” : Drie feis eichagestebetotehate eke Lal He Hh Srom fhe Librarp of (Professor Wiffiam BHenrp Green Bequeathed fp Bim fo fhe Lifrarp of Princeton Theofoagical Seminary M. MINUCII FELICIS OCTAVIUS Quid O participes rationis audetis homines proloqui, quid effutire, quid promere temerarie vocis desperatione tentatis ? Deum principem, rerum cunctarum quecunque sunt dominum, summitatem omnium summorum obtinentem, adorare, obsequio venerabili invocare, in rebus fessis totis ut ita dixerim sensibus amplexari, amare, suspicere, execrabilis religio est et infausta, im- pietatis et sacrilegit plena, cerimonias antiquitus institutas novi- tatis suce suspicione contaminans ?—ARNOBIUS adversus Nationes, Liber I. cap. xxy. r M. MINUCII FELICIS OCTAVIUS THE TEXT NEWLY REVISED FROM THE ORIGINAL MS. WITH AN ENGLISH COMMENTARY ANALYSIS INTRODUCTION AND INDICES Edited for the Spndics of the University WWress BY THE REV. HUBERT ASHTON HOLDEN M.A, FELLOW AND CLASSICAL LECTURER OF TRINITY COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE EDITOR OF ARISTOPHANES "Orda AapBavers Kata avTiKeymerns evepyeias, OrAa AapBavers Kata e€Ovav. IloAAods éxOpois Exets, ToAAG BéAn AauBave. Cyril. Przfat, Catech. CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON JOHN W. PARKER WEST STRAND. 1853 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from Microsoft Corporation https://archive.org/details/octaviusOOminu PREFACE. MONG the writings of the early Apologists of Christianity, it may be doubted whether (ex- cepting the eight books of Origen against Celsus) there be any which has much stronger claims to our notice, it is certain that none has gained more admirers, than the Dialogue of Minucius Felix, which is known by the name of Octavius. Considering the universal testimony which has been borne to the peculiar elegance, if not clas- sical purity, of its style, it is only surprising that so valuable a treatise should have hitherto failed to find a place, as a Class-book, in our Schools and Universities, by the side of or as a substitute for some Pagan writer, of inferior claims’. 1 The remarks of CELLARIUs in the Introduction to his Edition of this Dialogue, (A.p. 1726), where he is speaking de usu antiquitatis Ec- clesiastice Christianis scholis com- mendande, will, 1 trust, be con- sidered pertinent. * Quapropter ita sentio, atque sic animum induco, non bene consuli Christianorum scholis, si ecclesias- tici veteres scriptores, iique puri ac elegantes, in iis omnes preterean- tur: necillarum fructus magnos esse experimur, ex guibus omnes szcu- lares sive ethnici exterminantur ; sed utriusque generis auctores conjun- gendos esse censeo, ut ex Romanis priscis vera indoles Latinitatis, ex Christianis, ejusdem usus melior per- spiciatur ; quippe sancti quoque viri, quamquam qu seculi sunt, con- temserunt, sermonis tamen copiam et stili nitorem nequaquam neg- lexere, ut non tantum ad civiles res suas, sed ipsas etiam sacras, nec sine fructu eximio usi fuerint.” And again: “Non puto multes esse qui con- vi Preface. It is more easy, perhaps, to account for the neg- lect, of which we speak, from the-want of a suitable and convenient edition, than it is for the existence of such a desideratum. Now that the attention of English students is becoming more and more drawn to these primitive records of Christian Theology, and an increasing interest is manifested in them, the fulfilment of such a requirement will probably be more acceptable than it would have been some years ago. I think, we may safely conclude that, regarded as a mere literary composition, the pure Latinity of the Octavius, reminding us_ perhaps, more than any other Ecclesiastical writing, of the golden days of Latin Prose, will serve to make any attempt at illustrating it welcome to the classical Scholar, while its attractive form will secure for it the attention of the general reader. But the Theological Student will see that it possesses still further and higher claims to his attention: for besides these acknowledged merits, it has the advantage of containing an admirably clear and condensed Summary of the arguments for and against Christianity, which were current in tra nos negatum eant, e re schola- rum fore et Christianorum, si amotis impudicis libris, et amorum fabulis illecebrosis, seeculares auctores op- timi retineantur, iisque ex ecclesia jungantur qui purioris sermonis amantes, elegantia non minus rem litterariam, quam profani possint adjuvare. Ut que sentio planius exponam, cum Cicerone velim Lac- TANTIUM illius imitatorem com- poni, aut si hic uberior quam pro Preface. vil the beginning of the third Century: and therefore it serves as an excellent introduction to the study of the writings of the other Apologists both Greek and Latin. But, taking for granted the superior value of this dialogue, additional testimony to which, if needed, might easily be adduced, I proceed to offer a few remarks on the plan which has been _ pursued by me in the present edition. It is unfortunate that there is only one known MS. of Minucius extant. This is now in the Bib- _ liothéque du Roi at Paris, where, by the kind permission and assistance of M. Hasz, Keeper of the MSS., I made a careful examination of it; a task rendered necessary by the variance exist- ing between the collations hitherto made. Fur- ther observations on this MS. are reserved for the Introduction. I have now only to say that in my text I have adhered as closely as was possible to it, except in the matter of orthography. In the few passages which seemed to bid defiance to all con- struing, I have substituted such conjectural emen- dations, as appeared most probable; in others, to captu adolescentie videatur, M1- nondum confirmate aliquod tedium NucIuM Feticem, nihil Lactantio — suboriatur.” nitore stili concedentem, argumento Ernestt, in his Preface to Lind- parem, brevitate multum complexa _ner’s edition, writes in a similar juventuti gratiorem, que breviasec- _ strain. tetur, ne longitudine et copia xtati Vill Preface. which some meaning, though doubtful, could be attached, I have contented myself with mentioning various readings and critical suggestions in the notes, my desire being to avoid as much as possible tampering with the text of my author, which, I believe, is not so corrupt as previous Editors as- sume it to be. For, as *Schénemann justly ob- serves, ‘tot emendatores nactus est Octavius, quam editores.’ The Commentary is intended to explain the text; but, as this Edition is designed for the use of younger as well as more advanced students, I. have not omitted to explain the most obvious allu- sions, historical, mythological or others, besides elucidating the construction where difficult, and occasionally remarking upon verbal or phraseo- logical peculiarities. But my main object has been to give assistance to the reader by copious illustration from authors of the nearest age, or of the same country and pro- fession, from the Greek Apologists, Justin Martyr, Tatian, Theophilus, Athenagoras, Origen, as well as from the Latin writers Cyprian, Arnobius, Au- gustine, and Lactantius; more especially from Tertullian, whose Apologetic treatise is in itself a commentary upon our dialogue. 2 Bibliotheca Historico-Literaria Patrum Latinorum, Vol. 1. p. 63. Preface. 1X Mere references to the most ordinary authors are too often neglected by students: and perhaps more so in the case of writers not easily accessible. I have taken care therefore to give the more im- portant citations in full. To conclude with one more remark concerning the notes. There is preserved in the Library of the British Museum a copy of the Variorum Edition by Ouzelius, published in 1672, with marginal and other observations by James Gronovius. Many of these are mere rough sketches of notes, subsequently _ expanded in his own edition. The most important of them are noted down in the present edition, en- closed between brackets, and distinguished by the letters J. GR. I do not wish to conceal, therefore acknowledge once for all, whatever obligations I owe to the labours of preceding Editors and Commentators, whose quotations, I may be allowed to state, I have not appropriated without a faithful verification of them. Further aids to the student are given in the Dissertation of the celebrated Jurist Baudouin on the Age of Minucius, whose authorship of this Dialogue he was the first to discover, as will be seen hereafter; in the Analysis Logica drawn up by Lindner and prefixed to his scarce and valuable as x Preface. edition; in my own marginal Analysis, and in the copious Indices which will be found occasionally to supply the deficiencies and correct the over- sights that occur in the foot-notes. Concerning the Treatise of Cyprian de Vanitate Idolorum, which, being for the most part an abridged transcript of the Octavius, forms a proper Appendix to it, little is known either of the persons to whom it was addressed or of the occasion which called it forth. The text, which I have given, is that of Rovutu with very few alterations. The marginal numbers refer to the corresponding chapters in Minucius. EL, Al a Trinity CoLLece, 1852, November 18. CONTENTS. PAGE COMPARATIVE TABLE OF PAGINATION..cccoccsccctecceees Xill INTRODUCTION : § x On the Life of Minucius Felix ...c.0seeece00+ XVil TN ES eee ELEC PET oC Oe eee x1x §3 Literary History of the Octavius .....+.00. XXVlii PRANCISCE BALDUINI Dissertatto .....0ccccccsooseseves I mummuses Logica Dialogt ....0ccc0rsecenscesae ere re 29 rater OCEGUTES og a's ou yo +t oases veeve a0hen are 45 T. C. Cyprianvus de Vanitate Idolorum .....0.esererees 193 INDICES : General Indet ...+++s0006 ere bk xia saetieres cae 207 EM PutLLGG 5 fui sv ced sinecases > ssseinrasee 225 amriomra 0.) Le ae ae Shape aes wae ee : ¢ mi » > e ae y es? « , oes ere pe pic ie we ; Chae s “as has ae oe. e. “ye La a SP tN epee nse ren sed LOTo hy / rng * oe fe Bs ane B ye She ae a. 3 CS an ee a Oe eee Gas rem ah have ck me i al Foe Ss a ah ars oF f « a. A , Vases ene acne dene es seca, oak esha ow nage a (Wades : , - ; ~ — ’ = & “= vy t.% 8 ~e 4 @oecenrertones eos Sus hi tew Sis) 4 ay" x TAAB NO ee a ‘ ' ry. } VOR ster terete rete ee re rrse teeta nee at was ae sam The nreesecaseessserineasecceren oi Se ray fee ee esre ere eas PERC SAA Rees as oa entail ane es sh ; ig t oN See sc ae wee Pe era Sy Pee tee ree esse | oS “aga Comparative Table of Pagination in this Edition and that of Ouzelius, Lugd. Bat. a. 1672. PAGE 45 = 46 47 48 49 = 50 BI 52 53 54 56 “87 59 60 61 62 PAGES I- 4 4-7 4-10 10-14 14-19 19-23 23-25 25-27 24-30 = 31-34 55 = 34-36 36-38 = 38-40 58 = 63 = 64 65 66 67 68 = 69 7° 71 40—42 42-44 44-52 52-55 55-58 58-65 65-66 66-68 68-71 71-75 75-80 80-81 81-83 = 83-86 PAGE PAGES 86— 88 88- 89 89- 90 » aN 94- 95 95- 96 96- 97 97— 98 g8—100 100-102 102-105 105-107 107-112 112-113 114 I14—-I17 117-118 118-119 IIg-120 I2I—122 = 122-124 = 124-126 126-127 = 127-130 130-131 131-134 = 134-136 PAGE 99 100 IOI 102 103 104 105 106 107 = 108 109 IIo III 112 113 114 115 2116 117 = 118 = 11g 120 121 122 123 124 ll 125 = PAGES 136-139 139-141 141-143 143-144 144-147 147-148 148-150 I50-I51 151-153 153 153-154 154-155 155 155-157 157-160 160-163 163-167 167-169 169-177 177-187 187-199 199-203 203-205 205-208 208-209 209-211 211-213 eS Table of Pagination. sg ee PAGES = 213-216 216-217 217-218 218-221 221-222 222-225 225-227 227-228 228-229 229-233 = 233-237 = 237-239 239-241 241-242 242—245 245-246 240-247 247-248 248-249 249-251 251-253 253-255 PAGES = 255-257 = 257-258 = 258-260 260-267 267-269 = 279-281 = 281-283 283-288 = 288-290 = 290-295 205209 = 299-302 = 393-395 = 305-310 310-312 ea 3) 313-314 = 314-315 = 315-316 = 316-318 = 318-319 189 PAGES 319-329 320-323 323 . 323-326 326-328 328-329 329-339 oa? tae = 333-334 = 334-336 = 336-337 337-338 338-339 339-341 341-343 = 343-345 345-348 348-350 ope =305 351-352 352 INTRODUCTION. ERRATA. In the Text. Page 68, line 4, place semicolon after sacerdotum. poeaee 138, ... 3, for Romani populi; read reipublice. In the Notes. eee. 95, note 9, col. b, for cicayer; read cicadyet. emir 152, note 13, for ‘etiam nihil mirum;’ read ‘ etiam: nihil mirum.’ Seaeth 146, note 16, for Statius, Silv. 111.; read Statius, Silv. tv. iii. v. 120, base 165, note 7, col. b, for oitav paxapia pnv; read bTav paxapia pév. peceek 185, note 10, for ‘was forbad ;’ read ‘was forbidden.’ INTRODUCTION. SECTION I. Life of Minucius. bee notices which we have of this Apologist of the Latin Church are extremely meagre and imperfect. His age, country, parentage are alike matters of specula- tion. His full name was Marcus Minucius Fetix. The Prenomen Marcvs occurs in the Dialogue, Ch. 1m. § 1; Ch.v. §1. The Gens Minucia was widely spread at Rome: and had different cognomens, as Augurinus, Rufus, Thermus, Faustus, Macer, Fundanus, amongst these Felix, as appears from an ancient inscription’. Many members of the house attained to high dis- tinction. Of our Minucius, we cannot say whether he belonged to it or not: all that we know for certain is that he was a distinguished jurist and advocate at Rome, and rose to celebrity through his eloquence”, 1 Ap. Gruter. Jnscript. p. 918. It may be remarked that the name in old authors and in former edi- tions of the Octavius was misspelt Minutius. The word is not con- nected with minutus: as is proved by the quantity of the middle syl- lable in Silius Italicus, Nec mora; disjecto Winuci vecordia vallo Perdendi simul et pereundi ardebat amore. Bell. Pun. vii. 523. ® Lactantius, Div. Inst. vy. 1, and Hieronymus, quoted by Balduinus, A Dissertat. p. 3: who remarks (ch. v.) that Arnobius may have been thinking of Minucius, when he spoke of the conversion of so many dis- tinguished members of the Roman Bar to Christianity. Comp. the tes- timony of Tertullian, Apolog. ch. xxxvii. and ch. xlii. Eucherius epist. ad Valerian speaks of him as clarissimum facun- dia. Tom. vy. Bibl. PP. p. 771: Et quando clarissimos facundia, Firmianum, Minutium, Cyprianum, See Balduin. Dissert. § iii p. d. Ch. i. §§ 3, 4; Che Vi Sok: ch. xxviii. § 1. Ch. ix. § 8, xviii Introduction. heathen by birth, he did not embrace Christianity till he had arrived at mature age. That he continued to practice at the bar after his conversion may be rea- sonably inferred from a passage in the second Chapter of the Dialogue, where he is speaking of his enjoyment of the ferie judiciarie: although Tzschirner? appeals to this very passage in proof of the contrary. With regard to the place of his birth, some* suppose it to have been Africa. This supposition they argue is favoured by the similarity which is to be observed be- tween his style and that of Tertullian and Cyprian, both of whom were Africans; and by the fact that several stories and sayings, which occur in the dialogue, are to be found in Apuleius. But this argument can hardly be pressed ; for although there can be little doubt, as will be seen hereafter, that Minucius has copied from Ter- tullian to a great extent, still we do not find in him as we should have expected on this supposition, any of the inflated and exaggerated diction, which is the particular . characteristic of the African style: but on the contrary a marked imitation of the best classical authors; whose language he has copied just as much, as he has adapted the sentiments and reasoning of Tertullian. Nor does it appear that any inference can be drawn from the circumstance that Ceecilius, in speaking of Fronto, calls him noster: for the meaning of this is in- determinate ; it may be either “my (i.e. Cecilius’) coun- tryman,” (see Ch. xxxir. 1, below Sect. 1. p. xxvii), or “the contemporary of both of us.” Van Hoven®, on the other Hilarium, Joannem, Ambrosium ex illo volumine numerositatis evolvam ? Dizxerant credo: quid hoc est ? sur- gunt indocti et celum rapiunt: et nos cum dectrinis ecce tibi in errore volutamur et sanguine. Dixerant istud ; et idcirco postea vim intule- runt ipst regno. 3 Geschichte der Apologetik: Part 1. p. 276, Leipzig. 1805. See on the other hand, Le Nourry, Ap- par. Crit. Cap. i, Art. ii. 4 Tillemont Mémoires, Tome 111. p. 71; Basnage, and Rigaut, ad U, Introduction. xix hand, maintains that he was born in Italy, and probably at Brescia;. concluding upon the strength of the cir- cumstance that Pliny, speaking of a certain Minucius Acilianus, says, patria est ei Brixia, that this was the native place of the family. SECTION II. Of the Age in which Minucius lived. THIS appears a point capable of being determined with a tolerable degree of certainty, considering the few and imperfect data, which enable us to arrive at any result whatever. It seems to me an obvious inference from these, that Minucius must have composed his dia- logue after the Apologeticus of TERTULLIAN was published, and before the treatise of Cyprian de Idolorum Vanitate. Nevertheless, inasmuch as considerable variety of opi- nion has prevailed upon the question, it may be not an uninteresting enquiry to investigate the grounds, which lead to this conclusion. To appeal to the testimony of Jerome as the oldest ; in a passage®, where we observe that his object is to mention the three writers in their chronological order, he places Minucius between TerTULLIAN and CYPRIAN; but in another passage’, where he has a different object in view, he puts Mrnuctus after CyprRIAN, the distinguished Bishop and Martyr. place to Mrxuctus. Eucherius$ also assigns the middle who is followed by Dupin: Baldui- nus, Diss. § 3, p. 5 and Tzschirner 1. 1, speak doubtfully. 5 Joannis Danielis ab Hoven epistola historico-critica de vera @tate etc. Minuciit ad Gerhardum Meermann, § 14,in Lindner’s second edition, p. 300. 6 Catalog. Scriptor. eccles. Lat. Vide Balduin. Dissert. § 1 7 Apologia pro libris adv. Jo- vinianum ad Pammach, Tom. I. Epist. 50. cap. 4 8 Ubi supra note 2. xx Introduction. Again, it may be assumed as more than probable from the strikingly close correspondence which exists between the Octavius and the Apologeticus, that one of these must have been copied from the other. Now an acquaintance with the works of TERTULLIAN must, I am convinced, be enough to forbid any dispassionate reader from ever imagining that the most original and cha- racteristic writer of the Latin Church, should have bor- rowed at all, much less in such a manner, from the writings of another. For, be it observed, the resem- blance is not confined to a single phrase, or an accidental illustration, but is so close and literal that whole par- agraphs have been in some parts transfused into one from the other®. See for one instance out of several Ch. xviii. and Ch. xxii. with the illustrations from TER- TULLIAN there given in the notes. Minvucius, on the contrary, is far from an original writer: the most superficial reader will observe that he has borrowed more or less in several passages from other authors, such as Cicero and Seneca: in fact his dialogue is as evidently an artistic and laboured composition, dressed up in an elegant and attractive form, and written by one who was well-acquainted with the best classical Authors; as TERTULLIAN’s Apology, on the other hand, is the production of an original mind, called for by the exigency of the times and stamped with a peculiar cha- racter of its own!®, No further proof than this, I think, will be required to shew that the evidence afforded by the two compo- sitions is in favour of the supposition of Minuctus!! being posterior in time to Tertuttian. The same argument ® Tzschirner, 1. l. p. 277, note, grounds Russwurm, in the Intro- 92. duction to his German Translation 10 Tzschirner, J. 7. p. 279. of the Octavius, p. xix. ventures to “1 I cannot understand on what assert that the correspondence is Introduction. XxXI may be applied against the notion of their having both drawn from the same sources, viz. the Greek Apologists, and especially Justin Martyr?’, Again, we may take it for granted that Mrnucius was prior to Cyprian, since his treatise de Idolorum Vanitate is admitted on all sides to be a close transcript of the Octavius. Now TERTULLIAN wrote his Apologeticus probably in the year a. p. 198, and Cyprian died of martyrdom A.D. 258 in the Valerian Persecution: it follows there- fore from our conclusions, that our Author must have composed his Dialogue at some period intermediate be- tween these two extremes. The date of its composition may be fixed still more precisely. Several indications afforded by the Dialogue itself go to prove, that the Christians must, at the time of its composition, have been living in enjoyment of comparative freedom from persecution. We find them living on terms of intimacy with the Heathen, and addressing each other in the language of familiar intercourse. Men of high rank and distinction were numbered amongst them, and a Chris- tian could venture to rally a Pagan for his superstitious belief. Moreover Minucius must have been himself living in comparative security, that he was able to devote himself to the composition of this Dialogue. It was only during the following periods that the Christians found themselves in so favourable a position: viz., under ANTONIUS CARACALLA, A.D. 211—217, who, at least, mani- fested his good will towards them so far as to allow the Governors of Provinces to deal with them as they pleased: under ALEXANDER SEVERUS, (A.D. 222—235,) natural because the subjects on = mentatio de Minucio Felice. Zurich, which they wrote and the objections 1824, p.10,sq. C.F. Réssler, Biblio- they had to answer were the same. thek. der Kirchenvater, Vol. 111. p. 12 Comp. Henrici Meieri, Com- 2, foll. Ch. iii. 1; iv. 3; Xv. 3 > XvVb 2, 3, 6. Xxli Introduction. who as a religious eclectic partially recognised Chris- tianity: or under Puitippus ARABs (244—249), who was so lenient to the Christians, that he was even reputed to be one himself. The remaining Emperors of this period were vehement opponents and bloody persecu- tors of their religion. Now there is extant an old tra- dition of Minucius having flourished in the reign of Alexander Severus, which is supported and confirmed by independent considerations ™. The Antiquary Marcus Antonius Coccius, ordinarily called Sabellicus 4, who lived in 1500, asserts, yet with- out citing any historical evidence for the truth of his assertion, that Minucius flourished at the time when Urban was Bishop of Rome. Now the time of Urban’s bishopric exactly coincides with the first years of the reign of ALEXANDER SEVERUS, viz. 223—230%, This statement agrees with that of the German Historian John Von Trittenheim?®, (usually known under the name Trithemius,) in his treatise de Ecclesiasticis Scriptoribus, which may be viewed as a continuation of the celebrated work of Jerome, that Minuctus flourished in Rome about the year 230 in the time of Alexander Severus. The reasons which impart to this statement an ap- pearance of truth are as follows :— 1 The allusion to the recovery of the Roman standards from the Parthians, mentioned in Ch. vu. § 6, ut Parthos signa repetamus, is introduced in such a way as to lead us to suppose, that it was an event which had 13 Liibkert, Hinleitung, p. 4. 14 Ennead, vu. Lib. 6: Claruit sub Urbano Triphon, quem Origenes docuit : Minucius Felix auctor cau- saruminsignis, cujus Lactantius me- minit. Dialogum Scripsit de Chris- tiana et Ethnica religione. Scripsit et contra mathematicos. Fuit his equalis Alexander Hierosolymorum antistes. 15 Eusebius, H. £. 11.253 vr. 20. 16 J. A. Fasricit Bibliotheca Ec- clesiastica ; “ Minucius Felix, Causi- dicus, patria Romanus, vir in secu- laribus literis eruditissimus et in divi- nis lectionibus studiosus, ingenio ex-= Introduction. xxi recently taken place. Now we know from Suetonius!’ that Augustus had succeeded in obtaining a triumph over this nation and recovering the Roman standards; but still the Romans may not have looked upon them as completely subjugated. It is then possible that the allusion in the text may be to the campaign of the Emperor Alexander Severus in Parthia. At any rate the explanation of this passage, though perhaps it be too uncertain to support any independent conclusion, agrees very well with this assumption. 2 The immediate occasion of the dialogue was an act of homage paid by the Heathen Cecilius to a statue of Serapis at Ostia (Ch. 1.5). Now it is recorded of Alexander Severus that in his fondness for religious syn- cretism, he procured for himself initiation into the mys- teries!§, and beautified the temple of this deity at Rome??: and it is not unlikely that the ardour of Cx- cilius was stirred up to this act of devotion to a deity, whose worship was just then becoming fashionable. 3 We read in Ch. xxix. § 6, of the Dialogue: et est eis tutius per Jovis genium pejerare quam Cesaris. The custom of swearing by the Emperor, adjurandi Ge- nium Principis, came into vogue after the death of Ju- lius Cesar, when the Senate passed a vote riyy airod auyny oprtvat. morphoses, L.1x. C.11°°; and compare Tertullian Apo- log. xxtx. and Ulpian leg. x11. Digest. de jurejurando. But Alexander Severus had issued a decree in respect to See the commentators on Apuleius Meta- cellens, et disertus eloquio, scripsit Latino sermone quedam preclara opuscula, quibus memoriam sui pos- teris commendavit. E quibus extat dialogus inter Christianum et here- ticum, qui Octavius inscribitur. Claruit Rome sub Alexandrg Impe- ratore, Anno Domini 230.” 17 Aveust. Vit. c. xxi; TIBER. Vit. c. viii. 18 Spartian, Vita A, Severi, c. xvii. 19 Lampridius, vita Alerandri Severi, ¢. XXvi. 20 p. 807, ed. Hildebrand, XXIV Introduction. this: concerning which Baudouin says: suspicor hie notari quandam constitutionem Alexandri Severi, que tamen relata est in libros juris, leg. 11., Cod. de rebus creditis. The law is in lib. Iv. of the Codex, and reads thus: Jurisjurandi contempta religio satis Deum ultorem habet. Periculum autem corporis vel Majestatis crimen secundum constituta Divorum parentum meorum, etsi per Principis venerationem quodam calore fuerit pejeratum, inferri non placet. This treble coincidence of occurrences in the life of Alexander Severus, with allusions in the Octavius, form a strong ground for supposing that Minucius Felix was a younger contemporary of Tertullian, and fixing as the date of the Dialogue the year 226. Perhaps a further confirmation may be sought in Ch. xm. and Ch. xxxvit., which justify us in inferring that there had been recently a persecution of the Christians, which had given occasion to instances of heroism in martyrdom. This was probably the persecution under Septimius Severus, the recollec- tion of which would, no doubt, be still fresh in men’s minds. Nevertheless, others arrive at an entirely different conclusion, and would have us believe that TERTULLIAN copied from Minucius, whose age they assign to the time of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, between 138 and 161, so as to make him a contemporary of Justin Martyr and Athenagoras. Among the advocates of this theory there are several, whose opinion would certainly carry weight”!, were not the arguments by which they attempt *! Tillemont, Mémoires,Tom.1t. de Scriptt. Ecclesie Latine priorr. p- 295; Baronius, Annal. 211, §3; Secul. p.24. Tzschirner, Fall. des Dodwell, Dissert. Cyprianice 111.§ Heidenthum 1. p. 219, places him xvi; Blondell, del’ Eucharistie,p.119; in the age of Marcus Aurelius, al- Daillé; J. D. ab Hoven, Epistola though in his former work, the Ges- Historico-Literaria (appended to schichte der Apologetik, he adheres Lindner’s second edition) ; Oelrich’s, | to the commonly-received opinion. eee Introduction. XXV to support it so manifestly weak and inconclusive. But, as they are introduced with great parade and show of learning, it may be worth while to pass them one by one in review. 1 “The classical purity of his style shows that the latest period when he could have lived was under the Antonines*.” To say nothing of the fact that only 60 years intervened between Antoninus Pius and Alexander Severus, surely his elegance of style can be no sufli- cient ground upon which to build a conclusion as to the age of a writer: otherwise we might contend that Lac- tantius or Augustine lived in the silver age?3, 2 “From the apparent conformity between the three writers Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Minucius, not only in the arguments they employ to refute objec- tions, but also in points of doctrine, it follows that they must have lived about the same time*!.”. The answer to this is that the similarity between these same writers and Tertullian is much more striking, with this only dif- ference, that Tertullian, in employing these same argu- ments, has handled them in a much more original manner than our author. 3 “The picture drawn by Minucius of the circum- stances of the primitive Christians, whem he describes them as, latebrosa et lucifugax natio, et de ultima face Ob. viii 4, 5. profane conjurationis plebs, harmonises with the descrip- tion of them by Justin Martyr and Athenagoras : whereas Tertullian says of the Christians: Jam omnia impleverant, Apolo. ch urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, The same view has been adopted Comp. Tzschirner, Gesch. der Apol. by Kestner, Agape, p. 356, H. Meier, __ p. 280. Commentatio de Minucio Felice, Tu- 23 Lumper, Historia Theologico- rici, 1824, Russwurm, in the Intro- Critica SS. Patrum, Vol. vii. p. 108. duction to his translation, and Mu- 24 Van Hoven, /. 1. p. 264; Meier ralto in his edition of the Dialogue. Comm. p. 6. 22 Van Hoven, 1.1. § 1, p. 263. mm... ¥, bh Apolog. ch. i. adNation. t.i. Ch. ix. § 1. Ann. xv. 44. Epist. x. 97, § 9. XXVl Introduction. tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum etc.: and, Hine Romani obsessam vociferantur civitatem: omnem sexum, ctatem, conditionem etiam dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrimento merent; in which passages we have the description of the Christians as they were in a later age. It follows therefore that Minucius must have written at an earlier period”. The mistake here is, that the reproach put into the mouth of the heathen Cecilius against the Christians, is considered as conveying a true description of what they really were. Czcilius’ object clearly is to repeat all the calumnies which the Christians had been assailed with from the earliest times, whether applicable to his own period or not, and to bring for- ward everything he could in order to place them in an odious light”, But the untruth of the objection is hinted at in a few words by Octavius: who says further in Ch. XXxI. §8; zt dies nostri numerus augetur. Even the ob- jector himself, when it suits his purpose, exclaims with indignation : per universum orbem sacraria ista teterrimee superstitionis adolescunt. Besides, Tacitus, at a still ear- lier period, had already spoken of them as being multi- tudo ingens; and the account given by Pliny, his contem- porary, corresponds precisely with that of Tertullian. The only difference between the external condition of the Christians in the times when Tertullian and Minucius wrote would be, that the former witnessed them in a sea- son of great peril and trial, the latter in one of security and freedom from persecution, such as we know they enjoyed through the good will of Alexander Severus. 4 ‘*Mention is made of Fronto of Cirta, as a con- temporary of the speakers in the Dialogue: it is pro- bable that the person alluded to is M. Julius Fronto, who 25 Van Hoven, ibid. 27 Van Hoven, p. 287, note: 26 Tzschirner, Gesch. der Apol. Tzschirner, Fall des Heidenthum, p. 280. p. 221, note. Introduction. XXVil was consul suffectus in 143; consequently in the reign of Antoninus Pius?’.” It is more probable that the person referred to is M. Cornelius Fronto, the tutor of the Empe- ror Marcus Aurelius*®. But whichever of these is meant, it is quite a petitio principii, to found an argument on the use of noster, which may mean equally well “my countryman” (whether dead or alive) as “my contem- porary:” but more probably here signifies, “one of our party,” namely, a heathen, as is shewn by a subsequent passage (Ch. xxx1. 1), where Octavius, in his answer to Cecilius, speaks of Fronto tuus. 5 “The Christians are described by Minucius Felix as illiterate and uneducated; whereas in the time of Ori- gen they appear in quite a different light.” But this again does not appear from the Dialogue: on the contrary, Cecilius’ remark (v. 4, vim. 4), which of course is made in a spirit of ill-nature, is contra- dicted by Octavius in Ch. xxx1. 7. Besides the case of Minucius himself, and Octavius, who were both persons of consequence and education and yet Christians, is enough to prove the futility of this conclusion. 6 “All the objections, which are advanced by Ce- cilius against the Christians, are directed against their mode of life and external conduct, not against their doctrines or principles: but the case was different in the time of Tertullian and Origen.” But this again is a futile objection: for surely it is the doctrines of Christianity which Cecilius assails, when he speaks contemptuously of their belief in one Gop, His general attributes, and providence, their hope of immortality and the resurrection of the body, and their belief in a future retribution. And Octavius limits his defence to these ; he does not enter into a regular vin- 28 See note 15, ch. ix. and comp. specially Bayle, Dictionn. Article Balduini Dissert. §3, p.5; and es- Fronto, note F. b2 XXVIII Introduction. dication of the whole system of Christianity, it being no part of the plan of this Dialogue that he should do so. In fact, it is merely occupied in clearing away any ante- cedent objection to the consideration of Christianity?9. Hence we see why total silence is maintained by him concerning the Books of Holy Scripture. The above are the chief grounds, weak as they are, usually alleged in support of the theory, which places the age of Minucius at an earlier period than the reign of Alexander Severus. Others, however, place him still later, and posterior to Cyprian®*®. SECTION III. Literary History of the Octavius. Minucius Fexix, after the fashion of Cicero, whose writings, and especially the Treatise de Natura Deorum, he took for his model, names his Dialogue after one of the speakers in it Octavius. The form of the Dialogue. resembles those of Cicero, who, instead of the short questions and answers which Plato puts into the mouths of his disputants, makes them utter separate speeches: and uninterrupted discourses. On this subject the un- published fragmentary remarks*! of Gronovius may not be considered out of place :-— , Ut et ipse aliquod principium mediter, antequam ad ipsum melos peragendum aggrediar; ita versatur in hoc scripto noster Minucius Felix, ut liquide ostendat non se statim postquam ab Ostia cum tertio comite domum rediit, 29 Woodham, Jntroduction to the commencement of the Introduc- Tertullian’s Apology, p. xliv. tion, which Gronovius had promised 30 Clinton, Fasti Romani, Vol. in the Preface to his Edition, where 11. Appendix, c. 8, p. 418. he speaks of the consilium, quo de- 31 These remarks evidently form creveram rimari et ostendere, quod et Introduction. XXix ad scribendum contulisse. An proximi mox dies fuerint, quos impendit huic memoric digerende, sicuti non dixerim, ita undecunque etiam hee mora venerit, ad dialogum hune instruendum aggressus est demum, postquam intellexit fato concessisse Octavium. Tamdiu sive animo seriem eorum que dicta erant ruminans, sive chartee committens capita mate- riarum ea sibi retinuit, Octavio et suis et aliorum morta- lium oculis subducto, voluptatem pristinam, commemorando amicitic usu et religioso paternitatis consortio, honorandam sibi existimans desidere ultra nequivit, et quod quantocun- que tempore secum recensuerat, in literas redigens absolvit ac publicavit justissime, utpote quo partim pietatem suam probaret simul ac veteris amici nomen officiumque ac reli- gionis acrem et efficacem custodiam, partim quoque, si ita res ferret, alios ex inumbrante caligine ad eandem spem ac fidem traduceret. Inerat tamen Minucio peculiaris stimulus, ut per tribunalia jam eelebratus eloquentice etiam titulo, uteretur hdc occasione ad prodendos fontes unde incre- menta facultatis suc forensis duxerit. Non enim suo tem- pore satis tutum erat deducere adolescentem ad quemcunque in foro validum oratorem, quem observaret cujusque facun- diam conaretur emulari. Istud splendidum tempus pre- terierat nec aliud restabat, quam ut probe eloquentie con- spectum ex libris melioris evi bene lectis peterent. Hoc JSecerat quoque Minucius, et cui potissimum se applicuerit, judicavit opportunitatem indicandi nune exstare honestis- simam, idque nunc perfecisse accuratissime existimo. Ita- que quum hic dialogus sit quasi laudatio excellentis hujus Octavii, imaginor mihi crebrius injectam illi fuisse de ea deliberationem, qua forma componi deberet aut cujus anti- qui et probatissimi scriptoris exemplo opportuniore uteretur. genus scripti veteris tunc precipue in _imitationis claritudine. SchOnemann mente habuerit Minucius,adeo ut se- in reference to this promise observes: quutus fuisse in plurimis videatur, Utinam vero perfecisset, quod tum aut quas magis exiguas partes ali- __seposuisse tantum videri vult. Bib- unde petere voluerit, satis manifesta _lioth. Pattr. 1. p. 66. Xxx Introduction. Id vero erat, quod tanto magis investigandum opinabar, quo minus de hac parte soliciti fuerunt priores, unde con- tigit eos hic illic herere. Nobis autem ad id proficiet, ut quum imaginem totius operis ad vetustius scriptum direc- tam conspicati fuerimus, etiam credamus illum, qui sic id accommodavit, facere nequivisse quin legenti et proponenti istud exemplum adheserint nonnunquam et verba et locu- tiones in eodem usurpate. Quantum igitur circumspiciens adsequor, ex omni turba librorum, quos ad integram facun- dice guridice copiam obtinendam necessarios antea sibi potuit circumspexisse, judicavit hic insignis, ut olim desert- bebatur, causidicus vel primas dari oportere M. Tullio Ciceroni, universe: perfectionis quam causidicina requirere potest, progenitori. Qui quum nihil scripserit legi indig- num, tum causidico nostro preesertim videntur placuisse libri tres de Oratore. Horum lectioni quum assiduus etiam ante inheesisset eo potentice videtur devenisse, ut et passim ad illos multa concinnaret, que usui quotidiano et tribu- nalibus servirent, et cummaxime in causa veritatis ceelestis ut ille in ratione facundic, si non emulari et ad imitatio- nem principis causidicorum adspirare, certe fabricam ejus sibi perspectam cognitamque ita ostendere, ut aliquid simile, etsi maximo intervallo, fingere et concinnare posset. Quisquis attenderis, hance conjecte in dialogum sermocina- tionis de cultu divino et cujus plurima pars est, defensionis Christiane per Octavium agnosces fuisse occasionem et originem. Quid dico? Immo hec prima fila fuisse, unde hec pulcherrima tela contexta est, manifeste deprehendes. Quod ut e vestigio sine ulla vel nebule obscuritate unicuique pateat vel ipsum modo initium spectetur. Prorsus enim sic inchoat illos libros de Oratore maximus Tullius: Cogi- tanti mihi sepenumero et memoria yetera repetenti perbeati fuisse illi videri solent etc. In quibus jam statim prima duo verba Minucium grate ad sua trans- Ferentem penitus animadvertimus, neque id tantum, sed i aS ee Introduction. XXxXi sicut illam ipsam cogitationem aut explicatione clariore aut specie peculiari indicata ad eandem faciem deprehendimus amplificari, perinde factum est in hujus dialogi exordio, et quidem in utroque ad eandem sententiam de rebus anteac- tis ut imago exempli, quod ex auctore suo ad unam aliquam notitiam traduxit concinne noster Minucius constet aper- tissime. Sed quam festinus Minucii abitus ab Cicerone, ut vie vestigium vel orbita hujus imitationis in posterioribus exstaret. Nam quanta statim differentia utriusque in affectu. In Cicerone nihil nisi ut inde opinio conciperetur ; sed in Minucio aliquid inde gratum contingit animo et hic motu valido afficitur. Et Tullius quidem ipse hujus ista vetera vel suce cogitationis causas et materias latius dedu- eit libro 11. cap. 4: Mihi quidem, Quinte frater, et eorum casus, de quibus ante dixi, et ea, que nosmet ipsi ob amorem in rempublicam incredibilem et singula- rem pertulimus ac sensimus, cogitanti sententia szpe tua vera ac sapiens videri solet etc. Nisi quod quum et illic cogitatio versatur circa homines sive plures et tandem quoque transeat ad unum, ut propius ad propositum suum legebat verba jam ex libro primo citata noster auctor, quem simili ratione fovebat de paucioribus et quidem uno proximis loquens apud Ciceronem Brutus in libro cogno- mine cap. 76, ubi ad mentionem Torquati et Triarii com- motus Brutus inquit: Nee ego, inquam, de istis duobus cum cogito, doleo ete. Merito Felix noster que ad causam suam minus pertinebant, mutat, et quee de pluribus memo- rantur apud Ciceronem, contulit ad unum ; sed etiam ita se cogitare ostendit, ut memoria repetat aliquid jam efjectum et preteritum, et porro quidem tale, unde jure perbeatos quos- dam censere et appellare oporteat, quod quidem per Minu- ciana solidius colligitur, pari modo antiit Cicero, Unde jam primum patet hoc cogitare non esse pepysvar, ut quidem et semper alias et illo tempore poterat de religionis causa in- telligi, sed évOvpeiv, evvociv, ut ipse Minucius voluit etiam mox XxXxil Introduction. innuere, quum hee ipsa explanans iterat: Itaque quum per universam convictus nostri et familiaritatis sztatem mea cogitatio volveretur. Ex quibus etiam non dubito quin colligi oporteat studia Minucti Felicis ex illis, que optima existimart debent, colorem duxisse. Ad hune igitur modum firmata solide, ut reor, ista bast liquide etiam apparebit fabrica statue per Minucium in ea jigurate. Hine nimirum est, quod etiam non domi causa peragitur, sed veniendum fuit in ambulationem, etsi non in Tusculano eloquentissimi Crassi et sedibus ac pulvinis sub platano duo triave spatia fiant: utique primum velut in quadam publica xysto vice Ostiensis, deinde in dromo quasi Achilleo juxta litus aliquot passibus factis in saxis (opor- tunum satis e re presenti quilibet agnoscit) considendum fuit. Hine extra urbem celo et pelago teste haberi debuit hee cognitio, eigue occasionem pandere comminiscitur ferias ad vindemiam, videlicet quia apud Ciceronem in id quod dixi suburbanum illi secesserant propter scenicos ludos, sive illos deorum festo datos, sive honorarios, quo- rum super triginta dies novimus ex Suetonio ab Augusto accommodatos fuisse rerum actui. Ht quum sic pateat, unde arcessita sit opportunitas et prima constitutio vesti- buli ad materiam patefaciendi; mirum hine non est, si identidem in ipsa rerum explicatione occurrant etiam loca Ciceronis manifeste ab Minucio tacta et expressa. Quid? guum sic agit Tullius, ut de eloquentia Crassi nequiverit Cotta loqui, nisi per hance translationem libro 1™° istius operis cap. 35? Tanquam si in aliquam domum locu- pletem et refertam venerim non explicata veste, neque proposito argento, neque tabulis et signis propalam collocatis, ut his omnibus multis magnificisque rebus constructis et reconditis: nonne hince putavit consultis- sime amplificart affirmationem divine providentice Minucius noster, ut eadem communis moris traductione utens et domum quoque spectans etsi aliter comparatum scriberet ? ee Introduction. XXXlil Quod si ingressus aliquam domum, omnia exculta, disposita, ornata, vidisses etc. Insuper quum diceret Crassus libro 1. cap. 37. Qui hane personam § sus- ceperit, ut amicorum controversias causasque tueatur, laborantibus succurrat, zgris medeatur, afflictos excitet: nonne heec verba animo scriptoris nostri objecerunt hanc adumbrationem, quam legimus, tum omnia eadem conti- nentem, tum deducendo sermoni nonnulla vicina apprehensa interserentem? Pleni et mixti Deo vates...dant cau- telam periculis, morbis medelam, spem afflictis, opem miseris, solatium calamitatibus, laboribus levamentum. Quid quum interloquitur auctor noster et ipse judex questionis post alteram partem auditam per hee verba: Tamen altius moveor, non de presenti actione, sed de toto genere disputandi; nonne jussu quodam acri com- pressus inhesit Tulliane periodo libri 1. cap.6? Sed priusquam illa conor attingere, quibus orationem ornari atque illuminari putem, proponam breyiter quod sen- tiam de universo genere dicendi®. Sic per varia hujus consessus membra noster Minucius fati sui ignarus, excitaverat tamen veluti pharos quasdam satis lucentes, ad quas in hac nocte, quam barbara vetustas ei densissimam et prorsus illiteratam circumdedit, ut nec de ratione studiorum ejus nec de subsidiis ad hune Octavium comparatis quidquam aut ab antiquis sit ad nos proditum, nec ante nos viri mox eruditi perspicere tentaverint, guber- nare cursum legendi posteritas posset. Quod quum eate- nus sit nunc demonstratum, non existimo fiert posse ut quisquam hic figenda putet vestigia, et lucem sic clares- centem non censeat proferri aut posse aut debere etiam ad ipsa interdum verba, quorum lumen agnoscit, si per edito- res licuisset. Immo vero proferenda ista inventionis hujus commoditas, quum fieri nequeat, quin defensor optime fidet 32 Sed presertim meretur consi- _ tur Octavius cap. xvi. derari principium sermonis, quo uti- XXXIV Introduction. ingurgitatus assiduo liquore Tulliani fluminis, ut inde tam conspicuos rivos hauserit, etiam penum bene instructam in mente gesserit ipsarum vocum, quas ex eadem copia manan- tes libens adhibuerit ad contextum hujus opusculi suaviter et jucunde irrigandum placitissima Latine loquele lenitate, et dum sententiam verbis illigat, ita memor fuerit ejus quod in Tullio legerat, ut sponte se suggesserit. Quid moramur ? id probatum jam spectatumque preebuerunt vel ista, Numen preestantissimz mentis, vel alia hic illic nune annotata. In hoc igitur spectaculo operas edunt Cecilius et Oc- tavius. Cecilius perennis et perpes, quantum scimus, in Jamiliaritate et convictu ipsius Minucit, et sicut nun- quam urbe Koma egressus, ita literarum vetustarum studiis callens, adeo ut eruditionem ejus agnoscat etiam Octavius cap. XVI. § 2, alioquin etiam satis in ipsa dissertatione eminentem, qua fere peragit cyclum prisce eruditionis. Alter Octavius, advena et peregrinus, ut absit ab ista tam celebrata urbanitate, cujus sortis fere specimen dixeris, qaod capite xxvi. dixit provinciali nempe confusione Clo- dius scilicet et Flaminius, qui ab Cecilio indicatus fuit sub nomine Claudii, quam differentiam et ejus causam non Suit adsequutus Meursius; quum illo etiamnum tempore Claudios appellari in urbe videamus, non Clodios: et rus- ticitatem hance probet ille in prediis Cosanis educatur Vespasianus, ut adsuesceret plostra dicere. Utque magis cognoscas eum talem esse, facit sermo ejus in principio ambulationis editus, quem cap. 111. testatur Minucius fuisse narrationem de navigatione. Unde non modo discimus peregrinum fuisse, sed etiam transmarinum, ut navigatione uti debuerit iturus Romam: et ut vara vibiam, hine vide- tur esse quod capite xvii. intermisceé Aspice Oceanum, refluit reciprocis sestibus, id nempe proferens ut Oceani gnarus per vicinam habitationem. Itaque sive ex Africa sive ex Hispania peti debet, certe circa oras exteriores ra. Introduction. XXXV ARS a viaisse merito colligitur, ut hinc Oceani gnarus sit, de quo nihil opus erat dicere, nec dixerat aliquid de eo Cecilius ; at Octavius de isto divine potentie miraculo tacere non potuit. Ceterum de Africa probabilius credas, quam de Hispania, quoniam certe nomen Octavium vel Octavic stir- pis pars ab aliquo tempore migravit in Africam, ut tempore Ciceronis potuerit Rome notus esse Octavius ille Libyis oriundus de quo testatur ita Macrosius Lib. vit. Saturn. cap. 3, ex quorum prosapia hune quoque duxisse originem nihil, credo, vetat. Ceterum in diversitate xarackevis quam singuli utuntur ad suce cause sustentationem, admirabilis est Minucius, et sapientissime ipsum cogitavisse probat. Nam ille gentilis, quum non in fortuna magis sibi quam in natura placeret subito transiliens ad castra majorum, ita superfundit nimbo numinum, ut fere nihil loci videatur relinquere velificandi et detorquendi aliorsum, nec sollicitus de origine et modo proveniendi hoc agit ut recensendo et nominando et per gentes ac regiones et urbes digerendo probet existere, appellari, et quasi in machinis eos monstret; scit quibus appellentur vocabulis per diversas gentes: interdum et ab illis res geri et mapovoiav modo beneficiis interdum plectendo probare, etiam minando tantum, sed in primis patent ex- empla Romana. Non id agit ut adversarius veniat in eandem persuasionem et similem sibi fidem induat: nequa- quam, sed ita audacter illi ista ingerit urgens per nomina per miracula per penas, ut, nisi contra armatus foret, succumbere cogeretur. At Octavius illa omnia sic excipit ut hanc divinitatis prestantiam doceat non aliunde pendere, nisi ex fide, credulitatem majorum accusans. * * * * * * It is remarkable that for centuries no one knew, of any extant work of Minucius, but his Dialogue passed for the eighth book of Arnobius adversus Nationes, in spite of the great difference in style, being found in 1542. Editio Princeps. 1546. Sigismundi Gelenii. 1560. ¥rancisci Balduini. XXXVI Introduction. the MS. together with the seven books of that work, and the title Octavius being mistaken for octavus sc. liber. It was reserved to the learned civilian Francis Baudouin to restore it to its true author: upon what external evi- dence, may be seen in his dissertation which is re- printed in this volume. I have already remarked in the Preface that there is only one known MS. of Minucius: this was originally preserved in the Vatican Library, where it was collated by Sabzeus. Thence it passed into the Royal Library at Paris, being presented by Pope Leo the Tenth to Francis the First®*. It is the same MS. in which is pre- served the work of Arnobius: its date is probably the 9th century**, The MS. at Brussels is merely a tran- script of this®. Several collations have been made of it by Sabzeus, Rigaut, and later by Muralto, and Hilde- brand in an Appendix to his edition of Arnobius *, A short account of the several editions which have been published of the Octavius, may not be without its use. In the Sixteenth Century there appeared :— The Editio Princeps, or Romana, which was edited by Faustus Sabzeus (Sabeo), from the MS. then in the Library of the Vatican, of which he was Curator. It was published as the Eighth Book of Arnobius, in folio. This was followed by the edition of Sigismundus Ge- lenius, of Prague, published at Bale, 1546, and again 1560, in 8vo. The mistake of the first editor is re- peated in this. With several happy conjectures it con- tains many arbitrary alterations of the text. In the same year appeared the edition of Francis- cus Balduinus (Francis Baudouin), at Heidelberg, 12mo: remarkable for having been the first edition of the Octa- 83 Fabricius, Delectus Argumen- 85 G. F. Hildebrand, Prefat. ad torium ete, p. 216. Arnobium, p. i. 34 Muralto, Prafat. p.v. 86 G. F. Hildebrand, ibid. —_— ee Introduction. XXXVIli vius with its real author’s name. It contains the text only without notes, but preceded by an able dissertation establishing the authorship of the Dialogue beyond dis- pute. It was republished at Paris in 1589, and there again, as well as at Frankfurt, in 1690, in 8vo. About twenty years subsequently, the celebrated 1530. Fulyius Ursinus (Ursini) published an edition of Arno- nee a bius at Rome in 4to, and appended to it the Octavius, without mentioning a word of Balduinus’ discovery, but attributing it to the Cardinal Sirleto. In the Seventeenth Century :— In 1603, appeared two editions from rival and not __ 1603. Johannis very amicable editors, (1) at Bale, in 8yo, by John a Woven, Woweren, a native of Hamburg, with an Appendix con- "!™°™s* taining Cyprian’s Treatise de Vanitate Idolorum. He ap- pears to have been practised upon by some one who pretended to give him information about the readings of the Codex Regius, since those which he attributes to it are uniformly wrong. His notes are for the most part judicious. (2) The second was by Elmenhorst, published originally at Hanover, republished at Hamburgh in 1610 and 1612, in folio. As a critical edition it is worthless: though the editor mentions that he has used several MSS.: it is useful, however, for the number of parallel passages which it contains, quoted from a variety of authors. Desiderius Heraldus, who had published an edition p05, of Arnobius with the text of the Octavius, at Paris in Heraldi. 1605, in 8vo, in which he had introduced several altera- tions from the Codex Regius, edited an edition of Tertul- lian, together with Minucius Felix, in 1615, Paris, 4to, containing a few illustrative notes. No other editions of importance intervened between 1°45. this and that of Nicolaus Rigaltius (Nicholas Rigaut), a ™s*'* distinguished jurist and Editor of Tertullian, published 1652. Jacobi Ou- zelii. Biblioth. Patrr. p. 71. 1699. Christophori Cellarii. XXXVIil Introduction. at Paris, in 1643, 4to, containing the treatise of Cyprian de Idolorum Vanitate. Rigaut collated the MS., which was in his time transferred to Paris, with great care; and his account of the readings is in fact the only one on which full reliance can be placed. The notes are few, but exhibit learning and judgment. The edition was reprinted at Leyden in 1645, with an Appendix containing Julius Firmicus de Profana ac Vera Religione, edited by Wower, and also at Paris. Davies says of Rigaut, in the Preface to his own edition, inter editores Minucianos, meo quidem judicio, agmen ducit. The first Variorum edition, was one of great pre- tence, but which failed to secure anything but the well- merited contempt of all true scholars. It was published at Leyden by James Ouzelius (Oisel), a jurist of Dantziec, in 4to; containing the Prolegomena of Balduinus. The editor, who committed himself to the mercy of critics at the age of 21, informs us that he wrote his notes prelo currente: such of them as are worth reading are un- acknowledged transcripts from well-known treatises, such as that of Vossius de Idololatria; and Selden de Dis Syris. Schonemann says of him: “Futilissimi hujus commentato- ris notarum colluvies immensitate sua reliquorum omnium Jonge superat. Ad singula Minucii verba undecunque omnia apta inepta incredibili stupore et imprudentia corrosa sunt.” It was, nevertheless, reprinted at Halle a. 1672, in 8vo, with the notes placed at the foot of the text, and not, as in the first edition, at the end of the whole volume. There is a strong contrast between this ponderous edi- tion and that of Cellarius at Halle, a. 1699, in 8vo, and again a. 1726, which contains the above mentioned treatise of Cyprian, the dissertation of Balduinus, and an Essay de usu antiquitatis ecclesiastice Christianis scholis commen- dande, with a collection of brief but scholarlike notes. Introduction. XXxXix The text, which is here for the first time divided into Chapters and Sections, is not so good as that of Rigal- tius. Cellarius has fallen into the same error about the number of manuscripts of this author that Wowerus had fallen into previously. In the eighteenth Century appeared by far the most useful edition of all that had hitherto been published, that of Dr John Davies, Fellow (afterwards President) of Queens’ College, Cambridge, printed at the Univer- sity Press, in 1707, 8vo. It contains besides Balduinus’ Dissertatio the Instructiones of Commodianus. A second edition was published in 1712. Gallandi in his Biblio- theca Patrum followed the revision of Davies. It was followed by a second Variorum edition, viz. that of James Gronovius (8vo. Lugd. Batay.), in which the notes of Wowerus, Elmenhorst, Heraldus and Rigal- tius are given unabridged. It contains also Cyprian de I. V., and Julius Firmicus. Many of his notes are de- voted to an exposure of the plagiarisms of Ouzelius. After an interval of fifty years Lindner, a critic of Ernesti’s school, published the text of the dialogue (Langensalza, 1760, 8vo.) with a preface by Ernesti on the advantages of studying the Fathers, the Disser- tatio of Balduinus, and an useful collection of notes, partly selected from previous commentators and the adversaria of different scholars, partly original. In the second edition, published 1773, many improvements were introduced: the critical notes abridged to make room for additional explanatory remarks, and an Epis- tola Historico-Critica by J. D. van Hoven de vera Minucii etate substituted for the Prolegomena of Balduinus. His Analysis Logica Dialogi is reprinted in the present edition. In all the above-mentioned editions, the notes are written in Latin; the first with notes in a modern lan- guage was that of Liibkert (Leipsig, 1836): which con- 1707. Johannis Davisii 1709. Jacobi Gro- novii. 1760. Johannis Gottlieb Lindneri. 1836. J. H. B. Libkert. xl] Introduction. tains an introduction, analysis, and copious notes princi- pally borrowed from preceding editors, and has a German translation appended. In a critical point of view it falls short of many of its predecessors. oe In the same year appeared an edition by Edward de Muralto, a pupil of Professor Orelli at Zurich; purporting to give a more faithful collation of the Codex Regius, and an entirely fresh one of another MS. preserved at Brussels. Unfortunately, however, the copious apparatus criticus, and collection of conjec- tural emendations which the editor has amassed with di- ligence far greater than they deserve, do not compensate for his inaccuracy in transcribing the Codex Regius. Besides these single editions of our author, there are several collections of the works of the Fathers, in which a place has been assigned to him: viz. Gallandi, Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum. Venetiis, 1765—1781. Despont, Bibl. Maxima Vett. Patt. Lugd. Bat. 1677. Oberthiir, Opp. Patrr. Wirceburgi 1777—1779. A. B. Caillau, Collectio SS. Eccl. Patrum. Paris, 1827. E. G. Gersdorf, Bibliotheca Patrum Latinorum Se- lecta. Lipsiee, 1839. | J. P. Migne, Patrologie Cursus Completus. Par. 1844. The last of which, as containing a body of variorum notes, would have been very useful, had not the extreme carelessness of the editors rendered it impossible to place any confidence in their work. Several translations have been made: the best are those of William Reeves, printed with the Apologies of the Primitive Fathers. London, 2 Voll. 8vo. 1717. Sir D. Dalrymple (Lord Hailes). Edinburgh, 1781. Nicolas P. d’Ablancourt. Paris, 1646. T. G. Russwurm, in German, with an Introduction. Hamburg, 1824. Ato. Peo, lot ATL O FRANCISCI BALDUINI JC. IN MARCI MINUCII FELICIS GGPEAV LUM. is Fle Te eS oe ‘ tales le . (a a - ~ eS sae — Ft ve DISSERTATIO. T hune sive Libellum, sive Dialogum, qui multis jam seculis falso creditus est dictusque esse octavus Ar- nobii adversus Gentes, et inscriberem, et esse plane liquido- que affirmarem® M. Minucii felicis Octavium, facile mihi persuaserunt duo et boni et antiqui et graves testes aucto- resque, Lactantius atque Hieronymus. Tlle enim suarum Institutionum Lib. 1. cap. undecimo citat Minucium Felicem in eo, ut ait, libro, qui Octavius inscribitur : et ex eo verba quedam descripta recitat, que non patiuntur nos aut alium aliquem, aut alterius cujusquam Octavium fingere. Idem Lib. v. cap. 1. loquens de Christianorum, quos legerit, eloquentia, primo loco hune Minucium laudat: Minucius (inquit) Felix, non ignobilis inter causidicos loci fuit. Hujus liber, cui Octavius titulus est, declarat, quam ido- neus veritatis assertor esse potuisset, si se totum ad id studium contulisset. Testis alter est Hieronymus, qui hunc (sicuti ipse fatetur) Lactantium sequutus, in Catalogo scrip- torum Ecclesiasticorum: ait: Minucius Felix, Rome insig- nis causidicus, scripsit Dialogum Christiani et Ethnici disputantium, gui Octavius inscribitur. Idem? in epistola ad Magnum oratorem Romanum, Minucius (inquit) Felix, causidicus Romani fori, in libro, cui titulus Ocravius est, quid gentilium scripturarum dimisit intactum? Jam autem non esse hunc librum Arnobii satis patet, quum Minucii esse apparet. Et vero quod Hieronymus in ea- dem epistola subjicit, indicare alioqui poterat, Arnobii non esse, quum quidem non nisi septem, qui etiamnum ex- tant, libros adversus Gentes Arnobium scripsisse testetur. Cumque alterum quendam librum Minucio nostro falso in- scriptum fuisse narret, tanto miror doleoque magis, hunce, ® Hoc ante Balduinum nostrum ferat acceptam. Vide et Pauli Leo- viderat Hadr. Junius Animady. Lib. pardi Emendat. Lib, vi. cap. xxiv. VI. cap. i., licet hance observationem, Davis, Lib, 111. cap. i. Ant. Marillono re- 1—2 1 [eap.lviii.Cf. Ep ad Pam- mach. 30.] * [p. 1084] s [Epitaph. Nepot. Tom. Aep. ol. 4 Francisct Batpuint Dissertatio qui ejus erat wnicus kai yynows, fuisse illi subreptum, alterique non domino injuste adscriptum: ut et plagio et partu sup- posito facta nostro Minucio duplex injuria esse videatur. Sed hec frequens est querela de librariorum nihil non temere miscentium facinoribus. Fortasse, ut hunc libellum Arnobio quidam adscriberent, quedam styli et argumenti similitudo, quee imperitos persepe fallit, fecit : et quum lege- rent OCTAVIUM, statim somniarunt octavum aliquem esse librum. Lidicule profecto et inepte. Saltem Arnobio per- petua oratione utenti Dialogum temere adscribendum non esse cogitassent. Verum inscitie tam ceca quam confidens est audacia. Sane Hieronymus? scribit, Nepotianum suum tam in scriptoribus ecclesiasticis diligenter versatum Suisse; ut si quid ex iis proferretur, statim agnosceret atque dis- cerneret, quid Tertulliani, guid Cypriani, quid Lactantii, quid Minucii, quid Victorini, guid Arnobii esset. Ceterum tanto magis miror, Erasmum eo loco, illum dico Erasmum, hominem acerrimo judicio preditum, et talium scriptorum minime obtusum censorem, adnotasse, hujus Minucii nihil nune extare. } II. Cujus potissimum Imperatoris temporibus Romce vixerit noster Minucius, nondum mihi satis liquet. Hiero- nymus in suo Catalogo, quo scriptores Ecclesiasticos eo quo vixerunt ordine recensere videtur, illum Origeni proxi- mum, Cypriano priorem fuisse, obscure significat. Sed ejus alioqui vel seculum vel etatem non indicat. Certe in Cypriani de idolorum vanitate libello plurima sunt, quce totidem verbis in OcTAvio Minucii leguntur: necesse ut sit, aut hune ab illo, aut illum ab hoc ea sumpsisse. Hierony- mus vero in epistola ad Magnum, loquens de Latinis scrip- toribus Ecclesice, etsi Minucium ante Cyprianum laudet, tamen illam de Idolis orationem ascribere Cypriano magis videtur. Sed et in apologia pro suis adversus Jovinianum libris, primo loco Tertullianum, secundo Cyprianum, tertio Minucium commemorat. Sabellicus, sed sine teste, adfirmat eum Rome floruisse, quo tempore Urbanus ibi erat Episco- pus: hoc est, temporibus Alexandri Severi Imperatoris. Si ita esset, esset Minucius antiquior Cypriano, equalis Ter- tulliano, nostrisque adeo Jurisconsultis Ulpiano et Paulo. Verum etsi posteriorem fuisse credam, tamen proxime illa b [Nisi uterque sumsit ex Tertulliani Apologetico, C. A.] an M. Minvcit Fenicis Octavium. on tempora sequutum esse existimo ; nostra vero non attingere nisi intervallo longissimo, hoc est, annorum* prope C19.ccc. Ill. Minuciam gentem olim Rome nobilem fuisse me- mini, in qua quatuor consules Minucii Augurini intra annos quadraginta numerari possunt. Sed et Minucios Rufos, et Minucios Thermos in Fastis Consularibus lego. Denique et Minucius Fundanus Asie preses fuit illustris, ad quem Hadrianus Imp. non iniquam de Christianis legem misit : ut jam nihil dicam de eo, cujus in epistolis meminit *Plinius, vel quem ille noster laudat Julianus, cujus ad Minucium Nata- lem libri de jure civili laudantur. His vero omnibus unum Minucium Felicem, etsi non fuerit ejusdem aut gentis aut familie, facile antepono, cetate quidem posteriorem, doctrina tamen, virtute et (quod primo loco numerandum est) pietate multo superiorem. uit enim non modo jurisconsultus magnus, et excellens suo tempore orator : sed et (quod majus est) fuit serio Christianus. Afrum fuisse suspicor, licet id adfirmare non ausim. Certe Frontonis Cirtensis (Cirta autem fuit nobilissina Numidice civitas, cujus et in Pandectis mentio fit) ita? meminit, ut in Africa versatum se esse signi- ficet. Estque genus dicendi, scribendique sequutus, quale Afri ili, Tertullianus, Cyprianus, Arnobius: ut jam de poste- rioribus non loquar, quos eadem olim aluit Africa, que ut semper aliquid novi proferre dicebatur, sic etiam religionis nostre vindices et patronos doctissimos, acerrimosque pro- tulit, et ad ipsius quoque Romane Ecclesie presidium atque defensionem emisit. Nam et ex eadem Africa prod- ibant hostes minime ignavi, neque improbi minus, quam vehementes calumniatores, qualis (ne longius abeam) fuit ille, cujus jam memini, Fronto: quem quidem tam impuden- tem rhetorem, quam impium Christianorum adversarium fuisse, ex Minucio intelligemus. Nollem hunc fuisse Papi- rium Frontonem Jurisconsultum, qui in Pandectis laudatur. Suspicor potius fuisse Cornelium Frontonem Khetorem : quem Capitolinus narrat fuisse preceptorem M. Antonini Philosophi Imperatoris et ex cujus etiam schola oratoria accepimus prodiisse illum nostrum *Melitonem, qui ad Christianorum defensionem eloquentiam suam convertit : ut quod illis impius preceptor probrum asperserat maledi- cendo, bonus discipulus abstergeret respondendo. ¢ Prodiit hzc Dissertatio A.D, M.DLX, 1[ Ep. i. 14, et Vil. 2.] 2 [capp. ix. XXXi.] 3 [Sardensem Episcopum, auctorem Apologize pro Christlanis. Hieronym. de Vir. Ilustr. c. 24.) [cap. ii.] 1[Tractat. de gratia Dei, §1] Lib. 11. de Orat. cap. vi. 6 Francisct Batpuinit Dissertatio IV. Minucium nostrum Rome causas egisse, paulo ante ex Lactantio et Hieronymo dictum est: neque hoc ipse dis- simulat, cum vindemiarum feriis curam judiciariam sibt remissam fuisse narrat. Sic enim et Ulpianus in Pan- dectis Lege 1. de Feriis scribit, M. Antonini Imperat. ora- tione expressum fuisse, ne quis messium aut vindemiarum tempore adversarium cogeret ad judicium venire. Sicuti et Suetonius cap. xxxv. narrat Augustum statuisse, ne Sep- tembri Octobrive mense necesse esset in Senatum venire. Imo vero et ipse Cyprianus, tanquam alter Minucius, in sua epistola! ad Donatum, meminit ejus temporis, quo (ut ait) indulgente vindemia solutus animus in quietem solennes et statas anni fatigantis inducias sortitur, At tum quidem secessus ameenos captare se ait, wbi de rebus divinis cogitet. Non dissimilis est narratio nostri Minucii. Felices vero illee ferice, quibus a foro subselliisque abductus nobilissimus causidicus est ad religiosam sive commentationem, sive disputationem. Cicero, quod abs nostro Scceevola accepit, narrat Leelium cum Scipione soli- tum esse rusticari: eosque incredibiliter repuerascere esse solitos, cum rus ex urbe tanquam ex vinculis evo- lassent: conchas etiam et umbilicos ad Cajetam et ad Lucrinum legere consuesse, et ad omnem animi remis- sionem ludumque descendere. jus vero exempli statim mihi in mentem venit, quum Minucium audirem, relicto stre- pitu forensi, cum suo Octavio rusticari, et in littore Ostienst suaviter spectare puerilem, quem describit, ludum. Sed cum deinde audio, quam in ilio secessu et gravis et seria de religione disputatio fuerit, et quale sit in deserto fornice concilium ; sentio, nunquam coactum Rome fuisse senatum majort de re: nullumque forum, urbem nullam, nullum negotium, illi sive otio sive solitudint pretulero ; scepiusque ut jurisconsulti eo modo feriari, secedere, atque rusticart aliquando velint, optare cogor. An in eorum animos cadere non potest sancta aliqua, et religiosa, et secreto suo digna rerum divinarum cogitatio ? Lactantius innuit Minuctum sese totum non contulisse ad studium rerum Kcclesiasti- carum. Sed tanto nobilior ejus jurisprudentia fuit, quee qua- lis esse debet, in republica fuit : et rerum divinarum huma- narumque curam et cognitionem conjunxit: tantoque prop- terea magis ejus exemplum nostri ordinis hominibus com- mendo, ut saltem diebus nefastis in otio melioris religionis in M. Minvcr Feticis Octavium. 7 Jastos excolant, tisque se dent atque addicant. Habebant olim feriantes Romani suam decursionem Tiberinam, cujus meminit Cicero, lib. v. de Fin. cap. 24. suamque (ut® leges nostre vocant) Majumam ad Ostiam. Sed excursio nostri Minucii gquam minime aut otiosa aut ludicra fuit? digna profecto, cujus vestigia libenter conspiceret Augustinus: et illum recessum, in quo habita est disputatio, salutaret, cum in ecclesia Ostiensi matrem suam Monicam sepeliret. Equidem religiosi ejus colloquii, quod sancta hec matrona cum filio suo habuit ad ostia illa Tiberina, (sicuti ipse recitat”) meminisse soleo, quoties Dialogum hune Minucia- num lego. V. Qucenam esset Romani fori conditio, cum in eo versaretur Minucius, queeque Ecclesice in ea urbe tunc facies esset, ejus ceetatis memoria plane ostendit : et que aliquando scripsi ad Edicta veterum Principum Romanorum de Chris- tianis, eam rem illustrant. Neque ignota historia tempo- rum, quibus Decius aut Valerianus imperavit. Bene vero habet: Jurisconsultis, quorum de jure civili responsa legi- mus, non solum abs religione alienis, sed et ejus acerrimis adversariis, successisse Christianum causidicum: et illud sive forum, sive collegiwum Romane toge atque advocationis, quod tot jam annis conspersum fuerat sanguine et cineribus piorum hominum, tandem aliquando voce et vestigiis Chris- tiant jurisperiti expiatum atque consecratum fuisse. Arno- bius! libro primo gloriatur, et oratores et jurisconsultos, : magnis (ut ait) ingeniis preeditos, transiisse ad ecclesiam. Credo equidem, quum id scriberet, de Minucio eum suo cogi- tasse. Multos ejus ordinis fortasse numerare vix potuisset. Sed Minucii tamen exemplum quosdam sequutos esse credo: ut et Minucius habuit, quos in eodem stadio sequeretur. Saltem Hieronymus ad Magnum, ubi Minucium laudat, meminit duorum Romane urbis Senatorum, Hippolyti et Apollonii, gui, wt et inter scriptores Ecclesiasticos referren- » tur, meriti sint. Quid dicam de illo 7Vettio Epagatho Lug- dunensi, qui olim et multis quidem ante Minucium annis et Suit, et partim ignominie, partim honoris causa (ut varia tunc erant hominum de religione judicia) publice appeliatus est *Advocatus Christianorum? An horum causam ali- quando in foro Rom. Minucius egerit, nescio. Certe* Ter- | 4 Titulo utriusque codicis de Ma- = fuit sjdvrabew év tots BatarTiots juma. Sumas Ostize eos ludos tdacw, adAnAovs éuPadXovTes. celebratos addit, quorum summa LINDNER, 2 (Confess. Lib. xi. cap. x. sqq.] I —_ libro il. cap. 0 2 [Martyr Lugdunensis sub M. Anto- nio et L. Ve- ro. Testes Euseb. fist. Eccl. v. 1, et Gregorius Tu- ronensis. i. 29.] : a sn Xpioriavwv, Euseb. lL. 1.] 4 Apolog. ¢. ii. 5 [Lib. x. Hpist. 54. ed. Jureti.] 8 Francisct Batpurnt Dissertatio tullianus vix hoc licuisse significat, et tam odiosa tunc erat eorum sive religio, sive ecclesia, cui status retpubliccee impe- riique Rom. adversabatur, totque jam erat publicis proeju- diciis confossa, ut ipsius nominis Christiani confessio ad damnationem satis esset. Tantum abest, ut hujus religio- nis esset, que libertatis erat, assertio. Sed tanto magis interea miror, in tam profano et inimico foro consistere causidicum pium potuisse. Mirum vero, quum jam annis prope ducentis orbis Romanus et palam et publice et libere Christo nomen dedisset, auctoribus ipsis Imperatoribus, visam esse legem necessariam, que et tandem lata est, ut in nullo foro vel advocatus vel causidicus esset ullus, vel jus postulandi quisquam haberet, qui Christianus non esset, Leg. vi. Cod. de Postul. Quam fuit itaque nobile Minucii nostri exemplum, qui bonarum partium, quantum potuit, patronus Rome fuit, quo tempore nondum impune hoc licebat ? certe Christianis tunc erat interdictum foro, neque iis jus postulandi pretor dabat. Verum etsi magis illi palliati quam togati esse solerent: tamen quia tis respublica seepe carere non poterat, aliquando togatos esse eos, et eorum guosdam aliquod in repub. munus obire, passi sunt ethnici principes. Christiani Imperatores deinde multo Suere indulgentiores, qui eos et consules et preefectos Urbi atque etiam Pretorio interdum creabant, quos alioqui non ignorabant esse acerrimos hostes religionis, quod intelligt potest vel ex unius Symmachi conditione. Sed facti tan- dem aliquando sunt severiores, et senatum forumque Roma- num perpurgarunt, et Minucios quosdam esse jusserunt, quicunque vel jus dicerent, vel causas agerent. Aram Vic- toric, quee in vestibulo curie stabat, ad quam senatus jurare atque sacrificare solebat, jam pridem everterant, ipso etiam et °Symmacho et senatu reclamante. Sed effecerunt postremo, ut non modo a tali superstitione liberi essent omnes togati, sed etiam ut nulla in foro nisi Christiana esset illa jurisprudentia, cujus jam olim aliqua in Minucio nostro effigies fuerat. VI. Minuciant hyjus Libelli inscriptio, et Dialogi forma, antiquum eruditumque scribendi morem refert. Ge- nus dicendi est argutum, acre, vehemens. Est pressum, densum, nervosum, crebris sententiis compactum, omnium- que antiquitatum atque historiarum memoria refertum: et in quo plures sententias, quam periodos numerare possis. Nam neque verbosi olim fuerunt Christiant, qui verba dare a int M. Minvucnt Feticis Oclavium. 9 IR nondum didicerant : et eorum patroni erant homines docti, ac (ut uno verbo dicam) polyhistores. Quod ad falsa eri- mina attinet, non tam verbis et libellis quam vita et re ipsa refellebant adversarios. VII. Queestio, que hie proponitur, et causa, qua de agitur, magna est, de religione nempe vera aut falsa. Acer- rima utringue est actio atque contentio. Exitus et victoria est, qualis esse debet, ubi verum cum falso confligit. Ma- larum partium vehemens patronus, et bonarum gravis hostis est Cecilius Natalis. Harum contra vindex, et illa- rum accusator acerrimus atque justissimus est Octavius Januarius. Medius sedet bonus judex atque arbiter Minu- cius Felix. Contentionis occasio fuit, quod cum hic cum duobus illis, quos nominavi, in littore Ostiensi ambularet, ab Octavio Christiano reprehensus sit Cecilius ethnicus, qui occurrens idolo Serapidis, illud colere se significasset. Sane olim Pisone et Gabinio Coss. Serapidis sacra Capi- tolio et urbe fuerant ejecta: sed postea fuerunt restituta, et (Tertullian. in suburbiis facile herebant. Reprehensus Cecilius fremit, 4? ° et tanquam irritatus graviter in Christianorum religionem invehitur: suamque simul superstitionem defendens, Octa- vium veluti lacessit. Sed imprudens incurrit in adversarium JSortem et acrem: et (ut ille ait) ® Fragili cupiens illidere dentem, Infregit solido. VIII. Cause status non unus est. Cecilius varie et confuse agit de multis. Octavius pleraque et depellit sola inficiatione, et retorquet justa recriminatione. Quaedam ingenue confitetur: sed jure defendit. Itaque hec discepta- tio partim facti, partim juris questionibus constat. ‘Ter- tullianus antea, et ante Tertullianum, Justinus e¢ Athe- nagoras, quorum extant apologetici libelli, et postea Cyprianus partim contra Demetrianum, partim in libello de vanit. idol. et multo deinde magis Arnobius atque Lac- tantius hance causam egerunt: et ust plerumque sunt non iisdem modo et sententiis et argumentis, sed et verbis et formulis. Sic enim majores nostri eadem de iisdem (ut ille olim dicebat) dicere solebant. Atque utinam posteritas tale observasset exemplum: ambitiosa novitas bonam antiquita- tem non inquinasset. Velim sane apologias eorum, quos e Apud Horatium, Lib, 11. Sat.1. v.77, legitur offendet solido. 1—5 10 Francisct Batpuin1 Dissertatio dixi, cum hoe Minuciano libello conferri; ut alium nune commentarium colligere non sit necesse. Multa ex veterum philosophorum disputationibus et poetarum fabulis, et Romana, Grecaque historia subtiliter et docte hic repetun- tur. Verum ineptum esset tis de rebus annotationes multas et ociosas hoc loco inculcare. Mallem que ad anti- quitatum Christianarum memoriam pertinent, copiose expli- care. Sed et harum commentartis alius dabitur liberior locus: nam iis, quos jam inchoavi, absolvendis aliquando me dedam. Jam vero preter illos, quos dixi, libellos, valde velim etiam hic legi et comparari adversarias orationes Symmachi et Ambrosii: wt, quam causam acriter quidem, sed privatim tamen, quo tempore Christianis palam esse vix licebat, actam esse ex Minucio audiemus, eandem multis post annis publice in aulico consistorio iterum iterumque agitatam, in eaque nobilem Romanorum sacrorum patro- num, gui et Pont. Max. et Preefectus Urbi erat, cum maximo et acerrimo antistite Christiane religionis commissum, quo tempore nostri liberi erant, et bona ceequaque conditione, audiamus: presertim cum judex et arbiter sederet, non modo tam religiosus, quam Minucius, sed multo majoris auctoritatis, et qui rem bene judicatam exequi, et adversarit calumniatoris petulantiam reprimere atque coercere posset. Siquis denique hic adjungat Augustini libros de civitate Dei, ad Octavii disputationem multum lucis et splendoris adjunxerit. Ego in talibus commentariis nune describendis non immorabor. Sed breviter tantum delibabo quedam capita Minuciani libelli, ut lectorem premoneam. IX. Cecilius principio laudat nescio quam sive Aca- demicam dxaradniav, sive Pyrrhonicam éroxnv, quasi nulla esset religionis scientia, et Epicurea audacia exagitat Det providentiam, prope ut ille Cotta’ apud Ciceronem in libris de Natura Deorum: Octavius providentiam defendit : neque vis etiam argumentis uti dedignatur, quibus Velleius apud eundem Ciceronem refellit Cotte vanitatem. Ceci- lius exprobrabat, Christianos Deo, ut quidam fato, addi- cere, quicquid agitur geriturve. Abs verbo Fati, tametsi odioso propter ineptias Stoicorum, quit ea voce abutebantur, f Transposita et confusa voca- providentiam impugnat, cui C. Cor- bula. C. enim VELLEIUs, senator, TA, Academicus, respondet a capite est ille Epicureus qui in libror de illo xxi ad finem libri, Adde initium Oratore inde ab viii capite ad xxi Dei _libri ii, in M. Minucnm Fenicis Octavium. 11 non abhorret Octavius. Sed longiorem ea de re disputa- tionem in aliud tempus rejicit, et eum veluti scopulum caute refugit. Sane Hieronymus in Catalogo! et ad Magnum? tes- tis est, quendam de fato librum olim Minucio inscriptum Suisse. Sed falsam fuisse inscriptionem monet. Credo illi a quibusdam esse ascriptum, quia hic videbatur tale aliquid esse pollicitus. Arnobius, quem Minucii discipulum et imi- tatorem appellare soleo, modo adversarios de fato accusat, modo etiam Christianos eodem nomine accusatos fuisse ostendit: et in utraque tamen causa, cum ad rem ventum est, heeret, et nescio quo modo attonitus éréye. Nam (juvat enim propter Minucium et quosdam alios obiter hoc notare) ’Libr. vil, posteaquam exagitavit fatum, presertim quale Stoict jfingebant: has tamen (inquit) partes, quia res nimium longi est multique sermonis, inexplicatas trans- currimus atque intactas. Jdem Libr, u. cwm_ scriberet Christianos urgeri rogatos, an sine Dei voluntate quicquam fieret: tam se utrinque premi sentit, ut ad elabendum de- precatione cujusdam ignorantic utatur. Si (inquit) cuncta ejus voluntate conficiuntur, nec citra ejus nutum quic- quam potest in rebus vel provenire vel cadere: neces- Sario sequitur, ut mala etiam cuncta voluntate ejus in. telligantur enasci. Sin autem dicere voluerimus, pessi- morum ab eo rejicientes causas, mali esse conscium generatoremque nullius: incipient videri aut eo invito res pessime fieri, aut (quod sit immane dixisse) nesciente, ignaro, ac nescio. X. Quid igitur tandem, inter has veluti Symplegadas constrictus, queestioni respondet ? Respondeamus (inquit) necesse est, nescire nos ista, ete. Justinus antea in sua! apologia non dubitaverat ryv ris ciwappévns avaykny (ut appellat) aperte inficiari, planeque rejicere, dum scopulum unum, quem imminere alioqui putat vult effugere. Atqui tunc in alterum incurrit, quem non minus aut Minucius aut Arnobius reformidasse videtur. Tandem vero Augus- tinus in eadem Africa volens veluti persolvere, quod Minu- cius pollicitus esse dicebatur, et, quod hic prestare fortasse vix potuisset, cumulate dependere; subtiliter exposuit in hac questione medium quidpiam, quo satisfieri posse judi- cavit difficultati. Sciebant et Minucius et Arnobius, quc- nam olim fuisset dissensio disputatioque inter Chrysippum et Diodorum rept dvvaréy xai eivappevns, sive de ¥ATO. Nam 1[§ 58.] 2 [epist. lxxxiy. ] 3 [eap. xii-] 1[1. cap. xlii.] 6 - I Francisct Baipurint Dissertatio a ee See et nos ex Cicerone et Plutarcho illam utcunque cognosci- mus. Sed ne in hujus quidem judicibus et arbitris nostri quicquam deprehendebant, quod omnino sequerentur. Ita- que quamdiu non liquebat, AMPLIUS pronunciare, quam temere aliquid statimque definire maluerunt. XI. Redeo ad Cecilium. Is suorum numinum anti- quitatem, passimque receptam auctoritatem, quantum potest, tuetur: Christianorum Deum verum et unicum exagitat, et eos interea tanquam dééovs proscindit. Octavius idolorum fabulam et vanitatem salse traducit, disdem etiam verbis usus, quibus Cyprianus in eodem argumento utitur. Neque vero difficilis fuit reprehensio, cum quidem et ipsius Cice- ronis libri de Natura Deorum veluti suffragarentur: nam i {adv. Gent. et Arnobius! testis est, propterea quosdam Christianorum itt @P- hostes aliquando mussitasse, libros illos jussu senatus abo- lendos atque concremandos esse. Quid? res ipsa, quee abs suis quoque cultoribus est irrisa (nulla enim unquam stul- tior atque ineptior fabula ullius superstitionis fuit) ultro sese refellebat. Sed quod huc pertinebat, facile describere potuit Minucius ex Tertulliano, Justino, Athenagora, Theophilo: wt et postea ex Minucio Arnobius, Lactantius, Ambrosius, Augustinus, cum eandem causam agerent. Certe quod Octavius de Saturno narrat, Lactantius, ipsum Minucium auctorem laudans, repetit, latiusque exponit Libr. 1. cap. xi. Ut autem Octavius totam fabulam Ko- mane superstitionis salse subsannat: sic et ipsorum ora- culorum, quibus tantopere gloriabantur ethnici, vanitatem eleganter ostendit ; ac ante suam quidem cetatem oraculum Apollinis Pythii desiisse significat: sicuti et Plutarchus fatetur temporibus Adriani Imperatoris plane defecisse. Sic enim cum Christiane religionis veritas invalesceret, necesse 2feap, xxvi] Juit evanescere imposturam illorum rév xpnotnpiov. Porro? Octavius de deemonibus et eorum, cum abs Christianis adju- 3[Apolog.u. rantur, trepidatione narrat, quod antea *Justinus et *'Ter- Ficap. xxii] tullianus in Apologetico et Cyprianus contra Demetrianum, s Lib. iv, eap. e€ postea *Lactantius Divin. Institut. Itaque facile refellit ee ipsum quoque Ulpianum, Christianos, ut impostores, hujus (ut vocant) exorcizationis causa, irridentem Lege 1 de extraordinaria cognitione. Jnanes non fuisse exorcismos posterioribus quoque temporibus, et fuisse frequentes in Ecclesia intelligi quoque potest ex Optato Afro, et Augus- tino, scriptoribus a Minucio minime alienis, an M. Minvucit Feticis Octaviwm. 13 XII. Sed et de Deo unico multa Octavius! inculcat, non dissimilia tis, quee Justinus rept povapyias e€ Clemens Alexandrinus collegerant, Nam et utrumque legisse noster potuit. Neque vero preterit, quod *Cyprianus urget, 1 [cap. xviii. ] 2[de Idoll. Vanit. cap. Vv ipsum quoque vulgus naturaliter appellare Deum unum et ys singularem, cum Numen invocat ; sicuti et Lactantius libro secundo, capite primo, ait, Ethnicos, cum jurarent, Deum potius quam Jovem nominasse. In antiqua formula juris- jurandi Rom. nominatur Diespiter. Sed Cicero libro® sep- timo epist. ad Trebat. dixit, jurare Jovem lapidem. Scpe etiam Jovis meminisse olim jurantes constat, et apud Gre- cos Zeis Spxwos est appellatus. Mirum vero, quod Cecilius gloriatur, ignotis etiam numinibus Romanos aras extrux- isse. Nam quid hoc aliud est, quam errorem confiteri ? Talem aram Paulus Athenis vidisse se* ait, et ex ea sumit argumentum convincendee hujus ignorantie, docendorum- que Atheniensium. Neque in Attica modo, sed et Elide Suisse aras ita inscriptas, testis est °Pausanias. Et fortasse postea Octavius quum docere Cecilium instituit, Pauli ex- emplo inde repetiit suc catecheseos de veri Dei cognitione principium. | XIII. Jllud quoque mirum videri posset, Cecilium gloriari, quee apud alios populos singula numina coluntur, universa Rome coli: nihil ut supersit, quam ut suum Pan- theon gloriose ostentet. Atqui obstabat lex Romuli, que peregrinos Deos coli vetabat. Obstabat Ciceronis sen- tentia, qui confusionem religionum alioqui fore pronunciat. Sed peregrinos fortasse non judicabant, quia jam erant publice acciti, et veluti civitate donati. Sic urbs illa, que ab Athenco lib. I. cap. xvii. scite dicta erat énirop) rijs oixovpérns, salse abs Theophilo nostro ante Minucii etatem appellata est émropy tijs Secodapovias. Nam et Tertullia- nus! dixerat, in ea consedisse conventum dcemoniorum, curiamque Deorum. Interea non temere adjecit, illic quid- vis colere jus fuisse preter Deum verum. LEstque pro- Jecto memorabile quod *Augustinus de consensu Evangelis- * * * . * . 1 tarum scribit, cur illum unum non coluerint Romani, qui colebant omnes alios. Quia (inquit) solum se coli volu- erit, illos autem Deos gentium, quos isti jam colebant, coli prohibuerit. Quum autem de ipso Christo qucere- retur, alia etiam causa fuit, cur Senatus reclamaret. Porro ut Augustinus in eo libro multa inculcat, que ex 3[ep. 12.] 4 [Act. Apost, xvii. 23. ] 5 dyviotwv Oewv Bwjos, Eliac. Lib. 1. cap. 14. 1 [de Specta- culis, cap. vii.] 2 fib. i. cap. 8.] a fiea x. 9 Ol. p. 74. ed. Pot- ter. Seuk-_ VUVTES TOV cldwAwy Ta TELEVY Ta - hous Twas 7 Seopwripra-] 2 Lib. vi. 1[adv. Va oo tin. ¢. iti. Saeininia c. vii. : cf. Dio- nys. Alex. ap. Euseb. vii. n. 14.] 2 [ Hist. Eccles. Lib. vii. c. 13.] 3 I]. OQ. 344. 4 Zin. iv. 244. 5 [cap. xii.] § de Legg. Lib. il. cap. 24, 14 Franciscr Bautpuint Dissertatio nostro Octavio repetita videri possent, sic et quod eleganter respondet de excidio Hierosolymitano, Octavii de eadem re responsionem confirmat. Sed singula nunc describere nihil attinet. Redeo ad Minucianum auditorium. XIV. Cecilius Christianos accusat quod templa tanquam busta despiciant. Fatetur Octavius. Nam et Clemens Alexandrinus in ‘apotperrixa antea probaverat illa esse sepulchra. Sed et Arnobius? templa_ bustis superlata fuisse ait. Ceterum Christiani alia postea ratione ex suorum Martyrum sepulchris, non modo templa, sed et altaria effecerunt. Neque non potuit Minucius ea vidisse. Sed ita est profecto. tsi majores nostri religio- nis nomine multa facerent in speciem similia tis que ab ethnicis fiebant: tamen quia alius erat finis, aliusque usus, sua sacra defendi posse sciebant, etst aliorum xaxo{nriav damnarent. Sacrificiorum Romanorum ritus quam valde irrident! Atqui non dissimilis eorum, que lege divina Judeis mandata erant, forma fuit. XV. Etsi autem Christiani etate nostri Minucii sua templa superbe attollere ad exemplum ethnicorum non pos- sent, tamen suas saltem habebant cryptas, et quasdam etiam cedes et domus sacras in apertis et editis locis, ut Tertullianus! ait, et lubenter conveniebant ad illa suorum “ martyrum sepulchra, que xounripia vocabant. Nam et hec illis permisisse Gallienum Imper. (qui Minucti etatem non longo intervallo attigit) ? Kusebius scribit. Ridet autem Cecilius, quod Christiani suos jam vita functos, non tam mortuos esse, quam dormire dicerent et crederent corpo- rumque resurrectionem futuram jactarent. Atqui et apud suum ?>Homerum legerat, imvdovras éyeipev, et apud * Vir- gilium somnos adimere, cum de mortuis in vitam revo- candis agitur. Quid preterea hic responderit Octavius, conferri potest cum tis que antea Theophilus, Athenago- ras, Justinus, Tertullianus eadem de re scripsere: nam hos secutus Minucius est. °Ridet Cecilius Christianos, quod cadavera ungant, non coronent. Atqui et Romani, etsit quid agerent ignorarent, unguenta Sunebria habebant. Notus est ille Ennii versiculus, Tarquinii corpus bona femina lavit et unxit. Et licet Leges duodecim Tabularum servilem uncturam ca- daverum (ut ait ©Cicero) tollerent aliam tamen relinque- bant: et ipsi Jurisconsulti inter justos funeris sumptus in M. Minvucu Feuicis Octavium. 15 unguenta referunt 1. trigesima septima, De Religios. et Sumpt. fun. XVI. Quod ad coronas cadaverum attinet, fatetur Octavius Christianis ineptas videri: et eos propterea in eo genere ethnicos imitari nolle. Tertullianus! in libro de Corona militis ait, a seculo coronari et ipsas Libitinas: et ipse Cicero pro Flacco” meminit aureze coronze impo- sitee mortuo cuidam Castricio. Verwm quid antique leges Romane de coronis cadaverum statuerent, dixi ad duode- cim Tabulas. Denique ridet et indignatur Cecilius, apud Christianos cadavera humari, non uri. Verum est vetus illud, Risu inepto nihil est ineptius. Quid Octavius ? Simpliciter respondet, antiquam esse suam et meliorem sepeliendi consuetudinem. Quod et Arnobius respondit: nam et post Minucium mota iterum hec queestio est. Atqui Romani poterant sui saltem Ciceronis librum secundum de legibus cap. xxii. legisse, qui hunc morem defendit et con- jirmat. Et Plinius libro septimo, capite quinquagesimo quarto, Ipsum, inguit, cremare, non fuit veteris instituti apud Romanos: terra condebantur. Sane *Tertullianus de Corona militis ait Christiano non licuisse cremare. et* de Resurrectione carnis ridet eos, qui atrocissime (ut ait) exurunt defunctos. Porro Augustinus libro undecimo Confess. significat, in Ecclesia Ostiensi peculiarem aliquem etiam fuisse morem humandorum corporum. An is quoque jam tum in usu esset, cum ibi ageret Minucius, nescio. Ridi- culum vero, quod Cecilius, severus scilicet censor, Christi- anos accusat, quia neque unguentis delibuti, neque sertis redimiti essent. Mirum, quod interea non miratur, eos tamen usos jam tum fuisse oleo et chrismate. Sane sobriam, siccam, frugalemque vitam, hoc est, ab unguentis alienam, ipsi etiam ethnici laudare solebant : et ° Plato ex sua Repub. quam optimam suo judicio fingit, Homerum non ejicit nisi unguento perfusum et vittis redimitum, et (ut hic noster Octavius ait) coronatum: cum significaret sese habere nolle cives tam molles. Ac, ne longius abeam, Vespasianus quen- dam unguentis madentem, et gratias agentem pro impetrata prefectura, aversatus, Mallem, inquit, allium oleres. Sed quid non objiceret Cacilius, cum etiam Christianos accuset, quia flores naribus supponerent, nec capiti coronando imponerent. Atqui tpse *Lucianus in suo Nigrino ipsos Romanos rectius irridet, quod Christianos hic non imiten- 1 cap. xiii. 2 cap. XXxi, 3 cap. xil. 4[eap. i] 5 [Lib. iii. p. 398, A.] 6 [§ 30.] 16 Francisct Batpuini Dissertatio tur, et faciant contra naturam, planeque nihil aut sapiant, "[Cap.v. Tam qut sentiant. Adde 7? Tertullianum de Corona militis. ramest florem XVII. Ceterum Cecilius, ut alter Lucianus in Pere- pap aia grino, Christianos irridet, quod colant hominem crucifixum. oy Octavius breviter negat hominem tantum esse, quem colunt: et regerit, adversarios potius esse avOpwmodarpas, qui reges tanquam Deos colant, et per eorum etiam genium jurent: quin imo gravius puniant ita pejerantem, quam si quis suum Jovem jurando sciens falleret. Suspicor hic notari quandam constitutionem Alexandri Severi: que tamen relata est in libros juris L. u. Cod. de rebus credit. Sane olim Christianos noluisse uti tali formula jurisjurandi, testis est ‘[cap.x.] 'Tertullianus! in Apologetico. Sed tanto magis miror, eam posteriorum Cesarum Christianorum legibus commendari. XVIII. Cecilius contumeliose objicit, Christianos etiam ipsam crucem adorare. Negat Octavius. Adversarius tis ut furciferis maledicit. Noster (non enim eum pudet crucis Christiane) cruciferos suo modo dici, non recusat, et de suo crucis signo religioso (quod certe majoribus olim nostris pLApoleg familiare fuit) respondet, quod antea 1 Justinus et ?Tertul- 2[Apolog.cap. lianus scripserant, et postea Lactantius libro quarto, capite . vigesimo septimo. Nam et quanti illud fecerit Constan- tinus, notum est: certe ut vulgo res minus esset ignomi- niosa, edixit, ne deinceps facinorosi cruci affigerentur. Non destit tamen Julianus Apostata, ut Cecilius, Christianis 2 contra Ju ignominice causa exprobrare crucis cultum, sicuti ex ?Cyrillo p. 194, seqq. @ntelligi potest. XIX. Mira est impudentia calumnie. Eo tandem evasit, ut nescio que sacrorum monstra Christianis obji- iJuyenal. cerent adversarii, et qualia demens (ut quidam ‘poeta , dixit) Egyptus portenta colit. Audet etiam Cecilius fin- 2[cap.ix] gere illos*adorare caput asini, quanquam primus hoc non 3[eap. xxviii] finxerit. > Octavius tam putidam calumniam inficiatione de- pellit, et id potius de adversariis vere dici posse, recrimi- ie Nae;, nando probat, secutus suum *Tertullianum: qui et Chris- = tianos vulgo dictos esse asjnarios, et Christum ipsum auri- bus asininis tanquam aliquem Midam ab impio pictore expressum fuisse narrat. Talem autem confictam fabulam ’ [Hist. v. 3.] esse significat, quod ° Cornelius Tacitus mentiendo tale quip- piam de Judeis recitasset. Verum et ante Tacitum multis 6{c. Apion. annis Apio Alexandrinus tempore Caligule in Judwis ac- Lib. ii. p.1065. ; , ed. Genev.]} Cusaverat quandam ovorarpeiav. Ceterum cum °Josephus tale - in M. Minvcnt Fenicis Octavium. 17 mendacium jam refutasset, minus ignoscendum est Tacito, qui in eo perstat ; minime vero illis, qui majori etiam impu- dentia Christianis hoc probrum aspergunt. XX. Turpius est, quod !Cecilius eodem pudore clamitat, eos colere nescio que pudenda. Ecquo ruit impura male- dicentia ? Octavius suc verecundice esse intelligit, id lon- giort oratione non refellere. Interea audire cogitur alia non minus nefanda, cum? Cecilius declamaret, nefarios esse Chris- tianorum cetus antelucanos, incesto et parricidio pollutos, prope ut olim erant Rome Bacchanalia. *Octavius talia crimina non solum abs suis depellit, sed etiam retorquet in adversarios. Quam incesta essent Romanorum sacra, non est ignotum. Nam et eorum ‘poeta, Nota Bone, inquit, secreta Deze. Diu etiam humanas victimas immo- larunt: etsi in aliis gentibus hanc, non jam dico sanctam, sed sanguinariam et sceleratam feritatem reprehenderent. Est autem memorabile, quod Plutarchus in Problemat. narrat eos obtendisse ad hoc swum factum excusandum, alio- rumque damnandum. Mirum vero, Christianis sacra talia objecta fuisse. Fuit tamen vetus et diuturna hee calum- nia: et quidem promiscue libidinis coitio, ct quia Christiant sese fratres sororesque appellarent, atque etiam osculo sese invicem exciperent. Quid dicam osculo quosdam impudice abusos esse, ut et fatetur et conqueritur Clemens Alexan- drinus in “Pedagogo? Christiani satis multa castissimi sui pudoris testimonia opponebant. Sed nihil audit impudens malevolentia, que ut linguam habet intemperantem, sic neque FSrontem, neque aures habet. Sane et olim Apionem tale quippiam de Judeorum ceetibus confinxisse narrat Josephus. Ergo nihil nostris tali infamia oppressis aliud superfuit, quam, quod scite et eleganter Aischylus ait, rjv adyOevay ava- ridévae tH xpdvo. Non erant impostores, qui verba darent: non homines clamosi et impotentes, qui convitiis, maledictis, libellis famosis adversarios vicissim opprimere vellent. Rebus ipsis falsum refellere et eo tandem modo vincere sedendo et silendo, malebant: et bona interea conscientia sese susten- tabant atque consolabantur. Sic bonam causam agebant bene. XXI. Mirum rursus, Cecilio tam insolentem visam! esse illam inter eos fraterni nominis communionem, cum et ipse Ulpianus scripserit, eum, qui fraterna caritate dili- gitur, etsi frater non sit, recte tamen fratrem simpliciter 1 [eap. ix.] 2 [cap. viii.] 3 [eap. xxxi.] 4 Juvenal. Sat. vi. 314. 5 (Lib. iii. cap. xi. § 81. 1 [cap. ix. 2.] 2 Lib. viii. cap. xii. 1 [cap. ix. 7.] 2 Heres. xl viii. cap. 14. p. 416. 3 [cap. XXx.] 4 [Lib.iii.§ 15.] 5 [ Legat. pro Christian. p. 38.] 6 [cap. xx.] 7 [Apolog. Cap. 1x.] 8 Act. Ap. c. Xv. 27. ] 18 Franoisct Batpuint Dissertatio appellari: quod et in libros juris relatum est, L. quinqua- gesima octava De heeredib. instit. Quin immo et olim ipsos Essceos, ante tempora Christianorum, ita sese invicem compellasse, didict ex quodam Philonis fragmento, quod extat apud Eusebium ?zepi mporapackeuns. XXII. Horribilius est alterum quod objiciebatur! crimen infanticidil: cwpitque hee calumnia paulo post tempora Trajani, et ad Constantini etatem perduravit, et quidem cum tragica suspicione cujusdam coence Thyestece. Sed unde heec suspicio? An quia Christiani dicere solerent se vesci corpore et sanguine Christi? sicut e diverso narrat Augustinus guosdam aliquando existimasse ab Christianis adorari Cererem et Bacchum, cum audirent in eorum mys- tertis tanti fieri panem et vinum, neque alioqui rem in- telligerent. Quid dicam, quod 2Epiphanius narrat quos- dam heereticos, qui Gnostici et Cataphryges et Pepuziani appellabantur, se vero Christianos esse mentiebantur, com- misisse, quod hic Cacilius omnibus Christianis objicit ? Sed an equum fuit, ut viris bonis propterea affingeretur, quod ab iis erat alienissimum? Adversarii loco pro- bationis obtendebant famam et rumorem. Sed nullo quo- que jure id fiert, leges civiles pro nostris respondebant, et ipse Quintilianus Inst. Orator. lib. v. cap. 3. dixit, nulli non etiam innocentissimo accidere posse fraude inimicorum falsa vulgantium, ut sinistro rumore laboret. Quam vero procul abessent Christiani abs omni homicidio, satis * Octa- vius ostendit, cum ne homicidium quidem in ludis gladia- toriis spectare eos per suam religionem potuisse narrat, quod et antea *Theophilus dixit ad Autolycum, et eodem tempore 5Athenagoras in Apologia, et latius 'Tertullianus in libro® de Spectaculis et postea Lactantius libro sexto, capite vigesimo. Sed neque cese pecudis sanguinem gus- tasse nostros Minucius affirmat, sicuti et ‘Tertullianus, Sic enim quam Apostoli repetitam Nohe legem rursus tulerant, multis seculis nostri diligenter observarunt, non minus quam *Apostolicum in eadem Synodo decretum epi mopvetas. Certe quam honestum, religiosum, pudicum, cas- tumque fuerit Christianorum solenne convivium, quod ayd- anv appellabant, Cecilius, si verum ingenue dicere, quam improbe mentiri maluisset, intelligere potuerat non solum ex Tertulliani nostri apologia, sed et sui Plinii quandam ad Trajanum epistola, Sed petulantiam projectee maledi- in M. Minvcnrt Feuicis Octavium. 19 eentiee quid refrenare posset? Dixi de eo convivio plura in adnotationibus ad illam epistolam, que jam repetere nihil attinet. Utut autem nocturni Christianorum coetus innoxti essent, tamen obstabat lex duodecim Tabb. multis decretis confirmata, et gravia erant judicia de collegiis illicitis. Nostri vero respondebant, nihil Reipub. esse periculi a suis coitionibus, quia essent alienissimi ab omni vel ambitione vel ullius dignitatis cogitatione, nihilque esset in repub. quod affectarent, sed sua essent privata condi- tione contenti, ut ° Tertullianus in Apologetico respondet. XXIII. Ceterum ut jam preeteream reliqua capita vel accusationis Ccciliane, vel Octaviane defensionis, illud observare juvat: quum calumniator ingeniosus et acer nihil non vel confingat vel exaggeret, et majestatis quedam leviora crimina adjungat: preeteriisse crimen perduellionis, quod et alii antea objecerant, et ad reos statim opprimendos im- primis idoneum esse videbatur. An id dissimulavit, quia ne tenuis quidem ejus esset suspicio? Fuit certe perpetua hee majorum nostrorum gloria, quod nullis injuriis tam irritart potuerint, ut in principes aut tyrannos, etsi ab tis indignissime vexarentur, hostili animo essent, aut ullis ad- versus eos conjuratis conspirationibus (que tamen alioqui et speciose et frequentes tunc erant) assentirentur: aut, quid sua patientia, tolerantia, modestia, continentia dignum esset, non meminissent. Tantum abest ut essent aut turbu- lenti aut seditiosi, aut immani cupiditate ultionis abripe- rentur. Nam etsi ea multitudine septi essent, ut facile possent conficere, quod in hoc genere instituissent ; tamen fas non esse putabant. Et vero suc alioqui religionis et principia sustulissent, et fundamenta evertissent. Imo vero humane societatis vincula omnia dissolvissent. Quid multi etiam philosophi ambitiose preedicarent de tyrannicidis, notum erat. Sed nostri talibus flabellis incendi se non patiebantur ; tantum abest ut religionis nomine ad pub- licum parricidium incitarentur ? Nihil est preetermissum quod eos inflammare posset, et furor fieri dicitur lesa scepius patientia. Sed eos religio continuit, et ad invictam modo patientiam armavit. Id vero, de quo etiam queeri hoc tem- pore audio et miror, perpetua plurium seculorum historia nos alias confirmabimus. TIllud modo breviter attingam, quod Minucius dicere potuit, ac paulo ante ejus cetatem accidit. Tertullianus! ad Scapulam, Circa majesta- 9 [cap. 1.] } cap. 2. cap. XXXY. 3 [cap. ii] 4 [cap. ii.] 5 [cap. ii.] 20 Francisctr Bautpurnt Dissertatio tem, inquit, Imperatoris infamamur: tamen nunquam Albiniani nec Nigriani nec Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani. Juvat et alterum ejusdem Tertulliani locum, cujus memoriam veterem hisce temporibus renovari pluri- mum interest, ascribere. Unde, inquit in *Apologetico, et Cassii et Nigri et Albini? unde qui inter duas lauros obsident Ceesarem? Unde qui faucibus ejus exprimendis paleestricam exercent ? Unde qui armati palatium irrum- punt, omnibus Stephanis atque Partheniis audaciores ? De Romanis (ni fallor) id est, non de Christianis. Ne hunc quidem locum ex historia illustrare gravabor. Avi- dius Cassius, Syrice Legatus, adversus M. Antoninum Imp. surrexerat, cum preetexeret se Rempub. restituere atque conservare velle, quam Marci dissoluta indulgentia pessun- daret. Christiani tamen, qui in Marci exercitu adversus Marcomannos tam frequentes fuerunt, Cassiane factionis nulli fuerunt. Commodum impurum tyrannum et nostris infestissimum domi strangulari Romani curarunt, qui illi maxime erant familiares. An his Christianus ullus adfuit ? Septimio Severo, qui ad Imperium gladiatorio animo viam afjectabat, sese opposuit Pescennius Niger in Syria, et deinde Clodius Albinus in Britannia Galliaque, cum uter- que tam bono jure armatus, quam Severus, sibi esse vide- retur. Nam et ipse * Tertullianus in libro de Pallio, hosce non minus quam Severum, Avucustos aliqguando agnovit atque appellavit. Christiani tamen in corum vel exercitu vel factione nulli inventi sunt. Plautianus, qui Principi proximus erat, et post eum maxime auctoritatis, ut Seve- rus et Caracalla, a quibus fiebant multa crudeliter, jugu- larentur, immittit in curiam suum Preefectum, et eodem paulo post irrumpit. An Plautianum Christiani secuti sunt, quorum interesse videbatur tyrannos illos tolli? Immo vero potius Severum jam decumbentem illi suo etiam oleo curarunt, sanaruntque, ut testis est *Tertullianus ad Sca- pulam, ubi et solennes Ecclesie preces pro Principibus commemorat. Tum addit®: Ex disciplina patientiz divinee agere nos satis manifestum est, cum tanta hominum multitudo, pars pene major civitatis cujusque, in silentio et modestia agimus....Absit enim, ut indigne feramus ea nos pati que optamus: aut ultionem a nobis aliquam machinemur, quam a Deo expectamus. Non dissimilia sunt, que repetit in Apologetico et digna sunt, que his quoque in M. Minvucn Feticts Octavium. 21 temporibus inculcentur. Certe® ait Christianos facile paucis « cap. xxxvii. . . @ . a . sel * faculis vel una nocte potuisse ulcisci, si aut fuissent aut pancutis fa- esse voluissent (quod tamen jam a temporibus Neronis (iii \aroier e : ani Oe : ° ° £ + set operari, si dicebantur) incendiarit. Sed absit, inquit, ut aut igni yj, humano vindicetur divina secta, aut doleat pati, in quo Op probatur. Ait illis, si aperte agere et vim vi repellere *- voluissent, minime defuisse vim numerorum et copiarum. Sed, inquit, apud istam disciplinam magis occidi licet, quam occidere. Ait illos etiam sine armis potuisse vincere secedendo, e& vacuum Romanis swum orbem reliquendo, si alio migrare voluissent. Tum enim defuissent quibus im- perasset Rom. Imperator. Adeo pauci supererant, qui non essent Christiani. Sed nostros et cives manere voluisse, et ad hostes Romanorum transire noluisse significat, et interea tamen a Romanis appellatos esse non hostes modo, sed et principum et humani generis hostes. Ceterum tam injusta et aperta fuit hee injuria, ut ipsos tandem hostes Chris- tianorum puduerit tam et ingrate agere, et loqui impu- denter. XXIV. Ergo Cecilius, quantumvis esset impudens, erubuit iis aliquod perduellionis crimen affingere. Quidvis aliud objicere, carpere, mentiri, calumniari maluit. Sed ne- que Christianis ascribit causam publicarum calamitatum : quod tamen eo tempore alii adversarii odiose facere im- primis solebant. Tristissima sane, etate Minucii, erat facies Romani imperit, horribilisque dilaceratio atque confusio. Quid dicam genus omne malorum tune inundasse ? orbem- que et concussum et permixtum bellis, incendiis, inuwnda- tionibus, terre motu, civitatum ruinis, gentium regnorum- que excidiis; denique confectum et fame et peste publica ? Non committit tamen Cecilius, ut (quod vulgus tune cla- mitabat, et ante postque multis seculis jactatum est) calum- niaretur, Christianis totum illud chaos acceptum ferri debere, eorumque sanguine esse expiandum, Ante Minucit etatem Tertullianus!: Si, inquit, Tiberis adscendit ad ! apoio. meenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si ccelum stetit, sets si terra movit, si fames, si lues, statim, CHRISTIANOS AD LEONEM, acclamatur. Non minus odiosa et immanis erat acclamatio tempore Cypriani, ut ex hujus ad Deme- trianum epistola satis apparet. Eadem et tempore Arnobii. Nam et hic in suis adversus gentes libris laborat, ut hac a2 Francisct Batpuint Dissertatio publict odii et invidie flamma nostros liberet. Quid ipse postea Symmachus? Nonne audet talem rursus cantile- nam canere? Certe dignus erat, qui audiret quod ali- quando Rome post mortem Commodi Imp. acclamatum 2{Lampridius est2; DELATORES AD LEONEM! Sed nostri abs sanguine et Vita Com- modi, cap. XViii. ultionis cupiditate erant alient. Ambrosius non passus est eum in crimine tam falso diutius exultare. Sed cum non multo post urbs ipsa capta atque direpta fuisset, non erubuerunt impiit calumniatores talem postremo cladem religiont Christiane ascribere: coactusque est rursus Au- eustinus tam tetree maledicentice occurrere. Nam et prop- terea se suos de civitate Dei libros scripsisse fatetur. Agit ergo minus malitiose Cecilius, qui aliorum exemplo talem facem in nostros non contorquet, neque eorum inno- centiam tam indigne onerat. Imo vero tis, ut miseris, ut victis, ut servis, ipse tanquam magnis victoriis elatus, et summa felicitate cumulatus, superbe insultat : et hoc nomine tam illorum religionem fastidiose deprimit, quam suam gloriose attollit superstitionem. Sic enim profani homines ex fortuna et rerum successu pendent. Sic ipse Cicero 3[cap. xxviii] pro? Flacco contumeliose exagitat Judeorum et gentem et 4 (I. Epist. ad Cor, iy. 13.] sacra. Sed et Apionem Judeis servitutem, et crumnas, tanquam false religionis testimonia, confidenter objecisse, ex Josepho intelligimus. Mirum vero, post tempora quo- que Constantini, Julianum Imp. nostros eadem ratione impetiisse, sicuti ex Cyrilli responsionibus cognoscimus. Quanto id magis potuit Cecilius, qui Christianos, nisi afjlictos, miseros, pauperes, nullos viderat? Itaque magno supercilio et fastu et contemptu eos despuit, et tanquam kabappata kat mepupnuata (utor 4 Apostoli verbis) proculcat. Sed Thrasonicos ejus spiritus altiort animo despicit Octa- vius, disque sanctam quandam superbiam opponit, qua et in paupertate divites, et in servitute liberi, et in media denique morte victores essent nostri. Utut autem Cecilius initio despumans, et intemperanter convicia profunderet, et minas efjlaret, et ampullas horribiles projiceret, denique Christo insultaret: tamen veris victus paulo post cedit, neque arbitri, judicisque Minucii sententiam expectat, sed ultro illi occurrit. Admirabilis profecto conversio, pre- sertim tam repentina. Sed ea ostendit, sanabiles multos Rome fuisse, qui videbantur alioqui depositi et deplorati: ain M. Minvctt Feticts Octavium. 23 veritati vero errorem facile cedere. Ergo Cecilius quadam veluti in jure cessione Octavio vindicanti addici poterat. Certe vinci dedique non recusat, et Octaviane orationis quodam quasi fulmine perculsus, tanquam alter quidam Paulus, subito religionem, quam ignorans oppugnaverat, admonitus complectitur. XXV. Vellem autem Minucius nobis quoque exposu- isset totam hujusce peravoias historiam: ut et, qua lege, qua conditione, quibus sponsoribus, quo ritu, qua ceremonia, Cecilius Romam reversus, in Ecclesie collegium et com- munionem cooptatus fuerit, intelligeremus. Nam et antiqui illius moris memoria expetenda est. Sed quod Hierony- mus ad Chronica Eusebii, et Augustinus libro octavo} Confessionum narrant de duobus aliis ejusdem et condi- tionis et ordinis, et gentis, et ingenii viris, Arnobio et Victorino; cogitemus factum quoque esse de Cecilio. Immo vero hic Cecilius fatetur, sese, posteaquam intellexit, quid non sit vera religio, desiderare intelligentiam, cognitionem, institutionem religionis vere: eam vero catechesin in diem sequentem fuisse rejectam Minucius scribit. Sed tanto magis doleo, alteram hance scholam, quee Minuciani libri optima et maxima pars fuisset, non editam esse: saltem non extare. Nam neque satis est, falsum refellere: verum etiam docere oportet: ut et quid non sit, et quid sit Deus aut religio, excponatur. Sed bene habet: quod hic deside- ramus sarcire potest Augustini liber de Catechizandis rudi- bus, qui et leges et formulam veteris catecheseos eleganter describit: et quomodo sit agendum cum doctis et literatis, etiam monet: neque dissimilem Minucii cetate credo cate- chesin fuisse: et his quoque temporibus non observari miror. Juvat autem, ut Cecilium audivimus accusatorem et adversarium, nunc rebus conversis spectare catechume- num. Catechumeni tunc etiam appellabantur auditores, vel audientes, sicuti ex multis Tertulliani? locis apparet: erantque imprimis dociles, minimeque refractarii: quod et ipse Lucianus in Philopatr. indicat. Contentiose itaque disputationes nulle cum iis erant: sed placidis monitioni- bus religio docebatur. Post catechesin, qui jam sua nomina Ecclesie dederant, ut baptismo initiarentur, appel- lati sunt competentes: eorumque rursus in ordine Ceecilium jam nostrum conspicere juvat. Post baptismum candidatus 1 cap. 2. 2 [de Penit. c. Vi] [p. 159 ed. Lips.] 94 Francisct Bautpuint Dissertatio denique particeps fiebat trav pvotnpioy, a quibus antea procul abesse jubebatur. Neque sane de iis, aut promiscue disputare, aut coram profanis hominibus disserere, ma- jores nostri solebant. Testis est Theodoretus in Eranist. Dialogo ii. Nam illa religiosius atque adeo timidius trac- tanda esse sentiebant: et, quorsum alioqui res evaderet, longe prospiciebant. Itaque licet, cum accusarentur eorum cuvagers, magna causa esse videretur, cur exponere deberent quicquid in iis ageretur, tamen de mysteriis nihil dicunt in foro, neque de iis cum adversariis aut contendunt aut litigant. XXVI. Atque hee quidem hactenus breviter premo- nere visum fuit, ut ad Octavii Minuciani lectionem viam veluti premunirem, que et Christianarum antiquitatum memoriam nobis commendat, et ad eam renovandam nos excitet, qui et alioqui Romanas tanto studio persequimur. Atque utinam qui Rome sunt docti homines, et nullum non etiam lapidem revolvunt, nullamque non in tpsis lapidibus literam observant, ut antique Reipub. aliquid eruant, veteris quoque Ecclesie monumenta (quibus eadem urbs abundat) colligerent, pluresque, qui in ea et vixerunt, et sepultt sunt, Minucios excitarent! Satis jam, satis est novorum de religione libellorum. Veteribus potius in lucem revocandis hujus generis reliquits operam demus: et simus aliquando docte antiquitatis potius quam inanis novitatis studiosi: majorumque nostrorum imagines et intueamur, et aliis, ne novi homines esse forte videamur, ostentemus. Neque tamen, etsi eadem eorum religio, animusque idem fuerit, eadem quoque semper facies fuit, idemve status. Non enim semper vexati abjectique jacuerunt, neque tam aut ingrati aut inepti fuerunt, ut optimo jure optimaque conditione esse recusarint, cwm hoc iis licuit per Principes Christianos : neque tam fatui, ut hoc beneficio non uteren- tur: neque tam iniqui, ut si quid in suis Imperatoribus desiderarent, paganorum (ut loquimur) Tyrannorum loco eos haberent: neque tam morosi, ut publice tranquillitati nihil quicquam condonarent. Loquor de iis, qui non Juerunt degeneres. Sed libere LEcclesicee splendorem non vidit Minucius. Servientis modo squallorem vidit. Nos- trum vero est, utrumque statum et utriusque temporis con- ditionem recte considerare atque discernere: et hoc externce % an M. Minver Feticis Octavium. 95 (ut ita loquar) forme temporumque discrimen prudenter observare, ut et antiquitatis memoria, et majorum nostro- rum exemplis recte utamur. Hic enim et prudentia magna et cautione maxima opus esse fateor: et, cum lex nova rogatur, fertur scepe illud VTI ROGAS, sepius istud ANTIQUO, nobis ut occurrat atque placeat, necesse est, resque pos- tulat. Insculptum Rome in veteri marmore esse dicitur, CAN- DIDA . FULYO . NOBILIOR. AURO. FELIX. ANTIQUITAS. Sed ejus prejudiciis infeliciter abuteremur, nisi liberum integrumque judicium in tis discernendis atque deligendis adhibeamus : ne vel confuse omnia misceamus, vel malitiose preetereamus, que imitari nos oportet; vel etiam que huic etati non conveniunt, intemperanter urgeamus. Cum olim de testa- mentis ageretur, lex quedam civilis respondit, retinendum esse morem fidelissimze vetustatis, Leg. xvi. Cod. de Testam. Quumque de finibus et ordine gubernationis Eccle- siasticee quereretur, audita in Niceeno concilio est illa vox: TA APXAIA EOH KPATEITQ. Nulla tamen fuit superstitio, que intemperanter atque impotenter urgeret, quod Reipub- lice salus repudiaret. Et ut sapientes Jurisconsulti, ubi de Magistratuum jure queestio esset, graviter respondebant, non solum spectandum esse, quid Rome factum sit, sed etiam quid fiert debeat, Lege x11. de offic. Praes.: sic etiam spectare debemus, non solum quid majores nostri fecerint, sed et quo tempore, et qua conditione, quave fini. Neque non meminisse quoque oportet, quod lex quedam monet, non tam exemplis quam legibus judicandum esse. Ergo facio perlubenter, ut et jurisprudentiam et historiam con- junctim aut colam, aut saltem colendam esse scepe pro- fitear: et quidem utramque in utroque genere, humanarum dico et divinarum rerum, sive civilium et Ecclesiasticarum. Nam et earum intelligentia atque memoria talem horum studiorum conjunctionem requirit: ut, si Tiberius Impera- tor recte judicavit militarem disciplinam (quod ait ®Sueto- nius), ex antiquitate esse repetendam; nos multo magis sentiamus, rectiusque dicamus, civilem et Ecclesiasticam bona fide judicioque bono inde repeti debere. Interea vero, quia varie et periculose hic errari posse sentio, iterum iterumque obtestabor omnes bonos et cordatos, ut a factio- & Suetonius Tiber. cap. xix: Dis- _ versionum et ignominiarum generibus ciplinam acerrime exegit, animad- ex antiquitate repetitis. “Tr hCUT 9) 26 Franctsct Batpurnt Dissertatio. nibus aversi, et a studio partium alieni, primum vetustati tantum auctoritatis tribuant, quantum illi debetur: deinde placide cogitent atque observent, non solum quid veteres Christiani, tempore Minucti, facerent, cum aliud non pos- sent: sed et quid optarent, et, ubi possent, faciendum esse statuerent: et vero quid tandem, cum liberi fuerunt, fece- rint, ut et Rempublicam et Ecclesiam recte constituerent. ANALYSIS LOGICA DIALOGI. ANALYSIS LOGICA DIALOGI. TAPASKEYH, CONSTAT 1° ANTECEDENTE, ubi excurrit in laudes Octavii Christiani, a quo Cecilius, cultor Deorum, qui Mi- nucium salutatum Romam yvenerat, inter ambulan- dum ad veram religionem fuit revocatus. C. 1, 1, ) eae S 2° ConcomiTANTIBUS, ubi docet, quid in via acci- derit, et quomodo Minucium Octavius admonuerit ne familiarem pateretur diutius errare. C.u, 5: Ill. tot. 39 ConsEQUENTE, quod exponit occasionem, na- tam ex objurgatione modo dicta, disputandi de religione. C. Iv. ATOQN. TrRansITIO0, continet Cecilii admonitionem ad M. Minucium presidem de officii partibus rite tuendis. C. v, 1. 30 Analysis Logica Dialogi. THESIS. LP FIERI NON POTEST UT CHRISTIANI CERTI ALIQUID AFFERANT IN INTRODUCENDA RELIGIONE NOVA: i. Non in articulo de Deo, quod probatur, a) a& conditione veritatis, quee est incerta, v. 2, 3. b) @ conditione subjecti ad investigandam eam veritatem minus apti, v.4; deest enim 1° medium causativum; doctrina et eruditio. 2° medium ordinis; opes et facultates ; c) ab inutili. Sufficit enim ad vitam beatam cognitio sui ipsius, v. 5. d) a naturali statu hominis, qui humilis et in terram projectus est, Ib. 6. li. WNec in articulo de creatione, quam perperam Deo attribuunt Christiani, quia omnia fortuito et casu quodam ita conflata sunt, ut nunc cer- nuntur, vy. 7—9. iii. Neque in articulo de Providentia, a) quia, que semel ccepta sunt, lege necessitatis conti- nuantur; adeoque omnia commodius derivari ex mecha- nica corporum structura possunt, y. 10. b) Ob defectum ordinis, qui est 1° in rebus naturalibus, y. 11, 14. 2° in rebus moralibus, vy. 12, 13. Analysis Logica Dialogi. 31 ANTITHESIS. I VIA PERVENIENDI AD CERTITUDINEM EST IN PROCLIVI, ‘ QUIA i. Incertitudo illa non est in veritate, sed in judiciis hominum veritatem indagantium, et oritur ex obscuritate non objectiva, sed subjectiva, XVI. 1—6 ; b) externa hominum conditio nihil officit veritati, xvi. 6—9. 1° quasdam veritates etiam absque eruditione compa- rare nobis possumus. § 6, 9. 2° divitia magis avocant a sapientia, quam paupertas. § 7, 8. c) Concedo cognitionem sui ipsius esse salutarem, sed ea sine universitatis exploratione minus procedit, xvii. 1, 2. d) Naturalis hominis status, qui erectus est, jubet potius ce- lum aspicere. § 3. ii. Deus esé creator hujus Universi, quod patet ex ordine rerum ad certum finem institutum, qui sane non potest casus esse fortuiti, xvii. 4—9. iii. Datur providentia: quod probatur a) ex omnimoda perfectione, xvi. 10 sqq. xvm. 1, 2; que conspicitur 1° In Universo, e. g. a) in quatuor anni temporibus. B) in aquis. y) in terra continente. 8) in animantibus. e) in homine. €) in nascendi ratione. 2° In singulis Universi partibus, § 3. : a) Britannia. 8) gypto. y) Mesopotamia. &) Oriente. b) ex analogia domus bene aedificatae, XVI. 4. 32 Analysis Logica Dialogi. a tt. IN RELIGIONE A MAJORIBUS TRADITA EST PERMANEN~ DUM; i. Quia certa, a) ob incertum veritatis, quod ex preemissis patet, vI. 1. b) ob antiyuitatem: habemus enim religiones per tradi- tionem acceptas, § 1; c) ob fidem majoribus debitam: quo quis enim deorum seeculo propior accedit, eo major illi fides est haben- da,§ 1, 2. Analysis Logica Dialogi. 33 Diacressio Pra. De unitate Dei, que probatur: Inductione Socratica, exemplis petitis: a) ab imperiis terrenis, xvIIt. 5, 6; b) ab animalibus sociabilibus, Ib. 7; ab ceternitate Dei, Ib. ; ab ejus omnipotentia, Ib. ; @ ceteris perfectionibus, que uni, non pluribus com- petunt, Jb. 8, 9. a defectu nominis, Ib. 10; a testimonio tum vulgi, § 11,12; tum poetarum, xIx. 1, 2, 3; tum etiam philosophorum, Ib. 4—18. II. STULTUM EST, IN RELIGIONE FALSA ILLA QUIDEM, SED A MAJORI-~ BUS TRADITA, VELLE PERMANERE 5 i. Quod probatur, a) negando omnia esse incerta, providentia probata, xx. 1, 2. b) distinguendo inter antiquitatem fabulosam, et veritatis amantem. Hee, non illa, est sectanda, § 2. c) a fide majorum dubia, § 3, 4. DiGcReEssto SECUNDA. Homines fuisse, quos pro diis coluerunt Gentes. 1° 99 Hoc probatur : Ostendendo modum, quo factum illud sit, deorum ori- gine altius ex historiis repetita, xx. 5, 6; Ex testimoniis philosophorum et historicorum, Xx1.1—5. XXII. 8 seqq. Ex affectionibus humanis, xx. 5 tot. Ex testimoniis poetarum, xxi. 1—8. Ex ipsorum nativitate et morte, XXIII. 1—7. Dicressio TERTIA. De Idolorum Origine et Vanitate. Origo, XXIII. 7 seqq. Vanitas, XXIV. seqq. cen i ae ts lth ae cer la ae ee 34 Analysis Logica Dialogi. ii. Quia utilis. Romani enim magnitudinem wmperi sui diis debuerunt ; a) Quod Romani fuerint religiosi, hoc patet ex venerandis 1° diis vernaculis, Vi. 4. 2° diis peregrinis, Ib. 2, 5. 3° instituendis castis virginibus et nominibus sacerdotum, Ib. 3. b) Quod hee religio imperium conciliayerit illis, patet: 1° ex institutione, quia sacra Romana optimo consilio sunt instituta, vu. 1—5. a) ad remunerandam divinam indulgentiam, Ib. 2, 3 B) ab avertendam iram, Ib. 4. 2° ex eventu, quia auguria poenitenter omissa et obser- vata feliciter, Ib. 5, 6 3° ex oraculis et vaticiniis, non antiquissimorum modo temporum, sed recentiorum etiam, Jb. 7—9. Analysis Logica Dialogi. 35 ii. Falsissimum est Romanos imperium suum diis debuisse, xxy. l. a) Quia Romani non tam religiosi, quam impune sacrilegi. Hoc probatur demonstratione indirecta, per ratio- nem disjunctivam. Si a diis Romani regna accepta possederunt, ea habue- runt, 1° vel a diis peregrinis, 2° vel a diis vernaculis, 3° vel ob cultum religiosiorem. Atqui, Non a diis peregrinis, qui antiquos sui cultores potius tuiti essent, si quicguam valerent, c. xxv. 7,10. nec a diis vernaculis, qui morbi potius sunt et pro- pudia, quam dii, § 8, 9. neque ob cultwm castiorem, siquidem virginibus non castitas tutior, sed impudicitia felicior fuit, § 11, 12. Ergo nullo modo diis imperium suum Romani debent, sed est audacice preeda, § 2—5. b) Imperia possederunt gentes exter, etiam absque su- perstitione Romana, § 13. 2° auguria multoties fefellerunt, adeoque committitur fallacia non causee ut cause, XXVI. 1—3. 3° oracula sepius mentita sunt, adeoque eventus non industrise, sed casui attribuendus, Jb. 4, 5. Dicressio QuARTA. De existentia et molitionibus demonum : ubi descrihitur : 1° Evxistentia, xxvi. 7. a) descriptione, 6, 7. b) testimoniis, 7 seq. 2° molitiones, xxv, tot. DiGREssIo QUINTA. De perversa in Christianos questione : que demoniis instigantibus perversa est, quia fit: 1° de incognitis et inexploratis, xxvii. 1—3. 2° quia non admittit defensionem, Ib. 4. 3° quia cogit non ad confitendum, sed negandum, Ib. 4. 35 Analysis Logica Dialogi. III. CHRISTIANA RELIGIO NON EST UTILIS, 1° Ob mores Christianorum deterrimos. Si enim esset utilis primam utique utilitatem exerceret in emendandis mo- ribus, VII. Jam vero sunt, a) de ultima plebe, vil. 3, 4. b) factiosi, Ib. 4. c) in publicwm muti, Tb. 4. d) corum multitudo in dies crescit instar lolii, rx. 1. e) occultis se signis noscunt, Ib. 2. f) incestum ob fratris appellationem commitiunt, Ib. 2, 3. 2° Ob sacra multo deteriora, nam a) colunt caput asini, IX. 4. b) genitalia sacerdotis sui adorant, Ib. 4. c) ad hominem e cruce pendentem supplicant, Ib. 5. d) initiantur cede infantis, Ib. 6, 7. e) convivia incesta celebrant, Ib. 8, 9. : f) sacra sua oceultant, x. 1, 2. 3° Ob alia plura opinionum portenta ; A. In articulo de Deo; colwnt enim a) deum solitarium, eundemque imbecillum; quod exemplo Judcorum patet, X. 3, 4. b) dewm invisibilem, quod absurdum, Ib. 5. c) dewm omniscium, quod impium, Ib. 5, 6. B. De fine mundi: Statuunt mundum interiturum aliquando: quce opinio repugnat legi naturce semel constitutve atque ceterne, x. 7. C. De resurrectione mortuorum, quam impugnat argumentis, Analysis Logica Dialogi. 37 III. 1° Qui de Christianorum sceleribus circumferuntur ser- mones, partim aperte sunt falsi et a malevolis qui- busdam instigatione demonum disseminati; partim quidem veri, sed sinistra interpretatione, inspersisque mendaciis depravati. a) negat hoc ex eo sequi quod honores et purpuras gentium recusarent, XXXI: 7. b) negat, docendo Christianos congregatos eadem quiete agere, qua et singuli, Ib. 7. ce) concedit, sed hoc ideo fieri monet, quod gentes eos publice audire erubescerent, Ib. 7. d) concedit, sed hoc laudis, non criminis esse docet, Ib. 8. e) concedit, sed crimen removet, eo quod non notaculo cor- poris, sed innocentice signo se dignoscerent, Ib. 9. f) negat, et appellationis fraternee innocentiam defendit, Ib. 10. 2° Plurima que de sacris nostris spargitis, sunt falsa; non pauca depravata; a) inficiatur et retorquet, xxv. 8—10. b) negat, et conviciwm remittit, xxvii. 11,12; xxx, 1. c) negat et retorquet, Ib. 2—8. d) negat et retorquet, XXX. tot. e) negat et retorquet, XXxI. 1—7. f) concedit, sed jure fieri monet, xxx. 1—3. 3° Christianorum doctrina est sanissima: hine A. In articulo de Deo, a) distinguendum esse monet inter Judceos veteres legique divine. obedientes, et recentiores immorigeros, XXXII. 3 6. b) invisibilitatem Dei jure adstrui docet xxxi1. 4—6. c) omniscientiam Dei firmissimis niti argumentis adserit, xxx. /—9; xxx I, 2, B. Doctrina de fine mundi nee legi nature nec philosopho- rum sententiis repugnat, XXxIy. 1—5. C. Ad objecta de mortuorum resurrectione respondetur. 33 Analysis Logica Dialogi. 1° xar avOperov, quia ad resurrectionem stabiliendam, multa alia absurda simul sunt assumenda; e. g. a) igniwm sepulturam esse rejiciendam, ne scilicet corpus resuscitandum periret, XI. 3. b) penas et remunerationes post mortem statuere, quia error errorem facile pariat, Ib. 4, 5. c) ipsos Christianos poenis esse dignos, cum sint mali, Ib. 5. d) deum esse injustum, qui sortem, in hominibus puniat, cum omnia subjecta sint fato, Ib. 5, 6. 2° kar addndeav, ostendendo impossibilitatem. a) dilemmate, Ib. 7. b) defectu exempli, Ib. 8, 9. 3° Ob mala plurima, quibus cultores suos exponit : Cultus enim dei unius non ducit ad felicitatem, a) quia ejus cultores sunt pauperes, XI. 1, 2. b) quia infirmi ac calamitosi, Tb. 3. c) tormentis aliorum expositi, Ib. 4. d) a deo relicti, Ib. 4. e) alii sine deo felices sunt, Ib. 5. f) honestis voluptatibus avocat, 5, ut sunt, 1° pompee et spectacula ; 2° wreecerpti cibi et potus delibati, 5. g) rerum licitarum usun, qualis florum est, damnat, 6. h) defunctos adeo debito honore defraudat, dum coronari eos prohibet, 6. i) nec damnum vite presentis future felicitate pensat, 6. IV: SUMMA TOTIUS DISPUTATIONIS. 1° A rerum diyinarum exploratione abstinendum, a) guia veritas est supra nos, XII. 7. Analysis Logica Dialogi. 39 a) Ignium sepultura non facilitande resurrectionis causa rejicitur, sed ut mos veterum humandi corpora frequente- tur, XxxIv. 11—13. b) ponas post mortem etiam gentes statuunt, sed easdem per- horrescunt, XXXIv. 14; xxxv. 1—5, c) Christiani ethnicis tamen multo sunt meliores, Ib. 5—7. d) concedit fatum esse, sed liberwm, ob omniscientiam Dei, qua futura presciat, XXXVI. 1—3. 2° Possibilitas resurrectionis adstruitur a) tum sententiis philosophorum, tum argumentis ex ratione petitis, XxxIv. 5—10. b) ewque absurdum est exemplum hominis, qui ex mortuis resurrexerit, videre velle, quam esset postulare ut sol sub noctem oriatur, et arbores in hieme vernent. Exempla resurgentium apparebunt utique, sed suo tempore, Ib. 12, 13. 3° Inter Christianos et ethnicos de eo quod bonum malumye est, non convenit. a) paupertas hee non infamice, sed gloric est; non coacta, sed voluntaria, XXXVI. 4—8. b) fortitudo infirmitatibus roboratur, virtus calamitatibus, § 8. ce) gloriamur suppliciis affecti, freti auvilio Dei, xxxvm. 1 —6. d) non derelinquimur a Deo, sed tentamur, § 9. e) felicitas sine Deo non potest esse solida, § 6—11. f) voluptates quibus abstinemus, non sunt honestce, sed pravee et illicite, 11; quod probatur 1° de pompis et spectaculis, § 12, 13; 2° sacrificiorum reliquiis, quee deemoniis libantur, xxxvitt. 1, 2. g) florum non usus, sed abusus damnatur, § 3, 4. h) abhorret a ratione mos coronandi mortuos, § 5. i) Christiani non tranquille solum vivunt, sed beati etiam sunt spe future felicitatis, § 6. IV. 1° A rerum divinarum inyestigatione nemo absterreri debet, quia a) veritas non est supra, sed penes nos, Ib. 8. 40 Analysis Logica Dialogi. b) ob inertiam et ruditatem eorum qui huic studio in- cumbunt, XII. 7. c) abexemplo Socratis, xt. 1, 2, Arcesile, Carneadis, Academicorum, § 3, et Simonidis Melici, 4, 5. 2° Dubia ergo que sunt, merito relinquenda, Jb. 6. V< EPILOGUS continet 1° Provocationem Cecilii ad Octavyium, qua invitatur ad respondendum, XIv. 1. 2° Orationem Minucii ad Cecilium, gua ipsum non prius exultandum esse monet, quam utrimque fuerit perora- tum, Ib. 2—S5. 3° Responsionem Ceecilii, qua Minucium tazxat, quod se oratione gravissima interpellaverit, xv. § 1. Analysis Logica Dialogi. 4] b) nos non habitu sapientiam, sed mente preeferimus, xXxxvui. 8. c) philosophorum exempla nihil nos movent, § 7. 2° Non dubia amplius sunt que dubia quondam fuerunt, cum yeritas divinitatis jam maturuit, ¥, EPILOGUS ostendit, 1° quos stimulos oratio Octavii in animis audientium reliquerit, XXXIX, fot. ; 2° confessionem Ceecilii, qua victum se esse fatetur, XL. Es 3° dilationem questionis de rebus ad quas institutio perfectior requirebatur, Jb. 3. 4° gratulationem Minucii conjunctam cum gratiarum actione ad Octavium x1. 1, 2. 5° letum omnium discessum, Jb. 3. 'coeLeey Tk HIER RD Tey hel y's). Ott -? 4 sense MARCI MINUCII FELICIS OCTAVIUS. MARCI MINUCII FELICIS OCTAVIUS. OGITANTI mihi, et cum animo meo Octavi CAP.I. boni et fidelissimi contubernalis memoriam ITRODUC- recensenti, tanta dulcedo et adfectio hominis in- heesit, ut ipse quodammodo mihi viderer in pre- terita redire!, non ea que jam transacta et decursa 2 sunt recordatione revocare. Ita ejus contemplatio, quantum subtracta est oculis, tantum pectori meo 3ac pene intimis sensibus implicata est. Nec im- merito discedens? vir eximius et sanctus? immen- sum sui desiderium nobis reliquit: utpote quum et Ch.I. The opening sentence re- minds us of Cicero’s manner in com- mencing his philosophical treatises : compare with this the commence- ment of the first Book de Oratore: Cogitanti mihi sepenumero et memoria vetera repetenti ete. Our author indeed throughout the dialogue imitates Cicero’s style and language so closely, that he is entitled to the name of the Christian Cicero, as much as Lactantius. See Gronovius’ Introductory Remarks. 1 ipse ... in preterita redire, ‘I fancied myself in a manner really carried back into bye-gone times, rather than musing upon things past and over.’ 2 nec immerito discedens: Nec immerito means “and no wonder that,” in which sense it is used by our author several times; see chh. y, XXX, Xxxi, xxxy, It is not necessary to take discedens in the questionable sense of ‘‘departing out of this world,” for which decedens would have been the usual expression, but it is better to refer it to the separa- tion of Octavius from his friend at Rome. Nor again does it appear from the dialogue, as some suppose, that it was composed by Minucius after the death of Octavius: the manner in which he expresses his feeling seems toimply the “ absence,” rather than the death of a friend. 3 vir eximius et sanctus, “a Chris- tian in life as well as profession.” The word sanctus in the primitive writers, like &y:os in many places of the New Testament, as 1 Cor. i. 12; vi.1, is but another word for “ Chris- tian,’’ in opposition not to unsound Christians but to heathens. See Bingham, Antiqg. of the Christian Church, Ch. I, § 1. TION, CHH. I—IV. On reviewing the whole period of my delightful and close intimacy with O.ta- vius, my thoughts dwelt parti- cularly on a dialogue which he once held with Ceci- lius, which was the means of con- verting his friend from heathenism to Christi- anity. 46 M. MINUCII FELICIS CAP.I. ipse tanto nostri semper amore flagraverit, ut et in ludicris et seriis pari mecum voluntate ‘concineret, eadem vellet vel nollet. Crederes unam mentem in duobus fuisse divisam: conscius ipse, socius in erroribus: et quum, dis-4 cussa caligine, de tenebrarum profundo in ®lucem sapientiz et veritatis emergerem, non _ respuit comitem, sed, quod est gloriosius, przcucurrit. Itaque quum per universam convictus nostri et fa-5 5sic solus in amoribus miliaritatis etatem mea cogitatio volveretur, in illo preecipue sermone ejus mentis mez resedit intentio, quo Ceecilium superstitiosis vanitatibus etiam nunc? inherentem disputatione gravissima ad veram re- ligionem reformavit. 4 concineret, eadem vellet vel nol- let, “that he chimed in with me, he liked and disliked as I did:” others read eadem velle vel nolle, in which case the rendering will be, “ that he sang in one key (Cf. Shake- spere, Midsummer-Night’s Dream, Acti. Se. iii., and Act 111. Se. ii.) with me so as to have the same likings and dislikings,” according to the explana- tion given by Rigaltius: “ Ait Minu- cius Octavium suum pari secum vo- luntate concinere solitum; Volo vel Nolo.” Compare Salust. Catil. c. 20: Idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est. “You would imagine,” continues Mi- nucius, “that there was but one soul between us both.” Such expressions, serving to mark the closest union in friendship, are not unfrequent in ancient authors: compare Aristo- tle’s definition of a friend ap. Di- ogen. Laert. Lib. v. segm. 203 pia Wuxi dvot cwpuaci Ovid. Zr. 1v. iv. 72, where speaking é€voltKovuca: of Pylades and Orestes, he says: Qui duo corporibus, mentibus unus erant. 5 Sic solus in amoribus conscius ipse, socius in erroribus. There is some difficulty in determining the sense of the former words. Lindner places the words conscius ipse be- tween commas; and interprets thus: Sie is, qui mihi solus erat in amoribus, cujus rei testis est ipse locupletissimus, so- cius etiam fuit in erroribus: (Compare Cicero ad Div. vi. 82. est mihi, ut scis, in amoribus): in his 2d edition, however, he re- marks “sed quoniam sic durior est oratio, per me licet vel conscius ipse plane deleas,vel conscius ipsi legas,” referring to a passage in Cicero, ad Attic. 1.18, qui mihi et in publica re socius et esse soles in privatis omnibus conscius. Either of these interpretations seems better than that of Gronovius, and M.V Abbé Fleury, viz.: “a confidant in my love-intrigues.”’ The construction OCTAVIUS. 47 Nam negotii, et visendi mei gratia Romam CAP. I. contenderat!, relicta domo, conjuge, liberis, et, quod est in liberis amabilius, adhue annis innocen- tibus, et adhuc dimidiata verba tentantibus, Jo- Rome, when quelam, ipso offensantis lingue fragmine, dulcio- 2rem. Quo in adventu ejus non possum exprimere sermonibus, quanto quamque impatienti gaudio exultaverim : quum augeret maxime letitiam meam Samicissimi hominis inopinata presentia. Igitur post unum et alterum diem, quum jam et aviditatem desiderii frequens “assiduitatis usus implesset; et que per absentiam mutuam de nobis nesciebamus, relatione alterna comperissemus; placuit Ostiam petere® ameenissimam civitatem, quod esset corpori of the passage I take to be sic solus in amoribus conscius (mihi erat) ipse ; whether its meaning be “in such a manner was he my only darling friend andconfidant:” or “in such a man- ner was he in his affections of one mind with myself.’’ Observe the paronomasia in conscius, socius and amoribus, erroribus. & lucem sapientie et veritatis, hoc est, lucem vere sapientiz, nempe Christiane ; “the light of Christi- anity” in opposition to the darkness of heathendom. Similarly Tertul- lian speaks of Christian women as Jeminas sapientiam consecutas: of Socrates, that he sapere ad veri- tatem: so iXocodia was applied to the Christian religion by the apologists, as being the only true philosophy: (see Tatian, Or. ad Gr. § 31, Justin M. Dial. c. Tr. ¢. 8: cfr. Suicer. Thes. Eccles. s. v.) 7 etiam nunc, i.g. jam tum, “still,” “at the time of the confer- ence.” Ch. II. ? contenderat, sc. Oc- tavius. Innocentibus may be taken as the epithet either of annis or of liberis, annis being equivalent to per or propter annos. Trans- late: “even while they were in the season of innocence, just attempting to utter half words, a language peculiarly sweet from its very lisp and imperfection.’’ The expression lingue fragmine may be compared with that of Lucretius, vy. 230; Nutricis blanda atque infracta loquela. 2 assiduitatis usus, ‘the enjoy- ment of his continued presence.’ The word assiduitas occurs in the same sense in Cicero pro Deiotaro c. ult., and A. Gellius, W. A. x111. 12. 3 placuit Ostiam petere. Ostia seems to have been a fayourite holi- day retreat with the Romans. Hence Juvenal, Sat. xi. 49; Baias et ad Ostia currunt. See Baldvin. Dissert. Siv. p.7. It ac- The dialogue took place on occasion of Octavius’ visit to me at we went on an excursion to the Baths of Ostia, for the benefit of my health, in the vint- age vacation. : An act ot omage pai by Cecitius to a statue of Serapis on our way to the beach, provoked an indignant . remark from Octavius against my- self, for not interfering to prevent such superstitious ignorance in my friend. I1.—111. § 1. CAP. TL 48 M. MINUCII FELICIS meo ‘siccandis humoribus de marinis lavacris blanda et apposita curatio; sane et °ad vindemiam feriz 4 judiciariam curam relaxaverant: nam id temporis, post zstivam diem, in temperiem semet autumnitas dirigebat. Itaque quum diluculo ad mare °inambu- 5 lando litore pergeremus, ut et aura adspirans leniter membra vegetaret, et cum eximia voluptate molli vestigio’ cedens arena subsideret, Ceecilius, simulacro Serapidis denotato, ut vulgus superstitiosus solet, Smanum ori admovens osculum labiis impressit. quires additional interest from the circumstance of Augustin having held there his famous discourse with his mother Monica on the subject of Religion; see the account given by him in his Confessiones Lib, 1x. ch. 10. foll. 4 siccandis humoribus ... curatio. Blanda erat curatio ob autumnitatis temperiem ; apposita ob ferias vin- demiales. LinpNER. Siccandis hu- moribus is equivalent to ad sic- candoshumores. Onthe peculiar use of de in de marinis lavacris, consult the Index, s. v. 5 ad vindemiam feria. This ex- pression may stand for “feria vin- demiales,” (see the Index s.v. ad) or we may construe the passage, ferie curam relaxaverant ad vindemiam, sc. fruendam. The “vintage vaca- tion,’ lasted from Aug. 22, to Oct, 15: Baldvin. Dissert. § tv. p. 6. © inambulando litore} ambulando in litore, i.e. the bank of the river Tiber. 7 molli vestigio. Dicere voluit arenam, etiam leviter ab eunti- bus impressam, cessisse, HeEv- MANN. In the next clause deno- tato is equivalent to “animadverso,” Concerning the worship of Serapis see the Index s.v. and Baldvin. Disserty p29. i 8 manum ori admovens. It was a common and very old custom of expressing homage to the gods either to kiss their idol, or to kiss their hand to it; probably of Oriental descent. Compare Job, ¢c. xxxi. v. 27, with 1 Kings, xix. 18; Hosea, xiii, 2. That it was a prevalent mode of performing homage to the gods among the Greeks and Ro- mans, may be seen from the sub- joined passages; Lucian de Saltat. $17: d7ov Kai” I voor éwrerdav Tpec- evxwytat Tov “HXiov, ox wo7rep ets THY Xelpa KUoayTes 1)youmeba 1] LOD Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxviii. cap. 2, in adorando dextram ad osculum referimus: Tacit. Hist. Iv. 28: Apuleius, Metam. Lib. Iv. ec. 28, p. 284. ed. Hildebrand: Cicero in Verr. Act. 11. iv.48, where the sta- tue of Hercules is said to have, men- tum paulo atiritius quod in precibus ...osculari solent. See also a note of Salmasius in the Script. Hist. August. p. 440; Brisson. ii. de Form. p- 840. évTeAn eivat Tv evxiV: OCTAVIUS. Tune Octavius ait: 49 Non boni viri_ est, CAP. III. Marce frater, hominem domi forisque lateri tuo Upon reach. inherentem, sic in 'hac imperitie vulgaris czcitate deserere, ut tam luculento die ?in lapides eum patiaris impingere, effigiatos sane et unctos et co- ronatos: quum scias hujus erroris non minorem ad 2te quam ad ipsum infamiam redundare. 3Cum hoe sermone ejus ‘medium spatium civitatis emensi, jam liberum litus tenebamus. Ibi arenas extimas, ve- lut sterneret ambulacro, perfundens lenis unda Om Tit. + [kae, temporis. Jac. Gr.] 2 in lapides effigiatos sane et unctos, “upon mere blocks of stones, for all that they are carved into figures and anointed.” The practice of anointing stones with oil was very common in different ages and countries. It was proba- bly an Oriental rite. We find that Jacob, in compliance, as it is likely, with the received custom, “ set up the stone on which he had slept for a pillar at Bethel, and poured oil upon the top of it;” Gen. xxviii.18: xxxy. 14. From this stone, proba- bly, was derived the word Ba:- vido or BartuXia, to signify other stones similarly consecrated in me- mory of Jacob’s stone: v. SELDEN, de Diis Syris Syntagma, xi. ¢c. 15. The Jews were accustomed to pay superstitious respect to such stones, as we infer from Moses haying for- bidden their erection, Lev. xxvi.1; and from the allusion in Jsaiah, lvii. 6; and so were the Greeks, as we learn from Pausanias in his Achaica, Lib. vi. ¢. 3, dvti d@yaXpdtwv elxov dpyoi ior tTimas Bewy, i.e. “un- wrought stones, instead of images, had divine honours paid them.’’ Cf. M. F. i,q. hujus Tenison of Idolatry, ch.iv. p.48. In later times the practice gaye rise to a proverb concerning a superstitious man, tavra \ibov \twapdv tpockv- vet, as Clemens Alexandr. informs us, Strom. L. vii. p. 843. ed. Potter; and Theophrastus marks as one strong feature in his portrait of the deroidaiuwyv, the practice trav Attrapav Nibwy Tay év Tais TpLddaLs Tapiwy ex THS AnkvGou EXaLtov Ka- Taxetv, i.e. “of pouring oil out of his vial on the uncti lapides in the high ways, as he passes by them.” So Arrobius, adv. Nat. lib. 1. ch. 39. p. 22, giving an account of his own life before his conversion, tells us that, “si quando conspexeram lubricatum lapidem et ex olivi unguine sordidatum tan- quam inesset vis praesens, adulabar, affabar, et beneficia poscebam nihil sentiente de trunco.”’ The heathen custom of adorning their statues with garlands is too well known to need illustration. 3 Cum hoc sermone ejus. For the use of cum, comp. below ch. iv. § 5; cum dicto ejus assedimus: and see Hand, Tursellin. ii. p. 130. 4 medium spatium civitatis, “ the distance between Ostia and the sea.” 3 ing the open beach, we amused our- selves with strolling about, and listening to OcTAVIUS’ stories : in the course of our wanderings he and I were much divert- ed with the sight of a boys’ game: CAP. III. not so C xcI- LIUS, who re- mained an uninterested spectator, and upon my en- quiry into cause of his uneasiness, confessed himself piqued at OCTAVIUS’ re- mark, and concluded with a pro- posal to argue the subject phi- losophically with him. I was chosen to moderate between them. III, 2.-IV. 50 M. MINUCII FELICIS 5tendebat; et ut semper mare etiam positis flatibus inquietum est, etsi non canis spumosisque fluctibus exibat ad terram, ‘tamen crispis torosisque. Ibidem 3 erroribus delectati perquam sumus, quum in ipso eequoris limine plantas tingeremus, quod vicissim nunc adpulsum nostris pedibus ‘adluderet fluctus, nune relabens ac vestigia retrahens in sese resor- beret. Sensim itaque tranquilleque progressi, oram 4 curvi molliter litoris, iter fabulis fallentibus, ®lege- bamus. Hee fabulee erant Octavii disserentis de na- 5 vigatione narratio. °Sed ubi eundi spatium satis jus- tum cum sermone consumpsimus, eandem emensi 5 tendebat is for extendebat: Translate : “ was spreading the out- ermost sands, just asif it were level- ling them for an artificial walk.” 6 tamen crispis torosisque, sc. exibat ad terram, “yet with curled and heaving waves.” Yoro- sus properly means “full of tori ;”’ and the proper meaning of torus is, any full and swelling protuberance like ‘‘the convexity of a muscle,”’ Cie. Tusce. ii. 9; “ of an overcharged vein,’ Celsus, vii. 18; “the twist or strand of a rope,”’ v. Cato, §. 135; Columella, xi. 3; “‘ the swelling pro- tuberance in the circle of a festoon (sertum), or of a chaplet (corona) ;” Cic. Orat. c. vi: (v. A. Rich’s Zllustr. Companion to the Dictionary ; Er- nest. Ind. Lat. s. v.); of “a knoll” on the bank of ariver, Virgil, 4n. vi. 674: here it is used of the “swell- ing undulation of a wave.”’ 7 adluderet. Comp. Catull. £pi- thal. vy. 66, 67 ; Omnia que toto delapsa e corpore passim Ipsius ante pedes fluctus salis adlude- bant: where it will be readily seen that adludere is used as a transitive verb, though Davies has hastily altered the reading in Minucius, on the strength of its being used intransi- tively in this very passage. 8 oram legebamus, “we coasted along the margin of the gently bending shore, beguiling the way all the while with Octavius’ stories.” V. Index s, v. molliter. 9 Sed ubi eundi spatium satis justum consumpsimus. The word justus, though formed from jus, has a wider acceptation, being used to signify any thing, which is “ com- plete,” or “fit in its kind,’’ and “not excessive.” Thus Suetonius has the expression “justa statura,” mean- ing “an ordinary, mean stature;:’’ Ovid, “justus orbis annuli,” meaning “aring that fits the finger ;” The Greeks used dixaos in a cor- responding sense: thus dixaia éoOns is said of “a robe that is not too large or too small for the body :” Otkaia pts, of a “ well-proportioned nose.” Tertullian employs the sin- OCTAVIUS. 51 6 viam rursus versis vestigiis terebamus. Et quum ad id loci ventum est, ubi subductz navicule, substra- tis roboribus, !°a terrena labe suspensze quiescebant, pueros videmus certatim gestientes testarum in 7 mare jaculationibus ludere. Is lusus est: testam teretem, jactatione fluctuum levigatam, legere de litore: eam testam plano situ digitis comprehen- sam, inclinem ipsum, atque humilem, quantum potest, super undas inrotare: ut illud jaculum vel dorsum maris raderet, enataret, dum leni impetu labitur: vel summis fluctibus tonsis emicaret, emer- Sgeret, dum assiduo saltu sublevatur. gular expression “quadratajustitia yestis,” de Pallio, c.1. Translate: “But after we had sauntered a mo- * derate distance (i.e. far enough for * pleasure without fatigue ), we began * to retrace our steps; and being got “to the dock where thesmallervessels “ were drawn up ashore and laid ona “frame of oak, to prevent their being “rotted by contact with the ground, “we espy a parcel of boys, eagerly “engaged in the game of throwing “shells into the sea.” “The game loses much of the dignity conferred on it,” says Lord Hailes, “ when it is expressed under the vulgar appella- tion of Duck and Drake.’ It was called by the Greeks éroctpakicpds. (See the Index s.v. testa). In the description of the game, which fol- lows: plano situ comprehensam means, “held in a horizontal posi- tion ;” inclinem ipsum atque humilem etc., “ina stooping attitude himself, to squir the shell along the surface of the water, as far as he can, so as to make the missile either just skim the sea’s back, and swim along; or Is se in else shaving the tips of the waves, to glance and jump up; according as it moved gently onward, or kept itself up in the air by a succession of leaps.” Before enataret, I have, without MS. authority, omitted vel, in place of which Davies pro- posed to read nec: for raderet, enataret appear to be as much sy- nonymous as emicaret, emergeret. There is a tendency in our author, as in later writers, particularly those of the African School, to accumu- late synonyms, with no connecting particle; e. g. Ch.i. $3 concineret— vellet ; Ch. iv. § 1 tacens, anvius, se- gregatus ; Ch. v. § 4 indolescendum, ingravescendum; ib. § 5 suspensa, sublata ; ib. §7 coalita, digesta, for- mata ; ib. § 9 nascitur, inspiratur, attollitur ; Ch. xi. § 2 mortuis, ex- stinctis: see also Chh. xvi, xvii, which abound with similar asyn- deta. 10 @ terrena labe suspense: la- bem dicit uliginem ccenosam, qua putrescerent carine diutino situ. RIGALrT. 3—2 CAP. III. 52 M. MINUCII FELICIS CAP. III. pueris victorem ferebat, cujus testa et procurreret longius et frequentius exsiliret. CAP. IV. Igitur quum omnes hac spectaculi voluptate caperemur, Cecilius ‘nihil intendere, neque de contentione ridere, sed tacens, anxius, segregatus, 2dolere nescio quid vultu fatebatur. Cui ego: 2 Quid hoe est rei? cur non agnosco, Ceecili, ala- critatem tuam illam? et illam oculorum etiam in seriis hilaritatem requiro? Tum ille; Jamdudum 3 me Octavii nostri acriter angit et remordet oratio, qua in te invectus objurgavit negligentiz, ut me 3dissimulanter -gravius argueret inscientiz. Itaque progrediar ulterius: de toto et integro mihi cum Octavio res est. Si placet ut ‘4ipsius sectze homo 4 cum eo disputem, jam profecto intelliget facilius esse in contubernalibus disputare, quam ‘conse- rere sapientiam. Modo in istis ad tutelam balnea- Ch. IV. ! nihil intendere, “ took no notice of what was going on.” umbratico, qui exercitii tantum gra- tia adversarii partes in se suscipit, Comp. ch. vii. 8, intende templis ; xvii, 11. mari intende. For tacens, anxius, segregatus, compare Ho- mer’s lines on Bellerophon (Jl. vi. 202); otos aAaTo, dv Ovpov KaTéSwv, TaTov avOpuiTwv adre- E€LVWV. 2 dolere nescio quid vultu fate- batur, ‘he betrayed by the expres- sion of his countenance that he was uneasy at something or other.” Comp. Juvenal, Sat. ii.17: Et vultu morbum incessuque fatetur. 3 dissimulanter, “ covertly.” 4 ipsius secte homo, “an actual member of the sect,”’ said in irony, * Opponitur adversario ficto et quasi quod fit cum disputatur in contu- bernalibus.” LinDNER. 5 conserere sapientiam, appears to be a pregnant expression for conserere sapientem sermo- nem: “to engage in close reason ing.” Heraldus conjectures that the true reading is conserere sapi- entimanum: Lindner sapienti- um modo. Modo etc.; Ab. Hoven, (cum) sapientia=cum sapienti- bus; Epist. § 13 not.: cf. v. not. 10. 6 me ex tribus medium. The middle place was the place of ho- nour; Ovid, Fast. v. 67. Minucius therefore makes an apology for oc- cupying it, saying, that he only sat there in the capacity of “ moderator,” arbiter, between the two disputants, OCTAVIUS. 53 rum jactis et in altum procurrentibus petrarum obicibus residamus, ut et requiescere de itinere 5 possimus, et intentius disputare. Et cum dicto ejus assedimus, ita ut me ex tribus medium “late- ris ambitione protegerent. Nec hoe obsequii fuit, aut ordinis, aut honoris, quippe cum amicitia pares semper aut accipiat aut faciat: sed ut arbiter et utrique proximus aures darem, et disceptantes duos medius segregarem. Tum sic Cecilius exorsus est: Quanquam tibi, Marce frater, }de quo cum maxime querimus non sit ambiguum; utpote quum diligenter in utroque vivendi genere versatus *re- pudiaris. alterum, alterum comprobaris: *impre- sentiarum tamen ita tibi informandus est animus, 4ut libram teneas squissimi judicis, nec in alteram partem propensus incumbas, ne non tam ex nostris disputationibus nata sententia, quam ex tuis sensi- Amicitia pares aut accipit aut facit wasa proverbial line; so Aristotle, Eth. viii. 7, Néyetat yap pirotns 1) loorns. 7 [lateris i,q. utriusque la- teris, Jac. Gr.] Ambitione i. q. ambitu. Ch. V. 1! de quo cum-maxime querimus, h.e. id, de quo ; “the point on the discussion of which we are now entering.”? Cum-mazime in the sense of “now,” “at this moment,” is frequently found in Tacitus; e.g. Ann. iii. 59; iv. 27; Hist. iv. 55, 58, tolerant cum maxime inopiam: it is also used as a conjunction by Liv. xxiii. 24; Cic. de Off. i. 13, qui, cum maxime fallunt, id agunt ut yiri boni esse videantur. 2 repudiaris alterum, alterum comprobaris. Repudiaverat ethni- corum superstitionem, comproba- verat Christi religionem.—alterum semel tantum in codice legitur. O§EHLER. 3 impresentiarum| ‘‘ for the pre- sent.’’ For the different opinions concerning the origin of this word, see Index s. v. 4 ut libram teneas equissimi ju- dicis. Compare Clemens Alexandr. Pedagog. Lib. 1.c.10, init. : xabawep émri Ciyou Tas icoctacious avTion- Kijowuev Tov dikaiov wAaoTLyyas: and Shakespere 2d Pt. K. Henry VJ, Act 11. Se. 1. quoted below, Ch. xv. § 2. Further on the sentence ne non tam, etc. appears to be an imitation of Cicero, Parad, i. 2: “ Vereor ne cui vestrum ex Stoicorum hominum disputationibus, non ex meo sensu deprompta hee videatur oratio.’ CAP. IV. CXCILIUS’ SPEECH. V—AlIL CAP. ¥. It must be very evident to an unpreju- diced observer of the state of human affairs gene- rally that no reliance can be placed in them: again, man is by his very constitution unfitted for enquiry into the hidden 54 M. MINUCII FELICIS cap. v. bus prolata videatur. Proinde °si mihi quasi novus 2 things of the aliquis et quasi ignarus partis utriusque considas, Universe: it has b ad th 6 has bated ‘he nullum negotium est patefacere, ‘omnia in rebus sages in all ages and countries : how great presumption then is it, for ignorant and illiterate men, like the Chris- tians, to put forward their oun conceits on the Su- preme Cause of all things, as verities. Far better to hold with Epicurus that all things are the result of chance, when the notion of the Natural and Moral Government of the World zs proved by humanis dubia, incerta, suspensa: magisque omnia verisimilia, quam vera. Quo magis mirum est, non- 3 nullos tedio investigandz penitus veritatis cuilibet opinioni temere succumbere, quam in explorando pertinaci diligentia perseverare. Itaque indignan- 4 dum omnibus, indolescendum est, audere quosdam, Tet hoe ‘studiorum rudes, °%literarum profanos, expertes, artium etiam sordidarum, certum aliquid de summa rerum, ac majestate decernere, de qua tot omnibus seculis sectarum plurimarum usque adhue ipsa philosophia deliberat. 5 si mihi considas, “if you will do me the favour to sit upon this trial.’”’ © omnia in rebus humanis in- certa. Czecilius starts with assuming the Academic theory of ékaTa\n- Wia, or nihil percipi posse. Cicero, Acad. Pr.u.9. Quo minus mirum, etc.: “And therefore it is the less wonderful that some, dis- gusted at the trouble of thoroughly investigating the truth, should choose rather to give in to any opinion whatever at a venture, than to take time and pains to sift it.”” Potius is to be implied from the sense. 7 et hoc, i.g. kat tavta, “and that too.”’ 8 studiorum rudes, dv0pwrrot idi@Tat Kai dypaupato, Actsiv. 13. The enemies of Christianity ridi- culed particularly the ignorance of most of its votaries; cf. Lactant. vii. 26, 8, “hee nostra sapientia, quam isti tanquam stultitiam derident, quia nos defendere hanc publice atque adserere non solemus:’’ and Nec immerito ; see an apposite passage ap. Origen c. Cels. 111. ¢. 55. p. 144; comp. Arno- bius, adv. Nation. 111. 15; Lucian. de Peregr. Morte, p. 338; Neander’s Julian. § 12. ° literarum profanos, “uninitiat- ed in letters.’ Comp. Macrob. in Somn. Scip. 1. 18. Expertes is an adjunct to profanos: artium etiam sordidarum, “men of even the low- est occupations.” Another way is to construe expertes with artium, “not so much as qualified for mean mechanical pursuits.’’ For this sense of expers comp. Apuleius, Meta- morph. 111. p. 209; vi. p. 408. ed. Hildebrand. 10 de qua tot omnibus seculis ete. “about which Philosophy itself, af- ter so many ages in all, and divided as it is into very many sects, deli- berates still.”” Comp. Cicero, de N. D. 11. 3. Philosophia, i.e. philosophi: so above ch. iv, note 5: sapientia= sapientes. 1! divina, h. e Dei. OCTAVIUS. 55 quum tantum absit ab exploratione !'divina humana CAP. v. mediocritas, ut neque que supra nos coelo suspensa present matter sublata sunt, neque que infra terram profunda demersa sunt, aut scire sit datum, “aut scrutare permissum, aut stuprari religiosum: et beati satis, satisque prudentes jure videamur, si secundum illud vetus sapientis oraculum, nosmetipsos familiarius 6noverimus. Sed quatenus indulgentes insano atque inepto labori ultra humilitatis nostre terminos eva- gamur, et in terram projecti 'tccelum ipsum, et ipsa sidera audaci cupiditate transcendimus, vel hune errorem saltem non vanis et formidolosis opinioni- 7 bus implicemus. Sint principio omnium !’semina natura in se coeunte densata: quis hic auctor Deus? 12 qut scrutare permissum, aut stuprari religiosum. Scrutare is a later form of scrutari. We find in the writers of the African school the active form of many verbs used for the deponent: e.g. @mulare, percontare, lucrare, reluctare, pro- testare, opitulare, (infra c. xii. § 2): augurare, merere. ‘The sense of stuprari is plainly ‘‘to lay vio- lent hands on,’’ i. e. to take forci- ble possession of : so that the various readings proposed by commentators (such as ruspari, lustrare, spur- care or stirpari), are entirely out of place. The whole passage may be rendered thus: “And no wonder (that philosophy is baffled) : since the greatness of the Deity so much transcends the ken of man’s littleness, that the very things of nature, be they raised above us aloft in the heaven, or sunk deep below the earth, these, I say, we are not privileged to understand, we are forbidden to pry into, we dare not rudely force.”’ 13 illud vetus oraculum, i.e yv@- 62 ceauTov. 14 celum-transcendimus. Horat. Od, I. 111. 58: Cceelum ipsum petimus stultitia. Comp. below Ch. xii, 7. “Tales curi- osulos et aifepoBatovvtas more suo exagitat in Jcaromenippo Lucianus, qui et in’ Philopatride (p. 612. 24) Christianis ita: tuets wedapovor Ov- Tes, Kal ws amd WWnov atavTa Kat kaBopa@vtTes df€vdepKéocTata Tade vevonKkate. Was 6& Ta TOU aiBépos; pov éxXeiWer 6 HALOS, 6 cedyjvn Kata Kxabetov yevice- Tat.’ LINDNER. Insano indulgentes labori: Virgil. An. 11. 776. 19 vel hunc errorem...implicemus, “let us, even if we fall into this error, at all events avoid inter- weaving it with silly and timid fan- cies.” Formidolosus has a passive signification, as in Tac. Hist. 1. 62; Ter. Eun. tv. 6.19. 16 semina, “atoms,”’ according of fact and experience to be false and absurd. 56 M. MINUCII FELICIS sint fortuitis concursionibus totius mundi membra coalita, digesta, formata: quis Deus machinator ? 7 Sidera licet ignis accenderit, et celum licet suas materia suspenderit: licet terram fundaverit pon- dere, et mare licet influxerit e liquore: unde hee religio, unde formido, que superstitio est? Homog et animal omne, quod nascitur, inspiratur a tollitur, elementorum ut voluntaria concretio est, %in que rursum homo, et animal omne dividitur, solvitur, dissipatur ; ita in fontem refluunt, et in semet omnia revolvuntur, nullo artifice, nec judice, nee auctore. Sic, congregatis ignium seminibus, *’soles alios atque 10 alios semper splendere; sic, exhalatis terra vapo- ribus, 2!nebulas semper adolescere : quibus densatis CAP. V. to the theory of Epicurus. See Lucr. 1. 50; Virgil. clog. v1. 51— 384; Cicero, Acad. 1. vi. 17; de N. D. 1. 25. 17 sidera licet ignis, etc., “The stars may have been lit up by fire, the heavens may have been poised by their own intrinsic levity, the earth depressed by its own intrinsic weight, and the sea may have flowed into its bed from moisture.” Sua materia (i. q. sui generis materia) is to be repeated from the former clause before fundaverit: some commentators think before influxerit also. 18 in que omne animal... dissi- patur ; Comp. Lucret. 1. 250: Haud igitur redit in nihilum res ulla, sed omnes Discidio redeunt in corpora materiai. Cicero (de N. D. 1. 25) speaks of corporum interitus et dissipatio. 19 nec judice. Judex est, qui, quemadmodum Ovidius Metam., 1. 19 canit: litem elementorum di- remit. LiInpNER. Hanc Deus et melior litem Natura diremit. 20 soles alios, “ever fresh and fresh suns.” This was the Epicu- rean hypothesis. Lucret.de Rer. Nat. v. 303: 26. 659: semina ardoris Quze faciunt Solis nova semper lumina gigni. Manil. Astronom. 111. 513. Seque ipse dies aliumque revisit. 21 nebulas, ** rain-clouds;’’ nubes, “bright clouds;” nimbi, “ dark thunder-clouds;” fulgura, “ flashes of lightning ;” fulmina, “ thunder- bolts.” 22 adeo passim caduni: “yes, they fall indiscriminately, without aim.”’ So Tibull. 11. 3, 41. Glans aluit veteres; et passim semper amarunt. The force of adeo is difficult to ex- press : it serves as a stronger affirm- ation of the preceding proposition. Hand, Tursell. 1. 148, suggests that ea has been lost before adeo, the OCTAVIUS. 57 coactisque, nubes altius surgere : iisdem labentibus, cap. vy. pluvias fluere, flare ventos, grandines increpare: vel nimbis collidentibus, tonitrua mugire, rutilare ful- 11 gura, fulmina premicare; *adeo passim cadunt, 23montes irruunt, arboribus incurrunt: “sine delectu tangunt loca sacra et profana: homines noxios feriunt, sepe et religiosos. Quid tempestates loquar varias ac incertas; quibus, * nullo ordine vel exa- mine, rerum omnium impetus volutatur? in nau- fragiis, bonorum malorumque fata mixta, merita confusa? in incendiis, interitum convenire inson- tium nocentiumque? et, quum tabe pestifera celi tractus inficitur, *’sine discrimine omnes deperire ? et, quum belli ardore szvitur, meliores potius occum- etmep Badder Tovs emidpkous S77, ovxt Stuwv’ evéerpnoer ; use of which particle here he refers to the case, “ ubi aliqua persona vel res, aliis ex adverso apposita, insig- niter est demonstranda.” 23 montes irruunt, i.q. rnunt in montes. Comp. Sall. Jugurth. cap. lviii, Merivale: Claudian. Cons. Manl. vy. 195. Irruet intrepidus flam mas. Valer. Flace. Argon. 11. 147: gravis irruit Ochum Phleias. 24 sine delectu tangunt loca sacra et profana, The same argument is given to disprove the government of the world by providence in Lucr. vi, 416, sq.: Postremo cur sancta defim delubra, suas- que Discutit infesto preclaras fulmine sedes, Et bene facta defiim frangit simulacra, suis- que Demit imaginibus violento vulnere hono- rem ? And by Aristophanes, Nub. 399, Kal Tas, © pape ov Kat Kpoviwy oGwy Kat BexxecéAnve, ovdé KAedvupov ovdé Oewpov; Kacror ohd- dpa y elo” ériopkou* adAAa Tov avTod ye veuy~ BarAct, Kat Zovvioyv axpov AOnvéwv Kat tas Spis tas peyadas; Ti pabov; ov yap 6n Spts y’ émvopxec. 25 nullo examine, i. q. nullo ju- dicio; “unswayed and orderless.” Cf. xv.2.. examine. scrupuloso li- bremus, 26 rerum omnium impetus, “ the rapid motion or whirl of all things.” Comp. Cic. de Divin. u1, 38: im- petum cceli admirabili cum celeri- tate moveri videmus; Lucret. v. 201: quantum ceeli tegit impetus ingens. 27 sine discrimine omnes. So Thucydides in his description of the plague at Athens, ii. 53; Oeav 6é poBos % avOpwmwv vopos ovbdels amretpye, TO wév Kpivovtes év dpoiw kal oéBew kai py, €K TOU WavTas Opav év low adro\Xupévous, 3—5 CAP. V. i eS ee 58 M. MINUCII FELICIS bere? In pace etiam, non tantum quatur nequitia 12 melioribus, 2%sed et colitur: ut in pluribus nescias, 2ntrum sit eorum detestanda pravitas, an optanda felicitas. Quod si mundus divina providentia, et 13 alicujus numinis auctoritate regeretur, *numquam mereretur Phalaris et Dionysius regnum, numquam Rutilius et Camillus exsilium; numquam Socrates venenum. Ecce arbusta frugifera, ecce *‘jam seges 14 cana, jam temulenta vindemia imbri corrumpitur, erandine ceditur. *2Adeo aut incerta nobis veritas occultatur et premitur: “aut, quod magis credendum 28 sed et colitur, “is not only put on a level with, but even procures a revered preeminence.” Nequitia, i. e. homines nequam: cf. supra ch. iv, note 5. 29 utrum sit eorum detestanda pravitas an optanda felicitas. Hine impium Hesiodi votum Opp. v. 270: vov 5) éyo pnt avtos ev avOpsdrrovoe Si- KQLOS einv pnt éuds vids, émel Kaxov avipa Sikavov Eupevar’ et weiSw ye Sixnv aduxwrepos efer. In eandem mentem nonnulla dixit Aristophanes, Plut. vv. 29, seqq.; Pindarus apud Platon. Republ. 11. p. 365, A.B.; Maximum Tyrium, Dissert. 11. Daviess. 30 nunquam mereretur Phalaris regnum, etc. Mereretur i.q. conse- queretur: see below, vi. note 4. The whole of this argument is borrowed from Cicero de Nat. 111. 32, where it is expressed in the following quo- tation : Nam si curent, bene bonis sit, male malis, quod nunc abest. Numberless passages could be brought to prove how this objec- tion perplexed the heathen, as the beautiful introduction of Claudian to his poem in Rufinum ; which from the resemblance it bears to parts of Minucius (ch. xvi1.) I subjoin : Szpe mihi dubiam traxit sententia mentem, Curarent superi terras, an nullus inesset Rector, et incerto fluerent mortalia casu. Nam quum dispositi quzsissem foedera mundi, Prescriptosque maris fines, annique mea- tus, Et lucis noctisque vices, tune omnia rebar Consilio firmata Dei, qui lege moveri Sidera, qui fruges diverso tempore nasci, Qui variam Phceben alieno jusserit igne Compleri, solemque suo: porrexerit undis Litora: tellurem medio libraverit axe. Sed quum res hominum tanta caligine volvi Adspicerem, leetosque diu florere nocentes, Vexarique pios ; rursus labefacta cadebat Religio, causeeque viam non sponte sequebar Alterius, vacuo que currere semina motu Affirmat, magnumque novas per inane figuras Fortuna, non arte, regi: que numing sensu Ambiguo vel nulla putat, vel nescia nostri. Comp. Lucan. Bell. Phar. vit. 446; Sophocl. Philoct. 447, sqq.; Ovid. Amor. 111. 8: Dum rapiunt mala fata bonos, ignoscite fasso ; Solicitor nullos esse putare Deos. OCTAVIUS. 59 est, variis et lubricis casibus, soluta legibus fortuna CAP. VI. 1dominatur. Quum igitur aut fortuna !certa, aut mm mis un- certainty the best way is, incerta natura sit, quanto venerabilius ac melius i 2antistitem veritatis majorum excipere disciplinam ? jy {/ the the traditions y : of our remote ante imbutus es timere, quam nosse familiarius, there active tigi E and zealous adorare? nec de numinibus ferre sententiam, sed ly,’ on. as . ° - « ._ tutelar deitie prioribus credere, qui, adhuc rudi seculo, in ipsis of all other e B . na vons,W om mundi natalibus, 4meruerunt deos vel faciles habere, “% '7¢0"?- . . . national re- 2vel reges? *Inde adeo per universa imperia, pro- fivion, must oie Si o gods, to follow Sreligiones traditas colere ? deos, quos a parentibus piety in con- rated into the vincias, oppida, videmus The Apologists employed them- selyes in refuting this position: see Justin. M. Apol., Clem. Alexandr. Cohort. ad Gent., Theodoret. de Provident., Athenag. de Resurrect, Mortuor. c. 17. 31 jam seges cana, “the corn- fields just white unto harvest :” jam temulenta vindemia, “the vintage just ripe for the press.” 82 Adeo, “So then;” ‘I tell you then.” 33 qut quod magis credendum est... fortuna dominatur ‘* or, which is a more probable inference from the variety and sudden nature of disas- ters, fortune unfettered by restraint reigns paramount.” It was a com- mon notion amongst the heathen, pndéva vonoberetv prdev, TUXas 0 elvat oxédov dtravta Ta avOpwriva apaypnata, Plato, de Legg. Iv. p. 7098; ef. Juven. Sat. x111.86. Lac- tantius tells us that she was repre- sented cum copia et guber- naculo, tanquam et opes tri- buat et humanarum rerum regimen obtineat, Div. Inst, 111. 27: Stobeus, Ecl. Phys. 11. 402. 1 Ch. VI. certa, h.e. si vel hoc singulos sacrorum ritus certum est, omnia fortuito evenire ; vel Deus (hic enim gentilibus natura dicitur) incertus est. Conf. cap. viii, 1. LInDNER. 2 antistitem veritatis, “as hold- ing the keys of truth,”’ or “ declaring her voice.”’ Cf. Tertull. Apol.c. x1x. 3 deos...adorare. Tacit. Germ. cap. 14: Reverentius visum est de actis Deorum credere quam scire. GRONOVIUS. 4 meruerunt Deos vel faciles habere vel reges, “whose privilege it was to have gods for their bene- factors or for their kings.’’ Faciles is equivalent to beneficos, as in Juv. vii. 57; Virgil. Eel. 111. 9: Faciles nymphe risere: By qui meruerunt no more is ex- pressed than would have been by quibus contigit, datum est: mereri often signifying simply “ to earn,’ without any notion of per- sonal merit: compare above, ch. v. note 30: below, ch. vi. note 13, me- ruerunt regna: ch, xiii. 2. 5 Inde adeo; adeo is here em- phatic. “From this circumstance in fact;’? “just from this circum- stance.” Hand, Tursellin. 1. p. 144. be ascribed the founda- 60 M. MINUCII FELICIS CAP. vi. gentiles habere, et ®deos colere municipes, ut Eleu- sinios Cererem, Phrygas Matrem, Epidaurios dis- culapium, Chaldzos Belum, Astarten Syros, Dianam Tauros, Gallos Mercurium, ‘universa Romanos. Sic 3 tion of the greatness, and the vast ex- tent of the Roman em- pire. eorum potestas et auctoritas, totius orbis ambitus occupavit: sic imperium suum ‘ultra solis vias, et ipsius Oceani limites propagavit, dum °exercent in armis virtutem religiosam, dum urbem muniunt sacrorum religionibus, castis virginibus, multis ho- noribus, ac nominibus sacerdotum: dum obsessi, et 4 citra solum capitolium capti, colunt deos, quos alius jam sprevisset, iratos; et per Gallorum acies mirantium superstitionis audaciam pergunt telis inermes, sed cultu religionis armati: !?dum, captis in hostilibus mcenibus adhuc ferociente victoria, nu- ® deos municipes, “such gods as are of their own community.” Cf. Tertullian. Apolog. c. xxiv. By matrem is meant Cybele, so called kat’ éfoxnv, Virgil. Georg. 1v. 64; 4Gn. 111. 3. 7 universa Romanos, sc. sacra, understood from sacrorum ritus, or perhaps numina. All but the true Deity: and why? Augustin sup- plies the answer, where he tells us (de Civ. Dei. Lib. 1x.): “ Hee ratio est cur Hebreorum Deum, cum om- nia numina Romani susceperint, re- jicerint, quod ille solus coli volebat sine socio et emulo majestatis.” 8 ultra solis vias. Poetice dic- tum (Virgil 4n. yi. 795): ultra solem orientem et occidentem, i.e, longissime. Oriri enim sol vide- batur Italis ex Mari Supero et occi- dere in mari Infero. Ovidius Fast. li. 136: Hoc duce Romanum est Solis utrumque latus. Veget. de Re Mil. i. 8. LINDNER. 9 exercent, sc. Romani, implied from preceding eorum. Dum urbem muniunt : comp. Cic. de N. D. iii. cap. ult.; diligentius urbem reli- gione, quam ipsis mcenibus cingitis. 10 citra. solum capitolium capti etc., “ when they had no other retreat left but the Capitol, they worship- ped deities, that any other people would, ere then, have blasphemed because of their desertion of them.” 'l per Gallorum acies. The facts are recorded by Livy, v. 46, Valer. Mazin’. 12 dum captis vi hostilibus meeni- bus. Sensus est: Romani urbibus hostium vi captis, etiam inter feroci- tatem victoriz, ubi alias pietas om- nis exsulat, tamen numina victa ve- nerati sunt. LinpNER, It was the OCTAVIUS. 61 mina victa venerantur: dum undique hospites deos querunt et suos faciunt: dum aras_ exstruunt 5 etiam ignotis numinibus et manibus. CAP: VI. Sic dum uni- versarum gentium sacra suscipiunt, etiam regna !3me- ruerunt. Hine perpetuus venerationis tenor mansit, quilonga zxtate non infringitur, sed augetur: quippe Mantiquitas cerimoniis atque fanis tantum sancti- tatis tribuere consuevit, quantum adstruxerit vetus- 1 tatis. ipse concedere et sic melius errare) majores nostri, 1 Nec tamen temere, (ausim enim interim et CAP. VII. Instances and roofs of the . alk us 7 avourable aut observandis auguriis aut extis consulendis aut 3g¢n¢y * the deities. instituendis sacris aut delubris dedicandis operam 2navaverunt. Specta de libris 7memorias: jam eos deprehendes initiasse ritus omnium religionum, vel ut remuneraretur divina indulgentia, vel ut averte- custom, before carrying a city by storm,to evoke its tutelar gods andin- vitethem to Rome. See the commen- tators on Arnobius adv. Nat. iii. 38. 13 meruerunt i.q. adeptisunt: v. supra ch. y. note 8. It was this fondness for Polytheism, and the pre- vailing belief that Rome should be the Pantheon of all forms of worship, (Dignus Roma locus, quo deus omnis eat Ovip. Fast. iv. 275), which occasioned Petronius Arbiter’s remark, that it was easier to find a god than a man at Rome, ( facilius deum quam hominem invenias), 14 antiquitas—vetustatis. Comp. Cicer. de Div. ii. 33; errabat enim in multis antiquitas, quam vel usu jam, vel doctrina, vel vetustate immutatam videmus. Antiquitas = antiqui: abstract for concrete; cf. supra, Ch, iv, note5: infra, Ch. viii, note 3, Ch. VII. ! Nec tamen temere— ausim enim etc. ‘ “I venture for ar- *gument’s sake, to suppose the ex- ‘*‘istence of the gods, which is the “safer error; and on that supposi- * tion, Lassert that it was not with- * out just cause that our forefathers *“&c.”’ The meaning seems to be: ** If by this concession that there are * superintending divinities, I should “fall into superstitious error, still “my error is preferable to that of ** Octavius: for I am to speak of di- ‘‘ vinities who protect their votaries ; *‘ whereas the god of Octavius con- ** cerns not himself for his.”’ Haves. V. Cicero, de N. D. ii. 2. 2 memorias ; objectively, i. q. memorationes; “narratives:” cf. ch. xvi. § 6: in memorias exierunt, ch, xxxi. § 2. memoria et tragoedix vestre gloriantur. de librisi.q. libro- rum: vide Hand, Tursellin. ii. p. 203, CAP. VII. M. MINUCII FELICIS retur imminens ira, aut ut jam tumens et seviens placaretur. Testis mater Idea, que adventu suo 3 et probavit *matronz castitatem et urbem metu hostili liberavit : testes #equestrium fratrum *in lacu, sicut ostenderant, statuze consecrate, qui anhelis, spumantibus equis atque fumantibus de Perse vic- toriam, eadem die, qua *fecerant, nuntiaverunt. Testis ludorum offensi Jovis 7de somno plebeii ho- 4 minis iteratio: et 8Deciorum devotio rata testis est; testis et °Curtius, qui equitis sui vel mole vel honore 3 matrone castitatem. The story of Claudia is to be found in Ovid, Fast. iv. 305, sqq.; Sil. Ital. xvii. 34; Livy xxix. 14, where also she is called matrona. It is hinted at by Tertullian Apol. 22; and told more at large by Lactantius de Orig. Er- roris, cap. 7; cf. August. de C.D. x. 16. For an explanation of the next sentence, urbem—liberavit, see Livy, xxix. 10: Civitatem eo tem- pore recens religio invaserat, in- vento carmine in libris Sibyllinis, propter crebrius eo anno de celo lapidatum inspectis: quandoque hostis alienigenaterre Italiz bellum intulisset, eum pelli Italia vincique posse, si mater Ideaa Pessinunte Romamad- vectaforet: ef. Arnob. adv. Nat. vii. 49. 4 equestrium fratrum statue, call- ed phantasmata Castorum by Ter- tullian (wbi supra): comp. Lactan- tius 7,1, They are quoted asinstances of a providence by Balbus ap. Cicer. de N. D. ii. 2. Cf. Tuse. Q. i. 123 Val. Max. I. viii. 5 in lacu, Juturne. Valer. Max. I. viii. 1, 2; Florus ii. 12. Sicut os. tenderant i.e. eodem habitu, quo se ostenderant. 6 fecerant i. q. prestiterant. 7 de somno, “because of the dream:’’ Hand, Tursell. ii. p. 207, or perhaps “‘ after the dream.” For the story, see Liv. ii. 36; Val. Max. i. 7, § 4; Arnob. vii. 39. 8 Deciorum devotio. See Liv. viii. 9; x.28; Val. Max. v. 6; Cicer. de N. D. iii. 36. ° testis et Curtius. See Liv. vii. 6; Val. Max. v. 6; cf. Dionys. Halic. ii. 42; Liv.i. 13. If Curtius refer to Marcus himself, the words gui equitis sui etc.. may mean, “ who “with the bulk of himself and horse” (lit. himself on horseback, mole equitis sui for mole sua, qui eques erat) “together with the offerings “of corn thrown in by the Roman ‘people, as a mark of honour, filled up the chasm.” But equitis is taken by some to be the same as equi, of which use there are classical ex- amples, according to the authority of A. Gellius, Noct. Att. xviii. 5. Again, others understand lacus with Curtius. Perhaps equitans may be the true reading. 10 sie Allia nomen infaustum. En. vii. 717. It was here that the OCTAVIUS. 63 5 hiatum profunde voraginis cosquavit. Frequen- tius etiam quam volebamus, deorum presentiam contemta auspicia contestata sunt. Sic Allia nomen infaustum: 'sic Claudii et Junii non pre- 6lium in Penos, sed ferale naufragium est. Et ut Trasimenus Romanorum sanguine et major esset et decolor, sprevit auguria Flaminius; et, “ut Parthos signa repetamus, dirarum imprecationes 7 Crassus et meruit et irrisit. Omitto vetera, qu multa sunt, et de deorum natalibus, donis, muneri- Gauls gave the Romans such a fatal overthrow B.c. 389, that dies Alliensis, went proverbially for ** dies infaustus,’’ Liv. vi. 1; hence Lucan vii. 408 speaks of it as: damnata diu Romanis Allia fastis : Comp. Suetonius Vitell. c. vi. ; Ta- citus Hist. ii. 21. It was set down to contemta auspicia, because Q. Sulpicius, before he engaged with the Gauls, sacrificed the day after the Ides, which was reckoned an unlucky day. Cf. Liv. v. 37; vi. 1; Macrob. Saturn. i. 16. "sie Claudii et Junii. P. Clau- dius, son of Appius Cecus, elected consul in the Ist Punic war, B.c. 249, commanded the fleet sent to reinforce the treops at Lilybeum. In defiance of the auguries he at- tacked the Carthaginian fleet lying in the harbour of Drepana, but was entirely defeated with the loss of almost all his forces. Cicer. de Div. i. 16; ii. 8, 33; de N. D. ii. 35; Suet. Tiber. c. ii.; Valer. Max. I. iv. 8; “Collega ejus Junius (says Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1.1.) tempes- tate classem amisit, cum auspiciis non paruisset.” 12 sprevit auguria Flaminius ; quod signifer defixum signum non poterat convellere. Lege Livium xxli.3. Ferociter enim apud Silium dixit lib. V. v. 118; Sat magnus in hostem Augur adest ensis, pulcrumque et milite dignum Auspicium Latio, quod in armis dextera prestat. CELLARIUS. 13 ut Parthos signa repetamus. The passages in which petere and its compounds are found with a double accusative are mostly disputed; v. Hildebrand, ad Apul. Apol. Lib. iy. c.32. Hence it has been proposed to substitute a Partho ora Parthis for Parthos, or else for repetamus to read reposcamus, the word which is employed by Virgil, dn. vii. 606: Parthosque rep oscere signa; and Sueton. Octav. c. 21 : signa mi- litaria, que M. Crasso ademerant, reposcenti reddiderunt. Dira- rum imprecationes: Flor. pit. 111. xi: tribunus plebis Metellus exeun- tem ducem hostilibus diris devove- rat: cf. Plutarch Vit. Crass. p. 224. Vell. Paterc. 11. 46. 2; Cic. de Div. 1. 35. CAP. VII. 64 M. MINUCII FELICIS CAP. VI. bus negligo carmina poetarum: !preedicta etiam de oraculis fata transilio, ne vobis antiquitas nimium fabulosa videatur. ‘Intende templis ac delubris 8 deorum, quibus Romana civitas et protegitur et ornatur; }magis sunt augusta numinibus incolis, presentibus, inquilinis, quam cultus insignibus et muneribus opulenta, Inde adeo pleni et mixti Deo vates futura precerpunt, dant cautelam periculis, morbis medelam, spem adflictis, opem miseris, solatium calamitatibus, laboribus levamen- tum: etiam per quietem deos videmus, audimus, agnoscimus, quos impie per diem negamus, nolu- mus, }8pejeramus. 14 predicta de oraculis fata: cf. supra note 2: specta de libris memorias. 18 Intende templis, sc. oculos : so mari intende, ch. xvii. § 11: conf. supra, iv. note 1. 16 magis sunt augusta numinibus presentibus, Cf. Juv. xu. 111, Templorum quoque majestas presentior, The heathen did not believe the images themselves to be gods; but only that they were to be worship- ped because of the indwelling dei- ties, which were introduced by a kind of magical consecration and there confined. Thus we see why the Greeks called their temples vao/, as being the dwelling of the god (vaie.v), and the Latins, edes. Com- pare Arnobius adv. Nat. Lib. v1. c. 1—4. Idcirco attribuimus diis templa, ut eos possimus coram et cominus contueri et cum presen- tibus quodammodo venerationum colloquia miscere: Cicero, de N. D. li. 27; concinneque, ut multa, Ti- meus, qui quum in historia dixisset, qua nocte natus Alexander esset, eadem Dianz Ephesiz templum de- flagravisse, adjunxit minime id esse mirandum, quod Diana, quum in partu Olympiadis adesse voluisset, abfuisset domi. It was against this notion that St Paul says (Acts Xvii, 25): 6 Oeds odk Ev YELpo- TOLYTOLS VAOTS KATOLKEL, OVOE imo xelpwv avOpwrivwyv OepaTed- ETAL TPOTHEOMEVOS TLVOS. 17 futura precerpunt : ex auditu seu revelatione divina. Tertullianus Apolog. cap. xxii. sic carpendi verbo ususest. CELLAR. 18 ejeramus, i.g. NONAGNOSCi- mus, is the conjectural reading of I. F. Gronovius (Observ. in Script. Eccles, Mon. cap. vii. p. 73) for pe- jeramus, which he rejects on the ground that the latter part of the sentence is covertly directed against the Christians, who could not well be said pejerare deos, “to swear falsely by gods,” whom they did not believe in. His explanation of the passage is as follows: Nullum OCTAVIUS. 65 Itaque quum omnium gentium de diis immorta- cAP.VHI, libus, quamvis incerta sit vel ratio vel OYFiZ0, prepefore since all na- maneat tamen firma consensio; neminem fero tanta tions concur audacia tamque 'irreligiosa nescio qua prudentia tumescentem, qui hance religionem tam vetustam, tam utilem, tam salubrem dissolvere aut infirmare 2 nitatur. qui prior, Diagoras Milesius, cui Atheon cognomen apposuit antiquitas, qui uterque, nullos deos adse- verando, timorem omnem, quo *humanitas regitur, venerationemque penitus sustulerunt: numquam tamen in hac impietatis disciplina simulate phi- 3 losophiz nomine atque auctoritate pollebunt. Quum hominem esse censeo, cuinon eveniat interdum saltem, ut secundum quietem deorum cernat speciem, audiat voces, agnoscat majestatem, et ta- men sunt inter homines, qui eos per diem negent, nolint, ejerent. Ch. VIII. ! irreligiosa nescio qua prudentia tumescentem: * puft- ed up with conceit of his irreverent sort of wit.’? Lindner compares Lactant. de Jra,c.12: nune quoniam respondimus impiz quorundam detestabilique prudentia. 2 sit licet ille Theodorus Cyre- neus: “let him be a Theodorus of Cyrene, or his predecessor Diagoras the Milesian.’? On Theodorus see Diogen. Laert. ii. 86, 101 sqq. ; Cicer. Tusc. Disput. 1.43; de Nat. Deor. 1.i. 2. On Diagoras, Tatian ad Grec. § 27, ed. Otto: Atayopas ‘AOnvatos iv, d\Xa TovTOv éEopyn- oapmevov Ta wap’ AOnvaios pvotr- pia TeTiuwprKate* Kal Tots Ppv- vio avTou Aoyos évtuyxXavovTes mas pentonkate : Plutarch de Plac. Phil. lib. 1. c.7. In the whole of this passage there is plainly an ap- propriation of Cicero de Nat. Deor. I.i. 2: whose words are, ‘ deos esse ‘dixit dubitare se Protagoras; nul- ‘los esse omnino Diagoras Melius, ‘et Theodorus Cyrenaicus putave- ‘runt ;’ and a little further, ‘ haud *scio an pietate adversus deos sub- ‘lata fides etiam et societas humani ‘generis et una excellentissima vir- ‘tus justitia tollatur.’ It is doubtful whether the epi- thet Milesius instead of the usual Melius is due to the transcribers or to Minucius himself. I have as- cribed it to the latter, for Chrysos- tom (Hom. tv. in 1. Ep. ad Corinth. c. 1), Eusebius, Theodoret, all agree in calling him by the same name. See Bentley on Callimach. Fragm. 86. 3 humanitas, i.q. genus huma- num, cf. ch. xxvi. § 10; so gentilitas is used for gens, ch. x. § 4. ‘Av- Opwrorns is used similarly to sig- in the belief of the gods, we cannot brook those, who go about to undo a be- lief so an- cient, and so full of 2Sit licet ille Theodorus Cyrenzeus, vel practica enefit: not even professed philosophers, much less a rabble of pro- Sane, igno- rant and abandoned Fanatics, secret traitors, bad citizens, unsocial in their man- ners, worth- less in their conduct, CAP.VITI. odiously stub- born in their religious Faith: which is rapidly gainin ground, and requires to be put down and demolished. VIIL—Ix. 1. 66 M. MINUCII FELICIS Abderitem Protagoram Athenienses viri, 4consulte potius quam profane de divinitate disputantem et expulerint suis finibus et in concione ejus scripta deusserint : quid? homines (sustinebitis enim me impetum susceptee actionis liberius exserentem) homines, inquam, *deplorate, “inlicitz ac *desperate nify “mankind”? in Theophil. ad Autolyc. lib. 1 ch. 12. (Davies). * consulte potius quam profane, “sceptically rather than profanely,”’ “circumspectly, without avowed profaneness.”” There is doubtless a reference to Cicero de N. D.1. 2: Nam Abderites quidem Protagoras cum in principio libri sic posuisset, de divis nequeut sint neque ut non sint habeo dicere, Athe- niensium jussu urbe atque agro est exterminatus, librique ejus in con- cione combusti. Compare Theo- phil. ad Autolyc. lib. 11. ©. vii. Diog. Laert. ix. 50, sqq. profane disputat, qui Deos aut plane negat aut impie de iis loquitur. LINDNER. ° quid homines etc.; ** what? is “it not a mournful thing, that a “gang of fellows (you must bear “with me while I give its full force “to the plea which I have under- “taken) a gang, I say, of forlorn ‘fellows, desperadoes, put under the “ban of our laws, should commit * assault on the gods?” § deplorate : Ita dicebantur Christiani, quia in illis reformandis atque de sententia deducendis frus- tra jam omnia gentes tentaverant. Sic deplorati a medicis apud Plinium vii. 50. Linpnzr. 7 inlicite: So Celsus accuses the Christians ws cuvOijKas KpiBonv Tapa Ta ve“outopéeva ToOLloumevw Orig.1.i: Christianity not yethaving been admitted by the laws of the state into the class of religiones licitz. See Neander, Ch.Hist.Vol. 1.§ 1.3; Woodham on Tertullian, Apolog. c. xxi. note 2, and c. xxxviii. 8 desperate. Lactantius de Jus- titia cap. viii. § xii; qui magni zestimaverint fidem, cultoresque Dei non abnegaverint, in eos vero totis carnificinz suze viribus, veluti san- guinem sitiant, incumbunt et des- peratos vocant, quia corpori suo minime parcunt: Tertullian Apol. c.50; merito itaque victis non pla- cemus; propterea enim des perati et perditi existimamur. Sed hee desperatio et perditio penes vos, in causa gloriz et fame vexillum virtutis extollunt. Cf. Bingham’s Antiqq. Book 1. ch. ii. § 8. 9 grassari in deos: hence they were traduced as athei and impii; Arnob. i. 29; iii. 28. Vide infra ch, viii. not. 14, and Bingham J. 1. Book I. ch. ii. § 2; Cave Prim. Christ. Part I. Ch.i. For the meaning of grassari see Merivale on Sallust, Jugurth. ch. 1. 10 de ultima fece, sub. homini- bus; Hand, Tursellin. ii. 203. In like manner CELsus ap. Origen. lib. 11. p. 151 says of them: pdvous Tous jAtBious Kai ayevvets Kal dv- atoOijrous Kal avdpdtoda Kai yi- vatakaitaddpia weilew é0éX\ovci te kal dUvayTat: and again p. 144; OCTAVIUS. 67 factionis °grassari in deos, non ingemiscendum est ? CAP.VIIt. 4qui de ultima feece collectis imperitioribus et muli- eribus credulis, sexus sui facilitate labentibus, ple- bem "profane conjurationis instituunt ; que !2noc- turnis congregationibus et jejuniis solemnibus et 4inhumanis cibis, “non sacro quodam sed piaculo e - , Op@puev O& Kal Kata Tas idias oikias ép.ovpyous Kvagets Kal tods amaldevTous TE Kal okuToTomous Kal Kai @ypotxoTaTous...emedav TMV waidwy idia KaBwvTa Kai yuvai- wy Tivwy ody adTots avorjtwr, Pav- pace atta deLiovtas K.7.’. Comp. Lactantius de Justitia ec. xiii. § 3; Si enim femine sexus infirmi- tate labuntur (nam interdum isti muliebrem aut anilem supersti- tionem yocant) viri certe sapiunt: and cap. xx.; Theodoret. Grec. aff. cur. p. 81, 82, ed. Gaisford; éariv idetv tTavta eiddtas Ta ddypuata ov povovs ye Tis éExkAnoias Tods OWackdXous, d\da Kal oxvtoTOpous XadKoTitrous Kat Tovs a\Xous axetpoBiwrous’ Kal TaXaciovpyous Kai yuvaikas woaitws ob jdvov Tas \Sywv pweTecxnkvias, added Kai XEprijtidas Kal dxeorpias Kal pév- To. kat Qepamraivas’ Kal éotw ev- pety Kai oxatravéas kal BonX\artas Kal puTovpyous tepl Tis Beias dia- Aeyouévous Tpiados, Kai mepl tis Odwv Snpsovpyias, Kai THY avOpw- melav piow eiddtas Aptototé\ous wo\w uadXov cat IIXatwvos. Com- pare a passage in Tatian, Orat. ad Grec. § 33, where Maranus adduces Justin Martyr Apol. 11. ¢. xi.; Clem. Alexand. Strom, p. 497: Lactant. Inst. Div. yt. ce. 4; and also Cyril. contr, Julian, vii. p. 229. 11 profane conjurationis, i.e. “ conspiracy against the gods.” 12 nocturnis congregationibus. Plinius ad Trajanum de Christianis. Soliti stato die ante lucem convenire: carnemque Chris- to, quasi Deo, dicere invicem, Tertullianus ad Vxorem cap, iv. noc- turnas convocationes appellat. CeL- LAR. Thus it was the hard lot of the Christians, that they could neither meet openly without exposing them- selves to violence, nor in secret, with- out subjecting themselves to sus- picion. Cave, Prim. Christ. part. 1. ch. vii.; Bingham, Antiquit. Bk. 1. ch. ii. §9: Kortholt, Pag. Obt. c. xvi. 13 jejuniis solemnibus : their “so- lemn fasts,” which they called sta- tiones, i.e. watches of the milites Christi: Tertull. ad Uzor. u. c.4; de Fug. ec. 13; de Orat. cap. ult.; de Jejun. c. xii. stationum semijejunia. They were kept on Wednesdays and Fridays, and usu- ally lasted till 3 p.m. Cave J. ¢. Part. 1, ch. vii. p. 180; Beveridge, Canon, LX1x. 14 inhumanis cibis, “ unnatural repasts ;” y. infra ch, ix. § 6. Tpia émigpnuifovew ryuiv éyxAjpara, says Athenagoras, Leg. pro Christ. §3, dbedtnTa, Ovéc Teta detrva, Oidirodeiovs pitas: cfr. Theoph. ad Autolyc. 11. § 4: Td d0ew- Tatov Kal WudTaTov cuKOpavToU- ow, Tacwy capKkav avbpwTi- vwv épawtrecbat uas. 15 non sacro quodam sed piaculo CAP.VIIL. 68 M. MINUCII FELICIS federantur. Latebrosa et lucifugax 'natio, in pub- 5 licum muta, in angulis garrula; !templa ut busta despiciunt, 8deos despuunt, rident sacra, miserentur miseri, si fas est, sacerdotum honores et purpuras despiciunt ipsi seminudi. Pro mira stultitia et 6 incredibili audacia spernunt tormenta presentia, dum incerta metuunt et futura: et dum mori post mortem timent, interim mori non timent: federantur. Pliny’s testimony is the most complete refutation of this charge: “soliti se sacramento non “in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed “ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulte- “ria committerent, ne fidem falle- ‘rent, ne depositum appellati abne- * arent, quibus peractis morem iis * discedendi fuisse, rursusque conve- *niendi ad capiendum cibum, pro- *miscuum tamen et innoxium.”’ 16 natio is here applied contemp- tuously, as in Pheedr. 11. fab. 5, v.1: Est ardelionum quedam Rome natio. in publicum muta: cf. Lactant. vit. 26. 8. 17 templa ut busta despiciunt. The Christians looked upon the heathen temples as charnel-houses, because they looked upon their gods but as dead men: Tertullian, de Spectac. c. xiii, ; “dum mortui et dii unum sunt, utraque idololatria abstinemus, nec minus templa quam monimenta despici- mus.” The Christians themselves did not begin to bury in the body of their churches for some hundreds of years after Constantine. See Cave’s Primitive Christianity, Pt. 111. ch, ii. p. 278. 18 deos despuunt, h. e. simulacra deorum. V. Origen. adv. Cels. Lib. vill. p. 402, 19 honores et purpuras despiciunt. It is clear from Octavius’ answer that we must connect honores with purpuras, rather than with the pre- ceding word sacerdotum, as is done by some editors. The high offices (magistratus) of the Roman state were called honores. “ Purpura vero *magistratuum insigne, et ejus usus “idololatriz proprie dicatus, atque “vel ex eo colligebat Tertullianus ‘de Idol. c. 18: non licere fideli “dignitatis aut potestatis alicujus “administrationem gerere.”’ HE- RALDUS. 20 mori post mortem: Apocal. xx. 6: wakaptos 6 Exwy pépos ev TH avactacel TH TWOWTY® ETL TOUTWY 6 Oavatos 6 debTEpos ovK EXEL efovciav: xxi. 8. Comp. Lucian, de Morte Peregrini: p. 600: qezei- Kao. yap avTovs of Kakodaimoves TO pev Gov aBavator EcecOat, Kai Bidcecbat tov del ypovov, Tap’ & kal kKatadpovovct tov Bavatou Kai EKOVTES aUTOUS éTrLCLOdacLW OL TOA dol. *! ita illis pavorem fallax spes solatia rediviva blanditur. Blandiri hoc loco est, mollire, levare, ut ap. Colum. vii. 5. 16; “blanditur lac ca- prinum igneam sevitiam sacri ignis.” Pavor est metus mortis et tormen- torum presentium, Solatium redi- OCTA VIUS. lita illis pavorem fallax spes solatia rediviva blan- ditur. Ac jam, ut fecundius nequiora proveniunt, ser- pentibus in dies perditis moribus, !per universum orbem sacraria ista teterrima impiz coitionis ado- 2 lescunt. sensio. Eruenda prorsus hee, et exsecranda con- 2Occultis se notis et insignibus noscunt, et amant mutuo pene antequam noverint: *passim vivum est, quale a redivivis speratur in altera vita. Sensus ergo est: mi- tigat timorem mortis et tor- Mentorum presentium spes illa fallax fore ut aliquando reviviscant. LinpNER, who reads so- latio redivivo against MS. authority. Davies suggests pavore and explains thus ; ita fallax spes illis solatia blanditur, ob pavorem, quem pate- faciunt, dum mori post mortem ti- ment. After all the various methods proposed for taking this passage, perhaps it may be safe to conjec- ture that solatia rediviva is to be taken in apposition with spes: we may then translate, ‘‘ thus does the delusive hope, the consolation of a fancied revival, assuage their fears.” Ch. 1X. ?} per universum or- bem. Quod hic hostis fatetur, ad idem hostes Arnobius vocat. adv. Nation. Lib. 1. p. 33. (c. 54): “Si falsa inguit, ut dicitis, historia illa rerum est, unde tam brevi tempore totus mundus ista religione comple- tus est? aut in unam coire qui po- tuerunt mentem gentes regionibus dissitz, ventis cceli convexionibusque dimotz?” Crxvar. cf. Plin. Lib. x. Ep.97.9: Tacit. Ann. xv. 44. Sacra- rium properly is, “locus ubi sacra reponuntur,” here it is applied to the place in which the Christians met to pray ; adolescunt, lit. “are attaining to their full growth:”’ cf. Tac. Hist. 111, 34: “Cremona numero colo- norum...annexu connubiisque gen- tium adolevit.’” The word coire is peculiarly applied to factious and unlawful combinations: Herald. ad Tertull. Apol. p. 152. 37; de Fug.in Persecut. c.12: see Kaye’s Eccles. Hist. ch. ii: Neander’s Ch. Hist. Vol.1. §i.3. Religious associations constantly awakened suspicion, be- ing considered to serve merely as a cover for political plots and con- spiracies: at night they were ex- pressly forbidden under pain of death: Tab. 1x. leg. vi: SEI QUII ENDO URBE COITUS NOCTURNOS AGITASIT, CAPITAL ESTOD. * occultis se notis noscunt ; ac- cording to ch. 31, § 9, notaculo corporis; the Carpocratians, we learn from the translator of Irenzus, 1, 24, did actually mark themselves on the ear. V. Dodwell. Dissert. Cyprian. 11. § ii. 3 passim etiam inter eos etc.: ‘‘their religion too is a mere med- ley of lust.” “ Religio libidinum,” says Lindner, “sunt conventus, in quibus sub nomine religionis ex- ercende libidines explent.” 69 CAP.VIII. CAP. IX. Various stories are told of them, and the ob- CAP. IX. Jects of their worship, which must be founded in truth, as 7s shewn by the affected secrecy of their corrupt religion. 1x. 2.—x. 1. M. MINUCII FELICIS etiam inter eos queedam libidinum religio misce- tur: ac ‘se promisce appellant fratres, et sorores, ut etiam ‘non insolens stuprum intercessione sacri nominis fiat incestum. superstitio sceleribus gloriatur. Ita eorum *vana et demens Nee de ipsis, nisi 3 subsisteret veritas, “maxima et varia et honore pre- fanda sagax fama loqueretur. 4 se promisce appellant fra- tres et sorores: Vv. Balduin. dis- sert. § xxi. How grossly the love and charity of the early Christians was misinterpreted, and their ex- pressions of affection misconstrued, may be seen from Tertullian Apo- loget, c. xxix.: sed et quod fratres nos vocamus...infamant: and Lu- cian, de mort. Peregr. c. 11—16; érerta O€ 6 vomobétns 6 patos Etretoev avTovs, Ws adeN Pot Ta v- Tes elev AAXHA wy, éwedav état TapaBavres Deods wév Tos ‘EXAN- vikous atwapyyjcwvTat, Tov dé dve- oxooTtopévov éKxelvov codiortiy aUTw@Y Tpockvyaot Kal KaTa Tos éxeivou vopuous Bmore Cf. Athenag. Leg. pro Christ. cap. 28. “ Menda- cium ex eo natum,” says Davies, quod apud veteres hee erant ne- quitiz verba. Vide Petronii Satir. cum alibi, cum cap. 9 et 11, Lips. Var. Lect. ii.1; Martial, Lib. 11. Ep. 4. Fratrem te vocat et soror vocatur, Cur vos nomina nequiora tangunt ? ° non insolens stuprum : “simple fornication, an ordinary occurrence amongst them,.”’ Theoph. ad Auto- lye. Lib. 111. §. 4: hackdvtwy ws Kowds aTavTwy ovcas Tas yuvaikas 1uaV, Kal Svadbdpw piter Evvdvras. Vide Cave, Prim. Christ. Part. u. ch. v. p. 108. ° vana et demens superstitio. Christiana religio a gentilibus dice- Audio eos turpis- 4 batur superstitio, quoniam novos sibi ritus assumebant. Justinus Apol. 1. c. 60: wpd éT@y ExaTov TEVTHKOVTA yeyevnobar Tov XptoTov, ubi inter= pretes conferendi. Atqui supersti- tiosos vocabant tales, Lactantius Iv. 28,14. Eadem dicitur vana, ut- pote non suffulta antiquitate,( Virgil. ZEin. VIII. V. 187: Vana superstitio veterumque ignara deo- rum), nec certis rationibus subnixa; sed frivolis tantum et inanibus persua- sionibus. Demens denique, quod cru- ciari atque interfici mallent, quam tura tribus digitis compre- hensa in focum jactare, Lac- tantius V. xviii. 12. LInpNER. ex Heraldo. Neander Ch. Hist.1.§ 1.8. 7 maxima et varia h. e. multa et multorum generum. Most Edd. have adopted Ursinus’ conjecture mazx- ime nefaria. Honore prefanda is explained by Arnob. adv. Nat. v. 27: ‘quas inter aures castas sine venia nefas est ac sine honoribus appellare prefatis:’ cf. Quintilian Declam, 111. tuis honos sit habitus sanctissimisauribus. The true mean- ing of the word sagaz is given in Cicero, de Nat. Deor. c. 31: sagire sentire acute est; ex quo sage anus, quia multa scire volunt, et sagaces dicti canes. 8 caput asini—venerari : “Many “of the conjectures of studious OCTAVIUS. 71 simee pecudis ‘caput asini consecratum inepta nescilo qua persuasione venerari: digna et nata religio talibus moribus. CAPE, Alii eos ferunt ipsius an- tistitis ac °sacerdotis colere genitalia, et quasi paren- 5tis sui adorare naturam. Nescio an falsa, certe occultis ac nocturnis sacris apposita suspicio, Et qui “hominem summo supplicio pro facinore puni- men,’’ remarks Lord Hailes, “ con- * cerning the origin of this fable are no less absurd than the fable itself, “Tt is plain that, for some time, the “Christian Apologists knew not “how to account for it. To Celsus, * that eminent foe of Christianity, we “are indebted for the discovery of * the origin of a tale, at which Ter- “tullian, Apolog. c. 16, could only * ouess, Vide Origen. c. Cels. lib. vi. **p. 295. Celsus mentions a scheme or “plan, which he had seen, contain- “ing delineations of seven celestial “intelligences, under the form of “animals. He says, ‘That the se- “venth had the countenance of an “ass and was called Thaphabaoth or Onoel.’ (d6vouv ExeLtv Tpdcwrrov “kal dvonatecPa aitov OadpaBawi 3) ’Ovendr). And he confidently “asserts, that the Christians wor- ‘shipped those intelligences or spi- “rits, and particularly one named *Thaphabaoth, under the form of an ass.’ Origen traces the plan to the mystical jargon of certain men named Ophiani, who were confounded, wilfully or ignorantly, with the professors of Christianity. Vide Cave, Prim. Chr. Pt. 1. ch. v. pp. 119, 120. Talibus moribus. Est enim asinus animal et patientissi- mum et salacissimum Phedr. 111. Fab.20. Linpner. Nescio qua per- suasione. The word persuasio like presumptio (Tertull. Apol. cap. 49; de testim. anim, cap. 4: Apulej. Metamorph. 1x. cap. 14) is said of a “decision resting on insufficient grounds, and without due informa- tion ;:’’ it was commonly by the hea- then applied to the Christian religion and particularly to their doctrine of the resurrection. So mpdAnWs is used, Justin M. Apolog. 11. 6 ® sacerdotis colere genitalia. This contemptible scandal took its rise most probably from the posture in which penitents were wont to kneel before the bishop: Cave, Prim. Ch. Pt. 3, ch.v. Tertull. de Penit. cap. ix. Hence the expressions, advolvi presbyteris, and volutando caligas fratrum detergere, and caris Dei adgeniculari Naturam pro pudendis habet Apul- eius Metam. Lib. 111. c, 24; Cicero de Nat. Deor. Lib. ut. cap. 22: de Divin. Lib. 11. cap. 70. 10 hominem summo supplicio pu- nitum. Vide Balduin Dissert. § xvii. Cf. Tac. Annal, xv. 44; Arnob. adv. Gent. Lib. 1. cap. 20; Idcirco dii vobis infesti sunt, quod homi- nem natum et quod personis infame est vilibus crucis sup- plicio interemptum Deum fu- isse contenditis; et cap. 40; Lac- tantius Div. Inst. Lib. tv. cap. 26. § 29; cur, si Deus fuit et mori vo- luit, (dicat fortasse aliquis), non CAP. IX. 72 M. MINUCII FELICIS tum, et crucis ligna feralia eorum ceremonias fabulatur, 'congruentia perditis sceleratisque tri- buit altaria, ut id colant quod merentur. Jam !2de initiandis tirunculis fabula tam detes- tanda, quam nota est. Infans farre contectus, ut decipiat incautos, apponitur ei qui sacris imbuatur. 6 Is infans a tirunculo, farris superficie quasi ad in-7 noxios ictus provocato, ceecis occultisque vulneribus occiditur: hujus, proh nefas! sitienter sanguinem lambunt, hujus certatim membra dispertiunt, hac saltem honesto aliquo mortis genere adfectus est? cur potissimum cruce? cur infami genere supplicii? quod etiam homine libero, quamvis nocente, videatur indignum. Cf. cap. 16,1; 30,1. Ceremonias fabulatur, sc. esse; cf. infra cap. xii, §4: jam non adorandz sed _ subeunde cruces. 11 congruentia tribuit altaria: id est, patibula et cruces, quas colant, et in quas, ex merito, tanquam sce- lerati tollantur. CELLAR. 12 de initiandis tirunculis. “ Ca- lumniz ortum dedisse videtur eu- charistia, quam in rem insignis est locus inter Irenei Fragm. p. 469, ed. Oxon. ; Xptotiavav yap KaTn- Xouuévwvy dovrNous" EXAqves cvAG- Bovtes, cira palety tL Tapa Tov- tTwv Onbev dmoppyntov Tept Xpic- dovAot ovTOL my EXoVTES THS TO Tots dvay- Tlavwy advayKafovtes, ot , , ta ‘ ’ ~ "4 KaQovot Kal’ dori épety, wdpocov qKOvov tay OeoTroTHY Tv Ociav , > a ’ 7 peTady Wi alwakal cdpKa eivac Xptorov, abtoi vouifovtes TH bvTt ‘ - -~ aiwa kai odpxa Elva TovTO é£etrov Oi 6& AaBovTes ws , = ~ - auToXpywa TovTo TeXetoOat Xpic- Tlavols, Kal 61) ToUTO Tots a&\XOIS Tots ExCnTovet, “EXAnow éEerdutevov.” Daviks. Vide Balduin. dissert. § xxii.: F. M. Notes on the Gospel and Acts ; Vol. 1. p. 64: Cave, Primit. Christian. Part 11. ch. iv. p. 78. The charge of dvOpwroBopia and Ovécrera Oet7rva, monstrous and incredible as it seems, is mentioned by most of the Apologists ; Athenagoras legat. pro Christ. p. 34, cap. xxvii. ; Theo- philus ad Autol. lib. 111.§4; Ta- tian. Orat. ad Grec. § 26; Justin. M. Apolog. 1, c.26; Dialog. contra Tryph. p. 227; “Mr Gibbon, Vol. 1. p- 631,” remarks Lord Hailes, “ has refuted this charge, aud many others of alike nature with much eloquence and energy of reasoning. In few and forcible words he has compre- hended what the Christian Apolo- gists either said, or might have said on the subject.’’ But he takes ex- ception to the historian’s assertion that the Christian Apologists in at- tributing to various sects of heretics the same bloody sacrifices, which were so falsely ascribed to the or- thodox believers, betrayed the com- mon cause of religion. He says that Justin Martyr, Ireneus, Clemens Alexandrinus, whom Gibbon quotes a OCTAVIUS. 73 feederantur hostia, hac conscientia sceleris Mad 8silentium mutuum pignerantur. Heec sacra sacri- legiis omnibus tetriora. Et de convivio notum est: passim omnes lo- quuntur: id etiam Cirtensis nostri testatur oratio. _ Ad epulas solemni die coeunt, !*eum omnibus, liberis, sororibus, matribus, sexus omnis homines, et omnis 9 setatis. lic post multas epulas, ubi convivium caluit et ‘‘incestze libidinis, ebrietatis fervor exarsit, canis qui candelabro nexus est, jactu offule ultra in support of his assertion, merely mention the report; that Eusebius certainly does aver it of the Gnos- tics, but that his testimony of itself, is much too frail to support such a statement. Cf. Kortholt. Pag. Obtr. p- 162. seqq. 13 farris superficie etc. “ The in- fant is murdered by unperceived and unsuspected wounds, dealt by the hand of the novice, who is in- duced by the covering of meal to prick several holes in it, thinking them harmless.” 14 ad silentium mutuum pigne- rantur. Catiline and his associates, as we are told by Sallust, Catil. cap. 22, employed human blood, as “pignus conjurationis, quointer se fidi magis forent, alius alii tanti facinoris conscii.” Thus the Pagans attributed to the Christians practices, which really existed in their own secret societies and mys- teries, as is equally evident from the next charge against them, if com- pared with the expressions of Livy, Lib. xxxix. cap.13, in his account of the Bacchanalia. See below, Ch. xxx. 5. 18 de convivio notum est, M. F. For an account of the Christian ¢ya7rat see Tertullian, Apolog. ch, 39. Pliny, speaking of this custom, testifies that they met “ad capiendum cibum, promiscuum tamen et innoxium.”’ See Cave, Prim. Christ. Part 11. ch. v. By Cirtensis nostri, who is spoken of subsequently, ch. xxxi, under the name of Fronto, is pro- bably meant Cornelius Fronto, a native of Cirta in Numidia. He is not to be confounded with those named by Juvenal, Sat. 1.12; Mar- tial, Epigr.1. 56; Plin. Ep. xi. 2: but he is the same who is more than once spoken of by A. Gellius, Noct. Aitic., the preceptor of the Emperor Mareus Aurelius (vide Eutrop. Histor. Roman, Lib. viii. ec. 1) and Lucius Verus. Eumenes, Panegyr. Constant. 14, calls him, Romane eloquenti@ non secundum sed alterum decus. A great portion of his works, not however the one alluded to by Cecilius, were discovered, written on a palimpsest in the Ambrosian Library, by Angelo Mai, and pub- lished at Milan, a, 1815: q.v. p. 366. 16 [eum omnibus: fortasse con- jugibus. J. GR.) 17 inceste libidinis, ebrietatis 4 CAP. IX. CAP. Te. CAP. X. 74 M. MINUCII FELICIS spatium lines, qua vinctus est, ad impetum et sal- tum provocatur: sic everso et exstincto conscio lumine, !Simpudentibus tenebris nexus infandz cupi- ditatis involvunt per incertum sortis: et, si non omnes opera, conscientia tamen pariter incesti; 19guoniam voto universorum appetitur, quidquid ac- cidere potest in actu singulorum. Multa praetereo consulto: nam et hee nimis multa sunt, que aut omnia, aut pleraque omnium Servor exarsit. I see no cause, why the MS. reading should not be re- ceived, if we take ebrietatis, libidinis as an asyndetous construction; see Ch.i. not. 5. Of the various conjec- tural readings proposed, perhaps that of Hildebrand (ad Apulej. Me- tam. p. 101) is the simplest and best, viz. ebriolatis, Cf. Juv. Sat. vi. 314; ib. 299: quid enim Venus ebria curat ? 18 impudentibus tenebris. Im- pudentes yocat tenebras quod iis pudor exuatur. Davies, who quotes Ovid. Amor. v1. 59: Nox et amor, vinumque nihil moderabile suadent. Illa pudore vacat: Liber amorque metu. For an illustration of the whole passage comp. Tertullian. Apol. cap. vii. : “et post convivium incesto, quod eversorses luminum canes, lenones scilicet, tenebrarum et libidinum im- piarum inverecundia procurent ;” and ¢. viii., where he exclaims in the bitterest irony, “discumbens dinu- mera loca, ubi mater, ubi soror; nota diligenter, ut cum tenebre ceciderint canina, non erres. Pia- culum enim admiseris, nisi incestum feceris.”’ 19 quoniam voto universorumete. : “since whatever may be brought about by chance in the case of any of them, is wished for and intended by the whole company.” Ch. X. ! occultare, “to pre- vent any thing being seen, by keep- ing it covered’’; abscondere, “by removing the thing itself.” D6- derlein, Synonym. p. 35. 2 cur nullas aras habent, templa nulla? We find the same reproach urged against the Christians by Celsus, ap. Origen. Lib. vitt. § 17, p. 389; wera Tavra Oe 6 KéXoos py- civ nuas Bwuovskaiadyadpata kal vews idpvobat petvyerv' émel TO TiaTov rjulv dpavous Kat GToppijTov Kowwwvias oleTat elvar EvvOnpua; and by a later apologist, Arnobius, adv. Nat. v1. 1. But it is certain that though the Christians held their assemblies in private houses (Rom. xvi. 23; 1 Cor. xvi. 19, 20), yet as early as the close of the second century we find mention of buildings specially set apart for worship, cf. Tertullian de Idolatr. ch. vii. Cecilius therefore must be understood to say that they had no temples, according to the heathen notion of a temple, a cloister of deities represented by statues, (Mo- sheim, Eccles. Hist. Part 1. ch. i.; August. de Civ. Dei, vii, 383; OCTAVIUS. vera declarat ipsius prave religionis obscuritas. 2 Cur etenim 'occultare et abscondere quidquid illud colunt magnopere nituntur, quum honesta semper publico gaudeant, scelera secreta sint? 2cur nul- las aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra, numquam palam loqui, numquam libere congregari, nisi illud quod colunt et interprimunt aut punien- 3dum est aut pudendum ? unde autem, vel quis ille aut ubi deus unicus, %solitarius, destitutus; Octav. cap.vii. $8). Hence it was that they purposely abstained from using the word “temple” for the greater part of the first 300 years, but called their places of divine worship, “Ec- clesiz,”” plaka, evKTnpta, ‘* conventicula.”’ See Cave’s Primitive Christ. Pt. 1. ch. vi. p. 128; Baudouin, Dissert. ce. xv; Lindner remarks on this pas- sage; “Adeoque de sacrificio missz iis temporibus altum silentium !” numquam palam loqui. “ Dice- bat antea ec. viii. $5; in publicum muta. Nempe quia in locis semo- tis conveniebant,’”’ says Heraldus ; “cujus rei rationem reddit Celsus ipse ap. Origenem Lib. 1. [p. 5]; > Ul ‘ Ud ‘ ob patnvy Xpioctiavot Kpvma Ta otkot tTHS "ExkAnoias, Ku- GpécxovtTa wowovow ate diwlovd- pevot Tv éErrnpTHnméevyy aiTorts t- kynv Tov Vavarov. But Cecilius ap- pears also to be alluding to the habitual reserve maintained by the Christians (tO Kpidtov tov Xpi- otiavicpov, Origen. I. c. p. 7) eon- cerning the sacraments and myste- ries of their religion, on which sub- ject Lactantius, Divin. Inst. Lib. vii. c. 26, says; “‘doctrinam nostram de- fendere publice atque asserere non solemus, Deo jubente, ut quieti ac solentes arcanum ejus in abdito atque intra nostram conscientiam teneamus; nec adversus istos vere profanos, qui non discendi, sed ar- guendi atque illudendi gratia, in- elementer Deum ac religionem ejus impugnant, pertinaci contentione certemus. Abscondi enim tegique mysterium quam fidelissime oportet, Maxime a nobis qui nomen fidei gerimus.” Compare Origen. J. 1. §7: and see Kortholt, Paganus Obtrec- tator, cap, iix. § 2, p. 58, foll. cap. xvii. p.149 sqq.; Tzschirner, Apolog. p- 220: also Neander, Ch. Hist. Vol. i. $i, 3 p. 124, ed. Bohn. 5 solitarius: Lactantius, Div. Inst. 1. vii. 4: tanquam nos, quia unum esse dicimus, desertum ac solitarium esse dicamus: where Biunemann remarks; “Ita Deum singularem contumeliose vocabant. Alia de hae voce solitarius contra hereticos habet Hilarius Lib. iv. de Trinit. f. 86, sqq.”’ Non saltem Ro- mana superstitio noverunt; “not even Roman fanaticism acknow- ledges.’’ Vide supra, cap. vi. § 4. Non saltem=ne— quidem, vide cap. xii. § 1. For the meaning of superstitio, see Ch. ix. note 6; and compare the remarks of Neander, Church Hist. Vol. i. § i 3 p. 122, foll. ed. Bohn. 4—2 CAP. X. CAP. X. As for their god, what strange and extravagant theories do they invent about his Being and Attributes ! 76 M. MINUCII FELICIS quem non gens libera, non regna, non saltem Ro- mana superstitio noverunt? 4Judeeorum sola et 4 misera gentilitas unum et ipsi deum, sed palam, sed templis, aris, victimis, ceeremoniisque coluerunt: cujus adeo nulla vis nec potestas est, ut sit °Ro- manis hominibus cum sua sibi natione captivus. 6At etiam Christiani, quanta monstra, que portenta 5 confingunt ? Deum illum suum, quem ‘nee osten- dere possunt nec videre, °in omnium mores, actus omnium, verba denique et occultas cogitationes diligenter inquirere, discurrentem scilicet atque 4 Judeorum gentilitas: genti- litas hoc in loco gentem denotat. Tertullianus de animac.30. DAvVIEs. So humanitas is used for ““humanum genus,”’ Ch, viii. § 2; xxvi. § 10. 5 Romanis hominibus. The MS. reading nominibus seems to be in favour of the reading numinibus, for it appears that in many passages of Arnobius in the same MS. the transcriber has made the same mis- take of writing nomen for numen. But hominibus gives more point to the sentence, being more sarcastical and insulting. [Captivus: ita lo- quebantur de suis, Liy. 111. cap. 17. J. GR.] © At etiam Christiani, quanta monstra. 'The MS. reading is, as I can testify from personal examina- tion, ac etiam Christiani quanta nra, only quanta has been altered a manu sec. into quamta. For the first word, I think, we ought to read at, which all Editors have hitherto wrongly assigned to the MS.: on the confusion of the two particles, see Hand, Tursell.i. p. 450 and p. 502: and for the meaning of at etiam, the Index, s. v. at, As to the two last words, they are plainly an ab- breyiation of guantam nostram: but since these words, as they stand, admit of no possible interpretation : the question is, what is the most probable conjectural emendation of them. Rigalt’s is too harsh Latin, else it yields a plausible sense: he proposes to read gua in tam nostra, i.e. qua sunt in P.R. provin- cias,.in tam nostra diffuse Others propose, guenam monstra, quam tamen naturam, or que contra naturam ; but the reading which I have given is a nearer approximation to that of the MS. than any other, and at the same time it is the most suited to the context. 7 nec ostendere. Postulatum eth- nicorum de Christianis. Augus- tinus in Psalm. xli, fol. 255; ‘*Si paganus mihi diceret; ubi est deus tuus? Nonne illi et ego possum dicere: ubi est deus tuus? Deum quippe suum digito ostendit. In- tendit enim digitum ad aliquem lapidem et dicit: Ecce ibi est deus: invenit ile, quod ostenderet oculis carnis; ego autem non, quasi non habeo, quem ostendam; sed non OCTAVIUS. 77 ubique presentem: molestum illum volunt, inquie- CAP. Xx. 6tum, impudenter etiam curiosum: siquidem ad- 7 stat factis omnibus, locis omnibus intererrat: quum nec singulis inservire possit °per universa districtus, nec universis sufficere in singulis occupatus. Quid ? quod toto orbi et ipsi mundo cum side- Then again, y look for ribus suis minantur incendium, ruinam moliuntur? 747" : aie ‘ F universe by quasi aut nature divinis legibus constitutus eter-vire: nus ordo turbetur; aut rupto elementorum om- nium feedere et ceelesti compage divisa moles ista, qua continetur et cingitur, subruatur. habet ille oculos quibus ostendam.”’ Linpner. Cf. Lactant. de Orig. Err. cap. vI. § 3: “nullam religionem putant, ubicumque simulacra non fulserint:” Theoph. ad Autolyc. 1. § 1. p. 5: infra ch. xxxii. § 4: Ne- ander, Ch. Hist. Vol. i. p. 98. 8 in omnium mores etc, Czcilius here relapses into his Epicurean sen- timents (vy. ch. vii.) and so ridicules the notion of Divine government. Nec hae way or the other. See Long on Cicero, Orat. Verr. p. 59. 10 toto, for toti. So Propert. Eleg. ut. 9. 57. Minantur incen- dium, i.e. predicunt; cf. Burm. ad Phedr, tv. fab. 22. Quod quemad- modum verum est de Christianis, conf. Lactantius, vit. 14—20; ita non minus de gentilibus, Ovidius Metam, 1. 256, de Jove: Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur, affore The whole passage is imitated from tempus, Cicero de Nat. Deor., where Velleius Quo mare, quo tellus, correptaque regia says ironically : “ Itaque imposuistis ceeli Ardeat, et mundi moles operosa laboret. cervicibus nostris sempiternum Do- minum, quem dies et noctes time- remus; quis enim non timeat omnia providentem...curiosum et plenum negotii Deum.” Comp. Tertullian de testim. anime, cap. 2. Actus is for actiones, as in Ch, xxxii. § 7; Ch. xxxvi. § 1. [Jnquirere ; v. cap. xxxii. § 9, ubi egregie rejicit hoc verbum et aliud supponit, sc. in ter- est, J. GR.] ® per universa districtus. MS. destrictus. The notion of stringo is “to hold fast :” and he is said to be districtus, who is so held by several things, as to be unable to turn one LINDNER. [The Stoies, Cicer. Acad. Quest. tv, 38, believed in a general conflagra- tion, only xata kaipods not eloawak; Tatian, Or. ad Gr. c. 25. § 6.) Basil. Hexaem. Homil. 1.3 oi dé xai wia- Tu yé\wTa KaTaxéovow 1uaev qwepl cuvte\eias Tov alwvos TovTOU, Kal wadtyyevesias alwvos atay- ye\X\ovTwv. HERALDUS. 11 qua continetur et cingitur. Ita MS.: continetur ea mole totus orbis et ipse mundus: Davis. que continetur et cingitur, sc. aére. Meurs. qua continemur et cingimur, CAP. XI. CAP. XI. And not satisfied with this extrava- gant conceit, they pretend that they shall rise again to life, after death ; and promise themselves an eternity of happiness as a reward for their virtue, others of nrisery, AS a punishment For their un- righteousness. M. MINUCII FELICIS furiosa opinione contenti aniles fabulas adstruunt et adnectunt. !Renasci se ferunt post mortem et cineres et favillas: et nescio qua fiducia mendaciis suis invicem credunt: putes eos jam revixisse. Anceps malum et gemina dementia! ccelo et astris, quee sic relinquimus ut invenimus, interitum de- nunciare: sibi 2mortuis, extinctis, qui sicut nasci- mur, et interimus, eeternitatem repromittere. *Inde 3 videlicet et exsecrantur rogos, et damnant ignium sepulturas: quasi non omne corpus, etsi flammis non male. Tertull. Apolog. c. xvii. Linpner. (adde Arnob. adv. Nat. 1. 2, machine hujus et molis, qua universi tegimur et continemur inclusi). Ch. XI. ! Renasci se ferunt post mortem et cineres et favillas, |Com- busti se. ex sententia judicis. J. GR. } “They pretend that after death, “after their bodies have been re- duced to cinders and ashes, they “are born again; and with unac- “countable assurance they credit “each other in their own impos- “tures.” So Lucian, Peregr. p. 600; TeTelKacL EauTOUS ol Kakodaipoves TO pév Sov abavatoa éocoba Kal Buwoec8ar Tov det Xpovov; and Ori- gen adv. Cels. Lib. 1. p. 7, speaks of TO THS avaTTaTEWS MUOTIIPLOV aS yeXwpevov tO THY aTicTwY. For the resurrection of the body, and consequently the identity of man in a future state, the fiducia Chris- tianorum, (Tertullian. de resurr. carnis 1.) was a notion so strange to the heathen, that it seemed ab- solutely impossible: see the pas- sages quoted by Pearson, On the Creed, Art. XI. note p. 691 Cambr. Ed. The following passage from Origen, will serve admirably to shew the objections with which this doc- trine was assailed; "HiiOiov 6 ab= Tov Kal TO vopuiverv, émretddy 6 Oeds WOTED MayElpos éTEVEeYKY TO TUP, TO psy GX\o Tay EEoTTHOijcecOat yévos* autovs 6€ povous OLramevetv, ov pdvov trois Cavtas adAXa xal Tovs Tada TOTE aTOVavoVTAS, ai= Tats captiv éxetvats amo THs Yyis avadvvtTas, aTexv@s oKwAi{Kwv 4 éX\rris. woia yap avOpwrov Wuyi) mo0nceey ETL CHa GEonTOS; (oroTe yd’ butv ToOUTO TO doypa kal Tov Xpiottavwy éeviots Kowvov éotiv' Kat TO oddpa piapov av- Tov Kalawomtuotov dpa Kal ddv- vaTov amodaivovet') totov yap cama wavTn Cradplapév oidyv Te éwave\Oety eis THv EE apxns pio Kal avtiy éxeivny €£ as EXUOn TH Tpwtny sioTacws; ovdév éxovTes amoxplvacbat Katadpevyovow eis aTOTWTATHY avaXxwonow, STL wav Ouvatov TH Oew, aN’ OTL ye TA aisxpa 0 Ocds dtvaTar ovde Ta Tapa piow Bov\eTat* ob’, av ob ve éemiluunons Kata Tijy cavToU pox8npiav Béedupov, 6 Oeds TovTO Ourijcetat, kal yon mioTever EvOds, OTL Etat. ob Yap Tis 7WANMMEAOUS OCTAVIUS. 79 — subtrahatur, fannis tamen et extatibus in terram resolvatur; nec intersit, 5utrum fere diripiant, an maria consumant, an humus contegat, an flamma subducat; quum cadaveribus ‘omnis sepultura, si sentiunt, peena sit: si non sentiunt, ipsa conficiendi 1 celeritate medicina. Hoe errore decepti beatam sibi ut bonis et perpetem vitam mortuis pollicen- tur; ceteris ut injustis penam sempiternam. Multa ad heee suppetunt, ni festinet oratio. In- justos ipsos, ‘magis nec laboro, jam docui: quam- dpéEews, ovdE THS TWeTaVHMEVNS dxocpias, d\Xa Tis OpOys Kal ét- Kailas dicews Oeds Eotiv apxnyé- THs Kal Wux7s péev aiwyviov Brotov divait’ av Tapacxeiv* véKves 6€, now ‘HpaxXertos, kowpiwy éx- BrAnTOTEpot. capKa Or}, perTHV @v ov€ eimrety KaXov, alwytoy aTo- pivat wapadoyws ove BovAnseTat 6 Veds oe duviceTat’ contra Cels. Lib. y. p. 240. Compare Augustine in Psalm. \xxxviii. 2 mortuis, extinctis. See note on ch. iv. § 7. Repromittere is equiva- lent to the simple “‘promittere.” 3 inde videlicet. JIronice, ut Lactantius, 1. iv. 2: Widelicet quia de uno Deo preconium faciunt aut insani aut fallacesfuerunt. Linp- NER. Fvecrantur rogos: See, how- ever, Grotius, de J. B. cap. xix. § 2. 3. The reason why the heathens burnt the bodies of the Christian martyrs was to deprive them of the hope of aresurrection. See the letter from the Churches at Vienne and Lyons, ap. Euseb. Hist. Eecles. Lib. v. eap. i.: Neander, Ch. Hist. i. p. 158, * annis et e@tatibus, i.e. cum annis et etatibus. In terram resol- vatur: Gronoyius reads auram: but needlessly, see the passages quoted in Grotius de Jure Belli, cap. xix. § 2.2. The force of the negative before infersif is cancelled by the preceding, quasi non. 5 utrum fere diripiant: velut apud Hyrcanos, de quibus Justinus, 41, 3, 5: “Sepultura yulgo aut avium aut canum Janiatus est.” Le Nourry, Appar. cap. ii. Art. vi. says that this is an imitation of Seneca: “ille divinus animus egres- surus hominem quo receptaculum suum conferatur, ignis illud exurat, an fer distrahant, an terra conte- gat, non magis ad se judicat per- tinere, quam secundas ad editum infantem.” EFpist. xcii. 5 omnis sepultura. Sepultura hic opponitur conditure cadaverum per aromata et unguenta. Pena, pro cruciatu, malo. LinpnerR,. Translate: “If they have any sensation, inter- ment of any sort is painful; and if they have none, it is salutary (i. e. to the living), simply because it despatches the bodies the soonest.” 7 mayis nec laboro, sc. docere: “JT have already proved (and I be- stow no farther pains to prove) that CAP. XI. Similar in- stances of their vagaries might be mul- CAP, XI. tiplied, but I ane content with having proved them unright- eous: and, even conced- ing the con- trary, yet on their own shewing, virtue and vice depend 80 M. MINUCII FELICIS quam etsi justos darem, culpam tamen vel inno- centiam fato tribui sententiis plurimorum et hee vestra consensio est: nam quidquid agimus, ut alii fato, ita vos %deo dicitis: %sic sects vestre non spontaneos cupere sed electos. Tgitur iniquum judicem fingitis, qui sortem in hominibus puniat, not onthewill NON voluntatem. Vellem tamen sciscitari, utrumne sine corpore, of the agent, _but on des- tiny. However T am curiousto AN CUM Cor know, what is the nature of your ideal resurrection. poribus? et corporibus quibus, !ipsisne an innovatis resurgatur? Sine corpore ? !!Hoc, quod sciam, neque mens neque anima nec vita est. Ipso corpore? Sed jam ante dilapsum est. Alio corpore? Ergo homo novus nascitur, non prior ille reparatur. they (and not we) are the wicked.”’ Further on, sententiis is to be con- strued with consensio. 8 deo dicitis, for ‘‘addicitis;” “you ascribe to your god.’’ So Cicero pro Flacco: doti omnem pecuniam dizerat ; Plautus Aulul. Ix. 4, 14: nempe huic dimidium dicit. 9 sic secte vestre non spontaneos cupere, sc. homines, Cupere alicui, and velle alicui are used in good classical authors for favere: Ci- cero, Epist. Fam. 11. 15; Cesari honestissime cupies; Cesar Bell. Gall. Lib. 1. c. 18; favere et cupere Helvetiis; Terent. dndr. Act V. Se. iv. 2; cupere Glycerio. See a note of Salmasius on Tertullian de Pallio cap. i.: Romanis deus ma- luit. 10 ipsisne, i.e. iisdem. Cecilius here puts the question just as we find it put in St Paul’s time, 1 Cor. xv. 35: a\X’ Epet tis’ wws évyel- povTat oi vexpoi Kal Toiw cwpmate EpXovTat; 1! hoc (i.e. sine corpore resur- gere) neque mens neque anima nec vita est. Sic loquitur quia nihil animo potuit concipere, quod non erat corporatum. Eodem modo Vel- leius apud Ciceronem Lib. 1. Nat. Deor. c. xii.: “ Quod vero sine cor- pore ullo Deum vult esse ut Greeci dicunt dowpuator, id quale esse pos- sit, intelliginon potest: careat enim sensu necesse est, careat etiam pru- dentia, careat voluptate;” et cap. xiii. DAVIES. 12 et tamen tanta etas abiit. For this use of ef tamen compare ch. 86, § 7; ch. 37,§2. We find this second argument of Cecilius against the resurrection of the body mentioned in several of the Apolo- gists: e.g. Justin. M. Apolog. 1. p- 65: dia TO pijtw Eewpaxévat Uuas dvactavTa veKpov, amioctia éyer: Theoph. ad Autolyc. 1. 13; ad\X\a@ Kai TO apvetcbai ce vexpovs éyeipca8ar* ys yap, detEov pot Kav éva éyepévTa ék vekpwv, iva idwy wictevow, Lactantius, Div. 7 OCTAVIUS. 81 8 ?Et tamen tanta etas abiit, secula innumera fluxe- CAP. XI. runt, quis unus ullus ab inferis vel }3Protesilai sorte remeavit, horarum saltem permisso commeatu, 9 vel ut exemplo crederemus? Omnia ista figmenta malesane opinionis, et inepta solatia a poetis fallacibus in dulcedine carminis lusa, a vobis !ni- mirum credulis in deum vestrum turpiter reformata sunt. ‘Nec saltem de presentibus capitis experimen- CAP. XI. tum, quam vos irrite pollicitationis cassa vota de- cipiant: quid post mortem impendeat, miseri dum 2 adhue vivitis «estimate. Ecce pars vestrum et ma- jor, melior, ut dicitis, egetis, algetis, ope, re, fame, Inst. vit. 22, 10, copies Minucius’ language; Nobis illud opponitur... tot jam secula transierunt: quis un- quam unus ab inferis resurrexerit, ut exemplo ejus fieri posse creda- mus? Horarum saltem : sc. aliquot. Intelligit autem tres horas. Ellip- sis Justino imprimis familiaris Lib. wee. £5 XXxvii1. 1.6: xxx1x. 2. 6. LinpNneER. Commeatus properly im- plies the actus or copia meandi. It is then used for qguicquid commeat e.g. for a ‘convoy.’ In its sense of meandi copia it came to mean leave of absence granted to a soldier, and thus generally an ‘extension of a limited time.” Woodham, Tertull. p. 114. By the early Christians, who adopted several military terms into the phraseology of the church, e. g. “ sacramentum,” “ symbolum,” “ sta- tiones :”? (Neander, Ch. Hist. Vol. 1. p. 425), the word was used to signify “respite from danger whether of per- secution or pestilence or death.” Vel ut exemplo, for ut vel, “that we might have only the guarantee of an in- stance (putting other considerations out of the question) to confirm our belief.” See note, Ch. xxviii. § 8. 13 Protesilai sorte. See Index I. $00. 14 nimirum credulis. ‘‘ All these creations of a crazed fancy have been clumsily reshapen by you, so simple indeed is your faith, and fathered on your God.”? Nimirum is evidently here used ironically, Hand, Tursell. Vol. 1v. p. 206. Cre- dulis is a sneer on the Christian name of “ oi mictevovtes,” “fide- les,” qui nomen fidei geritis, Lac- tantius, Div. Inst. Lib. vit. c. 26, See the passages quoted by Kor- tholt, Pagan. Obtrect. cap. xi. p. 86, sqq.; Neander, Ch. Hist. Vol. i. pp. 97, 227. In dulcedine carminis. In marks the instrument. See Index s. v. Ch. XII. 1 Nee saltem, i.e. et ne — quidem, as above, ch. 10. § 3, see the Index, s. v. saltem. Ope, re laboratis. Ope laborare est “inopem esse”; re laborare est. “re familiari carere.”’ 4—5 Your experi- ence of the present ought to disenchant you of your vain and de- lusive hopes of the future. ened i te it bn ae 82 M. MINUCII FELICIS a a a et ee SSS ee CAP. XIL. laboratis: %et Deus patitur, dissimulat; non vult Fortosay aut non potest opitulari suis: ita aut invalidus aut nothing of hardships, common to you with others, you are forced to undergo tor- ments, cruci- fixion, and burning. Where is this god, that he cannot serve you in this life if he can do so in that to come ? iniquus est. Tu qui immortalitatem postumam 3 somnias, quum 3periculo quateris, quum febribus ureris, quum dolore laceraris, nondum conditionem tuam sentis? nondum agnoscis fragilitatem ? invi- tus miser infirmitatis argueris nec fateris? Sed 4 omitto communia: ecce vobis mine, supplicia, tor- menta, ‘et jam non adorande, sed subeunde cru- ces: ignes etiam, quos et preedicitis et timetis: ubi 2 et Deus patitur. Et is for et tamen, as frequently. Comp. below, Ch. xxvi. § 1; xxviii. 8; xxxv. 6, and see Buenem. Zacéant. 111. xi. 8. Hand, Tursell. Vol. ii. p.496. The objection here put was constantly in the mouth of the heathen: com- pare Lactantius, de Justit. cap. xxi. § 7: “Cur ergo Deus ille sin- gularis, ille magnus, hee fieri pa- titur, nec cultores suos aut vindicat aut tuetur?’’ Tertullian. Apolog. c. xli.: “ siquidem et Deus vester patiatur propter profanos etiam cul- tores suos ledi:” Arnobius adv. nat. 11. 76; Euseb. Hist. Eccles. v. 2; Dem. Evang. x. 8; Clemens Alex- andr. Stromm. tv. p. 504, ei xydeTat bpav 6 Geds, Ti dytoTe OtwKeabe Kai ovetecbe; 7) altos buds eis TOUTO éxéidwor; Augustin. de Civ. Dei, 1.29. 3 periculo: Ita MS. Many edi- tors however have introduced into their text the reading querquero, “acue,” as Festus s.v. explains it, ‘febrem frigidam et cum horrore trementem.’ Querquera occurs in Lucilius, and Arnobius adv. Nat. 1. 48 ; querquerumin Apul. Apol. c. 35. For the sense of miser see xxvii. note 20. * et jam non: so below, cap. xxi. § 12: hee jam non sunt sacra: tor- menta sunt. v. Hand, Tursell. Vol. iii, p. 131, seqq. Non adorande: “crosses destined not to be the ob- ject of your worship any more, but the instrument of your punishment.” The allusion is to the oravpoda- tTpeia, objected to the Christians, on which see Ch. ix. §5; xxix. §7; and comp. Tertullian, Apol. c. xvi.: qui crucis nos religiosos (i.e. erucis cul- tores) putat : ad. Nat. 1. cap. 12. 5 vestrique dominantur. | Tertull. Apolog.cap. 26: dominaturi ejus. J. GR.] Horace has the same con- struction, Od. 111. 30, 2: primus agrestium Regnayit populorum ; Vide Biinemann on Lactant. de Ira Dei, cap. xiv. § 3. not, h. © non spectacula visitis. One of the marks of a Christian in the eyes of the heathen was abstinence from the shows. Tertullian de Spect. cap. xxiv.: hine vel maxime intel- ligunt Christianum factum de repudio spectaculorum. Cf. Apolog. cap. xxxviii.: ‘speectaculis ‘ vestris in tantum renuntiamus, ‘in quantum originibus eorum, quas ‘scimus de superstitione conceptas. ‘Nihil est nobis cum insania circi, OCTAVIUS. 83 deus ille, qui subvenire reviviscentibus potest, vi- CAP. XII. 5 ventibus non potest? nonne Romani sine vestro , 7komans, deo imperant, regnant, fruuntur orbe toto, ®vestri- que dominantur? vos vero suspensi interim atque solliciti, honestis voluptatibus abstinetis: ‘non spec- tacula visitis, ‘non pompis interestis ; *convivia pub- lica absque vobis; sacra certamina, *preecerptos ci- 6 bos, et delibatos altaribus potus abhorretis. reformidatis deos, quos negatis. Sie 10Non floribus ca- put nectitis, “non corpus odoribus honestatis: re- ‘cum impudicitia theatri, cum atro- ‘citate aren, cum xysti vanitate.’ It appears, however, that all Chris- tians were not agreed on the pro- priety of renouncing theatrical ex- hibitions: for Tertullian composed his treatise de Spectaculis with the view of proving that the habit of frequenting them was inconsistent with the profession of Christianity, inasmuch as they were founded in idolatry, see particularly cap. y. Compare also adv. Marcion. Lib. 1. cap. xxvii.; de pudicit. cap. vii.: Tae tian or. contr. Grec. p. 96, ed. Otto ; Theoph. ad Autol. Lib. 111. cap. 15, (p. 178, ed. Humphry); Lactantius de vero cultu, cap. xx. § 9. 7 non pompis interestis, “you are not present in any solemn pro- cessions :” because the images of the gods were carried about in them: de Spectac. cap. xxiii. Cellarius’ re- mark is: “quibus solemni formula “in baptismo renuntiaverant. Ter- *tullianus de Corona cap. iii.: Uta ‘* baptismate ingrediar, aquam adi- * turi, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius “in Ecclesia sub antistitis manu “contestamur nos renunciare diabolo “et pompae et angelis ejus.”” 8 convivia publica. The public festivals appointed on the anniver- sary of the Emperor’s accession (natales), or at the celebration of a triumph. ‘ Huic probro egregie res« pondet Tertullianus Apolog. cap.35; Wower. Comp. also cap. xxxix. ° precerptos cibos: cidwX