might be called the governor's private 
 feal, in cpntradifLinccion to the king's feal, of which he is the keeper, but it was 
 ufed by th-: governor as a public perfon, all military commiflions, treaties, &c. be- 
 ing in the name of the governor and under his ow^n feal, by virtue of authority de- 
 rived from the crown. Civil commiflions and other inftruments, in the king's name 
 and with the governor's teft, have tbs kirk's ical, appointed by him fsr the Pi:t»v- 
 iiics, affixed to them. 
 
^723-1 MASSACHUSETTS. ^ji 
 
 '' 6th. Sufpendlng military officers and rcfafing their 
 
 ^^y- . . . . . 
 
 " 7th. Appointing committees ox their own to direct 
 and mufter his majefty's foices." 
 
 The houfe voted the complaint groundlefs, and order- 
 ed one hundred poimd>5 flerling to be remitted Siindcrfo]!, 
 to enable him to employ council to juflify the proceed- 
 ings of the houfe. The vote being fent co the council 
 was unanimoully non-concurred. 
 
 The houfe then prepared an anfw-er^ to t'le fc.veral arti- 
 icles of complaint, and an addrefs to the king, to which 
 they likewife defired the concurrence or approbation of 
 the council, but they were difapproved and fent back, 
 ■with a vote or meffari-e that, ^' in faithfulnefs to theProv- 
 jnce, and from a tender regard to the houfe of reprefent:- 
 •atives, the board cannot" but declare and gi\Q as their 
 opinion, that the anfwer is not likely to recommend this 
 govcrnm.ent and people to the grace and favour of his 
 majefty, but on the contrary, has a tendency to render us 
 obnoxious to the royal difpleafure.'^ 
 
 The -houfe, however, ordered the anfwer and addref^: 
 to be figned by the fpeaker, and forwarded to i^.Ir. Sau- 
 derfjn, to be improved as they fhould order. 
 
 The council thereupon prepared a feparate addrefs t^ 
 Jris majefty, andrtranfmitted it to the governor. The non- 
 concurrence of council with thefe meafures of the houfe 
 was refented, and the houfe defired to know what part of 
 their anfwer had a teadency to render the govern menc 
 and people obnoxious. Here the council very prudently 
 avoided en!:>:aoin? in controvcrfy with the houfe. '' It 
 was not their deficin to enter into a detail, but onlv to in- 
 timate their opinion, that conndering the prefcnt circum- 
 ftances of atlairs, fome better method might be tal:ci£ 
 than an abfolute juilificaiion.'' They h:ui ihewn their 
 diffatisfaclion with the conduct of the houfe, in every ar- 
 ticle which furnidied matter for the complaint, except that 
 of the fpeaker, and did all in their power to prevent 
 them, but, nov/ this conduct w^as impeached, the argu- 
 ments ufed by the council in a difpute v/ith the houfe 
 might be fufficient to juilify the council, and fet their 
 
 conduct: 
 
272 THE KISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 condud in an advantageous light, but they would flrength- 
 en and increafe the prejudice againfl the country in gen- 
 eral. This was an iuitance of public fpirit worthy of im- 
 itation. 
 
 The houfe then refolved, " that being apprehenfive 
 that the liberties and privileges of the people are flruck, 
 at by governor Shute's. memorial to his majefty, it is 
 therefore their duty as well as intereft to fend fome fuita- 
 ble perfon or perfons from hence, to ufe the beft method 
 that may be to defend the conflitution and charter privi- 
 leges." They had no pov/er over the treafury without 
 the council, and therefore fent this vote for concurrence j 
 but it was refufed, and the following vote pailed in coun- 
 cil inilead of it. '^ The liberties and privileges of his 
 majeily's good fubjeds of this Province being in danger,, 
 at this prefent critical conjuncture of our public affairs at 
 the court of Great Britain, and it being our duty as well 
 as interefl to ufe the bell methods that may be in defence 
 of the fame, and whereas Jeremiah D.ummer, efquire, the 
 agent of this courts is a perfon of great knowledge an4 
 long experience ui the affairs of the Province, and has 
 greatly merited of this peoiple by his printed defence of 
 the charter, and may reafonably be fuppofed more capable, 
 of ferving us, in this exigence, than any perfon that may 
 be fent from hence, voted, that the laid Mr. agent Duni- 
 iner be direded to appear in behalf of the province, for 
 the defence of the charter, according to fuch inftru^fions 
 as he fhall receive from this court." This vote plainly 
 intimated, that by the late condudf of the houfe the char- 
 ter of the Province was in danger, but the houfe feeni to 
 have overlooked it, and concurred with an amendment, 
 *^ that Mr. Sanderfon, and a perfon fent from hence, be 
 j^oined with Mr. Dummer." The council agreed, that a 
 perfon fhould b& fent home, but refilled to join Sanderfon. 
 Before the houfe pafled upon this amendment, they made 
 a further trial to obtain an independency of the council, 
 and voted, that there fliould be paid out of the treafury, 
 to the fpeaker of the houfe, three hundred pounds fter- 
 ling, to be applied as the houfe Ihould order. Near three 
 weeks were fpent in altercations upon this fubjed between 
 
 the 
 
1723.] MAS^^ACnU SETTS. 2- 
 
 the council and the houfe ; at length it was agreed, that 
 one hundred pounds fhould be at tlie diTpoial of the houfe, 
 and two hundred to be paid to fuch agents ?s Ihould be 
 chofen by the whole court. The houfe were in arrears to 
 Sanderfon, which they wanted this money to difchargc, 
 and then were content to drop him.^ 
 
 The manner of choofmg civil officers had been by a 
 joint vote or ballot of council and houfe. This gives a 
 great advantage to the houfe, who are four times the 
 number of the board. But to be more fure of the perfori 
 the majority of the houfe were fond of, they chofe Mr. 
 Cooke for agent, and fent the vote to the board for con- 
 currence. The council non-concurred, and infu'ted on 
 proceeding in the ufual way, which the houfe were oblig- 
 ed to comply with. The choice, however, fell upon the 
 fame perfon, and he failed for London the 18th of januarv. 
 
 Colonel Weftbrooke, with two hundred and thirty men^ 
 fet out from Kennebeck the nth of Febru'^iry this year, 
 Vvith fmall veffels and whale-boats, and ranged the coaft, 
 as far eafi: as Mount Defart. Upon his return, he v/ent 
 up Penobfcot river, where, about thirty-two miles from 
 the anchoring place of the tranfports, he difcovered the 
 Indian caflle or fortrefs, walled with ftockadoes, about 
 feventy feet in length and fifty in breadth, v.'hich inclof- 
 ed tvrenty-thre-e well-finiihcd wigwams. Without, was a 
 church fixty feet long and thirty broad, very decently 
 finilhed w^ithin an<i without ; alfo a very commodious 
 houfe in which the priefl dwelt. All v/as deferted, and 
 all the fuccefs attending this expedition was the burning 
 the village. The forces returned toSt. George's the 20th 
 of March. 
 
 Captain Harman was intended, with about one hundred 
 and twenty men, for Norridgewock, at the fame time, 
 and fet out the 6th of February 5 but the rivers were 10 
 
 open 
 
 * I have a paper, which I fuppofe was jriven to the lords chief jnftices ar.d t^he 
 attorney and folicitor general, before the draught of the Province charter was Itt-j 
 tied, and which contains a varieiy of propofaL for altercations and additions, each 
 vi which are marked in the mar>;i!i with a hand that refen^.bles Sir George Trehy's, 
 feme are faid to be already done, others markeil *^. fome intcr.dedy and icme to I' ptuT 
 pofed ; among the latter 1 find the folio win;;-. " The aiTcmbiy or reprcientativcs of 
 ihe people to have power to appoint a:id maintain agents on tlicir behalf in Kngland, 
 allowing them fix hundred ppur:ds pcv '.-.CBum; though tlie governor C;ould not coa*. 
 fent thtrevtnto.'' 
 
274 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IH, 
 
 •open aPxd the ground fo full of water, that they could nei- 
 ther pafs by water nor land, and having with great diffi- 
 culty reached to the Upper Falls of Amafcoggin, they di- 
 vided into fcouting parties, and returned without feeing 
 any pf the enemy. 
 
 An atterapt was made to engage the Six Nations and 
 the Scatacook Indians in -the war, and commiffioners* 
 "were fent to Albany, empowered to promife a bounty for 
 every fcalp if they would go out againfl the enemy, but 
 they had no further fuccefs than a propofal to fend a large 
 number of delegates to^ofton. 
 
 The commiffioners for Indian affairs in Albany had the 
 command of the Six Nations, and would not have fuffer- 
 ed them to engage in war if they had inclined to it. 
 The Maflachufetts eommiljioners were amufed, and a large 
 fum was drawn from the government in valuable prefents 
 to no purpofe. No lefs than fixty-three Indians came to 
 Boflon, Aup'uit 2 1 ft, the general court then fitting. A 
 very formal conference was held with them in the pref- 
 ence of the whale court, but the delegates would not in- 
 volve their principals in war ; if any of their young men 
 inclined to go out, with any parties of the Englifh, they 
 were at liberty, and might do as they pleafed. Two 
 young fellows offered their fervice and were &nt down to 
 fort Richmond on Kennebeck river. Captain Heath, the 
 commander, ordered his enfign (Coleby) and three of the 
 garrifon to go up the river v/itb them. After they had 
 travelled a league from the fort, they judged by the fmell 
 of fire that a party of the enemy mufl be near. The Mo- 
 hawks would go no further until they were ftrengthened 
 by more men, and fent to the fort for a whale-boat, with 
 as many men as fhe could carry. Thirteen men were 
 fent, and foon after they had joined the fiili: party, about 
 thirty of the enemy appeared, and after a fmart fkirmifii, 
 fxcd to their canoes, carrying off two of their company 
 dead or fo badly wounded as to be unable to walk, and 
 leaving their packs behind. Coleby, who commanded the 
 party, v^^as killed, and two others wounded. The Mo- 
 iiav/ks had enough of the fervice, and could not be pre- 
 vailed 
 
 * William Tailsr s.nd Spencer Phlps, c%iures. 
 
1723.] MASSACHUSETTS. 275 
 
 vailed on to tarry any longer, and were fent back to 
 Bofton. 
 
 Small parties of the enemy kept the frontiers in con^ 
 flant terror, and now and then met with fuccefs. 
 
 In April, they killed and took eight perfons at ScarbD- 
 rough and Falmouth. Among the dead, was the ferjeant 
 of the fort, Chubb, whom thp Indians took to be captain 
 Harman, and no leis than fifteen of them aimed at him at 
 the fame time, and lodged eleven bullets in his body. 
 This was lucky for the reft, many more cfcaping to the 
 fort than would otherwife have done. In May, they 
 killed two at or near Berwick, one at Wells, and two 
 travelling betv/een York and Wells. In June, they 
 came to Roger Bering's garrifon at Scarborough, killed 
 his wife, and took three of his children as they were pick- 
 ing berries, and killed two other perfons. In July, Do- 
 minicus Jordan, a principal inhabitant and proprietor of 
 Saco, was attacked in his field by five Indians, but keep- 
 ing his gun conflantly prefented, without firing, they did 
 not care to clofe in with him, and after receiving three 
 wounds he recovered the garrifon. In Auguit, the ene^ 
 my appeared v/eftward, and the 13th killed two men at 
 Northfield, and the next day, a father and four of his fons, 
 making hay in a meadow at Rutland, were furprifed by 
 about a dozen Indians. The father cfcaped in the bufhcs, 
 but the four fons fell a prey to the enemy. Mr. ^Villard, 
 the miniller of Rutland, being abroad, armed, fell into 
 their hands alfo, having killed one and v^ounded another 
 before he was flain himfelf. The laft of the month, they 
 killed a man at Cochecho, and killed or carried away an- 
 other at Arundel. The nth of Oclober, about fev- 
 enty of the enemy attacked the block-houfe above North- 
 field, and killed and wounded four or five of the Englilh. 
 Colonel Stoddard marched immediately with fifty men 
 from Northampton to reinforce Northfield, fifty men be- 
 longing to Connedicut having been draw;i off the day 
 before. Juflice fhould be done to the government of 
 Connecticut. Their frontiers vjere covered by MafTa- 
 chufetts, and if they had not contributed to the charge 
 of the v/ar, it was not probable that the MaiTachufetts 
 
 . people 
 
:2^h THE HISTORY OF [Chap.ITI. 
 
 people would have drawn in and left Connedlcut fron- 
 fliers expofed. Neverthelefs, they generally, at the requefl: 
 of PylafTachufetts, fent forces, every year during the fum- 
 mer, in this and former wa-rs, and paid their wages, the 
 provifions being furnilhed by this governmentv 
 
 In October, the enemy furprifed one Cogfwell and a. 
 boat's crew which were with him at Mount Defart. De- 
 cember 25tK, about fixty Indiana laid fiege to the fort, at 
 Mufcongus or St. George's. They furprifed and took 
 tvv'o of the garrifon, who informed them the fort was in a 
 miferable condition ; but the chief officer there, — — 
 Kennedy, being a bold, refolute man, the garrifon held 
 out until colonel Wedbrooke arrived, with force fufficient 
 to fcatter the befiegers and put them to flight. 
 
 This fummer alio, July .14th, the Indians furprifed one 
 captain V/atkins, who was on a fifliing voyage at Canfo, 
 and killed him and three or four of hjs family upon Du- 
 rell's ifland. 
 
 Douglafs and other writers applaud the adminiftration 
 for conduding this v/ar with great fiviM. The French 
 could not join the Indians, as in former wars. Parties of 
 the Engliili kept Upon the march, backwards and for- 
 wards, but faw no Indians. Captmn Moulton went up to 
 Norridgewock, and brought awayTome books and papers 
 of the Jefuit Ralle, which difcovered that the French 
 ?.vere the inftigators of the Indians to the war, but he faw 
 none of the enemy. He came off without deftroying 
 their houfes and church. Moulton was a difcreet as wtII 
 as brave man, and probably imagined this inftance of his 
 snoderation w^ould prov.ckc, in the Indians, the like fpirit 
 -iowards the Englilli.'* 
 
 The 
 
 * Do6tor Incrcafe 3^»Tather, who made ;; confideraLlc figiire in tlie firft part of 
 •f'tir hiftory, died at Bofton Auguft 23d, 17*3, in the S5th year of his age. He had 
 isen a preacher fixty-fix years, ai^d a minifter of the fame church fixty-two years 
 together, was many years prelident of Harvard college, hut rciidered himfelf moll 
 co-nfpicuous in the charadler of agent for the Province in i^nglaud, where his labours 
 -jind fei-viccs for feveral year^ \vere very great, and his reward very fmall. 
 
 Auguft 25. A Nipmug Indian, John Qiiittamug, came to Eofton, and was en- 
 itsrtaiued hy feveral gentlemen who accounted him a great prodigy. Forty years 
 <!,<efore, he had been remarked a* an old Indian, and mufl now have been above one 
 •hundred and twelve years of age. He conftantly affirmed that in the year 1630, 
 Aipon a meflage from the Englifn that they were in v/ant of corn, foon after their 
 arrival, he v/ent with his faAer to BotloM and carried from tht Nipmug country a 
 
'v^7:2.^.J- MAS3x\CHUSETTS. ^77? 
 
 The next year was unfavourable to the r.ngllfli in thcir 
 former part of it, and our lofTes, upon the whole, exceed- 
 ed thofe of the enemy ; but a fuccefsful flroke or two' 
 againil them, in the courfe of the year, made them weary 
 of war, and were the means of an accommodation. The- 
 
 23d of March they killed -^ Smith, fcrjeant of thc^ 
 
 fort at Cape Porpoife. in April, one Mitchell was killed: 
 at Black-point, and two of his fon^s taken ; and about the 
 . fame time John Felt, William Wormweli and-Ebenezer 
 Lewis were killed at a faw-mill on Kennebeck river, and 
 one Thomfon at Berwick met with the fame f itc in May,. 
 and one of his children was carried into ca-iivity, anothei 
 child was fcalped and left on the ground for dead, but 
 foon after was taken up and carried home alive. In tlie 
 lame month, they killed elder Knock, at Lamprey river, 
 George Chefley, and a young woman at Oyfler-river, as- 
 they were going home from public woifiiip, and took, 
 prifoners a man and three boys- at Kingflon. The begin- 
 ning of jane, a fcout of thirty men, from Oy(ler-river> 
 were attacked before they left the houfes, and two men 
 were ihot down. The relt ran upon the Indians and put 
 them to flight, leaving their packs and one of their com- 
 pany who was killed in the IkirmiHi. One Englifliman 
 was killed and two taken prifoners at Llatfield, another, 
 with a friend Indian and their hoffes,w^ej;e killed between 
 Northfield and Deerfield. 
 
 This month, new^s was brought to Bbfton of the lofs of 
 captain Jofiah Winflow* ana thirteen of his company, 
 belonging to the fort at St. George's liver. Ther^ went 
 
 out 
 
 LuChcl and an half o£ .corn all the way upon Iiis r*ic"k, tnat tacre wa« then only one 
 cellar began in the town, and that fomewhere nsi^r the common. He was in gooJ. 
 health, his undcrftanding and memory entire, and travelled on foot ton miles a dav. 
 He lived near the town of Woodllock. His journey to BuRon jirovtd a« fatal l» 
 him as old Thomas Parr's journey to London, furviving it a very fhort time after his- 
 return home, having been feuftei by feme of the principal gentlemen here as Parr 
 htid been at London. 
 
 * Captain Winflow was a young gentleman who had iufl left the college, hut hav- 
 ing a mind formed for action, engaged in the fervice of his country and loft his life, 
 I-Hs father v/as then of the council,. His grandfather, for many years, and hi* 
 great-grandfather for two years, were governors of Plymouth colony. The lattery 
 as we obiei ved in the firft part of our hiftory, died a con-miiTioncr under Cromwell. 
 General Winflow, who had the command of the provincial forces at Fort Bdwar-i 
 ^^ ^757>:s younger brother to captain Winflow, aird puffcffcs the fame martial- 
 fairit. 
 
278 THE HISTORY OF . [Chap. IIL 
 
 out feventeen men in two whale-boats, April 30* The 
 Indians, it feems, Vvatched their motions, and waited the. 
 molt convenient time and place to attack them. The 
 next day, as they were upon their return, they found 
 themfelves on a iudden furrounded with thirty canoes, 
 whofe complement mud be an hundred Indians. They 
 attempted to land, but were intercepted, and nothing re- 
 mained but to fell their lives as dear as they could. They 
 made a gallant defence, and the bravery of the captain 
 was, in an efpecial manner, applauded. Every Englifh- 
 man was killed. Three Indians, I fuppofe of thofe call- 
 ed the Cape-Ann Indians, who were of the company, 
 iTi?idt their efcape, and carried to the fort the melancholy 
 news. 
 
 Encouraged by this fuccefs, the enemy made a flill 
 greater attempt by water, feized two fhallops at the Ifles 
 of Shoals, and afterwards other fifliing veilels in other har- 
 bours, and among the reft a large fchooner, v/ith tv/o fwiv- 
 el guns, which they mianned, and cruifed about the coaft. 
 A fmall force was thought fufficient to conquer thefe raw 
 failors, and the lieutenant governor commiflioned dodor 
 Jackfon, of the Province of Maine, in a fmall fchooner 
 with twenty m.en, and Silvanus Lakeman, of Ipfwich, in 
 a (liallop with lixteen men, to go in queft of them. They 
 foon came up v/ith them, and not long after returned, 
 with their rigging much damaged by the fwivel guns, and 
 Jackfon and fe.vcral of his men wounded, and could give 
 no other account of the enemy than that they had gone 
 into Penobfcot. 
 
 The Seahorfe man-of-war, captain Durell, being then 
 upon the Boflon ftation, the lieutenant, mafter and maf- 
 ter's mate, each of them took the command of a fmall 
 vefTel with thirty men each, and went after the Indians ; 
 but it is probable they were foon tired of this new bufi- 
 nefs, for they were not to be found, nor do we meet with 
 any further intelligence about them. They, took eleven 
 velfels, with forty-five m.en, twenty-two of whom they 
 killed, and carried twenty-three into captivity. 
 
 At Groton they killed one man, and left dead one of 
 their own number. Augufl 3d, they killed three, wound- 
 ed 
 
17^4.1 MASSACHUSETTS. 27^ 
 
 td one, and made another prifoner at Rutland. The 6th, 
 four of them came upon a fmail houfe in Oxford, which 
 was buiU under a hili. They made a breach in the roof, 
 and, as one of them was attempting to enter, he received 
 a (hot in his belly from a courageous woman, the onlv 
 perfon in the houfc, but who had two muflvets and two 
 piftols charged, and was prepared for all four ; but they 
 thought fit to retreat, carrying off the dead or wounded 
 man. The i6th, a man w^as killed at Berwick, another 
 Yc^ounded, and a third carried away. The 26th, one was 
 J:illed and another wounded at Northampton, and the 
 27th, the enemy came to the houfe of John Hanfon, one 
 of the people called Quakers, at Dover, and killed or car- 
 ried av/ay his wife, maid and fix children, the man him- 
 felf being at the Friends' meeting.* 
 
 Difcouraged with the ineliectual attempts to intercept 
 the enemy, by parties of our forces marching upon the 
 back of the frontiers, another expedition was refoived up- 
 on, in order to furprife them in their principal village ai 
 No: ridge wock. 
 
 Four companies, connfting in the whole of two hun- 
 dred and eight men, were ordered up the river Kennfc- 
 beck, under captain Harman, captain Moulton, captain 
 Bourn and lieutenant Bean. Three Indians of the Six 
 Nations were prevailed with ta accompany our forces- 
 The different accounts given by the French and Englifh 
 of this expedition may afibrd feme entertainment. Char- 
 levoix, who I fuppofe was about that time in Canada, and 
 might receive there or from thence the account given hj 
 liiQ Indians themfelves, relates it in this manner. 
 
 "The 23d of Au.-Tuft,! 17-4, eleven hundred men^ 
 • part Englifh, part Indians, came up to Norridgewock. 
 The thickets with which the Indian village was furround- 
 ed, and the little care taken by the inhabitants to prevent 
 a furprife, caufed that the enemy were not difcovered un- 
 til the very inftant when they made a general difchargc 
 
 of 
 
 * Hanlon went afterwards to Canada,' ^d redeemed kit wife, tfirec of his cbS- 
 ilrcn, and the maid. Two of his fons were killed, a daughter of ferenteca year* of 
 age he was obllgea to leave in tlieir hands. Tbt Indians would permit him to frc 
 ajid converfe wiih her, tut would not part v.iLh her upoa any tcx^asJ Di&reSiuim 
 c»wugh f ♦ 
 
 f 1 2th Oli Stile. 
 
28o THE HlSTOPvY OF FChap. Tlh 
 
 of their guns, aiid their fiiot had penetrated all the Indian 
 Vv'igwams. There were not above fifty fighting men in 
 the village. Thefe took to their arms and ran out in 
 confufioh, TxOt with any expe£lation of defending ths 
 place againd an enemy who were already in poifeirion^ 
 but to favour the efcape of their wives, their old men and 
 children, and to give them time to recover the other fide 
 of the river, of which the Engliih had not then poifeiTed 
 themfelves. 
 
 " The nclfe and tumult gave father Ralle notice of the 
 danger his converts were in. Not intimidated, he went 
 to meet the enemy, in hopes to draw all their attention to 
 himfelf, and fecure his flock at the peril of his own life. 
 He v/as not difappointed. As foon as Ue appeared, the 
 Engliih fet up a great fhout, which was followed by a 
 fnovver of fhot, and he fell down dead near to a crofs 
 which he had erecled in the midft of the" village, ievcn 
 Indians, who accompanied him to ihelter him wdth their 
 own bodies, falling dead round about him. Thus died 
 this kind fhepherd, giving his life for his fheep, after a 
 painful miffioii of thirty-feven years. The Indians, who 
 were all in the greati^fl: confternation at his death, imme- 
 diately took to flight and croiled the river, fome fwimming 
 and others fording. The enemy purfued them, until 
 they had entered far into the woods, where they again 
 gathered together to the number of an hundred and fif- 
 ty. * Although more than two thoufand fiiot had been 
 fired upon them, yet there were no more than thirty kill- 
 ed and fourteen wounded. The Englifli, linding they 
 had nobody left to refill them, fell firil to pillaging and 
 then burning the wigwams. They fpared the church, fo 
 long as was necefTary for their lliamefully profaning the 
 facred veiTels and the adorable body of Jefus Chrilt, and 
 then fet fire to it. At length they withdrew, with fo great 
 precipitation that it was rather a flight, and they feemed 
 to be flruck with a perfect panic. The Indians immedi- 
 ately returned to their village, where they made it their 
 firft care to weep over the body of their holy mifTionary, 
 whilll their women were looking out for herbs and plants 
 
 for 
 
 * He muft mean men, women and childien, if there were bnt fifty figbtin«i men 
 iaiill., 
 
i/^.J MASSACHUSETTS. 281 
 
 for healings the wounded. They found hlni fliot in a 
 thoufand places, fealped, his ikull broke to pieces with 
 the blows of hatchets, his mouth and eyes full of mud, 
 the bones of his legs fraclured, and ail his members 
 mangled an hundred difrcrcnt ways. Thus was a prieH: . 
 treated in his million, at the foot of a crofs, by thcfe very 
 men who have fo llirongly exaggerated the pretended in- 
 humanity of our Indians, who have never made fuch car- 
 nage upon the dead bodies of their enemies. After his 
 converts had raifed up and oftentimes kifTed the precious 
 remains, fo tenderly and fo juilly beloyed by them, they 
 buried him in the fame place where, the evening before, 
 he had celebrated the facred myfteries, ham.ely, v.here the 
 altar flood, before the church was burnt." 
 
 Befides the great error in the number of the Englifli 
 forces, there are many cmbellifliments in this relation in 
 favour of the Indians, and injurious to the Engliih. Not 
 fatisfied with the journal alone whicli was given in by 
 captain Harman, I took from captain Moulton as minute 
 and circumflantial an account as he could give'cf tliis af- 
 fair. 
 
 The forces left Richmond fort, on Kennebcck river, 
 the Sth of Auguft, O. S. The gtb, they arrived at Ta- 
 conick, where they left their whale-boats, with a lieu- 
 tenant and forty of the tv/o hundred and eight men to 
 guard them.. With the remaining forces, the loth, 
 they began their march by land for Norridgewock. 
 The fame evening, they difcovered and fired upon two 
 Indian womicn ; one of them, the dauq-hter of the well- 
 known Bomazeen, they killed ; the other, his wife, they 
 took prifoner. From her, they received a full account 
 of the fiate of Norridgewock. The 12th, a little after 
 noon, they came near to the village. It was fuppofed 
 that part of the Indians might be at their corn-fields, which 
 were at feme diitance, and therefore it was thought prop- 
 er to divide this fmall army. Harman, with about eighty 
 men, chofe to go by the way of the fields, and Moulton, 
 with as many more, were left to march llraight to the vil- 
 lage, which about three o'clock fuddenly opened upon 
 them. There was not an Indian to be feen,, being ail in 
 Vol. II. T their 
 
atz % THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 their wigwams. Our men were ordered to advance foft- 
 ly, and to keep a profound filence. At length an Indian 
 came out g£ one of the wigwams, and as he was making 
 Avater looked round him, and difcovered the Englifh dole 
 upon him. He immediately gave the war whoop, and 
 ran in for his gun. The whole village, confiding of about 
 fixty warriors, befides old men, women and children^ 
 took the alarm, and the warriors ran to meet the Englifh,- 
 the rell fled to fave their liveSo Moulton, inilead of fuf- 
 fering his men to fire at random through the wigwams, 
 charged every man not to fire, upon pain of death, until 
 the Indians had difcharged their guns. It happened as he 
 expe6:ed ; in their furprife they overfliot the Englifn, and 
 not a man was hurt. The Englillr then difcharged in 
 their turn, and made great {laughter, but every man flill 
 kept his rank.- The Indians fired a fecond volley, and 
 immediately f!ed towards the river.. Some jumped into 
 their canoes, but had left their paddles in their houfes y 
 others took to fvvimming, and fome of the tallefl could 
 ford the river, which was about fixty feet over, and the 
 v/aters being low, it v/as no where more than fix feet 
 deep. The Englifh purfued, fome furnifhed themfelves 
 with paddles, and took to the Indian canoes which were 
 left, others waded into tht river. They foon drove the 
 Indians from their canoes into the river, and Ihot them in 
 the water, and they conjectured that not more than fifty 
 of the whore village landed on the other fide, and that 
 fome of them were killed before they reached the woodso 
 The Englifh then returned to the town, where they 
 found the Jef^it, in one of the wigwams, firing upon a 
 fev/ of our men, who had not purfued after the enemy. 
 He had an Englifli boy in the wigwam with him, about 
 fourteen years of age, who had been taken about fix 
 months before. This boy he fliot through the thigh, and 
 afterwards flabbed in the body, but by the care of the 
 furgeons he recovered. I find this a6i: of cruelty in the 
 account given by Harman upon oath. Moulton had giv- 
 en orders aot to kill the Jefuit, but, by his firing from 
 the wigv/am, one of our men being wounded, a lieutenant, 
 Jaques, ftove open the door and fliot him through the 
 
 head* 
 
1724.] MASSACHUSETTS. 283 
 
 head. Jaques excufed himfelf to his commanding ofFicerj 
 alleging that Ralle was loading his gun, w'nen he entered 
 the wigwam, and declared that he would neither give nor 
 take quarter. Moultton allowed that Ibme anfwer was 
 made by Rallii which provoked Jaques, but doubted 
 whether it was the fame as reported, and ahvays exprefTed 
 his difapprobation of the adion. Mog, a famous eld 
 chief among the Indians, was fuul up in another wigwam, 
 and firing from it killed one of the three Mohawks. His 
 brother was fo enraged that he broke duwn the door and 
 (hot Mog dead. The Englifh, in their rage, followed 
 and killed, the poor fquaw and two helplefs children. 
 Having cleared the village of the enemy, they then fell ta 
 plundering and deilroying the wigwams. The pi tinder 
 of an Indian town confilted of but a little corn, it being 
 not far from harveft, a fev/ blankets, kettles, guns, and 
 about three barrels of powder, all which was brought 
 away. * New England Puritans thought it no facrilege to 
 take the plate from an idolatrous Roman Catholic church, 
 which I fuppofe was all the profanenefs offered to the 
 facred veflels. There were fome expreffions of zeal 
 againil idolatry, in breaking the crucifixes and other im- 
 agery which were found there.* The church itrelf,,a few 
 years before, had been built by carpenters from New En- 
 gland. Beaver and other Indian furs and flvins fet up the 
 church, and a zeal againft a falfe rehgion deftroyed the 
 ornaments of it. 
 
 Harman and the men who went to the corn-fields did 
 not come up till near night, when the acdon was over. 
 They ail, of both parties^ lodged in the wigwams, keep- 
 ing a guard of forty men. The next morning, they 
 found twenty-fix dead bodies, befides that of the Jefuit, 
 and had one woman and three children prifoners. 
 Among the dead >vere Bomazeen, Mog, Job, Carabefett, 
 WilTememet, and Bomazeen's fon-in-law, all noted war- 
 T 2 riors. 
 
 * When Sir Edmund Andres was governor. In 1680, in a voya^ eaftwaril in the 
 Rofe frigate, he put in to Penobfcot, and finding that Calline had fled^ he entered his 
 honfe and feized and brought away a quantity of arms, ammunition and goods, 
 which were lodged there forfupplics to the Indian enemy, but an altar with pitflur^s 
 and other ornaments he left untouched. This might caufe fufpicions of his being a 
 favourer of Popery, but a good Froteftant would Cdt have been culpable for thefwiie 
 tenderncfi. 
 
2^4 THE HISTORY QF [Chap, ift/ 
 
 riors. They marched early for Taconick, being in fome 
 pain for their men and whale-boats, but found all fafe. 
 Chriftian, one of the Mohawks, was fent, or of his own 
 accord returned, after they had begun their march, and 
 fet fire to the wigwams and to the church, and then joined 
 the company again. The 16H1, they all arrived at Rich- 
 mond fort. Harman went to Boflon with the fcalps, and, 
 being the chief in com.mand, was made a lieutenant colo- 
 nel for an exploit in which Moulton was the principal 
 actor, who had no diflinguifhing reward, except the ap- 
 piaufe of th-Q country in genera!.* This has often been 
 the cafe in much more important fervices. The Nor- 
 ridgeWock tribe never made any figure fmce this blow. 
 
 Encouraged by this fuccefs, colonel Weflbrooke was 
 crdered to march v/ith three hundred men acrofs from 
 Kennebeck to Penobfcot, v/hich he performed with no 
 other advantage than ex-ploring the country, which before 
 was little known. Other parties were ordered up Ama- 
 feconti and Araarefcoggin, and a fecond attempt v/as made 
 upon Norridgewock, but no Indians were to be found. 
 
 The frontiers, however, continued to be infefted. Sep- 
 tember the 6th, an Engliih party of fourteen went from- 
 Bunflable in fearch 6t two men who were mifiing. 
 About thirty Indians lay in wait, and iliot down^ fix and 
 took three prifoners. A fecond party went out and loth 
 two of th-eir number. The v/eftern frontier feems to have 
 been better guarded, for, although often alarmed, they 
 were lefs annoyed. 
 
 The government increafed the premium for Indian fcalps- 
 and captives to one hundred pounds. This encouraged 
 John Lovewell to raife a company of volunteers, to go out 
 upon an Indian hunting. January 5th, he brought to^ 
 Boilon a captive and a fcalp, both which he met with- 
 above forty miles beyond Winnepefiaukee lake. Going 
 out a fecond time, he difcovered ten Indians round a fire^ 
 all alleep.t H^ ordered part of his company to fire, who 
 
 killed 
 
 *■ Captain Moulton afterwards was, many ycai*s together, a member of the coun- 
 cil, colonel of a regmient in the expedition to Cape Breton in 17455 a"<l with repu- 
 tation fuftained the firft military and civil offices in the county ©f York. He died at 
 York, in the year 1765. 
 
 [f Near a poud in Eailown, fince called Lovers pond.] 
 
17250 MASSACHUSETTS. 2^5 
 
 killed fcven, the other three, as they were rilmg up, were 
 fent to reft again by the otV.er part of the company referv- 
 ed for that purpofe. The ten fcalps were brought to Boflon 
 the 9th of March. Emboldened by repeated fuccefs, he 
 made a third attempt, and went out with thirty-three* nien. 
 Upon the 8th of May they difcovered an Indian upon a 
 point of land v\^hich joined to a great pond or lake.f 
 They had fome fufpicion that be was fet there to draw 
 them into a fnare, and that tliere mull be many Indians 
 near, and therefore laid down their packs, that they 
 might be ready for action, and then marched near two 
 miles round the pond to come at the Indian they had {^cen. 
 The fellow remained,; although it was certain death to 
 him, and when the Knglifli came within gun i^iot, dif- 
 charged his piece, v/liich was loaded with beaver flior, 
 and wounded Loveweil and one of his men, and then im- 
 mediately fell himffclf and was fcaipcd. His name ought 
 to have been tranfmitted, as well as that of M. Curtius^ 
 who jumped into the gulf or chalin upon lefs rationa-l 
 grounds to fave his country. 
 
 I'hc Indians, who lay concealed, feized all the Englifli 
 packs, and then waited iheir return at a place convenient 
 for their own purpofe. One of the Indians being difcov- 
 ered, the reit, being about eighty, rofe, yelled and fired^ 
 and then ran on with their hatchets with great fury. 
 The Englifli retreated to the pond to fecure their rear.^ 
 and, al.iho;.igh fo unequal in number^, continued five or 
 fix hours till night came on. Captain Loveweil, his lieu- 
 tenant Farvreil, and enfign Robbins were foon mortally 
 wounded, and, wkh five more, were left dead on .the fpot. 
 •Sixteen efcaped and returned unhurt, but were obhged to 
 leave eight of their wounded companions in the woods 
 without provifions ; their chaplain, Mr. Fry of Andover, 
 was one, who had behaved with great bravery, and fcalp- 
 ed one Indian in the heat of the aclicn, but periihed him- 
 feif for want ef relief. 
 
 One 
 
 [* Pcnhallow fays he had fortynfour men; Sj-mmes fiiys forty-Gx, but rcjuccj 
 to thircy-ioui by accidenti.j 
 
 [t PJgwackct.] 
 
 [^ This is a miftake ; they met him goino; home ; he had been there a fifhir.g 
 and fowling, and h-r no prctenlion to the clinraftcr of an hero.] 
 
2S6 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. Ill, 
 
 One of the eight afterwards came in to Berwick, and 
 another to Saco. This misfortune difcouraged fcalping 
 parties. But Indians as well as Engliih wiihed to be at 
 peace. After Ralle's death, they were at liberty to follow 
 their inclinations. The Penobfcot trib^, however, being |f 
 beft difpofed, were firil founded. An Indian hoflage and 
 a captive were permitted, upon their parole, to go home 
 in the winter of 1724, and they came back to the fort at 
 St. George's tjie 9th of February, accompanied with two 
 of the tribe, one a principal facl^em or chief. They 
 brought an account that, at a meeting of the Penob- 
 fcots, it was agreed to make propofal^ of peace. The fa- 
 chem or chief was fent back, with the other Indian, and 
 promifed to return in twenty-three days and bring a dep- 
 utation, to confill of feveral other chiefs with him ; but 
 captain Heath, having gone out upon a march from Ken- 
 nebeck, acrofs the country, to Penobfcot, fell upon a, 
 deferted village of about fifty Indian houfes, wdiich he 
 burned, but law none of the inhabitants. The Indians 
 who went from St. George's knew nothing of this action 
 until they came home, and it feems to have difcouraged 
 them from returning according to their promife, and the 
 treaty by this means w^as retarded. But upon new inti- 
 mations, in June following, John Stoddard and John 
 Wainwright, efquires, were commilTioned by the lieuten- 
 ant governor and fent down to St. George's, to treat 
 wdth fuch ladians as fliould come in there and fettle pre- 
 liminaries of peace. 
 
 A celTation of arms w^as agreed upon,* and four dele- 
 gates came up foou after to Boflon, and figned a treaty of 
 ^ peace, 
 
 * The treaty had like to have been prevented by the indifcretion of the crew of 
 an Englifa floop. July 9th, as Callin was at anchor near Nelkett, in a fmall bark, 
 with an Indian boy and an Englifli lad, Samuel Tralk of Salem, whom Caflin had 
 redeemed from the Indians ; the Englifh firing upon the bark, Caflin was obliged 
 to quit her, and with his two boys fled into the woods. The mafter of the Englifli 
 velfel called to him and engaged to do him no harm, if he would come back and 
 trade with him, which w^as his bufinefs there, and not only kept out a white Hag 
 but fent him a pafiport or fafe condudl in writing-. Having by thefe alTurances 
 drawn him aboard his velTels again with the two boys, they fecured the captive, and 
 told Cailln they would give him a bag of bifcuit for the ranlbm of the captive, but 
 that the velTci and every thing on board \vas lawful pi-ize. He was obliged, with 
 his Indian, to quit the veffel, which he was told was a favour, and it feems was foon 
 repente'd of; for one of the Englifh feized the Indian, upon which Caflin fired and 
 Ihot the Englifhman dead, and then made his efcape v/ith the Indian into the woods« 
 .Cifius letter to Mr. Daw.iiu-;, i^d Juh^ '^7^5' 
 
J725.] MASSAC II us ETTS. 287 
 
 peace, and the next year, the lieutenant governor in pcr- 
 ^ Ion, attended by gentlemen of the court and others, and 
 the lieutenant governor of New Hampiliire, with gentle- 
 men from that province, ratified the fame at Falmouth in 
 Cafco Bay. This treaty has been applauded as the mofl 
 judicious which has ever been made with the Indians. A 
 long peace fucceeded it.* 
 
 The pacific temper of the Indians, for many years after^ 
 cannot be attributed to any peculiar excellency in this 
 treaty, there being no articles in it of any importance, 
 differing from former treaties. It was ov/ing to the fub- 
 fequent ads of government in conformity to the treaty. 
 The Indians had long been extremely dehrous of trading* 
 houfes to fupply them with ncceffaries and to take off 
 their furs, fkins, &c. This was promifed by governor 
 '5hute, at a conference, but the general court at that lime 
 would make no provifion for the performance. Mr.Dum- 
 mer promifed the fame thing. The court then pade pro- 
 vifion for trading houfes at St. George's, Kennebeck and 
 Saco rivers, and the Indians foon found that they were 
 fupplied with goods upon better terms than they could 
 have them from the French, or even from private Engliili 
 traders. Ads or laws were made, at the fame time, for 
 rellraining private trade v/ith the Indians, but the fupplies, 
 made by the Province at a cheaper rate than private trad- 
 ers could afford, would have broke up their trade without 
 any other provifion, and laws would have fignified little 
 without that. Mr. Dummer engaged that- the Indians 
 fhould be fupplied Vvith goods at as cheap rates as they 
 were fold in Bofton. This was afterwards conltrued fa- 
 vourably for the government. The goods, being bought 
 by wholefale, were fold to the Indians at the retail price, 
 in Bofton, and a feeming profit, by the commilTary's ac- 
 count, accrued to the government ; but, when the charge 
 of trading-houfes, truck-mafters, garrifons, and a veilcl 
 employed in tranfporting goods was deduded, the Prov- 
 ince 
 
 * Befides IMr. Dummer, lieutenant governor of MafTachufctt?, John Wcntwcrth, 
 ^fquire, lieutenant goverr.or of New Hampfhirc, und Paul Mafcarene, efquirc, cne 
 of the council and a commiifioner of the government of Nova Scotia, were panics 
 to this trca:y. 
 
 In Odobcr, 1 725, died at Ipfwkh Stiijiucl Appleton, efquire. of ih* council. 
 
288 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 ince was flill a tributary to the Indians every year. How- 
 ever, it was alknvcd to be a well-judged meafure, tended 
 to prefer ve peace, and was more reputable than if a cer- 
 tain penfion had been every year paid for that purpofe. 
 
 Delegates from all the tribes of Indians, particularly 
 the Norridgewoeks, not having been prefent at this firil 
 treaty, another Vv'as thought tiecelTary the next year, 
 when the former was renewed and ratified. It was moft 
 Jicceptable to the Indians to hold their treaties near their 
 own fettlement ; and, in a proper feafon of the year, it was 
 an agreeable tour to the governors or commanders in 
 chief and the gentlemen accompanying them. 
 
 To bring this war to a clofe, we have pafled over the 
 other affairs of the government for a year or two pad. 
 Soon after Mr. Cooke's ai rival in London, governor 
 Shute exhibited a fecond memorial againft the houfe of 
 reprefentatives, for matters tranfa£led after he left the 
 province. The principal articles of complaint were the 
 feveral orders relative to the forts and forces, which, he 
 fays, the houfe had taken out of the hands of the Heuten- 
 ant governor, and the affront offered to the Heutenant 
 governor in ordering his leal to be effaced upon the belt 
 of wampum. Several other things feeni to be brought in 
 to increafe the refentment againil them, as their choofmg 
 Mr. Cooke, who had been at the head of all the meafure-s 
 complained of in the firft memorial, for their agent ; their 
 refuhng to confer with the council upon a money bill '^ 
 their endeavouring by their votes to leffen the members 
 of the council in the edeem of the people ; their with- 
 holding his falary in his abfence $ and their affuming 
 more and more the authority of government into their 
 bands. The council, in this memorial, are alfo complain- 
 ed of, they having put their negative to the vote for 
 choofmg Mr. Cooke, and yet afterwards joined in election 
 with the houfe, when they had reafon to fuppofe, by the 
 great fuperiority of the houfe m number, that he would 
 be the perfon. 
 
 Mr. agent Dummer, who was to acl jointly with Mr. 
 Cooke, made an attempt to reconcile the governor to 
 }iim, but he refufed to fee him, and the attempt offended 
 
 Mr. 
 
1725.] MASSACHUSETTS. ^ 2P9 
 
 Mr. Ceoke aifo, and occafioned warm difcourfe between 
 him and Dummer, which cauied the latter to refufe to 
 act in concert ; efpecially as Mr. Cooke had fliewn him 
 a private inilrudiou from the houfe, by which their de- 
 fence againfl the charge of invading the royal prerogative 
 was committed to Mr. Cooke and Mr. Sanderfon, to the 
 exclufion of Mr. Dummer. 
 
 After divers hearings n})on th(5 fubjcifl matter of the 
 complaints, the reports of the attorney and loUcitor gen- 
 eral, of the lords committee, and fmally the determination 
 of his majefty in council, were all uniiivourable to the 
 houfe of reprefentatives.* 
 
 The feveral a6:s or votes of the houfe relative to the 
 king's woods, and to the forts and forces, feem to have 
 been generally deemed indefcnfible ; the agents were ad- 
 vifed to acknovvdedge them to be fo, and it was fo far re- 
 lied upon that they would be fo acknowledged in the 
 Province, as that no fpecial provifion was thought necef- 
 i^iry for the regulation of their future cor.du6l, the char-. 
 ter being exprefs and clear. But the governor's power 
 to negative the fpeaker, and the time for which the houfe 
 might adjourn, were points not fo certain. What was 
 called an explanatory charter was therefore thought nec- 
 eiTary, and fuch a charter accordingly paifed the feals. 
 By this charter, the power of the governor to negative a 
 fpeaker is exprefsly declared, and the power of the houfe 
 to adjourn themfelves is hmited to two days. With re- 
 fped to the latter, perhaps, this new charter may properly 
 enough be called explanatory, the governor having the 
 povv-er, by the principal charter, of adjourning the ailem- 
 bly, and yet, from the nature of the thing, it was necef- 
 fary that the houfe, a part cf that affembly, fliould have 
 the power of adjourning themfelves for a longer or Ihorter 
 time j but the power of negativing a fpeaker fcems to be 
 a new article, wherein the charter is fdent ; fo that what- 
 ever right it might be apprehended the king had to ex- 
 plain his own patents where there was am.biguity, yet 
 when an alteration is to be made in the charter, or a new 
 rule eftabhOied in any point wherein the charter is filent, 
 
 the 
 
 * Appendix. 
 
S90 ^ THE HISTORY O? [Chap. IIL 
 
 the acceptance of the people, perhaps, is neceffary. This 
 I'eems to have been the reafon of leaving it to the option 
 of the general court, either to accept or refufe the explan- 
 
 » atory charter. It was intimated at the fame time that, if 
 
 y the charter fliould be refufed, the whole controverfy be- 
 tween the governor and the houfe of r^prefentatives 
 would be carried i)efore the parliament. Had the two 
 points mentioned in the explanatory charter, or the con- 
 duct of the houfe relative to them, been all that was to be 
 carried into parliament, the general court probably would 
 not have accepted this charter. They would have urged 
 that it vvas not certain that a houfe of commons would 
 have determined that the king, by his governor, had a 
 
 ^ right to negative the fpeaker of a houfe of reprefentatives 
 in the colonies, efpecially as the attorney general had in- 
 ferred this right from the right of negativing the fpeaker 
 of the houfe of commons ; but it was their misfortune, 
 that in the other articles of complaint the houie was gen- 
 erally condem^^ed in England, the minillry were highly 
 inceiifed, and it was feared the confequence of a parha- 
 mentary inquiry would be an ad: to vacate the charter of 
 the Province. The temper of the houfe was much chang- 
 ed, and although there were fsveral members who had 
 Deen active in all the meafures which brought this diffi- 
 culty upon the, country, flill rcfolute to rifque all, rather 
 than by their own acl give up any one privilege, yet a 
 major vote was carried in the houfe for accepting the 
 chairter, and in fuch terms as would induce one to imag- 
 
 *ine It rather the grant of a favour than the deprivation of 
 a 'right.* It has been faid that the Engiilh are (fianders, 
 
 and 
 
 * January 15, 1725. — — In tue houfe of reprefdntctti'ves. 
 Whereas hi& honour the lieutenant governor hath laid before this court in their 
 prefent feilion, for their acceptance, an explanatory charter received from his grace 
 the duke of Newcaftie, with a copy %f his niajsity'b order in council concerning 
 the fame, vi^herein his majefly has been pleafed to confirm the charter granted by 
 their late majefties king William and queen Mary, in which former charter there 
 being no exprcfs mention made relating to the choice of a fpeuker and the houfe's 
 power of adjourning, to bo.ih which points, in the faid explanatory charter, his 
 majefty has been pleafed to. give particular diredlions : We his majefty's loyal and 
 dutiful fubjeds, being very defirous to Cgnalize our duty and obedience, which we 
 at all times owe. to his molt excellent majefty, have and do hereby accept of the 
 faid explanatory charter, and fhail adl in conformity thereto for the future, not 
 _ doubting but that we fnall thereby recommend his majefly's loyal and dutiful fub- 
 jeiSls, the Inhabitants of this Province, to his further moft gracious favour and pro- 
 tediion. In council. Read and concurred. * 
 
 Confciited to, Wm. Durrmerc 
 
1725.] MASSACHUSETTS. 295 
 
 and therefore inconftant. Tranfplanted to the continent 
 they are, neverthelefs, Englifhmcn. When v/e refiect up- 
 on the many inftances of frequent fudden changes, and 
 from one extreme to the other, in ancient times, in the 
 parHament of England, we may well enough expect, now 
 and then, to meet with the like inftances in the airemblieiJ 
 of the Enplifn colonies. This was the ilTue of the unfor- 
 tunate controverfy with governor Shute, unlefs we allow 
 that it was the occafion alfo of the controverly with his 
 fucceffor, which is not imiprobable. 
 
 The governor was offended with Mr. Dummer, for re- 
 ceiving grants from the court made to him for his fervice 
 as commander in chief, it being expected that when the 
 governor is abfent with leave, his falary ihould be contin- 
 ued, one half of which, by a royal inftruction, is to be al- 
 lowed to the lieutenant governor ; but ihe houfe took a 
 more frugal method and made grants, of little more, than 
 one half the governor's ufual falary, to the lieutenant gov- 
 ernor immediately, any part oT which he could very ill 
 afford to fpare from his own fupport. His pacific meaf- 
 ures and accommodation or fufpenfion of fome of the 
 controverted points, might be another caufe of coldnefs, 
 at leafl between the governor and him. 
 
 Another affair occalioned a mark of royal difpleafure 
 upon the lieutenant governor. Synods had been frequent 
 under the firfl charter, either for fuppreHing errors in 
 principles, or immoralities in practice, or for eftablifliing 
 or reforming church government and order ; but under 
 the nev/ charter, no fynod had ever been convened. A 
 convention of miniflers had been annually held at the 
 time for eledion of the council. This might have been 
 in many refpedls ufeful, but it waj thought could not have 
 that weight for promoting any of the forementioned pur- 
 pofes which a fynod convened, and, perhaps, their refult 
 ratified by the government, v/ould have. There were 
 divers ancient members in both houfes who had not then 
 lofl their afieclion for the platform,, and an application* 
 
 m-ade 
 
 * To the very honourable William Dummer, efquirc, lieuterant governor and 
 commander in chief. To the honourable the counfellors. To the honoured the 
 reprffcntatives ii^ the grer.t and general court of liis majci>y's Province of 
 
 Mafiachufetts, 
 
iz^ THE HISTORY OF [Ckap. IIL 
 
 made by the minillers for calling a fyno^ was granted in 
 council, but the houle did not concur. Afterwards, by 
 a vote of both houfes, it was referred to the next fefTion, 
 to which the lieutenant governor gave his confent. Op- 
 pofition was made by the Epifcopal miniif ers, but a doubt 
 of fuccefs, ill the Province, caufed them to apply in En- 
 gland, I fuppofe to the bi&op of London, f /I'he king 
 being abroad, an inilruclion came from the lords juflice^ 
 to furceafe all proceedings, and the lieutenant governor 
 received a reprimand for " giving his confent to a vote 
 of reference, and neglecting to tranfmit an account of fo 
 remarkable a tranfadion." A flop was put to any fur- 
 ther proceeding in the affair, nor has any attempt for a 
 fynod been made fmce. 
 
 The remainder of Mr. Dummer^s fliort adminiflration 
 was eafy to him. The war being over, the principal 
 
 ground 
 
 Maffachuft-tts, afTembkd and now fitting. A inemo;iai and addrcfs humbly 
 
 prcfented. 
 As a general convention of rii'r.'jlcrs from feveral ^^arts of tbt' Province at Bof.on^ 
 
 May 27, 1725. 
 
 Considering the great and vifible decay of piety in the country, and the 
 growth of ]iiany ir.ircarriages^ whtch we fear may have provoked the glorious Lord 
 in a feries of various judgments wonderfully to diflrefs us. Confiderir.g alfo the 
 laudable example of our pjedeceiTors to .lecoyer and eftabiifh the faith and order ig-f 
 the gofpel in tlie churches, and provide againll what immoralities may threaten to 
 impair them in the ^Yay of general fynods convened for that purpofe ; and confider- 
 ing that about forty-five years haveiiovv rolled away fince thefe churches have iii€;n 
 :iny fuch conventions — It is Jbumbly defired that the honoured gTjierai court would 
 cxprefs their concern for the interells of religion in the country, by calling the ftv- 
 erai churcli.es in the Province to meet by their pallors and mefTengers in a iynod, 
 'und from thence offer their advice upon that weighty cafe which the circuaillauce!, 
 
 of the day do loudly call to be confidered What are tie mf carriages ivbereof 
 
 ive have rccfon to think the judgments of Hejiven, upon us, call us to be more generally fuiftlh^ 
 and 'what may be ihe tnof evangelical and ifecJuul expedien's to put a fop unto thofe or th.e 
 like ffiifcurriagcs ? This pr£>pofal we hiimbly make in hopes that, if it be profecuted, 
 it may be followed with many deiirable corj'c'iuences, v\'orthy the ftudy of thofe 
 whom God has .made and v>s are 10 happy to enjoy as the nurfing fathers of "^ur 
 churches. ' Cotto^i Mather y 
 
 In the name of the niiniflerG afTembled in their general conventioH. 
 
 f " I mufl: acqu;iint you that the bi^liop cf London has laid before tiie lords jufbicco 
 a written authentic copy of our minillers' memorial to the general court to empower 
 them to meet and a6t in a fynod, coni^ented to by the lieutenant governor, and their 
 excellencies wv, very much difpleafed with his conduiSt herein, it is thought here 
 that the cbrgy fliould not meet info public t:nd authoritative a manner without 
 the king's confent as head of the church, and that it would be a bad precedent for 
 Diffcntcrs here to ailc the fame privilege, which, if granted, would be a fort cf vyuig 
 with the eftablifhed ch'jrch. It has alfo been infmuated that tliis fynod would 
 have come to feme refoiutions to the prejudice of the church of England, if they 
 had been permitted to convene. However this nifiy be, it is certainly my duty to 
 apprize the affembly of it, for their better dircdlion in the approaching feffion, 
 \vhen, I fuppofe, tlic r.iatter will be refumed." Dimmers letter, iji Seft. 1725. 
 
5 ; 26. j[ U A S S A C H USE T T S. tcji 
 
 ground of difputc, the ordering the forces, ceifed. Oth- 
 er aftairs relative to the treaiury, the paifing upoii ac- 
 counts and the form of fupplies, he fuifercd to go on ac- 
 cordin,^- to the claim of the houfe. Mr. Cooke, the firii: 
 elei^ion after his return from England, Mav, 1726, wa^ 
 chofen of the council. This was a n^Urk of the houfe'.s; 
 approbation of his condud in the aqency, all hough it had 
 Hot been attended with fuccels. The lieutenant governor 
 did not think it convenient to offend the houfe by a nej;- 
 ative. Th-e fniall allowance made him as a falary, about 
 two biuidred and fifty potinds ilerling per annum, he alfo 
 acquiefced in for the fake of peace. The governor was 
 expeded by almofl every ihip for a year of tV'/o together. 
 but by fonie means or other Vv'as delayed until the fum.- 
 rner of 1727, wdien he was upon the point of embarking, 
 but the fudden death of the king prevented.* The prin- 
 cipal caufe of delay feems to have been the infulaciencv 
 of the falary which had been granted for his fupport, and 
 the uncertainty whether the aiTembly would make an ad- 
 dition to it.f 
 
 Upon the acceflion of King George TI, a gentleman' 
 who, it ii; faid, was in particular efteem with the ki?ig him- 
 felf, was appointed governor of New York and the Jer- 
 9.es^ in the room of My, Burnet, whofe adminiftration 
 had, in general, been very acceptable t-o thofe ccionies, 
 
 and 
 
 * " I do apt know when or on board what Trip tKe go\«<;rnor intends to cmhark. 
 for his g')vernment. Tie fays he won't o;o hut in a ni-ia-O'-'A ar, for fcnr of mt-tlinjr 
 ar pirate ; but .13 there is no profpecl of a kinjr's {hip going this y;!3r to' any pnrr of 
 the continent, I behevc hit will tliink better of it, and take his paltage in capiain 
 C^ry, who will fa.il in about a month." Ditmmers letter, %T^d ylj^rll, ^727. 
 
 f "Colonel Shute baving petitioned his niajefty in council t6 fcttl"^ a fuitahle fala.. 
 fy on him and all fhe fucceedin^ governors of Nt:w En;j;land, the lords of the privy 
 council, inftcad of fending me a written mefiage to attend, as is ufua! in other cufc, 
 made a peremptory order of the I Sth of February l:i!t,roqaii ing n-.c to attend their 
 hoard on the Wcdnefclay followii^g, and not to f;\il on any pretence whrffoever. 
 When I came, the lords fent for oolonel Shute to- go in by uimielf, an.l ul'ter, forme 
 and Mr. Newman, the ag-iit for New liampfhire. They aikcd whetli^r, if hi> 
 inajefly fhould think fit to fend Mr. Shute bark agtiin to his government, KbelieveJ- 
 the country'- would receive and fupport him iiandfomely. '1 o this 1 artfwertd, that 
 I had no inRrudions upon this fubj.d, but my private opinion was that they 
 would ; for they Vvho had lately In fo dutif.il a manner accepted the royal exphiha- 
 tory charter, would not fail to ihow 2 proper regard' to any perfon v/honi hipmajef- 
 ty fliould plcafe to fend over as his reprefentative, of wiiich niv lord Tcwnfcnd 
 particularly expreffcd his fatisfadlion. inhere was not a -<vcrd fald as to the r,;:an- 
 tum of the falary, but I find fince it is flated at loool. ftcrl. per annum for Mr.fia- 
 chufetts, and 200I. for New Kampfhirc, and the king will rcconnncnd it to the lw% 
 Provinces under his fi^n manual." D'.it/:?r.^r*s ifit>r. 
 
^94 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. lIL 
 
 and approved in England. The bifliop, his father, had 
 likewiie been a moft fteady friend to the houfe of Hano- 
 ver. Governor Burnet's fortune being reduced in the 
 general calamity of the year 1720, he parted wnih a place 
 in the revenue of 1200I. per annum and received commif- 
 fions for thefe governments, with a vievi to his retrieving 
 his fortune in a courfe of years. He thought it hard, in. 
 fo iliort a time, to be fuperleded ; for although the Maf-' 
 fachufetts and New Hampfnire were given to him, yet he 
 Was 10 part v^ith very proutable pofls for fuch as, at befl, 
 would afford him no more than a decent fupport, an eafy 
 adminiilration for one which he forefaw would be ex- 
 tremely troublefome. He complained of his hard fate, 
 and it had a vifibie eftcCt upon his fpirits. Colonel Shute 
 •was provided for more to his fatisfa6lion than if he had 
 returned to his governmerit, a penfion of 400I4 fleriing 
 per annum, being fettled upon him, to be paid out of the 
 four and a half per cent 'duty raifed in the Weft India 
 ifiands. The Weft Indians, who would perhaps have 
 been content if it had been applied to one of their ovv'n 
 governors who had been fuperfeded, have taken excep- 
 tion to the payment of it to a governor of. the northern 
 colonies.^ 
 
 The earthquake on the 29th of Odobet, 1727, al- 
 though not confmed to Mallachufetts, was fo remarkable 
 an event in providence that we may be excufed if we give 
 a circumftantial account of it. About forty minutes af^ 
 ter ten at night, when there was a ferene ftvy, and calm 
 but Iharp air, a moft amazing noife was heard, like to the 
 roarino; of a chimney when on fire, as fome faid, only be-^ 
 yond comparifon greater ; others compared it to the noife 
 of coaches upon pavements, and thought that of ten thou- 
 fand together would not have exceeded it. The noife 
 was judged by fome to continue about half a minute be- 
 fore the fhock began, which increafed gradually, and was 
 
 thought 
 
 * The duties granted by Barbadoes and the leev/ard iflands upon their own pro- 
 duce, to be difpofed of by the crown, are the only inftances of the kind ift the colo- 
 r.ies. Jamaica is exempt. It was faid in parhament, in the reign of Charles U. 
 that this duty was confenred to upon condition the planters ihould be releafed 
 from a duty of 40wt. fugar per head referved when the king granted the lands. 
 Jamaica was chiefly difpofed of by Cromwell, I fuppofe, free from the like burden 
 »r charfre. 
 
V 
 
 1727.] MASSACHUSETTS. . 29^; 
 
 thought to have continued the fpace of a minute before ic 
 i was at the height, and, in about half a niiaute more, to 
 have been at an end by a gradual decreafe. When the 
 terror is fo great, no dependence can be placed upon the 
 adrneafurement of time in any perfon's mind, and v/e 
 always find very different apprehenfions of it. The noife 
 and ihock of this and all earthquakes which preceded it 
 in New England were obferved to come froai the w^fl: or 
 north-weft, and go off to the eaft or fouth-eaft. At New- 
 bury and other towns upon Merrimack river, the fhock 
 was greater than in any other part of MaiTachulcnts, but 
 no buildings were thrown down, part of the walls of fev- 
 eral cellars fell in, and the tops of niany chimneys were 
 ihook off. At New York it feems to have been equal to 
 what it was in Malfachufetts, but at Philadelphia it was 
 very fenfibly weaker, and, in the colonies fouthward, it 
 grew^ lefs and icfs, until it had fpent itfelf or became infen- 
 iihle. The feanien upon the coaft fuppofed their veflels 
 to have ftruck upon a flioal of looi'e ballad. More gentle 
 iliocks were frequently felf in moft parts of New England 
 for feveral months after. There have feldom palfed above 
 fifteen or twenty years without an earthquake, but there 
 had been none, very violent, in the memory of any then 
 living. There v^as a general apprehenfion of danger of 
 deftrucfion and death, and many who had very little fenfe 
 of religion before, appeared to be very ferious and devout 
 penitents ; but, too generally, as the fears of another 
 earthquake went off, the religious impreffions went with 
 them, and they, who had been the fubjecls of both, re- 
 turned to their former courfe of life. 
 
 The trade of the province being in a bad (late, and there 
 being a general complaint of fcarcity of money, the old 
 fpirit revived for increafmg the currency by a further 
 emiffion of bills of credit. It would be juit as rational 
 when the blood in the human body is in a putrid corrupt 
 ftate, to increafe the quantity by luxurious living in or- 
 der to reftore health. Some of the leading men among 
 the reprcfentatives were debtors, and a depreciating cur- 
 rency was convenieat for them. A bill was projeded for 
 fortifying the fea-ports. The town of Bollon was to ex- 
 pend 
 
596 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 pend ten thdlifand pounds in forts and (lores, and to ena- 
 ble ihem to do it, thirty thoufand pounds was to be iflued 
 in biiis and lent to the town for thirteen years,, Salein, 
 Plymouth, Marblehead, Charleftown, Gloucefter, and 
 even Trurd^ on the' Cape, were all to be fupplied with 
 bills of credit for the like purpofes. After repeated non- 
 concurrence and loi'ig altercation, the council were pre- 
 vailed upon to agree to the bill. ¥/hen it came to the 
 lieutenant governor, he laid the king's inftruction before 
 the council, and required their opinion, upon their oaths, 
 whether, confident with the inftruttion, he could fign the 
 bill ; and they anfwered he could not. Not only the 
 lieutenant governor, but feveral of the council, were de- 
 pendent upon the houfe for the grant of their falaries, 
 and this dependence waa improved, as in divers inftanccs 
 > it had been formerly. The houfe referred the confidera- 
 tion of allowance to the next feffion, and defired the 
 • court might rife. The lieutenant governor let them know, 
 by a meffage, that he apprehended his fmall fupport was 
 withheld from him, becaufe he would not figli a bill con- 
 trary to his indrudions. They replied, that he had rec- 
 ommended to them, the making provifion for fortifying 
 the province, and now they had palTed a bill for that pur- 
 pofe, he refufed to fign it, and they were obliged, in pru- 
 derice and faithfulnefs to their principals, to come into a 
 vote referring allowances and other matters to another 
 fefhon, when a way may be found to enable the inhabit- 
 ants to pay into the treafury again fuch funis as may be 
 drawn out for gratuities* and allowances. After a recefs 
 of about a fortnight, an expedient was found. Inftead 
 of a bill for fortifying, another was prepared with a fpe- 
 cious title — " An ad for raifmg and fettling a public rev- 
 enue for and towards defraying the necelTary charges of 
 the government by an emiflion of 6o,oool. in bills of 
 credit." This was done to bring it within the words of 
 the inilruftion, v/hich reilrained the governor from con- 
 fenting to the ilTuing bills of credit, except for charges of 
 government. The intereft of four per cent, or 2400I. 
 was to be applied annually to the public charges, and 
 
 gave 
 
 * Gratiiity is a term not ufual with the houfe, aad feems not fo proper for pay- 
 ment of fervices. 
 
\^2^r^ Massachusetts. ' 297 
 
 gave colour for IlTiiing the principal fum of 6o,oool. 
 The lieutenant governor was prevailed upon to fign it, 
 and the fame day the houfe made the grant of his falary, 
 and the ul'ual allowance to the J%dges, mofl of whom 
 were members of the council, and to the other officers of 
 the government. This was afterwards alleged to be a 
 compulfion of the lieutenant governor, and fuch of the 
 members of council as v/cre falary men, to comply with 
 the houfe of reprefentatives, by withholding from them 
 their fubfiflence. The eagernefs of the body of the peo- 
 ple for paper bills, more eafily acquired in this v/ay than 
 the righteous way of induilry and frugality, no doubt, 
 facilitated a compliance. 
 
 The council, upon this occafion^ declined anfwering 
 upon their oath, as counfellors, when the lieutenant gov- 
 ernor afked their advice. They fwear that to the bell of 
 their judgment they will at all times freely give their ad- 
 vice to the governor for the good management of the pub- 
 lic affairs of the government. The lieutenant governor 
 propofed the following queflion to them in writing — • 
 *' Gentlemen, I find it neceifary, in order to my figning 
 the bill, entitled, an act for raifing and fetthng a revenue, 
 &c. which has paifed both houfes, to have your advice 
 whether I can fign the faid bill without the breach of the 
 inflruclion of the lords juftices of Great Britain, dated the 
 27th of September, 1720, and the order of the lords com- 
 mifiioners of trade and plantations, dated the 8 th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1726-7. W, Dummer, Feb. 17, 1727." Upon 
 which the council came to the following vote. " In 
 council, Feb. 19, 1727 — Read, and as the council have 
 already, as they are one part of the general court, paifed 
 a concurrence with the honourable houfe of reprefenta- 
 tives upon th^ faid bill, they cannot think it proper for 
 them to give your honour any further advice thereupon, 
 nor do they apprehend the oath of a counfellor obliges 
 them thereto. At the fame time, they cannot but think 
 it will be for the good and welfare of the Province, and 
 the neceifary fupport of the government thereof, if the 
 bill be confented to by your honour. 
 
 7. Willard^ Secretary.'* 
 Vol. ir. U 'They 
 
^9*^ THE HISTORY' OF [Chap, fft 
 
 They had given their advice or opinion, the fame fef- 
 fion, upon the bill for fortifying, after they had pafled it,; 
 that it was contrary to the inilruciion, and inftances of 
 the like kind have been frequent before and fince this 
 time. 
 
 The lieutenant governbr»had a further opportunity, be- 
 fore Mr. Burnet's arrival, of meeting the aiTembly in May 
 for eledion of counfellors. 
 
 The houfe difcovered in one indance this feffion, a dc- 
 fire to amplify their jurifdidion^ The council and houfe 
 had made it a practice ever fince thi* charter to unite in 
 the choice of the treafurer, impoil officer, and other civil 
 officers, the appointment whereof is refer ved to the gen- 
 eral affembly. The council, being in number lefs than 
 SL third part of the houfe, have by this means no weight 
 in fuch elections except when there are two or more can- 
 didates for an office fet up by the houfe, and then the 
 balance of power, if they are united themfelves,^ may be- 
 with them. This feems to have been an old charter prac- 
 tice, and handed down. The two houfes, when parties' 
 to any petition or caufe defire to be heard, often meet in^ 
 one houfe, which no doubt alfo. came from the old char- 
 ter, but after they are feparated, they vote feparately up- 
 on the fubjedt matter of the hearing. In this feffion^ 
 after a hearing of this fort, the houfe paifed a vote, ''that, 
 when a hearing ihall be had on any private caufe before 
 both houfes together, the fubje(^ matter fhall be deter- 
 mined by both houfes conjunctly." They might as well, 
 have voted that, after a conference between the two' 
 houfes, the fubject matter fhould be determined conjund- 
 ly. The council were fenfible this was taking from tht 
 little v/eight they had, and unanimoully non-concurred 
 the vote. 
 
 The manner of choofmg elvil" officers is a defe£l in the 
 conftitution, which does not feem to have been confidered. 
 at the framing the charter, and as by charter officers mufl 
 annually be elected, it is a defeat which muft be fubmittcd 
 to. If either houfe fliould eled by themfelves and fend 
 to the other for concurrence, the right of nominatioa 
 would be fuch an advantage as neither would be willing 
 
 tt 
 
^727.] IVIASSACIIUSETTS. 299 
 
 to concede to the other. In the early days of the charter, 
 it had been made a queflion, whether in any ads of gov- 
 ernment the council had a negative voice, and were not 
 rather to vote in conjunction with the houfe of reprefent- 
 atives, and Conflantine Phips gave his opinion, that they 
 had no negative. He feems not to have confidered, that 
 the charter and the commillions to governors of other 
 colonies evidently intended a iegiflature after the pattern 
 of the Iegiflature of England, as far as the ftate and cir- 
 cumflances of the colonies would admit. 
 
 The government, under the old charter and the nev/, 
 had been very prudent in the dillribution of the territory. 
 Lands were granted for the fake of fettling them. Grants 
 for any other purpofe had been very rare, and ordinarily, 
 a new fettlement was contiguous to an old one. The 
 fettlers themfelves, as well as the government, were in- 
 clined to this for the fake of a focial neighbourhood, as 
 well as mutual defence againfl an enemy. The firft fet- 
 tlers on Connecticut river, indeed, left a great tradt of 
 wildernefs between them and the reft of the colony, but 
 they went ofi' in a body, and a new colony, Connecticut, 
 was fettling near them at the fame time. Rivers were 
 alfo an inducement to fettle, but very few had ventured 
 above Dunftable, upon the fine river Merrimack, and 
 the rivers in the Province of Maine had no towns at 
 any diflance from the fea into which they empty. But 
 all on a fudden, plans are laid for grants of vaft tracts of 
 unimproved land, and the lafl fefnon of Mr. Dummer's 
 adminiftration, a vote pafTed the two houfes appointing a 
 committee to lay out three lines of towns, each town of 
 the contents of fix miles fquare, one line to extend from 
 Connecticut river above Northfield to Merrimack river 
 above Dunftable, another line on each fide Merrimack 
 as far as Penicook, and another from Nichewanock river 
 to Falmouth in Cafco-Bay. 
 
 Pretences v/ere encouraged, and even fought after, to 
 entitle perfons to be grantees. The poflerity of all the 
 officers and foldiers who ferved in the famous Narrag?nfeC 
 expedition, in 1675, were the firll pitched upon, thofe 
 who were in the unfortunate attempt upon Canada, in 
 U 2 1690, 
 
30© THE tllSTORY OF [Chap, ift 
 
 1690, were to come next* The government of Ne\f 
 HanipHiire fuppofed thefe grants were made in order to 
 fecure the poflelTion of a tract of country challenged by 
 them as within their bounds. This might have weight 
 with fome leading men, who were acquainted with the 
 controverfy, but there was a fondnefs for granting land irt 
 any part of the Province. A condition of fettling a cer- 
 tain number of families in a few years, ordinarily was an- 
 nexed to the grants, but the co-art, by multiplying their 
 grants, rendered the performance of the condition im- 
 practicable, there not being people enough within the 
 Province willing to leave the old fettled towns, and the 
 grantees not being able to procure fettlers from abroad. 
 
 The fettlement of the Province was retarded by it, si 
 trade of land-jobbing made many idle perfons, imaginary 
 wealth was created, which was attended with fome of the 
 niii'chievous eiTe^^s of the paper currency, viz. idle>nef§ 
 and bad economy, a real expenfc was occafioned to many 
 perfons, beiides the purchafe of the grantees* title, for 
 every towniliip by law was made a propriety, and their 
 frequent meetings, fchemes for fettlement, and other pre- 
 t>aratory bufmefs, occafioned many charges. In fome 
 few tov/ns, houfes were built and fome part of the lands 
 cleared. In a fnort time, a new line being determined for 
 the northern boilndary of the MaiTachufetts colony, many 
 of thefe townfhips were found to be without it. The 
 government of New Hampfhire, for the crown, laid claim 
 to fome of them, and certain perfons, calling themfelveg 
 proprietors under Mafon, to others, and the MaiTachufetts 
 people, after a further expenfe in contefting their title, 
 either wholly loft the lands, or made fuch compofition as 
 the new claimers thought fit to agree to. 
 
 Mr. Burnet* was received with unufual pomp. Be- 
 fides a committee of the general court, many private gen- 
 tlemen went as far as Briilol to wait upon him, and, be« 
 fides the continual addition that was making in the 
 journey, there went out of Boflon to meet him at a fmall 
 diif ance fuch a multitude of horfes and carriages, that he 
 entered the town with a greater cavalcade than had ever 
 
 beea 
 
 * H« arrived at Bofton July ijth. 
 
f72S.l MASSACHUSETTS. 501 
 
 teen fccn before or fince. Like one of his predeceflbrs, 
 lord Bellamont, he urged this grand appearance, in his 
 fird fpeech to the aflembly, as a proof of their ability very 
 honourably to fupport his majefty's government, and at 
 the fame time acquainted them with the king's inftrucVion 
 to him to infift upon an eflablifhed falary, and his inten- 
 tion firmly to adhere to it.*- He had aiked the opinion 
 of a New England gentleman, who was then the miniiier 
 of the Prefbyterian church at New York, whether the 
 ;aflembly would comply with his inflrudion, and receiVf^ 
 ed a difcouraging anfwer, which caufed him to reply, that 
 he would not engage in a quarrel, or to that efi'ect j but 
 he either received difTerent advice upon hie arrival, or for 
 fome other reafon altered his mjnd. The afTembly feem- 
 ^d, from the beginning, determined to v/ithfland him. 
 To do it with better grace and a more reafonable profped: 
 of fuccefs, the quantum of the falary, it was agreed, was 
 not worth difputing^ It bore no proportion to the privi- 
 lege and right of granting it for fuch time as they thought 
 proper. The fame perfons, therefore, who, fix or feveu 
 years before, refufed to make governor Shute, and, per- 
 haps, the government eafy, by granting not more than 
 five hundred pounds (lerling a year, now readily voted for 
 a thoufand, or a fum which was intended to be equal to 
 it. As foon as addrefies from the council and houfe, the 
 ufual compliments upon the firft arrival of a governor, 
 had paiTed, the houfe made a grant of '1700I. towards his 
 fupport, and to defray the charge of his journey. In a 
 day or two, the governor let them know he was utter^ 
 Iv unable to give his confent to it, being inconfiftent 
 -with his inftruclion. After a week's deliberation, a grant 
 
 * " It is not eafy to cxprefs the pleafure I have had in cominor aruornr you. The 
 commiflion with which his mcij'-fty has honoured me (however unequal to k) has hctn 
 i-eceived in fo refpedful and noble a manner, and tlic pleniy and wealth of this 
 great Province has appeared to me in fuch a ftrong; light, as wili not fuiTer m« 
 to doubt of your fupporting his majefty's government by an ample, honorr?.hl<; 
 ^nd lafting iL-^.tlement. The wifdom of parliament has made it an eftabiifiied 
 cuftom to grant the civil lift to the king for life, and, as I am coiifiJcnt th2 
 rcprefentatives of the people here would be unwilling to own thcmildves out- 
 done in duty to his majefty hy any of his fubjeols, I have reafon to hope that 
 they will not think fuch an example has any thing in it which tJiey are not ready 
 to imitate. I fhall lay before you his majefty's inftruclion to mc upon this 
 fubjeA, which, as it fhall be an inviolable rule for my conduct, v/iil, without ipiuf- 
 tion, have its due weight witk you." Qtv./^wJj 2ijh jftly, 1728. 
 
302 THE HISTORY OF [Chaf. IIL 
 
 was made of three hundred pounds for the charge of his 
 journey, which he accepted, and another of fourteen hun- 
 dred pounds towards his fupport, which was accompanied 
 with a joint raelfage from the council and houfe, prepared 
 by a committee, wherein they affert their undoubted right 
 as Engliflmien, and their privilege by the charter, to raife 
 and apply monies for the fupport of government, and their 
 readinefs to give the governor an ample and honourable 
 fupport ; but they apprehended it would be mofl for his 
 majelly's fervice, &c. to do it without eltablifhing a fixed 
 falary.* The governor was always very quick in his re- 
 plies ; and once, v/hen a committee came to him with a 
 meffage, having privately obtained a copy of it, gave the 
 fame committee an anfwer in writing to carry back. The 
 fame day this meffage was delivered, he obferved to them 
 in anfwer, '' that the right of Englifhmen could never en- 
 title them to do wrong, that their privilege of raifmg 
 money by charter was expreffed to he ' by wholefome and 
 reafonable laws and diredions,* confequently not fuch as. 
 were hurtful to the conftitution and the ends of govern^ 
 ment ; that their way of giving a fupport to the governor 
 could not be honourable, for it deprived him of the un- 
 doubted right of an Englifhman, viz. to ad his judgment,, 
 or obliged him to remain without fupport, and he appeal- 
 ed to their own confciences, whether they had not for- 
 merly kept back their governor's allowance until other 
 bills were paffed, and whether they had not fometimes 
 made the falary depend upon the confent to fuch bills ; 
 that if they really intended from time to time to grant an 
 honourable fupport, they could have no juft objedion to 
 making their purpofes effedual by fixing his falary ; for 
 he would never accept of a grant of the kind they had 
 then made." We ihall be convinced that Mr. Burnet 
 was not a perfon who could be eafily moved from a refo- 
 lution he had once taken up. 
 
 Upon the receipt of this meffage and the peremptory 
 declaration of the governor, the houfe found this was 
 like to be a ferious affair, and that they fhould not fo 
 cafily get rid of it as they hcid done of the like demands 
 
 made 
 
 ^Auguft 7tK, 
 
;i723.] MASSACHUSETTS. 303 
 
 made by Dudley and Shute, and again appointed a com- 
 mittee to join with a committee of council to confider of 
 this meflage. The exclufive right of the houfe in origin- 
 ating grants they have often fo far given up as to join 
 with the council by committees to confider and report the 
 expediency of them, the reports generally being fent to 
 the houfe, there to be firfl aded upcm. The report of 
 this committee was accepted In council and fcnt to the 
 houfe, but there rejeded, and^ not being able to unite in 
 an anfwer, the houfe tried the council with a refolve, fent 
 to them for concurrence, the purport of which was, that 
 fixing a falary on the governor or commander in chief 
 for the time being would be dangerous to the inhabitants, 
 and contrary to the defign of the charter in giving power 
 to make wholefome and reafonable orders and laws for 
 the welfare of the Province. This vote, in fo general 
 .terms, the council did not think proper to concur, and 
 declared that, although they were of opinion it might 
 prove of ill confequence to fettle a falary upon the gover- 
 nor for the time being, yet they apprehended a falary 
 might be granted for a certain time, to the prefent gover- 
 nor, without danger to the Province, or being contrary to 
 the defign of the charter, kc. * 
 
 This occafioned a -conference without effeft, both 
 houfes adhering to their own votes, and from this time 
 the houfe were left to manage the controverfy themfelves. 
 They fent a melTage to the governor to defire the court 
 might rife.t He told them, that if he Ihould comply 
 with their defire he fhould put it out of their power to pay 
 an immediate regard to the king's inllru^lion, and he 
 would not grant them a recefs until they had fiiiiflied the 
 bufinefs for which the court was then fitting. They then, 
 in a meflage to him, declared that, in faithfulnels to the 
 people of the Province, they could not come into an ad 
 for eftablifliing a falary on the governor or commander 
 in chief for the time being, and therefore they renewed 
 their requeft that the court might rife. || 
 
 Both the governor and the houfe feem to have fome 
 referve in their declarations. Perhaps a falary during 
 
 hi^ 
 
 ♦ Angvft 19th. t ^Sth. I Aujuft 29th. 
 
304 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. Ill, 
 
 his admimilration would have fatisfied him, although he 
 demanded it for the commander in chief for the time be- 
 ing -y and the houfe do not yet fay, that they will not fet- 
 tie a falary for a limited time. Each defired that the 
 other would make fome concellions. Both declined, and 
 both by long altercation were irritated j and at length, 
 which is often the cafe, inftead of clofmg, as feemed prob- 
 able at firlt, widened the breach, until they fixed at the 
 oppofite extremes. The major part of the council and 
 ^bout a fixth part of the houfe were willing to fettle a fal- 
 ary upon Mr. Burnet for a term not exceeding three 
 years, polTibly even fome who were finally the moll zeal- 
 ous in the oppofition would have fubmitted to this, if 
 they could have been fure of its being accepted, and they 
 had been at liberty to act their judgment. Mr. Cooke 
 had experienced the ill fuccefs of the controverfy with 
 governor Shute, and feem.ed defirous of being upon terms 
 with his fucceifor, who, upon his firft arrival and until the 
 Province houfe could be repaired, lodged at Mr. Cooke's 
 houfe ; but a friendfhip could not long continue between 
 two perfons of fo different opinions upon civil govern- 
 ment. The language of the governor's meffages was 
 thought too dictatorial by the people, and particularly by- 
 the inhabitants of Bofton, and he had been fomewhat free 
 in his jokes upon fome of the ihop-keepers and principal 
 tradefmen, who were then the directors of the counfels of 
 the town, and very much influenced thofe of the houfe. 
 An intimation in the governor's next meffage,* that, if 
 they did not comply with the inflrudion, the legiflature 
 of Great Britain would take into confideration the fup- 
 port of the government, and perhaps fomething befides, 
 meaning the charter, increafed the prejudices againfh him. 
 The houfe now thought themfelves obliged to be more 
 particular than they had yet been fully to alfert their 
 rights.f This was what the governor defired, and, with- 
 out any delay,| he fent them an anfwer. As thefe two 
 meifages feem to begin in earnefl the argument on each 
 
 fide 
 
 * Auguft 29th. f Augufl 31ft. \ September 2i> 
 
1728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 30^ 
 
 fide of the queflion, we lliall infcrt them in the margin. * 
 Not long after, the hoiifc, inftead of any advances towards 
 a compliance, which the governor wifhed to obtain, came 
 to refolutions upon two qaeftions which fhewcd ftill more 
 
 fully 
 
 * Auguf^ 31ft:, 1728. ^Thf houfc of rrprefentativcsfcnt the following mciragc 
 
 to his excellency the governor. 
 
 *' Afl/jy it pleafc your axcAlency^ 
 
 " The reprefentativcs in general court affemhle^, before they proceed to make 
 reply to what they received from you on Thurfday lail, rcfpcitinor their anfv/er of 
 that morning to your mciTage of the 28th current, beg leave to recur to what the 
 council and reprefentatives, the 7th inilant, in jrr;"at truth and fi'^cerlty, armr"^ 
 other things, laid before your excellency, viz. — 'I'hey humbly apprehend, that hit 
 majefty's fervice in the necefiary defence and fupport of the government and the 
 protecStion and prcfervation of the inhabitants thereof, the two grcJt cn^rli propo£:d 
 in the power granted to this court for the raif.ng taxes, would be befl anf.vcred 
 without eftablifhing a falary. Your excellency wa? plco.fed to icx. U3 knov/, that the 
 anfwcr of the houfc contained no rcafons that appeared to ^nu fuHicient why hi» 
 majefty's 23d inllruelion might not be complied vrich, fince the fame methods that 
 are found no ways to prejudice the riglits and liberties of the people of Great Britain, 
 nor of other colonies, cannot prejudice thole of tiie Province. If th? rriethod prac- 
 tifed in Great Britain is not prejudicial to the rights and liberties of the p.^ople there» 
 it docs not therefore follow that fixing a falar-/ will not prejudice the people of thii 
 Province. The Britifli conftitution dilfering from ours in many refpects, and other 
 colonies coming Into any particular method, we not knowing the motives inducing 
 them thereto, nor the feveral conftitutions of government they arc, put under, ought 
 not to Influence or prompt us to imitate them. 
 '* May it pleaje your excellency, 
 
 " The houfc, being heartily defirous to cultivate ?. good agreement and harmony 
 with your excellency, take this opportunity to affare you, that '.*c have, once and 
 again, deliberately confidered your mcffage for fixing a falary, and do humbly con- 
 ceive that it Is againft the good defign of the powers veiled and reposed iai us by the 
 royal charter, to pafs adls purfuant to the inllruvTcions laid before us, for as much as 
 pafling fuch acts, as we apprehend, has a dire6l tendency to weaken om* happy con-i 
 ftitution ; for that their late majeflies king William and queen Mary, of glorious 
 memory, were gracioufly pleafed to gratify the Inhabitants hore, and did grant to 
 them certain powers, privileges and franchifes to be ufed and enaployed for the 
 benefit of the people, and in the fame grant referred other powers to be ufed and 
 cxercifed by the orown, or the governors fsnt by them, agreeable to the direftlon* 
 and mftru(SIons contained in faid grant and their commiHions, having reference for 
 their better guidance and direi5lIons to the feveral powers and authorities mentioned 
 in the faid charter ; if therefore the general affembly fhould at any time come into 
 any aft that might tend to infringe the prerogative or diflerve the crown, his maj^ 
 cfty's governors have a negative voice on all fuch adts ; furthermore, fhould any 
 governor Incautioufly give his confent to fuch ads, his majefty has rcfcrvcd to hlm- 
 fclf a power to difallow the fame, but the ufe and exercifc of the other pov/ers and 
 privileges lodged in the general aflcmbly, his majefty juftly expcds tiicy will never 
 make ufe of them In prejudice of the riglits and liberties of the people, but at all 
 times exert themfelvcs In defence thereof. If we refemble the Britilh conftitution, 
 as your excellency has done us the honour to declare, we humbly apprehend that no 
 part of the legiflature here (hould be entirely independent, as your ercelieHcy has 
 very jufdy denoted to us, that the three dlftincl branches of the legiflature, preferv- 
 cd in a due balance, forms the excellency of the Britifh conftitution ; and If any of 
 thofe branches ftiould become lefs able to fupport Its own diiniity and freedom, the 
 whole muft inevitably fuffer by the alteration. Your excellency is pleafed to fay, 
 ^hat a fupport ^Ivcn as hag been ufual here cannot lie honouiaid.-, bci^aufo that Im- 
 
 pHe» 
 
30^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. lit 
 
 fully their fenfe of the point in controverfy. The firfl' 
 queflion was, whether the houfe will take under confider- 
 ation the fettling a temporary falary upon the governor 
 or commander in chief for the time beings This pafled 
 
 in 
 
 plies no fort ©f confidence in the goTcmment. To -vrhich we humbly offer, that if 
 your excellency would take notice of our grants, you would fee that the very meth- 
 od itfelf 18 founded on nothiwg elfe, inafniuch as they always look forward and are 
 riven to enable the governor lo go on and manage the public affairs. Thus, in th:» 
 our firft fcfiion at your excellency's firft and welcome arriYal,theaffembly made a grant 
 )of 1400I. to enable your excellency to manage the affairs of this Province, fully con- 
 fiding m your condu6t. If your excellency intends that we do not put fo mucl^ 
 confidence in you as the parliament do in our ntioft gracious foyereign, to whom the 
 civil iifl IS granted for life (which jGod long preferve) we freely acknowledge it. 
 Is it rcafonable or poUible that we iliould coniide in any governor whatfoevcr, fo 
 »|uch a* in our gracious king, the common father of all his people, who is known 
 to delight in noli dug fo much as in their happinefs, and whofe intcreft and glory, 
 ;and chat of hii royal progeny, arc infeparable from the profperity and welfare of 
 his people ; whereas it is raoft obvious, that neither the prolperity nor advcrfity of 
 a pfopie affecl a governor's intcreft at all when he has once left tJiem. ^ 
 
 " Your excellency goes en and declares, that the fupport of the government io 
 this manner vlfibly depcuds on an entire compliance with the other parts of the 
 iegiflature. Kad the governor no aurhority nor checks upon them, we mull ac- '' 
 knowledge this to ht the cafe ; but as both the other parts have a great dependence 
 upon the governor's difcretionary power, the council (as the pracftice ufually is) for 
 their very being, and both they and the reprcfentatives for every law and proper 
 acl of government, and for every penny put into and drawn out of the treafury, for 
 their wiiole defence and fecurity in every cafe »f danger, as he i§ their captaii? 
 general, belidcs other obvious particulars needlefs and too numerous to be named, 
 that sf in this fmgle inftance the governor Iliould have dependence on the affem- 
 fcly, as to his fupport, according as they fhall fee the Province able, the other 
 thing's that they depend upon him for are fo vaftly misrc than a counterbalance.^ 
 Jhat it cannot be thought that the commander in chief can be hereby prevented 
 jacting according to his judgment, or remain without fupport. We affure your 
 excellency, that it js not any exception to your pcrfon or adminiflration (which 
 we hope other pai-ts of our condubf; have made evident) that determines u» 
 -againft Using a friary as prefcribed, 
 " ]\Iay it f'/ea/c your excellency ^ 
 
 " Since v/e have fo many times heretofore, »nd do now in the rtoft folcmij 
 manner, and after the moft UriA fcrutiny we are able to make in this important 
 affair, majiifeft, that in faithfulnefs to our country we cannot think it advifeablc 
 for this houl;; to be concerned in paffmg an ail for fixing a falary as prefcribed, 
 we do therefore moil ardently move your excellence, ihat you would permit us to 
 repair to our feveral homes, and not keep us fitting here in order to our a6ling 
 contrary to our native freedom and declared judgment, and fo betraying the 
 great tiuft and confidence ouf principals have rcpofed in us." 
 
 /September 3d, 17 z8. r-The fecretary carried down to the houfe the following 
 
 meffage from his excellency the governor. 
 Gentlemen of tht houfe of reprcfentatives y 
 It is not at all agreeable to my inclination to enter into difputes with your 
 Jvoufe ; and, for that reafon, I have endeavoured Hitherto to be as Ihort as the im- 
 portance of the matters v/hich I have recommended to you will allow me. But 
 fince you have thought fit to lay fuch ftrefs on the reafons offered in your reply 
 #f Saturday, I cannot avoid, once more for all, entering into a particular examin- 
 ation of them, that not only yourfelves, but thofe whom you reprefent, may be en- 
 fibled to j.udge ef the contirtverfy betweea us. Y»a liegin wish ren>iudmg mc 
 
I72S.] 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 307 
 
 in the negative. Then this queftion was put, whether the 
 houfc can with fafety to the people come into any other 
 method for fupporting the governor or commander in 
 chief for the time being, than what has been heretofore 
 
 praclifed. 
 
 that the council and reprefentatives apprehended ' that his majefty's fcrvice, in the 
 neceffary deft-ncc and fupport of the government ar^d luc pvotedlion and prcijrv;i-< 
 tion of the inhabitants thereof, the two great ends propofcd in the power granted 
 to this court, would be heft anfwercd without citubhfhing a iixed lalary.' [t 
 ought not to be forgotten, at the {?.ir,c time, t'-^at the council hid altered the 
 ■words, ivould he bejiy into, Tnay be ii'dl, though you prevailed with than to recede 
 from the amendment, and that they made this addition — ' We efteem it a great 
 unhappinefs, tJiat his majefty fliould think our method of fupporting the gover- 
 nors of this Province a dcfign of making them dependent on the people ;' t» 
 •which you agreed, though nothing to that effect had been inferted in your own 
 draught. By thefe inftances, the council appear, from the firft, to have very dif- 
 ferent apprehenuons from you of the regard to be paid to his majcfcy's inftrucftionj 
 and of the weiglit of his difpleafurc, which laft confideration (though the greateft 
 part of my meffage) was not, it feems, thought by you to defcrve any room at all 
 in fo long a repjy. But fuppolmg the council and you were agre:d, that is to 
 fay, that two branches of the legiflature thought ic heft to keep the third entirely 
 dependent on them, (which would b^:* a manifeft piece of partiality and injuftice) 
 is this any reafon \A\y the third Ihould be of the fame opinion ? Or rather does it 
 not confirm the too juft fufpicion his roajefty has of a ddign fo dangerous to his 
 own authority ? Two branches pf legiflature can bring nothing to effe(51 withi 
 out the third;, and, confeouently, if what feems heft to them only cannot be con- 
 feuted to by the other, it becomes the^r duty then to conlider what next beft 
 thing can be done, in which all three can concur ; for it does not follow that if 
 what fome imagine beft cannot be done, therifforc nothing (hoiild be done at all. 
 •: And fo much for what you have faid, before you proceed to rriake reply. 
 
 You may perceive from what I have already expreffed, ;ipon how many account* 
 the reafons of the houfe can never appear fufticicnt to me why his majcfty's 23d 
 inftrudlion fhould not be complied with ; and I am far from thinking that you 
 give any anfwer to my former reafons. You fay, ' that if the method pra6t:ifed 
 in Great Britain is not prejudicial to the rights and liberties of the people there, it 
 does not therefore follow that fixing a falary would not prejudice the people of 
 this Province.' Rights and liberties are words tliat have naturally the fame nicsn-» 
 ing in all countries ; and, unlefs you can Ihew me wherein the Britifh rights and 
 liberties are defeAive, (which you have not done) I may conclude that they are not 
 fo ; and in that cafe it is a natural confequence, that the methods under which 
 they have been fo long fafe and flourifhing are moft likely to produce the fame 
 effefts. But you fay, ' the Britim conftitution differs from yours in many re-. 
 fpe<5ts.' 1 take the chief difference to have bee» in the ufc made of toe conftitu- 
 tion, which has been no ways to your advantage ; for by Great Britain's keeping 
 up to their conftitution, pubUc credit ftill continues at the height, notwithftandinjr 
 the vaft charges and debts of the nation ; but with you, credit has fallen lower and 
 lower in an amazing manner ; and this has proceeded plainly from the want of 
 a fufficient check in the other branches of the leglllature to the fudden and unadvifcd 
 meafures of former affemblies ; fo that if ever you come near the iiap}>inefs of Great 
 Britain, it muft be by fupporting thofe parts of the legiflature which of late have bc<?n 
 too much deprcifed, but are in themftlves neceffary to guard the liberties and prop- 
 erties of the inhabitants, as well as the houfe oY reprefentatives. 
 
 As to the cafe of other plantations, I Ihall only fay, if you enjoy larger privj^ 
 leges by the favour of the crown than they, and by confequencc have more to lofe 
 by his majefty's difpleafure, the arguments both of gratitude and intereft picad 
 ftronger with you for a compli:^ncc with an inftruv^lon in Itfcif fo juft and rea- 
 f«KabIe^ 
 
 \ ociinot 
 
3oS THE HISTORY OF [Chap. Ill, 
 
 praflifed. This alfo pafTed in the negative, and was thd 
 iirlt inftance of" the houfe's declaring they would make no 
 advances ; for in their meflage laft preceding they only 
 fay they do not think it advifeable to pafs an ad for fix- 
 ing 
 
 I cannot fee why you apprehend that paffing atfts p-arfuant to the inftrucftion 
 lias a diredl tendency to weaken your happy conitltution, efpecially fince you now 
 acknowledge '»vhat i had formerly obferved, " that each branch of the legiflaturc, 
 and coiifequently the governor, ought to be enabled to fupport its own dignity 
 and freedcm," which is all that is intended by the inflrudbicn. 
 
 I had obferved, " that the luual way of fupporting the government implied na 
 fort of confidence in the governor." You offer, ' that if I would take notice of 
 yo!!r grants, I fiiould fee that the very method itfelf is founded upon nothing clfq, 
 inafmuch as they always look forward and arc given to enable the gt>vernor to 
 go on and manage the public affairs.' I can fcarce believe that this is intended 
 for -i ferious argument, fince a time no longer ago than lad winter feflion affords * 
 plain proof to the contrary. The lieutenant governor informed tlxe houfe, in an- 
 iwer "to th:ir meff'.ge exprefling their defire of an adjournment, ' that he had 
 :Conr(^nted to all the a As and votes pafTed the two houfes, except the bill foi« 
 emitting bills of credit, which he would have figned, were it confiftent with his 
 majeily''s inftrucSlion, whicJi it was not, in the opinion of the council.' And he 
 concludes with reminding them, ' tiiat the proper and ufual fcafon for granting fal- 
 aries is already out-run, and that he expevSts they will^providc for the honourable 
 fupport of the government before they rife.' The hou'fe entered into the confid* 
 -eration of the above meffige, and after fome debate had thereon, the (lueilion was 
 put, whether tlie houfc will now conie to the confideration of allowances ; it palT- 
 ed in the nec-ative. Then the quefUon was put, whether the confideration of 
 aliovvances (hall be referred to tlie n ;xt feflion of thij court ; rcfolved in the af- 
 firmative. In tliis manner v;-as this method of grants, ' that always look forward,' 
 brought to look dire.aiy upon the prefent bufinefs, in order to compel a compli- 
 ance, or, if you like th^t better, to look backward by way of punilliment for a 
 denial ;^ and fo the public amiirs were left tp aianige thsmfeives, for any care 
 that was taken of them. 
 
 Your next oblervation is not one jot a jufccr rcprefentation. of the cafe before 
 jou. You fay, you are not for iixing a falary,' becaufeit is not reafonable or pof- 
 fible you fnould confide in any governor whaufoever fo much as in our moft 
 graciou? king.' As if this iniliruaion to demand a falary came from a governor 
 and not from his majefty himfelf, and as if the falary was to be given direAly to 
 the governor, and not to his majefty, for the ufc of his governor or commander in 
 chief, or as if upon .'juft complaint his majefty could not or would not remove 
 an ill governor, and, in H-^ort, as ii your doing the thing would not be altogether 
 upon confidence in his m.vefty, and not in any governor whatfoever. The words 
 «f refpec^ here ufed to his maj lly come with a very- ill grace, and have not 
 that gravity in them which v/ouid be more becoming, fince in the fame breath 
 you are difregarding his own demand and undervaluing his favour, and makin* 
 light of his d'eciaration, ' that if you do not pay an immediate regard to his in- 
 ftrudion he will look upon it as a manifell mark of your undutifui behaviour to 
 kimfeif.' . 
 
 You carry on the fame kind of reafoning to the end of your paper, which 
 feems much better adapted to amufe, than to prove any thing. 
 
 In the firft place, you ma^-.e a very pompous reprefentation of the governor's 
 Authority, anti of the gi-eat dependence the other parts of the general court have 
 ©n his difcretionary pov/cr, and call his fupport the fmgle inftance in which he 
 has fome dependence on the affembly ; and juft after you give an odious afperfion 
 «n an undoubted branch of the power lodged in the governor, which is '^to keep 
 the' general court together as long as he thinks the public affairs require it.' I am 
 kt a lofs to know whether your rnfiuu;:ti©n, that I k^cp you here in order to 
 
i728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 309 
 
 ing a falary as prefcribed. Thefe votes caufed the gover- 
 nor to put them in mind of a letter from their agent in 
 the year 1722, wherein he mentions that lord Carteret, 
 in converfation, defired him to write to the aflembly not 
 to provoke the government in England to bring their 
 charter before the parliament, for if they did, it was his 
 opinion it would be difTolved without oppofition, and the 
 governor advifed them to take care their proceedings did 
 not bring their charter into danger at that time. This 
 caution did not prevent the houfe from preparing a flate 
 of the controverly between the governor and them, con* 
 cerning his falary, to tranfmit to their feveral towns, in 
 the conclufion of which they fay, that they dare neither 
 come into a fixed falary on the governor forever, nor for 
 a limited time, for the following reafons. 
 
 " I ft. Becaufe it is an untrodden path, which neither they 
 nor their predeceiTors have gone in, and they cannot cer- 
 tainly forefee the many dangers that may be in it, nor can 
 they depart from that way which has been found fafe and 
 comfortable. ^ 
 
 " 2dly. Becaufe it is the undoubted right of all Engliih- 
 inen, by Magna Charta, to raife and difpofe of money for 
 the public fervice, of their ow*n free accord, without com- 
 pulfion. » ^j(y^ 
 
 •onipel you to aA contrary to your native freedom and declared judgnacnt, lit 
 tnore injurious to me or yourfelvcs. You feem to allow the governor's prm'eri 
 •nly fo far as he ufes them according to your plcafure ; but, in uiing your own 
 jpowers, to teke it very ill to be direded by any body. You H-.id before, * that' 
 the other things which the houfe depends on a governor for are fo vaftly more 
 than a counterbalance to his fupport (you might have faid fubfiftence, and then 
 the irony would have appeared more openly) that it cannot be thought that 
 the commander in chief c:;n be thereby prevented adling according to his judg- 
 ment, or remain without fupport.' As if you vrere ignorant of the aforemen- 
 tioned proceedings of the laft winter ; and yet you are very ready to think, 
 that to keep you fitting here is a compulficn to you to ad contrary to your 
 Hati'/e freedom and declared judgment, and fo betray the great truft your*prin- 
 cipals have repcfed in you. But I perfuadc myl'.-If that your faithfulnefj to your 
 country put you above any fuch temptation. 
 
 And, as I an^ ftill of opinion that you have aded upon miftaken notions, I 
 •annot give ovef the hopes of your coming to fee things in that true light in 
 which, I flatter myfelf, I have ftated the point in queftion ; and as ! am difpof- 
 cd to gratify you as far as is confiftent with my duty and my honour, I hope 
 you will confidtr what advances you can make towards a compliance, that fo 
 the prefent fellion may not be a ncedlcfs burden to the pcopk, but ftill have • 
 great ifTue to his majefty's and the eountry's f«rvis». tf^. BuriKt. 
 
31® THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. IlL " 
 
 " 3dly. Becaufe It muil necefTarily lelTen the dignity 
 and freedom of the houfe of reprefentatives in making 
 acls and ralfing and applying taxes, &c. and confequently 
 cannot be thought a proper method to preferve that baL 
 ance in the three branches of the legiilature which feems 
 nece'ffary to form, maintain and uphold the conftitution* 
 " 4thly. Becaufe the charter fully empowers the gene- 
 ral aflemlily to make fuch laws and orders as they lliall 
 judge for the good and welfare of the inhabitants, and if 
 they or any part of them judge this not to be for their 
 good, they neither ought nor could come into it ; for, as 
 to a6: beyond or without the powers granted in the char- 
 ter might juftly incur the king's difpleafure, fo not to ad: 
 up and agreeable to thofe powers might juftly be deemed 
 a betraying the rights and privileges therein granted, and 
 if they Tnould give up this right, they would open a door 
 to many other inconveniences.'* 
 
 This reprefentation was prepared to be carried home 
 by the feveral m.embers upon the rifing of the court, in 
 order to their tov/ns giving their inftrudions, but, the 
 houfe being kept fitting, it was printed and fent through 
 the Province. The governor fent a meffage to the houfe 
 a few days after, in which he takes their reprefentation to 
 pieces, and in the clofe of his • melTage appeals to them 
 whether he had not anfwered all their objedions except 
 " the unknown inconveniences to which a door would 
 be opened," which could not be anfwered until they could 
 tell what they were ; and charges them with calling for 
 help from what they had not mentioned, from a fenfe of 
 the imperfedion of what they had, and with fending to 
 their feveral towns for advice, and declaring, at the fame 
 time, they did not dare follow it. 
 
 It would be tedious to recite at length the feveral mef-^ 
 fages, which palfed during the remainder of the contro- 
 verfy, from the chair to the houfe, and from the houfe to 
 the chair, which followed quick one upon the back of 
 another. The fum of the argument, upon the part of 
 the governor, was as follows : that it was highly reafona- 
 ble he fnould enjoy the free exercife af his judgment in 
 |he adminiftration of government, but the grants, made 
 
 for 
 
ijii.^ MASSACHUSETTS. ^tt- 
 
 for a fhort t:me only by the houfe, were thus limited for 
 no other r.eafon than to keep the governor in a ftate of 
 dependence, and with defign to withhold from him the 
 necelTary means of fubfiflence, unlefs he would comply 
 with their acls and refolves, however unreafonable they 
 might appear to him ; that in fad they had treated gov- 
 ernor Shute in this manner, and, no longer fmce than the 
 laft year, the houle had refufed to make the ufual grants 
 and allowances, not only to the lieutenant governor, but 
 to other officers, until they had compelled him to give 
 his confent to a loan of fixty thoufand pounds in bills of 
 credit ; that a conftitution which, in name and appear- 
 ance, confided of three branches, was ia fact reduced to 
 one ; that it was a profefl'ed principle in the confiitutjont 
 of Great Britain, to preferve a freedom in eadi r»f the 
 three branches of the legillature, and it was a great favour 
 (hewn the Province, when king Wiiiiam and queen Mary 
 cflablillied, by the royal charter, a form of government 
 fo analagous to the government of Great Britain ; a prin- 
 ciple of gratitude and loyalty, therefore, ought to induce 
 them to edablifh a falary for the governor of this Prov- 
 ince, in order to his fupporting his dignity and freedom,. 
 in like manner-as the parliament always granted to the 
 king what was called the civil lift, not once in fix months 
 or from year to year, but for life ; that this was no more 
 than other Provinces which had no charters had done 
 for their governors ; that there was nothing in the Prov- 
 ince charter to exempt them from the fame obligation 
 which other his majefty's colonies were under to fupport 
 the government ; to be fure, they had no pretence to 
 greater privileges by charter than the people of England 
 enjoyed from Magna Charta, and yet no claufe of than 
 was ever urged as an objection againft granting to the 
 king a revenue for life ; and a power by charter to grant 
 monies could not be a reafon againft granting them either 
 for a limited or unlimited time. 
 
 On the part of the houfe, the fubftance of their defence 
 againft the governor's demand and his reafons in fupport 
 •f it was, that an obligation upon au aifembly in the plan- 
 tations 
 
gii THE HISTORY OP [Chap. IIL 
 
 tations could not be inferred from the pradllce of the 
 houfe of commons in Great Britain ; the king was the 
 common father of all his fubjeds, and their interefts were 
 infeparably united ; whereas a plantation governor was 
 aiFecled neither by the adverfity nor profperity of a colony 
 when he had once left it- — no wonder then a colony could 
 not place the fame confidence in the governor which the 
 nation placed in the king ; hov/ever, the grants to the 
 governor always looked forward, and were made, not for 
 fervices done, but, to be done. It mud be admitted, the 
 governor is in fom.e meafure dependent upon the affembly 
 for his falary, but he is dependent in this inftance only, 
 whereas he has a check and control upon every grailt to 
 any perfon in the government, and upon all laws and a61:s 
 of government whatfoever ; nor can an exa£l parallel be 
 drawn betv/een the conditution of Britain and that of the 
 Province, for the council are dependent upon the gover- 
 nor for their very being once every year, whereas the 
 houfe of lords cannot be difplaced unlefs they have crim- 
 inally forfeited the rights of peers ; the houfe were not to 
 be governed by the piadice of affemblies in fome of the 
 oflier colonies, nor were they to be dictated to^ and re- 
 quired to raife a certain fum for a certain time and cer- 
 tain purpofes ; this would deftroy the free-i'om which the 
 houfe apprehended they had a right to in all their a61:s 
 and refolves, and would deprive them of the powers giv^ 
 en to them by charter to faife money and apply it when 
 and how they thought proper.* Different judgments 
 will undoubtedly be formed upon the weight of thefe rea^ 
 fons on the one fide and the other. 
 
 The mefiages of the houfe, at firft, v/ere fliort, fuppof-^ 
 ed to have been drawn by Mr. Cooke, who never ufed 
 
 many 
 
 * The governor liad repeatedly urged againft theln their compelling lieutenant 
 l^overacr Bummer to fign a bill for ilTuing 6o,oool. againft his inftru«Slion and 
 againft kis judgment, which they had palled over without any notice ; at length 
 they tell him, " We doubt not but the true ftate of the cafe is this, that though 
 his honour, in the the beginning of the fePaon, thought his majeily's inftruclion 
 forbad him coming into.it, yet, upon deliberation and advice ef the affembly, his 
 great council, he was otherwife minded." The governor, in anfwer, afks them 
 why he may not, with exa(5tiy the fame reafon, fay, " that 1 doubt not but the 
 true fcate of the prelcnt cafe is this, that though the affembly, in the beginning of 
 this feiF.on, thought that their charter forbad them coming into a falary for the 
 governor, yet, upon deliberation and advice of his majefty, their moft gracious 
 kir.j, by his inflrytJlion, they v/ill bs atherwifc mindsil.." 
 
1728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 313 
 
 many words in his fpeeches in the houfe, which generally 
 difcovered fomething manly and open, though ibmetimes 
 fevere and bitter, and often inaccurate. In the latter part 
 of the controverfy they were generally drawn by Mr. 
 Welles, another member from Bofton, the fecond year of 
 his coming to the houfe. Thefe were generally more 
 prolix, and necefiarily fo from the length of the mellages 
 to which they were an anfwcr. The houfe had juilice 
 done them by their committees who managed this contro- 
 verfy, and they were then willing to allow that the gover- 
 nor maintained a bad caufe with as plaufible reafons as 
 could be. ' 
 
 The contending parties, for a little whll'^, endeavoured 
 to be moderate and to preferve decorum, but it was im- 
 pofTible to continue this temper. 
 
 On the 4th of September, the houfe repeated to tlie^ 
 governor the requell they had formerly made to rife ; but 
 he refufed to grant it, and told them, that unlefs his maj- - 
 elly's pleafure had its due weight with them, their delires 
 Ihould have very little weight with him. 
 
 The council, who had been for fome time out of the 
 queftion, now interpofed and paifed a vote " that it is ex- 
 pedient for the court to afcertain a fum as a falary for his 
 excellency's fupport,-as alfo the term of time for its con- 
 tinuance.*' This was fent to the houfe for concurrence. 
 The council feem to have gone a little out of their line, 
 but the houfe took no other notice of the vote than to 
 non-concur it. The houfe, being kept fitting againll 
 their will, employed part of their time in drawing up the 
 flate of the controverfy which we have mentioned. 
 
 This was not occafioned by any doubt they had them- 
 felves, but to convince the governor that the people 
 throughout the Province were generally of the fame mind 
 with the houfe, and for this purpofe they thought it nec- 
 eflary to obtain from their towns an exprefs approbation 
 of their conduct. It was well-known, that not a town in 
 the Province would then have inftrucled their reprefenta- 
 tives to fix a falary upon the governor for the time being. 
 
 One of the king's governments (liarbadoes) was at this 
 time warmly contending with its governor againfl fixing 
 Vol. IL W a falary. 
 
Ji4 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. rfL 
 
 a falary. The aflembly of that illand, fome years before^ 
 had fettled a very large falary upon a governor againft 
 v/hom they afterwards made heavy complaints, charg- 
 ing him with rapacioufnefs and grievous oppreffions ; and 
 his fucceflbr having demanded the like I'ettlement upon 
 him, they refolved to withitand the demand, and the fpirit 
 feemed to be as high there as in Malfachufetts. 
 
 This had no fmall tendency to* ftrengthen and confirm 
 the refolation of the people here, who fuppofed their 
 charter rather an additional privilege and fecurity againfl 
 this demand. * There was a minor part, however, very 
 defirous of an accommodation. The ill fuccefs of the 
 controverfy with governor Shute v/as frefh in their minds. 
 Many amiable quahties in Mr. Burnet caufed them to 
 wifh he might continue their governor, and employ 
 thofe powers and that attention which were now wholly 
 engaged in this fmgle point, in promoting the general 
 welfare and profperity of the Province. 
 
 About a third part of the houfe of reprefehtatives and 
 a major part of the council would have been content tO' 
 have granted a falary for two, or perhaps three years. If 
 \ve are to judge by his declarations, this would not have 
 fatisfied him, and it was far fhort of his inftrudions ; but 
 his friends were of opinion, that fuch a partial compliance 
 ■would have produced a relaxation of the inftrudion, and 
 iiTued in lalling agreement and harmony. 
 
 The houfe made what they would have th^ governor 
 think a fmall advance towards it. Inftead of a grant for 
 the falary, fuppofed^ though not exprefled, for half a year, 
 they made a grant (Sept. 20th) of three thoufand pounds,- 
 equal to one thoufand flerling, in order to enable him to 
 manage the affairs of the Province, and, although it w^as 
 not exprefsly mentioned, it was generally underflood to 
 be for a year. This was concurred by the council, but' 
 he let it he without figning his confent, which caufed the 
 houfe to make, at lealf, a feeming farther advance ; for 
 on the 24th of Oftober they by a meifage entreated hint 
 to accept the grant, and added, " We cannot doubt bu!) 
 that fucceeding ailembhes, according to the abihty of the 
 
 Province, 
 
 *The affcmbly of Barbadoes, after.a long flruggle, fubmitted, but leficiied the 
 fuia which had been fetdsd befor?. 
 
i728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 315 
 
 Province, will be very ready to grant as ample a fupport,and 
 if they fliould not, your excellency will then have the op- 
 portunity of (hewing your refentment/' Still this had no 
 effed ; the governor knew how natural it would be for 
 a future aifembly to refufe being governed by the opinion 
 of a former ; befides the referve, " according to the ability 
 of the Province," left fuflicient room for a further reafon 
 for reducing the fum whenfoever n future aifembly lliould 
 think it proper. 
 
 A little before this meffage from the hoiife, the gover- 
 nor had informed them that he was of opinion the ad!, 
 which pafled the lafl year ilTuing fixty thoufand pounds in 
 bills of credit by way of loan, would be difallowed, the 
 lieutenant governor having given his confent to it diredly 
 contrary to a royal inflruclion ; and recommended to 
 them, as the moft likely way to obtain his majefly's appro- 
 bation, to apply the interefl of the money arifing from the 
 loan towards the governor's falary. This was one of 
 thofe a^ls which have their operation fo far, before they 
 are laid before his majefty, that great confufion may arife 
 from their difailowance. The houfe therefore had no 
 great fears concerning it, but it w^ould have been a fuffi- 
 cient reafon to prevent their complying with the propofal, 
 that it would be a fixing the falary fo long as the loans 
 continued, and for this reafon they refufed it. 
 
 The country in general, as we have obferved, v/as averfe 
 to a compliance with the king's inftruclion, but no part 
 more fo than the tow^n of Bofton. Generally in the col- 
 onies where there is a trading capital town, the inhabit- 
 ants of it are the mod zealous part of the colony in affert- 
 ing their liberties when an opinion prevails that they are 
 attacked. They follow the example of London, the cap- 
 ital of the nation. The governor had frequently faid, 
 that the members of the houfe could not ad with freedom, 
 being influenced by the inhabitants of the town. Befides, 
 the town, at a general meeting of the Inhabitants for that 
 purpofe, had palled a vote, which was called the unani- 
 mous declaration of the inhabitants of the town of Bol- 
 ton, againfl fixing a falary upon the governor, and this 
 vote they ordered to be printed. The governor was in 
 W 2 great 
 
3i6 THE HISTORY OF [Ckap. IIL 
 
 great wrath, and called it *' an unnecelTary forwardnefs, 
 an attempt to give law to the country." This feems to 
 have determined him to remove the court out of town, 
 and on the 24th of Oclober he caufed it to be adjourned 
 to the 3 1 ft, then to meet at Salem, in the county of ElTex, 
 *' where prejudice had not taken root, and where, of con- 
 fequence, his majefty's fervice v*^ould in all probability be 
 better anfwered/' Joc?>feiy he faid there might be a 
 charm in the names of places, and that he was at a lofs 
 whether to carry them there or to Concord. 
 
 The houfe thought their being kept fo long fitting at 
 Bofton a great grievance. In one of their mellages they 
 afk the governor, " whether it has been cuftomary that 
 the knights, burgefTes and other freemen of the land 
 fliould be told that they are met to grant money in fuch 
 a peculiar way and manner, and fo they fliould be kept 
 till they had done it, and this in order to gain their good will 
 and affent." In his reply he tells them he would confider 
 their queftion in all its parts ; ift. " Whether freemen, 
 kc. ihouid be told they are met to grant money." I an- 
 .fwer, the crown always tells them fo. 2d. " In fuch a par- 
 ticular way and manner ?" I anfwer. If you mean the 
 way and means of raifmg money, the crown leaves that 
 to the commons, but if you mean the pnrpofe for which 
 it is to be granted, the crown always tells them what that 
 is, whether it is for an honourable fupport, the defence of 
 the kingdom, carrying on a war, or the like. 3dly. 
 *' And fo they iliould be kept till they had done it." The 
 crown never tells the parliament fo, that I know of, nor 
 have I told you any thing like this, as an expedient to get 
 the thing done. I have given you a very different reafon 
 for not agreeing to a recefs, altogether for your own fakes, 
 left I fhould thereby make your immediate regard to his 
 m'4Jefty's pleafure impofTible, kc. 
 
 The houfe could not eafdy be perfuaded they were kept 
 fo long together merely for their own fakes, and thought 
 this part of the governor's anfwer evafive of the true rea- 
 fon, and confidered themfelves as under dureffe, whilfl at 
 Bofton, and their removal to.Salem to be a further hard- 
 fhip, and an earneft of wh^t was ftiil further to come, 
 
 a removal 
 
1728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 317 
 
 a removal from place to place until they were harafied in- 
 to a compliance. 1 remember the converfation of the 
 members of the general court, lamenting the meafures 
 which had driven away governor Shute, who would have 
 been eafy with a falary of about 500I. fterling granted 
 from year to year. The fame perlons, by whole iniiu- 
 ence his fahyy was reduced, were now prelling Mr. Bur- 
 net to accept iooqI. in the fame way, and could not 
 prevail. 
 
 The houfe met, according to the adjournment, but 
 immediately complained of their removal from Bollon as 
 illegal or uncontlitutional, and a great grievance. The 
 fame and the only reafon which was no\v given had been 
 given before in the controverfy with governor Shute. 
 The form of the writ for calling an alTembly, direiSled by 
 the Province law, mentions its being to be held* at the 
 town-houfe in Boilon j but this had been determined by 
 the king in council to be, as no doubt it was, mere matter 
 of form or example only, and that it did not limit the 
 power which the crown before had of fummoning and 
 holding affemblies at any other place. They prayed the 
 governor, however, to adjourn them back to Boflon, but 
 without fuccefs. 
 
 I'hey endeavoured to prevail upon the council to join 
 with them, but the council declared they were of a differ- 
 ent opinion, and urged the houfe to proceed upon bufi- 
 nefs, which occauoned repeated meffages upon the fubjecl ; 
 but the whole ftrefs of the argument on the part of the 
 houfe lay upon the form of the writ for calling the affem- 
 bly, which the board anfwered by faying, the houfe might 
 as well infift: that all precepts to the towns iliould go from 
 the (heriff of Suffolk becaufe the form of the precept in 
 the law has Suffolk ff. 
 
 The alteration of place had no effect upon the members 
 of the houfe. Votes and meifages paffcd, but no new ar- 
 guments; the fubjecl had been exhauiled; nothing remain,- 
 ed but a determined refolution on both fides to abide by 
 their principles, and the houfe met and adjourned, day 
 after day, without doing any bufmefs ; the governor was 
 the principal fuffercr, not being allowed by the king to 
 
 receive 
 
3i8 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 receive any thing towards his fupport, except in a way in 
 which the aiTembly would not give it. The members of 
 the court, in general, were as well accommodated at Sa- 
 lem as Bofton, and the members of Bollon, who had not 
 been ufed to the expenfe and other inconvenience of ab- 
 fence from home, received a compenfation from their 
 town, over and above the ordinary wages pf reprefenta? 
 lives. It was a time of peace without, and a ceflation of 
 public bufmefs, for that reafon, was lefs felt. 
 
 The houfe, from an apprehenfion that their caufe was 
 juft, and therefore that they were entitled to relief, refolv- 
 ed to make their humble application to his majefly. Franr 
 cis Wilks, a New England merchant in London, who had 
 been friendly to Mr. Cooke in his agency, and v^ho was 
 univerfally efteemed for his great probity as well as his 
 humane obliging difpofition, was pitched upon for their 
 agent. 
 
 Mr. Belcher, who had been feveral years of the council, 
 always clofely attached to governor Shute, and in general 
 what was called a prerogative man, by fome accident or 
 other became, on a fudden, the favourite of the houfe, and 
 he was thought the propereft perfon to join with Mr. 
 Wilks. At the lafl eledion he had been left out of the 
 council, by what was called the country party, but now de- 
 clared againft the governor's meafures, and became inti- 
 mate with Mr. Cooke and other leading members of the 
 houfe. Such inftantaneous converfions are not uncom- 
 mon. A grant was made by the houfe to defray the 
 charges of the agency, but this was non-concurred by the 
 council, becaufe it was for the ufe of agents in whofe 
 appointment they had no voice. I'he want of money 
 threatened a (top to the proceeding, but the public fpirit 
 of the town of Bofton was difplayed upon this occafion, 
 and, by a fubfcription of merchants and other principal 
 inhabitants, a fum was raifed which was thought fufficient 
 .for the purpofe, the houfe voting them thanks, and prom- 
 ifmg their utmoft endeavours that the fums advanced 
 fhould be repaid in convenient time. The governor de- 
 fired a copy of their addrefs to the king, but they re- 
 fufed it. 
 
 The 
 
1728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 319 
 
 The only argument or reafon In the king's infi:ru<!l:ion 
 for fixing a falary is, " that former alFemblies have, fVoni 
 time to tinie, made fuch allowances and in fuch proportion 
 as they themfelves thought the governor defervcJ, in or- 
 der to make him more dependent upon them." The houfe, 
 in the firft: part of their memorial or addrefs, declare they 
 cannot in faithfulnefs fettle or fix a falary, becaufe, after 
 that is done, the governor's particular interefc will be 
 very little affected by ferving or differving the intereft of 
 the people. This was (liewing, that they apprehended 
 reafon given by his majefly for fettling a falary was infuf- 
 iicient, and that the governor ought to be paid according 
 to his fervices in the judgment of thofe who paid him y 
 ■ but in the clofe of the addrefs they fay, " We doubt not 
 fucceeding affemblies, according to the abihty of the Prov- 
 ince, will come into as ample and honourable a fupport, 
 from time to time ; and fhould they not, we acknowledge 
 your majefly will have jull reafon to fliew your difpleafure 
 with them." It was remarked that, in order to make the 
 kfl claufe confiit with the firft, the ample and honourable 
 iupport mufl be underifood in proportion to the fervices 
 jof the governor in the judgment of the houfe ; but, in 
 this fenfe, it was faying nothing and trifling with majefly ; 
 for no cafe could happen, at any time, in which his maj- 
 efly would have jufl reafon to fhew his difpleafure. It 
 would always be enough to fay that the houfe, in faithful- 
 nefs to the people, had withheld part of the governor's 
 fupport, becaufe, in their judgment, he had negleclod 
 their interefl and his duty** ,^rv, ^u 
 
 * It having been fuggefted that the people of Maflachufetts were aiming at inde- 
 pendency, the following remark was made in the brief drawn up previous to tlic 
 hearing before the committee of council — '* From the univerfal loyalty of the people, 
 even beyond any other part of his majefty's dominions, it is abfurd to imagine they 
 can have thoughts of independency, and, to fliew the reverfe, it is the cuftuin for ail 
 perfons coming from thence for London, though they and thflr fathers and grand- 
 f.ithers were born in New England, to fay and alv/ays deem it coming ' home,' as 
 naturally as if born in London ; fo that it may be faid, without being ludicrous, th.it 
 it would not be more abfurd to place two of his majefly's becf-.at-'rs to watch a child 
 in the cradle, that it do not rife and cut his father's throat, than to guard thefe infant 
 colonies to prevent their fliaking off the Britiih yoke. Eefides, they are fo dillinA 
 from one another in their forms of government, in their religious rites, in their em- 
 ulation of trade, and confequently in their aflcclions, that diey can never be fupnof^d 
 to unite in fo dangeroui* aa entecprife. 
 
320 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. lit 
 
 Whether this remark was juft or not, the houfe had 
 great encouragement given them by Mr. Wilks,* that 
 their addrefs would obtain for them the wifhed-for relief. 
 He had been heard by council, Mr. Fazakerley and doc- 
 tor Sayes, before the board of trade, Mr. Belcher not be- 
 ing then arrived ; but foon after they received letters f 
 from their joint agents, inclofmg the report of the board 
 of trade, highly difapproving the conduft of the houfe, and 
 their agents let them know it wastheir opinion that, if the 
 houfe Ihould perfifl in their refufal to comply with the 
 king's inftru6lion,the affair might be carried before the par- 
 liament j but, if this fliould be the cafe, they thought it bet- 
 ter a falary fliould be fixed by the fupreme legiflature, 
 than by the legillature of the Province ; better the liberties 
 of the people fliould be taken away from them, than given 
 up by their own ad. The governor likewife communi- 
 cated to the houfe his letters from the lords of trade ap- 
 proving his condud. All hopes of fuccefs from the agents 
 feemed to be over, and their bufinefs in England would 
 have been very fhort if the governor had not given occa- 
 fion for further application. His admimftration for many 
 months, except in this affair, of the falary, had been un- 
 exceptionable. 
 
 The repeated oppofition to inflruchions from the crown had raifed a jealoufy in 
 the minds ef fome, that there was danger of the colonies fetting up for themfelves. 
 Colonel Bladen, in particular, for many years one of the board of trade, often ex- 
 preffed, to the agents and other perions who appeared for New England, his appre- 
 heniicns of fuch defigns. It is neverthelefs certain, that fuch a fcheme appeared to. 
 the whole country to be altogether as wild and extravagant as the foregoing remark 
 reprefents it. Bat a paragraph in the report of the lords of trade to the lords com- 
 mittee of council was the more immediate occafion of this remark. " The inhabit- 
 ants, far from m.aking fultable returns to his majefty for the extraordinary privileges 
 they enjoy, are daily endeavouring to wrefl the fmall remains of power out of 
 the hands of the crown, and to become independent of the mother kingdom. The 
 nature of the foil and produ6l. are much the fame with thofe of Great Britain, the 
 inhabitants upwards ot ninety-four thoufand, and their militia, confifting of fixteen 
 regiments of foot and fifceen troops of horfe, in the year 1 71 8, fifteen thoufand men, 
 and, by a medium taken from the naval officer's accounts for three year^, from the 
 S4th of June, 1714, to the 24th of June, 1717, for the ports of Bofton and Salem 
 only, it appears that the trade of this country employs continually no lefs than three 
 thoufand four hundred and ninety-three failors, and four hundred and ninety-two 
 jDhips, making twenty-five thoufand four hundred and fix tons. Hence- your excel- 
 lencies v/ill he apprifed of what importance it is to his majefty's fervice, that fo pow- 
 erful a colony fhould be rePcrained within due bounds of obedience to the crown,, 
 and more firmly attached to the interefts of Great Britain than they now feem to be, 
 which we conceive cannot eiTe«flually be done without the interpofition of the Brit-, 
 im legifiafure, wherein, in our humble opinion, no time iliould be k>ft." 
 
 * In his letter of March 24th, 172,8-9. 
 
 •|- Dated April sj, 1729. 
 
1728.] MASSACHUSETTS. 321 
 
 exceptionable. Indeed the members of the honfe thought 
 themfelves aggrieved, that he would not iign a warrant 
 upon the treafury for their pay, and his realon for refuhng 
 it, viz. that one branch of the legiflaturc might as well go 
 without their wages as another, they thou(>Jit infuflicient. 
 Being drove to (traits, and obliged to his friends to aflKl 
 him in the fupport of his family, lie thought he might be 
 juftiiied in eftablidiing a fee and perquifite which had nev- 
 er been known in the Province before. At New York, 
 all veifels took from the governor a let-pafs for which 
 there was no law, but the owners of vellels fubmnted to 
 it, and it was faid, volenti non fit iryuriti. Lord Coke, per- 
 haps, would not have thought even this a jullihcation.*" 
 
 The governor required all mafters to take the fame paff- 
 es here, againft their will, and demanded 6f, or 2/J fieri, 
 for every vefTel bound a foreig^f voyage, and 4/I for coafL- 
 ers. The flated fee by law for regi(l;ers was 6/1 but the 
 bills having depreciated more than one half in value fincc 
 the law was made, he required 12/I This was a very dif- 
 ferent cafe from the other, and I do not know that it was 
 exceptionable, but they were alike complained of as griev- 
 ous and oppreiTive, and the governor's enemies were not 
 difpleafed with the advantage he had given them againft 
 him ; and upon a reprefentation made by the agents, not- 
 withflanding the hardfliip of being retrained from receiv- 
 ing a falary in any way except fuch as the aflembly would 
 not give it in, yet fuch was the regard to law and juftice, 
 that his conduct, fo far as related to the let-pafi'cs, was 
 immediately difapprovcd. f There were other matters, 
 befides that of the falary, to be fettled before Mr. Burnet 
 could be eafy in his government, but this grand affair 
 caufed the lefler to be kept off as much as poilible. One 
 was the appointment of an attorney general. By the 
 charter the eledlion of the civil officers, except fuch as be- 
 long 
 
 ^ " K>ng Edward JU. entered into a new device to get money, viz. that by agree- 
 ment and confent of the merchants the king was to have 40/". of a fack of wool, &c. 
 br.t the commons (that in troth were to bear the burden, for the merchants will not 
 be the lofers) complained in parliament for that the grant of tiie merchants did not 
 bind the commons, and that the cuftom might be taken according to the old order, 
 Tv'hich in the end was granted, and that no grant ihould be made but by puriiameot." 
 ——Co. 2d Inf.. p. 60. 
 
 f Nan poiej} rexfuhJirurK rcniU-ntcm, otter an impojitisnilus. Fort«fcuc. 
 
3^^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IlL 
 
 long to the council and courts of juftice, is In the general 
 allembly. Until after governor Dudley's time it had genr 
 orally been allowed that the attorney general was an offi- 
 cer of the courts of juftice and included in the exception, 
 but lieutenant governor Tailer, in the year 1716, con- 
 Xented to an eleclion made by the two houfes, and the 
 choice had been annually made and approved ever fince, 
 not wdthout notice from Mr. Shute of the irregularity of 
 it, but he had fo many other affairs upon his hands that 
 he waved this.* 
 
 Mr. Burnet was determined not to part with the right of 
 nomination, and the council were of the opinion he ought 
 not, and refufed to join with the houfe in the eledionp 
 There was fome altercation between the two houfes upon 
 it, and both adhered to their principles. 
 
 Another affair of more extenfive influence would have 
 been more ftrenuoufly infifted upon. 
 
 In governor Shute's adminiftration, the houfe, after 
 long difpures with the governor and wdth the council, 
 carried the point as to the form of fupply of the treafury, 
 which differing, as we have already obferved, from the 
 former practice, and, as both governor and council infifted^, 
 from the rule prefcribed by the charter, Mr. Burnet had de- 
 termined to return to the firft pradice. The houfe paiTed a 
 voteforfupplyingthe treafury with tv/enty thoufand pounds, 
 which the council concurred, the praftice having been the 
 fame for eight or nine years together ; but the governor 
 refufed his confent, and allured them that he would agree 
 to no fupply of the treafury but fuch as was in pradlice 
 before the year 1 72 1 . This declaration v^as made not long 
 before his death. The fettlement of the point in contro- 
 verfy remained for his fucceffor. 
 
 The court was allowed a recefs from the 20th of De- 
 cember to the 2d of April, and th^n fat until the i8th a,t 
 Salem again, without any difpofition to comply. 
 
 The new affembly for the eledion of counfellors was 
 held at the fame place : There was a general expedation 
 
 th'4 
 
 ** Governor Dudley brought with him a commiflion from the queen to his fon 
 Paul for attorney general, with powers to appoint clerks and other officers, take 
 fees, &c. i do not knov/ that it was pubilfhed. He was attorney general many ^ 
 jsars, but, I fuppofe, with a copimiJion from the governor by advice of couijcil. 
 
1729.] MASSACHUSETTS. 323 
 
 that a new fet of counfellors would be chofen. The coun- 
 cil of the laft year had been of very different opinion from 
 the houfe in many points. They had no doubt of the 
 governor's power to call, adjourn or prorogue the alTem- 
 bly to any part of the Province he thought proper, and 
 although they were not for a fixed falary accordini'^ to the 
 inflru^tion, yet they would have willingly confented to 
 fettle it for longer term than a year, and foine of ther.i, 
 during Mr. Burnet's adniiniftration ; but the houfe were 
 moll offended v/ith the non-concurrence of their grant of 
 money'*' to their agents. After all, only four new ccjii. 
 fellers were elected.! Immediately after the council was 
 fettled, the court w\as prorogued to the 2<^th of June, and 
 having fat unto the loth of July, he prorogued them again 
 unto the 20th of Augult, having made no fpeech at either 
 of the felTions, or taken any notice of any bufniefs he 
 thought proper for them to do. The reafon of this omif- 
 fion appeared at the fefTion in Augufl. He had waitrd 
 
 the 
 
 • " April 10, 1729. In the houfe of reprefentatives — Refoved,that thf treafurer be 
 dire<5ted to furnifn and fupply Francis Wilks, cfijuire, and Jonatlian Jickh>rr, efqulre, 
 with the fum of three liundred pounds fterling, in x]\c befl manner that may be, to 
 ferve the intereft of this Province in the affair of the humble addrefs of the houlc 
 which has been prefented to the king's moft excellent majefly, the faid gentlemen 
 to be accountable for the cxpenfe of the faid money.-' 
 
 " April II. In council — Read and non-concurred." 
 
 " In council — Ordered, that a meflage be fent down to the honourable houfe of 
 reprefentatives to acquaint them that the board had non-concurred a refolve of the 
 houfe, palfcd the loth current, for fupplying Francis Wilks and Jonathan Belcher, 
 efquires, with the fum of 300I. fteriing to enable them to ferve the inttrcfl of this 
 Province in the affair of the humble addrefs of the houfe, &c. and, as they appre- 
 hend, for very good reafons. ft is well known that Mr. Wilks was chofen agent 
 for the houfe of reprefentatives by a vote of the houfe only, and wa.i accordingly to 
 obferve fuch inflruiflions as he fliould receive from them; and this w?.s one of the 
 reafons given by the council for non-concurring a vote for allowing rool. flt^rlinor to 
 Francis Wilk^, efquire, pafled the laft feihon, viz. December the zoth ; and it may be 
 of ill confcquence, as tiie council judge, for them to join in fupporting any other 
 agency that afFe6ts this Province than fuch as they are confultcd with and have confent- 
 ;ed to from the beginning : bcfidcs which, the board look upon it as a very extraordinary 
 pra(5ticein the honourable houfe to fend up a vote, for fupplying Meffrs. Will. 3 and 
 Belcher to ferve the intereft of this Province in the affair of an humble addrefs, Szc, 
 for concurrence, v/hen they never allowed the board a fight of faid addrefs till fev- 
 eral months after the fame was traiifmitted to Great Britain and ac^.ually prefented 
 to his majcfty in council." 
 
 t Jonathan Belcher, William Dudley, Peter Thacher, and Ifaac Little, in the 
 room of Nathanael Byfield, John Cuftiing, Symonds Hjies, and John Stoddard. 
 The governor negatived Belcher and Little. Colonel Byfu-ld was now in favour 
 and appointed judge of admiralty ?.ft"r Meinzie's death, Mr. Auchmuty having 
 iri^. of£-:::t-r' a fc'.v months. 
 
{24 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. III. 
 
 the iinal determination of his majefty in council, upon the 
 report of the lords committee. This he now commmii- 
 cated to the houfe, whereby they perceived that his con- 
 duel v/as approved, that of the houfe condemned, and his 
 Hiajefty advifed to lay the cafe before the parliament.'^ 
 
 The 
 
 * At I be totn-t at Kenfmgton^ the IZd day of May, 1 729. 
 
 Prefcnt — tlie tjaecn's moft excellent majefty, guardian of the hing-dom of Great 
 Britain and his majefcy's lieutenant within the fame, in couxicil — his royal highnefs 
 the prince of Wales— archbifhop of Canterbnry, lord Chancellor, lord Privy Seal, 
 lord. Stevvax-d, lord Chamberlain, ditlceof Somerfet, duke oi Bolt 0:1, dake of Rutland, 
 duke of Argyle, duke of Montrofs, duke of Kent, duke of Ai:scafttr, duke of New- 
 Cdftle, earl of Wcflniorland, earl of Burlington, earl of Scarborough, earl of Coven- 
 ti-y, earl of (Srantham, earl of Godolphin, earl of Loudoun, earl of Finlater, earl of 
 Marchraont, eari of Hay, earl of Uxbridg-e,, earl of Suffex, earl of Londfdale, vifcoynt 
 Cobham, viicount Falmauth, lord Vv^ilniington, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chancellor of the 
 exchequer. Mailer of the roils. Sir Paul Methnen, Henry Pelham, efquire. 
 
 Upon reading thi»'day at the board a report to his majefty from the lords of the 
 cornmictee of his majerty's molt honourable privy council, dated the %zd. of the laft 
 month, in the words following, viz. 
 
 Your majefly having been pieafed, by your order in council of the firil of Febrn- 
 fiTV, to refer unto this committee an addrefs from the houfe of reprefentatives of 
 the Froviace of Ma.ffachufetts, offering the reafon and grounds of their proceed- 
 ings and conclufions againft fettling a fixed falary of loo®!. per annum on the 
 governor of thai: Province for die time being, according to your majcfty's inilruc- 
 tiions to the preient governor, and complaining againft the governor for having ad- 
 journed the ga^icrai court from Bofton to Salem ; the lords of the committee did, 
 in obedience to your majefty's fild order, proceed the fame day to take the faid 
 sddrefs into their confideration ; but being informed that the lords commiffioner* 
 for trade and plantations had under their examination feveral letters from William. 
 Eurnet, efquire, your rnajefty's governor of that Province, relating to the behaviour 
 of the faid afientbly in this affair, the lords of the committee did thereupon fend a 
 copy of the faid addrefs to the faid lords commiflioners, that they might have the 
 whole matter before them, and diretSled them to report their opinion thereupon to 
 this committee. And the faid lords commiflioners having accordingly confidered 
 the faid feveral papers, and lieard Mr. attorney and Iblicitor general in fupport of 
 your majefty's faid inilrudiorfs, and alfo council m behalf of the faid ailembly, have 
 reportev-!, upon the whole — That they feeraed entirely averfe to fettle a certain 
 falary upon the prefent governor and thofe which fhall fucceed him ; yet the faid 
 lords conimifiioners judge it abfolutely neceifary that the affembly fliould fettle a 
 ft:?:ed fakry of locol. ftcrling per annum, at leail, upon the governor, during 
 the whole time of his government, it being abfolutely neceffary for your majefty's 
 fervice that the independency of the governor upon the affembly faould be pre- 
 ferved : x\nd that as to the complaint againft the governor for removing the affem- 
 bly from BolKon to Salem, his majeft)'' in council, upon a former complaint of this 
 nature againft colonel Shute, had determined that point in favour of the governor, 
 •and therefore the lords commiflioners were of opinion the prefent governor had 
 acled in this matter agreeable to that determination. 
 
 The lords of the committee hereupon beg leave to acquaint your majefty that, 
 notwithftariding the faid lords commiffioners for trade had fully heard all the rea- 
 fons that w^ere offered in behalf of the faid affembly, yet the agents of the faid 
 affembly petitioned this committee ,the 19th inftant, praying that they might be 
 admitted to be heard before their lordfliips, who thought it proper to know upon 
 ^vhat terms they would infift, that your majefty's attorney and folicitor general 
 might be prepared to anfwer the fame, and they defiring to be heard upon the rea- 
 foiis tliey had to offer why the faid affembly iliouid not fettle a fixed fafory upoa 
 
1729.] MASSACHUSETTS. 325 
 
 The houfe received a letter at the fame time from their 
 agents, who, it feems, had altered their opinions, and now 
 intimated to the houfe that, notwithftanding the deter- 
 mination or advice of the privy council, if was not likely 
 the affair would ever be brought before the parliament. 
 This letter the houfe ordered to be printed. The gover- 
 nor in one of his melTages calls it '* an undeniable proof 
 of their endeavours to keep the people in ignorance of 
 the true ftate of their afl'airs." It feems to be preferring 
 a prefent temporary convenience, in keeping up the fpirit 
 of the people and diffufmg a favourable opinion of their 
 reprefentatives, to the future real advantage of the caule ; 
 for fuch a meafure mull weaken the hands of the agents 
 in England and tend to bring the matter before the parlia- 
 ment, when otherwife it might have been avoided. 
 
 The governor having held feveral feffions at Sa- 
 lem without any fuccefs, he adjourned the court, to 
 meet the 21 ft of Auguft at Cambridge. This widened 
 
 the 
 
 his tnajelly's wovcroor of that Province rluring the whole time of +11-. o;ovrrnm?nt, 
 their lordfliips appointed this diiy for hearing them thcrtu]von ; tJiey have acand- 
 in^ly attended with their council, their lorddiips heard all that was offered oji their 
 behalf agalnft ittilin^ fuch a fixed falary, and edfo heard Mr. attorney and folicitmr 
 general in fupport of your majefty's faid inllru<5lions rtcommendiug it to them ; 
 and do thereupon aojree liximbly to report to your majtily — 
 
 That by the charter granted to Mafiachufetts tiie legiJlative power is veiled in 
 a gov/:rnor, council and affembly, of whom the governor alone is nominated hy your 
 majefty ; that the aflembly h chofcn annually by the people, and that the cotincil 
 is Ukewiie chofen annually by the afTembly in conjimJcion with the members of 
 the council ; that by the realbns infilled on by the council fur the affembly ia 
 refuCng ro fettle a fixed falary, it appeared, ilie point contended for was to bring 
 the governor appointed by your majefty over them into a dependence on their good 
 will for his fubfillencc, which would manifeflly tend to a leiVening of his author- 
 ity, and confequently, of that dependence which this colony ought to- have upon 
 the crown of Great Britain, by bringing the whole legiflative jx^vvcr into the har.ds 
 of the people. 
 
 The power of ralfing taxes being by the charter granted to the general aflembly. 
 It was from thence argued that they ought to be left at liberty for the doing or 
 omitting it as they fhall think proper ; but the words of the chaj-Lcr ihew the intent 
 of granting them this power to be, that they fiiould ufe it for the fervice of the 
 crown, in the neceffary defence and fupport of your majcily's government of the 
 faid Province, and the protedlion and prefervation of the inhabitants ; and that, 
 therefore, the refufing or negleding to make due provlGon for the fupport of your 
 tnajefly's governor, who is fo effential a part of the government, muft be looked 
 upon as a<5ting contrary to the terms of the faid charter, and inconfiftt-nt with the 
 trull repofed in them thereby. That, befides the inftnuftion given to the prefent 
 governor by your majefty for this purpofc, inftrufitions have always been given" 
 by your ra;ijffty's prcdeccflbrs to former governors to recommend to the aflem- 
 bly the eftaiilifliing a falary fuitable to the- dignity of tiiat poft \ notwithftandin;^ 
 which the aficmbly have hitherto refufed to comply therewith, although they 
 
 « have 
 
326 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 the breach, and the houfe grew warmer in their votes and 
 inefTages, and complained that they were to be compelled 
 to meafures againft their judgment, by being harafled 
 and drov^e from one part of the Province to another. 
 The governor's friends obferved the elied: the eontrover- 
 fy had upon his fpirits. In a few days he fell fick of a 
 fever, and died at Bofton the 7th of September. Some 
 attributed his illnefs to his taking cold, his carriage over- 
 fetting upon the'caufev/ay at Cambridge, the tide being 
 high and he falling into the water. The refentment 
 which had been raifed ceafed, with people in general, 
 upon his death. Many amiable parts of his character' 
 revived in their minds. He had been fleady and inflexi- 
 ble in his adherence to his inflruclions, but difcovered 
 nothing of a grafping avaricious mind 5 it was the mode, 
 more than the quantum, of his falary upon which he infifl- 
 ed. The naval office had generally been a poll for fome 
 relation or favourite of ihe governor, but colonel Tailer 
 having been lieutenant governor, and in circumflances far 
 
 frorri 
 
 have t)y ac^ of afTeml'.Iy fettled a fixed falary or allowance of fix ftiillings a day 
 on themfclves, and ten fhillings a day on the council. The prefent alTembly 
 liave indeed offered your majeity's governor a falary equal to what was recom- 
 mended, by your rnajefLy's inllrudlions for the time he has been with them, but 
 it is apprehended this was done only to tempt him to give up your majefty's 
 inftrudtions for fettling it for the whole time of his government. 
 
 And here their lardihlps cannot, in juflice to Mr. Burnet, omit taking notice, 
 that by his lieady purfuit of your majefty's infbrudllons and rejedling the 
 tempitations offered by the affembiy, he has a<9;ed with the utmofl duty to your 
 majefty and a jiift regard to the truft repofed in him as governor of that 
 Province. 
 
 Upon a dtie conuderatlon of all that has been offered on the part of the 
 rt;ffembly in juftification of their refufmg to comply with your majefty's inftruc- 
 tions, the lords of the committee cannot but agree in opinion with the lords 
 commiffioners for trade and plantations, that it is abfolutely neceffary for your 
 majefty's fervice, and for preferving that dependency which this colony ought to 
 have upon Great Britain, and better fccuring a due execution of the laws for 
 trade and navigation, that a falary of loccl. fterling per annum fhould be fettled 
 upon the governor during the wh©le time of his government ; and confidering 
 that the affembiy of the Province have faewn fo little regard to your majefty's 
 inftruclions or to thofe of your royal prcdeceffors in this behalf, which the gover- 
 nors from time to time have been direCled to lay before them, the lords of the 
 committee do advife your majefty to lay the whole matter before the parliament 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 Her majefty this day took the faid report into confideration, and was plcafed, 
 with the advice of his majefty's privy council, to approve thereof, and to order, 
 as is hereby ordered, that one of his majefty's principal fccretaries of ftate fhould 
 receive the pleafure of the crown thereupon. 
 
 A true copy. Temple Sianyan, 
 
 Majfachufttts general court records 
 
i729'] MASSACHUSETTS. 'y^j 
 
 from affluent, he generoufly gave the poft to him, without 
 any referve of the iifues or profits. The only inflance of 
 his undue exa6ling money, by fome was thought to be 
 palhated by the eitabhflied cultom of the government he 
 had quitted. This did not juftify it. In his difpofal of 
 pubhc offices, he gave the preference to fuch as were dif- 
 pofed to favour his caufe, and difplaced fome for not fa- 
 vouring it, and in fome inftances he w^ent further than 
 good pohcy would allow. lie did not know the temper 
 of the people of New England. They have a (Irong fcnfe 
 of hberty, and are more eafily drawn than driven. He 
 difobliged many of his friends by removing from his pod 
 Mr. Lynde, a gentleman of the houfe, efleemed by botii 
 fides for his integrity and other vakiable quahties, and he 
 acknowledged that he could aflign no other reafon except 
 that the gentleman had not voted for a compliance with 
 the inilruclion. However, an immoral or unfair charafter 
 was a bar to office, and he gave his negative to an eledion 
 of a counfellor, in one inflance, upon that principle only. 
 His fuperior talents and free and eafy manner of commu- 
 nicating his fentiments made him the delight of men of 
 fenfe and learning. His right of precedence in all com- 
 panies facilitated the exercife of his natural dirpofuion to 
 a great fliare in the converfation, and at the fame time 
 * caufed it to appear more excufable.' His own account 
 of his genius was, that it was late before it budded, and 
 that, until he was near twenty years of age, his father 
 defpaired of hir ever making any figure in life. This, 
 perhaps, might proceed from the exact fevere dilcipline of 
 the bifhop's family, not calculated for every temper alike, 
 and might damp and difcourage his. To long and fre- 
 quent religious fervices at home in his youth, he would 
 fometimes pleafantly attribute his indifpofition to a very 
 fcrupulous exact attendance upon public worfhip ; bur. 
 this might really be owing to an abhorrence of oflentation 
 and mere formality in religion, to avoid which, as moft 
 of the grave ferious people of the Province thought, he 
 approached too near the other extreme. A little more 
 caution and conformity to the different ages, manners^ 
 cufloms and even prejudices of dilTerent companies, would 
 
 have 
 
3^8 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IIL 
 
 have been more politic, but his open undifguifed mind 
 Gould not fubmit to it. Being afKed to dine with an old 
 charter fenator who^ retained the cullom of faying grace 
 fitting, the grave gentleman defired to know which would 
 be more agreeable to his excellency, that grace fliould be 
 faid (landing or fitting ; the governor replied, fcanding or 
 fitting, any way or no way, juft as you pleafe. He fome- 
 times wore a cloth coat lined w^ith velvet. It was faid 
 to be expreffive of his charader. He was a firm believer 
 of the truth of revealed religion, but a bigot to no partic- 
 ular profeffion among Chriftians, and laid Uttle ftrefs upon 
 modes and forms. By a claufe in his lad will he ordered 
 his body to be buried, if he died at New York, by his 
 wife ; if in any other part of the world, in the near eft 
 church-yard or burying ground, all places being alike to 
 God's all-feeing eye. 
 
 The aifembly ordered a very honourable funeral at the 
 public charge. A motion at another time was made in 
 the houfe for a grant to a governor to bear the expenfe 
 of his lady's funeral ; a dry old reprefentative objeded to 
 a grant for a governor's lady, had the motion been for a 
 grant to bury the governor, he fliould have thought the 
 money well laid out. 
 
 Mr. Dummer re-alTumed the adminiftration. He did not 
 intend to enter into the controverfy about the falary ; no 
 advantage could arife from it, no new arguments could 
 be ufed, the king's inftruftions were to be his rule, and 
 he would not depart from them by accepting any grant as 
 lieutenant governor ; but the affair having been under 
 confideration before his majefty in council and further 
 proceedings expected, he would wait for further intelli- 
 gence and diredions. « The houfe were not wilhng to ad- 
 mit that the inftrudion had any refpect to the falary of a 
 lieutenant governor ; but if it had, they had given fuffi- 
 cient reafons againfl it, and were determined to come into 
 no ad; for fixing a falary. Having continued the fefTion 
 at Cambridge until the 26th of September, he ordered an 
 adjournment to the 29th of November, at Bofton, which 
 was a further indication that he did not intend to prefs 
 the inftrudion j however, at their firft coming together, 
 
 he 
 
1729.] MASSACHUSETTS. 3-9 
 
 he recommended to them a compliance with it, and upon 
 their afluring him by a meflage, that, although they could 
 not fettle a falary, yet they were ready to give him an 
 ample and honourable fupport, he defired them to lofe no 
 time about it, for he would accept of no lupport unlefs it 
 (hould be exactly conformable to his majefty's inftruCtion. 
 The houfe, notwithftanding, made a grant of 750I. to en- 
 able him to manage the affairs of government. The 
 council concurred with an amendment, addinf^ ' for the 
 half year current,' but this being fixing a falary for half a 
 year, the houfe rcfufed it. 
 
 Upon the news of Mr. Burnet's death, Mr. Belcher 
 applied with all his powers to obtain the commiffion for 
 the government. Governor Shute might ha7e returned, 
 but he declined it, and generoully gave his interefl to 
 Mr. Belcher, who, fourteen years before, had given 50CI. 
 fterling, which was never repaid, to facilitate colonel 
 Shute's appointment. The controverfy which it was fup- 
 pofed a governor muft be engaged in caufcd fewer com- 
 petitors, and the miniftry were the more concerned to find 
 a proper perfon. Lord Townfiiend alked Mr. Wilks, 
 who had much of his confidence, whether he thought 
 Mr. Belcher would be able to inrluence the people to a 
 compliance with the king's inflructions ; he replied that 
 he thought no man more likely. Their choofing him 
 agent was a m.ark of their confidence in him, but it leemed 
 natural to expect that they would be under fironger prej- 
 udices againft him than againfl: a perfon who had never 
 engaged in their favour. Mr. Belcher's appointment oc- 
 cafioned the removal of Mr. Dummer from the place of 
 lieutenant governor. A young gentleman, rvith whofe 
 family Pvlr. Wilks was connected, (Mr. Thc^mron) Mr. 
 Belcher had engaged to provide for, and he had no pofl 
 in his gift worth accepting befides the naval office. To 
 make a vacancy there, colonel Tailcr was appointed lieu- 
 tenant governor. The pleafure, if there was any, in fu- 
 perfeding Mr. Dummer, who had fuperfeded him before, 
 could be no equivalent for the difference between a pofh 
 of naked honour, and a pofl of profit which gave him a 
 comibrtV:)le living. Mr. Dummer 's adminiftration has 
 YoL, II. X been 
 
33a THE HISTORY OF [Chap. Tit 
 
 been juilly well fpoken of. His general aim was to do 
 public fervice. He was compelled to fome compliances 
 which appeared to him the lead of two evils. It leffened 
 him in Mr. Burnetts efteem, who thought he Ihould have 
 fliewn more fortitude ; but he retired with honour, and 
 after fome years was eleded into the council, where, from 
 refpeft to his former commiirion, he took the place of 
 prefident j but being thought too favourable to the pre- 
 rogative, after two or three years he was left out. He 
 feemed to lay this flight more to heart than the lofs of his 
 commilTion, and aimed at nothing more, the reft of his 
 lifjs, than otitwi cum digniiaie^ felecting for his friends and 
 acquaintance men of fenfe, virtue and rehgion, and enjoy- 
 ed in W^Q for many years, that fame which, for infinitely 
 wife reafons, the great Creator has implanted in every 
 renerous breaft a defire of, even after death. 
 
 Colonel Tailer's commiffion was received and publifhed 
 before Mr. Belcher's arrival, and it gave him an opportu- 
 nity of doing a generous thing for Mr. Dummer. A 
 vote had palfed the two houfes granting him 900I. which, 
 from a regard to his inftrudions, he had not figned, nor 
 had he exprefsly refufed it, and the court having been ad- 
 journed only, not prorogued, the next meeting was con- 
 fidered as the fame feffion, and colonel Tailer ventured to 
 fign it, not being a grant to himfelf and not againft the 
 letter of his inftrudions, and it was really faving money 
 to Mr. Dummer ; the grant being intended for fervices to 
 come as well as paft, would not have been renewed, or 
 in part oiJy. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
4-730.] MASSACHUSETTS. 33 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 From the arrival of governor Belcher^ in 1730, to the rei?n- 
 burfemeni of the charge of the expedition aguinjl Cape Bre^ 
 tony and the abolition of paper money, in 1749. 
 
 J\1r. Belcher arrived the beginning of Augufl in the 
 Blandford man-of-war, captain Prothero. We approach 
 fo near to the prefent day, that for this reafon, as well as 
 thofe I have mentioned in my preface, I fliall give a more 
 general account of affairs. 
 
 No governor had been received wiih a iOiew of greater 
 joy. Both parties fuppofed'they had an intereit in him. 
 For men to alter their principles and pradice according 
 to their wintered, was no new thing. A flvetch of Mr. 
 Belcher's life and character v/ill in Ibme meaiure account 
 for his obtaining the government, for the principal events 
 in his adminiflration, and for the lofs of his commifiion. 
 
 Being the only fon of a wealthy father, he had high 
 views from the beginning of life. After an academical 
 education in his own country, he travelled to Europe, 
 was twice at Hanover, and v/as i.itroduced to the courti 
 there, at the time when the princefs Sophia was the pre- 
 fumptive heirefs to the Britlih crown. The novelty of a 
 Britlih American, added to the gracefulnefs of his perfon, 
 caufed difliinguifhing notice to be taken of him, which 
 tended to increafe that alpirhig turn of mind which was 
 very natural to him. Some years after, he made another 
 voyage to England, beings then engaged in mercantile 
 affairs, which, after his return home, proved in the gen- 
 eral courfe of them rather unfuccefsful, and feem to have 
 fuppreffed or abated the ruHng pafilon ; but being choTcn 
 agent for the houfe of reprefentat--, is, it revived and was 
 gratified to the utmoft, by his appointment to the gov- 
 ernment of Maffachufetts and Nev; Hanipfliirc, and dil- 
 covered itfelf in every part of his adminiflration. Before 
 he was governor, except in one inflance, he had always 
 been a favourer of the prerogative, and afterwards he 
 X 2 .did 
 
33^ THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 did not fail of ading up to his principles. A man of high 
 principles cannot be too jealous of himfelf, upon a fuddeii 
 advancement to a place of power. The council never 
 enjoyed, lefs freedom than in his time. He propofed 
 matters for the fake of their famSlion rather than advicey 
 rarely failifig of a majority to approve of his fentiments. 
 
 He lived elegantly in his family, was hofpitable, made 
 great fhew in drefs, equipage, &g. and although by the 
 depreciation of the currency he was curtailed of his falary, 
 yet he difdained any unwarrantable or mean ways of ob- 
 taining money to fupply his expenfes. By great freedom 
 in converfation and an unreferved eenfure of perfons 
 whofe principles or condu£b he difapproved, he made 
 himfelf many enemies. In a private perfon, this may 
 often pafs with Htile notice, but from a governor it is 
 , very hardly forgot, and fome never ceafed purfuing re- 
 venge until they law him difplaced. 
 
 The general court met the 9th of September.* The 
 people v/aited with impatience the governor's firft fpeech. 
 Many flattered themfelves^ that the inflrudion for a fixed 
 falary was withdrawn ; others that, if it was continued, 
 he would treat it rather as Dudley and Shute had done 
 than as his immediate predecefTor ; others who did not 
 expect a relaxation were, from curiofity, wifhing to know 
 how he would acquit himfelf with the people, who fent 
 him to England to oppofe the inftrudion. After pre- 
 mifing, that the honour of the crown and inter eft of 
 Great Britain are very compatible with the privileges and 
 libenies of the plantations, he tells the two houfes that 
 he had it in command from his royal mafter to compiuni- 
 cate to them his 27th inftruclion, refpeding the govern- 
 or's fupport ; that whilft he was in England he did every 
 thing confiftent with reafon and jufticc for preferving and 
 lengthening out the peace and welfare of the Province ; 
 that they were no ftrangers to the fteps taken by his maj- 
 efty with refpe(3: to the unhappy difpute between the late 
 governor and them, and he hoped, after fuch a ftruggle, 
 they would think it for the true intereft of the Province 
 to Jf.i l; ;i.^.\ might be perfedly acceptable j that nothing 
 
 prevented 
 
 "* At Cambridge, the fmall-pox being in Bofton, 
 
J730.J MASSACHUSETTS. 2>33 
 
 prevented this controverfy^ and feveral other matters 
 of dangerous confcquence, being laid before the parlia- 
 ment, but his majefty's great lenity and goodnefs, v/hich 
 incHned him to give them one opportunity "more of paying 
 a due regard to what in his royal wifdom he thinks fo jufl 
 and reafonable. Had he flopped here, perhaps, Icfs could 
 not have been expeded from him ; but he unfortunately at- 
 tempted to fhew the finiilitude between the cafe of Cato fhut 
 up inUtica,andMafrachufetts under the reftraint of the roy- 
 al inflrudlion ; commended the wifdom of Cato in making 
 fo brave a (land for the liberties of his country, but con- 
 demned his putting an end to his Hfe, when affairs became 
 defperate, rather than fubmit to a power he could no 
 longer refill ; which inftance he brought as fome illuftra- 
 tion of the late controverfv, thouo^h he would not allow it 
 to run parallel, Ca^far being a tyrant, and the king the 
 protedor of the hberties of his fubjects. 
 
 It was faid, upon this occafion, that the governor muft 
 allow that the Malliichufetts aifembly had done vvifely 
 hitherto in defending their liberties, for otherwife he had 
 brought an inftance of a cafe in no one refpe<^ fimilar to 
 theirs ; and if they had done fo, it was becaufe the iii- 
 ftrudion was a mere exertion of power, and then the par- 
 allel would run farther than he was willing to allow. 
 
 The inftrudion v/as conceived in much ftronger terms 
 than that to governor Burnet, and it is declared that in 
 cafe the affembly refufes to conform to it, " his majefry 
 will hnd himfelf under a neceflity of laying the undutiful 
 behaviour of the Province before the legifiature of Great 
 Britain, not only in this Tingle inftance, but in many oth- 
 ers of the fame nature and tendency, whereby it manifeft- 
 !y appears that this aftemblv, for fome years laft paft, have 
 attempted by unwarrantable practices to weaken if not 
 caft off the obedience they owe to the crown, and the de- 
 pendence which all colonies ought to have on their moth- 
 er country." And in the clofe of the inftrucfion his maj- 
 efty expeds, " that they do forthwith comply with this 
 propofal as the laft fignification of our royal pleafure to 
 them upon this fubjed, and if the faid affembly fliall not 
 think fit to comply therewith, it is our will and pleafure, 
 
 and 
 
334 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 and you are required immediately to come over to this 
 kingdom of Great Britain, in order to give us an exad 
 account of all that {hall have paffed upon this fubjeO:, that 
 we may lay the fame before our parliament." 
 
 The houfe proceeded jull as they had done with gover- 
 nor Burnet. They made a grant to Mr. Belcher of loooL 
 currency for defraying the expenfe of his voyage to New 
 England, and as a gratuity for fervices while in England ;* 
 and fome time after they voted him a fum equal to a 
 thoufand pounds fterling^ to enable him to manage the 
 public affairs, &c. but would fix no time. The council 
 concurred it with an amendment, viz. " and that the 
 fame fum be annually allowed for the governor's fupport." 
 This, without a fund for the payment of it, was doing 
 little more than the houfe had repeatedly done by their 
 declarations, that they doubted not future afferablies 
 would make the Hke honourable piovifion for the gover- 
 nor's fupport, according to the ability of the Province ; 
 the amendment, notwithftanding, was not agreed to, and 
 the houfe adhered to their own vote. This produced a 
 fecond amendm.ent, viz. " that the fame fum Ihould be 
 annually paid during his excellency's continuance in the 
 government and refidence here ;" but this alfo was non- 
 concurred. The tv/o houfes then conferred upon the 
 fubje^L,! the governor being prefent,| and before they 
 
 parted 
 
 * Five hundred pounds was alfo granted to the governor for his fervices in 
 England, as agent for the houfe of reprefentatives, and the fum of 1503L i/l, 
 which had been advanced by merchants in Bofton and others and fupplied the 
 agents, was alfo granted to be paid out ©f the public treafury, and to the feveral 
 perfons refpe6lively. The honour of the governor who had fpent the money, as 
 Well as that of the houfe, was concerned. The council, although in general the 
 fam.e perfons who had refufed to conent to any grant of money for the ufe of an 
 agent in the choice of whom they had no ihare, were prevailed upon by the gover- 
 nor and the influence of a great number of the principal merchants of Eollon wh» 
 had advanced the money, to confent to a gi'ant for the re-payment of it. The houfe 
 expelling the like difficulty might arife upon a like occafion in future time, took this 
 favourable opportunity of pafling a vote for the taking the fum of five hundred 
 pounds Ilerling out of the Province treafury, and depofiting it in the bank of 
 England for the ufe of the houfe. To this vote the council gave their concurrence 
 and the governor his confent. H,e repented of it afterwards, when he found the 
 agent employed by the houfe and fupported with this money was the principal pro- 
 moter of the complaints againfl: him which caufed his removal from the gov- 
 ernment. " - 
 
 f This was a matter of money which the houfe fometimes refufe to confer upon, 
 hut they have been unfteady in this refped:. 
 
 \ It is unufual for governors to be prefent at a conference between the two houfes. 
 "Mj. Shirley being defirous of acc^uainting hinnfelf with the aro liracuts on both fides 
 
1730.] MASSACHUSETTS. 335 
 
 parted he made a long fpeech, expreiTing the great pleaf- 
 ure the council had given him in the part they had taken, 
 and his concern and furprife at the condu6l of the 
 houfe, in running the rifk of the confequences of 
 their refufal to comply with the inflruclion ; reminded 
 them of the vaft expenfe which their former unfucccfsful 
 difputes with their governors had occafioned to the Prov- 
 ince, but ufed no arguments to convince them of the 
 reafonablenefs of the demand and its compatibility with 
 their rights and privileges. 
 
 The fmall-pox being in the town of Cambridge, where 
 the court fat, the houfe defired to rife, but the governor 
 let them know he would meet them in any other town, 
 and the fame day ordered an adjournment to Roxbury, 
 where a bill paffed both houfes for the fupport of the gov- 
 ernor, but not coming up to the inflrudion, the gover- 
 nor could not confent to it. The country party in the 
 houfe, as much a foleclfin as it is, were the moll zealous 
 for the prerogative, and, except a few prerogative men 
 who were always willing to fix the falary, none went fo 
 great a length at this time towards fixing it as thofe who 
 oppofed any one ftep towards it, under Mr. Burnet. 
 
 The people in general were well pleafed with the gov- 
 ernor. It is not improbable that he would have obtained 
 the fettlement of a falary during his adminiftration, if it 
 had not been in effecl a fettlement for his fucceffors alfo, 
 for fuch a orecedent could not eafilv have been refilled. 
 The two parties which had long fubfifted in the govern- 
 ment were vying, each with the other, in m.eafures for an 
 expedient or accommodation. The prerogative men were 
 Mr. Belcher's old friends, who were pretty well fatisfied 
 that his going over to the other fide was not from any 
 real affedion to the caufe, and that he mud, fooncr or 
 later, differ with thofe who adhered to it, and for this 
 event they waited patiently. The other party, by whofe 
 
 intered 
 
 jn fome affair in controverfy between the two houfes, intimated to the council h's 
 inclination to be prefent. When the houfe came up, the fpcaker, Mr. Cufhing, fee- 
 ing the governor in the cliair, ft.irtcd back, and remaining at the door of the couiKil 
 chamber, exprtiTed his furprife at feeing his excellency in the chair, the conference 
 being intended between the two houfc-s only ; but if his excellency intended to reniaiq 
 in the chair only to hear the argunicn's, he imagined the houfe would have no ob- 
 jection to conferring in his prcfencc. This the governor confcnted to, declaiirj he 
 ■77©ald not iiucrfcre. 
 
335 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV, 
 
 intereft he had been fent to England, adhered to him, 
 expeding their reward. Accordingly, Mr. Cooke was 
 foon appointed a juftice of the common pleas for the coun- 
 ty of Suffolk. To make way for him and another favour^ 
 ite, colonel Byfie|d, to whom Mr. Belcher was allied, 
 two gentlemen, colonel Hutchinfon and colonel Dudley, 
 were difplaced. They were both in principle fleady 
 friends to government, and the firfl of them was a fall 
 friend to the governor, Mr. Belcher would not have 
 been able to advance fo many of his friends as he did, if 
 he had not perfuaded the council that, upon the appoint- 
 ment of a new governor, it was neceffary to renew all civil 
 commiffions. Having obtained this point he took the 
 moll convenient time to fettle the feveral counties. Be- 
 fore he fettled the county of York, he recommended to 
 the judges a perfon for clerk of the court. This officer 
 the Province law empowers the judges to appoint. Some 
 of them fent their excufe, being well fatisfied with the 
 clerk they had, who was a faithful, well-approved officer ; 
 but the governor let the judges know, if he could not ap- 
 point a clerk he could a judge, and accordingly removed 
 thofe who were not for his purpofe and appointed others 
 in their (lead. * There was an inconfiftency in delaying 
 appointments, with the principles he advanced. If new 
 commiffions were neceffary, they were neceffary immedi- 
 ately, and they might as well be delayed feven years as 
 
 «"^-+ " Two 
 
 * It was faid that when Mr. Belcher, fome years after, was ordered by the king 
 to remove hisfon-ln-Iaw, Mr. Lyde,from the naval office, the power of appointment 
 to which ofhce is, by a6l of parliament, given to the governor, he was advifed to 
 'make an excufe, Mr. Lyde being an officer who gave general fatisfadion ; but Mr. 
 Belcher replied, that although the king could not make a naval officer, yet he could 
 make a governor, and he v/as forced to give up his fon-in-law. Ncc lex ejl pijllor 
 ulla. Tills was the firft inftance of an appointment made by the crown immediately 
 to this office, and, I t^nnk, to any office in the Province, the nomination to which 
 is by the charter and royal cpmmiiffion left to the judgment and difcretion cf the 
 governor. 
 
 f The commlfilons to civil officers being in the king's name and tefled by the 
 governor, the renewal of fueh commiffions upon the appointment of a governor 
 has not been praelifed fmce 'Mr. Belcher's time. It was propofed in council by 
 his fucceflbr ; but Mr. Read, a very eminent lawyer, and, which is more, a perfon 
 of great integrity and firmnefs of mind, being then a member of the council, 
 brought fuch arguments againfl: the pravflice that the majority of the board refufed 
 to confent to it. Befides this general new appointment, Mr. Belcher, in the 
 courfe of his admini^ration, made more frequent removal* of pcrfens from office 
 
1731.] MASSACHUSETTS. 337 
 
 - Two or three feflions palled, when little more was 
 done, on the governor's part, than repeating iiis demand 
 for a fixed falary, and intimating that he fliould be obliged 
 to go to England and render an account of their beha- 
 viour to the king. The major part of the honfe were 
 very defirous of giving fatisfadlon to the governor and 
 to their conflituents both, but that could not be. I\'Jr, 
 Cooke's friends in the town of Bofton began to be jealou.^ 
 of him. A bill was prepared, which lets forth in the pro- 
 amble, that fettling a falary would deprive the people of 
 their rights as Englifhmen. In the purview, after grant- 
 ing 3400I. which was about equal to loool. {i:erling, it is 
 further ena^ed, that as his majedy had been gracioully 
 pleafed to appoint J. B. efquire, to be the governor, who 
 was a native of the country, whole fortune was here, who, 
 when a member of the council, as well as when in a pri- 
 vate ftation, has always confulted the true intereit of his 
 country as well as the honour and dignity of the crown ; 
 therefore, it is mofl folemnly promifed and engaged to 
 his mod excellent majefty, that there Ihall be granted the 
 like fum for the like purpofe at the beginning of the M- 
 fions in May every year during the governor's continuance 
 in the adminiflration and refidence within the Province, 
 provided this act fliall not be pleaded as a precedent, or 
 binding on any future aircmbly for fixing a falary on any 
 fucceeding governor. The bill is in Mr. Cooke's hand- 
 writing, and it is minuted at the bottom that the governor 
 approved of it. The governor could not imagine fo eva- 
 five a thing could be approved in England. He might 
 hope to improve it as being a farther advance than had been 
 
 before 
 
 than any governor before or fnice. .This was owiii^^ to the pufillanlmity of the 
 council. No appointment can be made v/ithcut their advice. The v^overnor, it 
 is true, can refufe his confent eveiy year to their eleclion, but the emolument.-; of 
 a Maffachufetts counfcUor arc very Huall, and caii caufc no great temptation to 
 facrilice virtue. It is faid that one of the judges of the fuperior court, expeiSiing^ 
 to be removed, in the latter part of IVIr. Belcher's adminiltration, applied by a 
 friend in England to lord chief jullice Willes, who fignifiel his rcfoluiion that it 
 any judge fliould be removed, without good reafon afligncd, he would himfclf 
 complain to his majefty againfl the governor. The freedom and independence of 
 the judges of England is always enumerated among tlie excellencies of the con- 
 ftitution. The Malfachufetts judges are far from independent. In Mr. Belcher's 
 adminiftration they were peculiarly dependent upon the governor. Before and 
 fmce they have been dependent upon the affembly for their falary, grunted annu- 
 ally, which fometimcs has been delayed, fom. times diminilhcd, and rai'ely cfcapc* 
 kcing a fubjc6t •£ Ucbatc and altercation. 
 
33S THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 before made, and, by ufmg this argument, that it would be 
 much more rational for the houfe to do what they now 
 had fully in their power to do, than to make a folemn prom- 
 ik that another houfe fhould do the fame thing, the per- 
 formance of which promife they would not have in their 
 own pov/er. The fcheme failed, the bill did not pafs, and 
 from that time Mr. Belcher, defpairing of carrying his 
 point, turned his thought to obtaining a relaxation of his 
 inftrudion. Indead of applying himfelf, he advifed to an 
 addrefs from the houfe, not for the withdraw of the inr 
 ftruction, but that the governor might have leave to re- 
 ceive the fum granted. This was allowed, but it was to 
 be underitood that he was to infill upon a compliance 
 with his inftruclion as much as ever. Leave for confent 
 to particular grants was obtained two or three years, and 
 at len^nh a p-eneral order of leave to receive fuch fums as 
 fhould be granted. This was the iffue of the controverfy 
 about a fixed falary. Until Mr. Belcher*s arrival, Mr. 
 Cooke had differed from mod who, from time to time, 
 have been recorded in hiftory for popular men. Gener- 
 ally, to preferve the favour of the people, they mufl change 
 with the popular air, and when we (urvey a courfe of ac- 
 tion it will not appear altogether confident. He had 
 the art of keeping the people fleady in the applaufe of his 
 meafures. To be careful never to depart from the ap- 
 pearance of maintaining or enlarging rights, liberties and 
 privileges was all he found neceifary. As foon as he was 
 defedive in this refped, and tried to fecure his intereft 
 both vnth the' governor and town of Bofton, he had like 
 to have loft both. In the eledion of reprefentatives for 
 Bofton, in 1733 or 1734, the governor's party appeared 
 againft him ; he had loft many of the other party by 
 w^hat they called too great a compliance, and he had a 
 majority, after feveral trials, of one or two votes only in 
 fix or feven hundred. 
 
 The difpute about the manner of iiTaing money out of 
 the treafury v/as fettled unfavourably for the houfe. The 
 charter provides, that all money fhall be iffaed by warrant 
 from the governor v;ith advice and confent of the council. 
 Until the year 1720 the money was brought into the treaf- 
 ury, 
 
iy^2.'] MASSACHUSETTS. 33^ 
 
 ury, by a vote or a6t originating in the houfe, and dcflined 
 to certain purpofes,and drawn out for thofe purpofcs by war- 
 rant from the governor w^th advice, ^:c. but after that, the 
 houfe not only deftined the money, when put into the treafu- 
 ry,but provided that none of it, except fome trifling fums for 
 exprefles and the like, fhould be iffued without a vote of the 
 whole court for payment. After fuch a vote they were will- 
 ing the governor fhould give his warrant. This appeared iu 
 the king to render his governor contemptible, and entire- 
 ly to defeat the provifion in the chartev, and there was no 
 profpedt of any relaxation of the inflrudion to the gov- 
 ernor. When the fervants of the government had fuf- 
 fered a long time for want of their money, the houfe pafT- 
 ed a bill which fupplied the treafury in a way not mate- 
 rially differing from what had been in practice before 1720. 
 Mr. Belcher had another inflruction not to confent to 
 the ifluing any bills of credit for a longer term than thofe 
 were to remain current which had before been ifiued, 
 none of which extended beyond the year 1741. It would 
 have been but a fmall burden upon the inhabitants to 
 have paid the charges of every year and the debt which 
 lay upon fuch year befides, but, inftead of that v/ife meaf- 
 ure, they fuffered one year after another to pafs with light 
 taxes, and laid heavy burdens upon diftant years ; and 
 the lafl year, 1741, had more laid upon it than any four 
 or five preceding years ; and although even this was far 
 fhort of what has been paid in fome fucceeding years, yet 
 it was deemed an infupportable burden, and it was gene- 
 rally fuppofed the promifes made by the acls of govern- 
 ment to draw in the bills in that year would by fome 
 means or other be evaded or openly violated. Mr. Bel- 
 cher feemed determined to adhere to his initrudion, and 
 there was an expe^lation of fome great convulfion, which 
 was prevented by his being fuperfeded before that period 
 arrived. 
 
 The proje^: we have taken notice of, for fettling 
 the eaitern country, captain Coram purfued until he pro- 
 cured an order or inflru6.ion to colonel Phillips, the gov- 
 ernor of Nova Scotia, in 1730, to take poiiefiion of the 
 land between St. Croix and Kennebeck, and thirty men 
 
 with 
 
34© THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 with an officer were fent to the fort ?1 Pemaquid, built by 
 Mafiachufetts. Colouel Dunbar, a gentleman out of em- 
 ploy, came over about the fame time, took the command 
 of the fort, and alTumed the government of that part of 
 the Province, Mr. Belcher was appKed to by the propri- 
 etors of the lands there, and the houfe of reprefentatives 
 aflerted the right of the Province. The governor with 
 advice of council jHued a proclamation, requiring the in^ 
 habitants to remain in their obedience and due fubjedion 
 to the laws and government of the Province. This feems 
 to have been all that in prudence he could do. Some 
 were for taking further meafures to. remove Dunbar, 
 which, as he had a royal commiffion, however liable to 
 exceptions, Mr. Belcher thought by no means warranta- 
 ble. The minds of the people were inflamed, and when 
 Dunbar came up to Boilon he perfiiled in his claim to the 
 country, which, with reports of fohie not very decent ex- 
 preflions of the governor, raifed the refentment of many. 
 Perfcns of ill defign, perhaps, might have been able 
 to have caufcd a tumult. The lands indeed were 
 claimed by a few particular perfons, but it v/as 
 fpread abroad that when this country Ihould be detached 
 from the red of the Province, the fupplies of fuel to the 
 fea-port towns would ceafe, or be burdened with heavy 
 duties, and the poor opprelTed. It happened that Mr, 
 Samuel Waldo, a gentleman of good capacity and who 
 would not eafily relinquiili his right, undertook for the 
 proprietors of the principal tra6t of the country claimed, 
 and upon reprefentation to his majefly in council, the or- 
 der to Phillips and the authority to Dunbar were revoked 
 in i732,<and the government of the Province afterv/ards 
 thought it proper to place a garrifon in their own pay at 
 Fort Frederick, the name given by Dunbar to the fort 
 at Pemaquid. 
 
 I fliall take notice of two or three only and thofe the 
 mod remarkable events during the red of Mr. Belcher's 
 admmiilration. 
 
 In 1733 tfiere was a general complaint throughout the 
 four governments of New England of the unufual fcarcity 
 of money. There was as large ^ fum current in bills of 
 
 credit 
 
x733-i Massachusetts. 341^ 
 
 credit as ever, but the bills having depreciated they an- 
 fvvered the purpofes of money fo much Ids in proportion. 
 MalTachufetts and New Hampfliire were clogged with royal 
 inftrudions. It was owing to them that thole govern- 
 ments had not iffued bills to as great an amouilt as Rhodes 
 liland. Conne6ticur, although under no reitraint, yet, 
 confifting of more hufbandmen and fewer traders than the 
 reft, did not fo much feel the want of money. The Maf- 
 fachufetts people were dilfatisiied that Rhode Ifland fliould 
 fend their bills among them and take away their fubftance 
 and employ it in trade, and many people wiflied to fee the 
 bills of each government current within the limits of fuch 
 government only. In the midft of this difcontent, Rhodtj 
 liland palled an acV. for ifluing ioo,ocol. upon lo?n, for, 
 I think, twenty years to their own inhabitants, who v^^ould 
 immediately have it in their power to add ioo,oooL tt> 
 their trading flock from the horfe.-, flieep, lumber, fifh, 
 &c. of the MalTachufetts inhabitants. The merchants of 
 Bofton therefore confederated and mutually promifed and 
 engaged not to receive any bills of this new emillion ; bur, 
 to provide a currency, a large number formed themfelves 
 into a company, entered into covenants, chofe diredors, 
 &c. and ilTued i io,cocl. redeemable in ten years, in filvcr 
 at 10/i per oz. the then current rate, or gold in proportion, 
 a tenth part annually. About the fame tim.e the MalTa- 
 chufetts treafury, which had been long fhut, was opened, 
 and the debts of two or three years were all paid at on-v? 
 time in bills of credit ; to this was added the ordinary 
 emillions of bills from New Hampfhire and Conneclicut ; 
 and fome of the Bofton merchants, tempted by an oppor- 
 tunity of felling their EngliHi goods, having broke through 
 their engagements and received the Rhode liland bills, all 
 the reft foon fallowed the example. All thefe emilTions 
 made a flood of money, filver rofe from ig^C to zyf. the oz. 
 and exchange with all other countries confequently rofe 
 alio, and every creditor was defrauded of about one third 
 of his juft dues. As foon as filver rofe to 27/'. the notes 
 ilTued by the merchants payable at igf. were hoarded up, 
 and no longer anfwered the purpofes of money. Although 
 the currency was leftened by taking away the notes, yet 
 
342 tHE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 what remained never increafed in value, filver continuing 
 feveral years about the fame rate, until it took another 
 large jump. Thus Very great injuftice was caufed by this 
 wretched paper currency, and no relief of any fort obtain- 
 ed ; for by this finking in value, though the nominal fum 
 was higher than it had ever been before, yet the currency 
 would produce no more (lerling money than it would 
 have done before the late emiiiions were made.* 
 
 In 1 737, a controverfy which had long fubfifted betweeri 
 the two governments of MaiTachufetts and New Hamp- 
 fliire was heard by commillioners for that purpofe ap- 
 pointed by the crov/n. Various attempts had been, 
 been made to fettle this difpute, and it had been often 
 recommended by the crown to the affemblies of the two 
 Pfovinces to agree upon arbitrators from neighbouring 
 governments, and to pafs acls v;hich fliould bind each 
 Province to be fubjc^^ to their determinations. Several 
 fuch ads paued, but they were not exadly conformable 
 one to tlie other, or the operation of them was by fome 
 means or other obftruded. MaiTachufetts refufed terms 
 which afterwards they would gladly have accepted. They 
 have done the like in other controverfies. Long poUef- 
 fion caufed them to be loth to concede any part of the 
 territory. New Hampfnire took its name from the grants 
 made by the council of Plymouth to captain John Mafon. 
 Of thefe there had been four or five, all containing more or 
 lefs of the fame lands. Exceptions were taken to all of 
 them, and that which was the leafl: imperfed was dated 
 after the grant of Maflachufetts, fo that the Vv^hole contro- 
 verfy turned upon the conftrudion of the MaiTachufetts 
 charters. The firfl charter made the northern boundary 
 to be three miles to the northward of Merrimack river, or 
 to the northward of any and every part thereof. After 
 running weflward about thirty miles from the fea, the 
 river alters its courfe, and tends to the north, or, to fpeak 
 with more propriety, having run from its crotch or the 
 meeting of PemigewafTet river and Winnepifliauke pond 
 
 to 
 
 * William Taikr, efquire, the lieutenant governor, dying in I732,in 1733 Spen-v 
 eer Phips, efquire, nephew by the fitter and adopted fon to Sir William Phips, fuc- 
 ceeded. Mr. Belcher nfed his intereft for Adam Wlnthrop, effjuire. Both Winthrop 
 and Phips ha.d been leveral years oiembers of the cowncil. 
 
T7J7-1 MASSACHUSETTS. 34^ 
 
 to the fouthward about fifty miles, it then tends to the 
 eaftward about thirty miles, until it empties into the iea. 
 It was urged by the advocates for Mailiichufctts colony 
 that their boundary was to be three miles to the north- 
 ward of the northernmod part of the river, and to extend 
 eafl: and weft from the Atlantic to the South Sea. This 
 fwallowed up all New Hampfiiire and the greateft part of 
 the Province of Maine. At a hearing before the king m 
 council in 1677, the agents for MaHTachufetts, by advice, 
 difclaimed all right of jurifdiclion beyond the three miles 
 north of the river according to the coiirfe, and it W2s de- 
 termined they had a right as far as the river extended, 
 but how far the river did extend was not then cxpreTsly 
 mentioned. It feems however not to have been doubted ^ 
 for although at the time of the grant of the firll charter 
 it does not appear that the courfe v/as knov/n any great 
 diitance from the fea, yet, foon after the government was 
 transferred from Old ICngland to New, it was as well 
 known by the name of Merrimack as *ar as Penicook a;> 
 it is at this day, and the tribe of Indians which dwelt there 
 had a correfpondence with the Englifli ; and in 1639, 
 perfons were employed by the government of Maflachu- 
 fetts to explore that part of the country, and there are 
 flill preferved the tePiimonies of divers perfons, declaring 
 that they before that time alv/ays underllood the river ta 
 be called by the fame name, from the crotch to the mouth. 
 If the firft charter cf Maflachufetts had continued, it is 
 not probable any different conftruclion would ever have 
 been ilarted ; but in the new charter the boundary is- 
 thus expreffed, " extending from the great river, com- 
 monly called Monomack, alias Merrimack, on the north 
 part and from three miles northward of the faid river, to 
 the Atlantic or Weftern Sea or ocean on the fouth part, 
 &c." The whole, however, of the old colony being in- 
 cluded in the new Province, many years pafied without 
 any thought of a different conftruclion of bounds in the 
 two charters, and the difputes between Ncvvt Hampfliire 
 and Maffachufetts, have been principally concerning the 
 towns of SaHft)ury and Haverhill, which, when firft 
 granted by Maffachufetts, were made to extend more than 
 
 three 
 
144 "I'^-^S HISTORY OP [Chap. IV, 
 
 three miles from the river, and the part beyond the three 
 miles remained under the jurifdidion by which they had 
 been granted, which New HampHiire complained of. A new 
 line, to begin three miles north of the mouth of Mernmack 
 and fo run well to the South Sea, is a modern conil:ru£lion. 
 Some hints had been given of fuch a line, before or about. 
 the year 1726^ and it was fuppofed by New Hampfhire 
 that MafTachufetts were induced thereby to make grants 
 of townOiips betv/een Merrimack and Connedicut river, ' 
 in order to Ilrengthen their title by pofTeiTion. Still there 
 was a profpecl of accommodation, and, in the year 1 73 1 ,the 
 committees from the aiTemblies of thetwoProvinces differed 
 only upon the point of equivalents, the Maifachufetts defir- 
 ing toretain under th^'fr jurifdidion the whole of thofe towns 
 which lay upon tne river, and to give other lands as an , 
 equivalent for the property ; but about the fame time the 
 gentlemen of New Hampfhire, who had for m.any years 
 before been at the helm, thhiking, and perhaps jultly, 
 that they were not well treated by Mr. Belcher, determin- 
 ed to exert themfelves to obtain a governor for that Prov- 
 ince, and to remain no Jonger under the fame governor 
 with MaiTachufetts. They had but little chance for this 
 unlefs they could enlarge their bounds. The very pro- 
 pofal of a diilind government, as it increafed the number 
 of onicers of the crown, they thought would be a favour- 
 able circumilance in fettling the controverfy with Maffa- 
 chufetts. 
 
 The houfe of reprefentatives of New Hampfhire, Od. 7, 
 3731, by a vote appointed John Rindge, efquire, a mer- 
 chant there, who was bound to England, their agent to 
 fohcit the fettlement of the boundaries. But their main 
 dependence was upon Mr. Thomlinfon, a gentleman who 
 had been in New Hampihire, and was then a merchant of 
 note in London, and perhaps was as capable of conduc- 
 ing their caufe as any perfon they could have pitched 
 upon. He had the friendfliip of colonel Bladen, who at 
 that day had great weight in the board of trade, and had 
 conceived very unfavourable fentiments of Maifachufetts 
 in general, and did not like Mr. Belcher the governor. 
 He cmoloved a folicitor, Ferdinando Paris, one of the 
 ^ ' firft 
 
t737-!] MASSACHUSETTS. 345 
 
 firft rate, and who had a peculiar talent at flurring the 
 characters of his antagonifts. Many of his briefs which I 
 have [Qen abound in this way. The firfl ilep in confe- 
 quence of Mr. Rindge's petition was a queftion fent by 
 the lords of trade to the attorney and folicitor general for 
 their opinion, " From what part of Merrimack river the 
 three miles from whence the dividing line between the 
 Province of New Hampfliire and the Province of MafTa- 
 chufetts is to begin, ought to be taken according to the 
 intent of the charter of William and Mary." This was 
 Ja plain intiirKition, that if the point where to begin could 
 be fettled, nothing more was necelfary, the wefl Une 
 daimed by New Hampfhire was to follow of courfe. i The 
 Maifachuletts agent (Mr. Wilks) by his council would 
 fay nothing upon the queilion, becaufe it would not de- 
 termine the matters in difpute. Report was made, how- 
 ever, that it ought to begin three miles iiorth of the mouth 
 of Merrimack river. It was then propofed that commif- 
 fioners fhould be appointed to fettle this controverfy. This 
 the Malfachufctts people were averfe to, Unlefs they knew 
 who they were to be. They were at the fame time afraid 
 of its being determined in England, ex parte, if they 
 fliould refufe to confent= A committee of the general 
 court reported, that the agent fhould be inflru6:ed that 
 the Province would agree to commiilioners to be appoint- 
 ed, to fettle the controverfy, here. This report was ac- 
 cepted, the houfe intending the commlffioners fliould be 
 agreed upon by the two governments, fome of the com- 
 iiiittee intending the agent fhould underftand his inflruc- 
 tions, to conferit to the appointment of commiilioners 
 provided they fat here or in one of the two governments. 
 A comma after the word appointed, and after the word 
 controverfy , "^ould give the fenfe of the houfe, the lad 
 comma left but it might be taken in the fenfe of the com- 
 mittee ; but as it Is mod probable the letter had no regu- 
 lar pointing, their meaning was to be guelTed at. 
 
 This was treating the agent ill, and he was cenfured by 
 the houfe for not obferving his inftruftions. I have heard 
 this account of the affair from fome of the committee, 
 who excufed theraielves for this equivocal report as being 
 Vol, II, Y neceflary 
 
346 THE fllSTORY OF . [Chap.. IIT.. 
 
 necelTary for the public fervice, the houfe not being will-* 
 ing to confent to an explicit fubmiffion. It was made a 
 condition of the fubmiffion that private property fhould 
 not be affected. The miniftry in later inilances have not 
 waited for an exprefs fubmiffion, but have appointed com- 
 miflioners upon application from one party only. 
 
 The commiffioners were all fuch as the New Hampfhire. 
 agent propofed, five counfellors from each of the govern- 
 ments of New York,- Rhode Ifland and Nova Scotia. 
 With the two former governments, Maifachufetts were 
 then in controverfy about hnes. The letter, it was faid,, 
 was difafFecled to charter government. Connedicut, pro- 
 pofed by Maifachufetts, was rejeded becaufe of a bias- 
 from their trade, religion, &c. which New Hampfhire 
 \^as afraid of. The place for the meeting of commiffion- 
 ers was Hampton in New Hampfhire, the firfl of Auguft. 
 
 The commiffioners from Nova Scotia^ with fome of 
 Rhode liland, met at the time appointed, and were after- 
 wards joined by Mr. Livingftone from New York, who 
 prefided. After many weeks fpent in hearing the parties 
 and examining their evidence, the only doubt in the com- 
 miffioners' minds was, whether the Maifachufetts new 
 charter comprehended the whole of the old colony. Not 
 being able to fatisfy themfelves, and perhaps not being 
 unwilling to avoid the determination, they agreed to 
 make a fpecial judgment or decree, the fubftance of which 
 was, that if the charter of William and Mary grants to 
 Maifachufetts all the lands granted by the charter of 
 Charles I. they then adjudge a curve hne to begin three 
 miles north of the mouth of the river, and to keep the 
 jfame diflance from the river as far as the crotch or part- 
 ing at Pemigewaffet and Winnepiffiaukee, and then to rua 
 weft towards the South Sea until it meets with his majef- 
 ty's other governments ; but if the charter of Wilham 
 and Mary did not contain, &c. then they adjudge a weft 
 line to begin at the fame place three miles north of the 
 mouth and to run to the South Sea. This point in doubt 
 they fubmitted to his majefty's royal pleafure. 
 
 The people of Maifachufetts were fure of their caufe. 
 It was impoffible,. they thought, confiftent with common 
 
 fenfe,, 
 
\rj2J-'] MASSACHUStTtS. 347 
 
 f(^nfe, that the point in doubt fliould be determined againft 
 them. They thought it fafefl, however, to fend to ; En- 
 gland a fpecial agent, EJmunJ Quincy, enquire, one of 
 the council, who had been one of the court's a<^ents be- 
 fore the commifTioners. He was joined with Mr. Wilks^ 
 a^id Mr. Belcher by his intereft prevailed upon :he aiTem- 
 bly to add a third, his wife's brother, Richard Partridge. 
 Exceptions, called an appeal, were offered to the judgment 
 of the commifTioners. Mr. Quincy died of the Imall-pox 
 by inoculation, foon after his arrival in London ; the 
 other two knew little or nothing of the controverfy. 
 The commillioners, however, had rendered it as difficult 
 to determine a line againft Maffachufetts as if they had 
 given a general judgment in their favour. The New 
 Hampfliire agent and folicitor thought of no expedient. 
 In their brief, they pray the lords committee to report 
 " that all the lands lying to the northward of Merrimack 
 river, which were granted by the charter of king Charles 1. 
 to the late colony ef Maffachufetts^ are not granted to the 
 prefent Province of Maffachufetts by the charter of king 
 William and queen Mary;" This never could have been 
 done; At the hearing, it was thought proper to lay afide 
 all regard to to the judgment of the commiffioners, and to 
 proceed upon an entirely new plan. No doubt was made^ 
 that the old colony was all included in the new ProvixicCi 
 The queffion was, what w-ere the northern bounds of the* 
 colony of Maffachufetts, which the council of Plymouth 
 when they fold the territory to the patentees, and x\\c 
 king when he granted the jurifdi6:iori, had in contempla- 
 tion. This, it was faid, muft be a line three miles north 
 of a river not fully explored, but whofe general courfe 
 was fuppofed to be eafl and weft. So far therefore as it 
 afterwards appeared that the river kept this courfe, fo far 
 it was equitable the line ftiould continue ; but, as on the 
 one hand if the river had altered its courfe and turned to 
 the fouth, it would have been inequitable to have reduced 
 the grant to a very fmall traft, fo on the other hand, 
 when it appeared to turn to the north, it was inequitable 
 to extend the grant and make a very large territory, and 
 Y 7, therefore 
 
^4^ THE HISTORY Of [Chap. IV. 
 
 therefore defeat other grants made about the fame time.^ 
 It was therefore determined that the northern boundaries 
 of Maflachufetts fhould be a Hne three miles from the 
 I'iver as far as Pantucket-Falls, then to run W. lo dt:g. N. 
 Until it meets New York line. 
 
 The people of Maifachufetts thought themfelves ag- 
 grieved. They fubmitted the controverfy to commifiion- 
 ers to be appointed by the crown, and had been fully 
 heard. The whole proceedings of the commiffioners 
 were fet afide, and without any notice to the government^ 
 the controverfy was determined by a committee of coun- 
 cil upon a new point on v/hich their agent had never been 
 inilru61ed. And, however there might belhe appearance' 
 of equity in the principle upon which their lordfhips pro- 
 ceeded, yet MaffachufetJis people fuppofed, if their poflef- 
 fion for one hundred years, together with the determina- 
 tion of the king in council in 1677, and the acquiefcence 
 of ail parties in this determination for about fifty years, 
 had been urged and duly weighed, the. balance upon the- 
 fole principle of equity would have been in their favour. 
 It increafed their mortification to find that they had loft 
 by this new line feveral hundred thoufand acres more 
 than the utmofl claim ever made by New Hampfliire ; for 
 Merrimack river from the mouth to Pantucket-Falls tend- 
 ing to the fouth, it made a difference of four or five miles 
 in breadth, the whole length of the Hne, between a line t&' 
 run weft from Pantucket-Falls and a Hue weft from t-he 
 Black Rocks. 
 
 The difpute about the bounds of the Province of Maincj 
 "which lies on the other fide of New Hampfhire, was upon 
 the conftrudion of the word northwejiward. Maflachu- 
 fetts urged that it was the evident defign of the grantors- 
 of the Province of Maine to defcribe a territory about one 
 hundred and twenty miles fquare. At that day this was? 
 probably the reputed diftance from Newichawannock or 
 Pifcataqua river to Kennebeck, along the fea coaft, the 
 general courfe of which was northeaft and fouthweft, after 
 
 going 
 
 * The grant to Sir Henry Rofwell and others was March 19th, 1627. That to 
 Mafon was November 7th, 1629, and was to extend fixty miles froni the fea. But 
 the river Merrimack turning to the north after about thirty miles from the fea, if 
 tlie Maffachufetts bounds had continued three miles diftant from the river to the' 
 Trratcb, it v/ould comprehend more ti»an half of Mafon's graut. 
 
I737-] MASSACHUSETTS. 349 
 
 going up the two rivers to the heads, the lines were to 
 run northweftward until one hundred and twenty miles 
 were finiflied, and then a line back parallel to the line up- 
 on the fea. The agents for New Hampfhire, at the court 
 of commifTioners, infilled that every body underflood 
 northweflward to be north a little, perhaps lefs than a 
 quarter of a point, weft. It not being pofTible to think 
 of any reafon for a line to run upon this courfe, MafTa- 
 chufetts could fcarce fuppofe the New Hampfliire agents 
 to be ferious, and imagined the commiffioners would need 
 no other reply than that every body underftood a line 
 running weftward to be a line from eafl: to weft, and by 
 the fame rule of conftruchion they fuppofed northwcft- 
 ward to be from foutheaft to north weft; that northeaftward 
 being explained in the fame grant to be as the coaft lay, 
 proved in fa6l to be from fouthweft to northeaft. They 
 were, however, furprifed with the determination of the 
 commiflioners, that northweftward intended north two 
 degrees weft. Why not one degree or three degrees as 
 well as two ? From this part of the judgment Maffachu- 
 fetts appealed. The agents in England obtained the cel- 
 ebrated doctor Halley's opinion, in writing under his 
 hand, that in the language and underftanding cf mathe- 
 maticians, a line to run northweftward is a liiie to run 
 northweft ; but this opinion did not prevail, and the 
 judgment of the commiflioners upon this point was con- 
 firmed by his majefty in council. 
 
 It behoved Mr. Belcher, the governor of both Prov- 
 inces, to carry an even hand. It happened that the gen- 
 eral court of Mafllichufetts, whilft it fat at Saliftjury on 
 the occafion of this controverfy, made him a grant of 800I. 
 currency, in confideration of the deficiency of their for- 
 mer grants, for his falary and his extraordinarj^ expenfe 
 and trouble in attending the court 'at a diftance from his 
 houfe and family. Soon after this grant, he adjourned 
 the general courts of both Provinces, in order to their 
 determining whether to abide by the remit of the com- 
 mifiioners or to appeal from it ; but the court of New 
 Hanipfliire was adjourned to a day or two after the Maf- 
 (^chufetts court, and it w^a& faid they were prevented en- 
 tering 
 
350 THE HISTORY OF [Chap.IV, 
 
 tering the appeal within the time limited. He did not 
 care that either affembly fhould do any bufmefs when he 
 was abfent, and therefore intended firft to finifh the Mat- 
 fachufetts bufmefs, and immediately after proceed to. 
 New Ilampiliire. 
 
 This afforded matter of complaint from that Province, 
 which Mr. Belcher was called upon to anfwer, and it was 
 determined the complaint w^as well founded, and it being 
 urged that the 800I. was intended as a bribe to influence 
 him to this meafure, Maflachufetts thought their own 
 honour concerned, and joined with him in his defence, 
 which perhaps increafed the fufpicion of guilt and haften- 
 ed his removal. That I may finifli what relates to the 
 controverfy between the two Provinces, I muft take no- 
 tice of the conduct of Maffachufetts upoij the receiving 
 his majefly's order in council. The lines, by the order^^ 
 were to be run by two furveyors, one on the part of eacK 
 Province, but if either Province refufed, the other was to 
 proceed ex parte. New Hampfhire, whofe higheft expec- 
 tations were exceeded, propofed to join, but were refufed 
 by Maffachufetts, and thereupon appointed furveyors tQ 
 run the lines of Maffachufetts and Province of Maine ex 
 parte. Both lines were complained of as being run fa- 
 vourably for New Hampfhire ; that of the Province of 
 Maine is a fubjed of new controverfy, it having been 
 fuggefled that the furveyor miftook the main branch of 
 the river N'ewichawannock, which if he had purfued would 
 have made five or fix miles In breadth to the advantage 
 of Maffachufetts. This refufal to join proceeded from 
 the feeble, irrefolute ftate of tlpe minds of the houfe of 
 reprefentatives. Unwilling by any ad of their own to 
 exprefs' their fubmifTion to what they called an unequal 
 decree, they ran the rifl^ of its being carried into execu? 
 tion ftill more unequally ; and yet fucceeding houfes, by 
 a fubfequent, long-continued, paflive fubmiffion, as effec- 
 tually fubjeded the Province as if it had been expUcitly 
 acknowledged at firft. * * After 
 
 * I may not omit mentioning tjie death of Thomas Hutchinfon, efquire, Decem- 
 ber 3d, 1730, who had been of the council except two years from I7I4' J "vvifli 
 that many of his pojlerity may fo juftly deferve the characTter of true friends to their 
 country. Regsrdlcfs of the frowns of a governor or the threats of the people, he 
 fpcke and voted according to his judgment, attaching himfelf to no party any furthe^^ 
 Jhaji he found their meafures tended tp promote the public iatereil. 
 
:1739-1 MASSACHUSETTS. 351 
 
 After the controverfy about the governor's falary 2lnd 
 the fupply of the treafury was finifhed, there feemed to 
 be a general difpofuion to reft, and we hear little of a 
 party in oppofition to the governor for feveral years to- 
 gether. Whilft the controverfy with New Hampfhire 
 was depending, all of every party engaged in defence of 
 the right of the Province. Befides, Mr. Cooke, who had 
 been many years at the head of the popular party, was 
 worn out with fervice, and having been fome time in a 
 declining ftate, died in the fall of 1737, and the town of 
 Bofton were fo far from an apprehenfion of danger to 
 their liberties, that they chofe in his ftead Mr. Wheel- 
 wright, the commiflary-general, w^ho depended upon the 
 governor every year for his approbation after being ele6l- 
 ed by the council and houfe, and in 1738 three of the 
 reprefentatives of the town had the .character of friends 
 to government ; but towards the end of the year a great 
 clamour arofe againft the governor for adhering to his 
 inftrudion about paper maney, and a^ainil: the three 
 reprefentatives, for their pernicious principles upon the 
 fubjeft of paper money, and at the town eleclion for 
 1739 three others were chofen in their ftead, two* of 
 them profefledly difafteded to the governor and promoters 
 of popular meafures, the thirdf although of great integ- 
 rity, and for that reafon defirous of a fi;s:ed -currency, yet 
 in his judgment againft reducing the paper money, and a 
 favourer of fchemes for preventing its depreciation. Many 
 country towns foHowed the example of Bofton, and it 
 appeared that a majority of the houfe were of the fame 
 principles with the town members. After Mr. Belcher's 
 arrival, the houfe, as we have obferved, had pafled a vote 
 for depofiting 500I. fterhng in the bank of England, to 
 be ufed as they or their fucceftbrs fliould think proper. This 
 was concurred in council and conlented to by the gover- 
 nor. This money, it was faid, could not be better applied 
 than in foliciting a relaxation of the governor's inftruction 
 concerning paper money, and Mr. Kilby, one of the Bol- 
 ton reprefentatives, was chofen agent for the houfe, and 
 a petition was by him prefented from the houfe to his 
 majefty in council, but it had no eftecl. 
 
 A general 
 
 * James Allen and Chriflopher Kilby, t Edward BromfjclU. 
 
35^ THE HISTQRY QF [Ckap. IV. 
 
 A general dread of drawing in all the paper money 
 without a fubflitution of any other inftrument of trade in 
 the place of it, difpofed a great part of the Province to 
 favour what was called the land bank or manufadory 
 fcheniej which was began or rather revived in this year 
 1739, and produced fuch great and lading mifchiefs, that 
 a^articular relation of tlie rife, progrefs and overthrow 
 orit may be of ufe to difcourage and prevent any attempts 
 of the like nature in future ages. By a flrange conduct 
 in the general court, they had been ifluing bills of credit 
 for eight or ten years annually for charges of government, 
 and being willing to eafe each pref^nt y^ar, they had put 
 off the redemption of the bills as far as they could ; but 
 the governor being reftrained by his inftrudion from go- 
 ing beyond the year 1 741, that year was unreafonably 
 loaded with thirty or forty thoufand pounds (terling taxes, 
 which, according to the general opinion of the people, it 
 \vas impoflible to levy, not only on account of the large, 
 fum, but becaufe all the bills in the Province were but 
 jull fyfficient to pay it, and there was very little filver or 
 gold, which by an act of government was allowed to be 
 paid for taxes as equivalent to the bills, A fcheme was 
 laid before the general court by the author of this hiftory, 
 then one of the reprefentatives of Bofton, in which it wa§ 
 propofed to borrow in England upon intereft, and to im- 
 port into the Province, a f\im in filver equal to all the bills 
 then extant, and therewith to redeem them from pofief- 
 fors, and furnifh a currency for the inhabitants, and to 
 repay the filver at diftant periods, which would render 
 the biirden of taxes tolerable by an equal divifion on a 
 number of future years, and would prevent the diflrefs of 
 trade by the lofs of the only inftrument, the bills of credit, 
 without another provided in its place. Bu^ this propofal 
 was rejeded. "One great frailty of human nature, an 
 inability or indifpofition to compare a diftant, though 
 certain inconvenience or diftrefs with a prefent conveni- 
 ence or delight, is faid by feme ftrangers, who come among 
 us from Europe, to be prevalent in Americans, fo as to 
 make it one of their diftjnguifliing charaderiftics. Be 
 that as it may, it is certain that at this time a great »um-= 
 '■^' ' ' ' ■ ■' ^ /"'■ ' ■-■ ■ ' '"' ber 
 
I740.3 MASSACHUSETTS. 353 
 
 ber of private perfons, alleging that the preceding general 
 court having fuffered the Province to be brought into dil- 
 trefs from which it was not in the power of their fiiccef- 
 fors to aflbrd relief, the royal initrudion being a bar to 
 any future eniiffions of bills until all that w^ere then extant 
 fliould be redeemed, refolved to interpofe. Royal inflruc- 
 tions were no bar to the proceedings of private perlbns. 
 The projed of a bank in the year 1714 was revived. 'I'hc 
 projector of that bank now put himfelf at the head of Icv- 
 en or eight hundred perfons, fome few ol rank and good 
 eftate, but generally of low condition among the plebei- 
 ans, and of fmall eflate, and many of them perhaps 
 infolvent. This notable company were to give credit to 
 150,000k lawful money, to be iiiued in bills, each perfon 
 being to mortgage a real eflate in proportion to the fums 
 he fubfcribed and took out, or to give bond with two. 
 fureties, but perfonal feeiirity was not to be taken for 
 more than iqoI. from any one perfon. Ten directors 
 ^nd a treafurer were to be chofen by the company. Kv- 
 ^ry fubfcriber or partner w^as to pay three per cem. interefl 
 for the fum taken out, and five per cent, of the principal ; 
 and he that did not pay bills might pay the produce and 
 inanufadure of the Province at fuch rates as the diredlors 
 from time to time fi:iould fet, and they fliould commonly 
 pafs in lawful money. The pretence was that, by thus 
 furnifhing a medium and inftrument of trade, not only 
 the inhabitants in general would be better able to procure 
 the Province bills of credit for their taxes, but trade, for^ 
 ^ign and inland, would revive and flouriih. The fate 
 of the projeCL was thought to depend upon the opinion 
 which the general court fliould form of it. It was necef- 
 fary therefore to have a houfe of reprefentatives w^ell difr 
 pofed. Befides the eight hundred perlbns fubfcribers, 
 the needy part of the Province in general favoured the 
 fcheme. One of their votes will go as far in popular 
 elections as one of the moil opulent. The former are 
 niofl numerous, and it appeartd that by far the majority 
 9f the reprefentatives for 1740 were fubfcribers to or 
 favourers of the fcheme, and they have ever iince been 
 qiftinguiflied by the name of the land bank houfe. 
 
 Men 
 
354 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 Men of efhates and the principal merchants in the Prov- 
 ince abhorred the project and refufed to receive the bills, 
 but great numbers of Ihop-keepers, who had lived for a 
 long time before upon the fraud of a depreciating curren- 
 cy, and many fmall traders, gave credit to the bills. The 
 .^iredors, it was faid, by a vote of the company, became 
 traders, and ililied juft what bills they thought proper 
 without any fund or fecurity for their ever being redeemed. 
 They purchafed every fort of commodity, ever fo much a 
 drug, for the fake of pulhing off their bills, and by one 
 means or other a large fum, perhaps fifty or fixty thou- 
 sand pounds, was abroad. To leflen the temptation to re- 
 ceive the bills, a company of merchants agreed to iflue 
 their notes, or bills redeemable by filver and gold at difr 
 tant periods, much hke the fcheme in 1733, and attended 
 with no better effed. The governor exerted himfelf to 
 blaft this fraudulent undertaking, the land bank. Not 
 only fuch civil and military officers as were directors or 
 partners, but all who received or paid any of the bills, 
 were difplaced. The governor negatived the perfon cho^ 
 fen fpeaker of the houfe, being a director of the bank, 
 and afterwards negatived thirteen of the Hew-ele6led 
 counfellors who were dire6lors or partners in or, reputed 
 favourers of the fcheme. But all was infufficient to fup^ 
 prefs it. Perhaps the major part, in number, of the in- 
 iiabitants of the Province, openly or fecretly were well- 
 wifliers to it. One of the directors afterwards acknowl- 
 edged to me, that although he entered into the company 
 with a view to the public intereft, yet when he found 
 what power and influence they had in all public concerns, 
 he was convinced it was more than belonged to them, 
 more than they could make a good ufe of, and therefore 
 unwarrantable. Many of the moft fenfible difcreet per- 
 fons in the Province faw a general confufion at hand. 
 The authority of parliament to control all public and pri- 
 vate perfons and proceedings in the colonies was, in that 
 day, queflioned by nobody. Application was therefore 
 made to parliament for an ad to fupprefs the company, 
 which, notwithilanding the oppofition made by their 
 agent, was very eafily obtained, and'thereiji it was declar- 
 ed 
 
1740.] MASSACHUSETTS. 355 
 
 ed that the act of the 6th of king George I. chapter' the 
 eighteenth, did, does and fliall extend to the colonies and 
 plantations in America. It was faid the act of George I, 
 when it palTed, had no relation to America, but another 
 act twenty years after gave it a force even from the paif-? 
 ing it, which it never could have had without. This was 
 fard to be an inlfance of the tranfce^dent power of par ha-, 
 inent. Although the company was dillolved, yet Ihe ad: 
 of parliament gave the polTeffors of the bills a right of 
 ad;ion againfl every partner or director for the fums ex- 
 prefTed with intereft. The company were in a maze. 
 At a general meeting fome, it was faid^ were for running 
 all hazards, although the a<^ fubjected them to a prasmu- 
 nire, but the diredtors had more prudence, and advifed 
 them to declare that they confidered themfelves difTolved, 
 and rnet only to confult upon fome method of redeeming 
 their bills from the poflefTors, which every man engagecl 
 to endeavour in proportion to his intereft, and to pay in 
 to the directors or fome of them to burn or deftroy. Had 
 the company iflued their bills at the value expreffed in the 
 face of them, they would have had no reafon to complain 
 of being obhged to redeern them at the fame rate ; but as 
 this was not the cafe iu general, and many of the poifelfors 
 of the bills had acquired them for half their value, as ex- 
 prelTed, equity could not be done, and fo fiir as refpected 
 the company, perhaps, the parHament was not very anx- 
 ious, the lofs they iuitained being but a juft penalty for 
 their unwarrantable undertaking if it had been properly 
 applied. Had not, the parhament interpofed, the Province 
 would have been in the utmolt confufion, and the author- 
 ity of government entirely in the land bank company. 
 
 Whilft Mr. Belcher, by his vigorous oppofition to the 
 land bank, was rendering hiinfelf obnoxious to one half 
 the people of the Province, mcafures were purfuing in 
 England for his removal from the government. Belides 
 the attempts which we have mentioned from New Hamp- 
 {hire, v/hich had never been laid afide, there had always 
 been a difaffecled party in Maflachufetts who had been 
 ufmg what intereft they had in P^ngland againil him. 
 Lord Wilmington, prefident of the council, the fpeake^ 
 
 of 
 
35^ THE HISTORf OF [Chap. IV, 
 
 of the houfe of cammons, and Sir Charles Wager, firfl 
 lord of the admiralty, all had a favourable opinion of Mr. 
 Belcher, fo had Mr. Holden, who was at the head of the 
 diffenters in England, and all upon one occafion or an- 
 other had appeared for him. 
 
 The mod unfair and indireO: meafures were ufed with 
 each of thefe perfons to render Mr. Belcher obnoxious 
 and odious to them. The firft inftance was feveral years 
 before this time. A letter was Tent to Sir Charles Wager 
 in the name of five perfons whofe hands were counter- 
 feited, with an infmuation that Mr. Belcher encouraged 
 the deflrudion of the pine trees referved for mafts for the 
 navy, and fuffered them to be cut into logs fofi)oards. 
 Forgeries of this for.t ftrike us with more horror than falfe 
 infinu itions in converfation, and perhaps are equally mif- 
 chievous in their efFeds. The latter may appear the lefs 
 criminal becaufe abundantly more common. 
 
 An anonymous letter was fent to Mr. Holden, but the 
 contents of it declared that it was the letter of many of the 
 principal miniders of New England, who were afraid to 
 publifh their names left Mr. Belcher fhould ruin them. 
 The charge againft him was a fecret undermining the 
 congregational intereft in concert with commiiTary Price 
 and dodor Cutler, whilft at the fame time he pretended 
 to Mr. Holden and the other diffenters in England to have 
 it much at heart. To remove fufpicion of fraud, the let- 
 ter was fuperfcribed in writing, either in imitation of doc- 
 tor Colman's hand, a correfpondent of Mr. Holden, or, 
 which is more probable, a cover of one of his genuine 
 letters had been taken off by a perfon^ of not an unblem- 
 ifhed character, to whofe care it was committed,, and made 
 ufeof to inclofe the fpurious one. Truth and right arc 
 more frequently, in a high degree, violated in poHtical 
 contefts and animofities than upon any other occafion. 
 It was well known that nothing would more readily induce 
 a perfon of fo great virtue as the fpeaker to give up Mr. 
 Belcher than an inftance of corruption and bribery. The 
 New Hampfhire agents therefore furnifhed him with the 
 votes of the Maifachufetts alfembly, containing the grant 
 pf 800I. and evidence of the adjournment of New Hamp- 
 
 jQiire 
 
i74o.] MASSACHUSETtS.' 357 
 
 /hire afTembly, alleged to be done in confequence, nor 
 was he undeceived until it was too late. 
 
 Mr. Wilks, the Mailachufetts agent, who was in great 
 efteem with lord Wilmington, and was really a perlon of 
 a fair upright mind, had prevented any impreflions to Mr. 
 Belcher's prejudice ; but it unluckily happened that the 
 land bank company employed Richard rartridQ;e, brother 
 by marriage to Mr. Belcher as their agent. He had been 
 many years agent for his brother, which fact was well 
 known to his lordfhip, but, from an expedlation of obtain- 
 ing the fole agency of the Province by the intered of the 
 prevailing party there, engaged zealoufly in oppoling the 
 petitioners to the houfe of commons, and gave out bilij? 
 at the door of the houle. It was faid that all Mr. Belcher's 
 oppofition to the fcheme, in the Province, was mere pre- 
 tence ; had he been in earnefl:, his agent in England Would 
 never venture to appear in fupport of it, and this was im- 
 proved with lord Wilmington to induce him to give up- 
 Mr. Belcher, and it fucceeded. Still, the remov<il was 
 delayed one week after another, two gentlemen front 
 Mailachufetts continually foliciting. At length,, it being 
 known that lord Eufton's eletlion for Coventry was dubi- 
 ous, one of thefe gentlemen undertook to the duke of 
 Grafton to fecure the election, provided Mr. Belcher 
 might immediately be removed ; and, to accomplifli his 
 defign, he reprefented to Mr. Maltby, a large dealer in 
 Coventry ftuffs and a zealous diifenter, that Mr. Belcher 
 "U'as, with the epifcopal clergy, eonfpiring the ruin of tho 
 congregational intereft in New England, and unlefs he 
 Was immediately removed it would be irrecoverably loft ; 
 that the duke of Grafton had promifed, if lord J^ufton.^s 
 cledion could be fecured, it (hould be done ; that lettei^ 
 to his friends in Coventry would infalHbly. fecure it; that 
 he could not better employ his intereft than in the caufe 
 of God and of religion. MaltUy fwallowed the bait, ufed all 
 his intereft for lord Eufton, the two-gentlemen fpcnt three 
 weeks at Coventry, and having fucceeded, agreeable to 
 the duke's promile Mr. Belcher was removed a day or 
 two after their return. This account I received from- 
 Mr. Maltby himfelf, who lamented that' he had fuffered 
 himfelf to be fo cafily impofed on. A f - - 
 
358 "TEE HISTORY OF [Chap, m 
 
 A few weeks longer delay would have baffled all the 
 fchemes. The news arrived of his negativing thirteeri 
 cDunfeliors and difplacing a great number of officers con- 
 cerned in the land bank, and his 2:eal and fortitude were 
 highly applauded when it was too late. Being in London 
 at this time, I had opportunity of fully informing myfelf 
 of thefe fads. Certainly, in public employments no man 
 ought to be condemned from the reports or accufations 
 of a party without a fufficient opportunity given him to 
 exculpate himfelf, a plantation governor efpecially, whoj 
 be he without guile, or a conlummate poHtician, will 
 infallibly have a greater or leifer number difalfeded 
 to him. 
 
 Mr. Shirley, fucGeflbr to Mr. Belcher, was a gentle- 
 man of Sullex, bred in the law, and had been in office in 
 the city^ but having profped of a numerous offsprings 
 was advifed to remove to Bollon in Malfachufetts, where 
 he had refided fix or eight years and acquired a general 
 efteem, and if there mud be a change, it was faid to be 
 as acceptable to have it in his favour as any perfori 
 \vhofoever* His lady was then in London, and had ob^ 
 tained the promife of the colledor's place for the port of 
 Boflon, and would have preferred it to the government ; 
 but a llrong interefl: being made for Mr. Frankland, fmce 
 Sir Henry Frankland, there was no way of providing 
 for both, except by giving the government to Mr. Shirley* 
 
 The news came to Boflon the firfl week in July- Mr. 
 Shirley was at Providence in Rhode Ifland government, 
 council for MafTachufetts before a court of commiffioners 
 appointed to fettle the line between the two governments* 
 As I was not then in America and the records of that time 
 are burnt, I cannot give fo particular an account of the 
 proceedings ofthofe commiffioners as otherwife I fhould 
 have done. It is certain, that for divers years paft the 
 only part in controverfy between the two governments 
 was a fmall gore of land between Attleborough in MafTa- 
 chufetts and the old townlhip of Providence. A great 
 part of the Maffachufetts affembly wifhed it might be ceded 
 to Rhode Ifland, but a few tenacious men, who do not 
 always regard confequeaces, influenced a majority againft 
 
 it. 
 
1741.] MASSACHUSETTS. ^^^ 
 
 it. Beficks a fettlement made by commiffioners in 1664- 
 or 6^^ another fettlement had been made or the: old one 
 confirmed in 1708, but Rhode Ifland, encouraged by the 
 ill fuccefs of Maflachufetts in. the controverTy with Ne^v 
 Hampfhire, applied to his majeily to appoint commillion- 
 ers to fettle the line between the two governments. The 
 confent or fubmiflion of Maflachufetts to fuch appoint- 
 ment was not thought necellury, and, if they would not 
 appear, the commiflioners were to proceed ex partc^ 
 The Maflachufetts alfembly thought proper to appear by 
 their committee, having no appreheufions the controverfy 
 would turn, in the judgment of the commillioners, upon 
 a point never before relied upon, viz. that the colony of 
 New Plymouth having no charter from the crown, Rhode 
 Ifland charter mud be th-e fole rule of determining the 
 boundary, although the patent from the council of Plym- 
 outh to Bradford and aflbciaLes was prior to it. The" 
 colony of New Plymouth was a government de faBoy and 
 confidered by king Charles as fuch in his letters and or- 
 ders to them before and after the grant of Rhode Kland; 
 charter, and, when the incorporatioii was made of New 
 Plymouth with MaiTachufetts, &c. the natural and legal 
 conftrudion of the Province charter feems to be that it 
 fhould have relation to the time when the feveral govern- 
 ments incorporated refpectively, in fact, became govern- 
 ments. A gentleman of the council of New York had great 
 influence at the board of commlflloners. The argument 
 which had been made ufe of in former controverfies, that 
 Maflachufetts was too extenfive, and the other govern- 
 ments they were contending with, of which New York 
 was one, were too contradled, w^as now revived. To the 
 furprife of Maflachufetts, a line was determined which 
 not only took from them the gore formerly \\\ difpute,. 
 but the towns of Bridol, Tiverto'n and Little Compton, 
 and great part of Swanzey and Barrington.* An appeal 
 Was claimed and allowed to his majeily in council, where, 
 after lying four or five years, the decree of the court of 
 commiflioners was confirmed. In the profecution and. 
 defence of this title, it has been faid, that fome material 
 
 evidence- 
 
 * All this country was conquered by MafTachufetts and Plymouth from Pkili^ 
 *r4, to prevent d>fpute, wa* cxi>rcf>!y graatsd to Plymouth by Charles IL- 
 
56d THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IT.. 
 
 evidence was never produced which would have fupport- 
 ed the Mailachuletts claim. 
 
 Mr. Shirley found the afFairs of the Province in a per- 
 plexed llate. The treafury was Oiut and could npt be open- 
 ed without fonie deviation from the royal inilru£lions ; 
 the bills of credit were reduced, and nothirig fubteuted 
 as a currency in their ftead ; the land bank party carried 
 every point in the houfe, there feemed to be a necellitjr 
 of fecuring them, the great art was to bring them over 
 to his meafures and yet not give in to their meafures io 
 as to lofe his intereft with the reft of the Province and' 
 w>ith the miniftry in England. Some of the principal of 
 them, who knew their own importance, w'ere willing to 
 have fome affurance of favour from him, at the fame 
 time they engaged' to do every thing to ferve him. The 
 firfl; flep, on their part, was the advancement of the gov- 
 ernor's falary to the full value of loool. flerling per an- 
 nunii This had been m oft unjuflifiably evaded all the lat- 
 ter part of Mr. Belcher's adminiilration, by granting a funl 
 in bills of credit without a due regard to their deprecia- 
 tion. Mi'. Kilby, who had been very a£tive for Mr; Shir- 
 ley's interefl and againlf Mr. Belcher, in England, was 
 chofen agent for the Province in England^ and Mr. Wilks^ 
 who had been agent the whole of the lall adminiftration, 
 was laid afide; Mr. Auchmuty, who li^id been one of the 
 land bank directors, was joined with Mr. Kilby in the 
 affair of the Rhode Ifland line. A grant of about 200I. 
 fieri iiig was made to John Sharpe, efquire, for hh account 
 of charge in defending Mr. Belcher againft New Hamp- 
 fhire's complaint to the king in council. This had beeil 
 repeatedly refufed in Mr. Belcher's time, which gave 
 great offence to Mr. Sharpe. It was thought extraordi- 
 nary that Mr. Shirley fliould make it a point with the 
 land bankers that this debt for his predecefTor fhoutd be 
 paid ; but to take Mr. Sharpe off from Mr. Belcher and 
 engage him for Mr. Shirley, the friends and folicitors for 
 the latter in England had engaged that if he was appoint- 
 ed governor Mr. Sharpens account fliould be paid. 
 
 But the grand atTair to fettle was that of the bills of 
 credit. The iniiruction was exprefs not to confent to 
 
 any 
 
i74i.] MASSACHUSETTS. 36! 
 
 any a£l which fhould continue the bills beyond the time 
 fixed for their being brought in. If this was complied 
 with, a tax mufl have been made for the whole fum extant 
 in that year 1741. This, it was faid, would be a burden that 
 the people would nevet bear. Mr. Shirley was lenfiblc that 
 the intent of his inflrudion v/as the prevention of a de- 
 preciating currency. No matter how large a fum in bills 
 was current if their value could be fecured. If the fpirit 
 of the inflrudion could be preferved, an exact conformity 
 to the letter would not be required. Every fchem.e for fix- 
 ing the value of the bills had failed. A new projecl was re- 
 ported by a committee of the houfe and accepted, and after- 
 wards concurred by the coun-cii and confented to by the gov- 
 ernor. This was a fcheme to eftablifli an ideal meafure in all 
 trade and deahngs, let the inflrument be what it would. The 
 acl which pafTed the court declared that all contracts fliould 
 be underifood payable in filver at 6/.SiL the ounce, or gold 
 in proportion. Bills of a new form Were ifaied, 20/'! of 
 which expreffed in the face of the bill three ounces of 
 fdver, and they were to be received accordingly in all 
 public and private payments, with this faving, that, if 
 they fliould depreciate in their value, an addition fliould 
 be made to all debts as much as the depreciation from 
 the time of contract to the time of payment. Hov/ to af- 
 certain the depreciation from time to time was the great 
 difficulty in framing the ad. To leave it to a common 
 jury would never do. There was fome doubt whether a 
 houfe of reprefentatives would be v/holly unbiaiTed. At 
 length it was agreed that the eldeft counfellor in each 
 County fhould meet once a year and afcertain the depre- 
 ciation. This is faid to have been the fchem.e of colonel 
 Stoddard of Northampton, a gentleman of good fenfe 
 and great virtue, who probably faw the defeds, but hoped 
 to fubftitute a lefTer evil in the place of a greater. 
 
 This at bed muft have been a very partial cure. It did 
 not prevent the lofs from the depreciation of the bills in 
 thofe perfons' hands through which they were continually 
 paffmg. All debts, which were contracted and paid be- 
 tween the periods when the value of the bills were fixed 
 annually, could not be affected bv fuch fisSnz ; and un- 
 VoL. IL Z ' lefs 
 
^6^ THE HISTORY OF [Cha?. IV, 
 
 lefs in debts of long ftaiiding, which the debtor could not 
 pay v/ithout an attion at law, demand was not ordinarily 
 made for depreciation ; and what rendered it of little 
 eited: in all other cafes, the counfellors appointed to efli- 
 mate the depreciation never had firmneis enough in any 
 inflance to make the full allowance, but when filver and 
 exchange had rofe 20 per cent, or more, an addition was 
 made of four or five only. The popular cry was againft ' 
 it, and one year when Nathaniel Hubbard, efquire, the 
 {^Ideft counfellor for the county of Briflol, a gentleman 
 of amiable charader, and who filled the feveral pofts he 
 fiiftained with applaufe, en'deavoured to approach nearer 
 to a juil allowance than had been made in former years, 
 he felt the refentment of the houfe, who left him out of 
 the council the next elecl:ion. In ihort, the ad neither 
 prevented the depreciation of the bills, nor afforded relief 
 m cafe of it, and was of no other fervice than to ferve as a 
 warning, when an ad palTed for the eftabiiihing a fixed 
 currency a few years after, to leave nothing to be done 
 by any perfcn or bodies of men, or even future legiflatures, 
 to give the ad its defigned efi'ed, but in the ad itfelf to 
 make full provifion for its execution in every part. 
 
 Even this ttd, which with its fair appearance juftified 
 Mr. Shirley in departing from his inftrudion, and afford- 
 ed a fupply of the treaiury for the payment of debts and 
 future lupport of government, could not have been ob- 
 tained if he had not prevailed with the land bank party, 
 contrary to the inclinations of many of them^ to join in 
 promoting it, . 
 
 He made them return, by confenting to any new elec- 
 tions that were made of any of them into the council, by 
 reiloring now and then one and another to the polls they 
 had been deprived of, which, though it was done by de- 
 crees, cavued many who condemned the land bank and 
 all who were concerned in it, to be very free in their cen- 
 fures upon hirfi. 
 
 But the great favour they expeded was relief from the 
 ■feverity of the ad of parliament. This was to be touch- 
 ed with great tendernefs and delicacy. Every perfon con- 
 cerned was liable to the demands of the poffeffors of the 
 
 bills. 
 
1741.] MASSACHUSETTS. 2>^^ 
 
 bills. If large demands fhould be made upon any partic- 
 ular perfons, it fecmed but jufl that the reft fhould contrib- 
 ute their proportion ; but no demand was given by the 
 act to one partner againfl another in fuch cafe. A bill 
 was therefore prepared with aprofefTed defign to carry the 
 a(5t of parliament equitably into execution. Three com^ 
 miflioners were appointed by the bill, with power to tax 
 all who had been concerned in the fcheme in proportion 
 to their interefl in it, and with the monies thus raifed to 
 redeem the company's bills from the poffefibrs, and after 
 the redemption' of the bills to make an equitable adjuft- 
 ment between the members and the company. Great 
 care was taken to avoid all oppofitlon to the a6l: of 
 parliament ; Mr. Shirley, however, did not think proper 
 to fign the bill until he had fent a copy of it to England, 
 and received direclions concerning it. After it had paif- 
 ed both houfcs, to oblige the principal land bankers, he 
 continued the fefTion of the court by long repeated adjourn- 
 ments many m^onths, and before the expiration of the year 
 gave his confent to the bill. Having thus fecured a con- 
 fiderable party in the government without lofmg thofe 
 who had been in oppofition to them, he rendered his ad- 
 miniftration eafy, and generally obtained from the afTem- 
 bly fuch matters as he recommended to them. . 
 
 From the Spanifli war in 1740, a French war was ex- 
 pected every year to follow. Caftle William, the key of 
 the Province, was not only effedually repaired, but a new 
 battery of tv\'enty forty-two-pounders, which takes the 
 name of Shirley battery, was added to the works, with a 
 larger magazine than any before, and a large fupply of 
 powder, all at the expenfe of the Province. Thke cannon, 
 mortars, fliot and other (lores were the bounty of the 
 crown. The forts upon the frontiers were alfo put into 
 good order, and upon a reprefentation from Mr. Mafca- 
 rene, commander in cliief at Annapolis in Nova Scotia, of 
 the defencelefs ftate of that Province and the danger they 
 were in from the enemy, Mr. Shirley, in 1 744, prevailed 
 upon the Manachufetts aifembly to vote pay, kc. for two 
 hundred men which were fent there, and who were the 
 probable means of faving that country from, falling into 
 the enemy's hands. -d,,^ 
 
364 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. TV, 
 
 But the great event In this adminlRration was the fiege 
 and redudlion of Louifbourg. Canfo had been furprifed 
 and taken by nine hundred men under Duvivier from 
 LouifbouTg,* before the war with Fra;nce was known at 
 Eofton.f With another party, Duvivier made an attempt 
 the fame fummer upon Annapohs, but was difappointed. 
 Many of our velfels had been taken by the French men- 
 of-war and privateers and carried intb Louifbourg. The 
 fiihermen had no intention to go upon their voyages the 
 next fumm'er,"and every branch of trade, it was luppofed, 
 mull be carried on by vellels under cohvoy. It was the 
 general voice, in the fall of the year, that Louifbourg mull 
 be taken, but nobody fuppofed that the united force of 
 the colonies could take it ; application mail be made to 
 his majefly for fea and land forces fuflRcient for the pur- 
 pofe. As winter approached, it began to be fuggelled 
 that it v/as not improbable the place might be furprifed or 
 taken by a mip du main^ the. inhabitarits and garrifon be- 
 ing fliut up within the v/alis. Some of the garrifon of 
 Canfo, who had been prifoners, and v^ho profefled to be 
 well acquainted wrth the fortifications and garrifon at 
 Louifbourg, favoured this opinion, and declared that in 
 winter the fnow often lay in dj'ifts or banks againff a par- 
 ticular part of the wall, where there were no embrazures 
 nor any cannon mounted ; that the cruft would bear a 
 man's weight, and, in that part at leaft, the walls might 
 be fcaled, and perhaps by the help of ladders It would 
 not be diilicult in Other parts ; that the grand battery, in- 
 tended for defence in cafe of an attack by fea, would not 
 be capable of long refif^ing if attacked by land. Mr. 
 Vaughan,]; w^ho had been a trader at Louifbourg, was very 
 fanguine alfo that the place might be taken by furprife, 
 and it was generally agreed that if they fhould be rnifla- 
 ken yet it w'ould not be poflible for the enemy, who were 
 fcant of provifions, to fland a fiege until the time the fup- 
 plies ufually arrived to them from France ; and, to prevent 
 any chanGe-vefTels from entering, a fufficient naval force 
 
 might 
 
 * May 13, I?44. 
 
 f June ?d. war proclaimed at Bofton. 
 
 \ Mr. Vaughan was called the projc(ftor of the expedition. It is probable he 
 laid before the governor a propofal for it, and it is certain he took great pains tt 
 • jndu'je the people to think favourably of it. 
 
1744.] MASSACHUSETTS. 365 
 
 might be provided to cruife before the harbour. Whilfl this 
 y/as the converfation abroad, Mr. Shirley was diligently in- 
 quiring of thofe perfons who had been traders and of oth- 
 ers who had been priibners there, into the condition of 
 the place, the ufual time for the arrival of fupplies from 
 Europe, the practicability of cruifing off the harbour, &c. 
 He had before wrote to the miniftry, and repreftnted the 
 neceflity of a naval force early in the fpring, for the prcl- 
 ervation of Annapolis. If this fhould arrive he might be 
 able to prevail with the commander to cover our forces 
 with it. Commodore Warrea was with feveral fhips at 
 the Leeward Iflands. It was poflible, when he was ac- 
 quainted with the expedition^ he would come with or 
 fend part of his force to (Irengthen it. Thefe were the 
 only chances for a naval flrength fufficient to cope with a 
 fmgle capital French fliip that might be bound to Louii- 
 bourg in the fpring. The miniftry, indeed, would bv 
 €xprefs be immediately acquainted with the expedition, if 
 engaged in^ but Europe w^as at too great diftance to expect 
 timely aid from thence. The plan of the expedition was, 
 a land force of four thoufand m.en in fmall tranfports to 
 proceed to Canfo, and the firft favourable opportunity to 
 land at Chapeaurouge-bay, with cannon, mortars, ammu- 
 nition and warlike (lores, ancj all other neceffaries for car- 
 rying on a fiege j and to prevent a fiipply of provifion and 
 ftores to the enemy, feveral veifels were to cruife oft tiic 
 harbour of Louilbourg, as foon as the feafon of the year 
 would permit. An eftimate w^as made of all the naval 
 force which could be procured in this and the neighbour- 
 ing colonies, the largelt veflel not exceeding twenty guns. 
 With this land and lea force, it v/as faid there was a good 
 chance for fuccefs, and if the men-of-war fhould arrive, 
 which there was good reafon to hope for, there was all 
 imaginable grounds to depend upon the reduction of the 
 place. The general court being fitting the beginning of 
 January, the governor fent a melTage to the two houfes to 
 let them know he had fomething to communicate to them 
 of very great importance, but of fuch a nature that the 
 publiihing it, before they fhould come to any refolutioii 
 ;Upon it, might wholly defeat the defign ; he therefore 
 
 defired 
 
366 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 defired they would lay themfelves under an oath of fecre- 
 cy for fuch time as each houfe fhould think proper. 
 This they did, although it was the firfl inftance in the 
 houfe of reprefentatives, without any fcruple, and then 
 he communicated to them his propofed plan of the expe- 
 dition. Many of the members, who had heard little or 
 nothing of the converfation upon the fubjed, were ftruck 
 with amazement at the propolal. The undertaking they 
 thought to be vaftly too great, if there was a rational prof- 
 peft of fuccefs. However, in deference to the recommen- 
 dation of the governor, a committee of the two houfes 
 were appointed to confider the propofal. Here, the 
 propofal v/as for fever^^l days deliberated and weighed, 
 Louifbourg, if left in the hands of the French, would 
 infallibly prove the Dunkirk of New England ; their trade 
 had always been inconfiderable, their hfhery was upon the 
 decline, and for feveral years pad: they had bought hfh of 
 the Englifh at Canfo cheaper than they could catch and 
 cure it themfelves, both trade and fiiliery they might well 
 lay afide, and by privateering enrich themfelves with the 
 fpoils of New England ; and to all thefe dangers was 
 added that of lofmg Nova Scotia, which v/ould caufe an 
 increafe of fix or eight thoufand enemies in an inftant. 
 The garrifon of Louifbourg was difafFeded, provifions 
 were leant, the works mouldering and decayed, the gov- 
 ernor an old man unflvilled in the art of war ; this there- 
 fore was the only time for fuccefs, another year the place 
 wDuld be impregnable. We had nothing to fear from 
 the forces at Louifbourg ; before additional ftrength 
 could arrive from France they would be forced to furren- 
 der. We had, it muft be owned, no fhips of ftrength 
 fufFicient to match the French men-of-war, unlefs, perhaps, 
 a fmgle fhip fhould fall in by herfelf, and in that cafe five 
 or fix of ours might be a match for h?r ; but there was 
 no probability of men-of-war fo early, and it was very 
 probable Englifli men-of-war from Europe or the Weft 
 Indies v,'ould arrive before them. There was always un- 
 certainty in v/ar, a rifk muft be run : if v/e failed we 
 fhould be able to grapple with the difappointment, 
 although we fliould bear the whole expenfe j but 
 
 if 
 
I745-] MASSACHUSETTS. 3^7 
 
 if we fucceetled, not only the ccafts of New England 
 would be free from moleflation, but fo glorious an acqui- 
 fition would be of the greateft importance to Great Brit* 
 ain and might give peace to Europe, and we might de- 
 pend upon a reimburfement of the whole charge we had 
 been at. 
 
 On the other hand it was replied, that we had better 
 fuffer in our trade than by fo expenfive a meafiire deprive 
 ourfelves of ail means of carrying on any future trade ; 
 that we were capable of annoying them in their filhery 
 as much as they could annoy us in ours, and in a ihori 
 time both fides would be willing to leave the fifhery un- 
 moiefted ; that the accounts given of the works and the 
 garrifon at Louifbourg could not be depended upon, and 
 it was not credible that any part of the walls Ihouki be 
 unguarded and expofed to furprife ; that inftances of dlC- 
 affection rifing to mutiny were rare, and but few inftances 
 were to be met with in hidory where fuch expectation has 
 not failed. The garrifon at Louifbourg confided of reg- 
 ular experienced troops, who, though unequal in number, 
 would be more than a match in open field for all the raw 
 unexperienced militia which could be fent from Ne\Y 
 England ; that twenty cruifers at that feafon of the year 
 would not prevent fupplies going into the harbour, it be- 
 ing impoOible to keep any ftation for any length of time, 
 and the weather being frequently fo thick, that a venel 
 was not to be difcovered at a quarter of a mile's diftance ; 
 that there was no room to expe6l any men-of-war for 
 the cover of our troops ; that if only one lixty-gun du'p 
 fhould arrive from France, or the French illands, ihe 
 would be more than a match for all the armed veifels we 
 could provide, cur tranfports at Chapeaurouge-bay would 
 be every one deilroyed, and the army upon Cape-Breron 
 obliged to fubmit to the niercy of the French ; that we 
 fliould be condemned in England for engaging in fuch 
 an afRiir without their diredion or approbation, and v/e 
 fnould be no where pitied, our misfortunes proceeding 
 from our own raOi and wild meafureG. To thefe argu- 
 ments were added the uncertainty of rainng a fufBcient 
 .number of men, or gf beinj able to procure provifions, 
 
 warlii^e 
 
568 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 warlike ftores and tranfports, difcouragement from the 
 feafon of the year, when frequently, for many days to- 
 gether, no bufmefs could be done out of doors. Money 
 indeed could be furnilhed, or bills of credit in lieu of it, 
 but the infallible confequence would be the fmking the 
 value of the whole currency, to what degree no man, 
 could determine, but probably in proportion to. the fum 
 iffued ; and finally, if we fhould fucceed, a general na- 
 tional benefit would be the confequence, in which we 
 fiiould be but fmall fharers, and far fliort of the vaft ex- 
 penfe of treafure, and perhaps of lives in obtaining it j 
 and if vjq failed, fuch a fhock would be given to the Prov- 
 ince, that half a century would not recover us to our 
 prefent ftate. After mature deliberation, a majority of 
 the committee disapproved the propofal, and their report 
 was accepted, and for a few days all thoughts of the ex- 
 pedition with the members of the court were laid afide. 
 In the mean time, the governor, who wiflied his propofal 
 had been agreed to, but did not think it proper to prefs it 
 any further by meffage or by privately urging the mem- 
 bers, either directed or encouraged the carrying about a 
 petition which was figned by many of the merchants in 
 the town of Bofton, but principally by thofe of Saleni 
 and Marblehead, direded to the houfe of reprefentatives, 
 or to the two ho\ifes, praying, for reafons fet forth, among 
 others the faving th° fifliery from ruin, they would re- 
 confider their vote, and agree to the governor's propofal 
 of an expedition againfc Louiibourg. A fecond com- 
 mittee, appointed upon this petition, reported in favour 
 of it,* and the 26th of January their report came before 
 the houfe, who fpent the day in debating it, and at night 
 a vote was carried in favour of it by a majority of one 
 voice only. Never was any affair deliberated upon with 
 greater calmnefs and moderation ; the governor indeed 
 laid the affair before the court, but left the members free 
 to aft their judgment without any folicitationi> and there 
 appeared no other divifion than what was caufed by a 
 real difference in opinion upon the true intereft of the 
 Province. Thp 
 
 * It v/as accompanied with a mefTage from the governor recommending it, and 
 defivinj they wcuiu hear the pcrfons from whom he had received his intelligence. 
 
I745-J MASSACHUSETTS. 369 
 
 The point once fettled, there was immediately a union 
 of both parties in the necelTary meafures for carrying the 
 defign into execution, thofe who had oppofed it before 
 being employed upon committees, and exeriing thcmfclvos 
 with zeal equal to that of the principal promorers. An 
 embargo was laid upon every harbour in tlie Province, 
 and meflengers were immediately difpatched to the fev- 
 eral governments, as far as Pennfylvania, to entreat an 
 embargo on their ports, and that they would join in the 
 expedition. All excufed them.felve3 from ai:y ihare in 
 the adventure, except Connedicut, who agreed to raife 
 five hundred men. New HampHiire three hundred, 
 and Rhode Ifland three hundred. Conneclicut and 
 Rhode Ifland alfo confenrcd their colony floops Ihould be 
 employed as cruifers. A fmall privateer fliip, about tv;o 
 hundred tons, and a fnow of leis burden, belonging to 
 Ncv/port, were hired there by Maflachufetts, a nev/ fnow 
 captain Roufe, a fnip, captain Snelling, were taken into 
 the fervice at Boilion, which, with a fnow, captain Smeth- 
 urft, and a brig, captain Fletcher, three Hoops, captains 
 Sanders, Donahew and Bofch, and a fliip of twenty guns, 
 purchafed on the (locks, captain Tyng the commodore, 
 made the whole naval force. 
 
 From the day the vote paiTed until the place was redu- 
 ced, a feries of favourable incidents contributed to our 
 fuccefs. They will be obvious enough in the courfe of 
 the narrative, and will not require being fpecially remark- 
 ed. The time for preparing was fliort. I'he winter prov- 
 ed fo favourable, that all forts of out-door bufinefs v/as 
 carried on as well and with as great difpatch a-^ at any 
 other feafon of the year. In the appointment of a gen- 
 eral officer, one qualification was confidered as efl'ential, 
 that he (hould be acceptable to the body of the people ; 
 the enliftment depended upon this circumllance. It was 
 not eafy to find a perfon, thus qualified, willing to accept 
 -the truft. Colonel Pepperell, having the ofier from the 
 governor, was rather prelTed into the fervice than volun- 
 tarily engaged. Befides a very great landed interefl, he 
 was largely concerned in mercantile affairs, which mufl 
 peceffarily fuffcr by his abfence, and this being generally 
 
 known 
 
370 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 known had no fmall influence, from the example, with 
 inferior officers and even private foldiers, to quit their 
 lefler ailaii s, for a feafon, for the fervice of their country. 
 Many of the private foldier3 were freeholders, and many 
 more fons of weakhy farmers, who could have no other 
 views in confenting to the enliftment of their children 
 than the public intereft. 
 
 Mr. Shirley had fet his heart fo much upon the expe^ 
 dition, that many points were conceded by him which he 
 would not have given up at any other time, and the peo- 
 ple of the Province fubmitted to cornpuliory meafures 
 from the government, which at another time would have 
 been grievous and not very patiently borne. Such 6ffi«. 
 cers v/ere nominated by the governor as the people pro- 
 pofed or called for, becaufe they wei-j mofl likely to enlift 
 men. inilead of a commiflary general, an officer appoint- 
 ed by the governor, a committee of war was chofen by 
 the two houfes out of their own members. Nothing 
 further was heard of the royal inflrudion againfl bills of 
 credit. Such fums as the fervice called for, and to be 
 redeemed at fuch periods as the houfe thought proper, 
 wei'e confented to by the governor. It foon appeared 
 that thefe fums would vaftiy exceed what had been com- 
 puted, and many declared that, had a right edimate been 
 made, they fliould never have voted for the expedition, 
 but it was now too late to go back. It was found alfo, 
 that tranfports and veifels of war could not be engaged 
 unlefs the government would become infurers, which, 
 although it occafioned no additional expenfe at firft, yet, 
 in cafe of ill fuccefs, would greatly increafe the pub^ 
 lie debt and dillrefs. The committee of war were like- 
 wife convinced that a fufficiency of provifions, clothing 
 and w^ariike (lores could not be procured within the Prov- 
 ince. Whofoever was polTefled of any of thefe- articles, 
 by an a6t or order of government his property was fub- 
 jected to the committee, who fet fuch price as they judg- 
 ed equitable, and upon refufal to deliver, entered ware- 
 houfes, cellars, &c. by a warrant for that purpofe to the 
 fheriff, and took poifeilion. In the courfe of the prep- 
 aration^ many vciTels unexpc£kdly arrived with more or 
 
 lef« 
 
I745-] MASSACHUSETTS. 37, 
 
 lefs of each of thcfc articles, and after all, the army was 
 poorly enough provided. Ten cannon, eighteen-pound- 
 ers, were obtained upon loan, not without dilliculty, from 
 • New York, otherwife Mr. Shirley himfelf fccmed to dcubt 
 \i'hether we could proceed. Some dependence wa^ pla- 
 ced upon cannon from the grand battery, but this was 
 too manifelt a difpofal of the fkin before the bear was 
 caught. By force of a general exertion in all orders of 
 men, the armament was ready, and the general, on board 
 the Shirley fnow, captain Roufe, with the tranfports un- 
 der her convoy, failed from Nantarket the 24th of March, 
 and arrived at Canfo the 4th of April. The MalLichu- 
 fetts land forces confided of three thoufand two hundred 
 and fifty men, exclufive of commiflion officers, 'i'he New 
 IlampQiire forces, three hundred and four, incluiling ofh- 
 cers, arrived four days before. Connecticut, being five 
 hundred and fixteen, inclufive, did not arrive until the 
 25th. The deputy governor of the colony, Roger Wol- 
 cot, efquire, had the command, and was the fecond oili^ 
 cer in the army. Rhode IHand waited until a better judg- 
 ment could be m.ade of the event, their three hundred 
 not arriving until after the place had furrendered. The 
 23d of March, an exprefs boat fent to commodore War* 
 ren in the Weft Indies returned to Bofton. As this was 
 a provincial er^jpedition, without orders from England, 
 and as his fmall fquadron had been weakened by the lofs 
 of tl\e Weymouth, Mr. Warren excufed himfelf from any 
 concern in the affair. This anfwer m.uft neceffarily ftrike 
 a damp into the governor, as well as the general and brig- 
 adier Waldo, then next in comm.and, who Vv'ere the only 
 perfons in the army made privy to it before the fleet failed. 
 Several of the cruifmg veflels failed the middle of March, 
 but they could be no protedion to the army againft two 
 capital Ihips : if they intercepted fmall veflels it was the 
 moll tha-t was cxpecled. A block-houfe with eight cannon 
 was built at Canfo. Whether fome good reafon would 
 not have been given for proceeding no further than Can- 
 fo, if there had been a difappointment in the expefled 
 jundion of men-of-war from the feveral quarters to which 
 notice of the expedition had been fent, may well enough 
 
 be 
 
372 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV, 
 
 be made a queflion. Mr. Shirley hoped, if the redu6lion 
 of Louifboiirg was not effedted, at lead Canfo would be 
 regained. Nova Scotia preferyed, the French hfhery broke 
 up, and the New England and Newfoundland filheries re- 
 flored. But on the 23d of April, to the great joy of the 
 army, arrived at Ganfo the Eltharn of forty guns, frorn 
 New England, by order from Mr. Warren, and on th^ 
 23d the commodore himfelf, in the Superb of fixty guns, 
 with the Launcefton and Mermaid of forty each, arrived 
 alfo. This gav.e great fpirits to all who had the fuccefs of 
 the expedition at heart ; for although this was not a naval 
 force to enter the harbour or annoy the forts, yet it wa$ 
 a cover to the army and equal to any expecied force from 
 France. It feems that, in two or three days after the ex- 
 prefs failed from the Well Indies for Bofton, the Hind 
 fioop brought orders to Mr. Warren to repair to Boflon, 
 with what Ihips could be fpared, and to concert meafures 
 with Mr. Shirley for his majefly's general feryice in North 
 America. Upon the pafTage* to Bofton, the commodore 
 received intelligence that the fleet had failed for Canfo, 
 and meeting with a fchooner at feaf he fent her to Bofton, 
 to acquaint Mr. Shirley that he would proceed to Canfo, 
 and at the fame time fent orders to any ftiips which might 
 be in thefe feas to join him. The Elthani was aftually 
 under fail with the maft fleet, when an exprefs fent from 
 Bofton \yith the commodore's orders arrived at Portf- 
 mouth in New Hampftiire, but being followed and over- 
 taken by a boat, the captain ordered his convoy into port 
 again, and failed for Canfo. After a ftiort confultation 
 with the general, the men-of-war failed to cruif^s before 
 Louifbourg. The cruifers, before this, had intercepted 
 feveral fmall veiTels bound in there with Weft India goods 
 aud provifions, and had engaged the Renommee,| a 
 French fliip of thirty-fix guns fent from France with dif- 
 patches, and who kept a running-fight vv'ith our velTels for 
 fome time, being able with eafe to outfail them, and after 
 
 two 
 
 * April 1 2th. 
 
 I An excellent pilot, v/ho had efcaped for fear of being; prefled into the fervice, 
 happened to be on board this fchooner. The commodore took him out, and it is 
 faid would not have ventured without him. The Vigilant mufi. then have get intf 
 LouilDouro;, and pedvaps have defeated the v.'hole defi^n. 
 
 1 AprifiSth. 
 
1745-] MASSACiiUsfiTtS. 373 
 
 two or three attempts to enter the harbour, went back to 
 France, to give an account of what Ihe had met with. 
 She fell in with the Connedlicut troops, under convoy of 
 their own and the Rhode Ifland colony Hoops, both which 
 (he had Itrength enough to have carried, but after feme 
 damage to the Rhode Ifland floop, fhe went her way^ 
 The forces landed at Chapeaurouge-bay the 30th of April. 
 The tranfports were difcovered, eariy in the morning, 
 from the town, which was the firft knowledge of any de- 
 fign againfl them. The cruifers had been feen every fair 
 day before the harbour, but thefe were fuppofcd to be 
 privateers in fearch after their trading and filliing velfels. 
 The night before, it is faid, there was a grand ball at the 
 fort, and the company had fcarce been allecp when they 
 "^vere called up by an alarm. Bouladrie, a French officer, 
 was fent with one hundred and fifty men to oppofe the 
 landing, but the general making a feint ot landing at one 
 place, drew the detachment there, and this opportunity 
 was taken for landing one hundred men at another place 
 without oppofition, although they were ibon after attack- 
 ed by the detachment^ fix of which were killed on the 
 fpot, and about as many more, with Bouladrie their lead- 
 er, were taken prifoners ; the relt fled to the town, or 
 they would foon have fallen into the hands of our men, 
 who were landing faft one upon the back of another. 
 
 The next morning after they landed, four hundred men 
 marched round to the north-eall harbour, behind the 
 hills, fetting fire to all the houfes and Itore-houfes, until 
 they came within a mile of the grand battery. Some of 
 the ftore-houfes having in them pitch, tar, and other com- 
 buftible (tuff, caufed fuch a thick fmoke, that the garrifon 
 w^ere unable to difcover an enemy, though but a few roods 
 diftant ; and expeding the body of the army upon them, 
 they deferted the fort, having thrown their powder into a 
 well, but leaving the cannon and fhot for the fervice of 
 the Ervghfh. A fmall party, of lefs than twenty Engiifh, 
 firft came up to the battery, and difcovering no figns of 
 men, fufpeded a plot and were afraid to enter ; at length, 
 it is faid, a Cape-Cod Indian went in alone, and difcover- 
 ed the ftatc of it to the reft of the party, juft as fome of 
 
 the 
 
374 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 the French were re-hmdiiig in order to regain the poftef- 
 fioii of it. 
 
 The army found they had near two miles to tranfport 
 their cannon, mortars, fhot, kc. through a morafs. 
 This nuiii; be done by mere dint of labour. Such of the 
 men as had been ufed to drawing pine trees for mafls, 
 and thofe v/ho had the hardieft and ftrongeft bodies, were 
 employed in this fervice. Horfes and oxen would have 
 been buried in mud and were of no ufe. Brigadier Wal- 
 do had the command of the grand battery. The French 
 kept firing upon the battery from the town as well as 
 from the ifland battery, but to little purpofe, the town 
 being near two thoufand yards diftant and the ifland 
 about fiXteen hundred. A conftant fire was kept from 
 ihe grand battery upon the town with the forty-two- 
 pounders. This greatly damaged the houfes, but Caufed 
 io great an expenie of pov^der that it w^as thought advife^ 
 able to ftop and leferve it for the fafcine batteries. Five 
 of thefe were eredled, the lafl the 20th of May, called 
 Tidcomb's* battery, with five forty-two-pounders, which 
 did as great execution as any. Our men knew nothing 
 of regular approaches, they took the advantage of the 
 night, and when they heard Mr. Bafiide's propofals for 
 zigzags and epaulements, they made merry with the terms 
 and went on, void of art, in their own natural way. 
 Captain Fierce, a brave officer, (landing at one of thefe 
 batteries had his bowels Ihot away by a cannon ball, and 
 lived juft long enough to fay, Ifs hard to die. 
 
 ^hilft our people were thus bufy afhore, the men-of- 
 war and other veiTels were cruihng off the harbour when- 
 ever the weather would permit, and the i8th of May, 
 the Vigilant, a French man-of-war of fixty-four guns, 
 having five hundred and fixty men on board and flores of 
 all forts for the garrifon, was met with by the Mermaid, 
 whom fhe attacked, but captain Douglafs the commander, 
 being of unequal force, fuffered himfelf to be chafed by 
 her until he drew her under the command of the commo- 
 dore 
 
 ^* Mc.jor Tidccmb's readinefs to engage in the mofl hazardotis part of the fervice 
 was iicknowledged and applauded. He furvived the fiege, was colonel of a regi- 
 ment vvhf n general Johnfon was iittacked by Diclkau, and tl^ea loft his life in th«- 
 jGsrvioc ol Lis count: y. 
 
1745-] Massachusetts. -y^ 
 
 dore and the other fhips cruifing with him, to whom, or, 
 as fome fay, to the Mermaid (lie firuck, becaule (he had 
 iirft met with her. This capture gave great joy to the 
 army, not fo much for the addition m^de to cur naval 
 force, as for the difappointment to the enemy. A propo- 
 fal had been made, a few days before, that the men-of-war 
 fhould anchor in Chapeaurouge-bay, and that the marines 
 and as many faiiors as could be fpared fliould land and 
 join the army. The Vigilant w^^uld then have got in, 
 and we fhould have given over the fiege. Alfairs were 
 now in fuch a (late, that our anxiety at Boftcn was much 
 lefiened. We hoped the army might retreat with fafety, 
 wTienever it fhould be determined to give over the fiege, for 
 Bouiadrie, who belonged to the town of LoiiifDourg, and 
 the marquis de la Maifon forte, commander of the Vigi- 
 lant, who w^as well acquainted vv ith the ilace of the place, 
 when thev came to Bofton, were fans^uinc that it would 
 hold out longer than our men, and loon after* we had 
 the news of a fruitlefs and perhaps a rvSii attempt upon 
 the ifland battery by four hundred men, fixty of whom 
 were killed and one hundred and fixteen taken prifoners. 
 The Csefar, Snelling, one of the fhips in the provincial 
 fervice, arrived at Boflon with letters from the general, 
 and an application for more men and a further fupply of 
 powder. Mafiachufetts agreed to and actually did raife 
 four hundred men, and fent all the powder that could 
 be purchafed, and Conned;icut raifed two hundred men ; 
 but there w-ere neither men nor powder arrived when the 
 fiege v/as finiihed. 
 
 The Princefs Mary of fixty and the KeRor of forty 
 guns, unexpectedly had arrived atBouonfromEnglandjand 
 were immediately fent to join the commodore, purfuant to 
 his general orders, and arrived before Louiibourg the 2 2d 
 of May. This increafe of naval force occafioned conjec- 
 tures, fome being of opinion, that, rather than the fiege 
 fhould be raifed, the fhips would attempt to go in ; but it 
 was generally fuppofed the hazard would be too great. 
 It was commonly reported that colonel More of the 
 
 New 
 
 [* Here is a ehronolo^cal miflakc. The attempt on the ifiand tattcry wa 
 |4»y «6' The inar<iui8 did not k»v« Cape Ereton until iit«r-Junc 7.J 
 
376 THt HISTORY OF [Chaf. li. 
 
 New Hampfliire regiment ofFered to go ori board the 
 Vigilant with his whole regiment, and to lead the van, if 
 in cafe of fuccefs he might be confirmed in the command 
 of the fhip. He had been an experienced fea captain, 
 and had a very good characler. It is certain, an attempt 
 with the flilps was not then thought advifeable. A new 
 battery, about this time, Vv^as ereded Upon the light-houfe 
 point, which being well attended by lieutenant colonel 
 Gridley of the artillery, did great execution upon the 
 inand battery, filenced many of the guns, and it was ex- 
 peded it vv^ould not be long tenable. Soon after, viz. 
 June icth, arrived before Louifbourg the Chefter, a fifty- 
 gun fnip, in confequence of the difpatches from Mr. Shir- 
 ley, with an accoynt of the expedition. The Canterbury 
 and Sunderland, two fixty-gun fhips, failed with her and 
 arrived the 12th. Here was now a fleet of eleven fhips,* 
 and it is faid to have been determined the fhips fhould 
 make an attack by fea the 1 8th, while the army did the 
 fame by land. It is not certain that when the day fhould 
 come fome fufScient reafon would not have been found 
 for a further delay. Thofe who give the mod favourable 
 accounts of the (lege fay, " the weft gate was entirely beat 
 down, the wail adjoining very much battered, and a breach 
 made, ten feet from the bottom, the circular battery of 
 fixteen cannon and the principal one againft fnips almoft 
 ruined, the north-eaft battery of 17 cannon damaged, and 
 the men drove from the guns, and the w^eft flank of the 
 king's badion almoft demoUfhed.'' Others fay, " the 
 weft gate was defaced, and the adjoining curtain with the 
 flank of the king's baftion were much hurt, but no pradi- 
 cable breach." Whether a general ftorm was really in- 
 tended upon the i8th or not, it feems the French exped- 
 ed it from the preparations on board the men-of-war, and 
 did not incune to ftand it, and on the 15th feiit a flag of 
 truce to the general defiring a cefTation, that they might 
 confider of articles to be propofed for a capitulation. 
 Time was allowed for this purpofe until the next morning, 
 when fuch articles were offered as were rejeded by the 
 
 general 
 
 * The Superb, Princefs Mary, Canterbury and Sunderland of fixty guns, the 
 Cheftcr of fifty, J.auncellon, Mermaid, He^^or, Eltham and Lark of forty, with the 
 Trench prize ^e Vigilant of fixty-four. 
 
1745-3 Massachusetts. ^'^^ 
 
 general and commodore, and others offered to the enemy 
 in their ftead, which they accepted of and hoflages were 
 exchanged, and the next day, the lyth, the city was 
 delivered up. 
 
 Many of our men had taken colds and many fallen in- 
 to dyfenteries, fo that fifteen hundren were taken off from 
 duty at one time ; but the weather proving remarkably 
 fine during the forty-nine days' fiege, they generally re- 
 covered. The day after the furrender the rains began, 
 and continued ten days inceffantly, which mull: have been 
 fatal to many, they having nothing better than the wet 
 ground to lodge on, and their tents, in general, being in- 
 lufficient to fecure them againfl a fingle Hiower,* but in 
 the city they found barracks to fhelter them. Captain 
 Bennet, in a fchooner, was fent immediately to BoltoUj 
 and arrived with the great news the 3d of July, about one 
 in the morning. The bells of the town were ringing by 
 break of day, and the day and night following were fpent 
 in rejoicing. The news flew through the continent* The 
 colonies which declined any fhare in the expenfe and haz- 
 ard were fenfible they were greatly interefled in the fuc- 
 cefsi It was allowed every where, that if there had been 
 no fighal proof of bravery and courage in time of adion, 
 there having been only one fally from the town and a 
 few fkirmifhes with French and Indians fiohi the woods, 
 in all which oUr men behaved w^ell, yet here was the 
 ftrongefl evidence of a generous noble public fpirit, which 
 firft induced to the undertaking, and of fteadinefs and 
 firmnefs of mind in the profecution of it, the labour, fa- 
 tigue and other hardfhips of the fiege being without par- 
 allel in all preceding American affairs. A fliade was 
 thrown over the imprudence at firfl: charged upon the 
 New Englanders. Confiderate perfons among themfelves 
 could not, however, avoid gratefully admiring the favour 
 of Divine Providence in fo great a number of remarkable 
 incidents which contributed to this fuccefs* The befl 
 ufc to be made by poflerity feems to be not to depend 
 upon fpecial interpofitions of Providence becaufe their 
 Vol. II. A a anceftors 
 
 ♦ All the ticlclenburgh and fmall canvas in the Province was purchafrd by the 
 committee of war, but for a great part of the tents they were forced to buy com- 
 mon oznabrigs. 
 
37? THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IT. 
 
 anceftors have experienced them, but to avoid the like 
 imminent dangers, and to wdgh the probabihty and im- 
 probabiUty of fucceeding in the ordinary coin-fe of events* 
 
 The commodore v/as willing to carry away a full fliare 
 of the glory of this action. It was made a queflion= 
 whether the ke^^s of the town fhould be delivered to him; 
 or to the general, and whether the fea or h.nd forces fnoulJ 
 firll enter. The oilicers of the army fay they prevailed. 
 The marines took paffefTron of one ar more of tlie bat- 
 teries, and fometimes- the camnirodore took the kt^ys of 
 the city gates. The conimand, however, until orders 
 iliould arrive from^ England, was to be ioint, and a dif- 
 pute about precedence to be avoided as niucli as could be. 
 The commodore dlfpatched Mr. Montague in the Mer- 
 maid to England with intelligence, and the general the 
 day after fent the Shirley galley, captain lloufe. The* 
 Mermaid arrived firft.- 
 
 It was very happy that dlfpates" arofe to no height be- 
 tween the fea and- land forces during the frege. This has' 
 often proved fataL^ This expedition having been began 
 and carried on under a commiirion from a provincial gov- 
 ernor, feems to be di(i:inguiil>ed from ordinary cafes, and 
 to leave lefs room for difpute. Whether the land or fea; 
 force had the greateH: fbare in the acquifiticn- may be judg- 
 ed from the relation of fadts; Neither would have fuc- 
 ceeded alone. The army, with infinite labour and fa- 
 tigue to themfelves, haralfed and dilfreffed the enemyy 
 and with perfeverance, a few weeks or days longer mult 
 have compelled a furrender. It is very doubtful whether 
 the iliips could have lain long enough before the walls to 
 have carried the place by ftorm, or whether, notwithftand- 
 i^ng the appearance of a defign to do it, they would have 
 thought it advifeable to attempt it ; it is certain they pre- 
 vented the arrival of the Vigilant, took away all hopes 
 of further fupply and fuccour, and it is very probable 
 the fears of a form- might accelerate the capitulation.* 
 
 The 
 
 * From tlie following depofition of the commodore in the high court of adjni» 
 ralfcy, one would imagine the place had been taken by the fliips alone, 
 
 " ExtraAed from the regifiry of the high court of admiralty of England, agth 
 September, 1747. 
 ** Notre dame de deliverance, 7 Upon the allegation given by Tyndallthe aift of 
 Litan mafter. y March, 174,5. 
 
 « Sir 
 
•*7450 
 
 MASSACHUSETTSi 379 
 
 The lofs by the enemy and ficknefs did not exceed one 
 hundred and one men. The lofs of the fnow Prince of 
 Orange, belonging to the Province, and fuppofed to be 
 overfet, u-as a heavy blow upon the town c?f Marblehead, 
 the captain and moil of the crew belonging to that town, 
 and it is a rare thing for a Marblehead man to die with- 
 out leaving a widow and a number of children furviving. 
 As it was a time of year to exped French veflels from 
 all parts to Louiibourg, the French flag was kept flying 
 to decoy them in* Two Eaft India and one S<3uth Si;a 
 fhfp, fuppofed to be altogether of the value of 6oo,oooL 
 fterling, were taken by the fquadron at the mouth of the 
 harbour, into which they would undoubtedly have entered. 
 The army at firil: fuppofed they had acquired 1 right to the 
 ifland of Cape Breton and its dependencies, and, until they 
 "Were undeceived by Mr. Shirley, were for dividing the ter- 
 ritory among the officers and men. With greater colour 
 they might have claimed a fhare with the men-of-war in thefe 
 rich prizes. Some of the officers expelled a claim v;ould 
 have been laid in, but means were found to divert it, nor 
 "Was any part decreed to the veflfels of war in the Province 
 fervice, except a fmall fum to the brig Bofton Packet^ 
 captain Fletcher, who being chafed by the South Sea fliip, 
 led her diredly under the command of the guns of one 
 of the men-of-war. It feemed to be conceded, that, as 
 this acquifition was made under the commifTion of the gov- 
 ernor of Maflachufetts, the exercife of government there 
 appertained to him, until his majefty's pleafure fhould be 
 
 known. 
 
 •* Sir Pct^r Warren kright, vice-admiral of the white, aged forty years and up- 
 wards, a witnefs produced and fworn — 
 
 " To the firft article of the faid allegation depofes and fays, that he the faid depo- 
 nent was appointed to command his Britannic majefty's fleet intended for the attack 
 of the ifland of Cape-Breton, and in the year of our Lord one thoufand fevea 
 hundred and forty-five proceeded on the faid expedition in his majefty's fhip 
 Suptrbe from the leeward iflands, then having with him and under his command 
 his majefty's fhips Mermaid and Launcefton, and foon after his arrival at faid 
 ifland he was joined by his majefty's ftiips Princefs Mary, Canterbury, Chefter 
 and Sunderland, and that after the deponent's arrival at Cape-Breton, apd before 
 he was joined by his majefty's ftiips aforefa-id, he took and feized a French fhip 
 of war called the Vigilant, and appointed her a fhip in his majefty's fervice and 
 pay, and then with the alTiftance of all his majefty's Ihips aforefaid, and others of 
 his majefty's ftiips, he did fubdue the whole ifland of Cape-Breton, and further to 
 the faid article he knows not to depofc." 
 
 There was bo claim made, for the army, to this or the other captures, which i$ 
 the only reafon I can think of for omitting any mention of the land forces. 
 
 A a 2 
 
/jgo THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 known. I know of no precedent in the colonies, except 
 that of the conqueft of Nova Scotia in 1690. It w^as 
 neceflary then to admit this principle, the acquifition 
 could not otl>erwife have been retained. Mr. Shirley 
 made a voyage to Louifbourg, took the government upon 
 him, prevailed upon a great part of the army to confent 
 to remain in garrifon over the winter, or until regiments 
 which were expefted arrived, engaged that their pay 
 fliould be increafed and clothing provided, and fettled 
 other matters to general fatisfaSiion.* 
 
 Duvivier had been fent to France the winter ef 1744, 
 to folicit a force, nor to defend Cape Breton, but to con- 
 quer Nova Scotia, and accordingly failed the beginning of 
 July, with feven Ihips of war for that purpofe, who were 
 to flop at Louifbourg. This fleet took a prize bound froni 
 Bofton to London, on board which was lieutenant gover- 
 nor Clark of New York, and by this means they were 
 informed of the conqueft of Louifbourg, and the ftrong 
 fquadron there, other wife fome or all of them would 
 alfo have probably fa^llen into the hands of the EngHfh. 
 Upon this intelligence they went back to France. Thus 
 Nova Scotia no doubt was^ faved by the Malfachufetts 
 expedition. There would not have been men-of-war in 
 thefe feas fufficient to match this fquadron. 
 
 The reduction of Louifbourg by a Britilh colony, mufl 
 have been a furprife to Creat Britain and to Frances- 
 It caufed very grand plans of American meafures for the 
 next year with both powers. Great Britain had in view 
 the reduction of Canada and the extirpation of the French: 
 from the northern continent. France intended the re- 
 covery of Louifbourg, the conqueft of Nova Scotia, and 
 the deftru6lion of the Englifh fea coaft from Nova Scotia 
 to Georgia. Upon the Englifh plan, eight battalions of 
 regular troops, with the provincial forces to be raifed in 
 the four New England governments, were to rendezvous 
 at Louilhourg, arid, with a fquadron under admiral War- 
 ren, were to go up the river St. Lawrence to Quebec ^ 
 other provincials from Virginia and the colonies north- 
 ward ,; 
 
 * Pcnnfylvania contributed 4CO0I. New York 3000I. and New Jerfcy, I thinks- 
 t'eb&I. feme in momcy, others in provifions, for fupport of the troops. 
 
.I74t^.] MASSACHUSETTS. 3«i 
 
 ward, including New York, were to rendezvous at Al- 
 bany, and go acrofs the country to Montreal ; the land 
 forces to be under general St. Clair. No Province had 
 a certain number afligned, it was expeded there fhould 
 be at lead five thoufand* in the whole. The Maflachu- 
 fetts forces were ready to embark by the middle of July, 
 about fix weeks from the lirfl notice- The preparations 
 making at Brefh for America, were well known in En- 
 gland, and a fquadron was ordered to block up that har* 
 bour. Notwithftanding all the caution uled, the Bred 
 fquadron flipped out, and failed to the weft ward, and it is 
 certain no Englifh fquadron followed. Whilft we were 
 impatiently waiting for news of the arriyal of the fleet at 
 Louifbourg, a fifherman .comes in, fome time m Auguft, 
 with an account of his being brought to by four French 
 capital (hips not far from Chibuclo ; that he was required 
 to pilot them there ; that as be lay under the ftern of one 
 of them he read the word le Terrible, but a fog fuddenly 
 rifmg, he made his efcape. After that fome days had 
 paifed without any further account^ the fifherman*s nev/s 
 was generally difcredited. It appeared fome months 
 after, that thefe were four fhips under M. Conflans, who 
 had efcapedf an Englifh fquadron from Jamaica, and 
 were bound to Chibudo in order to join the Brelt fleet ; 
 but after cruifing fome time, and meeting with ftorm$ 
 and fogs, upon a coaft they were unacquainted with, they 
 returned to France. 
 
 The beginning of September, vefTek arrived at Boflon 
 from Hull and Liverpool, with advice that the Brefl fleet 
 Jiad failed, and it was fuppofed for North America, and 
 from the middle to the latter end of the monxh frequent 
 accounts were brought of a great fleet feen .to the weft- 
 ward of Newfoundland, which we flattered curfelves might 
 be Englifh as likely as French ; but oi; the 28th, an ex- 
 prefs arrived from Louilhourg with certain advice thefe 
 fliips were the French fleet, which it was affirmed confifted 
 
 of 
 
 * The colonics voted to raife men in very unequal proportions. New Hampfhire 
 500. Maffiichufetts .IJOO. Rhode Ifland 300. Conntdicut icco. New York 
 }[6oo. New Jerfcys 500. Maryland 3CO. Virginia lOO. Pcnnfylvania raii«d 
 400, though not by an zA of government. The whole nuir.bcr Sioo. 
 
 f Soiiu: fdv the Englifh efcapcd from theip. 
 
382 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IY, 
 
 of feventy fail, fourteen of which were capital fhips^ and 
 that there were twenty fmaller men-of-war, and the reft 
 fire-fhips, bombs, tenders and tranfports for eight thou- 
 fand troops » The fame day a yeifel from Jamaica arrived 
 with advice that the four men-of-v/ar who had engaged 
 with commodore Mitchell, were intended to join the fleet, 
 and it was now no longer doubted that thefe were the 
 fhips feen by the fifhermen, and it was fuppofed foon after 
 got into Ghibudo. England was not more alarmed with 
 the Spanifh armada in 1588, than Boflon and the other 
 North American fea ports were with the arrival of this 
 fleet in their neighbourhood. The firmed mind will bend 
 upon the firfl; advice of imminent danger to its countryc 
 Even the great De Witt fwooned when he firft opened a 
 letter giving inteUigence of England's confederating with 
 France to enflave the Dutch, though the next moment he 
 recovered his natural courage and vivacity. 
 
 Every pradicable meafure for defence was immediately 
 purfued by the authority of the Maflachufetts Province, 
 but our main dependence, under God, was upon a fquad- 
 ron from England fufiicient, in conjunction with the fliips 
 then at Louifbourgh, to overcome the French. It was 
 impoflible the miniftry fhould be ignprant of the failing 
 of this fleet, and unlefs they were willing the colonies 
 fnould be expofed to the ravages of the enemy, it was 
 impolTible an Englilh fquadron fhould not be foon after 
 them.* This was the general voice. But this depend- 
 ence failed. However, as the probabihty of the arrival 
 of our fquadron was from day to day leffened, our ap- 
 prehenfions of danger from the enemy leflened in fome 
 proportion. At length, we had fuch authentic account of 
 the diftrefles of the French, that it was not only agreed 
 that admiral Townfend's fhips at Louifbourg were more 
 
 than 
 
 * It was faid admiral X,e{lock put out no lefs than feven times, but could not get 
 to the weftward. Qthers fuppofed that an apprehenfion of French ^nelTe, pretend- 
 ing an expedition to J^i;nerica when an invafion of Brit9.in was really intended, occa- 
 fioned orders for the detention of Leftock's fleet until it was thought too late to pre- 
 vent the rnifchief, and the thips were then employed in an unfuccefsful defcent upon 
 France. The indifference of the people in England in general upon this occafion 
 -■was wondered at by the colonills. Letters from merchants, who had debts due in 
 the colonies equal to their whole fortunes, and which they muft have wholly loft if 
 the French plan had been executed, fpake of the failing of this fleet as an ordinary 
 piece of news, which would be followed with no remarkable confecjuencee. 
 
1746.] MASSACHUSETTS. 3^3 
 
 than a match for them, and we were every day expe<^- 
 ing to hear they had failed for Chibu6lo, but if that 
 fhould prove otherwife, the utmofl: they would be able 
 to effed by their grand plan would be the conqucft of 
 Annapolis and the whole Province of Nova Scotia. If 
 the winter did not prevent a farther progrefs, we llattered 
 ourfelves their ilrength was not fufficiemt foj an attempt 
 upon Bcdon, 
 
 The misfortunes of this grand armament are really 
 very remarkable. The lofs of Cape Breton filled xha 
 J'Vench with a fpirit of revenge a^ainft the BritiHi colo- 
 nies. The duke d'Anviiie, a French nobleman in whofe 
 courage and coiidud great confidence was placed, was 
 .appointed to the command of the expedition. As early 
 as the beginning of May, the fleet was ready to fail, but 
 .detained bv contrary v/inds until the 22d of Jun^, when 
 it left Rochelle, and then confided cf eleven ihips of the 
 line, thirty fmaller veflels f;om ten to thirty guns, and 
 jranfport fliips with three thoufand one hundred and thirty 
 land forces, commanded by monfieur Pommerit, a briga- 
 dier general. The French of Nova Scotja, it was exped- 
 ed, would join them, and Ramfay, a French officer, with 
 feventeen hundred Canadians and Indians, were a^llually 
 in arms there ready for their arrival. 'J'o this force Cour 
 fians with the four foips froni the Wcfl ladies were to be 
 added. It was the 3d of Ai^guil before the fieet had 
 pafTed the Weftern Illands. The 24th they were three 
 hundred leagues dilfant from Nova Scotia, and one of 
 iheir fiiips complained fo much, that they burnt her^ 
 The 111 of September, in a violent itorm, the Mars, a 
 fixty-four gun fliip, was fo damaged in her mafo and fo 
 ieaky that Ihe bore away for the W^d Indies,* Tind the 
 Alcide, of fixty-four guns, which had alfo joft her top- 
 mad, was fent to accompany her. The i5th, the Ardent, 
 of fixty-four guns, mod of hex q-ew being hck, put back 
 for Bred, 
 
 The duke d*Anville, in the Northumberland, arrived 
 at Chibudo the 1 2th of September, with only one ihip of 
 the line, the Renommee and three or four cf the tranf- 
 
 ports. 
 
 * She went back for France, and was taken in OdIoLcr by the Nottingh;tra, 
 captain Saumarcz, off Cnpe Clsur. 
 
384 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV, 
 
 ports. There he found only one of the fleet, which had 
 been in three days, and after waiting three days, and find- 
 ing that only three more, and thofe tranfports, had arrived, 
 the 1 6th in the morning he died, the French f^id of an 
 apoplexy, the EngliHi that he poifoned himfelf. In the 
 afternoon the vice admiral, d'Eftournelle, v/ith three or 
 four more of the line, came in. Monf. de la Jonquiere, 
 governor of Canada, was aboard the Northumberland, 
 and had been declared a chef d'efcadre, after the fleet 
 left France, and by this means v/as next in command to. 
 the vice admiral. In a council of war, the i8th, the vice 
 admiral propofed returning to France. Four of the cap- 
 ital fliips, the Ardent, Caribou, Mars a;^d Alcide, and 
 the Argonaute fire-fliip, they were deprived of ; there 
 was no news of Conflans and his fhips, fo that only feven* 
 fhips of importance remained ; more or lefs of the land 
 forces were on board each of the mifl^mg fhips, and what re- 
 mained were in a very fickly condition. This motion was 
 oppofed for feven or eight hours by Jonquiere and others 
 of the council, \yho fuppofed that, at leafl:, they were in 
 a condition to recover AnnapoHs and Nova Scotia, after 
 which they might either winter fecurely at Cafco-Bay, or 
 at worft, then return to France : The fick men, by the 
 conflant fupply of frefli provifions from the Acadians, 
 were daily recovering, and wpuld foon be fit for fervice. 
 The motion not prevailing, the vice admiral's fpirits were 
 agitated to fuch a degree as to throw him into a fever 
 attended ;with a delirium, in which he imagined himfelf 
 among the Enghfli, and ran himfelf through the body. 
 Jonquiere fucceeded, who was a man experienced in war, 
 and althoiigh above fixty, flill mpre ai^ive than cither of 
 his predeceffors, and the expectations of the fleet and 
 army were much raifed. From this time AnnapoHs feems 
 to have been their chief objeft. An account, fuppofed 
 to be authentic, having been received at Boflon of the 
 faihng of admiral Lefl;Qck, Mr. Shipley fent an exprefs to 
 Louiibourg to carry the intelligence. The packet boat 
 was taken and carried into ChibuClo,! which accelerated 
 
 the 
 
 * Some make the number eight, and 'the Perfait to he one of them, and burnt 
 
 there ; hut hi the French lift the Perfait is a fire-lhip, an^ the Caribou is laid to 
 have been burnt. 
 
 t Odlober ii. 
 
?74<5t] MASSACHUSETTS. 385 
 
 the failing of the fleet. Mofl of the fick had died at Chi- 
 budo, and but about one half their number remained 
 ahve. They failed the J3th of Oclober, and tlie 15th, 
 being near Cape Sables, they met with a violent cold 
 florm, which, after fome intermiflion, increafed the 16th 
 and 17th, and feparated the fleet, two of which only, '^ 
 fifty and a thirty-fu^ gun fliip, were difcovered from the 
 fort at AnnapoHs, where the Chelter man-of-war, captain 
 Spry, then lay with the Shirley frigate, and a fmall vcliei 
 in the fervice of the board of ordnance, who being dif- 
 covered by the French to be under fail, they made off, 
 and this was the laft of the expedition, The news of 
 the beginning of the misfortunes of the French having 
 reached France by fome of the returned veflels, two men- 
 of-war were fent immediately with orders, at all events, to 
 take Annapolis ; but the fleet had failed th^ee or four 
 days before they arrived. 
 
 Pious men faw the immediatq hand of Divine Provi- 
 dence in the proteftion or rather refcue of the Britifli col- 
 onies this year, as they had done in the miraculous fuccefs 
 pf the Cape-Breton expedition the former year. 
 
 "When the fummer had fo far pafled as to render it 
 too late to profecute the expedition againll Canada, if the 
 fleet had arrived, Mr. Shirley's enterprifmg genius led 
 him to projed an attempt upon the French fort at Crown- 
 point, with part of the Mall'achufetts forces in conjunclion 
 with thofe of the other colonies ; but the alarm of the 
 french fleet prevented until it was judged, by fome con* 
 eerned, to be too late. Fifteen hundred of the Malfachu- 
 fetts men were intended for Nova Scoiia upon the news 
 of Ramfay's appearing there, and four hundred a(5lually 
 went there, convoyed by the Chefter, and late in the fall 
 an additional number were fent thither. Thole polled at 
 Minas were furprifed, the firfl; day of January, by a body of 
 French and Indians commanded by Le Corne, a French 
 officer, and after having one hundred and fixty of their 
 number killed, wounded, and taken prifoners, the reft 
 capitulated, engaging not to bear arms againfl the French 
 in Nova Scotia for the term of one year. Dc Ramfay 
 with his troops foon after returned to Canada. * 
 
 * Thomas Cufliing, eP^uiie, fpeaker of the houfe, died April ii, 1 746, univerfally 
 J&iriented. 
 
^6 THE HISTORY OF {;Ghap. IV. 
 
 The troops raifed for the Canada expedition continued 
 in pay until September the next year, 1 747. Some of them 
 ferved for the defence of the frontiers, the reft were inacr 
 tive. The inactive profecution of the war in Europe on 
 both fides indicated peace to be near, which the next year 
 was efxe6:ed. 
 
 War had been declared in 1744 againft the Cape Sable 
 and St. John's Indians, and in 1745 againft the Penobfcots 
 and Norridgewocks. The frontiers did not efcape molef- 
 tation. They fufFered lefs than in any former wars. The 
 Indians were lelTened in number, and having withdrawn 
 to the French frontiers, were fometimes detained for 
 |:heir defence upon an apprehended invafion, and at other 
 times erigaged to be in readinefs to joiji in the great de- 
 figns againft the Englifh.^ 
 
 In 1747 (Nov- 17th) happened a tumult in the town of 
 Bofton, equal to any whi^Ii had preceded it, although far 
 fhort of fome which have happened fince. Mr. Knowles 
 was commodore of a number of nien-of-war then in the 
 harbour of Nantafket. Some of the Tailors had deferted» 
 Deferters generally flee to fome of tfee neighbouring ports^ 
 where they are out of danger of difcovery. The commo- 
 dore thought it reafonable that Bofton fliould fupply him 
 
 with 
 
 * The peace with the Indians was not fettled -until Oiloher, 1 749, when a treaty- 
 was held at Falmouth by com-yiillloners, Thomas Hatchinfon, John Choate, Ifry.el 
 Williams and Jamss Od^ of MaffachufettS; and Th',^odure Atkinfon and John 
 Downing of New Hamprmre, whea the iaft treaty ip IvjLr. Dun*mer's tinje, witH 
 fome additions, was renewed. 
 
 June 19th, 1748, John Stoddard, efqu. "aampton, and at that time a mem- 
 
 Iser of the hoxife of reprefsntati>re'-., died :u ■>c:i^:i. He had been feveral years mem- 
 ber of the co;Lincil, but being in favciir of the prerogative, generall;- met with great 
 ©ppofition, and havmg heen divers times left out, he at length declined being any 
 lono:er the fubjedl of contention, and chofe a feat in the koufe, his town thinking it 
 a favour that he would repreXcut them. Tl.ere have been but few men among u$ 
 who have U ^in more generally eHecmed. His euemies would charge hira with un- 
 coniHtutional principles, but at the farce time allow he had an upright heart. He 
 fhined only in affairs of importance ; lefl'er matters would frequently be carried 
 .a'Tainrh his mind by the little arts and crafts of minute politicians, which he difdained 
 to defeat by counter-working. He was very early employed in public affairs. In 
 171,^ he went as a commiffary to <>acbcc for the redemption of captives, and th^ 
 feveral governors to the time of his deatli entrufled to his dire>5lion the military 
 affairs of the county of Hampiliire, which in time of war was peculiarly expofed. 
 Nor was his authority lef* in civil mailers. Both military and civil authority he ufed 
 •tt-ith great difcretion. In this la«:ter, in one inflance, ho rather exceeded, extending 
 iit to the eccknafli.-al affairs of the town of Springfield farther than he could well 
 juftify. Our bcft men have fometimes exceeded iu their zeal for particular fyilenis, 
 and have endeavoured Lo promoic religion by invading natural and civil ri^hta. ' 
 
I747-] MASSACHUSETTS. 387 
 
 with as many men as he had loft, and fent his boats up to 
 town early in the morning, and furprifed not only as ma- 
 ny feamen as could be found on board any of the fliips, 
 outward bound as well as others, but fv/cpt the wharves 
 alfo, taking fome fhip-carpenters' apprentices and labour- 
 ing land-men. However tolerable fuch a furpiife might 
 have been in London, it could not be borne here. The 
 people had not been ufed to it, and men of all orders 
 refented it ; but the lower clafs were beyond meafure en- 
 raged, and foon aflembled with fcicks, clubs, pltchmops, 
 fvc. They firfl feized an innocent lieutenant, wlio hap- 
 pened to be afliore upon other bufmefs. They had then 
 formed no fcheme, and the fpeaker* of the houfe palling 
 by, and alluring them that he knew that the lieutenant 
 had no hand in the prefs, they fiilFered him to be led otf 
 to a place of fafety. The mob increafmg, and having re- 
 ceived intelligence that feveral of the commanders were 
 at the governor's houfe, it was agreed to go and demand 
 fatisfadion. The houfe was foon furrounded, and the 
 court or yard before the houfe, fdled ; but many perfons 
 of difcretion inferred themfelves, and prevailed io far as 
 to prevent the mob from entering. Several of the officers 
 had planted themfelves at the head of the ftair-way with 
 loaded carbines, and feemed determined to preferve their 
 liberty or lofe their lives. A deputy (iieritT attempting to 
 exercife his authority, was feized by the mob and carried 
 away in triumph and fet in the ftocks, which afforded 
 them diverfion, and tended to abate their rage, and dif- 
 pofed them to feparate and go to 4inner. 
 
 As foon as it was dufn:, feveral thoufand people aflem- 
 bled in king's-ilreet, below the town-houfe, where the 
 general court was fitting. Stones and brickbats were 
 thrown through the glafs into the council chamber. The 
 governor, however, with feveral gentlemen of the council 
 and houfe, ventured into the balcony, and after iilencc 
 "was obtained, the governor in a well-judged fpeech expreif- 
 ed his great difapprobation of the imprefs, and promifed 
 his utmoft endeavours to obtain the difcharge of every 
 one of the inhabitants, and at the fame time gently reprov- 
 ed the irregular proceedings both of the forenoon and 
 
 evening. 
 
 • The Author. 
 
^SS THE HISTORY OF [Chap. 1% 
 
 evening. Other gentlemen alfo attempted to perfuade 
 jthe people to difperfe, and wait to fee what ftep$ the gen- 
 eral court would take. All was to no purpofe. The 
 feizure and reftraint of the commanders and other officers 
 who were in town, was infilled upon as the only effedual 
 method to procure the releafe of the inhabitants aboard 
 tlie (hips. 
 
 It was thought advifeable for the governor to withdraw to 
 his houfe, many of the officers of the militia and other gen- 
 tlemen attending him. A report was raifed, that a barge 
 from one of the fhips was come to a wharf in the town. 
 The mob flew ,to feize it, but by miflake took a boat belong- 
 ing to a Scotch fhip, and dragged it, with as much feem- 
 ing eafe through the flreets as if it had been in the water, 
 to the governor's houfe, and prepared to burn it before 
 the houfe ; but from a confideration of the danger of 
 fetting the town on fire, were diverted, and the boat was 
 burnt in a place of lefs hazard. The next day the gov- 
 ernor ordered that the military officers of Bofton Ihould 
 caufe their companies to be muilered, and to appear in 
 arms, and that a military watch fhould be kept the fuc- 
 ceeding night ; but the drummers were interrupted, and 
 the militia refufed to appear. The governor did not 
 think it for his honour to remain in town another night, 
 and privately withdrew to the Caflle. A number of gen- 
 tlemen who had fome intimation of his defign, fent a, 
 meffage to him by colonel Hutchinfon, afTuring him they 
 would {land by him in maintaining the authority of gov- 
 ernment and reDoring peace and order, but he did not 
 think this fufficient. 
 
 The governor \vrot& to Mr. Knowles, reprefenting the 
 confufions occafioned by this extravagant a-d of his offi- 
 cers ; but he refufed all terms of accommodation until 
 the commanders and other officers on iliore were fuffii^red 
 to go on board their (hips, and he threatened to bring up his 
 fhips and bombard the town, and fome of them coming to 
 fail, caufed different conjectures of his real intention. 
 Captain Erfkine, of the Canterbury, had been feized at 
 the houfe of colonel Brinley in Roxbury, and given his 
 parole not to go abroaxl, and divers inferior officers had 
 been fecured. j^^ 
 
1747^3 MASSAGHUSETTa 389, 
 
 The 17th, 1 8th and part of the 19th, the council and 
 iioufe of reprefentatives, fitting in the town, went on with 
 their ordihiry bufinefs, not willing to intorpofe left they 
 fhould encourage other commanders of the navy to fu- 
 ture ads of the hke nature ; but towards noon of the 
 I9th5 fome of the principal members of the houfe began 
 to think more ferioully of the dangerous confequence of 
 leaving the governor without fupport, when there was 
 not the lead ground of exception to his conduft. Some 
 high fpirits in the town began to qucRion whether his 
 retiring (liould be deemed a defertion or abdication. It 
 was moved to appoint a committee of the two houfes to 
 confider what was proper to be donev This would take 
 time, and was excepted to, and the fpeaker was defired 
 to draw up fuch refolves as it was thought neceflary tht: 
 houfe Ihould immediately agree to, and they were paffed 
 by a confiderable majority, and made public. 
 
 " In the houfe of reprefentatives y Nov, i^th, 1747. 
 
 *' Refolved — that there has been and flill continues, a 
 tumultuous riotous aflembhng of armed feamen, fervants, 
 negroes and others in the town of Boilon, tending to the 
 deftrudion of all government and order. 
 
 " Refolved — that it is incumbent on the civil and mili- 
 tary officers in the Province to exert themfelves to the 
 utmoft, to difcourage and fupprefs all fuch tumultuous 
 riotous proceedings w'henfoever they may happen. 
 
 ** Refolved — that this houfe will Hand by and fupport 
 with their lives and eftates his excellency the governor 
 and the executive part of the government in all endeav- 
 ours for this purpofe. 
 
 " Refolved — that this houfe will exert themfelves by all 
 ways and means pofTible in redreffing fuch grievances as 
 his majefty's fubjefts are and have been under, which 
 may have been the caufe of the aforefaid tumultuous 
 diforderly affembling together. 
 
 T. Hutchinfon^ Speaker." 
 
 The council paffed a vote, ordering that captain Erfkine 
 and all other officers belonging to his majefly's fliips Ihould 
 be forthwith fet at liberty and prote^led by the govern- 
 ment, which was concurred by the houfe. As foon ajsi 
 
 theie 
 
390 THE HISTORY OF [Chap, m 
 
 ihefe votes were known, the tumultuous fpirit began to 
 fubfide, ThxC inhabitants of the town of Bollon affembled 
 in town meeting in the afternoon, having been notified to 
 tonfider, in general, what was proper for them to do up- 
 on this occafion, and notwithftanding it was urged by- 
 many that all meafures to fiipprefs the prefent fpirit in 
 the people would tend to encourage the like oppreiTive 
 z&is for the future, yet the contrary party prevailed, and 
 the town, although they expreffed their fenfe of the great 
 infult and injury by the imprefs, condemned the tumultu- 
 ous riotous ads of fuch as had infulted the governor and 
 the other branches of the legillature and committed many 
 other heinous offences. 
 
 The governor, not expelling fo favourable a turn, had 
 Wrote to the fecretary to prepare orders for the colonels 
 of the regiments of Cambridge, Roxbury and Milton, and 
 the regiment of horfe, to have their officers aiid men ready 
 to march at an hour's warning, to fuch place of rendez- 
 vous as he fliould dired ; but the next day there was an 
 uncommon appearance of the militia of the town of Bof- 
 ton, many perfons taking their mufiiets who never car- 
 ried one iipon any other occafion, and the governor 
 was conduced to his houfe with as great parade as when 
 he fir 11 alfumed the government. 
 
 The commodore* difmiffed mofl, if not all, of the in- 
 habitants who had been imprefled, and the fquadron failed 
 to the joy of the reft of the town. 
 
 By the expedition to Louifbourg, the preparations for 
 the redudion of Canada, and the feveral fupplies of men 
 for Nova Scotia, the Province had iffued an immenfe funt 
 in bills of credit, between two and three millions, accord- 
 ing to their denomination in the currency. The greateft 
 part of this fum had been iifued when between five and 
 fix hundred pounds was equal to one hundred pounds 
 flerling, and perhaps the real confideration the govern- 
 ment received from the inhabitants who gave credit to 
 them was near four hundred thoufand pounds fterling ; 
 but by thus miultiplying the bills they had fo much de- 
 preciated, that, at the end of the war, eleven or twelve 
 
 hundred 
 
 [* Mr. Kno^vl?s was afterwards an admiral in the Britifli navy, and in 1 770, 
 -being invited by the cir.picfa of Pvuflii, went into her fervice.J 
 
1747-] MASSACHUSETTS. 391 
 
 hundred pounds were not equal to more than an hundred 
 pounds fterling ; and the whole debt of the Province did 
 not much exceed two hundred thoafand pound;> flerling. 
 Thus the people had paid two hundred thoufand poundi 
 fterling in two or three years, befides a large ium railed 
 by taxes each year, as much as it was fuppoi'ed the people 
 were able to pay 5 but to pay by the depreciation of the 
 bills, although infinitely unequal, yet, as they were Ihift- 
 ing hands every day, it was almoft iufenuble, a poiTeiTor 
 of a Luge fum for a few days not perceiving the diiterencc 
 in thtir value between the time when he received them 
 and the time when he parted with them. The apprehen- 
 fion of their depreciation tended to increafe it, and occa- 
 ftoned a quick circulation, and for fome tlnu^ everi for 
 Engliih goods, which ordinarily fell for the longed 
 credit, nobody pretended to alk credit. They were con- 
 ftantly, however, dying in fomc body^s hand, though 
 nobody kept them long by them. Bufmefs was brilk ; 
 men in trade increafed their hgures, but vvrere finking the 
 real value of their flock ; and, what is worfe, by endeav- 
 ours to fhift the lofs attending fuch a pernicious currency 
 from one to another, fraudulent difpofitions and habits are 
 acquired, and the morals of the people depreciate with the 
 currency. 
 
 The government was foliciting for the relmburfement 
 of the charge in taking and fecuring Cape Breton, and by 
 the addrefs, alliduity and fidelity of William BoUan, 
 efquire, who was one of the agents of the Province for 
 that purpofe, there was a hopeful profpedt that the full 
 fum, about i8o,oooI. fterling, would be obtained. 
 
 Some of the miniftry thought it fufficient to grant fuch 
 fum as would redeem the bills ifiued for the expedition, 
 &c. at their depreciated value, and Mr. Kilby, the other 
 agent, feemed to defpair of obtaining more ; but Mr. Bol- 
 lan, who had an intimate knowledge of our public affairs, 
 fet the injuftice of this propofal in a clear light, and made 
 it evident that the depreciation of the bills was as effectu- 
 ally a charge borne by the people as if the fame propor- 
 tion of bills had been drawn in by taxes, and refufed all 
 propofals of accommodation, infilling upon the full value 
 of the bills when iffued. He certainly has great merit for 
 this and other fer vices, ^Ir. 
 
§92 THE HISTORY OF [(ChaK IV. 
 
 Mr. Hutchlnfon, who was then fpeaker of the houfe of 
 reprefentatives, imagined this to be a mofl favourable 
 opportunity for aboliiliing bills of credit, the fource of fo 
 much iniquity, and for eflablifhing a ftable currency of 
 filver and gold for the future. About two million two 
 hundred thoufand pounds would be outflanding in 
 bills in the year 1749. One hundred and eighty thou- 
 fand pounds ileriing, at eleven for one, which was the 
 lowed rate of exchange with London for a year or two 
 before, and perhaps the difference was really twelve for 
 one, would redeem nineteen hundred and eighty thoufand 
 pounds, which would leave but two hundred and twenty 
 thoufand pounds outflanding ; it was therefore propofed 
 that tfee fum granted by parhament fhould be fliipped to 
 the Province in Spanifh milled dollars, and applied for 
 tht redemption of the bills as far as it would ferve for 
 that purpofe, and that the remainder of the bills fhould 
 be drawn ih by a tax on the year 1749^ This would fin- 
 ifh the bills* For the future, filver of flerhng alloy at 
 6/, Sd, the ounce, if payment fhould be made in bullion ; 
 or otherwife, milled dollars at 6f each, fhould be the law- 
 ful money of the Province, and no perfon fliould receive 
 or pay within the Province, bills of credit of any of the 
 other governments of New England. This propofal be- 
 ing made to the governor, he approved of it, as founded 
 in juftice and tending to promote th^ real interefl of the 
 Province ; but he knew the attachment of the people to 
 paper money and fuppofed it impradicablci The fpeakef ,^ 
 however, laid the propofal before the houfe, where it was 
 received with a fmile, and generally thought to be an 
 tJtopian proje6l, and, rather out of deference to the 
 fpeaker than from an apprehenfion of any effeft, the 
 houfe appointed a committee to confider of it. The com- 
 mittee treated it in the fame manner, but reported that 
 the fpeaker fliould be defired to bring in a bill for the 
 confideration of the houfe. When this came to be known 
 abroad, exceptions were taken, and a clamour was raifed 
 from every quarter. The major part of the people, in 
 number, were no fufferers by a depreciating currency j 
 the number of debtors is always more than the number 
 
 of 
 
•I747-] MASSACHUSETTS. 393 
 
 of creditors ; and although debts on fpecialties had allow- 
 ance made in judgments of court for depreciation of the 
 bills, yet on fimple contracls, of which there were ten to 
 one fpecialty, no allowance was made. Thofe who were 
 for a fixed currency v;ere divided. Some fuppofed the 
 bills might be reduced to fo fmall a quantity us to be fixed 
 and (table, and therefore were for redeeming as many by 
 bills of exchange as Ihould be thought faperfluous ; oth- 
 ers were for putting an end to the bills, but in a gradual 
 way, otherwife it was faid a fatal Jkcck would be given to 
 trade. This lad was the objection of m.any men of good 
 fenfe. DouglafSj who had wrote well upon the paper cur- 
 rency, and had been the oracle of the anti-paper party, 
 was among them, and, as his manner was with all who 
 differed from him., difcovered as much rancour againfh 
 the author and prom^oters of this new project as he had 
 done againft the fraudulent contrivers of p?.per money 
 emiilions; 
 
 The bills, it was faid, had funk gradually in their value 
 from 6f, lojd. to 6of. the ounce ; by this means credit- 
 ors had been defrauded ; it was but reafonable they fhould 
 rife gradually, that juftice might be done. But the cred- 
 itors and debtors would not be the fame in one inflance 
 in a thoufand, and where this was not the cafe, the injury 
 was the fame, to oblige any one to pay more as to receive 
 lefs than was juftly due. Others were for exchanging 
 the bills at a lower rate than the then current price of fil- 
 ver. The inhabitants had given credit to the govern- 
 ment, when filver was at 30/^ the ounce, and ought to be 
 paid accordingly. Two of the reprefentatlves of Bdfton 
 urged their being exchanged at 30/! which would have 
 given a mod unreafonable profit to the prefent poifefTor 
 who had taken them at ^^ or 60/, To draw over fome 
 of this party, concefTions were made and the bills v/ere 
 exchanged at 50/! the ounce, inftead of ^^.^ as was at firit 
 propofed. 
 
 Some of the dire^lors and principal promoters of the 
 land bank fchemc,* being at this time members of the 
 general court, unexpectedly joined with the party who 
 were for finifliing paper money, but the oppofitioa was lO 
 Vol. IL B b great, 
 
 • John Choate and Robert Hale. 
 
391 THE HISTORY OP- [Cha>. I\^. 
 
 great, that after many weeks fpent in debating and fet- 
 tling the feveral parts of the bill, and a whole day's de- 
 bate at laft in a committee of the whole houfe upon the 
 expediency of paffmg the bill, as thus fettled, it was re- 
 jeded, and the report of the committee accepted. 
 
 The houfe, although upon fome occafions exceptions 
 are taken to motions and proceedings which come before 
 them as not' being in parliamentary form, yet are not 
 flri£l in conforming to fome of the mod ufeful rules of 
 parliament. A bill or motion is not only referred from- 
 one fellion to another, but a bill, after rejeding upon a^ 
 fecond or third reading, is fometimes taken up and pafled 
 fuddenly the fame felFion, They have an order of the 
 houfe, that when any affair has been confidered, it fhall- 
 noi be brought before the houfe again^ the fame feifion, 
 unlefs there be as full a houfe as when it was pafled upon.' 
 This, if obfervedv, would ftill be liable to inconvenience^ 
 as any defigning perfon might take an opportunity upoa 
 a change of faces, the number being as great as befote^. 
 fuddenly to carry any point ; but even this rule, like 
 many other of what are calkd (landing orders, is too fre* 
 quently by votes, on particular occafions^ difperifed with, 
 which leflens the dignity of the houfe. 
 
 It feems to be of no confequence to the prerogative- 
 whet her the currency of a colony be filver or paper, but 
 the royal inftruckions from time to time for preventing' 
 a depreciating currency, caufed merely by a gracious re- 
 gard to the int^reft of the people, had generally engaged- 
 what was called the country party in oppofition to them 
 and in favour of paper. It was the cafe at this time.- 
 Hov/ever, the next morning', two of the members of the 
 houfe,* zealous adherers to this party, and who had been 
 ih-GHg oppofers of the bill, came early to the houfe to 
 wait the coming of the fpeaker, and in the lobby let him 
 know, that although they were not fatisfied with feveral^ 
 parts of the bill, yet they were alarmed with the danger 
 to the Province from the fchemes of thofe perfons who 
 were for a gradual reduction of the bills, and by that 
 means for raifmg the value of the currency without any 
 
 provifion 
 
 * Jofeph Livermore, the rcprcfcntativc of Wefton, and Samuel Witt, rcprcfcnta*- 
 
 tivc of' Marlborough. 
 
1749*1 MASSACHUSETTS. 395 
 
 provifion for the relief of debtors, and therefore they had 
 changed their minds, and if the bill could be brought 
 forward again, they would give their voice for it, and 
 others who had oppofed it would do the fame. The 
 fpeaker, who had looked upon any further attempt to be 
 to no purpofe, acquainted them that he did not think it 
 proper to defire any of the favourers of the bill to move 
 for a re-confideration of it, inafmuch as it had been un- 
 derfliood and agreed in the houfe the day before ; that 
 if upon a full debate had, the bill fhould be rejected, no 
 further motion fhould be made about it. As foon as the 
 houfe met, upon a motion by one of thefe members, fec- 
 onded by the other, the bill was again brought under con- 
 fideration, and pafled the houfe as it afterwards did the 
 council, and had the governor's confcnt. 
 
 The provifion made by this a£t for the exchange of the 
 bills and for ellablifhing a filver currency was altogether 
 conditional, and depended upon a grant of parliament for 
 reimburfement of the charge of the Cape Breton expedi- 
 tion. This being at a diftance, and not abfolutely certain^ 
 the adl had no fudden eftbO: upon the minds of the peo- 
 ple ; but when the news of the grant arrived, the dif- 
 content appeared more vifible, and upon the arrival of the 
 money there were fome beginnings of tumults, and the 
 authors and promoters of the meafure were threaten- 
 ed. The government pafled an act with a fevere penalty 
 againft riots, and appeared determined to carry the other 
 a6t for exchanging the bills into execution. The appre»- 
 henfion of a Jhock to trade proved groundlefs ; the hiW'^ 
 being difperfed through every part of the ProvincCj the 
 filver took place inllead of them, a good currency was 
 infenfibly fubftituted in the room of a bad one, and every 
 branch of bufinefs was carried on to greater advantage 
 than before. The other governments, efpecially Con- 
 necticut and Rhode Ifiand, who refufed, upon being in- 
 vited, to conform their currency to Maffachufetts, felt 
 a Jhock in their trade which they have not yet recovered. 
 The latter had been the importers, for MaiTachufetts, of 
 Weft India goods for many years, which ceafed at once. 
 New Hampihire, after fome years, revived its bufmefs^ 
 B b :s ari.d 
 
396 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV. 
 
 and increafed their trade in Englifh goods, which for- 
 merly they had been fupplied with from Mafiachufetts. 
 Perhaps they have rather exceeded. 
 
 We Ihall hnilh this fecond part of our hiftory with a 
 few remarks upon the trade of the Province at this day, 
 compared with its trade in 1692. 
 
 The other governments of Nev/ England, fixty or fev- 
 enty years ago, imported no Englilli goods, or next to 
 none, direclly from England 5 they were fupplied by the 
 Mallachufett^ trader. Now, although our trade with 
 Great Britain, upon the whoJe, is fuppofed to eaufe no 
 addition to our wealth, yet, at leall fo far as we are the 
 channel for conveying fupplies of goods to the other col- 
 onies for their confumption, a benefit undoubtedly ac- 
 crues. New Hampfhire, by their convenient fituation, 
 were induced to become their own importers in a great 
 meafure fome years before the alteration of our currency. 
 They made their returns by fhipping lumber, &e. eafier 
 than we did^ At prefentj they probably import Englifli 
 goods equal to their confumption. Connecticut, until we 
 abolifhed our bills of credit and theirs vs^ith them, contin- 
 ued their trade with us for Englifh goods, but foon after 
 turned great part of their trade to New York, and fome 
 perfons became importers from England. They foon dif- 
 eovered their error. The produce of New York is fo 
 much the fame with that of Connedicut, that the Maffa- 
 chufetts market will always be the befl. The importer 
 finds it more difHcult to make his returns to England from 
 Connedicut than from MafTachufetts. Connedicut trade 
 therefore foon returned to the ftate it had formerly 
 been in. 
 
 Rhode Ifland,in part, became their own importers alfo^ 
 which they ftill continue. 
 
 For the other colonies on the continent. Between 
 South CaroHna and Maflachufetts, there never has been 
 any confiderable trade. The chief benefit from that col- 
 ony has been the affording freights for our fhips in the 
 European trade. 
 
 North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, the Jerfeys and 
 Pennfylvania, until within twenty or thirty years, ufed to 
 
 furnifli 
 
17490 MASSACHUSETTS. 397 
 
 furnifli us with provifions, for which we paid them in 
 Wefl India and fometimes Englifh goods, and with our 
 own produce and manufadures. Philadelphia of late is 
 become the mart for the grain of great part of Maryland, 
 which they manufafture into flour and fupply IMalTachu^ 
 fetts, Rhode Ifland and New Hampfliire, and take Uttic 
 or no pay in return but money and bills of exchan;;e. It 
 feems agreed, that the fouthern colonies as far as Virginia 
 are defigned by nature for grain countries. It behoves 
 us, therefore, either like the Dutch for the other nations 
 in Europe, to become carriers for them with our (hipping, 
 or to contrive fome articles of produce or manufacture 
 for barter or exchange with them, rather than in vain to 
 attempt raifmg to more advantage than they do, what na- 
 ture has peculiarly formed them for. 
 
 Our trade with the Wefl: India iilands was much more 
 profitable to us, from the beginning of king William's to 
 the end of queen Anne's war with France, than at any 
 time fince. Ever fmce the peace of Utrecht it has been 
 continually growing worfe. Barbadoes required, then, 
 more northern produce than it does now. The other 
 iflands, except Jamaica, have very httle increafed their 
 demand. From the growth of the northern colonies and 
 the new methods of living, the produce of the iilands is 
 more than double the price it ufed to be. Perhaps tea 
 and coffee alone caufe as great confumption of fugar, as 
 all other ufes to which it was applied did formerly. The 
 produce of the northern colonies is a5 low in the iflands 
 as ever it was. Formerly their demand for northern pro- 
 duce not only afforded us in return, rum, fugar and mo- 
 laffes fufficient for our ov/n confumption, but left a fur- 
 plus which, in war time efpecially, every year gave freight 
 to fhips from Boflon to England, and paid our debts there 
 or procured a fupply of goods from thence ; whereas at 
 this day the whole fupply of northern produce to the 
 Britifh iflands will not pay for one half the Wefl: India 
 goods confumed or ufed in the northern colonies. The 
 trade to the Dutch colonies, it is true, is fince increafed, 
 and our goods from time to time find their way into the 
 French iilands ^ fometimes through the Dutch, at other 
 
 times. 
 
398 THE HISTORY OF [Chap. IV, 
 
 times, when French necellity calls for them, by per- 
 mifliQn or other (jontrivances, and by this means we are 
 able to procure the Weft India goods we want for our 
 confumption over and above what we can obtain in pay 
 for our produce from our own iflands. Britain herfelf 
 fuffers, with her northern colonies, and pays, dearly by 
 the advanced price of fugar, rum, &c. The Weft Indians, 
 iiotwithftanding, are continuaily endeavouring to reftrain 
 our trade with the foreign illarids a.nd colonies. If they 
 could take of our produce as much as we have occafion 
 for of theirs, it would appear lefs unreafonable ; or if, by 
 our trade with the foreign colonies, the price of the pro- 
 duce of our own iflands had fzfllen below the former 
 rates, they might have colour for complaint , but when 
 the vent for northern produce by means of the great in- 
 creafe of the northern colonies, bears no proportion, from 
 any one of them, to what it did formerly, and yet the pro- 
 duce of the iflands is double the price it was formerly, 
 and their eftates raifed to more than five times the value, 
 it muft be unreafonable to burden not only the inhab- 
 itants of the northern colonies, but of Great Britain alfo, 
 with a ftill further advanced price of Weft India goods, 
 and all to aggrandize the Weft India planters. Such a 
 burden would infallibly be the effed: of a rigid execution 
 of the laws feftraining or encumbering our trade with the 
 French and Dutch colonies. But this is not all. If our 
 trade with the foreign colonies be fuppreffed, and our 
 fupplies of Weft India goods are confined to our own 
 iflands, the balance above what they require of our pro- 
 duce, muft be paid them in filver and gold or exchange 
 upon England, either of which muft leiTen our returns to 
 England, and will probably leffen our confumption of 
 their manufa6i:ures. Charlevoix fays, the French of Can- 
 ada live well if they can get fine clothes : if not, they 
 retrench from the table to adorn the perfon. I think the 
 Englifli colonifts would rather abate from their drefs than 
 from their punch, tea, coffee, &c. 
 
 If the queftion be, which is moft for the intereft of the 
 Britifli dominions in general, to reftrain the French Amer- 
 ican trade or to give it all pofTible encouragement, it muft 
 
i7^9-] MASSACHUSETTS.' ^,99 
 
 be given in favour of encouragement. The fpeedy ^ct- 
 tlement of this vafl continent is generally fuppofed to be 
 advantageous to Great Britain. Every new houfe, new 
 farm and new fubjeft adds to the confumption of Britilh 
 rnanufa6lures. Nothing more contributes to this fpeedy 
 fettlement than a vent for the lumber, a great help in 
 clearing the lands near the fea and upon navigable rivers, 
 and for provifions the produce of fettlements when made. 
 But, on the other hand, admit that raifmg the price of 
 Weft India produce tends to increafe die number of plant- 
 ations in the iflands, yet thofe plantations, althoiajjh more 
 valuable, will never bear any proportion in number to 
 the plantations and fettlements upon the continent, and 
 the increafe of white fubjects will be dill Ich in propor- 
 tion. Blacks ^at and drink nothing and wear next to 
 nothing of Britilh manufa(S:ure. 
 
 There has been a great alteration in our trade with 
 Great Britain. At the beginning of this period and 
 until within thirty or forty years paft, merchants and 
 manufadurers in England Ihipped goods upon their own 
 accounts, which were fold here upon comniiilion ; and 
 although there was appearance of profit from the faies, 
 yet by the lofs upon returns, moft adventurers in a courfe 
 of years were great lofers. Difcerning perfons in Lon- 
 don, when they faw a man going deep into tra^e to the 
 colonies, would pronounce him fhort-lived. 
 
 The trade is now upon a more certain footing for the 
 people of England. Few goods are rent to be fold up- 
 on commiffion. ' The manufadurer depends upon the 
 merchant in England for his pay. The merchant re. 
 ceives his commiflion, and generally agrees with his corr 
 refp6ndent, for whom he is in advance, in the cv^lonies, 
 that after fix or nine months' credit, if payment be not 
 made, intereft fhall be allowed. Bad debts muil be ex- 
 pelled more or lefs in all extenfive trade. Perhaps they 
 are not more frequent in the colonies than amoug the like 
 number of traders in England. 
 
 The cod and whale fiihery are in a more ilourliliing 
 ftate than formerly. The vclfels employed in cod fifhing 
 have been more numerous, but they were fmall fliailops, 
 
 and 
 
4QQ, THE HISTORY OF [Ghap. IV. 
 
 and one of the fchooners now employed in that fifhery 
 take3 as much fifli in a feafon as two fhallops ufed to do.* 
 
 The French are fuppofed to maintain a fiiherman at lefs 
 cj'penfe than the Enghlli. Be it fo, the Engliih catch 
 and make their ftfli at iels expenfe than the French, not- 
 "withflanding. Five or fix weli-fed Marblehead or Cape 
 Ann men, catch as much fifn as ten or twelve meagre 
 Frenchmen in the fame time. The French find their 
 account in taking what they call their muid or rnud fifli 
 when the Englifh cannot. This is owing to the vent 
 which the French markets afford for that fort of fi(h. In 
 what they call a fedentaire, and we a fhore fifliery, we 
 fliali aKvays outdo 'them, unl^fs the ports of the other na- 
 tions in Europe, as well as thofe of the French, fliould be 
 fliut againfi us. If every family in Britain fhould make 
 one dinner in a week upon New England cod fifh, it 
 would caufe an amazing increafe of the confumption of 
 Britifli manufactures. 
 
 It is certain, that before the war of 1744 the French 
 fiiliery declined. They ^ed to go from Louiibourg to 
 Canfo and buy the Enghfh fifli for the French Europear^ 
 markets, becaufe it came cheaper to them than they could 
 catch and make it. " ' 
 
 The increafe of the confumption of oil by lamps as well 
 as by divers manufaiSlures in Europe has been no fmall 
 encouragement to our w^hale fifhery. The flourilhing 
 ilate of the ifland of Nantucket muft be attributed to it. 
 The cod and whale fifhery, being the principal fource of 
 our returns to preat Britain, are therefore worthy not 
 only of provincial but national attention. 
 
 Formerly the trade to Newfoundland was valuable^ 
 The increafe of the northern colonies has carried from 
 us great part of the fupplies we ufed to make. Our late- 
 began commerce with Nova Scotia is valuable, but will 
 not compenfate for this lofs. 
 
 The manufacture of pot-afh promnfes great benefit to 
 the colonies. It is to be wiflied they may meet with no 
 difcouragement. Frauds in package and adulteration 
 
 cannot 
 
 * 7"ne fafliion of the rjcrgh^g and falls of a fchooner is challenged as a Ne-nr 
 England invention, the firft is faid to have been built at Cape Ann, about the year 
 
 2714, by captLiiu Andrew Robinfon. . • - ■ ■ 
 
I749-] MASSACHUSETTS. 401 
 
 cannot be of any long continuance. The lecfl th^t can 
 be done by every government where it is manufadured, 
 is a law to compel every perfon to fet his name, and the 
 name of the town where he Hves, upon the caik in which 
 he packs his pot-afli. This will ro a great way towards 
 preventing fraud. Should the Ruflian traders combine 
 to under -fell thofe who import from America, yet it will 
 be confidered that the RuiTian trade is drawing every year 
 from the nation a large balance in bullion, whereas the 
 increafe of imports from the colonies only tends to an 
 increafe of national exports, and the body of the nation 
 will combine againfl the Ruflian traders. 
 
 I remember one advantage from paper money. Upon 
 the depreciation, from time to time, the wages of feamen, 
 and the rate at which coafting veflels and others were 
 hired, did not immediately rife in proportion to the rife 
 of filver and exchange with London and other parts of 
 the world. We were thus led to employ our veiTcls as 
 carriers to and from many parts of the continent, the 
 Weft Indies and Europe, becaufe we let them upon 
 cheaper freight and hire than any other colony would do. 
 The war in 1744 gave a turn to this part of bufmefs ; 
 but we may learn from what happened then, without any 
 premeditated plan or defign, what we are capable of, viz. 
 navigating our velTels, efpecially if further improvements 
 be made in the conftruction of them, with fo little ex- 
 penfe as, like the Dutch in Europe, to become carriers 
 for America. The advantage, in this particular inftance, 
 of the redudion of the price of labour, Ihews us what 
 improvements might be made in other branches of trade 
 aid manufacture, if ever it Ihould be reduced in propor- 
 tion to the price in Europe, compared with the price of 
 the necelTaries of life. 
 
 It was hard parting w^ith a frde open trade to all parts 
 of the world, which Maflachufetts carried on before the 
 prefent charter. The principal acts of parliament were 
 made many years before, but there was no cuftom-houfe 
 eftablifhed in the colony, nor any authority anxious for 
 carrying thofe acts into execution. It wa<i fcveral years 
 after the nev/ charter before they were generally obferv- 
 
 ed. 
 
402 THE HISTORY OF t^HAP. IV. 
 
 ed. If we are under no other obligations, we certainly 
 enjoy and cannot fubfifl without the protection of our 
 mother country over our trade at fea, our perfonal eftate 
 ^fhore, the territory itfelf, our liberties and lives. It is 
 cwing, in a great meafure, to the taxes, duxies and excifes, 
 the confequences of an enorijnous load of debt, that the 
 manufactures of England come dearer to us than thofc 
 of other countries. jGrea^ part of this debt was incurred 
 by our immediate proteQiion. Shall we think much of 
 Iharing in the burden when we have been fo great fharers 
 in the benefit ? There is no way in which we can more 
 effedually contribute to the national relief than by fub? 
 mitting to regulations and reflraints upon our trade, and 
 yet no way in which we fhould be fo little fenfible of it. 
 
 It has been the general yoice, that our trade to Great 
 Britain lliould be contracted, and that our inhabitants 
 ihould be eniplayed in the fame kind of manufactures we 
 import from thence, the materials for moil of which we 
 have or may have within ourfelves. 
 
 The great Creator of the univerfe in infinite wifdom 
 has fo formed the earth, that different parts of it, fron^ 
 the foil, climate, &c. are adapted to different produce, 
 and he fo orders and difpofes the genius, temper, numr 
 bers and other circumftances relative to the inhabitants, 
 as to render fome employments peculiarly proper for one 
 country, and others for another, and by this provifion a 
 mutual intercourfe is kept up betv/een the different parts 
 of the globe. It would be folly in a Virginian to attempt 
 a plantation of rice for the fake of having all he confumes 
 from the produce of his own labour, when South CarO' 
 lina, by nature, is peculiarly defigned for rice, and capabfe 
 of fupplying one half the world* Old countries, flocked 
 with people, are ordinarily beft adapted to manufactures. 
 Would it be the intereft of New England, whilfl thin of 
 people, to turn their attention from the whale, cod, mack- 
 arel and herring fifhery, their lumber trade and fhip 
 building, which require but few hands compared with 
 many other forts of bufmefs, to fuch manufactures as are 
 now imported from Great Britain, or to take their fons 
 from clearing the land, and turning an uncultivated wiU 
 ^ dernefs 
 
1749-] MASSACHUSETTS. 403 
 
 dernefs into pleafant and profitable fields, and fet them to 
 fpinning, weaving, find the like employments ? I do not 
 mean to difcourage any perfons, who cannot improve 
 their time to greater advantage, from employing themr 
 felves and families in any branch of manufacture whatfo- 
 ever. Idlenefs is the certain parent of vice. Induflry, 
 introduced, will ordinarily tend to produce a change of 
 manners. A general philanthropy will induce us to de- 
 light in and contribute to the happinefs of every part of 
 the human race, by which we ourfelves are no fufierers 5 
 the State from whence we fprang, and upon which we 
 flill depend for protedion, may juflly expe£t to be diftin- 
 guifhed by us, and that we fhould delight in and contrib- 
 ute to its profperity beyond all other parts of the globe, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 N^- I. 
 
 ji Summeirf of the affairs of the colony of New Flymoiith^from 
 the firjt fcitlement until the incorporation with Maffachu- 
 fetfs^ ^c. in one Province. 
 
 X HE firO: fettlers of New Plymouth, as we have Q^jferved in om hlftory 
 of the Maflachufetls colony, went, in the beginning of the feventeenth 
 century, from EngL^nd to Holland. Their removal to Holland was at- 
 tended with no fraall difficulty and hazard. One of the company * gives 
 tills account of it. *' There was a large company of them propofed to get 
 pafTage at Bofton in Lincolnfhire, and for that end had hired a fliip whol- 
 jy to themfelves, and made agreement with the mafter to be ready at a 
 certain day, and take them and their goods in at a convenient place, where 
 accordingly they would all attend in readinefs. So after long waiting and 
 large expenfe, though he kept not day with them, yet he came at length 
 and took them in, in the night. But when he Ifiad them and their goods 
 aboard he betrayed them, haying beforehand complotted with the fearchers 
 and other officers fo to do, who took them and put them into open boats 
 and then rifled and ranfacked them, fearching them to their fhirts for 
 money, yea, even the women, further than became modefty, and then car- 
 ried them back into the town, and made them a fpe<3;acle and wonder to 
 tlic multitude, which came flocking on all fides to behold them. Being 
 thus, firil by the catch-poles, rifled and flript of their money, books and 
 much other goods, they were prefented to the magiftrates, and meflengers 
 fent to inform the lords of the council of them, and fo they were commit- 
 ted to ward. Indeed the magiftrates ufed them courteoufiy, and fliewed 
 them what favour they could, but could not deliver them till order came 
 from the council table ; but the iffiie was, that after a month's iraprifon- 
 ment, the greateft part were difmified and fent to the places from whence 
 they came, but feven of the principal men were ftiii kept in prifon and 
 bound over to the alTizes. The next fpring after there was another at- 
 tempt made, by fome of thefe and others, to get over at another place. 
 And fo it fell out that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a Ihip of 
 tis ov/n belonging to Zealand. They made agreement with him, and ac- 
 <{uainted him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfulnefs in him 
 than in the former^ of their own nation. He bade them not fear, for he 
 would do well enough. He was by appointment to take thcra in between 
 Grimftone and Hull, where was a large common a good v.ay diftant from 
 any town. Novvt againfl: the prefixed time, the women and children, with 
 
 the 
 * Br^idfori. 
 
APPEND il Si:..\ 405 
 
 the gowcis, were fent to tlie place in a fniall bark, which they had hired 
 for that end, and the men were to meet them by land ; but it fo fell out 
 that they were there a day before the fnip came, and the fea being rough and 
 the women very fick, prevailed with the feamen to put into a creek h^rd 
 by, where they lay oti ground at lov/ water. The next morning the ihip 
 came, but they were faft and could not ilir till about noon. In the mean 
 time, the (hip mafter, perceiving how the matter was, fent his boat to pet 
 the men aboard whom he faw ready, walking about the fliore, but after 
 the firft boat-full was got aboard, and (lie was ready to go for more, the 
 mafter efpied a great company both horfe and foot, v.'ith bills and guns and 
 other weapons, for the country was laifed to take them. The Dutchman 
 feeing that, Iwore his country oath, * frrramente,' and baving the v/ind 
 fair, vctighed anchor, hoilicd fails, and away. After enduring a fearfiJ 
 ftorm at fca for fourteen days or more, ftven whereof they never faw (vt^ 
 moon nor liars, and being driven near the coalt of Norway, they arrivtd 
 ^t their defircd haven, where the people came flocking, admiring their de- 
 liverance, the ftorm having been fo long and fore, in which much hurt bad 
 been done, as the maftcr's friends related to him in their congratulations. 
 The rert of the men that were in grcatcft danger made a fliift to cia-yt 
 away before the troop could furprifc them, thofc only ftaying that Ik(1 
 might be a{l»(Ung unto the women. But pitiful it was to fee the heavy 
 cafe of thcfe poor women in dilirels ; what v/eeping and crying en every 
 fide, fome for their hufbands that were carw'ed away ii- the iliip, others rot 
 knowing what Ihould become of them and their littk onc3, crying for fat 
 and quaking with cold. Eeing apprehended, they were hurried from one 
 place to another, till in the end they knew not v/bat to do with ihem ; for, 
 to imprifon fo many women with their innocent children for no other 
 Caufe, many of them, but that they would go with their hulbands, fcemed! 
 to be unreafonable, and all would cry out of them ; and to fend them home 
 again was as difficult, fortliey alleged, as the truth was, they had no homes 
 to go to, for they had either fold or othcrwlf} difpcfcd of their houfes 
 and livings : To be fhort, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while,_ 
 and conveyed from one conftable to another, they were glad to be rid of 
 them in the end upon any terms, though, in the mean ti.TiC, they, poot 
 fouls, endured mifer}' enough." 
 
 After eleven or twelve years* refidence in Holland, in which time they 
 had contention among themfelves, and divided and became tv/o churches- 
 or congregations, one of the congregations, whofe miniller was Mr. Jolin 
 Robinfon, determined to remove to America. There were many oblla- 
 cles in their way, and it took up feveral years of their pilgrimage* to m.ake 
 the neceflary preparations for fuch an undertaking. At length, in the year 
 -1620, about one half the congregation embarked firli from Holland 
 to England, where two ihips were ready to receive them, acd they 
 
 acruailv 
 
 * I rhink I may ■:^Mth fir.gular propriety call their lives a pilgrimage. MoiV of 
 ^hem left England about the year 1609, after the truce with the Spaniards, young 
 men between twenty and tliirty years of ape : They fpent near twelve yer'.rs, Ib-an- 
 gors aainnjy the Dutch, firft at Amflexdani, arterw:.rd3 at Leydcn. After having 
 arrived at the mtridian of life, the dedinirg part was to be fpent in anolhcr wor'd, 
 amcnp favages, of whom every European mufc have received a iriofl unfavourable, 
 Ii not formidable idea. Tar.ium rdirlo tct;::: fuadcr;. 
 
j^oS APPENDIX. 
 
 a<5tually failed at a very feafonable time ; but meeting with cohtrarjr 
 winds, and one of the ftiips proving leaky, they put back and were obliged 
 to leave her with part of their company behind, the other fhip pro- 
 ceeding upon her voyage late in the year, fo that it was about the 8th of 
 9th of November before they made the coafl of Araehca, and falling 
 more to the northward than they intended, they liiade another attempt to 
 fail further fouthwaitl, but meetihg with contrary winds and hazardous 
 ihoals, they were glad to put into the harbour of Cape Cod,* determined 
 to winter in the moft convenient place they could find. This difappoint- 
 ment was grievous to them, but, before fpringj they confidered it as a far 
 vourable providence. They were fo reduced in the winter by fickn.efs and 
 death, that they fuppofed they rauft have fallen a facrifice to the Indians 
 upon Hudfon's river, where they propofed to begin a colony. The maf- 
 ter, or pilot, it is faid, bribed by the Dutch Weft India company, had en- 
 gaged, at all events, hot to land them at Hudfon's river ; but they were 
 determined upon it, and earlier in the year he would have found it very- 
 difficult to have diverted them. 
 
 The fliip lay five weeks in Gape Cod harbour. They could not expeft 
 to find a better harbour, but the land was of no value. The paffengers 
 were eniployed, fometimes travelling by land, fometimes by water, in 
 fearch of Ibme other harbour where there was better land, but could find 
 none capable of receiving vefTels of any burden. At lengthy December 
 6th, they refdlved upon one attempt more^ and after coafting many leagues^ 
 a violent ftorm arofe, and their pilot made for the fitft harbour, which he 
 fuppofed to be Sagaquabe, where he was well acquainted, but fbon found 
 himfelf in a covef full of breakers, and crying out, * My eyes never faw 
 this place before,* would have run the fhallop aftiore before the wind, if a 
 ftout feaman who was at the heliii had not called to tlie oars-men, * About 
 with her if you are men,* and by this means he faved their lives ; for he 
 difcovered an opening or found ahead, and in a fiiort time run the boat 
 tinder the lee of an ifland now well known by the name of Clark's ifland. 
 Here they rode out the ftorm, and in the morning went alhore, kindled a 
 fire and refted, it being the firft day of the week. The next day they 
 founded many parts of the harbour, and found good water for fhips,; and 
 were pleafed with the land, and judged it the belt place they had feen ; 
 and the Indian corn-fields round the harbour encouraged them that 
 they ftiould be able alfo to raifc bread for their fupport. Uport 
 their return to the fhip with this good news, they weighed anchor, 
 and the whole company arrived the i6th of December. The whole 
 cumber, exclufive of the mariners, amounted to one hundred and 
 one, about one fourth part heads of families, the refl wives, children and 
 fervants. They fuppofed fome at leaft of the company which they left 
 behind in England, and moft of the congregation in Leyden, with Mr. 
 
 iiobinfon 
 
 * November lo. Cspe Cod was the name which Gofnold gave it In 1692. Smith 
 afterwards called it Cape James, but the firfl name having obtained among feamen, 
 the othar could not prevail againft it. Both French and Dutch called it Malabar 
 for a long time ; their writers do fo perhaps to this day, from a Ihipwreck there 
 
 f Since called the Gurftet's Nofe. 
 
APPENDIX. icy 
 
 Robiufon the mlnifter, * would follow ; and this fccmj to hire bc«n the 
 whole number cxpc(5led, upon their plan, for completing the colony. 
 
 They had obtained a grant of part of the continent near Hudfon's nvcr^ 
 before the year 1620, and expedled to be under the government of th^ 
 colony in Virginia ; but before they embarked they heard that the landf 
 within their grant were made part of a new patent to the council of Plym- 
 outh in Devon, fo that they were going into a part of the world where 
 there was no government fubfuling by authority from any European State ^• 
 Bor did they carry other powers or authority with them than what each of 
 them brought into the world* 
 
 They were convinced, Upon their paflage, that they could not Ion;; fub-' 
 f)ft without government. Some of the inferior clafs among them muttered, 
 that, when they fhouJd get afhore,. one man wouW be as good as another, 
 and they would do what feemed good in their own eyes- This led the 
 graver fort to confider how to prevent it, and, for this purpofe they pac- 
 pared the following inflrument for every man to fign before he landed. 
 
 " IN the name of God amen. We whofe names are underwritten* 
 the loyal fubjedls of our dread foverelgn lord king James, by the grace of 
 God of Great Britain, France and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &:c- 
 Having undertaken for the glory of God and adrancement of the Chru^ian 
 
 faith, 
 
 • Thirty-five did arrive the 9th of November the next y^ar, but their miiiifler 
 r.cver came. He encouraged them from year to year, and fccms to have been pre- 
 vented by difappointaients from thcfe in England, who undertook to provide for the 
 f aflage of him and his congregation, until the year 1 625, when he died, and his con- 
 gregation difperfed, although fome found their v/ay to their brethren before and 
 fome after his death; He was ^t firft a thorough fcparatift, and Mr. Kubbard fay* 
 ** was tranfported with their principles fo far as to publilh his opinions againft hear- 
 ing any of the preachers of the chUrchof England, were they never fo Icarnec! and 
 pious, but afterwards acknowledged his error in a judicious and godly difcourfe," &r. 
 He is faid to have been a man of good learning and of a benevolent djfpofition. Mr.' 
 Bradford relates an anecdote, which fhews him, as well as their congregation in gen- 
 eral, to have been in no fmall eftcem among the Dutch. *• The magiftrates of the 
 • ity about the time of their coming away, or a little before, in the pitbl;c placo of 
 Jufticc, gave this commendable ttftimony of them in the reproof of the Walloons 
 who were of the French church in the- city. Thefe Enjjliih, faid they, have 
 lived among us now thefe twelve years, and yet we never had any fuit or accufation 
 come againtl any of them, but your ftrifcs and quarreU arc continual, &c. — In thefe 
 times alfo were great troubles raifed by the Arniinians, who, as they greatly moleft- 
 ed the whole State, fo this city, in which w:\s the chief univerfity, in particular, and 
 the two profefforsor divinity-readers themfelves were divided in their opinions, the 
 one teaching for it and the other againft it. — Epif^opius, the Arminian proftiTor, 
 put forth his bed ftrength, and fet forth fundry thcfcs, which by public difnute he 
 would defend againft all men. Now Poliander, the other profeiTor, and the chief 
 preachers of the city, defired Mr. Robinfdn ta difpute againft him •, but he was loth, 
 being a ftranger; yet the other did importune him, and told him that fuch were the 
 abilities and nimblenefs of the adverfery^, that the truth would fuffer if he did not 
 help thcm,fo that he condcfcended and prepared himfelf againft the time ; and v/hen 
 the day came the Lord did fo help him to defend the truth and foil his ^dverfiry., a» 
 he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great and public audience, and fo he did 
 a fecond and a third time upon fuCh like occafions, which procured him much honour 
 and refpeA, &c. — and fo far were they from, being weary of him and his people, or 
 dcfiring their abfence, as was faid by fome of no fmall note, that, were it not. ^c- 
 giving offence to the State of England, they would b*ve pr«ferrrd him, and allcv-cd 
 tiicin.fome public favour," 
 
40$ A P P E N D I X. 
 
 faith, and honour of cur king and country, a voyage to plant the firft col-^ 
 ony in the northern parts of Virginia^ do by thefe prefents folemnly and 
 mutually, in the prefcnc^ of God and one of anbthef, covenant and com- 
 bine ourftlves together into a civil body politic for our better ordering and 
 prefervation and furtherance of the ends afurefaid, and by virtue hereof t* 
 ena6l, conftitute and frame fuch jufl and equal laws and ordinances, a<5ls,- 
 conftituticns and offices, from time to time, as fliall be thought mod meet 
 and convenient for the general good of the colony, unto which we pfomifc 
 all due fubjeftioo and obedience. In v/itnefs whereof we have hereunto 
 fubfcribed our names at Cape Cod the i ith of November, in the year of 
 the reign of eur fovereign lord king James of England, France and Ireland 
 the T 8th, and of Scotland the 54th, Anno Domini 1620. Signed by 
 John Carver, Win. Bradford, Ednv. IV'mJJo'Wy IVm. Bre^^jlery Jfaac 
 Alkrton^ Miles Standj/Jj, John Alden, Sam. Fuller, Chrijlopher Martin^ 
 Wm. MulUns, IVm. White, Richard Warren, John Hovjland, Stephen 
 Hopkinsj Edtv, Tilley, John Tilleyy Frdnris Cook, Thomas Rogers^ 
 Thomas Tinker, John Ridgsdak, Edw. Fuller, John Turner, Francis 
 Eaten, James Chilton, Joh?i Croxton, John Billington, Jofes FletcJyery 
 John Goodman, Digory Priejl, Thomas Wdliams, Gilbert Wififlonu, Ed^iiu 
 Marge/on, Peter Broivn, Richard Bitteridge, George Soule, Richard Clarkci 
 Richard Gardner, John Allerton, Thomas EngliJJ:, Edw, Doten, Ednv. 
 
 i#--"* By 
 
 * Thefe I fuppofe to have been all the males of age in the company, twenty- 
 6ne of whom died before the end of March, of the fcurvy and other ficknefo, 
 cauftd by bad lodging and bad diet and the hardlhips of the winter. About 
 the fame proportion of the women and children died alfo, fifty being the wliols 
 irumber then furviving. In 1650 there v/cre thirty remaining alive, in 1679 only 
 twelve, in 1694 only two, and Mary Cufliman only, daughter of Ifaac Allerton, 
 was alive in 1698. I will give a brief , account of feveral of thefe perfons. John 
 Carver had been deacon of their church In Holland, wis efteemed for his difcreet 
 difcharge of that office, and being a grave judicious man, their eyes were upon 
 iiim for their chief ruler before they embarked. He lived but a fnorfr. time/ 
 His grandfon died about ten or twelve years fince, at Marfhfield, at the age oF 
 102. Not long before his death, this grandfon, with his fon, his grandfon and 
 great-<yrandfon were all at work together without doors, and the great great- 
 grandron was in the houfe at the fame tim*e. This is not common. Willi<\m 
 Bradford was one of the younger men of the company. Douglafs fays he was a, 
 man of no family and no learning. His manufcripts fhcAV that he was a plairl. 
 fenfible man, and in his public trufi he was efteemed as a difcreet, upright and 
 faithful officer, and he deferves a better charafter than many of fuperiof birth and 
 education. His fon was deputy governor after his death, his grandfon and two ofc 
 his great-grandfons, one of them now living, have been of the council for the Prov-^. 
 ince, Edwar<^ Winllov/ was of a very reputable family and of a very a<5tive geniua 
 which fitted him for employment abroad, and in a great meafure prevented a com- 
 petition between Bradford and hinl for the governor's place. He was concerned 
 in managing their treaties with the Indians, and with the neighbouring colonies, 
 made feveral voyages to the eaflward and to Connecticut river, as well as four or 
 five voyages to England in the fervice of the colony firft, and afterwards of Malfa- 
 chufetts, and fo eftablifhed himfeli in the favour of the then fupreme authority in 
 England as to be employed in fome very important fervices. In 1651, he was one 
 of the cornmiflioners of Haberdafher's-hall, as they were called from the place of 
 meeting, and in I655 was one of the three fuperintendants in Cromwell's Wefc 
 India expedition. In one of his embaflics^ viz. in 1635, he had hard meafure ia 
 
 England, 
 
Appendix, 
 
 409 
 
 By this inftrumcnt they formed themfelves into a proper dcmocracyi 
 and if they had gone no further perhaps they would have done but Jittle 
 towards preferving ord«ri'. But one great reafon of this covenant feems to 
 jhave been of a mere moral nature, that they miglit remove all fcruples of 
 inflidting neceffary punifhments, even capital ones, feeing all had voluntarily 
 fubje«Sed themfelves to them. By common confcnt they agreed upon Mr. 
 John Carver to be their fird governor, " confiding in his prudence that 
 
 he 
 England, the particular circumftanccs his friend Bradford has preferred from ohliv- 
 ion. — " It came to pafs, that having occafion to ani'wer fome complaint made 
 againft the country at council board, chiefly concerning his neighbours in the bay, 
 the which he did to great effcdl, and further profecuting fuch things as might tend 
 to the good of the whole, as well thcrnfclves as 6thers, about the wrongs and en- 
 croachments that the French and other ftrangers both had done and were like fur- 
 ther to do unto them if not prevented, he preferred the petition following to their 
 honours that were deputed commilTioners for the plantations, 
 
 "To tbt right honourable the lords comm'ijjloners for the flarAnt'iois in America. 
 The humble petition of Edward Winflow on behalf of the plantations in New 
 England humbly fheweth unto your Lordfhips, that whereas your petitioners have 
 planted themfelves in New England under his majcfty's rnofl gracious protedion, 
 now fo it is, right. honourable, that the French and Dutch do endeavour to divide 
 the land between them, for which purpofe the French have upon theeaft fide ertcr- 
 ed and feized upon one of our houfes and carried away the goods, flew two ot the 
 nien in another place, and took the reft prifoners with their good's ; and the Dutch 
 in the weft have alfo made entry upon Connedicut river within the limits of his 
 majefty's letters patents, where they have raifed a fort and threaten to expel your 
 petitioners thence who are alfo planted upon the fame river, maintaining pofTenion 
 for his majefly, to their great charge and hazard both of lives and j^oods. In tender 
 coalideration hereof your petitioners humbly pJ^^Y^ that your lordfhips will either 
 procure their peace with thofe foreign States, or elle give fpecial warrant imto yovr 
 petitioners and the Englifh colonies to rig;ht and defend themfelves againft all for- 
 eign enemies. And your petitioners fhall ever pray, &c. 
 
 " This petition found ^ood acceptation with mofi cf them, and Mr. Winflow was 
 heard fundry times by them, and appointed further to attend for an anfwer front 
 their lordfhips, efpecially having upon conference with them laid down a way how 
 this might be done witSout any other charge or trouble to the State, only by fur- 
 hifhing fome of the chief of the country here with authority, who would under- 
 take it at their own charge, and in fuch a v/ay as fhould be without any public dif- 
 turbance. But this crolTed both Sir Ferdinando Gorges and captain Mafon's dcflgn, 
 and that of the archbilhop of Canterbury by them, for Sir F. Gbrgjcs, by the arch- 
 bifhop's favour, was to have been fent over general governor into the country and to 
 have had means from the State for that end, and was now upon difpatch and conclu- 
 fion of the bufinefs. And the archblfhop's intent was by his meai.'s and fome he 
 fliould fend with him (to be fumifhcd with epifcop^.l power) to diflurb the peace 
 of the churches here, and to overthrow their proceedings and prevent their further 
 growth, which was the thing he aimed at. But it fo fell out, by God's providenccj 
 that though he in the end crofTcd this petition from taking any further effe<ft in this 
 kind, yet by this as a chief means the plot and whole bufinefs of his and Sir Fcrdi- 
 nando's fell to the ground and came to nothing. Vhen Mr. Winflow fhould have 
 had his fuit granted, as indeed, upon the point it was. and fhould have been confirm- 
 ed, the archbifhop put a flop upon it, and Mr. Winflow, thinking to get it freed, 
 went to the board again ; but the biOiop, Sir Ferdinando and captain Mafon had, as 
 it feems, procured Morton to complain, to v.-hofe complaints Mr. Winflow made 
 anfwer to the good fatisfa<ftion of the board, who checked Morton and rebuked him 
 Iharply, and alfo blamed Sir Ferdinando Gorges ard Mafon for countenancing him ; 
 
 but 
 
 Vol. IL C c 
 
410 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 he would not adventure upon any matter of nioraent without confent 
 of the reft, or, at leaftj advice of fuch as were known to be the wifeft 
 among them." (Huhhard>) They feenied cautidufly to have referved 
 as much of their natural Hberty as cduld be confident with the mainte- 
 nance of government and order. This was rational, and every thinking 
 man, when he firft quitted the (late of nature, vvould do the fame. Lord 
 chief juftice Holt faid, in the cafe of Blankald v, Gaidy, that in cafe of an 
 
 uninhabited 
 
 but the bithop had further end and ufe of hin prcfence, for he nbw began to question 
 Mr. Winflow of many thmgs, as of teaching in the church publickly, of which Mor- 
 ton accufed him, and gave evidence that he had fcen and heaz-d him do it ; to •which" 
 Mr. Winflow anfv>ered, that fometimes, wanting a miniiler, he did exercife his gift 
 to help the edification of his brethren when they wanted better means, which was 
 not often. Then about marriage, the which he aifo couxeffed, that having been called 
 to place of magiftracy he had fometimes married fome ; and further told their lord- 
 ililps that marriage was a civil thing, and he found no where in the word of God that 
 it was tied to a minifter; Stgain, they were neceflitated fo to do, having for a long 
 time together at firft no minlfter, befides, it were no new thing, for he had been fo 
 married himfelf in Holland by the magiftrates in their State-houfe. But, in the end, 
 to be fl-iort,l>y tkefe things, the bifhop by vehement importunity got the board at laft 
 to confent to his commitment, fo he was carried to the fleet and lay there feventeen 
 •weeks or thereabouts before he could gtt to be releafed. The other defign by this 
 bufinefs and other things concurring, was fruftrated, which was no fmall blcflling 
 to the people here." Mr. Winflow fettled at Marfiifield upon a valuable tra6l of land 
 which now belongs to his eldeft male defcendant. A rare inftance among us. To 
 his eftatc he gave the name of Carefwell, and from thence dated many of his letters 
 to governor Winthrcp, with whom he was very intimate, and frequently came from 
 thence to Bofl:on to vifit him, fometimes, perhaps, by water, but often by land, not as 
 governors travel at this day in a chariot or polt-chaife, but for fome of the firft years 
 At leaft, upon his feet. In the fame manner governor Endicot travelled from Salem 
 to Bofton. I was pleafed with this paragraph of a letter from him to his fucceflbr, 
 
 _ gbvcrnar Winthrop. '* Salem, 1 2th of April, 1 63 1. Right worftiipful, I did hope 
 
 to have been with you in pe'rfon at the court, and to that end I put to fea yefterday 
 and was driven back again, the wind being ftiiF a;gainft us, and, there being no canoe 
 or boat at Sawgus (Lynn) I muft have been conftraihed to go to Myftick and thence 
 about to Charkftown, which at this time I durft^ot be fo bold, my body being at 
 prefent in an ill condition to wade or take cold, and therefore I defire you to pardon 
 me." I cannot help revering our good forefathers, who cheerfully expofed themfelves 
 to thefe hardfhlps. Mr. W inflow's foii was firft an aflTiftant, then governor of the col- 
 ony, his grandfon one of the council for the Province, and many years at the head of 
 the county of Plymouth, one of his great-grandfons loft his life fighting for his coun- 
 try, (p. 27 7) and two others are now living in repute, and in ofiices of honour and truft, 
 and there are many reputable branches of the name and family in different parts of 
 the Pi'ovince. William Brewfter was highly efteemed by the whole company, was 
 their ruhng elder in Holland, which feems to have been the bar to his being their 
 o-overnor, civil and ecclefiaftical office in the fame perfon being then deemed incom- 
 patible. Mr. Bradford gives this account of him. " After he had attained the 
 knowledo-e of the Latin tongue and fome infight into the Greek, and fpent fome 
 fmall time at Cambridge ; and then, being firft feafoned with the feeds of grace and 
 virtue, he went to the court and ferved that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Da- 
 vlfon, divers years, when he was fecretary of State, who found him fo difcreet and 
 faithful, that he trufted him above all other that were about him, and only employed 
 him in ail matters of greateft truft and fecrecy. He efteemed him rather as a fon 
 than a fervant,and for his wifdom and godlinefs, in private, he would converfe with 
 him more like a friend and familiar than a mafter. He attended his mafter, when he 
 was feut in ambafl'age by the queen into the Low Countries, in the earl of Leicefter's 
 time.— He afterwards remained with him till his trouble, when he was put from hi« 
 
 place 
 
APPENDIX. 41^. 
 
 uninhabited country newly found out by Englifh fubje<^s, all laws in force 
 in England are in force there, and the court agreed \vjth him. Uutil they 
 Hiould agree upon laws fuited to. their peculiar circumftances, our PHmo- 
 theans refolved to make the laws of England their nile of government, 
 which, Mr. Hubbard fays, " they were willing to be fubjecl unto, although 
 in a foreign land," and it fcems they dilTered much in this rcfpetft from the 
 Maflachufetts colonilb, and never eltablillied any diftin»5t code or body of 
 
 laws, 
 
 place about the death of the queen of Scots, and feme time after, doing h'm many 
 faithful offices of fcrvice in the time of his troubles. Afterwards he went and livcvl 
 in the country in good efieem among his friends and the genticmen of thofe p?.rts, 
 rfpecially the godly and religions. He was the chief of thofc that were taken at 
 Bofton, and fuffcred the grcatcft lois. After lie came iiuo Holland he fufferci much 
 hardfnip, having fpent moft of his means, having a great char^; => and many children, 
 and in regard of his former breeding and courfe of life not I'o fit for- many emplcv- 
 ments as others were, efpecially fuch as were tollfom*' and laborious, in tlie latter 
 part of the time fpent in Holland, his outward condition was mended. He fell into a 
 way, by reafon he had the Latin tongue, to teach many ftudcnts who had a dc fire to 
 learn the Englifli tongue, for he drew rules to learn it after the Latin m.inner, and 
 mar.y gentlemen, both Danes and German"?, reforttd to him, as they had time from 
 their other ftudies, fome of them being great men's fons. Removing in:o thi^^ coun- 
 try, thcfe things were laid afide, and a new courfe of I'vin^ muft oc fi.b.-nitted to, in 
 which he was no way unwilling to ta!:e his part and to bear h ;s burthen with tlie ref:, 
 living many times without bread or corn many m.snths together, many times having 
 nothing but fiih, and often wanting that alfo, and drank novhir-c but water for matiy 
 years together, yea, till within five or iix years of his, death, and yet he lived, by the 
 blelTing of God, in health till very old a,x"," &c. He lived until 1643, and then died 
 "at the age of 84. His grandfon, William Brewfter, was deacon of the church at 
 Duxbury. Many of his pollerity, I am informed, are living in that colony. Ifaac 
 Allerton or Alderton,the firft airillaai;, was employed feveral times to negociate mat- 
 ters in England relative to their trade, and at length left them and fettled there. 
 His male pofterlty fettled in Maryland. If they be extinift, Point Alderton, Avhicli 
 took his name, will probably preferve it many ages. Miles Standilh is faid, by Mor- 
 ton, to have been " a gentleman of Lancalhire, heir to a great eftate, furreptitiouHy 
 detained from hi.m, his great-grandfather being a fecond or younger bvofher of the 
 houfc of Standifii," had been a foldier in theLow Countries, and was thought, although 
 of remarkable fmall frature, the moll proper perfon for their chief military officer as 
 long as he lived. Many things are faid of his notable fcrength and courage. When 
 the news of the firft Indians being killed, by him, came to Mr. Robinfon in Holland, 
 he writes to his church to confider the difpofition of their captain, who it fecms was 
 of a warm temper, and he hoped the Lord had ftnt him among thcni for good, if 
 they ufcd him right ; but Mr. Robinfon doubted whether there w^as not wanting 
 that tendernefs of the life of man, made after God's image, v.'hieh was meet, and he 
 thought it would have been a happy thing if they had converted fome before* tiiey 
 had killed any. It fecms Standifii was not of their church, at firiT-, and Mr. Hubbard 
 fays he had more of his education in the fchool of Mars than in tha fchool of Clirifl. 
 He acquired, how^ever, the efleem of the whole colony, and died in 1656, much la- 
 mented. His farm in Duxbury retains the name of Captain's Hill to this day, and 
 fome part of it yet remains in the poffeffion of one of his poflerity. William White 
 was remarkable for being the father of the firfl-born child. Peregrine WTiite, who 
 lived until 1 704. Stephen Hopkins was one of the afiiilants, and feems to have 
 been much employed in their public affairs. Purchafe mentions one Stephen Hop- 
 kins, one of Sir George Somers's company at Bermudas, as being difaffeAed to their 
 civil and ecclefiaflical regulations, and a promoter of fcparation.'and not unlilrely to 
 be the fame perfon. He was the anceftor of Mr. Hopkins of Providence, the prefent 
 governor of Rhode Ifland. Richard Warren is mentioned by Bradford as a moil 
 
 ulefal 
 
 C C 2 
 
4H A P 1? E N D I X. 
 
 hws, but " added forae particular municipal laws of their own, fuitabl'e W 
 their conlHtution, in fuch cafes -where the common law and the ftatK 
 ttes of England could not well reach and afford them help in emergent 
 difficulties, following the advice of Pacuvius to his neighbours of Capua,. 
 not to cafhier their old magiflratcs till they could agree upon better to- 
 place in their ro»m." Cartwright, who had a chief hand in i;educing puri- 
 tanlfm to a fvflera, held, that the magiilrate was bound to adhere to the 
 judicial law of Mofes, and might not punifh nor pardon otherwife than 
 they prefcribed, and him the MalTachufetts people followed. It mud be 
 allowed that, in fome itrtlances, the Plimptheans run into the fame errors 
 with Maffachufetts people, and eftablifhed penalties difproportioned to the 
 olTences. A young fa(5tor, who came from Virginia, was captivated with 
 the charms of an" Indian gir^, and the effeds of a criminal converfation 
 loon appeared. He found fufpiclons riling agalnft him, and had no other 
 way to avoid whipping bu;t to leave the colony. Accordingly he privately 
 departed to the colony from whence he came, where I fuppofe his offence 
 would not have been thought very heinous-. If he had forged a deed he 
 rriioht have efcaped with a moderate fine. I would not be underfliood to 
 intend that fornication fhould pafs with impunity, but certainly forgery 
 requires a more infamous punilhment. Bat this was not all. It was 
 thought by one,* at lead, among themfelvcs, that fome enormous Sodomit- 
 ical crimes committed by profligate perfons who had mixed among them, 
 were ovt'ing to the fevere penalties annexed to lafcivious a<51:s, which, though 
 lefs crirtiinal', were more fufpeded and more likely to be difcovered by 
 their cc-nfeqiit^nccs. Wc do not condemn the laws for retraining human 
 
 palTions 
 
 ufeful man among them the fhort time he liv^ed, dying in 1628 ; his fon, grandfon 
 and great-grandf'on have been lince employed in public pofts in the colony and Prov- 
 ince. John Alden Was many years an afTiilant, arid feveral of his defccndants have 
 fuftained public offices, and fome of them are now living : So are the defcendants of 
 ]ohn Howland. I can give no account of the reft of this company. Timothy Ha- 
 therly was a merchant in London, engaged with them from the beginning, and came 
 over two or three years after the firft. He was the principal founder of the town «f 
 Scituate, and was an affiftant : So was Thomas Willett', who cartic from London in 
 1 6 29, and was a principal trader with the Dutch at Manhados,and in futh efleem with 
 them that they chofe hinl a referee to fettle their controverted boundary with the" 
 colony of 3S'ew Haven. He lived many years after, and died at Swanzey. His fon' 
 was one of the firft fettlers of the Narraganfet country in the beginning of this cen- 
 tury, and his grandfon, Francis Willet, efquii'e, is a perfon of diftinguilhed chara6tcr' 
 in that colony. William Thomas, Edmund Freeman, James Cudworth, Thomas^ 
 tiouthworth, were all affiftants, and their families flill remain in the colony. I may 
 not omit taking notice of Richard Bourne, an early fcttler, and a moft zealous and 
 iridefiitigable promoter of the gofpel among the Indians, and though 1 do not find 
 him named in the magiftracy iiimfelf, yetf two of his defcendants have been of the' 
 council for the Province, and feveral more arc now living of very reputable charac- 
 ters, and diftinguiflled by pofts of honeur and truft. Thefe were the founders of the 
 colony of New Plymouth. The fettlement of this colony occafioned the fettkment 
 of Maflachufetts, which was the fource of all the other colonies of New England. 
 Virginia was in a dying ftate, and feemed to revive and flcurifti from the example of 
 New England. I am not preferving from oblivion the names of heroes whofe chief 
 merit is the overthrow of cities, provinces and empires, but the n^nesof the founders 
 of a flourilhine town and colony, if not of the whole Britifh empire in America.. 
 
 * Bradford. 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 fpaffions and natural propenfities, but they will fomctlmcs, like waters clofe 
 clammed or pent up, feek vent and break through with greater violence. 
 They thought the magiflratcs, being God's minirters, were bound to punilh 
 all offences in their courts in the fame proportion as the fupreme Judge 
 would punifli them in the court of heaven. 
 
 They had no fcruples cf their authority by virtue of their combination 
 to infiid corporal puniHimeiit for le/Ter offences. They had been ten years 
 combined before any capital offence was committed. In 1630, John Bil- 
 lington, who had flipped in among them when they were at London, not 
 being one of their church, lay in wait for his conipaniDn Vv'ith whom he 
 was offended, and woufided him, fo that he died prefently after. They 
 were in doubt of their authority to pafs f entence of death. They had jull 
 obtained their patent from the council of Plymouth, which gave all the 
 powers which they had authority to give ; but if the council, by their pat- 
 ent, had no authority to infiidl capital puniihment themfcives, it mi^jht 
 well be inquired how they could give this power to their fubftitutes. Their 
 chief reliance, therefore, fcems to have been upon the voluntary fubr 
 mifEon of this offender among the reil to the laws and orders of the whole 
 body. This, from a mere moral confideration, might induce them to pro- 
 ceed to trial and puniihment, but as they were within the dominions of 
 Great Britain, and had no conOitutionaJ authority to erect courts of juftice, 
 fcruples of the legality ftili remained. They therefore applied to their 
 neighbours in Maifachufetts, and praj-ed their advice. Mr. Winthrop, 
 having confulted with *' the able-ft gentlemen there," concurred v/ith the 
 opinion at Plymouth, that the man ought to die and " the land be purged 
 from blood." This was founded upon the divine command, " Whofoever 
 fheddeth man's blood,'' &c. which was not in any cafe to be difpenfed 
 with. Although they were not clothed with legal authority, they qbferred, 
 neverthelefs, the forms of law, and both grand jury and pe-tty jury w'ere 
 impannelled, and after indidtmcnt, verdii5l and fentence, the crimicnl v/as ex- 
 ecuted. I find no fcruple afterwards of as full, authority in ail cait:s what- 
 foever, as any of the charter governments or Xny gGvernment by royiJ 
 commilfion, until after the refbration of king Charl,es II. 
 
 Mr. Carver, the firft governor, died (uddeuly a few months after their 
 arrival. They chofe William Bradford to fucceed him, and Ifaac AUcr- 
 ton his afTiflant ; but gave this reafon for choofmg an afTiftant, that Mr. 
 Bradford was upon recovery from a fit of ficknefs, and i^nable to 
 bear the whole burden ; hov/ever, it ferved for a jirecedent, and 
 the fame perfons were annually eleded governor and afTiifvint until 1624, 
 when they added four perfons more for afliflants, and gave the governor a 
 double voice, and in 1^33 two more, after which they kept to the number 
 of feven affilbnts, until they lubmittcd to king James II. his commiflion to 
 Andros. In feventy years they had no more than fjx different perfons 
 governors. In popular governments, where the ele*5tions are freciuent and 
 chmges rare, it is ordinarily a proof of a fpirit of virtue, and a prcfumption 
 arifes that they have pitched upon perfons well qualified ; and on the 
 contrary, frequent fhifting from one perfon to another, and from one fet 
 of ofEcers to another, with continual animofities, contentions and flruggles 
 between the two parties, which we have feen inlUnces of in the colonies* 
 is a proof that this fpbit is not predominaat. 
 
 Bradfuri, 
 
414 APPENDIX. 
 
 Bradford, who fucceeded Cirver, was chofen annually from 1621 unul 
 he died in 1657, except in 1633, ^^3^ 2.n4 1644, when Edward Winflo\gr 
 was chofen, and 1634 when Thomas Prince was chofen, who alfo fucceed- 
 ed Bradford and was annually elected, until his deat^ in i673, when Jofias 
 Winflow fucceeded and continued until he died in 1 680, and was fucceeded 
 by Thomas Hinkley, who held the place, except in the interryption by 
 Andros, until the juticlion vyith Maffachufetts in 1692. 
 
 Ida not find when they firft chofe a deputy governor or gave an affift- 
 ant the name of deputy governor, for I know of no peculiar fhare 
 of power ; but in the latter part of the patent, William Bradford, 
 fon to the firli: governor, is named deputy governor. The charters of the 
 thre«r New England charter governments mentioning fuch an officer prob- 
 ably led them to a conformity. They had no houfe of reprefentatives untij 
 the year 1639.* There feems to have been no occafion for one before. 
 Their number was fmail, the eleiflion of governor and affiftants annual ; 
 they v/ere to all intents and purpofes the reprefentatives of the peoJ)Ie, and 
 indeed, when the colony increafed, the increafing the number of affiftants 
 might have anfwered ail the purpofes of chopfmg the fame number with an- 
 other name. The people of MaiTachufetts had fome fpecial reafojis which 
 the people of Plymouth hid not. They were limited by charter to eighteen 
 alhftants. The people were not fatisfied that the whole powers 01 govern- 
 ment Ihould be in fo few hands; They could have a remedy in no other 
 v/ay than by creating a dif lind body of men to fliare with the governor and 
 affiftants in acls of government. The people of Maffachufetts, from th^ 
 beginning, endeavoured to preferve two diftinft )-anks or orders of men, 
 gentry and commonalty.f There was a general difpofition to ele^l the 
 governor, &c. from the former rank ; their minifters preached it as a Chris- 
 tian and moral duty. Thar the comm.onalty, pr, as they exprefied them- 
 felves, the generality, might come in for a fliare, they formed a new body 
 by the name of reprefentatives, although their charter knew nothing of it. 
 
 Whiiil they were few in number, fo that the whole body could affem- 
 ble in one place, the whole were frequently convened to determine upon 
 matters executive as well as Icgiflative.:}: When they \yei% increafed and 
 were divided into toAvns remote from the centre, this became impradicable. 
 They then feem to have followed the model of MaiTachufetts, the governor 
 and affiftants being the fupreme judiciary power and fole in judging high 
 offences, lefter offences being cognizable before inferior courts and fingle 
 magiftrates, and in civil matters appeals alfo lay from inferior- jurifdiclions 
 to the fupreme. 
 
 I ftiall briefly touch upon their ecclefiaftical affairs. I fuppofe this peo- 
 ple were the firit who took or received the name of Independents, which 
 
 in 
 
 * At the general court held the 4th of June, 1639, committees or deputies fent 
 from each town, four from Plymouth, tv^'o from Duxborough, two from Scituate, 
 two from Sandwich, two from Cohannet (Taunton) two from Yarmouth, two from 
 Barnftablc. Co/orry records. In June, 1 649, it was ordered that Plymouth fhould 
 fend only two. 
 
 t Vol. I. Appendix, No. 3. 
 
 ^ At a general court held the ayth of March, 1634, it was ordered that all ac- 
 tions either of debt or trelpafs under 40/". be tried hy the governor and aflillants 
 wltliout the trouble of the whole body. dlony reurd^, ' 
 
APPENDIX. 415 
 
 in a few years after was the name ^Iven to a body of men in England who 
 aflumed the government there. When they firft went to Holland, they 
 were known by the name of Brownlfls. Some of the charat^eriftic; 
 of Brownifni they afterwards difcJaimed, and at tlie fame time difclaimed 
 the name, which was generally odious, the chara(n:er of the founder of the 
 fe(ft being, at beft, problematical. Befides, he renounced his principles 
 and returned to epifcopacy. The Puritans they could not conform to, 
 and therefore conlidered themfelves as a diftin*^ church or by themfclves 
 independent of all other. Cardinal Bcntivoglio makes them a di(Hn(ft feft 
 in Holland by the name of Puritans, though he was unacquainted with 
 their inducement to leave England, and luppofes it commerce and not 
 religion,* The Maffachufctts people refined and took die name of Con- 
 gregationalids, although it will perhaps be difficult, at this day, to fhcw 
 any material difference between the churches of the two colonics ; for al- 
 though Plymouth never edabliflied by a«51: of government the Maffachufctts 
 platform, yet in pradice they feem generally to have conformed to it. 
 
 Whiift they expected their r.'nirter from Holland they were without 
 the lacraments ; they had conftant public worfhip, their pious elder gene- 
 rally praying and preaching, or as they then termed it prophcfying, and 
 fometimes one or other of the brethren befl: gifted or qualified. After 
 their minifter*s death, they made trial of four or five, but fome were 
 of bad morals, others of principles not approved, and others met witli bet- 
 ter offers, fo that they had no minifter fettled to their fatisfadion until 
 Mr. John Reyner came among them in the year 1636. The whole col- 
 ony made but one church until the year 1633, when thofe brethren who 
 lived on the fide of the bay oppofite to the town, where Duxbury now is, 
 broke from the refl becaufe of the difficulty of travel, and became a dif- 
 tin6t fociety. Perhaps their being fo long without a minifler at firft, might 
 be the rcafon why they were lefs- anxious to be furnifhed with minifters, 
 immediately upon their fpreading and forming new towns and fetilements, 
 than their neighbours in Maffachufetts and Connedicut. 
 
 Confidering the rapid increafe of Maffachufetts and Conneclicut, it 
 may not be amifs to give the reafons of the very flow growth of Plyn^outh, 
 for in thirteen or fourteen years the whole colony was not becom,e too nu- 
 merous for one middling tow^n. They had pitched upon fmie of the 
 poorefl land in New England, and had frequent thoughts of quitting it. 
 In 1623, their brethren write from Lej'den, and define, that fteing 
 by God's providence '* that place fell to their jot, they would not 
 leave it nor languifh after other places, though they had difcovered more 
 rivers and more fertile places than where they were ;" but in 1633, they 
 took poffeffion of Connedicut river, and built and fortified a houfe for 
 trade, where Hartford now is, and afterwards when Maffachufetts dif- 
 poffefTed them, they urged among other reafons for holding pofleflion, 
 that " they lived upon a barren place where they were by neceflity caft, 
 and neither they nor theirs could long continue upon the fame, and whv 
 
 fliould 
 
 * I Puritan! aneora vi fon toleratt, che fono i p'tu piir'i e / piu rigU'i Culviniji'i, i quali non 
 vocrliono riconofcerg aiitorifa alcuna ne magijirati pvlitici fupra il governo de Uro miryiri 
 beretici, e fono quaft tutti de Puritani d^Jnghiltjrra, che per occafion di comm^-rcio frcqucntan 
 VOllavJa, e Is altra Provincic UniL\^ — l)clla relatione dcllc Provincic, ts^'i. 
 
41^ 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 (hoiild they be deprived of that which they had provided and intended to 
 rtmoye to as foon as they were able. * 
 
 In the next place, the plan they fet out upon was not to make a great 
 colony in a Httle tirae, but to preferve a pure and diftinft congregation j 
 they neither defired any people of a different perfuafion to mix with them, 
 nor did any fuch incline to go among them. When one of their number- 
 was hanged ten years after the fettlement began, it was remarked that he 
 ,had been a profane perfbn, and guilty of other mifcarriages before that for 
 which he fuffered, and that by means of fome of his friends in London he 
 had been fhuiHed in among them. If all in England, who called them^ 
 felves Brownifts and Independents at that day had come over with them, 
 they would fcarcely have made one confiderable town. Indeed, a feur 
 years after, mofl of thofe who had before been called Puritans, were will- 
 ing enough to own th^ fame principles with them, though they did not 
 like the name. . 
 
 We may add one caufe more, viz. that their views when they left En- 
 gland were rather to eftablifh a factory t.^an a colony. They had no no- 
 tion of cultivating any more'ground than would afford their own neceffary 
 provifions, but propofed that their chief fecular employment fhould be 
 
 commerce 
 
 * Ml-. Bradford among the proceedings of the year 16^;^ places their poffeffion 
 of Connecticut river. " Having had formerly converlc and familiarity with the 
 Dutchj as is before remembered, they feeing them feated here in a barren quarter, 
 told them of a river called by them the Frefli River, but now is known by the name 
 of Conighticute River, which they often commended to them for a fine place both 
 for plantation and trade, and wifhed them to make ufe of it, but their hands being 
 full otherwife, they let it pafs j but afterwards there coming a company of banilhed 
 Indians into thefe parts that were driven out from thence by the potency of the Pe- 
 quods, they often folicite4 them to go thither and they fliould have much trade, ef- 
 pecially if they would keep a houfe there, and they began to fend that way for dif- 
 covery and trade with the natives. They found it to be a fine place, but no great 
 Itore of trade, but the Indians excufed it by reafon of the fear they were in of their 
 enemies. They tried divers times and not without profit, but faw the moft certainty 
 would be by keeping a houfe there to receive the trade when it came down out of 
 the inland. The Indians, feeing they were aot very forward to build there, foiicited 
 them of MalTachufetts in like fort, (for their end was to be reftored to their country 
 again) but they in the bay being lately come were not fit for the fame, and fome of 
 their chiefs made a motion to join with the partners here to trade jointly in that 
 river, which they were willing to embrace, and fo they would have built and put in 
 equal flock together. A time of meeting was appointed at MalTachufetts, and fome 
 of the chief here were appointed to treat with them, and went accordingly ; but 
 they caft many fears of danger and lofs and the like, which were perceived to be the 
 rnain obftacles, though they were not provided of trading goods ; I)ut thofe here 
 offered to put in fufiicient for both, provided they would become engaged for the 
 half and prepare againfl the next year. They confelTed more could not be oifered, 
 fcut thanked theui and told them they had no mind to it. They then faidthey hoped 
 it would be no ofFci^ce if they went on without thcmJ They faid there was no rea- 
 fon they fhould, and thus the treaty broke off. Thofe here took convenient time to 
 make a beginning tiiere, and were the firfl Englifh who both difcovered that place 
 and built in the fame. But the Dutch began now to repent, and hearing of their 
 purpofe and preparation, endeavoured to prevent them, and got in a little before 
 them, and made a flight fort, and planted two pieces of ordnance, threatening to flop 
 their paffage ; but they having made a fmall frame of a houfe ready, having a great 
 new bark, th^y flowed their frame in her hold and boards to cover and finilh it, hav- 
 iiij^ nails, &ZZ. fitting for their ufe 1 this they did the XHth?r that they niight haVe apref^- 
 
APPENDIX. 417 
 
 commerce v/Ith the natives ; and they entered into contra^^ with a com- 
 pany of twenty or more merchants and others, many of them belonging 
 to Briflol, who were to furnilh them with goods, and at the end of fcvcn 
 years the profits were to be divided equally between the merchants in En- 
 gland and the colonilh, all the houles and improved land to be valued in 
 the joint (bclc. This laft circumftance was a lufficient bar to any extra- 
 ordinary improvement of the lands. Here I cannot help remarking thiit 
 they had a fine opportunity of making fortunes, having few or no rivals ; 
 and the Indians were charmed with European goods, as well to adorn as 
 to clothe themfelves, and goods fold at grc.it advance and the furs came 
 cheap ; but a variety of misfortunes and lofles by fea for feveral years to- 
 gether kept the balance againll them. They were but little acquainted 
 with trade, and perhaps our forefathers were not fo worldly-minded as 
 their pofterity have fince been. At firft they made every man a partner. 
 Every man's perfon was valued at ten pounds* interefl in the ftock, and 
 his whole time was to be employed for the common benefit. He that 
 had 90I. in the general ftock, with the addition of lol. for his perfon, 
 was to iliare ten times as piuch as he who had no fubftance at all. This 
 was a hard bargain for the poor, and I fhould not wonder if perfons who 
 
 could 
 
 cnt defence againfl the Indians, who were much offended that they brought home and 
 rcftored the right fachem of that place, called Natuwannute ; fo that they were to 
 encounter with a double danger in this attempt, both the Dutch and tho Indians. 
 When they came up the river, the Dutch demanded what they intended and whither 
 they would go ; they anfwcred up the river to trade ; now their order was to go and 
 and feat above them.r— They bid them ftrike and flay or elle they would fhoot them, 
 and flood by their ordnance ready fitted ; they anfwered they had commiflion from 
 the governor of Plymouth to go up the river to fuch a place, and if they did fhixit, 
 they mull obey their order and proceed, they would not molefl them, but would go 
 on. So they pafTcd along ; and though the Dutch threatened them hard, yet they 
 {hot not. Coming to their place they clapped up their honlc quickly and landed 
 their provifions, and left the company appointed and fent the baric home, and after- 
 wards pailifadoed their houfe about and fortified themfelves better. They did the 
 Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any land they bonglit, but went to the 
 place above them, and bought that tradt of land which belonged to thofe Indians 
 which they carried with them and their friends, with whom the Dutch had nothmg 
 
 to do." Bradford's MS. 
 
 I cannot let this extract paf, without an obfervation relative to MafTachufetts. In 
 the controverfy between New York and the two governments of Maflachufetts and 
 Connecticut, the charters to which give them a territory v,'eft to the South Sea, except 
 fuch parts as were poffeffed by any prince or State, the government of New York 
 ^kims to Connedicut River, becaufe the Dutch were in pofTefTion, and it was part of 
 the exception, and therefore the grant of it afterwards tn the duke of York was good. 
 This manufcript of Bradford is the moft ancient memorial relative to this jart of the 
 country which is now extant, and it appears from it that until divers year*; after the 
 date of the MafTachufetts charter the Duf'- had no fort of poffeflion in the Frtfh 
 or Connedicut River, nor any intention oi *"'■ tling there, but encouraged the people 
 of New Plymouth, with whom they had begun a correfpondence and trade, to quit 
 this fettlement and remove thither, and thereupon the Plimothean*;, ft-veral times 
 before the year 163?, went up the river and had began a trade tliere ; but the Dutch, 
 probably alarmed by the formidable appearance of the MafTachufetts colony, then 
 repented of the advice they had given, purchafcd a xx-^&i in the lower part of the 
 fiver, and would have prevented the Englifh from pafling, but failed in the attempt, 
 and they were foon after obliged to quit the river themfelves, and iu 1 650 formally 
 Xclinquifhed all claim or pretence to jurifdidion there. 
 
4i8 APPENDIX. 
 
 could bring nO money to put in tlie ftock were difcouraged from fettling 
 among them. After the expiration of the feven years, and a fettleinent with' 
 their partners In England, the principal perfons were obliged to become 
 bound for the balance which remained in the hands of the colony or fac- 
 tory, and from that time took the trade into their own hands, exclufive of 
 the poorer fort, who had l])ent feven years in labour and toil, and had re- 
 ceived fubfiftence only, and that oftentimes fcant enough. 
 
 They had for eight or ten years almoft the whole fupply of the Indians 
 who were near neighbours to them, but their greatefl: expeftations were 
 from the eaflcrn Ir-dians, and they fet up a truck-houfe at Penobfcot and 
 another upon Kennebeck river. The latter they found mod advantageous 
 and fought for a grant ofa convenient tradt from the council of Plymouth, 
 which they obtained in the year 1628, but it was " fo Itrait and il^ bound- 
 ed," that the next year, 1629, when a grant was made of the lajids in- 
 tended for the whole colony, the traft of country at Kennebeck was grant- 
 ed anew, and the limits enlarged. They met with fome oppofition in 
 1634 from perfons employed by lord Say and lord Brook, who claimed a 
 light of trading at the fame place with the Plymouth people, I fuppofe by 
 a grant from Gorges, and a fray happened in which one was killed on each 
 fide. Lord Say's company were Puritans, arid thofe of Plymouth Inde- 
 pendents. The enemies of both reproached both for making religion the 
 profeffed motive to colonizing, and fo foon after killing one another for the 
 iake of beaver.* • This grant upon Kennebeck, within twelve or fifteen 
 years part, from a different conftrudllon of the words which defcribe the 
 limits, has been the caufe of great contention. Perhaps the relation of this 
 aftlon by governor Bradford may afford fome light in the controverfy. I 
 ftiall therefore caufe it to be inferted in the margin exactly as Ji find the 
 words and points in his manufcript.f 
 
 For 
 * NoUem vl et caede pro evangelic certarl. Luth. 
 
 f " I nm now to enter upon one of the faddefl things that befell them fince they 
 coine. But before I begin it will be needful to premife fuch parte of their patente 
 jis gives them right and priviledge at Kenebeck. As followeth. The faid counfell 
 liath further given, granted, bargained, fold, infeoffed, allotted, afTigned and fct over, 
 and by thefe prefents, doe clearly and abfolutely give, grante, bargane, fell, alliene, 
 cnffeofe, allote, afligne and confirme unto the faid William Bradford, his heires, afTo- 
 ciates, and afTigncs, All that tradle of land or part of New England in America afFore- 
 faid, which lycth within or betweene, and extendeth it felfe, from tlie utmofl limits 
 of Cobifeconte which adjoyneth to the river of Kenebeck, towards the wefternc ocean, 
 and a place called the falls of Nequamkick in America aforefaid. And the fpace of 
 15 Engliih myles, on each fide of the faid river, commonly called Ivcnebeck river, 
 and all the faid river called Kenebeck, that lycth within the faid limits and bounds 
 caftward, wcflward, northward and fouthward, laft above mentioned- ; and all lands, 
 ^rrounds, foyles, rivers, waters, flihing, &c. And by vertue of the authority to us 
 derived by his faid late Ma"^!^ Ljres paints to take, apprehend, feife, and make prife 
 of all fuch perfons their {hips and good?, as fhall attemptc to inhabite, or trade, with 
 the favagc people of that countrie within the feverall prefinds, and limits of his, and 
 their feverall plantations. Sec. 
 
 Now it fo id\ out that one Hocking, belonging to the plantation of Pifcataway, 
 ■wente with a barke, and commodities to trade in that river, and would needs prefs 
 into their limits, and not only fo but would needs goe up the river above their houfc 
 (towards the falls of the river) and intercept the trade that fhould come to them. 
 He that was cheefe of the place forbad thtin, and prayed him that he would' not 
 
 ©fFer 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 419 
 
 For two or three years after their arrival all things were in common, no 
 man having any property but what was put into tl^e common ftock and every 
 perfon turnillied with clothing and provifions out of this ilock. A certain 
 <juantity of land in the beginning of the year was afTigned for plantin;;, and 
 every man had fuch a proportion of the labour afligned him. Mr. Bradford 
 remarks, upon this occafion, that the ill fuccefs ol this community of goods, 
 even among godly and fober nien, fully evinced ihe vanity of tliat conceit 
 of Plato, that the taking away property and bringing in community into a 
 commonwealth v.ould make them happy and flouri(hing, and in fac^t they 
 raifed fo Httle provifions, that once, at leafl, they were in danger of (larv- 
 ing, and before their crops were fully ripe, great part would be ftolen out 
 of the fields to fatisfy hungry bellies, and fevere whipping of the offenders 
 would not deter others in the like circumftances from committing the like 
 pffence ; bcTides, it occafioned confi%nt difcontent and murmuring ; the 
 young men, moft capable of labour, who had no families, thouglit much of 
 labouring for other men's wives and children ; thofe in their full (trength 
 complained that it was unjufl to allow them no more in the divifion of 
 yiduals and clothing than them who were weak and could not do a quarter 
 part of the labour ; the aged and grave men thought it an Indignity and 
 difrerpe<n: to be ypon a level, as in kbour fo in viduals and clothes, with 
 the younger, and in other refpeds inferior fort ; hu(bands could not 
 brook it that their wives fhould be commanded to do menial fervices, drcffrng 
 meat, walhing clothes, Sec. for other men ; all being to do and all to re- 
 <:eive alike, it was inferred that in all other refpet^s they ought to be alike, 
 and one man was to all intents and purpofes as good as another, and no 
 fubordlnation, no civil diiUndion could be preferved. After three years 
 they found it abfolutely neceffary to come into fome new meafures, and 
 
 began 
 
 offer them that injuria, nor goe about to infringe their Hbertiei, (which had coll them 
 fo dear) but he anfwered he would go up and trade there in difpite of them, and lyc 
 there as longe as he pleafed ; the other told him he muft then be forced to remove 
 him from thence, or make feafure of him if he could, he hid him do his worfte, and 
 fo wente up and anchored there. The other took a boat, and fome men, and went 
 up to him, when he faw his time, and againe entreated him to dej^arte, by what per- 
 fuafion he could. But all in vaine, he eould get nothing of him but ill words. So 
 he confidered that now was the feafon for the trade to come dowue, and if he fhould 
 fufFer him to lye, and take it from them, all their former charge would be loft, and 
 they had better throw ;ip all. So confulting with hU men, (who were willing there- 
 for) he refolved to put hirp from his anchores, and let him drive downe the river 
 with the ft ream e ; but commandf:d the men that none ftiould ftioste a fnote upon 
 any occafion except he commanded them. Ke fpoake to him againe but all in vainc, 
 then he fent a cuple in a canow to cutte his cable, the which one of them performer 
 but Hocking takes i:p a pece which he had layded ready, and as the barhe fhcrc J by 
 the canow he fhot him clofe under her fide, in the head (as I take it) fo he fell downe 
 dead inftantly. One of his fellows (wh^ch loved him well) could not hold, bur with 
 a mufket fhot Hocking;, vv^ho fell downe dead and never fpoake word ; thii* was the 
 truth of the thing ; the reil of the men carried home the veflel ard the fad tidinjjs 
 of thefe things. Now the Lord Say and the Lord Brooke with fome other great 
 pcrfonahad a hand in this plantation ; they write home to them, as murji as they 
 could to exafpcrate them in the matter ; leaving out all the circunift.inccs, as if he 
 had been killed without any offence of his parte, conceling that he hr.d killed antWier 
 firft, and the juft occafion thiat he had given in offering fuch wrong ; at which their 
 
 Lordf.Ps were much offended till they were truly informed •i the matter." 
 
 Bratf/orifs MS, 
 
420 APPENDIX. 
 
 ibegan with aflignlng to each family a certain quantity of land fufficicnt ta 
 raife corn enough tor their fupport, but in dl other refpeds to continue ia 
 the general way, until the feven years for which they had contracfled with 
 their partners in England for the profits of their labour were expired. 
 There was immediately a new face upon their affairs ; much more corn 
 was planted than the governor, by the exertion of all his authority, could 
 ever caufe them to plant in any year before ; women and children, who 
 were weak and unable before, went cheerfully with their hufbands and 
 parents to plant corn, and every family had enough for their fupport, and 
 many of them fome to fpare. ' An emulation was created and increafed 
 every year to exceed in (Quantity, and in a few years they were able to 
 rallc fufficient to make it a valuable article in their Indian trade, being 
 then worth fix (hillings fterling a bulhel ; the Indians in a great meafure 
 left off raifing it, the hunting life being more agreeable to them, when they 
 found with their furs they could purchafe what they wanted. 
 
 The colony had Ihuggied for feven or eight years, and had made but 
 fmall improvements in cjaltivating the ground, and were not numerous 
 enough to think of dividing and extending to the inland parts of the coun- 
 try, when Mr. Endicot arrived at S9,lem to prepare the way for the grand 
 undertaking .of fettling Maflachufetts. This muft have given frefli fpirits 
 to the Plimotheans. Without this, I think, there is great reafon to quef- 
 tion whether the plantation would not in a few years have been deferted 
 and the fettlers have removed to fome more fertile part of America, or, 
 which is more probable, have returned to England, where, from the change 
 of times, they might have enjoyed civil and religious liberty, for the fake 
 .of which they firft quitted it, in as great a latitude as their hearts could wilh. 
 In a fmall colony it cannot be expe<Eled that we Ihould meet with many 
 events of moment after they had grappled with the hardfhips which attend- 
 €d their iirft fettiement. Mr. Bradford remarks that the Spaniards were 
 thought by Peter Martyr to have fuffered hardfhips which none but a 
 ^Spaniard could endure, when they were obliged to live for five days to- 
 gether upon the parched grain of maize only, and that not to faturitie ; 
 whereas the Plimotheans the firfl two or three years thought a meal of 
 their maize as good as a feaft, and fometimes not for five days only, but for 
 two or three months together, were deftitute of that and all other corn or 
 bread of any kind ; but with their miferies, he fays, they opened a way 
 to thefe new lands, for other men to come afterwards with eafe and inhabit 
 them. The fourth year after their arrival, they were threatened with the 
 total deflruiftion of their crop, and abfolute famine. From about the mid- 
 dle of May to the middle o^" July, they had not one fhower of rain, and the 
 extreme heat of the fun upon their fandy foil had fo dried up their corn, 
 that they were almoft in defpair of its ever being reftored ; but in the eve- 
 ring after a day of fading and prayer, it began to rain, and by repeated 
 fhowers their corn recovered its verdure, and they had a plentiful harveft. 
 They afterwards found by experience that fuch droughts are frequent in 
 this climate ; but the infinitely wife and good Creator has fo ordered the 
 fcafons, that thefc droughts have always been followed, before the end of 
 the fummer, with refreihing rains ; and although the fruits of the earth 
 fcave been much diminifhed, yet harveit hath never failed, men and beafts 
 have been fupported, and ordinarily, in the Rcxt fucceeding year, there 
 has been a remarkable plenty. yv 
 
APPENDIX. 4ii 
 
 The terror which fire-arms (Iruck into the Indians prevented them from 
 deftroying this fmall company. There wore not above feven men capable 
 t>f bearing arms in the time of fickncfs the fii ft winter, i^oon after, the 
 potent nation of Narragand't fent to the Engliih a bundle of arrows tiLcS: 
 with a fnake's fkin, as a defiance and denunciation of w-.ir. The Kngliih 
 fUied the flcin with bullets, and fent it back with this anfwer, that they had 
 done them no wrong, did not fear them, and were provided for them, 
 come when they would. The Narraganfets would not fuffcr the bullet* 
 to come near them, and they were moved about from place to place, till 
 they found their way back to the Englifh again, and the Indians remained 
 <juiet. As the Indians learned the ufe of fire-arms, the Englifh increafed 
 in number, and until the year 1675, there was no open rupture, except 
 the fliort offenfive war with the Pct^uots in their own country, which end- 
 ed in their deftrudion. 
 
 However rigid the New Plymouth colonics may have been at ths;r firit 
 feparati-on from the church of England, yet they never difcovered that 
 perfecuting fpirit which wc have fcen in Maflachufetts. When Mrs. 
 Hutchinfon and her adherents were baniflied from that colony, they ap-^ 
 plied to the col'ony of Plymouth, for leave to fettle upon Aquidnick cv 
 Rhode Ifland, which was then acknowledged to be within Plymouth pat- 
 ent, and it was readily granted,^ although their tenets were no more ap- 
 , proved by Plymouth than by Maflachufetts. Some of the Quakers alfo 
 j fled to Plymouth boundsy and probably iaved their lives ; for althougii 
 ;they made laws fevcre enough againit erroneous opi-nions, yet in no cale 
 [capital ; and the Baptifts were ftiU more favourably received, the town cf 
 I Swanzey being principally fettled by Baptift refugees from the Ma Jachu- 
 Ifetts colony, and when one of their miniftera fettled in the chtirch of Plym- 
 outh, they were content that he fhould bcptizc by imnierfion or dipping 
 any who defired it, provided he took no exception to the ctlier miniaer's 
 fprinkling fuch for whom immerfion was not judged neceflary. 
 
 Until 1629, they were in doubt about their thh to their lands. They 
 were conftantly foHciting a grants or, as they tcrnj it, an p.iTjranee from the 
 council of Plymouth^ In 1624, they employed one Jslin Pierce, \y]v> 
 procured a grant to himfelf for about fifty pounds, but he !:cpt it in hi:* own 
 hands, and refJed to aflign it for Icfs than fue hundred ]>ounds. Thio 
 ^hey juflly complained of as a great breach of truft, and attribute to it fev- 
 ;ral lofies and difappointments he met- with in his intended voyage, v.lJch 
 "rightencd him, and made him aifo look upon them as the punifmr.ent of 
 bis perfidy and to relinquifh hi>s ckirfi. J do not find that thofe vvho em- 
 Joyed him reaped any benefit from the grant. After they l;ad tlieir pat- 
 nt in 1629, they were eafy until the reftoration ; but when Connecticut 
 ,nd Rhode Ifland, who held their lands, or moil of them, under patpnts 
 rom the council of Plymouth, thought it necefTary to folicit and had ob- 
 ained a royal confirmation and charter, giving authority to govern, New 
 Plymouth folicitcd alfo, but they were rather too late. The court began 
 ',0 be jealous of the colonifts. Such fort of charters as had been granted, 
 eft them, it was faid, too much to themfeives ; and althotigh they weie 
 jiot peremptorily refufed, they were put off from time to time, and told that 
 he only difnculty was to fettle fuch a form cf government as Ihould fecure 
 jbeir dependence as a colony, and ihould neyerthelef^ afford to rhem libcr- 
 es^iad privileges to their fatisfadUon. rp, • 
 
422 
 
 APPENDIX; 
 
 This was no eafy matter for both fides to agree upon. This flate of 
 jfufpenfe made the colony more pliable and obsequious than their neigh- 
 bours of Maflachufetts, and particularly, when the commiffioners from 
 king Charles came to New England in 1664, Plymouth Submitted to their 
 determination a controverfy between that colony and Rhode Ifland about 
 bounds, and gave fatisfaclory anfwers to the Several queries propofed to 
 them.* They received a very gracious letter frorn the king, but all ended 
 in bond verba. We can eafily conceive of a parent State growing every day 
 more and more popular in its government, and neverthelefs at the fame 
 time retraining the liberties of its colonies for the fake of continuing the 
 connexion ; but when there is a fcheme of eftablifhing abfolute power in 
 the parent State, how can it be expefted that popular governments fhould 
 be ellablillied in the colonies ? However, no advantage v/as ever taken of 
 their want of authority, and their proceedings were connived at until the 
 {general fnitDwreck of charters in 1684, when an arbitrary government was 
 eftabliffied in the other colonies, and they could not expefl to efcape. 
 All their hopes being ^ an end, they made as loud complaints of oppref- 
 fion, under Andros, as any people of his government, and perhaps with as 
 much reafon, and when the people of Ma/Tachufetts imprifoned him and 
 rc-affumed their charter, Plymouth affuraed their old form of government 
 alfo. Now it was that they firft fenfibiy found the want of a charter. 
 Connedicut and Rhode Ifland, who had refigned their charters, were juf- 
 tined, by the example of the corporations in England, in afluming them 
 again, but Plymouth had none to afiume. Their lirft attempt was to pro- 
 cure a charter and to continue a diftindl government. In this they could 
 not fucceed. Perhaps, if it had been folicited in the befl: manner, they 
 might have Succeeded, but interior divifions prevented any proper meafures 
 being purfued. Mr. Hinkley, their governor, wrote to Mr. Mather, the 
 Maflachufetts agent, to defire him to folicit in their behalf, but the people 
 refufed to advance any money, and {o fmall a fum as twO hundred pounds 
 fterlino could not be raiSed. The inhabitants of fome of the principal towns 
 Subscribed, upon condition the whole Sum fliould be raiSed, and Some of 
 the towns refufmg, the whole fubfcription failed. Such was the efl'eft of 
 their divifions, that neither party would acknowledge the authority of the 
 government when any ad pafled which they did not approve of. Mr. 
 Wifwall, one of their minifliers, by advice of fonie gentlemen in Boflon, 
 went to England ; but having no commilTion, and, which is more fatal to 
 thofe who have affairs at court, no money, he never could make a public 
 appearance, and ferved only to give offence to the mlnift:ry by offering ex- 
 ceptions to the propofal of joining Plymouth to Mafllichufetts, and occa- 
 fioned their being annexed to New York. It is faid they were taken out 
 of Slaughter's commiflion by Mr. Mather's interefl:. Slaughter arrived at 
 New York the year before Phips arrived in Mafl'achufetts, and fent his 
 orders, copy of which I have feen, to Little Compton, In Plymouth colo- 
 ny, in terms as high- and authoritative as if he had been their governor or 
 depended upon being fuch. So that their jundlion with New York Seemed 
 rather Sufj^ehded than SuperSeded until they were adually included in 
 Mafl^achuSetts. 
 
 We certainly are not in a proper temper when, becauSe we cannot ob- 
 tain all which we think of right belongs to us, we are indifferent whether 
 
 wc 
 * Vol. I. Chap. ii. 
 
Appendix. 
 
 423 
 
 ^e retain any part of it. I dare fay there is not a man in the colony of 
 Plymouth at this day, who does not think it a moft happy circumftancc 
 that they were annexed to MafTachufetts rather than to New York. And 
 ahhough at firfl there might be jealouiies of unequal diAin*51ions, upon 
 fome occalions, in favour of Maflachufetts, yet they have long (Incc beea 
 at an end, and the cuftoms, manners and religious oninions of the two 
 colonies being much the fame, they mutually confider tlfemfelves as having 
 one joint general intereft, as fully in all refpe^ls as if they had been one 
 colony from the beginning. 
 
 N^- 11. 
 
 November, 1637. 
 
 The Examination of H^rs, Ami Hutchlnfon at the court at 
 
 Newtovjno 
 
 Mr JVlnthrop, governor, MrS. Hutchinfon, you are called here as one 
 «f thofe that have troubled the peace of the Commonwealth and the churcli- 
 cs here ; you are known to be a woman that hatli had a great fhare in 
 the promoting and divulging of thofe opinions that are caufcs of this trouble, 
 and to be nearly joined not only in affinity and atfeciion v/ith fome of thofc 
 the court hath taken notice of and paflbd cenfure upon, but you have fpo- 
 ken divers things, as we have been informed, very prejudicial to the hon- 
 our of the churches and minifters thereof ; and you have maintained a 
 meeting and an affcmbly in your lioufe that hath been condemned by the 
 general alfembly as a thing not tolerable nor comely in the fight of God 
 nor fitting for your fex ; and notwithilanding that was cried down, you 
 have continued the fame ; therefore v/e have thought good to fend for you 
 to underftand how things are, that if you be In an erroneous way wc may 
 reduce you, that fo you may become a profitable member here among us, 
 otherwife if you be obfHnatc in your courfe, that then the court may take 
 fuch courfe that you may trouble us no further ; therefore I would entreat 
 you to exprefs whether you do not hold and afTent in praclice to thofe 
 opinions and factions that have been handled in court already, that is to 
 fay, whether you do not juftify Mr. Wheelwright's fermon and the 
 petition. 
 
 Mrs. HutchhifoTu I am called here to anfwer before you, but I hear 
 ne things laid, to my charge. 
 
 G01U I have told you fome already, and more I can tell you. 
 : Mrs. H. Name one, Sir. 
 
 Gov. Have 1 not named fome already ? 
 
 Mrs. H. What have I faid or done i 
 
 Gov. 
 
424 APPENDIX; 
 
 Gov. Why for your doings, this you did, harbour and cotintenahce 
 tKofe that are parties in this fadldn that you have heard cf. 
 Mrs. H. That's matter of confcience, Sir. 
 Go'v. Your confcience you mufl keep, ot it muft be kept for you. 
 Mrs H. Mufl not I then entertain the faints becaufe I muft keep my 
 confcience ? 
 
 Gov. Say that 6ne brother fhould commit felony or treafon and come 
 to his other brother's houfe, if he knows him guilty and conceals him, he 
 is guilty of the fame. It is his confcience to entertain him, but if his 
 confcience comes into ad in giving countenance and entertainment to him 
 that hath broken the law, he is guilty too. So if you do countenance 
 thofe that are tranfgreffors of the law, you are in the fame fa(5t. 
 Mrs. H. What law do they tranfgrefs \ 
 Gov, The law of God and of the State* 
 Mrs. H. In what particular ? 
 
 Gov. Why in this among the reft, whereas the Lotd doth fay, Hon- 
 our thy father and thy mother. 
 Mrs. H. Ky Sir in the Lord. 
 
 Gov. This honour you have broke in giving countenance to them. 
 Mrs. H. In entertaining thofe did I ente;:tain them againft any aft 
 (for there is the thing) or what God hath' appointed \ 
 
 Gov. You knew that Mr. Wheelwright did preach this fermon, and 
 thofe that countenance him in this do break a lawi 
 Mrs. H. What lav/ have I broken \ 
 Gov. Why the fifth commandmenti 
 Mrs, H. I deny that for he faith in the Lordi 
 Gov. You have joined with them in the fadion. 
 Mrs. H. In what faction have I joined with theni \ 
 Gov. In preferiting the petition. 
 
 Mrs. H. Suppofe I had fet my hand to the petition, what thca \ 
 Gov, You faw that cafe tried before. 
 Mrs. H. But I had not my hand to the petition. 
 Gov, You have counfelied them. 
 Mrs, H. Wherein ? 
 Gov, Why in entertaining them. 
 Mrs. H, What breach of law is that. Sir \ 
 Gov, Why dlfhonouring of parents. 
 
 Mrs, H. But put the cafe, Sir, that I do fear the Lord and my 
 parents, may not I entertain them that fear the Lord becaufe my parents 
 v/IU not give me leave ? 
 
 Gov. If they be the fathers of the Commonwealth, and they of another 
 religion, if you entertain them then you difhonour your parents and are 
 juftly punifhable. 
 
 Mrs, H, If I entertain them, as they have difiionoured their parents 
 I do. 
 
 Gov, No, but you, by countenancing them above others, put honour 
 upon them. 
 
 Mrs. H, I may put honour upon them as the children of God, and 
 as they do honour the Lord. 
 
 Gov, We do not mean to difcourfe with thofe of your fex but only 
 
 this % 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 4^5 
 
 this ; you do adhere unto them, and do endeavour to fct forward this fas- 
 frion, and fo you do difliont)ur us. 
 
 Mrs. H, 1 do acknowledge no fuch thing, neither do I think that I 
 ever put any difhonour upon you. 
 
 Gov. Why do you keep fuch a meeting at your houfc as you do every 
 week upon a fet day ? 
 
 Mrs. H. It, is lawful for me fo to do, as it is all your pravflices ; and 
 can you find a warrant for yourfelf, and condemn mc for the fiime ^hing ? 
 The ground of my taking it up was, when I firft came to this land becaufe 
 I did not go to fuch meetings as thofe were, it w.is prefently reported that. 
 1 did not allow of fuch meetings, but held them unlawful, and therefore 
 in that regard they faid I was proud and did defpife all ordinances ; upon 
 that a friend came unto me and told me of it, and 1 to prevent fjcli 
 afperJions took it up, but it was in praflice before I came, therefore 1 v/as 
 fiot the firft. 
 
 Gov. For this, that you appeal to our pra<5lice, 3^ou need no confuta- 
 tion. If your meeting had anfwered to the foriiier it had not b^en aften- 
 five, but I will fay that there was no meeting of women alone, but ypur 
 meeting is of another fort, for there are fometimcs men amon^ you. 
 
 Mrs. H. There was ncvet any man v.ith us. 
 
 Gcv. Well, admit there was no man at your meeting and that you 
 was forry for it, there is no warrant for your doings, and by what warrant 
 do you continue fuch a courfe ? 
 
 Mrs. H. I conceive there lies a clear rule in Titus, that the elder 
 Women fliould znflruft the younger, and then I muft have a time whereia 
 1 muft do it. 
 
 Gdv. All this i grant you ; I grant you a time for it ; but what is 
 this to the purpofe, that you, Mrs. Kutchinfon, muft call a company to- 
 gether from their callings to come to be taught of you ? 
 
 Mrs. H^ Will it picafe you to anfwer me this, and to give me a rule, 
 for then I will willingly fubmit to any truth. If any come to my houfe 
 to be inftruc5ltd in the ways of God, what rule have I to put them away ? 
 
 Gov. But fuppofe that a hundred men come unto you to be inftruflcd, 
 will you forbear to inilru^ them ? 
 
 Mrs. H. As far as 1 conceive I crofs a rule in it. 
 
 Gov. Very well, and do you not fo here ? 
 
 Mrs. H. No, Sir, for my ground is they arc men. 
 
 Gov, Men and women all is one for that ; but fappofc that a man 
 ihould come and fay, Mrs. Hutchinfon, I hear that you are a woman that 
 God hath given his grace unto, and you have knowledge in the worcL^f 
 God, I pray inftnidl me a little ; ouolit you not to inlhu<S this man ? * 
 
 Mrs. H. I think I may.' Do you think it not lawfol for m$ to 
 teach women, and why do you call me to teach the court ? 
 
 Gon. We do not call you to teach the court, but to lay open yourfelf, 
 
 Mrs. H. 1 defire you that you would then fet me down a rule by 
 which I may put them away that come unto me, and fo have peucc in fo 
 doing. 
 
 Gov. You muft ftiew your rule to receive thcm^. 
 
 Mrs. H. I have done it. 
 Vol, II. D d Gov. 
 
426 APPENDIX. 
 
 Goi). I deny it, becaufe I have brought more arguments than yo'u ^ave. 
 Mrs. If. 1 fay, to me it is a rule. 
 
 Mr. Endtcot, You fay there are fome rules unto you. I think there 
 is a contradicftLon in your own words. . What rule for your pra6tic€ do' 
 you bringj only a cuftom in E'ofton. 
 
 Mrs. H. No, Sir, that was no rule to me, but if you look upon the 
 rule in Titus it is a rule to me. If you convmce me that it is no rule 
 ifhalTyieM. 
 
 Gov. You know that there Is no rule tlrat croffes another, but this 
 rule crofles that in the Corintbians. B<it ^''ou mufl: take it in this fenfe, 
 tliat elder women mult inflruft the younger about their bufmefs, and ta 
 love their hufbands, and not to make them to clafh. 
 
 Mrs'. H. I do not conceive but that it is meant for fome pubKc times. 
 ■ Gov. Well, have you no more to fay but this ? 
 
 Mrs. H. I have fiid fufhcient for my practice. 
 
 Gon). Your courfe is not to be fuffered for, befides that we find fuch a 
 GDurfe an this to be greatly prejudicial to the State, befides the occafiori 
 that -it is to feduce many honed perfons that are called to thofe meetings, 
 and your opinion's beiirg known to be different from the word of God may 
 (educe many fimple fouls that refort unto you, befides that the occafion 
 \?1ilch hath come of late hath conte from none but fuch as have frequented 
 your meetings, fo that now they are' flown off from m'agiftratcs and minif- 
 ters, and this fmce they have come to you, and befides that it will not 
 well ftand with the Commonwealth, that families fhould be negle(^ed for 
 fo many neighbours and dames and fo much time fpent, we fee no rule of 
 God for this, we fee not that any jQiould have authority to fet up any other 
 ^xercifes befides what authority hath already fet up, and fo what hurt 
 comes of this you will be guilty of, and we for fuffering you. 
 
 Mrs. H. Sir, I do not believe that to be fo. 
 
 Go^u Well, we fee how it is, we riiult therefore put it away from you, 
 ar rcftiain you from maintaining this courfe. 
 
 Mrs* II. If you have a rule for it from God's word you may. 
 
 Gov. We are your judges, and net you ours, and we mufl: compel 
 you to it. 
 
 Mrs. H. If it pleafe you by authority to put it down I will freely let 
 you, for I am fubje6t to your authority; 
 
 Mr. Bradflreet."^ I v^'oiild afic this queflion of Mrs. Hutchinfon, 
 whether you do think this is lawful ? for then this will follow, that all 
 other v/omen that do not are in a fin. 
 
 Mrs. H. I. conceive this is a free-will oifering. 
 
 Bradll. If it be a free-\\ill offering you ought to forbear it, beoaufe 
 it gives offence. 
 
 •Mrs. II. Sir, in regard of myfelf I could, but for others I do not yet 
 f©c light, but (hall further confider of it. 
 
 Bradjl. I am not againft all women's meetings, but do think them to 
 be lawful. 
 
 Mr. Dudley drp. gov. Here hath been much fpoken concerning Mrs. 
 Hutchinfon's meetings, and among other «infwers, fhe faith that men come 
 
 not 
 * One of the afliflants. 
 
APPENDIX. 427 
 
 BOt there ; I would afk you this one queftion then, whether never acy 
 man was at your meeting ? 
 
 Gov. There are two meetings kept at their houfe, 
 
 Dep. gov. How ? Is there two meetings ? 
 
 Mrs. H. Ey Sir, I fhall- not equivocate, there is a meeting of men 
 and women, and there is a meeting only for women. 
 
 Dep. gov. Are they both conftant ? 
 
 Airs. H. No, but upon occafions they are deferred. 
 
 Mr. Endlcot.* Who teaches in the men's meetings, none but men, 
 do not women fometimes ? 
 
 Mrr. H. Never as 1 heard, not one. 
 
 Dep. gov. I would go a little higher with Mrs. Hutchinfon. About 
 three years ago we were all in peace. Mrs. Hutchinfon, from that time 
 fhe came, hath made a difturbance, and fome that came over with her in 
 the fhip did inform me what fhe was as foon as fhe was landed. 1 being 
 then in place dealt with the paftor and teacher of Boflon, and defired them 
 to inquire of her, and then I was fatisfied that fne held nothing different 
 from us ; but within half a year after, fhe had vented divers of her flrange 
 opinions and had made parties in the countn,-, and at length it comes that 
 Mr. Cotton and Mr. Vane were of her judgment ; but Mr. Cotton hath 
 cleared himfelf that he was not of that mind ; but now it appears by this 
 woman's meeting that Mrs. Hutchinfon hath fo foreflallcd the minds of 
 many by their refort to her meeting that now .fhe hath a potent party in 
 the country. Now, if all thefe things have endangered us as from that 
 foundation, and if flie in particular hath difparaged all our miniflers in the 
 land that they have preached a covenant of works, and only Mr. Cotton 
 a covenant of grace, why this is net to be fuffered, and therefore being 
 driven to the foundation, and it being found that Mrs. Hutchinfon is fhe 
 that hath depraved all the miniflers and hath been the caufe of what is 
 fallen out, why we mufl take away the foundation and the building will 
 fall. 
 
 Mrs. H. I pray, Sir, prove it tliat I fald they preached nofhing but 
 a covenant of works. 
 
 /)(?/. gov. Nothing but a covenant of works ? why a Jefuit may preach 
 truth fometimes. 
 
 Mrs. H. Did I ever fay they preached a covenant of works then ? 
 
 Dep. gov. If they do not preach a covenant of grace clearlv, then they 
 preach a covenant of works. 
 
 Mrs. H. No, Sir, one may preach a covenant of grace more clearly 
 than another ; fo I faid. 
 
 Dep. gov. We are not upon that now, but upon pofition. 
 
 Mrs. H. Prove this then. Sir, that you fay I faid. 
 
 Dep. gov. When they do preach a covenant of works do they preach 
 truth ? 
 
 Mr:. H. Yes, Sir, but when they preach a coTCoant of works for fal- 
 Tation, that is not truth. 
 
 Dep. gov^ I do but alk you this, when the miniflers do preach a cov- 
 enant of works do they preach a way of falvation ? 
 
 Mrs» H. I did not come hither to anfwer to queftions of that fort. 
 
 D d 2 ZJ^jfc. 
 
 * One %i the aiiilants. 
 
428 APPENDIX. 
 
 Dep. gov. Becaufe you will deny the thmg. 
 
 Mrs. H. Ey, but that is to be proved fiifh 
 
 Dep. gov. I will make it plain that you did fay that the minillers did 
 preach a covenant of works. 
 
 Mrs. H, I deny that. 
 
 Dep. go-v. And that you faid they were not able minifters of the 
 New Teilaraent, but Mr. Cotton only. 
 
 Mrs. II. If ever I fpake that I proved it by God's word. 
 
 Court. Very well, very well. 
 
 Mrs. H. If one (liall come unto me in private, and defire me ferioufly 
 to tell them what I thought of fuch an one— I muft either fpeak falfe or 
 true in my anfwer. 
 
 Dtp), gov. Likewife I will prove this, that you faid the gofpel in the 
 letter and words holds forth nothiHg but a covenant of works, and that 
 all that do not hold as you do are in a covenant of works. 
 
 Mrs. H. I deny this, for if I fliould fo fay I fiiould fpeak againft my 
 own judgment. . '' 
 
 Mr. End'u-of. I defire to fpeak, feeing Mrs. Hutchinfon feems to lay 
 fonjelhirg againil them that are to witnels againft her. 
 
 Gov. Only I wcuM add this. It is well difcerned to the court that 
 Mrs. Hutchinfon can tell when tA fpeak and wheA to hold her tongue. 
 Upon the anfwering of a queftion which we defire her to tell her thoughts 
 of flie defires to be pardoned. 
 
 Airs. Hi It is one thing for \\i* to come before a public magiftracy 
 and there to fpeak what they would have me to fpeak, and another when 
 ■A man comes to me in a way of friendlhip privately, there is difference in 
 that. 
 
 Gov. What if the matter be all one .^ 
 
 Mr. Hugh Peters.* That which concerns us to fpeuk unto as yet we are 
 fparing in^unlefs the court command us to fpeak; then we Ihall anfwer to 
 Mrs. Hutchinfon, notwithltanding our brethren are very unwilling to 
 aniwer. 
 
 Gov, This fpeech was rtot fpokcn in a corner, but in a public afTembly ; 
 and thouQ.h things were fpoken in private, yet now coining to us, we are 
 to deal with them as public. 
 
 Mr. Peters. We (hall give you a fair accotmt of what was faid, and 
 defire that we may not be thought to come as informers againft the gen- 
 tlewoman, but as it may be ferviceable for the country and our pofterity to 
 give you a brief account. This gentlewoman went under fufpicion, not 
 only from her landing, that flie was a woman not only diificult in her 
 opinions, but alfo of an intemperate fpirit. What was done at her land- 
 ing I do not well remember, but as foon as Mr. Vane and ourfelves cai«e 
 this controvcrfy began, yet it did refled upon Mrs. Hutchinfon, and fome 
 of our brethren had dealt with her ; and it fo fell out that fome of our 
 miniftry doth fuffer as if it were not according to the gofpel, and as if we 
 taught a covenant of works inftead of a covenant of grace. Upon thefe 
 and the like we did addrefs ourfelves to the teacher of that church, and 
 the court then affembled being f^nfible of thefe things, and this gentle- 
 woman being as we underftood a chief agent, our defire to the teacher was 
 
 to 
 * Mfeifter of Salcm, afterwards fa»6u5 in England. 
 
APPENDIX. 429 
 
 to tell us wherein the difference lay betwfeen him and us, for the fpring did 
 then arifc as nvc did conceive from this gentlewoman, and fo \vq told him. 
 He faid that he thought it not according to God to commend this to th<j 
 magilbates, but to take ibme other courfe, and fo going on in the difcouric 
 we thought it good to fend for this gentlewoman, and Ihc willingly came, 
 and at the very firft we gave her notic^e that fuch reports t,here were ihnt 
 (he did conceive our miniftry to be different from the miniftry of tlue gof- 
 pel, and that we taught a covenant of works, &c. and this was her table 
 talk, and therefore wg delircd her to clear hcrfelf and deal [>lain}y. She 
 %vas ver)' tender at the firft. Some of our l»rethreji did defire to put this 
 upon proof, and then her words upon that were — The fear of man is a 
 fnare, why fliould I be afraid ? Thefe were her v/ords. I did then take 
 upon me to arte her this queftion. What difference do you conceive to be 
 between your teacher and us ? §he did not requeft us that we fhould prc- 
 ferve her from danger, or that we fliQuld be filent. Br-lcdy, flic toM me 
 there was a wide and broad difference between our brother Mr. Cotton 
 and ourfelves. I defired to know the difference. She anfwercd that he 
 preaches the covenant of grace and you the covenant of v/orks, and that 
 you are not able minifters of tlic New Tcflament, and know no more than 
 the apoftles did before the refarrection of ChrilL. I did then put it to 
 her, What do you conceive of fuch a brother ? She anfy/ered he had not 
 the feal of the Spirit. And other things we aflced her, bi^t gcfieral'y tlic 
 frame of her courfe was this, t^iat fic did coneeive that wc were not abie 
 jniniftcrs of the gofpel. And that day being pafl, our brother Cotton was 
 forry that fhe fhould lay us under a covenant of works, and QOuld have 
 wifhed flie had not done fo. The eiders being there prefent v/c did charge 
 them with her, and the teacher of the place fjid they v/ould fpeak furtiier 
 with her, and after fome time flie anfwered that we were gone as far as the 
 apoflles were before Chriff's afcenfion. And fmce that we have gone 
 with tears feme of us to her. 
 
 Mrs. H. If our paftor would flicw his writings you fliould fee what I 
 faid, and that many things are not fo as is reported. 
 
 Mr. JVilfon.* Sifter Hutchinfon, for the writings you fj)eak of 1 have 
 them not, and this I muft fay, I did not write down all that was faid and 
 did p^fs betwixt one and another, yet I fay what is written I will avouch. 
 
 Dep. ^Qv. I defire that the other elders will fay what Mr. Peters halh 
 faid. 
 
 Mr. IVchL\ Being defired by the honoured court, that wliich our 
 brother Peters hath fpoken was the truth, and things were fpoken as he 
 hath related, and the occafion of calling this fifter and the paiT.vges that 
 were there among us. And myfelf aficing why flie did caft fuch af])erf)ons 
 upon the minifters of the country, ^though we were poor finful men, and for 
 ourfelves we cared not, but for the prpcious doftrine we held forth Vv'e could 
 not but grieve to hear that fo blafphemed. She at that time v/as fparing 
 in her fpeech. I need not repeat the things, they have been truly related. 
 She f^iid the fear of man is a fnare and therefore I will fpeak freely, and 
 (lie fpake her judgment and mind freely as was before related, that Mr. 
 Cotton did preach a covenant of grace and we a covenant of works. 
 
 And 
 * Paftor or one of the minlfccrs of Bofton. 
 I Minifler of Rtxburjr. He wrote th»-hillory of antinombniifm. 
 
436 APPENDIX. 
 
 And this I rerneniber flis Taid, we could not preach a covenant of grace 
 becaufe we were not fealed, and we were not able minifters of the Ne>sr 
 Tefbment, no more than were the difciples before the refurredtion of 
 
 ChrilL . r ■ 
 
 Mr. Phillips.^ Tor my own part I have had little to do m thefe things, 
 only at that time 1 was there, and yet not being privy to the ground of 
 that which our brother Peters hath mentioned, but they procuring me to 
 go along with them, telling me that they were to deal with her ; at firft 
 fhe was unwilling to anfwer, but at length ihe faid there was a great deal 
 of difference bet^ween Mr. Cotton and we. Upon this Mr. Cotton did fay 
 that he could have wifhed that fhe had not put that in. Being aiked of 
 particulars, fhe did inftance in Mr. Shephard that he did not preach a 
 covenant of grace clearly, and flie inftanced our brother Weld. Then I 
 aflced her of myfelf (being fhe fpake rafhly of them all) becaufe fh^ 
 never heard me at all. She likewife faid that we were not able miniflers 
 of the New Teftament, and her reafon was becaufe we were not fealed* 
 Mr. Simmes.f For my own part, being called to fpeak in this cafe to 
 difcharge the relation wherein I fknd to the Commonwealth and that 
 which 1 (bnd in unto God, I fhall fpeak briefly. For my accjuaintance 
 with this perfon I had none in our native country, only I had occafion to 
 be in her company once or twice before I came, where I did perceive that 
 fhe did flight the minifters of the word of God. But I came along with 
 her in the fhi-, and it fo fell out that we were in the great cabin together, 
 and therein did agree with the labours of Mr. Lothrop and myfelf, only 
 there wifs a fecret oppofition to things delivered. The main thing th&t 
 was then in hand was about the evidencing of a good eftate, and among 
 the reft about that place in John concerning the love of the brethren. 
 That which I took notice of was the corruptnefs and narrownefs of her 
 opinions, which 1 doubt not but I may call them fo ; but fhe faid, whep 
 fhe came to Bofton there would be fomething more feen than I faid, for 
 fuch fpeeches w?re cafl about and abufed as that of our Saviour, I have 
 many things to fay, but you cannot bear them now. And being come, 
 and flie defiring to be admitted a member, I was defired to be there, and 
 then Mr. Cotton did give me full fatisfadlion in the things then in queftion. 
 And for things which have been here fpoken, as far as I can remember, 
 they are the truth, and when I aflved her what fhe thought of me, fhe faid, 
 Alas, you know my mind long ago ; yet I do not think myfelf difparaged 
 by her teftimony ; and I would not trouble the court, only this one thing 
 1 fhall put in, that Mr. Dudley and Mr. Haines were not wanting in the 
 caufe after I had given notice of her. 
 
 Mr. IVilfon. 1 defire you would give me leave to fpeak this word, 
 becaufe of what has been faid concerning her entrance into the church. 
 There was fome difficulty made, but in her anfwers fhe gave full fatisfac- 
 tion to our teacher and myfelf, and for point of evidencing juftification by 
 fanaification flie did not deny, but only juftificatiou mufl be firft. Our 
 teacher told her then, that if flie was of that mind fhe would take away 
 the fcruple ; for we thought that matter, for point of order we did not 
 greatly ftand upon, becaufe we hoped flie would hold with us in that truth 
 as well as the other. j^^^ 
 
 * Miniiler pf Watertown. f Minifter of C^arleftpT/n. 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 Mr. Shtpharrl.* I am loth to (peak in this aflcmbly concerning this 
 igentlcwonian in qucftxon, but I can do no Icfs tlian f])cak wliat my con* 
 fcience fpeaks unto me. For perfonal reproaches I take it a man's wif- 
 vlora to conceal. Concerning the reproaches of the miniflry of ours 
 there hath been many in the country, and tliis hath been my thoughts 
 of that. I-.et men fpeak what they will, not only againfl pcrfons but 
 •gainfl minillry, let that pafs ; but let us ftrivc to fpeak to the cvn- 
 fciences of men, knowing that if we had the truth with us wc ih;iil not 
 need to approve our words by our pra<5tice and our minidry to the hearts 
 of the people, and tliey fliould fpeak for us, and therefore I hiive fi..tisf cd 
 myfclf and the bretliren with that. N;.>w for that v/liLch concerns this 
 gentlewoman at this time, I do not well remember every particular, only 
 this I do remember, that the end of our meeting was to fatisfy ourfelves m 
 iome points. Among the reft, Mrs. Hutchinfun was deiired to fpcr.k her 
 thoughts concerning the miniiters of the Bay. Now I remember tliat ihe 
 faid that we were not able miniders of the New Tellaipent. I fcllov/cd 
 her with particulars ; flic inftanced myfelf, as being at the Icdure and 
 hearing me preach when as I gave fome means whereby a Chriftian miglit 
 come to the afTurance of God's lo.ve. She irJlanced that I was not fealed. 
 I faid why did flie fay fo. She faid, becaufe you put love for an evidence. 
 Now I am fure fiie was in an error in this ^seech, for if aflyjancc be ;.n 
 holy eftatc, then I am fure there are not graces wanting to evidence it. 
 
 Mr. Eliot. \ I am lo^h to fpend time, tiierefore I Ihall confcrit to what 
 hath been faid. Our brethren did entreat us to write, and a few things I 
 did write, the fubftance of which hath been hejc fpoken, and I have it in 
 writing, therefore 1 do avouch it. 
 
 Mr. Sbi^hariL I dcfire to fpeak this word, it may be bui a flip of 
 her tongue, and I hope fuc will be forry for \X.f ai?d then we fliall be glad 
 of it. 
 
 Dcp. gov. *I called thcfe witncifes, and yoa deny them. You fee 
 they have proved this, and you deny this ; but it is clear. You faid they 
 preached a covenant of w^orks, and that they were not able minillers of the 
 New Tcftament ; now there are two other tilings that you did affirm, 
 which were, that the fcriptures in the letter of them held forth nothing but 
 a covenant of works, and iikewife that thufe that were under a covenant 
 of works capnot be faved. 
 
 Mrs. H. Prove that I faid fo. 
 Gov, Did you fay fo ? 
 Mrs. H. No, Sir, it is your conclufion. 
 
 Dep. gov. What do 1 do charging of you, if you deny what is fo fully 
 proved. 
 
 Gov. Here are fix undeniable mlnifters who fay it is true, and yet you 
 deny that you did fjiy that they did preach a covenant of works and that 
 they were not able minillers of the gofpcl, and it appears plainly that you 
 have fpoken it ; and wheieas you fay that it was drawn from you in a way 
 of friendiliip, you did profefs then that it was out of confcience that you 
 fpakc and faid, The fear of man is a fnare, wherefore ihould I be afiaid ? 
 I will fpeak plainly and freely. , r . 
 
 * Minifter of Cambridge. f MinlfLvr of Roxbr.ry. 
 
432 APPENDIX. 
 
 ilfrj. H. Tha^ I aafolutely deny, for the firft queftion was thus an- 
 fwered by me to them. They thought that I did conceive there was a 
 difference between them and Mr. Cotton. At the firft I was fomewhat 
 referved, then Taid Mr. Peters, I pray anfwer the queftion direftly, as fully 
 and as plainly a$ you dellre we fhould tell you our minds. Mr?. Hutchin- 
 fon, we come for plain dealing, and telling you our hearts. Then I faid 
 I would deal as plaialy as I could ; and whereas they fay I faid they were 
 under a covenant of works and in the ftate of the apoflles, why thefe two 
 fpeeches crofs one another. I might fay they might preach a covenant of 
 works as did the apoftles, but to preach a covenant of works and to ba 
 Tinder a cove-nant of works is anether bufinefs. 
 
 Dtp. goii. There have been fix witnefies to prove this, and yet you 
 deny it. 
 
 Mrs. H. I deny that thefe were the firfl: words that were fpoken. 
 Gov, You make the cafe worfe, for you clearly fhew that the ground 
 ef your opening your mind was not to fatisfy theip, but to fatisfy your own 
 Confcience. 
 
 Mr. Peters. We do not deGre to be fo narrow to the court apd the 
 gentlewoman about times and feafons, whether firfl: or after, but faid it 
 v/as. 
 
 Dep. gov. For that other thing I mentioned, for the letter of the 
 fcripture that it held forth nothing but a covenant of works, and for the 
 latter that we are in a ftate of damnation, being under a co\-epant of works,, 
 or to that efFe(5l, thefe two things you alfo deny. Now the cafe rtands 
 thu^. About three quarters of a year ago I heard of it, and fpeaking of 
 it, there came one to me who is not here, but will affirm it if need be, as 
 he did to me, that he did hear you fay in fo many words. He fet it down 
 under his hand, and I can bring it forth when the court pleafes. His 
 nan^e is fubfcribed to both thefe things, and upon my peril be it if I bring 
 you not in the paper and bring the mini[|er (meaning Mr. Ward) to be 
 depofed. 
 
 'Gov. What fay you to this ; though nothing be diredlly proved yet 
 you hear it may be. 
 
 Mrs. H. I acknowledge ufing the words of the apoftle to the Corin- 
 thians unto him, that they that were miniflers of the letter and not the Spirit 
 did preach a covenant of works. Upon his faying there was no fuch 
 fcripture, then I fetched the bible and Ihewed him this place, 2 Cor. iii. 6. 
 He faid that was the letter of t;he law. No, faid I, it is the letter of the 
 gofpel. 
 
 Gov, You have fpoken this more than once then. 
 Mrs. H.. Then upon further difcourfe about proving a good eftate, 
 and holding it out by the manifeftation of the Spirit, he did acknowledge 
 that to be the neareft way ; but yet, faid he, will you not acknowledge 
 that which we hold forth " to be a way too whereip we may have hope ; 
 no, truly, if that be a way, it is a way to hell. 
 
 Gov. Mrs. Hutchinfon,-the court you ice hath laboured to bring you 
 to acknowledge the error of your way, fo that you might be reduced ; the 
 time now grows late ; we fhall therefore give you a little more time to 
 confider of it, and therefore dellre that you attend the court again in the 
 morning. ^^^^^ 
 
APPENDIX. 43S 
 
 The n'e:!!t mcrn'ikg. 
 
 Gov. We proceeded the lafl: night as far as we could in hearing of 
 this caufe of Mrs. Hutchinfon. There were <livers things laid to her 
 eharge, her ordinary meetings about religion? exercifes, her fpecches in 
 derogation of the minifters among us, and the weakening of the hands 
 and hearts of the people towards them. Here was fufficient proof made 
 of that which (he was accufed of in that point concerning the miniflcrs 
 and their minillry, as that they did preach a covenant of works when others 
 did preach a covenant of grace, and that they were not able niinifters of 
 the New Tellament, and that they had not the fcal of the Spirit ; and this 
 was fpok.en not as was pretended out of pri^'ate conference, but out of con- 
 fciencc and warrant from fcrlpture, alleged the fear of man is a fnare, and 
 feeing God had given her a calling to it {lie would freely fpeak. Some 
 other fpeeches ihe ufed, as that the letter of the fcripture held forth a cov- 
 enant of worksj and this is offered to be proved by probable grounds. If 
 there be any thing elfe that the court hath to fay they may fpeak. 
 
 Mrs. H. The minifters come in their own caufe. Now the Lord 
 hath faid that an oath is the end of all controverfy r tiiough there be a 
 fufficient number of witneifes yet they are not according to the word, 
 therefore I defire they may fpeak upon oath. 
 
 G(ro. Well, it is in the liberty of the court whether they will have an 
 oath or no, and it is not in this cafe as in cafe of a Jury. If they be fatif- 
 fied they have fufficient matter to proceed. 
 
 Mrs. H. I have fince I went home perufed fome notes out of wHut 
 Mr. Wilfon did then write, and I find things not to be as hath been alleged. 
 
 Gov, Where are the writings ? 
 
 Mrs. H, 1 have them not, it may be Mr. Wilfon hath. 
 
 Gov. What are the inftrudions that you can give, Mr. Wilfon .? 
 
 Mr. JV'ilfon. I do fay that Mr. Vane defired me to write the difcourfe 
 out, and whether it be in his own hands or in fome body's elfe I know 
 not. For my own copy it is foniewhat imperfed, but I could make it per- 
 feft with a little pains. 
 
 Gov. For that which you allege as ar^ exception again ft the ciders it is 
 vain and untrue, for they are no profecutors in this caufe, but are called 
 to witnefs in the caufe. 
 
 Mrs. H. But they are witnefTes of their own caufe. 
 
 Gov. It is not their caufe, but tlie caufe of the whole country, and 
 they were unwilling that it ihould come forth, but that it was the glory 
 and honour of God. 
 
 Mrs. H. But it being the Lord's ordinance that an oath fliould be 
 the end of all ftrife, therefore they are to deliver what they do upon oath. 
 
 Mr. Bradjlreet. Mrs. Hutchinfon, thefe are but circumftances and 
 adjun(5ts to the caufe ; admit they (hould miftake you in your fpeeches, 
 you would make them to fin if you urge them to fwear. 
 
 Mrs. H. That is not the thing. If they accufe me I defire it may 
 be upon oath. 
 
 Gov, If the court be not fatisfied they may have an oath. 
 
 Mr. Nowel* I ftiould think it convenient that the country alfo 
 ihouId be fatisfied, becaufc that 1 do hear it aJTirmcd, that things which 
 
 wefs 
 * An affii>nnt. t 
 
434 A P P E N D I X. 
 
 were fpoken in private are carried abroad to the public, and thereupon 
 they do under\ralue the niinlfters of congregations. 
 
 Air. Brotvn.* I defire to fpeak. If I miftake not, an oath is of a 
 high nature, and It is not to be taken but in a controverfy, and for my 
 fart I am afraid of an oath, and fear that we fhall take God's name in 
 vain, for we may take the witnefs of thefe men without an outh. 
 
 Mr. Endicot. I think the minifters are fo well kaown unto us, that we 
 need not take an oath of them, but indeed an oath is the end of all ftrife. 
 
 Mrs. H. There are fome that will take their oaths to the contrary. 
 
 Mr. Endkot. Then it fliall go under the name of a controverfy, ther«r 
 fore we defire to fee the notes and thofe alfo that will fwear. 
 
 Gov. Let thofe that are not fatisfied in the court fpeak. 
 
 Many fay^-We are not fatisfied. 
 
 Go'u. I would fpeak this to Mrs. Hutchlpfon. If the minifters fhall 
 take an oath will you fit down fatisiied f 
 
 Mrs. H. I can't be, notwithftanding oaths, fatisfied agalnft my own 
 confclence. 
 
 Mr. Stoiighton. \ I am fully fatisned with this that the minifters do 
 ipcak the truth, but now in regard of cenfure I dare not hold up my hand 
 to that, becaufe it is a courfe of juftlce, and I cannot fatisfy myfelf to 
 proceed fo far in a way of juftlce, and therefore I (hould defire an oath in 
 this as in all other things. I do but fpeak to prevent offenoe if I Ihould 
 not hold up my hand at the cenfure, unlefs there be an oath given. 
 
 Mr. Peters. We are ready to fv/ear if we fee a way of God In it. 
 {^Here was a parley between the deputy governor and Mr. Stoughton 
 about the oath.] 
 
 Mr. Endicot. If they will not be- fatisfied y/ith a teftimony, an oath 
 •will be in vain. 
 
 Mr. Stoughton. I am perfuaded that Mrs. Hutchlnfon and many other 
 godly-minded people will be fatisfied without an oath. 
 
 Mrs. H. An oath. Sir, is an end of all ftrife, and It is God's ordir 
 nance. 
 
 Mr. Endicot. A fign It is what ref}>e<a flie hath to their words ; and 
 fiirther, pray fee your argument, you will h.'ive the words that were written, 
 -^d yet Mr. Wilfon faith he writ not all, and now you will not believe all 
 thefe godly minifters without an oath. 
 
 Mrs. H. Mr. Wilfon did afSrm that which he gave in to the governor 
 that then v/a.s to be true. 
 
 Some reply — But not all the truth. 
 
 Mr. IVUfjn. I did fay fo far as I did take them they were true. 
 
 Mr. UarlahendcH.X I would have the i^^edtators take notice that the 
 
 court doth not fufped the evidence that is given in, though we fee that 
 
 JTsvhatever evidence is brought in will not fatisfy, for they are refolved upon 
 
 the thing, and therefore 1 think you will not be unwilling to give your oaths. 
 
 Gm). I fee no neceiuty of an oath in this thing, feeing It is true and 
 the fabftance of the matter confirmed by divers ; yet that all may be fatlfr 
 €ed, if the elders will take an oath they fliall have it given them. 
 
 Dcp. goH). Let us join the things together, that Mrs. Hutchlnfon may 
 Cee what they have their oaths for. ^^^ 
 
 * A deputy fcr V.'■aterto^vn and a ruling; elder there. 
 t An afliflant. \ An afTiflant. 
 
APPENDIX. 435 
 
 Mrs. H. I will prove by what Mr. Wilfon hath written that they 
 never heard me fay fuch a thing. 
 
 Mr. Sims, We defire to have the paper and have it read. 
 Mr. Harlahndcn. 1 am perfuaded that is the truth that the elders do 
 fay, and therefore I do not fee it necefTary now to call them to oath. 
 Gov. We cannot charge any thing of untruth upon them. 
 
 ■ Mr. Harlakenden. Befides, Mrs. Hutchinfon doth fay that they are 
 «ot able minifters of the New Teftament. 
 Mrs. H. They need not fwear to that. 
 
 Dep. gov. Will you confefs it then ? 
 Mrs. H. 1 will not deny it nor fay it. 
 
 Dep. gov. You muft do one. 
 
 Mrs. H. After that they have taken an oath, I will make good what 
 Uay. 
 
 Gov. Let us ftate the cafe, and then we may know what to do. That 
 which is laid to Mrs. Hutchinfon 's charge is this, that flie hath traduced 
 the magiftrates and miniders of this jurifdiclion, that fhe hath faid the min- 
 ifters preached a covenant of works and Mr. Cotton a covenant of grace, 
 and that tjiey were not able minifters of the gofpel, and ilie excufes it that 
 file made it a private conference and with a promife of fecrecy, &c. — now 
 tliis is charged upon her, and they therefore fent for her, feeing flie made 
 it her table talk, and then (lie faid the fear of man was a fnare, and there- 
 fore fhe would not be afraid of them. 
 
 Mrs. H. This that yourfelf hath fpoken, I defire that they may take' 
 their oaths upon. 
 
 Gov, That that we fhould put the reverend elders unto is this, that 
 they would deliver upon oath that which they can remember themfclves. 
 
 Mr. Skephard. I know no reafon of the oath but the importunity of 
 this gentlewoman. 
 
 Mr. EndicGt. You lifted up your eyes as if you took God to witnefs 
 that you came to entrap none, and yet you will have them fwear. 
 
 Mr. Harlakenden. Put any panage unto them and fee uhat they fay. 
 
 Mrs. H. They fay I faid the fear of man is a fnare, why fhould 1 be 
 afraid ? When I came unto them, they urging many things unto me and 
 I being backward to anfwer at firft, at length this fcripture came into my 
 imnd, xxixth of Prov. 15. " The fear of man bringeth a fnare, but whofo 
 puttetli his truft in the Lord fhall be fafe.'* 
 
 Mr. Harlakenden. This is not an effential thing. 
 
 Gov, I remember his teflimony was this. 
 
 Mrs. H. Ey, that was the thing that I do deny, for tliey were my 
 words, and they were not fpoken at the firft as they do allege. 
 
 Mr. Peters. We cannot tell what was firil or lafl:, we fuppofe that an 
 oath is an end of all ftrife, and we are tender of it ; yet this is the main 
 thing againfl her, that fhe charged us to be unable miniflers of the gofpel, 
 and to preach a covenant of works. 
 
 Gov. You do underfland the thing, that the court is clear, for we are 
 all fatisfied that it is truth, but becaufe we would take away all fcruples, 
 we defire that you would fatisfy the fpedlators by your oath. 
 
 Mr. B'l/ljop.* I defire to know before they be put to oath, whether 
 their teiiimony be of validity. 
 
 ♦ One of the deputies or reprefentatives. JJ^p' 
 
430 ■ APPENDIX. 
 
 Dep. gov. What do you mean to trouble the court with fuch quef- 
 tions ? Mark what a flourish Mrs. Hutchinfon puts upon the bufmefs that 
 Ihe had witnefi^s to difprovc what was faid, and here is no man to bear 
 witnefs. 
 
 Mrs, //. If you win not call them in that is nothing to me. 
 
 Mr, E:iotf We defire to know of her and her witnefTes what they 
 jdeny, and then we fhall fpeak upon oath. I know nothing we have 
 fpoken of but we may fwear to. 
 
 Mr, Sims. Ey, and more than we have fpoken to. 
 
 Mr. Siougoton. I would gladly that an oath fhould be given, that fo 
 the perfon to be condemned fnould be fatisfed in her confcience, and 1 
 nvould fay the fame for my own conicience if I fhould join in the cenfure 
 T<ivo or three lines in the MS are defaced and not kgible, 
 
 Mr, Cogg'-jlmlL^' I defire to fpeak a word — It is defired that the elders 
 would confer with Mr. Cotton before they fwear. 
 
 Go^j. Shall we not believe fo many godly elders in a caufe whereia 
 we know the mind of the par.ty without their teftimony ? 
 
 Mr. Endlcot to Mr, Coggejlmll, I will tell you wh^t I fay. I think 
 that this carriage of yours tends to further cafling dirt upon the face c^ 
 the judges. 
 
 Mr, Harlalenden, Her carriage dpth the fame, for (lie doth KOt object 
 any effential thing, but (he goes upon circumllances and yet would have 
 them fworn. 
 
 Mrs, H, This I would fay unto them. For;^fmuch as it was affirmed 
 by the deputy that he would bring proof of th&fe things, and the elders 
 they bring proof iai;heir own caufe, therefore I defire that particular wit^ 
 ntlFes be for thefe things that they do fpeak. 
 
 Goxi, The elders do know what an oath is, and as it is an ordinance 
 of God fo it Ihould be ufed. 
 
 Mrs, H, That is the thing I defire, andbecaufe the deputy ^ake of 
 witnefTes I have them here prefcnt. 
 
 Mr, Colhorn,\ We def re that our teacher rnay be called to hear what 
 is f lid. [Upon this Mr. Cotton came and fat down by Mrs. Hutchinfon. 3 
 
 Mr, Endicot. This v/ould caft fome blame upon the minillers — Well, 
 tut whatfoever he will or can fay we will believe the minifters. 
 
 Mr. Eliot afid Mr, Sliephard, We defire to fee liglit why we fhould 
 take an oath. 
 
 Mr, Stoughton. Why it is an end of all ftrife, and 1 think you ought 
 to fwear and put an end to the matter. 
 
 Mr, Peters, Our oath is not to fatisfy Mrs. Hutchinfgn but the court* 
 
 Mr, Endicot, The affembly will be fatisfied by it. 
 
 Dep, gov. If the country will not be fatisfied you mvl\ fwear. 
 
 Mr, Shephard, I conceive tlie country doth not require it. 
 
 Dep, gov. Let her witnelfes be called. 
 
 Gov. V/ho be they ? 
 
 Mrs, H, Mr. I.everct and our teacher and Mr. Coggefliall. 
 
 Gov. Mr. Coggefliall was not prefent. 
 
 Mr, Coggejhall, Yes but I was, only I defired to be filent till X fliould 
 be called. q^^.^ 
 
 * One of the deputies for Eofi:on. 
 
 f A depilty for Bofton and a ruKng elder in the ehurck. 
 
APPENDIX. 437 
 
 Gov. Will you, Mr. Coggefliall, fny that {l*e did net fay To ? 
 
 Mr. Cog^rJlalL Yes, I djrc fyy that ihe did not lay all that which 
 ihcy lay again (I her. 
 
 Mr. Peters. liow dare you look into the ccw.rt to fay Tjch a woid ? 
 
 iT/r; CoggfJ)ji'Jl. Mr. Peters tahes upon him to forbid me. 1 fliall be 
 filent. 
 
 Air. Stotighton. Ey, but fhe intended this that they fay. 
 
 Gcv. Well, Mr. Leveret, what v/ere the words I I pray fpeak. 
 
 Mr, Leverd.* To my beft remembrance when the elders did fend 
 for her, Mr. Peters did with much vchemency and entreaty urge her to 
 tell what difference there was between Mr, Cctton and them, and upon 
 his urgitig of her Ihe faid — The fear of man is a fnare, but they th<it trutt 
 upon the Lord lliall be fafe. -And being aflced wherein the diticrence 
 was, fl.e anfwercd, that they did rot preach a covenant of grace fo clearly 
 as Mr. Cotton did, and fh^ gave this reafon cf it, becaufe th;;t as the apof- 
 tles were for a time without tlie Spirit, fo until they had received the wit^ 
 r.cfs of the .Sjiirit they could not preach a covenant oi'«race fo cler.iiy. 
 
 Gov. r^on't you remember tliut flie faid they were not sble m.inifteis of 
 the New Teftament ? 
 
 Mrs. H. Mr. Weld and I had an hour's difcourfe at the window, and 
 then I fpnke that, if I fpake it. 
 
 Mr, Weld. Will you affirm that in the court ? Di<l not I f^y unto yoo, 
 Mrs. Hutchinfon, before the elders. AVhen I produced tlie thin^, ycu 
 then called for proof. Was not my anfwer to you, leave it there, and if 
 I cannot prove it you (hall be blamelcfs ? 
 
 Mrs. H. This I remember I fpake, but do not you remember that I 
 came afterwards to the window when you was writing .md there fpake 
 unto you ? 
 
 Mr, JVeU: No truly. 
 
 Mrs. H. But I do v^iy well. 
 
 Gov, Mr. Cotton, the court dcfires that you declare what you do re- 
 member cf the conference which was at that time and is now in oueflion. 
 
 Mr, Cotion.\ I did not think 1 fliould be called to bear witneis in this 
 caufe and therefore did not labour to call to remembrance what WiJS done ; 
 but the greatest paffage that took imprefllon upon me was to this puipofe. 
 The elders fpake that they had heard that fhe had fpoken fome condemn- 
 ing words of their miniftry, and among other things they did fnft ];ray 
 her to anfwer wherein ftie thought their mimflry did difler from m.ine ; 
 how the compnrifon fprang I am ignorant, but foiry I was that any ccn:- 
 parifon (liould he between me and my bretlirea, and uncomfortable it was ; 
 9i\Q. told them to thie purpofe that they did not hold fofth a cGven::nt of 
 grace as I did, but wherein did we differ i* Why fhe faid that they did not 
 hold forth the feal of the Spirit as he doth. \^'here is the difference 
 there ? fay they. Why, faith (he, fpeaking to one or other of them, I 
 know not to whom — You preach of the feal of the Spirit upon a work, 
 and he upon free grace without a work, or without rcfpccft to a work ; he 
 preaches the lial of the Spirit upon free grace and you upon a work. I 
 told her I was very forry tJiat ihe put comparifoRS between my miniriry 
 
 and 
 * A ruling"eldtT ia B^illMi chuiJh. 
 I Teacher of Bofton church. 
 
438 APPENDIX. 
 
 and theirs, for fhe had faid more than I could myfelf, and rather I had 
 that (he had put us in fellowfhip with them *nd not have made that difcre- 
 pancy. She faid, fhe found the difference. Upoa that ther-e grew fome 
 fpeeches upon the thing, and I do remember I initaneed to them the ftory 
 of Thomas Bilney in the book of martyrs, how freely the Spirit witnefled 
 unto him without any refpeft unto a work, as himfelf profefTes. Now 
 upon this other fpeeches did grow. If you put me in raind of any 
 thing I fliall fpeak it, but this was the fum of the difference, nor did it 
 ffeem to be fo ill taken as it is, and our brethren did fay alfo that they 
 would not fo eafily believe reports as they had done, and withal mentioned 
 that they would fpeak no more of it, fome of them did ; and afterwards 
 fome of them did fay they were lefs fatisfied than before. And I muft 
 fay that I did not find her faying they were under a covenant of works, 
 nor that fhe faid they did preach a covenant of works. 
 
 Gov. You fay you do not remember, but can you fay fhe did not fpeak 
 
 fo Here tnuo lines aga'm defaced. 
 
 Mr. CoUoti. I do remember that fhe looked at them as the apoflles 
 before the afcenflon. 
 
 Mr. Peters. I humbly defire to remember our reverend teachcF. May 
 it pleafe you to remember how this came in. Whether do you not remem- 
 ber that file faid we were not fealed with the Spirit of grace, therefore 
 could not preach a covenant of grace ; and fhe faid further you may do it 
 in your judgment but not in experience, but fhie fpake plump that we were 
 Bot fealed. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. You do put me in remembrance thsit it was afked her why 
 cannot we preach a covenant of grace ? Why, faith fhe, becaufe you can 
 preach no more than you know, or to that purpofe, fhe fpake. Now 
 that fhe faid you could not preach a covenant of grace I do not remember 
 fuch a thing. I remember well that fhe faid you were not fealed with 
 the feal of the Spirit. 
 
 Mr. Peters. Thfere was a double feal found out that day which never 
 was. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. I know very well that fhe took the feal of the Spirit in 
 that fenfe for the full affurance of God's favour by the Holy Ghoft, and 
 now that place in the Ephefians doth hold out that feal. 
 
 Mr. Peters. So that was the ground of our difcourfe concerning the 
 great feal and the little feal. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. To that purpofe I remember fomebody fpeaking of the 
 difference of the witnefs of the Spirit, and the feal of the Spirit, fome to put 
 a dilHndllon called it the broad feal and the little feal. Our brother 
 Wheelwright anfwered. If you will have it fo be it fo. 
 
 Mrs. H. Mr. Ward faid that. 
 
 Some three or four of the mmflers. Mr. Wheelwright faid it. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. No, it was not brother Wheelwright's fpeech, but one of 
 your own exprefjions, and as I remember it was Mr. Ward. 
 
 Mr. Peters. - - 
 
 Mr. Cotton. Under favour I do not remember that. 
 
 Mr. Peters. Therefore her anfwer clears it in your judgment but not 
 in your experience. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
APPENDIX. 43^ 
 
 Mrs. H. My name is precious, and you do affirm a thing which I 
 Utterly deny. 
 
 Dep. gov. You rhould have brought tJie book with you. 
 Mr. Notuell. The witnefl'es do not anfwer that which you require. 
 Gov. I do not fee that we need their telHmony any further. " Mr. 
 Cotton hath cxprefTed what he remembered, and what took imprcflion 
 upon him, and fo I think the other elders alfo did remember that which 
 took imprefllon upon them. 
 
 Mr. Weld. I then fiid to Mrs. Hutchinfon when it was come ta this 
 iflue, why did you let us go thus long and never tell us of it ? 
 
 Gov. I fliould wondtr why the elders fliould move the elders of our 
 congregation to have dealt with her if they f.tw not forae caufe. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. Broth&r Weld and brother Shephard, I did then clear 
 myfelf unto you that I underftood her fpeech in exprelTing herfelf to you 
 that you did hold forth fome matter in your preaching that was not pciti- 
 
 nent to the feal oi the Spirit T^mo lines (kfaced. 
 
 Dsp. gov. They affirm that Mrs» Hutchinfon did fay they were not 
 able minifters of the New Teftament. 
 Mr. Cotton. I do not remember it. 
 
 Mrs. H. If you pleafe to give me leave I fhall give you the ground of 
 xvhat I know to be true. Being mueh troojbled to fee the falfcnefs of the 
 conlHtution of die church of England. 1 had like to have turned feparatift ; 
 whereupon I kept a day of folemn humiliation and pondering of the thin;^ 5 
 this fcripture was brought unto me — He thai denies jfefus Chr'ijl to he come 
 in the fejh is antichrtj} — this I confidered of, and in conlidering fourid that 
 the Papiih did not deny him to be come in the ilcih, nor we did not deny 
 him — who then was antichrid ? Was the 1'urk antichrift only ? The 
 Lord knows t"hat I could not open fcripture ; he mult by his prophetical 
 office open it unto me. So after that being unfatisiied in the thing, the 
 Lord was pleafed to bring this fcripture out of the Hebrews. He that 
 denies the teftament denies the teftator, and in this did open unto me and 
 give me to fee that thofe which did not teach the new covenant had the 
 fpirit of antlchrili, and upon this he did difcover the minittry unto me and 
 ever fince. I blefs the Lord, he hath let me fee which was the clear 
 miniftry and which the wrong. Since that time I confefs I have beea 
 more choice, and he hath led me to diilinguilh betv/een the voice of my be- 
 loved and the voice of Mofes, the voice of John Baptifl and the voice of 
 antichrift, for all thofe voices are fpoken of in fcripture. Now if you do 
 condemn me for fpeaking what in my confcience I know to be truth I 
 muft commit myfelf unto the Lord, 
 
 Mr. Notuell. How do you know that that was the Spirit ? 
 Mrs. H. How did Abraham know that it was God that bid liira o2cr 
 his Son, being a breach of the fixth commandment ? 
 Dep. gov. By an immediate voice. 
 Mrs. H. So to me by an immediate revelation. 
 Dep. gov. How ! an immediate revelation. 
 
 Mrs. H. By the voice of his own Spirit to my foul. I wiU give you 
 aaother fcripture, Jcr. xlvi. 27, 28— out of wliich the Lord Ihewed nit; 
 what he would do for me and the reft of his fervants. — But aftjr he. was 
 
 plcafc<f 
 
440 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 pleafcd to reveal hlmfelf to me, I did prefently like Abraham run to Ha- 
 i^ar. -And after that he did let me fee the atheifm of my own heart, for 
 which I begged of the Lord that it might not remain in my heart, and 
 being thus, he did (hew mc this (a twelvemonth after) which I told yoii- 
 of before. Ever fmce that time I have been confident of what he hath 
 revealed unto me. . ^ 
 
 Oh}'' A \ ^^^^^^^^ ^\^CQ out of t)aniel chap. 7. and he 
 
 Kcra e , ^ ^^^ ^^^, ^^^ ^^1^ wherein he (hewed me the fitting of the 
 
 judgment and the ftanding of all high and low before the Lord, and 
 how thrones and kingdoms were caft down before him. When our 
 teacher came to New England it was a great trouble unto nie, my brother 
 Wheelwright being put by alfo. I was then much troubled concerning 
 the minilhy under which I lived, and then that place in the xxxth of 
 Ifaiah was brought to my mmd^— -Though the Lord girg thee bread of adver- 
 Jlty and ivaler of afflidicn^ yetfuall not thy teachers be removed into corners any 
 more, hut thine eyes fiall fee thy teachers. The Lord gii'lng me this promife 
 and -they being gone there was none then left that I was able to hear, and 
 I could not be at reft but' I mud ccme hither. Yet that place of Ifaiah 
 did much follow me^ Though the Lord g'lve thee the bread of advetfty, and 
 nvater of qfflidion. This place lying, I fay, upon me, then this place in 
 Daniel was brought nnto me and did fhew me that though I fhould meet 
 with afflidtion, yet I am the fame God that delivered Daniel out of the 
 
 lion's den, I will alfo deliver thee. —^ Therefore I defire you to 
 
 look to it, for you fee this fcripture fulfilled this day, and therefore 1 de- 
 fire you, that as you tender the Lord and the church and commonwealth 
 to confider and look What you do. You have power over my body, but 
 the Lord Jefus hath power over my body and foul, and aflure yourfelves 
 thus much, you dp as much as in you lies to put the Lord Jefus Chrifi 
 from you, and if you go on in this courfe you begin you will bring a curfe 
 upon you and your pofterity, and the mouth of the Lord hath fpoken it. 
 
 Dep. gov. What is the fcripture flie brings ? 
 
 Mr. St ought on. Behold I turn away from you. 
 
 Mrs. H. But now having feen him which is invifible I fear not what 
 man can do unto me. 
 
 Gov, Daniel was delivered by miracle, do you think to be delivered 
 fo too ? 
 
 Mrs. H. I do here fpeak It before the court. 1 look that the Lord 
 fhould deliver me by his providence. 
 
 Mr. Harlahenden. I may read fcripture and the moft glorious hypo- 
 crite may read them, and yet go down to hell. 
 
 Mrs. H. It may be fo. 
 
 Mr. Bariholomeiu.* I would remember one word to Mrs. Hutchinfon 
 among many others. She knowing that I did know her opinions, being 
 fhe was at my houfe at London, (he was afraid I conceive or loth to im- 
 part herfelf unto me ; but when (he c^me within fight of Bofton and look- 
 ing upon the meannefs of the place, I conceive ihe uttered thefe v/ords, if 
 jhe had not a fure word that England (hould be deftroyed her heart would 
 (hake. Now it feemed to me at that time very ftrange that ihe fhould 
 
 fey % Mrs. 
 
 * A deputy I fuppofc f^r Salem. 
 
APPENDIX. 441 
 
 Mrs. If. I do not remember that I looked upon the meanncfs of the 
 place, nor did It difcourage me, becaufe I knew the bounds of my habita- 
 tion were determined, &c. 
 
 Mr. Bartholomew. I Ipeak as a member of the court. I fear that her 
 Irevelations will deceive. 
 
 Gov, Have you heard of any of her revelations ? 
 Mr. Bartholometjj. For my own part I am forry to fee her now here, 
 and I have nothing agalnft her, but wliat I fald was to difcover what man* 
 Dcr of fplrit Mrs. Hutchinfon is of; only I remember as we were once 
 going through Paul's church yard flie then was very Inquifitlve after reve- 
 lations, and faid that fhe had never had any great thing done about her 
 but it was revealed to her beforehand. 
 Mrs. H. I fay the fame thing again. 
 
 Mr. Bartholomenv. And alfo that fhe fald that (he was come to New 
 England but for Mr. Cotton's fake. As for Mr. Hooker (as I remem- 
 ber) fhe faid fhe liked not his fplrit, only fhe fpake of a fcrmon of his in 
 the Low Countries wherein he faid thus—- It was revealed to me yefterday 
 that England fliould be deflroyed. She took notice of that paflage, and 
 it was very acceptable with her. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. One thing let me entreat you to remember, Mr. Barthol- 
 omew, that you never fpake any thing to me. 
 
 Mr. Bartholomew. No, Sir, I never fpake of it to you, and therefore 
 I defire to clear Mr. Cotton. 
 
 Gov. There needs no more of that. 
 
 Mr. Bartholomevj. Only 1 remember her eldefl daughter f-ild in the 
 fliip that fhe had a revelation that a young man In the fhip fhould be faved, 
 but he mufl walk in the ways of her mother. 
 
 Mr. Shns^ I could fay fomething to that purpofe, for flic faid — Then 
 what would you fay if we fhould be at New England within thefe three 
 weeks, and I reproved her vehemently for It. 
 
 Mr. Eliot. That fpeech of Mr. Hooker's which they allege is agalnft 
 his mind and judgment.* 
 
 Mr. Sims. I would entreat Mrs. Hutchinfon to remember, that the 
 humble he will teach — 1 have fpoken before of it, and therefore I will 
 leave the place with her, and do defire her to confider of many exprefTions 
 that fhe hath fpoken to her hufband, but I will not enlarge myfelf. 
 
 Mr. Endicot, I would have a word or two with leave of that which 
 hath thus far been revealed to the court. I have heard of many revelations 
 of Mrs. Hutchinfon's, but they were reports, but Mrs. Hutchinfon I fee 
 doth maintain fome by this difcourfe, a-nd I think it is a fpecial providence 
 of God to hear what flie hath faid. Now there is a revelation you fee 
 "which fhe doth expe«5t as a miracle. She faith flie now fuffers, and let us 
 do what we will fhe fhall be delivered by a miracle. I hope the court 
 takes notice of the vanity of it and heat of her fplrit. Now, becaufe her 
 reverend teacher is here, I fhould defire that he would pleafe to fpcak freely 
 whether he doth condefcend to fuch fpeeches or revelations as have been 
 here fpoken of, and he will give a great deal of content. 
 Vol. n. E e Mr. 
 
 * Mr. Eliot was miftaken. The pcifTage from his fermon is ir. print, zni Mr. 
 Hooker avowed it afterwards at Hartford. Magn. B, iii. P. 63. 
 
442 APPENDIX. 
 
 3fr. Cotton. May it pleafe you, Sir. There are two forts of revela- 
 tions, there are \_defaced'] or againft the w6rd 
 befides fcripture both \tfhich \_defaced'\ taftical and tending 
 
 to danger more ways than one there is another fort which the apoflle 
 
 prays the beHevIng Ephefians ni.ay be made parta^kers of, and thofe are 
 fuch as are breathed by the Spirit of God, and are never difpenfed but in 
 a word of God and according to a word of God ; and though the word 
 revelation be rare In common fpeech and we make it uncouth in our ordi- 
 Tiary expreffions, yet notwithftanding, being underftood in a fcripture fenle, 
 I think they are not only lawful, but fuch as ChriiHans may receive and 
 God bear witnefs to it in his v/ord, and ufually he doth exprefs it in the 
 miniitry of the word, and doth accompany it by his Spirit, or elfe it is in 
 the reading of the word in fome chapter or verfe, and whenever it comes 
 it comes liylng upon the wings of the Spirit. 
 
 Mr. Endlcot. You give me fatisfadtion in the thing, and therefore I 
 defire you to give your judgment of Mrs: Hutchinfon ; what (he hath 
 faid you hear, and all the circumlfances thereof. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. I would demand whether by a miracle fhe doth mean a 
 work above nature, or by fome wonderful providence, for that is called ^ 
 miracle often in the pfalms. 
 
 Mrs. H. I defire to fpeak to our teacher. You know, Sir, what he 
 doth declare though he doth not know hlmfelf \_fomeihing nvanting'Y 
 
 tiow either of thefe ways or at this prefent time it fliall be done, yet 1 
 would not have the court fo to underhand me that iie will deliver me now 
 even at this prefent time. 
 
 Dep. gov. I defire Mr. Cotton to tell us whether you do approve of 
 Mrs. Hutchinfon's revelations as Hie hath kid them down. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. I know not whether I do underftand her, but this I fay, 
 if (he doth expert a deliverance in a way of providence— rthen I cannot 
 deny it. 
 
 Dep. gov. No, Sir, we did not fpeak of that. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. If it be by way of miracle then I would fuipe^l It. 
 
 Dep. gov. Do you believe that her revelations are true ? 
 
 Mr. Cotton. That ihe may have fome fpecial providence of G^d t9 
 help her is a thing that 1 cannot bear witnefs againfl:. 
 
 Dep. gov. Good Sir, 1 do aflc whether this revelation be of God 
 or no ? 
 
 Mr. Cotton. I fhould defire to know whether the fentence of the court 
 rjiVi bring her to any calamity, and then I would know of her whether fhe 
 expeds to be deUvered from that calamity by a miracle or a providence of 
 God. 
 
 Mrs. H. By a providence of God, I fay, I exped to be delivered 
 from fome calamity that (hall come to me. 
 
 Gov. The cafe is altered and will not ftand with us now, but I fee a 
 marvellous providence of God to bring things to this pafs that they are» 
 We have been hearkening about the trial of this thing, and now the mercy 
 of God by a providence hath anfwered our defires and made her to lay 
 open herfelf and the ground of all thefe difturbances to be by revelations, 
 for we receive no fuch made OUt of the 
 
 minifhy of the word 
 
 and 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 443 
 
 and K> one fcripture after another, but all this while there is no ufe of the 
 mlniftry of the word nor of any clear call of God by his word ; but the 
 groundwork of her revelations is the immediate revelation of the Spirit, 
 and not by the miniflry of the word, and that is the means by which flie 
 hath very much abufed the country that they fliall look, for reveLitions and' 
 are not bound to the miniftry of the word, but God will teach them by 
 immediate revelations, and this hath been the ground of ull thcfc tuinuiLs 
 and troubles, and I would that thofe were ail cut off from us that trouble 
 us, for this is the thing tliat hath been the root of all the niifchicf. 
 
 Court, We all confcnt v/ith you. 
 
 Gov, Ey, it is the mod defperate cnthuCafm In die world, for nothing' 
 but a word comes to her mind, and then an application is made which is 
 nothing to the purpofe, and this is her revelations, when it is inipofTible 
 but that the word and Spirit ihould fpeak the fume thing. 
 
 Mr, Endlcot, 1 (peak in reference to Mr. .Cotton. I am tender of 
 you. Sir, and there lies much upon you in this particular, for the anfwer 
 of Mr. Cotton doth not free him from that way which his laft anfwer 
 did bring ujxDn him, therefore I befeech you that you'd be pleafed tQ. 
 fpeak a word to that which Mrs. Hutcliinfon hath fpoken of her revela- 
 tions as you have heard the manner of it. Whether do you witiiefb for 
 her or again ft her. 
 
 Mr. Cotton, This is that I fald. Sir, and nxy anfwer is plain, tl^t if 
 fhe doth look for deliverance from the hand of God by his providence, and. 
 the revelation be in a word or accord irg to a word, that 1 cannot deny. 
 
 Mr, Em'i'uct, You give "me fatisfadion. 
 
 Dep, go'iK No, no, he gives me none at all. 
 
 Mr, Cotton. But if it be in a way of miracle or a revelation without 
 the word, that I do not afTcnt to, but look at it as a delufion, and I think 
 fo doth flie too as I underltand her. 
 
 Dep. gov. Sir, you weary me and do not fatibfy me. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. I pray. Sir, give me leave to exprefs myfelf, In that 
 fenfe that fiie ^eaks I dare not bear witnefs againd It. 
 
 Mr. NoiL-ell. 1 think it is a dcvilifli delufion. 
 
 Gov. Of all the revelations that ever I read of I never read the like 
 ground laid as is for this. The enthufiafb and Anabaptifts had nevct 
 the like. 
 
 Mr. Cotton. You know. Sir, that their revelations broach new m?t- 
 ters of faith and do6lrine. 
 
 Gov. So do thefe, and what may they breed more if they be let alone ? 
 I do acknowledge that tltere are fuch revelations as do concur with tlic 
 word, but there hath not been any of this nature. 
 
 Dep. gov, I never faw fuch revelations as thefe among the Anabal)t;^I<^, 
 therefore am forry that Mr. Cotton lliould iiand to juftify her. 
 
 Mr. Peters, I can fay the fame, and this runs to enthufiafm, and I 
 think that is very difputable which our brother Cotton hath fpoken 
 
 \_^uaTTt'ing'] an immediate promife that he v/ill 
 
 deliver them \_-zuanting'] in a day of trouble. 
 
 Gov. It overthrows all. 
 
 Dep. gov. Thefe diilurbances that have come among the Germans 
 have been all grounded upon revelations, and fo they that' have v'entcii 
 
 them 
 
444 APPENDIX. 
 
 them have ftlrred up their hearers to take up arms againfl their prince 
 and to cut the throats of one another, and thefe have been the fruits of 
 them, and whether the devil may infpire the fame into their hearts here I 
 know not, for I am fully perfuaded that Mrs. Hutchinfon is deluded by 
 the devil, becaufe the Spirit of God fpeaks truth in all his fervants. 
 Gov. I am perfuaded that the revelation (he brings forth is delufion. 
 [All the court but fome two or three minifters cry out, we all believe 
 it — v/e all believe it.] 
 Mr. End'icot. J fuppofe all the world may fee where the foundation of 
 all thefe troubles among us lies. 
 
 Mr. Eliot. I fay there is an expectation of things promifed, but to, 
 have a particular revelation of things that flull fall out, there is no fuch 
 thing in the fcripture. 
 
 Go%K We will not limit the word of God, 
 
 Mr. Collicut.'^ It is a great burden to us that we differ from Mr. Cot-, 
 ton, and that he fliould juftify thefe revelations. I would entreat him 
 to anfwer concerning that about the deftrudlion of England. 
 
 Gov. Mr. Cotton is not tailed to anfwer to any thing, but we are to 
 deal with the party here ftanding before us. 
 
 Mr. Bartholomew^. My wife hath faid that Mr. Wheelwright was not 
 acquainted with this way until that fhe imparted it unto him. 
 
 Mr. Broavn. Inafinuch as I am called to fpeak, I would therefore 
 fpeak the mind of our brethren. Though we had fufficient ground for 
 the cenfure before, yet now fhe having vented herfelf and I find fuch flat 
 contradi(5tIon to the fcripture in what rtie faith, as to that in the firft to, 
 the Hebrews — God atjundry ttm^s /pake to our fathers — For my part 1 
 underhand that fcripture and other fcriptures of the Lord Jefus Chrift, 
 and the apoftle writing to Timothy faith, that the fcripture is able to make 
 one perfed — therefore I fay the mind of the brethren — T think fhe deferves 
 DO iefs H cenfure than hath been already pafl, but rather fomething more, 
 for this is the foundatior^ of all mifchief and of all thofe baflardly things 
 which have been overthrowing by that great meeting. They have all come 
 out from this curfcd fountain. 
 
 Gov.^ Se'eing th.e court hath thus declared itfelf, and hearing what hath 
 been laid laid to the charge of Mrs. Hutchinfon, and efpecially what fhe 
 by the providence of God hath declared freely without being aflied, if 
 tnerefore it be the mind of the court, looking at her as the principal caufe 
 of all our trouble, that they would now confider what is to be done to 
 her . • -^ 
 
 Mr. Coddlngton. I do think that you are going to cenfure, therefore I 
 dcfire to fpeak a word. 
 
 Gov. I pray you fpeak. 
 
 Mr. Coddlngton. There is one thing obje^ed againfl the meetings. 
 What if ihe defigned to edify her own family in her own meetings, may 
 none elfe be prefent ? 
 
 Gov. U you haT'e nothing d^c to fay but that, it is pity, Mr, Coddlng- 
 ton, that you fhould interrupt us in proceeding to cenfure. 
 
 Mr. Coddmgton. I would fay more. Sir, another thing you lay to her 
 charge is her fpeech to the elders. Now 1 da^'^ot fee any clear witnefs 
 
 again^ 
 
 * A deputy, ! know not for what town, but I take him to be an inhabitant of 
 ^pftpn ^nd a principal merchant. 
 
APPENDIX. 44S 
 
 againft her, and you know it is a rule of the court that no man may be a 
 judge and an accufer too. I do not fpeak to difparage our elders and 
 their callings, but I do not fee any thing that they accufe her of witnefled 
 againft her, and therefore I do not fee how flie (hould be cenfured for 
 that. And for the other thing which hath fallen from her occafionally by 
 the Spirit of God, you know the Spirit of God witnefles with our fpirits, 
 and there is no truth in fcripture but God bears witnefs to it by his Spirit, 
 therefore I wowld entreat you to confider whether thofe things you have 
 alleged againft her deferve fuch cenfure as you are about to pafs, be it to 
 banishment or imprifonment. And again here is nothing proved about 
 the elders, only that flie faid they did not teach a covenant of grace fo 
 clearjy as Mr. Cotton did, and that they were in the (late of tiie apoftlcs 
 before the afcenfion. Why I hope this may not be offcnfive nor any 
 wrong to them. 
 
 Gov. Pafs by all that hath been faid formerly, and her own fpeechcs 
 have been ground enough for us to proceed upon. 
 
 Mr. Coddington. I befeech you do not fpeak fo to force things along, 
 for I do not for my own part fee any equity in the court in all your pro- 
 ceedings. Here is no law of God that fhe hath broken nor any law of 
 the country that fhe hath broke, and therefore deferves no cenfure, and 
 if Ihe fay that the elders preach as the apoftles did, why they preached a 
 covenant of grace, and what wrong is that to them ? for it is without 
 queftion that the apoftles did preach a covenant of grace, though not with 
 that power, till they received the manifeftation of the Spirit ; therefore I 
 pray confider what you do, for here is no law of God or man broken. 
 
 Mr. Harlahnden. Things thus fpoken will flick. I would therefore 
 that the afiembly take notice that here is none that condemns the meeting 
 of Chriftian women ; but in fuch a way and for fuch an end that it is to 
 be detefted. And then though the matter of the elders be taken away, 
 yet there is enow befides to condemn her, but I ihall fpeak no further. 
 
 Dep. gov. We fliall be all fick with failing. 
 
 Mr. Colburr:. I diffent from cenfure of banifliment. 
 
 Mr. Stoughton. The cenfure which the court is about to pafs in my 
 confcicnce fs as much as fhe deferves, but becaufe flie defires witnefs and 
 there is none in way of witnefs, therefore I fiiall defire that no otfence be 
 taken if I do not formally condemn her, becaufe fhe hatli not been for- 
 mally convicted as others are by witneffes upon oath. 
 
 Mr. Codd'ington. That is aYcruple to me alfo, becaufe Solomon faith, 
 every man is partial in his own caufe, and her3 is none that accufes her 
 bat the elders, and fhe fpake nothing to them but in private, and I do not 
 know what rule they had to make the thing public ; fecret things ought 
 to be fpoken in fecret, and public things in public ; therefore I tiiink Uiey 
 have broken the rules of God's word. 
 
 Gov. What was fpoken in the pref-. ce of many is not to be made 
 fecre:. 
 
 Mr. Ccddingtcn. But that was fpoken but to a few and In private. 
 
 Gov. In regard Mr. Stoughton is not fiitisficd, to the end all fcniples 
 may he removed we lliall defire the elders to take their oaths. 
 
 [Here now was a great whifpering among the miniders, fo;-ae drew 
 
 buck., others were animated on.] 
 
 Mr. 
 
446 APPENDIX. 
 
 Mr» Eliot. If the court calls us out to fwear we will fwear. 
 
 Gov. Any two of you will ferve. 
 
 Mr. StGughton. There are two things that I would look to difcharge my 
 confcience of, ifh to hear what they telHfy upon oath, and 2dly, to ■ 
 
 Gov. It is required of you, JMro Weld and Mr. Eliot. 
 
 Mr. Weld and Mr. Eliot. Vie fliall be willing. 
 
 Go^. We'll give them their oaths. You fliall fwear to the truth, and 
 Mr. Peiers held up 1 nothing but the truth, as far as you know. So help 
 
 his hand alfo. j you God. What you do remember of her Ipeak, 
 pray fpeak. 
 
 Mr. Eliot. I do remember and I have it written, that which fhe fpake 
 firft was, the fear of man is a fnare, why fhould flie be afraid, but 
 would fpeak freel}^ The queftion being aflced whether there was a differ- 
 ence between Mr. Cotton and us, flte faid there was a broad difference. 
 I would not flick upon words — the thiing fhe faid — and that Mr. Cotton 
 did preach a covenant of grace and we of works, and fhe gave this reafon-— 
 to put a work in point of evidence is a revealing upon a work. We did 
 labour then to convince her that our dodlrine was the fame with Mr. Cot* 
 ton's : She faid no, for we were not fealed. That is all that I fliall fay. 
 
 Gov. What fay you, Mr. Weld ? 
 
 Mr. Weld. I will fpeak to the things themfelves— thefe two things I 
 am fully clear in- — fhe did make a difference in three things, the firfl I 
 was not fo clear in, but that fhe faid this I am fully fure of, that we were 
 rot able minifler's of the New Teflament, and that we were not clear in 
 our experience becaufe we were not fealed. 
 
 Mr. Eliot. I do further remember this alfo, that flie faid we were not 
 able minifters of the gofpel becaufe we were but like the apoflles before 
 tlie afcenfion. 
 
 Mr. Coddington. This was, I hope, no difparagement to you. 
 
 Gov. Well, we fee in the court that fhe doth continually lay and unfay 
 things. 
 
 Mr. Peters. I was much grieved that fhe fliould fay that our miniflry 
 was legal. Upon which we had a meeting as you know, and this was 
 the fame fhe told us, that there was a broad difference between Mr. Cot- 
 ton and us. Now if Mr. Cotton do hold forth things more clearly than 
 we, it was our grief we did not hold it fo clearly as he did, and upon thofe 
 grounds that you have heard. 
 
 Mr. Coddington. What wrong was that to fay that you were not able 
 minifters of the New Teflament, or that you were like the apoflles— . 
 mcthinks the comparifon is very good. 
 
 Gov. Well, you remember that fhe faid but now that fhe fliould be 
 deUvercd from this calamity. 
 
 MS'. Cotton. I remember flie faid fhe fliould be delivered by God's 
 providence, whether now or at another time fhe knev/ not. 
 
 Mr. Peters. I profefs I thought Mr. Cotton would never have took 
 her part. 
 
 Mr. Stoughton. I fay now this teflimony doth convince me in tlie 
 thing, and I am fully fatisfied the words were pernicious, ^d the frame 
 of her .fpirit doth hold forth the fame. 
 
 Gov. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 447 
 
 Gov, The court hath already declared themfclvcs fatlsfied concerning 
 the things you hear, and concerning the troublefomenefs of her fpirit and 
 the danger of her courfe amongfl: us, which is not to be fuffcrcd. There- 
 fore if it be the mind of the court that Mrs. Hutchinfon, for thefe things 
 that appear before us, is unfit for our fociety, and if it be the mind of the 
 court that (he ftiall be banifhcd out of our hberties and imprifoned till ihe 
 be fent away, let them hold up their hands. 
 All but three. 
 
 Thofe that are contrary minded hold up yours. 
 Mr. Coddington and Mr. Colburn, only. 
 
 Mr. Jennifon.'^ I cannot hold up my hand one way or the other> 
 and I Ihall give my reafon if the court require it. 
 
 Gov, Mis. Hutchinfon, the fentence of the court you hear is, that 
 you are banifhed from out of our jurifdidion as being a woman not fit for 
 our fociety, and are to be imprifoned till the court (hall fend you away, 
 
 Mrs* H. I defire to know wherefore I am banifhed ? 
 
 Gov. Say no more, the court knows wherefore, and is fatisfied* 
 
 * A deputy, I fuppofe, of Ipfwith. 
 
N D E X. 
 
 A. 
 
 ACADIANS, their fuffcrlngs, page 93. 
 Addington, Ifaac, fecretary, his death, t^i. 
 
 Admiralty, judge of, firll appoihted, 78. 
 
 iAgents, Conftantine Phips, 82. Waitftill Winthrop, 120. Sir William Afhurft, 169, 
 Jeremiah Dummcr, 170. Anthony Sundcrfou, 464. E. Cooke, 27 -j. Francij 
 Wilks, 318. Jonathan Belcher, .31S. Chriftophcr Kilby, 351. William Hol- 
 land, 391. Remarks upon the agency, 122. 
 
 Alden, captain John, accufed af witchcraft, and imprifoncd, jo. 
 
 Allen, fecretar)' of Connetfticut, 61. 
 
 Andover, troubles there, 44, 50. 
 
 Andros, Sir Edmund, his death, 189-. 
 
 Alhurft, Sir Henry, his death, 122. Sir William chofen agent, 169. 
 
 B. 
 Banic, private, 188, 352. 
 Belcher, Jonathan, agent, 318. Governor, 329. Arrives, 331. Removed, judged 
 
 and retaliated, 336. Oppofcs the land bank, 255- Falfely charged, 356. 
 
 Difplaced, 358. 
 Bellamont, lord, governor, 84. Arrives at New York, 103. At Bollon, 106. His 
 
 charadler^ io6 to no. Death, 114. 
 Bills of credit, 189, 222, 302, 340^. 361. Abolilhed, 392. 
 Bbllan, William, his great fcrvices, 391. 
 Bomazeen, a noted Indian Chief, 84, 149. 
 Borland, John, his trial, 142. 
 Bofton, great tumult there, 386. 
 Bounds of the fecond charter, 17, 
 
 Boylftonc, Zabdiel, prornotes inoculation in EoHon, 247. 
 Bradflreet, gbverrtor, refigns to Phips, 20. Death and charaAer, loo. 
 Brenton, Jahleel, controvcrfy with Sir William Phips, 74. 
 Bridger, John, furveyor of woods, 202. 
 
 Bullivant, one of Andros' juflices, his reply to lord Bellamont, 107. 
 Burnet, William, governor, 294. Arrives, 300. Controverfy with tkc houfe, 30I 
 
 to 304. Death, 326. 
 Burrill, John, his charaifter, 212, 172, 180. 
 
 C. 
 Canada expedition, 95. Unfuccefsful, 172 to iSo, and 357 to 3O©, 
 Candy, a negro witch, 37. 
 Cape Breton expedition, 364 to 380. 
 Carrier, Sarah, a witch child, 47. 
 Cary, Mrs. imprifoned, and efcape», 50. 
 Caftine, Baron, 89, 133, 286. 
 Charter purchafed, 9. 
 
 Charlevoix, erroneous, 72, 80, 85, 236, 279. 
 Cheever, Ezekiel, his death, 160. 
 Church, Benjamin, his adions in eallern parts, 69. Expedition to Chigncdo, 91. 
 
 Superfeded and offended, 95. Expedition, 133. Death, 202. 
 Chubb, captain, furrctiders Pcniaquid, 89. Cruelty, 90. Killed, loo, 
 Clark, John, fpeaker, 226. 
 CoUedors of cuftoms firft eftabliflicd, 73. 
 Conneaicut line fettled, 183. €«nvers 
 
 V*L. II. F f 
 
450 
 
 N 
 
 Convers, captain, 67, 72. " ' , 
 
 Cooke, Eiifha, negatived, 70. Begins the controverfy with governor Shute, aoo. 
 Chofen fpcaker and negatived, 211. Ag^"^> ^73' Proceedings in England, 
 288 to 291. Returns, 293. Death, 351. 
 
 Coram, Thomas, projector, ao^. 
 
 Coj-nbury, lord, perfecutes difienters, 115. 
 
 Cory, Giles, preffed to death, 60. 
 
 Council of MaiTachufetts, their powers by charter, 15, 16, 1 7. Nominate civil 
 officers, 20. The firfl counfellors, 20. The firft eledion, 69. Aflume govern- 
 ment, 117, 191. 
 
 D. 
 
 Deanc, Francis, accufed of witchcraft, and efcapes, 41. 
 
 D'x^nville, duke of, his expedition, 381. 
 
 Davis, Silvanus, counfellor, 21. 
 
 Decrficld dcftroyed by the French, izy. 
 
 Douglafs, erroneous, 29, 52, 78. 
 
 Dudley, Jofeph, foHcits for the government of New York, 82. Member of Par- 
 liament, 83. Governor, 116. Negatives five counfellors, 125. Severely 
 cenfured, 134, 135, 140, 1455 148. In danger in a ftorm, 196. Gains 
 friends, 170. Superfeded by the council, 196. By colonel Tailer, 193. 
 Character, 193. .t 
 
 Dudley, Paul, offends the hoiife, 2^31. 
 
 Dummer, Jeremiah, agent, 170. Raifes a bubble in 1 7 20. Slighted by the houfe, 
 231. 
 
 Dummer, William, lieutenant governor, 263. Reprimanded, 291. Retires, and 
 his charailer, 329. 
 
 Dunftun, Hannah, an heroine, loi. 
 
 E. 
 
 Earthquake, memorable, 294. 
 
 Expedition, French, defigned againft Boflon, 380. Agalrifl Canada, 172, 357. 
 Ag?.infl Louifbourg, 364. 
 
 Eire, in Bollon, in 1711, 181. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fofler, John, his death, 172. 
 
 French, immediately after peace, take meafures for war, 104. 
 
 Frontenac, governor of Canada, appointed to command forces ag,ain{l New En- 
 gland, 97. 
 
 G. 
 
 George the firfl proclaimed with unufual marks of joy, 190. 
 
 Goodwin, John, his children bewitched, 24. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hale, Sir Matthew, with trials, a precedent for New England, ly. 
 
 Hale, John, his wife accufed, &c. 61. 
 
 Hammond, major, taken prifoner, 85. 
 
 Karley, Mr, tradition of him, 1 14. 
 
 Harman, captain, his expedition, 279. 
 
 Haverhill deftroyed, 157. 
 
 Hawthorne, John, examines witches, 34. 
 
 Hinkley, Thomas, governor of Plymouth, his death, 141. 
 
 Hobby, Sir Charles, folicits for the government, 140. 
 
 Higginfon, John, his death, 160. 
 
 Higginfon, Nathaniel, 146. 
 
 Houfe of reprefentatives offended with governor Shute for negativing their fpcaker, 
 219. Infert themfelves in difpute about pine trees, 223. Withhold part of 
 the governor's fulary, 220. Adjourn for fix days, 232. Take the diredlion 
 of the war, 243. Remarks upon their conducfl, 261. Order Ueutenant gov- 
 ernor's fcal to be defaced, 270. Accept an explanatory charadcr, 290. 
 
 Hubbard, William, 136. 
 
 Hubbard, Nathaniel, 136, 362, HutchLnfon, 
 
INDEX. 451 
 
 Hutchliifon, Eliflia, commander In chief of forces, 66, 153. Dies, 0.02, 
 
 Hutchtnfon, Eliakim, his death, 202. 
 
 Hutchinfon, William, his charader, 225. 
 
 Hutchiulon, Thomas, arrefts Kidd, 1 1 2. Death and charadlcr, ;^s^. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jacobs, Margaret, accufes Iwrfelf and p;randfathcr of vi-itchcrsft, and thrn rer:<nT«, 4T, 
 Iber>rille takes the Newport, captain Paxton, 88. The fort at Pemaquid, 89. 
 Increafc of the colonies, remai Us, i<^y. 
 Indians alarm the colony, 113. Deftroy Deerfield, 127. Haverhill, 157. Treadi- 
 
 erou"!, 162. 
 Indians, eailern treaty of peace with them, 72, IC4, 182, 198, 287, 288. IIof> 
 
 tilitics, 302 to 305, 306 to 316. 
 Inoculation in Bofton, 251, 273 to 276, 277 to 286. 
 Invafion, French, threatened, 97. 
 Judges, dependent, 337. 
 
 Kidd, the famous bucaneer, feized at Bofton, 112. 
 Kilby, Chriftopher, reprtfentative, 351. Agent, 351. 
 Knovvles, admiral, imprefs made by him at Bofton, 386. 
 
 L. 
 Land bank, 188, 352. 
 
 Laws framed from the judicial of Mofes, 63 to 66. 
 
 Lawfon, Roger, tried for fupplylng the French and Indian enemies, 141, 
 Lieutenant governor confidered as a counfeilor, though not cleCla', 70. 
 Lovewell, captain, 284. 
 
 Louifooiyg, expedition againft it, 364 to 380. 
 Lyman, Caleb, his exploit, 135. 
 Lothrop, the minifter, 430. 
 
 M. 
 Maine, province of, made part of MafTachufetts province, 13. 
 Marts for royal navy, 229. 
 Mather, Increafcr, his death, 276. 
 
 Mather, Cotton, the firft mover in favour of inoculation, 247. 
 Moulton, colonel, behaves well at Norridgcwock, 279. 
 
 N. 
 Newfoundland taken by the French, 96. 
 New Hampfhire boundary line fettled, 342. 
 New Plymouth, a fummary of then affairs, 404 to 423. 
 New York, neutrality with the French, 129. 
 Nicholfon, Francis, 161 to 164, 172. 
 Norridgewock, fuccefsful expedition there, 279. 
 Notaries public, firft chofen, 2x6. 
 Nova Scotia made part of MafTachufetts province, 13. AiTalrs there, 87, 93, 164, 
 
 to 169. 
 Noyes, Oliver, his death, 225. 
 
 O. 
 Ofgood, Mar}', examination, 35. Recantation, 44. TcTcimoniul, 44. 
 
 P. 
 
 Paris, Samuel, witchcraft begins in his family, 29. Too officious in profccutions, 31. 
 
 Patch, F-liza, her deatli, 196. 
 
 Paxton, captain, tiiken in the Nev^'port man of war, 88. 
 
 Pemaquid, a fort there, 68. Taken, 88. Poffeffed by Dunbar, 340. 
 
 Phips, Sir Willianr., public entry as governor, 19. Fncourages profecutlon of 
 witches, 28. A warrant from his lady, 61. Quarrels with colleiftor and 
 a captain of a man-of-war, 74. Ordered to England, 76. Dca'Ji, 82. 
 
 Phips, Conftantinc, agent, 82. Drew the bill for reverfing Leiilcr's attainder, 82. 
 Removed from agency, 169. 
 
 Phips, Spencer, lieutenant governor, 79. 
 
 Plalfted, 
 
452 t N D E X. 
 
 i^laifted, colonel, his fon taken the day he was married, l8 ji 
 Port Royal attempted, ijo, 155. Taken, 166. 
 Province of Maffachufetts, its bounds, 14. 
 Pyni, John, intimate with the firft planters j 10. 
 
 Qulttamug, John, a very old Indian, 276. 
 
 . R. 
 
 Ralle, father, ai8, 237. His character, 238. Killed, a8«» 
 
 Randolph, Edward, voted a capital offender, I a. 
 
 Read, John, his character, 2>Cr^- 
 
 Pvhode Illand line fettled, 358. 
 
 Rohiiifon, John, minifter, 407. Andrew, his exploit, 267- 
 
 Rowfe, William, tried and fined. 14a. 
 
 Ruflfel, James, an afTiflant, ao. 
 
 S. 
 
 Saint Francois fettled by eaftern Indians, 131; 
 
 Saltonflall, Nathaniel, 20. 
 
 Salary fixed, controverfy, 301. 
 
 Salem, court removed there, 316. 
 
 Sanderfon, Anthony, agent, 264. 
 
 iSchuyler, colonel, friendly, 131, I48, 156. 
 
 Sewall, Samuel, 62, 264. , , 
 
 Sheaffe, Sampfon, his letter about Canada expedition, 180. 
 
 Shirley, William, fxicceeds Belcher, 358. Forms an expedition agalnft Loulfbourg, 
 363. Retires to the caftle, 388. Houfe of reprefentatives refolve to ftand by 
 him, 389. Returns to town, 590. 
 
 Shutc, Samuel, governor, 195. Arrives, 197. Controverfy with houfe of repre- 
 fentatives, 209. Negatives the fpeaker, 21 1. DifTolves the court, 235. 
 Leaves the province fuddenly, 260. Exhibits articles againft the houfe, Q,yo. 
 Succeeded by governor Burnet, 294. Shute's charader, 261. 
 
 Small Pox among the Etiglifli, 247- 
 
 Stoddard j John, 286, 386. 
 
 Speaker, difpiite about him, 137. , 
 
 Stoughton, William, pfofecutes witches, 28. Comtnarider in chief, 79, 114. 
 Death, 117. His charader, 118. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tailer, William, lieutenant governor, 1 81, 330. l5ies, 342. 
 Trade, in 1750, 396. 
 
 Temple, captain Robert, comihahder of forces eaftward, a68; 
 Trees, referved by charter, 229. 
 
 V. 
 Vetch, Samuel, tried, 143. Colonel of forces agalnft Canada, 160. Govcrner of 
 Nova Scotia, 167. 
 
 W. 
 Warren, commodore, 372. His teftlmony, 378. 
 Weftbrook, colonel, 266, 273. 
 Wheeler's, Sir Francis, expedition, 70, 
 White, Peregrine, firft-born child, his death, 196. 
 Whiting, Mr. a minifter, killed, lOO. 
 •Wilks, Francis, agent, 318. 
 Willard, Jofiah, fecretary, 202. 
 Winflow, captain, Jofiah, killed by Indians, 277* 
 Winthrop, Waitflill, agent, 1 20. Death, 202. 
 Women at Oyfter River, gallant, 1 48. 
 Witches executed, 55, 59, 60, 
 
\ 
 
* 
 
 3 ■■