uentruti r itriv uj uic kjuhlkuls vj i/it: k^uuiukv v^yciiy^tcutc*. 
 
 England 
 
 Ireland 
 
 Scotland 
 
 United Stales of America . . 
 
 France 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 Denmark, Sweden, & Norway 
 
 Poland 
 
 Germanic Empire .... 
 
 Russia 
 
 Spain and Portugal .... 
 
 Europe during Middle Ages . 
 
 Italian Republics 
 
 Fall of the Roman Empire . 
 Rome 
 
 Greece 
 
 Grecian & Roman Antiquities 
 Ti>o rv,.,r^h 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 
 
 Number of Vois, A<>thors. 
 
 Forming Vols, of Series. 
 
 1 to 9 
 
 
 Mackintosh, &c. 
 
 ■\ 
 
 8. 18. 37. 6-2. 69. 
 81.95.104. 113. 
 
 1&2 
 
 
 T. Moore . . 
 
 
 65. 90. 
 
 two . 
 
 
 Sir Walter Scott . 
 
 1.4. 
 
 two . 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 13. 33. 
 
 ,three 
 
 
 E. E. Crowe . 
 
 
 12. 15. 23. 
 
 one . 
 
 
 T. C. Grattan . 
 
 . 
 
 10. 
 
 one . 
 
 
 
 
 11. 
 
 first 
 
 
 S. A. Dunham 
 
 , 
 
 310. 
 
 one . 
 
 
 S. A. Dunham 
 
 
 20. 
 
 three 
 
 
 S. A. Dunham 
 
 . 
 
 60. 64. 67. 
 
 three 
 
 
 Robert Bell . 
 
 . 
 
 79.85. 100. 
 
 five. 
 
 
 S. A. Dunham 
 
 { 
 
 29. 30. 32. 35. 
 38. 
 
 four 
 
 
 S. A. Dunham 
 
 45. 49. 53. 58. 
 
 one . 
 
 
 De Sismondi. 
 
 . 
 
 27. 
 
 two. 
 
 
 De Sismondi . 
 
 . 
 
 56. 61. 
 
 two. 
 
 
 
 
 50. 73. ^ 
 
 1 to 6 
 
 
 Rev. C. Thirlwall J 
 
 68. 74. 80. 88. 
 103. 114. 
 
 two. 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 47. 70. 
 
 two. 
 
 
 Rev. H. Stebbing . 
 
 41. 52. 
 
 LIBR_A.RY 
 
 Theological Seminary, 
 
 PRINCETON^ N. J. 
 
 BR 305 .S73 1836 V.l 
 Stebbing, Henry, 1799-1883. 
 History of the reformation 
 
 „ Mfchacics . . . 
 
 „ Optics . . . . 
 H.at 
 
 ,, Chtmiiitry . . . 
 
 Hydrostatics and PTieumatics 
 Essay on Probabilities . . . 
 
 I 
 
 one 
 one 
 one 
 one 
 
 X/apr. ivater <x ur.i 
 Lanlner . . .J 
 Sir D. Brewster 
 Dr. Lardii>r . . . 
 Hrofessor Donovan 
 Dr. Lardner . . . 
 Professor de Morgan 
 
 ARTS AXD. MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Professor Donovan 
 
 Brewing, Baking, &c. ... I two. 
 
 Silk Manufacture one . 
 
 Manufactures in Metal . . . three 
 
 Porcelain and Glass .... | one . 
 
 NATURAX. KZSTORT. 
 
 5. 
 
 19. 
 39. 
 34. 
 17. 
 107. 
 
 3.94. 
 
 22. 
 
 24. 42. 54. 
 
 26. 
 
 Preliminary Di.'^course . 
 Geology 
 
 Botany 
 
 Animals 
 
 Quadrupeds 
 
 Birds . . 
 
 Animals in Menageries . . 
 
 Fishes 
 
 one . 
 two . 
 one . 
 one . 
 one . 
 two . 
 one . 
 first. 
 
 VV. Swainson , . 
 Professor Phillips . 
 Rev.J.S. Henslow 
 W. Swainson . . 
 W. Swainson . . 
 W. Swainson . . 
 W. Swainson . . 
 W. Swainson . . 
 
 59. 
 
 97. 111. 
 75. 
 66. 
 72. 
 
 83. 92. 
 98. 
 109. 
 
February 1st. 
 
 PKOSPECTUS 
 
 OF 
 
 M'CULLOCH'S 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONAEY. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 LONGMAN, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, & LONGMANS, 
 
 PATERNOSTER-ROW. 
 
 1840. 
 
 Loudon : Printed by Manning and Mason, Ivy-Lane. 
 
'XlJ ■ 
 
 /f 
 
 / ■ I 
 
 f 
 

 PROSPECTUS. 
 
 The utility of Geographical Dictionaries is so generally admitted, 
 that it seems unnecessary to endeavour, by any lengthened state- 
 ments, to conciliate the favourable opinion of the reader by dwell- 
 ing on their inerits. There are few so incurious as not to wish to 
 learn something of the state of foreign countries, especially of those 
 with which their own nation is connected, or which have been 
 celebrated in history. The desire to gratify this laudable curiosity 
 has, in all ages, prompted individuals to visit foreign countries ; 
 and has made the works of voyagers and travellers be eagerly 
 sought after. But the situation of most people precludes the pos- 
 sibility of their leaving their native country; while few of those 
 who do travel can survey more than a small part of the earth's 
 surface. Neither is it possible adequately to supply this want of 
 personal knowledge by resorting to the relations of travellers. 
 These are very frequently vague and inconclusive, and the state- 
 ments in them are not always to be depended on; and though it 
 were otherwise, the command of many hundred volumes, and the 
 free disposal of one's time, would be necessary to enable an indi- 
 vidual to acquire, by their means, a general acquaintance with the 
 different regions of the earth. Hence the utility of geographical 
 works, in which the information scattered in the accounts of 
 travellers, and in official and other documents, is sifted and 
 collected vmder its proper heads, and laid before the reader in 
 a condensed form. Systematical works have some advantages 
 over dictionaries as repositories for this sort of information ; but, 
 on the whole, the Idtter are decidedly the most useful. When 
 arranged in alphabetical order, they are easy of consultation ; at 
 the same time that the statements in them, if they be properly 
 compiled, are precise, authentic, and not depending on anything 
 
< 4 Prospectus. i 
 
 ^ else. But how useful and important soever, we believe it will be ] 
 I pretty generally admitted that the greater number of these publica- > 
 i tions that have hitherto appeared in this country have not been of > 
 
 > a kind to inspire confidence. The authors have seldom referred I 
 ) to the sources whence their statements were derived ; so that the > 
 ^ reader has nothing better to trust to, than the authority of, perhaps, > 
 
 an anonymous compiler; at the same time that he is deprived of I 
 
 the means of readily verifying his facts, or of referring to the I 
 
 original authorities for further information. These works have ? 
 
 mostly also been compiled either on too contracted or too extensive > 
 
 a plan ; so that while, in the one case, the reader was frequently not ; 
 
 ^ supplied with important information, in the other, the book became I 
 
 ^ at once too bulky, costly, and inconvenient. Another defect by > 
 
 I which most Geographical Dictionaries published in Great Britain I 
 
 \ have been characterized, is the disproportioned size of the parts, or I 
 
 I the preponderance given to minor articles and uninteresting topics, ^ 
 
 I while those having reference to great countries, or important places ] 
 
 ^ or subjects, have often been reduced in a more than corresponding > 
 
 ^ degree. It is difficult, indeed, to hinder the descriptions of towns > 
 
 > in a Geographical Dictionary from extending beyond their fair > 
 ) proportion of the work ; but still they may be confined within I 
 ) reasonable limits, and without displaying the glaring anomaly of I 
 
 > a capital city, for example, occupying a greater space than that of I 
 
 > the country in which it is situated. i 
 
 \ \ 
 
 I During the compilation of the Commercial Dictionary, the > 
 s author of this work having had occasion to refer to a good many > 
 
 > Geographical Dictionaries, it occurred to him that he might, per- < 
 
 > haps, be able to produce one that should be more generally accu- $ 
 I rate and useful. This, however, would not have been enough. ^ 
 
 > The improved state of geographical knowledge, and the increasing ^ 
 5 relations of this country with others, required that any work > 
 
 > aspiring to the character of a book of reference, should be wholly i 
 e drawn up from original sources, and rendered as authentic and ? 
 S instructive as possible. \ 
 
Prospectus. 5 \ 
 
 It is necessary, however, to observe, that we have not attempted ! 
 to supply the reader with a complete Geographical and Statistical < 
 Dictionary. Such a^ work would necessarily extend to many 
 volumes, and would embrace multitudinous details nowise inter- 
 esting to the great majority of readers. Our object has been of a \ 
 more limited kind. Being intended for the especial use of English- | 
 men, we have dwelt at greatest length on those articles, and on 
 those parts of articles, we thought most likely to interest them. 
 Hence we have appropriated a much larger space to articles con- 
 nected with our Eastern possessions, and our colonies in different 
 parts of the world, than they may appear, on other grounds, pro- 
 perly entitled to. On the same principle, we have lengthened the 
 accounts of those countries and places with which our countrymen 
 have the greatest intercourse, or which have acquired celebrity by 
 the historical associations connected with them; and have propor- 
 tionally shortened the others. 
 
 Without neglecting the physical geography of the different 
 countries and places, we have directed our principal attention to 
 their industry, institutions, and the conditions of their inhabitants. 
 Neither have we attempted to confine ourselves within what might 
 perhaps, be called the limits of a strictly Geographical and Statis- 
 tical work. Wherever the occasion seemed to justify it, we have 
 not scrupled to commend and censure, as well as to describe; and 
 have endeavoured to appreciate the influence of institutions and 
 habits on national welfare. The historical notices are necessarily 
 very brief, and are, imless in the more important articles, mostly 
 restricted to an enumeration of leading events. 
 
 Our object being to supply a work of easy reference to the public 
 at large, we have, in general, given our notices of countries and 
 places under the names by which they are rfiost commonly known 
 in England. This does not involve any want of scientific pre- 
 cision ; though if it did, it would be more than countervailed by 
 I its being better adapted to the public use. Among the many 
 1 thousands, who might wish, for example, to acquire some infor- 
 
6 Prospectus. 
 
 mation respecting the present state of the Dead Sea, there are not, 
 perhaps, as many dozens who would think of seeking for it under 
 the head Bahr-el-Lout, the Arabic name for that famous sea. 
 
 It did not enter into our plan to notice countries or places as 
 they existed in antiquity. But, wherever we thought that such | 
 notices would be likely to interest the general reader, we have not \ 
 hesitated to introduce them. Our object, in fact, was not so much | 
 to compile a dictionary on strictly scientific principles, and that \ 
 should be perfectly homogeneous in its parts, as to produce one that \ 
 might be relied on, that should omit few articles of importance, \ 
 and that ordinary readers should find generally interesting. \ 
 
 None can be more fully satisfied than we are of the great diffi- \ 
 culty of accomplishing even this much. In a work embracing so <^ 
 great a variety of statements as to matters in regard to which it is [ 
 frequently all but impossible to acquire correct information, perfect < 
 accuracy need not be looked for. But we can honestly say that < 
 we have spared no pains to make our work worthy of the reader's ( 
 confidence; and would fain hope that the errors that may be de- \ 
 tected in it are not such as sensibly to detract from its utility. \ 
 
 The distances between one place and another are generally, 
 unless where the contrary is stated, direct. They have been 
 measured on the best maps — mostly on those of Mr. John Arrow- 
 smith, the accuracy and excellence of which are universally ad- 
 mitted. 
 
 It remains only to add, that the work will appear in monthly 
 parts. It is impossible, at this moment, to specify its precise 
 limits, but it will be confined within the smallest possible compass. 
 
 *^* Part I. will be published on the loth February, price 5s. 
 with a Map. 
 
Also, by the same Author, 
 A DXCTIONART, 
 
 Practical, Theoretical, and Historical, of 
 
 COMMERCE 
 AND COMMERCIA.L NAVIGATION. 
 
 Illustrated with Maps and Plans. 50s. boards. 
 
 A New Edition has just been published, with a new and enlarged 
 Supplement, bringing down the information contained in the 
 work to January 1839. 
 
 In this Edition all the more important returns and accounts as 
 to the Trade, Navigation, and Consumption, of this and other 
 countries, have been brought down to the latest period. In some 
 instances, too, the form of the returns has been changed ; and new 
 ones, drawn up on a more comprehensive plan and embracing 
 various additional particulars, have been substituted for those pre- 
 viously embodied in the work. In illustration of this the reader 
 is referred to the tables now given under the articles Imports and 
 ; Exports : they will, it is believed, be found to contain within a 
 ; brief space the completest view hitherto laid before the Public of 
 ; the recent trade of the British Empire. A few articles have also 
 been inserted; among which may be specified those on Bombay, 
 Malta, etc. 
 
 The present Supplement has been greatly enlarged, and, it is 
 hoped, materially improved. It contains as much matter as would 
 fill, if printed with types of a medium size, a large octavo volume, 
 and embraces a good deal of important information not elsewhere 
 to be met with. We can assure the reader that neither labour nor 
 expense has been spared to render it instructive and trustworthy. 
 
Notice of a Series of Cyclopaedias, 
 
 'It embodies the substance of the former Supplements, and has, 
 among others, articles on the following subjects ; viz. : 
 
 Austrian Tariff, and New 
 Commercial Treaty with 
 Austria. 
 
 Joint-Stock Banks ; with a 
 complete list of these esta- 
 blishments, and an examina- 
 tion of the principles on which 
 they should be founded. 
 ] New Customs Act for Ben- 
 gal. 
 
 Coinage of America and 
 India. 
 
 Cotton Trade of Great Bri- 
 tain, from 1816 to 1838, 
 both inclusive. 
 
 Tables of Imports and Ex- 
 ports, comprising a full Ac- 
 count of the Foreign Trade 
 of the United Kingdom dur- 
 ing the Ten Years ending 
 with 1838, with Remarks on 
 
 I the probable consequences of : 
 I Foreign Competition, etc. 
 
 Trade with Prussia, Prus- 
 sian Commercial League, 
 Tariff, etc. 
 
 Railways and Railway Le- 
 oislation. 
 
 Post- Office Arrangements. 
 
 Alterations in the British 
 Tariff. 
 
 Russian Tariff. 
 
 Classification of Ships. 
 
 Sugar Trade, Growth of Beet 
 Root Sugar, etc. 
 
 Commercial Treaty with 
 Turkey, with Notices of 
 Civita Vecchia, Galaez, 
 Guayaquil, Port Lamar, 
 Montevideo, Moulmein, Ro- : 
 stock, etc. 
 
 Extract from the Author's Preface. 
 
 " It has been the wish of the Author and Publishers of this Work, that it 
 should be as extensively useful as possible. If they be not deceived in their 
 expectations, it may be advantageously employed as a sort of vade mecum by 
 merchants, traders, ship-owners, and ship-masters, in conducting the details 
 of their respective businesses. It is hoped, however, that this object has 
 been attained without omitting the consideration of any topic, incident to the 
 subject, that seemed calculated to make the book generally serviceable, and 
 to recommend it to the attention of all classes. 
 
 " Had our object been merely to consider Commerce as a science, or to 
 investigate its principles, we should not have adopted the form of a Diction- 
 ary. But Commerce is not a science only, but also an art of the utmost 
 practical importance, and in the prosecution of which a very large proportion 
 of the population of every civilised country is actively engaged. Hence, to 
 be generally useful, a work on Commerce should combine practice, theory, 
 and history. Ditlerent readers may resort to it for ditFerent purposes; and 
 every one should be able to find in it clear and accurate information, whether 
 his object be to make himself familiar with details, to acquire a knowledge 
 of principles, or to learn the revolutions that have taken place in the various 
 departments of trade. 
 
 " Our object being to describe articles in the state in which they are 
 offered for sale, we have not entered, except when it was necessary to give 
 precision or clearness to their description, into any details as to the processes 
 followed in their manufacture. 
 
Printed for Xsongman, Orme, &, Co. 
 
 "Aware that, in a work of this nature, accuracy in matters of fact is of i 
 primary importance, the afithority on which any statement is made is inva- 
 riably quoted. Except too, ih the case of boolis in every one's hands, or 
 Dictionaries, the page or chapter of every work referred to is generally 
 specified, experience having taught us that the convenient practice of string- 
 ing together a list of authorities at the end of an article, is much ofteuer a 
 cloak for ignorance than an evidence of research." 
 
 *^* The Supplement, containing excellent Maps of the com- 
 pleted and proposed Canals, Railways, etc. of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, and of the British Possessions in North America, may 
 be had separately, price 7s. 6d. 
 
 THE FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF 
 
 CYCLOPAEDIAS & DICTIONARIES, 
 
 ALSO PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMAN AND CO. 
 
 Opmions of the Press on the Entire Series. 
 
 "The authors and publishers of most of the great Dictionaries 
 and EncyclopEedias that have hitherto appeared in this and other 
 countries, have endeavoured to concentrate into a single work all 
 the scattered elements of universal knowledge. But success in 
 such an undertaking could not rationally be looked for ; in such 
 works it is uniformly found that those departments with which the 
 editors and principal contributors are best acquainted are treated 
 at great length, and often with much care and research; while 
 those equally important, and far more numerous, departments, 
 with which they are less familiar, or in which they take less interest, 
 are dispatched in a compaiatively brief and slovenly manner. It 
 is clear, too, that if all the various branches of human knowledge 
 were treated in a single work, with that completeness which the 
 interest attached to the greater number demands, it would be of 
 the most gigantic dimensions, and could not be afforded except at 
 a price that would preclude the great bulk of readers from becom- 
 ing purchasers. We have, therefore, always approved of the 
 valuable Encyclopaedias which have issued, or are in the course of 
 publication, by Messrs. Longman. They seem to form a series of 
 Special and Independent Dictionaries, each being the work of 
 persons distinguished by their attention to, and proficiency in, the 
 departments of which it treats. The advantages of this arrange- 
 ment are obvious. Each subject must have the best chance of 
 being well and carefully treated. The publication of a series of 
 Independent Dictionaries is farther advantageous, by its giving 
 individuals the option of purchasing such only as they may have 
 
10 UTotice of a Series of Cyclopgedias, 
 
 occasion for, without encumbering themselves with the others. 
 The success of the works already published on this plan shows that 
 it has been fully approved of by the public." — Statesman. 
 
 Extracts from a Notice of these Cyclopcedias in the AthencBum, 
 '' A series of encyclopaedical volumes, wherein a great quantity of 
 information is to be condensed into a small compass, and arranged 
 in a form the most convenient for frequent reference. Such a 
 series will, when completed, form a valuable library of practical 
 knowledge. The specimens we have already seen of these works 
 are such as do great credit to the publishers who formed the design, 
 and to the authors who have executed the respective divisions. 
 " Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture" has now given proof of 
 its value by a third edition; his " Encyclopgedia of Gardening" is 
 to be seen open on the table of every scientific gardener, and of 
 every man who values his garden, from one end of this garden- 
 covered island to the other — from the region of the heath to that 
 of the myrtle ! " M'Culloch's Dictionary of Commerce and Com- 
 mercial Navigation" is to be found in the library equally of the 
 merchant and the man of general information. Of the " Dictionary 
 of Practical Medicine," by Dr. Copland, we heretofore expressed 
 our approbation. Taken as a whole, and judging by the specimens 
 already published, we consider this series of works to be one of the 
 most valuable produced for many years ; and we look forward to 
 the publication of the " Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art," 
 with confidence and special pleasure, as a work much wanted. 
 None can conceive, who have not witnessed them, the difficulties 
 encountered in the attempt to get up sterling substantial works of 
 this kind; f^w are aware of the extent of knowledge, of reading, 
 and of sustained effort in collecting, writing out, and digesting 
 such works." 
 
 A DICTIONARY OF 
 
 ARTS, MANUFACTURES, & MINES; 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 A Ciear Exposition of their Principles and Practice. 
 By ANDREW URE, M.D. F.R.S. M.G.S. etc. 
 
 Illustrated with 1241 Engravings on Wood. 505. cloth, lettered. 
 
 The following are the objects which the Author has endeavoured 
 to accomplish : — 
 
 First — To instruct the manufacturer, metallurgist, and trades- 
 
Printed for Xiong^maii, Orme, &. Co. 11 
 
 man, in the principles of their respective processes, so as to render 
 them in reality the masters of their business, and to emancipate 
 tiiem from a state of bondage to operatives — too commonly the 
 slaves of blind prejudice and vicious routine. 
 
 Secondly — To afford to merchants, brokers, drysalters, druggists, 
 and officers of the revenue, characteristic descriptions of the com- 
 modities which pass through their liands. 
 
 Thirdly — By exhibiting some of the finest developments of 
 chemistry and physics, to lay open an excellent practical school to 
 students of these kindred sciences. 
 
 Fourthly — To teach capitalists, who may be desirous of placing 
 their funds in some productive branch of industry, to select judi- 
 ciously among plausible claimants. 
 
 Fifthly — To enable gentlemen of the law to become well ac- 
 quainted with the nature of those patent schemes, which are so 
 apt to give rise to litigation. 
 
 Sixthly — To present to our legislators such a clear exposition of 
 our staple manufactures, as may dissuade them from enacting laws 
 which obstruct industry, or cherish one branch of it to the injury ; 
 of many others. 
 
 And lastly — To give the general reader, intent chiefly on intel- ' 
 lectual cultivation, a view of many of the noblest achievements of ; 
 Science, in effecting those grand transformations of matter to 
 which Great Britain owes her paramount wealth, rank, and power, 
 among the kingdoms. 
 
 " We do not know any one individual whose name would furnish a better 
 guarantee for the scientific and practical character of a Dictionary of the 
 Arts, Manufactures, and Mines of Great Britain, than Dr. Ure. We say 
 any one inflividual, because, when we tirst opened the early numbers of the 
 work, we felt disposed to cavil at the execution of various portions, which 
 might have been more profoundly and practically handled; but on following 
 up our examination, as the successive numbers have reached us, we have 
 arrived at the conviction that there is more oria;inal, valuable, and new 
 matter in this volume, than we have ever seen in any work of a similar 
 character. 
 
 " In every point of view, a work like the psesent is to be regarded as a 
 benefit done to theoretical science, to commeice and industry, and an im- 
 portant addiiion to a species of literature the exclusive production of the 
 present century, and our present state of peace and civilization." 
 
 Athen^um. 
 
12 Xotice of a Series of Cyclopaedias, j 
 
 ENCYLOP.EDIA of RURAL SPORTS; j 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 Bunting, Racing, Shooting, Fishing, Hawking, 
 Coursing, The Athletic Sports, etc. etc. etc. | 
 
 By DELABERE P. BLAINE, Esq. 
 
 Author of "Outlinesof the Veterinary Art," "Canine Pathology," 
 etc. etc. < 
 
 Parts I. to V. 
 To be completed in Ten Monthly Pahts, price 5s. each, illustrated 
 with many hundred beautifully executed Engravings on Wood, 
 from Designs by Aiken, Edwin Landseer, T. Landseer, and 
 Dickes. 
 
 " Ought to be in every country library, from that of the nobleman to the 
 tenant fanner: we know oi no work likely to be more useful or agreeable 
 to readers of all classes, whether young or old, grave or gay." 
 
 British Farmer's Magazine. 
 
 " We have not only most industriously compiled treatises upon the subjects 
 to which ihey relate, but much original information, conveyed in an unam- 
 bitious and agreeable style."— New Sporting Magazine. 
 
 " Mr. Blaine handles his subjects with the pen of a sound judge, selecting 
 those points which are calculated to afford useful information, and omitting 
 nothini; esseiuial to the illustration of his topic. The graphic illustrations 
 are throughout admirable."— Bell's Life in London. 
 
 ENCYCLOPiEDIA of GEOGRAPHY; 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 A complete Description of the Earth, exhibiting its Relation to 
 the Heavenly Bodies, its Physical Structure, the Natural His- 
 tory of each Country, and tlie Industry, Commerce, Political 
 Institutions, and Civil and Social State of all Nations. 
 By HUGH MURRAY, F.R.S.E.; 
 
 Assisted in Astronomy, &c., by Professor Wallace; Geology, &c. 
 by Professor Jameson; BoTAfrY, &c., by Sir W. J. Hooker ; 
 Zoology, &c., by W. Swainson, Esq. 
 
 With 82 Maps, drawn by Sidney Hall, and upwards of 1000 other 
 Engravings on Wood, from Drawings by Swainson, T. Land- 
 seer, Sowerby, Strutt, etc., representing the most remarkable 
 objects of Nature and Art in every Region of the Globe. Con- 
 taining upwards of 1500 pages. GOs. boards. 
 
 " It is without a rival." — Asiatic Journal. 
 " The most perfect book on its subject." — Atlas. 
 
 " One of the most learned, accurate, and entertaining works on geography." 
 
 Gentleman's Magazine. 
 
Printed for Iiongrman, Orme, and Co. 13 > 
 
 HORTUS BEITANNICUS; \ 
 
 > 
 A Catalogue of all the s 
 
 PLANTS INDIGENOUS TO, CULTIVATED IN, I 
 OR INTRODUCED INTO, BRITAIN. 
 
 Edited by J. C. Loudon, F.L.S., etc. \ 
 
 Third Edition, with Supplements, including all the New Plants > 
 down to March, 1839, and with a new General Index to the whole ? 
 Work. Price 1/. lis. 6d. cloth lettered. \ 
 
 The new Supplement, including all the Plants introduced into I 
 Britain, all the newly discovered British Species, and all the kinds 
 originated in British Gardens, up to March, 1839 : with a New 
 General Index to the whole Work, including all the Supplements, 
 by W. H. Baxter, Junr., under the direction of J. C. Loudon, and 
 revised by George Don, F.L.S. ; may be had separately, price 8s. 
 
 Part I. The Linna^an Arrangement, in which nearly 30,000 ^ 
 species are introduced, with the systematic name and authority, I 
 accentuation, derivation of generic name, literal English or specific > 
 names, synonymes, systematic and English, of both genera and I 
 species, habit, habitation in the garden, ijidigenous habitation, S 
 popular character, height, time of flowering, colour of the flower, I 
 mode of propagation, soil, native country, year of introduction, and I 
 reference to figures, preceded by an introduction to the Linnaean s 
 System. S 
 
 Part II. The Jussieuean Arrangement of nearly 4000 I 
 genera, with an Introduction to the Natural System, and a general < 
 description and history of each order. S 
 
 THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF 
 
 COTTAGE, FARM, AND VILLA 
 
 ARCHXTBC TURK ; I 
 
 With about 11,000 pages of Letter-press, and upwards of 2000 i 
 Wood Engravings ; embracing Designs of Cottages, Farm I 
 Houses, Farmeries, Villas, Country Inns, Public Houses, I 
 Parochial Schools, etc.; including the interior Finishings and ^ 
 
 j Furniture; accompanied by Analytical and Critical Remarks^ 
 
 illustrative of the Principles of Architectural Science and Taste, > 
 
 on which the Designs for Dwellings are composed, and of Land- \ 
 
 scape Gardening, with reference to their Accompaniments. \ 
 
 By J. C. Loudon, F.L.S. etc. > 
 
 J New Edit, corrected, with 100 of the Plates re-engraved. Price 3/. \ 
 
14 STotice of a Series of Cyclopaedias, 
 
 A DICTIONARY OF 
 
 PEACTICAL MEDICINE: 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 General Pathology, the Nature and Treatment of Diseases, Morbid 
 Structures, and the Disorders especially incidental to Climates, 
 to the Sex, and to the different Epochs of Life, with numerous 
 approved Formulae of the Medicines recommended. 
 
 By JAMES COPLAND, M.D. 
 
 Consulting Physician to Queen Charlotte's Lying-in-Hospital; 
 
 Senior Physician to the Royal Infirmary for Children ; 
 
 Member of the Royal College of Physicians, London; 
 
 of the Medical and Chirurgical Societies of London 
 
 and Berlin, etc. 
 
 This work is now in course of publication in Parts, of which five 
 have appeared. It will contain, in an abstract and condensed, yet 
 comprehensive form, the opinions and practice of the most experi- 
 enced writers, British and Foreign, so digested and wrought up 
 with the results of the Author's practice, that the Student and 
 Young Practitioner will not be bewildered in the diversity of the 
 opinions and facts adduced for their instruction, but be guided in 
 the difficult path on which they have entered, and enabled, with a 
 due exercise of their powers of observation and discrimination, to 
 arrive at just conclusions and successful practical results. To the 
 experienced Practitioner, also, the Work will present a diversified 
 range of opinions, metliods of cure, and autliorities, which his 
 matured judgment will enable him to apply, in an appropriate 
 manner, to particular cases. It will also comprise the complications 
 and modified states of Disease, which are even more frequently met 
 with in practice than those specific forms too often described by 
 Nosologists as constant and unvarying types, to which morbid 
 actions, occurring under a great variety of circumstances, can never 
 closely adhere. When discussing the methods of Cure, the Author 
 has given Formula? of the Medicines recommended, in the most 
 efficient and fipproved forms of combination. He has likewise 
 furnished numerous References to the best Works and Treatises 
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TABLE, 
 
 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL, 
 TO THE FIRST VOLUME OF 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. COMMENCEMENT OF SIXTEENTH 
 
 CENTURY. — LEO X. STATE OF THE CHURCH. EFFECTS 
 
 OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING. THE CHARACTER OF THE 
 
 CLERGY. — STATE OF THE MONASTIC ORDERS. CONDITION 
 
 OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Introductory Remarks - - - - 1 
 
 State of the Church at the Commencement of the Sixteenth 
 
 Century - ,- - . - 2 
 
 Vices of the Clergy - - - - - 3 
 
 Evils which resulted from a divided Pontificate - - 3 
 
 1503. Wicked Character of Pope Alexander VI, - . . 3 
 
 His Pontificate stained with Crime ; made the Victim of his own 
 
 Perfidy j his Death an awful Instance of retributive Justice - 4 
 Pope Pius III. Successor to Alexander ; survives but a Month - 4 
 1511. Julius II. elected; his Fierceness of Character; annulling the 
 
 Decrees of a Council for restraining his Violence, it proves • 
 fatal to him - - - . . 4 
 
 1513. Succession of Leo X. ; early Life passed in Courts and Camps ; 
 
 had been made a Prisoner - - - 4 
 
 Brilliant Reputation of Leo ; the Patron of Learning and the 
 Arts ; less zealous for divine Truth than for Literature and 
 Philosophy - . - . . 5 
 
 Much done for the Interests of Learning in the Fifteenth Cen- 
 tury ; Dante, Petrarch - - - 6 
 A superintending Providence clearly visible in the Progress of 
 
 Events - . . - - 7 
 
 Letters of Leo to the Archbishop of Mentz - - - 7 
 
 Dubious Signification of the " Revival of Learning ; " too much 
 Influence not to be ascribed to classical Literature - - 8 
 
 A 3 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Page 
 
 Chiefly valuable as affording Models for Arrangement of 
 Thought and Expression - - . .9 
 
 The Classics productive of important Changes in the Character 
 and Pursuits of the Clergy - . - . 9 
 
 Leo displays a lively Interest in the Revival of Learning ; re- 
 formation of Abuses no essential Part of his Policy - 10 
 
 General Character of the Clergy - - - - 11 
 
 No Vestige remains of the Simplicity and Holiness of the primi- 
 tive Christians - - - - - 12 
 
 The'monastic Institutions the Origin of many of the prevailing 
 Corruptions - ' - - - 12 
 
 Contradictory Principles held by the various monastic Orders ; 
 establishing Laws for the Many on the Feelings of the Few, 
 the grand Error - - - - - 13 
 
 Pride and Avarice besetting Vices of the Monks in the Fifteenth 
 Century - - - - - 13 
 
 The perverted Principles of Monasticism in full Vigour just pre- 
 vious to the Reformation - - . - 14 
 
 Condition of the People at this Epoch - - .15 
 
 The Principles of civil Liberty but little known - - 16 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 REMARKS ON THE NATURE AND ORIGIN OF INDULGENCES. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE PREACHING OF INDULGENCES UNDER 
 
 LEO X. TETZEL, — LUTHER. HIS OPPOSITION TO TETZEL. 
 
 IS CITED TO APPEAR BEFORE THE POPE. APPEARS AT 
 
 AUGSBURG. ESCAPES. HIS DIFFICULTIES AT THIS PERIOD. 
 
 Luxury of Leo; his ordinary Revenues insufficient - 17 
 
 Corrupt Religion affords ready Pretences for Fraud and Oppres- 
 sion - - - - - - 17 
 
 Indulgences ; their Nature and Origin - - .18 
 
 Evil Effects that resulted from their Introduction - - 20 
 
 Objects of granting Indulgences - - - 20 
 
 Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction pushed beyond its due Limit - 21 
 
 Policy of the Roman Hierarchy - - - - 2'2 
 
 Measures of Leo X. to increase the Grant of Indulgences ; as- 
 sisted by Pacci - - - - - 23 
 
 The Pretence for renewing the "Sale of Indulgences ; Germany 
 the Field of Experiment - - - - - 24 
 
 Leo assigns to his Sister Magdalena the Profits from Saxony ; 
 and transmits Orders to Albert of Magdebourg to publish the 
 Sale - - - - - - 24 
 
 Leo stipulates for one Half of the Proceeds ; Tetzel and a chosen 
 
 Band commissioned to sell the Indulgences . - - 25 
 
 Their Success, and Reception by the People ; Substance of the 
 Document - - - - - 2fi 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Vll 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Disgust and Consternation of those imbued with Christian Holi- 
 ness ; Martin Luther - - - ■• 27 
 
 Birth, Parentage, and Education of Luther ; Event which led to 
 
 his religious Impressions - - - - 27 
 
 Luther becomes an Augustine Monk ; finds a Bible, the Perusal 
 
 of which effects a vital Change in his Opinions - - 28 
 
 Sent as Representative to Rome ; appointed to the Chair of Phi- 
 losophy at Wittemberg - - - - 29 
 1512. Receives the Degree of Doctor of Divinity; begins the critical 
 
 Study of Greek and Hebrew - - - - 29 
 
 His Advances in Knowledge ; Jealousy of his Contemporaries ; 
 
 his Lectures on Justification - - - - 30 
 
 Opposition of Luther to the Sale of Indulgences - - 31 
 
 1518. He addresses a Letter on the Subject to the Pope - - 32 
 His Controversy with Eckius and Prierius ; Effects of his Argu- 
 ments on the People ; Diminution in the Sale of Indulgences 33 
 
 Diet at Augsburg called by the Emperor Maximihan; Cardinal 
 Cajetan represents Leo; Albert of Magdebourg admitted a 
 
 Cardinal - - - - . - 34 
 Maximilian writes to the Pope to silence Luther ; Leo summons 
 
 him to Rome . - - - - 34 
 
 Critical Situation of Luther - - . - - 34 
 Frederic, Elector of Saxony, friendly to him ; Letter of Stau. 
 
 pitz - . - - - 35 
 
 Embarrassment of Frederic ; obtains a Safe-conduct for Luther 36 
 
 Luther goes to Augsburg; his Colloquy with Cajetan's Servant 37 
 
 His Interview with the Cardinal; their Controversy - - 38 
 
 (Oct. 13.) Renewal of the Conference - - - 39 
 
 Cajetan an unequal Match for Luther - - 40 
 
 (Oct. 19.) Luther precipitately quits Augsburg - - 41 
 
 His embarrassing Situation; Conduct of Frederic - 42 
 
 Proceedings of Luther ; Caution of Leo - - - 43 
 
 1519. Millitz, the Pope's Chamberlain, arrives in Saxony; his Object 14 
 Death of Maximilian ; Influence of Frederic in the Contest for 
 
 the Imperial Crown ; its important Effects - - 44 
 
 CHAP. in. 
 
 MELANCTHON AND ERASMUS. CONFERENCE BETWEEN LUTHER 
 
 AND THE pope's NUNCIO. LUTHER ADDRESSES LEO. 
 
 DISPUTATION AT LEIPZIG. ECKIUS AND CARLOSTAD. LA- 
 BOURS OF ERASMUS. FIRMNESS AND DISCRETION OF LU- 
 THER. ADDRESSES THE EMPEROR AND THE BISHOPS OF 
 
 MENTZ AND MERSBOURG. LEO PUBLISHES A BULL AGAINST 
 
 LUTHER,. HIS DEFENCE. BURNS THE PAPAL DECREES. 
 
 % Melancthon and Erasmus - - - - 45 
 
 V Their Exertions in the same Cause with Luther - - 46 
 
 A 4 
 
Till ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Perils which beset Luther; Measures of the Pope's Nuncio - 47 
 Degraded Obscurity of Tetzel ; Luther's Interview with Millitx 48 
 Humility of Luther in his Letter to the Pope - - 49 
 
 The Causes of his submissive Language - - - 50 
 
 Arrangements for a controversial Meeting ; Eckius a principal 
 
 Disputant - - - - . 51 
 
 Preparations of Luther ; encouraged by Erasmus - - 52 
 
 ^'The Disputation of Leipzig ; Luther supported by Melancthon 
 and Carl ostad - - - - - 53 
 
 Contest between Eckius and Carlostad - - - 54 
 
 Luther challenged to the Debate by Eckius - - - 55 
 
 Subject-matter of the Discussion; Authority of the Pope - 56 
 
 Purgatory - - - . . 57 
 
 Indulgences ; (July 12.) Penitence - - - 58 
 
 Absolution and Satisfaction for Sin - - - 59 
 
 Carlostad resumes the Contest ; Eulogium on the Disputants ; 
 
 Difficulty of a fair Decision - - - 60 
 
 Result of the Debate ; Testimony to the Force of Luther's Rea- 
 
 soning ; Conduct of Eckius - - - - 61 
 
 Controversial Publications ; Luther denounced as the Friend of 
 
 the Bohemians - - - - - 62 
 
 Progress of Reform ; Erasmus publishes a Latin Version of the 
 
 New Testament ; also the Works of Jerome . - 63 
 
 Controversy between Martin Dorpius and Erasmus ; the former 
 
 convinced of his Error - - - - 64 
 
 Luther's Commentary on the Galatians; his Caution - .65 
 His dignified Address to the new Emperor . - 66 
 
 His Appeal to the various Orders of the State ; Reply of the 
 
 Archbishop of Mentz . _ - 67 
 
 Answer of the Bishop of Mersbourg; Indignation excited against 
 
 Luther at Rome . . . - - 68 
 
 Proceedings of the Pope ; his Letter to Frederic - . gg 
 
 1520. (June 15.) Papal Bull against Luther - . . 70 
 
 Luther prepared for these Anathemas - - - 71 
 
 He appeals to a General Council ; his Publication, " Of the 
 
 Captivity of Babylon " - - - 72 
 
 Energetic Proceedings of Luther - - - 73 
 
 His Works burnt at Louvain ; a similar Attempt fails at Ant- 
 werp and Mentz - . - - . 74 
 Luther retaliates by burning the papal Bull and Decrees at 
 
 Wittemberg ; explains and defends his Proceedings . 74 
 
 Heroism of Luther . , - - 75 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 REMARKS ON THE PAPAL POLICY. PREPARATIONS FOR THE 
 
 DIET OF WORMS. LUTHER APPEARS IN THAT CITY. HIS 
 
 DEFENCE. IS SEIZED ON HIS RB TURN, AND CONVEYED TO 
 
 THE CASTLE OF WARTBERG. 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Policy of the Vatican - - - - 77 
 
 A Diet at Worms resolved on ; Speech of Alexander - - 79 
 Luther departs for Worms - - - - 80 
 
 Luther preaches at Erfurt, and publishes his Sermon ; learns, at 
 _ Oppenheim, the Publication of a Bull condemning his Books 81 
 
 Exalted Character of Luther - - - - 81 
 
 (April 16.) Luther arrives at Worms - - - 81 
 
 Appears before the Diet ; Proceedings there ; Luther's Defence 82 
 Decision of the Diet - - - - - 85 
 
 Luther's Reply ; his dignified Bearing; the Emperor addresses 
 a Note to the Diet - - - - 85 
 
 Measures of the Diet to come to Terms with Luther ; a Confer- 
 ence held with him - - - . - 87 
 Proceedings thereat; Address of Jerome Vehe - - 88 
 Luther's Vindication - - - . - 89 
 His inflexible Adherence to Scripture ; Embarrassment of the 
 Diet - - - - - - 90 
 
 Ineffectual Attempt of Archbishop Eckius to influence Luther ; 
 Termination of the Diet - - - - 91 
 
 Luther ordered to quit Worms ; and interdicted from preaching 
 on his Way Home - - - - 91 
 
 His admirable Conduct throughout the Diet - - 92 
 
 (April 26.) Luther departs from Worms, attended by a Herald - 92 
 Arrives at Friedberg, where he addresses explanatory Letters to 
 
 the Emperor and others ; dismisses the Herald - - 93 
 
 Sensation created on Luther's Appearance in Hirschfeld ; 
 prevailed oti to preach there ; pursues his Way ; his Reflec- 
 tions - - - - - 93 
 
 Mysterious Adventure ; Luther seized by armed Men, and con- 
 veyed to the Castle of Wartberg; respectful Treatment of 
 him - - - - - - 94 
 
 Devotes himself, in his Imprisonment, to the Study of Scripture, 
 
 and the Composition of new Works - - -95 
 
 Irksomeness of his Solitude ; terms his Place of Confinement 
 
 his Patmos ; his Letter to Melancthon - - - 95 
 
 Luther's Retreat some Time unknown ; Suspicion of foul Play - 96 
 Fears for Luther's Safety allayed by the timely Appearance of 
 his Productions - - - - - 97 
 
 Reforms in their Worship by the Augustine Monks at Wittem- 
 berg; many quit the Monastery - - . - 97 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Page 
 Sound Discretion exercised by the Elector ; submits the Deter- 
 mination of the disputed Points to certain Deputies - 97 
 Reasons assigned by the seceding Monks ; the Judgment of the 
 
 Deputies accords therewith - - - 98 
 
 Prudence of the Deputies, and of Frederic - - - 99 
 
 Noble Perseverance of the Reformers ; ingenuous Reply of the 
 
 Deputies to Frederic's Queries - - - 100 
 
 Frederic temporiies ; important Crisis ; Firmness and Judg- 
 ment of the Deputies 2- - - . - 101 
 Zeal of Carlostad ; his Reforms in the Church Service ; Excite- 
 ment thereupon - - - - .102 
 The Law of Celibacy impugned ; violated by Bernhardi - 102 
 Melancthon justifies the Act ; speedily followed by others of the 
 
 Clergy - . . , - 103 
 
 Luther writes a Tract concerning the Augustine Monks ; his 
 
 Doubts about Celibacy - - - - 103 
 
 His Letters to Melancthon on the Subject - - - 104 
 
 Also to Spalatinus ; Luther's superior Wisdom - - 105 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 RISE OF FANATICISM. MUNCER AND HIS FOLLOWERS. ME- 
 
 LANCTHON's doubts. WRITES TO LUTHER. FIRMNESS OF 
 
 THAT REFORMER. RETURNS TO WITTEMBERG. CARLOSTAD's 
 
 proceedings. DIET OF NUREMBERG. PROGRESS OF RE- 
 FORM. CONTROVERSY WITH HENRV VIII. AND ERASMUS. 
 
 The Commencement of the Reformation unmarked by popular 
 
 Convulsions ; steady Progress of the first Reformers - 107 
 
 Rise of Fanaticism; the Authors of this Schism - -108 
 
 Proceedings of Muncer and his Followers ; Doubts of Melanc- 
 thon and Amsdorf . - - - 108 
 The Elector acquiesces in the Counsel of Melancthon, and re- 
 calls Luther ; his Opinion - - - - 109 
 The Fanatics yield no Submission to Luther ; their Alteration 
 in the Church Rites and Ordinances j Poedo-baptism prohi- 
 bited „ . . . - - 109 
 Luther's judicious Views of the Anabaptists; his admirable 
 
 Conduct - . . . - - 110 
 
 Boldness of the Fanatics; increasing Apprehensions of Luther; 
 
 fearful Effects of Enthusiasm . . - - 111 
 
 Contrast of the early Reformers with the Anabaptists - 112 
 
 Luther returns to Wittemberg; ineffectual Attempt of the 
 
 Elector to restrain him - - - -113 
 
 His Letter to Frederic - . - 113 
 
 Dr. Schurfius sent by the Elector to Luther - - 114 
 
 And prevails on him to address an apologetic Letter for the Step 
 
 he had taken . . . - 115 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XI 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Luther resumes his Labours in the Pulpit; condemns the ill- 
 judged Precipitancy of Carlostad - . . 115 
 Preaches a Series of Sermons - - - 116 
 Writes a Pamphlet on the Changes introduced ; Luther's Rea- 
 sons ; the Motives ascribed to him considered - - 117 
 Diet at Nuremberg; Death of Leo X. ; Adrian his Successor - 118 
 The new Pope proclaims the Necessity of Church Reform - 119 
 Interest excited by the approaching Diet; Adrian writes an 
 
 Exhortation to Frederic and others - - - 119 
 
 Adrian a Native of Utrecht ; his previous Career - - 120 
 
 The new Pope not inclined to favour the Reformation - 122 
 
 1523. (March 17.) Commencement of the Diet ; violent Proceedings 123 
 Accusations against Frederic for protecting Luther - - 123 
 Controversy with the Anabaptists ; Interview of Stubner with 
 
 Luther . - - - - 124 
 
 Prudent Conduct of Luther in relation to the Diet of Nurem- 
 berg ; addresses a Letter to the Princes of the Empire - 125 
 Martyrdom of two Augustiiies at Brussels ; their Confession of 
 
 Faith - . . . - 126 
 
 Luther introduces new Formularies of Worship - - 127 
 
 His circumspect Proceedings ... 128 
 
 Flight of Nine Nuns from their Monastery . - 128 
 
 This Example followed by Sixteen other Nuns - - 129 
 
 Occasional improper Marriages of the Clergy; Instance of 
 
 Wolfgang - . . . .129 
 
 Luther's present Position - - - - 129 
 
 Henry VIII. ambitious of Distinction's a Scholar ;] his Zeal for 
 
 the Church - - ' - - . - 130 
 
 He receives the Title of " Defender of the Faith ;" little Re- 
 spect of Luther for his Rank or Talents - - -131 
 Erasmus writes on the Side of the King; is rewarded by a Pen- 
 sion ; derogatory to his Character - . - 132 
 Eflfect of the Desertion of Erasmus upon Luther - -132 
 Letters of Erasmus .... 133 
 His Work entitled " The Diatribe " - - - 135 
 Luther delays his Answer - - . - 137 
 (Sept. 13.) Death of Pope Adrian - . - 137 
 He is succeeded by Clement VII. - - - 137 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 LUTHER PUTS OFF THE MONKISH HABIT. MEDITATES MARRIAGE. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE REFORMANION. WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 
 
 LUTHER WRITES ON THE SUBJECT. MUNCER. DEATH OF 
 
 FREDERIC. MARRIAGE OF LUTHER. ANSWERS ERASMUS. 
 
 Rapid Progress of the Reformation ; Firmness and Discretion 
 of Luther . . . - .139 
 
 1524. He rejects the Garb and Title of a Monk ... - 140 
 
Xll ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Energy of the Opposers of Reform ; the Diet summoned to meet 
 
 at Spire in November - - - - 141 
 
 State of Parties ; rival Plans - - -1*1 
 
 Accession of other States to the Cause of the Reformation - 142 
 1525. This Year fruitful in important Events - - 142 
 
 Impending Struggle in Europe ; raging of the Servile War - 142 
 Conduct of Luther and Muncer in the War of the Peasants - 143 
 Luther's Remonstrances to the Princes and Nobles - - 143 
 
 Dignity and Fervour of his Address ... 145 
 
 War of the Peasants ; their Twelve Demands ; the first, the Right 
 
 to choose their own Ministers .... - 145 
 
 Their second Grievance is the Payment of Tithes, which rests 
 on insufficient Authority ; demand only a Redistribution of 
 the Fund among their Pastors, and the Poor - - 146 
 
 They further contend for the Rank of Freemen; for their 
 Rights as Cultivators of the Soil ; for Exemption from oppres- 
 sive Taxes; for Liberty to hunt and fish ; and for the Aboli. 
 tion of unjust Laws - • - - 146 
 
 Willing to withdraw their Demands, if shown to be unscrip. 
 
 tural . - - - - 146 
 
 Melancthon an earnest Supporter of the Peasants - - 146 
 
 Success of the Insurgents; Influence of Muncer - .147 
 
 Insurrection of the Peasants of Swabia and Franconia . 147 
 
 Muncer instigated by Pfeifer to arouse the People to Rebellion ; 
 
 Muncer's Letter - - - - 148 
 
 Pfeifertakes the Field; his Success, and Cruelty - - 149 
 
 Joined by Muncer at Franckhuysen with 3000 Men - - 149 
 
 The Rebels surrounded by the Forces of Count Mansfeld ; the 
 
 Position of the Rebels - . . - 149 
 
 Muncer's Fears ; his Speech to his Companions . - 149 
 
 The seeming Prodigy of the Rainbow ... 150 
 
 The Rebels put to death a young Nobleman sent with Offers of 
 
 Pardon - - - .150 
 
 The Battle; Defeat and precipitate Flight of the Rebels - 151 
 
 Conflict in a Valley ; great Slaughter of the Peasants; Escape 
 
 of Muncer ..... 152 
 
 Muncer's Concealment discovered ; he is examined before the 
 Landgrave of Hesse and Prince George of Saxony ; and put 
 to the Torture - - . - - 152 
 
 Muncer again put to the Torture ; he reveals his Accomplices ; 
 
 Execution of Pfeifer and others; Muncer beheaded -153 
 
 Death of Frederic ; his Character - - - 153 
 
 Succeeded in the Electorate by his Brother Frederic - 154 
 
 Reflections on the State of Germany ... 154 
 Progress of the Revolution of Opinion and Principles ; Acces- 
 sion of Prussia to the Doctrines of Luther - - 155 
 Long Struggle of Prussia with Poland for Independence ; ad- 
 justed by Treaty - . - - 156 
 1525. Albert installed Duke of Prussia ; these Changes alarm the 
 
 Court of Rome . - . - 156 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Luther's new Views on the Subject of Marriage - - 156 
 
 He marries Catherine Bore ; Sensation it produces on the 
 
 Public . - - .157 
 
 Justification of the Step by Melancthon . . 158 
 
 Luther's Controversy on the Eucharist with Carlostad . 159 
 
 Luther answers the Treatise of Erasmus - . 15g 
 
 CHAP. vn. 
 
 FATE OF CARLOSTAD. ZUINGLE. RISE OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 IN SWITZERLAND. PROCEEDINGS AT ZURICH. ABOLITION OF 
 
 THE MASS. LUTHER OPPOSES ZUINGLE. APOLOGIZES TO 
 
 HENRY Vlll. PREPARATIONS FOR THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 
 
 Carlostad banished from Wittemberg . - - 161 
 
 Its Effect on his Conduct ; he writes a Letter of Apology to 
 
 Luther, and prevails on him to intercede for his Return - 162 
 
 Character of Carlostad ; Luther's Severity towards him - 163 
 
 Zuinglius ; his Birth and Education ; admitted a Priest - 164 
 
 He devotes himself to Study ; his Labours - . 165 
 
 Moral and religious Condition of Switzerland - . 165 
 
 Zuingle condemns their mercenary Warfare - - 166 
 
 He receives Promotion in the Church - . . 167 
 
 Progress of his Undertakings J his further Advancements - 168 
 
 Critical Position of Zuingle ; enlightened Conduct of the Ma- 
 gistrates - - - - - 169 
 1523. Summons of an Assembly at Zurich to consider the Accusations 
 
 urged against Zuingle ... 170 
 
 His triumphant Vindication _ - . 171 
 
 A second Assembly at Zurich, to consider the Worship of Images, 
 and the Eucharist - - - - 172 
 
 1524. An Assembly of all the Cantons at Lucerne, to counteract the 
 
 Operation of those at Zurich - - - 173 
 
 Progress of the Reformation in Switzerland - - 174 
 
 1525. (April.) The Adoration of the,Host abolished; Administration 
 
 of the Lord's Supper - - - - 175 
 
 Schism between Luther and the other Reformers - - 176 
 
 Luther's Justification of himself to the King of England - 177 
 
 His Address to George of Saxony - - - 178 
 
 Proceedings of the Enemies of Luther - - - 179 
 
 1526. Re-assembling of the Diet at Spire postponed to the Autumn ; 
 
 Place of Meeting changed to Augsburg - . - - 179 
 
 So few Members attending, the Business is again postponed ; and 
 Spire fixed on for the Rendezvous - - - 179 
 
 1527. (June 25.) Opening of the Diet - - -180 
 Alarm of the Reformers at the Emperor's Edict ; Formation of 
 
 a League among them - - - - 180 
 
 Their Remonstrances to the Emperor ; Melancthon draws up an 
 Apology for the reformed Doctrines - - - 181 
 
XIV ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Measures taken by the Emperor against the Lutherans - 181 
 
 The Diet prorogued to the 3d of August [. - 182 
 
 Their Proceedings on re-assembling ... ^82 
 The Lutheran Party, preparing to leave the Assembly, are pre- 
 
 vailed on by Ferdinand to remain - . - 183 
 
 General Alarm at the victorious Advance of the Turks through 
 
 Hungary ..... 184 
 
 Unsettled State of Affairs in Switzerland; Controversy ] at 
 
 Basle . . . . - 184 
 
 Zuingle treated with tyrannous Injustice . . 184 
 
 Irresistible Progress of the Reformation ... 185 
 Its moral and social Results - - - 186 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 CEREMONIES AND DISCIPLINE REFORMED. POLITICAL EVENTS. 
 
 TROUBLES OF LUTHER. CONTROVERSY WITH ZUINGLE. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND. TREATY 
 
 OF ERESLAU. REFOF.MS AT STRASBURG. INSTRUCTIONS 
 
 TO THE PASTORS. DIET OF SPIRE. ITS CONSEQUENCES. 
 
 Luther directs his Attention to the Instruction of the People - 188 
 His Proceedings marked with Discretion and sound Judgment - 189 
 Important Political Struggle .... 190 
 
 Circumstances which led to the Imprisonment of the Pope and 
 
 his Cardinals . - . - 191 
 
 Conduct of the Emperor ; Releases the Pope only upon PajTnent 
 
 of Ransom . - . . - 191 
 
 The Impression on the Minds of both Catholics and Reformers 191 
 Decidedly favourable to the Prospects of the Reformers . 192 
 
 Formation of a League against them . - - 192 
 
 Situation of the German Princes ; Luther's Advice - 193 
 
 Ravages of the Plague ; Removal of the Electoral Court from 
 
 Wittemberg . - - - -194 
 
 Luther remains in the City; he is oppressed with Melancholy . 194 
 Approaching Crisis ; Luther writes a Treatise on .War ; his 
 
 Controversy with Bucer and Zuingle - - - 195 
 
 Bitterness of Feeling engendered ... 196 
 
 Xew Publication of Luther ; temperate Reply of Zuingle - 197 
 
 1527. State of the reformed Party in Switzerland ; Assembly at 
 
 Berne - - . - .197 
 
 Abolition of the Mass and the Use of Images in that City . 198 
 
 1528. Opposition of Luther to the Sacramentarians - - 199 
 Political Disputes ; Coalition of Francis and Henry against the 
 
 Emperor ..... 200 
 
 Challenge of the latter by Francis to single Combat ; allowed 
 
 to drop . , - . . . 200 
 
 The Union of France and England favourable to the Re- 
 formers . . . - 201 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 League formed against the Landgrave of Hesse and the Elector 
 
 of Saxony - - . - 201 
 
 (May 12.) Treaty of the Confederates signed at Breslau - 202 
 
 Astonishment of the Landgrave and the Elector upon its Dis- 
 closure - - - _ . 203 
 Their vigorous Measures ; Promises of Support from other 
 
 Powers - . . _ . 204 
 
 Excitement at Wittemberg ; Luther and Melancthon dissuade 
 
 the Elector from Proceedings - . - 204 
 
 Indecision of the Elector; his Conference with the Landgrave, 
 * who writes to his Father-in-law - - . 205 
 
 Disavowal by George of Saxony of the Treaty of Breslau ; the 
 Treaty also denounced as a Fabrication by the other Con- 
 federates - - - - - 206 
 Justification of the Landgrave by the Evidence of Paccius - 206 
 Defence of Paccius ; he is banished, and afterwards beheaded - 207 
 The Prelates suspected of joining in the League the only Suf- 
 
 ferers ; Luther and Melancthon earnestly inculcate Peace - 207 
 Rapid Progress of the reformed Doctrines - . 208 
 
 Proceedings of the Senate of Strasbourg . - 208 
 
 Assembly of the Population, and Abolition of the Mass and other 
 
 Superstitions - - - . - . 209 
 
 Visitation of all the Congregations within the Electorate - 210 
 
 A Formulary for the Pastors drawn up by Melancthon and 
 
 Luther . - - . - 210 
 
 Its Reception with the Public - - . 212 
 
 Approach of the Diet at Spire; Luther's Moderation . 214 
 
 Assembly of the Diet; Arrival of the Princes - -215 
 
 The Elector of Saxony is attended only by Melancthon and a 
 
 few Domestics - - - .215 
 
 Discouraging Reception the Elector meets with ; yet he and 
 
 Philip of Hesse retain their Firmness - . 216 
 
 Two Objects contemplated by the Diet - . 216 
 
 The Address from the Emperor produces a Feeling of Anger 
 
 among the Members - - - . 217 
 
 The Reformers prevailed on, by their common Danger, to lay 
 
 aside their Dissensions - ... 217 
 
 They refuse Submission to the arbitrary Decree of the Diet - 218 
 Being denied a Hearing, they solemnly protest against its In- 
 justice and Tyranny - _ . 218 
 Hence originated the Appellation of Protestant; Substance of 
 
 the Document - - - - 218 
 
 The Lutherans and Sacramentarians made sensible of the Evils 
 
 of Disunion - - . - 219 
 
 Conference between Luther and Zuinglius . - 220 
 
 Uncompromising Spirit of Luther ; Termination of the Con- 
 ference - - - . -221 
 The Rancour of sectarian Enmity unappeaseable - - 222 
 False Alarm of the Emperor concerning the Protestants ; the 
 
XVI ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave write to undeceive 
 
 him - - - . - 222 
 
 Substance of their Communication - - -222 
 
 (May) The Document presented to Charles at Placentia ; his 
 
 Reply - - . - - 223 
 
 The Protestant Princes prepare for Self-defence - - 224 
 
 Difficulty of establishing a League among them ; Luther opposed 
 
 to Conciliation .... 22-1 
 
 Indecision of the Elector; attends the Meeting at Smalcalde - 225 
 He presents Articles of Faith for Signature as an indispensable 
 
 Preliminary - . . - 225 
 
 Surprise and Disappointment of the Deputies at the Elector's 
 
 Conduct - - - - - 226 
 
 Only the Deputies from Nuremberg assent to his Opinions ; 
 
 the Elector inflexible - - - - 226 
 
 Adjournment of the Meeting to Nuremberg early in January . 226 
 1530. This Meeting attended by a small Proportion only of the Depu- 
 
 ties ; no Hope of Union ... 226 
 
 Impending Danger to the People of Strasburg; they sign a 
 
 Treaty for Fifteen Years with Zurich and Basle - - 227 
 
 Victorious Progress of Solyman - . - 227 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. CONFERENCE WITH THE POPE. 
 
 DIET OF AUGSBURG. PROCEEDINGS THERE. PROTESTANT 
 
 CONFESSION. DISPUTES. LUTHER AND MELANCTHON. 
 
 LENGTHENED DISCUSSION. CLOSE OF THE DIET, 
 
 1530, Policy of Charles in regard to religious Affairs - - 228 
 
 Expediency of a general Council - - - 228 
 
 It is advocated by Gattinara, the chief Adviser of the Emperor 229 
 Conference on the Subject between the Pope and Charles ; Speech 
 
 of Gattinara - . . . - 229 
 
 Clement's Answer .... 231 
 
 Gattinara, about to reply, is interrupted - - 233 
 
 Powerful Address of the Emperor . - - 234 
 
 His Reproof to Clement for instigating to Arms - . 235 
 
 Prevailing Ignorance of the Nature of religious Freedom - 236 
 
 Deep Impression made by the Speech of the Emperor - 237 
 
 Clement successful in persuading the Emperor to abandon his 
 
 Design - . . - -237 
 
 Diet summoned to meet at Augsburg in April; its Object, to 
 
 compose the religious Differences - - - 238 
 
 (Feb. 24.) Coronation of the Emperor - - -238 
 
 The Assembly of the Diet deferred until May ; the protracted 
 
 Stay of Charles at the papal Court creates Suspicions - 238 
 
 Meeting at Augsburg; Arrival of the Princes with splendid 
 
 Retinues ; Luther absent . . - 239 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XVii 
 
 L'. Page 
 
 (June 5.) Splendid Entry into Augsburg of the Emperor - 239 
 
 The Sincerity of the Protestants brought to the Test j Declar- 
 ation of George of Brandenburg - - .240 
 The Protestant Princes have an Audience of Charles - - 240 
 Compromise entered into - - - . 241 
 Grandeur and Influence of Charles - - .241 
 The Business of the Meeting opened by Frederic, Count Pala- 
 tine ; followed by a written Address of the Emperor - 242 
 (June 24.) AflFairs of Religion ; Latin Oration of Campegio - 243 
 Pontanus requests Permission for the Protestants then to read 
 
 their Apology ; attempted Evasion of the Emperor . 243 
 
 The Protestant Confession of Faith is read the following Day 
 
 before the assembled Diet - - . 244 
 
 Favourable Impression created ; an important Point gained by 
 
 the Reformers ; the Assembly dissolved - . 245 
 
 The Confession of Augsburg displayed the Candour and Ho- 
 nesty of the Protestants ... 245 
 Abstract of the First Part of the Confession ; of the Twenty-one 
 
 Articles which relate to Points of Faith ... 246 
 Abstract of the Second Part ; of the Six Articles which relate to 
 
 Points of Discipline ... . 248 
 
 The concluding Article - .... 250 
 
 The Composition of the Document considered; . , 251 
 
 Charles unsuccessfully urged to put down the Protestant Fac- 
 tion by Arms - . . ^ . 252 
 Various Propositions ; the Reply to the Confession - . 253 
 Painful Anxiety of Melancthon and his Party j Luther's Energy 
 
 needed - - . . . 253 
 
 Melancthon's Application to Luther for Support ; Occupations 
 
 of Luther; his Answer .... 254 
 (Augusts.) The Diet re-assembled; the Emperor directs the 
 
 Answer of the Romanist Divines to be read . . 256 
 
 Substance of their Objections to the Confession - -256 
 
 The Protestants with difficulty obtain a Copy of the Document 257 
 The Emperor leaves the Subject to Mediation . . 257 
 
 The Protestants distrust the Mediators; Departure of the 
 
 Landgrave .... 258 
 
 Charles directs the City Gates to be closed, and the Public 
 
 Avenues to be guarded - - - . 258 
 
 He revokes this Order at the Instance of the Elector of Saxony 258 
 Decision of the Mediators - . , 259 
 
 (Aug. 13.) Reply of the Protestants ; its conciliatory Tone - 259 
 Melancthon's Letter to Cardinal Campegio ; its earnest Humility 
 
 of Expression - ... 260 
 
 Receiving no Reply from the Cardinal, he addresses himself to 
 
 his Secretary - - . - 261 
 
 Luther disapproves of the Concessions oflfered to the Bishops ; 
 
 Sentiments of Melancthon - . -262 
 
 Pontanus persists in declaring the Pope to be Antichrist; Com- 
 missioners appointed to consider of mutual Concessions - 282 
 
 VOL. I. a 
 
XViii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 A. D. P^^^ 
 
 They make no essential Progress ; the Emperor undertakes the 
 
 Settlement of the Dispute - - - 263 
 
 His EfiForts fruitless ; he allows the Protestants a Week for final 
 
 Deliberation - . . - 264 
 
 Decisive Reply of the Protestants - - - 264 
 
 Steps taken against them by Charles - - - 265 
 
 1530. (Sept. 18.) The Elector's departure delayed ; summoned to the 
 
 reading of the Decree against his Party - - 265 
 
 Substance of this Instrument - - - 265 
 
 Charles refuses to receive from the Protestants the Apology for 
 
 their Confession - - - - 266 
 
 Unfortunate Divisions among the Reformers - - 266 
 
 Other Measures of the Emperor ; the Princes again appear be- 
 fore him - - - - - 266 
 Result of the Interview - - - -267 
 Exclamation of the Elector on bidding Charles farewell - 268 
 The Emperor's Difficulty in obtaining Supplies from the States 269 
 Another ineffectual Appeal to the Emperor - - 269 
 (Nov. 19.) Last Meeting of the Diet - - - 269 
 The various Acts of the Assembly read - - 270 
 Reflections on the Close of the Diet - - - 272 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OP THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN AND OTHER 
 COUNTRIES. — RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN SPAIN. — INTRODUC- 
 TION OF THE INQUISITION. ITS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE 
 
 JEWS. APPEARANCE OF LUTHERANISM. ALARM OF THE 
 
 INQUISITION. MEASURES FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE RE- 
 FORMED DOCTRINES. MARTYRS. EXTINCTION OF LUTHER- 
 ANISM IN SPAIN. 
 
 The political Connection of Spain and Germany - - 273 
 
 Moral and social Condition of the People of Spain ; they enjoy 
 
 a superior Degree of religious Freedom - - 274 
 
 Which is lost upon the Introduction of the Inquisition - 275 
 
 1232. Gregory IX. takes Measures for the Establishment of the In. 
 
 quisition ; Zeal of Ferdinand III. - - - 276 
 
 Strenuous Opposition of the People - - - 276 
 
 The Inquisition becomes a Supreme Court under Ferdinand and 
 
 Isabel - - . • - 277 
 
 1477. Extension of its Privileges - - - 277 
 
 1480. (Oct. 9.) Its unwilling Reception in the City of Seville . 277 
 
 Flight of the Jews, and others ; Infamy of the Inquisitors in 
 
 persecuting the Fugitives ... 278 
 
 Number and Riches of the Jews in Spain - - 278 
 
 1491. Slaughter of more than 5000 Jews - - - 279 
 
ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XIX 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 Immense Number of forced Conversions - . 279 
 
 Description of the Torture ... 279 
 
 Complication of Evils that followed the Persecution of the 
 
 Jews - - - - 280 
 
 Dreadful Cruelties practised on the Jews - - 281 
 
 Complaints made to the Pope ; his consummate Policy - 282 
 
 Isabel addresses the Pope ; his artful Answer - - 283 
 
 Conspiracy formed against the Chief Inquisitors - - 283 
 
 Assassination of Pierre Arbries ; this Event proves nearly fatal 
 
 to the Jews - - - - 284 
 
 Vengeance taken for the Murder of the Chief Inquisitor - 284 
 
 Escape and Death of Gaspard de Santa Cruz ; barbarous Con- 
 duct of the Inquisition toward his Son - - 285 
 1498. The Persecution of the Jews who adhere to their Faith re- 
 solved on - - - - 285 
 They offer 30,000 Ducats to Ferdinand to remain unmolested - 286 
 The King disposed to relax his intended Rigour towards them ; 
 
 prevented by the Grand Inquisitor - - 286 
 
 800,000 Jews expelled from Spain - - - 287 
 
 Immense Numbers of the Moors of Grenada also banished - 287 
 Progress in Seville of the Inquisition ; horrible Cruelties prac- 
 tised - - - • .287 
 Lutheranism affords new Employment to the Holy Office - 288 
 Sketch of the System of the Inquisition - - 288 
 The reformed Opinions introduced into Spain through its Con- 
 nection with Germany - - - 289 
 Luther's Works excite the Minds of the Spaniards - 289 
 Agency in the Cause of Reform of Part of the Emperor's Suite 290 
 Proceedings of the Inquisition - - -290 
 Their affected Forbearance ; Case of Juan de Avila - 291 
 They subsequently .inflict terrific Tortures ; Description of an 
 Auto daf4 - - - - 291 
 1557, 1558. Many supposed Protestants suffer from the Inquisition - 292 
 Persecution of the Lutherans - - - - 293 
 Vast number of Autos da fi in Seville and Valladolid - 294 
 1559. (May 21.) Frightful Spectacle at Valladolid of an Auto da fi!; 
 
 the Royal Family present - - - 294 
 
 Thirty Heretics consigned to the Flames; Case of Doctor 
 
 Cazalla ..... 295 
 
 (October.) Another Auto da fe ; Thirteen Persons burnt alive - 296 
 Sixteen Persons condemned to appear as Penitents; Case of 
 
 Sanchez - - . - 296 
 
 Unequal Punishments of the Inquisition - - 296 
 
 Twenty-one Persons burnt at an Auto dafi at Seville; Eighty 
 
 undergo the Ordeal of Penitence - - 297 
 
 Cases of Doctor Blanco and Doctor Christobal da Losada - 297 
 
 Affecting instance of a Brother perishing with his two Sisters - 298 
 Heroism of Maria de Bohorques - - - 299 
 
 Case of Juan Ponce de Leon . - 300 
 
 a 2 
 
XX ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLK. 
 
 A. D. Page 
 
 1560. (December 22.) Another Auto dafe at Seville ; Fourteen burnt, 
 
 Thirty-four shown as Penitents - - - 302 
 
 Burton, a London Merchant, and William Burke, an English 
 
 Seaman, two of the Victims which perished - - 302 
 
 Violation of the Law of Nations ; Burton's Property confis- 
 cated ; Restitution demanded by John Frampton - - 302 
 Flagrant Conduct of the Inquisition toward Frampton - 303 
 Horrible Cruelties practised on Juana de Bohorques , - 304 
 Her Innocence fully proved ... 305 
 1560—1570. An Auto da fe annually celebrated in every Town contain- 
 ing the Inquisition - - - - 305 
 Protestantism is thus expunged from the Peninsula - 305 
 Subsequent Accounts>f the Autos dafe - . - 305 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 INTEREST EXCITED BY THE PROGRESS OF LUTHER. HIS WORKS 
 
 CIRCULATED IN ITALY. CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE RE- 
 CEPTION OF HIS DOCTRINES IN THAT COUNTRY. PERSECU- 
 TIONS CREATED BY THE POPE. MARTYRS. SUPPRESSION 
 
 OF THE REFORMATION. ITS RISE IN FRANCE. CALVIN 
 
 AND HIS ASSOCIATES. — CONCLUSION. 
 
 General Satisfaction at the Success of Luther - - 307 
 
 A Reformation deemed necessary long prior to Luther . 307 
 
 Reformation in Italy ; the temporal Authority of the Pope had 
 been attacked by Dante and Petrarch ; Opposition of succeed- 
 ing Writers ..... 308 
 Luther's early Works circulated in Italy - . 308 
 
 The Writings of the Reformers subsequently interdicted by 
 
 Leo - - - - 309 
 
 The vicious Conduct of the Italian Clergy productive of great 
 
 Scandal - - - - 309 
 
 Their Lives and Behaviour directly opposite to the Precepts of 
 
 Jesus Christ and his Apostles - - - 309 
 
 Impediments in the Way of the Reformation - . 310 
 
 Most important Effects of the reformed Doctrines at Venice and 
 
 Naples; Aretino; Liberty of the Press - - 311 
 
 Luther's Doctrines established at Naples by Juan Valdez ; Co- 
 operation with him of Ochino and Vermigli - - 312 
 Holiness of Character ^of Ochino - . -313 
 Allusions of Erasmus to the Style of Preaching at this Period - 313 
 Ferrara distinguished as an Asylum to the Sufferers for the 
 
 Cause in France - - - . 314 
 
 Arrival there of Calvin - - -314 
 
 At Bologna, the Labours of John Mollio are productive of Be- 
 nefit: Increase there of Protestantism - -315 
 
ANALYTICAL AN« CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXi 
 
 A. u. Page 
 
 Milan participates in the Movement "."^ - . - 315 
 
 Proceedings instituted against the Reformers of the various 
 
 States ; Venice basely yields ; Flight of Ochino and Martyr - 315 
 
 1562. Martyrdom of Julio Guirlanda ; Venetian Punishments - 316 
 
 (Feb. 15.) Martyrdom of Antonio Ricetto ; ineffectual Appeal to 
 
 him of his Child - - - - - 317 
 
 Martyrdom of Sega and Francesco Spinola - - 318 
 
 Therevolting Barbarities practised in Italy; Fate of the Protest- 
 ants of Locarno ; Persecutions at Rome - - - 319 
 The House of the Inquisition burnt by the Populace upon the 
 Death of Paul - - - - 320 
 
 The Inquisition continue their Career ; Narrative of their Ac- 
 tions J Case of Giovanni Mollio and others . . - 320 
 Energetic and eloquent Address of Mollio - - 321 
 A young Englishman burnt - - - - 322 
 
 Account of Bartholomew Bartoccio - - -322 
 
 He suffers Martyrdom - - - - 324 
 
 Remarks on the Policy of Governments at that Period - 324 
 
 The Reformation spreading through France, England, the Low 
 Countries, and Denmark - - - - 325 
 
 John Le Clerc the first Lutheran Preacher in France; he de- 
 clares the Pope to be Antichrist ; he is whipped, and exiled ; 
 he repairs to Metz - ... - 325 
 
 1523. He pulls down the Images from the Churches ; he is seized and 
 
 burnt - - - - - - 326 
 
 The Parliament of Paris consigns Luther's Books to the Flames ; 
 
 Melancthon's Writings also condemned - - 326 
 
 The Friends of Le Clerc sheltered by the Queen of Navarre ; 
 
 and herself and Husband become Lutherans - - 326 
 
 Anger of Francis L at his Sister's Conduct - - 326 
 
 The Queen is summoned to his Presence; takes with her Ger- 
 hard Roussel and two Augustine Monks ; Disapprobation of 
 Francis at her Alterations in the public Worship - - 327 
 
 The Queen justifies herself; the Divines attending her produce 
 an explanatory Document ... . 327 
 
 French Protestantism based on its Articles ; called the " Mass 
 with the seven Points " - - - - 327 
 
 Roussel and his Associates imprisoned ; released through the 
 
 Influence of the Queen ; Roussel appointed Bishop of Oleron 327 
 The Rector of St. Eustathius a Convert to Lutheranisra; his 
 Preaching at first tolerated ; but he is afterwards prevailed 
 upon to desist from the Promulgation of his new Doctrines - 328 
 Spread of Lutheranism in Paris - - . 328 
 
 1527. Francis petitioned to mitigate the Evil ; Martyrdom of Louis 
 
 Berquin - . . . . 329 
 
 Events contemplated which led to the Establishment of religious 
 
 Freedom . . . - . 330 
 
 The Reformation afFords a triumphant Exhibition of the Power 
 of Truth - - . . .331 
 
a^- 
 
 
 
 THE REFORMATION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. COMMENCEMENT OP SIXTEENTH 
 
 CENTURY. LEO X. STATE OF THE CHURCH. EFFECTS 
 
 OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING. THE CHARACTER OF THE 
 
 CLERGY. STATE OP THE MONASTIC ORDERS. ■•— CONDITION 
 
 OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 It is a remarkable circumstance in the history of our 
 race, that the evils once introduced by pride and ty- 
 ranny have usually remained unresisted for several ages. 
 This has been owing partly to the natural timidity of 
 the human mind, when calculating the hazards attending 
 change; and partly to the politic caution with which the 
 enemies of mankind lay the foundation of their schemes, 
 and support them by perpetual appeals to the fears and 
 hopes of their victims. Another circumstance worthy 
 of observation is^ that corruption employs almost the 
 same instruments, and pursues the same methods, in all 
 ages, in the church as well as in the state. Civilisation 
 depends on the diffusion of intelligence, and the esta- 
 blishment of just laws : to repress the one, or pervert 
 the other, is to rob society of its intrinsic rights ; but, 
 as power can never overstep the proper limits of au- 
 thority, when the interests of knowledge and justice are 
 preserved, to stop the progress of the one, and keep out 
 
2 HISTORY OF THE REFORfllATION. 
 
 of sight the true foundations and necessary applications 
 of the other, are every where the main efforts of am- 
 bition and tyranny. Christianity, again, has so mani- 
 festly for its direct object the improvement of man's 
 nature, that to conceal any of its doctrines, or to oppose, 
 under the pretence of its sanctions, the full develope- 
 ment and exercise of reason, is to resist its author, and 
 nullify his mercy. But a system so pure and luminous 
 as that of the Gospel is totally adverse to the deceits 
 and artifices necessary for the support of spiritual pride, 
 or ecclesiastical ambition : the system has, therefore, to 
 be modified when employed for such purposes ; and, 
 that this may be done securely, every effort must be 
 made to prevent a comparison between the new and 
 the original form of the religion. The domination of 
 the. Roman pontiffs afforded, for many ages, a memor- 
 able instance of power wholly supported by these means. 
 As bishops of one of the most ancient provinces of the 
 Christian church, they merited reverence, and had a 
 just claim to the authority which Christ has vested in 
 his ministers : but this was not sufficient for the pur- 
 poses of pride and sensual ambition ; and that which 
 the Gospel allowed not, they had to support by a cum- 
 bersome scaffolding of crafty inventions. Nor did they 
 stop here ; for no invention which tends to violate truth 
 or nature can endure long, if the evidence existing 
 against it be not studiously anticipated. To prevent the 
 light of the Gospel, therefore, from freely circulating, 
 to put a ban upon reason when it ventured to assail 
 even the outworks of usurped authority, was the grand 
 policy of Rome ; and in this it succeeded till it left no 
 alternative for mankind but to groan perpetually under 
 the most galHng of yokes, or assert the rights of reason 
 and the liberty of the Gospel, with a new and holy 
 enthusiasm. Happily for our race, the spirit of truth 
 led to the adoption of the latter course. 
 
 The church presented, at the beginning of the six- 
 teenth century, a melancholy spectacle of disorder and 
 licentiousness. Pontiffs had occupied the seat of su- 
 
STATE OP THE CHURCH. 3 
 
 preme authority, whose vices were the subject of uni- 
 versal reprobation. Countenanced by their example, 
 the richer clergy indulged themselves in every species of 
 sensual enjoyment : affected pomp in their deportment; 
 luxury in all the details of their establishments ; and 
 introduced the principle, that if respect and reverence 
 were to be obtained for ecclesiastics of rank, they must 
 be secured by the splendour of their own living, as well 
 as by the grandeur of their ceremonies at the altar. To 
 the evils thus introduced are to be added those which 
 could not fail to spring from a divided pontificate. The 
 strength of the church of Rome depended wholly on 
 the principle of unity ; and, in so far as it in any way 
 performed the offices of a Christian church, the world 
 suffered greatly at the time from the violation of this 
 principle. Considered as one of the means by which 
 the Reformation was assisted, the setting up of the chair 
 at Avignon was politically a good ; but, viewed in re- 
 ference to the Roman church, then the depository of 
 religious authority, the sole dispenser of the doctrines 
 of salvation, it was a circumstance greatly to be la- 
 mented by every thoughtful and pious mind. Had the 
 Reformation not speedily followed this deplorable instance 
 of schism, the Christian church would never have re- 
 covered the injury it received by such a violation of its 
 consistency. Men could scarcely have been persuaded 
 to render obedience to an authority which rested on the 
 plea of supremacy, when it had ceased to be known for 
 certainty in whom the supremacy existed; and thus left 
 without government, without the bonds of discipline, 
 without any acknowledged guide in matters of doubt 
 or difficulty, the vast community of professing Chris- 
 tians would have rapidly lost every vestige of the fea- 
 tures which had so long characterised it as a uoiversal 
 church. 
 
 The character of Alexander VI. would have been a. d. 
 viewed with horror in the dark ages of heathenism, and 1503. 
 his career ended in a manner which agreed well with 
 the tenor of his life. Having prepared a poisoned 
 B 2 
 
4 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 draught for the cardinal Cornetto and others^ he was 
 himself, through design or accident_, made the victim of 
 his perfidy. The whole of his pontificate had been 
 passed in the perpetration of crime. A licentious in- 
 tercourse made him the father of an offspring who 
 inherited the darkest vices of their parent ; and, to 
 provide for this offspring, he had despoiled the church 
 of its treasures, and bartered its honours to the basest 
 purchasers. It was to enrich the duke de Valentinois, 
 his son, that he attempted the destruction of the car- 
 dinal Cornetto; and his death, which occurred in 1503, 
 afforded an awful instance of the divine judgments, 
 even in this world, on depravity like his. 
 
 Pius III., who immediately succeeded to the pon- 
 tifical dignity, survived his elevation but one month; 
 and the vacant chair was next filled by a. man who, 
 though not degraded by vices so odious as those of 
 Alexander, was scarcely better entitled to occupy such 
 a station. Julius II. made no attempt to conceal the 
 tendency of his disposition for scenes of violence. Had 
 he been born to empire, he would probably have become 
 renowned for conquest among the greatest generals of 
 the world : as it was, he exhibited in his character and 
 actions the fierceness of the warrior, with the worst 
 faults of an abandoned priest. The mad ambition 
 which urged him to attempts equally dangerous to the 
 peace of Europe, and the safety of the church, brought 
 down upon him the vengeance of contemporary sove- 
 reigns. A council was held at Pisa, in 1511, for the 
 purpose of suppressing his violence; but its decrees were 
 despised by Julius, and formally annulled, the following 
 year, by a council assembled for that purpose in the 
 pontifical palace. This act of daring policy closed his 
 career; and the succession of LeoX.* changed the aspect 
 
 * The early part of Leo's life;, notwithstanding his ecclesiastical cha- 
 racter, had been passed in courts and camps. As the legate of Julius II., 
 he had attended his army in its struggles with the French, and was made 
 prisoner at Kavenna in 1512. It is related, that the soldiers who took him 
 expressed the most profound reverence for their prisoner, of whom they 
 continually besought absolution. Pallavicin. Con. Trident, lib. i. c. 1. n. 2. 
 
CHARACTER OF LEO X. 5 
 
 of affairs, and introduced an era not less remarkable for 
 refinement than was that which preceded it for disorder 
 and sanguinary conflicts. 
 
 To none of the Roman pontiffs has history given a a. b. 
 more brilHant reputation than that accorded to Leo X. 1'513. 
 Sprung from the noble house of Medicis, born and 
 educated amid the glories of Florentine art, this dis- 
 tinguished man ascended the throne in the flower of 
 his age, and possessed of every qualification for attract- 
 ing the admiration of the world. Had he been imbued 
 with a feeling for divine truth proportionable in any 
 degree to his love of literature and philosophy, the 
 church of Rome might still have recovered itself, and 
 the temporary calm which it enjoyed been made con- 
 ducible to its progressive reformation. But the refine- 
 ments of taste, the ardent pursuit of inquiries which 
 delight the mind with the sense of its activity, though 
 not incompatible with the profoundest piety, are not 
 calculated to cherish a weak faith, or foster humility 
 and holiness when not well grounded in the heart. Leo 
 saw himself placed in a situation in which he might 
 become the patron of learning and the arts, and acquire 
 the reputation, so precious to an elegant mind, of being 
 the friend of genius.* His own acquirements were 
 considerable : they were sufficient to make him the equal 
 of the scholars whom he wished to patronise ; and the 
 ambition of the man of letters was excited simulta- 
 neously with the generous ardour of the patron. The 
 period in which he began his career was full of dangers 
 for a pontiff of this character : it demanded the severe 
 
 According to Paulus Jovius, lie had not. been backward in the use of 
 his sacerdotal authority in urging the soldiers to battle ; for that historian 
 relates that he promised etern?! life to as many as should fall in the pope's 
 cause. De Vita Leonis, lib. ii. p. 43. 
 
 * 1 he unfitness of Leo for his high oflfire is not disallowed by those who 
 would have preferred being his panegyrists. Falavicin says distinctly, that 
 while lie excelled in all profane ie.rning, he neglected his duty by passing 
 over that pnrt of literature which was not only the most noble, but the 
 most fitted toll is situation ; and that, when placed at the head of the church, 
 he tool: far gi eater pleasure in the society of those who were skilful in the 
 fables of Greece, and the graces of the poets, than in that of scholars who 
 studied the history of the church and the doctrines of the fathers, ralavic. 
 Con, Trident, lib. i. c. 2. n. 2. 
 
 B 3 
 
O HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 energies of an intellect deeply imbued with Christian 
 virtues, and strengthened by the convictions of ex- 
 perience. The corruptions which deformed the church 
 might have been viewed by such a mind as affording 
 reason for extraordinary labours, and a line of policy 
 equally distinguished by its boldness and its purity : 
 the same corruptions, to a man of Leo's character, 
 could only discourage it from exertion in the govern- 
 ment of the church, and inspire it with a desire to 
 escape from the gloomy disorder it presented^ into the 
 smooth and flowery paths of philosophy. 
 
 Melancholy as Avas the state of things during nearly 
 the whole of the fifteenth century, much had been done 
 in that period for the interests of learning. The found- 
 ations of a noble literature were early laid in Italy by 
 Dante and Petrarch ; both of them men of immense 
 capacity, and enthusiastic in the defence of truth and 
 liberty. Their writings prove how earnestly they yearned 
 after knowledge; how high a value they placed on every 
 ray of light which broke upon them from the past; and 
 how they rejoiced when the truths which they demon- 
 strated to themselves by solitary reflection were found 
 deposited in the records of antiquity. It was almost 
 absolutely necessary that the task of reviving learning 
 should fall upon men like these ; that the value of what 
 had passed into oblivion should be made manifest by 
 those who had much of what was precious to offer from 
 themselves. Had the zeal of the mere scholar been 
 employed in the undertaking, the dry bones might have 
 been found, the skeleton shown complete ; but men 
 would never have cared to look upon the cold and 
 fleshless forms thus reproduced ; and the scholar, un- 
 rewarded for his toil, would have ceased to labour. 
 Those fertile and original minds, on the other hand, 
 who led the way in this great work, gave instant life 
 and beauty to what they recovered from the past : they 
 made the treasures they brought forth beautiful to the 
 eye and heart of the meanest of men ; and an anxiety 
 for knowledge was thereby awakened, which soon pro- 
 
REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 7 
 
 duced a general change in the notions of every class of 
 society. 
 
 The superintendence of Divine Providence is distinctly 
 visible in the progress of these important events. When 
 a succession of remarkable men distinguishes one par- 
 ticular period, there is a strong presumptive evidence 
 that the ruler of the universe has some great work for 
 them to execute ; but this evidence amounts to what is 
 not far short of demonstration, when we find events and 
 circumstances falling out in such a manner as to afford 
 the most signal assistance to the instruments thus em- 
 ployed. The revival of learning could never have been 
 effected, had not many occurrences removed the diffi- 
 culties which so long opposed it. Europe required 
 teachers from the East ; the writings of authors, copies 
 of whose works could only be found in sufficient num- 
 bers in the magnificent collections of remote countries. 
 The ruin of the Eastern empire led immediately to the 
 satisfying of this want. Native professors of the Greek 
 language and literature established themselves, soon after 
 that event, in most of the large Italian towns ; manu- 
 scripts were circulated freely among the scholars of the 
 age ; new paths were opened for inquiry, and fresh 
 means every day afforded to assist the adventurer in his 
 enterprise.* 
 
 * The solicitude of Leo to recover and publish the works of the ancients 
 Is strikingly shown in his two letters to the archbishop of Mentz, copied by 
 Bayle, as communicated to him by M. de Seidel : — " "We send John Heyt- 
 men, our beloved son, clerk of the diocese of I^iege, &c. &c., to search for 
 valuable and ancient books that have been lost through the injury of time; 
 in which business we spare no expense; only that, as we have determined, 
 from the very beginning of our pontificate, solely with a design to promote 
 the honour and glory of the Most High, we may, by God's assistance, 
 cherish, promote, and serve famous men of all sorts, especially the learned. 
 Wherefore, intending to procure the publication of as many such books as 
 can come into our hands, for the common good of all learned men, we 
 affectionately exhort your fraternity, and earnestly entreat you in the 
 Lord, that, if you ever propose to do a grateful action, you would fansmit 
 to us, as soon as possible, fair and correct copies all those books, or, which 
 we rather wish, the books themselves. . . . And, because the said John has 
 promised in a short time to give us the 33d book of Livy, of the Mace- 
 donian war, we have commissioned him to give it into your fraternity's 
 hands, to be transmitted as soon as possible, by a faithful messenger, to us, 
 or our beloved son, Philip Beroaldus, librarian of our apostolical palace. 
 But, because we have ordered to be paid here in the city, to the said John, 
 a certain sum of money, and are indebted fo him a certain sum for ex- 
 B 4 
 
O HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 But " the revival of learning" is an expression of 
 doubtful meaning, and ought scarcely to be employed to 
 describe the great change now about to be produced in 
 the state of the Western World. It was not so much 
 the revival of learning, as the more general and certain 
 diffusion of knowledge,, which led to the revolutions we 
 have to contemplate. The stream never reaches an 
 elevation higher than its source ; and if mankind had 
 been left to enjoy only what could be afforded by Greek 
 and Roman literature^ they would never have advanced 
 beyond the state in which the revival found them. 
 That this would have been the case, is shown by the 
 fact, that, shortly after the first feeling of enthusiasm 
 was subsided, the learned of Europe began to form 
 themselves into societies, in which they were contented 
 to pursue discussions on minute points, which bore 
 scarcely any relation to the interests of the world, or 
 the support of religion. Neither Greece nor Rome had 
 the means cf enriching the mass of the people with 
 intelligence : and, in reality, because, in respect to the 
 bulk of mankind, the best periods of their history were 
 ages of darkness. A literature produced under these 
 circumstances must always have been limited in its 
 design : cold and sceptical in its spirit, and little calcu- 
 lated to impress the souls of men with any solemn 
 convictions of eternal truth. But what it was unfitted 
 to effect, when full of original freshness, it was not 
 likely to promote, in any considerable degree, when 
 revived after the lapse of ages. ViJ^e must be careful, 
 therefore, not to attribute to the cultivation of classical 
 literature too important a place among the efficient 
 causes of the Reformation. Its chief value consisted in 
 
 pcnscs already made and to be made, we will, and authorise, and command 
 your fraternity, after he shall ha\'e received the said book of I/ivy, to pay, 
 or cause to be paid, to the said John 147 gold ducats of the chamber, out 
 of the money arising from indulgences granted through those provinces, 
 in favour of -the royal fabric of the Prince of the Apostles. . . . You are 
 likewise to assi.<t the said John with saft-conducts, letters, and aids, and 
 help him through your provinces, in coming at books ; and, if occasion be, 
 engage your word for him, that the books shall be returned within a cer- 
 tain time, and sent back to their places." — Art. Leo X. 
 
REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 9 
 
 the models which it afforded for the arrangement of 
 thought; and in those beautiful formsof expression which 
 arose from the same delicate perception of the fit and 
 the graceful, as the noble productions of the sculptor 
 and the architect. In these respects it offered a rich 
 reward to the careful student : he learned thereby to 
 express his opinions with truer force : the mirror he 
 held up reflected the images of things with greater 
 vividness; and he was taught by what methods the finest 
 minds had communicated to each other as much of 
 wisdom as unassisted reason could acquire. These 
 advantages would be rejected by no one who paid due 
 attention to the cultivation of his intellect ; and the 
 good thereby produced was sufficient to fill the hearts 
 of enlightened men with the liveliest admiration for the 
 revived literature. 
 
 The introduction of the classical writers was followed 
 by very important changes in the character and pur- 
 suits of the higher orders of the clergy. Hitherto, the 
 few who were not corrupted by sloth and sensuality 
 had either been content to follow the simple guidance 
 of their own feelings, or the counsels of such writers as 
 treated of spiritual duties in the most general forms; 
 or, if men of active minds, they had plunged deep into 
 those speculative studies which, since the time of Aquinas 
 and Scotus, had wedded theology to the subtleties of 
 logic. Nothing could be more opposite to the style in 
 which the doctrines of religion were exhibited, by dis- 
 putants of this character, than the recovered literature 
 of antiquity. Chiefly distinguished for purity of ex- 
 pression, and a perfect lucidness of order, it, for the 
 most part, rejected whatever was obscure either in 
 thought or language. Obscurity is inconsistent with 
 elegance ; the ease and flow of natural observation with 
 attempts to astonish by acuteness of analysis. When 
 the study of the classics, therefore, became general 
 among divines, they lost, by degrees, their confidence 
 in the scholastic forms of expression ; and soon began 
 to discover that, if they would imitate those fine 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 examples of eloquence which filled them with so 
 new a delight, they must modify not only their style, 
 but the character of the subjects on which they were 
 employed. The charms of literature were not to be 
 resisted by minds capable of enjoying them, and long 
 confined to the harsh and severe paths of an unfruitful 
 theology. Numbers, consequently, of the most active 
 men of the fifteenth century became, towards its close, 
 as remarkable for their classical acquirements as their 
 immediate predecessors had been for logical acuteness, 
 and profound knowledge of systematic divinity. In the 
 progress of the revived literature Leo was fitted both 
 by nature and education to take a lively interest. His 
 mind had been imbued, from infancy, with an intense 
 love of whatever addressed itself to a refined taste ; and, 
 having too much feeling and good sense to employ his 
 power in the defence of licentiousness, he gathered about 
 him a large circle of scholars, whose professed object it 
 was to teach the principles of a pure philosophy, and 
 animate each other in the pursuit of substantial good. 
 
 That the reformation of abuses was not likely to 
 form an essential part in the policy of such a person, is 
 deducible from many considerations. The work of re- 
 forming corruptions, by which a vast body of men are 
 supported in ease and luxury, requires qualities not 
 often found in the character of the elegant man of 
 letters. There were circumstances, moreover, which 
 peculiarly unfitted Leo for such a task : he loved lei- 
 sure ; was anxious for a splendid court ; and, to secure 
 the enjoyment of these, it was necessary that he should 
 pursue a line of policy as favourable as possible to the 
 increase of his revenues. Had he endeavoured to re- 
 press the wanton luxury of the clergy, he must have 
 begun by introducing economy and simplicity into the 
 arrangements of the court ; and the enmity which must 
 have attended such proceedings would have left him 
 little opportunity for cultivating his favourite studies. 
 Leo, therefore, it might be expected, would obey his 
 natural inclinations ; and, while surrounded by his 
 
CHARACTER OF THE CLERGY. 11 
 
 learned companions, leave the church in the state in 
 which he found it when ascending the papal throne. 
 
 The chief points for consideration, in examining the 
 affairs of this period, are, the general character of the 
 clergy ; the state of the monastic orders ; and the ap- 
 parent dispositions of the people. On these subjects we 
 possess sufficient information to warrant certain con- 
 clusions of the highest importance in such an inquiry. 
 The writings of Wickliffe abound in censures which 
 could only have been provoked by the existence of vices 
 not less general than enormous. It is, however, cer- 
 tain that, while his exertions awakened a small number 
 of ingenuous-minded men to reflection, they only served, 
 in respect to the clergy, as a body, to rouse the most 
 mahgnant spirit of opposition. The state of things in 
 which this bitter controversy had its origin in England, 
 was that of the church at large : nor is there any reason 
 to believe that the worst features of it lost their de- 
 formity as the system of corruption became more in- 
 veterate in its course. At the close of the fifteenth 
 century, we trace, with ease, the broad path which 
 error and the most vicious excesses had made for them- 
 selves to the very door of God's sanctuary. The popes 
 were described, by the councils and leading members of 
 the catholic church, as monsters of iniquity : their power 
 as temporal princes had been abused, till it rendered them 
 odious as the worst of petty tyrants ; their violation of 
 every principle of sanctity being too great and public a 
 scandal to be defended even by the most bigoted of 
 churchmen. But, evil as was the influence exercised by 
 these abandoned rulers of Christendom, it would have 
 been almost annihilated, had the clergy, instead of par- 
 taking in the guilt of their chief, performed the simple 
 duties of their office with sober and earnest zeal. It is 
 to the parochial ministers the people look for instruction 
 and examples of holiness ; it is from them they receive 
 the bread of Lie and the waters of salvation; and, so 
 long as they are faithful to the charge imposed upon 
 them, the Christian world is preservev' in the true pro- 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 fession and practice of religion. But^ at the period to 
 which we allude, scarcely a vestige remained of the 
 noble simplicity and holiness which had given such in- 
 fluence to the earlier Christian teachers. Those of the 
 clergy who possessed large benefices manifested all the 
 evil influence of ambition : they panted for the rank 
 and honours which shone from the eminences just above 
 them ; and their time and their thoughts were mainly 
 em.ployed in securing the political influence necessary to 
 their advancement. The inferior orders, feeling their 
 dependance on the superstitious attachment of the 
 people, left no means unsought for keeping up that 
 state of things in which they found their advantage. 
 Thus their revenues were increased, and thus they dis- 
 covered, from time to time, how they might indulge 
 themselves, without danger, in the violation of the most 
 sacred principles. Hence the ignorance of the people, 
 and the vices of the clergy, multiplied in exact propor- 
 tions; and, had it not been for the mercy of Providence, 
 and that principle of renovation by which it works, the 
 very dispensation given for our defence would have been 
 made the cause of our irremediable ruin. 
 
 To the monastic institutions may be ascribed the 
 origin of many of the corruptions which thus overspread 
 the world. Monachism itself had its beginning in an 
 erroneous viev/ of Christian holiness. Every precept of 
 the Gospel is imbued with the spirit of social benevo- 
 lence, and appeals to the genuine and fundamental 
 principles of human nature ; which are so formed as to 
 be indissoluble bonds, compacting the whole mass toge- 
 ther, and leaving not a single individual free to drop 
 away till eternity makes him the subject of a new sys- 
 tem. But attempts to resist a law of nature are always 
 productive of mischief, and, consequently, when the 
 opinion gained ground, that it was enough for a man to 
 provide for the welfare of his own soul, a selflsh love of 
 repose became substituted for the ready zeal which had 
 formerly made Christians ready not only to suffer, but 
 to labour. 
 
THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 13 
 
 It is a remarkable fact, that the various monastic 
 institutions claimed support on principles which, in 
 many respects, were of a directly contrary tendency. 
 The order of St. Francis contended, that the perfection 
 of the Christian character can only be attained by the 
 discipline of poverty. The Dominicans and others 
 amassed as much wealth as they could gather, and 
 seemed to consider that the dignity of holiness could 
 only be supported by princely revenues. Again, soli- 
 tude, and the most complete abstraction from intercourse 
 with the world, was regarded by all as essential to the 
 growth of piety and the performance of the duties 
 which belong to a Christian in his best state ; and yet 
 the few truly distinguished and spiritual-minded men, 
 to whom the monkish orders owed whatever was best 
 in them, acquired their reputation by long and painful 
 journeyings and labouring for the good of thousands. 
 This circumstance points to one of the principal causes 
 of monastic corruption. The ^rand error committed 
 when the founders of the religious orders formed their 
 several systems, consisted in their establishing laws for 
 the many on the peculiar feelings of a few minds in- 
 fluenced by peculiar motives, and freed from the ordi- 
 nary impulses of passion. When, in process of time, 
 the temptations to leisure and a certain species of inde- 
 pence, had gathered together vast numbers of monks, 
 the major part retaining their natural character, and all 
 the restlessness of passion, the error thus committed 
 became manifest : but it was then too late to correct it. 
 The church had adopted the monastic orders as its off- 
 spring; and the corruptions of each had now for so 
 long a time run in the same channel, that no attempt 
 could effectually be made to correct the abuses of the 
 one, without assailing them, at the same time, in the 
 other. 
 
 In the foremost rank of the vices which degraded the 
 monks of the fifteenth century, were pride and avarice. 
 The one was fostered by their separation from the rest 
 of mankind ; by the immense value which had been set 
 
14 HISTOltV OF THE REFORMATION, 
 
 upon the qualities to which they pretended ; and still 
 more by the power they enjoyed over the minds and 
 consciences of the people. Of this there could be no 
 sign^ when the pious recluses of the early times laid the 
 foundation of monasticism ; but, with the light which 
 experience has given us, it seeins worthy of wonder 
 that the danger was not sooner discovered, and the 
 system, fraught as it was with such palpable evils, in 
 some degree modified. Avarice, like pride, was one of 
 the vices least to be feared, it would seem, by the au- 
 thors of asceticism ; their glory, as well as their piety 
 and their happiness, consisted in their freedom from 
 the cares and temptations attending the possession or 
 pursuit of wealth. Several of their number had given 
 up large inheritances, as stumbling-blocks in their way 
 to heaven ; and, for some ages, the greater portion of 
 monks and hermits was composed of stern-minded^ con- 
 templative, or melancholy men, whose internal consti- 
 tution had too little in harmony with the spirit of the 
 world to let avarice or ambition invade their cells. The 
 case was greatly altered when men of worldly, though 
 indolent, disposition embraced the profession of monks : 
 they required an ample supply for their wants ; their 
 leisure only tended to increase the force of passion ; 
 and the consequence was, that the credulity and mis- 
 taken zeal of the multitude had to provide them with 
 those means of gratifying their wishes, which the rest 
 of men are obliged to earn by patient and self-denying 
 industry. Contrition is a perilous experiment. The 
 monastic vocation lost its only security, when the first 
 attempt was made to give the several religious institu- 
 tions a means of support independent of what each fra- 
 ternity could fairly earn for itself. 
 
 Shortly before the Reformation, each of those per- 
 verted principles which characterised monasticism had 
 acquired its full strength and maturity. Bigoted and 
 daring, the Dominicans shrank from no undertaking, 
 however perilous or destructive to society, which might 
 forward their own designs. Fanatical, deceitful, and 
 
STATE OF THE PEOPLE. 15 
 
 licentious, the mendicant orders, while pretending to 
 beg their bread, sowed dissension wherever they came ; 
 stirred up the people against their regular instructors ; 
 and defied the common sense of mankind by declaring 
 eternal war with every species of learning and improve- 
 ment. 
 
 When it is recollected that, with principles so little 
 in harmony with any law on which society can be es- 
 tablished, large numbers of these monks were as intent 
 on gratifying their own wishes as they were bold in the 
 defence of their order, some idea may be formed of the 
 evils to which society was subjected when invaded, both 
 in its public and private relations, by such insidious 
 foes. They exercised a tyranny from which there was 
 no escape ; and it at length arrived at this, that either 
 society must dissolve the natural union between religion 
 and civilisation, or, by some grand effort, shake off the 
 burden it had borne for so many ages. The condition 
 of the people at this period was marked by circum- 
 stances as injuriovis to the moral and religious character 
 of man, as they are revolting to his sense of natural 
 dignity and freedom. Devotion had become a form ; 
 faith was lost in the single axiom of obedience ; and 
 thus the only means by which the mass of the people 
 can be permanently exalted above the feeling of earthly 
 dependance_, lost its influence, and they were left to 
 struggle through life perpetually deluded and tormented 
 by the feverish applications of superstition. Know- 
 ledge was denied them, and for several ages they had 
 patiently endured the privation ; but, in the period im- 
 mediately preceding the Reformation, a spirit of inquiry 
 began to manifest itself : the minds of men grew 
 restless, as if tired of too long a repose ; questions were 
 put which demanded an answer at the hands of church- 
 men ; and the refusal of this answer was such an offence 
 against the respect due to the common sense of man- 
 kind, that it speedily produced a distrust, which, but 
 for the overruling providence of God, might have ended 
 in universal apostacy. 
 
l6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 The principles of civil liberty could scarcely make 
 themselves known, when the rights of conscience lay 
 like dust and ashes on the altar of infallibility. A long 
 series of wars between the different states of Europe 
 had done much towards inspiring the lowest orders of 
 the people with a sense of their own importance. 
 Physical force is easily estimated ; and the very means 
 by which despotism is supported afford a sign and an 
 incitement to the multitude in the work of revolution. 
 But those violent changes which have been produced by 
 the rising of gigantic squadrons, urged on by a blind 
 consciousness of wrong, with no guide but hatred, and 
 no aim but revenge, have rarely ended in good. The 
 natural flow and swelling of the ocean preserves the 
 vast body of its w^aters from corruption : the fury of 
 the tempest only brings up w^eeds and mud from the 
 bottom. Had the feeling of numerical strength and 
 physical power been sufficient to effect any improvement 
 in the condition of the people at this period, it would 
 have rapidly followed the wars and internal commotions 
 of Italy, Germany, and England. But, instead of such 
 being the consequence of these events, the people con- 
 tinued to suffer the most grievous oppression. Taxa- 
 tion was increased as the ambitious views of princes 
 expanded ; new principles were invented for governing 
 by arbitrary enactments and decrees ; and political 
 inquiry was almost as dangerous as the crime of heresy 
 and schism. In this state of things, industry had to 
 contend with many of its most dangerous enemies ; and 
 how the progress of society towards the enjoyment of 
 wealth, freedom, and intelligence, might be aided, was 
 a problem which the acutest of politicians would scarcely 
 attempt to solve. 
 
17 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 REMARKS ON THE NATURE AND ORIGIN OF INDULGENCES. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE PREACHING OF INDULGENCES UNDER 
 
 LEO X. TETZEL. LUTHER. HIS OPPOSITION TO TETZEL. 
 
 IS CITED TO APPEAR BEFORE THE POPE. APPEARS AT 
 
 AUGSBURG. ESCAPES. HIS DIFFICULTIES AT THIS PERIOD. 
 
 Such was the general state of Christendom, when 
 Leo X. began to find that the ordinary revenues of the 
 church were not sufficient to supply the demands of his 
 luxurious tastes.* Too refined to practise open tyranny, 
 and too haughty to abridge his expenditure, he saw him- 
 self constrained to employ the resources of the most inge- 
 nious policy to escape the inconveniences with which he 
 was evidently threatened. Unhappily for mankind, reli- 
 gion, when corrupted, furnishes pretences for fraud and 
 oppression, which defy the sagacity of ordinary minds. 
 The reasoning by which a certain class of fundamental 
 truths are established may easily, to an unpractised ear, 
 be employed in the defence of error. Truth and false- 
 hood are opposites ; but the distance between them is 
 not often distinctly perceived ; and, when the inter- 
 vening space is fiUed up with sophistry, or mysticism, 
 thousands may be led from the one to the other without 
 fear or resistance. 
 
 * The luxury of Leo would have exhausted the revenues of a kingdom. 
 He is said to have spent 100,000 gold pieces at his coronation ; on which 
 occasion he rode, as if the chief of a royal triumph, the Thracian horse on 
 which he had been taken prisoner at Ravenna. " Fuit autem is dies," 
 says his biographer, " omnium qui a Gothicis temporibus Romanee urbi 
 felicius illuxerint, longe clarissimus : nunquam enim ullum vel ampliore 
 vel ornatiore hominum concursu spectaculum celebratum fuisse, vel le- 
 gendo, vel audiendo meminerant. ProtectEe erant aulajis regiones, ridebant 
 janucB civium festa fronde et floribus, fenestrse stratse tapetibus orna. 
 bantur : in omnibus triviis triumphales arcus occurrebant, ad veteris Ro- 
 manffi magnitudinis exemplum picturis et statuis mirum in modum exor- 
 nati : cardinalium et antistitum comitatus usque ad humiliora servitia 
 serico et purpura, multoque item auro prajfulgebat : ipsi cardinales sacras 
 aureas et pictas induti vestes militaribus equis vehebantur." — De f'ita 
 Leonis X. lib. iii. p, 57. 
 
 VOL. I. C 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOl'"*. 
 
 The doctrine of indulgences arose, as a natural con- 
 sequence, out of the system of discipline established by 
 the Roman church. It was found necessary, even in 
 the apostolic age, to institute rules for the punishment 
 of evil-doers, and the correction of thoughtless or 
 weak professors of the faith. These rules applied 
 immediately to the preservation of that purity of man- 
 ners, and steady adherence to the doctrines originally 
 given to the saints, to which the Christian temple must 
 in all ages be indebted for its security. But, as the 
 church itself became corrupt, and its rulers sought 
 authority for the sake of personal aggrandisement, the 
 principle of discipline lost its original value, and laws 
 were multiplied, in order to make up by their numbers 
 what had been sacrificed in strength. 
 
 Whatever, however, be the authority of a church, it 
 cannot support itself against the ordinary wants and 
 wishes of humanity without rendering, in its turn, 
 something of homage to the general necessities of 
 nature. The consequence is, that such of its laws as 
 are not intrinsically moral have frequently to be 
 relaxed : reasons are found in individual cases for 
 granting exemptions from its penalties _; and the inter- 
 ests of the church, it is seen, are better preserved by 
 lenity than they could possibly be by a too severe and 
 unindulgent discipline. In this respect the heads of the 
 church have only followed the example of other legis- 
 lators. Laws must be general; and the allowed punish- 
 ment of guilt must be equivalent to the enormity of 
 the specified crime in its worst forms and circum- 
 stances ; but, as the same species of crime may be 
 committed with different degrees of turpitude, and 
 under circumstances more or less aggravating, it ought 
 evidently to be within the power of those who judge, 
 and award the punishment, to determine the amount of 
 the penalty due from the offender. The church, 
 moreover, owes its origin and authority to a voluntary 
 association, and its members are taught to expect the 
 ultimate punishment of their crimes in another world. 
 
ORIGIN OF INDULGENCES. 19 
 
 This renders it doubly necessary that no force should 
 be exercised without the most careful adjustment to 
 the expediency of discipline. Whenever a punishment 
 is inflicted which the interests of good order do not 
 require, the rulers of the church overstep their autho- 
 rity, and palpably violate every safe and prudent maxim 
 of ecclesiastical government. 
 
 It is plain, from considerations of this kind, that, as 
 the church continued to increase, and extend its domi- 
 nation over thickly populated countries, much caution 
 would be necessary in the administration of its laws. 
 The punishments of a spiritual government are strictly 
 sanatory ; and are inflicted not so much for the safety 
 of the community as the deliverance of the offender 
 from a sorer evil. From this it may be concluded, that, 
 where the infliction of the penalty would plunge the suf- 
 ferer into despair, or otherwise impose upon him a bur- 
 den too heavy for his strength, the authority and wisdom 
 of the church are profitably employed in modifying 
 the rigour of its justice. 
 
 The expediency of admitting a penitent to com- 
 munion, without pressing the penal discipline beyond 
 the appearance of genuine sorrow, was acknowledged 
 in the earliest ages of the church. Some there were, 
 who would not allow that the soul which had sinned 
 against the faith could ever be fully purified from its 
 guilt : but their opinion was opposed both by the prin- 
 ciple and the practice of the church ; and, in the 
 primitive times, the trembling offender knew, from the 
 beginning of his penitence, that the door of mercy 
 would be opened to him as soon as he proved himself 
 sincere in his confession and humiliation. 
 
 Scarcely, however, had ecclesiastical authority fully 
 established itself, when the pride and ambition of many 
 of its professors gave rise to a danger which threatened 
 the worst consequences. The breach of a divine and 
 moral law is one thing ; the violation of a rule of 
 discipline is another ; and though the latter offence is, 
 c 2 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE BEFORMATION. 
 
 in some cases, strongly imbued with moral turpitude, 
 they can never be confounded without serious injury 
 both to religion and government. In no one point, 
 perhaps, did the church of Rome offend more against 
 the interest of Christianity than in this confounding of 
 things which ought always to be viewed with the most 
 cautious discrimination. It unsettled, thereby, the grand 
 principles of human conscience, and, opening the door 
 to the most rapacious of invaders, left no man free 
 from robbery and oppression. 
 
 The dire effects of so fatal and voluntary an error 
 could not long remain concealed : but it was many 
 ages before the evil grew to its full proportions. At 
 first, the punishments inflicted by the church were 
 little more than an extension of that severe discipline 
 which the sternest professors of the faith, in early days, 
 were willing to impose upon themselves. They were 
 then gradually increased in severity, till they resembled 
 the inflictions of legal justice ; and no sooner had 
 penance assumed this character, than the system of 
 indulgences demanded greater caution than ever, both 
 in its establishment and its application. 
 
 To secure submission was the first object ; to give 
 an appearance of fitness and propriety to the penance, 
 was the next. Bodily mortification afforded the readiest 
 and, seemingly, the most useful method of punishing 
 sin : but it was soon found that the rich and dehcate 
 shrunk from the payment of such a penalty, and that 
 great care was necessary in compelling them to undergo 
 a species of suffering which might lead to their 
 defying, out of mere terror and disgust, the bitterest 
 anathemas of the priest. Some means, therefore, had 
 to be devised, whereby the church, without yielding its 
 rights, might soften the rigour of its inflictions. The 
 precept, accordingly, of the apostle was not forgotten ; 
 and, "■ charity shall cover a multitude of sins," appears 
 to have furnished the clergy of the middle ages with a 
 valuable guide in cases of difficulty and danger. 
 
 Had the heads of the church only applied this prin- 
 
ORIGIN OF INDULGENCES. 21 
 
 ciple from a wise and honest consideration of human 
 infirmity, much good might have been derived from 
 such a commutation of their penances. The sacrifice 
 of luxury, the necessity of self-denial, imposed by the 
 withdrawal of the means for immediate indulgence, is, 
 in itself, no unapt retribution for thoughtless folly ; 
 and, when the punishment of error is made available to 
 the important purposes of aiding the distressed, and 
 instructing the ignorant, the church has done its best 
 in adopting such a method of correcting its erring 
 children. But ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been ex- 
 tended beyond its due limits. Penance, it was taught, 
 might atone for offences, the forgiveness of which must 
 ever depend upon the will and the mercy of God, and 
 the conviction of the sinfulness of which ought always 
 to be impressed as deeply as possible on the mind. A 
 breach of the ordinances of the church, as such, might 
 be atoned for by any satisfaction which the church 
 chose to specify : but the law of God is preeminently 
 a law to the church ; and a sin against this law, who 
 can forgive, but God only ? A penance might be 
 imposed, and excommunication pronounced against the 
 offender, and, on his repentance, the church might 
 declare, according to the authority which Christ had 
 given it, that his sin was removed ; but, in this case, 
 it possessed no power beyond that of expressing its 
 horror of sin, and declaring God's will in respect to 
 sincere penitents. It only required that this should be 
 forgotten, to bring down the judgment seat of the 
 Almighty from heaven, and set it up upon earth, 
 without regard either to his power or his laws. 
 
 The assertion of a right to commute the penance for 
 one species of offence being supported on the equal plea of 
 mercy and necessity, the right of modifying the whole 
 system of punishment, according to apparent expedi- 
 ency, was asserted without any danger of immediate 
 contradiction. As offences against discipline^ therefore, 
 might be atoned for by the payment of a fine to the 
 c 3 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOX. 
 
 churchy the next step was to allow the breaker of the 
 divine law to buy himself off from the expected ana- 
 thema ; and, as the church had undertaken to punish 
 or absolve the greatest of sinners by its own laws and 
 authority, the church had but to be satisfied to give the 
 conscience-stricken offender a perfect feehng of security 
 as to any future consequences.* 
 
 By the process thus generally described, the Roman 
 hierarchy had at length converted their power over 
 men's consciences into a source of revenue. But an- 
 other particular was wanting to render the system 
 complete. The fears of the sinner could not always 
 be quieted by the authority of the church. A want 
 was felt which it required some reference to the love and 
 goodness of a Divine Spirit to satisfy ; and, when the 
 humbled supplicant for mercy remained sorrow-stricken 
 and dismayed, notwithstanding the assurance that his 
 confessions and penances had atoned for his offences, 
 what means were left to soothe and convince his troubled 
 and questioning mind .'' The resources of the church 
 v,'ere not exhausted. It was decided that Christ had 
 done more than enough to redeem the world ; and the 
 saints more than sufficient to satisfy the demands of 
 their Lord. Was the superabundant holiness to be 
 treated as a valueless commodity ? And, if regarded 
 as a treasure, under whose keeping was it placed, and 
 in what manner was it to be employed ? The answers 
 v/ere obvious to the Roman doctors and casuists. It 
 pertained to the church ; was properly at the disposal 
 of its prelates ; and ought to be distributed among those 
 who needed it, to make up for their own wants and 
 
 * Maimbourg (Hist. Lutheranism), has stated the doctrine of indul- 
 gences with sutticient clearness to establish the proper groundworks of the 
 controversy :— " Clemens VI. in decretali vel constitutione suauniversaliter 
 abecclesiarccepta,exponit dogma fidei, quod Jesus Christus infinitum nobis 
 thesaurum rehquerit meritorum et satisfactionis superabundantis passionis 
 su£e, et B. Virginis, quae ipsa tota fuit innocentia, et Sanctorum, qui per 
 poenitentias voluntarias, aut per martyria, longe ultra meritum suum tole- 
 rata, satisfacerunt pro poenis et peccatis, per sacramentum pcenitentiee re- 
 missis. Porro quod pastores ecclesiffi applicare nunc possint viventibus 
 potestate clavium, et mortuis per viam suttragii, ut a poenis peccatorum 
 quas meruerunt, liberentur, sumendo et offerendo Deo ex hoc thesauro, 
 tantum quantum opus est ad exsolvendum debitum." 
 
pkoghess of indulgences. 23 
 
 infirmities. They reasoned, in short, as if the distri- 
 bution of manna in the wilderness had been an intended 
 type of the mode in which holiness was to be used at a 
 later period. " He tliat gathered much had nothing 
 over ; and he that gathered little had no lack." 
 
 The advantage which Urban II. had taken of this 
 principle might be defended by many considerations 
 little offensive even to men of understanding, when 
 warmed and excited by enthusiasm. He promised re- 
 mission of sins for a purpose which had the honour of 
 Christ as its end : but no sooner was it allowed that 
 he who gave money to forward the expeditions to the 
 Holy Land purchased the same title to indulgences 
 as the crusader himself, than every barrier was broken 
 down which had hitherto kept the daring offender 
 against truth and holiness from the sanctuary of the 
 church. The infamous Alexander VI., and the haughty 
 Julius II., found in the system thus established an in- 
 exhaustible source of profit : indulgences were sold like 
 any other species of marketable commodity ; and vice 
 had no longer much to dread either from the chastise- 
 ment of discipline, or the terrors of conscience. 
 
 Leo X., therefore, had precedents to encourage him 
 in pursuing the measures he was about to adopt ; but 
 such was the exhausted state of his finances*, that he 
 saw himself obliged to employ a more systematic method 
 than his predecessors in granting indulgences as a 
 source of revenue. In forming his plans, he was 
 mainly assisted by his relative, Laurentius Pucci, whom 
 he had made carclinal of Santiquatro. This ecclesiastic 
 possessed considerable ability ; was learned, acute, and 
 
 * It was supposed at the commencement of his pontificate tha^ the golden 
 age was about to return. " Florebat cnim turn Koma praestantibus in- 
 geniis, cnpia incredibili rerum omnium, et a clementiore ccelo inusitata 
 seris salubritate, ita ut Leo tantte virtutis ac amplitudinis pontitex, auream 
 aetatem post multa sjecula condidisse diceretur." 
 
 For Rome itself this might have been the case, had the resources of the 
 church been fairly managed : that city, with its surrounding territory, 
 enjoyed the collected offerings of every kingdom in Europe, and thereby 
 retained the mo>t substantial portion of its ancient privileges. 'J he united 
 folly, sensuality, and ambition of the pontiffs alone reduced it ro compara- 
 tive poverty. 
 
 c 4 
 
24 HISTORY OP THE REFORM ATIOX. 
 
 active. Fond of wealth_, he chiefly occupied himself 
 in the study of poHtics and civil employments ; and, 
 though pretending to no skill in theology, appeared, at 
 this juncture of affairs, to be endowed with qualities 
 which might render him a highly valuable servant of the 
 church. 
 
 The immediate pretence for renewing the sale of in- 
 dulgences was afforded by the unfinished state of the 
 cathedral of St. Peter ; an edifice which had employed 
 the attention of some of the noblest artists in the world, 
 and which had claims upon the veneration and gene- 
 rosity of the whole of Christendom. By the document 
 which made known the wishes of the pope in respect to 
 this building, indulgences were preferred which em- 
 braced in their range the simplest gratification of the ap- 
 petite, and the most important wants of the soul. Did 
 the epicure wish to have his butter, his eggs, and his 
 cheese during Lent, he was permitted to enjoy them, if 
 he would contribute to the building of St. Peter's ; was 
 the privilege of having a private confessor desirable, 
 it might be purchased in the same way ; did the re- 
 collection of sin torment the mind, a full remission was 
 offered on similar conditions ; and was the affectionate 
 heart worn with fears and anguish lest some beloved 
 friend had to endure the pains of purgatory, his deliver- 
 ance might be made secure on the payment of a suffi- 
 cient sum to the papal treasury ! 
 
 Germany presented a wide and open field for suc- 
 cessful experiment. To his favourite sister, Magdalena, 
 who had married Francesco Cibo, the natural son of 
 Innocent VIII., Leo assigned the entire profits of the 
 sale of indulgences in Upper and Lower Saxony. At 
 the same time, he transmitted his orders to Albert of 
 Brandebourg, archbishop of Magdeburg and Mentz, 
 to publish the sale, by means of authorised preachers, 
 through various parts of the country. These orders were 
 received by the archbishop with no little satisfaction. 
 The church had scarcely a prelate more given to ex- 
 pensive pleasure, or by whom money was more anxiously 
 
TETZEL. . 25 
 
 sought, than Albert of Brandebourg. In the agree- 
 ment entered into between him and the pope, a full 
 half of the receipts was assigned as his share ; and the 
 agent appointed to execute the design for these power- 
 ful principals was the head of the Cordeliers of May- 
 ence. Such, however, had been the feeling inspired in 
 the minds of some of the clergy by previous sales of 
 indulgences, that the favoured monks seconded their 
 guardian in avoiding any participation in the affair. 
 To elude the explanations which might have been ne- 
 cessary, had they stated their opinions too abruptly, 
 they recommended a Dominican, named John Tetzel, 
 as well fitted to perform the required duties. This 
 man had already exercised a similar office at the com- 
 mand of the Teutonic knights in Prussia ; and had 
 succeeded so well in his extortions, that the infamy of 
 his conduct was readily pardoned and forgotten.* 
 
 The preliminaries being settled, Tetzel, and a chosen 
 band of collectors, began their appointed labours. Never 
 has fraud been veiled by a more shameless audacity 
 than that assumed by these preachers of indulgences. 
 Tetzel, said his followers, has saved, by his indul- 
 gences, more souls than St. Paul by his preaching. To 
 this they added, that the cross which they set up in 
 the churches, with the arms of the pope^ had the same 
 virtue as the very cross of Christ ; and, that no sooner 
 was the tinkling of the money paid for an indulgence 
 heard in the collector's basin, than the souls, thus re- 
 deemed, were delivered from the bondage of purgatory. 
 The very nature of such assertions, it might have been 
 supposed, would have roused the indignation of the 
 people, and led to the immediate expulsion of the 
 preachers : still more probable does it seem that this 
 would have been the case, when it is further added, 
 
 * Cochlasus assigns the reputation which Tetzel had acquired in this 
 expedition as the cause of his being chosen on the present occasion ; and 
 adds, that Staupitz and Luther, with the rest of the Augustine monks, 
 beheld this appointment with the most violent indignation. He describes 
 the former as " prjecipui duo gregis sui arietes, fama et authoritate cele- 
 bres, et prse aliis conspicui." Acta et Scripta, p. 3. 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE REFORM ATIOX. 
 
 that their lives were characterised by a licentiousness 
 which defied the most ordinary rules of decency. But 
 there is a state of things in which imposture may be 
 carried to any extent. The success of rehgious frauds 
 depends not so much on the seeming reasonableness of 
 the statements advanced, as on the hopes and wishes 
 of those to whom they are made. To a people dying of 
 famine, the vilest of slaves would be a welcome mes- 
 senger, if he proclaimed tidings of approaching suc- 
 cour ; and, improbable as his story might be, thousands, 
 in their anxiety and despair, would wholly forget their 
 hatred of his character, to comfort themselves with the 
 hopes which he inspired. 
 
 No pains were spared to confirm the dispositions of 
 the blinded multitude in favour of the system of which 
 they were the victims ; and such was the success 
 attending these efforts, that the preachers of indul- 
 gences were received in the towns they entered with 
 the profoundest dehght and reverence. Preceded by a 
 long train of priests, monks, senators, and the gi-eat 
 body of the citizens, their approach was announced by 
 the loud peahng of bells and anthems, while the book 
 Vv^hich contained the instrument of their authority, and 
 which was richly emblazoned with gold ornaments, 
 was exhibited to the eyes of the astonished spectators as 
 the very charter of their salvation. 
 
 The procession having entered the church, a red 
 cross was raised in the middle of the aisle, and the 
 preacher mounted the pulpit to exhort the assembled 
 multitudes to take advantage of the grace offered them 
 by the pope. As soon as the discourse was ended, 
 Tetzel, or his agents, presented the written indulgences 
 for sale. These documents purported, that the sub- com- 
 missioner did, by the authority of Christ, of the blessed 
 apostles Peter and Paul, and of his very holy lord, the 
 pope, committed to him, absolve the purchaser, first, 
 from all ecclesiastical censures whatsoever ; and, se- 
 condly, from all sins, crimes, and excesses, however 
 great they might be. " 1 remit to you," it declared. 
 
LUTHER. 27 
 
 ^'^by this indulgence, all the pains which you would be 
 condemned to suffer in purgatory : I re-establish you 
 in the use of the sacraments_, in the communion of the 
 church, and in the innocence which you possessed at 
 the moment of baptism, in such a manner that^ were 
 you now to die, the gates of hell would be closed against 
 you, and those of heaven and glory opened to receive 
 you ; and if you continue longer on the earth, this 
 grace shall be granted you whenever your last hour 
 arrives." 
 
 It was with equal disgust and consternation that 
 those who retained any sense of Christian holiness, 
 beheld this terrible violation of every principle of their 
 faith. But it required a boldness of spirit, a clearness 
 of understanding, a self-denying devotedness of soul, to 
 resist the evil, which never meet in a man, except they 
 are given from on high, to consecrate him for an office 
 of equal eminence and difficulty. The chosen vindi- 
 cator of Christian truth and holiness, at the period 
 alluded to, was Martin Luther. This remarkable man 
 was born on the 10th of November, in the year 1483^ 
 at Esleben.* His father, who had originally been 
 obliged to earn his bread by severe labour as a miner, 
 was rendered almost independent at a later period of 
 life, and obtained, through his high character for vir- 
 tue and probity, the rank of a magistrate in the little 
 town of Mansfield, the place of his abode.t 
 
 Having passed through the several stages of a scho- 
 lastic education in the universities of Eisenach, Magde- 
 bourg, and Erfurt, he was admitted in the last-mentioned 
 seminary to the degree of master of arts. About this 
 time an event occurred which produced the most 
 important effects on his character and dispositions. 
 An intimate friend, as they were walking and con- 
 
 * Von Luthern und dessen Leben. Saemtliche Schriften, t. xxiv. p. 49. 
 An attempt waim;tde by the believers in astrology to prove that he was 
 born on the S'id of October, when there was a certain malign conjunction 
 of the planets. He could scarcely fail of being a heretic and reprobate, they 
 said, with such a horoscope. 
 
 + Luther himself says, that his father, grandfather, and ancestors were 
 all peasants. 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 versing together, fell dead at his side. It appeared 
 to Luther as if the hand of God had been stretched 
 out from heaven; and so strong was this impression 
 upon his mind, that he resolved to devote himself 
 thenceforth to a hfe of retirement and religious study. 
 
 The vow thus made was strictly observed. His 
 father for some time opposed his intentions ; but his 
 thoughts were too entirely occupied with the solemn 
 condition in which he seemed to have been placed to 
 allow of his returning into the world. He accordingly 
 entered the order of Augustine monks *, and in the 
 deep seclusion of his monastery began that course of 
 meditation and inquiry which elevated him to the 
 highest rank, not only among the scholars, but the 
 thinkers, of his country. He had reflected much, how- 
 ever, before he found an opportunity of making himself 
 acquainted with the Scriptures. Such was the httle 
 regard paid to this source of knowledge by the theolo- 
 gians of his age, that, profound as were his convictions 
 of the excellency of truth, and the holiness of the 
 Christian faith, he had forgotten that the pure word of 
 God can alone afford certainty to the witness even of 
 the wisest and holiest of men. The discovery of a 
 Bible, which lay neglected in some obscure corner of the 
 monastery, freed him from this fatal ignorance. Re- 
 joiced at his acquisition, he sat down to its perusal with 
 equal devoutness and anxiety. In a few months his 
 opinions underwent a vital change. Those which could 
 stand the test of that burning and shining light, which 
 leaves nothing doubtful or obscure over which it beams, 
 found a new and fixed foundation ; and those which 
 suppUed the place of old errors and superstitions, had 
 an evident worth, and completeness of relation to the 
 mighty interests of truth, which can belong to nothing 
 less holy or divine, t Not long after this commence- 
 
 * He is supposed to have chosen this order from the veneration in which 
 he held the character of Staupitz, the vicar-general, and on account of the 
 great reputation which the order enjoyed for learning and sanctity. 
 
 t Luther did not neglect any of the ordinary means of knowledge while 
 thus studying the Scriptures, as the only proper foundation of Chrjsti?n 
 doctrines. Melancthon says, that he read the schoolmen with great 
 
LUTHER AT WITTEMBERG. 29 
 
 ment of his inquiries, a dispute respecting the privileges 
 of their order induced the Augustines to send him as 
 their representative to Rome. The vices of the court 
 and of the clergy filled him with disgust; and he 
 alluded to this visit long after as one of the many cir- 
 cumstances which led to his hostility to the Romish 
 church. 
 
 Having entered the priesthood, he was invited, the 
 following year, to occupy the chair of philosophy at 
 Wittemberg. An animating sphere of exertion was 
 hereby opened to him ; and he was in that state of mind 
 in which exertion is generally most successfully made.* 
 At all times active and inquiring, he had now the addi- 
 tional impulses afforded by the discovery of import- 
 ant truths ; and his lectures attracted crowds of stu- 
 dents from every class in the university. The strong 
 feelings which inspired him on points of theology, 
 hitherto unhandled by the teachers of philosophy, broke 
 forth every now and then in expressions of doubt re- 
 specting the established creed; and his earnest elo- 
 quence, not wholly unmingled with sarcasm, produced 
 the most lively sensation of curiosity and wonder. 
 
 At the strong request of his brethren, the Augustines, 
 he was induced to receive, in 1512, the degree of doctor 
 of divinity. This elevation in academical rank gave him 
 additional motives for the study of theology, which he 
 now pursued with continually enlarging views as to its 
 nature and importance. Not content with the know- 
 ledge of Scripture, derived through translations, he 
 began the critical study of Greek and Hebrew ; and, in 
 order to possess every available means for the illus- 
 tration of the text of the Divine Word, he commenced 
 
 diligence. " Nee tamen prorsus reliquit sententiarios, Gabrielem et 
 Cameracensem pcBne ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu mul- 
 tumque legit scripta Occam. Hujus acumen anteferebat Thomae etScoto. 
 Diligenter et Gersonem legerat. Sedommia Augustini monimenta etsaepe 
 legerat et optime meminerat." — Vita, p. 10. 
 
 * Epist. tom. i. p. 3. He says, in a letter written soon after his ap- 
 pointment, that he was thankful to God for his being so well situated ; 
 but that he felt oppressed by the perpetual study of philosophy to the neg- 
 lect of theology. 
 
so HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 therewith the dihgent perusal of Augustine, and the 
 best of the ancient fathers. In his lectures, the ad- 
 vances he hereby made became every day more ap- 
 parent. His natural strength of mind would probably 
 have led him to despise the sophistries and jargon of 
 the Aristotelians of the age ; but, confirmed in know- 
 ledge, he openly expressed his contempt of the artifices 
 by which the learning of the schools had been em- 
 ployed to disfigure truth; and, freeing himself from 
 all the control of art and scholasticism^ he taught, in 
 the plainest and most energetic language that could be 
 employed, the simple truths of Scripture. 
 
 It was not without mingled distrust and anger that 
 many of his contemporaries heard the opinions he ex- 
 pressed. Some could not endure to behold him enjoy- 
 ing a freedom in which their pride, their avarice, or 
 their fears^ prevented them from participating; others 
 had an instinctive feeling of approaching danger, and 
 would have been glad to discover a colourable pretence 
 for silencing such a professor of theology. But Luther 
 despised alike their envy and their power ; and, taking 
 for the subject of his lectures the Book of Psalms and 
 the Epistle to the Romans, he discoursed on the doc- 
 trine of justification by faith with the energy of a pri- 
 mitive preacher of that grand and fundamental principle 
 of the Gospel. * 
 
 Luther was thus employed when the agents for the 
 sale of indulgences appeared in the neighbourhood of 
 Wittemberg. The people of that city were not less 
 
 • How beautifully are his thoughts on this subject expressed in the 
 following passage in one of his earliest letters : — " Igitur, mi dulcis frater, 
 disce Christum et hunc crucifixum, disce ei cantare et de te ipso desperans 
 discere ei : tu Domine Jesu es Justicia mea, ego autem sum peccatum 
 tuum : tu assumpsisti meum, et dedisti mihi tuum ; assumpsisti quod non 
 eras, et deriisti mihi quod non eram. Cave ne aliquando ad tantam puri- 
 tatera aspires, ut peccator tibi videri nolis, imo esse, Christus enim non nisi 
 in peccatoribus habitat Ideo enim descendit de coelo, ubi habitabat in 
 justis, ut etiam habitaret in peccatoribus. Istam charitatem ejus rumina, 
 et videbis dulcissimam consolationem ejus. Si enim nostris lahoribus et 
 afflictionibus ad conscientiae quietem pervenire oportet ; ut quid ille mor- 
 tuus est ? Igitur non nisi in illo per fiducialem de.'sperationem tui, et 
 operum tuorum, pacem invenies : disce insuper eo ipso, ut sicut ipse sus. 
 cepit te, et peccata tua fecit sua, et suam jusitiam fecit tuam." — Epist. ix 
 p. IJ, 12. 
 
LUTHER OPPOSES INDULGENCES. 31 
 
 eager than the rest of their countrymen to obtain at the 
 cheapest rate the remission of the pains and ]-enalties 
 due for their sins. Crowds accordingly hastened to the 
 place where the indulgences were to be purchased ; and 
 the same lamentable instances of fraud and human folly 
 were exhibited as in the other towns of the diocese. 
 It was impossible that a teacher of theology should 
 witness such occurrences without noticing them in his 
 addresses. Neither the learning nor the acuteness of so 
 great a man as Luther was required to discover the in- 
 famous advantage taken of the credulity of the people ; 
 and it would have been a violation of the most obvious 
 duty for a theologian to suffer them to remain uninstructed 
 in the doctrines so shamefully set at naught. The 
 measures which he took on the occasion were not those 
 of either pride or enthusiasm; for the subject of indul- 
 gences had not occupied his attention ; and he appears 
 to have been prompted;, in the first discourses which he 
 made respecting them, by the simple desire of warning 
 the people against a manifest danger. What, indeed, 
 could a preacher on justification by faith do in such a 
 case ? 
 
 Happily for the Christian world, Luther was not of 
 a disposition to remain contented with what he found 
 it his duty to do when only partially acquainted with the 
 case. His attention once awakened, he pursued the 
 subject, whatever it might be, till he saw it in all its 
 bearings ; and he had the resolution and the piety to 
 act in every step of the discovery according to the 
 measure of his knowledge. Finding the evil continually 
 on the increase, he addressed an epistle to Albert of 
 Brandebourg, in which he informed him particularly 
 of the measures he had taken, and implored his assist- 
 ance in repressing an abuse which appeared so destruc- 
 tive of Christian piety and morals. The arguments 
 whereby he sought to instruct the people of Wittem- 
 berg on the subject of indulgences were contained in 
 ninety-five articles, and these he also transmitted to the 
 archbishop ; but he obtained no reply, — a circumstance 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE REFORJf ATION. 
 
 at which, perhaps, he had no right to express surprise. 
 Albert was distinguished by the qualities of a prince 
 and a courtier, rather than by those of a churchman : 
 he was intimately connected with the pontiff; and it 
 must have been generally known that he was not un- 
 willing to recruit his treasures by any means in his 
 |)ower. 
 
 The measures, however, which Luther had taken 
 were not unproductive of important consequences. Al- 
 bert appears to have seized the earliest moment for 
 acquainting Tetzel and his party with the proceedings 
 of the professor of Wittemberg. A short time after the 
 date of Luther's letter, the sub-commissioner pubHshed, 
 at Frankfort-on-the-Oder, a series of propositions di- 
 rectly contradictory of those advanced by his opponent. 
 They supported the system of indulgences in its greatest 
 corruption ; and Luther, instead of replying imme- 
 diately to this attack, only put forth the statements 
 advanced in his former propositions in a more extended 
 shape. He at the same time wrote to the bishop of 
 Brandebourg, his diocesan, and also to Staupitz, the 
 vicar-general of his order. The latter had uniformly 
 treated him with respect ; but the former in his reply 
 observed, that it would be better were he to confine 
 himself to his duties, and cease from agitating ques- 
 tions which could only produce the most mischievous 
 consequences to the church. 
 A. D. Little affected by these discouragements, or by the 
 1518. new adversaries which his propositions had raised against 
 him, Luther ventured on the bold step of addressing the 
 pope himself. He informed him that the preachers of 
 indulgences were guilty of the most licentious abuse of 
 doctrine ; and that their conduct answered to the style 
 of their sermons. Foreseeing that the steps he had 
 taken would rouse their enmity, he warned the pontiff 
 against receiving false accusations, and added, that 
 Frederic, the elector of Saxony, was too wise and pious 
 a prince to have protected him, had he been guilty of 
 the errors laid to his charge; that the university of 
 
STATE OF THE PUBLIC. 3H 
 
 Wittemberg agreed with him in the efforts he had 
 made to moderate the conduct of the collectors ; and 
 that so far was he from want of respect for the autho- 
 rity of his holiness, that he would willingly submit to 
 his judgment, not only his writings, but his life and 
 his salvation ; that he regarded whatever came from 
 him as coming from Jesus Christ himself ; and that he 
 was ready to lay down his life if he considered he de- 
 served such punishment. 
 
 The letter containing these humble and loyal senti- 
 ments formed the dedication to a treatise written in 
 answer to the attacks made by Eckius and Sylvester 
 Prierius, the former a professor of theology at Ingold- 
 stadt, and the latter a Dominican and master of the 
 sacred palace. In his controversy with these advocates 
 of the church, both his knowledge and his ardour seem 
 rapidly to have increased. The arguments advanced 
 against him were as irritating to an honest apprehen- 
 sion as they were weak and unsupportable by Scripture. 
 But though he allowed full scope to his natural warmth 
 of temper in rebutting the ignorance of his adversaries, 
 he entered into the argument with an evident feeling of 
 its mighty importance ; and endeavoured, by unfolding 
 the fundamental principles of religion, to make men see 
 the reasonableness of his conduct, and recall them to the 
 love of those comforting and elevating truths on which 
 the church of Christ was estabhshed at the beginning. 
 
 Attention now began to be generally drawn to the 
 controversy ; and the indignation of Tetzel and his 
 supporters was greatly increased by the daily dimin- 
 ution of their influence and their profits. The com- 
 mon sense of the people, once awakened and disabused 
 by the plain arguments of undisguised truth, readily 
 took part with Luther. They felt that the man who 
 simply asked them why the pope, if he had the power 
 of granting remission of sins, did not do it for charity 
 rather than money, must have reason on his side. No 
 answer could be given to such a question, so compre- 
 hensible to popular understanding as the question itself ; 
 
 VOL. I, D 
 
S4 HISTORY OF THE REFOBMATION. 
 
 and the consequence was, that thousands who would 
 Otherwise have expended their money in the purchase 
 of indulgences, began to consider whether true repent- 
 ance and earnest prayer to God might not afford the 
 better and safer method of salvation. 
 
 Things were in this state when the emperor Maxi* 
 mihan called a diet at Augsburg. The principal sub- 
 ject of inquiry at this meeting was the war with 
 Turkey ; which now engaged the attention of most of 
 the European princes, and especially that of the Ger- 
 man and Italian potentates. Leo had sent cardinal 
 Cajetan, as his representative, to the assembly, and had 
 further charged him with the duty of admitting Albert 
 of Magdebourg into the august office of a cardinal of the 
 Roman church. These circumstances all tended to 
 hasten the consummation of the great events which 
 were on the eve of taking place. The strict union of 
 the pontiff with his German allies gave them a mutual 
 interest in the affairs of the church and the state. 
 Each had his own especial reasons for watching with 
 jealousy any attack on the other ; and Luther, by his 
 freedom of speech, was become a dangerous enemy to 
 every system which required either arbitrary power or 
 fraud to preserve it in vigour. 
 
 Aware of the influence which he was daily acquiring, 
 Maximihan wrote to the pontiff to desire his prompt 
 assistance in silencing so bold a preacher of sentiments 
 hitherto, or for many ages, unknown to the church. 
 Thus called upon, Leo was obliged to take immediate 
 measures, and to commence a process against the re- 
 former, of whose power and proceedings he had as yet 
 formed no adequate idea. Early in the month of August, 
 Luther'received a citation to appear at Rome within sixty 
 days ; and soon after, the cardinal Cajetan was directed 
 to receive his submission, or in case of his refusal to send 
 him by force to Rome. 
 
 The situation in which Luther thus found himself 
 placed was one of difficulty and danger. His enemies 
 were no longer Dominican monks, or imbecile polemics. 
 
SITUATION OF LUTHER. 5'0 
 
 They were the most powerful princes in Europe ; and 
 it was evident that he must either at once pause in his 
 career as a reformer^ or prepare himself for suffering, 
 and, perhaps, death. Maximilian, it is true, was not 
 excited against him by the impulses of a blind bigotry ; 
 he had been heard to speak of his propositions as worthy 
 of the highest attention ; but he was too much involved 
 in the cares of royalty to act according to what might 
 have become, on inquiry, the fair decisions of his con- 
 science. Even Leo himself is said to have expressed 
 no slight respect for the talents of Luther ; and had he 
 not become the slave of pride and ambition, his fine 
 taste and natural good sense must have led him to take 
 part with a scholar whose simple aim, at first, was to 
 repress the licentiousness of a tribe of base, ignorant, 
 and daring abusers of morality. But both these ex- 
 alted personages conceived it essential to their safety 
 and dignity to silence language which had already pro- 
 duced so much excitement throughout the principal 
 states of Europe. In this they felt themselves sure of 
 the co-operation of other princes. The only friend 
 whom Luther possessed among men of power was 
 Frederic, the elector of Saxony. This pious and en- 
 lightened prince fully comprehended the righteousness 
 of his cause ; but he had no confidence in his ability 
 to protect him against the pope and the emperor ; and 
 the sole hope of safety which suggested itself to Luther, 
 or his friends, was, that he might escape from the 
 threatened danger by a speedy flight. 
 
 In this opinion he was joined by Staupitz, the head 
 of his order ; a venerable man, whose views appear to 
 have been long established on the justest views of 
 evangelical doctrine. " The world," said this pious 
 monk, in a letter to Luther, " is furiously enraged against 
 truth ; it seems as if the hatred of the Jews against 
 Christ were revived in our days : you must learn, 
 therefore, to bear the cross which the Lord left to his 
 disciples ; for you have few protectors, and they have 
 little courage." To this he added, '' My opinion is, 
 
S6 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOiV. 
 
 that you should quit Wittemberg for some time,, and 
 come to me, that we may live and die together. Your 
 prince is of the same mind. Let this suffice. Let us 
 then, not forsake each other, since all forsake us, as 
 Jesus Christ, whom we follow, was forsaken by the 
 world." 
 
 The citation issued by Leo rendered it obligatory 
 on every member of the church, whether lay or eccle- 
 siastic, to assist in delivering him to the proper autho- 
 rities, should he not appear voluntarily before the court 
 at Rome. Excommunication, and the forfeiture of 
 rank and property, was to be the penalty for giving him 
 refuge ; and the only person exempted from the oper- 
 ation of this decree was the emperor himself. Frederic 
 of Saxony saw, to the full extent, the difficulty which 
 opposed his acting according to the dictates of his own 
 feelings. Convinced of the truth and rectitude of 
 Luther's proceedings, he would have rejoiced in sup- 
 porting him against the machinations of his enemies ; 
 but the consequence of an open resistance to the sove- 
 reign pontiff would have been such as few princes of 
 that age dare encounter ; and the position of the elector 
 of Saxony was far from favouring so perilous an un- 
 dertaking. It was evident, on the other hand, that 
 Luther must fall a sacrifice to the hatred of the Domi- 
 nicans, and the power of their supporters, were mea- 
 sures not speedily taken to secure his safety. The diffi- 
 culty of Frederic's situation was, in no slight degree, in- 
 creased by the circumstance, that Leo had addressed to 
 him a letter, in which he called upon him, by the re- 
 spect due to his ancient house for its long tried fidelity 
 to the church, to neglect no means that might be era- 
 ployed for the extirpation of the rising heresy. 
 
 Pursuing the only measures which afforded a means 
 of safety to Luther, without endangering his own peace 
 and dignity, Frederic determined on exercising to the 
 uttermost the rights which he possessed, as a sovereign 
 prince, for the protection of his subject. Addressing 
 himself, therefore, to Maximilian, he demanded a safe 
 
LUTHEK AT AUGSBURG. 37 
 
 conduct for Luther to and from Augsburg. He also 
 furnished him with letters to several persons of rank in 
 that city. In these proceedings he was aided by the 
 university of Wittemberg, which, in an epistle to the 
 pope, afforded the strongest testimonies to the learning 
 and piety of its persecuted professor. 
 
 Thus supported, Luther set out on his journey to 
 Augsburg. He travelled on foot, and without at- 
 tendants. On arriving in the city, he took up his 
 lodging with the Carmehtes, his brethren, the Augus- 
 tines, fearing, it is supposed, to entertain a man so 
 strongly suspected of heresy. For three days he re- 
 mained unnoticed by the authorities. The only person 
 who visited him was a servant of cardinal Cajetan, who 
 called to see him, and express the great respect in 
 which his master held his character and talents. Lu- 
 ther, as simple and ingenuous in heart, as he was 
 powerful in intellect, was not in a state of feeling to be 
 insensible to any expression of kindness. He received 
 the Italian, therefore, with open arms, and would have 
 forthwith accompanied him to the residence of the car- 
 dinal, had he not been warned of the danger of doing so 
 by one of his acquaintances. Three days after, the same 
 visiter again made his appearance, and inquired the 
 reason why he delayed proceeding to the hotel of 
 the cardinal. On Luther's confessing that he waited 
 for the safe conduct of the emperor, the Italian rudely 
 demanded whether he supposed the elector of Saxony 
 v/ould take up arms in his cause. — " I should grieve 
 if he did," was the calm reply. — " Where will you 
 live ? " was the next question. — '^ Under heaven," re- 
 phed Luther. — " If you had the pope and the car- 
 dinals now within your hands," continued the unwearied 
 questioner, " what would you do with them? " — '^ Treat 
 them," rejoined Luther, immediately, '' with the pro- 
 foundest honour and- respect."* 
 
 * Seckendorf quotes Luther's own account of this conversation, which 
 he thus concludes : — "Si tu papam et cardinales in potestate tua haberes, 
 quid esses facturus ? Omnem, inquam, reverentiam et honorem exhi- 
 
 i> 3 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 The safe conduct required of the emperor was at 
 length brought him, and on the 12th of October he 
 appeared before the cardinal-legate. So little inclined 
 was he to evince pride or obstinacy, that he would have 
 addressed that dignitary on his knees, had he not been 
 prevented by Cajetan himself. The business of the 
 day was then begun, by the cardinal's stating the con- 
 ditions on which he was expected to make his peace 
 with the church. These were, that he should retract 
 his opinions ; remain for the future in silence ; and 
 abstain from doing aught which could trouble the tran- 
 quillity of the Christian community. In naming the 
 errors by which he had chiefly offended the pope, he 
 divided them into two classes ; the former consisting of 
 those which regarded the doctrine of indulgences ; and 
 the latter pertaining to the doctrine of the sacrament, 
 and of justification by faith. 
 
 Cajetan, like many dignitaries of the Roman see, 
 prided himself on his skill in the use of those scholastic 
 weapons, by which such good service had formerly 
 been done in the war with truth and Scripture. In- 
 stead, therefore, of pursuing the more prudent course 
 of exercising at once his legatine authority, he began 
 a formal dispute with Luther on the subject of his sup- 
 posed heresies. The sole foundation of his arguments 
 was the bull of Clement VI. To this he referred as of 
 divine force and authority ; as not to be contradicted 
 without the greatest impiety ; and as being of sufficient 
 importance to settle any dispute which might arise re- 
 specting either doctrine or discipline. Luther firmly 
 contended that this decree was not binding on the con- 
 sciences of Christians ; that it falsified Scripture ; and 
 was nothing more than a confirmation of the subtleties 
 and errors of Thomas Aquinas. He also added, that 
 both the university of Paris and the writings of Ger- 
 son sufficiently contradicted the assertions of the car- 
 
 biturus. Turn ille, gestu lialico mordens digittim, dixit : Hem. Et sic abiit, 
 eoque reversus est." — Comment, p. 73. 
 
LUTHER AT AUGSBURG. 3Q 
 
 dinal respecting the supremacy of the pope. To which 
 Cajetan replied, that the disciples of Gerson had heen 
 already condemned, and that the theologians of Paris 
 should receive their proper chastisement. 
 
 The conference ended little to the satisfaction of 
 either party. On the next day, October 13., it was 
 renewed. Luther appeared before the court, attended 
 by four counsellors of the emperor, a notary, and seve- 
 ral witnesses. Before further proceedings commenced, 
 he read a paper, in which he declared his respect for 
 the Roman see, and the church at large, and his will- 
 ingness to submit to what might appear its just de- 
 cisions ; but that he neither could nor might retract 
 v/hat was not proved to be contrary to the orthodox 
 faith ; that he was prepared to support his opinions 
 before any tribunal whatever ; but that he eepecially 
 yielded to the decisions of the universities of Basle, 
 Fribourg, Louvain, and Paris. 
 
 Cajetan showed no willingness to reply to tliis pro- 
 testation ; but resuming the argument of the preceding 
 day, continued to press it in a lengthened speech, to 
 which it was plain he did not intend that Luther should 
 have the opportunity of making an answer. Staupitz, 
 however, who had accompanied Luther to the miceting, 
 demanded that he might be allowed to reply in writing ; 
 the reformer, thus encouraged, spoke to the same pur- 
 pose, and added that they had disputed with him suf- 
 ficiently at the previous audience. The cardinal found 
 no means of escaping the difficulty in which he had in- 
 volved himself, and the affected civility with which he 
 dismissed his antagonist proved how gladly he would 
 have retraced his steps. 
 
 Luther presented himself again the following day, 
 and immediately proceeded to read the reply he had pre- 
 pared to the arguments advanced against him. In this 
 composition he unfolded, at some length, his opinions 
 on the subject at issue, and adduced the reasons by 
 which he considered they were supported. Of indul- 
 gences he said, '' that the merits of Christ could not 
 D 4 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE REF0R51ATI0X. 
 
 form a treasure of such a nature, seeing that the ap- 
 plication of these merits had never been committed to 
 men, and that faith and repentance could alone give 
 the right to a participation therein ; that the decrees of 
 pontiffs might contain orders, and that when they were 
 received as law, it was only on the supposition that they 
 were in perfect accordance with Scripture and the 
 fathers ; that the bull published by Clement VI. pro- 
 claimed a manifest error in speaking of the superabun- 
 dant merits of the saints, since no one ever lived who 
 had not reason to exclaim with St. Augustine, ^ Woe to the 
 best life that is judged mthout mercy !'" AVhen he 
 came to the article on justification, he said, '^ that faith 
 is only a certain persuasion of the truth of God's words 
 and promises ; that this faith justifies the sinner, be- 
 cause that it is the condition of the grace which God 
 bestows on the soul, and by which we render that soul 
 just and holy." At the conclusion of this exhibition of 
 his sentiments on the great points of the controversy, 
 he repeated his wilhngness to humble himself to the 
 church, and besought the legate to employ his influence 
 to procure him the favour of the sovereign pontiff, '' that 
 his holiness might have compassion on a soul which 
 sought but for truth, and only refused to retract because 
 it could not do so without prevarication." 
 
 Cajetan, unmoved either by the arguments or the 
 humiUty of Luther, heard his defence with badly dis- 
 sembled anger, and, at its conclusion, resumed the dis- 
 cussion. He still found himself, however, an unequal 
 match for so accomplished a divine and acute a logi- 
 cian ; and, having dismissed him from his presence, 
 had recourse to Staupitz and another friend of Luther, 
 whom he entreated to use their utmost influence in 
 bringing him to a better state of mind. 
 
 A general idea appears to have prevailed at Augs- 
 burg, that, though the cardinal had thus dismissed 
 Luther without any definite expression of his intentions, 
 he was not in a disposition to favour his escape ; and 
 that, notwithstanding the safe conduct granted by the 
 
DEPARTS FROM AUGSBURG. 41 
 
 emperor, chains and a dungeon would probably be his 
 lot. 
 
 It is impossible to say whether these suspicions were 
 well founded. The cardinal, it seems, was wholly 
 unable to decide what measures it would be right or 
 prudent to pursue. Luther had powerful supporters ; 
 and he was himself at too great a distance from hits 
 superior to obtain immediate aid or support in case of 
 resistance to his decisions. Luther, by his coolness and 
 resolution, had wholly defeated the plans which might 
 have been pursued, could he have been terrified into 
 submission ; and the pope had given him no instruc- 
 tions sufficient to authorise violent measures, whatever 
 might be their necessity. At the earnest desire of 
 Staupitz and others, Luther wrote to the cardinal in 
 a style of the greatest humility, desiring pardon for 
 having spoken irreverently of the pope, and offering to 
 remain silent for the future, on condition that his op- 
 ponents should be bound by the same obligation. 
 Having despatched this letter, he sat down to the com- 
 position of a paper, which he called an appeal from the 
 pope to the pope better informed, and despatched it as soon 
 as finished, with another letter to Cajetan. No answer 
 was sent by the cardinal to these communications ; and 
 this circumstance tending to confirm the surmises of 
 his friends, he determined on seeking safety by flight ; 
 and on the morning of October IQ., that is, after wait- 
 ing four days for the legate's further citation, he took 
 his departure from Augsburg. 
 
 The day had not dawned when Luther set off, and 
 he would not have been able to effect his retreat, but 
 for the kindness of one of the senators, who assist- 
 ed him in passing the gates of the city. That he 
 had a strong presentiment of the dangers which en- 
 vironed him, appears from the rapidity with which he 
 pursued his journey. A horse had been provided him 
 by one of his friends, but he had neither boots nor 
 spurs ; and such was his fatigue when he stopped at 
 night to rest, that on leading his horse into the stable 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE REFORM'ATION. 
 
 he fell upon the litter, v;holly unable any longer to sup- 
 port himself. 
 
 His situation was now in every way embarrassing. 
 It was beyond the power of human wisdom to foresee 
 what would be the final result of his labours ; and it 
 was natural for him to expect that the same personal 
 consequences would attend his bold attack on the reign- 
 ing church, as had followed the attempts of other indi- 
 viduals inspired hy a similar spirit. He had had the 
 resolution to present himself before the legate, and to 
 declare his determination to persevere in the cause he 
 bad adopted; but though resolved to continue in the 
 open profession of the truth, whatever might he the 
 result, this did not lessen his sensibility to the perils 
 which threatened him, or to the responsibility he had 
 taken upon himself in calling to account a church like 
 that of Rome.* 
 
 On his arrival at Wittemberg he found that the 
 elector was involved in the greatest doubt and per- 
 plexity. Cajetan had the character of a haughty and 
 determined zealot; and the letter which he sent to 
 Frederic, shortly after Luther's departure from Augs- 
 burg, breathed equally of subtilty and determined re- 
 sentment. The prince at first expressed a wish that 
 the reformer would seek a place of refuge beyond his 
 dominions. This was intimated to him by Spalatinus ; 
 and he immediately replied that he would obey the 
 command of his sovereign as a decree from heaven, and 
 would prepare himself for exile the moment the threat- 
 ened sentence of excommunication arrived from Rome. 
 ^' I every day expect to receive the anathemas of the 
 pontiff; and I am ready to go forth, like Abraham, 
 not knowing whither I go : yet not so, I know well, 
 for God is every where." Frederic, however, induced, 
 it is probable, partly hy the dictates of conscience, and 
 
 * Seckendorf, p. 87. His epistle to Staupitz was evidently written under 
 considerable depression of mind. He saw the struggle going on which was 
 to decide his fate ; but his faith strengthened him. " Farewell, most sweet 
 father," he concludes, "and commend my soul to Christ." He speaks both 
 in this, and in the letter written at the same time to Spalatinus of the dif- 
 ticulty he had experienced in obtaining the prince's permission to publish 
 an account of what had taken place at Augsburg. 
 
CONDUCT OF FREDERIC. 43 
 
 partly by the indignation he felt at the conduct of the 
 legate, altered his sentiments, and intimated to Luther 
 that he desired him to retain his station in the univer- 
 sity. ^' I know not_," said the latter, in respect to this 
 change, '' what I ought to desire ; for if I remain 
 here I shall not have the liberty of saying or writing 
 ■what I think ; whereas, if I depart, I shall say all, and 
 offer myself a sacrifice to Christ." 
 
 Confirmed in his resolution by the judgment of the 
 university of Wittemberg, and the immense body of 
 his subjects, who were now declared friends of the 
 reformer, Frederic wrote to Cajetan in terms of cool 
 and distant respect. " He had sent Luther," he said, 
 '" to Augsburg, according to promise, in order that he 
 might, if wrong, be convinced of his error, not forced to 
 recant by any tyrannical proceedings." — "" The most 
 orthodox universities," he added, ^' assured him that 
 his doctrine was pure and catholic ; and he was, there- 
 fore, determined never to drive from that of Wittem- 
 berg a man to whose learning and ability it owed so 
 much of its present reputation." He also sent, about 
 the same time, instructions to his minister, Pfefl!inger, 
 at the court of the emperor, to solicit that sovereign's 
 attention to the case of Luther, and to obtain for him 
 a hearing before a German tribunal. 
 
 Luther, in the mean time, was not idle with his pen. 
 To correct the public opinion respecting what had taken 
 place at Augsburg, he published a full account of the 
 conference. He also prepared an appeal from the ex- 
 pected sentence of excommunication, and an answer 
 to a new production from the hand of that weakest of 
 zealots, Prierias. These works were no sooner issued 
 from the press than they were seized upon by the people, 
 who read them with an avidity which afforded a re- 
 markable proof of the deep interest universally taken in 
 the dispute. Tidings of the impression thus produced 
 by the continued exertions of the reformer were not 
 long in reaching Rome. Leo found himself obliged to 
 act, but with extreme caution. He therefore issued 
 a buUj in which he again authorised the preaching of 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 t 
 
 indulgences, and declared that they were founded on 
 the ancient doctrine and discipline of the church. Not 
 a syllable, however, was inserted respecting Luther 
 himself. The commissioners, on the contrary, were 
 charged with having abused the authority they pos- 
 sessed, and with having published errors, while they 
 had been only sent to preach the word of God : a mani- 
 fest indication that the Roman church was beginning 
 to tremble at the rising strength of public opinion.* 
 A. D. Shortly after the issuing of this bull, Charles Miltitz, 
 1519. the pope's chamberlain, arrived at the court of Saxony. 
 He was charged with the office of presenting to Fre- 
 deric the rose of gold given by the pontiff as a special 
 mark of his favour ; but the main object of his stay 
 in Germany was to raise a more vigorous opposition to 
 the spread of reform. To aid him in this business, the 
 pope had directed letters to Pfeffinger, in Asrhich he 
 described Luther as the child of Satan, and besought the 
 counsellor to employ his influence with the elector, that 
 he might no longer endanger the honour of his ancient 
 house by the protection of such a preacher of heresy, -j- 
 The death of the emperor Maximilian, and the sub- 
 sequent contest for the imperial crown, between Charles 
 of Austria and Francis I., so wholly engrossed, for a 
 time, the attention of public men, that the affair of 
 Luther was allowed during the interval to remain in 
 abeyance. Frederic of Saxony exercised the most im- 
 portant influence at the election, apd increased there- 
 by both his personal and political authority. This 
 proved of the greatest use to the cause of the incipient 
 reformation ; and we thus meet with one of those 
 numerous instances in which the providence of the 
 Almighty has rendered the business of the world tri- 
 butary to his designs in promoting the diffusion of truth 
 and holiness. 
 
 * Seckendorf, pp. 96—98. This writer conjectures that the Roman court 
 expected to induce Luther to avail himself of the means of escape by this 
 air of moderation ; but it might have been clear to them that no man of 
 common honesty could have remained silent from such a plea; this very 
 bull, though censuring the commissioners, confirming the principles them- 
 selves on which they had proceeded. 
 t Sleidan, Hist. Reform, t. i. 1. i. p. 28. 
 
45 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 MELANCTHON AND ERASMUS. CONFERENCE BETWEEN LUTHER 
 
 AND THE pope's NUNCIO. LUTHER ADDRESSES LEO. 
 
 DISPUTATION AT LEIPZIG. ECKIUS AND CARLOSTAD. LA- 
 BOURS OF ERASMUS. FIRMNESS AND DISCRETION OF LU- 
 THER. ADDRESSES THE EMPEROR AND THE BISHOPS OF 
 
 MKNTZ AND MERSBOURG. LEO PUBLISHES A BULL AGAINST 
 
 LUTHER. HIS DEFENCE. BURNS THE PAPAL DECREES. 
 
 It was greatly to the advantage of Luther that the dis- 
 positions of the people, at this period, were all in favour 
 of learning and inquiry : it was equally so for his 
 comfort, that the most distinguished scholars of the age 
 took a cordial interest in his proceedings, and mani- 
 fested the most generous sympathy with him in the 
 difficulties of his situation. The two greatest names 
 of this century, Erasmus and Melancthon, appear 
 joined with that of Luther in the history of his times 
 as those of brothers, bound together by the duties of 
 a common calHng. Each had his peculiar office ; each 
 had gifts and inclinations which gave him an individual 
 character and vigour ; but they were raised up to labour 
 for the attainment of one great object, and to lead man- 
 kind by the combined force of their genius and their 
 piety to the reverential acknowledgment of evangelical 
 truth. 
 
 Melancthon *, whose father was a celebrated ar- 
 mourer, had early distinguished himself by his extensive 
 acquaintance with the Greek language and literature. 
 While stiU a youth he enjoyed the distinction of being 
 made professor of rhetoric at Tubingen; at which place he 
 had taught about four years, when Frederic invited him, 
 on the recommendation of Capinon, to accept the Greek 
 
 * Seckendorf, p. 69. He was, says this writer, " exili corpore et con- 
 temtibili fere specie." 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE REF0R3IATI0N. 
 
 professorship in the university of Wittemberg. On his 
 arrival in that city^ his small stature and generally mean 
 appearance produced an impression very unfavourable 
 to his popularity ; but he required only an opportunity 
 for the display of his genius to inspire universal affection 
 and respect. His address to the university, on being 
 admitted to office, excited equal astonishment and de- 
 light ; and among his auditors no one was more ready 
 to express his gratification than Luther. * On all the 
 most important points of learning and religion, these 
 great men felt the same ; while in their personal cha- 
 racter there was just sufficient difference to produce 
 that interchange of feeling, and sense of mutual de- 
 pendence, which seem almost necessary to the esta- 
 bhshment of a strict and lasting friendship. Their 
 acquaintance, auspiciously begun, quickly ripened into 
 the most brotherly affection ; and the name of Melanc- 
 thon will inspire reverence wherever the memory of 
 Luther is honoured, and the reformation regarded as a 
 holy and profitable work. 
 
 The strength of Erasmus lay in the acuteness of his 
 judgment ; this rendered him equally great as a moralist 
 and a wit. His learning, though varied and extensive, 
 was not more than he found the means of employing in 
 his bold and sarcastic discussions ; and he enjoys the re- 
 putation of having been the first to display in clear, 
 intelhgible characters, the essential difference between 
 an established religion and its established representatives. 
 Luther and Erasmus were not brought personally toge- 
 ther, and had fewer harmonising tendencies of intellect 
 than there were existing between the former and Me- 
 lancthon ; but they knew each other's worth, and the 
 extent of their powers ; nor could either the one or the 
 other have received a much higher encouragement than 
 that of mutual admiration. 
 
 Luther had the satisfaction of finding in Melanc- 
 
 » Epist. lib. i. p. 57. Luther himself speaks of the contrast between his 
 appearance and the power and beauty of his mind. " We put aside," he 
 says, " the consideration of his stature and person, and honour and admire 
 only the inner man (rem ipsam in eo)." 
 
PROGRESS OF OPINION. 4-7 
 
 then a ready disposition for taking part with him in 
 his labours. Nor was Erasmus idle. That celebrated 
 scholar addressed letters to the duke of Saxony, the 
 archbishop of Mentz, and the cardinal Campegio. In 
 all these, he spoke warmly of the piety, the wisdom, 
 and the courage of Luther, and enlarged in the plainest 
 terms on the pride and corruption of his enemies. 
 
 But encouraging as were these testimonies to his con- 
 duct, Luther still saw himself surrounded with perils. 
 The pope's nuncio was now at the court of the elector, 
 and had begun that course of operations which it ap- 
 peared to the boldest observer could only terminate 
 in the discomfiture of his intended victim. Frederic 
 had, indeed, intimated his resolution not to yield up 
 Luther to any attempts that might be made to carry 
 him to Rome : but his determination was, from pru- 
 dential motives, limited to this, of not exposing his 
 subject to a foreign tribunal. When he found, there- 
 fore, that he must either hazard the resentment of the 
 papal court, give up Luther to its vengeance,- or invent 
 some method of lessening the force of the blow, he had 
 formed the expedient of declaring Luther a prisoner, 
 and then offering to bring him before any court in Ger- 
 many, properly constituted for deciding his case. Mil- 
 titz, however, was not so confident of success as he felt 
 on entering Germany. The wishes of the people were 
 strongly engaged in the cause of Luther and reform ; 
 and he confessed, that should he attempt to lay hands 
 on the schismatic, it would require 25,000 men to 
 convey him to Rome. 
 
 The policy of Miltitz was therefore changed. He 
 now resolved on proceeding with more caution than it 
 had been usual for the ministers of the church to adopt 
 in cases of resistance to its will. Had this plan been 
 earlier pursued, it might have saved the Roman pontiffs 
 the loss of their ancient power : in the present state of 
 affairs it could only encourage the rising spirit of intel- 
 ligence to bolder and more open exertion. Luther was 
 softened by the appeal made to him, in a meeting to which 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the nuncio invited him at Altenbourg, and which took 
 place in the house of Spalatinus.* Shortly before their 
 interview, Miltitz had severely rebuked the miserable 
 and degraded Tetzel for the evils which the church was 
 suffering through his shameful abuse of its privileges. 
 The unfortunate monk, deserted by his em.pl oyers, and 
 pointed at by the multitude as the very incarnation of 
 fraud, had been obliged to seek an obscure retreat in 
 the monastery of St. Paul at Leipzig. In the letter 
 wherein he excused his attendance at Altenbourg, he 
 complains that Luther had raised against him not only 
 Germany, but Poland and Hungary ; that there was 
 no spot where he could be safe ; that when he preached 
 at Leipzig, he has met with only ii:jenaces and con- 
 tempt ; but that whatever he might have to suffer in 
 the cause of the holy see, he would defend its privi- 
 leges to the last. The nuncio, in his conversation with 
 Luther, expressed respect and even affection for the 
 reformer, and listened with patience to his defence. 
 At the conclusion of their meeting, he besought him to 
 submit to the judgment of the pope; and thereby 
 secure peace both for himself and the church. To this 
 Luther objected ; but proposed that judges should be 
 appointed in Germany, and that the credit of both 
 parties should be saved, by the dispute being allowed 
 to drop gradually into forgetfulness. It was at last 
 agreed that the nuncio should procure an order from 
 Rome, prohibiting the continuance of the controversy, 
 and referring the final decision of the affair to the 
 German prelates. 
 
 Luther acted with due caution in the whole of this 
 interview, neither irritating the papal messenger by any 
 intemperate expression, nor allowing him for an in- 
 
 * Seckendorf, p. 105. Luther was very averse to this meeting, from a 
 fear that it might produce some, bad effect on his appeal from the pope to 
 a general council. In the account which he gives of the interview to 
 Staupitz, he describes the nuncio as fairlj' confessing the bad reception he 
 had met with, and the great defection of the people from the church ot 
 Rome. " I beseech you pray for me," he concludes ; " for I am a man 
 involved in society, and troubled with surfeits, irritation, negligence and 
 numerous other distresses, besides those which belong to my office." 
 
lutheb's humility. 49 
 
 stant to suppose that he would ever retract the opinions 
 he had advanced : but neither the reformer nor the 
 Roman court could now repress the excitement their 
 dispute had awakened throughout the best portion of 
 Europe. It was no longer in their power to say. Let 
 there be peace : they were constrained by every consi- 
 deration of their declared sentiments to let the people, 
 on either side, declare theirs; and such was the im- 
 pulse that had been given to inquiry, that had they 
 ceased altogether from carrying on the dispute them- 
 selves, it would still have been propagated, and led in 
 the end, probably, to nearly the same results. Luther 
 was the chosen instrument of Divine Providence ; but 
 the providence of God does not depend on its instru- 
 ments, and had Luther now fallen, it would have been 
 his own honour, not the cause of the reformation, that 
 would have suffered. 
 
 It is difficult to determine whether the firmness of 
 Luther did not subsequently yield more than it ought 
 to the desire of conciliation. In his letter to the pope, 
 written soon after the meeting above described, he em- 
 ploys expressions which could only be lawful on the 
 supposition that he believed Leo to be indeed the re- 
 presentative of Jesus Christ, the absolute dispenser of 
 his power in the universal church. ^^ I am again 
 obhged," says he, " to address your holiness — your 
 exalted majesty ; I who am the lowest among men, 
 and the very dust of the earth : I beseech your holi- 
 ness to open your ears as those of a father, and of a 
 vicar of Jesus Christ, favourably to receive the laments 
 of a sheep, of which you are the pastor." Having then 
 defended himself against the charge of disobedience, he 
 exclaims, " What shall I do, holy father ? I know not 
 what course to pursue : I cannot support the weight of 
 your indignation ; and I see not how to free myself 
 from the burden. They desire me to revoke my 
 treatises, and this I would instantly do, could your 
 object be thereby effected."* 
 
 * Epist. 98. lib. i. " Fccx hominum et pidvls terra; Quare pa- 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 The habit of regarding the Roman pontiff with 
 boundless respect^ had led to a style of expression, 
 whenever his name was mentioned, which now only 
 astonishes and disgusts. But Luther had been bred up 
 with all the notions of a monk, and in the strictest order 
 of ecclesiastics. Of the feelings thereby inspired, he was 
 not able at once to divest himself ; nor would he, per- 
 haps, have manifested such an unaffected nobility and 
 genuine freedom of soul, if he had instantaneously 
 ceased to honour what he had been taught to reverence 
 under all the impressive circumstances of religious study. 
 But as his understanding discovered with greater clear- 
 ness the true foundations of the Christian church, he 
 gradually learnt to conquer the prejudices of his early 
 years ; and that extreme dread of the papal power which 
 had kept him, as a matter of conscience, from becoming 
 its declared antagonist, when once shaken, vanished 
 altogether. Hitherto he had contended not so much 
 against Rome as its corrupt ministers, whose conduct 
 and discourses he could not for some time be persuaded 
 to regard as recognised by the church. If he employed 
 a language, therefore, when addressing its chief, which 
 now ofiPends by its undue submissiveness and exagger- 
 ations, it ought not to be taken as a sign of insincerity 
 or wavering resolution. The career of Luther, more- 
 over, affords many striking proofs of his peculiar sen- 
 sitiveness of feeling. Energetic and daring as he was 
 when called upon either to act or to suffer, he was open to 
 every solicitation of friendship, and could rarely resist 
 even a seeming proffer of peace and amity on the part 
 of his opponents. Answering with ready warmth to 
 the appearance of kindness, he yielded himself at once 
 to the comforting sense of returning tranquillity ; and 
 the apologetic tone of the language in which he spoke, 
 may be usually traced to the anxiety he felt to re- 
 
 ternas acuere Christi vicarias aures Iniic oviculje tuaa interim clementissime 
 accommodare dignetur beatudo tua, et balatum meum hunc officiose in- 
 telligere." Strong, however, as these expressions are, not the slightest 
 intimation is contained in the letter that he was willing to retract. 
 
DISPUTE AT LEIPZIG. 51 
 
 move any distrust respecting his willingness to be at 
 peace.* 
 
 But the period was arrived for his standing forth 
 among mankind as the vindicator of Christian liberty, 
 not by treating with the heads of the Roman church, 
 but by asserting its absolute necessity to the spiritual 
 interest of the world, that they should no longer be 
 intrusted with its dispensation. Notwithstanding the 
 proofs which existed, that it would be for the advantage 
 of Rome to allow the controversy to drop, the restless and 
 irritated spirits of its champions prevailed over this 
 more prudent policy, and Luther found himself obliged 
 to prepare, with more earnestness than ever, for meeting 
 his opponents in debate. The principal controversialist 
 at the present time was Eckius, a ready, haughty, and 
 accomphshed disputant.f Strong hopes were enter- 
 tained by the Romish party, that could the weapons of 
 so subtle a logician be brought against Luther, the re- 
 former would be obliged to give up many of his most 
 dangerous positions. Luther and his friends, on the 
 other hand, were as confident that the cause of truth 
 would be no otherwise than benefited thereby ; and, 
 in accordance with the sentiments thus entertained on 
 either side, it soon became understood that a meeting 
 would take place at Leipzig, between these two cele- 
 brated theologians, early in the summer. 
 
 The preparation for the intended dispute had an im- 
 portant effect on the mind of Luther. After a cautious 
 perusal of the papal decrees, he confessed to Spalatinus, 
 that he could not decide whether the pope was anti- 
 christ, or the apostle of Christ, so fearfully was Christ 
 crucified in these decrees. Eckius had defended the 
 
 * Epist. 99. lib. j. In this letter, written a few days after, to Spalatin, 
 he declares his perfect readiness to show all respect to the pope. " Lei 
 them only leave me the Gospel, and they may have all the rest." 
 
 f Eckius was on terms of strict intimacy with the principal advocates of 
 reform ; and was evidently regarded by some of them as a person capable 
 of becoming a brave and powerful advocate of just principles. " I trust," 
 says Carlostad, in a letter to him which breathes only affection and respect^ 
 " I trust you will understand my meaning, and out of a Saul become a 
 Paul. I love you heartily : may I perish if I wish you dead, or that the 
 least unhappiness should befall you." 
 
 E 2 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE REFOBlIATION. 
 
 doctrines of the Roman church, in thirteen propositions, 
 directed immediately against the opinions of Luther ; 
 and in the reply made to these, the reformer had openly 
 declared that the authority which the pope exercised 
 over the churches rested solely on the decrees which 
 had been passed by the pontiflPs themselves. Frederic 
 and his court appear to have dreaded the consequences 
 of this bold statement of his opinions ; and Luther was 
 obliged to show on what grounds he had ventured to 
 advance it. Even this afforded him new means of 
 strength. The more he studied and reflected on the 
 subject, the clearer were his convictions; and thus 
 the engine whereby the whole fabric of Roman su- 
 perstition and tyranny was to be shaken became every 
 day more capable of its work. 
 
 Erasmus wrote to Luther, about this time, to en- 
 courage him in his labours, by informing him of the con- 
 stantly increasing interest taken in his proceedings. 
 " They will not believe," says he, alluding to the monks 
 of Louvain, " that I have not a part in the composi- 
 tion of your works. Some of them hope, by ruining 
 me, to destroy the reviving taste for literature, which 
 they hate with a mortal hatred, as inimical to the ma- 
 jesty of theology ; a thing infinitely more important in 
 their eyes than Jesus Christ. Their clamours, their 
 menaces, their lies and artifices, are inconceivable : I 
 could not have believed that theologians were capable 
 of such madness." — "They are beginning, however, 
 to relent," he adds ; " fearing, perhaps, the pens of 
 the learned, but still more, their own consciences. I 
 would paint them, as they deserve, did not the charity of 
 the Gospel forbid. Savage beasts usually grow mild 
 when treated with kindness ; but these only become 
 the worse from gentle treatment. You have in Eng- 
 land several persons, and those of the first rank, who 
 greatly esteem your works ; and even here, there are 
 some ; but I scarcely know more than one preacher who 
 preaches Christ ; the rest discourse only of fables, or 
 their own interests. I have begun to read your com- 
 
DISPUTE AT LEIPZIG. 53 
 
 mentary on the Psalms : it pleases me much ; and I 
 trust the world will be greatly benefited by its pub- 
 lication." 
 
 On the 8th of June, that is, shortly before the day 
 appointed for the disputation, Luther and Eckius re- 
 paired to Leipzig.* They were accompanied by nume- 
 rous supporters and friends. Among the most dis- 
 tinguished on the side of Luther were Melancthon and 
 Carlostad ; the challenge of Eckius having been origi- 
 nally intended only for the last of the three, who, there- 
 fore, was appointed to begin the debate. This cele- 
 brated discussion took place in the hall of the castle. 
 AppHcation had been made to the university for its 
 countenance and assistance ; but for some time it 
 sternly refused to authorise the proceedings : the bishop 
 of the diocese, moreover, forbade its being carried on 
 in the city ; and the duke of Saxony and the senate 
 had to exert their authority to the utmost to secure 
 the disputants from the indignity of being silenced by 
 his arbitrary enactment. An ordinance was even fixed 
 on the church doors threatening the parties engaged 
 with excommunication ; this the senate, by the duke's 
 orders, had immediately torn down, and the man who 
 thus ventured to insult the civil authorities was thrown 
 into prison. t 
 
 It having been agreed that secretaries should be 
 appointed to take notes of the arguments advanced on 
 each side, the business of the meeting was opened by 
 an address from the Greek professor, Peter MoseRam, 
 
 * Cochlseus, De Actis et Scriptis M. Lutherl, p. 12. This writer ex- 
 presses himself with great admiration of the courage of Eckius, who, he 
 says, came to Leipzig accompanied only by a single servant, when he had 
 every reason to fear robbers and assassins, and the treachery of the Lu- 
 therans. He ridicules the latter also, for bringing their books with them : 
 — " Wittebergenses non solum multos comites ; sed et libros subsidiarios 
 secum afFerentes, quasi Lipsiae non essent libri, si quibus opus foret," p. 13. 
 Von der Disputation zwischen Eck.Carlstadet Luthero.SamtlicheSchriftcn, 
 tom. XV. c. V. p. 955. Seckendorf, p. 120. 
 
 f Epist. Lutheri. 114. et 116. lib. i. Eckius informed Luther of the per- 
 mission being gained, in a letter dated Ingolstadt, Feb. 19. 1519 ; and con. 
 eludes his epistle with the observation, that, instead of having thu.s to ex. 
 press his willingness to meet him in dispute, he would far rather hear 
 that he had changed his mind, and was wiUi'jg to submit himself obedi. 
 ently to the apostolic chair, to Leo X. the vicar of Christ " God be with 
 E 3 
 
54} HISTORY OF TilE RP^FORMATION. 
 
 who eloquently exhorted the combatants not to forget 
 that they were engaged on a subject in which the dis- 
 covery of truth was the grand object; and that as the 
 victory could not_, in reality, depend upon human inge- 
 nuity, neither would he who conquered merit glory, 
 nor he who suffered defeat, shame ; for the victorious 
 would but communicate the light which he oived to 
 God, and the vanquished would be delivered from the 
 power of error under which he had fallen through the 
 infirmities of the human intellect.* Another of the 
 scholars present, Csesar Phlug, then addressed them, 
 and a hymn having been sung, the dispute was com- 
 menced by Carlostad and Eckius. 
 
 The fundamental doctrine of Christianity loses its 
 force, in proportion as it is mixed up with the belief, 
 that good can have an independent origin in the cor- 
 rupted human will. Were this possible, a man might 
 renew himself ; an idea which, however supportable on 
 the suppositions of moralists, has certainly no place in 
 the Christian system. Carlostadt started with the 
 proposition that evej-y good work is altogether from God: 
 to which Eckius objected, that every good work is from 
 God, but not totally or absolutely. In the conduct of 
 the dispute, Eckius, it is generally allowed, mani- 
 fested great readiness of language, and much ingenuity 
 in discovering those nice distinctions in which the logic 
 of the schools so much delighted. Carlostad, on the 
 other hand, failed in that power of expression and easy 
 reference to his sources of knowledge, which are so es- 
 sential to a public speaker. The consequence was, that 
 the advocate of the Romish doctrines had greatly the 
 advantage in his appeal to that portion of his audience 
 who preferred ingenuity of speech to soundness of 
 learning and doctrine. But Carlostad enjoyed the high 
 
 you, my dear Martin," he adds ; " let us pray for each other, and that God 
 may enlighten us." 
 
 * The excitement occasioned by the expected contest is well shown in a 
 letter of this learned man to Erasmus. " Great preparations," says he, 
 " are being made for this battle. On one side will be ranged the Augus- 
 tines, on the other the Dominicans, who are always to be seen where their 
 interests are likely to be assailed." 
 
DISPUTE AT LEIPZIG. 55 
 
 satisfaction of convincing the more candid of the 
 listeners that he was defending a proposition, the truth 
 of which must become the more evident, the more 
 genuine learning, and sound, unsophistical reasoning 
 were employed in its illustration. 
 
 Several days were spent in the contest between Car- 
 lostad and Eckius. At its conclusion, the latter sum- 
 moned Luther to the debate. Many of the friends of 
 the reformer used their best efforts to dissuade him 
 from engaging with such an adversary. They repre- 
 sented that he would probably be led into using ex- 
 pressions, or propounding opinions, which, however 
 true they might be, it would savour of great impru- 
 dence to employ, or make known, at such a time. He 
 had, moreover, they reminded him, no safe conduct, 
 and the sudden display of zeal might consequently in- 
 volve him in inextricable difficulties. 
 
 But Luther was rarely influenced by considerations 
 of a personal nature ; and, notwithstanding the repre- 
 sentations of his friends, he readily accepted the in- 
 vitation of his boastful antagonist. He possessed 
 many of the qualifications for a public disputant, in 
 which Carlostad was conspicuously deficient. His 
 memory presented, in ready succession, the stores he 
 had amassed in a long course of theological stufly ; 
 he had a fearlessness of disposition, which made him 
 rejoice in encountering difficulty ; and the intense 
 anxiety be had so long experienced found its best re- 
 lief in the free, open, and courageous declaration of 
 his feelings. Thus impelled, he threw aside every fear 
 but that which arose from the holy dread of not being 
 worthy of defending the truth ; and Eckius had ample 
 reason to tremble at the strength of the adversary 
 whom his own vanity alone had, in the present state of 
 affairs, called into the field.* 
 
 * Both Luther and Eckius offerd a protest respecting the holiness of 
 their motives in entering upon this disputation ; the former declaring, 
 that he was constrained thereto by the necessity of defending himself 
 against the attacks of his opponent, and complaining that more of his 
 adversaries were not present ; and the latter, that he contended only for 
 E 4) 
 
56 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REF0R3IATI0N. 
 
 The subject of the debate between these expert dis- 
 putants, was derived from the last proposition advanced 
 by Eckius. in the thirty articles he had lately published, 
 and which had been answered by Luther in thirty others, 
 distinguished by the usual vigour of his style and argu- 
 ment. Eckius commenced the discussion by contend- 
 ing, that the authority of the pope being essential to the 
 preservation of the church must necessarily have had a 
 divine origin ; and passing from this to other proposi- 
 tions of a similar kind, insisted, especially, that they 
 were guilty of grievous error who asserted that the 
 church of Rome was not superior to all others till the 
 time of pope Sylvester ; seeing that he who had the 
 faith of St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, and sat in 
 his seat, had always been recognised as his successor, 
 and as the vicar of Jesus Christ. 
 
 Luther replied, that the authority of the popes rested 
 on decrees, the earliest of which was only about 400 
 years old, while the history of more than ten cen- 
 turies, the acts of the council of Nice, and the Scrip- 
 tures, proved that these decrees were themselves op- 
 posed to the spirit of the Gospel. Eckius immediately 
 took up the argument, and expressed his wish to con- 
 fine the discussion, at first, to an examination of the 
 authority of the pope. Luther replied that he should 
 have preferred passing over this portion of the subject, 
 as being likely to involve matter which, out of respect 
 for the pontiff, he was unwilling to bring forward ; that 
 he was sorry, therefore, to be forced into the question ; 
 but that as such, was the case, he should have been glad 
 to meet there all his adversaries, who acted basely in 
 shunning this opportunity of fairly examining the 
 truth. Eckius rejoined, that the burden of the dispute 
 ought to rest on the author of the quarrel, which had 
 originated in the assertion, that before the time of 
 Sylvester, the pope was not regarded as superior to 
 
 the honour of the papal chair, and him that sat thereon, and to bring back, 
 the erring to truth and obedience. Von der Disputation zu Leipzig 
 SAmtliche vSchriften, torn. xv. pp. 1069, 1070. 
 
DISPUTE AT LEIPZIG. 57 
 
 Other bishops ; and that pope Pelagius had twisted 
 many passages of Scripture to answer his own purpose. 
 He then proceeded to accuse Luther of having taken 
 part with the heretical Bohemians, with WicklifFe and 
 Huss, who had stated, that it is not necessary to sal- 
 vation to believe that the church of Rome is the sove- 
 reign of all the churches. 
 
 It required equal care and penetration to argue with 
 an adversary like Eckius. Luther, ardent as he v^^as, 
 appears to have been fully convinced of this ; and im- 
 mediately replied to the accusation of schism and 
 heresy^ that he favoured not schismatics ; but that 
 whether the opinion in question had been advanced by 
 WicklifFe or not, it could not be resisted without con- 
 demning Gregory of Nazianzen, Basil, Epiphanius, 
 Cyprian, and the whole of the Greek bishops, who had 
 never acknowledged the authority of the bishop of 
 Rome ; that it was certainly known, that the see of Rome 
 did not exist till eighteen years after the ascension of 
 Christ ; and that, therefore, the universal church had 
 been for some time without any head, if the pope was its 
 necessary and supreme chief. He also denied that 
 Peter was superior to the rest of the apostles ; and to 
 this Eckius assented, making a distinction between the 
 apostleship and the episcopacy of the saint, and con- 
 tending for his superiority in respect only to the latter. 
 Luther rejoined by quoting Gal. ii. 6 — 11., in which 
 he contended it was proved that St. Paul owed neither 
 his apostolic nor his episcopal rank to Peter ; and fur- 
 ther added, that it was forbidden by the decree of a 
 council to call the bishop of Rome a universal bishop. 
 Eckius acknowledged the truth of this decree ; but re- 
 marked that though the pope was forbidden to be 
 called bishop universal, it was not forbidden that he 
 should be called bishop of the universal church. 
 
 In the next stage of the dispute they considered the 
 subject of purgatory. Luther here went so far as to 
 acknowledge, that there was some semblance of a proof 
 of this doctrine in the saying of Christ respecting the 
 
58 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 sin against the Holy Ghost. The Saviour speaks of 
 this sin as pardonable neither in this world nor the 
 next ; whence it seems deducible that other sins may 
 obtain remission in the future state. He also allowed 
 some force to the passage in the second book of Macca- 
 bees, in which prayer and sacrifice for the dead are 
 described as works of piety. That he placed, however, 
 but little confidence in these arguments, appears from 
 his having immediately after stated, that the Scripture 
 first alluded to ought probably to be interpreted only as 
 a general declaration, that the sin against the Holy 
 Ghost will never be pardoned ; while the passage last 
 quoted occurred in a book not admitted into the canon. 
 Eckius cited 1 Cor. iii. IS.; but Luther con tended^ 
 that this text might be better interpreted as referring to 
 the last judgment. 
 
 It was not till the following meeting that the debate 
 touched on the doctrine of indulgences. Luther had 
 asserted in one of his propositions, that indulgences 
 being the annihilation of good works, it could not be 
 contended that they are a benefit to the church without 
 the grossest sin. On this Eckius remarked, that that 
 could not be pernicious which had been introduced by 
 the authority of the church and the sovereign pontiff, 
 who could not err. Luther replied that he did not 
 consider indulgences evil in themselves j that he had 
 condemned the abuse of them only, and that his pro- 
 position was self-evident, for the fruits of repentance 
 Ueing good works, it could never be wise in the church 
 to free its members from their performance. Eckius 
 did not deny the propriety of much of what Luther 
 thus said ; and the two disputants amused themselves 
 for a time in the mutual ridicule of the superstitions 
 and errors which had been introduced by the commis- 
 sioners on their own authority. 
 
 The discussion of the next day, July 12., was de- 
 voted to the subject of penitence ; which, according 
 to Luther, can only be sincere and holy when it springs 
 
DISFUIE AT LEIPZIG. 
 
 purely from the love of God. Eckius contended that 
 repentance might be acceptable and efficacious, though 
 the fear of punishment was its origin. Luther agreed 
 that fear might do much, not only in making a man 
 cease from evil works, but in prompting "lim to the 
 exhibition of virtue ; but he insisted that true peni- 
 tence does something more, inasmuch as it changes the 
 affections, converting the whole heart, and inspiring 
 it with the love of holiness and the love of God, the 
 most perfect of virtues, and which is necessary to 
 render any other virtue acceptable in his sight. 
 
 On the evening of the 13th the dispute turned upon 
 the subject of absolution and satisfaction for sin. Eckius 
 contended that God, though he may pardon a sin, re- 
 serves to himself the right of punishing the offence ; 
 and instanced the example of Adam, who was himself 
 pardoned, but whose posterity suffered the heaviest 
 penalties for his fall ; as the subjects of David did, at a 
 later period, for the offence of their sovereign. Luther 
 replied, that these very instances supported his con- 
 clusion, v/hich purported, that though the Almighty 
 has sometimes commuted eternal for temporal punish- 
 ments, he has never allowed a human being to escape 
 the retribution so denounced ; and that, therefore^ 
 though the pope may have power to remit the pe- 
 nances he has himself imposed, he can have no au- 
 thority to cancel the punishments inflicted by God. 
 The conclusion from this was, that if the doctrine of a 
 purgatory be received, the pontiff could never free the 
 souls suffering therein ; this their deliverance depending 
 solely on the mercy of the Creator. In respect to the 
 doctrine of absolution, Eckius contended that some 
 species of sin could only be absolved by the bishops ; 
 and that by this regulation, the sin so pointed at were 
 rendered more terrible and odious to men's consciences. 
 Luther replied with equal truth and severity, that he 
 was in error in supposing that such could be the effect ; 
 for that it was generally known, that many crimes of 
 the worst description were tolerated in the palaces and 
 courts of prelates. 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 This was the last point of dispute between Eckius 
 and Luther. Carlostad now resumed his station in the 
 contest^ and continued engaged with the champion of 
 Rome two days longer. The subject of their debate 
 was the same as that originally proposed, and each 
 disputant upheld, as before, those opinions on grace 
 and free will which best accorded with his general 
 system of doctrine. John Lange, professor in the 
 university of Leipzig, pronounced, at the conclusion of 
 the conference, a formal eulogium on the talents and 
 learning which had been displayed on this occasion by 
 the parties engaged. To Eckius he gave the praise of 
 eloquence, acuteness, and readiness of argument : to 
 Luther, especially, that of learning, vast and profound, 
 candour, boldness, and purity of character.* 
 
 It is at all times difficult to determine who has gained 
 the victory in a dispute carried on like that at Leipzig : 
 but it is next to impossible that a fair decision should 
 be given while the opposite parties still retain that pe- 
 culiar animosity which belongs to the commencement 
 of hostilities. For either to determine against its 
 chosen supporter would be little less than to give up 
 the cause, and rarely, under any circumstances, has 
 this been the case at the conclusion of a hot debate. 
 The few who honestly seek to determine the question, 
 ■without any other consideration than that of obeying the 
 truth, discover, at once, the immense difficulty which 
 attends such a task. Could the relative decrees of ar- 
 gumentative correctness be examined, as distinct from 
 that of the propositions which form the foundation of 
 the controversy, knowledge and acuteness only would 
 be required to enable men of education to assign the 
 prize. But this can hardly be the case, when the sub- 
 ject is of such a nature, that each of the arguments suc- 
 cessively advanced is, in the main, a re-assertion of the 
 original proposition ; and when, to ingenuous minds, 
 the determination as to which of these propositions is the 
 
 * Samtliche Schriften, torn. xv. p. 1341. A higher eulogium was never 
 passed upon man than that delivered by the orator on Luther. 
 
RESULT OF THE DEBATE. 6l 
 
 true one can never cease to be of vital interest. We 
 accordingly find, that while the universities of Cologne 
 and Louvain_, which were celebrated for their loyalty 
 to Rome, lost no time in assigning the palm to Eckius, 
 that of Paris refrained from giving its opinion till two 
 years after the conference; and that of Erfurt from 
 declaring its sentiments at all. 
 
 But whatever might be the difficulties originally at- 
 tending the decision of this important dispute, the least 
 suspicious kind of testimony was shortly after given to 
 the force and correctness of Luther's reasoning. Thou- 
 sands of his countrymen owned themselves convinced 
 by his arguments, in spite of the acuteness of Eckius, 
 and the power of his party. Hitherto the mass of the 
 people, though willing to share with Luther in repro- 
 bating the corrupt preachers of indulgences, had retained 
 their awe of the pope and his authority. They now 
 began to doubt his right to supremacy ; weighed with 
 care the reasons on which his advocates claimed for 
 him the attribute of infallibility ; and no longer con- 
 fining their questions to the later corruptions of the 
 Roman church, freely debated whether there were not 
 features in its constitution which demanded a universal 
 and fundamental change. 
 
 The vanity of Eckius prompted him to assume the 
 air of a victor in the late conference : while Luther, 
 who was too deeply interested in the subject to feel 
 personally as a disputant, became daily more resolute, 
 more open in his speech, and more v^^illing to encounter 
 the dangers which seemed coming upon him. To the 
 frequent and bolder expression of his sentiments he 
 was led as much by the provocation of his adversaries, 
 as by the ardour of his own feelings. Eckius left no 
 method unemployed by which he imagined the cha- 
 racter of his oponent could be injured. In a letter 
 which he addressed to Frederic of Saxony, he per- 
 suaded that prince to burn the writings of Luther as 
 those of a man wholly unworthy of his confidence and 
 protection. The conduct of Frederic on this occasion 
 
62 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 was wise and generous. Putting the letter into the 
 hands of Luther and Carlostad, he left them to answer 
 its contents as theologians^ while, in his own reply, he 
 spoke as a sovereign whose main wish it was to estab- 
 lish peace and religion, by the suppression of whatever 
 fomented a fierce and dogmatic spirit. Eckius an- 
 swered the defence of Luther and Carlostad in a man- 
 ner which proved how little he regarded the temperate 
 counsel of Frederic ; but his treatise was ably rebutted 
 in two publications ; the one bearing the form of an 
 apology, from the pen of JNIelancthon ; the other, 
 that of a satirical letter, by CEcolampadius, who suc- 
 ceeded in putting together almost every circumstance 
 which could sting the vanity of a man like Eckius. 
 Luther himself replied to his attacks, by pubHshing a 
 work, in which he unfolded the doctrines supported in 
 his theses with particular references to Scripture.* To 
 these expositions of doctrine he added a short account 
 of what had taken place at Leipzig, and appealed to the 
 common sense and candour of mankind to justify his 
 assertion of the truth. 
 
 So little inclined, however, were the enemies of 
 reform to admit the force or reasonableness of such an 
 appeal, that their opposition seemed every day to as- 
 sume some new characteristic of bitter hatred and 
 wrath. At the instigation of a canonist of Leipzig, 
 Luther was again accused of being the firm ally and 
 correspondent of the heretical Bohemians. This ac- 
 cusation rendered him more odious than ever in the 
 eyes of the Romanists. The appellation of Bohe- 
 mian was equivalent to the worst designation that 
 could be heaped upon heresy and schism ; and he to 
 whom it was applied immediately became an object of 
 that instinctive dread which is almost equally shared 
 between the power of evil and its name. Luther had 
 given occasion to this new attack by receiving letters 
 from some learned men at Prague, who, rejoiced at the 
 
 * Seckendorf, pp. 128. 137. Epist. Luthcri, 122. lib. i. 
 
ERASMUS. 63 
 
 tidings of his struggle against the power which Huss 
 and Jerome had defied with their bloody could not 
 resist the desire of expressing their sympathy with him 
 in his bold and arduous undertaking. 
 
 But notAvithstanding the violence of his enemies, the 
 cause of Luther and reform continued to advance by 
 sure and rapid strides. Erasmus rendered it consider- 
 able service at this period by the publication of his 
 version of the New Testament, which he had trans- 
 lated into Latin from the original Greek. A work like 
 this, supposing it to be executed with learning and 
 fidelity, had the highest claims to praise from the minis- 
 ters of religion. It was only regarded, however, by 
 the doctors of Louvain, and other Romanists, with 
 opprobrious suspicion. Profoundly ignorant of biblical 
 criticism, they contended that the Vulgate was superior 
 to any of the Greek manuscripts both in purity and 
 authority : that to correct the Scriptures by originals 
 which came from so disputed a source was to injure 
 their value ; and that if any alteration in the text of 
 the Gospel was necessary, it would be far more proper 
 to correct the Greek by the Latin, than the Latin by 
 the Greek. 
 
 As little acceptable to these unfortunate bigots was 
 the new edition of the works of Jerome, put forth by 
 the same eminent scholar. Learning, under any shape, 
 filled them with apprehension. They saw in it tlie 
 power of giving light, and light they desired not either 
 for themselves or others ; while the activity indicated 
 by its increase shook to its foundations the whole system 
 of their faith. Their perplexity was extreme. The day 
 was advancing : not one of the broad shadows under 
 which they had slept kept its place : every quarter of 
 the horizon seemed ready to pour forth its ray of light, 
 and not a beam that had reached the earth could be 
 driven from the objects on which it fell. In this ex- 
 tremity the university of Louvain called to its assistance 
 the m.ost distinguished of its members, Martin Dorpius, 
 a man of acute and ingenuous mind. Prepared for the 
 
6"4 HISTORY OF THE BEFOBMATION. 
 
 controversy by an honest conviction that Erasmus had 
 done all the injury to religion which had been laid to 
 his charge, he addressed him in a strain of earnest, 
 and, occasionally, bitter reproof; Erasmus replied with 
 equal force and dignity. In a general apology for his 
 version of the New Testament, he says, '' What ! 
 shall we not be allowed to restore the text of Holy 
 Scripture, according to the opinions of the primitive 
 fathers, unless a general council be called, while in the 
 mean time the same text is daily corrupted, and no 
 punishment is inflicted upon those that do it ? Was 
 the approved version done by the order of a general 
 council ? Was it not composed and published before 
 it had the approbation of the fathers of the church ? 
 And the same thing may happen as to mine, though I 
 neither wish nor expect so much. But it cannot be 
 said that the vulgar version hath been approved by the 
 judgment of a universal council. If it had, all the 
 fathers would have made use of it, and all the copies 
 that were made use of at that time would have agreed, 
 which is not the case. If it be said that the councils 
 made use of that version, this assertion is not true as 
 it respects either the councils of the ancient or the 
 Greek church. Are different versions of the Sacred 
 Scriptures more dangerous than different interpreta- 
 tions } Will they not allow that every thing may 
 be changed } They cannot deny that we are permitted 
 to correct the faults therein; why then do they not 
 examine whether the alterations we have made be just 
 or not ? My design was not to make a new edition of 
 the Gospel, but to restore the ancient edition, without 
 permitting it to remain corrupted by what is new." 
 
 Dorpius had too much honesty to resist conviction. 
 After a brief continuance of the dispute he fairly 
 acknowledged that the scholastic system was inap- 
 plicable to the great ends of religious inquiry, and 
 immediately began the study of Greek and Hebrew for 
 the purpose of making himself acquainted with Scrip- 
 ture, pure and unclouded by human error. He profited 
 
CAUTION OF LUTHER. 65 
 
 well in this pursuit, and the remaining years of his life 
 were devoted to the teaching of theology, on the prin- 
 ciples which he found revealed in the divine word. His 
 introductory lecture on the Epistle to the Romans was 
 delivered as early as the year 1 5 1 7j, hut did not appear 
 in print till two years after, when it tended greatly to 
 promote the cause against which its author had at 
 first so strenuously laboured. ''' With how much 
 care," he exclaims in this lecture, " with how much 
 pertinacity, with what watchings and labour do we all 
 study Aristotle, and that not merely in his propositions, 
 but letter by letter ; and why should we deem it vain 
 or useless to expend similar exertion on Saint Paul ? " 
 
 Luther afforded a noble proof, by his commentary 
 on the Galatians, which appeared at this time, that the 
 study of Scripture is worthy of the closest application 
 of the most enlightened intellects. The appearance of 
 such a work could scarcely fail to excite attention at 
 any time ; but it now supplied a want, and relieved 
 anxieties which seemed every day on the increase. 
 Rehgious feeling is not easily excited ; but when once 
 roused, under circumstances which render it generally 
 communicable, it becomes the strongest of sentiments, 
 and bows the hearts of multitudes as the heart of 
 one man. Luther's method of proceeding was hap- 
 pily as wise and cautious as it was energetic. He 
 might have poured forth treatise after treatise, exhibit- 
 ing the errors of Romanism, and asserting the purity 
 of the evangelical system, and by their means he 
 might have roused not only the attention, but the most 
 ardent enthusiasm of the people. A man less wise or 
 sincere than Luther would have done this, and the 
 church would, probably, have fallen under the sudden 
 attacks of a bold and excited populace; but there 
 would then have been no preparation for its re-es- 
 tablishment : the destruction of the ancient edifice 
 would have satisfied the newly awakened passion, and 
 the ruins only would have remained to provoke the 
 scorn and increase the triumph of infidelity. By 
 
 VOL. I. F 
 
66* HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 his temperate and measured proceedings the reformer 
 avoided these dangers ; by presenting the people with 
 large portions of Scripture_, rendered demonstratively 
 applicable to their wants by a copious commentary, he 
 confirmed them in the knowledge^ the deep, spiritual 
 conviction of truth, thereby making them masters of 
 the reasons on which alone it is lawful for the members 
 of either church or state to resist established institu- 
 tions. 
 
 The aspect of aflPairs was pregnant with indications 
 of important events. Luther could not but feel that 
 on him depended the direction of that flood of new 
 opinion which had flowed forth at his summons. This 
 gave him a sense of greatness, a resolution which ele- 
 vated his thoughts above timid counsels, and made him 
 equal, in many of the essentials of power, to the most 
 exalted men of the age. Influenced by the sentiments 
 thus inspired, he addressed himself to the new emperor, 
 and with not less dignity than truth claimed his at- 
 tention and support. He founded his apology, he 
 said, for addressing so great a prince, on this circum- 
 stance, — he was employed in promoting the interests 
 of Christ: to this, he added, that his writings had 
 offended many persons, but without reason ; that his 
 adversaries had forced him into disputes when he 
 would wiUingly have remained unknown, and that his 
 sole desire was to devote himself to the study and the 
 preaching of the pure word of God ; that there were 
 witnesses of the highest integrity ready to bear testi- 
 mony to the truth of what he asserted, and that his 
 zeal in the cause of holiness had been the sole origin of 
 the dangers with which he was surrounded, of the 
 troubles and insults heaped upon his head during the 
 past three years ; that he had left no means untried to 
 restore peace; that he had besought his opponents to 
 point out in what respects he differed from the divine 
 doctrine of Scripture, but that they had only replied to 
 him by abuse and calumny, and expressed themselves 
 in a manner which convinced him that their sole 
 
CAUTION OP LUTHER. Oj 
 
 object was to oppress both him and the Gospel ; that 
 on this account he had resolved to follow the example 
 of AthanasiuSj who in similar circumstances had sought 
 an asylum in the sanctuary of the laws ; that he now, 
 therefore, besought his majesty to take upon himself 
 the defence of Christian doctrine, and to afford him 
 protection against injustice and oppression ; that he 
 asked for no favour if on a fair trial he should be con- 
 victed of error ; that all he asked for was a full and 
 honest examination ; and that the affair did of right 
 come under the jurisdiction of his majesty, who was 
 appointed by the providence of God to do justice, and 
 to support the weak and injured against the powerful 
 and unjust. 
 
 This letter to the emperor he followed up by making 
 a similar appeal to the various orders of the state ; 
 to the cardinal archbishop of Mentz, and Adolphus 
 bishop of Mersbourg.* The address to the former of 
 these prelates was remarkable for its expressions of hu- 
 mility, and affords a striking proof that Luther still 
 retained the most affectionate regard for whatever was 
 venerable in the institutions of the church. In reply 
 to these assurances of attachment and loyalty, the arch- 
 bishop professed that he had read with pleasure his 
 humble expressions of regret at the discord which his 
 proceedings had occasioned ; that he would not condemn 
 him for supporting what he deemed to be true, pro- 
 vided that he argued with modesty and mildness ; that 
 if he laboured sincerely in the cause of piety, his labours 
 would be fruitful ; whereas if he abused the gifts with 
 which God had endowed him, divine vengeance would 
 surely overtake his proceedings. He had, he confessed^ 
 never read his works ; but he had heard of their con- 
 tents, and grieved that such subjects were discussed 
 therein, as the primacy of the pope, free-will, and other 
 such things, the examination of which could contribute 
 in no ways to the promotion of piety ; while other holy 
 doctrines, as those which respected the Lord's supper, 
 
 * Seckendorf, pp. 147—150 
 1.^ 2 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE n£F0R3IATI0N. 
 
 and which had been confirmed by the uniform consent 
 of the church, were brought into doubt and disrepute. 
 
 The bishop of Mersbourg expressed himself in a 
 similar manner ; blamed him for treating the pope with 
 so little respect, and for employing in his controversies 
 such violent and irritating language. But his chief 
 cause of complaint was the doubt which Luther had 
 thrown on the practice of the church, in the adminis- 
 tration of the Lord's supper : this had occasioned, he 
 said, the greatest displeasure in his diocese ; and he 
 trusted that the genius displayed in the advocacy of 
 such errors would shortly be turned to employments 
 more calculated to promote the good and prosperity of 
 the church. 
 
 It is evident, from the tone of these letters, that the 
 character and exertions of Luther had produced an 
 impression on the minds of the most powerful of his 
 opponents, which did not allow of their addressing him 
 simply as a schismatic. The power he had acquired 
 was felt throughout Germany ; and the possessors of 
 power are seldom insensible to its presence, wherever, 
 or under whatever form, it may appear. 
 
 But whatever might be the impression produced by 
 the influence of Luther in the other states of Christen- 
 dom, at Rome the indignation against him was con- 
 tinually on the increase. There his name excited 
 feelings which partook equally of the hatred of bigotry 
 and of the fierce malice of trembling tyranny. For some 
 time, these feelings were suppressed by the doubts and 
 fears which arose at the contemplation of the vast mul- 
 titudes devoted to the new opinions : the emissaries 
 employed by the court confirmed these apprehensions. 
 Miltitz, the bearer of the rose of gold, found that once 
 valued gift so little esteemed in Germany, that the 
 elector saw fit to excuse himself from receiving it in 
 person. Instead, moreover, of being able to awe the 
 reformer by the dignity of his office, or the threats or 
 exhortations which he uttered, he found him the leader 
 of a party ready to pursue the boldest measures in his 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE POPE. GQ 
 
 favour. The message, in which the nuncio described 
 what he witnessed, could hardly fail of convincing both 
 Leo and his court, that no sudden, no violent, attempt 
 at correcting the evil would succeed. Proceedings, 
 therefore, were delayed; and had it not been evident 
 that the period would soon be passed in which correction 
 was possible, Leo would probably have contented him- 
 self with expressing his indignation among the zealous 
 attendants on the court. But the time was arrived when 
 the dignity of Rome demanded immediate support ; 
 bishops and archbishops, cardinals and mitred abbots, 
 called aloud for assistance against the spirit of schism 
 which seemed knocking at the gates of their palaces. 
 Why had the church, they exclaimed, thus long delayed 
 the infliction of the punishment so richly deserved ? 
 Why had its arm been held back, when, by a single 
 blow, heresy and schism might, as in old time, have 
 been driven from the sanctuary ? 
 
 Urged on by these complaints, Leo was induced to 
 address a letter to Frederic of Saxony, in which he 
 awarded him the warmest praise for certain sentiments 
 expressed in his name by Ditleben, his ambassador at 
 Rome. After reminding him that, in refusing to as- 
 sociate his name with that of Luther, he only acted in 
 conformity with the character of his family, Leo broadly 
 asserts that the reformer ought to be regarded not as a 
 follower of Jesus Christ, but as a servant of the devil ; 
 that his ambition had made him mad, and that he was 
 only endeavouring to renew the heresies of John Huss 
 and Wickliffe, whose sole object it was to flatter the 
 wishes of the people, and who, by false interpretations 
 and glosses, had given occasion to sin, and done injury 
 to many of the most important institutions of the church. 
 He added, that he had for some time borne with the 
 temerity of Luther, in the hope that he might repent ; 
 but that, as his patience and indulgence had produced 
 no fruit, he must now pursue those measures which the 
 urgency of the case demanded : that he had, accordingly, 
 consulted with the cardinals and other grave personages, 
 F 3 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 and had drawn up a bull, dictated by that Holy Spirit 
 which had ever inspired the proceedings of the Roman 
 church ; that he had sent him a copy of this instrument, 
 in order that he might form a right judgment of the 
 monstrous nature of the errors which this minister of 
 Satan was in the daily habit of propounding ; that he 
 might then endeavour, in the first place, to oblige Luther 
 to humble himself, change his conduct, and make a 
 solemn and public retractation of his heresies ; and that^ 
 in the next, should he refuse to recant within the time 
 specified, he might commit him to prison, in order 
 thereby to save both his own family and the country at 
 large from the disgrace and danger which attended the 
 spread of such a pestilent disorder. 
 
 The bull here spoken of was published the 15th of 
 June, 1520. It opened with the words of the psalm, 
 ^' Arise, O Lord, defend thy cause," and presented 
 the supposed errors of Luther under forty-one propo- 
 sitions. The principal of these were, that it is heresy 
 to say, that the sacraments of the new law justify those 
 who oppose no obstacle thereto ; that it is to tread Jesus 
 Christ and St. Paul under our feet, to say, — that sin re- 
 mains not in a child after baptism ; that the division of 
 penitence into contrition, confession, and satisfaction, is 
 founded neither on Scripture nor on the authority of 
 the fathers ; that the contrition which arises from the 
 examination and abhorrence of sin, by which a peni- 
 tent spends the remainder of his life in bitterness of 
 soul, considering the extent and multitude of his sins, 
 the. loss of eternal happiness, and the punishment of 
 hell, serves but to render a man a hypocrite, and in- 
 crease his guilt ; that when we desire to confess all our 
 sins, it appears as if we wished to leave nothing for the 
 mercy of God to pardon ; that a man is absolved when 
 he believes himself to be so ; that in the sacrament and 
 remission of sins, if there were not a priest to perform 
 the necessary offices, a woman or a child might render 
 them ; that when any one approaches the eucharist, on 
 the ground of having confessed, and because he feels 
 
THE PAPAL BULL. 71 
 
 conscious of no mortal sin, and has prepared himself by- 
 supplication, he eats and drinks his own damnation ; 
 but that if he believe he shall receive grace, this faith 
 alone will render him worthy of receiving the eucharist; 
 that they are in error who regard indulgences as useful 
 and salutary ; that Christians should rather be taught 
 to love than to fear excommunication ; that these words 
 of Christ to St. Peter, '^ Whatsoever you shall bind on 
 earth," applies only to what the apostles did in this 
 world ; that even a just man sins in all his good works ; 
 that a good work, whatever it may be, is a venial sin ; 
 that, owing to the secret pride of our hearts, no one is 
 certain that he is not continually committing a mortal 
 sin ; that free-will, since the introduction of sin, is but 
 an empty name, and that man sins mortally when he 
 acts according to what is in him ; that purgatory cannot 
 be proved by any of the canonical books of Scripture.* 
 
 Luther had long been prepared for the anathemas of 
 the pope. It may be regarded as an important circum- 
 stance in^the history of his life, that Providence allowed 
 him sufficient intervals between the several trials of his 
 strength to prepare for their approach. Had the 
 thunders of the Vatican burst upon his ear too suddenly, 
 or at the commencement of his labours, his habits of 
 early reverence might have ^ laid him open to all the 
 terrors they were intended to inspire : but he had learned 
 to estimate their force ; he was not ignorant that they 
 might injure him, and even lead to consequences from 
 which the generality of men would shrink with extreme 
 dread. But he knew what he had to meet : there were 
 no shadowy forms flitting before his imagination ; the 
 pope had no longer the likeness of a heavenly crown 
 
 * Luther immediately informed Spalatinus (Epist. 196 ) of the arrival of 
 the bull, and spared no expression of utter contempt for this now useless 
 instrument of papal tyranny. " I despise it," says he, " as a lying and 
 impious document, the mere invention of Eckius. You see Christ himself 
 condemned therein. ... I shall treat it as a forgery. . . . O would that 
 Charles were a man, and that he would treat these devils as they deserve! 
 ... I rejoice with my whole heart to sufler for so good a cause ; I am not 
 worthy of such affliction : but I am freer than ever, being now fully con- 
 vinced that the pope is antichrist, and that his throne was set up for 
 Satan." 
 
 F 4f 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE REF0R3IATI0N. 
 
 upon his head; the. dungeon of which he held the keys 
 was the dungeon of an ordinary gaoler ; and the con- 
 demnation he pronounced depended solely for its validity 
 on his power to open and shut the doors of the common 
 prison. And for this Luther cared little. He felt that 
 to be able to suffer any thing at the hands of those who 
 *cannot harm the soul was one of the first requisites in 
 the character of a reformer. His assurance, that the 
 cause for which he thus stood forward must in the end 
 prosper and promote the glory of God, afforded him 
 a species of satisfaction fully sufficient to counterbalance 
 any natural fear ; the hour of trial, therefore, found 
 him ready, and he went on his way rejoicing. 
 
 The papal bull was a confirmation of the dogmas on 
 which the ministers of the Roman church had established 
 its worst corruptions ; Luther, consequently, felt him- 
 self more than ever in the situation of a controversialist. 
 Assuming an air of defiance, he prepared an appeal 
 from the pope to a general council : this appeal he 
 grounded on the assertion, that the pontiff had con- 
 demned him without having examined his arguments, 
 or convinced him of error ; that he sought to lead him 
 into a denial of the necessity of faith in the sacra- 
 ments ; or to declare that he preferred his own opinions 
 and human imaginations to Scripture, and would not yield 
 to the authority of a council. He resigned himself to 
 the indignation of the moment, and now proclaimed the 
 pope a bold, presumptuous, haughty tyrant, who in 
 reahty despised the church, and wa^, therefore, anti- 
 christ. 
 
 Previous to the publication of this appeal, he sent 
 forth his celebrated treatise, entitled ^'^ Of the Captivity 
 of Babylon." In the preface to this work he speaks 
 with joy of his daily advance in the knowledge of 
 divine truth ; and adds, that whereas at first he modi- 
 fied his opposition to the proceedings of the Roman 
 hierarchy from reverence for its antiquity, he now 
 regarded its power but as the reign of Babylon, or of 
 Nimrod the mighty hunter. The most important part 
 
CAPTIVITY OF BABYLON. 73 
 
 of the treatise is occupied with arguments on the 
 sacraments, — their nature and number. Instead of 
 seven, he allowed of the divine institution of three 
 only ; that is, baptism, the eucharist, and penitence : 
 but the last, he confessed, agreed not with his own defi- 
 nition of a sacrament ; which, according to sound the- 
 ology, requires a divinely appointed sign and divine 
 promises. 
 
 In treating of the doctrine of transubstantiation, he 
 is seen evidently contending with opposite principles of 
 conviction. On the one side, the literal meaning of 
 Scripture seemed to demand implicit faith in the real 
 presence of Christ ; while, on the other, the contra- 
 diction which this dogma offers to the general simplicity 
 of evangelical truth, and the analogy of scriptural lan- 
 guage, together with the circumstance that it had 
 afforded a basis for the worst superstitions of the 
 Roman church, strongly inclined him to exclude it 
 from the articles of his creed. But the words of our 
 Lord, " This is my body which is given for you," 
 and, '' This is my blood which is shed for you and for 
 many, for the remission of sins," admitted not, in his 
 opinion, of an interpretation wholly figurative. While 
 he openly confessed, therefore, that he with difficulty 
 believed the real presence, he ventured not to reject this 
 portion of the established faith ; but still asserting the 
 rights of reason and the senses, affirmed that the bread 
 and wine retained their proper nature as before conse- 
 cration. 
 
 The pen of Luther was now perpetually employed. 
 He found that the emperor Charles had allied himself 
 too closely with the monkish party in his dominions to 
 listen to any appeal in favour of reform. Abandoning, 
 therefore, the hope of procuring his powerful assistance, 
 he summoned his energies for a closer and more decisive 
 conflict with the enemies of truth. The university of 
 Cologne, seconded in its proceedings by that of Lou vain, 
 received the papal bull as a signal for expressing itself 
 with unbridled fury against the inquiry he had insti- 
 
74) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 tuted. At the latter university a formal appeal was made 
 to the magistrates of the town for permission to burn his 
 books ; and this permission was granted on the pay- 
 ment of a considerable sum out of the university chest. 
 A similar attempt was made at Antwerp and Mentz, 
 but it failed ; and at the latter place the experiment so 
 excited the indignation of the populace that the zealots 
 who undertook it narrowly escaped with their lives. 
 
 Luther possessed as quick and determined a spirit as 
 the boldest of those whose names stand conspicuous 
 in the annals of reform. No sooner had he learnc what 
 had taken place at Louvain, than he resolved on mani- 
 festing a contempt for the bull and. decrees of Leo, 
 equal to that with which the theologians of the uni- 
 versity had treated his writings. On the tenth of 
 December, the professors and students of Wittemberg 
 assembled at his call, in the great square of the city ; 
 and the summons being given, the canon law and other 
 instruments of ecclesiastical oppression were committed, 
 to the flames'. 
 
 This proceeding had not been undertaken without 
 careful consideration ; and the next day Luther pub- 
 licly declared from the pulpit that the act was his, and 
 that they who duly regarded the value of their souls 
 would free themselves without delay from papal domi- 
 nation.* The announcement, thus made, was followed 
 by an apology, in which he stated, at length, the reasons 
 on which he acted. These were principally, that the 
 burning of bad and dangerous books was authorised 
 not only by ancient custom, but by scriptural example ; 
 that he acted but according to his conscience as a 
 Christian and a theologian when he resisted impiety and 
 error ; that the negligence of others in this respect 
 would be no excuse for him, were he backward in the 
 performance of his duty ; that the pope and his asso- 
 ciates were so desperately wicked, that they not only 
 
 * Luther observed, that the burning of the decretals was but child's play ; 
 that it would be better if the pope himself, that is, the Romish chair, 
 with all its doctrines and follies, were burnt together. Von Verbrunniiig 
 der BiicherLutheri. Samtliche Schriften, tom.xv. p. 1926. 
 
HEROISM OF LUTHER. 75 
 
 resisted pious and salutary advice, but condemned the 
 doctrines of Christ and his apostles ; that he did not 
 believe his books had been burnt by order of the em- 
 peror, as was stated ; and that, as the tidings of what 
 had taken place might lead many timid minds to con- 
 clude that he was rightly treated by his adversaries, he 
 had thought it fit to pursue this method of retaliation 
 to restore and confirm the spirits of his followers. In 
 conclusion, he expressed his earnest hope that the 
 world would no longer allow itself to be deceived by 
 lofty- sounding names, and the pretensions of those 
 dignities which were only created for the purpose of 
 ostentation ; but that it would fairly examine the im- 
 pious and destructive errors which prevailed in every 
 part of the papal decrees.* The sentiments here 
 expressed were still more solemnly asserted in one of 
 his lectures on the Psalms delivered about this time. 
 " The ministers of Christ," said he, '*" can" take no 
 middle way ; they must either resist the reign of error 
 at the expense of their life, or renounce eternal life by 
 not resisting it. For me, I prefer encountering any 
 danger in this world to burdening my conscience with 
 the sin of a weak and criminal silence. Wherefore, 
 I protest that I hold this prostituted Babylon in abomi- 
 nation ; and this will I declare to my brethren as long 
 as God be pleased to spare me." 
 
 It was thus that Luther from day to day continued 
 to press forward in his righteous and heroic course. 
 The feelings of the man combined with the holiness of 
 the saint to support him in his labour. He had natu- 
 rally a hatred of oppression and falsehood ; and, under 
 other circumstances, would probably have been as brave 
 an assertor of his country's rights, as he now was of 
 Christian liberty and the privileges of the Christian 
 church. In the conduct of the pope and his emis- 
 saries, he beheld the working of principles which tended 
 to the destruction of whatever is dearest to the mind of 
 
 * Sleidan, tom.i. p. 86. Beausobre, torn. ii. 1. p. 31. Fleury, Con. 
 torn. XXV. 1 36. n. 80. 
 
76 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 a free and upright man. The claims of conscience 
 involve every claim of our nature, both moral and 
 spiritual : to allow them to be resisted is to allow our- 
 selves to be dishonoured before men and angels. Of 
 this Luther had the deepest and most vital conviction, 
 perhaps, of any man of his age ; and when he was 
 called upon to retract his opinions, while he still con- 
 tinued to beHeve them true, and to suffer the grossest 
 indignities, because he refused to lie to God and his 
 soul, the glowing spirit of uprightness and honour 
 which characterised his nature burst forth, and proved 
 itself sufficient to dare the worst efforts of the apostate 
 church. 
 
CHAP. IV. 
 
 REMARKS ON THE PArAI, POLICY. PREPARATIONS FOR THE 
 
 DIET OF WORMS. LUTHER APPEARS IN THAT CITY. HIS 
 
 DEFENCE. IS SEIZED ON HIS RETURN, AND CONVEYED TO 
 
 THE CASTLE OF WURTEMBERG. 
 
 The efforts made at this period to support the power a. d. 
 of the Vatican were as badly planned as they were base 1521. 
 and tyrannical. It might have been easily foreseen^ 
 that the man who could not be terrified at the prospect 
 of imprisonment and death would hardly desist from his 
 purpose at such exhibitions of malice^ as the burning 
 of his books^ or the anathematising of his name. Not 
 less clear must it have been^ that to send controver- 
 sialists into the field against him was to make those 
 arms available in his defence which ought by a politic 
 silence to have been blunted and turned aside. The 
 error committed in these proceedings began now to be 
 apparent ; but the policy of Rome was little improved 
 by the warnings it thereby received. Its efforts were 
 still marked by the indecision of a tyranny too anxious 
 to conceal its weakness to use even what strength it had 
 left. Instead of pursuing the measures which might 
 yet have awed a large portion of Christendom into 
 dread of its authority, it endeavoured to raise the power 
 of princes against Luther by persuasion and sophistry. 
 This would at best have been but a slow and uncertain 
 method; but as affairs now stood, it could only serve 
 to precipitate events. To the sovereigns who were 
 thus solicited, it made the weakness of the papacy too 
 apparent for its future interests. Whatever aid they 
 might be induced to render it in the present necessity, 
 it taught them that the simple operation of public 
 opinion was rapidly depriving it of the power before 
 which, a few ages back, their ancestors had so often 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 trembled. It thus eventually lost the strongest bul- 
 wark of its authority, and had thenceforward to pursue 
 a course for which no church or other institution can 
 be fitted which has not for its foundation the perfect 
 law of equity and truth. But one alternative was at 
 the beginning open to the pope. This was either to 
 stop the abuses complained of, or at once exert the 
 ancient authority of the church, and silence the preacher 
 of reform by the infliction of its weightiest penalties. If 
 it was ever expedient to attempt such a method of 
 defence, the only moment was at the commencement of 
 the danger. At a later period it became perilous to act 
 with promptitude, though inexpedient to display de- 
 pendence on the assistance of the civil power. The 
 only means of safety now available were those offered 
 by a fair and candid treatment of the great question 
 respecting the state of the church. Had the sovereign 
 pontiff at this juncture possessed the courage and dis- 
 cretion proper for his station, he would have sternly 
 kept the right of judging the reformer in his own hands. 
 Instead of issuing anathemas, he would have summoned 
 Luther to Rome with a sedate and paternal assurance 
 of safety. He might then have gathered from his own 
 lips the full extent of his intentions : might have sof- 
 tened the asperity of the controversy, by many conces- 
 sions which had no real connection with his authority ; 
 and, taking the cause of reform into his own hands, 
 might have re-established by one grand stroke of policy 
 the genuine popularity and dominion of his see. 
 
 But the later pontiffs had no spirit to form great 
 designs. They were slaves to their own selfish views 
 and passions. Whatever be the charges against the 
 popes of Rome at an earlier period, they cannot be 
 accused of having forgotten the interests of its church. 
 "With all their pride, their superstition, and tyrannous 
 violation of the rights of conscience, there was an 
 earnestness of devotion to the cause of their see; a 
 unity of purpose in their actions ; a thorough sense of 
 ecclesiastical duties, which claim respect, in as much as 
 
DIET OF WORaiS. 79 
 
 they could none of them have existed in so high a 
 degree^ through a long succession of pontiffs, without a 
 great and frequent sacrifice of personal wishes and in- 
 tentions. 
 
 The state of affairs now rendered it absolutely neces- 
 sary that measures should be taken for their settlement. 
 In the present condition of things, not only the power 
 of the church but that of the state appeared to be 
 defied. Neither the princes of the church nor the 
 princes of the empire knew how to act ; and a single 
 free, courageous, and righteous man seemed about to 
 overturn the established sytem of centuries. 
 
 It was at length decided that Luther should be sum- 
 moned to make his defence before an assembly of 
 princes and dignified ecclesiastics in the city of Worms. 
 The emperor, who purposed being present at this diet, 
 yielded to the urgent request of the elector of Saxony, 
 and consented to furnish Luther with a safe conduct to, 
 and from, the place of assembly. But so far were the 
 partisans of Rome from feeling gratified at the prospect 
 thus afforded them of vindicating the justice of their 
 cause, that it now became the main object of the papal 
 legates to prevent the appearance of Luther before his 
 judges. Aleander, the principal supporter of Roman 
 interests on this occasion, addressed the emperor and 
 the assembled princes, at a meeting held February 13. 
 1521. In his speech he stated that Luther had 
 broached as many falsehoods as would serve to burn 
 100,000 heretics ; that he had defended Huss and 
 Wickliffe ; denied the presence of the body of Christ 
 in the sacrament ; set Christians free from aU govern- 
 ment and laws ; sinned against the lower world through 
 the rejection of purgatory ; against heaven, in as much 
 as he would not believe an angel, if he spoke otherwise 
 than himself; against the clergy, for he raised all 
 Christians to the dignity of the priesthood; against 
 the saints, since he would not acknowledge their writ- 
 ings ; especially those of Dionysius the Areopagite; 
 against the world, for he would not acknowledge that 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the worst criminal was rightly condemned. " How 
 can one say," exclaimed the orator^ "^ that he teaches 
 the truth of the Gospel, when he speaks altogether con- 
 trary to the church and the fathers of the church ? 
 Many caU him good and pious ; but heretics have 
 always been the greatest hypocrites ; and a pious man 
 would not oppose himself to the doctrines of the church. 
 Do his books contain several good things ? Yet ought 
 the books of the heretic always to be burnt. In vain 
 would a safe conduct be given him, in order that he 
 might make his defence, for he has resolved to reject 
 instruction, however offered." He concluded, by ear- 
 nestly praying the emperor not to hear him, and cited 
 the history of the heretic Eutyches in confirmation of 
 his argument, that evil only could result from allowing 
 him an audience.* 
 
 But notwithstanding the eloquence of the legate, and 
 the strength of the party which he represented, Charles 
 resolved on fulfilling his first intentions. The arrange- 
 ments for Luther's appearance at Worms were expe- 
 dited, and the reformer took his way for the place of 
 meeting. That he was fully aware of the peril to 
 which he thereby exposed himself, appears from several 
 passages in his letters written at this period. To 
 Spalatinus he says, that he would appear, whatever 
 were the dangers of such a course. '' I shall certainly 
 not return, nor will I attempt to escape : that blood- 
 thirsty papacy will not rest tiU it have destroyed me. 
 But to Worms will I go, though the gates of heU and 
 the powers of the air were against me. Yea I would 
 go, though there were as many devils in the city as 
 there are tiles on the houses." 
 
 Strong, however, as was the impression on his mind, 
 that death awaited him at the termination of his 
 journey, he pursued his way with a dauntless and 
 cheerful spirit. It had been intimated that he must 
 neither preach, nor otherwise publish his opinions on 
 the road to Worms ; but he treated this order with 
 
 • Sleidan, liv. iii. Seckendorf. Samtliche Schriften. 
 
LUTHER AT WORMS. 81 
 
 contempt, and not only preached at Erfurt against the 
 merit of pilgrimages, and other works of a similar kind, 
 but published the sermon. On his arrival at Oppenheim, 
 in the vicinity of Worms, he learnt that the bull, which 
 consigned his books to the flames, had just been pub- 
 lished there, and that the general impression on the 
 minds of his friends was against his appearing before 
 the diet. But Luther smiled at their representations. 
 His confidence in the justice of his cause increased as 
 he drew nearer the scene of trial. The grandeur of 
 his views inspired him with a resolution that now 
 hourly assumed more and more of the character of 
 sublimity. Ancient history affords pictures of patriotic 
 virtue, in which the human spirit is seen rejoicing in 
 the noble consciousness of freedom, and devotion to its 
 cause ; but Luther was animated, at the same moment, 
 by the loftiest views of truth, the profoundest love of 
 holiness, and the most generous affection for his race. 
 He had devoted many years of painful study and 
 inquiry to the pages of Divine revelation : he found 
 that the doctrines which they contain, and the know- 
 ledge of which is the medicine for human sorrow and 
 infirmity, had not been fairly communicated to the 
 world ; he had called the keepers of the heavenly oracles 
 to account for their negligence and their fraud ; he 
 had wrested the keys of the sanctuary from their hands; 
 had proved to mankind the enormity of their corrup- 
 tions ; and was now on his way, the greatest of hu- 
 man heroes, to meet, with the simple arm.s of truth, the 
 banded enemies of its purity. Could we draw the 
 portrait of Luther with colours that would properly 
 represent him as he now appeared, we would paint him 
 clothed in celestial armour ; his loins girt about with 
 truth ; the sword of the Spirit in his hand ; his heart 
 defended by the shield of faith, and his head with the 
 helmet of salvation. 
 
 Luther entered Worms on the l6th of April, and 
 was summoned to appear, the following day, before the 
 emperor and the members of the diet. On his pre- 
 
 VOL. I. G 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE REFORfllATION. 
 
 senting himself to the assembly, Johannes Eckius*, 
 the jurisconsult appointed for the occasion, informed 
 him, in a short address, that he had been cited to 
 appear there to answer two inquiries : the first, whether 
 he acknowledged himself as the author of the volumes 
 spread before the assembly ; the second, whether he 
 desired to defend or retract the opinions therein con- 
 tained. On this being asked, Jerome Schurff, a juris- 
 consult of "Wittemberg, and who had the boldness to act 
 as Luther's defender, desired that the titles of the books 
 alluded to should be read. This desire being complied 
 with, Luther expressed his readiness to answer the 
 former question in the affirmative ; but, in respect to 
 the latter, he observed, that it was one of great import- 
 ance ; and, as it ought not to be answered without 
 deliberation, he requested sufficient time to decide upon 
 the proper reply. Eckius rejoined, that as he must 
 have known the purpose for which he was summoned 
 to appear at the diet, this excuse to obtain delay 
 ought scarcely to be allowed ; but that the emperor, 
 out of pure clemency, would grant him till the following 
 day to prepare his answer. 
 
 At the appointed hour, Luther tooTc his place before 
 the assembly, and, addressing himself to his august 
 judges, besought them to attribute any seeming want of 
 respect, of which he might be guilty, to his little 
 acquaintance with the world, or with courts. "With re- 
 spect to what I have taught," he said, " I have desired to 
 publish nothing but for the glory of God, and the good 
 of man." He added that he readily acknowledged him- 
 self the author of the books before him, supposing that 
 nothing had been added thereto by others. With 
 regard to the second question he observed, " The books 
 which I have written are not all of the same kind, or 
 O'U the same subjects. In some, I have treated only of 
 faith and piety ; and my adversaries themselves bear 
 
 * This was not the celebrated disputant, but the official of Treves. He 
 is said, however, to have hated Luther as bitterly as his namesake. Epist 
 Ub. i. AcU Lutheri, sec. 88. (213.) Seckendorf. 
 
LUTHER AT WORMS. 83 
 
 SO favourable a testimony to this portion of my works, 
 that, should I offer to retract what is contained therein, 
 1 should but expose myself to the charge of sin and 
 error.* There are others in which I have censured the 
 papacy, and the doctrines of the papists, who have 
 greatly disturbed the peace and holiness of the Christian 
 republic. For who sees not how miserably the con- 
 sciences of Christians have been tormented by the laws 
 and decrees of the popes ? Or who can deny the frauds 
 and artifices which they have employed to pillage every 
 part of the world, and especially Germany ; setting no 
 bounds to their tyranny or their exactions ? Were I 
 to consent to the suppression of these books, I should be 
 aiding the establishment of this tyranny ; and the evil 
 would be so much the greater when it was known that 
 I was led thereto by the authority of the emperor and the 
 princes. Lastly, the remaining portion of my works 
 consists of those which have been written against indi- 
 viduals employed in defending the corruptions of Rome, 
 and who have not ceased to heap calumnies upon my 
 character. I acknowledge that I have therein spoken 
 with somewhat more of anger than is fit; but I 
 pretend not to be a saint : it is not myself, but a sys- 
 tem of true and holy doctrine that I have undertaken to 
 defend. Still, I have nothing to retract : it would be 
 but to open a door for their insolence. I would not 
 have it supposed that by saying this I desire to represent 
 myself as free from error : it is a part of our common 
 humanity to err ; and my only defence shall be to adopt 
 the words which Jesus Christ used, when struck by one 
 of the servants of the high-priest, — ^ If I have spoken 
 evil, bear witness of the evil.' For if Jesus Christ, 
 who was perfectly free from any taint of guilt, refused 
 not to hear the witness of a vile menial against him, 
 how much greater reason have I, wholly sinful in my 
 nature as I am, and so liable to error, to hear whatever 
 can be objected against me or my doctrine ? In the 
 name, therefore, of that which is most holy, I pray that 
 
 * Sleidan, liv. iii. pp. 92— 94. 
 G 2 
 
84? HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 he who has aught to testify against my doctrine would 
 straightway make it known, and convince me of my 
 errors by the word of Scripture. Let him do so, and, 
 instead of persevering in my opinions, I will be the first 
 to cast my books into the fire. Let this suflfice to prove 
 that I am not led on by a blind temerity of spirit ; but 
 that I have cautiously weighed both the importance and 
 the danger of my proceedings. It is even a great satis- 
 faction for me to discover that my teaching has given 
 rise to many troubles and scandals. Jesus Christ 
 himself declared, that the preaching of his Gospel 
 would produce divisions and struggles even among the 
 members of the same household. For you, then, it 
 is, illustrious princes, to weigh well the measures which 
 ought to be taken in this affair, and to consider 
 whether, in condemning the doctrine which is offered 
 to you by the special grace of God, you will not be 
 drawing upon Germany the most terrible of evils : 
 you ought to be cautious, moreover, not to let the 
 government of the young and newly-elected emperor, 
 who presides over this assembly, commence under bad 
 auspices, by giving, at such a time, an example so 
 pernicious to posterity. Scripture affords ample proofs, 
 that when earthly counsels and mere human prudence 
 prevail over wiser maxims of government, states soon 
 fall to ruin. I say not this, wise and illustrious 
 princes, with a desire of prescribing that which you 
 ought to do, but to perform my duty to Germany, — 
 the land which has given us birth, and which ought to 
 be dearer to us than life. In conclusion, I beseech you 
 to take me under your protection, and to afford me your 
 assistance against the violence of my adversaries." 
 
 The manly and sedate spirit which had dictated these 
 words made a powerful impression on the assembly. 
 Eckius at once discovered the feeling which prevailed ; 
 and, turning towards the reformer, with a countenance 
 intended to express severity and scorn, exclaimed, '' You 
 have not replied to that which has been asked : you are 
 not here to call into doubt, or to dispute against points 
 
LUTHEK AT W0R3IS. 85 
 
 established long since by the authority of councils, but 
 to answer simply and directly to the question, whether 
 you desire to maintain what you have written." — '' You 
 command me, then, great emperor, and illustrious 
 princes," resumed Luther, "■ to give a direct reply, and 
 I will obey you. This, then, is my decision : unless it 
 is proved that I am wrong, by the witness of Holy 
 Scripture, or by evident reasons, I can retract nothing 
 of that which I have written or taught ; for I will not 
 wound my conscience. I declare, therefore, that I deter- 
 mine not my faith by the mere decisions of popes and 
 councils, and that I acknowledge not their authority ; 
 and this because they have often erred, have contra- 
 dicted each other, and are still liable to error and 
 self-deception." * 
 
 Charles, and the members of the diet, having listen- 
 ed to this bold address, retired to deliberate.' Eckius, 
 at last, delivered their decision in these words: — 
 " Luther ! you have answered the question put to you 
 with less modesty than was fitting, and have improperly 
 sought to turn it aside, by making a distinction between 
 some of your books and others; for, supposing you 
 retracted those in which your errors are chiefly con- 
 tained, the emperor would not allow that to be cen- 
 sured in them which is pure and good. Numerous 
 Germans, eminent for their virtue and knowledge, 
 assisted at the council of Constance, the decrees of 
 which you oppose ; and, whilst you revive the errors 
 they condemn, you desire to be convinced by the testi- 
 mony of Holy Scripture, In this you are guilty of a 
 most mischievous extravagance : for it is not lawful to 
 dispute on points which the church has already con- 
 demned ; nor is it becoming that every individual 
 should be allowed to demand a reason on every point. 
 Should it, in fact, ever be the case that all those who 
 hold opinions contrary to the councils, or the decisions 
 of the church, must be convinced by Scripture, nothing 
 will remain fixed or certain. On this account, there- 
 * Sleidan. Seckendorf, Acta Lutheri. Samtliche Schriften, th. xv. 
 G 3 
 
86* HISTORY OF THE RKFORMATION. 
 
 fore, the emperor commands^ that you should declare 
 openly what resolution you have taken respecting these 
 your iDooks." 
 
 Luther^ on hearing this, turned towards the assem- 
 bled princes, and, having entreated their succour, thus 
 concluded : — ^^ I have answered with all simplicity : 
 nothing remains for me to say ; for unless my advers- 
 aries instruct me, and convince me of error by solid and 
 scriptural arguments, I cannot remain silent. All men 
 have often and greatly erred ; and it would be the height 
 of impiety in me to wander from the Holy Scriptures^ 
 ■which can neither err nor deceive." 
 
 Thus ended the business of this memorable day. 
 Luther had borne himself with a dignity which left the 
 most favourable impression on the minds of many of 
 his judges. The elector of Saxony declared that he 
 felt delighted at the spirit with which he had spoken ; 
 and cherished the highest regard for his piety and 
 resolution. Such, however, was the influence which 
 the emissaries of Rome exercised on the emperor, that 
 he addressed a letter to the diet the following day, 
 containing a notification that he repented having so long 
 delayed proceeding against Luther ; that his ancestors 
 had professed the Christian religion, and, for many 
 ages, obeyed the church of Rome ; that, as Luther had 
 attacked them both, he regarded it as a sacred duty to 
 undertake their defence ; and, therefore, had resolved 
 to employ his authority to the uttermost for the extin- 
 guishing of the fire which had been kindled by him 
 and his followers. 
 
 It is said, that attempts were made to persuade 
 Charles that he ought to prevent the escape of Luther, 
 by immediate proceedings ; but that he resisted these 
 dishonourable insinuations by the caustic reply, that he 
 had no wish to blush with his brother Sigismund. 
 However this may be, he certainly assured the diet, 
 that, as he had promised a safe-conduct to Luther, he 
 felt responsible for his return to his own country. 
 Unfortunately for the credit of German honour in the 
 
LUTHER AT WORMS. 87 
 
 sixteen til century, there were not wanting bigots who 
 persisted in the assertion of a principle which would 
 utterly desolate the civiHsed world, by legalising treach- 
 ery in its basest form ; but these traitors to honour 
 and humanity were nobly opposed by Louis, elector 
 palatine, who declared that, if such a course were 
 pursued, Germany could never recover from the infamy 
 which would thereby be inflicted on its name. It 
 was even added, that the greatest caution should be 
 employed in adopting the directions of the emperor, 
 who had, evidently, been wrought upon by the pre- 
 judiced statements of the papal ministers ; that terrible 
 convulsions might result from a violent decision on the 
 subject ; and that the condemnation of Luther ought, 
 therefore, to be deferred to a later period. 
 
 The advice thus given was in great measure dic- 
 tated by the manifest excitement of the people in favour 
 of Luther and his doctrines ; but the clearness with 
 which he had stated the reasons of his conduct were in 
 such strong contrast with the haughty sophistry of the 
 papal advocates, that it was scarcely possible for a high 
 and right-minded man to resist his appeal. It was not 
 till after two days' close deliberation that the members 
 of the diet came to a decision on the emperor's note. 
 They then determined that one of their number should 
 be deputed to confer privately with Luther, and that 
 efforts should be made to persuade him to submit to 
 the judgment of the council, or at least retract the most 
 offensive portion of his doctrines. 
 
 Notwithstanding the compromising air which this 
 resolution bore, and the presence of a large body of 
 powerful ecclesiastics, the archbishop of Treves was de- 
 puted to negotiate with Luther the terms of, what might 
 fairly be described as, a treaty between him and the 
 Roman court. On the 24th of April he obeyed the 
 summons to attend the proposed conference. There 
 were present, besides the archbishop, George of Saxony, 
 the bishop of Augsburg, the elector of Brandenbourg, 
 and some other persons of rank. The business of the 
 G 4 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 meeting was commenced by Jerome Vehe, a jurisconsult 
 of Baden. " It is not for the purpose of disputation_," 
 said he*_, addressing Luther^ '^'' that we are assembled. 
 The princes have obtained permission of the emperor 
 to call you hither^ in order that they may dispassion- 
 ately consult with you on those important points which 
 so greatly concern your interest and the peace of the 
 church. And, first, with regard to councils : let it 
 be allowed even that they have^, at different times_, 
 arrived at different decisions, it does not necessarily 
 follow that those decisions have involved contradictions. 
 Or suppose, even, that they have sanctioned an error in 
 some instances, this would not so utterly destroy their 
 authority as to render it lawful for an individual to 
 resist or despise their ordinances. Your books, if 
 measures be not taken to repress them, will excite the 
 greatest disorders. Many are the readers of your trea- 
 tise on Christian liberty who have embraced the wildest 
 errors ; and so corrupt is the age, that, since there are 
 several most excellent passages in your writings, there 
 is every reason to fear that the devil urges you to 
 attack religion and holiness, in order thereby to render 
 every portion of your works feared and suspected. 
 Those which you have last published plainly demon- 
 strate that the tree must be judged, not by its flowers, but 
 by its fruits. You are not ignorant of the warnings of 
 Scripture against the will of the flesh, and the artifices 
 of the spirit of evil. Think of your own salvation and 
 that of others : tremble lest you endanger those whom 
 Jesus Christ has redeemed, and, by your books and 
 your preaching, involve them in the eternal condemn- 
 ation which will fall on those who despise the dignity 
 and authority of the church. What can be more ex- 
 cellent or useful than submission to the laws ? No 
 state can exist without them ; nor ca^i the church be 
 preserved from troubles and disorders of every species, 
 if the decrees of our fathers are allowed to be trampled 
 under foot and treated as of no authority. For this 
 
 * Sleidan, t. i. liv. iiL p. 9a 
 
LUTHER AT WORMS. 89 
 
 it is^ that the eminent and virtuous persons here pre- 
 sent have desired to confer with you on the subject of 
 your proceedings. They are anxious both for the 
 tranquilHty of the empire and your safety. If you ob- 
 stinately persist in your opinions^ and in pursuing 
 measures so injurious to the peace of the state, the 
 emperor, whose intentions are clearly understood, will 
 banish you his dominions, and not leave a corner of 
 Germany open for your retreat. Reflect seriously, then, 
 on the course you take, and on the consequences of 
 your decision." 
 
 Luther rephed to this address with many expressions 
 of gratitude for the interest which the princes had mani- 
 fested in his favour. With respect to councils, he 
 said, he did not condemn them all ; but that of Con- 
 stance merited the severest censure, for having denied 
 the doctrines of Huss respecting the church and the 
 Hoiy Spirit. '' For my own part," he added, " I would 
 suffer any thing, even to the sacrifice of life, rather 
 than violate that plain precept of the Divine word, ' It 
 is better to obey God than man.'* As to the scan- 
 dals," he continued, " of which I am said to be the 
 cause, I neither can nor ought to hinder them. There 
 are two kinds of scandals, — the one have relation to 
 conduct, the other to faith : the former consisting in a 
 bad life and licentious manners, and, therefore, to be 
 wholly avoided ; the other arising from the preaching 
 of the word of God, and, therefore, not to be regarded; 
 for though the whole world should be scandalised there- 
 by, the will or commandments of the Eternal Father 
 must neither be concealed nor perverted. Even Jesus 
 Christ himself is described in the Gospel as a rock of 
 offence ; and in this the preachers of his word partake. 
 It is, I know, our duty to obey magistrates and the 
 laws. I have always taught that it is so ; and this my 
 writings will abundantly testify. But the decrees of 
 the church demand a different consideration ; for if the 
 word of God be truly and rightly taught, and if the 
 
 * Acts, V. 29. 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE REF0R3IATI0N. 
 
 heads of the church fulfil their duty, after the example 
 of Christ and his apostles, there can be no necessity for 
 imposing on the minds and consciences of men the 
 intolerable yoke of human laws. I am not ignorant 
 that Scripture warns us against obstinacy and wilful- 
 ness : I confess the holiness of the precept^ and will 
 conform myself thereto, let them but permit me to per- 
 severe in the belief and profession of the Gospel." 
 
 Having thus spoken, he was requested to withdraw. 
 The princes then deliberated on the measures which 
 his inflexible determination might render it necessary 
 to pursue. They had gained little advantage in the 
 conference : Luther had yielded no point to their per- 
 suasions ; and his perpetual recurrence to the simple 
 statement that he would give up every thing, if they 
 would convince him by Scripture, must have been as dis- 
 tressing and galling to their ears as it was in him be- 
 coming and reasonable. After some time Luther was 
 recalled, and Vehe again earnestly exhorted him to 
 submit his writings to the judgment of the emperor 
 and princes of the diet. "^ And wherefore not ?" ex- 
 claimed the reformer. "^ So far am I from wishing to 
 avoid the judgment of the emperor, or the orders of 
 the empire, that I shun no man's judgment, provided 
 he uses Scripture as his guide. Unless this is done, I 
 cannot retract my opinions ; for St. Paul commands 
 us not to believe even an angel from heaven, if he 
 should teach any other doctrine than that which has 
 been delivered.* Let me entreat you, therefore, to 
 employ your interest with the emperor, that I may be 
 permitted to preserve the purity of my conscience. If 
 this be granted, I am willing to do whatever may be 
 commanded me." — *^' Are you then resolved not to 
 yield," said the elector of Brandenbourg, " unless con- 
 vinced by Scripture } " — '' Assuredly so," was the 
 prompt reply, " unless by Scripture or most evident 
 reasons." 
 
 No further effort was made by the assembly to shake 
 
 * Gal. i. 8. Sleidan. Seckendorf. Acta Lutheri, Epist lib. i. 
 
LUTHER AT WORMS. 91 
 
 the resolution of this stern champion for Scripture 
 against the assumptions of ecclesiastical tyranny. A hope, 
 however, still lingered in the mind of the archbishop 
 that Luther was open to persuasion. Eckius_, conse- 
 quently, was allowed to address him ; but his arguments 
 only served to quicken the acuteness and strengthen the 
 convictions of his hearer. A similar result followed the 
 proceedings of the next day, when the archbishop again 
 assembled some of his friends. At their earnest entreaties, 
 Luther was induced to declare that he should willingly 
 submit his books to the judgment of a future council ; 
 but he added a clause which, in the minds of these 
 advocates of the papacy, deprived his admission of all 
 its value, for he concluded with saying, *^ provided 
 their judgment is according to Scripture." 
 
 So little success having attended these conferences, 
 the archbishop next addressed him in private. Less pre- 
 judiced or violent than the generality of his order, he 
 spoke with a degree of candour and gentleness well 
 calculated to influence Luther's determinations. '^'^How," 
 said he, " can the dangers and evils to which we stand 
 exposed be countervailed .^" — '^ By the method," replied 
 Luther, ^'^ which Gamahel advised the Scribes and 
 Pharisees to adopt in former times." The archbishop 
 here ceased from pursuing the subject, but mildly 
 assured Luther, that he would employ his authority in 
 securing the fulfilment of the pledge he had received 
 respecting his personal safety and uninterrupted return 
 to his own country. Eckius soon after entered, and 
 officially announced that his imperial majesty would 
 preserve inviolate the safe-conduct which had been 
 granted Luther, and allowed him twenty-one days to 
 make the journey to his own city. He ordered, how- 
 ever, that he should quit Worms without delay, and pro- 
 hibited his either preaching or distributing his writings 
 on his way to Wittemberg. 
 
 Thus ended an affair which seemed, at the beginning, 
 fraught with the worst dangers for Luther and his cause. 
 Beset by enemies who had resolved to ruin him, and 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 by friends who, in their fear for his safety, half forgot 
 the sacredness of the vows which were upon him, it 
 required not less discretion than firmness to save his 
 integrity, and ward off the blows intended for his de- 
 struction. Had he yielded the principle, that neither 
 popes nor princes, neither churches nor councils, can 
 have any authority to demand respect for doctrines not 
 found in Scripture, Christendom might still have had 
 to endure for ages the yoke of Roman superstition ; or 
 had he, on the other hand, pressed his opinions with 
 the air of a zealot, the princes of the diet would have 
 felt no sympathy for his character, and the whole 
 weight of the emperor's anger would have fallen un- 
 resisted upon his head.* Happily for him and the 
 church, he was preserved on this occasion from aban- 
 doning the calm and moderate tone which so well 
 becomes a preacher of righteousness, conscious of his 
 integrity, and wholly bent on converting men's souls to 
 the obedience of truth. This gave dignity to his words, 
 and, while it awed the petulant spirits of one portion 
 of his audience into unwilling silence, convinced the 
 rest of his sincerity, his fortitude, his elevation of 
 thought, and thorough purity of intention. 
 
 " The Lord's will be done ! " '^ The Lord's name be 
 praised!" were Luther's expressions of resignation and 
 gratitude as he retired from the presence of the arch- 
 bishop. On the 26th of April, the herald who had 
 conducted him into the city of Worms prepared to 
 attend him on his way towards home. Tl^e early part 
 of the journey produced no event of importance ; but 
 
 * Cochlfeus : Acta et Scripta Lutheri, p. oS. This writer speaks with 
 great anmiration of the constancy of the emperor, wno, he says, was 
 praised by all good and pious men for his zeal and fidelity to the church : 
 but he adds that the Lutherans were not less resolute in their slanders than 
 were the faithful in tlieir eulogies ; for they attributed the conduct of 
 Charles, whom they described as merely a boy, to the instigation and flat- 
 teries of the papists and their bishops, 'i'he anger of Cochlaeus, however, 
 is chiefly directed against the two poets, Ulricus Hutherus and Her- 
 mannus Buschius, who are said to have gone through the streets during 
 the night, and written on the doors of the houses, " Woe to the land that 
 hath a boy for its king ! " Their efforts seem, indeed, to have added in no 
 slight degree to the popular excitement. Hartman gave up the pension 
 allowed him by the emperor. —Epist. Lutheri, p. 226. 
 
HIS JOURNEY FROM WORMS. 93 
 
 on his arrival at Friedberg he addressed a letter to the 
 emperor, and another to the several princes of the 
 empire. In these epistles he brought distinctly before 
 their attention the several circumstances which had 
 lately occurred, and repea'ted his reasons for not retract- 
 ing the doctrines contained in his various publications. 
 Having confided his letters to the herald who had ac- 
 companied him thus far as a protector, he dismissed 
 that officer, and entered alone the friendly states of 
 the prince of Hesse.* 
 
 Luther's appearance in the little city of Hirschfeld 
 produced the most lively sensation ; and the abbot, 
 who, besides his ecclesiastical dignity, enjoyed that of 
 prince of the empire, pressed him so urgently to preach, 
 that he was induced to comply with his request, notwith- 
 standing the prohibition of the emperor. 
 
 Pursuing his almost solitary way, the reformer had 
 entered the gloom.y forests of Thuringia. Tried as he 
 had been in heart and spirit by the machinations of his 
 enemies, he was disposed to reflect with peculiar earnest- 
 ness on the situation in which he stood. Europe, from 
 one end to the other, resounded with his name : mil- 
 lions still regarded him as an enemy of truth and holi- 
 ness ; and, however thoroughly the conscience may be 
 persuaded of its integrity, there is a something fearfully 
 awful in the deep and often repeated ban of large mul- 
 titudes of our fellow-men. To resist the feeling thus 
 inspired, and from which even Luther's mind, gigantic 
 as it was, could not have been wholly free, there were 
 the noblest views, and the grandest sentiments, of an 
 evangelical faith. But Luther could not enjoy these 
 with the simple, pure delight of a Christian who has 
 only his own soul, the work of his own salvation, to 
 think of and care for. He was responsible for having 
 divided the church ; and he had undertaken to justify 
 his conduct, by so expounding the doctrines of Christ 
 that the truth should appear in its most original and 
 divinest forms : an undertaking calculated to secure 
 
 * Seckendorf, sec. 98. (239.). Epist. pp. 223, '224. lib. i. 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the sympathy of every elevated mind ; but so weighty, 
 that human thought takes the hue of melancholy even 
 from its grandeur. 
 
 Luther had penetrated but a short way into the 
 forest, when he encountered a party of armed horsemen, 
 whose sudden appearance and mysterious behaviour 
 would have justified a stranger in concluding that they 
 were a detachment of banditti. Without stopping to 
 parley, they seized the reformer, and, binding him upon 
 a horse, conveyed him in perfect silence through the 
 wood. After travelling some hours in this manner, they 
 arrived about midnight at the castle of Wartberg, near 
 Isenach.* There they unbound their prisoner; and, 
 having led him into the building, forthwith changed his 
 simple ecclesiastical dress for that of a country gentleman 
 of rank. Every attention was paid to his convenience ; 
 and the respect shown him inspired the people about 
 the castle with equal curiosity and surprise. 
 
 Thus separated from the world, secure alike of leisure 
 and safety, Luther had ample opportunity to indulge in 
 study and meditation. But his mind could not sud- 
 denly recover itself from the state of strong excitement 
 under which it had hitherto been accustomed to carry 
 on the processes of thought. There is a certain species 
 of discipline by which men of genius overcome the 
 disturbing influences of the world, and learn to practise 
 self-control in the midst of every species of danger 
 and distraction. But the superiority thus gained is a 
 superiority and independence fitting them for labour in 
 the world : to give them self-command, the power of 
 abstraction and close application, when the mind is left, 
 as it were, alone with the memory, and to the seduction 
 of its own self- generated associations, another trial is 
 necessary, and one to which the greatest men have not 
 always proved equal. 
 
 Luther employed his solitude in the constant study of 
 
 * Samtliche Schriften, torn. xt. cap. 7. Von dem Reichstag zu Worms. 
 Seckeniiorf, p. 240. Epist. Luth. lib. i. pp. 226, 227. 229. Pallavic. lib. i. 
 cap. 28. n. 3. 
 
LUTHER S PATMOS. 95 
 
 Scripture, and in the composition of new treatises on the 
 points which were at present most anxiously debated by 
 his followers and the Romanists. The chief of these 
 works were, ^"^A Discourse on Confession/' dedicated to 
 his distinguished friend and supporter, Franz Von Sick- 
 ingen ; " An Epistle to the Archbishop of Mayence," 
 in which he speaks in the most open and boldest terms of 
 the wickedness, the hypocrisy, and ignorance which that 
 prelate had displayed ; '' A Treatise on Spiritual and 
 Monastic Vows," dedicated to his father ; and also 
 some commentaries on the Psalms and the portions of 
 Scripture appointed for the Sunday lessons. To these 
 fruits of his retirement may be added, the preparations 
 which he made for translating the Bible into the lan- 
 guage of his country ; a design which wisdom and piety 
 might urge him to pursue as the most important of the 
 steps yet taken for the purifying of the church. 
 
 Notwithstanding, however, this application to study, 
 Luther found solitude as irksome to his mind, as it 
 seemed unfavourable to the prosperity of his party. 
 He took a pleasure in calling the castle of Wartberg 
 his Patmos ; but his expressions of weariness scarcely 
 agree with the feeling with which, it seems from this, 
 he was anxious to inspire his imagination. " I sit 
 here," says he, '^'all the day idle and crapulous."* "I 
 am here in a marvellous manner, willing and unwilling, 
 a captive : willing to be so because it is God's will ; and 
 unwilling, because I would far rather contend openly 
 for the word." In one of his letters, written about the 
 same time to Philip Melancthon; he expresses his 
 fears, lest by allowing himself to be detained in retire- 
 ment he should seem to have deserted his ranks. 
 "But I did not see," he adds, "^how to resist those 
 who wished and compelled this retirement. For my 
 own part, I desire nothing more earnestly than to meet 
 the fury of my enemies with outstretched neck. All 
 the day long do 1 sit here and bring before me the 
 image of the church, meditating on that passage*, ' Why 
 
 * Ps. Ixxxix. 47. 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 hast thou made in vain all the sons of men ? ' * and 
 contemplating the terrible image of God's wrath _, and 
 the abominable reign of the Roman antichrist. I detest 
 the hardness of my hearty for not melting altogether 
 into tears ; for not pouring forth fountains of tears for 
 
 the slaughtered children of my people Do 
 
 thou, being a minister of the word, urge forward and 
 defend the walls of Jerusalem, till their hands are also 
 upon thee. Thou knowest thy calling and thy gifts. I 
 pray for thee, if my prayers, as I doubt not they may, 
 avail any thing. Do thou render mutual kindness, and 
 let us bear the burden by turns. As yet, we stand 
 alone in the battle : they will seek thee next." 
 
 The place of Luther's retreat was for some time 
 unknown ; and his followers were not without suspicion 
 that the safe-conduct had been violated by the united 
 treachery of the papal and imperial ministers. Con- 
 siderable mystery bangs over this whole affair.t Lu- 
 ther's own expressions lead to the idea that he was 
 prepared for being carried off, but that he was ignorant 
 as to the time and place when the design was to be put 
 into execution. It is said that even the elector of 
 Saxony himself was unacquainted with the precise spot 
 in which the reformer w^as to be kept concealed ; and 
 that he desired to remain in ignorance of it, that, w^hen 
 the emperor made inquiries on the subject, he might be 
 able, with truth and honour, lo declare his inability to 
 afford information. Seckendorf, on the other hand, 
 conjectures that this was so far from being the case, 
 that Charles himself had favoured the plan of convey- 
 ing Luther into a place of concealment, in order 
 
 * The health of Luther was at this time very seriously affected, as ap- 
 pears from the following passage in his letter to Melancthon : — " Dominus 
 percussit me in posteriora gi-avi dolore : tam dura sunt excrementa, ut multa 
 vi usque ad sudorem extrudere cogar : . . . unde nee tota nocte dormivi ; 
 nee adhuc pacem habeo. Ora quseso pro me. Nam intolerabile fiet hoc 
 malum, si promoveat ut coepit." 
 
 f Seckendorf has taken some pains to point out the errors into which 
 the Roman catholic writers have fallen in describing Luther's asylum. He 
 assigns, as a reason for the great desire which Charles manifested to secure 
 the favour of the pope, his fear of the king of France ; and adds, that no 
 doubt can be entertained that he did on many future occasions favour the 
 cause of the Lutherans, 
 
THE AUGUSTINES. 97 
 
 thereby to save him from the power of the pope, 
 without any apparent compromise of his own imperial 
 dignity and zealous adherence to the church. 
 
 However this may he, the timely publication of 
 Luther's productions dissipated the fears which had 
 arisen at his sudden disappearance. New strength and 
 resolution seemed to be every day imparted to his 
 friends and followers. At Wittemberg the monks of 
 the Augustine order began seriously to consider the 
 expediency of altering the discipline of their mo- 
 nastery, and abrogating some of their principal laws, 
 and even the rule of public worship. Gabriel Didymus, 
 one of the most influential of the brotherhood, declared 
 in his sermons that the adoration of the sacrament, 
 except at the administration of the communion, was 
 idolatry; and that private masses, and the denial of the 
 cup to the laity, were violations of the sacred ordinances, 
 as instituted by Christ, and practised by the primitive 
 church. These opinions were violently resisted by the 
 prior and many of the monks ; but the reformers per- 
 severed in their course, and, notwithstanding the wishes 
 of their superior, ceased from performing private masses. 
 Attempts being made to reduce them to obedience, 
 thirteen of the number left the monastery; and such 
 was the agitation created by this event, that the students 
 and inhabitants of the town took up the question, which 
 promised to afford new opportunities for improvement. 
 
 The elector now saw it fit to interfere ; but, with 
 that discretion which generally characterised his pro- 
 ceedings, he left the determination of the disputed 
 points to certain deputies from the university and the 
 chapter, on whose learning and piety dependence might 
 fairly be placed by both parties. These deputies were 
 Carlostad, Jerome Schurfius, Justus Jonas, John 
 Doltsch, Melancthon, and Nicholas Amsdorfius. Their 
 instructions were, to enter into communication with the 
 separatists, and inquire the reasons for which they had 
 seen fit to depart from the usual practice of the church. 
 The monks returned their answer in writing. It pur- 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
98 HISTORY OF THE EEFORMATION. 
 
 ported^ that as they no longer believed in the elBScacy 
 of private masses for the taking away of sin^ they 
 could not celebrate them without error; that Jesus 
 Christ had instituted the eucharist with his apostles, 
 who, in their turn, had never celebrated the sacrament 
 except by way of communion ; and, lastly, that as our 
 Lord had, at the beginning, given both the bread and 
 wine to his disciples, they also were bound, in the most 
 solemn manner, to administer both whenever they cele- 
 brated mass. 
 
 With this answ^er of the monks the judgment of the 
 deputies was in perfect accordance; except only that 
 it spoke still more strongly on the subject of private 
 masses, and the administration of the communion in 
 both kinds. ^ To none of the corruptions of the dark 
 ages,' they said, 'was greater reprobation due than to the 
 alterations which had been introduced in the service of 
 the last supper : the mass was, in fact, nothing more 
 than the communion of the body and blood of Christ ; 
 and it was as absurd, they added, to celebrate the mass 
 for the salvation of those who w^ere not present, as it 
 v/ould be to baptize one person for another.' In at- 
 tributing to the notion, that the mass was a sacrifice, 
 the origin of the most superstitious practices of the 
 church, they manifested equal know^ledge and acute- 
 ness ; but they opposed themselves thereby to the 
 Roman clergy in a manner calculated to rouse new 
 fears on the part of the hierarchy. It was on the 
 sense given to the institution of the eucharist that the 
 peculant corrupters of Christianity had chiefly founded 
 their systems of extortion ; and it was instinctively 
 discovered, by those who shared the fruits of these 
 systems, that every attempt to bring back the adminis- 
 tration of the ordinance to its early simpHcity en- 
 dangered their revenues and consideration with the 
 superstitious multitude. 
 
 The same moderation and caution, however, w^hich 
 had hitherto characterised the movements of Luther 
 and his followers, appear strongly marked in the reply 
 
THE AUGUSTINES. 99 
 
 of the deputies. Instead of advising the immediate 
 abolition of masses without communicants^ they ex- 
 pressed it as their opinion that they might still be 
 suffered^ lest the weak should be offended ; and one of 
 the number, John Doltsch, advised that each commu- 
 nicant should be allowed to partake of the sacrament in 
 one or both kinds, according to his consci^ce. In 
 concluding their address, the deputies exhorted the 
 elector to promote, as he best might, the spread of the 
 Gospel through his dominions, so singularly favoured 
 by its revival; and to beware lest, after having been 
 exalted to heaven, they might, through his opposition 
 to the truth, or any negligent treatment thereof, be 
 brought down to hell. 
 
 Frederic perused this document with his accustomed 
 seriousness of thought. It afforded him a fresh occasion 
 for expressing the deep interest which he took in the 
 propagation of evangelical principles. His determin- 
 ation was daily strengthened ; and the course of events 
 presented in quick succession befitting trials of its con- 
 sistency ; but he was still far from possessing clear or 
 definite views of the subject in debate. In his answer 
 to the deputies, which was conveyed by Christian Beyer, 
 a burgomaster and professor, he assured them of his 
 resolution to do whatever seemed good for the glory of 
 God, and the cause of truth ; but that it behoved him 
 to proceed with caution in a matter which concerned 
 the church at large ; that at present their numbers 
 were too small to attempt great changes ; that it would 
 be expedient to pause till the people were better in- 
 structed, before they put in practice their intentions, 
 which it would require the co-operation of a considerable 
 portion of the church to establish on a good and solid 
 foundation. He concluded by requesting information 
 as to the period when the alleged changes were made 
 in the celebration of the eucharist ; and suggested a 
 consideration which, it cannot be denied, is to be praised 
 rather for its policy than its evangelical simplicity. JNIany 
 churches and monasteries, he said, had been founded to 
 H 2 
 
100 HZSTOUT GF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 secure the regular celebration of masses; but if tliej 
 were no longer performed, the founders of these insti- 
 tutions, or their descendants, would demand the restor- 
 ation of the funds in the hands of the clergy, and 
 thereby lead to discussions which might prove highly 
 prejudicial to the tranquillity of the state. 
 
 It is gratifying to contemplate the noble firmness 
 with which the founders of the Reformation persevered^ 
 under all circumstances, in the performance of their 
 duty. The mild remonstrances of Frederic were as 
 steadily contemplated;, and as resolutely opposed, as the 
 fierce threatenings which awoke the spirit of manly 
 indignation. By calmly confirming their previous de- 
 cision, the deputies afforded the prince a fair means of 
 Judging what degree of weight would, in future, be 
 attached to his fears or reasonings as a politician. The 
 questions he had asked were answered as might have 
 been expected, when put to men well instructed in the 
 history of the church. Monasteries and collegiate 
 churches, they informed him, were founded as insti- 
 tutions for the instruction of youth in the principles of 
 sound learning and theology, and had continued to be 
 Tiewed in that light up to the time of St. Bernard : they 
 added, that institutions for the performance of masses 
 were not of more than 500 years' standing ; and that 
 with regard to the funds out of which they were sup- 
 ported, it ought not to be considered a violation of the 
 will of the founders, if that which had been left, out of a 
 mistaken piety, for superstitious purposes^ were now to 
 be employed in the legitimate support of truth and 
 holiness ; and, lastly, that the practice of administering 
 the communion in both kinds had not ceased till the 
 commencement of the twelfth century, and not even 
 then, except in the Roman church. 
 
 The elector appears to have been little prepared for 
 this reply of the deputies : it obliged him to take mea- 
 sures which he would gladly have delayed. Neither 
 were the monks nor the canons settled in their opinions; 
 and there was reason to fear tliat the abolishing of 
 
FREDERIC AND THE REFORMER. 101 
 
 masses, at the present moment, might lead to dangerous 
 'Confusion„ He resolved, therefore, to use his influence 
 and authority to prevent any immediate change, and 
 directed his agent to make his sentiments known ; in- 
 timating, however, that he desired to see a way opened 
 for reform by every means which could be safely and 
 profitably employed. 
 
 But a mighty change had taken place in the state of 
 things since either princes or pontiffs could determine 
 what should be kept standing, or what should fall, in 
 the institutions of religion. The people rejoiced with 
 eager spirits at the prospect of increasing Hght ; they 
 already tasted the first fruits of their emancipation from 
 the thraldom of ignorance and superstition ; and every 
 proceeding which related to their own rights as Chris- 
 tian s^, or to the services of the altar, was watched with 
 jealous attention and anxiety. 
 
 An important crisis was at hand. The church still 
 retained the form it had assumed under the plastic 
 power of Roman domination. Doctrines had been tried 
 by the test of Scripture, and the belief demanded of 
 mankind reduced, or rather exalted, to the plain rule of 
 God's own word ; but that cumbrous ceremonial which 
 had been invented to display, under visible forms, the 
 drearaings of a fraudulent enthusiasm, presented a barrier 
 which it required a fresh exercise of devout courage to 
 assail. The minds and understandings of men are sooner 
 undeceived than their hearts or their affections ; and 
 their faith, as to the particular articles of a creed, may 
 consequently be purified with greater ease than their 
 taste for the external rites and ceremonies of an old 
 established worship. 
 
 The deputies could not be persuaded to give up their 
 opinions respecting those silent and solitary masses 
 which, described as efficacious for the delivery of souls 
 from purgatory, and the protection of Christians in every 
 kind of danger, had hitherto produced such enormous 
 profits under the management of the Roman hierarchy 
 Insisting, however, only on that which ^seemed de* 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 manded by the positive necessities of the case^ they de- 
 clared their readiness to leave less important points to 
 the conclusion of every man's conscience. Frederic, in 
 opposing the latitude thus demanded, and at the same 
 time encouraging the public preaching of the principles 
 on which it was founded, hastened the collision which it 
 was his main object to prevent. 
 
 Carlostad, though possessing neither the vigour nor 
 the elevated genius of Luther, was inspired by a zeal 
 as resolute and ardent as that of his great master. This 
 fervour of disposition, unmodified by the force which 
 Luther derived from his wonderful strength of under- 
 standing, urged him to take a step which could only 
 have been rendered safe by the concurrent determination 
 of the whole body of reformers. It was part of his 
 duty to perform service in the church of the castle on 
 Christmas-day, and he seized the occasion for making 
 numerous and important alterations in the office of the 
 eucharist. He not only read the service in German, 
 but left out the regular ordinance of the confessional, 
 most of the old usages and ceremonies, and freely ad- 
 ministered the wine, as well as the bread, to all present. 
 
 The greatest excitement followed this dangerous but 
 conscientious proceeding. Frederic and his court fore- 
 saw that the pope would employ it as a motive for new 
 attempts upon the freedom of his subjects ; he again, 
 therefore, had recourse to negotiation ; and the senate 
 and university seemed disposed to employ their mutual 
 authority for appeasing the rising storm. But so far 
 was the caution of the prince from acting as any check 
 to the views of the reformers, that every day produced 
 some fresh instance of their increasing strength. It now 
 began to be openly affirmed, that the celibacy of the 
 clergy was not commanded by any law of God ; and, to 
 prove that the opinion had more than a theoretical in- 
 fluence on their minds, Bartholomew Bernhardi, parish 
 priest of Kemberg in Saxony, entered into the marriage 
 state. He was summoned to answer for his conduct 
 before the archbishop of Magdeburg, but refused to 
 
THE FEARS OF LUTHER. 103 
 
 attend. Melancthon supported his cause by a powerful 
 apology ; and the example thus set was speedily fol- 
 lowed by others of the clergy. 
 
 Luther had little to do with these transactions ; he 
 was still immured in his solitude, and it was only at 
 intervals that information reached him of the progress 
 of events. He ought not, perhaps, to have regretted 
 the constraint upon his actions at this juncture of 
 affairs. Experiments were tried with comparative safety 
 by others, which might have precipitated him at once 
 into inextricable difficulties ; but he heard of the occur- 
 rences at Wittemberg with impatient interest. While 
 he rejoiced at the increase of resolution and freedom, 
 so manifest in those events, he trembled lest some act 
 of imprudence, or injudicious conduct of the dispute 
 with Rome, might lessen the dignity they enjoyed as 
 true and sanctified upholders of the Gospel. Respecting 
 the abolishing of private masses *, he addressed, from 
 his retirement, a tract on the subject to the Augustine 
 monks, in which he repeats the arguments before ad- 
 vanced in his book, '' De Captivitate Babylonica." To 
 these he adds, that he rejoiced at the tidings which 
 were brought him from his brethren ; but that he feared 
 they might not all continue of one mind, or persevere 
 with courage and diligence in the work they had begun. 
 In regard to the marriage of the clergy he spoke doubt- 
 ingly. The arguments advanced by Carlostad had not 
 the weight or clearness which he wished to see on a 
 subject of such importance. That reformer, as well as 
 his associates, Melancthon and Amsdorf, contended 
 against the celibacy not only of priests and bishops, but 
 even of the monastic orders. Luther was with difficulty 
 persuaded that the monks were in the same state as the 
 clergy. '^ You have not yet led me to believe," says 
 he, " that the monastic vow is like the vow of the 
 
 * He says, in his letter to Melancthon, dated St. Peter's day, 1521, 
 *' Never more, for all eteniity, will I administer a private mass. Let us, I 
 beseech yoti, pray the Lord to give us straightway a more ample portion of 
 his Spirit. The Lord, I fear, will quickly visit Germany, to punish its incre- 
 dulity, impiety, and hatred of the Gospel." — Epist. p. 238, 
 H 4 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 priesthood. The priestly order was instituted by God, 
 and is free : not so that of the monks, who chose to 
 be so_, and voluntarily devoted themselves to heaven. . . . 
 But St. Paul says of priests, that their marriage is pro- 
 hibited by devils ; and if his voice is that of the Divine 
 Majesty, I fear not to believe his sentence ; so that if a 
 priest, at his ordination, did acknowledge this prohibition 
 of the devil, he may, now that he knows with whom 
 the compact was made, freely regard it as dissolved. 
 The declaration that this prohibition is, indeed, of the 
 devil, greatly affects my mind, and compels me to 
 applaud what has been done by the bishop of Came- 
 ramus : for God neither deceives nor lies when he calls 
 it a prohibition of Satan ; and if the compact be con- 
 firmed, it ought not to be firm. . . . Add to this, that 
 celibacy is merely of human institution, which any man, 
 and, therefore, every Christian, may annul, — which I 
 should say, were it not the invention of devils, but the 
 work of a good man. As I havg no such divine au- 
 thority whereon to speak concerning monks, it is not 
 safe to assert the same respecting them ; nor should I 
 dare to follow it, or to advise others to follow it. Would 
 that there might never be another monk, or at least a 
 monk admitted to the vows under thirty years of age. 
 Scandal must be avoided in all things where we have 
 not Scripture plainly on our side, even though they be 
 lawful." * 
 
 In his next letter to Melancthon he speaks with praise 
 of the zeal and diligence of Carlostad, but plainly con- 
 victs him of having employed Scripture without due 
 attention to its strict and logical application. '' I say 
 these things," he observes, ^'^ because I am anxious that 
 nothing should proceed from you which depends for 
 its force on obscure or ambiguous texts. Light is re- 
 
 ' * Epist. Lutheri, torn. i. pp. 238, 23P. These epistles are highly interest- 
 ing, as showing the noble ingenuousness of Luther, and his state of feeling 
 at this period. The concluding sentences of the former are a curious spe- 
 cimen of his strong mode of stating the doctrine of justification : — "Si 
 gratia predicatores ; gratiam non fictam sed verara predica: si vera gratia 
 est, vermn non fictum peccatum ferto. Deus non facit salvos ficte pecca- 
 tores." 
 
WISDOM OF LUTHER. 105 
 
 quired from us stronger than the hght of suns and stars^ 
 yet they see not." In another, addressed to Spalatinus, 
 he says, " I have received from my host the ' Dialogues/ 
 and two ' Quaternions' of Carlostad. Good God ! and 
 will our Wittembergenses give wives even to monks? 
 They shall not, however, obtrude one upon me. The 
 author of the ^ Dialogues' had not sufficient ingenuity 
 — sufficient erudition ; and would that Carlostad would 
 write with greater clearness, for his writings exhibit 
 great power both of wit and scholarship."* He repeats 
 the same sentiment in his next letter to Spalatinus, but 
 in stronger terms. " How much I wish that Carlostad 
 would endeavour to argue against celibacy with a fitter 
 application of Scripture. I am afraid he will make 
 both himself and us a laughing stock. . . . His cause is 
 good, and his design excellent ; but I desire to see the 
 execution equally so. You know how much light and 
 energy are required of us by our adversaries, since even 
 the best and clearest things are calumniated ; whence it 
 results that we must take the greater care, and, standing 
 as we do upon the theatre of the world, mind that our 
 words, as St. Paul says, be without offence." t 
 
 It was thus the great apostle of the Reformation 
 continued, from day to day, earnestly striving in the 
 holy work he had begun. Distinguished above his 
 brethren for perspicuity of thought, he studied, un- 
 ceasingly, the main doctrines of Christ's religion, as 
 they lay expanded before him in the supreme bright- 
 ness of Divine revelation. His soul, thus nurtured, had 
 an experimental conviction of the force and divinity of 
 truth. It was the bread of life to him : he grew in the 
 strength which it had given him from the days of his 
 youth. It was not to the logic he derived from the 
 schoolmen, to the knowledge he had gathered from phi- 
 losophers and historians, or to the experience which long 
 
 * Epist. p. 240. 
 
 t Epist. torn. i. p. 241. A little after this he writes : — " De Carlstadio 
 doleo: cui etsi facile resist! potest; tamen adversariis nostris gloriandi 
 dabitur occasio, de intestina nostra discordia, magno scandalo infirmorum." 
 —Epist. ad N. Amsdorjium, torn, i, p. 358. 
 
106 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 intercourse with mankind had now given him, that he 
 could attribute the power he possessed, or the hopes 
 which elevated him so far above the world, but simply 
 to his knowledge of the Bible, the faithful study of 
 which had first made him wiser than his teachers, and 
 then the most enlightened of teachers that the world 
 had seen since the early days of sirapHcity and holi- 
 
107 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 RISE OF FANATICISM. MUNCER AND HIS FOLLOWERS. ME- 
 
 LANCTHON's doubts. WRITES TO LUTHER. FIRMNESS OF 
 
 THAT REFORMER. RETURNS TO WITTEMBERG. CARLOSTAd's 
 
 PROCEEDINGS. DIET OF NUREMBERG. PROGRESS OF RE- 
 FORM. CONTROVERSY WITH HENRY VIII. AND ERASMUS. 
 
 The commencement of the Reformation was happily 
 unmarked by any of those popular convulsions which 
 have disfigured the beginning of other important 
 changes. Luther entered upon his course without being 
 conscious of either the extent or the'^grandeur of the 
 designs which he was destined to effect. The light 
 broke gradually upon him, and he was contented to 
 walk by the light which he received. In a similar 
 manner, the people found themselves roused to reflection 
 by the bold corruptions of their constituted teachers, 
 and, becoming willing listeners to the voice of reason 
 and truth, made the first step towards shaking off" the 
 yoke. But they could see but a short way before them. 
 Beyond the point they had reached, all was strange and 
 obscure. The sanction of ages, rendered venerable by 
 the memory of their forefathers, protected the rites and 
 doctrines of the church from any sudden attack. No 
 hand was bold enough to lift the veil which hung, dark 
 and mysteriously, before the pretended holy of holies. 
 And this caution and tenderness, though sparing that 
 which, of itself, merited it not, had their reward. 
 Enthusiasm is often nothing but a concealed selfishness ; 
 and no encouragement being offered to pride or cupidity, 
 ambition or licentiousness, at this period, the people 
 were allowed both time to think, and freedom to follow 
 the conclusions of their own reason. 
 
 To the sorrow of those spiritual and conscientious- 
 minded men, whose sole desire it was to see Christian 
 doctrine restored to its original purity, their steady pro- 
 ceedings were unexpectedly opposed by the sudden 
 
lOS HISTORY OP THE EEFORBIATION. 
 
 rising of a party whose zeal had all the dangerous cha- 
 racteristics of the most fiery fanaticism. The authors 
 of this schism were Nicholas S torch, a draper, Thomas 
 Muncer, Mark Stubner, Martin Cellarius^ Mark Thomas, 
 and a sufficient number of associates to make up the 
 number of what they were pleased to term twelve 
 apostles and seventy-two disciples. These persons were 
 for the most part tradesmen ; a class not usually excited 
 at the first call of enthusiasm ; but possessed, when 
 such is the case, of both the quahties and the means 
 to render it in the highest degree infectious. Storch 
 commenced his career at Zwickau, a town in Misnia ; 
 and Muncer also, who was destined to make the most 
 conspicuous figure in the aflPair, first displayed his 
 powers of oratory in the church of St. Catherine, in 
 that city. They were vigorously met by the established 
 teachers of the place ; but they had seized upon topics 
 which readily command popular attention. The people 
 were awake to religious appeals. They had been taught 
 that the word of God contained revelations of truths which 
 were now for the first time to be made known. What 
 those truths were, they could as yet but imperfectly un- 
 derstand. Great changes were expected ; new light 
 was looked for on all sides ; and when a band of men, 
 full of hardy enthusiasm, stood up and warmly asserted 
 that they were endow^ed with peculiar gifts of the Spirit, 
 the multitude only followed the impulse of natural 
 feehng in yielding to their call. 
 
 On the arrival of the new reformers at Wittemberg, 
 Melancthon and Amsdorf found themselves in a situ- 
 ation of extreme difficulty. The preachers, notwith- 
 standing their violence and furious zeal, might, after all, 
 be only contending with greater earnestness of purpose 
 for that which the better educated of their body laboured 
 for more cautiously or timidly. Nor had the professors 
 of the reformed school of theology clearly determined, 
 as yet, what were the true signs of inspiration, or the 
 proper marks of an apostohc spirit and authority. In- 
 stead, therefore, of attempting to oppose their progress 
 
MUNCER AND HIS FOLLOWERS. 109 
 
 by an immediate appeal to learning and eloquence, 
 Melancthon wrote to inform the elector of the agitation 
 into which the city had been thrown by the preaching 
 of Muncer and his associates. He had conversed with 
 them^ he said^ and found that they ought by no 
 means to be despised. His counsel was, that Luther_, 
 who alone_, he remarked, could judge whether they were 
 inspired or not, should be recalled.* The elector con- 
 sented to this advice ; but Luther himself, when in- 
 formed by Melancthon of the late events, wisely an- 
 swered, that the question respecting the inspiration of 
 such men might be at once determined, for that God 
 had never given extraordinary powers to his ministers 
 without enabling them to prove their authority by 
 miracles or other signs. 
 
 The confidence with which the new prophets believed 
 themselves inspired forbade their yielding any degree 
 of submission to Luther, as a guide or master. He is 
 for the most part right, they said, but another will come 
 after him of a higher spirit ; and they foretold that, in 
 six or seven years, events would take place whereby the 
 state of the church and of the world would be altogether 
 changed, and not a sinner left alive. In conformity 
 with their notions on particular points of Christian doc- 
 trine, they at once began to change the accustomed 
 rites and ordinances of the church. Baptism especially, 
 it was contended, had for many ages been administered 
 with serious perversions of its divine origin; and poedo- 
 baptism was sternly prohibited as a glaring offence 
 against the holiness of the sacrament. Melancthon, on 
 this point, confessed himself moved by their arguments; 
 and even the temporary doubts of such a man as Me- 
 
 • " I have had a conference with them. They state wonderful things re- 
 specting themselves ; namely, that they are sent to instruct mankind by 
 the clear voice of God ; that they verily hold converse with God, see future 
 things, and, in short, are altogether prophetical and apostolic men. I can- 
 not describe how my mind is affected by this affair. . . . The Gospel, and 
 the honour and peace of the church, are all in danger; and it is, therefore, 
 in every respect needful that these people and Martin, on whom they con- 
 tinually call, should be brought together. I would not have written to 
 your grace had there not been urgent necessity for counsel." — Melancthon' 
 Letter to the Pritice. SamlUche Hchri/ten, torn, xv. p. ^LSQ^. 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE EEFORMATION. 
 
 lancthon in their favour speak strongly for the serious- 
 ness_, the ardour, and acuteness with which the leaders 
 of the sect must at first have reasoned. 
 
 In no case, perhaps, did the sterling good sense, as 
 well as the piety and exalted genius, of Luther appear 
 more conspicuously than in the calm, judicious answers 
 which he sent to his friends, thus excited by the bold 
 pretensions of the anabaptists. If ever a strong and 
 devout mind was exposed to the temptations of en- 
 thusiasm, Luther's now was. Solitude had given him 
 full liberty to speculate on every species and form of 
 truth ; to muse on the possibilities of things ; and in 
 proportion as his thoughts found freedom, and rose 
 above the sphere of ordinary anxieties, they were ex- 
 posed to the strong current of those feelings which had 
 been generated in his long and eventful struggle. There 
 is, moreover, a natural tendency in the human mind to 
 pursue inquiry when once successfully begun ; and the 
 old established barriers past, a wide and dim horizon 
 presents itself, involving in its ample extent glorious 
 shapes and visions, which seem to beckon to the inquirer, 
 and summon him to more daring efforts. But Luther 
 was gifted with a noble self-possession : he saw dis- 
 tinctly the path which it was his duty to pursue; for he 
 was not only content to walk by the Ught of Scripture_, 
 but to accept with gratitude the light as it shone upon 
 him, without attempting, by his own fervours, to give it 
 a stronger lustre. In his answer to Melancthon he 
 plainly states, that he considered the anabaptists to 
 possess no claims to attention ; that they bore witness 
 to themselves, and were not to be credited; and that 
 whatever had been related of them could easily be ac- 
 counted for as illusions of the devil. 
 
 It might have been supposed that such decided 
 counsel would have effectually warned the reformers 
 of Wittemberg against continuing their connection with 
 Muncer and his party. But so well had the latter 
 established their claims to consideration in the mind of 
 Melancthon and others, that^ notwithstanding Luther's 
 
LUTHER S ANXIETY. Ill 
 
 remonstrance_, the great supporters of his cause could 
 not at once be drawn off from the danger to which they 
 were exposed. Melancthon even afforded Stubner an 
 asylum in his own house, and assisted in procuring 
 hira pupils. Thus left free to pursue their plans, and 
 in some degree supported by the countenance of the 
 most eminent men of the age, the new reformers be- 
 came bolder every day, and had the satisfaction of seeing 
 the people crowd to hear the account of their visions, 
 and the statements, which they had always ready, of 
 the splendid events which would shortly follow the 
 establishment of their doctrines. 
 
 This state of things was sufficiently alarming to fill 
 the mind of Luther with the most distressing appre- 
 hensions. He foresaw that, if enthusiasm should con- 
 tinue to increase, it would effectually destroy the success 
 of his labours, and once more reduce his countrymen 
 to the bondage of darkness and superstition. The 
 untamed passion for liberty, which breaks down those 
 wholesome restraints which ages of civilisation have 
 found necessary to social security, is the worst enemy 
 that liberty has to encounter : it smothers, in its mad 
 embraces, the object it adores ; and then, in its frenzy 
 and despair, yields itself willingly again to be the dupe 
 and slave of tyranny. In religion, the mass of man- 
 kind are always ready to go a certain distance with the 
 ardent and enthusiastic : there is a tendency to trust 
 and confidence in the human mind whenever there is 
 any awakening of its sympathies ; but this feeling can 
 only be supported for a short time, and to a very 
 Hmited extent. When the period of strong surprise is 
 over it sinks back to its usual level, and resumes its 
 suspiciousness, its scepticism, or its subjection to more 
 ancient errors. It had been Luther's object to lead the 
 people along the same path in the discovery of truth 
 which he had himself traced. This was, from the 
 beginning, the great characteristic difference between 
 the founder of protestantism and the clergy of the 
 church of Rome. The latter have always acted as if 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE REFOEMATION. 
 
 mankind at large had not the same power of perceiving 
 and loving that which is true and holy as the privileged 
 orders of priests and monks ; or as if, in the acquisition 
 of knowledge, and the work of salvation, the princi- 
 ples of human nature operate in a different manner to 
 what they do when any other species of good is to be 
 earnestly pursued. In the teaching of the reformers, 
 on the contrary, we trace the most ardent wish to make 
 every branch of their system perfectly intelligible ; to 
 lay open the treasuries out of which they drew their 
 wealth ; and to enable every man to bring their system 
 to the test of an authorised standard, and learn, and 
 consider, and decide for himself, according to the word 
 of God. But the anabaptists pretended to peculiar 
 privileges ; to incommunicable light and knowledge ; 
 and, consequently, to an absolute authority over the 
 consciences of their followers. Even the intolerance 
 and tyranny of Rome would have been more sufferable 
 than the domination of such fanatics ; and Luther, 
 therefore, wisely determined to oppose them, whatever 
 might be the difficulties which, in his present circum- 
 stances, stood in the way of such a resolution. He 
 had done much by his writings, while concealed in the 
 soHtude of his Patmos : they had kept up the spirits of 
 his followers ; and proved to Rome the indomitable 
 courage which inspired the hearts of its assailants. 
 But the new reformers appealed to feelings, and to a 
 class of reasoners scarcely within the reach of such 
 missals; and no man was ever more ready to discern 
 the true effect of his proceedings than Luther. He 
 saw plainly that, in such a juncture as the present, 
 other measures must be pursued than those which 
 might influence the scholars of Wittemberg, or those 
 portions of his countrymen whose ears were only open to 
 the truth. Convinced of this, he determined upon a step 
 which his friends regarded as rash and precipitate; but 
 which was equally justified by the state of affairs, and 
 his conscientious decisions as to the general line of 
 duty marked out for him by God. 
 
RETURNS TO W1TTE3IBERG. 113 
 
 Leaving the castle he set out on the road to 
 Wittemberg. He had spent ten months in the re- 
 treat provided for him by his cautious and affectionate 
 prince. No change appeared in the counsels of Rome, 
 or its adherents ; and Frederic himself was known to 
 be averse to his taking any step which might again 
 expose him to their machinations. When he heard of 
 his being actually on the way to the scene of his early 
 labours, he expressed the greatest anxiety for his 
 safety ; nor can it be doubted but that he feared in 
 some degree the political consequences which might 
 result from his re-appearance in the world. These 
 considerations so far prevailed with Luther, that his 
 first journey from Eisenach was performed in cautious 
 secrecy, and he returned almost immediately to the 
 castle. The elector then sent the governor of Eisenach to 
 urge upon him the necessity of his still remaining con- 
 cealed; and especially to represent, that should his 
 re-appearance at Wittemberg be known to the emperor, 
 he could no longer preserve him from the effects of 
 that sovereign's displeasure ; but that if he awaited 
 with patience the assembling of the diet at Nuremberg, 
 his affairs should obtain a new and careful investigation. 
 
 Luther was never wanting in respect for his prince ; 
 but political suggestions had no weight with him, 
 when the great object for which he lived seemed in 
 danger. He hastened, therefore, to Wittemberg, with 
 the resolution of meeting at once both his enemies and 
 the false associates of his follov/ers. From the neigh- 
 bourhood of Leipzig he addressed a letter to Frederic* 
 Tn this epistle he spoke, in the strongest terms, of the 
 anxiety which afflicted his mind, on account of the 
 late events in the university. From none of the dangers 
 and troubles, he said, with which he had been assailed 
 during so many years of his life, had he suffered so 
 keenly as from the present disorders. It was not for 
 his own safety or honour, he added, but for that of 
 the Gospel, he trembled ; and as he found that he 
 
 * Seckendorf, sec. 119. (293.) 
 VOL. I. I 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION'. 
 
 had in vain made submissions to the pride of his ene- 
 mies^ and sought by reasoning and persuasion to con- 
 vince them of his rectitude, he would, for the future^ 
 pursue his course without regard either to their threats 
 or their wiles. In respect to the duke George, he said, 
 they had too long borne the cruel rage and insults which 
 that prince heaped upon the Gospel; that he had prayed 
 for him; but would only do so once more; and was con- 
 vinced, that if he wished, he could with one word con- 
 sign him to death. " I write thus, to your highness," 
 he proceeds, " in order that you may know that my 
 journey to Wittemberg is made under a protection 
 infinitely more powerful than yours. I am willing 
 that you should abandon me : the cause for which I 
 struggle has no need of the sword of princes to support 
 or further it. God will himself defend it, -without 
 the aid of man. You are weak in faith : I wish not 
 to have you for my protection. But you ask my 
 advice as to the course you ought to pursue. I will 
 tell you. Remain quiet : you have already done too 
 much. It is not the will of God that this cause should 
 be defended by force. Believe this, and you will be 
 safe : reject it, and you must needs be a prey to doubt 
 and inquietude. For the rest, if I be taken, and put 
 to death, you will be free from blame ; for I have 
 refused to obey you. Resist not the emperor: leave 
 him free to act as he chooses in your dominions ; let 
 him deprive your subjects of their possessions — of 
 their lives. He cannot command so powerful a prince 
 as you to take away my life with your own hands. 
 But, should he even do this, let me only know it ; and, 
 whether you believe me, or believe me not, know this, 
 that for the love of me your life, your soul, your pos- 
 sessions shall be safe." 
 
 Two days after the date of this letter Luther entered 
 Wittemberg. Frederic sent Dr. Schurfius to him ; not 
 however, for the purpose, as might have been expected, 
 of reproaching the free expression of his feelings above 
 recited, but to concert measures for lessening the dan- 
 
LUTHER AND CARLOSTAD. 115 
 
 gers which seemed to he approaching. The messenger 
 of the prince, after mildly blaming his temerity in re- 
 turning to Wittemberg without permission, desired him 
 to address a letter to Frederic which might be made 
 public, and serve as an apology for the step he had 
 taken. Luther readily consented to this, and imme- 
 diately wrote to the elector in terms which seemed cal- 
 culated to produce the effect contemplated. In the 
 first'place, he said, his duty obliged him to continue the 
 work of reformation ; in the next, the necessities of the 
 flock over which he was placed demanded his presence ; 
 and, thirdly, there were signs of approaching tumults 
 and seditions, and he considered himself bound to do 
 whatever was in his power to avert the calamities which 
 might thence arise. The elector, however, required a 
 somewhat clearer mode of expression in the apologetic 
 parts of this letter ; and even corrected it with his own 
 hand. Luther consented to adopt his corrections, and 
 the epistle was pubhshed under its new form.* 
 
 VFhile these transactions were taking place, the people 
 of Wittemberg looked with eagerness for the re-appear- 
 ance of Luther in the pulpit from which he had so often 
 dispensed to them the words of truth and salvation. On 
 the ninth of the month he resumed his labours by 
 preaching the first of a series of sermons against the 
 ill-judged changes and precipitancy of Carlostad. 
 The measure which that reformer had pursued pre- 
 pared the way for attempts being made by men who 
 possessed neither his learning nor his piety ; and they 
 were accordingly productive of consequences which 
 could not be too seriously deplored. Luther bore tes- 
 timony to the evangelical purity of Carlostad's opinions, 
 by plainly stating that it was not his doctrines, but his 
 regulations and ordinances, which he condemned. The 
 grounds of his censure were such as would have been 
 taken by most men of strong good sense and experience. 
 Ke feared that the people were not, in general, suffi- 
 ciently enlightened to see the reasons of abolishing the 
 
 * Seckendorf, sec. 120. (297.) . 
 
Il6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 rites of Romanism ; and he wished to have them led 
 only as they could walk safely, and see the path they 
 were treading. Thus, with the exception of the abolish- 
 ing of private masses, he expressed himself as displeased 
 with all the measures which had been taken. In his se- 
 cond sermon he contended strongly for the absolute 
 freedom of mankind in matters of religion ; and in that 
 which followed, allowed the toleration of images in 
 churches, although his opinion was against them, and 
 contended only for care being taken to prevent their 
 adoration, adding, that even when they were adored, no 
 force ought to be employed ; and that if the people re- 
 garded them as objects of veneration, they should be 
 left till greater light and knowledge convinced the 
 worshippers of their error : in his fourth sermon he 
 still further developed his opinion on this subject, and 
 with the same tolerant spirit. The next discourse was 
 devoted to the consideration of some of the changes 
 which had been introduced in the mode of administering 
 the communion. Carlostad very properly condemned 
 the superstitious practice of the Roman church in for- 
 bidding the communicants to touch the consecrated 
 bread, which was put into their mouths by the priests. 
 It appears, however, that much scandal had followed 
 this change ; and Luther, regarding the subject as com- 
 paratively unimportant, would have preferred the con- 
 tinuance of the ancient custom to an alteration fraught 
 with such danger. In the following discourse he insisted, 
 with great earnestness, on the necessity of a careful pre- 
 paration for approaching the Lord's table, and pointed 
 out the many abuses which had taken place when per- 
 sons were admitted indiscriminately to the communion. 
 The series was concluded by a discourse on the neces- 
 sity and profitableness of confession, and on the right 
 of the people to partake of the sacrament in both kinds ; 
 but in urging the latter point, he was careful to re- 
 mark, that the proposed change ought to be effected by 
 careful expositions of the nature of the sacrament rather 
 than by any act of authority. 
 
LUTHER AND CARLOSTAD. 117 
 
 Of such importance did Luther consider the modi- 
 fication of Carlostad's proceedings, that he followed 
 these discourses with a treatise on the communion in 
 both kinds, and on the other changes introduced by his 
 former associate. According to this pamphlet, he 
 wished it to be understood that the people should be 
 left at liberty, and allowed to receive, as their con- 
 sciences dictated, the sacrament in one or both kinds ; 
 that the mass should be celebrated in German, but in 
 other respects as formerly, those things only being 
 abolished which gave it the appearance of a sacrifice ; 
 that some support should be made for the priests who 
 ■wished to say private masses ; that images should be 
 still allowed ; and, lastly, that ecclesiastics should be 
 permitted to marry.* 
 
 It is not easy to discover the reasons of Luther for 
 these strong appeals to the pubhc on the subject of 
 Carlostad's reforms. He appears to have approved of 
 them in the main, as supported by the Gospel, and as even 
 necessary to the purity of the church. His chief ar- 
 gument against them w^as their somewhat too early- 
 introduction ; but it may be fairly questioned whether 
 the method he employed to repress the supposed danger, 
 was either lawful or judicious. If Carlostad acted 
 conscientiously, he deserved respect and sympathy, not 
 exposure and reproof; and if the arguments which 
 Luther employed against him were valid to their full 
 extent, they would render the introduction of reform, 
 at any period, a matter of doubtful expediency, there 
 being no season in which som.e danger must not be en- 
 countered, no state of society in which weak minds may 
 not be offended at the changes introduced. It has been 
 suspected that Luther Avas influenced by personal pride 
 in these attacks upon his coadjutor ; that he was 
 offended at the show of independence wdiich appeared 
 in his proceedings, and that he feared his own fame, as 
 a reformer, might be diminished by such anticipations in 
 the purifying of the church. But this ought not to be 
 
 * Sleidan. 
 
 I 3 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE REFORaiATION. 
 
 allowed except on the clearest evidence. Pride and 
 selfishness can consort with neither truth nor holiness. 
 Vanity eats up whatever there is of grandeur in a 
 character the moment it enters it ; and Luther, deprived 
 of that venerable air which the nobleness of truth and 
 self-devotion bestows_, assumes the form of a bold 
 hypocrite^ whose exertions were valuable to the world 
 because God made him his instrument^ but who de- 
 serves for himself neither the love nor gratitude of man- 
 kind. 
 
 Such^ however^ is the infirmity of our nature^ that 
 the brightest virtue has its specks ; and Luther may well 
 be allowed the plea which seems to be required Avhenever 
 human holiness is described either in sermons or in 
 history. The haughty expressions which he employed 
 savour too strongly of personal feeling to leave us free 
 from the suspicion that his mind was agitated by pas- 
 sion ; but there is^ at least, equal reason to believe that 
 this passion was neither selfish nor hypocritical, and 
 that the amount of blame due to him should be mea- 
 sured by what is due to intemperate anger, and not by 
 our hatred to a calculating hypocrisy. 
 
 In the midst of these proceedings the time approached 
 for the assembling of the diet at Nuremberg. There 
 were circumstances which justified Luther in looking 
 forward to this event with an anxiety not unmingled 
 with hope. He had now many powerful allies. The 
 elector himself had promised that his affairs should be 
 again brought before the assembled states of the empire ; 
 and he knew that with the increase of his popularity he 
 had acquired new weight in the counsels of his judges. 
 The papal authority, moreover, was now in other hands. 
 Leo X., dying in the flower of his age, had left the 
 church little edified, or profited, by the splendour of 
 his reputation. Literature found in him a generous 
 patron ; but the period was arriving when learning and 
 philosophy were to rise triumphant above the toils of 
 patronage, and to assert their independence among an 
 inquisitive and thoughtful people. Adrian, the new 
 
DIET OF NUREMBERG. 119 
 
 pope, was as opposed to Leo in matters of ecclesiastical 
 policy, as he differed from him in personal character 
 and disposition. Greatly advanced in age, stern in 
 manners, and distinguished for his virtues, he proclaimed, 
 at his elevation to the pontifical chair, the necessity of 
 a speedy reform of the abuses of the church. This 
 declaration was far from amounting to an acknowledg- 
 ment that a review of its doctrines was necessary, or 
 that the alleged corruptions were the result of a de- 
 parture from the simplicity of evangelical truth ; but 
 it might be supposed that such a confession, on the part 
 of the head of the church, would have some influence 
 on the minds of men, in judging of the character of one 
 who had stood forward to oppose those corruptions 
 when producing the most grievous consequences. 
 
 The diet of Nuremberg was regarded with interest 
 by most of the European potentates. Adrian wrote to 
 Frederic on the subject early in October, and ex- 
 pressed himself as highly gratified at finding that he 
 intended to be present at the meeting. He exhorted 
 him, as a prince of the empire, and, therefore, one of 
 the protectors of the apostolic see, to employ the best 
 and justest means that could be devised for the con- 
 servation of the church, and the upholding of its rights. 
 During the sitting of the assembly, he wrote to the 
 members in general, declaring that since his elevation 
 to the apostolic office he had not ceased to exert him- 
 self diligently in the fulfilment of its duties : that his 
 heart was filled with the most earnest desire to perform 
 the part of a good pastor, and to prevent, to the utmost of 
 his power, the wandering of the sheep committed to his 
 charge : that to accomplish his wishes, he had repeatedly 
 exhorted kings and princes to cease from war, and if 
 they could not be persuaded to cultivate peace, at least 
 to content themselves with turning their weapons against 
 the enemies of the faith : that he had himself given a 
 large sum to the knights of Rhodes, to enable them to 
 make head against the Turkish emperor ; and that 
 having by these methods endeavoured to provide against 
 I 4 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 evils from without^ he had now begun to inquire what 
 remedies might be found for those which were within : 
 that he had learnt with much sorrow that Martin Luther, 
 who had at first been treated with paternal tenderness, 
 and who, that faihng, had next been condemned and 
 proscribed by the universities, by pope Leo, and also 
 by the emperor, was not only unimproved, but was 
 daily increasing in violence and hostility to the church : 
 that this circumstance was the more afflicting as he 
 found that many noble personages favoured the heresy; 
 and that the dignity and possesssions of the clergy in 
 Germany were greatly injured by its advance : that 
 St. Paul indeed had said that heresies must needs be * ; 
 but that, as things were now situated, heresy had never 
 appeared at a more unfortunate season : that the devil 
 was heaping up every species of calamity at the same 
 moment, to confound the powers of Christendom : that 
 by his instigation alone, the Turks were raging with 
 unexampled fury, and the Germans, a people so cele- 
 brated for their courage, were infected by the heresy of 
 Luther : that every one knew how mighty was the 
 power of the Turks; but that even were it brought under, 
 the greater evil would remain, should the enemy con- 
 tinue unrepressed who ruled within : that when he 
 lived in Spain t, he had heard much of the false dogmas 
 of Luther, and that, though it was an affliction to him 
 to know that this evil had had its origin in his own 
 native country, there were two considerations which had 
 greatly comforted him, — the one, that it might be hoped 
 that all the world would despise a system so impious 
 and so ill-grounded, — the other, that it seemed little 
 probable that this pernicious plant, carried elsewhere, 
 would ever take root in a country which had ever been 
 famous for producing the antagonists of heretics : that 
 the event having turned out contrary to his hopes, 
 
 * 1 Cor. xi. 19. 
 
 + Adrian wa< a native of Utrecht, and having acquired great reputation 
 in the university of Louvain, was appointed by the [emperor Maximilian 
 tutor to Charles of Austria. He was subsequently sent ambassador into 
 Spain, and attained the bishopric of Tortosa. Charles made him one of his 
 counsellors. — Sleldan, torn. i. 12i. 
 
Adrian's letter. 121 
 
 whether by the just judgment of God^ or through the 
 negligence of those whose duty it was to apply an early 
 remedy to the evil^ there was now reason to fear^ that 
 by acting with too much caution and delay, they had 
 incurred the suspicion of having forfeited the virtues of 
 their ancestors : that it was a circumstance much to be 
 deplored, that a people so celebrated for their bravery 
 and constancy should abandon a religion which Jesus 
 Christ and the apostles had preached to them, and which 
 so many martyrs and illustrious saints, and their own 
 ancestors, had professed, and that also at the instigation 
 of an obscure monk, who had himself followed it for 
 many years ; as if the church had been in error during 
 such a long course of ages ; as if Jesus Christ, who had 
 promised to be always with it, would have allowed it to 
 fall into the most grievous darkness ; and as if Luther 
 was the only one who had sense, or whom God had 
 been pleased to choose to make manifest the error of the 
 whole world : that he was convinced his opinions would 
 appear unworthy of attention to all thoughtful minds ; 
 but that, notwithstanding, they were popular, calculated 
 to flatter vanity, and well fitted to the purposes of those 
 who only desired to increase their own power and 
 Hberty. " For/' added he, '' is it not evident to what 
 all this tends, and in what it will end ? Is it not that, 
 under the veil of Christian liberty, they may destroy 
 all law, and every species of right and justice ? How 
 can it be expected that they, who treat with so much 
 ignominy the laws of popes and councils, and who AviU 
 even cast them into the flames, will respect and obey 
 the civil magistrate ? Who will believe that they who 
 fear not to commit sacrilege, and to pillage, with impure 
 and bloody hands, things consecrated to God, will abstain 
 from invading possessions less holy ? They who can 
 dare to assail the priests of God, and even to massacre 
 them, will, doubtlessly, soon cease to venerate any class 
 among men; and the licence in which they indulge 
 will be extended against princes, their children, their 
 consorts, their possessions, and their dominions." At 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the conclusion of this address^ he exhorts them to forget 
 their private enmities^ and unite with one mind to 
 extinguish the domestic fire which had been ht by- 
 Luther : to resolve on either bringing him to submission, 
 or, if he still resisted, to punish him according to the 
 laws, and the late decree of the emperor and the empire. 
 This was necessary, he said, not only to remove the 
 stain which had been infixed on the character of Ger- 
 many, but to secure the safety of those who had been 
 infected by the contagion of his heresy : for himself, 
 he added, he was far more inclined to mildness than 
 severity, — both his disposition, his principles, and his 
 kind of Hfe led to this, — but that as the evil could not 
 be cured by gentle means, it became them to employ 
 others of an opposite character. Many passages of 
 Scripture, he said, authorised this conclusion; and their 
 ancestors had set them a proper example, at the council 
 of Constance, by their treatment of John Huss and 
 Jerome of Prague : if they would follow this example 
 of faithfulness and zeal, God would not fail, he assured 
 them, to prosper their undertakings, and to deliver them 
 from the vengeance of the Turks. He was willing, he 
 concluded, not only to resign all his possessions, but to 
 sacrifice his life for the sake of his flock ; and had 
 sent Francis Cheregat as his nuncio, with full instruc- 
 tions respecting the steps which he desired should be 
 taken in respect to Luther. 
 
 It is evident from this letter, that, whatever might be 
 the personal character of the sovereign pontiff, he had 
 little inclination to favour, by any direct influence, 
 the cause of reformation. But it was fortunate for 
 Luther that he had now to contend with a man who 
 seemed resolved on bringing things to an issue ; and 
 who did so not from personal considerations, generally 
 vacillating and corrupt, and more dangerous, because 
 more violent and uncertain than others of a better de- 
 scription. Leo would have always acted according to 
 the pressure of his circumstances, or the suggestion of his 
 counsellors : his love of pleasure deprived him of energy 
 
DIET OF NUREMBERG. 123 
 
 at one time; his want of money and his pride filled him^ 
 at another, with the dispositions of a corrupt oppressor. 
 There was no room for hoping that such a ruler would 
 ever be brought to reason ; or that, if he persevered in 
 oppression, any certain method could be employed for 
 anticipating his movements. 
 
 The business of the diet commenced on the 17th of^* J'; 
 March. It was opened by a solemn mass, called the 
 mass of the Holy Spirit. Carlostadt's zeal, it appears, 
 had not affected the higher class of Luther's followers ; 
 the magnificent office of the Roman church being 
 attended by the reformers as well as by the most faith- 
 ful of the Romanists. The affairs of the church were 
 first alluded to on the circumstance being named that 
 Luther had again appeared in the world, and was 
 preaching at Wittemberg. Loud and angry were the 
 complaints of the bishops to the diet when this was 
 mentioned. Frederic was accused of betraying his 
 trust, and violating the most solemn bonds of duty by 
 thus continuing to protect a declared heretic, and 
 one who had been excommunicated by the pope. To 
 this the representatives of Frederic, Philip de Feil- 
 itsch and John de Planitz, opposed the declarations 
 of Luther's own epistle ; and it was expected, by the 
 more sanguine of the reformers, that so powerful an 
 appeal to the common sense of the assembly must, at 
 least, have saved the elector from either reproof or sus- 
 picion. But right reason had been long before sacri- 
 ficed to the cause of pride and intolerance. The 
 principal ecclesiastics present expressed their feelings 
 in loud murmurs of indignation ; and the fiscal of the 
 empire proposed to quiet their uneasiness by commenc- 
 ing proceedings against Frederic, and the cities of Culm 
 and Augsburg, as declared supporters of heresy and 
 schism. Had this motion of the official been sanctioned 
 by the members of the diet, Germany would have 
 risen in its strength to oppose a measure so flagrantly 
 unjust and ruinous to the independence of its states. 
 There was, however, too much political wisdom still 
 
124< HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 existing in the council of the nation to allow of its 
 being entertained ; and the violent declamation of the 
 bishops, aided as they were by the minister of George 
 of Saxony, could force no other reply from the deputies 
 chosen to examine the affair of Luther than this,— 
 When time and place served they would pay due 
 attention to the prince's exhortations and demands. 
 The duke made another effort to rouse the diet against 
 Luther ; and both he and the archduke Ferdinand 
 proceeded in person to Nuremberg ; but the assembly 
 could not be moved, and neither Luther nor the elector 
 were molested by its decisions. 
 
 The great reformer, in the mean time, was busied in 
 opposing the fatal influence of the anabaptist preachers 
 and their followers. Stubner had gained the pre- 
 eminence among the leaders of the sect, and found 
 himself so elated by the influence he enjoyed, that he 
 now seriously meditated an encounter with Luther, 
 and indulged the hope that he might, by his spiritual 
 endowments, subdue both the reason and the pride of 
 his antagonist. 
 
 Luther did not refuse the desired interview ; and 
 Stubner was no sooner admitted to his presence than 
 he began to pour forth a series of the wildest assertions 
 and the most offensive persuasions. Melancthon wit- 
 nessed the interview \vith mingled vexation and sur- 
 prise. It was not a meeting of controversialists, fired 
 by the strong and bitter spirit of an adverse faith and 
 rival scholarship. There was nothing to rouse or ex- 
 hilarate the mind, while the heart owned itself afflicted 
 at the failure of Christian love. The dispute only 
 served to ehcit confessions of the grossest fanaticism 
 that ever assailed the members of a rehgious sect pre- 
 tending to a knowledge of the Gospel. Luther, 
 however, conducted the conversation with as much for- 
 bearance as he could command; and this notwith- 
 standing the insulting taunts with which whatever he 
 said was met, not only by Stubner himself, but by one 
 of the more zealous of his associates, who accompanied 
 
PRUDENCE OF LUTHER. 125 
 
 him on the occasion. At length the former ventured 
 to declare that he would afford Luther a proof of his 
 prophetical calling which could not be gainsaid. '^ I 
 will tell you," said he^ " what is now secretly passing 
 in your mind ; you are even now confessing the holi- 
 ness of my pretensions." " Not so," said Luther ; 
 ^' for I was just exclaiming to myself, ' The Lord re- 
 buke thee, Satan.' " This finished the dispute; and the 
 enraged fanatics retreated, with the resolution of trying 
 their forces on another and more promising field.* 
 
 The sound policy and Christian temper of Luther a. d. 
 were strikingly manifested in his conduct respecting ^^23. 
 the diet of Nuremberg. There were not wanting those 
 who, in the proceedings of the reformer, anxiously 
 sought the seeds of a general convulsion. To them 
 any appearance of concession was full of discourage- 
 ment ; and when they heard the cautious decree of the 
 national council on the subject of religion, they lost no 
 time in declaring their discontent at so loose and inde- 
 finite a decision. Luther, on the contrary, expressed 
 his satisfaction at the termination of the debates; and, 
 perceiving at once the troubles with which a political 
 schism would be attended, he strenuously sought to 
 appease the irritation which had begun to manifest 
 itself in the minds of his countrymen. With this pur- 
 pose in view, he addressed a letter to the princes of the 
 empire respecting the proceedings at Nuremberg, and 
 containing many remarks on the nature and tendency 
 of their decisions. The tone of this address was tem- 
 perate and respectful. " He had read," he says, 
 '' their decree, and had desired the church at Wit- 
 temberg to acknowledge its authority, but Satan had 
 ensnared the minds of the people, and it was reject- 
 ed." It was observed, in the instrument alluded to, 
 that the Gospel should be interpreted according to the 
 explications given and received by the church. On 
 
 * Luther's best and noblest argument was expressed in a letter to 
 Christopher Hoftinan : "Tliey have nothing from Scripture on their side. 
 Their own spirit alone supplies them with icas,ons."—Epist. torn. ii. p. 308. 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 this he remarks, that persons in general supposed it 
 was meant, that Scripture ought only to be interpreted 
 according to the sense given by Thomas Aquinas. Duns 
 Scotus, and others of a similar class ; but that he coji- 
 sidered the meaning of the article to be, that the inter- 
 pretation should answer to that given by the genuine 
 fathers of the church, as Hilary, Cyprian, Augustine, 
 and men of like piety, learning, and wisdom. It was 
 declared, in another part of the decree, that no book 
 should be printed unless previously examined and 
 approved of by persons chosen for that purpose. On 
 this he remarks, that he concluded no reference was here 
 made to the Holy Scriptures, the publication of which 
 could not be interdicted_, and that in respect to other 
 works, he would not condemn the prohibition. To 
 these observations he added a strong appeal respecting 
 the celibacy of the clergy, and the continuance of mo- 
 nastic vows. The abuses to which the law on these 
 subjects had led were intermingled with the worst 
 characteristics of the age ; and Luther clearly saw that 
 till the law, as it now stood, was abrogated, or greatly 
 modified, the pope would possess a power over the 
 reformers which might considerably endanger their 
 future safety. 
 
 Luther had now every reason to expect the most 
 violent conduct on the part of his adversaries. Two 
 Augustines had been lately seized at Brussels, and 
 cruelly martyred for the simple confession of their 
 belief in the main doctrines of the Gospel.* When 
 asked what they beheved, they replied, " The Old and 
 New Testaments, and the Apostles' Creed." Ques- 
 tioned as to their belief in the decrees of councils, the 
 popes, and the fathers, they answered, that "^ it was 
 by the commandments of God only that men could be 
 
 * Sleidan, torn. i. liv. iv. p. 139. Seckendorf, sec. Hi. (368.) The latter 
 ■writer observes on the importance of the concessions made by the diet re- 
 specting the corruptions of the church. Maimbourg and Cochla?us have 
 attempted to trace them to the Lutherans merely ; but it is properly an- 
 swered that the diet was mainly composed of princes professing most loyal 
 attachment to the pope. 
 
NEW FORMULARIES. 127 
 
 pronounced innocent or guilty." This was sufficient. 
 They were forthwith degraded from the priesthood^ 
 and their other ecclesiastical offices ; and having been 
 given over to the civil power^ with the customary 
 prayer that nothing too severe might be inflicted on 
 them, were immediately committed to the flames.* 
 
 The indefatigable spirit of Luther was always ready^ 
 whatever might be the immediate necessity for action. 
 He saw at the present juncture, that the congregations 
 which owned him as their principal guide and in- 
 structor ought not to be left any longer without a 
 stated formulary for the conduct of the service in the 
 church. After due meditation, therefore, on this im- 
 portant subject, he published a treatise containing forms 
 for the mass and communion, and his reasons for not 
 having earlier presented them for adoption. These 
 were, that the people appeared to be still too weak and 
 uninformed on matters of doctrine, to admit of sudden 
 alterations, and that he deemed it better to employ his 
 thoughts v/holly on matters essential to salvation, before 
 attempting a reform in things less weighty and neces- 
 sary. 
 
 Simplicity, as far as it could be safely introduced, 
 consistently with the taste of the age, was Luther's aim. 
 The communion had ceased to retain any traces of the 
 primitive ordinance amid the countless and puerile ad- 
 ditions made by the Roman church. What was worse, 
 it had been converted into a medium of error ; and it 
 was utterly inconsistent with propriety or sincerity for 
 the reformers to continue the practice of rites which 
 retained any vestige of the ancient leaven. Liberty, 
 however, was given to the recipients, wherever liberty 
 could be safely granted. Thus every communicant 
 might, if he chose, mingle water with the wine ; and 
 the use of incense and of tapers was allowed at the dis- 
 cretion of the congregation. On the other hand, the 
 least allusion to the mass as a sacrifice was prohibited 
 with the strongest expressions of evangelical zeal ; and 
 
 * Seckendorf, sec. 158. (398.) 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 it was further said, that if a person refused to partake 
 of the wine as well as the bread, he should not be per- 
 mitted to approach the altar. With regard to the pre- 
 paration of communicants, he wisely ordered that none 
 should be admitted who could not give an account of 
 the hope that was in them, and state the principles of 
 their faith : that private confession should not be de- 
 manded, though in many cases it ought to be consi- 
 dered as highly useful and salutary, and that in other 
 respects, that is, as to prayer and the times of fasting, 
 much should be left to the conscience ani discretion of 
 the communicants themselves.* 
 
 Thus cautiously did he proceed, while the state of 
 the public mind, and the circumstances in which he 
 stood, offered the strongest temptation, which a reformer 
 could have to encounter, to take advantage of the move- 
 ment, and urge forward his interests on the rushing 
 tide of popularity. It would have been greatly to the 
 advantage of his countrymen, and the cause of religion, 
 had he always manifested a similar degree of self-pos- 
 session. We are not of the opinion that the defects of 
 Luther's character were any assistance to the cause he 
 so nobly advocated. He might, it is true, often silence 
 an adversary, or inspire terror by the daring licence of 
 his invectives, but it is not to be supposed that men of 
 moderate principles were less offended in those days 
 than they would be now at such exhibitions of temper ; 
 and it is, we suspect, scarcely a disputable matter, 
 whether the interests of the Reformation would not have 
 been much better aided by the calm and steady strength 
 of Christian wisdom, unmixed with fury of spirit, than 
 by all the energy apparently given by the latter. 
 
 The progress of the reformed opinions, and the posi- 
 tive influence which they now generally exercised, was 
 strikingly manifested at this time by the flight of nine 
 nuns from their monastery. Among them was Ca- 
 
 * " I would," says he in a letter to Spalatin, "that the prince could be 
 persuaded to abstain from his masses. This would at least be a beginning.** 
 — Eptst. torn. ii. p. HI. 
 
STATE OF AFFAIRS. 129 
 
 therine Bore, who, ten years after, became the wife of 
 Luther. The example thus boldly set was speedily 
 followed by sixteen other nuns ; and it soon became 
 evident that the rules and vows of raonasticism could 
 no longer repress the love of freedom, legitimatised as 
 it is not less by reason than by nature. We find, how- 
 ever, from one of the letters of Luther, written about 
 this period, that while the clergy were beginning to 
 assert their right to marry, signs were not wanting to 
 show that they were not all instigated by the same in- 
 genuous and noble spirit. Wolfgang, one of the num- 
 ber who took advantage of the liberty claimed for his 
 order, married, it appears, a person whose age and cha- 
 racter made it generally understood that he had wedded 
 her only to possess himself of a considerable property. 
 Luther speaks with the utmost indignation of this in- 
 stance of baseness ; and evidently felt it as an injury 
 to his cause, and a stronger argument against him than 
 any thing that had been urged by his enemies. 
 
 But whatever might be the slight discouragements 
 occasioned by the opposition of fanatical or hypocriti- 
 cal pretenders to zeal, he had ample cause to rejoice in 
 his present position. Danger there yet was that the 
 supporters of Rome might suddenly rise and determine 
 on his destruction ; nor could he be sure that the 
 measures he was now meditating might not alarm the 
 caution of Frederic, and oblige him to rest, for a time, 
 contented with what had been effected. He had, how- 
 ever, reason to hope for better things. The present 
 situation of affairs allowed him to visit several places 
 where the progress of reform was marked by the in- 
 creasing desire of the people to hear and receive the 
 Gospel. At Wittemberg public opinion was so con- 
 firmed as to oblige the college of canons to change its 
 constitution ; and the elector himself, though still timid 
 in the character of his proceedings, afforded Luther, from 
 day to day, fresh instances of respect and friendship. 
 This was remarkably the case in his conduct with regard 
 to the reformer's dispute with our Henry VIIL 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
ISO HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 That monarch, it is well known, was ambitious of 
 the reputation of a scholar. He had, from his earliest 
 years, been familiar with the writings of the school- 
 men ; and enjoying a certain degree of keenness and 
 subtilty, it was one of his chief pleasures to dispute 
 with the learned theologians of his age on the principal 
 topics of divinity. But the triumphs of the tourna- 
 ment rather irritate than satisfy the skilful combatant; 
 and it is with scholars as with warriors, the prize worth 
 possessing must be sought where there is a real, not an 
 imaginary, enemy. King Henry, moreover, added to 
 his ambition as a scholar, the ardent zeal of a church- 
 man, and a zeal which drew nourishment from every 
 principle of the political system in which he had been 
 educated. Whatever might be the wish of an arbitrary 
 sovereign to resist the invasions of the pope, as to his 
 own privileges, he could never be otherwise than thank- 
 ful for the power wherewith the religion of Rome sub- 
 dued the turbulence of the people, and repressed their 
 inclination for inquiry. This is more especially the 
 case in times when there appears a demonstration of 
 impatience ; when it begins to be doubted whether man- 
 kind have not rights which civilisation and law and 
 good government might cherish without any danger to 
 the state, but which have been sacrificed to the wicked 
 expediency of courts, or the still more unholy perver- 
 sions of Christian truth. In such times, a monarch 
 whose capacity is not sufficient to enable him to look 
 beyond the length of his own sceptre will have ample 
 reason to rejoice in the auxiliary power of a church 
 like that of Rome ; and Henry was jealous to the 
 uttermost of every grain of kingly authority and gran- 
 deur. He needed but other subjects than Englishmen 
 to become a tyrant ; and the rise of freedom was the 
 uprooting of almost every principle by which he car- 
 ried on his government. 
 
 It is easy to conceive, therefore, that the intelligence of 
 Luther's proceedings would hardly afford satisfaction to 
 a sovereign of Henry's disposition. Yet such is the ca- 
 
LUTHER AND HENRY VIII. 131 
 
 priciousness of human pride, that this haughty-spirited 
 ruler appeared for some time inclined rather to favour 
 than oppose the party with whose sentiments he had 
 so little in common. The true nature, however, of the 
 controversy was speedily discovered ; and as early as the 
 year 1521 Henry came forward as the champion of 
 the church. Luther's " Fall of Babylon " taught him 
 that the reformer meditated changes which would nei- 
 ther minister to his ambition nor prove the value of 
 his preconceived opinions. It abounded, moreover, in 
 topics well calculated to rouse all the ardour of a scho- 
 lastic disputant. Never, then, could a more favour- 
 able opportunity have occurred for the exercise of his 
 abilities, or for promoting his own reputation, while he 
 supported the universal cause of kingly and ecclesias- 
 tical authority. His courtiers were not wanting in flat- 
 tery on this occasion ; and the earnest persuasions 
 whispered in his own palace were returned in loud 
 echoes from the chambers of the Vatican. An answer 
 to Luther, consequently, soon appeared from the royal 
 pen ; and while every Catholic court rang with the 
 praises of its author, the pontiff bestowed upon him the 
 title of '' Defender of the Faith," — a distinction of which 
 the greatest of monarchs might be proud, if it implied 
 that they had supported the Gospel by the exercise of 
 their wasdom, their care of the church, or the force of 
 their example. 
 
 Luther paid little respect to the rank or talents of 
 Henry : he answered him with an angry and even con- 
 temptuous spirit; and few men could have avoided 
 feeling as the monarch did, when thus bitterly assailed. 
 In the fulness of his indignation he wrote to George of 
 Saxony, and the elector. Religion, and every thing 
 that deserved the name of holiness, were endangered, he 
 said, by the daring licentiousness of the schismatic; andhe 
 implored them to stop his proceedings, as they valued 
 their own dignity, and the salvation of men's souls.* 
 
 There was every reason to believe that the consequence 
 
 * Sleidan, torn. i. liv. iv. p. 144. Seckendorf, sec. 112. 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 HISTORy OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 of Luther's intemperate reply to the monarch would pro- 
 duce effects of this kind. But it could scarcely have 
 been expected that his fearless disregard of rank in the 
 support of truth would have enlisted against him the 
 powerful talents of Erasmus. That eminent scholar 
 enjoyed a reputation superior, perhaps, to any writer of 
 the age ; but he was indebted for his fame as much to 
 the vigour and boldness of his style as to the profundity 
 of his erudition. Reasoning, therefore, from his past 
 conduct, it might have been supposed that he would 
 join with Luther in the sarcastic chastisement of 
 Henry's imperfect logic. But Erasmus was as open 
 to the suggestions of pride as the monarch himself; 
 and when the latter saw fit to seek his assistance, the 
 scholar weakly yielded to the temptation of having a 
 king for his friend, rather than an excommunicated 
 monk, however eloquent, renowned, and pious. 
 
 A pension, and the praise of all faithful sons of the 
 church, was the reward proffered for a defence of the 
 royal treatise. This offer, after a brief delay, was ac- 
 cepted ; and Erasmus, pretending to be moved by the 
 sincerest sense of duty, soon sent forth his strictures 
 on Luther and his writings. Such is the trust to be 
 placed in genius or learning, when combined with 
 worldliness of spirit ; such is the support they afford 
 to the great interests of mankind. Erasmus, as a 
 friend of his race, was now far below the humblest of 
 those followers of Luther who stood ready to meet 
 the brunt of the contest, and risk not the imaginary 
 possession of fame and honour, in the trial of faith, 
 but their homes, their liberty, and their lives. 
 
 Luther must have felt the attack and disingenuous- 
 ness of his former correspondent as one of the most 
 painful circumstances in his career. No man ever 
 sacrificed to honesty more willingly than he had ; and 
 the uprightness of his mind and intentions rendered 
 him especially alive to its violation in those whom he 
 regarded as his friends. Erasmus, moreover, had been 
 among the first to encourage him in the career of 
 
LUTHER AND ERASMUS. 133 
 
 reform. He had looked to him for sympathy in the 
 most difficult passages of his life, nor had he, till now, 
 seen reason to doubt his sincerity. The defection 
 would have afflicted him from whatever cause it had 
 proceeded ; but occasioned as it was by a motive so little 
 to be defended, it seemed to have happened that he 
 might take it as a warning to place less trust than ever 
 in human helps. 
 
 The [letters of Erasmus written about this time 
 overflow with expressions of hostility to reform. They 
 represent the conduct of its supporters as wholly inde- 
 fensible on any principles of religion, and heap on their 
 heads the most reproachful epithets. At first the timid 
 tone of his sentiments might be excused, from the 
 consideration which he himself suggests in a letter t6 
 pope Leo. He was not, he says, acquainted with Luther_, 
 nor had he ever read more than a few pages of his 
 writings. From these, he confesses, he had been 
 taught to think that it would be well could the ancient 
 method of studying Scripture be revived ; but that he 
 agreed with him in nothing, except in that which bore 
 evident signs of good, the proof of which was, that he 
 had been the first to prognosticate the harm which might 
 follow from his works, and had accordingly prevented 
 their publication by Frobenius at Basil. He adds, that 
 in his letters to Luther he had given him advice cal- 
 culated to modify his proceedings ; that he had never 
 defended his doctrine ; and that, as a reason for not 
 having opposed it, he could state that he had not leisure 
 for perusing his voluminous writings. 
 
 Alluding to his own proper vocation, he writes thus to 
 a person who had asked his advice respecting doctrine : 
 *' What am I that I should prescribe rules about another 
 man's faith, or give decisions contrary to those of the 
 church ? God forbid that I should take upon me to deter- 
 mine any such thing ! My design is to make men more in 
 love with polite learning, and to bring back the study 
 of divinity from nice questions and useless subtilties to 
 its pure and original fountain. I have always abstained 
 K 3 
 
134> HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 from being dogmatical in any thing, especially in op- 
 position to the opinions commonly received in the 
 church ; though I acknowledge that theologians have 
 determined things which, without any prejudice to re- 
 ligion, might have been left undetermined. All that 
 is left for me is to wish that some things were done, 
 for I will not give orders in any thing." To these 
 sentiments of moderation he adds his opinion as to 
 what he conceived might promote the cause of religion, 
 without disturbing public tranquillity. '' Nothing," 
 he observes, " had contributed so much to Luther's 
 success as the violence with which his enemies had 
 pursued him ; but that they who acted in a similar spirit 
 against the pope, pouring upon him their shameless in- 
 vectives, had incurred a much heavier responsibility. 
 The way to restore peace, then, was to employ wise, 
 well instructed, and pious men to instruct those who 
 had fallen into heresy and schism." With regard to 
 Luther he says, '' That he should not be sorry to see 
 his books published in Holland, if people would read 
 them as he himself did; that is to say, by receiving 
 what was good in them, and rejecting what was bad: 
 that all he would say of him was, that the greater part 
 of the tragedy had its origin in the passion of his 
 adversaries, especially in that of the Dominicans and 
 Carmelites : that, for himself, he was neither his 
 patron, his friend, nor his judge : that he neither 
 wrote the same things as Luther, nor wrote in his 
 style; and that he wished he were more modest, and 
 less subject to the transports of violent passion." * 
 
 There is nothing in these letters but what might have 
 appeared with credit from the pen of any man of cau- 
 tious and moderate principles, unwilling to embroil 
 himself in controversy, or too hastily join a party 
 of the wisdom of whose proceedings he was not, in 
 every respect, at the moment, confident. But he had 
 seen more than enough, by this time, to convince so 
 keen a mind as his on which side lay the interests of 
 
 * Epist. xiv. 5. Du Pin, art. Eras. 
 
THE DIATRIBE. 135 
 
 truth and religion ; nor could he have attacked Luther 
 under more suspicious circumstances than those in 
 which he now chose to assail him. The persuasions 
 of the great and powerful are bad sources of inspir- 
 ation, when a question of the highest importance to 
 mankind has to be decided on its own merits. Eras- 
 mus appeared as the champion of Henry and George 
 of Saxony. In that capacity he might prove his loyalty, 
 but not his independence, as a witness to the cause 
 which he supported. 
 
 The work with which he commenced this famous 
 controversy was entitled '' The Diatribe," and con- 
 sisted of a treatise on free-will ; one of the subjects on 
 which Luther and Carlostad had some time before ex- 
 pended the choicest arguments of Scripture and phi- 
 losophy. He did not intend, he said, to write against 
 the person of Luther, but only to oppose his dogmas ; 
 and at the commencement of his argument he states 
 that the rule of Scripture is this, — that a man should 
 strive after perfection, when engaged in the work of 
 salvation, and endeavour to free himself from the power 
 of sin when returning to the ways of life ; the mercy 
 of God being always regarded as that alone by which 
 our resolves or our labours can be rendered efficacious : 
 that we ought to attribute whatever evil we do to our 
 own depravity, and the good that may be in us to 
 divine grace ; and, lastly, that we should attribute the 
 happiness or ill which may befall us to the wise dis- 
 pensations of God, ordering all things for the further-^ 
 ance of our salvation. 
 
 To opinions of this nature the most evangelical 
 Christian could assent with the ready fervour of his 
 own convictions. But no subject in theology has suf- 
 fered more from the spirit of controversy than the 
 question of free-will. It has almost always engaged 
 the attention of parties when least prepared by mo- 
 deration, and the enjoyment of tranquillity, for such a 
 discussion ; and we consequently find the subject not 
 less involved in the darkness of angry spirits than in 
 K 4i 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the obscurity which essentially belongs to metaphysical 
 inquiry. Alluding to the various opinions current on 
 the question^ Erasmus says^ " Some, considering the 
 negligence of men, and how much reason there is to 
 fear that they may despair of working out their own 
 salvation, have, in their anxiety to prevent this danger, 
 ascribed too much to the freedom of the human will. 
 Others, on the other hand, believing that self-confidence 
 is the ruin of piety, and abhorring the presumption of 
 those who boast of the merit of their works, and affirm 
 the possibility of transferring it to others, have, from 
 the desire to resist so dangerous a doctrine, annihilated 
 the liberty of man, and denied him any share in the 
 performance of good works, or ascribed his doing right 
 to the force of an absolute necessity. Christian hu- 
 mility and subjection are regarded by this party as 
 depending on the acknowledgment of man's entire de- 
 pendence on the will of God, and his divine promises ; 
 on the solemn confession of unworthiness, and earnest 
 gratitude for those freely bestowed mercies and graces 
 to which his salvation must be owing. They farther 
 affirm, that we should patiently yield to God's will, 
 whether it be his purpose to save or condemn us : that 
 we should not glory in any way in our good works, but 
 ascribe the worth they possess to the power of heavenly 
 grace, man being nothing more than the organ of the 
 Holy Ghost, who, by his free grace, sanctifies and 
 purifies, as by his wisdom he guides and conducts, 
 him : that we ought to look forward to the attainment 
 of eternal life, not because of our merits, but because 
 God has promised it to all who trust in his mercy : 
 that it is our duty to pray continually for increasing 
 gifts of the Spirit, to offer thanksgivings for the abun- 
 dant mercies of our heavenly Father, to adore his 
 wisdom, and rejoice in, and love, his goodness." * 
 
 On these different views of the subject, Erasmus 
 reasons with great calmness, and with a seeming ear- 
 nestness of desire to modify the extremes of each argu- 
 * Du Pin, art. Eras. 
 
CLEMENT VII. 137 
 
 ment into a scheme that might satisfy human reason, 
 and yet illustrate Scripture. It would be unfair to 
 doubt the sincerity of his professions ; and a mind like 
 his can scarcely adopt opinions which it has not pre- 
 viously examined with some attention. The chief de- 
 fect in his reasonings appears to be that which must 
 always prevail in an argument undertaken from no 
 inward impulse, no feeling of its use and its necessity. 
 In steering a middle course, he by turns gives authority 
 to the most adverse doctrines ; and no subsequent effort 
 at modification is sufficient to lessen the force of each 
 separate assent. The reader is therefore usually left 
 in a state of greater perplexity than that in which he 
 originally found himself, and truth remains as closely 
 veiled as at the first. 
 
 Luther did not return an immediate answer to this 
 treatise of Erasmus. It was of importance that the 
 reply, whenever it appeared, should be worthy both of 
 the subject and of the eminent man to whom it was 
 to be addressed. He therefore resolved to wait till 
 leisure and opportunity should assist him in the design; 
 and preferred enduring the triumph of his enemies at 
 this delay, to sending forth a work which might only 
 imperfectly explain his views of this most important 
 question. 
 
 Pope Adrian died on the 13th of September, 1523. 
 His successor was of the family of the Medici, and 
 ascended the throne by the title of Clement VII.* Had 
 Luther not been so far in advance of papal influence, 
 he might have felt deeply concerned at every variety to 
 be observed in the character of the head of the church. 
 But he had now rather to consider the general turn of 
 public affairs; the personal character of princes; the 
 balance of power between their different states ; and 
 the use which might be made of the changing current 
 of events to draw men to the pursuit and love of truth. 
 The bishop of Rome no longer possessed the sceptre 
 which had been put into his hands by public opinion : 
 
 * Seckendorf, sec. 162, Sleidan, 
 
138 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 it had been transferred to those who could wield^ with 
 strong hearts^ the weapons of a manly intelligence and 
 true spiritual mindedness. Among them lay the power 
 and the influence which Luther had to move ; and the 
 signs of their consent, of their sympathy with his 
 movements^ were of infinitely higher importance to 
 him, at this period, than any helps which might have 
 been afforded him by the tolerance of the Roman 
 court. 
 
139 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 LUTHER PUTS OFF THE MONKISH HABIT. MEDITATES MARRIAGE. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION. WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 
 
 . LUTHER WRITES ON THE SUBJECT. MUNCER. DKATH OF 
 
 FREDERIC. MARRIAGE OF LUTHER. ANSWERS ERASMUS. 
 
 The progress of the Reformation was sure and rapid. 
 First one and then another discovery was made in the 
 inquiry after doctrines and principles. Luther pro- 
 ceeded with a firm step ; and his colleagues, for the 
 most part, were inspired with a similar spirit of reso- 
 lution. The crowds who attended their ministry par- 
 took of the preacher's zeal, and that which had heen 
 announced as truth from the pulpit was straightway 
 adopted by the people as a rule of practice. Thus their 
 opinions became fixed and confirmed by the establish- 
 ment of new rites. The old landmarks whereby su- 
 perstition had steered her course being thrown down, 
 nothing was acknowledged as a guide but the light of 
 heaven itself. Restrictions and privileges, tried by so 
 pure a test, soon presented a different aspect to that 
 under which they had formerly been viewed ; and the 
 customs of life and religious worship once changed, the 
 principles which have led to the change become estab- 
 lished for ages. 
 
 Luther had early discovered that so long as the mo- 
 nastic system remained unaltered, the church of the 
 Reformation would be like a city exposed continually to 
 attacks from a fortress still in the hands of the enemy. 
 His firmness and discretion were signally proved by the 
 measures he employed to suppress this evil ; and at the 
 period at which we are now arrived, he was himself the 
 only Augustine monk who continued to wear the garb, 
 and respect the rules, of the order. Many of his brethren 
 had married, and ail had entered the world to partake 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 in its cares and its duties_, deeming themselves more 
 bound to holiness by the cross of Christ, and their 
 simple faith in the Gospel, than they had been by the 
 vows which wedded them to a life of solitude. Towards 
 the close of the year 1524 he formed the resolution of 
 following the example of those whose freedom was the 
 consequence of his own precepts. With his usual cau- 
 tion, he sought the opinion of the elector on the pro- 
 posed step ; and the prince soon after sent him a roll of 
 cloth, and told him to wear his mantle in what form he 
 pleased. Luther thenceforth rejected the habit of a 
 monk, and with the garb the title.* He was now known 
 only by his academical distinctions ; and having thus 
 emancipated himself from the few remaining trammels 
 of his original state^ soon after turned his thoughts to 
 matrimony. 
 
 Whatever were the opinions of his contemporaries on 
 the subject^ he appears to have acted with consistency 
 in this matter. He had argued for many years, and in 
 the strongest language, against the unlawfulness of vows 
 which did violence either to the law of nature, or the 
 law of God. If his arguments were valid in any case_, 
 they must be so in his own. The cause of Christian 
 liberty once established on the broad basis of universal 
 truth, the sober dictates of reason, fairly weighing the 
 particular circumstances of his condition, were now to 
 form the rule of his conduct. Religion had been con- 
 sulted, and given its decision ; but a tender conscience 
 has often to linger long before it gains familiarity with 
 the conclusions to which an inquiry has been brought. 
 Truth as often surprises as the novelties of fancy ; and 
 Luther seems to have been frequently placed in the 
 situation of one who, startled for the moment at his 
 own discoveries, must wait till he recover sufficient 
 coolness to act. 
 
 "\Miile the reformer was meditating on subjects in 
 which he had a greater personal concern than in most 
 of his other measures, the political partisans of Rome 
 
 » Seckendorf, lib. i. sec. 1S2. p. 314. ed. If 92. Briefe, t. ii. 581. 
 
ROMAN POLICY. 141 
 
 were busied in exciting the different members of the 
 empire to a bold and active union of their forces. 
 Campegio had employed his utmost skill and energy at 
 Nuremberg to throw contempt on the Lutherans. He 
 insisted on the necessity of carrying into effect the pro- 
 visions of the edict of Worms; and when the princes_, in 
 reply, demanded the redress of injuries and the correc- 
 tion of abuses under which the church of their country 
 groaned, he answered them with arguments founded on 
 the supposition that the stability and dignity of Rome 
 were essential to the preservation of whatever is valuable 
 to man. The destruction of Luther, and the humbling 
 of the Turks, now threatening the West with formidable 
 invasions, were represented as equally important. But 
 neither the representation of actual danger, nor the in- 
 genious sophistry of the legate, had availed him on this 
 occasion, and another meeting of the diet was appointed 
 to take place in November, at Spire. 
 
 Notwithstanding the resistance which had been made 
 to the domination of the pope in the diet at Nuremberg, 
 the edict sent forth was productive of continued discon- 
 tent among the partisans of the Reformation. Luther 
 now desired to see something more decided. The bare 
 allusion to the edict of Worms had filled him with indig- 
 nation ; and he poured forth his vehement abuse of 
 Rome, as if the temporising policy of the princes had 
 given a sanction to its corruptions. Campegio, in the 
 meanwhile, formed his plans with sufficient ability to 
 divide the principal states of the empire, and arrange 
 them against each other in an attitude of confirmed 
 hostility. The elector of Saxony foresaw the evils 
 threatened by the impending storm, and lamented that 
 his rapidly decaying strength unfitted him for taking 
 that part in the conflict which the state of things de- 
 manded. His only consolation was derived from the 
 noble firmness which had, from the first, formed the 
 principal characteristic of the reformers. He saw them, 
 moreover, daily increasing in numbers ; and there were 
 now added to their ranks several princes, distinguished 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 alike for their virtue and influence. Among these were 
 the landgrave of Hesse, and Albert of Brandenbourg, 
 both of them men of great energy. About this time, 
 also, George of Polenz, bishop of Samland, declared 
 his conversion to the opinions of Luther. All Den- 
 mark acknowledged him. The cities of Magdebourg 
 and Nuremberg embraced the cause of reform by a de- 
 cree of their respective senates ; and their example was, 
 perhaps, of greater advantage than that of the most 
 powerful princes. The flame thus lit, rapidly extended 
 itself ; and before the close of the year 1 524, Luther 
 had firm allies in Livonia, in Mecklenburg, in the duchy 
 of Holstein, in Pomerania, in Westphalia, at Leipzig, 
 in Brunswick, and at Strasbourg. 
 
 A. D. The year 1525 was fruitful in important events. 
 
 1525. Europe beheld, at its commencement, the greatest of her 
 potentates preparing to decide a quarrel, the issue of 
 which was important to the world at large. The cap- 
 tivity of Francis I. gave rise to a new confederacy ; and 
 statesmen had still to calculate the chances of war, rather 
 than the effects which might be produced by sound po- 
 licy, and the arts of peace. 
 
 But while the princes of Europe laid waste the fair- 
 est provinces of the south by their prolonged conten- 
 tions, the peasants of the north were prosecuting their 
 rebellion with a spirit which defied both the arms and the 
 policy of their rulers. This servile war was now raging 
 from the remotest corners of Belgium to the farthest 
 boundaries of Germany. Kings, princes, and mitred 
 abbots trembled at the tremendous force with which the 
 infuriated multitudes came forth. At first, the unfor- 
 tunate peasants only proclaimed the sufferings of them- 
 selves and their families as the cause of their rising. 
 Their forefathers had left them an heritage of servitude, 
 and the weight of the yoke had increased with each suc- 
 cessive generation. The fruit of their toil was wasted 
 to support the luxury of ungrateful nobles ; and that 
 the spoliation might be carried on with the greater se- 
 curity, they were kept in a condition in which it was 
 
WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 143 
 
 next to impossible that the proper faculties of the human 
 soul should be exercised or developed. 
 
 History is sufficiently explicit on subjects like this to 
 convince us, that it needed not any fresh stimulant to 
 rouse such an oppressed race to resistance. The war of 
 the peasants would have occurred had neither Luther nor 
 Muncer ever seen the light. But a religious enthusiast, 
 like the latter, was not likely to neglect the advantage 
 which such an event presented. He needed an army of 
 supporters, — an array of strength which might inspire 
 those who had hitherto despised him with fear and ap- 
 prehension. Seizing, therefore, the moment, at which 
 their rage was at its height, he presented himself to 
 them as an apostle and a prophet. They were little 
 prepared to judge of the truth of his pretensions ; but 
 he came to them as a friend : he spoke of things which 
 gave an additional impulse to the desire of liberty ; and 
 removing whatever doubts might remain as to the law- 
 fulness of their proceedings, taught them to believe that 
 they were asserting not simply a natural, but a divine 
 right, to the possession of the earth. 
 
 Luther contemplated the progress of the rebellion 
 with deep dismay. He was too good a citizen to regard 
 with complacency any proceeding which tended to the 
 violation of the laws. But he was too enlightened and 
 honest, on the other hand, to look patiently at the op- 
 pression of millions of his countrymen, or to allow the 
 system by which their rights were trampled under foot, 
 to remain unexposed to the light of reason. When called 
 upon, therefore, by the revolted peasants to support their 
 cause, he plainly declared to them that their conduct was 
 unlawful, and a direct violation of the commands of 
 Christ.* But to the princes and nobles he said, '^ You 
 are the authors of these troubles. You call yourselves 
 princes of the church, but you cease not to persecute the 
 Gospel. And you, ye magistrates, your only object is to 
 amass riches and nourish your pride and luxury. It is 
 
 * Sleidan, t. i. liv. v. p. 201. Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. 4. p. 11. 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 thus that the people have been reduced to despair ; but 
 continue not to flatter yourselves with hopes of impunity. 
 You are threatened with the near approach of danger. 
 The sword is suspended over your heads. You imagine 
 they cannot bring you down ; but your security will 
 prove your ruin. It is God who pours contempt on un- 
 holy princes. Many times have I warned you to save 
 yourselves from the wrath of heaven. But you hasten 
 to destruction, and no exhortation can reach your hearts. 
 The judgments of God are foreseen in the power which 
 he gives to false teachers against the preachers of truth. 
 His anger bestows arms that the world may perish 
 thereby. He blinds his creatures in order to punish 
 them. Germany will fall under the evils which begin to 
 afflict her if the Almighty, appeased by our prayers, 
 abate them not. Your oppression has reached a point 
 beyond which men neither will, nor can, support it. 
 There must be a change. The Gospel must be re- 
 ceived. If the peasants were to yield, they would be 
 followed by others who would not yield. This hydra 
 will put forth new heads, however many you may cut 
 off. God is the author of the war. It is the instrument 
 whereby he punishes your impiety. There are those 
 among you who declare that they will destroy their 
 states and their dignities, that they may ruin Luther. 
 A part of their threat is on the point of being accom- 
 plished. Their destruction is at hand. . . . What, if 
 God, irritated at your conduct, permit Satan to rouse 
 against you the fury of the people, is it 1 ? Is it the 
 Eternal that should be accused as the author of the evil ? 
 I have not only supported your cruelty, but I have 
 prayed to God for you. I have honoured your au- 
 thority ; have taught the people to respect it ; have de- 
 fended it with all my influence. If I desired to resent 
 the injuries with which you have oppressed me ; if I 
 desired vengeance, I should now laugh in secret — I should 
 contemplate with pleasure the tragedy that is performed 
 — I should join myself to the enraged multitudes — I 
 should cast oil on the flames. Let me conjure you, then, 
 
WAR OF THE PEASANTS. 145 
 
 O princes, not to despise my exhortations, nor to con- 
 sider lightly the present sedition. It is not that I fear 
 the oppression of the peasants. Would you had not 
 reason to fear them ! but fear God ; for if it be his 
 will to punish you, there is no escape, however feeble be 
 your enemies. In the name of God, then, humble your- 
 selves before him, and thus avert the tempest which 
 overhangs you. Events are known. The will of God is 
 secret. Use your power to subdue the danger, to avoid 
 the chastisement which threatens Germany with ruin. 
 Gentleness and mercy can never be hurtful, and should 
 they cost you much, you will still be gainers. But if 
 you persist in employing violence, and proceed to ex- 
 tremities, you will endanger for ever your safety and 
 your dignities."* 
 
 It was thus that, with equal dignity and fervour, this 
 great man addressed the rulers of his country, when he 
 beheld their injustice, and im.prudent as well as cruel 
 policy. He violates not the respect due to princes, but 
 he speaks as a minister of Christian truth and charity ; 
 and his conduct in this affair presents a striking con- 
 trast to that which has been pursued in every age of 
 the world, by ambitious and self-seeking demagogues. 
 It was not the applause, but the good and the conversion 
 of his countrymen, which he sought. In labouring to 
 this end, he feared neither the people nor princes. 
 The plain principles of the Gospel were his guide, as 
 they may be that of any honest man, whom duty com- 
 pels to take a share in politics ; and by this Hght he 
 pursued his course, a noble example to all who would 
 use to the utmost their privilege as ministers of truth 
 and holiness. 
 
 The demands of the peasants were divided into twelve 
 heads. They insisted, in the first place, on the right 
 of choosing their own religious teachers, and such as 
 should preach to them the pure word, unpolluted by 
 human traditions. This was a manifest declaration in 
 favour of Lutheranism ; and they thereby made com- 
 
 * Beausobre, t. ii. p. 167. 
 VOL. I. L 
 
146 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 mon cause with the great body of their countrymen 
 engaged in opposing the corruptions of Rome. But the 
 cry for evangelical teachers was soon drowned in the 
 tumultuous and phrensied onset which they made under 
 Muncer and his associates ; a melancholy proof of the 
 facility with which the early demonstrations of popular 
 zeal may be employed, by evil-minded men, to the ruin 
 of the highest and best of objects. 
 
 Under the second head of grievances is placed the 
 payment of tithes. For this, it is said, there is no au- 
 thority but the abrogated law of the Old Testament. 
 Instead, however, of insisting on the abolition of the 
 system, they merely demanded that the revenue so col- 
 lected should be properly distributed among their pastors, 
 and that a portion should be set apart for the relief of 
 the poor.* 
 
 In the succeeding articles, they contend ^or the rank 
 of freemen ; for the restoration of rights belonging to 
 the cultivators of the soil ; for exemption from oppres- 
 sive taxes; for liberty to hunt and fish in the open plains, 
 forests, and rivers of their country ; and for the abo- 
 lition of laws which were partial and unjust. In con- 
 cluding these demands, they declared that they were 
 willing to withdraw them, should it be shown by Scrip- 
 ture that they were in any wise unlawful ; and that, 
 should they be granted, but afterwards appear contrary 
 to right, they would do the same ; adding, however, that 
 they contended for an equal right to continue their de- 
 mands, should it be hereafter seen that they still laboured 
 under injustice, or were deprived of privileges which 
 belonged to them as men and Christians. 
 
 It was not Luther alone, who contended that the 
 unfortunate peasants deserved attention and redress. 
 His ardent temperament, his deep concern in every 
 movement produced by the operation of opinion, would 
 naturally lead him to turn his attention to the subject. 
 But the gentle, the contemplative Melancthon, was 
 equally roused on this occasion. With none of the 
 • Beausobre. Sleidan. 
 
WAR OP THE PEASANTS. 147 
 
 qualities which make men politicians, he viewed with 
 the eye of a philosopher, with the heart of a philan- 
 thropist, and the soul of a Christian, — a title which, in 
 its best sense, unites all the rest, — the afflictions of his 
 oppressed countrymen. He knew the hinderance which 
 their sufferings must prove to the spread of knowledge 
 and genuine Christian truth ; and his addresses, on the 
 occasion of their revolt, display his character in one of 
 the finest points of view in which it can be contem- 
 plated. 
 
 But the tempest was not to be appeased till it had 
 expended its fury, and that with all the desolating effects 
 which Luther and Melancthon had anticipated. The 
 insurgents were every day joined by new forces : cities, 
 and the strongest fortified castles, opened their gates as 
 they approached ; and, throughout the Rhinegau and 
 Bavaria, their insurrection was as successful as it was 
 general. Muncer acted with no less caution than fa- 
 naticism. Having made himself the chief of the in- 
 surgents, he waited till their cause appeared crowned 
 with success, before he took those measures to which his 
 ambition and cupidity prompted him. The elector of 
 Saxony had expelled him his dominions, on the charge 
 of treason. His first retreat was at Nuremberg, whence 
 he passed into Thuringia. In the city of Alstead, in 
 that province, he found the people prepared for his 
 purpose. They listened to his pretended revelations with 
 eager attention : he was allowed to exercise the prin- 
 cipal civil authority in the place ; and, at the end of a 
 few months, the inhabitants were so well confirmed in 
 their belief of his apostolic authority, that they began 
 the new mode of living which he taught them was proper 
 to the condition of the saints. All possessions were 
 regarded as common ; and when the wealthy resisted 
 the spoiling of their goods, they were immediately de- 
 prived of them by force. 
 
 Affairs were in this state, when news arrived that the 
 peasants of Swabia and Franconia had risen, and were 
 ah-eady in possession of the strongest fortresses of the 
 L 2 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 country. Muncer, however^ would have still feared to 
 take the field, but for the persuasions of a priest named 
 P.feifer, who, having abandoned his calling, now re- 
 velled in all the pride and glory of licentious freedom. 
 This impostor exercised towards Muncer the same de- 
 gree of fraud as Muncer himself employed among the 
 people. He persuaded his victim that Heaven had fa- 
 voured him with special visions ; and that, in his nightly 
 dreams, he had seen displayed the honour which 
 awaited them in the discomfiture of the old nobility, 
 and the triumph of the new doctrines. Thus urged on, 
 Muncer exerted himself anew to increase his forces, 
 and appealed to the hardy race of men who wrought in 
 the mines belonging to the count of Mansfeld. He 
 employed for this purpose the influence of four of the 
 workmen, whom he addressed in the warmest language 
 of friendship. " Why," said he in his letters, " why 
 v/ill you still sit with folded arms, resisting the call of 
 God ? Does it become believers to act as if they thought 
 the Lord had abandoned them ? Ah ! how many times 
 have 1 told you your duty ! If you refuse the crown 
 of martyrdom which God offers you, you will have to 
 bear the crown which the devil will force upon your 
 heads. Destruction awaits you, if you despise the com- 
 mands with which Heaven has directed me to address 
 you. Already have France, Italy, and Germany risen 
 in arms. The master leads on the dance ; the repro- 
 bates must foUow." * 
 
 * Luther saw reason to express himself in much severer terms than be- 
 fore, as these events continued to take place; but he certainly adopte-i a 
 style, with regard to the unfortunate peasants, which makes us' tremble at 
 the thought of how he would have acted, had he not been softened by his 
 profession. " Ego sic sentio," says he, " Bielius esse omnes rusticos casdi, 
 quam principeset magistratus, eoquod rustici sine auctoritate Dei gladium 
 accipiunt. Quam nequitiam Satanfe sequi non potest nisi mera Satanica 
 vastitas regni Dei, et mundi principes etsi excedunt, tamen gladium auc- 
 toritate Dei gerunt. Ibi utrumque regnum consistere potest, qiiare nulla 
 misericordia, nulla patientia rusticis debetur, sed ira et indignatio Dei et 
 
 hominum iis, qui non acquiescunt monitis Hos ergo justificare, 
 
 liorum misereri, illis favere, est Deum negare, blasphemare, et de coelo 
 velledejicere." — Briefe, t. ii. p. 671. de Wettc. 
 
 He also wrote in a similar manner to Albert, exhorting him to have no 
 mercy on the insurgents, and published another formal address on the sub- 
 ject, urging the princes and magistrates to pursue the work of destruction 
 without pity. 
 
WAR OF THE .PEASANTS. 149 
 
 While Muncer was preparing for the conflict, his 
 associate Pfeifer had already taken the field, and was 
 now at the head of a band which rapidly overspread 
 the district of Ilfeld, spoiling the churches and castles_, 
 and treating the persons of the nobility with the basest 
 indignity and cruelty. The intelligence of Pfeifer's 
 success inspired Muncer with courage ; and he has- 
 tened, at the head of 3000 men, to Franckhuysen, where 
 the insurgents were mustered in most formidable num- 
 bers. Scarcely, however, had he joined this party, 
 when their united forces were surrounded by the count 
 of Mansfeld and other princes, who had assembled their 
 troops at his call. The position occupied by the rebels 
 was the brow of a mountain, in the immediate neigh- 
 bourhood of Franckhuysen : this eminence, itself difficult 
 of ascent, they had fortified with a strong rampart of 
 carriages locked closely together, and by such other me- 
 thods as could be employed by persons ignorant of the 
 art of war.* 
 
 But Muncer at once perceived the danger to which 
 he stood exposed : nor were his fears diminished^ when 
 messages arrived from the princes, which purported, 
 that a pardon would be granted to the rest, if they 
 would lay down their arms and give up the chiefs for 
 punishment. Finding that his safety now entirely 
 depended on the fidelity of the discomfited masses by 
 whom he was surrounded, he resolved to try the force 
 of that ready eloquence in the hour of peril, which had 
 availed him so well when he had no enemy to oppose 
 but the common sense of his hearers. '' See," ex- 
 claimed he, " see, my brethren and companions in arms, 
 there are the tyrants who hunger for your lives, but 
 who so tremble at your presence that they dare not 
 approach us. They offer you conditions which prove 
 how great is their folly and madness, and only that 
 they may deprive you of your arms. It is not by my 
 own accord that I have roused you to the conflict; war is 
 not my profession : God has called you to it, and it is 
 
 * Sleidan. Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. 4. 
 L 3 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 your duty to yield. In ancient times he commanded 
 Abraham to slay his son; and the patriarch obeyed, not 
 knowing what would follow thereon. His son was pre- 
 served, and his faith rewarded ; and we now, finding 
 ourselves in a similar case, must exercise similar con- 
 fidence, and place our cause in the hands of God. Fear 
 not the event. We shall prosper : our enemies will fall 
 before us. The Lord has promised, by his Scriptures, 
 that he will succour the afflicted, and subdue the im- 
 pious. To us do these promises belong ; for we are 
 feeble and distressed : and seeing that we labour to 
 spread abroad the knowledge of God, we must not doubt 
 of success and victory. Consider, on the other hand, 
 the situation of our enemies. They call themselves 
 princes, but they are in reality tyrants ; for they regard 
 you not : they despoil you of your goods, and they waste 
 what they have thus wrung from your hands in riotous 
 living. — Take courage, then ; and, for the sake of the 
 Lord, slay yon useless troop. I assure you of victory, 
 for I have received the promise thereof from the mouth 
 of God himself, who can neither err, nor deceive ; and 
 who has directed me to commence this enterprise by 
 the punishment of magistrates. Listen not to that which 
 terrifies you with the shadow of danger, but attack with 
 resolution this impious and abandoned enemy. Fear 
 not those warlike machines : I am ready to receive 
 in my mantle all the bullets they can fire against you. 
 See you not the sign of God's eternal mercy .'' Lift up 
 your eyes on high, and behold the rainbow which shines 
 above you. It is the sign we bear on our standards; and 
 the Lord shows us, by the same sign in the heavens, 
 that he will be with us in the battle, and lead us on to 
 the destruction of our foes." 
 
 A rainbow was in reality spanning the heavens as 
 Muncer poured forth this torrent of declamation. 
 The seeming prodigy revived the fainting courage of 
 the weak, and excited the bold to deeds of desperation. 
 A young nobleman, who had been sent with offers of 
 pardon, on condition of their surrender, was barbarously 
 
DEFEAT OF THE PEASANTS. 151 
 
 put to death by order of the chief; and all hopes 
 of conciliation being thus cast away, the insurgents 
 awaited with mingled fury and despair the onset of the 
 enemy. 
 
 The troops of the allied princes were led on by 
 Philip, landgrave of Hesse, who, previous to commenc- 
 ing the charge, endeavoured to convince his people of 
 the guilt of those whom they were about to attack. "^ I 
 will not pretend/' he said, "^ to assert that we princes 
 are free from blame : but, though we may have been 
 guilty of partial injustice, this will not excuse those 
 who fall into the sin of rebellion, and violate the 
 laws and their own oaths."* Having said this, he gave 
 orders for the artillery to commence the cannonade. 
 In an instant the camp presented a scene of indescribable 
 confusion. Numbers of dead and wounded strewed the 
 ground, and terror seemed to have deprived the sur- 
 vivors of what little power they possessed to provide for 
 their own preservation. Suddenly they raised their 
 voices in a hymn to the Holy Ghost, and, as the solemn 
 chant pealed along the mountain, a momentary gleam of 
 hope reanimated their hearts. They still trusted that 
 miraculous succour would be sent to their aid, and 
 that their leader's words would receive a more signal 
 fulfilment, by its arriving when they could no longer 
 trust to human deliverance. 
 
 But they were again doomed to the mortification 
 of finding themselves the victims of an impious delu- 
 sion. The hymn had scarcely died away on their lips, 
 when the enemy was discovered rushing up the sides of 
 the mountain. In vain had the defences been prepared : 
 in vain had Muncer inspired the best of his associates 
 with an enthusiasm bordering on madness. No sooner 
 were the swords and bayonets of the soldiers seen glit- 
 tering on the heights, than a precipitate descent was 
 commenced ; and while one division of the multitude 
 took their hasty flight towards Franckhuysen, the other 
 fled into the valley which bordered the mountain on the 
 
 • Sleidan. Beausobre. 
 L 4 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 opposite side. In both these directions they were pur- 
 sued by the loyal followers of the allied princes ; and 
 the division which had reached the valley being over- 
 taken by a band of armed gentlemen and their followers, 
 a fierce conflict ensued^ in which the death of a small 
 number of the latter was revenged by the slaughter of 
 near 5000 of the unfortunate peasants. Muncer him- 
 self had escaped to the town, and concealed himself in 
 a house near the gates. Thither also came one of the 
 noblemen who had been engaged in the battle ; dnd 
 desiring lodgings in the house,, his servant was sent 
 into the upper rooms to examine their condition. In 
 one of these apartments lay, stretched on a bed, the 
 miserable Muncer. Startled at his appearance, the ser- 
 vant inquired his name, and asked whether he was one 
 of the fugitive insurgents. ^' No," replied the terrified 
 enthusiast, " I have long suffered under a violent fever." 
 It happened, however, that his purse caught the eye of 
 the intruder; who, opening it with the intention of pil- 
 fering some of the coin, discovered one of the letters 
 sent to Muncer by the count of Mansfeld. A short 
 struggle followed this discovery ; but Muncer, seeing 
 that concealment was now impossible, confessed that he 
 was the author of the late commotion. 
 
 At his examination before the landgrave of Hesse 
 and prince George of Saxony, he declared that he had 
 acted solely from convictions of duty, and that Chris- 
 tians were bound to resist magistrates who proved 
 themselves enemies of the Gospel. When the landgrave 
 observed, in answer to this, that such a principle was 
 no where to be found in the Gospel, but that, on the 
 contrary, Christians were solemnly exhorted to obedience 
 and resignation, Muncer remained silent.* 
 
 But it was not thus the princes continued to carry 
 on their examination. The wretched man was stretched 
 on the wheel ; and when the agony of his frame con- 
 strained him to utter the most piercing lamentations, 
 George of Saxony exclaimed, " Ah ! Muncer, you suffer 
 
 * Sleidan, torn. i. liv. v. p. 192. 
 
DEATH OP FREDERIC. 153 
 
 now ; but think of the thousands who have miserably 
 perished through your means." The sufferer rephed_, 
 with a loud and triumphant laugh, '• It was their wish 
 to do so." Shortly after this, he was conveyed to the 
 town of Helderinghen, in the territory of the count of 
 Mansfeld, and was again put to the question. Pain 
 and extreme exhaustion at length obliged him to unfold 
 the whole of his proceedings, and give the names of his 
 accomplices. Several of the latter, among whom was 
 Pfeifer, were immediately seized, and executed at Mul- 
 hausen. Muncer was allowed to live a few days longer. 
 His courage and enthusiasm were gone ; but sunk as 
 , he was, he expressed feelings which may reasonably 
 create a doubt in his favour, and induce us to hope, for 
 the honour of human nature, that fanaticism.is not often 
 the result of mere selfishness, or the parent of direct 
 imposture. Though too weak and troubled in spirit to 
 be able to repeat the ordinary confession of faith with- 
 out assistance, he summoned all his little remaining 
 strength to exhort the nobles and princes, who were 
 present at his execution, to act more justly towards 
 their people. " Read in your Bibles," he said, " the 
 history of the kings of Judah and Israel, and treat 
 your subjects with kindness and clemency ; you will then 
 have nothing to fear." Having said this, he patiently 
 yielded himself to the executioner, and was immediately 
 beheaded. 
 
 In the midst of these events, Germany was deprived, 
 by death, of the wise and benevolent Frederic* This 
 early supporter of Luther and the reformation deserves 
 to be remembered with profound respect. He pos- 
 sessed neither brilliant talents, nor the more shining 
 qualities of a statesman and sovereign. But good sense, 
 experience, prudence, and foresight appeared in the 
 whole system of his pohcy. He always acted, as it is 
 
 * The first announcement which we have of this, event, in the letters of 
 Luther, is in a short note addressed to Spalatin, May 7., that is, ten days 
 ifter the prince's death : — " Habes hie nostram sententiam de ceremoniis 
 Principis supeliendi, mi Spalatine. O mors amara, non tarn morientibus, 
 juam lis quos relinquunt mortui \\\o%\" — BriefCy t. ii. p. 659. edit, de 
 Wette. 
 
154< HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 best for a prince to act^ not with an ambitious aim to 
 display his own virtues and piety, but in a way which 
 he thought most Hkely to secure the general and per- 
 manent interests of religion. It was not his disposition 
 to make great and sudden sacrifices, but to follow with 
 steady, resolute, yet almost silent step, the signals of 
 divine providence. In his personal conduct, the be- 
 nignity of his disposition diffused a grace over all his 
 actions, and the paternal attributes of sovereignty min- 
 gled in his character with the mildest virtues of friend- 
 ship and domestic piety. His brother John Frederic 
 succeeded to the electoral dignity; a prince whose genuine 
 and exalted holiness points him out as an instrument in 
 the hands of God, for carrying on the great work so 
 auspiciously begun.* 
 
 Germany, at this time, presented a singular spectacle. 
 Revolution had been attempted : the revolution which 
 overthrows governments, breaks asunder the supports of 
 law, and treats property and life as the fit materials of 
 a sacrifice to the genius of universal good. The misery 
 which had led to this attempt was not exaggerated in the 
 complaints of the sufferers; nor was it inflicted on them, 
 by the cruel selfishness of their oppressors, without a 
 direct violation of the law of God : but had their enter- 
 prise succeeded, evils of greater magnitude would have 
 occupied the place of the old misfortunes of the people. 
 They would have found themselves in the situation of 
 conquerors, who, on taking possession of a vanquished 
 territory, behold it stripped of its verdure and its har- 
 vests, and rendered unfruitful for many years to come; 
 or like a ship's crew, who, having left their own dis- 
 mantled vessel to seize on one conquered from the ene- 
 my, discover, too late, that the fire of their own guns 
 has rendered it unfit for sea. 
 
 * In his letter to John Frederic, dated May 15., Luther writes in a style 
 which indicates liis early confidence in the piety of that prince. — " In the 
 world ye shall have tribulation, but in me ye shall have peace. It is in this 
 school," says he, '« wherein God teaches us to trust in him that our 
 faith may not dwell on the tongue, or in the ear only, but that it may be 
 grounded in the bottom of our hearts." 
 
PROGRESS OP THE REFORMATION. 155 
 
 But while revolution, in its ancient and most recog- 
 nised character, was thus raging through the land, and 
 effecting no other purpose but that of destruction, revo- 
 lution of another species, and hitherto unknown to 
 nations — the revolution of opinion and principles — had 
 far advanced in its career, and begun to exhibit the 
 glorious effects of its triumphant march. At no period 
 of the world has a nobler proof been given of the relative 
 value of the means whereby mankind endeavour to im- 
 prove their condition. A sense of injustice, and the 
 positive distresses attending oppression, naturally induce 
 a desire of resistance ; and such is the miserable lot of 
 those who suffer under such circumstances, that the 
 moment in which their burthens are most intolerable, 
 and when reason yields to indignant passion, is that in 
 which they are obliged to form their hasty plans, and 
 place on the cast of a die their homes, their liberty, and 
 their lives. Rarely, therefore, has force succeeded : but 
 let opinion begin its progress ; let knowledge acquire the 
 ascendancy, and the people become sensible of their rights, 
 not merely by suffering, but by the reasonableness of 
 their claims. The improvement of their condition is then 
 secured as certainly as if a decree had gone forth from 
 all the governments of the earth. Still more certainly is 
 this the case, if the developement of national mind takes 
 the form of religion, and the rights and freedom sought 
 for are regarded as pertaining to man in his relation to 
 a future world. The higher claims embrace the lower ; 
 and a people who feel intensely the dignity of their 
 calling, and consider it their duty to struggle for the 
 grand privileges of believers, can scarcely remain long 
 subject to ignominy or oppression ; the very power with 
 which they think, and speak, and move, being destructive 
 of the barbarous fictions which anciently confirmed their 
 bondage. 
 
 To the districts already known as favouring the doc- 
 trines of Luther, was now added the whole territory of 
 Prussia, which, following the example and directions of 
 its prince, Albert of Brandenburfj, became scarcely less 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 awake to the interests of the reformation than the country 
 in which it had commenced. Prussia had been engaged 
 in a long struggle for independence with Poland. Its 
 early conquerors, the Teutonic knights, having rendered 
 themselves obnoxious to the people, they were obliged 
 to surrender a share of their dignity to the sovereign 
 of that country. At length a master of the order was 
 elected, who found himself in a situation sufficiently 
 powerful to resist the claims of Poland. This was 
 Frederic, duke of Saxony ; and from the period of his 
 election in 1500, to that of the reformation, the struggle 
 had been carried on with various success.* But Albert 
 had too much wisdom to continue a contest, the termin- 
 ation of which seemed hopeless. He therefore entered 
 into a treaty with Poland, whereby he secured to himself 
 that portion of the country which he was properly able 
 to defend, and the rights of a sovereign prince, with the 
 title of duke of Prussia. His installation took place in 
 1525 ; and while he himself resigned his ecclesiastical 
 character as the chief of a religious order, the bishops of 
 his dominions made a similar resignation of the power 
 and possessions which belonged to them as temporal 
 potentates. These changes were not effected without 
 awakening new alarm in the court of Rome, and its en- 
 mity had to be guarded against as that of a determined 
 though weakened adversary. 
 
 The numerous cares to which these events gave rise, 
 did not prevent Luther from attending to those con- 
 siderations, of a more personal nature, to which we 
 have already alluded. No longer a monk, and with a 
 mind, by this time, tolerably well strengthened against 
 the prejudices of his early state, he now began to regard 
 marriage as lawful in his own case, as he had always 
 considered it to be in that of his friends Melancthon, 
 Spalatinus, and others of his associates in the ministry. 
 His sensitive and ardent mind readily furnished him 
 with a vast store of arguments in favour of marriage, 
 the moment his conscience withdrew contented from 
 
 * Sleidan. Seckendorf, lih. i. p. 297. 
 
Luther's marriage. 157 
 
 the struggle. To the reasons suggested by his own 
 feelings on the subject, were added the urgent solicit- 
 ations of his venerable father^ who had long laboured to 
 persuade him both of the lawfulness and expediency of 
 the course. What was still more important, perhaps^ 
 to his forming a quick decision, he was in the constant 
 habit of seeing, and conversing with, a w^oman of great 
 virtue and spirit, and many personal attractions. This 
 was Catharine Bore, who, since her flight from the 
 convent, owed her principal support to the contributions 
 of Luther and his followers. It is said that the former, 
 feeling the danger of her attractive company, and not 
 being able to justify, at first, any thought of matrimony, 
 had persuaded one of his friends to seek her in marriage, 
 but that Catherine had indignantly rejected the offer, 
 and confessed, that if she married, it must either be 
 Luther or Amsdorf.* 
 
 Whatever may be the truth of this story, Luther at 
 length decided on leading her to the altar ; and having 
 invited five friends to sup with him on the occasion, 
 the espousals were performed with all proper solemnity. 
 As might have been expected, intelligence of this event 
 no sooner reached the public ear, than he was assailed, 
 on all sides, with reproofs, with abuse, with satires, and 
 with every species of verbal missile that alarmed friends 
 and rancorous enemies could at the moment command. 
 
 That Luther was wholly proof against these attacks, 
 ought not, perhaps, to be supposed. It is not necessary, 
 in order to estabUsh the character of a man for firmness 
 and consistency, to show that he experienced no un- 
 easiness when attacked, or felt no momentary misgivings 
 when, after taking an important step, he is told that he 
 has vitally injured his reputation, and marred the cause 
 for which he had been labouring during the better part 
 of his life. There seems reason, indeed, to believe that 
 Luther did fail somewhat of his usual confidence and 
 buoyancy of spirits shortly after his marriage ; but that 
 he actually repented of this step, or saw occasion to 
 
 * Beausobre, t. iii. liv. vi. p, 219. 
 
158 HISTOBY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 doubt its legality, there is no sufficient ground to sup- 
 pose. His melancholyj whatever depression of mind he 
 experienced at this period, was certainly short-lived, for 
 his letters, dated not long after the event, contain many 
 expressions of confirmed cheerfulness and content.* Me- 
 lancthon appears to have been instrumental in bringing 
 about this change in his feelings, and estabhshing the 
 convictions to which he had arrived before venturing on 
 the step. As mild and self-possessed in all his actions, 
 as Luther was bold and ardent, this admirable man had 
 now at full command every argument and suggestion 
 whereby the doubting conscience of his friend might be 
 convinced. ^' You have contracted," he said, " no 
 unlawful engagement in this marriage ; and though you 
 may have given occasion of scandal to hypocrites, you 
 have encouraged the weak and wavering to look with 
 more assurance on the principles you have advanced. 
 Whatever the enemies of Christian truth affirm, just 
 men will estimate your conduct aright ; and, lastly, you 
 ought to rise superior to the judgment of the world, or, 
 at least, only employ it to teach you a proper degree of 
 humility and self-distrust. 
 
 This was the purport of Melancthon's address to 
 Luther himself. In writing to their common friend, 
 Camerarius, he founds his apology for Luther on the 
 consideration of his lively and ardent disposition, allow- 
 ing, however, that it would have been much better had 
 he not chosen a time for this marriage when Germany was 
 oppressed with so many distresses, and when the cause of 
 religion and peace demanded their entire attention. 
 
 But the best apology for Luther is the fact, that his 
 zeal and firmness were as conspicuous after this event, 
 
 * Especially those written in June, 1526, in which he announces to 
 several of his friends the birth of his first born son. The first is addressed 
 to Dr. Joh. Rtihel, to whom he says that his dear Kitty had brought him 
 yesterday a little Luther. To Spalatin he speaks with still greater warmth : 
 — "I thank thee, in the Lord, my Spalatin, for your kind congratulations, 
 so heartily offered to me a happy husband, and now through God's grace 
 a. father, made so by the birth of a little son (filiolum Joannem Luther- 
 culum) from the best of wives and the dearest of women." — .Brie/'e, t. iii. 
 p. 115, 116. de Wettc. 
 
ANSWER TO ERASMUS. 159 
 
 as they were when he first appeared before the world 
 in the full tide of his holy enthusiasm. The contro- 
 versy with Carlostad was now at its height. It is that, 
 however, in which he appears to have been least inspired 
 by that pure and generous spirit which gives dignity to 
 most of his other labours. Carlostad had neither the ge- 
 nius nor the elevated soul of Luther ; but he had good 
 sense, learning, and piety; and, notwithstanding the tor- 
 rent of abuse with which he was overwhelmed by his 
 former associates, his views were, in the main, strictly 
 conformable with the doctrines of the Gospel. The opi- 
 nions, moreover, which he advocated, were, to a great 
 degree, those of Zuingle, whose career we shall shortly 
 trace ; of the learned CEcolampadius, and other pious 
 reformers, who, in respect to the sacrament of the Lord's 
 supper, saw the nature of divine mysteries more clearly 
 than Luther. 
 
 It was not in this dispute that he properly put forth 
 his strength. His temper occasionally betrayed him ; 
 but he speedily recovered his calmness, and turning 
 again to the grander objects in hand, he resumed his 
 labours with an earnestness which concentrated his 
 thoughts, and left no feeling to wander at the call 
 of caprice or pride. The treatise of Erasmus now 
 claimed his attention ; and as he had excused himself 
 from answering it at once, on account of his other oc- 
 cupations, he exerted the highest faculties of his mind 
 to render the confutation not unworthy of the subject, 
 or the attention which he knew it would obtain from 
 the world.* 
 
 * Luther sarcastically explains the reason of his delay at the opening of 
 the volume. " Many persons will wonder," he says, "at Luther's show- 
 ing such unaccustomed tear and patience, and will be already congratulat- 
 ing Erasmus on his triumph,; exclaiming, ' Scilicet ille Maccabseus et per- 
 vicacissimus assertor, invenit tandem dignum antagonistam, contra quem 
 hiscere non audet.' 1 do not blame them for this," he continues, " for you 
 have indeed rendered my spirit weak and languid ; and this in two ways : 
 for, first, you have employed a most wonderful modesty, so as to prevent 
 any ebullition of rage on my part ; and next, whether by fortune, or ac 
 cident, or fate, you have said nothing respecting free-will which has not 
 been said before by every sophist that has written on the subject, and been 
 confuted and ground to powder both by me and Melancthon, whose work 
 deserves not only immortality, but a place in the ecclesiastical canon ; and in 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 comparison with which your work is so utterly contemptible, that I pity 
 you from my heart, seeing eloquence employed so unworthily, tan- 
 quam si quisquillice vel stercora aureis argenteisque vasis portarentur." 
 Farther on he says that " he had treated his arguments with contempt, 
 from a feeling, that if any who read his own books could be moved by such 
 reasoning, they were undeserving of notice ; for they were like the sand on 
 the sea-shore, like reeds shaken by the wind, or sieves, and could not be 
 profited by a million books : that they who had imbibed the spirit of his 
 writings would despise such sophistry, while the otiiers would gather no 
 wisdom were God fur their sakes to turn all his creatures into tongues. 
 But he had been so strongly urged," he adds, " by his Christian friends 
 to take up the subject, that his conscience began to accuse him of a neglect 
 of duty in refusing their request." — De Servo Arbitrio, p. 1 — 3. 
 
 Erasmus published an abusive reply to this work, and the controversy 
 was kept up for some time" longer: Zuinglius afterwards engaged in it; 
 and Luther disliked the Swi'ss reformers almost as much for their opinions 
 respecting free will, as for those which they entertained on the sacrament. 
 
161 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 FATE OF CARLOSTAD. ZUINGLE. RISE OF THE REFORMATION 
 
 IN SWITZERLAND. PROCEEDINGS AT ZURICH. ABOLITION OF 
 
 THE MASS. LUTHER OPPOSES ZUIKGLE. APOLOGIZES TO 
 
 HENRY VIII. — PREPARATIONS FOR THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 
 
 Had the controversy respecting the Eucharist depended 
 on Carlostad, it would have been already at an end. 
 Surprised by a yielding, though ardent disposition, 
 into enthusiasm^ he had been induced to listen with 
 attention to the pretensions of men who possessed 
 neither his learning nor his piety. Rejoiced to call 
 him their partisan^ the fanatical visionaries, who so 
 early troubled the reformed church_, poured their pre- 
 tended prophecies into his ears, and, by mingling as- 
 surances of the most profound regard for the honour of 
 the Gospel with these assertions of a divine calling and 
 authority, they led him, for a time, almost captive 
 at their will. It is not credible that a man of his 
 character could knowingly engage in any treasonable 
 design, or plot undertakings likely to injure the peace 
 of society, or shake the foundation of wholesome laws. 
 But his influence was dangerous, if not by design, 
 when added to that of such men as Muncer ; and Fre- 
 deric beheld things with too practised an understand- 
 ing to allow a preacher of this character to remain in 
 an important post. The feelings and exhortations of 
 Luther confirmed him in his determinations ; and the 
 unfortunate Carlostad was banished from Wittemberg, 
 as if found guilty of some positive breach of law.* 
 
 This proceeding, though prudent, perhaps, on the 
 part of the elector, was not calculated to cure the 
 
 * Sleidan. Th, 
 VOL. I. M 
 
162 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 tendency of Carlostad to fanaticism. No longer ex- 
 posed to the reproofs of Luther, but left at liberty to 
 unite with any of the new sects that now every day 
 arose, — depressed, yet irritated at the treatment he had 
 suffered, — he listened with eagerness to their revelations 
 of that new order of things in which the persecuted 
 especially were to rejoice in dominion and glory. In 
 his exile he continued to write on the points at which he 
 was at issue with Luther, and his style assumed a 
 character corresponding with the state of his mind. He 
 even accused Luther of being a flatterer of the pope, 
 and argued that, by stopping where he did, he favoured 
 the corruptions of. the Romish church, the errors of 
 the mass, the worship of images, and whatever else had 
 injured the purity of the simple Gospel. The war of 
 the peasants increased the danger in which Carlostad 
 was placed. It brought him into positions where 
 every word he spoke against Frederic and the other 
 princes might be interpreted in a treasonable sense. 
 His associates were men whose fanaticism had made 
 them desperate, and it was scarcely possible that, ruined 
 as he was, he should resist the temptation of wishing 
 for the success of a revolution which would restore him 
 to wealth and consideration. The defeat of the in- 
 surgent peasants, and the consequent humiliation of the 
 sects which almost existed on the hope of their success, 
 reduced Carlostad to a still lower condition of wretch- 
 edness ; and having little pride in his composition, he 
 wrote to Luther, professing sorrow at the course he had 
 taken, and imploring him to use his best offices with 
 the elector to procure him permission to return to 
 Wittemberg. Luther acceded to the request, and he 
 was allowed to take up his abode in the neighbourhood 
 of the city, but not till he had signed a formal retract- 
 ation of his opinions, and solemnly protested his inno- 
 cence with regard to any participation in the war of 
 the peasants.* 
 
 • Luther says that he procured liis return against the wishes of the 
 whole court, liriefe, t. iii. 120. 
 
CARLOSTAD. iGS 
 
 Thus was a theologian silenced, who had been one of 
 the first to oppose the errors of Rome ; who had ven- 
 tured to stand up in public debate with its fiercest and 
 most accomplished champion ; and who, on that occa- 
 sion, received the praise of profound learning, and most 
 correct reasoning. Still further : the doctrines which 
 he continued to advance, were the natural result of 
 principles allowed, at the commencement of the reform- 
 ation, to be fundamentally true ; and which, in its later 
 progress, were received by most of the reformed 
 churches, as just and evangelical. How was it, then, 
 we naturally ask, that such a fate awaited him ? In 
 the first place, he wanted the personal firmness and 
 vigour of the other controversialists of the time, and yet 
 knew not, like them, to yield at the moment when sub- 
 mission was expedient ; in the next, he was not satis- 
 fied with truth, but went on to seek, in his own feelings 
 and those of others, that enlargement of revelation and 
 its evidence, which has, in all ages, been the peculiar 
 desire of enthusiasm. Lastly, Luther exerted his 
 power against him wdth a severity and perseverance 
 which would have ruined a man of much firmer spirit. 
 The great reformer was in this instance a persecutor, 
 and passed the bounds within which a becoming sense 
 of his own situation, and of the principles of religious 
 liberty on which his own safety depended, would cer- 
 tainly have restrained him. We notice this, because it 
 affords a useful lesson to those who engage in the work 
 of reform, and who are most zealous for the rights of 
 conscience, and the great interests of truth, as depend- 
 ing on freedom of inquiry. Never did a man owe 
 more to the assertion of these principles than Luther, 
 and yet he was one of the first to violate them. Nor 
 can it be said, that the illegality of Carlostad's proceed- 
 ings justified his severity ; for he wrote with fierce- 
 ness against him long before either his opinions or 
 actions could be fairly considered unwarranted by the 
 Gospel. He might greatly differ from his views as to 
 church discipline, ceremonies, and other points ; and, 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 taking into view the expediency of seeking reform by 
 slow degrees and with great caution, he might discover 
 in Carlostad's attempts somewhat of unwise precipi- 
 tancy ; but this could not warrant the rancour which 
 led him to speak of his character, of his mind and 
 conduct, as if he had been suddenly converted from a 
 scholar and a man of Christian principles, into an igno- 
 rant fanatic. 
 
 It had been Carlostad's chief desire to establish right 
 notions concerning the sacrament of the communion. 
 On this subject he continued to write till just before 
 his return to Wittemberg. It was then in the hands 
 of the Swiss reformer, Zuinglius, whose struggles in the 
 cause of the Gospel are only less deserving of admir- 
 ation as they were less universal in their tendency than 
 those of Luther. This excellent man was born on the 
 first day of the year 1484<, in the village of Wildhaus^ 
 on the lake of Zurich. Having received the early part 
 of his education in the house of his uncle, an ecclesiastic, 
 he was sent to Basle, where his progress so outstripped 
 that of the other scholars, that he became an object 
 of envy and dislike, as well as wonder. His father 
 then removed him to Berne, at that time celebrated 
 for its excellent school of philosophy and general lite- 
 rature. His diligence was unabated, and the fame of 
 his abilities early attracted the notice of the religious 
 orders. Among these the Dominicans employed their 
 influence to draw him into their ranks ; but his family 
 was averse to his assuming their habit, and sent him to 
 pursue his studies in Germany. Thence he returned 
 to Basle, and entered the theological seminary, early 
 established there by the learned Thomas Wittembach, 
 formerly professor of divinity at Tubingen.* 
 
 Zuingle remained at Basle till he took the degree of 
 master of arts ; and soon after — that is, in the year 1506 
 — was admitted to the order of priesthood. His piety 
 and eminent abilities procured him an appointment as 
 minister of the village of Glaris, and there he continued 
 
 * Ruchat, Hist, de la Rtform. cle la Suisse, t. i. p. 5. 
 
ZUINGLE. 165 
 
 ten yearsj exercising the office of a pastor with affec- 
 tionate assiduity and ardour. During this period he 
 further devoted himself to the acquisition of that ex- 
 tensive theological erudition^ which was to fit him for 
 the important task of asserting the authority of the 
 Gospel against the corruptions with which its purity 
 had been so grossly violated. In the course of his 
 studies, he not only examined with critical attention 
 the epistles of St. Paul in the original Greek, but tran- 
 scribed them with his own hand ; and while engaged in 
 this exercise, made a selection from the writings of the 
 most eminent fathers of such passages as illustrated the 
 apostle's style. Nor did he neglect those studies in 
 which he had spent his earlier years. It was his desire 
 to perform all the parts of his sacred office in a manner 
 which might prove his zeal for God, and the interest 
 he felt in persuading men to turn from darkness to 
 hght. 
 
 The moral and religious condition of Switzerland, 
 at this period, presented a melancholy aspect to de- 
 vout minds. Possessing no other species of wealth 
 but that which consisted in the bravery and hardy con- 
 stitution of its people, the tribute which it had to pay 
 to more powerful nations, and the materials with which 
 it trafficked, were the persons and lives of its bold 
 peasantry. Always ready to be hired, they formed the 
 basis of most of the armaments led into the field ; and 
 to none of the potentates who employed them were their 
 services more necessary, or acceptable, than to the 
 Roman pontiff. Few arts were left unemployed to 
 awaken their enthusiasm when the head of the church 
 required their aid either for himself or his allies. The 
 promises of Mohammed scarcely exceeded those with 
 which these mountaineers were persuaded to hazard 
 their Hves in the service of Rome. 
 
 National manners must always suffer more or less 
 
 from war, under whatever plea it be carried on. The 
 
 fire of patriotism, ht up in the field of battle, may burn 
 
 purely in some few spirits, but is to the mass only a 
 
 M 3 
 
166 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 deceptious meteor^ which, quickly blazing out, leaves 
 them in almosL complete darkness. Hence the dissolute- 
 ness of the military character in early times^ and the 
 necessity acknowledged in a more advanced age^ of the 
 most rigid and watchful discipline. But if this he the 
 case, where there is some show of patriotic devotion to 
 lessen the barbarity of war, what must be the danger of 
 a people whose business is habitually in the field of 
 carnage, and who have no better apology for war than 
 that it is a means of gain ? For the most part, this 
 was the case with the Swiss for several ages ; the only 
 exceptions were those in which they took up arms at 
 the call of the pope, when, perhaps, a momentary feel- 
 ing of religious duty might occupy the place of their 
 ordinary apology, — the necessity of their condition, the 
 expediency of their enriching themselves through the 
 sanguinary ambition of princes. 
 
 Zuingle beheld with heartfelt sorrow the evils which 
 were brought upon his country by this system. He 
 saw that the great body of the population w^ere de- 
 moralised, rude in manners, and ignorant of the true 
 principles and doctrines of religion. To oppose their 
 corruptions, while so fruitful a source of mischief re- 
 mained open, appeared a hopeless undertaking. With 
 the wisdom of a Christian philosopher, therefore, he 
 resolved to try his strength in resisting the continuance 
 of a custom so fraught with ruin. The undertaking 
 was one of difficulty and peril. Mercenary warfare had 
 been established as a legitimate employment by long 
 usage, and it was a known means of wealth to some, 
 and of easy support to thousands. But Zuingle was 
 resolved on the attempt ; and he accordingly began by 
 addressing his countrymen on the subject, in a letter 
 directed to the canton of Schwytz. After proving to " 
 them, that the persuasions of those by whom they were 
 induced to leave their country, had no foundation in 
 truth, he added, " I know that the anger of the great 
 and the powerful will be excited at what 1 have said. 
 But I will not remain silent. I have condemned your 
 
REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND. l67 
 
 alliance with the pope, and your agreement to furnish 
 him with troops, because I ought to condemn it. You 
 strip yourselves of your forces, and thereby run the 
 hazard of becoming a prey to your enemies, who, having 
 through your means obtained the object of their avarice 
 and ambition, will next turn against their allies, and 
 reduce you to slavery." 
 
 It was thus that Zuingle began the work of reform. 
 His proceedings lead us forcibly to observe how uni- 
 versal a cause of discontent to men of piety and good 
 sense was the policy of the popes. In every way in which 
 it could operate, it tended to the corruption of morals. 
 Had they not been blinded by the love of dominion, 
 they would have seen that such a state of things must 
 sooner or later produce a revolution, in which the 
 foundations of the church would be shaken, and the 
 whole edifice, perhaps, overthrown. Luther would have 
 remained silent, if they had only restrained the pro- 
 fligacy of their ministers. Zuingle would have pursued 
 in peace the simple duties of a Christian preacher, if 
 they had not supported a system which darkened and 
 demoralised his country. 
 
 The force of the argument brought against the system 
 which had deprived Switzerland of so many of its child- 
 ren, and diffused so much corruption among the rest, 
 was acknowledged by all not immediately interested in 
 the continuance of the evil. Zuingle, consequently, 
 rose greatly in the esteem of the better part of his 
 countrymen ; and^ in spite of the jealousy which his 
 notions of reform inspired, was, not long after the 
 publication of the above letter, promoted to the abbey 
 church of the celebrated monastery called the Hermit- 
 age. Here he met with a man, in the person of the 
 abbot, whose mind, like his own, seems to have been 
 earnestly bent on the consideration of evangelical truth. 
 Here too he found an audience sufficiently mixed and 
 numerous to secure the general diffusion of his opinions ; 
 and as he continued to study and unfold the principles 
 which he gathered from the Gospel, his addresses be- 
 M 4 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 came more earnest, and more manifestly opposed to 
 those with which the people had been entertained by 
 their former teachers.* 
 
 It was not, we learn, by a direct exposure of the 
 errors of the Roman church, that Zuingle sought to 
 effect his purpose. He hoped to deliver his hearers 
 from the darkness under which they laboured, by at once 
 pointing out to them the sources of light and truth. 
 Whether he adopted this method from any feeling of 
 timidity, natural to the generality of minds at the com- 
 mencement of a great undertaking, or from a clear 
 conviction that he might thereby more securely perfect 
 his design, is not certain. But while he every day 
 obtained a stronger hold of the affections of the people, 
 he also continued to advance as to his personal interests. 
 He had been scarcely three years at the Hermitage, 
 when he was appointed to a church in Zurich ; shortly 
 after to a canonship in the chapter of St. Felix and 
 St. Regulus in that city ; and then to the collegiate 
 church, where he had to perform the duties not only of 
 a pastor, but of a professor and teacher of theology. 
 
 Zuingle was now in a position which, while it enabled 
 him to advance his opinions with greater confidence, 
 exposed him also to the stricter observation of his 
 enemies. But though to him belongs the praise of 
 having been the first openly to appeal to the pages of 
 the Gospel, as the sole authority for the faith of 
 Christians, he was not without many friends and 
 supporters in the work which he had undertaken to 
 execute. We have already alluded to the pious abbot 
 of the Hermitage. It is also said that his former 
 master, Thomas Wittembach, had long given up the 
 study of scholastic, for that of evangelical, theology. 
 " Our repentance," says Zuingle, in a letter to that 
 venerable scholar, '' at the recollection of the time 
 which we have wasted in useless subtleties, will serve 
 for an example to others, and may induce those who 
 have free and elevated minds not to amuse themselves 
 
 * Ruchat, t. i. 1 i. p. 9. 
 
ZUINGLE. 169 
 
 with things which we so rejoice to have quitted, but 
 with sorrow that we have not been able to do more." 
 . When, however, it was told the bishop of Constance 
 that he opposed the preaching of indulgences at Zurich, 
 the prelate replied, that he trusted he would remain firm 
 to his purpose. These circumstances indicate a dispos- 
 ition to allow much greater freedom in respect to reli- 
 gion, in Switzerland, than was tolerated in the other 
 countries of Europe ; and Zuingle, consequently, pos- 
 sessed advantages which were highly important to the 
 reformer at the commencement of his career. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the indulgence with which he 
 was received by some, and those even influential, mem- 
 bers of the church, in the early part of his ministry, 
 a few years only had elapsed when he began to suf- 
 fer most of the anxieties which pertain to a situation 
 of great peril. The clergy, as a body, hated him 
 for disturbing that state of things from which they 
 derived their revenue ; and the mass of the people 
 were unable sufficiently to appreciate the value of his 
 labours to afford him any sure protection. In such 
 danger did he stand at one time, that the magistrates 
 were obliged to provide him with a guard, and he re- 
 peatedly owed his life solely to the affection and vigi- 
 lance of his immediate followers. Under all these 
 circumstances, the local government acted with an en- 
 lightened zeal and moderation which merits the rever- 
 ence of posterity. Finding also, as he continued to 
 preach, that truth was on his side, they took up his 
 cause, and at length passed a decree which amounted to 
 a solemn recognition of the most important principle of 
 the Reformation. " We own not," said they, in their 
 apology to the other cantons, '^ the doctrines of Luther, in 
 directing the curates and other ministers of our city and 
 territory to preach from the Gospel and the Epistles, and 
 to adopt in their instructions those interpretations only 
 which Scripture furnishes of Scripture. The canon 
 law is not contrary to this ordinance ; we have also 
 enjoined them to preach nothing which may not be 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOX. 
 
 defended by Scripture, and to avoid whatever savours 
 of novelty." 
 
 For some time Zuingle reaped no small advantage 
 from these favourable concessions to his cause : but the 
 magistrates of a free town, like Zurich, have only a 
 limited authority, and one which must often yield to 
 popular clamour, whether it be for the establishment of 
 still more liberal principles, or for errors of policy in 
 which their wiser chiefs foresee the noblest interests of 
 mankind sacrificed to folly and bigotry. Opposed from 
 the beginning to Zuingle, the greater number of the 
 clergy now united in active measures to procure his 
 ruin, not only by popular clamour, but by rousing 
 against him and his supporters the power of the other 
 cantons. The reformer beheld the rising of the storm 
 with calmness. He neither shrunk from the danger, 
 nor trembled at the task of having to defend his doc- 
 trine against zealots and persecutors. At his earnest 
 request, the magistrates consented to summon an as- 
 sembly for the purpose of considering the accusations 
 with which he was assailed. To this meeting the 
 bishop of Constance sent his grand vicar, John Faber, 
 and other official persons. It was expected that repre- 
 sentatives would have appeared from the other cantons, 
 but the concourse of people assembled consisted chiefly 
 of private individuals, interested in the debate from its 
 theological importance.* 
 
 Zuingle, on rising, observed, that he had published a 
 full account of his doctrine in sixty-seven propositions, 
 the printed copies of which were now dispersed through 
 the country, and that, as he had been accused of heresy, 
 he was there prepared to defend his principles by appeals 
 to Scripture. Faber replied, that he came not to dis- 
 pute, but to reconcile ; and wished to refer the weightier 
 matter to a council. The reformer, on hearing this, 
 observed, with some warmth, that, as he had been ex- 
 posed to accusations of the worst nature, it was but just 
 that he should be allowed to confound those who brought 
 
 * Ruchat. 
 
REFORM AT ZURICH. 171 
 
 them ; and that he, therefore, begged his adversaries to 
 state, at once, and before that assembly^ in what they 
 beheved him to have erred. He besought them to do 
 this, by all that is sacred; and added, that it was a 
 mockery to speak of councils, for it was well known 
 that none would be held ; and that, with regard to the 
 fitness of the present meeting to try his cause, nothing 
 was needed but that which it already possessed: " For be- 
 hold," exclaimed he, " there are the Old and New Testa- 
 ments, in the three languages, Greek, Hebrew, and Latin: 
 they are the only infallible judges. Let us open these 
 books, and decide on their authority the questions be- 
 tween us." 
 
 Strong as was this appeal, it was succeeded only by 
 deep silence. Neither Faber nor the other members of 
 the accusing party made the slightest attempt to free 
 themselves from the difficulty in which the direct re- 
 ference to Scripture had involved them. Zuingle, having 
 waited some time, again arose, and boldly accused them 
 of want of courage and honesty. This address was 
 followed by one from a minister of Zurich, who stated 
 that a clergyman in the country had lately been thrown 
 into prison, by the bishop of Constance, for having 
 preached the reformed doctrines. Faber could not 
 avoid making some observation on this circumstance; 
 and in his attempt to defend the bishop, who had ceased 
 to countenance any idea of reform, he unwisely let fall a 
 remark on the worship of saints and images. Zuingle 
 was too keen a polemic to allow him to escape after 
 this ; and having driven him through all the windings 
 of the scholastic labyrinth, obliged him to sound a 
 retreat, and excuse himself by the ridiculous subterfuge 
 of asserting that he would confute him in a university, 
 or in a book, and that it would be well, for the present, 
 to pass over the Gospel.* 
 
 The magistrates of Zurich had found themselves 
 obhged to yield to the prejudices and power of the 
 Romish party, and summon Zuingle to the bar of their 
 
 * Ruchat. 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 assembly. Their dependence on popular opinion_, and 
 allegiance to the federal union of which their state was 
 a member, might have led them to further measures, 
 had the justice of his cause been less manifest, or the 
 vigour and real power of his enemies more decided. 
 But they had throughout displayed a willingness to be 
 guided by the truth : and now that they saw clearly that 
 Zuingle had the authority of God's word for what he 
 said, and his adversaries only sophistry and tradition 
 for their boldest propositions, they no longer hesitated 
 between the two, but once more declared that the clergy 
 of their city and territory must be guided in their 
 preaching by Scripture only. 
 
 This meeting, which took place in the year 1523, 
 was followed by another in the same year, convened 
 at the express desire of the consul, a man of eminent 
 piety, formerly regarded by the Roman pontiff with the 
 highest esteem, and who might have commanded both 
 wealth and honour, if he would now have employed his 
 interest against, instead of for, the Reformation. The 
 avowed object of this second assembly was to consider 
 the propriety of forbidding the worship of images, and 
 the rites Avhich converted the sacrament of the Lord's 
 Supper into a sacrifice. 
 
 It is a striking proof of the important influence which 
 Zuingle must have personally exercised, that none of 
 the other cantons had as yet begun to take a public 
 share in the work of reformation. They wanted the 
 guiding hand and spirit, to which the Almighty gave 
 strength as his instrument. Nine hundred persons 
 crowded the place of assembly on this occasion ; but 
 there were no deputies present except from SchafFhausen 
 and St. Gal ; nor had any of the bishops sent their 
 vicars or other representatives to the meeting.* 
 
 Zuingle began the business of the day by unfolding 
 the true meaning of the word Church, and showing the 
 proper grounds of its authority. His arguments were 
 received with silence ; nor would any attempt have been 
 
 * Sleidan, t. i. 1. iv. p. 136. Ruchat, t. i. 1. ii. p- ^62. 
 
ASSEMBLY AT LUCERNE. 173 
 
 made to rebut them, had not the magistrates pressed the 
 opposing party so urgently, that shame, at length, obliged 
 one of the canons to rise and make an effort to reply. 
 His speech had little to do with the subject in debate; 
 and Leon de Juda, who had succeeded Zuingle at the 
 Hermitage, expressed his desire that the argument might 
 be confined to the two questions which they had met to 
 resolve. This advice was taken, and that and the two 
 following days the discussion was carried on with equal 
 spirit and resolution. The magistrates decided in favour 
 of the reformer's views on the subject both of images and 
 the Lord's Supper. In respect to the latter, they would 
 have passed an order for the immediate discontinuance of 
 the practices with which the sacrament had been cor- 
 rupted, but Zuingle pursuing, in this respect, the same 
 plans as Luther, begged them to pause, and only institute 
 such gradual reforms as the state of the people would allow 
 them to bear. He was moved, it is said, even to tears 
 as he delivered this address, and spoke of the difficulties 
 and troubles which he foresaw must still come upon him. 
 In the January of 1524, an assembly of all the can- 
 tons was convened at Lucerne. The object of this 
 meeting was to counteract the effect of that in the 
 reformed territory of Zurich ; and at the conclusion of 
 its deliberations, an instrument was drawn up, in which 
 the assembled authorities decreed, that the established 
 doctrine and practices of the church ought not to be 
 changed ; that no opinion professed by Zuingle, and 
 contrary to this rule, might be taught either publicly or 
 privately ; that neither he nor his doctrine ought to be 
 made the subject of common discourse ; that the minis- 
 ters of the church should not be obliged to give an 
 account of their doctrine to magistrates ; but that they 
 should carry before them any one found guilty of vio- 
 lating this decree, and that, for the purpose of discover- 
 ing such offenders, persons should be appointed to take 
 especial cognizance of those whose conduct appeared 
 suspicious. The only canton which had not sent its 
 representatives to this meeting, was that of Zurich. It 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 was, therefore, ordered that deputies should proceed 
 thither, and convey the wishes of the assemhly, that it 
 would forthwith return to the ancient mode of worship, 
 and take such other measures as might tend to the pre- 
 servation of union and tranquillity. To this exhortation 
 the magistrates of Zurich replied, that they had not 
 originally favoured the reformed doctrines, but were 
 now led to support them by the plain dictates of Scripture 
 and their conscience: that the union of the church was 
 best promoted by keeping its doctrines pure from any 
 mixture of error ; that they deserved not the name of 
 schismatics, since they appealed to the authority of 
 Scripture for every step they took, and considered it 
 their peculiar characteristic to have the word of God 
 continually in their hands ; that it was this which ex- 
 cited the anger of the pope and his adherents, who felt 
 that their principles and conduct would not bear the 
 light of divine truth : that, in regard to themselves, it 
 was their sole desire to see the Gospel preached freely 
 and clearly to the people, whose moral conduct was im- 
 proving in exact proportion to the increase of evangelical 
 knowledge ; and that, if the other cantons would only 
 candidly consider this account of their proceedings, and 
 the authority on which they were established, they 
 would never find any reason to accuse them of want 
 of loyalty and brotherly affection to the federal union. 
 
 Two months was the period assigned for the rest of 
 the cantons to consider the purport of this answer. In 
 the interval, the bishop of Constance exerted himself to 
 bring Zurich back to its ecclesiastical allegiance ; but 
 his addresses produced no effect on the steady and well 
 disciplined minds of the consul and his brother magis- 
 trates. At the end of the two months, tl^ cantons 
 having refrained from sending a reply to the above 
 appeal, orders were given out for the removal of the 
 images from the churches, and for such other reforms as 
 seemed authorised by Scripture and the state of public 
 feeling. 
 
 The Reformation had thus proceeded to considerable 
 
ABOLITION OF THE MASS. 175 
 
 lengths in Switzerland by the time that Luther could 
 rejoice in the prospect of its establishment in Germany. 
 At the very period, moreover_, when he triumphed over 
 Carlostad, by obliging him to renounce his views of 
 the Lord's Supper, Zuingle saw with pious joy that his 
 fellow citizens were sufficiently advanced in the know- 
 ledge of the Gospel to receive the doctrine of the com- 
 munion according to its most spiritual interpretation. 
 In the month of April, 1525, the adoration of the host, 
 with all its attendant ceremonies, was abolished at Zurich 
 by a decree of the senate ; and the day after the passing 
 of this act, the communion was administered in the 
 simple form authorised by Scripture and the usages of 
 the primitive church. Thus, the sermon being finished, 
 the bread and wine were set upon a table, and the mi- 
 nisters having approached, those passages of Scripture 
 were read which describe the origin of the rite, and 
 teach the preparation necessary to its proper reception. 
 The creed was then repeated, and the pastor of the 
 church exhorted the congregation to examine themselves; 
 after which, the people falling on their knees, the Gospel 
 was read, and he proceeded to give the bread and the 
 wine to the deacons assisting him. By these officers 
 they were presented to the congregation ; each member 
 of which, after partaking thereof himself, passed them to 
 his brethren.* 
 
 Luther had now two great controversies in hand, as 
 well as that which he had so long carried on with Rome, 
 
 * In a letter addressed by Zuinglius to his brethren, at the end of the 
 year 1524, he reminds them that he had for some years past entertained 
 this view of the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper, but that he had only 
 communicated it in this manner to such as he knew to be very sound in 
 faith. He directs that his example should be followed in this respect: — 
 " Ne sciUcet cuiquam communicatis, qui non sit sincerus in fide : sed nee 
 ei quidem, nisi tutum sit quod excudi non taciat." He then alludes to the 
 difference of opinion between him and his associate on the force of the 
 connecting verb is, and also to the opinions of the German reformers 
 respecting the mass: " Ou£e de cantionibus Germanicis ac psalmis scri- 
 bitis fratribus omnibus placent. Qua; vcro de missa, non undequaque pro- 
 bantur. Nam hoc sacramentum aliud non est. quam Celebris gratulatio et 
 consideratio. Cum igiturtotiecclesia; ipsamcelebrare placebit, celebretur: 
 ac interim detur opera, ut quod paulo inconsultius a;dificatum est, majore 
 consiho mehorcque so\v?itur." — Episi. lib. i. p. 34. Basil, 1536. Ruchat, 
 t. i. 1. ii. p. 165. Beausobre. 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 and which was hecome the controversy of princes and 
 nations^ with their whole vast retinues of theologians, 
 churches, and colleges. Zuinglius, CEcolampadius, My- 
 conius, and Leon de Juda^ were not men whose opinions 
 or influence could he regarded with indifference ; and by 
 all these was the practice of Luther, in respect to the 
 communion, openly and decidedly condemned. Those 
 who had the interest of the Reformation deeply at heart, 
 beheld the prospect of a schism between the labourers in 
 this great design with equal sorrow and apprehension. 
 They saw how fearful an advantage their enemies would 
 gain by such an occurrence, and how many weak, though 
 well inclined spirits, might be prevented from embracing 
 the truth, when its rays were obscured by the disputes 
 of its supposed advocates. Led by these apprehensions, 
 the theologians of Strasbourg deputed their professor of 
 Hebrew to converse with Luther on the subject, and 
 urged him to employ the most earnest persuasions to 
 induce the reformer to cultivate friendship with the 
 Swiss, and their eminently learned and pious teachers. 
 It is scarcely credible that Luther should have replied 
 as is reported. Instead of acknowledging the value of 
 the suggestions adduced by the Hebrew professor, he 
 sternly replied, that no agreement could exist between 
 him and the party of Zuingle ; for that the doctrine in 
 question was so important, that the one or the other of 
 them must necessarily be ministers of Satan. The 
 warmest admirers of Luther can scarcely fail of per- 
 ceiving that such an assertion was neither justified by 
 Scripture, nor consistent with the personal experience of 
 the reformer himself. There was a long period of his 
 life during which his opinions were in the progress 
 of formation ; it must be so in the case of all men 
 anxious to know and embrace the truth ; and the records 
 of their experience will amply show that the views for 
 which they at one time warmly contended, were not 
 those on which they rested when full of years and 
 mature in knowledge. But who sees not that it would 
 have been the height of injustice to charge them, at any 
 
LUTHER WRITES TO HENRY VIII. 177 
 
 period, with an offence against truth ; and that, though 
 their notions have undergone many modifications, they 
 were, from the beginning of the search, deserving of 
 regard and honour ? Now, whichever had truth on his 
 side in the sacramental controversy, the other was but to 
 be viewed as a man who traced out his path with slower 
 steps ; and certainly not as one who turned his back upon 
 the light, or declared for Satan, or even unconsciously 
 promoted his designs, because a variety of arguments 
 did not present themselves to his mind in the same 
 order, or end in the same generalisation, as those of 
 another. 
 
 While Luther was thus engaged in controversy with 
 Erasmus, Zuingle, and others, he endeavoured to remove 
 the prejudices which he had excited against his cause in 
 the minds of the king of England and George of Saxony.* 
 In his letter to the former, he begs him to pardon his 
 intemperance of language, and to ascribe it not so much 
 to himself, as to those by whom he was advised. He 
 even declares his willingness to offer a public apology 
 for the offensive terms which he had employed ; and 
 entreats the monarch not to regard him as a heretic, 
 seeing that the whole of his doctrines rested on this, — 
 that we can only be saved by faith in Jesus Christ, who, 
 having died for our sins, and risen again for our justifica- 
 tion, now reigns eternally with his Father in heaven. In 
 conclusion, he spoke of the number of princes in Ger- 
 many who had embraced his opinions, and besought the 
 king to join them in the defence of the Gospel. The 
 opposition of the emperor he ascribed to the influence of 
 that great principle of evil spoken of by David, — '^ The 
 kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take 
 counsel together, against the Lord, and against his 
 anointed ;" and he adds, that the more he contemplated 
 such passages as these, the more he was surprised to find 
 himself aided by any earthly potentate whatever. 
 
 * " I know," says he, " that your majesty must have been greatly of- 
 fended at my book ; quern (non meo genio, sed iucitantibus iis, qui m'ajes- 
 tati tuffi darum lavebant) stulius et prieceps edidi. Tamen spem et ausum 
 VOL. I. N 
 
178 hist'ory op the reformation. 
 
 But Henry VIII. could not be moved by the address 
 of one who, having lavishly abused and ridiculed him, 
 now sought to lead him in the train of other and less 
 powerful princes. His answer was such as might have 
 been expected, — severe and haughty, and expressive of 
 inflexible aversion to Luther and his proceedings. The 
 latter, on the point of addressing George of Saxony, in 
 a similar spirit of humihation, suspended for a moment 
 his determination. On resuming his pen, he cautiously 
 introduced an expression of sufficient confidence to 
 convince the prince that, though willing to humble him- 
 self to promote peace, he still remained firmly seated on 
 that lofty eminence, from which he had made his voice 
 heard by milHons of his fellow men, and obliged popes and 
 monarchs to tremble as he poured forth his maledictions 
 on falsehood and oppression. After apologising for the 
 intemperance of his former language, and assuring the 
 prince of his ready forgetfulness of the attempts made 
 against his life, he says, ^' However powerful you may 
 be, you are not more terrible than Satan ; and him I 
 have resisted without shrinking. I know that the 
 doctrine which I preach is true ; and the truth of a 
 doctrine remains the same, whatever be the condition of 
 him who delivers it. How great a misfortune is it, that 
 a prince, otherwise prudent and enlightened, should thus 
 
 mihi facit, non modo regia ilia tua dementia, sic mihi literis et verbis 
 indies cantata (a quaih plurimis, ut cum mortalem sese, noverit immor- 
 tales) inimicitias servaturam esse non credam, verum etiam (quod fide 
 dignis testibus didici), libellum sub majestatis tuse nomine in me editum, 
 non esse regis Anglije (ut videri volebant subdoli sophistEe, qui majestatis 
 tuffi titulo abusi, non senserunt, quam sibi ipsis periculum in regia igno- 
 TTiinia pararent, prjEsertim illud monstrum et publicum odium Dei et 
 hominum, cardinalis Eboracensis, pestis ilia regni tui), ita ut veliementer 
 nunc pudefactus metuam occulos coram maj estate tua levare, qui passus 
 sum levitate ista me moveri in talem tantumque regem per malignos illos 
 operarios, praisertim cum sine face et vermis quam solo contemtu oportuit 
 victum aut neglectum esse." Then imploring pardon, by the love of 
 Christ, by his cross and his glory, he continues,—" Deinde si maiestate tuaB 
 serenissimje non viderectur co'ntcmnendum, ut alio libello publico palino- 
 diam cantem, et nomen majestatis tuse rursus honorem, det mihi cle- 
 mentem aliquam, significationem ; tum in me mora nnn erit uUa, faciam 
 illud libentissime. Quamvis enim sine homo nihiji, ad tuam majestatera 
 comparatus, tamen non parum fructus Evangelic et glorise Dei hinc sperare 
 licebit, si mihi ad regem Anglia? scribendi de causa Evangelii fuerit copia 
 facta." — Briffe, t. iii. i24. edit, de JVetie. 
 
DIET OF SPIRE. 179 
 
 fall upon this stone of stumbling. If you persevere in 
 hating the Gospel, I shall be compelled to pray against 
 you ; and think not that it will be in vain. Luther is 
 not to be destroyed so easily as Muncer. I am persuaded 
 that my prayers are stronger than all the powers of hell. 
 If it were not so, I must have perished long since." 
 
 The enemies of Luther availed themselves of expres- 
 sions in these letters to king Henry and the duke, to 
 accuse him of vacillation, and of holding out offers to 
 retract the opinions which he had done so much mis- 
 chief to establish. Emser, one of his bitterest oppo- 
 nents, lost no time in translating and publishing the 
 letter of the English monarch, as the best means of 
 exposing the reformer to public contempt. Luther, 
 some time after, wrote a reply to Emser's introduction, 
 and indignantly repelled the charge of want of steadi- 
 ness in his profession. He had, he said, only yielded 
 to the great and powerful that which it seemed expedi- 
 ent to give ; and had never offered to retract, except on 
 the condition that he was confuted by the testimony of 
 scripture.* 
 
 Such was the troubled' state of Germany at this period, a. ». 
 that the emperor had seen fit to direct that the diet, origi- 1526. 
 nally convened at Spire, should re-assemble at Augsburg, 
 and not till the autumn of the following year. The war 
 of the peasants still continuing, the number of members 
 assembled at Augsburg was so small, that the business for 
 which it met was again referred to another assembly of the 
 states, appointed to meet in the spring, and in the town 
 of Spire. Never had the diet assembled under circum- 
 stances of greater interest; and its opening, which took 
 
 * Luther thus speaks on the rejection of his overtures : — " Anglorum 
 rex (cui scripsi suasu regis Danis supplices et humiles literas, spe bona 
 certe et siniplici candidoque corde) respondit mihi tam hostiliter, ut vide- 
 atur gaudere vindictEe occasione, siciit et dux Georgius. Tarn impotens 
 et muliebris est istis tyrannis animus ac plane sordidus, dignus qui 
 vulgo serviret, sed Christo gratia, et mihi la?titia, sat vindicatus sum, quod 
 contentus est mihi Deus eorum Satan cum ipsis." It is not a little curious 
 to hear this mighty and stern-minded polemic speak in the next line about 
 some garden seeds which his friend had promised to send him, and after- 
 wards infonr.ing him that he and Wolfgang amused themselves with 
 learning the art of turning. — ^r/c/e, t. iii. 58. edit, de Wette. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 place on the 25th of June, was watched with intense 
 anxiety, as well by one party as the other. * 
 
 The edict by which Charles originally summoned the 
 meeting at Augsburg had created universal alarm in the 
 minds of the reformers. It breathed a spirit of fierce 
 hostility to their party, insisted on the necessity of 
 carrying into execution the regulations established at 
 Worms, and spoke of Lutheranism as of a heresy which 
 merited the deepest reprobation of both princes and 
 people. The ordinary policy of the emperor would ac- 
 count for much of what appears in this charge. But 
 the Roman pontiff had of late employed his utmost 
 efforts to convince the monarch that his interests would 
 be best promoted by an entire devotion to those of the 
 church. Every prince almost in Europe had been 
 assailed by similar arguments; and the Roman court 
 seemed resolved to make, on this occasion, one wide 
 and desperate effort before it parted for ever with its 
 old prerogatives and splendour. To counteract the in- 
 fluence of this activity in the popish party, the elector 
 of Saxony, the landgrave, and other supporters of 
 Lutheranism, held frequent consultations respecting the 
 line of conduct to be pursued in the diet. At the 
 advice of the two princes above mentioned, a union was 
 formed among the members of the reformed church. 
 Though far inferior in number and apparent power to 
 the body which it had to oppose, the league possessed a 
 degree of vigour and inherent strength which amply 
 made up for its deficiency in nominal dignity or nu- 
 merical force. The principal members of the associ- 
 ation were the imperial cities, Nuremberg, Augsburg, 
 Ulm, Strasburg, Magdeburg, and others of less note; 
 the elector palatine and the elector of Treves ; the 
 dukes of Mecklenburg, Luneburg, and Pomerania; 
 the princes of Anhalt and Henneberg ; and the mar- 
 graves of Brandeburg of the Franconian branch ; to- 
 gether with a large proportion of the nobility. t 
 
 After careful consideration of the approaching danger, 
 
 * Sleidan. _ f Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. ix. p. 42. 
 
DIET OF SPIRE. 181 
 
 the members of the league determined that their repre- 
 sentatives in the diet should openly remonstrate with 
 the emperor on the subject of his late edict ; that they 
 should warn him of the impossibility of compelling the 
 inhabitants of a great country to renounce the truth 
 when once received ; and entreat him to view the whole 
 subject of religious reform as one which regarded the 
 glory of God_, and the highest interests of mankind at 
 large. The elector of Saxony had also taken the fur- 
 ther precaution to employ the pen of Melancthon in 
 preparing an apology for the reformed doctrines. Ar- 
 gumentative and eloquent, this interesting production 
 sets forth the true state of the controversy at the period 
 of which we are speaking. Though seemingly the 
 composition of Melancthon alone, it was published as 
 the address of the theologians of Wittemberg, engaged 
 as a body in the defence of the reformation. The 
 weightiest reproach which the Romish party could 
 bring against the followers of Luther was, that they 
 had unlawfully resisted the constituted powers of the 
 church, and committed a species of sacrilege in allowing 
 changes not authorised by their consent. It was also 
 urged, in the same spirit, that even the princes who had 
 suffered a new doctrine to be preached in their states, 
 against the express decree of the emperor, were properly 
 subject to severe reprehension. In answer to these 
 assertions, the divines of Wittemberg contended, that 
 ministers of religion lie under an obligation, which has 
 force before all others, to preach the truth ; and that the 
 princes who were accused of schism could not, without 
 extreme injustice, have persecuted doctrines which they 
 either knew to be true, or could not positively affirm to 
 be false. 
 
 It was found, on the opening of the diet, that the 
 strongest measures had been taken by the emperor to 
 secure the defeat of the Lutherans. His commissioners 
 declared, that the chief object for which he had sum- 
 moned the diet was to establish the ancient customs and 
 rites of the church, and to call upon the various orders 
 N 3 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 of the Germanic body to join in repressing heresy, and 
 put in execution the edict of Worms. Certain mem- 
 bers of the diet were then chosen to confer particularly 
 on matters of religion, and the assembly prorogued its 
 sitting to the 3d of August. 
 
 On the re-assembling of the diet, the ministers of the 
 emperor warned its members against entering into a 
 useless debate on subjects respecting which they might 
 have no authority to form a decision. This admonition 
 they strengthened by reading the letters in which 
 Charles had expressed his intentions to make a journey 
 into Italy, and to hold a conference with the pope on 
 the subject of a general council ; to which were added his 
 commands, that, till such council was held, strict obedi- 
 ence should be paid to the ancient laws and customs of 
 the church, as set forth in the edict of V^^orms. 
 
 But the spirit of the nation had greatly altered since 
 the time when an imperial rescript could change the deter- 
 mination of men's hearts and consciences. The letters of 
 the emperor having been delivered, the deputies of the 
 cities immediately rose, and read the customary official 
 document, which purported, that whatever might be their 
 wish to obey the will of his majesty, religious disputes 
 were now at so great a height that there was no longer 
 room for delay ; that, after what had occurred, it was 
 impossible to enforce the provisions of the edict of 
 Worms, as they believed he himself would allow, were 
 he present to observe the state of affairs ; that the hold- 
 ing of a general council was now less probable than 
 ever, the pope and the emperor having lately adopted 
 hostile counsels ; and that, consequently, it would be 
 prudent, in the present juncture of affairs, to entreat the 
 latter to take immediate measures for the settlement of 
 the disputes, and not to insist on obedience to the edict 
 of Worms — an attempt to enforce which could only be 
 attended with consequences destructive to the peace and 
 unity of the empire. The same deputies also read an- 
 other paper, in which the cities complain that their poor 
 suffered many deprivations and hardships through the 
 
DIET OF SPIRE. 183 
 
 concourse of mendicant friars, who not only exhausted 
 the ordinary sources of charity, but imposed on the 
 wealthy so as to injure many families, and deprive the 
 rightful heirs of their just expectations. In consequence 
 of these abuses, they prayed that a decree might be 
 passed prohibiting the continuance of the order, or 
 making such provisions as would lead to its gradual 
 abolition.* 
 
 It required little penetration on the part of the Ro- 
 manists, to discover that, if the discussions were allowed 
 to proceed, conclusions would be adopted which could 
 not but greatly injure their cause. They therefore 
 again insisted that the affairs of religion should be 
 referred to the inquiry of a general council; and that the 
 members of the diet ought to wait patiently- for the time 
 when, a reconciliation being effected between the pope 
 and the emperor, such an assembly could be successfully 
 convened. This proposition was received with very 
 opposite feelings by the two parties in the diet; and, it 
 being suspected that the claims of the reformers would 
 meet with no attention, the elector of Saxony and his 
 firm ally, the landgrave of Hesse, prepared to leave the 
 assembly, and summoned the rest of the Lutherans to 
 follow their example. The archduke of Austria, Ferdi- 
 nand, to whom the emperor had committed the conduct 
 of affairs in Germany, dreacljed the consequence of 
 allowing these powerful princes to retire in disgust and 
 anger. Having consulted, therefore, with the heads of 
 his party, it was decided, that promises should be held 
 out which might tend for the present to satisfy public 
 impatience. The elector and his associates were ac- 
 cordingly assured, that immediate steps should be taken 
 to secure the calling either of a general council, or of 
 such an assembly of the Germanic states as would have 
 authority to settle the present disputes. To the depu- 
 ties of the various cities Ferdinand addressed himself in 
 a tone of earnest persuasion, begging them to recollect 
 
 * Sleidan, t. i. 1. vi. p. 231. Seckendorf. 
 
 N 4 
 
IS^ HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 how much they owed to the house of Austria, and 
 to consider the benefits which would resuh from their 
 yielding faithful obedience to the present will of the em- 
 peror. But events were daily occurring, which reminded 
 both the members of the diet and the nation at large of the 
 necessity of union far more forcibly than the address of 
 Ferdinand. It was at the point of closing the session^ 
 when news arrived of the victorious advance of the 
 Turks through Hungary, and of the death of the king 
 in his retreat. Alarm spread swiftly through the 
 country when this event became known. The Turks^ 
 at the present period, formed an object of terror to the 
 greatest of European potentates. Civilisation trembled 
 at the report of their triumphs, and churches and 
 thrones seemed to demand more than ever the protect- 
 ing barriers of faith and loyalty. Divine providence 
 had doubtlessly connected these events with the progress 
 of its own mighty and benevolent designs. 
 
 While the minds of the German reformers were thus 
 occupied, affairs in Switzerland presented an almost 
 equally unsettled and ominous aspect. Exerting all 
 their ability and energy to keep the reformation from 
 spreading beyond Zurich, the catholic party succeeded 
 in persuading twelve of the cantons to summon a 
 meeting at Bade. As the purpose of this assembly 
 was a controversial discussion, the most distinguished of 
 the Romanist theologians — Eckius and Faber — ap- 
 peared there, armed with all the weapons which could 
 be bestowed by an extensive acquaintance with the sub- 
 ject, and long experience in the arts of debate. Zuingle 
 excused himself from attending this meeting ; but QEco- 
 lampadius took up the defence of the reformed doc- 
 trines, and the dispute was carried on by both parties 
 with vigour and ingenuity. 
 
 Another melancholy proof is here afforded of the 
 fallacy with which republican institutions are supported. 
 Zuingle was treated with as much tyrannous injustice 
 by the twelve cantons arrayed against him, as he could 
 have been by a corrupt court and bigoted monarch. He 
 
DISPUTES IN SWITZERLAND. 185 
 
 had expressed his willingness to defend the reformed 
 doctrines at any time, and in any place, provided his 
 adversaries would agree to certain necessary prelimin- 
 aries, and assure him of personal safety. These con- 
 ditions were asked for in vain ; but when he refused to 
 proceed to Bade, he was accused of cowardice, and 
 want of knowledge or ability to defend his opinions. 
 His answer to this accusation proves the injustice with 
 which he had been treated. The safe-conduct sent 
 him was signed by only seven out of the twelve can- 
 tons ; the rest being such enemies to his doctrines, that 
 he could not, without the greatest personal risk, trust 
 himself in their hands. It had been affirmed that hos- 
 tages were offered for his safety ; but this was not the 
 case ; the only security proffered being this, — that he 
 should be conducted to the meeting, and back, by 
 men of Bade, which, he said, would only be to resign 
 him to those who wished for his destruction. The 
 enmity of Eckius and Faber was the origin of this 
 attempt to ruin him : they were the instruments of 
 the hostile cantons ; and Zuingle considered that the 
 design to make him their victim was fully proved, by 
 their choosing a place for the meeting approved of 
 neither by himself nor the magistrates of Zurich. Sur- 
 prising as it is that such injustice could be exercised 
 towards Zuingle personally, it is still more astonishing 
 to find, that his opponents even meditated calling in the 
 assistance of the emperor, as well as that of the pope, 
 to crush him and the cantons which supported his cause. 
 His remonstrances, when this plot was discovered, show 
 that he trembled not only for his own sake^ but, as a 
 patriot, for that of his country. " What," he said, 
 '^ shall we again yield to a yoke, and voluntarily restore 
 the servitude, under which we so long groaned, and 
 which to break from cost us so much blood ? " * 
 
 Notwithstanding the increased vigilance, and the 
 more determined proceedings, of its opponents, the Re- 
 formation was every day evincing the irresistible might 
 * Ruchat, t. L liv. iii. Sleidan. 
 
186 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 of sound and enlightened principles. At the diet of 
 Spire, the multitudes assembled there, and who had 
 be^n accustomed to witness on such occasions the most 
 riotous displays, beheld with wonder the sedate and 
 pious behaviour of those who bore the name of Luther- 
 ans. The territory of Prussia, which, under the old 
 system, had been a prey to the licentious nobility, now 
 began to wear the appearance of a well-governed and 
 Christian state. AVherever, in short, the reformed doc- 
 trines obtained, there piety and good order were esta- 
 blished. The prince became reasonable and just ; formed 
 correct notions of the duties which pertained both to 
 himself and his subjects ; and, no longer determined to 
 support the old maxims of arbitrary rule, feared not to 
 let the light flow around his throne, or cast its beams 
 upon his crown, or into his heart. Among the people, 
 on the other hand, a sense of dignity, a rational love of 
 freedom, intense desires for knowledge, deep feelings 
 of Christian responsibility, produced the most happy 
 changes. Their views and hopes enlarged, they gra- 
 dually ceased to relish the childish and licentious amuse- 
 ments which formerly delighted them. They were led 
 to the performance of duty by conviction and reverence ; 
 and obedience, therefore, daily became more uniform. 
 The results of these changes were still to be looked for 
 in the enlarged means of human happiness, the greater 
 stability of governments, the more uniform and con- 
 sistent blending together of the different orders of so- 
 ciety. And in proportion as the principles of the 
 reformation continued to prevail, these were the per- 
 manent effects of its establishment. Age after age has 
 reaped a harvest of blessings from its introduction. To 
 it we owe, at the present day, whatever is most valuable 
 in our institutions, most respectable in our habits and 
 customs, most useful in our literature, most stable and 
 animating in our prospects as Christians. Had the 
 spirit of the reformation been followed with firmer steps, 
 we should have been enjoying still higher degrees of 
 good : but the full development of its principles is still 
 
DISPUTES IN SWITZERLAND. 187 
 
 to be looked for. The springs o£ its energy are neither 
 broken, nor quite uncoiled. We shall again feel the 
 mighty force with which, unbending themselves, they 
 shook the strong holds of corruption, pride, folly, and 
 superstition. And if nations, and the various orders of 
 society, can be persuaded to believe that truth, and the 
 divine blessing, are better securities for happiness than 
 the darkness of selfish wisdom, the Christian church 
 will be truly God's kingdom upon earth. 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 CEREMONIES AND DISCIPLINE REFORMED. POLITICAL EVENTS. 
 
 TROUBLES OF LUTHER. CONTROVERSY WITH ZUINGLE. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND. 
 
 TREATY OF BRESLAU. REFORMS AT STRASBURG. IN- 
 STRUCTIONS TO THE PASTORS. DIET OF SPIRE. ITS CON- 
 SEQUENCES. 
 
 Luther's authority, as the head of the reformed church, 
 was now so well established, that he introduced what 
 improvements seemed necessary without fear of oppo- 
 sition. His first care was to provide for the general 
 instruction of the people. In the Roman church they 
 had been taught as if they possessed only a species of 
 animal sensibility. A process was pursued, by which 
 this capability of receiving impressions from without 
 might be gradually increased, till it exhibited all the 
 signs of intense passion and enthusiasm. But it was 
 not thus that reasoning beings could be led to under- 
 stand, or properly believe, the Gospel. The very fa- 
 culties by which such an object is to be sought, were 
 lulled to sleep : no incitement to inquiry was allowed : 
 no distinct observation of the particulars which compose 
 the manifold mystery of the Gospel could enter into this 
 system of teaching. Luther, on the contrary, considered 
 that no good was to be looked for from ignorance ; and 
 that it was impossible for a creature like man to love 
 or cultivate holiness with uniform devotion, unless he 
 had a clear knowledge of the truth to guide and com- 
 fort him. He now, therefore, turned his attention to 
 the improvement of the means of public instruction. 
 In the greater part of the country there were no preach- 
 ers. Such had been the melancholy negligence of the 
 clergy, that few possessed sufficient acquaintance with 
 the Scriptures to enable them to address the people. 
 
REFORM OF CEREMONIES. 189 
 
 The mass-book alone had furnished them with as much 
 instruction as they thought necessary to dispense. Luther 
 found that it would be impossible to raise up at once a 
 band of teachers from among men so habituated to speak 
 only by rote. To supply the present necessity, therefore, 
 he circulated homilies throughout the country, and de- 
 sired that they might be used for a time in the place of 
 sermons. In taking this step he had to encounter the 
 opposition of the bishops ; but it was not till they 
 proved themselves indifferent to the state of the people, 
 and determined to resist the progress of the truth, that 
 he counselled the elector to adopt such a measure. The 
 reform of public worship was carried on with similar 
 zeal ; but he appears to have still dreaded the. evil 
 effects of too hasty a change in the mere ceremonies of 
 the church, and thereby acted consistently with the 
 grand principles of his reformation. In proving that 
 no ceremonies, or system founded on forms of worship, 
 can lead men to salvation, or permanently influence 
 their hearts, he proved, in a great degree, that they are 
 as powerless in one way as they are in another. But 
 though comparatively unimportant in themselves, if 
 viewed side by side with doctrine and precept, they 
 acquire an essential importance when the people attach 
 to them a notion of sanctity, and when, by long usage, 
 they are become the first links in the wide extending 
 associations of religious feeling. To alter them too 
 suddenly, in such cases, is like pulling down the ancient 
 edifices of a city, and destroying the memorials of ages 
 in which events occurred, dear to the hearts of men, 
 and long contemplated as monuments to the virtues of 
 their forefathers. But if the preservation of these 
 buildings is continued at the expense of health and 
 convenience — if the circulation of light and air is im- 
 peded by their jutting angles and cumbrous colonnades 
 — it is certainly wise, on the part of those who have suf- 
 ficient influence with the people, to show them how 
 they mtiy still retain what is valuable to memory, though 
 they allow the gradual removing of these cumbrous 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 piles. Neither religious nor patriotic feeling is of much 
 value^ perhaps, if it cannot exist without supports which 
 good sense requires to be relinquished. 
 
 That Luther acted with a full consideration of the 
 subject, appears from the discriminating view which he 
 took of it under different circumstances. Thus, while 
 warning the elector against precipitate changes at Wit- 
 temberg, where his power was supreme, he strongly 
 urged him to enforce reform in such places as remained 
 perversely attached to superstition. This appears by 
 his letter to the prince respecting the condition of the 
 people at Altenburg. The canons of the collegiate 
 church there had refused to correct abuses, which none 
 but the most bigoted of the Romish party attempted 
 to defend. This was to stop the progress of improve- 
 ment, and defy the general sense of a community re- 
 joicing in the prospect of complete emancipation from 
 the power of darkness. Luther directed the preachers 
 of Altenburg to take the first step, and appeal to the 
 common sense and fears of the canons. " Represent to 
 them," he said, " the danger they incur by irritating 
 the people ; let them know that the elector will not 
 allow any portion of a church under his control to per- 
 severe in practices which are idolatrous. Tell them, 
 however, that if they cannot renounce the mass without 
 oflPending their consciences, they must say it in private; 
 and that they may be assured of a hearing, if they are 
 willing to defend by Scripture the continuance of their 
 former practices. Whatever be their reply," he added, 
 '^ they ought not to be deprived of their honours and 
 revenues." 
 A. D . It ^'^^ ^t *^^^ period that the states of Europe were 
 1527. engaged in tliemost important struggle that the political 
 world had reen since the fall of the Roman empire. 
 France, Spain, England, and the head of the Germanic 
 confederacy, had now to determine the grand question, 
 whether one imperial monarchy was to throw its shadow 
 over all the rest, or whether each, by the balance of 
 power, was to enjoy freedom and national independence. 
 
IMPR1S0N3IENT OP CLEMENT VII. IQl 
 
 The petty states of dismembered Italy afforded unceasing 
 occasions for dispute ; while the crooked and subtle 
 policy of the popes supplied stimulants which converted 
 every dispute into a war. Francis I. had only just 
 returned from captivity^ when Clement discovered that 
 it would be for his interest to break with the emperor, 
 and form an alliance with the French king and Henry 
 of England. But so badly had he calculated his forces 
 in this affair, that the imperial troops reached the gates 
 of Rome with the swiftness of an eagle. In vain he 
 trusted to the sacredness of the place and of his character. 
 The duke de Bourbon, who led the army, was the first 
 to ascend the walls : his soldiers followed, as eager for 
 plunder as if they had been sacking the fortress of 
 idolaters or infidels. No respect was paid to the spot 
 which had been reverenced by nations as the centre, the 
 eye of Christendom. The most daring licentiousness 
 characterised the conquerors ; and the pope himself, 
 with all his cardinals, was locked up a prisoner in the 
 castle of St. Angelo.* 
 
 The emperor, on hearing of this event, did not act 
 as his professions might have led the catholic commu- 
 nity to expect. Instead of annulling the deed which a 
 violent and thoughtless soldiery had committed, he kept 
 the pontiff in captivity for several months ; and then 
 only released him on the payment of a ransom, and 
 after receiving faithful promises that a general council 
 should be summoned for the correction of abuses and 
 grievances. 
 
 An occurrence of this kind could not fail to produce 
 a deep impression on the minds of both catholics and 
 reformers. Those who remained firm in their attach- 
 ment to the church must have witnessed, with equal 
 sorrow and indignation, the father of the faithful thus 
 trampled on by a haughty sovereign : to this portion 
 of the people, therefore, an increase of zeal would result 
 from the misfortunes of the pope. But by far the 
 
 * Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. xii. p. 23. 
 
192 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 larger class consisted of those who had long since sus- 
 pected his right to more than a formal reverence. 
 With them, his degradation would be productive of still 
 greater indifference ; and they would regard him in the 
 light only of a defeated politician, who, having trusted 
 to weak counsels, now reaped the proper fruit of his 
 folly. It had been thus on all occasions, when the head 
 of the church, embroiling himself in the disputes of 
 worldly potentates, was obliged to sacrifice his dignity 
 to secure his safety. The reformers, on the other hand, 
 were well entitled to triumph at the spectacle thus 
 afforded them. They had been accused of not rendering 
 implicit obedience to the pope ; but he was now treated 
 with no more respect, by the catholic head of the em- 
 pire, than any other petty prince vanquished in war. A 
 stronger argument could not have been advanced in 
 their favour, when opposed by that numerous party 
 who willingly acknowledged themselves loyal subjects 
 of the emperor, and admirers of his policy. In respect 
 to their future prospects, the event was full of promise. 
 It essentially weakened the power, by destroying the 
 union, of their principal enemies ; and there was every 
 reason to believe that many of those who had adhered 
 to the Romish party, from the supposition that it was 
 unalterable in its elements and constitution, would now 
 yield to the influence of the young and energetic spirit 
 of reform . 
 
 But while the elector of Saxony was diligently pur- 
 suing the noble purposes to which he had devoted him- 
 self, and inducing, by his example, the landgrave of 
 Hesse, Albert of Prussia, and other princes, to adopt 
 the most extensive measures of improvement, these 
 excellent men saw a storm gathering over their heads, 
 which it would require no less prudence than courage to 
 evade. A league, it was said, had been formed against 
 them, the composition of which was such that they knew 
 it could not long remain inactive. To defend themselves, 
 therefore, against any sudden attack, became an imme- 
 diate duty, if the ordinary principles of policy were 
 
LUTHER DISSUADES FROM WAR. 193 
 
 Still to be followed. Such, however, was the situation 
 of the German princes, at this period, that they were 
 unable to determine whether it was lawful or not to 
 prepare against aggressions which might at once in- 
 volve both themselves and their subjects in irretrievable 
 ruin. The elector of Saxony, in this dilemma, had 
 appealed to Luther. At Mentz, at Spire, and, lastly, 
 at Eslingen, meetings of the several powers had only 
 served to expose more clearly the intentions of the 
 catholic party. The landgrave of Hesse, who added a 
 certain degree of vehemence to the piety and good 
 sense which marked his character, urged the elector to 
 take immediate measures for their mutual defence. 
 But Luther replied to the questions of his prince that 
 though it would have been lawful for him to resist the 
 attacks of any inferior potentate, it would not be so to 
 take up arms against the head of the empire, to whom 
 both he and the other princes had sworn faithful alle- 
 giance ; and that, consequently, should he be attacked, 
 even to the spoiling of his possessions and of his 
 dignity, he must only offer such a resistance as might 
 be made by prayers and protestations. It is easy to 
 perceive that the correctness of Luther's principles 
 thus laid down, depends upon the view taken of the 
 conditions on which the princes of Germany were 
 bound in allegiance to the emperor. The advice was 
 the more bold and conscientious from the circumstances 
 under which it was given : for it had just been pro- 
 posed that the imperial cities should be put under the 
 ban of the empire ; and duke George had publicly 
 said that, though the Turks were almost at their gates, 
 the extirpation of Lutheranism demanded more imme- 
 diate attention than their defence against the infidel. 
 Had the advice of this prince, or that of the margrave 
 of Baden, whom Ferdinand had appointed regent during 
 his absence in Bohemia, been followed, the pacific 
 counsels of Luther v/ould have had little effect. The 
 public sense of injury, the minds of a vast community 
 insulted under the pretence of law, would have instantly 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 broken through all the restraints which his view of 
 the subject might have imposed. 
 
 The gloom which oppressed Germany from political 
 causes, at this period, was rendered doubly oppressive by 
 the appearance of a pestilential disorder, which swept 
 off many thousands of the people. Luther had always 
 regarded the success of the Turks as a punishment sent 
 by God. He had even declared that they ought not to 
 be resisted. But he now yielded to the general im- 
 pression of melancholy. The plague had obliged the 
 elector to remove both his court and the members of the 
 university from Wittemberg, and Luther remained al- 
 most alone in the city. Death reigned around him, and 
 the worst apprehensions were entertained for his safety. 
 The elector earnestly entreated him to leave the place, 
 and there were not wanting arguments to show that his 
 preservation, in the present state of affairs, was a matter 
 of public concern. But he contended, both in his 
 own case and that of others, that flight was only lawful 
 for those who had no especial duty to perform. So 
 strongly did he feel this, that though suffering under 
 the deepest melancholy that ever oppressed him, he 
 continued to struggle on, visiting the sick and the 
 dying, and doing whatever the little strength which 
 remained to him would allow. His letters at this pe- 
 riod, breathe the most sorrowful sentiments, and ex- 
 press the afflictions of a strong heart, assailed both 
 from within and without. To the natural influence of 
 grievous apprehensions, were added the still more de- 
 pressing fears of his peculiarly constituted mind. How- 
 ever great its strength, it had been over-wrought; and in 
 this season of languor all the doubts that had assailed 
 it, before conviction was attained, appear to have 
 rushed back upon it like stifling tempest clouds, or an 
 army of demons resolved on possessing themselves of 
 the knowledge, the faith, and piety which formed its 
 riches. It was, however, to the physical state of his 
 frame that most of this melancholy might properly be 
 attributed ; for after suffering some time, without a 
 
LUTHER AND THE SWISS REFORMERS. 195 
 
 hope of relief, a violent perspiration seized him, and as 
 he began slowly to recover his former state of health, the 
 terror which had oppressed him gradually died away, and 
 enabled him to employ those resources of thought and 
 prayer, the only remedies sufficiently powerful for the 
 diseases of mighty minds like his.* 
 
 A great crisis was approaching ; nor shall we err, 
 perhaps, if we suppose that Luther's spirits, at this 
 time, might be influenced, in some degree, by that 
 species of innate foresight, those strangely foreboding 
 feelings, which have so often been found to affect the 
 minds of public men on the eve of important events. 
 Nor is it altogether unreasonable to suppose that, in 
 being thus kept back from exertion for a season, he 
 was imperceptibly undergoing a preparation for yet 
 more vigorous labour when the hour should arrive for 
 putting to the test every principle he had advocated, 
 and the whole system which had been established 
 through his means. This was the least active year of 
 his life; but considered in such a point of view, it 
 might be one of the most important. The only signs of 
 any remaining activity which Luther displayed, during 
 this period of depression, appeared in his regular preach- 
 ing ; in the composition of a little treatise on war, which 
 he considered lawful only in extreme cases ; and lastly, 
 in his controversy with the Swiss reformers Bucer and 
 Zuingle. He had authorised the former of these active 
 labourers in the field, to translate some of his works 
 into Latin, — atask which was commenced, it seems, wit! 
 the express understanding, that the translator might 
 modify certain expressions where he saw fit, and add, 
 if he chose, remarks and annotations. But when the 
 publications appeared, Luther discovered that Bucer 
 had not merely endeavoured to turn his language into 
 phrases which might serve to render the general style 
 of his arguments more determinate and expressive, but 
 
 * Carlostadt fled about this time. Luther speaks of him as incorrigible. 
 + Briefe, torn. iii. The most interesting of his letters are those to Justus 
 Jonas. Spalatinus. 
 
 2 
 
1Q6 history of the reformation. 
 
 that he had inserted observations and notes which bore 
 directly against his opinions on the subject of the 
 sacrament. With his usual eagerness of temper^ he 
 instantly wrote to the printer at Basle^ and declared that 
 Bucer had crucified the work by his poisonous observ- 
 ations, and committed nothing less than sacrilege.* 
 
 To this accusation^ the translator mildly replied, that 
 he had taken no further liberty than that which was 
 always justly allowed to one who sought to increase the 
 circulation of a work not his own : that if he agreed 
 with the substance of what it contained, but considered 
 some points advanced in it erroneous^ he only performed 
 his duty in stating why he rejected them ; and still 
 further, that he had expressly stipulated with Luther's 
 friend Bougenhague, through whom the correspondence 
 was carried on_, that he should be allowed the liberty of 
 correcting w^hat he might deem unsound or falsely ex- 
 pressed. 
 
 Thus unhappily Avas created a fresh cause for angry 
 feeling between Luther and the divines of Switzerland. 
 Zuingle said he lamented the enmity which existed in 
 his mind ; and displayed in the whole of his conduct 
 a great superiority, in respect to temper, over his 
 opponent. Scarcely any expression of contem.pt could 
 have been used_, which Luther did not employ when 
 speaking of the opinions of the Swiss on the subject of 
 the sacrament. Zuingle hoped that he might still con- 
 vince him of the injustice of this abuse, and of the 
 reasonableness and scriptural truth of the arguments by 
 which they had been led to abolish the mass. He, 
 therefore, addressed him in a work which professed 
 to contain a full explication of his doctrine. The trea- 
 tise was worthy of the design for which it had been 
 written; and ought to have secured for both himself 
 and his followers the respect and friendship of Luther. 
 But, instead of softening, it appeared only to increase 
 the angry nature of his feelings. Not content with 
 answering the arguments of his opponents, he could not 
 * Briefe, t. iii. p. 201. De Wette. 
 
ASSEMBLY AT BERNE. 197 
 
 resist the temptation of heaping up epithets on their 
 names, which we now read with disgust. The title of 
 his book was, '^ A Defence of the Words of Jesus Christ, 
 ' This is my body/ against the fanatical spirit of the 
 Sacramentarians." It is impossible not to be struck 
 with delight at the noble moderation which Zuingle 
 displayed in answering this abusive publication. He 
 would not, he said, at the conclusion of his argument, 
 undertake a confutation of Luther's insulting expres- 
 sions. He had sufficient patience to endure them quietly, 
 and feared not to rest on his innocence as the best defence 
 which could be offered to such attacks. 
 
 Zuingle had^ indeed, too pure and exalted a spirit to 
 sacrifice that self-possession and tranquillity, which were 
 so much required, to such a species of controversy. 
 The state of the reformed party in Switzerland demanded 
 the most careful attention. It was, in many respects, 
 prosperous. Superstition lost first one, and then another 
 of its strong holds. A knowledge of the simple truths 
 of Scripture, diffused throughout the cantons, had created 
 such a spirit of inquiry, that no persuasions could induce 
 the mass of the people to join with the catholic clergy 
 in anathematising the reformers. But, notwithstanding 
 this, several of the cantons, with their magistrates and 
 priests, continued not only to defend themselves against 
 reform, but to make desperate assaults on the professors 
 of the new opinions. The best resistance that could be 
 offered to the activity of this party was the employment 
 of every legitimate means for making the people ac- 
 quainted with the real state of the argument. Not only, 
 therefore, were the Scriptures widely circulated, and 
 numerous treatises published, containing information on 
 all the principal points of the dispute, but general as- 
 semblies, like those first summoned at Zurich, continued 
 to be held ; and in these meetings, the advocates of 
 each party were fairly put to the trial of stating and 
 defending their opinions as they best could. 
 
 One of these assemblies was held at Berne, at the 
 close of the year 1527. The topics for dispute were 
 o 3 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, 
 
 arranged under ten heads, and stated in a paper widely 
 circulated previous to the day of meeting. Of the ten 
 articles thus proposed to be defended, the substance 
 was, " that Jesus Christ is the sole head of the church, 
 the foundation and rule of which is faith, founded on 
 the word of God : that Christ alone has expiated sin : 
 that it cannot be proved by Scripture that the body of 
 Christ is really and corporally eaten in the sacrament 
 of the last supper : that the sacrifice of the mass is 
 contrary to Scripture, and opposed to the one sufficient 
 sacrifice of Christ himself: that purgatory having no 
 foundation in Scripture, prayers for the dead, and the 
 other rites performed for them, are vain and useless 
 ceremonies : that it is contrary to the word of God to 
 have and to worship images, and that they ought to be 
 removed from the churches : that marriage is not for- 
 bidden, but rather enjoined ; and, lastly, that a state of 
 celibacy, not well observed, is bad for any class of per- 
 sons, but much more so for the clergy."* 
 
 It had been found necessary on this, as on similar 
 occasions, to insist that Scripture should be the sole 
 authority appealed to as conclusive in the debate. The 
 reasonableness of such a demand is now so plain, that it 
 is a matter of the greatest astonishment how any class 
 of christians could ever have disputed its propriety. 
 But so obnoxious was it considered by the catholic 
 party, that it seems to have been always sufficient to in- 
 duce them either to keep from the scene of contest, or to 
 make, when there, the most unfair attempts to evade 
 the appeal. At Berne, the defenders of the above pro- 
 positions, resolved not to leave the stand which they had 
 taken on the truths of Scripture, repressed every ap- 
 proach to sophistry and the vague quotation of unin- 
 spired authorities. Finding this to be the case, the few 
 opponents present soon ceased from the charge ; and at 
 the close of the meeting, the magistrates ordered that 
 both the mass and the use of images should be abolished 
 in that city and its territory. 
 
 * Ruchat, t. i. liv. iii. p. 429. 
 
PROGRESS OP SWISS REFORM. 199 
 
 This was another step towards the accomplishment a. d. 
 of the great end for which the Almighty had raised l^^S. 
 up so many noble spirits, awoke the world, so long op- 
 pressed with torpor, and. poured light into the most 
 secret recesses of superstition. It might have been 
 thought that Luther, notwithstanding their differences of 
 opinion on the subject of the sacrament, would still have 
 rejoiced at the triumph of those whose principal object 
 it plainly was to root out error, to expose it to the test 
 of divine truth, and, under all circumstances, establish 
 Scripture as the rule of faith. But it was not so. 
 Luther had unfortunately the human weakness to regard 
 his own particular views as of more consequence than 
 principles which were necessarily of universal impor- 
 tance and efficacy. Zuingle was rather to be treated as 
 an enemy, because he contended for the figurative inter- 
 pretation of Christ's words in the communion, than to 
 be loved and admired for his grand defence of their 
 common right to appeal to Scripture ; to give the Bible 
 to mankind at large, and to believe^ and preach, and 
 act according to its dictates. 
 
 No sooner was it announced to him that Berne, and 
 then Constance, and soon after Geneva, had joined the 
 party of Zuingle, than he drew up a confession of faith, 
 the main purport of which was the contradiction of the 
 articles held by the Sacramentarians. Of the three 
 heads into which it is divided, the first refers to the 
 tenets of Zuingle; the second to those of (Ecolam- 
 padius ; while, under the third, he sets forth his own. 
 His confidence in the correctness of his opinions on 
 the subject of the sacrament was as strong as his 
 faith in the Scriptures themselves. He spoke on the 
 subject as if it were impossible that he should not have 
 discovered the exact interpretation of the mystery; and 
 hence the horror and the intemperate indignation with 
 which he contemplated the doctrines of the Sacramen- 
 tarians.* It is, however, highly probable that his sen- 
 
 " I am preparing," he says, in a letter to Nic. Hausman, " against the 
 Sacramentarians. Do thou pray that Christ may direct my pen well and 
 
 o 4 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 timents were in some degree affected by the supposed 
 union of Carlostad with the most dangerous faction that 
 had ever assumed a rehgious character. Carlostad was 
 his earHest opponent on the subject of the mass. By 
 Carlostad were his repose and confidence first disturbed; 
 and, if Luther was influenced as men ordinarily are by 
 strong associations_, it is easy to see that the peculiar 
 points on which they differed were those which he was 
 most likely to regard with suspicion in after times. 
 
 While these disputes were occupying the minds of 
 those who considered that the knowledge of the truth 
 was of more importance to them than their worldly 
 condition, the attention of all who had any part to 
 perform in the affairs of public life was forcibly turned 
 to the proceedings of the kings of France and Eng- 
 land, and of the archduke Ferdinand, who was at 
 present engaged in a violent struggle for the crown of 
 Hungary. Francis 1., burning with the desire of re- 
 covering his former greatness and importance, had 
 entered into a treaty with Henry VIII., the foundation 
 of which was their mutual determination to lessen the 
 power of the emperor. Charles, on the other hand, 
 feeling, as it appears, not only as a prince, but as a 
 man, when he saw the unjust combination formed 
 against him, spoke in terms of unmeasured indignation 
 and contempt respecting the conduct of the French 
 monarch. The latter repelled these insults by a chal- 
 lenge; to which his imperial majesty immediately replied, 
 by not only accepting the defiance, but by expressing 
 his desire to meet the challenger with all convenient 
 speed. Francis saw sufficient reason to allow this affair 
 
 prosperously against satan. I rejoicethat thou art not, as I always believed, 
 infected with that leaven. It grieves me that that admirable man, CEco- 
 lampadius, should be so driven into the pit by satan, and by such foolish 
 thoughts. May God deliver him therefrom. " He says, in a letter written 
 a few days after to Spalatin, " I am again proceeding against the Sacra- 
 mentarians. Pray for me, that Christ may be propitious, seeing it is his 
 own cause." — Brirfe, torn. iii. pp. 154—156. In tlie month of March, he 
 writes to another friend, " The doctrine of Zinglius and fficolampadius is 
 spreading. I am writing a German work against it. Be not infected with 
 this opinion : it is a blasphemy against the word and the faith of Christ." — 
 Ibid. p. 165. 
 
TREATY OF BRESLAU. 201 
 
 to cease, and attack his enemy by the more effectual 
 methods of regular warfare and state policy. 
 
 The union of France and England afforded a timely 
 diversion in favour of the German reformers. Ferdinand, 
 moreover, to whose steady exertions against them might be 
 ascribed many of their late anxieties, had amply enough 
 to occupy his attention in his attempts on Hungary. 
 The rival pretender to that throne was the waywode of 
 Transylvania, He had been elected to the dignity by 
 the unanimous voice of the nobles, with the exception of 
 tliree whom he accused of being tempted by poverty 
 to sell their votes to Ferdinand. Finding himself unable 
 to contend successfully against the power of that prince, 
 he appealed to the several states of Germany ; and it was 
 now to be learnt whether the several governments of a 
 dismembered country could, in the season of difficulty, 
 avail themselves suddenly of a great political advantage. 
 
 We have seen the elector of Saxony inquiring of 
 Luther whether any circumstances would justify his re- 
 sisting the attacks of the emperor made against him and 
 his allies, on the principles of religious persecution. 
 Every day afforded some fresh proof of the necessity of 
 determining this question ; or rather the question, 
 whether the members of a free state should allow secret 
 machinations to be carried on for their destruction, 
 without employing any means to resist the approaching 
 tempest. Luther had taught the elector that in no case 
 might he oppose the power of the emperor by hostile 
 means; and with this answer that amiable and pious 
 prince would probably have remained contented, but for 
 a circumstance which brought to his counsels the superior 
 firmness and resolution of the landgrave of Hesse. 
 Philip was a sovereign who, at all times ready to act, 
 possessed quahties which admirably fitted him to be the 
 ally of Frederic. By an unexpected communication 
 from Othon Paccius, the chancellor of George of Saxony, 
 and who regarded the landgrave as a private friend, the 
 latter learnt that an extensive plot was already formed 
 against him and the elector. The chiefs of the hostile 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE REF0R3IATI0N. 
 
 league were said to be duke George himself, the archbishop 
 of Mentz, the two dukes of Bavaria, the archbishop of 
 Saltzbourg, the elector of Brandebourg, and Ferdinand. 
 Several other bishops and princes were supposed to have 
 secretly given their assent to the design, the main object 
 of which, as stated by Paccius, was to ruin the land- 
 grave and the elector, and exterminate the religion of 
 which they were such distinguished supporters. 
 
 The treaty by which the confederates bound them- 
 selves to the execution of this project, was signed at 
 Breslau, on the twelfth of May, 1527- Ferdinand, it 
 appeared, secured his own interests in the affair, by in- 
 sisting that their earliest efforts should be employed in 
 securing him the crown of Hungary. This being ac- 
 complished, they were next to address the elector of 
 Saxony ; and should he still refuse to expel Luther and 
 the Lutherans from his dominions, the troops which 
 had been led against Hungary were to be employed 
 in reducing him to obedience, and finally depriving 
 him of his states. To effect this, duke George was to 
 invade Silesia and Bavaria : king Ferdinand, Saxony, 
 Misnia, and Thuringia ; and the bishops, the duchy of 
 Cobourg. Some difficulty existed from the circumstance 
 that duke George was the father-in-law of the landgrave 
 of Hesse, and equally closely allied to the elector. But 
 the embarrassment was soon removed, on the suggestion, 
 that with regard to the landgrave he was yet young, 
 and might be treated with lenity, in the hope that he 
 would retract his errors ; while the alliance between the 
 duke and the elector might be considered as null and 
 void, on the plea that the league was formed in the 
 cause of the emperor, who, like the pope, was exempted 
 from the force of such engagements.* 
 
 It was further agreed that, when the design was ac- 
 complished, the territory of the vanquished elector should 
 be divided among the conquerors. Thus, duke George 
 stipulated for the electoral provinces : the archbishop of 
 Magdebourg, for the principality of that city: Ferdinand 
 
 * Sleidan, t. i. liv. vi. p. 251. Seckendorf. 
 
TREATY OF BRESLAU. 203 
 
 was to have the possessions in Silesia ; and the rest, 
 such rewards in money as might be derived from the 
 division of the lesser spoils. 
 
 The landgrave, when he received this intelligence, 
 was at Dresden, on a visit to the duke, his father-in- 
 law. Startled at the communication, he with difficulty 
 gave it credit ; but Paccius immediately offered to pro- 
 cure him a sight of the original document, if he would 
 pay the sum of 4000 florins. To satisfy him, how- 
 ever, without delay he produced a copy of the instru- 
 ment, as signed and sealed by the duke, and which had 
 every appearance of authenticity. The landgrave could 
 no longer hesitate to believe an account the truth of 
 which was thus strongly supported. His situation 
 was, therefore, equally perilous and distressing. Duke 
 George was nearly connected with him, and there were 
 many reasons which would make an open rupture be- 
 tween them full of painful consequences. The elector, 
 on the other hand, was his faithful and affectionate ally; 
 bound to him not only by common political interests, 
 but by the friendship which had been begun and was 
 cemented by their communion in the same persecuted 
 faith. Philip was too good a prince not to be able to 
 decide between these conflicting calls upon his alle- 
 giance; and, having come to a resolution on the subject, 
 he acted with his customary promptitude. Exhibiting 
 no sign of uneasiness which could lead the duke to sus- 
 pect his knowledge of the plot, he set out from Dresden 
 to seek the elector of Saxony, who was now at Weimar. 
 As astonished as the landgrave himself had been, that 
 prince called to mind some circumstances which seemed 
 strongly to confirm the truth of what Paccius had 
 related. The margrave of Brandebourg, it appears, 
 had shortly before informed him that he had seen the 
 elector of Brandebourg at Breslau, with a parchment in 
 his hand which had several seals affixed to it. What 
 was still more to the purpose, Casimir, the brother 
 Oi duke George, had on his death-bed made some 
 observations which purported that the Lutherans would 
 
204 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 soon become the objects of a general attack. These 
 circumstances received a further weight from its being 
 well known that many meetings had taken place between 
 the catholic chiefs_, the design of which they had stu- 
 diously concealed. 
 
 It was evident to the elector that only the most vigo- 
 rous measures could save him from the impending ruin. 
 He therefore signed a treaty with the landgrave, by 
 which they bound themselves to raise forthwith an 
 army of 20,000 foot and 6000 horse, and to remain 
 faithful to each other, though to the sacrifice of their 
 possessions and their lives. They then appealed to 
 such states as had shown themselves favourable to the 
 reformation, and received the most encouraging answer 
 from Albert, duke of Prussia, who promised not only to 
 aid them himself, but to procure the assistance of the 
 king of Poland. The king of Denmark also intimated 
 his willingness to join in their quarrel ; and the same 
 feeling and determination w^as expressed by several of 
 the free cities, and even by the states of jMagdebourg, 
 notwithstanding the intentions of the archbishop. 
 
 Thus far the prospects of the elector and the land- 
 grave were bright and cheering. The readiness with 
 which their cause had been espoused afforded a striking 
 proof of the enthusiam which prevailed in favour of 
 the reformation. To defend their own rights was to 
 uphold the religious freedom of Germany at large ; and 
 this was so clearly recognised that they had every rea- 
 son to believe that the power of the emperor, with that 
 of the catholic princes, would be overbalanced by the 
 fresh and earnest vigour of the new party. 
 
 The preparations for war could not be carried on in 
 silence. At Wittemberg the liveliest excitement pre- 
 vailed when it was understood that the elector was on 
 the eve of hostile movements. Luther and Melancthon, 
 with the rest of the clergy, regarded such a proceeding 
 as both imjustifiable and dangerous. Their sentiments 
 weighed greatly with the elector, who, naturally mild 
 and timid, now seemed to be less than ever disposed to 
 
TREATY OF BRESLAU. 205 
 
 trust to his own decisions. In this state of uncertainty 
 he was sought by Pontanus, his chancellor^ who sup- 
 ported with all his influence the opinions of Luther and 
 Melancthon. Reasoning as a politician^ he pointed out 
 not only the hazard of the undertaking^ but the extreme 
 uncertainty of the grounds in which it had originated. 
 Paccius, he observed^ might have been mistaken^ or 
 mighty from some unknown motives^ have acted deceit- 
 fully ; and these reasons, he contended^ ought to be 
 sufficient to induce caution, and to content the elector 
 with remaining on his guard against any sudden attack^ 
 instead of rashly commencing a war which might only 
 terminate in the ruin of his states.* 
 
 These persuasions and arguments so far prevailed 
 with the elector as to induce him to send to the land- 
 grave of Hesse, and urge the necessity of their remain- 
 ing tranquil till the intentions of the confederates 
 should assume a more decided character. It was with 
 difficulty that Philip could be persuaded to agree to this 
 cautious address ; but finding the elector resolved on 
 not acting with the promptitude which seemed neces- 
 sary, he could only submit, and await the progress of 
 events. In the mean time, however^ he wrote to his 
 father-in-law^ informing him of the steps he had taken, 
 and of the reasons in which they originated. He 
 thanked him, he said, for the kind regard he had taken 
 of his interests in the treaty at Breslau^ and was sorry 
 to have given him uneasiness by being a heretic; but he 
 begged to assure him that he was himself still more 
 grieved at finding him so bigoted an enemy to truth, 
 which_, whatever might be the consequences, he was 
 determined to defend with all his ability^ and even to 
 the shedding of the last drop of his blood. To this he 
 added, that it ought not to be supposed he would re- 
 main idle while powerful enemies were plotting the 
 ruin of his people, and of that cause which he had 
 so long sought to establish. No : he would anticipate 
 
 * Beausobre, t, iv. liv. vii, p. 41. Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. 13. p. 97. Sleidan. 
 
206 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 their movements, and trusted that God^ seeing the jus- 
 tice of his proceedings, would give success to his arms. 
 At the same time, however, he expressed his regret_, 
 that such should be the state of things between him and 
 a prince with whom he was so nearly allied as the duke: 
 he reminded him of the promptness with which he had 
 hastened to his succour against the insurgents in Thu- 
 ringia, and expressed his readiness to show similar 
 zeal and affection whenever he chose to put them to the 
 proof. The elector of Saxony, he said^ entertained the 
 same sentiments; and all they now required was, that 
 he should cease from prosecuting a design which, while 
 it would desolate the empire^ would break asunder all 
 those ties which it was their duty and interest to pre- 
 serve entire. 
 
 George of Saxony immediately answered this letter by 
 protesting, that the account of the treaty signed at Bres- 
 lau was wholly a fabrication, and demanding^ therefore^ 
 that the landgrave should make known the author of 
 the falsehood^ or bear the dishonour of being regarded as 
 the inventor of it himself. He then wrote to the 
 princes who had been named as parties in the design, 
 and every where circulated a manifesto, declaring his 
 innocence, and accusing the landgrave of being engaged 
 in effecting purposes of private ambition and aggrand- 
 isement. The defence of the duke was speedily fol- 
 lowed by that of the other supposed confederates, and 
 Philip of Hesse found himself exposed to the necessity 
 of proving that he acted on proper and sufficient evi- 
 dence, or bearing the blame of having basely endeav- 
 oured to excite a war for his own advantage. 
 
 In accordance with the wishes of the accused princes, 
 Paccius was put to his examination before their several 
 envoys. To their questions he answered distinctly, 
 that what he had told the landgrave was founded on 
 truth. The latter, therefore, turning to the deputies, 
 required them to justify him before their masters, and 
 show them how he had only acted according to inform- 
 ation which appeared sufficient to justify his proceed- 
 
FATE OF PACCIUS. 207 
 
 ings. Paccius was next examined by the new chancel- 
 lor of the duke, but required permission to retire till 
 the next day. He then entered upon his defence ; ex- 
 plained how the treaty became known to him ; what 
 were his motives for divulging the secret to the land- 
 grave_, and by what collateral evidence his original sus- 
 picions were confirmed. To all this the envoy of the 
 duke replied with no slight force of argument; and the 
 several ambassadors joined with him in desiring that 
 the unfortunate Paccius might be put to the torture. 
 The landgrave of Hesse had the humanity to deny this 
 request, and referred the decision of the affair to the 
 elector of Treves and the elector palatine. Paccius 
 he retained some time in prison, and then banished him 
 into Flanders, where a few years afterwards he lost his 
 head. 
 
 The only sufferers in this strange occurrence were the 
 prelates who had been accused of joining in the league. 
 It was on condition that they paid 100,000 crowns 
 that Philip agreed to lay down his arms. An attempt 
 was made to rescind this article in the treaty of peace ; 
 but Philip remained firm in his determination to bear 
 no loss for having prepared against an attack which 
 there had long been so much reason to expect.* Luther 
 and Melancthon, though convinced of the existence of 
 the treaty of Breslau, strongly urged upon the elector 
 the necessity of cherishing peace. And it now required 
 the counsel of such men to support even a prince of 
 his mild character in this passive state. Soon after the 
 commotions which existed had been made known abroad, 
 the emperor addressed him in a letter which could only 
 
 * The learned editor of Sleidan observes on this subject, that never was 
 there a more flagrant act of extortion ; for since the expenses of the arma- 
 ment raised by the landgrave had been caused by his giving credence to a 
 false report, he only had a right to bear them, and not they against whom 
 he had so unwarrantably proceeded. Sleidan, t. i. liv. vi. p. 252. Suppos- 
 ing, indeed, that the point in dispute was really so fully cleared up as .to 
 leave no just suspicion of a portion of the accusation being true, this re- 
 mark is perfectly just ; but many reasons existed for the landgrave's put- 
 ting himself in a state of defence ; and several persons continued to believe, 
 as Sleidan himself observes, that what Paccius had stated was not altoge- 
 ther false. 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 have been dictated by the haughtiest and most tyran- 
 nical of spirits. It pretended to warn and counsel the 
 elector like a mere dependent on the will of his chief: 
 it spoke of pardon and clemency exercised towards him ; 
 and of the gratitude which the guilty ought to exhibit 
 when thusj by the mercy of the sovereign^ left unpu- 
 nished. 
 
 In the midst of these disturbances, the doctrines of 
 the reformed religion were rapidly establishing them- 
 selves in the minds and affections of the people. At 
 Strasburg, the senate, after having long carried on a 
 struggle with the catholic party, announced its desire 
 that the points in dispute might be fairly discussed and 
 decided by the most learned men of each persuasion. 
 An assembly was accordingly convened : bu t the Romanists 
 refusing to attend^ or offer any defence of their practices, 
 the senate passed a decree prohibiting their priests 
 from preaching; and stating, as the reason for this 
 command, that they employed their time in accusing 
 others of teaching heresy, while they themselves de- 
 livered doctrines which they feared to defend. Having 
 adopted this measure, they prayed the council of the em- 
 pire, assembled at Spire, to confirm the decree ; but that 
 body replied that it hoped no change would be made till 
 the assembling of a general council, or^ at least, till the 
 meeting of the diet, in which they could make known 
 their desires, and where they might expect to receive 
 a gracious and satisfactory reply. It also intimated 
 that, should they act precipitately, they would only bring 
 down upon themselves the resentment of the emperor, 
 or his lieutenant, Ferdinand^ who, being charged with 
 sovereign authority, would take the most speedy mea- 
 sures for punishing any offence against the majesty of 
 the laws. 
 
 Such was the message brought by the deputies of 
 the imperial senate. It produced little effect on the 
 minds of the people of Strasburg. As useless were 
 the efforts of the bishop of the see, who employed 
 every entreaty and argument that could be suggested 
 
REFORM AT STRASBURG. 200 
 
 to rouse the higher classes in his favour. The senate 
 again assembled : it cautiously stated what had been 
 communicated to it respecting the sentiments of the 
 emperor ; and the consequences which might be ex- 
 pected were the mass and other rights of the Romish 
 church abolished in the city. But it reminded the people^ 
 at the same time, that they had greater reason to fear 
 God than man : and that, therefore, it should be care- 
 fully considered whether it would not be better to incur 
 the displeasure of the monarch, than tempt the judg- 
 ments of God by their retaining the corruptions of error 
 and superstition.* 
 
 At the close of the discussion, the whole mass of the 
 population was directed to assemble by tribes, and de- 
 clare what resolution had been adopted. On the ap- 
 pointed day the meeting took place ; and the voices 
 of the people being in favour of the abolition of the 
 mass and other rites of Romanism, the senate decreed 
 that they should cease ; till such time, at least, as ad- 
 vocates could be found willing and able to defend their 
 re-introduction. The bishop, on being informed of what 
 had occurred, replied, that he received the intelligence 
 with much affliction, but that he must suffer patiently, 
 and endeavour to perform his duty in the best manner 
 he could. Thus was effected one of the noblest tri- 
 umphs of popular feeling over the powerful illusions of 
 ancient error, recorded in the annals of the reformation. 
 
 The changes which had taken place in the order 
 of religious affairs now began to be felt, not only 
 by the march of improvement, but by the birth of new^ 
 necessities, which had scarcely been anticipated till 
 they claimed immediate attention. There was no esta- 
 blished confession of faith ; no fixed rule of church dis- 
 cipline ; no certain or recognised power, through which 
 to continue the succession qf the clergy, and supply the 
 congregations with well instructed and authorised teach- 
 ers. It was much to be feared that this state of things, 
 
 * Sleidart, tom.'i. liv. vi. p. 257. 
 VOL. I. P 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 if continued, would open the door for countless abuses 
 and disorders. Fanaticism, with its attendant licen- 
 tiousness, was still on the increase; and if once the mass 
 of the people should become infected with that fatal 
 malady, it was well known that the great objects of the 
 reformation would be more distant than ever. Having 
 carefully considered, therefore, the present wants of the 
 people, Luther and his associates determined that a 
 visitation of the several congregations ought to be im- 
 mediately eflPected. The elector having been appealed 
 to, gave his ready assent to this proposal ; and several 
 preachers, accompanied by a proportionate number of 
 23ersons connected with the government, were forthwith 
 despatched to make the tour of the electorate. Luther's 
 letters abound with allusions to this important work. 
 He evidently considered it as more conducive than any 
 general measure as yet proposed, to the increase and 
 security of the reformed church. On the return of the 
 visitors, ]Melancthon undertook the task of drawing up a 
 formulary for the assistance of pastors set over congre- 
 gations in the various parts of the country. 
 
 This address of Melancthon is a useful and interest- 
 ing document. It affords us considerable light in exa- 
 mining the doctrines of the reformers, and the disci- 
 pline intended to be pursued under the new system. 
 Luther added an introduction, and corrected it, especi- 
 ally in those parts which relate to the sacrament of the 
 last supper, before it was allowed to go forth. His 
 opinions, his thoughts, and spirit, may, therefore, be 
 looked for in all the more important parts.* It is 
 divided into eighteen chapters, of which the first two 
 are devoted to the doctrine of justification by faith, and 
 the nature of the moral law. These subjects are con- 
 nected by the prefatory observation, that Christianity 
 
 * It was by the especial direction of the elector that Luther undertook 
 the revision of this tract, the points to which his attention was chiefly 
 called being those which related to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and 
 the degrees within which matrimony might be considered lawful. The 
 work, when finished, was entitled " Instructions for the Pastors of the 
 Electorate of Saxony, prescribed by the Visitors." — Seckendorf, lib. iL 
 sec. xiii. p. 103. 
 
INSTRUCTION TO PASTORS. 211 
 
 consists of two parts : that is to say, repentance, or the 
 sorrow which the sinner feels on account of his guilt ; 
 and faith, or the confidence which he possesses that God 
 pardons our sins for the sake of Jesus Christ ; the for- 
 mer part including the performance of all those good 
 works commanded by the law. In the article on bap- 
 tism, it is simply said, that the only true anointing is 
 the unction of the Holy Spirit ; leaving the reader to 
 gather therefrom that the use of oil in the sacrament 
 was not necessary. The remarks on the Lord's supper 
 are more extended and distinct. They support the 
 doctrine of the real presence of the body and blood of 
 Christ, the propriety of administering both the bread 
 and the wine to the laity, and the various rites and 
 particulars of discipline which had been lately esta- 
 blished at Wittemberg. In the sixth article, which treats 
 of penitence, we discover traces of a feeling which may 
 safely be ascribed to the effects produced on the mind of 
 Luther by the united influence of experience and the 
 example of Melancthon's own mildness and moderation. 
 Preachers are here directed to exhort the people with as 
 much simplicity as earnestness ; and especially to re- 
 frain from such violent statements as this, — that we sin 
 even in our good works, — a style of expression which, 
 though only intended to humble human pride and 
 vanity, might lead uninstructed m_inds into sin and 
 error. 
 
 In the tenth article of this formulary, the consti- 
 tution of the church, and the nature of ceremonies, of 
 festivals, and other particulars connected with the old 
 establishment, are considered. The observance of these 
 things is not altogether aboHshed. Christians, it is 
 said, must always be bound lo respect the laws of the 
 Gospel, and such institutions as are founded thereon. 
 Of the festivals, those were ordered to be kept, as for- 
 merly, which referred to events in the history of Christ; 
 and some even of those which commemorated the Vir- 
 gin Mary, the apostles, and the more distinguished of 
 the primitive saints. The invocation of saints, on the 
 p 2 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 Other handj with all the ceremonies attending it_, toge- 
 ther with the superstitious rites of the mass, were 
 utterly prohibited and condemned_, as contrary to the 
 Gospel and a pure faith. 
 
 The fifteenth article relates to the office of preaching. 
 And here the teacher is warned against speaking in 
 fierce or rude terms of the pope and the bishops ; but 
 to endeavour, by sober exhortations, to instruct and con- 
 vince the people ; sparing, that is, the persons of those 
 from whom they differed, while strenuously labouring to 
 stop the progress of their errors. This rule was proba- 
 bly rendered necessary by the prevalence of a practice 
 to which Luther himself had first given vogue, — the 
 practice of leaving no epithet unemployed which could 
 heap contempt and hatred on the head of an adversary. 
 In the seventeenth article particular mention is made 
 of the office of superintendents, by whom candidates 
 for the ministry were to be examined previous to ordi- 
 nation, and to whom also pertained the power of ad- 
 mitting such as seemed qualified to the exercise of the 
 sacred functions. They were, moreover, endowed with 
 authority to chastise the erring and licentious, and, 
 w^hen their exhortations failed, to dehver them to the 
 magistrate. 
 
 It requires but little consideration to discover, that, 
 though the doctrines of Luther form the basis of these 
 instructions, a gentler spirit had been at work to soften 
 down the asperities which they might otherwise have 
 been expected to present. So widely different, indeed, 
 did the document appear from the usual addresses of 
 the father of the reformation, that several, both of his 
 friends and enemies, doubted whether it had appeared 
 by his authority, or whether Melancthon had not re- 
 nounced his tenets, and begun to seek the favcur either 
 of another party of separatists, or of the court of Rome 
 itself. There is, indeed, reason to believe that Melanc- 
 thon thought diiierently from Luther on many points, 
 and especially on the methods to be employed in con- 
 futing an adversary, and establishing the profession of 
 
INSTRUCTION TO PASTORS. 2 IS 
 
 the Gospel, where not opposed by a reprobate blindness 
 of prejudice. He never sympathised with the indignant 
 feeling of his great leader, when he desired, in a burst of 
 zeal, to overwhelm those v/ho opposed him, and make 
 them acknowledge his doctrines, or bear his anathemas. 
 His opinions on the Lord's supper, — on that very subject 
 about which Luther reasoned with as much earnestness, 
 and as great a belief in its importance, as he did on 
 the article of justification by faith, — on that very sub- 
 ject did Melancthon look with a wavering and ques- 
 tioning mind. He is even said to have made the doctrine 
 of the communion in the present formulary appear so 
 little agreeable to Luther's exposition, that the latter found 
 it necessary to expunge the passage, and describe his 
 own views upon the subject in his own language. Not- 
 withstanding this, the style of the formulary still re- 
 mained so contrary to that of his writings in general, 
 that some of the strictest of his followers, missing the 
 opinions of their master, or seeing them only under a 
 veil, which diminished their force and distinctness, began 
 to express themselves suspicious of the whole design, and 
 even wrote publicly against it, as tending to weaken the 
 faith which they had received as evangelical.* 
 
 But it was not, as we have observed, the Lutherans 
 only who suspected the formulary as failing in strength 
 or propriety of statement. The catholics, viewing it 
 as the composition of Melancthon alone, failed not to 
 take advantage of its moderation to proclaim the break- 
 ing up of the enemy's camp. Faber, the great sup- 
 porter of their cause in Switzerland, wrote to the re- 
 former, expressing the delight he felt in witnessing the 
 change which had taken place in his opinions, and 
 assuring him, that if he would return into the bosom of 
 the church, he might fully rely on being received, and 
 rewarded, in a manner becoming his distinguished 
 merit. 
 
 We naturally ask. Were there proper grounds for 
 
 * Some delay took place in the printing of the Instruction, for want 
 of both type and paper Briefe, torn. iii. p. •■2S1, 
 
 p 3 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 these suspicions ? And the knowledge of facts being 
 brought to our assistance in the interpretation of the 
 formulary, we answer in the negative ; for Melanc- 
 thon, it is certain, did not put forth this document 
 without the advice and express permission of Luther. 
 Nor was it one of a nature in which the latter w^as 
 likely to allow things to pass essentially opposed to his 
 principles. It was to be the rule of preachers in their 
 addresses, and public exposition of the Scriptures — the 
 very foundation, in fact, on which, after the Bible, the 
 system of Lutheranism was to be reared. That there 
 was cause for some doubt and surprise, however, is not 
 less certain ; but the origin of this may be accounted 
 for in two ways. First, by supposing Luther to have 
 really wished the statement of his doctrines to be less 
 bold and exclusive than formerly ; or, secondly, by the 
 consideration, that the custom which prevailed of using 
 the strongest language in theological writings, had so 
 far vitiated the minds of men engaged in religious 
 inquiry, that when the fierce and intemperate style of 
 controversy was exchanged for the sober expressions 
 of deliberating counsel, they were generally disposed to 
 imagine that the writer had changed his belief, or given 
 up the chief characteristics of his doctrine. 
 
 The period had now arrived for the assembling of 
 the diet at Spire. Luther looked forward to this event 
 with anxiety, but he was calmer in heart and spirit than 
 formerly. It may be suspected, not only from the docu- 
 ment above alluded to, but from passages of his other 
 writings, that he regarded his opponents with less indig- 
 nation whenever he saw the safety of the Gospel more 
 fully established. The fanaticism of the anabaptists af- 
 forded him fresh opportunities for expressing his thoughts 
 on the subject of the papacy and its corruptions. Availing 
 himself of such occasions, he spoke with a warning 
 voice against the notion that every thing in the Roman 
 church was to be viewed as equally the result of super- 
 stition, or that none of its rites and doctrines were 
 founded on Scripture, because some were of its own 
 
DIET OF SPIRE. 215 
 
 invention. " They had/' says he, " under the papacy, 
 the true Scriptures, the true baptism, the true sacrament 
 of the altar, the true absolution of sins, true ministers, 
 and a true catechism. We reject and disown the popes 
 for no other cause than this; — not content with the 
 Gospel, as derived from Christ and his apostles, they 
 have, by the instigation of the devil, and not for edi- 
 fication, or for the defence of God's temple, added 
 many things thereto of their own invention. They 
 have instituted laws and ordinances, and set them up 
 in preference to those of Jesus Christ. It may be 
 alleged, that I have flattered the pope in what I have 
 said above, but if he will bear this flattery of mine, I 
 declare that I am ready to obey him as a faithful son, 
 and renounce whatever I have written against him." 
 
 But strange as some of these expressions are, they 
 breathe, in reality, only the same sentiments as those 
 which influenced him at a much earlier period of his 
 course. The greatest appearance of inconsistency is 
 discoverable, we think, in his acknowledgment of the 
 church of Rome as a true church, a church of apos- 
 tolical origin, and yet advocating the establishment of a 
 ministry, independent of episcopal jurisdiction, and 
 amenable to none of those laws which derived their 
 authority through the succession of the priesthood. It 
 is not whether Luther was right or wrong in his views 
 of church government, that we are here to consider; but 
 whether he could rightly acknowledge the Roman 
 catholic church to have been the true church, and yet 
 proceed to set up another with a newly constituted and 
 independent clergy. 
 
 The diet was summoned for the last day of February; ^' ^' 
 and at the beginning of the following month, the arrival ''^ 
 of Ferdinand, and several other princes, with vast trains 
 of attendants, announced the importance attached to 
 the meeting. With no less interest in the approaching 
 discussion, but humble and serious, the elector of 
 Saxony entered Spire attended only by Melancthon 
 and a few of his private domestics. To a man of 
 p 4 
 
216 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 penetrating mind^ the manner in which he was received 
 by the throng of princes and nobles would have ap- 
 peared as confirmations strong of the worst suspicions 
 generated by late events. The greetings rendered him, 
 were plainly only the forced attentions of persons who 
 had a speedy expectation that he whom they treated 
 with this pretended courtesy would soon be humbled 
 before them. He had been eight days in the city 
 before any of the princes, except those of his ow^n im- 
 mediate party, seemed to recognise his presence. The 
 bishops especially bore themselves towards him with 
 the haughtiest demeanour, and even scrupled not to 
 make known their hopes that the diet would confirm 
 the wishes of the emperor, and immediately proceed to 
 the extermination of heresy. 
 
 But notwithstanding this, and the still more discou- 
 raging circumstance that several of their former allies 
 seemed ready to desert the cause, Philip of Hesse and the 
 elector retained their firmness and good spirits, trusting 
 to the purity of their intentions, and ready, should it 
 so please divine providence, to suffer cheerfully for his 
 glory the worst which their enemies could inflict. 
 
 Two objects were contemplated in the calling of this 
 diet. Solyman had already made himself master of 
 Buda, and Hungary was every day expected to become 
 the prize of this celebrated sultan. To provide a sufii- 
 cient army, therefore, to resist the further progress of 
 the invader, was at least as necessary as any measure 
 for the suppression of Lutheranism. The representative 
 of the pope, John count of Mirandola, was charged with 
 orders to insist on the necessity of an immediate call to 
 arms, as, at present, the prime duty of Christian princes. 
 But pressing as seemed the necessity of this counsel, the 
 attention of the diet, which began its sittings on the 
 15th of March, was first directed to the affairs of re- 
 ligion, — a subject on which it had so little ability to 
 decide with either wusdom or promptness. 
 
 The address of the emperor, which was dated from 
 Valladolidj produced a feeling of anger and disgust in 
 
DIET OF SPIRE. 217 
 
 all present, except those who either from fear or hopes 
 of promotion were wedded to his interests. Already 
 offended by the insulting letter he had received, the 
 elector of Saxony declared to his son that no emperor 
 had ever before ventured on such an assumption of au- 
 thority, and that he ought to remember that the rights 
 of the electors were of much earlier origin than the 
 powder of his own house. George of Brandenburg, the 
 landgrave of Hesse, and the representatives of the im- 
 perial cities, intimated similar feeHngs ; and on its being 
 proposed ihat the deputies from Strasburg should be ex- 
 cluded, because of their opposition to the edict of 
 Worms, the assembly rushed at once into the torrent of 
 debate. 
 
 It was plainly understood by the catholic party, that, 
 as long as the reformers remained firmly united in 
 fighting the common battle, little impression could be 
 made upon their ranks. But seeds of dissension had 
 been sov/n among them in the sacramental controversy; 
 and Faber and Eckius, who knew so well their differences 
 of opinion, seem to have been called to the diet for the 
 express purpose of endeavouring to separate the Luther- 
 ans from the Zuinglians. The effort, however, was made 
 in vain. Each party had the wisdom to discover that 
 the landgrave advised rightly, when he told them that 
 their safety demanded at least the present suppression 
 of controversy. A similar attempt at dividing the forces 
 of the reformers was made by an attack on the imperial 
 cities. Threats and persuasions were both employed to 
 make them desert the standard of reform. But neither 
 the one nor the other prevailed against the firmness and 
 good sense of the deputies. 
 
 After a long and vain exercise of policy, the arbitrary 
 intentions of Ferdinand and the other imperial commis- 
 saries were fully made known. The greater number of 
 the members of the diet had evidently pledged themselves 
 to support their views; and when the reformers saw that 
 a vote was passed, which, annulling the former edict of 
 Spire, consigned them to their original state of depend- 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 ence_, tney at once declared that they would not be bound, 
 in matters of faith and conscience, by the mere superiority 
 of their opponents in power or number. Their assent 
 was formally demanded on the IQih of April. They 
 again refused to submit to the decree, and being denied 
 a hearing, as it was suspected would be the case, they 
 presented a paper containing their reply. This also was 
 rejected. The next day they again appeared in the 
 assembly, and, resolved on the measures they were to 
 pursue, obliged the diet to receive their solemn protest 
 against its unjust and tyrannical decree. 
 
 In this proceeding originated the appellation of p7'o- 
 testant, now so extensive in its meaning, and so dear to 
 every lover of religious liberty, and a faith founded on 
 the Bible. The document presented to the diet con- 
 tained a full statement of the reasons on which its 
 authors had proceeded. Its purport was succinctly this ; 
 '' that nothing ought to be done prejudicial to the decree 
 of the diet of 1526, which had granted liberty of religion 
 till the holding of a general council : that that resolution_, 
 being confirmed by the unanimous consent of all the 
 members of the empire, could not be repealed except by 
 their equally unanimous agreement ; that in the diet of 
 Nuremberg, the origin of the differences which prevailed 
 had been carefully examined, and to settle them, they 
 had placed eighty articles before the pope's legate, but 
 to which no answer had been returned : that they had 
 always come to this conclusion, — that the surest and 
 readiest way to end these disputes would be the sum- 
 moning of a general council : that they could not 
 consent to give up those opinions which they had em- 
 braced, as conformable to the word of God, while 
 waiting for a council : that their ministers had proved 
 by incontrovertible arguments, drawn from Scripture, 
 that the popish mass was contrary to the institution of 
 Jesus Christ, and the practice of the apostolic times, so 
 that they could not conform to what was ordered by the 
 decree of the diet, nor allow their subjects to be present 
 at mass, in places where it was put down ; nor permit 
 
PROTEST OP THE REFORMERS. 219 
 
 the Lord's supper to be administered in different ways 
 in the same church : that they knew the judgment of 
 their own churches concerning the presence of the body 
 and the blood of Christ in the eucharist, but would not 
 consent to make a decree against those who were of a 
 contrary opinion^ seeing that they had not been sum- 
 moned, or allowed a hearing : that they approved of the 
 clause which referred to the preaching of the Gospel ac- 
 cording to the interpretations received in the church, for 
 that did not determine the matter, since it was disputed 
 which or what was the true church : that there is 
 nothing more certain than the word of God itself, or its 
 own explanations of its meaning ; and, therefore, they 
 had resolved that nothing should be taught but the Old 
 and New Testament in their purity : that they are the 
 only infallible rule, all human traditions being uncertain: 
 that the decree of the former diet was made for the pre- 
 servation of peace, but that this last would infallibly give 
 birth to wars and troubles : that if it was pretended that 
 the rules of the former had been broken, they would not 
 oppose the prosecution of the oflfenders before proper and 
 equitable judges : " "^ for these reasons," said the pro- 
 testers, " we cannot approve the decree of the diet, but 
 are ready to give an account of our conduct to the em- 
 peror, and all the princes." They added, that " they 
 would do nothing worthy of blame, till a council, either 
 national or general, was called : that they would pre- 
 serve the peace, and not meddle with the property of 
 others ; and that they had determined in what manner 
 they ought to proceed with respect to the anabaptists_, 
 and the future publication of works relating to their 
 doctrines." * 
 
 The Lutherans and Sacramentarians, or followers of 
 Zuingle, had now a strong practical proof of the danger 
 they incurred by disunion, and of the corresponding 
 increase of power which would follow their continued 
 agreement in the support of religious freedom. So con- 
 
 * Dupin, Eccles. Hist. Cent. 16. 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 vinced were the heads of the respective parties of this, 
 that, after some delay, Luther and Zuingle yielded to 
 the persuasions of the landgrave of Hesse, and consented 
 to meet each other at Marburg. This conference took 
 place on the 30th of September. On the one side were 
 •Luther and jMelancthon^ Justus Jonas, Andreas Osean- 
 der, Stephen Agricola, and Brentius ; on the other were 
 Zuingle, (Ecolampadius, Bucer, and Hedio. The bu- 
 siness of the meeting was begun by the Lutherans, who 
 stated what were the points to which they chiefly ob- 
 jected in the system of the other party. These objec- 
 tionable articles w^ere represented as follo-vvs: — 1. That 
 there is no original sin, but only a natural infirmity and 
 weakness; and that baptism does not take away sin from 
 children. 2. That the Holy Ghost is not conferred by 
 the use of the word and the sacraments, but independ- 
 ently of either. 3. Opinions entertained derogatory to 
 Christ's divinity. 4. That though they greatly exalted 
 the value of faith, they yet seemed to attribute justi- 
 fication to good w^orks. 5. That they did not believe 
 the body and blood of Christ to be really in the Lord's 
 supper. * 
 
 In the discussion which followed, both Zuingle and 
 (Ecolampadius plainly proved that they had been un- 
 justly suspected of any degree of heresy in their opi- 
 nions respecting the Trinity, or the divine nature of 
 Christ. On the doctrine of original sin, Zuingle pro- 
 fessed notions which had long before attracted the at- 
 tention of Luther, and increased the feeling of dishke 
 which he entertained towards him on account of his 
 opinions respecting the Lord's supper. This, together 
 with the question which related to the operation of the 
 sacraments, formed the next topic of dispute. Both 
 
 * Luther's only apology for the angry zeal he displayed on this, and other 
 occasions, when treating'of the doctrine of the sacrament, is found briefly 
 stated in his letter to the landgrave, written at the beginning of October. 
 — "Read and consider these things," he says. "The matter is not so 
 trifling as they represent ; but intimately regards the honour of God, and 
 the salvation of all our souls." The letter abounds in quotations from the 
 fathers, whose testimony he with some difficulty briugs to bear upon his 
 argument. 
 
CONFERENCE WITH THE SWISS. 221 
 
 parties^ it is probable_, yielded something on these sub- 
 jects. Melancthon, at least, was evidently moved by 
 the explanations of Zuingle ; and, had the debate 
 stopped here, the several leaders of the two protestant 
 sections might have cordially agreed to smother any 
 minor causes of contention in forgetfulness. But the 
 most dangerous subject yet remained to be examined. 
 This was the nature of the Lord's supper. Zuingle 
 and (Ecolampadius both reasoned with great energy ; 
 but they desired peace; and when it was found that 
 Luther would yield nothing, and that they could make 
 no concessions to his judgment without violating their 
 consciences, they expressed their earnest desire that 
 they might yet be regarded as his brethren. To this 
 he replied, with a sternness which seems scarcely to be 
 justified by any view taken of his conduct, '' that he 
 would not acknowledge them as brethren, or allow them 
 a place in the ecclesiastical assembly, seeing they be- 
 lieved an error." * 
 
 The points on which they agreed were then summed 
 up. These were found in the articles on the Trinity ; 
 original sin ; justification by faith ; the efficacy of bap- 
 tism ; the usefulness and expediency of confession ; the 
 authority of magistrates ; the necessity of infant bap- 
 tism ; and the spiritual eating of Christ in the Lord's 
 supper. In conclusion it was stated, '' that though 
 they could not agree whether the true blood and real 
 body of Christ were corporeally present or not, in the 
 bread and wine of the Lord's supper, yet both parties 
 should entertain a mutual affection and brotherly cha- 
 rity." Luther, not to be subdued, made answer, '^that 
 this ought to be understood of that charity only which 
 is due even to enemies, and not of that special charity 
 which should exist among Christians of the same per- 
 suasion." 
 
 Several days had now passed since the commence- 
 ment of the discussion, and it had proceeded with 
 more satisfaction to the landgrave than might have been 
 
 * Fleury, art. v. sec. ii. 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION". 
 
 expected. He is said, at last, to have expressed his 
 wish that it should be brought to a close; but only 
 on the plea that^ as a dangerous infectious disorder 
 had made its appearance, it would be safer for the 
 theologians to hasten to their homes.* It was hoped 
 that they retired from this friendly conference with feel- 
 ings which would much diminish the danger of future 
 disputes ; that they had discovered something in each 
 other to respect, something mutually to excuse, and 
 but little left on which the rancour of sectarian enmity 
 could fairly fix its hold. But the sequel proved that 
 these expectations were without foundation, and that the 
 genius of controversy is the true hydra, a dragon never 
 to be subdued till assaulted by the spirit of him who 
 slew the old serpent. 
 
 The emperor was not long left ignorant of the pro- 
 ceedings at Spire. Reports of the most aggravated 
 kind reached his ears, and he was led to suppose that 
 the protestants would shortly appear in arms, to force 
 the rest of the states to acknowledge their tenets. On 
 its being made known to the elector of Saxony, and the 
 landgrave, that such falsities were in circulation, those 
 princes came to the resolution of sending the emperor 
 a full account of what had occurred, with the reasons 
 which had induced them to adopt defensive measures. 
 They accordingly met at Nuremberg, and in their own 
 names, and those of several other princes, in which they 
 were joined by the senate of Nuremberg, as generally 
 representing the protestant cities, they signed a docu- 
 ment to this purpose, and forthwith despatched it to 
 the emperor, who was now in Italy. 
 
 Having stated their opinions on the injustice done 
 them by the annulling of the decree, confirmed in the 
 first diet of Spire, they proceed to the defence of their 
 principles. " No sooner," said they, " had the Holy 
 Scriptures begun to attract attention, and inspire men 
 
 * The editor of Sleidan observes, that he suspects this was only a feigned 
 excuse ; and that his true reason was a hearty desire to terminate a discus- 
 sion which the eagerness of the disputants seemed likely to prolong beyond 
 proper bounds." — S/e?rfc«, torn. i. liv. vi. p. 267. 
 
APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. 223 
 
 with a desire to examine religion for themselves, than 
 a vast number of persons, both of the clergy and 
 laity, discovered the unsoundness of many of the dog- 
 mas and rites which they had been taught to receive 
 with implicit confidence. These persons have since 
 this discovery earnestly desired a reformation ; and they 
 have embraced that which is begun, notwithstanding 
 the opposition of those who pretend that the religion 
 of our forefathers, being the most ancient, must ne- 
 cessarily be the best and the safest to follow. Deaf 
 to such arguments, and fully assured that no length of 
 years can render that true which is in itself false, they 
 have persevered in the course thus taken, and thereby 
 given rise to the changes now occurring in Germany, 
 To this they added, that any attempt to force them 
 to renounce these principles would be made in vain ; 
 that it would be equally so to endeavour to convince 
 them of error ; for that they would yield only to proofs 
 from Scripture ; and that the corruptions of the Ro- 
 man church were notorious to all the world, and ac- 
 knowledged, in great measure, by its own popes and 
 bishops. They, therefore, besought his imperial majesty 
 to consider, that, should they even endeavour to establish 
 the edict of Worms among their subjects, the experi- 
 ment could only lead to the most deplorable results ; 
 for that the people were now too enlightened to be 
 brought back to popery ; and that consequently, if he 
 still insisted on their enforcing this edict, and they were 
 wiUing to execute his orders, it would be making them 
 the butchers of their subjects. 
 
 The persons to whom the assembly intrusted this 
 document, presented it to Charles at Placentia, in the 
 month of May.* A promise was given that they should 
 receive an immediate answer in writing. Nearly a 
 month, however, passed over before the deputation heard 
 any thing from his majesty. The reply which he then 
 sent merely intimated, that he had heard of the pro- 
 ceedings at Spire, and was much afflicted at the dis- 
 
 * Seckendorf. 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 orders which prevailed : that the decree passed by the 
 diet met his approbation, as being well calculated to 
 subdue the progress of the errors which disturbed the 
 peace of the empire : that the elector of Saxony, and 
 the other protestant princes, were bound to submit to 
 its enactions : that like them he desired to see a general 
 council assembled, but did not think it absolutely 
 necessary, as the provisions of the edict of Worms might 
 serve for the remedy of present evils : that obedience 
 ought always to be paid to resolutions passed by the 
 majority in assemblies, which would otherwise meet in 
 vain; and that he had already written to the elector and 
 the princes of his party, requiring them, by their allegiance, 
 to obey the decree of the last diet : to this he added, that 
 in case they continued to resist his order, he was resolved 
 and prepared to make an example. 
 
 It was with some difficulty that the deputies escaped 
 the effects of the emperor's indignation on their pre- 
 senting the appeal with which they had been charged 
 by their masters. Little good, therefore, was accom- 
 plished by this proceeding of the princes, so far as 
 their connection with the emperor was concerned. But 
 it had the effect of hastening their preparations for 
 ■self-defence. They had always mistrusted the success 
 of any appeal to Charles ; and knowing that their sole 
 hope of safety must depend upon their resolution and 
 promptness of action, they continued to hold meetings 
 at Nuremberg and other places, for the purpose of form- 
 ing a confederacy, which might be ready for action 
 whenever the signal was given. 
 
 But an unexpected difficulty arose in the endeavour 
 to establish a league between the protestant chiefs. The 
 landgrave of Hesse was not only inclined to favour the 
 opinions of Zuingle, because of their apparent truth, 
 but clearly saw the importance of their joining his 
 party in any measures of defence. To this union 
 Luther was opposed, even though pleaded for only on 
 political grounds. He therefore addressed the elector on 
 the subject, and strongly dissuaded him from forming an 
 alliarice with those who erred in a capital article of 
 
MEETING OF PROTESTANTS. 22/) 
 
 faith. To prove the danger of such a union, he quoted, 
 as examples, the defeat of the Israelites because of 
 the sin of Achan, and the fate of Arius, who, erring 
 but in one point, was rejected by the church. He 
 further added, that the Sacramentarians were evidently 
 not convinced of the truth of their own doctrine, for that, 
 otherwise, they would not have so earnestly sought a 
 conference on the subject ; an argument which neither 
 Luther nor any other man could venture to employ 
 except when blinded either by prejudice or arrogance. 
 The conclusion of the address is equally unfavourable to 
 the credit of Luther at this juncture. He there exhorts 
 the princes to write to the emperor without delay, to 
 separate themselves from the Zuinglians, and to state 
 not only what abuses they had abohshed, but what they 
 had done to repress the Sacramentarians, the violators 
 of churches, and all others who opposed themselves to 
 orthodox doctrine. 
 
 The respect which the elector entertained for Luther, 
 added to his own fear of the consequences of resisting 
 the emperor, induced him to pause before joining the 
 proposed league. Philip, in the mean time, suffered all 
 the anxiety of an ardent mind, and employed the most 
 urgent entreaties to subdue the obstinacy of Luther, 
 and the apprehensions of his master : but he argued in 
 vain ; nor did the conference which had been brought 
 about through his mediation tend to lessen the diffi- 
 culties. Luther spoke with as much disgust and haugh- 
 tiness as ever on what he was pleased to term the heresy 
 and impiety of Zuingle. 
 
 Armed with all the arguments and uncharitable pre- 
 judices of Luther, and influenced, as he had always 
 been, by a strong sense of his obligations to the empe- 
 ror, the elector attended the meeting of the protestants 
 at Smalcalde, ill inclined to confirm the sentiments 
 which generally prevailed. As soon as the deliberations 
 commenced, he presented a paper containing seventeen 
 articles of faith; and openly declared, that neither he 
 nor those with whom he was immediately connected,, 
 
 VOL. II. Q 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 would account themselves the allies of any who refused 
 to sign that instrument. 
 
 So unexpected a proposition excited the greatest sur- 
 prise in most of the persons present. The deputies 
 from Strasburg and Ulm at once arose, and declared 
 that they had been sent in the hope that a league was 
 about to be formed for the common defence of those 
 who contended for common rights ; that they had no 
 authority whatever to sign articles of faith ; and that 
 it seemed to them highly inexpedient to commence a 
 theological debate^ when circumstances so strongly de- 
 manded immediate preparations for action. 
 
 The arguments thus advanced were taken up by the 
 deputies of other cities^ those only from Nuremberg 
 assenting to the opinions of the elector. But no per- 
 suasions could induce him to swerve from a resolution 
 which both conscience and a notion of expediency 
 seemed to establish. The assembly was^ therefore^ 
 broken up ; and, though another meeting was appointed 
 to take place at Nuremberg early in January, the land- 
 grave, and most of the other princes, as well as the 
 deputies who were present, expressed themselves as 
 greatly disappointed at the cmiduct of the elector. 
 A. D.^ So httle expectation was entertained that any good 
 1530. would result from the proposed meeting at Nuremberg, 
 that only a small proportion of the deputies assembled 
 at Smalcalde could be brought together. The articles 
 set forth by the elector could only be signed by Lu- 
 therans; whereas many of the most powerful of the 
 protestant communities were every day becoming more 
 attached to the sentiments of Zuingle. This was es- 
 pecially the case with the people of Strasburg, who 
 had proved the sincerity of their professions, and their 
 willing devotion to the protestant cause, by a course of 
 conduct as bold as it was upright. The conduct of 
 Luther had cut off all hope of union ; their desire to 
 share in the approaching struggle as brethren was treated 
 with haughty disdain ; and they were thereby left in a 
 state of equal uncertainty and danger. Ferdinand, and 
 the ministers of the emperor, at Spire^ had treated 
 
PROGRESS OF THE TURKS. 227 
 
 their deputies in a manner which foreboded the quick 
 approach of a storm. To meet this they had now only 
 their own fortitude on which to depend ; and it was, 
 therefore, necessary that they should either prepare to be- 
 come unresisting sacrifices to the vengeance of the empe- 
 ror, or provide themselves with additional force to resist 
 his attacks. In this state of things, they naturally turned 
 towards the reformed cantons of Switzerland ; and on 
 the same day that the other protestants assembled at 
 Nuremberg, they concluded a treaty for fifteen years 
 with Zurich and Basle. 
 
 In the midst of these agitations and disputes, the 
 victorious Solyman was carrying on the war with re- 
 sistless energy. Already had he made himself master 
 of the provinces which so long attracted the cupidity of 
 Christian princes ; and, to the terror of all Europe, 
 Vienna itself soon after saw him at her gates. Divine 
 providence thus taught a lesson which the potentates of 
 Christendom might have studied with advantage both 
 to themselves and their subjects. They might have 
 learnt therefrom, that no power or dignity is safe where 
 there is not union ; and that the best policy is that 
 which invades no right, abuses no principle of con- 
 science, but establishes all things on the basis of 
 truth and justice which the whole mass of mankind 
 must sooner or later acknowledge to be divine. Had 
 Charles not involved the states of Germany in the worst 
 kind of perplexity by his opposition to reform; had he 
 acted with the candour becoming a prince, and, instead 
 of temporising with the pope and his narrow-minded 
 counsellors, listened to the manly demands of his people, 
 Europe would never have suffered the disgrace of be- 
 holding in her western territories the proud armament 
 of a Turkish sultan. Happily for the world, the same 
 power which had allowed the flood to burst its proper 
 barriers drove back its waves, and time was again given 
 for the reformers on the one hand, and the Romanists 
 and imperialists on the other, to pursue their respective 
 designs with unabridged resolution. 
 q2 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. CONFERENCE WITH THE POPE. — >■ 
 
 DIET OF AUGSBURG. PROCEEDINGS THERE. PROTESTANT 
 
 CONFESSION. DISPUTES. LUTHER AND MELANCTHON. 
 
 LENGTHENED DISCUSSIONS. CLOSE OF THE DIET. 
 
 A.D. Charles had devoted much reflection to the reports 
 1530. which he received from Germany; and, though averse 
 to concession_, was not unwiUing to allow that they 
 required him to view affairs in a different spirit to that 
 of the papal court. He had visited Italy for the pur- 
 pose of receiving coronation from the hands of the pon- 
 tiff; but he lost no opportunity of intimating his 
 anxiety to quiet the troubles in Germany, and provide 
 for the future peace and tranquilHty of the church. 
 Clement would gladly have avoided this subject, every 
 discourse of the emperor tending to prove the necessity 
 of a general council. The expediency of such a mea- 
 sure had been advocated by the wise and moderate of 
 the catholic party, as well as by the protestants. It 
 would be unjust to conclude that, because those who 
 loved to embroil themselves in public affairs were for 
 the most part intemperate and bigotted, there were no 
 reflective minds in the back-ground, to soften, by their 
 secret influence, the turbulence of these zealots. In 
 most cases of violent rehgious excitement, we see 
 only the least amiable specimens of the two parties. 
 The busy and ambitious come forth to make their pro- 
 fession of faith, as they would to join in the clamour of 
 political faction. Others, more deeply sensible of the 
 importance of the truth, keep back, anxious only to see 
 its interests supported in the same spirit as that from 
 which it flowed. Men of this character may always 
 be found on both sides when Christians are divided by 
 
CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. 229 
 
 controversy. There is ample evidence to prove that 
 such v^ras the case at the period of w^hich we are speak- 
 ing ; and how much good would have been done then, 
 and would still be done, could each party be persuaded 
 to consider, that behind the ranks of their immediate 
 assailants are large numbers of men who have no desire 
 but for the general good ! 
 
 The principal adviser of the emperor, at this period, 
 was his chancellor, Gattinara, a man of good sense, 
 piety, and firmness. Though attached to the church of 
 Rome, he did not consider that it was necessary to up- 
 hold its interests by blindly favouring the ambitious 
 views of the clergy. He regarded, therefore, the call- 
 ing of a council as the most legitimate method of set- 
 tling the present disorders. The objections to such a 
 proceeding were not grounded on reasons which had any 
 proper connection with the faith of a catholic. They 
 sprang simply from the fears of the pontiff and his cor- 
 rupt court, and could only be supported on the prin- 
 ciple, that what is asserted to be most sacred must be 
 least exposed to the light of day. 
 
 Soon after the emperor's arrival in Bologna, the pon- 
 tiff, attended by the cardinals and different officers of 
 his court, met him in solemn council for the purpose of 
 receiving his opinions on these important points. The 
 consultation was opened by Gattinara, who began his 
 discourse by stating how much affliction had been caused 
 the emperor by the religious dissensions in Germany ; 
 and which, he said, were so far from being on the 
 decrease, that they gathered strength from day to day, 
 and seemed to defy every measure employed for their 
 suppression. Such a state of things could not but lead 
 to consequences destructive to the church and empire ; 
 and it was, therefore, the duty of all good men to con- 
 sider whether any means could be still suggested for 
 restoring tranquillity. " But to you, holy father," 
 continued the chancellor*, " to you belong the right and 
 
 * The speeches from which these passages are taken are given at length 
 
 in the " Samtliche Schriften," t. xvi. p. 73i., and by Beausobre. The au- 
 
 Q 3 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the care of watching over whatever pertains to the doctrine 
 or the discipline of the church : it is in your authority, 
 in your counsels and fidelity, we must seek a remedy 
 for these calamities. Without you, we can take neither 
 wise nor efficient resolutions ; and language fails me to 
 express the joy which his majesty experiences in thus 
 being able to seek your advice and guidance. He is 
 chief of the empire ; you are the head of the church ; 
 and he doubts not but that you share his anxiety for 
 the restoration of peace and the glory of God. But, to 
 attain this great object of our desires, one way only is 
 open : it is to preserve the doctrine and the worship of 
 the church in purity ; to clear it of whatever may have 
 tended to injure its celestial holiness ; to revive the 
 strictness of discipline, if it have been neglected ; to 
 correct the manners of the people and clergy, if they 
 are corrupt. Above all things it is necessary, according 
 to the wise judgment of the emperor, that a system of 
 Christian doctrine should be set forth, which, drawn 
 immediately from the word of God, may be given to 
 both learned and unlearned as a rule of faith. This is 
 the only method whereby peace can be restored to the 
 church. His majesty, therefore, has resolved to refrain 
 from violence; which, while it would increase the pre- 
 sent confusion, would, at the same time, bring down the 
 Indignation of God upon the people and their princes. 
 He has, moreover, carefully consulted on the subject 
 many persons of wisdom and probity ; and the conclusion 
 to which he has come, as well through their advice as 
 his own wisdom, is, that no remedy can be employed 
 more salutary or more worthy the dignity of the pontiff 
 and a Christian emperor, than the calling of a free and 
 general council, in which the controverted points may 
 be fairly decided according to the word of God. It is 
 his wish that the most learned and pious divines of all 
 nations should be summoned to attend ; that they should 
 
 thority on -which their authenticity depends is Ceelestin, t. iii p 78. See 
 also Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. xix. p. 143. This author contends for the 
 truth of CEciestin's report, on the strength of the other parts of his,narrative 
 not being impugned by Mairabourg. 
 
CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. 231 
 
 have full liberty to declare their sentiments ; that they 
 should confer together as friends and brothers^ who 
 seek only the truth^ and the glory of their heavenly 
 master ; that this examination having been made, they 
 should transmit their opinions and reasons therefor to 
 your holiness, or to such judges as may be deemed 
 worthy, by their learning and integrity, of such a 
 charge ; that these judges, having approved what is 
 according to Scripture, should draw up articles to be 
 universally received ; that they should condemn the 
 opposite errors, oblige those who hold them to retract, 
 and, if they refuse, deliver them to the magistrate : this, 
 however, being always kept in memory, that the emperor 
 desires above all things that the rule of charity be pre- 
 served inviolate." — " Be assured, holy father," con- 
 tinued the chancellor, '^ that his majesty has no wish 
 to load you with fresh burthens: he knows that you are 
 sufficiently oppressed already ; and it is love for reli- 
 gion and the glory of God which alone prompts him to 
 urge this measure. It is true, the example of his glo- 
 rious predecessors encourages him in his course ; for he 
 remembers that the great Constantine assembled a coun- 
 cil to condemn the errors of Arius ; that Theodosius 
 and Valentinian also assembled councils ; that they were 
 present in person ; that they condemned the errors which 
 had arisen, and punished their authors. These are the 
 examples which he desires to follow ; and he doubts not, 
 holy father, but that you will lend a favourable ear to 
 his wishes, or rather to the counsels, to the vows and 
 the sighs of the multitude of pious souls who now en- 
 treat your aid." 
 
 "^ I am persuaded," said the pontiflP, turning towards 
 Charles as he took up the discourse, '' that you are 
 full of zeal for religion; and, in desiring to see a council 
 assembled, do so from the holiest motives. But it is 
 for me to propose measures when the question concerns 
 the church, of which I am the head. Not to dispute 
 here concerning my rights, it is certain that the council 
 Q 4 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 of Nice directed that all controversies agitated in the 
 West should be judged by the bishop of Rome^ and 
 that he should have the power of assembling councils. 
 I have, for my own part, long considered whether it 
 would be better to call a council, and there examine the 
 points of the controversy ; or whether, leaving so un- 
 certain and remote a remedy, it would not be better to 
 crush at once by arms these modern heretics, who have 
 the boldness to resist decrees and reject principles re- 
 ceived in all ages and by the universal church. Let it 
 not be thought that I here regard my own interests. 
 John XXIII., it is said, repented having called the 
 council of Constance, because it deposed him. For 
 myself, I have experienced every reverse of fortune : I 
 have but just returned from captivity; and I regard all 
 honours, power, life itself, as a shadow which passes 
 away, and am ready at any moment to quit the post 
 which I occupy, by whatever unforeseen event divine 
 providence may be pleased to remove me. And, as I 
 value not the riches of the Roman church, so have I no 
 inquietude respecting them : they were bestowed upon 
 it for the necessary expenses of its government, and as 
 a means of protection. But would that it pleased God 
 to free the bishop of Rome from all this useless and 
 burthensome parade of earthly splendour; for what need 
 could there be for it, were there always such emperors 
 as you ? " 
 
 The pontiff then proceeded to consider the expediency 
 of calling a council. His great argument against the 
 measure was founded on the assertion, that it could 
 produce no benefit. This position he endeavoured to 
 establish by showing, that such absurd doctrines as 
 those of the anabaptists ought to be put down by main 
 force; that the second class of doctrines, as those which 
 related to transubstantiation and the sacrifice of the 
 mass, were altogether inexplicable ; and that, as they 
 must always tend to create disputes, it was, therefore, 
 better to prohibit their being examined. With respect 
 to such matters as those rites and usages which the 
 
CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. 233 
 
 pope could, by his own power, set aside, it was mani- 
 festly useless, he said, to examine them in a council ; 
 since, if the princes expressed a wish to that effect, he 
 would himself abolish them by a decree. '' Thus," 
 concluded he, '^ a council would have to do only with 
 doctrine; and all doctrines belonging to one of the other 
 of the three classes I' have mentioned, it is evident 
 that this council would be useless, and that the only 
 means of tranquillising the church is authority and force. 
 You have given peace to Italy by your victories. The 
 king of France, who disputed with you, not on questions 
 of philosophy or monkish superstitions, but for the 
 empire of Europe, he has yielded to you. And will it 
 not be infinitely easier to put down a contemptible 
 faction in Germany, which defies you and the church, 
 than it was to overcome such enemies as these ? Con- 
 sider well, I beseech you, the interests of posterity. If 
 once the authority of the Holy See is abolished, the 
 world will soon fall into anarchy ; discipline will be 
 destroyed ; the manners of men will become barbarous; 
 and bold and intemperate spirits will every day give 
 birth to new and fatal heresies. Remember that nothing 
 is more dangerous than delay, when once the conflagration 
 is begun." 
 
 By the direction of the emperor, Gattinara again rose, 
 and was proceeding to reply to the pontiff's address, 
 when his holiness suddenly stopped him by exclaiming, 
 '' What ! do you dare to contradict me, and to incite 
 your master against me ? " A less virtuous and en- 
 lightened man than Gattinara would have been abashed 
 at this violent interruption, and implied threat ; but he 
 calmly repHed, that he spoke according to the wishes of 
 his sovereign, and by his desire alone ; but that, if he 
 declared his own sentiments, he must proclaim that 
 they were the same as those which he had delivered in 
 the name of the emperor. " I acknowledge," he said, 
 ^' that I exhort him to persevere in these opinions, 
 because it is of supreme importance that learned and 
 holy men should be called together, and allowed to 
 
234? HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 examine the present affairs of the church." The em- 
 peror himself here suddenly interrupted his minister^ 
 and thus addressed the pontiff*, the assembly listening in 
 profound silence to the words of the august speaker. 
 ^' I am still young," he said^ " and have not the ad- 
 vantage of your experience ; for this reason I take 
 advantage of Gattinara's counsels, and glory in seeking 
 wisdom from any one by whom it is possessed. I know 
 that I ought to yield to those who have more light and 
 experience than myself; and this is why, in an affair 
 which so closely regards the honour of God, and the 
 salvation of souls, I have sought the advice of men 
 celebrated for their virtue, their prudence, and their 
 piety. And all whom I have thus consulted, agree in 
 stating, that they consider the church has need of a 
 general council. You cannot yourself be ignorant of 
 the earnest desires, of the deep sighs, with which all the 
 best and wisest men in Europe look for the assembling 
 of a council, where liberty may reign, and truth decide 
 whatever is discussed." 
 
 To this powerful appeal the emperor still further 
 added, " I have thought too much on the subject of a 
 general council, not to have foreseen the objections which 
 you have urged against such a measure. But I declare 
 to you that I agree with whatever Gattinara has said ; 
 and I believe both his reasonings and my intentions to 
 be so just, that 1 hope never to depart from either. In 
 respect to your own reasonings, they are specious, and 
 will appear plausible to the thoughtless and profane ; 
 mine, however, are the only ones which can heal the 
 disorders of the church. You say that it is not neces- 
 sary or wise to examine doctrines in themselves absurd. 
 This bears not on the question ; for many of those now 
 advanced are by no means absurd, nor is there any 
 doctrine, necessary to salvation, the truth and cer- 
 tainty of which are impenetrable. There are, more- 
 over, corruptions in the church which ought not to be 
 tolerated. Superstitions, offensive to the majesty of 
 God, have been introduced into the public worship; and 
 
CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. 2.35 
 
 what eflfbrts ought not to be made to remedy these 
 evils ? But it is not for such objects alone that a 
 council is required. You must be aware that there exist 
 differences on important points even among those who 
 own your authority. And if absurdities are mingled 
 with the new opinions, what harm can follow from 
 refuting them by clear and evident reasons ? You say 
 that some doctrines are inexplicable. I confess that 
 this proposition appears to me both false, and unworthy 
 the profession of a sovereign pontiff. God is infinitely 
 good_, and he desires us to believe his Gospel ; but how 
 can we do this, if an impenetrable obscurity clouds his 
 revelations? I follow the advice of Theodosius*, who 
 directed that the primitive doctrines of the church should 
 be carefully expounded when he desired to examine the 
 controversies of his age ; for I am persuaded that it is 
 only by returning to the earliest times that we can dis- 
 cover what ought to be our present rule of practice." 
 
 The emperor then alluded to the pontiff's offer of re- 
 forming certain alleged superstitions by hisown authority, 
 but that, said the sovereign, which regards all nations, 
 can be much more satisfactorily settled by the united 
 representatives of all. In concluding, he is reported to 
 have passed this noble censure on that part of Clement's 
 speech which referred to putting down the reformation 
 by arras. '' You advise me to terminate these disputes 
 by arms, and without examination : but can you expect 
 me to follow such counsels ? To take steps which 
 would expose me to the danger of destroying the good 
 with the bad, and to act as if I could no longer discern 
 between right and wrong ? No ! I desire not to support 
 tyranny in the church :\ I have no wish to deprive the 
 accused parties of the means of defending themselves, 
 
 * Charles was probably fond of alluding to the example of Theodosius, 
 as, like himseli", of Spanish origin. Melancthon made a point of this in his 
 eulogistic treatise " De Elect, et Coron." can. v. : — " Meminit Rex Ca- 
 rolus, ex hac ipsa Hispania duos principes ad impcrium vocatos esse, Tra- 
 janum et Theodosium : quorum alter optinius appellatu.s est : alter non 
 solum bonitate et armis Trajano par fuit, sed etiam hac laude excelluit, 
 quod vere Deum coluit, ac perCecit, ut evangelium latius propagaretur ; et 
 concordiam ecclesiae, pie, diremptis dissidiis, constituit . . . Isetatur omine." 
 — Op. Melanc. pars v. p. 745. 
 
236 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 or their judges of knowledge and equity. What I now 
 advance is not spoken from enmity to the church of 
 Rome. I have sufficiently proved my attachment to it 
 in the late war, nor will I fail to evince the same in the 
 time to come." 
 
 Supposing these several speeches to have been cor- 
 rectly reported, they afford a remarkable illustration of 
 the principles which governed the church at this period, 
 and a not less curious proof of the vacillation and un- 
 certainty which characterised Charles V. in respect to 
 matters of religion. Time effected nothing for the re- 
 formation in the papal court. It could burst none of 
 • those adamantine fetters with which truth and charity 
 lay bound beneath the high altar of superstition. The 
 longer this prostration of the guardian angels of humanity 
 was contemplated, the more convinced did the pope 
 seem to become that it was their natural condition, and 
 that they ought never to be loosed except at his express 
 orders, which no pope could resolve to give for such a 
 purpose, lest, once loosed, these objects of their oppres- 
 sion should never again suffer themselves to be bound. 
 
 That Clement should have advised the employment 
 of force in preference to the milder methods of concili- 
 ation is not extraordinary. The protestants were con- 
 victed of heresy; and heresy had always been considered, 
 not as a disease to be viewed with compassion, but as a 
 crime to be punished by the sword. Luther himself 
 spoke of those who dissented from him, in terms which 
 manifested almost as much ignorance of Ihe true nature 
 of religious freedom as appears in the denunciations of 
 the popes. This lamentable error continued to infect 
 the minds of men to a late period of the reformation, 
 and it was not till after civil freedom had greatly in- 
 creased, that Christian liberty could assert its rights in 
 safety. 
 
 The sentiments of the emperor were such as might 
 be looked for from a monarch arixious to pursue the 
 course which moderation and enlarged views pointed 
 out. But his conduct was very imperfectly in accord- 
 
CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. 237 
 
 ance with his counsels ; nor does he appear, even in 
 them, to have emancipate,! himself from the notion that 
 the sword of the magistrate was the last appeal from 
 heresy to truth. If the above address be authentic, he 
 seems to have wished to transfer the power of the pope 
 to a temporary assembly, whose conclusions should give 
 a permanent and universally coercive law. Were any 
 found who could not agree to its rule of faith, they 
 were to be given up to the civil authorities, and punished 
 accordingly. Religion could have gained little by such 
 a course. The pope was right in supposing that in- 
 terminable debates would be the probable consequence 
 of such an assembly. This must have been the case, 
 not only in the meeting itself, but in every part of 
 Europe; for the minds of all men, naturally directed 
 with intense anxiety towards the horizon, whence their 
 creed was to arise in new and perfect lustre, would have 
 made the subject a matter of common debate, and ac- 
 quired invincible habits of religious controversy. Now, 
 when after this the council had come to a conclusion 
 on the points in debate, and had sent forth the formulary 
 of faith, which was to be binding on all, is it to be sup- 
 posed that that dictum of the dispersed body would 
 at once silence the voice of inquiry, or the busy 
 tongues of those who had sent their several representa- 
 tives to the assembly; and several of whom, it is highly 
 probable, would have returned but little satisfied with 
 the results of the debate ? 
 
 The speech of the emperor is said to have surprised 
 the pope, and to have made a deep impression on the 
 minds of all present. But Clement was a keener poli- 
 tician than the sovereign; and refraining from any im- 
 mediate attempt to press his own opinions or wishes, he 
 mildly observed, that he would take his majesty's view 
 of the subject into more careful consideration. As 
 Charles remained at the court of the pontiff some weeks 
 longer, the latter had ample opportunities of representing 
 his wishes with all the persuasive ingenuity which 
 natural skill and great experience had taught him to 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 practise. The emperor was not proof against such attacks, 
 and at last consented to resign, for the present, his in- 
 tention to demand the calling of a council. In the 
 mean time, however, he sent orders into Germany to 
 summon an assembly of the diet of the empire to meet 
 at Augsburg in the ensuing month of April. The 
 directions for this purpose expressly stated, that the 
 meeting was called in order that the subject of religion 
 might be carefully considered, and the different parties 
 heard with every kind of indulgence and charity : that 
 the reasons of each might be considered, and such con- 
 clusions drawn from the examination as should lead to 
 the correction of what was erroneous, and the re-esta- 
 blishment of peace and unity. 
 
 Clement, it is said, endeavoured to dissuade the em- 
 peror from even this partial execution of his original 
 wishes. But he found that the powers of persuasion 
 were limited ; nor would he, it is probable, have suc- 
 ceeded so far as he did, had it not been for the cir- 
 cumstance that the coronation was at hand, — a ceremony 
 which Charles was anxious to undergo, and the expect- 
 ation of which, therefore, may be supposed to have 
 considerably influenced his feehngs. Beheving that his 
 crown could only come properly consecrated from the 
 hands of the pope, he might be little inclined to dispute 
 on matters which would admit of modification. 
 
 The ceremony of the coronation took place on the 
 24th of February; and the emperor prolonging his stay 
 at Bologna, letters were sent into Germany deferring 
 the meeting of the diet to the month of May.* This 
 lengthened sojourn of the emperor at the papal court 
 inspired the reformers with the worst suspicions. 
 They knew the character of Charles, and the course of 
 his policy. Neither the one nor the other had afforded 
 confidence, and every day added to the anxiety with 
 which they looked forward to his arrival. So fearful, 
 indeed, were the protestant chiefs that evil had been 
 plotted against them, that it was seriously debated 
 
 * Seckendorf. Sleidan. 
 
DIET OF AUGSBURG. 239 
 
 whether the elector of Saxony ought to trust himself to 
 the justice either of the diet^ or the emperor. 
 
 At length the day approached for the meeting of this 
 celebrated assembly ; and the elector^ having decided as 
 became the dignity of a free prince_, set out on his way to 
 Augsburg. He was accompanied by a splendid retinue 
 of nobles and their respective trains of attendants. 
 Luther only, of the distinguished divines of Wittem- 
 bergj remained behind. He stopped on the way, at 
 the castle of Cobourg. This he was induced to do 
 by the advice of the senate of Nuremberg, which re- 
 presented the danger he must incur by exposing him- 
 self to his enemies without a safe-conduct, and the 
 inexpediency of provoking the emperor by making a 
 demand for his protection. 
 
 The landgrave and other protestant princes followed 
 the example of the elector of Saxony, and entered 
 Augsburg with corresponding splendour. Some weeks 
 passed away before the emperor arrived. During this 
 interval, which he spent in the Tyrol and Bavaria, 
 the champions of the pope continually pressed him with 
 their exhortations to defend the interests of the church, 
 and put down a party which had so little regard for 
 the laws and established authority as the protestants. 
 The influence which these perpetual appeals exercised 
 on his mind, produced many evil consequences to the 
 reformers ; and when Dolzig, the ambassador of the 
 elector, appeared before him to justify the late pro- 
 ceedings of his master, he manifested, both by words 
 and looks, how resolved he was to employ his authority 
 against the supposed invaders of ancient right. He 
 reached Augsburg on the evening of the 5th of June, 
 the next day being the feast of the sacrament. No 
 circumstance had been neglected which could add to the 
 magnificence of his entry. Princes, nobles, and bishops 
 crowded to meet him ; and he was saluted with a 
 homage which proclaimed that none of the associ- 
 ations belonging to imperial renown and titles had 
 yet passed away. As the cavalcades approached, the 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 princes and the emperor descended from their horses^ 
 and saluted each other with every mark of affection and 
 respect. The pope's legate then proceeded to give the 
 blessing, and the assembled multitude fell on their 
 knees, the only persons left standing being the elector 
 and his friends. 
 
 No time was lost in opening the all-important sub- 
 ject, the discussion of which had been looked for with 
 such intense anxiety. The emperor, having heard ser- 
 vice at the cathedral, was scarcely within the walls of 
 the bishop's palace, when he put the protestant princes 
 to a trial of obedience. '' You will attend the proces- 
 sion of the holy sacrament to-morrow, and silence your 
 preachers," was the substance of his message conveyed 
 to them by Ferdinand. Not altogether unprepared for 
 this address, they at once answered that they could do 
 neither the one nor the other ; and when Ferdinand let 
 fall some angry expressions," George of Brandenburg 
 replied, that he would rather suffer death than renounce 
 his principles, or engage in a worship that was idolatrous. 
 The emperor, who had not left the apartment, mildly 
 observed, on hearing this, '^ that the life of no one was 
 wanted;" which remark he repeated, as if he either sus- 
 suspected the timeliness of the prince's declaration, 
 or the sincerity of his own.* 
 
 So resolved did Charles appear to bring the question 
 to an immediate issue, that he sent to the elector of 
 Saxony, when it was near midnight, to obtain his final 
 answer. The latter informed the messenger that he 
 was preparing for repose, but would acquaint the em- 
 peror with his decision in the morning. At an early 
 hour, he and the other protestant princes sought an 
 audience in the episcopal palace. They then informed 
 his majesty of the resolution which had been finally taken, 
 and stated the principal arguments on which it was 
 founded. Charles could neither terrify nor persuade 
 them into compliance, and the conference terminated 
 with his desiring them to give their reasons in writing 
 * Fleury, art. v. sec. xxii. Beausobre. Seckendorf. 
 
DIET OF AUGSBURG. 241 
 
 for not agreeing to silence the preachers of their 
 party. 
 
 This request of the emperor having been complied 
 with, they were again summoned to his presence ; and 
 it being agreed that commissioners should have the de- 
 cision of the subject, it was finally settled that, if the 
 protestants would prevent their ministers from preach- 
 ing in Augsburg, the cathoHc princes would silence also 
 the most controversial and obnoxious of their own. 
 But no sooner was this affair settled, than the legate of 
 the pope invented another cause of dispute. '' Who 
 were to assist at the mass on the opening of the diet?" 
 it was asked. "^ Could the elector of Saxony, grand 
 marshal of the empire, refuse to attend when the sove- 
 reign demanded his presence ?" The design of the 
 legate, however, was again defeated, for the protestant 
 ministers and princes agreed that, under such circum- 
 stances, the elector might conscientiously obey the sum- 
 mons of the emperor, and be present at the ceremony. 
 He attended, therefore, as required ; as did also George 
 of Brandeburg ; but neither of them carried their 
 complaisance so far as to join in those parts of the 
 worship which they accounted idolatrous. 
 
 The states of Germany had never been more nobly 
 represented than they v/ere at the opening of this diet. 
 Charles, the sovereign of the empire, took his seat 
 on the throne, with a reputation and a glory of which 
 the greatest of his ancestors might have been proud. 
 Europe at large owned the power of his sword or of 
 his influence. England was the only country which 
 had not trembled at the progress of his arms. Attendant 
 on this mighty monarch were the choicest represent- 
 atives of the church ; the princely bishops, the subtle 
 and eloquent theologians, and the pope's legate charged 
 with all the authority and the weighty counsels of the 
 pontifical court. Besides these, there were the nume- 
 rous princes, with the king of the Romans at their head, 
 who thronged to the diet, eagerly desiring to engage 
 on the side of the emperor, whatever might be the pro- 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 jects he should see fit to undertake. Ranged on the other 
 side, were the venerable elector of Saxony, the brave 
 landgrave of Hesse, the learned and ardent marquis of 
 Brandeburg, and the deputies of cities which, in the 
 true spirit of wealthy and free communities, had been 
 among the first opponents of superstition and tyranny. 
 
 The business of the meeting was opened by Frederic 
 count palatine, who made a short apology for the de- 
 lay of the emperor, and explained the reasons which 
 had induced him to assemble the diet. In the usual 
 written address of the sovereign, which was next read, 
 Charles also offered a formal excuse for his long absence 
 from Germany, pleading, as his principle reason, the 
 necessity created by war, and his firm trust in the loyalty 
 of the states. After alluding to the advance of the 
 Turks, he explained what efforts he had made to pro- 
 vide for the defence of the empire. He had offered, he 
 said, all the money set apart for his coronation at Rome, 
 and was still willing to make every sacrifice that could 
 be expected of a sovereign devoted to the interests of 
 his people. The same should be expected, he added, 
 from his brother Ferdinand, who ought to be regarded, 
 standing where he did, as the bulwark of Christendom, 
 and from Germany itself, so exposed as it was to the fury 
 of the infidels. 
 
 When the emperor had thus glanced at the various 
 political topics of the day, he commenced, in an earnest 
 tone, the consideration of those subjects on which the 
 minds of all present, princes as well as ecclesiastics, 
 were more intently fixed. " He had called *," he said, 
 " at a very eaily period of his reign, the diet of Worms, 
 and the states had then passed an edict which, if obeyed, 
 would have effectually prevented those evils under which 
 they were now suflfering. But every measure," he 
 added, '^' has proved ineffectual to stop the progress of 
 disorder. We have, therefore, summoned this assembly, 
 to consider further what means may be adopted to 
 restore tranquillity; and we desire that you will freely 
 • Sleidan, t. i. liv. vii. Seckendorf. 
 
DIET OF AUGSBURG. 24S 
 
 deliver your sentiments on those important subjects 
 which are about to be discussed." 
 
 It was agreed, on all sides^ that the affairs of religion 
 should precede whatever else had to be considered. On 
 the 24th of the month, therefore, the day appointed for 
 the second session of the diet^ the emperor entered the 
 hall at an early hour of the morning. The principal 
 members of the council having assembled around him^ 
 he proceeded to the head of the staircase to meet the 
 legate, whom he led back to the apartment, and seated 
 on the chair of state, which on the former occasion had 
 been occupied by Ferdinand. 
 
 Campegio addressed tlie diet in a Latin oration of 
 considerable length ; but did not venture to touch upon 
 the subject of rehgion, except in that general style which 
 declaimers love, because, being too indefinite to leave 
 any trace of the argument, it is thereby rendered im- 
 possible for their antagonists to pursue them. The 
 protestants saw clearly that every effort was made 
 to delay the introduction of the questions which they 
 expected to be brought forward at this session. But 
 the necessities of the empire obliged the sovereign to 
 seek their aid ; and on being applied to for advice and 
 succours, the princes rose from their seats, and remained 
 standing while the venerable Pontanus, who had long 
 exercised the office of chancellor to the elector, briefly 
 intimated their sentiments, their grievances, and their 
 determinations. 
 
 In reply to the request with which Pontanus ended 
 his address, and the object of which was to obtain per- 
 mission for the protestants to read their apology before 
 the assembly, Charles made answer, that if they would 
 send it to the proper oflice, it should be read. As this 
 reply was partly expected, the princes renewed their 
 application, pressing their claims to be heard as a matter 
 of right and justice. The emperor saw, at length, that 
 opposition was of no avail; and, notwithstanding the 
 persuasions of the catholics and his brother Ferdinand, 
 R 2 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 he promised to grant them the desired hearing the next 
 day. 
 
 At three o'clock in the afternoon of the following day, 
 the members of the diet again assembled ; but the 
 present meeting was held in the apartment where mass 
 had been said, and not in the grand hall of the palace 
 of Augsburg, the usual place of meeting. To Pontanus 
 again belonged the office of pleading the cause of the 
 protestants. As he prepared to commence his address, 
 the princes rose as before, and would have continued 
 standing had not the emperor insisted on their resuming 
 their seats. The ex-chancellor then came forward, ac- 
 companied by Christopher Beyer, his successor in the office. 
 He bore in his hands a Latin and a German copy of 
 the confession of faith. This instrument, enlarged by 
 Melancthon, had for its basis articles drawn up by Lu- 
 ther, and delivered to the elector at Torgau, where it was 
 accepted by the reformers for the purpose of being pre- 
 sented to this assembly as their apology. Charles, still 
 acting in conformity with the suggestion of his catholic 
 advisers, desired that the Latin only should be read ; to 
 which the elector of Saxony replied, that he trusted they 
 might be allowed to use their own language when speak- 
 ing among their own countrymen. 
 
 Permission being given to proceed, Christopher Beyer, 
 with a loud and distinct voice, began the reading of the 
 confession. It was suspected that the place of assembly 
 had been changed to prevent the concourse of persons 
 being present who were able to find an entrance into 
 the more spacious hall. But so clear and sonorous were 
 the tones of the chancellor's voice, that they are said 
 to have been distinguished far beyond the limits within 
 which it was intended to confine the hearing of the 
 confession. So profound was the ignorance which 
 prevailed on the subject of protestantism, that, as he 
 continued, several of the members of the diet expressed 
 their surprise at finding the doctrines of the Lutherans 
 not worthy of utter reprobation and contempt. The 
 
DIET OP AUGSBURG. 245 
 
 bishop of Augsburg himself suddenly exclaimed, " This 
 is pure truth. We cannot deny it ! " A similar remark 
 was made by William of Bavaria, who, having hitherto 
 treated the elector of Saxony with marked dislike, now 
 turned towards him, and acknowledged that he had 
 erred in attributing doctrines to the protestants so dif- 
 ferent to those which formed their confession of faith. 
 
 The reading of the confession occupied two hours. 
 At the conclusion, Pontanus placed the Latin as well as 
 the German copy in the hands of the emperor's secretary, 
 saying, as he presented them, '^' By the grace of God, 
 who will defend his own cause, this confession shall 
 prevail against the gates of hell." The emperor received 
 the copy written in Latin, and, dissolving the assembly, 
 desired the count palatine to inform the protestants that 
 he would take their writing into consideration. 
 
 An important point had now been carried by the 
 reformers. Their confession of faith was clear and 
 definite ; it had been pronounced before the highest 
 tribunal of the country, and but one alternative re- 
 mained to their opponents — that, namely, of proving 
 their creed false, or still upholding the maxim that 
 a unity, of which the bond is error and superstition, is 
 preferable to schism, though it have truth necessitating 
 and producing it. 
 
 The confession of Augsburg afforded a new instance 
 of the candour and honesty of the protestants. It has 
 been remarked, that the church of Rome had ever 
 avoided publishing any formal account of its doctrines.* 
 We doubt whether the remark, as an argument against 
 the church of Rome, is fair or judicious. The prin- 
 ciples and dogmas of that church were for many ages 
 too universally and implicitly received to allow of any 
 seeming necessity for the publication of a creed distinct 
 
 * It is Basnage who makes this observation : — " The church of Rome," 
 he says, " has never dared to make a confession of faith, because, changing 
 its dogmas every instant, and never being sure of its principles, a detail of 
 its doctrines would afford too good a means for discovering its innovations. 
 It refers, therefore, to the acts of councils, the inconstancy of which are 
 less visible to the people, who have few opportunities for reading or com- 
 paring these memorials." — Hist, de I'E^lise, liv. xxvi. c. ii. p. 1512. 
 B 3 
 
246 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATIOX. 
 
 from those which had the sanction of antiquity. There 
 can he no necessity for a confession of faith, where, ample 
 means of another kind existing for the expHcation of 
 doctrine, the people assent at large to the faith in which 
 they have been educated. We know not at what period 
 the church of Rome could have considered itself pro- 
 perly called upon to come forward with a declaration of 
 its principles by any public instrument, like the confession 
 required of a body but newly constituted, and whose 
 declarations were needed both as a symbol of union 
 among themselves, and a defence against powerful ene- 
 mies. But though it does not appear that the Roman 
 church was bound to publish such confessions of faith 
 as that of Augsburg, it reflects great honour on the 
 wisdom and noble candour of the protestants, that they 
 thus early came forward with so clear an account of 
 their principles and belief. They proved thereby that 
 they were not contending for a shadow ; for opinions ill 
 defined, and only loosely apprehended : they demonstrated 
 that no feverish dream of enthusiasm had led them to 
 desire liberty of conscience ; that they had taken time 
 to meditate and examine ; that they did not seek to 
 avoid the scrutinising eye of their opponents, or the 
 judgment of the world at large, — proofs of sincerity 
 and honesty of profession which ought, even alone, to 
 have secured them an honourable regard and attention. 
 
 As the confession referred both to points of faith, 
 properly so called, and to matters of ceremony and dis- 
 cipline, it was divided into two parts. The former of 
 these consisted of twenty-one articles on the principle 
 heads of Christian belief. They are thus given in ab- 
 stract*: — " I. The first four general councils are ac- 
 knowledged to have decided according to Scripture, on 
 the doctrine of the Trinity. II. Original sin is recog- 
 nised, and said to consist altogether in concupiscence, 
 and in want of belief in God and faith in his goodness. 
 III. The Apostles' Creed is received, and that which 
 it teaches respecting the incarnation, the life, death, 
 * Sleidan. Seckendorf. Beausobre. 
 
DIET OF AUGSBURG. 247 
 
 passion, resurrection, and ascension of Jesus Christ. 
 IV. The Pelagians are refuted on the subject of justi- 
 fication by our own works ; the true doctrine of the 
 Gospel being that we are justified by faith only, and 
 not by good works. V. The Holy Ghost is given by 
 means of the sacraments, but his operations depend on 
 faith alone. VI. This faith properly produces good 
 works, but not as justifying us thereby, — good works 
 being only proofs of our willing obedience to God. 
 VII. The church, rightly considered, consists entirely 
 of the elect. VIII. The sacraments are efficacious, 
 whatever may be the character of the officiating mi- 
 nister. IX. The anabaptists err in refusing baptism 
 to infants. X. The true body and blood of Christ are 
 really present, distributed, and received in the Lord's 
 supper under the form of the bread and wine. 
 XI. It is necessary to retain confession in the 
 church, but it is not required that a minute enu- 
 meration of sins should be made. XII. Penitence is 
 described as consisting of contrition and faith, or the 
 persuasion that our sins are pardoned for the sake of 
 Christ ; and there is no true repentance, it is added, 
 without good works. XIII. The sacraments are not 
 only signs whereby our profession of the Gospel is set 
 forth, but witnesses of the love of God towards men, 
 which serve to excite and establish faith. XIV. The 
 pastors of the church should be called to their office by 
 God. XV. Those ceremonies which contribute to 
 order and decency should continue to be observed, but 
 they ought not to be regarded as things necessary to 
 men's salvation, as productive of grace, or satisfying 
 God for sins. XVI. The authority of magistrates, 
 their ordinances, and wars carried on for just purposes, 
 are not contrary to the Gospel. XVII. There will be 
 a judgment, in which all men will appear before the 
 tribunal of Christ, and when the wicked will^be doomed 
 to everlasting punishment. XVIII. The strength of 
 free-will may be sufficient to produce an outward show 
 of virtue, and influence the manners of men in this 
 u 4. 
 
248 HISTORY OF THt: REFORMATION. 
 
 world j but without the grace of the Holy Spirit there 
 can be neither faith^ nor regeneration, nor true justice. 
 XIX. The corrupt will of man, and not God, is the 
 sole cause of sin. XX. Good works are necessary and 
 indispensable, but can never by their merit procure a 
 remission of sins, which depends wholly on the merit 
 of Jesus Christ, ascribed to us in consideration of faith, 
 which, when sincere, fails not to produce good works. 
 XXI. The example of the saints ought to be set before 
 the people to excite them to holiness, but Scripture no 
 where exhorts us to invoke them, and speaks only of 
 one mediator between God and man — that is, Jesus 
 Christ." 
 
 The moderation and scriptural tone of these articles 
 could only be disputed by the most determined op- 
 ponents to fair inquiry. " Our confession," said the 
 reformers, "^ includes nothing but what may be proved 
 by the word of God, or that contradicts the doctrines 
 of the catholic, or even of the Roman church, as far as 
 they are developed in the Avritings of its divines. It 
 is without justice, therefore, that we are branded with 
 the name of heretics. If any real foundation for dis- 
 pute exists, it is derived from this — that we reject the 
 abuses which have been introduced into the practices 
 of the church. But, while we set aside such things 
 as seem contrary to Christian simplicity, we retain 
 the greater part of established rites; nor have we 
 done more in these changes than has been allowed by 
 the general consent of believers in all ages ; no period 
 being known in which the internal observances of the 
 church have been universally the same." * 
 
 A statement is next made of the abuses here referred 
 to, and the correction of which the protestants claimed 
 as the privilege of every church in Christendom. The 
 second part of the confession is divided into six articles, 
 ranged in the following order : — I. At the head of all 
 stands that which refers to the denial of the cup to the 
 laity, in the celebration of the Lord's supper. II. The 
 
 * Seckendorf. Sleidan. Beausobre. 
 
DIET OF AUGSBURG. 249 
 
 next article treats of the celibacy of the clergy, which 
 it condemns as contrary to the freedom allowed by the 
 divine law^ and productive of great evils. III. In this 
 the all-important subject of the mass is brought forw^ard. 
 And here, as in the case of the doctrine concerning the 
 real presence, may be plainly traced the signs of a 
 tender and cautious spirit, anxious to guard the truth, 
 and, at the same time, avoid the danger of producing 
 irritation by too pointed a reproof of those who still 
 venerated the ancient rites. '^ We have not," says the 
 confession, '^ abolished the mass ; we celebrate it with 
 the profoundest veneration ; and have retained most of 
 the accustomed usages. AU that we have done is to 
 add some German hymns to the Latin, for the sake of 
 the people ; and to require that those who wish to 
 receive it should undergo a proper preparation before 
 being admitted to communicate. For the rest, we have 
 abolished the scandalous custom which prevailed of say- 
 ing masses for the sake of money j a practice which was 
 carried on to the most disgusting extent, and solely for 
 the gain which it produced. This fruitful source of 
 evils had its beginning in the scholastic dogma, that 
 Jesus Christ expiated original sin only, and that the 
 mass is celebrated for the remission of actual sins. 
 Whereas the mass is not a sacriiice which can have any 
 virtue in itself for the expiation of sins, unless the 
 sinner performs the conditions required of him by the 
 Gospel. IV. Under the'next head, auricular confession 
 is made the subject of remark. They did not require, 
 said they, that that particular naming of each offence 
 should take place, which had given occasion to many 
 dangers and scandals, but they retained the ordinance 
 of confession, and that of absolution by the minister, 
 the efficacy of which depends on the faith of him who 
 confesses his offences. V. This article refers to ab- 
 stinence from certain meats, which custom had been 
 abolished, they said, ]. Because the people had been 
 led into the error of believing that the abstinence was 
 meritorious, and could satisfy God for sins. 2. Be- 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOiV. 
 
 cause it had been represented as the highest exercise of 
 a spiritual life^ and as even more indispensable than 
 obedience to the practical precepts of the Gospel. 
 3. Because the multiplication of ordinances was a bur- 
 then to the tender conscience, which was thereby tor- 
 mented with frequent and grievous scruples^ to such an 
 extent that according to Gerson several persons of this 
 character had even destroyed themselves, in the despair 
 of being ever able to. perform all those external duties 
 set forth as essential to salvation. VI. This article 
 referred to monastic vows^ which had been abolished 
 as dangerous snares to the conscience_, and the origin 
 of many of those corruptions which produced the most 
 demoralising effect on the members of the church. 
 VII. The concluding article made mention of the 
 power of the pope and the bishops. This power^ it 
 was said, had been enlarged beyond its proper bounds, 
 and had gradually usurped the rights which belonged 
 to kings and princes. They had desired, therefore, to 
 see the evil corrected, that that which belonged to 
 Caesar might be rendered to Caesar, while leaving that 
 untouched, which justly pertained to the pope, the 
 bishops, and the clergy at large." In endeavouring to 
 give their views on the latter head, they argued, that 
 ecclesiastical power, or the keys which Christ had given 
 to his church, was nothing more than the right of 
 preaching the Gospel, administering the sacraments, 
 and pardoning, or refusing the pardon of, sins according 
 as repentance was sincere or not. This being the true 
 nature of ecclesiastical power, ''^it belonged not," they 
 said, "^to the pope or the bishops to depose princes, or 
 interfere with the civil government of nations, but to per- 
 form such duties as properly pertained to their office, the 
 conscientious execution of which was that alone which 
 rightly entitled them to the veneration of their fellow 
 
 * The learned editor of Mosheim has a long note on this confession, and is 
 one of those who decide with least justice and charity respecting Me- 
 lancthon's conduct. " To speak plani," says Dr. Maclaine, " Melancthon's 
 love of peace and concord seems to have carried him beyond what he owed 
 
CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG. 251 
 
 Such is the substance of the confession on which 
 the protestant faith was now raised^ to be a barrier 
 which should resist, for ever after, the returning tides 
 of ignorance and superstition. That it breathed a less 
 vigorous tone than might have been expected, is partly 
 accounted for by the character of Melancthon. But too 
 much weight should not be given to this circumstance. 
 It was not Melancthon that conferred authority on it, 
 but Luther. Nor had Luther only his own faith and 
 feelings to consult, but the situation of his prince, of 
 his country, and of his party. There was, moreover, 
 some opposition of opinion among the protestants them- 
 selves. The landgrave of Hesse was strongly inclined 
 to favour the Sacramentarians. To the same party 
 were the deputies of many powerful towns attached; 
 while, on the other hand, the divines of Wittemberg 
 professed themselves so strongly devoted to the doctrine 
 of the real presence, that little difference existed between 
 their opinions on the subject, and those of the church of 
 Rome. Now, it is to be remembered that Melancthon 
 and Luther, when called upon to frame a confession of 
 faith, were expected to frame it, not as their own con- 
 fession merely, but as that of the whole body of pro- 
 testants. It was not they alone who were about to 
 be tried as to the degrees of heresy into which they 
 had fallen, but the princes and the popular commun- 
 ities they had swayed by their learning and their 
 piety. Accustomed to controversy, to the danger of 
 opposing the power of popes and sovereigns, firm in 
 
 to the truth, in composing this d^iciice of the confession of Augsburg. In 
 the edition of that defence which some Lutherans look upon as the most 
 genuine and authentic, Melancthon makes several strange concessions to 
 the^church of Rome; whether through servile fear, excessive charity, or 
 liesitation of mind, I will not pretend to determine. He speaks of the 
 presence of Christ's body in the eucharist in the very strongest terms that 
 the Roman catholics use to express the monstrous doctrine of transub. 
 stantiation, and adopts those remari^able words of Theophylact, that tke 
 bread ivas not a figure only, hut was truly changed into flesh. He approves 
 of that canon of the mass, in which the priest prays tiiat the bread may 
 be changed into the body of Christ. It is true that, in some subsequent 
 editions of the Defence or Apology novv under consideration, these ob- 
 noxious passages were left out, and the phraseology that had given such 
 just offence was considerably mitigated." — Mosheim, vol. iv. p. 283. 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 faith, and prepared to offer its sacrifices, they would 
 doubtlessly have refused to compromise, for the sake of 
 personal safety, a tittle of their behef. But they repre- 
 sented those whom they could scarcely expect to find 
 sufficiently strong for such things ; and it behoved 
 them, therefore, to draw up the confession in such a 
 manner that it might express the faith, and even the 
 state of mind, of these their brethren. 
 
 The difficulties, therefore, which have been started 
 respecting the seeming indefiniteness of some parts of 
 this confession, admit of a probable solution, without 
 resorting to the expedient of suspecting either Luther's 
 or Me]ancthon's consistency. Had the confession of 
 Augsburg been so drawn up as to render it difficult for 
 the several members of their party to own it as their 
 confession, the body must at once have lost its means of 
 defence. Or had it, again, been so worded as to pro- 
 voke the immediate attack of the emperor, or his papal 
 advisers, the people would have had to encounter mise- 
 ries which the zeal of their teachers would have been 
 badly employed in provoking. 
 
 It is scarcely to be expected that a party possessed of 
 power, which it strives to keep against the assaults of 
 another, should easily yield to the conviction that its 
 rival is just, reasonable, and temperate in principle. 
 The more interested of the catholics affiarded a striking 
 illustration of this on the present occasion. Many of 
 the party had yielded the applause which they deemed 
 fairly due to the mild temper of the confession ; but 
 the pope's legate, wdth the celebrated controversialists, 
 Faber and Eckius, the papal nuncios, and some of the 
 princes, vehemently urged upon. Charles, that he ought 
 to lose no time in putting down the protestant faction 
 by force of arms. They objected in the strongest man- 
 ner they could to his even examining its claims to con- 
 sideration ; and followed, in all respects, the princi- 
 ples which had been laid down by the pontiff himself. 
 
 But Charles, though always attentive to the calls of 
 expediency, had too much candour, and too enlightened 
 
DISPUTE ON THE CONFESSION. 253 
 
 a mind, to yield to the arguments of such reasoners as 
 those who now addressed him. Notwithstanding their 
 persuasions, he continued to listen to the representations 
 of the protestants ; and it hence became necessary, that 
 the most careful consideration should be given to the 
 framing of the answer which was to meet their applica- 
 tion. The difficulties were great, which opposed the 
 ready solution of the question. Campegio himself refused 
 to sanction the wish of the most ardent of his party, to 
 undertake the confutation of the reformers. He urged, 
 as a reason, that their doctrines were so little different 
 from those of the church, that he could not, without 
 danger, commence an argument which involved only 
 subtle and scholastic distinctions. It was then advised 
 that the confession should be submitted to unprejudiced 
 examiners, whose decision might form the foundation of 
 the emperor's judgment; or, that a general refutation 
 should be drawn up, read to the protestants, and be imme- 
 diately followed by the decision of the sovereign ; which 
 should oblige them either to submit, and retract their 
 confession, or expect the punishment due to their wil- 
 fulness and heresy. 
 
 It was at length decided, that the confession should 
 first be submitted to the examination of the catholic theo- 
 logians. Those who were anxious for the speedy reco- 
 very of tranquillity, begged that neither Faber nor 
 Eckius might be allowed to have a part in the consult- 
 ation ; but these appear to have been the only disputants 
 on whose learning and ability the catholics could rely. 
 They were, therefore, summoned to the task of refuting 
 the confession ; and, after six weeks' hard labour, the 
 reply was ready. 
 
 While the advocates of the Roman church were pre- 
 paring their address to the emperor, Melancthon, and the 
 party which he represented, experienced much and 
 painful anxiety. They needed the energetic spirit of 
 Luther to support and guide them. Others might share 
 his gifts of learning and eloquence — might be even 
 superior to him in powers of acute reasoning, and in 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 command of temper — but none approached him in faith, 
 in the graces of a true spiritual warrior, in the sense of 
 right, privilege, and dignity, which enabled him to go 
 before the world and its rulers as the consecrated cham- 
 pion of divine truth. 
 
 Depressed with care and fatigue, Melancthon trem- 
 bled when he discovered the activity of their enemies, 
 and saw how little the emperor was willing to decide 
 at once according to the obvious justice of the case. 
 In this situation, he wrote to Luther, unfolding the 
 state of his mind, and seeking that support which his 
 venerated friend seemed alone capable of giving. The 
 appeal was not in vain : Luther, who had quietly re- 
 signed himself to the necessity of a temporary retire- 
 ment, employed his time in the castle of Cobourg, 
 between writing and study. He had already translated 
 and composed commentaries on some of the most im- 
 portant portions of Scripture, and was now busied in the 
 translation of the prophets ; the book of Zechariah 
 having lately appeared from the press. When Avearied 
 with these graver occupations, he turned to the Fables of 
 iEsop, and rendered them into German, — the only so- 
 ciety he had being that of his friend, Vitus Theodoric, 
 the pastor of Nuremberg, From the letters of this excel- 
 lent man we learn, not only how dihgently, but how 
 devoutly, Luther spent his time during this season of 
 solitude. Not a day passed, it is said, but he expended 
 three hours in earnest prayer ; and though he appears 
 to have suiffered occasionally from a most intense melan- 
 choly — a nervous excitement of mind almost intolerable 
 — he enjoyed, on the whole, great consolations; and 
 seems to have experienced the continual increase of his 
 faith and hope. In his ansAver to Melancthon he says*, 
 '' I am not afraid to acknowledge that I have endured 
 greater agonies than you can form an idea of, or than I 
 would willingly see suffered by those who so rage against 
 us." Then reminding him of the goodness of God, 
 and paraphrasing the argument of the apostle, " He who 
 
 • Briefe, t. v. p. 62. Seckendorf, 1. ii. s. xxxii. p. 181. 
 
LUTHER AND MELANCTHON. 255 
 
 spared not his son, but delivered him up for us all, 
 how shall he not with him also freely give us all 
 things ? " he adds, '' In particular temptations I am 
 feebler than you : on the contrary, in public trials you 
 are as weak as I am in trials at home — if I may call 
 by that name those to which Satan puts me. For you 
 despise your own life, and tremble for the public cause; 
 but for me, I regard with serenity and confidence the 
 public cause, knowing that it is just, and that of Christ 
 and of God. I tremble not for this, therefore, but I 
 fear for myself, because I am a sinner. Thus I con- 
 template the events which are taking place in peace and 
 security, nor feel any apprehensions at what you tell me 
 respecting the efforts which the fierce and abusive ca- 
 tholics are making against us. If we perish, Jesus 
 Christ will perish with us, and our church become that of 
 the prince of this world ; and when that happens, I 
 shall think it better to perish with Jesus Christ, than to 
 conquer with sin and error. You are not alone. Would 
 that I were with you, for the affair is mine as well as 
 yours: nay, it is more mine than that of any one among 
 you. I undertook it not rashly, nor from any motives 
 of avarice or vain glory : I call God to witness that I 
 did not; and the event has justified, and will yet further 
 justify, my words. Trust, then, in the promises of 
 your God. Remember the words, ' Cast all your cares 
 upon him, for He careth for you.' Consider this also; 
 ^ Be of good cheer; I have overcome the world.' Why 
 should you fear the world which Christ bas conquered } 
 Is not this an assurance so comforting, that it would 
 be worth while to go to Rome, nay, to Jerusalem, to 
 hear it, had we to creep thither on our knees } But 
 we are so accustomed to hear these consolations of the 
 Lord, that they lose their value and efficacy with us." 
 
 Having thus exhorted Melancthon to pray more ear- 
 nestly for the strengthening of his faith, he proceeds 
 in the true spirit of an evangelist : "^ But I reason with 
 you in vain ; you are bewildered by your philosophy ; 
 you believe that these affairs depend on human wisdom, 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 and thereby fulfil the proverb, ' Cum ratione insanit.' 
 You torment yourself with a thousand anxieties, for- 
 getting that the business is above your light and your 
 strength ; that it must proceed by itself, and that Jesus 
 Christ does not desire that success should be the result 
 of either human counsels or human power." 
 
 The diet was re-assembled on the 3d of August, and 
 the emperor directed the count palatine to inform the 
 members present, that, having submitted the confession 
 of the protestants to the examination of pious and learned 
 men, they had delivered the result of their inquiries on 
 the subject, and that he approved of their decision. The 
 reply of the Romanist divines was then read ; the only 
 doctrines which it represented as wholly heretical, and, 
 therefore, to be rejected, being these five: — 1. That good 
 works have no merit. 2. That justification is conferred 
 by faith without good works. 3. That the church is the 
 assembly of the just. 4. That we cannot satisfy for 
 sins. 5. That the saints intercede not for us. 
 
 Of the other articles, some were designated as more, 
 and others as less, heretical. The expressions made use 
 of to describe the presence of Christ's body and blood 
 in the sacrament of the last supper, were represented as 
 not sufficiently explicit, for that it ought to have been 
 said that the bread and wine are entirely changed. But 
 little objection was offered to the article on confession, 
 except that it was ordered, that a full and complete 
 confession ought to be made once a year. The authority 
 of the bishops not seeming to be sufficiently recognised 
 in the confession, the examiners required, that no mi- 
 nister should be allowed the charge of a church, or the 
 office of instructing the people, without especial per- 
 mission from the bishops. 
 
 In that division of the confession, which contained 
 the articles referring to ceremonies and discipline, the 
 first noticed was that on the administration of the com- 
 munion in both kinds. This they wholly rejected ; 
 and the emperor himself added his commands, that the 
 general practice of the Christian world should be here 
 
ANSWER TO THE CONFESSION. 25? 
 
 followed. In a similar manner, the marriage of priests 
 was condemned as opposed to the usage of the church 
 from the days of the apostles. The article on the mass 
 was received conditionally. If it agreed with what the 
 church believed, it was right ; if not, wrong, and worthy 
 of reprobation. To this brief sentence it was added, 
 that the mass is a sacrifice both for the living and the 
 dead ; and that private masses ought not to have been 
 abolished. The theological student will smile when 
 he reads, that in support of their censure of the re- 
 formers on this point, the examiners of the confession 
 quoted the prophecy of Daniel, in which he describes 
 the coming of antichrist as attended by the ceasing of 
 sacrifices. With regard to monastic vows, both the Old 
 and New Testament were cited as affording authorities 
 for their continuance ; and those who had preached 
 against them were denounced as worthy of punishment. 
 The authority of bishops, and the necessity of abstinence, 
 as an essential exercise of the spiritual life, were spoken 
 of in a similar tone.* 
 
 The document was read to the assembly ; and at 
 its conclusion, the protestants requested that a copy- 
 might be given them for the purpose of examining its 
 contents more particularly, before they returned an 
 answer to its demands. This request was refused. 
 Two days after the late meeting, the emperor desired 
 their presence ; and they were required to accede to the 
 statements of the refutation, and return to the bosom 
 of the church : on hearing which, they again asked for 
 a copy of the document, but were long denied this 
 most reasonable request. At length the emperor con- 
 sented to let them receive the document, but insisted 
 that they should bind themselves by an oath neither 
 to transcribe nor publish it. To this they objected ; 
 and Charles, finding tbem resolved on pursuing a firm 
 and pre- determined course, at length agreed to leave the 
 subject in the hands of the elector of Brandenburg, the 
 archbishops of Mentz and Salzburg, duke George of 
 * Seckendorf. Beausobre. 
 
 VOL. I. S 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE REF0R3IATI0N. 
 
 Saxony^ and the bishops of Wurtzburg, Bamberg^ and 
 Strasburgh. 
 
 Mediators like these had no claim on the confidence 
 of the protestants : they were, for the most part, known 
 allies of Campegio^ and the authors of the most in- 
 tolerant counsels. The landgrave of Hesse regarded 
 their dehberations with angry suspicion; and, not being 
 able to endure the seeming injustice of the emperor, or 
 fearful of some sudden attack on his person, he secretly 
 departed from Augsburg, leaving as an excuse, that 
 intelhgence had arrived of the illness of his wife. 
 As little reason had the elector of Saxony to be satisfied 
 with his position. To the wishes he expressed respect- 
 ing the formal investiture of his states, the emperor 
 returned answers which manifested a determination to 
 grant nothing which could be refused or delayed without 
 creating an immediate and open rupture. The de- 
 parture of the landgrave did not tend to produce more 
 favourable sentiments in the mind of Charles ; and, 
 allowing his anger to prevail, he imprudently directed 
 that the secret gate of the city should be opened to no 
 one, and then ordered out a detachment of his own 
 troops to guard the principal public avenues. 
 
 Such a proceeding was too offensive to the dignity of 
 the protestant princes and deputies to be viewed in 
 silence. The elector of Saxony, therefore, represented 
 to the emperor that it was contrary to the customs which 
 prevailed during the assembling of a diet ; and that, 
 with regard to the landgrave, his principal ministers 
 remained behind to make known his wishes and reso- 
 lutions on the subjects in debate. Charles discovered, 
 from the calm and dignified manner of the elector, that 
 the step he had taken could not be persevered in without 
 danger ; and, pleading his ignorance of the practices 
 which prevailed in the diet, and his fears lest tumults 
 might take place between the Germans and the Span- 
 iards, he immediately directed the guards to be with- 
 drawn. 
 
 A few days after this, the protestants were summoned 
 
REPLY OF THE PROTESTANTS. 259 
 
 to receive the decision of the mediators. As was ex- 
 pected, their cause had gained nothing while left in the 
 hands of these persons. The elector of Brandenburg . 
 addressed them in a speech of some length, the tone 
 and purpose of which mi^ht have prevailed with ig- 
 norant schismatics, but was little suited to the minds of 
 men enlightened by study and reflection. To the ar- 
 guments which he advanced were added threatening 
 intimations, still less likely to influence the protestants. 
 The elector of Saxony, it is said, trembled for the 
 moment when he heard it declared, that if he retracted 
 not his errors, his dignity and his life would fall a 
 sacrifice to the just indignation of the emperor : but he 
 was too well established in his faith to allow himself to be 
 surprised into unworthy concessions. Time was de- 
 manded, that the address of the mediators might be 
 properly considered ; and in the two days which in- 
 tervened between the meeting here described and the 
 answer of the protestants, the elector had recovered 
 his wonted firmness, and the remonstrance was indica- 
 tive of the noblest determination to concede nothing 
 which conscience required to be preserved. " How 
 unreasonable is it," said they, '^ to demand that we 
 should assent to a refutation of our doctrines which we 
 are not allowed to examine!" To this objection the 
 commissioners replied, two days after, that as they had 
 taken upon themselves to ridicule former decrees on the 
 subject of religion, the emperor did not choose that the 
 present instrument should be exposed to a similar 
 fate ; but that, if they required it, they might again 
 peruse, and consider, the refutation. 
 
 On the 13th of August the protestants again ap- 
 peared before an assembly of the catholic princes and 
 bishops. They had drawn up their reply with a cau- 
 tion that is not perhaps unjustly charged with an ap- 
 pearance of timidity. Melanctbon was the principal 
 adviser on the occasion ; and temperate, conciliating, 
 and careful at all times, he may reasonably be supposed 
 to have been now influenced, in some degree, by the 
 s 2 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 danger which would attend an opposite conduct. He 
 omitted no opportunity^ therefore, of appealing to the 
 most influential of the catholics. With them he con- 
 sulted as anxious only for the .restoration of peace. 
 Weighing carefully in his mind what might be con- 
 ceded to necessity, without a violation of conscience, 
 or injuring the vital principles of the Reformation, he 
 arrived at conclusions which bolder men would less 
 willingly have entertained. In proof of the tempor- 
 izing tendency of his thoughts at this time, a letter is 
 quoted which he is said to have addressed to cardinal 
 Campegio. If this epistle be authentic, he certainly 
 pleaded with an earnest humility of expression which 
 consorts ill with the style lately adopted by Luther.* 
 But after all that has been said upon the subject, he 
 only offered that which Luther himself was willing to 
 concede at an earlier period. There is nothing in Me- 
 lancthon's letter to the legate which is not to be found 
 in Luther's letters to Leo X. ; and the most, therefore, 
 which can properly be gathered from it is this, that 
 the former was only then arrived at the same stage of 
 intelligence and resolution as that which the latter had 
 reached when he pleaded so earnestly with the pontiff", 
 and even with Henry VIII. and duke George of Saxony. 
 But still further, what did Melancthon offer to con- 
 cede ? Not doctrine, or questions of discipline con- 
 nected with doctrine, but points which related to 
 ecclesiastical government, or to the tolerance of the 
 catholics, who, mixed up with the protestants, might 
 demand the privilege of following their own customs. 
 That which is chiefly objectionable in Melancthon's 
 appeal is his desiring the grant of things by way of 
 
 * His most remarkable words are, " Dogma nullum habemus diversum 
 ab ecclesia Romana : multos etiam repressimus, qui perniciosa dogmata 
 
 docere conati sunt parati sumus obedire ecclesiae Romanffi, modo 
 
 ut ilia pro sua dementia, qua semper erga omnes homines usa est, pauca 
 quffidam vel dissimiilet vel relaxet, quae jam, ne quidem si velimus, mutare 
 
 possumus Roman! pontificis auctontatem et universam politiam 
 
 ecclesiasticam reverentes colemus, modo non abjiciat nos Romanus pon- 
 
 tifex Nullam aliam ob rem plus odii sustinemus in Germania, 
 
 quam quia ecclesia; Romanas dogmata summa constantia defendimus." — 
 Beausobre, t. iv. liv. viii. 358. Seckendorf, lib. ii. sec. 23. p. 189. 
 
MELA3SCTH0N. 
 
 261 
 
 favour, which he knew had been seized on^ and would 
 be kept, as the rightful and inalienable possession 
 of his brethren. He begged that the pope would allow 
 them the communion in both kinds. That he would 
 permit the marriage of priests, or at least not dissolve 
 those unions which had already been contracted by 
 ecclesiastics ; and with respect to the mass, he spoke 
 indefinitely, so as to leave the catholics room to suppose 
 that they would restore some of the abrogated cere- 
 monies. The style, moreover, of the letter was too 
 submissive for the dignity of one who represented a 
 great and powerful party. But with all these circum- 
 stances to give a suspicious air to his proceedings, 
 enough was left in the implied demands of the party^ 
 to render it impossible for the catholics to receive his 
 appeal without yielding the most important of their 
 defences. 
 
 Melancthon waited in vain for a reply. He therefore 
 addressed himself to the secretary of Campegio. He had 
 offered conditions, he said, which he trusted would lay 
 the foundations of peace and unity. Were they granted, 
 the protestant clergy would render submission to the 
 bishops, would own the authority of the pope, and use 
 their utmost care and influence to prevent further com- 
 plaints and discord. This strongly expressed offer of 
 concession to the bishops opened a door for fresh ob- 
 jections to Melancthon's policy. Their authority was 
 so intimately bound up with that of Rome, that the 
 views and directions of the pontiff must always have 
 formed the basis of their proceedings. The present 
 arrangements of the Lutherans, on the other hand, 
 were so at variance with the recognition of episcopal 
 authority, that to reinstate them as heads of the church, 
 to subject the principles of reform to their judgment 
 and revisal, to oblige the newly-appointed pastors of the 
 reformed congregations to preach, and regulate customs 
 and ceremonies, by whatever rule they should institute, 
 — this evidently would be to endanger the whole system 
 which it had been deemed expedient to propose for the 
 s 3 
 
262 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 support of the evangelical doctrines. It could not be 
 supposed that the bishops, when acknowledged as in- 
 vested with true pastoral supremacy^ would remain 
 contented with the formality of a jurisdiction not to be 
 exercised against innovations which they abhorred ; 
 still less likely was it that the court of Rome^ to the 
 power of which they were immediately subject, would 
 leave them at liberty to act as their own dispositions, or 
 local policy, might dictate. 
 
 Luther, when informed of the steps which had been 
 taken to forward the wishes of those who were most 
 eager for peace, spoke strongly against the concessions 
 offered to the influence of the bishops. He saw that 
 too much had been acquired by resisting their authority, 
 to allow of that authority being re-established without a 
 vital injury to the protestant cause. Melancthon, on the 
 other hand, argued that the church would be torn by 
 innumerable schisms, unless the ancient power of the 
 prelates was again recognised ; that heresies of the worst 
 description would follow in the train of these disorders ; 
 and that any present attempt to annihilate the do- 
 minion of the pope and the bishops would be attended 
 with dangers, to which the faith and constancy of many 
 were at present insufficient. 
 
 These sentiments of Melancthon only partially pre- 
 vailed at the meeting of the 13 th of August. Pontanus 
 boldly persisted in declaring that the pope was anti- 
 christ ; and when the offer of obedience to the bishops 
 was made, it was with this qualifying clause : "■ So far 
 as is allowed by the word of God." The conference 
 ended with the protestants expressing a desire that com- 
 missioners might be appointed, on each side, for the 
 further consideration of mutual concessions. This being 
 agreed to, the emperor himself appointed seven repre- 
 sentatives for each party. Those for the protestants 
 were George marquis of Brandenburg and John Fre- 
 deric prince of Saxony ; Pontanus and Heller, as juris- 
 consults, and the three theologians, Melancthon, Bren- 
 tius, and SchnepfF. On the side of the catholics, were 
 
MEETING OF COMMISSIONERS. 263 
 
 the bishop of Augsburg, Henry duke of Brunswick, 
 two jurisconsults, Jerome Vehe and Bernard de Hagen, 
 and the three divines, Eckius, Cochleus, and Wimpen. 
 The conference was carried on with the usual vivacity 
 of argument and rejoinder. At length the disputants 
 discovered, that the object of the meeting was not likely 
 to be attained so long as fourteen persons remained to 
 deliver their opinions. The argument was, therefore, 
 left to Melancthon and the two jurisconsults, on the one 
 side, and to Eckius, with his two legal supporters on 
 the other. Difficulties still existing, the catholics pro- 
 posed the re-introduction of the full number : to this 
 the protestants objected, except they were recalled for 
 the purpose of proposing measures for the assembling 
 of a general council. 
 
 It was not till after a dispute of several days, 
 that the commissioners arrived at even an apparent 
 agreement on any points of the controversy. Those 
 which respected the doctrine and rites of the mass re- 
 mained as they were. No concession on these could be 
 made by either party. The same was the case in regard 
 to monastic vows. As to the marriage of priests, the 
 catholic advocates agreed, that it should be tolerated in 
 those cases in which it had taken place, but in no future 
 case. They also consented to the toleration of the 
 communion in both kinds, and some matters of inferior 
 importance, till the calling of a council. But these 
 concessions were purchased at much too dear a rate, if 
 the protestants paid for them as things yielded in good 
 faith, to the truth and honesty of their representatives. 
 So doubtful was this, that the deputies of Nuremberg 
 and those of Hesse and Luneborg positively refused to 
 acknowledge the proceedings of Melancthon. 
 
 The emperor seeing that, however long the discus- 
 sion was continued, it would still leave the subject 
 undetermined, again resolved to use his own persuasions 
 for the settlement of the dispute. He accordingly 
 called to his presence, on the 7th of September, the 
 chiefs of the catholic party, and entered into a full 
 s 4> 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION". 
 
 examination of their sentiments. He next invited the 
 protestants to an audience^ and listened with similar 
 patience and attention to the expression of their wishes. 
 At the conclusion of their address, he earnestly exhorted 
 them to cultivate peace rather than persevere in a course 
 ■which led to so many and such great disorders. It 
 was strange_, he said_, how four or five princes could 
 obstinately contend for opinions which contradicted the 
 universal sense of the Christian church ; but he added, 
 that as they desired a council, no efforts should be left 
 unemployed to satisfy them on that point, this only 
 being stipulated, that till the council assembled, they 
 should restore the customs which had been so prema- 
 turely abolished. 
 
 Notwithstanding the conciliatory spirit of Melancthon, 
 the answer returned to this speech of the emperor was 
 such as became men who had undertaken the defence 
 of a pure religion. " We are neither schismatics nor 
 innovators," they said. " We anxiously desire the 
 summoning of a general council : but we cannot agree 
 to the suppression of the truth, or the tolerance of 
 superstitious practices, till it assemble ; and should we 
 attempt to do so, the people whom we represent are too 
 enlightened not to resist us." 
 
 The emperor having consulted for a short time with 
 his ministers, replied in a tone which expressed a 
 mixture of danger and disappointment. He had ex- 
 amined, he said, the notes of the conference which had 
 lately taken place, and was equally surprised at the 
 patience and gentleness of the catholics, and the obstinate 
 perverseness of the protestants. Finding, therefore, how 
 little hope there was of their yielding to argument, he 
 should allow them but a week longer to deliberate on 
 their final answer ; at the end of which time, if they 
 returned not to their duty to the church, he should 
 adopt those measures of coercion which the occasion 
 seemed to demand. 
 
 It required less time than the emperor had given to 
 enable the protestants to frame their reply. They 
 
DECREE OF THE DIET. 
 
 265 
 
 referred his majesty to their confession^ as affording 
 sufficient proofs that the guilt of heresy was falsely laid 
 to their charge : they had protested, they said, against 
 the decree passed at Spire, but they would not insist 
 on that, being contented to abide by those of the diets 
 held in 1524 and the two following years. It would 
 be useless, they added, to continue the conferences : the 
 only remedy was the assembling of a council, and such a 
 one as should be free, and hold its meetings in Germany: 
 till this was done, they would labour to preserve the 
 empire in peace, and take no steps which could not be 
 justified in the eyes of God and their fellow Christians.* 
 
 Charles had now no alternative but to consult with his 
 ministers, and the catholic chiefs, as to the nature of the 
 decree which it would be necessary to frame against the 
 refractory protestants. The commissioners chosen for 
 this purpose were the bishops of Salzburg, Spire, and 
 Strasburg, William prince of Bavaria, Henry of Bruns- 
 wick, and the duke George of Saxony. It was now that 
 the elector of Saxony meditated taking his departure 
 from the diet, and returning to his states. He beheld 
 with hopeless regret the gradual extinction of the few 
 hopes which had been entertained by himself and his 
 party, that they might, by time and moderate conces- 
 sions, have prevented the necessity of an open breach 
 with the head of the empire. But while preparing for 
 his departure, a message was sent from the emperor, 
 desiring him to remain four days longer. This was on 
 September 18th; and on the 22d he was summoned, with 
 the rest of the princes, to attend the reading of the 
 decree which had just been drawn up against him and 
 his party. 
 
 This instrument, which was looked for in the light 
 of a sentence, purported, that as their confession had 
 been refuted by the learned persons employed to con- 
 sider its several articles, and as they had agreed to re- 
 nounce some of the points which it contained, although 
 they persevered in retaining others, the emperor would 
 
 * Sleidan, t. i. liv. vii. p. 294. 
 
256 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOiN. 
 
 still further allow them till the fifteenth of the following 
 April to consider whether they would submit or not to 
 the orders he had issued. It was expected, in the mean 
 time, that they should live peaceably, observing the laws 
 of the empire, and the ordinances of the church, and 
 using their utmost exertions to suppress the disorderly 
 proceedings of the anabaptists and sacramentarians. 
 
 To this the protestants, who had the day before pre- 
 sented a document to the commissioners, containing the 
 principal articles of their faith, replied, that iheir con- 
 fession had not been refuted ; but that they had prepared 
 an apology for that confession, and would not now depart 
 from any thing which it contained. The emperor re- 
 fused to receive the apology ; and having dismissed the 
 princes, summoned to his presence the deputies of Stras- 
 burg, Constance, Meiningen, and Lindau. Unfortu- 
 nately for the interests of the reformation, the two 
 parties of Lutherans and Zuinglians, or sacramentarians, 
 still obstinately resisted the persuasions of the princes 
 to unite with each other at the diet, and struggle for the 
 common cause. Their divisions had afforded great en- 
 couragement to the enemy ; and perilous as was the 
 condition of both parties at the present moment, the 
 spirit of contention which existed between them defied 
 every argument that persuaded to peace. The Zuin- 
 glians, therefore, came before the emperor with their 
 own particular confession. It differed from that of the 
 Lutherans only on the points which regarded the real 
 presence ; and Charles discovered that whatever hopes 
 might have been created by the disputes of the re- 
 formers, they were on both sides equally resolved to 
 resist his authority when he became the advocate of the 
 Roman church. 
 
 The business was now too far advanced to admit of 
 the delays and deceptions pretences for new proposals, 
 which had been allowed at an earlier period. On the 
 following day, therefore, the princes, wdth the excep- 
 tion of the elector of Saxony, who was preparing for 
 his departure, again appeared before the emperor. He 
 
PONTANUS. 
 
 267 
 
 employed, as before, the eloquence of the elector of 
 Brandenburg to impress them with a sense of his 
 clemency, and, if possible, of their own error and con- 
 tumacy. The substance of the address was contained 
 in assertions respecting the antiquity of the catholic 
 church, and the unreasonableness of doctrines opposed 
 to those which it had defended for ages. With regard to 
 the apology which they offered to present, he now refused 
 to receive it, he said, for it was not his duty to engage 
 in controversy, and he had finally resolved, should they 
 again refuse his conciliatory offers, to take such mea- 
 sures as became his rank and his office. 
 
 To these declarations, made in the name of the em- 
 peror, the elector of Brandenburg added, his own ex- 
 hortations. " You know," he said, " with what fidelity, 
 solicitude, and diligence the princes and all orders of 
 the empire have laboured for the re-establishment of 
 peace. Reflect, then, seriously on what you do ; weigh 
 well the consequences of throwing the whole empire 
 into confusion ; for be assured, if you attempt to defy 
 the sovereign, not an order in the state will be wanting 
 at his call. They have already pledged themselves to 
 assist him with their possessions and with their blood ; 
 and this their loyal offers have been met by his pro- 
 mise to employ all his power and force to the same end, 
 and not to quit the country till by their united efforts 
 it has been accomplished." 
 
 Charles had the good sense to give marked signs of 
 displeasure at this conclusion of the elector's speech. 
 The venerable Pontanus answered it in the tone of a 
 man not less conscious of the truth than anxious to 
 secure the safety of the cause for which he pleaded. 
 " Our confession," he said, " is drawn from the word of 
 God, and neither the world nor the devil can ever pre- 
 vail against it. We have used no artifice, we have 
 been guilty of no self-will in declaring our faith. Let 
 us be allowed to receive a copy of the decree against 
 us, and we will yield whatever the word of God will 
 permit us to relinquish. In every thing but religion 
 
268 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 we are willing to submit to the wishes of the emperor ; 
 and we hear with surprise that the other states think 
 it necessary to bind themselves by an oath to this ser- 
 vice. We are too devoted to his majesty to feel the 
 want of such supports to our loyalty. It has been said 
 that we have robbed monasteries and wasted the pos- 
 sessions of ecclesiastics ; but let it be known how we 
 have employed the wealth which has fallen into our 
 hands, and we fear not the judgment of the world." 
 
 The emperor paused for a time to consider his answer, 
 and then desired the elector of Brandenburg to inform 
 the protestants, that if they persisted in not submitting 
 themselves to the decree which had been passed, another, 
 embracing more rigorous conditions, would be framed. 
 Allusion was also made to the revolt of the peasants, 
 which they were accused of instigating, and they were 
 still further loaded with reprobation for having, as it 
 was again said, pillaged the clergy and the monasteries; 
 an argument against them which influenced many per- 
 sons who were insensible to the accusations with which 
 they were charged on the score of doctrine. But they 
 rebutted this attack, with the observation, that the monks 
 could not be properly regarded as the actual proprietors 
 of the possessions in question, and that if they were, 
 the settlement of this part of the dispute would take but 
 little time. 
 
 At length, worn out with the prolonged discussion, 
 both the emperor and the protestants eagerly desired to 
 end the debate. The latter, therefore, plainly declared, 
 that as a copy of the decree was refused them, and they 
 were left without the means of properly preparing a de- 
 fence, they would no longer importune his majesty, but 
 leave their cause in the hand of God. Thus ended the 
 discussion ; and scarcely had the last words fallen from 
 the lips of the protestant advocate, when the pious and 
 venerable elector entered the hall to take his leave of the 
 emperor. AV'armed by a sudden fervour of spirit, he 
 exclaimed, as he presented himself to Charles, "■ The 
 doctrine contained in our confession is the doctrine of 
 
CLOSE OF THE DIET. QGQ 
 
 the Scriptures, and the gates of hell shall not prevail 
 against it." The emperor manifested his own good feel- 
 ing, and high respect for the virtues of the elector, by 
 immediately stretching out his hand to him in token of 
 friendship ; but as he gave it, he said, '' My cousin, we 
 should not have expected this from you ! " The elector 
 bowed, and retired without a word. 
 
 Nothing now remained to be done, but the securing 
 of supplies for the war against the Turks. It had been 
 foreseen that Ferdinand and the emperor must appeal to 
 the states for this purpose. Philip of Hesse, and the 
 elector of Saxony, had, accordingly, determined not to 
 render aid, either by money or arms, till satisfaction was 
 given them respecting their own safety. In this they 
 were joined by the other protestant princes and deputies; 
 and also by the representatives of the sacramentarians. 
 Neither arguments nor threats could move them from the 
 politic determination thus taken; and the greatest monarch 
 in Europe, supported by the power and influence of the 
 Roman church, found himself effectually thwarted in 
 his designs by the resolution of a few princes, who based 
 their independence on a pure and reasonable faith. 
 
 Once more the landgrave of Hesse and the elector ap- 
 pealed, by their deputies, to the justice of the emperor. 
 The same was done by the deputies of the other protest- 
 ant princes and states ; but his answer simply was 
 that, as they had refused to acknowledge the decree, he 
 had made an alliance, not offensive, but defensive, that 
 he might be prepared to assist those who, professing^he 
 same religion as himself, might on that account be ex- 
 posed to danger. To this the deputies made answer by 
 addressing a note to the diet, desiring that their n^es 
 might not be added to the decree, and stating that if, as 
 was reported, they were hereafter to be denied a seat in 
 the tribunal of the empire because of their protestation, 
 they must not be expected to contribute any thing to the 
 support of that august assembly. 
 
 On the 19th of November the diet met for the last 
 time. Before the recess was declared, the emperor 
 
270 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 directed the various acts of the assembly to be read, and_, 
 lastly, the decree, from the operation of which every 
 member of the state looked for the most important 
 events. By this instrument it was ordered "^that no 
 toleration should be granted to those who taught any 
 doctrine respecting the Lord's supper but that which 
 had been anciently received : that no change should 
 be allowed in the celebration of masses, either public 
 or private : that the confirmation of children should 
 be performed with oil ; and that the sacrament of 
 extreme unction should be administered to the dying: 
 that neither images nor statues should be removed from 
 churches, and that they should be restored in those 
 places where they had been taken down : that the 
 opinion of those who denied free-will should not be 
 tolerated, seeing that such a doctrine was injurious to 
 God^ and reduced man to the level of the beasts : that 
 nothing should be taught which could give offence to 
 magistrates : that the dogma should not be maintained 
 which teaches that faith alone justifies : that the same 
 number of sacraments should be allowed as formerly: 
 that none of the customs of the church should be abo- 
 lished, such as prayers for the dead_, the ceremonies of 
 the mass, and other things of the same nature : that 
 ecclesiastical benefices should be conferred on persons 
 properly qualified for the office : that priests who had 
 married should be deprived of their appointments^ 
 which should immediately be conferred on others : that 
 the bishops should have the power of reinstating those 
 who, choosing to quit their wives, and seeking absolution^ 
 had returned to their former state ; but that the others 
 should be allowed no place of refuge, should be banished, 
 and otherwise punished as their crimes deserved : that the 
 lives of priests should be exemplary and free from 
 offence : that if in any place the possessions of eccle- 
 siastics had been wrongly sold, and the money applied 
 to profane purposes, the transaction should be declared 
 null and void, and the goods restored : that no person 
 should be permitted to preach without a certificate from 
 his bishop : that in preachings all should follow the 
 
CLOSE OF THE DIET. 2?! 
 
 prescribed formulary : that no one should indulge him- 
 self in abuse and railing : that they should exhort the 
 people to hear mass ; to be attentive to prayer ; to sup- 
 plicate the Virgin Mary and the other saints ; to observe 
 the festivals ; to fast ;• to abstain from forbidden meats ; 
 to declare that monks could not lawfully break their 
 vows or abandon their order : that, in short, nothing 
 should be changed in respect either to doctrine or to the 
 worship of God, and that those who attempted to do so 
 should be judged worthy of death, or, at least, of the 
 confiscation of their possessions : that the monasteries 
 which had been destroyed should be rebuilt, and the 
 rights, customs, and privileges which pertained to them 
 be established as before : that those who professed the 
 ancient faith, in protestant states, should be taken under 
 the protection of the empire, and be permitted to depart 
 whithersoever they might choose, without loss or harm : 
 that the pope should be solicited to convoke a council, 
 to be held in some convenient place, by the end of six 
 months, and that it should assemble at latest within a 
 year after its convocation : that all the articles of this 
 decree should be observed according to their full force 
 and meaning, and that, if appeals were made against 
 them, these appeals should not be received or acknow- 
 ledged : that to secure obedience to this decree, the 
 faithful should employ whatever God had given them, 
 their strength, their goods, and even their lives : that 
 if arms were taken up to injure any order in the state, 
 the imperial chamber should immediately send forth its 
 commands to enforce observance of the laws ; that if 
 the attack should be continued, the fiscal of the empire 
 should pass sentence on the offender, doom him to 
 banishment, and make known the sentence to the other 
 princes and states, that they might afford succour to 
 him who was oppressed. Lastly, that no one should 
 be admitted as an assessor in the chamber who had not 
 accepted the decree, so far as it regarded religion, 
 and that they who already enjoyed a right to that pri- 
 vilege should for their contumacy be forthwith de- 
 prived thereof." 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 Such was the result of all those lengthened and pain- 
 ful debates which had occupied the attention of the 
 diet from its first session to the publication of the 
 recess. History rarely affords materials so abundant 
 to aid the inquirer in his judgment as those possessed 
 in the present instance. The letters_, the speeches, the 
 writings, and the public decrees of the principal actors 
 on the occasion, have come down to us, preserved on 
 both sides as valuable memorials of events infinitely 
 important to the interests of the church. To him who 
 regards protestantism as the precious medium through 
 which the divine light of primitive times flows down 
 in an unbroken stream ; to him who rejoices in the 
 privileges of mental liberty, hallowed, secured, and per- 
 petuated by sanctions of eternal truth, — to him who 
 thus views the reformation of religion, it is a difficult 
 task to contemplate, without feelings of indignation, 
 the unfair arts and bold injustice practised against its 
 originators and champions. But, little was known in 
 those days of what is due to men either as citizens 
 or christians. Princes and the heads of the church 
 were alike blinded by the notion of their own dignity ; 
 and the principles which appeared in the one under the 
 form of state policy and arbitrary enactments, were 
 those which showed themselves in the other by the 
 publication of dogmas that had no savour of doctrine ; 
 the invention of rites that had no connection with 
 holiness, and the demand of a tribute when there 
 was already more than enough to establish and de- 
 corate the temple of God. It required ages of im- 
 provement to teach men the value of truth. Ages 
 more will be required to bring them to the love of 
 truth ; and with the knowledge we possess of the 
 power which ambition, the love of wealth and domin- 
 ion, still exercise in the world, we ought, perhaps, to 
 feel little surprised that when these principles were, 
 for the first time, assailed with daring energy, a 
 struggle ensued in which justice, truth, and charity 
 were frequent sufferers. 
 
CHAP. X. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION IN SPAIN AND OTHER 
 COUNTRIES. RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN SPAIN. INTRODUC- 
 TION OF THE INQUISITION. ITS PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE 
 
 JEWS. APPEARANCE OF LUTHERANISM. ALARM OF THE 
 
 INQUISITION. MEASURES FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE RE- 
 FORMED DOCTRINES. MARTYRS. EXTINCTION OF LUTHER- 
 ANISM IN SPAIN. 
 
 Having traced the progress of the Reformation to the 
 close of its first grand epoch, we leave for a time the 
 scene of its birth, to contemplate the efforts made for its 
 establishment in other countries. Our view of this, its 
 enlarging sphere, must be brief and rapid. Unhappily^ 
 a large portion of civilized Europe has to be traversed 
 before we arrive at another of the resting-places of truth, 
 or where the early triumphs of knowledge and pure 
 Christianity have left permanent monuments to render 
 the subject interesting or profitable. 
 
 The intimate political connexion between Spain and 
 Germany, united under one crown, produced a frequency 
 of communication which opened an easy way for the ex- 
 tension of the Reformation to the former country. But 
 circumstances of a very different nature characterised 
 the situation of the two nations. In the one, freedom 
 and knowledge began to prevail ; and though the despo- 
 tism of superstition still fettered the mass of the people, 
 it had ceased to be borne with the patience and content 
 of preceding times. The constitution of the several 
 states afforded important helps to any project of reform. 
 Opportunities for obtaining a successful hearing were in 
 proportion to the number of independent princes ; and 
 men of enlightened minds had little reason to fear that 
 
 VOL, I, T 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 any confederacy could be permanently established against 
 the interests of truth, were truth itself once owned and 
 accepted by the people. Spain, on the other hand_, was 
 the possession of one monarch, whose object it had 
 always been to aggrandize himself, and unite with the 
 church in subjecting the nation to their mutual schemes. 
 The people themselves were chivalrous and romantic ; 
 delighting in whatever appealed by its grandeur to their 
 imagination, or which promised to gratify their national 
 pride. They were easily, therefore, taught to yield im- 
 plicit obedience to the exhortations which at one time 
 urged them to the field, and at another bowed them at the 
 feet of priests and bishops. This ready subjection on 
 the side of the people was, for the most part, rewarded 
 by clemency and moderation on that of tbe rulers; and 
 were man made only for this world — had be no capa- 
 bilities, the exercise and developement of which depend 
 on his advance in knowledge, the peace and affluence 
 which so often attend such a state of things would argue 
 strongly in favour of its continuance. 
 
 But it is impossible that mankind should long remain 
 without discovering some glimpses of the real dignity 
 and purposes of their being, or that this discovery should 
 be made Avithout a lamentable conflict following between 
 those who burn for emancipation, and those who resolve 
 to retain a dominion which they have been taught, by 
 habit and long possession, to regard as essential both to 
 themselves and the world. 
 
 We spoke, at the beginning of this volume, of the 
 general circumstances which rendered a reformation ne- 
 cessary and probable. The history of a few events, from 
 the annals of Spain, immediately preceding and following 
 its commencement, will show, in yet stronger light, how 
 necessary it was to the safety of mankind, and how fear- 
 ful was the loss to those among whom the power of super- 
 stition and the papacy prevailed over the efforts made for 
 their delivery. 
 
 Spain enjoyed for several ages a greater degree of re- 
 ligious freedom than moSt of the countries subjected to 
 
TOLERATION IN SPAIN. 275 
 
 papal domination.* The loss of this freedom was an- 
 nounced by the introduction of the inquisition in the 
 13th century. Evidence exists to prove that, before 
 that event, dissenters from the established system had 
 less to fear in the Peninsula than in any part of catholic 
 Europe. Though not altogether left to teach the doc- 
 trines they professed without molestation, they had to 
 dread none of those tortures or capital punishments 
 which subsequently attended a conviction of heresy. 
 Even after a king of Aragon had been persuaded by 
 the head of the chijrch to issue an edict against the 
 Vaudois, and other heretics in his dominions, a com- 
 paratively mild and temperate spirit appears to have 
 moderated religious councils. The schismatics were 
 ordered to quit his states, but a sufficient period was 
 allowed them to do so without the danger attending 
 a sudden expulsion ; and though the decree deprived 
 such of them as should be found within the limits of 
 the kingdom, after the time specified, of all protection 
 from the laws, it particularly named, that no violence 
 was to be exercised on their persons which might cause 
 either death or mutilation. That which tends still 
 more strikingly to illustrate the indisposition of the 
 Spaniards at this period to become persecutors, is the 
 fact, that the edict of Alphonso was almost wholly dis- 
 regarded, and that when his son and successor renewed 
 it, about three years after its first publication, the ma- 
 gistrates and others were exhorted respecting its exe- 
 cution, in a manner which indicates the backwardness 
 of the public authorities to comply with the desires of 
 the church. 
 
 But this state of things was not viewed with indif- 
 ference by the court of Rome ; and the disciples of 
 saint Dominic had no sooner proved their zeal as in- 
 quisitors in Italy and France, than the pope conceived 
 the design of establishing them as conservators of the 
 catholic faith in Spain. In the year 1232, Gregory IX. 
 
 * Histoire Critique de I'lnquisition d'Espagne, par Llorente. M'Crie's 
 Reformation in Spain, Geddes' Tracts. 
 
 T 2 
 
2? 6" HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 addressed a brief to the archbishop of Tarragona and 
 his suffragans, in which he expresses his regret at 
 having learnt, that heresy had already greatly infected 
 the cities of that province, and his hope that they 
 would oppose its progress by searching out the guilty 
 themselves, and directing the preaching monks and 
 others to do so likewise. From this peiiod the mea- 
 sures necessary to the establishment of the holy office 
 were pursued with persevering diligence ; and so zealous 
 was Ferdinand III. in his desire to further its object, 
 that he is reported to have carried the wood with his 
 own hands which was intended to burn the heretics. 
 
 Considerable opposition, however, was made to these 
 proceedings by the people ; and the princes who favoured 
 the inquisitors found themselves obliged to pass de- 
 crees compelling the magistrates to afford protection to 
 the Dominicans, and to assist them in their labours by 
 removing all impediments to the exercise of their func- 
 tions, and by furnishing them with horses, and what- 
 ever else was necessary for their journeys. But, 
 notwithstanding these orders, it was with considerable 
 difficulty that the first ministers of the inquisition 
 effected their purposes. They had almost every wheie 
 to encounter the abuse of the populace, not yet accus- 
 tomed to tremble in silence at their name ; and, in 
 many instances, the punishment which they were eager 
 to inflict on the objects of their bigoted hate fell with 
 merited execrations on themselves. Some were poisoned, 
 others were stoned to death, and the chronicles of 
 the Dominicans and Cordeliers are said to contain a 
 long register of the names and sufferings of the nu- 
 merous members belonging to those orders who perished 
 in the service of the inquisition.* 
 
 But neither the court of Rome nor its ministers were 
 to be deterred from pursuing their object by popular 
 resistance, and the inquisition continued to acquire ad- 
 ditional stability under each successive pontiff. It was 
 not, however, till Ferdinand and Isabel united under one 
 
 * Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquis. 
 
THE INQUISITION. 277 
 
 sceptre the kingdoms of Aragon and Castile, that it as- 
 sumed the character of a supreme and independent court, 
 and began that system of tyranny which rendered it the 
 parent of so many dark and untold crimes. In the year 
 14775 they were applied to for a confirmation of the 
 privileges enjoyed by the inquisitors of Sicily, the sove- 
 reignty of which belonged to Ferdinand. Having 
 yielded to this request, they were next applied to by the 
 ecclesiastics of Aragon and Castile to increase the power 
 of the holy office in the former, and to establish it in the 
 latter, where it was hitherto unknown. After encoun- 
 tering considerable opposition from the queen, who is 
 said to have been naturally averse to a measure so 
 fraught with danger to her people, the favourers of the 
 inquisitors at length succeeded by a strong appeal to 
 her religious fears; and she consented to petition the 
 pope to issue a bull for the establishment of the inqui- 
 sition in her kingdom of Castile. But she was still far 
 from believing, that the violent measures proposed by 
 her advisers, in this affair, were either required, or likely 
 to prove useful, and the king had to use all the argu- 
 ments of which he was master before he could prevail 
 on her to change the mild system of policy with which 
 she commenced her reign. 
 
 The members, however, of the holy office in Castile 
 were at last named; and on the 9th of October, 1480, an 
 order was issued, in the name of the king and queen, 
 commanding the governors of the provinces to furnish 
 the inquisitors and their attendants with all things ne- 
 cessary for their journey to Seville. It may be easily 
 imagined how hateful was their arrival to the good 
 people of that city, when it is mentioned that, notwith- 
 standing the royal authority with which they came 
 armed, they found it impossible to collect together the 
 number of persons whose presence was necessary to the 
 legal opening of their assembly. A new order had, 
 consequently, to be issued by the government, but this 
 met with almost as bad success as the former ; and the 
 inquisitors had no sooner thus unpropitiously commenced 
 T 3 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 their functions, than all the Jews and others, who had 
 been lately converted to Christianity, fled from the terri- 
 tory of Castile into the neighbouring lordships of inde- 
 pendent noblemen.* 
 
 To the infamy of the new inquisitors be it spoken, 
 the unfortunate persons who had forsaken their homes, 
 from a dread of approaching persecution, were, by the 
 first act of the holy office, followed into the districts 
 where they had sought refuge, and were brought back 
 to Seville, to be lodged in the dungeons which the fathers 
 had prepared for them in their own palace. Nothing 
 could exceed the iniquity of this proceeding. It is pos- 
 sible that men blinded by bigotry, and inspired by in- 
 temperate zeal, may conceive it to be their duty to silence 
 the voice of heresy, when it is likely to find an echo in 
 the society over which they may have charge, but it is 
 only the most fearful thirst for blood — the most wanton 
 love of barbarity, that could induce zealots, however blind 
 or violent, to bring back those whose fear had already 
 put them out of the power of doing harm, and whose 
 example could only be regarded as contagious while they 
 were present among the people, from whom they had se- 
 parated themselves by a voluntary exile. But in spite 
 of the dictates of common sense, or with the most 
 perfect contempt of humanity, the inquisitors of Castile 
 were eager to fill their prison; and their first exertions 
 were wasted in punishing men who, Avithout being ex- 
 posed to torture, would never have again ventured to 
 propound their doctrines to the people of Seville. 
 
 If any circumstance could increase the barbarity of 
 these proceedings, it is, that they were directed against 
 a set of men who had every reason to expect the most 
 temperate and charitable treatment on the part of the 
 ruling ecclesiastics. Spain, in the fifteenth century, 
 contained a very numerous body of Jews, and, by the 
 caution and industry with which they had carried on 
 the traffic in which they engaged, they composed by far 
 the richer portion of the general population. The 
 
 * Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquisit 
 
THE INQUISITION. 279 
 
 prejudices of the multitude had more than ever sub- 
 jected these unfortunate people to the most cruel suffer- 
 ings. In the year 1391, more than 5000 Jews are 
 said to have been butchered by the populace in different 
 cities ; and such was the terror which these sanguinary 
 persecutions inspired, that numbers of those who es- 
 caped rushed to the churches and fonts to be imme- 
 diately baptized. This, which was at first the conse- 
 quence of a sudden panic, continued to be the course 
 pursued by the Jews for many years after, their only 
 chance of permanent safety evidently depending on 
 their renouncing the religion in which they had been 
 educated. More than a hundred thousand families, it 
 is reported, submitted to this forced conversion ; and 
 the Romish clergy had the folly to expect, or the wicked- 
 ness to demand, that these poor affrighted converts 
 should exhibit every mark of the most perfect attach- 
 ment to their new religion.* 
 
 * The following description of the tortures to which the unfortunate 
 victims were commonly exposed, may well account for the occasional in- 
 stances to be met with of their sufferings overcoming even the strongest 
 dictates of duty. 
 
 " Having fixed the day when he is to undergo the tortures, he, when 
 that dismal day comes, if he does not prevent it by such a confession as is 
 expected from him, is led to the place where the rack is, attended by an 
 inquisitor, and a public notary, who is to write down the answers the 
 prisoner returns to the questions which shall be put to him by the in- 
 quisitor whilst he is upon the rack. During the time the executioner is 
 preparing that engine of unspeakable cruelty, and is taking offthe prisoner's 
 clothes to his shirt and drawers, the inquisitor is still exhorting the pri- 
 soner to have compassion both on his body and soul, and, by making a true 
 and full confession of all his heresies, to prevent his being tortured. But 
 if the prisoner saith that he will suffer any thing rather than accuse him- 
 self or others falsely, the inquisitor commands the executioner to do 
 his duty, and to begin the torture; which, in the inquisition, is given by 
 twisting a small cord hard about the prisoner's naked arms, and hoisting 
 him up from the ground by an engine to which the cord is fastened. And, 
 as if the miserable prisoner's hanging in the air by his arms were not 
 torment enough, he has several quassations, or shakes, given him; which 
 is done by screwing his body up higher, and letting it down again with a 
 jerk, which disjoints his arms, and after that the torture is much more 
 exquisite than it was before. 
 
 " When the prisoner is first hoisted from the ground, an hour-glass is 
 turned up, and which, if he does not prevent it by making such a con- 
 fession of his heresies as the inquisitor that is present all the while, and 
 is continually asking him questions, expects from him, must run out 
 before he is taken down ; to promise to make such a confession, if they 
 will take him offthe rack, not being sufficient to procure him that mercy, 
 no more than his crying out he shall expire immediately if they do not 
 give him some ease; that, as the inquisitors tell us, being no more than 
 all that are upon the rack do think they are ready to do. 
 
 " If the prisoner endures the rack without confessing any thing, which 
 
 T 4 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 It is almost impossible to imagine a worse compli- 
 cation of evils than that which was produced by the 
 measures pursued against the Jews. Murder and 
 robbery became in time to be regarded by the priests as 
 the best means of establishing their dominion. The 
 pretended converts learnt to consider it lawful to prac- 
 tise every species of hypocrisy to save their lives and 
 property. Sacraments were received with a contempt 
 which would have been blasphemous in the receivers 
 under any other circumstances^ but the guilt of which 
 now belonged only to those who administered them. 
 The deepest-seated enmity inspired the new Christians, 
 as they were termed, in all their dealings with those 
 whom they dare only hate in secret ; and having apos- 
 tatised to save their lives, they soon regarded it as per- 
 fectly lawful to use every art in their power to obtain a 
 share of the public employments and other advantages 
 from which they bad hitherto been shut out. Malice 
 and servility were thus the distinguishing character- 
 istics of these new disciples of the Gospel; and as they 
 were despised by the people before their conversion, 
 they were now not only despised, but regarded with a 
 fear and jealousy only to be equalled by the hate with 
 which they themselves viewed the authors of their 
 apostacy. 
 
 Never had persecution a more favourable opportunity 
 
 few, or none, though never so innocent, are able to do ; so soon as the 
 hour-glass is out, he is taken down, and carried back to his prison, where 
 there is a chirurgeon ready to put his bones in joint. And though in all 
 other courts, the prisoners having endured the rack without confessing 
 the crimes for which they were tortured clears them, and makes void all 
 the evidence that was against them, yet in the inquisition, where whatso- 
 ever humanity and right reason havecstablished in favour of the prisoner 
 is left to the discretion of the judge, it is commonly otherwise ; the pri- 
 soner that will not confess any thing being usually racked twice, and if 
 they stand it out, though few of them can do that, thrice, 
 
 " But if the prisoner makes the confession the inquisitor expects he 
 should on the rack, it is writ down word for word by the notary, and is, 
 after the prisoner has had a day or two's rest, carried to the prisoner, to 
 set his hand to it, which if the prisoner does it puts an end to his process, 
 the want of sufficient evidence to have convicted him being abundantly 
 supplied by this extorted confession thus signed by him ; but in case the 
 prisoner, when it is brought to him, refuseth to sign it, affirming it to be 
 false, and to have been extorted from him by the extremity of the torture, 
 he is then carried to the rack a second time, to oblige him to repeat and 
 sign the same confession." — Geddes' Tracts. 
 
THE INQUISITION. 281 
 
 for the exercise of her vengeance. Instances of relapse 
 were repeatedly occurring among the converts, and even 
 those who persevered in an outward conformity to 
 Christian rites were uniformly watched with a sus- 
 picious eye. The least word or gesture, which could by 
 any means be converted into a sign of disaffection^ was 
 considered as a proof, that coercive measures were still 
 necessary to save the new disciple from destruction. 
 It was not difficult to found an argument upon this no- 
 tion in favour of the inquisition ; and as Ferdinand is 
 supposed to have added to his love for rehgion a strong 
 desire to possess himself of the wealth belonging to his 
 Jewish subjects, the holy office was at once furnished 
 with a fit motive for zeal and diligence. . Almost im- 
 mediately after their entrance upon duty, the inquisi- 
 tors issued an edict exhibiting the rules by which they 
 intended to judge the unfortunate persons who should 
 fall under the cognizance of their tribunal. Not the 
 slightest circumstance was here omitted which might in 
 any way tend to criminate the suspected Jew. Nor was 
 any respect paid to the prejudices which long custom 
 must naturally have engendered. To eat of the same food 
 as the Jews, or to sit at table with any of them : to 
 give a child a name known among them ; to say grace 
 in their customary manner, or to observe any of their 
 ancient and venerated festivals, was an offence suf- 
 ficiently great to place him as a criminal before the bar 
 of the holy office. Not a week had passed, therefore, 
 from the first meeting of the inquisition, before six of 
 its unfortunate prisoners were burnt to death. The 
 execution of these early victims to its wretched laws 
 took place in January; and the March following seven- 
 teen others experienced a similar fate. The next month 
 a still greater number perished in the flames; and in 
 November, 298 lately converted but relapsed Jews had 
 paid the penalty of their error, in this terrible manner, by 
 the sentence of the same tribunal. Besides those who 
 were thus capitally punished, seventy-nine were con- 
 demned to perpetual imprisonment ; and that which 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 considerably increases the horror of this recital is the 
 fact, that the whole of these victims were drawn from 
 the single city of Seville, in which the fires of the in- 
 quisition were so continually blazing, that the prefect 
 found it necessary to construct a permanent scaffold of 
 stone in a field outside the walls. 
 
 This excessive violence, on the part of the new in- 
 stitution, was regarded by the people of Castile with 
 unmingled horror, and complaints were preferred with- 
 out intermission to the pope respecting the injustice of 
 its proceedings. There was more than one reason, at 
 this period, to induce the pontiff to lend a willing 
 ear to these protestations. The present inquisitors 
 had been appointed without his assent ; and though 
 it was an object of the utmost importance to the 
 papal court, to establish the institution on a firm 
 and permanent basis, it was in every respect desirable 
 to avoid an appearance of violence or injustice, which 
 it was evident, even in those times of darkness, might 
 considerably endanger the whole fabric. With the 
 most consummate policy, therefore, the pope professed 
 his willingness to receive any appeals made to him on 
 the subject ; and he soon after wrote to the king and 
 queen, complaining that their inquisitors had condemned 
 persons for heresy who were not guilty of that crime, 
 and adding that he would have dissolved the tribunal, 
 had he not been prevented by respect for the royal or- 
 dinance to which it owed its institution. He however 
 revoked, he said, the authority which had been given 
 it to establish others, and intimated that he would 
 himself find proper persons to perform the functions of 
 the holy oflice, choosing them according to the direc- 
 tions of the general and provincial of the Dominicans, 
 to whom alone that privilege properly belonged. A 
 week or two after writing as above, he again addressed 
 Ferdinand and Isabel on the same subject, and in- 
 formed them, that the general of the Dominicans having 
 found it necessary to increase the number of the inqui- 
 sitors, he had appointed some persons of his own order 
 
THE INQUISITION. ^83 
 
 immediately to enter on the duties connected with the 
 holy office. The king, it appears, was somewhat alarmed 
 at this procedure, so manifestly an encroachment on 
 his prerogatives ; and the pope answered his remon- 
 strance, by informing him, that what he had done was 
 according to the advice of several cardinals then absent 
 from Rome, but that the ordinance should be recon- 
 sidered on their return. Isabel, about the same time, 
 addressed the pontiff, with a request, that he would esta- 
 blish the holy office on a new and more fixed principle, 
 and that he would make its judgments definitive and 
 without appeal to Rome ; adding a complaint, that she 
 was publicly accused of only favouring the inquisition 
 in order to enrich herself with the confiscated goods of 
 the persons condemned by its decrees. 
 
 The pope's answer to Isabel was conceived in the 
 most artful terms ; and he especially advised her not 
 to trouble her conscience with what was said respecting 
 the confiscations. An apostolic judge of appeal in Spain 
 was soon after appointed ; and he then again wrote both 
 to her and the king, exhorting them to persevere in the 
 designs which they had so laudably commenced, remind- 
 ing them, that Jesus Christ had established his kingdom 
 upon earth by the destruction of idolatry, and assuring 
 them that they owed their late victory over the Moors 
 entirely to the love which they had evinced for the 
 purity of the faith. But whatever effect these admo- 
 nitions might have on the sovereigns of Castile and 
 Aragon, they made no impression on their subjects. 
 The Castilians were loud in their complaints ; and the 
 Aragonese, not contented with expressing their indig- 
 nation by words, formed a conspiracy to sacrifice one 
 of the chief inquisitors, in order, as it was said, to 
 terrify others from undertaking the exercise of such 
 functions. The design, however, was suspected, and 
 the attempts of the conspirators, though often re- 
 newed, were for a long time defeated by the caution of 
 the inquisitor, the object of their machinations. But 
 prudence even is not always a sufficient protector 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 against the watchful spirit of popular hate. As he 
 was performing service one night in the metropolitan 
 church, and while the monks were singing in the choir, 
 one of the assassins approached him, and striking 
 him a violent blow on the arm with his sword, severed 
 the limb in two. The assault was repeated by some of 
 the other conspirators present, and the inquisitor was 
 taken from the church mortally wounded. 
 
 But the consequences of this event were near proving 
 fatal to the converted Jews. The populace, being 
 easily persuaded to believe that the murder was to be 
 ascribed solely to them, rose in a mass to avenge the 
 death of a man whom they had all dreaded, and whom 
 nothing but an appeal to deep-rooted prejudices would 
 have induced them to lament. By the exertions of the 
 archbishop of Aragon, the tumult was, after some time, 
 subdued ; the memory of the inquisitor was honoured 
 by a monument raised to his name by the queen, whose 
 confessor he had been, and he was at last canonised 
 as both a saint and a martyr. But though public tran- 
 quillity was restored, scenes of the most terrific nature 
 were daily exhibited to the people. More than 200 
 persons were condemned to death on suspicion of having 
 been concerned in the late conspiracy. A still greater 
 number were plunged into the gloomy dungeons, from 
 which there was no hope of their being ever delivered ; 
 and there was scarcely, it is said, a noble family in 
 Aragon who had not to lament the affliction and dis- 
 grace of having seen some one of its members put 
 to death on the scaffold. To give even a brief detail 
 of the barbarities practised on the victims of this 
 period would be to shock and disgust the least suscep- 
 tible of readers ; but there is one anecdote related by 
 Llorente which so well illustrates the character of the 
 men charged with protecting the purity of the Chris- 
 tian faith, that we cannot pass it over without notice. 
 
 Among the persons suspected of having taken part 
 with the conspirators, was a gentleman named Gas- 
 pard de Santa Cruz, but having discovered the dan- 
 
THE INQUISITION. 285 
 
 ger of his situation in time to effect his escape^ he fled to 
 Toulouse^ where he died. Enraged at having lost their 
 intended victim, the holy office ordered him to he 
 burnt in effigy ; and, not content w^ith this, they appre- 
 hended his son on the charge of having assisted his 
 parent to escape. As the young man, it seems, was 
 not able to clear himself from this accusation, he was 
 sentenced to appear as a criminal at the next auto da 
 fe; and Gaspard being now dead and buried, he was 
 next ordered to take a copy of the sentence which had 
 been passed against his father to the Dominicans of 
 Toulouse, and desire them to disinter his remains and 
 burn them ; after seeing which done, he was to return 
 to Aragon, with a certificate that he had complied 
 with their instructions. The young man submitted 
 to this sentence, it is added, without a complaint, and 
 thus afforded a memorable proof of the entire prostra- 
 tion which our nature may suffer under a system of 
 either civil or religious tyranny. 
 
 These proceedings had been chiefly directed against 
 the converted Jews, but, in the year 1498, the attention 
 of Ferdinand and his inquisitors was employed upon 
 those who had hitherto exhibited no signs of a dispo- 
 sition to change their religion. The king, it is proved, 
 on the most solid grounds, was bent upon increasing 
 his treasure by the confiscation of the property belong- 
 ing to such of his subjects as could, in any way, be 
 convicted of disaffection to the established faith. The 
 relapsed Jews had now for a long time furnished him 
 with a rich and plentiful harvest ; but to obtain money 
 from the others was a matter of comparative difficulty, 
 and, however well managed, had always the appearance 
 of an unjust extortion. But though exposed at one 
 time to the lawless attacks of their sovereign, and at 
 another to the furious assaults of the multitude, these 
 unfortunate people persevered in their gainful traffic, 
 and endured every species of hardship rather than for- 
 sake a country in which they could trade with success. 
 
 At the period, however, of which we are speaking, 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the king signified his intention to follow the advice of 
 the grand inquisitor, Torquemada, and expel them 
 finally from his territories. Whether the real of- 
 fences of the Jews at this time, the superstition or the 
 cupidity of the monarch, were the immediate cause 
 of this resolution, is not easy to he determined ; but 
 the terrified Israelites instinctively ascribing it to the 
 last-mentioned motive, or believing that every other 
 would yield if that were removed, hastened to offer Fer- 
 dinand a gift of thirty thousand ducats, if he would 
 allow them to remain unmolested. That every objec- 
 tion to his accepting this offer might be silenced, they 
 further professed themselves ready to conform to what- 
 ever regulations he should think proper to impose 
 upon their society. They consented to denounce the 
 exercise of professions which Christians considered as 
 belonging exclusively to themselves ; they were willing 
 to confine their residences to a certain quarter of the 
 city, and always to retire to their houses before night. 
 
 The liberal offer of the Jews, connected as it was 
 with so much humility, considerably abated the ardour 
 of Ferdinand's zeal; and he manifested a will ingness to 
 lessen, in some degree, the rigour with which he had in- 
 tended to treat them. He met with no sympathy, 
 however, in this feeling, from the grand inquisitor, 
 who, the moment he became acquainted with the change 
 in the royal sentiments, presented himself before Fer- 
 dinand and Isabel with a crucifix in his hand, and 
 addressed them with these starthng words : — '' Judas 
 at the first sold his master for thirty pieces of silver. 
 Your majesties are proposing to sell him a second time 
 for thirty thousand pieces of silver. Here then he is ! 
 Take him and sell him ! " Honesty may safely dare 
 the attacks of fanaticism, but it is one of the curses 
 of a bad conscience to be continually in its power. 
 Ferdinand trembled at the voice of Torquemada ; and a 
 few days after published a decree by which the Jews 
 were ordered to quit Spain within three months, on pain 
 
THE INQUISITION. 28? 
 
 of losing all their possessions, should they neglect to 
 obey the ordinance. Eight hundred thousand Jews, 
 it is calculated, were expelled from their homes by 
 this measure ; and a similar conduct being pursued, at 
 the same time, towards the lately conquered Moors of 
 Grenada, Spain is supposed to have lost, within a few 
 months, more than two millions of its inhabitants, all 
 of them the victims of a persecution as contrary to 
 good policy as it was to the plainest principles of the 
 Christian religion. 
 
 The above will suffice to give the reader some no- 
 tion of the state of religion in Spain, previous to the 
 reformation. In the year 1524, the holy office at 
 Seville adopted an inscription which affords an ex- 
 cellent summary of its annals from 1492, when the 
 expulsion of the Jews took place, to the time when it 
 put forth the document alluded to. " In the year of 
 our Lord 1481," says the inscription, "^ under the 
 pontificate of Sextus IV., and in the reign of Ferdinand 
 V. and Isabel, sovereigns of Spain and the Two Sicilies, 
 has commenced in this place the holy office of the 
 inquisition against judaising heretics, for the exaltation 
 of the faith. Here, since the expulsion of the Jews 
 and Saracens, to the year 1524, in the reign of Charles, 
 emperor of the Romans, the successor by his mother 
 of those two sovereigns, and the most reverend D. 
 Alphonso Manrique, archbishop of Seville, being grand 
 inquisitor, more than 20,000 heretics have abjured 
 the dreadful crime of heresy; and more than 1000 
 persons who persisted in their heresy have been delivered 
 to the flames, after suffering condemnation according 
 to the law — Innocent VIII., Alexander VI., Pius III., 
 Julius II., Leo X., Adrian VI., (who was, raised to the 
 pontificate while he was cardinal, governor of Spain, 
 and inquisitor-general,) and Clement VII. all approv- 
 ing and confirming those decrees. The licenciate of 
 La Cueva has directed this inscription, composed by 
 Diegese de Cortegana, archdeacon of Seville, to be put 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE REFORM! ATION. 
 
 up, according to the order and at the expense of the 
 emperor our master, in the year 152-^ "* 
 
 The inquisition, it thus appears, had been long in full 
 activity, when new employment was furnished it hy 
 the birth of Lutheranism. That event, while it gave 
 fresh activity to the holy office, exhibits its proceedings 
 under a more odious aspect, if possible, than ever. The 
 Jews were accused of the most dreadful crimes, and 
 
 * The inquisition was established later in Portugal, but on the same 
 plan ; and the following catalogue of the officials will serve to show how 
 carefully the whole system was arranged. 
 
 " The inquisitor general is inamed by the king, but confirmed and au- 
 thorised by the pope, to act as his delegate ; he lives constantly at Lisbon, 
 in an house in the inquisition, which belongs to his office. It is a place 
 of so great dignity and profit, that the cardinal infante don Henry, and 
 Albert cardinal, arch-duke of Austria, were in it, and don Verissi7no Alen- 
 castro left the primacy of Braga for it. 
 
 " The counsellors of the supreme court are all named by the inquisitoj- 
 major, but must before they act have the king's approbation : this council 
 sits constantly twice a week at Lisbon. 
 
 " The inquisitors, who are commonly secular priests, do belong either to 
 the supreme court which is fixed at Lisbon, or to the inquisitions of Co- 
 imbra, Ibora, or Goa, in the East Indies ; which courts have all the same 
 inferior officers and stiles, and have all their acts of the faith. 
 
 "^The assessors are divines, civilians, and canonists, which are consulted 
 by the inquisitors in all difficult cases. 
 
 " The qualificators are employed in correcting and amending of books 
 and are commonly Dominican friars. 
 
 " It is to be hoped the heresy of doctrines is better understood by these 
 qualificators, than the etymology of the word heretic was by the writer of 
 their Repertorium, print' d at Venice, in the year 1588, who, to show his 
 critical learning, saith the word hcereticus, according to some, is com- 
 pounded of error and recto; because an heretic errs from what is right. 
 According to others it is derived from erciscor, which signifies to divide ; 
 and according to some it comes from adhcereo, because it is one's adhering 
 obstinately to an error, that makes him an heretic. And with the same 
 stock of learning it was that another inquisitor proved from St. Paul's 
 words, hcsreticum devita, that Christians were commanded to deprive 
 heretics of their lives. 
 
 " The secretary writes down whatever is said judicially in the inqui- 
 sition. 
 
 " The advocate fiscal prosecutes the prisoner with his utmost skill and 
 diligence to convict him oi heresy. 
 
 " The treasurer has the estate and all the goods of the prisoner put into 
 his hands when the prisoner is apprehended. 
 
 " The familiars are the bailiffs of the inquisition j which, though it is a 
 vile office in all other criminal courts, is esteemed so honourable in this 
 of the inquisition, that there is not a nobleman in the kingdom that is not 
 in it, and who are commonly employed by the inquisitors to apprehend 
 people. Neither is it any wonder that persons of the highest quality desire 
 to be thus employed, since the same plenary indulgence is by the pope 
 granted to every single exercise of this office as was granted by tlic 
 Lateran council to those that succoured the Holy Land. 
 
 " The ^flfo^fr*' are directed by the inquisitors how to di«pose of, and how 
 to treat, their i)risoners, and are straitly charged not to give, nor to suffer 
 them to have, any manner of intelligence." — Geddes' Miscellaneous Tracts, 
 vol. i. 
 
REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 289 
 
 the ignorance and deplorable bigotry of both the 
 clergy and the people enabled their accusers to find 
 willing listeners^ however gross or incredible their tales. 
 A colour was thus given to the proceedings against 
 that much wronged people^ which might sometimes 
 prevent even their persecutors from being fully aware 
 of the monstrous iniquity of their own conduct. But 
 when the inquisitors turned from those whom they had 
 been taught to regard as the enemies of whatever is 
 pure and holy, to slaughter men who believed in the 
 same truths as themselves, and whose only crime was 
 their wish to make those truths more generally known_, 
 and to present them less blended with error, they be- 
 came the basest of their species, and it would be im- 
 possible to find, in the history of the world, the names 
 of men more worthy of everlasting detestation. 
 
 The introduction of the reformed opinions into Spain 
 might be looked for as a natural consequence of the 
 intercourse kept up between that country and Ger- 
 many. The channel of communication thereby opened 
 for the transaction of political business, was easily 
 available for the purposes of religion. Some of 
 Luther's Latin works were, at an early period of 
 his career, transmitted to Spain, and having obtained 
 the approbation of several men of ability there, they 
 were followed by others, which were translated into 
 Spanish, and freely circulated among the common peo- 
 ple. The correspondence of private individuals with 
 their friends served to make the proceedings in Germany 
 still more generally known, and to excite a spirit of 
 anxious inquiry as to the nature of the dispute, and the 
 reasons on which Luther opposed the church. It may 
 be easily imagined that in the case of the Spaniards 
 this was something more than curiosity. Groaning 
 under the scourge of the inquisition, they would eagerly 
 catch at any chance of emancipating themselves from 
 its odious tyranny ; and the information, consequently, 
 which was given them respecting the bold attack on the 
 Roman hierarchy, would inspire all who possessed arfy 
 
 VOL. I. u 
 
2Q0 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 freedom of thought with a wish to join in the struggle. 
 Persons of this description were not wanting either in 
 Spain itself^ or among natives of that country^ who 
 formed part of the emperor's suite in Germany. Al- 
 fonso Valdes and Francisco de Angelis, attendants on 
 the imperial court, contributed greatly — the one by 
 his letters_, the other by his journeys between the two 
 countries — to enlighten their countrymen on the sub- 
 ject; both being men of abihty, and strongly inclined 
 to advance the Lutheran cause. The line of policy 
 which Charles found it profitable to pursue for a time,, 
 very much favoured this sentiment among his cour- 
 tiers; and when he asked their advice respecting the 
 confession delivered by the protestants at Augsburg, 
 they replied, that if he found the doctrines of the 
 Lutherans to be contrary to the articles of faith, he 
 ought to suppress the sect ; but that, if the members 
 of it only demanded the abolition of certain ceremonies 
 and things not of vital importance to the faith, he 
 ought not to have recourse to violent measures against 
 them ; and that they, therefore, advised him to submit 
 the points in dispute to the examination of pious and 
 unprejudiced persons.* 
 
 The inquisition was too well practised in its functions, 
 not to make itself acquainted with circumstances, so 
 threatening to its safety, immediately on their occur- 
 rence. From the Jews they had had nothing to fear : 
 their attacks upon that people were made without the 
 slightest idea of opposition, and they were sure of reap- 
 ing a plentiful harvest for their sovereign whenever 
 they chose to commence a persecution. But with the 
 Lutherans they had to pursue a more cautious course. 
 These sectarians had already diminished the territory of 
 the church ; they had succeeded in resisting its highest 
 authority ; and there was ample room for believing, 
 that their heresy would ere long spread throughout 
 
 * That several of the Spanish nobility urged the emperor to moderate 
 councils before he setjout for Germany, appears from his conferences with 
 the pope at Bologna, and from the known sentiments of his chief adviser, 
 Gattiuara. Seckendorf. Sleidan. 
 
REFORMATION IN SPAIN. 291 
 
 Europe^ and endanger the existence of the church itself. 
 In resisting them, therefore, the inquisitors knew they 
 were struggling for the very existence of their holy 
 office j and having determined to take no account of 
 the reasonableness of the cause they opposed, they 
 began their attack by issuing edicts which prohibited 
 the exercise of private judgment in the smallest mat- 
 ter of religious behef or worship. According to 
 these ordinances, it was the bounden duty of every 
 Christian to make known to the inquisition, if he 
 had ever heard it said, or if he suspected any one of 
 thinking, that the sect of Luther was good, or that its 
 members were in the way of life. The same orders are 
 still more fully expressed in an edict purporting to be 
 directed against the Illuminati, as they were called ; 
 but as all reformers might be accused, in Spain, of 
 nearly the same opinions, it may be considered in its 
 consequences as applying to the body at large. 
 
 At first, however, the holy office, though it arrested 
 and imprisoned many persons of eminence suspected of 
 Lutheranism, proceeded with caution in subjecting them 
 to punishment. In one instance — that of a celebrated 
 preacher, named Juan de Avila — the inquisitor-general 
 himself interceded, and obtained the acquittal of the 
 accused ; in others, a formal penance was admitted as 
 a sufficient punishment ; and in some the guilty heretic 
 was allowed to expiate his crime in a dungeon, instead 
 of being brought to the stake. But in proportion to 
 the rapidity with which the new doctrines gained 
 ground, the inquisitors ceased to be thus forbearing in 
 their proceedings, and the unfortunate persons who fell 
 into their hands were subjected to tortures more terrific 
 than any invented by the most barbarous of savage na- 
 tions.* The accession of Philip II. to the throne of 
 
 ♦ The description which Dr. Geddes has given of an auto-da-fif, from 
 personal observation, will afford some idea of the proceedings : — 
 
 " In the morning of the day the prisoners are all brought into a great 
 hall, where they have the habits put on they are to wear in the procession, 
 which begins to come out of the inquisition about nine o'clock in the 
 morning. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 HISTORY OF THE r.EF0R3IA7I0?f. 
 
 Spain tended considerably to increase their authority ; 
 and in 1557 and 1558 many supposed protestants of rank 
 
 " The first in the procession are the Dominicans, who carry the standard 
 of the inquisition, which en the one side hath their foundei-, Dominick's, 
 picture, and on the other side the cross, betwixt an olive tree and a sword, 
 with this motto, ' Justitia et Mhericordia.' Next after the Dominicans 
 come the penitents ; some with benitocs, and some without, according to 
 the nature of their crimes. Thej' are all in black eoats without sleeves, 
 and bare-footed, with a wax candle in their hands. Next come the peni- 
 tents who have narrowly escaped being burnt, who over their black coats 
 have flames painted, with their points farned downward.?, to signify their 
 having been saved, but so as by fire ; this habit is called by the Portuguese 
 fengo rcvultu. Next come the negative and relapsed, that are to be burnt, 
 with flames upon their habit, pointing upward ; and next come those who 
 profess doctrines contrary to the faith of the Roman church, and who, be- 
 sides flames on their habit pointing upward, have their picture, which is 
 drawn two or three days before, upon their breasts, with dogs, serpents, 
 and devils, all with open mouths, painted about it. 
 
 " Pegna, a fam.ous Spanish inquisitor, calls this procession •• Horrendum 
 ac treme7tdum spectaculum ;' and so it is in truth, there being something 
 in the looks of all the prisoners, besides those that are to be burnt, that is 
 ghastly and disconsolate, beyond what can be imagined; and in the eyes 
 and countenances of those that are to be burnt, there is something that 
 looks fierce and eager. 
 
 '• The prisoners that are to be burnt alive, besides a familiar, which all 
 the rest have, have a Jesuit on each hand of them, who are continually 
 preaching to them to abjure their heresies ; but if they offer to speak any 
 thing ill defence of the doctrines they are going to su.Ter death for pro- 
 fessing, they are immediately gagged, and not suffered to speak a word more. 
 This I saw done to a prisoner,' presently after he came out of the gates 
 of the inquisition, upon his having looked up to the sun, which he had not 
 seen liefore in several years, and cried out in a rapture, ' How is it possible 
 for people that behold" that glorious body to worship any being but him 
 that created it ? ' 
 
 " After the prisoners comes a troop of familiars on horseback, and aftey 
 them the inquisitors and other officers of the 'court, upon mules ; and 
 last of all comes the inquisitor-general lipon a white horse, led by two 
 men, with a black hat, and a green hatband, and attended by all the 
 nobles that are not employed as familiars in the procession. 
 
 " In the Terreiro de Paco, which may be as far from the inquisition as 
 Whitehall is from Temple Bar, there is a scaffold erected, which may hold 
 two or three thousand people : nt the one end sit the inquisitors, and at 
 the other end the prisoners, and in the same order as they walked in the 
 procession ; those that are to be burnt being seated on the highest 
 benches behind the rest, which may be ten feet above the floor of the 
 scaffold. 
 
 " The prisoners are no sooner in the hands of the civil magistrate, than 
 they are loaded with chains, before the eyes of the inquisitors; and being 
 carried first to the secular gaol, are, within an hour or two, brought from 
 thence, before the lord chief justice, who, without knowing any thing of 
 their particular crimes, or of the evidence that was against tlieni, asks 
 them, one by one, in what religion they do intend to die. If they answer, 
 that they will die in the communion of the church of Rome, they are 
 condemned by him to be carried forthwith to the place of execution, and 
 there to be first strangled, and afterwards burnt to ashes. But if they say 
 they will die in the protestant, or in any other faith that is contrary to the 
 Roman, they are then sentenced by him to be carried forthwith to the 
 place of execution, and there to be burnt alive. 
 
 " At the place of execution, which at Lisbon is the Ribera, there are sc 
 many stakes set up as there arc prisoners to be burnt, with a good quantity 
 of dry furze about them. The stakes of the professed,, as the inquisitor! 
 
PERSECUTION OF LUTHERANS^ 293 
 
 and distinction were apprehended and brought before 
 their tribunal. Certain papers, it is said, were found in 
 the possession of these prisoners, which convinced the 
 king and the chief inquisitor, Valdes, that a project was 
 in agitation for estabhshing the opinions of Luther in 
 every part of the nation. Whether their apprehensions 
 were well or ill founded, they were sufficient to induce 
 Philip to acquaint the pope with the circumstance; and 
 in answer to the information thus given him, his holi- 
 ness dispatched a brief to the inquisitor-general, in 
 which he authorised him to deliver over to the secular 
 power all dogmatizing Lutheran heretics; those even 
 who were not guilty of a relapse, and who, to escape 
 capital punishment, gave only equivocal sigiis of repent- 
 ance. Tliis brief was shortly afterwards followed by 
 another, in which the inquisitor was directed to take 
 
 call them, may be about four yards high, and have a small board, whereon 
 the prisoner is to be seated, within half a yard of the top. The negative 
 and relapsed being first strangled and burnt, the professed go up a ladder, 
 betwixt the two Jesuits which have attended them all day; and when they 
 have come even with the fore-mentioned board, they turn about to the 
 people, and the Jesuits spend near a quarter of an hour in exhorting the 
 professed to be reconciled to the church of Rome ; which, if they refuse to 
 be, the Jesuits comedown, and the executioner ascends, and having turned 
 the professed off' the ladder upon tlieseat, and chained then- bodies close to 
 the stake, he leaves them ; and the Jesuits go up to them a second time, to 
 renew their exhortation to them ; and at parting tell them, that they leave 
 them to the devil, who is standing at their elbow to receive their souls, and 
 carry them with him into the flames of hell-tire, so soon as they are out of 
 their bodies. Upon this agreat shout is raised, and as soon as thejesuits are off 
 the ladders, the cry is, ' Let the dog's beards, let the dog's beards be made ! ' 
 which is done by thrusting flaming furzes, fastened to a long pole, against 
 their faces. And this inhumanity is commonly continued untU their faces 
 are burnt to a coal; and is aly/ays accompanied with such loud acclama- 
 tions of joy as are not to be heard upon any other occasion — a bull feast or 
 a farce being dull entertainments to the using a professed heretic thus in- 
 humanly. 
 
 " The professed beards having been thus made or trimmed, as they call 
 it injoUity, fireisset to the furze, wliich are at the bottom of the stake, and 
 above which the professed are chained so high, that the top of the flame 
 seldom reaches higher than the seat they sit on ; and if there happens to 
 be a wind, to which that place is much exposed, it seldom reaches so high 
 as their knees : so that though, if there be a calm, the professed are 
 commonly dead in about half an hour after the furze is set on fire, yet, if 
 the weather prove windy, they are not after that dead in an hour and a 
 half, or two hours, and so are really roasted and not burnt to death. But 
 though, out of hell, there cannot possibly be a more lamentable spectacle 
 than this, being joined with the sufferers (so long as they are able to speak) 
 crying out, ' Miserecordia por amour de Dios,' ' Mercy for the love of 
 .God ; ' yet it is beheld by people of both sexes, and all ages, with such 
 transports of joy and satisfaction, as are not on any other occasion to be met 
 with." — Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i. 
 
 u 3 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE KEFORBIATION. 
 
 particular cognizance of those who read or possessed 
 any of the works of Luther. 
 
 The publication of these, and other pontifical ordi- 
 nances, opened so extensive a field of action to the 
 holy oflSce, that it was thought necessary to appoint 
 additional functionaries ; and the number of persons 
 arrested in Seville and Valladolid was at length so 
 great that autos da fe were celebrated, which make 
 a conspicuous figure in the history of the inquisi- 
 tion at this period. The former of these dreadful ex- 
 hibitions occurred at Valladolid, on Trinity Sunday, 
 May 21, 1559. To render it the more solemn, and to 
 increase the dignity of the holy ofl5ce, the prince, Don 
 Carlos, and his aunt Juana, regent of the kingdom 
 during the absence of Philip, appeared in the midst of the 
 assembly, seated on a throne fitted up for them on one 
 side of the square in which the execution was to take 
 place. Before the ceremony commenced an oath was 
 administered to them, by which they became pledged 
 to support the inquisition, and to reveal whatever they 
 might discover which threatened any danger to the 
 faith. The prince_, who was then but fourteen years of 
 age, is said to have inwardly vowed, as he took this 
 oath, an eternal enmity to the infamous institution 
 which thus sought to fetter his understanding, and unfit 
 him for the station to which he was born. After the 
 example of Don Carlos and his aunt, most of the prin- 
 cipal nobility of Spain appeared among the crowds 
 assembled from all quarters to witness the ceremony; 
 and the great square, surrounded as it was by this mot- 
 ley multitude of eager spectators, and furnished with 
 altars, scaffolds, and tribunals, presented a scene of 
 which it is difficult to say whether it be more terrific to 
 the imagination or disgusting to the understanding. 
 
 As in the execution of heretics in other parts of 
 Europe, a sermon was preached at the commencement 
 of the proceedings by one of the most celebrated of the 
 divines present; and these preparations being concluded, 
 the prisoners were brought forward to undergo the 
 
SPANISH MARTYRS. 295 
 
 sentences which had been passed upon them. The num- 
 ber of these unfortunate persons amounted to thirty^ of 
 whom sixteen, after having renounced their heretical 
 opinions, had been reconciled, but were, notwithstand- 
 ing, condemned to appear in the auto da fe. The 
 other fourteen were destined for the flames, and of these 
 two were burnt alive, and twelve strangled and then 
 burnt. The execution of the victims, and the cere- 
 monies attending it, occupied the attention of the as- 
 sembly from six o'clock in the morning till two in the 
 afternoon. Juana, the regent, was among the last who 
 retired from the scene ; and the eight hours, during 
 which the spectacle lasted, were hardly sufficient to 
 satiate the curiosity of the multitude. The greater part 
 of those who suffered in this auto da fe were persons of 
 high respectability, and some of them had held offices 
 of importance in the church. Among these was Doc- 
 tor Augustine Cazalla, priest and canon of Salamanca, 
 and almoner and preacher to the king and the emperor. 
 He had been in Germany when Charles V. was in that 
 country, and had during his stay imbibed those scep- 
 tical notions respecting the power of the pope which 
 eventually led to his condemnation. On his return to 
 Spain he distinguished himself by his opposition to the 
 papal pretensions, and from that period became an 
 object of suspicion to the holy office. He denied most 
 explicitly on his trial that he ever preached the Lutheran 
 doctrines, and expected, to the last, that the submission 
 with which he received the rebuke of the inquisitors 
 would have saved him from any punishment further 
 than that inflicted upon reconciled penitents. But, 
 to his horror, he was visited on the evening preced- 
 ing the auto da fe by one of the fathers, who ac- 
 quainted him that he was to die the next day ; and the 
 only favour granted him in virtue of his repentance, 
 was that of being strangled before he was thrown into 
 the flames.* 
 
 The impression supposed to be made by this auto dafe, 
 
 * Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquis, 
 
 u 4 
 
296 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 was not suffered to become weak in the minds of the 
 people of Valladolid. In the October of the same year, 
 the holy office again led its victims into the great square 
 of the city, and was again honoured by the presence 
 of royalty. The king was now returned from the 
 Netherlands, and he seems to have considered it the 
 most pressing of his duties to further, by every means 
 in his power, the designs of the inquisition. Taking 
 with him his son, his sister Juana, and all the nobility 
 attendant on his court, he willingly allowed his subjects 
 to regard him as the great support of an institution, 
 which threatened them with a more complete destruction 
 of their liberties than was ever suffered by any civilised 
 people in the world. Thirteen unfortunate persons were 
 burnt to death in his presence on this occasion, some of 
 them exhibiting a degree of firmness in the assertion of 
 their faith which would have excited admiration in 
 minds not wholly darkened by bigotry, and others peti- 
 tioning for mercy, and professing so deep a penitence, 
 that they miist have been secure of pardon had not their 
 persecutors been resolved to shed their blood. 
 
 There is one circumstance mentioned in the account 
 of this auto da fe which marks in the strongest manner 
 the comparative indifference of the holy office to the 
 worst of crimes, if they tended to further rather than 
 oppose its proceedings. Among the sixteen persons con- 
 demned to appear as penitents on this occasion, was 
 one Antonio Sanchez, a native of Salamanca, who had 
 been guilty of falsely accusing a Jewish Christian of 
 circumcising a child, for which supposed offence against 
 the laws the convert was condemned to be burnt to 
 death. The perjury of Sanchez was clearly proved, 
 and it might reasonably have been expected, that he 
 would be subjected to the same punishment as that to 
 which he had exposed the victim of his malice. Not 
 merely natural justice, but the circumstances under 
 which the inquisition acted, demanded that crimes of 
 this sort should be visited with the severest penalties. 
 Instead, however, of showing their horror at the guilt 
 
SPANISH MARTYRS. 297 
 
 of Sanchez, by condemning him to undergo the tortures, 
 which they were so ready to invent for a Lutheran, 
 they simply sentenced him to the galhes for five years, 
 and to receive 200 lashes of the whip ; while, with 
 nearly the same breath, they condemned a poor barber, 
 who had ventured to play some tricks in the assumed 
 character of an alguazil, to receive 400 lashes, and to 
 be chained to the gallies for the whole of his life. 
 
 The auto da fe which took place at Seville a few 
 weeks previous to the one at Valladolid, above described, 
 exhibited a still greater number of victims than were 
 seen at either of those celebrated in the latter city. No 
 less than twenty-one persons were here punished with 
 death, nor less than eighty obliged to undergo the severe 
 ordeal of penitence. Among the former were several 
 ecclesiastics of eminence, who appear to have been per- 
 sons well qualified, both by their station and abilities, 
 to establish by argument the reasonableness of their 
 opinions. One of them especially, Garcia de Arias, or 
 doctor Blanco, as he was commonly called, from the 
 remarkable whiteness of his hair, was a man of con- 
 siderable learning, and though long suspected by the 
 inquisition, he had contrived till the present period to 
 escape uninjured. In doing this, however, he had in- 
 curred the severe rebukes of those who knew his real 
 opinions, and it was only by the bold and determined 
 manner in which he declared his sentiments, when about 
 to be condemned by the holy office, that he saved his 
 name from the lasting infamy attending an apostate.* 
 
 Another conspicuous sufferer was doctor Christobal 
 da Losada, a physician of Seville, who, having fallen 
 violently in love with a young lady of that city, was 
 rejected by her father, and used every argument in 
 vain to bend him from his resolute opposition to 
 the suit. At length the old citizen informed him_, 
 that he would accept no one for his son-in-law who 
 could not bring with him an assurance from the cele- 
 brated Lutheran teacher, doctor Egidius, that he was 
 
 * Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquis, 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 thoroughly instructed in the Holy Scriptures^ and that 
 he interpreted them in the same manner as that divine. 
 Christobal at once resolved to become the pupil of 
 Egidius. Prompted at first by passion to use the 
 utmost diligence in his studies, but perceiving as he 
 proceeded sufficient to engage his reason on the same 
 side, he quickly gave so much satisfaction to his teacher, 
 that he was recommended by him as a fit person to 
 preside over the protestant congregation in the city. 
 The zeal and (ability with which he exercised his new 
 functions soon brought him under the notice of the in- 
 quisition: he was seized, examined according to the usual 
 forms, and having been convicted of Lutheran opinions^ 
 which he stedfastly refused to recant, he was condemned 
 to be burnt. "\^^hen he arrived at the stake, the friars 
 who attended the ceremony importuned him to renounce 
 his errors; but, instead of assenting to their persuasions, 
 he entered into a well-conducted defence of his opinions; 
 and so perfectly did he retain his presence of mind to 
 the last, that when the friars, in order to prevent his 
 arguments from being understood by the people, began 
 to converse in Latin, he continued his defence with the 
 same ease in that language as he had done in Spanish. 
 
 The same auto da fe presented the affecting spectacle 
 of a brother dying with his two sisters, whom he had 
 taught to profess the truth, and who now appeared with 
 him to prove, by their constancy and affection in death, 
 how well they had profited by his lessons. The suf- 
 ferers here alluded to, were doctor Juan Gonzalez and 
 his two sisters. The demeanour of Juan himself ap- 
 pears to have been more dignified and resolute than was 
 the case at all times with the Spanish martyrs. As he 
 entered the place of execution he sang the 109th Psalm, 
 and then turned to comfort one of his sisters, who 
 seemed somewhat depressed, with assurances and ex- 
 hortations adapted to raise her drooping spirits. But 
 his fraternal piety served but as a provocative to the 
 fury of his persecutors, who, on hearing him address 
 his sister, thrust a gag into his mouth, and kept it there 
 
BIARIA DE BOHORQUES. 2^9 
 
 till they required him to make his confession. His 
 sisters, in repeating the apostles' creed, had been vehe- 
 mently urged to add the word Roman to the Catholic 
 Church, but they professed their resolution strictly to 
 follow the example of their brother; and Juan persisting 
 in his refusal to add anything to the articles of the 
 belief, they were immediately put to death. 
 
 It would be impossible to make mention of all the 
 instances of fortitude on the one side, and barbarity on 
 the other, which are to be met with even in these earliest 
 of the Spanish autos da fe* But in addition to the 
 names of the victims already mentioned, those of Maria 
 de Bohorques and her sister Juana richly deserve a 
 place in these memorials. 
 
 Maria de Bohorques was one of those remarkable 
 women who render themselves objects of wonder, and 
 often of deserved admiration, by the success with which 
 they employ their minds on subjects not within the 
 usual circle of female studies. The natural daughter 
 of one of the greatest noblemen in the nation, she was 
 educated under the most celebrated masters, and at an 
 early age could read the Latin translation of the Scrip- 
 tures and the commentators. As her mind was too 
 active to lie dormant while her memory was thus fur- 
 nished with materials for its exertion, she gradually 
 acquired a freedom of thought, which, before she was 
 one-and-twenty, led her to adopt sentiments, for uttering 
 W'hich she was plunged into the dungeons of the holy 
 office. But her mind was not less firm than active. 
 Neither the gloom of the prison, nor the terrors with 
 which the future was fraught, could prevent her from 
 acknowledging and defending her sentiments in the 
 presence of her persecutors. The heroism, however, of 
 this young and enhghtened girl had no other effiict upon 
 the inquisitors than to induce them to order her to 
 the torture ; and, while undergoing the excruciating 
 sufferings which tney inflicted, she let some words 
 escape, which were eagerly caught by the attendants, 
 
 * Llorente, Hist, de I'Inquis. M'Crie, Hist, of Reform, in Spain. 
 
SOO HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 and were soon after made the foundation of a charge 
 against her sister Juana. 
 
 As soon as the sentence of condemnation was 
 passed^ two Jesuits were sent to converse with her. 
 Zeal and charity taught them to employ every kind of 
 argument to obtain from her a recantation of the opinions 
 for which she was about to perish. But their exertions 
 proved altogether fruitless ; and they returned to their 
 employers, professing the highest admiration of the 
 extraordinary learning and talents displayed by the 
 prisoner. On the evening preceding the day of her 
 execution two Dominicans came to her cell, and after 
 them several otner ecclesiastics, but they were not 
 more successful than the Jesuits. Donna Alaria received 
 them with the grace and gentleness becoming her rank 
 and sex, but told them that their persuasions would be 
 employed in vain unless they could convince her that 
 she was in error by arguments drawn from the Scrip- 
 tures. She had also the courage to add, that if she did 
 not doubt the truth of the reformed doctrines before 
 falling into the hands of the inquisition, she was now 
 more forcibly satisfied of their verity than ever ; since, 
 after all the arguments which had been employed 
 against her, she was still assured that the opinions of 
 Luther were right, and that they could not be contro- 
 verted. 
 
 As she was proceeding to the place of execution, she 
 manifested her fortitude, and the serenity of her mind, 
 by repeatedly exhorting the other females who were 
 about to suflPer with her to bear their trial with 
 hope and resignation. To prevent her continuing 
 these exhortations, a gag was thrust into her mouth, 
 and kept there till it was withdrawn in order to enable 
 her to repeat the creed. On arriving at the spot ap- 
 pointed for the execution, her constancy had to endure 
 another trial. Juan Ponce de Leon, a man of rank, 
 and one of the most conspicuous professors of the Lu- 
 theran doctrines, had been condemned as an obstinate 
 heretic ; and, after some misgivings of nature, had 
 
MARIA DE BOilORQUES. 301 
 
 gained sufficient resolution to approach the scene of 
 suffering with tolerable composure. But the appalling 
 preparations which there met his eyes again shook his 
 constancy ; and he is said to have purchased the high 
 favour, as it was considered^ of being strangled before 
 he was committed to the flames, by confessing himself 
 to the attendant priest, and recanting som^e part of his 
 profession. His weakness also led him to address his 
 fellow sufferers in a manner which favours the sup- 
 position, that he hoped to obtain mercy of his per- 
 secutors by appearing penitent for his supposed errors. 
 In speaking to Maria de Bohorques, he begged her not 
 to trust too much to what she had learned from her 
 protestant teacher, but to embrace the truths which had 
 been taught her by those who visited her in the prison. 
 But the heroic young woman was too firmly convinced 
 in her mind to be assailed by doubts at this moment, 
 and she repulsed the vacillating counsels of Juan de Ponce 
 with some degree of impetuousness; remarking, that 
 there was now no time for entering upon disputes, for 
 that the few minutes which remained to them should 
 be employed in meditating on the passion of the Re- 
 deemer, which would serve to reanimate their faith, 
 and thereby support them under their sufferings. Even 
 the most bigoted of the actors in this frightful scene 
 were affected at the firm but engaging demeanour of 
 Maria ; and when the collar for straniling her was put 
 round her neck^ some of the monks who stood by again 
 made an effort to save her. Pity for her youth, and 
 admiration of her surprising talents, furnished powerful 
 arguments in her favour, and she was once more re- 
 quested to repeat the creed. This she did without hesi- 
 tation ; but the instant she had finished it she began to 
 explain its meaning according to the Lutheran method. 
 The pity which had for a minute inspired the attendant 
 priests immediately gave way to the most violent indig- 
 nation ; the fatal collar was refixed, and Maria de 
 Bohorques in an instant ceased to breathe. 
 
 Little more than a year was suffered to elapse before 
 
S02 HISTORY OP THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the members of the holy office at Seville again came to 
 the resolution, that an auto da fe was necessary to clear 
 the religious atmosphere of the noxious vapour engen- 
 dered by Lutheranism. On the 22d of December, 1560, 
 fourteen persons, therefore, were put to death with the 
 usual solemnities, and thirty-four w^ere exhibited as 
 penitents. Among the former was an Englishman named 
 Burton, a London merchant, who had visited Spain in 
 the exercise of his professsion, and traded partly on his 
 own account, and partly on that of another merchant of 
 Bristol. The great offence of which he had been guilty 
 was that of speaking too freely of the superstitions of 
 the Spaniards; and when apprehended and examined 
 as to his own opinions, he was too truly an Englishman 
 to conceal or recant them from any fear of the con- 
 sequences. With Burton perished another also of our 
 countrymen, William Burke, a seaman belonging to 
 Southampton ; and it adds no slight measure of infamy 
 to the enemies of the Reformation to have it thus recorded, 
 that they violated with unparalleled effrontery the law of 
 nations, as well as that of common justice and humanity. 
 The condemnation of Burton, moreover, was attended 
 with another circumstance which serves to increase the 
 abhorrence with which the proceedings of the holy of- 
 fice are now viewed. Not contented with consigning 
 him to the flames, they seized his vessel, and were 
 about to apply its rich cargo to their own purposes. 
 Information, however, had been sent to England re- 
 specting the apprehension of Burton ; and the Bristol 
 merchant, to whom the vessel in part belonged, imme- 
 diately despatched a person named John Frampton, to 
 Seville, to demand the restitution of his property. The 
 charge was a difficult one to execute; but the documents 
 with which the agent was furnished were unanswerable 
 proofs of the justice of his claims ; and, after having 
 delayed the process as long as possible, and greatly 
 multiplied the expenses of the applicant, the inquisitors 
 were reluctantly obliged to promise him the restitution 
 of his employer's goods. Will it now be credited, that 
 
JOHN FBAMPTON. 303 
 
 Frampton had scarcely thus brought his exertions to a 
 successful issue_, when persons were found who accused 
 him of having spoken in favour of Lutheranism ; and 
 that he was, on that suspicious charge_, seized and com- 
 mitted to the dungeons of the holy office ? However 
 incredible it may seem, that any class of men should 
 pursue so flagrant a course of injustice, such was the 
 case. Frampton, after undergoing the customary 
 examinations, was allowed to submit himself as a pe- 
 nitent ; hut was, notwithstanding, obliged to appear at 
 the auto da fe, to suffer the confiscation of the vessel 
 and cargo, and to carry a san benito for a year. The 
 observations of the late secretary to the inquisition on 
 this passage of its history, are just and curious. " If 
 the affair of John Frampton," says he^ " had been 
 public, an advocate of the meanest ability would have 
 been able to prove the nullity and injustice of the pro- 
 ceedings against him. There are, notwithstanding, some 
 Englishmen who defend the tribunal of the holy office 
 as useful ; and I have heard its apology made by an 
 English catholic priest. I made him see, however, that 
 he knew little of the nature of this establishment ; that 
 I was not less attached than himself or an inquisitor to 
 the catholic rehgion ; but that, if we compare the spirit 
 of peace and charity, of humility and disinterestedness, 
 which inspires the Gospel, and which appears so strik- 
 ingly in both the life and doctrines of Jesus Christ, 
 with the system of rigour, of art, cunning, and malice 
 which was dictated by the constitutions of the holy 
 office, and with the actual and permanent means which 
 the inquisitors have possessed of abusing their authority, 
 in contempt of laws both natural and divine, of papal 
 and royal ordinances, under the protection of that 
 oath which insures them secrecy, we cannot fail to 
 abhor their tribunal, or regard it as only fit to make 
 men hypocrites." 
 
 But if the above recital convicts the holy office of an 
 act of palpable inju.vtice, the record which is left of its 
 proceedings agaiiisc the sister of the excellent Maria 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 Bohorques_, affords a still stronger proof of its cold and 
 reckless barbarity. Juana was the legitimate daughter 
 of don Pedro de Bohorques^ and had been some time 
 married to don Francisco de Vargas, the lord of Higuera. 
 The few words^, however^ which escaped her sister while 
 under torture^ were sufficient to render her an object of 
 suspicion to the holy office ; and she was shortly after 
 apprehended and placed under close confinement. She 
 was at this time in the sixth month of her pregnancy^ 
 and it was, consequently^ found necessary to treat her 
 with somewhat less severity than was usually the case 
 with the prisoners of the inquisition; but the indulgence 
 did not extend beyond that which was absolutely ne- 
 cessary to preserve her from perishing; and^ ill prepared 
 as she was to bear the shock which she received from 
 her apprehension, she was subjected to all the trying 
 examinations of an ordinary heretic. During these in- 
 quiries, there appeared the strongest evidence to prove 
 that she was innocent of any offence against the church; 
 but the holy office never loosed its hold of its captives 
 so long as it could invent the slightest reason for re- 
 taining them ; and the unfortunate Juana was still in 
 utter uncertainty respecting her fate, when she was 
 brought to bed. The partial forbearance which had 
 hitherto been exercised towards her was now at an end. 
 Only eight days were suffered to elapse before her infant 
 was taken from her; and she was yet in the most feeble 
 statO;, when the servants of the tribunal carried her into 
 the chamber of torture. Imagination sickens at the 
 narrative. The cords that bound her to the wheel cut 
 her limbs to the very bone ; and, in the convulsions 
 which from the beginning attended the dreadful agonies 
 she suffered, her whole frame within was disorganised and 
 lacerated! In this mutilated condition, and after having 
 denied whatever was laid to her charge, she was carried 
 back to the dungeon, where she lingered a few days, 
 and then expired. But, monstrous as the conduct of 
 the holy office must already appear to the reader, it 
 will seem doubly so from the sequel of the narrative. 
 
SUPPRESSION OF PROTESTANTISM. 305 
 
 Juana de Bohorques had been confined on the most 
 imperfect kind of evidence ; nothing had been ehcited 
 in her examinations to enable even her wicked judges 
 to condemn her ; her tortures had failed in an equal 
 manner to increase the materials which her persecutors 
 were so anxious to accumulate : she could not, in short, 
 be proved guilty of the offence of which she stood ac- 
 cused ; and this poor martyred victim of the most exe- 
 crable of institutions was, during the celebration of the 
 auto dafe, publicly declared to have been innocent. 
 
 The above brief account will suffice to instruct the 
 reader as to the opposition made to Lutheran ism in Spain, 
 and the class of persons by whom it w;as professed. 
 It is, however, to be borne in mind, that the scenes 
 which took place in the cities above mentioned, were 
 also exhibited in various other quarters ; and that, from 
 the year 15(50 to 1570, there was at least one auto da 
 fe annually celebrated in every town which contained 
 an office of the inquisition.* It was in the earlier por- 
 tion of that period that the reformed doctrines made 
 the greatest progress in Spain ; that the minds of its 
 people were in the highest state of religious excitement ; 
 and that the holy office, consequently, had the most 
 favourable opportunity for the exercise of its functions. 
 
 Protestantism, soon after that time, ceased to be known 
 in the Peninsula; and the inquisition, cursed with suc- 
 cess in its war against truth, had from thenceforward 
 to content itself with the meaner triumphs of iniquity, 
 and to be satisfied with the ruin and the misery of 
 men whom it could never so cordially hate as the pro- 
 moters of religious freedom. The accounts given of 
 the autos da fe, in a subsequent age, afl^ord a curious and 
 convincing proof of this circumstance. Thus, in the 
 one which took place at Madrid in l632, nearly all the 
 sufferers were Judaising Christians of Portugal. In 
 another, celebrated at Valladolid four years afterwards, 
 there were twenty-eight sufferers ; but of these ten were 
 guilty of Judaising, eight of practising witchcraft, three 
 
 * Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquis. 
 VOL. I. X 
 
306 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 of bigamy, three of blasphemy, and the remaining two 
 of being in some slighter way offenders against good 
 order. Here again, therefore, there was not a single 
 protestant among the sufferers. In the year 1654, fifty- 
 seven persons were publicly punished in the same 
 manner at Cuenca, but only one of them was condemned 
 as a Lutheran. 
 
307 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 INTEREST EXCITED BY THE PROGRESS OF LUTHER. HIS WORKS 
 
 CIRCULATED IN ITALY. CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE RE- 
 CEPTION OF HIS DOCTRINES IN THAT COUNTRY, PERSECU- 
 TIONS CREATED BY THE POPE. MARTYRS. SUPPRESSION 
 
 OF THE REFORJIATTON. ITS RISE IN FRANCE. CALVIN AND 
 
 HIS ASSOCIATES. CONCLUSION. 
 
 The universal dominion of the church of Rome gave 
 an importance to the labours of Luther and his asso- 
 ciates, which they would have had in an inferior degree 
 had the different European nations been less closely 
 united under the same ecclesiastical yoke. But form- 
 ing only one family^ the agitations which took place in 
 any of the numerous provinces over which Rome held 
 control, could scarcely fail of being felt in the others ; 
 and thus the unity of the church might hold out a fair 
 hope of contributing to the speedy and universal diffu- 
 sion of the reformed opinions. Many enlightened men 
 in all parts of Europe beheld with the highest satisfac- 
 tion the success of Luther. There was something in the 
 character both of the man and the undertaking calcu- 
 lated to attract attention. The resolution with which 
 he encountered the vast host of enemies to whom he 
 stood opposed^ the firmness with which he continued 
 his work when the plots of his powerful enemies were 
 in full operation against him^ and the zeal for genuine 
 religious truth and liberty which appeared in all his 
 actions and discourses, demanded the respect of that 
 numerous body of men, who, in such circumstances, 
 earnestly desire to see a change produced, which they 
 have either not the courage, or the necessary qualifica- 
 tions as controversialists, to attempt, in the first instance, 
 to introduce themselves. 
 
 The conviction, indeed, that a reformation was ne- 
 cessary, existed long before Luther appeared in the world 
 
 * Histoire des Martyrs. M'Crie's Reformation in Italy. Fleury. . 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 as its apostle. It is not to be supposed that the cor- 
 ruptions, and many of the grosser errors, against which 
 he preached, could have escaped the notice of the eminent 
 scholars and philosophers who contributed to enlighten 
 the last two centuries. In Italy the temporal authority 
 of the popes had been strongly attacked, as early as the 
 fourteenth century, by the great Dante, in his treatise 
 '' De Monarchia;" and some of Petrarch's epistles speak 
 a language only inferior in severity to the harangues of 
 Luther, because written by a more polished pen. The 
 same spirit of opposition to the heads of the Roman 
 church may be traced in the works of succeeding writers; 
 and we are led to conclude, that so long as Divine Pro- 
 vidence keeps the world in existence, no corruption of 
 truth, whether in civil or religious matters, can blind 
 men universally to its existence ; and thus the signs of 
 an incipient reformation may be often traced to a period 
 long antecedent to that in which the reform has really 
 taken place ; and the venerable and noble-minded men 
 to whom God gives the power of carrying the improve- 
 ment into execution, are scarcely ever denied the sa- 
 tisfaction of finding their own sentiments supported 
 by the intimation of history, that the greatest and the 
 best of men have always cherished the same in their 
 hearts. 
 
 When Luther, therefore, saw his labours crowned with 
 success in Germany, he had reason to hope that the 
 cause would be supported by men of learning and piety 
 in every part of Europe : nor was he mistaken in this 
 expectation. His voice, we have found, was heard in 
 Spain : it was heard also in Italy, France, and England_, 
 as clearly almost as if he had stood and preached in the 
 centre of their several capitals ; and in a little time the 
 effect of his doctrines was seen in the awakened atten- 
 tion of mankind at large to the subjects in dispute. 
 
 The earliest of Luther's works were circulated in 
 Italy without attracting the notice of the pontifical court. 
 Leo X. had no inclination to hunt after heresy exhibited 
 in writings so different to those which ministered to 
 
REFORMATION IN ITALY. 309 
 
 his taste, and that of the elegant scholars with whom 
 he was surrounded. But the pontiff was not allowed 
 to remain indifferent to the danger with which the 
 writings of Luther and his associates threatened the 
 church. An order was accordingly issued, which pro- 
 hibited the reprinting, or the sale of any works, proceed- 
 ing from the reformers of Germany or Switzerland. 
 But so strong an impression had been created in favour 
 of their views, that neither expense nor danger was 
 allowed to prevent the continued circulation of the books 
 in which they were explained. 
 
 . The study of treatises which controverted, by direct 
 and intelligible arguments, the principal dogmas and 
 practices of the Roman church, could not fail to make 
 a deep irfipression on the thoughtful Italians. But the 
 doctrines of the reformers were diffused by other means. 
 A continual intercourse was kept up with Germany ; 
 and that community of scholarship, which united such 
 men as Erasmus and Melancthon with the learned of 
 every country in Europe, must have defied, at any pe- 
 riod, the efforts of arbitrary power to prevent the cir- 
 culation of opinion. 
 
 Corrupt, moreover, as were the clergy of other coun- 
 tries, the haughty and luxurious habits of the Italian 
 bishops must have led to scandals more dangerous to the 
 church than the vices of their foreign brethren. They 
 were assembled, as it were, at the door of the sanctuary ; 
 they were the chosen ministers who had to perform daily 
 service at the high altar of their church ; and when it 
 was found that the strongest argument whereby they 
 could be defended was this, — that they might be invested 
 with authority by the church, which authority could 
 neither be lessened by their personal vices, nor aug- 
 mented by their virtues, — it is easy to conceive how 
 honest-minded men must have trembled for the cause 
 of holiness *, and how inclined they must have felt 
 
 * Such is the reasoning employed by Claudius Sysselius, archbishop of 
 Turin : — " They say, that the bishop of Rome, and the other prelates and 
 priests, do not at all imitate the life, or obey the precepts, of Jesus Christ 
 and his apostles ; but that they do quite the contrary, and in so public a 
 
 X 3 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 to admit any system which offered the prospect of 
 reform. 
 
 The unsettled and divided state of Italy did not per- 
 mit of any of those great and comprehensive designs 
 
 manner too, that their actions cannot be concealed, or doubted of, or pal- 
 liated. On the contrary, say they, they glory in that which is most opposite 
 to religion, and they seem not only to despise the rules which were given 
 by Jesus Christ and his apostles, but even to expose them, and to mock at 
 them; for Jesus Christ and his apostles lived in poverty, humihty, chastity, 
 and abstinence from all carnal things, and in a great contempt of the world ; 
 whereas we, w^ho are the prelates and priests of the Roman church, live in 
 state and in luxury, preferring the grandeur of princes to the sacerdotal holi- 
 ness. All our endeavours, and all the steps we take, tend only to recommend 
 us to the eyes of men, not by the virtue or holiness of our lives, or by our 
 doctrine, but by the abundance of our riches, by great exploits in war, by 
 numerous retinues, and by all kinds of magnificence. The apostles would 
 not possess any thing in property, and received only those who parted with 
 their goods, and put them into the common stock ; whereas we are not 
 content with what we have, but with a boundless desire covet also other 
 men's goods, and declare ourselves their enemies, or commit acts of hostility 
 that we may obtain them. The apostles went through towns and villages, 
 preaching the word of God with success, and practising works of charity; 
 whereas we not only do not any such thing, but we also oppose those who 
 are employed in such exercises, and give them examples of all kinds 
 of irregular practices. The primitive bishops were ordained, whether 
 they would or not, by the divine appointment or inspiration, for the sal- 
 vation of others ; whereas we purchase our bishoprics and benefices 
 with money, or we obtain them by intrigues at court, or by recommend- 
 ations from princes, or by violence', or by other sinister methods, that %ve 
 may gratify our passions, or enrich our friends, or acquire a great reputa- 
 tion or honour in this world. They spent their whole lives in hard labours, 
 watchings, and austerities, and spared no pains to show others the way of 
 salvation; whereas we pass the whole time of our life in idleness and 
 pleasures, and in worldly business. They despised gold and silver, and dis- 
 pensed blessings freely, as they had received them; whereas we do, as it 
 were, expose sacred things to sale. In a word, to pass by other things, of 
 which they impudently accuse us, we violate and break through all laws, 
 divine and human ; insomuch that the church of Rome, as they pretend, 
 cannot any longer be called the spouse of Christ, but a prostitute." 
 
 The following is the answer which the good Scysselius gives to these ac- 
 cusations ; and it affords rather strong evidence that he found it difficult to 
 clear his brethren of the charges brought against them : — " Seeing," says 
 he, "that there is no man who can imitate the apostles perfectly, it follows 
 that, if the Waldenses speak true, there never has been, since' their days, 
 any bishop in the church. The Waldenses themselves do acknowledge, 
 that this great apostolic perfection is not necessary; and they believe, that 
 it is enough if the ministers be free from mortal sin : but if that were true, 
 then there would not be any known or visible church, or any minister of 
 whose power we could be assured ; because it^is impossible that a man can 
 know whether the person to whom he addresses himself be guilty of mor- 
 tal sin or not. A man does not know whether he himself be in a state ot 
 grace or not : how, then, can he know it of others ? This uncertainty casts 
 them into a great many inconveniences. First, we could not be obliged to 
 obey any man ; secondly, the church would be without a constant ministry ; 
 thirdly, no man could know whether he were truly baptized, or were a 
 Christian ; fourthly, every man might reject or choose for his superior 
 whomsoever he pleased ; fifthly, there could not be any election made of 
 ministers ; sixthly, at every turn men might call the power of the ministers 
 into question, because they are always liable to sin ; seventhly, it would be 
 necessary to reordain, nay, and to rebaptize, all those who committed mor- 
 tal sin." — Dupin, Ecclcs. Hist, book iii. p. 363. art. Sysselius. 
 
 I 
 
REFORMATION IN ITALY. 311 
 
 being undertaken, whereby a country is induced to open 
 at once a highway for the progress of intelligence. A 
 principality or a republic, here a few scholars, and there 
 a band of simple citizens, manifested for a time their 
 inclination to embrace reform ; but no help was given 
 to them by the invigorating bonds of national sympathy ; 
 and though many, led to acknowledge the true doctrines 
 of eternal life, found thereby the means of salvation 
 for themselves, no legacy was left for posterity — no 
 monument raised round which their descendants might 
 gather with a holy feeling of joy and confidence in the 
 power of the Gospel. 
 
 It was at Venice and in Naples that the reformed 
 doctrines produced the most important effects. The 
 former of these states enjoyed a degree of independence,, 
 founded on the possession of wealth, which gave it the 
 power of choosing for itself whether it would follow 
 truth or error. Its population, moreover, was formed 
 of persons who had every advantage in their favour, 
 when called upon to resist the influence of superstition. 
 They were connected by commercial transactions with 
 the world at large; had seen religion under many forms, 
 and tried the worth of its several professors. The church 
 had never been able to curb their ambition, or abridge 
 rheir independence ; and, though not less attached than 
 other states to the splendour of its ancient services, they 
 sacrificed no scheme of policy to support the popes in 
 their authority. It was in this city that the boldest of 
 modern satirists, the boisterous but subtle Aretino, could 
 venture to pour forth his pasquinades ; and here alone 
 it was, that the liberty of the press had been so far 
 assumed, that merchants traded in books from all parts 
 of Europe, without asking a question whether or not 
 they were heretical. 
 
 There would have been cause for surprise, if, in a 
 population of this description, and under such favour- 
 able circumstances, the doctrines of the reformers had 
 not found attention. But, notwithstanding the proofs 
 which exist, that evangelical truth was received here by 
 X 4 
 
S12 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 many devout minds^ its progress was not sufficient to 
 give us a very favourable idea of tlie readiness of the 
 Venetians^ as a people, to adopt its cause. The books 
 of Luther were read at Venice as early as the year 1520. 
 Eight years after this, he wrote a letter to an acquaint- 
 ance residing there, and expresses his pleasure at the 
 intelligence he had received respecting the willingness 
 of the Venetians to accept the word of God. But though 
 the reformation is said to have continued from this 
 time to make great progress *, we find that ten or twelve 
 years more passed away before the persons professing 
 its doctrines ventured to think of establishing themselves 
 as a congregation, or performing their worship in the 
 sight of the world. At the end of that period, sufficient 
 encouragement was given by certain members of the 
 senate to induce them to form plans for this purpose. 
 But late as were these projects, they led to no per- 
 manent arrangements; and the pope, having now begun 
 to turn his attention with greater determination than 
 formerly to the suppression of the sect, the more zealous 
 of its members, while willing themselves to suffer, saw 
 fear or indifference gradually separating the rest from 
 their communion. 
 
 In Naples, the doctrines of Luther were established 
 by the exertions of Juan Valdez, the Spanish gentle- 
 man already mentioned. During his visit to Ger- 
 many, he had examined the protestant creed with 
 such attention as to become a convert to its principles ; 
 and on being appointed secretary to the viceroy of 
 Naples, he devoted his influence to the furtherance 
 of the Lutheran cause with a zeal as successful as it 
 was ardent. Having laboured by himself for some 
 time, he at length obtained the co-operation of Ber- 
 nardius Ochino, and Pietro Martire Vermigli, — the 
 one a capuchin monk, the other a man of family and 
 an Augustine. Both these persons had been led to the 
 examination of divine truth by a deep sense of its im- 
 portance ; and they sympathised with Valdez because 
 
 * M'Crie's Hist, of Reform, in Italy. 
 
OCHINO. 313 
 
 he spoke to them of doctrines which they found, by the 
 view of their own condition and that of mankind at 
 large, to be those of divine benevolence. Ochino had 
 long enjoyed the^ reputation of a preacher not less 
 apostolic in doctrine, than eloquent in expression. 
 '*■ That man would make the stones weep/' said Charles 
 V. after hearing one of his sermons ; and such was 
 the respect inspired by his fame and his piety, that 
 although he always travelled on foot, and in the simple 
 apparel which belonged to the severest of the monkish 
 orders, he was greeted, wherever he appeared, with 
 marks of the profoundest reverence. A still stronger 
 testimony to his powers and holiness of character is 
 found in the account of the friendship with which he 
 was regarded by the pious and accomplished Vittoria 
 Colonna. At her request he went to Venice in order 
 to preach there during Lent ; and cardinal Bembo, by 
 whose desire it was that the marchioness sent him, de- 
 scribes his preaching as the holiest and most useful 
 he had ever heard. " His style," says he, '' is unhke 
 that of any one who has undertaken the office of a 
 preacher in my day : there is more of Christianity in 
 it ; it breathes of love and charity, and abounds in the 
 expression of the most important truths." * 
 
 * Erasmus makes a similar allusion to the dry and unprofitable style of 
 the preachers of this period, and gives instructions on the subject which 
 prove how acceptable Ochino must have been. 
 
 •' To bless the people," says he, " is certainly a magnificent thing ; and 
 to administer the sacraments is a most excellent function ; but there is 
 nothing either more apostolical, or more episcopal, than to frame the 
 minds and morals of Christians so as to make them worthy of Jesus Christ, 
 bv preaching to them the doctrine of eternal salvation. Yet we see many 
 of those who engage themselves in so excellent a profession, that have 
 nothing of learning, or they want zeal, or they have not the art of speak- 
 ing, and are without eloquence. Well, but, as St. Paul says, provided Jesus 
 Christ be preached, it is '.no great matter how it be done ; but then the 
 worst of it is, that a great many of those preachers, instead of preaching 
 Jesus Christ, preach only themselves. There are some of tliem who dis- 
 course very subtilly in the pulpit of Scotistical questions, which the people 
 they speak to understand nothing of, and they think thereby to be the 
 more admired ; others preach only scholastical matters ; some sermons are 
 composed of confused collections of scraps of civil or canon law, and of 
 some citations from other authors. He who would instil true piety and 
 devotion into the hearts of the people, ought to banish out of his own heart 
 all sort of passion ; and, if he would instruct the people in the true prin- 
 ciples of Christian philosophy, it is much more proper to show the admir- 
 able and charming image of' true piety in its natural dress, than to strain 
 his voice and lus lungs to no purpose in exclaiming against vice. The 
 
314* HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 Ochino preached at Naples with the same fervour 
 and eloquence as had distinguished his discourses in 
 other parts of Italy. Valdez heard him with a plea- 
 sure rendered doubly great by the discovery that his 
 opinions were in reality the same as his own. They 
 soon became intimate. Peter Martyr, as Vermigli is 
 commonly called, who was then provost of the col- 
 lege of St. Peter's, joined them not long after ; and these 
 three eminent and powerful men quickly formed a party^ 
 which promised more than any other that had arisen to 
 secure for protestantism a firm establishment in the 
 country. 
 
 Ferrara is distinguished in the annals of the Reform- 
 ation as having afforded an asylum to several of the 
 early sufferers for the cause in France. There^ for 
 some time, lived Marot in peace and affluence ; and 
 thither, it is said, came Calvin, to whose preaching the 
 
 image of virtue will powerfully recommend itself: the only thing that is 
 necessary to make people in love with it, is to set it in a true ligiit before 
 their eyes. It is needless to discover vices, unless it is those that cheat 
 us under an appearance of virtue : and by pointing out a vice, people are 
 often taught to practice it ; and by declaiming earnestly against it, it 
 comes to be believed that the preacher envies those who are guilty of it, 
 and that he loves to speak of it. Why should a man discover all the 
 several ways that people sin against chastity ^ Why should he make so 
 much noise, in representing to the people that all the world is full of 
 adulteries? Would it not be much better to represent the venerable 
 image of chastity ? which so soon as St. Augustin considered, he imme- 
 diately detested all those horrible ideas of impurity. The same may be 
 said of other parts of Christian morality : whoever begins to esteem the 
 picture of Christian piety, he begins at" the same time to abhor vice, and 
 every thing that is not agreeable to that notion he has of virtue : no more 
 do I approve of those preachers, who, to gain a reputation among the 
 meaner sort of people, declaim seditiously against the vices of bishops or 
 princes. These sorts of declamations do nothing but incense those whom 
 a moderate, prudent, and civil admonition, seasonably given, might have 
 reclaimed. Some liberty must be allowed to a pious zeal, but it ought 
 always to be sweetened with charity : we ought to deal as gently as we can 
 with those who are invested with sovereign and public power; and if a 
 man must show his zeal, he ought rather to speak against those who make 
 a wrong use of the papal, or the episcopal, or the royal authority, than 
 against the authorities themselves. We must not rashly exclaim against 
 a whole order, but we may reprove those who dishonour their orders, 
 which ought to be highly esteemed for their good rules. In a word, a 
 sermon will be of greater weight if the preacher takes it out of the sacred 
 Scriptures, if his life be answerable to his doctrine, and if his ministry is 
 not despised by his being suspected of vain glory or of avarice. If he 
 himself be heartily in love with the truths that he preaches, his discourse 
 will have the greater etticacy ; and he shall be in a better condition to en- 
 flame others, if he goes immediately to the pulpit from his prayers, with a 
 heart full of zeal and charity." 
 
PERSECUTION OF LUTHER ANISM. 315 
 
 amiable^ and subsequently persecuted, ducbess owed ber 
 fuller acquaintance witb tbe Gospel. At Bologna_, the 
 labours of John Mollio, a learned professor in the uni- 
 versity, were productive of great good. Though charged 
 with heresy by a rival professor in the schools, and 
 obliged to plead his cause at Rome, he was dismissed with 
 no worse rebuke than this, — that he had taught what was 
 true, but what it was not expedient should be taught. 
 He was soon after, however, obhged to quit Bologna ; 
 and the Lutherans of that place, seeing themselves left 
 without a guide or support, lamented their miserable 
 condition in being so exposed to the " yoke of Anti- 
 christ. But protestantism continued to increase at 
 Bologna, notwithstanding its immediate subjection to 
 the pope ; and Seckendorf quotes a writer who states, 
 that a certain nobleman there was prepared to lead forth 
 an army composed of 6OOO of the reformed, if the signal 
 were given to attack pope Paul.* 
 
 Milan also took part in the movement; nor was there 
 any city of importance where some persons could not 
 be found who willingly shared in the dangers of a new 
 profession, from the feelings of hope which simulta- 
 neously filled their hearts. 
 
 At length an order Avas issued from the papal court, 
 and proceedings were commenced without further for- 
 bearance. The first state attacked was that of Modena, 
 the next Ferrara, whence the protestants fled in terror, 
 and left the duchess herself to endure indignities which 
 w^ould have bowed a spirit less firm to the earth. Ve- 
 nice, it might have been expected, would have still as- 
 serted its independence, but it basely yielded to the policy 
 of the day. The influence of the pontiff prevailed, in 
 a similar manner, over the rest of Italy: an inquisition 
 was established, and terror reigned in the hearts of 
 many who, but a short time before, seemed ready to 
 embrace martyrdom for the sake of the truth. At the 
 beginning of the persecution, both Ochino and Martyr 
 
 ,, * Seckendorf, lib. iii. p. 68. 
 
316 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 fled ; and their departure added fresh fears to the already 
 disheartened Lutherans. 
 
 Some years_, however, appear to have elapsed before any 
 of the persecuted and terrified protestants were openly 
 put to death. According to the '" Histoire des Martyrs," 
 the first martyrdom which took place in Venice occurred 
 in 1562. It was that of Julio Guirlanda, a native of 
 Trevisano. This person was executed in the manner 
 so generally practised by the Venetians in putting their 
 prisoners to death; and, though it makes us shudder less 
 at the idea of what they suffered, than we do while read- 
 ing the recitals of martyrdoms in other countries, the 
 imagination is more appalled at the death-like calm amid 
 which they resigned their lives, than by the tumultuous 
 scenes, and the fires, and armed executioners, which we 
 have seen described as a part of Spanish persecutions. 
 There was not, however, any greater degree of mystery 
 employed in the executions of the unfortunate protestants 
 at Venice, than the republic practised in removing other 
 obnoxious individuals from the state. The Bridge of 
 Sighs, the prisons, and the whole system of government 
 in that most remarkable of cities, partook of the same 
 character of deep mystery; and the merchant princes of 
 the Adriatic could not have practised greater secresy in 
 the most important of their private concerns, than they 
 did when assembled together in council. At a late period 
 even of Venetian history, we read of large numbers of 
 persons having been secretly put to death, and of their 
 bodies being found floating on the waves, to the con- 
 sternation of the citizens, who were thus kept in dread 
 of secret conspiracies on the one hand, and, on the other, 
 of the invisible sword of justice, which so fearfully imi- 
 tated the pestilence, and slew in darkness. 
 
 But the Venetian statesmen were too wise in their pro- 
 ceedings to employ any species of public punishments, 
 the spectacle of which might tend to harden the evil- 
 minded in their courses, or, in the case of religious per- 
 secution, rouse popular passions and sympathies, which, 
 to the honour of humanity, are so generally on the side 
 
ITALIAN MARTYRS. 317 
 
 of the sufferers. Death by drowning, therefore, appeared 
 to them the least objectionable of capital punishments; 
 for at the moment when mortal suffering commenced, 
 the witnesses of the execution had lost all tokens of the 
 criminal's fate. To make this circumstance still more 
 available to their purpose, the executions generally took 
 pkce in darkness, and in the presence of those only who 
 had charge of the solemn proceedings. 
 
 Thus, in the account left us of the execution of Julio 
 Guirlanda, we find that, after having been confined in 
 the dungeons of the Council of Ten, with three com- 
 panions with whom he was about to leave the city when 
 apprehended, he was put into a gondol^, and having 
 been carried some way out to sea, was ordered to stand 
 on a plank, one end of which had been laid on the 
 edge of the boat in which he was conveyed, and the 
 other on that of another gondola which accompanied 
 his executioners. Obeying the orders of the captain, 
 he placed himself on the centre of the board, heavy 
 weights being fixed to his feet ; and at the moment the 
 sign was given, the gondoliers rowed their respective 
 barks apart, and the martyr sunk without a struggle into 
 the waves, calling, as he fell, on the name of the Saviour. 
 
 Antonio Ricetto, the only one of Guirlanda's three 
 companions who did not recant, was put to death in a 
 similar manner, and exhibited, throughout the long 
 and horrible trial of his constancy, the spirit which 
 animated the primitive sufferers for Christianity. While 
 he was in prison, his son, a lad about twelve years old, 
 came to his cell, and, crying bitterly, prayed him to do 
 what the council commanded, and not to expose himself 
 to death, and leave him an orphan. But the appeal of 
 his child was resisted with the same fortitude as the 
 threats of his persecutors. On the 15th of February, 
 about two hours after midnight, an officer of the coun- 
 cil came to the prison, and having found Sega, one 
 of Ricetto's companions, prepared to recant his opi- 
 nions, he proceeded to the cell of the latter, and, telling 
 him of the alteration in his associate's disposition, ad- 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE REFORaiATION. 
 
 vised him to follow the example. But^ " What have I 
 to do with Sega ? I desire to do the will of God/' was the 
 only reply Ricetto condescended to make to the captain's 
 announcement. Without further delay, therefore^ he was 
 taken from the dungeon, and placed_, heavily ironed^ in 
 a gondola^ which awaited him under the walls of the 
 prison. A priest, who accompanied the party, offered 
 him, as they proceeded, a wooden crucifix to kiss ; but 
 Ricetto rejected it, with the remark, that it was not by 
 the use of such things salvation was to be obtained, but 
 by living according to the spirit of the Christian religion. 
 While thus continuing to profess his adherence to the 
 doctrines for which he was about to suffer, the gondola 
 reached the spot, known by two castles or watch- 
 towers which stood in the neighbourhood. The cap- 
 tain then bound his hands ; but the night air being 
 piercingly cold, Ricetto, notwithstanding the near ap- 
 proach of death, requested that his cloak, which had been 
 taken from him, might be given him again. " What ! " 
 said one of the gondoliers, " do you fear a little cold } 
 What will you do at the bottom of the sea ? Why do you 
 not save yourself } Even the maddest avoid death ! " — 
 " And so do I," replied the martyr, '' eternal death ! " 
 When they had gone some way farther, the gondoliers 
 ceased to row, and the captain, fastening a chain with a 
 heavy weight attached to it about the body of his prisoner, 
 placed him at once on the plank, on which he remained 
 only a sufficient time to recommend himself to God; 
 after having done which, he fell from the board, not 
 caring to wait for the rowing of the boats asunder. 
 
 Sega, some time after, repented of his weakness, and 
 suffered martyrdom in the same manner as Ricetto. 
 His death was followed by that of Francesco Spi- 
 nola, who was also drowned in the sea, beyond the 
 castles. 
 
 Of the number who, it is supposed, suffered in the 
 Venetian states, it is these four only of whose death 
 any particular notice remains, their names having been 
 
PERSECUTIONS AT ROME. 319 
 
 buried in oblivion by tbe same policy which taught 
 the rulers of the Adriatic to let their victims sink 
 quietly to death in the waves^ rather than expose their 
 sufferings to public view on the scaffold. One of the 
 characteristics^ indeed_, of the persecutions in Italy^ at 
 this period, was the sweeping effect of the barbarous 
 policy pursued by the oppressors. It was not here and 
 there that some few conspicuous individuals were seen 
 laying down their lives ; but whole towns and provinces 
 were filled with terror, and large portions of their po- 
 pulation driven into exile, leaving those who had taught 
 them the truths of religion to be put to death, or to 
 linger out the remainder of their lives in prison. This 
 was the fate which attended the protestants of Locarno, 
 who, to the amount of 200 persons, were obliged to 
 forsake their homes, and, in the midst of winter, make 
 a perilous journey over a mountainous tract into the 
 country of the Grisons and Switzerland. 
 
 But if no record remained of the barbarities prac- 
 tised, under the direction of the pope, in other parts 
 of Italy, the accounts which have been handed down 
 to us of the sanguinary scenes which took place within 
 Rome itself, would be sufficient to stamp the whole 
 history of the persecution with its proper character. 
 Protestantism, it appears, had many advocates at Rome^ 
 and a still greater number of secret converts ; and this 
 circumstance would, no doubt, contribute to influence 
 the angry passions of such men as Julius III., Paul IV., 
 and his successor Pius, all of them distinguished for 
 their violence and their bigotry. Still it is with asto- 
 nishment that we find such barbarities could be practised 
 in the very capital of Christendom, in an age which en- 
 joyed the reflected light of more than two centuries of 
 extraordinary intellectual activity, and in which the hu- 
 man mind was every where seen expanding, and mani- 
 festing its capabilities to receive and bring to perfection 
 the seeds of truth. Even the Roman populace regarded 
 with unbridled impatience and disgust the proceedings 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 of the men whom they had been taught from their in- 
 fancy to look upon as endowed with a species of divinity; 
 and, at the death of Paul, the house of the inquisition 
 was burnt to the ground. 
 
 But the hatred with which the name of the deceased 
 tyrant was remembered by those who could best observe 
 his actions, made no impression on the feelings of his 
 successor. Another mansion was appointed for the 
 meetings of the tribunal, and the confinement of those 
 who should unfortunately fall into its power. The in- 
 quisition found none of its privileges diminished by the 
 transfer of the sovereign authority through the hands of 
 successive pontiffs. In the narrative of the events which 
 now occurred, we read of travellers being seized, and 
 thrown into prison, on the mere suspicion of being 
 protestants; of executions by burning, hanging, or the 
 axe, taking place every day on account of religion ; and 
 of a man of rank, who had been condemned by the 
 inquisition, having to pay 7000 crowns for the indul- 
 gence of being strangled before he was burnt. The 
 spirit with which some of the protestants suffered at 
 Rome was as bold when confronted with the oppressors^ 
 as it was resigned in suffering. An instance of this 
 kind was afforded by Giovanni Mollio, the banished 
 professor of Bologna, who had been lately seized at Ra- 
 venna, and thence conducted to the capital. The trial 
 of this excellent and learned man, together with several 
 other persons accused of the same crime, was com- 
 menced with extraordinary solemnity. Six cardinals, 
 with a corresponding number of bishops, their assessors, 
 who composed the holy office, were present on the oc- 
 casion ; and the prisoners, to increase the awfulness of 
 the proceedings, were each of them obliged to bear a 
 torch. With men of either weak minds or weak faith, 
 the imposing grandeur of the scene had a considerable 
 effect ; and all the persons who stood arraigned before 
 the tribunal, except MolHo and another, sought their 
 safety by an immediate recantation. 
 
 But the enlightened professor was not to be awed by 
 
ITALIAN MARTYRS. 321 
 
 a spectacle, and, after hearing the heads of his accus. 
 ation readj he addressed his judges in a clear and fear- 
 less defence of the principles which he supported. As 
 he proceeded, his language and manner became more 
 and more animated ; and, aided by the consciousness of 
 imminent danger, as well as by his deep devotion to the 
 cause for which he was pleading, he rebuked his perse- 
 cutors, and argued against their vices and errors with 
 such energy and eloquence, that all who heard him were 
 astonished ; those who were most unwilling to bear 
 any testimony to his honesty or ability, confessing his 
 power by the bitter feelings which his invectives in- 
 spired. The old " Histoire des Martyrs" gives a par- 
 ticular account of these proceedings; and reports that 
 Mollio, addressing himself directly to his judges, ex- 
 claimed, in the course of his speech, '' Could I believe, 
 cardinals and bishops, that the power you arrogate to 
 yourselves is legitimate, or that you have attained it by 
 works of piety, instead of by the artifices of a profligate 
 ambition, I would not thus address you. But knowing, 
 as I do, that you have despised moderation, modesty, 
 and virtue, I feel bound to treat you without ceremony, 
 and declare that your authority is not of God, but of 
 the devil." Pursuing the same vehement strain, and 
 denouncing them as the enemies of truth, he at last 
 said, "^ I appeal, therefore, from your sentence; and 
 summon you, O ye murderers and tyrants, to answer 
 before the judgment-seat of Christ, where neither your 
 lofty-sounding titles nor your gHttering robes can daz- 
 zle, nor your guards or instruments of torture appal 
 us ; in testimony of which, take back this which you 
 have given me ! " As he uttered the last words, he 
 flung the torch which he had been obliged to carry on 
 the floor of the apartment, and extinguished it. 
 
 The fate of Mollio was quickly decided upon after he 
 had concluded this address. As if they could derive some 
 comfort from his immediate death, the judges ordered 
 his execution to take place without delay ; and their 
 commands being scrupulously obeyed, he was led, with 
 
 VOL. I. Y 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 the other protestants who had refused to recant, to the 
 Campo del Fior — exhibiting to the last the same un- 
 changing fortitude and conviction of the truth, which 
 had characterised their conduct both in prison and at 
 the tribunal. 
 
 Mention is made in the catalogue of the sufferers dur- 
 ing this persecution, of a young Englishman, who, either 
 irritated by the tyranny which he saw exercised over the 
 consciences of the Italians, or disgusted at the pomp 
 and ceremonies employed to conceal the want of reli- 
 gion itself, seized the host from a priest as he was carry- 
 ing it along the street, and threw it on the ground; — 
 an intemperate act, and one which can only be excused 
 on the supposition, that it was prompted by the irre- 
 pressible indignation with which a young and virtuous 
 mind sees the work of oppression carried on ; and more 
 especially when it is carried on under the name of 
 religion. We need scarcely add, that the young man 
 was punished for his temerity. His hand was first cut 
 off, and he was then committed to the flames. 
 
 An instance occurs in the history of Bartolommeo Bar- 
 toccio, of the firmness with which some of the Italian pro- 
 testants retained their principles, not merely in the first 
 moments of excitement, but after years had deprived the 
 mind of any other feeling in respect to them, but its 
 conviction of their truth. Bartoccio happened to be in 
 the town of Sienna when it underwent an obstinate siege, 
 and he was thereby kept a prisoner for several months. 
 This circumstance, however, was the means of con- 
 verting him to protestantism. One of his friends, who 
 had himself become a convert to the reformed doctrines, 
 omitted no opportunity of persuading him to follow his 
 example ; but for six months his exhortations were 
 repeated without avail. At the end of that time, 
 Bartoccio began to discover the errors of the system 
 m which he had been educated, and soon after became 
 a confirmed ally of the reformers. On returning home 
 to Castel, a town in the duchy of Spoletto, he was 
 taken dangerously ill; and the family confessor, and even 
 
ITALIAN MARTYRS. 323 
 
 the bishop of the diocese, used all the persuasions of 
 which they were masters, to induce him to recant his 
 opinions before his death, which they expected would 
 shortly take place. But he refused; and having slightly 
 recovered, made his escape from the threats of the magis- 
 trates by scaling the walls of the town. He hastened 
 immediately to Sienna and Venice, where he received 
 letters from his father, offering him money and promis- 
 ing forgiveness if he would return and become a good 
 catholic. All, however, proved vain; and he proceeded 
 to Geneva, where he married, and became a silk-mer- 
 chant. He remained there safe for several years, till, 
 having occasion to visit Genoa for the purchase of goods, 
 and disdaining to take a fictitious name, he was appre- 
 hended and cast into prison by the inquisition. He 
 thus writes to his wife on the event: — " The first day 
 of my imprisonment," says he, " I greatly desired to 
 write to you, both for your consolation and mine ; but 
 it did not please God. The sorrow which you will feel 
 at my imprisonment has augmented, and still augments, 
 my affliction, more, perhaps, than it ought ; and I pray 
 all day long, with tears and supplications, to God, our 
 Father, both for you and for me, that he would give us 
 grace to be comforted, and resign ourselves patiently to 
 his will. My prayer has not been ineffectual in regard 
 to myself; and I hope also that, by the grace of our 
 Lord, it will not be without its influence on your heart. 
 I trust also that, having surmounted all temptations, 
 you will do in like manner for yourself and me. Re- 
 member, my dear sister, I speak to you as to myself, 
 since we are one body, that the doctrine of the Gospel 
 to the children of God is not a simple science, learnt by 
 the understanding and expressed in language, but that 
 it ought to have its seat in the heart, and to command 
 the whole character — showing by its effects, whenever 
 any occasion presents itself, the truth of those things 
 
 whereof others make profession I have been 
 
 made a prisoner ! Shall we say that this has happened 
 
 by chance } that men have done it without God having 
 
 Y 2 
 
324< HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 any part in the occurrence ? We must answer. No ! 
 for men cannot do contrary to that which God intends ; 
 and we have^ therefore, to confess that the Lord has thus 
 willed and ordained ; and God, we know from Saint 
 Paul, makes all things work together for good to them 
 who love Him. With regard to my present life, I am 
 well assured that my body will be consecrated as a 
 sacrifice to the Lord, in such a manner and after such a 
 mode as shall please Him, unless He choose to deliver 
 me by a miracle, which I have no reason to hope, seeing 
 He effects things by second causes. You may use 
 whatever means are possible, knowing where I shall 
 always be ; but the principal thing which I desire you 
 to do, is to pray for me without ceasing, conforming 
 yourself to the will of God, that he may be glorified in 
 
 me, for I have much need of your prayers " 
 
 He continues to urge the various topics of consolation 
 to be derived from Scripture; and concludes with affec- 
 tionately exhorting her to watch over, and bring up, their 
 children in habits of virtue and piety. 
 
 Bartoccio suffered the fate which, as it appears from 
 this letter, he anticipated. No consideration whatever 
 could deter him from the course he had taken in the 
 defence of truth ; and after undergoing a wearisome im- 
 prisonment of near two years, he was condemned to the 
 flames : like many other martyrs, he made a triumph of 
 his execution, and was distinctly heard to exclaim, as 
 the fire consumed him, '' Victory ! victory ! " 
 
 Sufficient proof is afforded by these instances of in- 
 dividual devotion, that the free firm spirit of protestant- 
 ism animated great numbers of the Italians, and that 
 tlie persecution to which they were subjected was equal 
 in ferocity to any of which history makes mention. It 
 was a principle in Italian poHtics, for many ages, to keep 
 all the operations of government as secret as possible ; 
 to do nothing by open or direct means, which could be 
 effected with equal certainty by the safer methods of con- 
 cealed art. There was acknowledged wisdom in this; and 
 the principle was acted upon, as far as the nature of the 
 
PROTESTANTISM IN FRANCE. 325 
 
 case would admit, in putting down the heresy of protest- 
 antism. The union between the professors of the new 
 doctrines was^ as we have observed,, necessarily slight ; 
 and the prudent measures which the court ''of Rome, and 
 those who acted under it, pursued, prevented its ever be- 
 coming stronger. No loud-tongued memorials were 
 suffered to circulate through the country, commemorat- 
 ing the constancy of those who fell ; instead of making 
 solemn processions for the martyrs, till the people might 
 readily imagine them offered up as sacrificesj they were 
 executed as criminals, and were, for the most part, put 
 out of the way without any opportunity being given them 
 of exciting public sympathy. 
 
 While the reformation was thus successfully resisted in 
 Spain and Italy, its doctrines were diffused through 
 France, England, the Low Countries, Denmark, and 
 other northern states, with a steady and constantly 
 increasing vigour. The first preacher of Lutheranism 
 in France was John le Clerc, a wool-comber of Meaux, 
 whose only qualifications for the office were his piety 
 and his good sense. Favoured by the bishop of the see, 
 he soon gathered round him a congregation consisting 
 of between three and four hundred persons. Some 
 learned men, invited by the bishop, joined him in the 
 work of instructing this people ; and protestantism was 
 established in the heart of the kingdom, before suspicion 
 had been awakened to its approach. Le Clerc seems 
 to have hastened the opposition which might be looked 
 for, by a burst of zeal somewhat ill-timed and intempe- 
 rate. Having openly declared the pope to be Antichrist, 
 he brought upon himself the implacable hatred of the 
 clergy and the magistrates. A brief consultation suf- 
 ficed to determine both his guilt and his punishment. 
 He was accordingly seized, condemned to be whipped, 
 and then driven into banishment. Though thus separated 
 from his flock, he did not give up the hope of being 
 still useful to the church of Christ. He therefore re- 
 paired to the city of Metz, and resumed his preaching 
 with an ardour which had been increased, rather than 
 Y 3 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 abated^ by persecution. But his zeal again overcame his 
 prudence. Not content with declaring his doctrines 
 and expounding the word of God, he proceeded to pull 
 down the images from the churches, and thus excited 
 the indignation of the pubhc authorities, by whom he 
 was seized and condemned to be burnt. 
 
 The execution of Le Clerc took place in 1523; and 
 shortly after the parliament of Paris published a decree 
 consigning Luther's books to the flames. It was ordered, 
 at the same time, that Melancthon's writings should be 
 collected, and given into the hands of the bishop, who 
 was to examine them with the divines, and pass such a 
 sentence on their contents as they should deem fit. 
 This order was fulfilled ; and the writings of Melanc- 
 thon were declared to be full of heresy, and as dangerous 
 as those of Luther ; and even more so, from the artifices 
 of style with which he had invested them.* 
 
 Among the friends of Le Clerc at Meaux, were William 
 Farel, Gerhard Roussel, Faber, and Arnold. At the 
 expulsion of their leader, these excellent men were 
 also driven from the city, and like him, but with less 
 fatal consequences, they sought another field for useful 
 exertion. Divine providence did not intend that pro- 
 testantism should yield, in France, to the first blast of 
 the tempest. Its early defenders, therefore, were 
 allowed to find protectors and a place of refuge. The 
 queen of Navarre, sister of Francis I., and one of the 
 most accomplished women of the day, received the 
 refugees at her court; found them employment; con- 
 sulted with them on the interests of religion ; and ren- 
 dered her husband, by degrees, as devoted as herself to 
 the Lutheran cause and its advocates. 
 
 Francis heard of these proceedings with anger and 
 apprehension. Less capable than Charles V. of con- 
 sidering such a subject with the sedateness of a sove- 
 reign or the foresight of a politician, and too .much 
 engaged in the pursuits of fame or pleasure to study 
 it in its spiritual relations, he only yielded to the im- 
 
 * Dupin. Fleury. Lacretelle, Hist, de Franca 
 
PROTESTANTISM IN FRANCE. 327 
 
 pression made on his mind by the reports which were 
 brought him, and acted accordingly. The queen of 
 Navarre, on being summoned to his presence, took with 
 her Gerhard Roussel and two Augustine monks. Fran- 
 cis expressed great disapprobation of the alterations 
 she had attempted to introduce into public worship ; 
 accused her of endeavouring to abolish the mass, and 
 supplying its place by novelties for which there was no 
 authority in the word of God. To this she rephed 
 by desiring the divines who attended her to produce 
 the document containing the substance of their de- 
 mands. These were — 1. That the priest should read the 
 mass as usual, but always administer the communion 
 at the same time : 2. That the elevation of the host 
 should be discontinued : 3. That it should not be 
 adored : 4. That the communion should be adminis- 
 tered to all in both kinds : 5. That there should be 
 no commemoration of the Virgin or the other saints 
 in the sacrament : 6. That common bread should be 
 used ; and that the priest should simply break it, and 
 then distribute it to the people : J. That the marriage 
 of priests should be allowed.* 
 
 These articles formed the basis of French protest- 
 antism, and were afterwards called the " mass with the 
 seven points." Francis hstened impatiently to the argu- 
 ments which Roussel and the Augustines offered for their 
 reception. At the end of the conference, his anger was 
 so excited that he ordered them into confinement ; and 
 they would probably have shared the fate of Le Clerc, 
 but for the powerful influence of their protector. But 
 neither Roussel nor his asssociates were marked by 
 great ardour of zeal. On being set at liberty, the monks 
 resumed their habits, as was ordered ; and the former, 
 appointed by the queen of Navarre to the bishopric 
 of Oleron, contented himself with reforming the more 
 palpable abuses of the mass and other rites of the church. 
 
 But new advocates of Lutheranism soon appeared in 
 the church : and the people of Paris were astonished to 
 
 * Dupin, Eccles. Hist. b. ii. c. xxx. p. 180. 
 
 y 4 
 
328 
 
 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION'. 
 
 hear the rector of St. Eustathius, the most eloquent of 
 their preachers, declaim publicly against the abuses 
 which had marred the simphcity of divine things. On 
 being called before Francis, he declared his sentiments 
 still more fully on the subject, and even succeeded in 
 impressing the monarch with a feeling of the reason- 
 ableness of his arguments. The divines were even 
 ordered to refrain from condemning him, that he might 
 appeal to Scripture on what he had ventured to assert ; 
 and thus the most valuable privilege contended for every 
 where by the protestants, received from Francis himself 
 a clear and decided sanction. But the danger of such a 
 concession was at once discovered by his more artful 
 advisers. They represented, that to allow a controversy 
 in such matters, was to open the door to countless inno- 
 vators, and shake the foundations of what was most 
 firmly settled. Their advice prevailed, and means were 
 found to induce the rector of St. Eustathius to preach, 
 for the future, in a different style, and on less dangerous 
 subjects. 
 
 Notwithstanding the weakness or placability of spirit 
 which appeared in some of the earliest advocates of 
 reform, the doctrines of Luther continued to spread 
 both in the capital and other parts of the kingdom. 
 The university of Paris was an open school of learning, 
 the resort of scholars from every quarter of Europe. It 
 was impossible that, amid this concourse of studious and 
 inquisitive minds — some mature in thought, others glow- 
 ing with delight at the anticipation of new discoveries — 
 no mention should be made, or no inquiry instituted 
 into the subject, of Lutheranism. Equally unlikely was 
 it, that points so calculated to excite argument should 
 be named, and find no advocates. But no sooner is dis- 
 putation commenced, than incipient belief enlarges the 
 sphere of doctrine, increases in force and determination, 
 discovers new reasons for perseverance in its course, and 
 for adopting measures to secure the assent of others. 
 
 The presence of Lutheranism in the university, and 
 its gradual diffusion among the people of Paris, was 
 
PR0TESTANTIS3I IN FRANCE. 329 
 
 observed by the heads of the church and the king's 
 advisers with angry apprehension. At the close of the 
 year 1527, the clergy held an assembly for petitioning 
 Francis to take the subject into consideration, and forth- 
 with commence such measures as might seem best cal- 
 culated to stop the increase of the evil. In the following 
 February_, the bishops of the province met for a similar 
 purpose, and decrees were passed which prohibited the 
 acknowledgment of Lutheran doctrines under the se- 
 verest penalties.* 
 
 These proceedings on the part of the church did not 
 terminate with the publication of edicts or admonitions. 
 An occasion soon presented itself for the exercise of 
 its authority in the punishment of the new heresy. 
 Louis Berquin, a Flemish gentleman and an officer in 
 the royal council, was the first victim of its fury. 
 This martyr in the cause of protestantism is described 
 by even catholic writers as an example of holiness and 
 charity; but having ventured to publish some tracts 
 against the prevalent vices and superstitions of the day, 
 he was, as early as the year 1523, made the object of a 
 prosecution. His enemies, on this occasion, were con- 
 tented with depriving him of his liberty for a short 
 period, and condemning his books to the flames. A 
 similar result followed the repetition of the charge — 
 Francis himself interfering to prevent the accusers of 
 Berquin from proceeding to extremities. But the thirst 
 for his blood was not to be satiated without the draught. 
 He was again apprehended; and the clergy and the 
 monks regarded their triumph over heresy as almost 
 complete, when they heard the judges pronounce his 
 sentence, which purported that, after being first com- 
 j^lled to abjure his doctrines, and having had his tongue 
 bored through, that he might be no longer able to repeat 
 his heresies, he was to suffer imprisonment for life. 
 Berquin appealed from this iniquitous sentence to the 
 king and the pope : on hearing which, the judges 
 again assembled, and, to vindicate their dignity and the 
 
 * Fleury, Hist. Eccles. art. v. sec. 9. . t Dupin. 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 justice of their proceedings, immediately condemned 
 him to death. No time was allowed for a second ap- 
 peal. He was burnt alive the following day. 
 
 The death of Berquin produced a thrill of horror in 
 the hearts of the numerous body of people who beheved, 
 without openly professing, the doctrines for which he 
 suffered. Their faith gathered strength from the dis- 
 covery, that its enemies were in possession of none of 
 those weapons of spiritual warfare which the Almighty 
 may always be expected to bestow upon the champions 
 of truth. The struggles, the triumphs, and sufferings, 
 which attended their increasing zeal and knowledge, 
 will be viewed in connection with the further progress 
 of the reformation in Germany, and its origin and 
 growth in our own country. 
 
 "VVe have now contemplated the most important of 
 those events which led to the establishment of reli- 
 gious freedom, in the full enjoyment of which man- 
 kind possess the highest species of good. The noblest 
 minds were called forth as the instruments of this great 
 work. It was intended to open a free path for know- 
 ledge ; and those employed at the earliest stage of the 
 undertaking were men fitted to sympathise with the 
 inquirers after truth in every age, and with whom those 
 inquirers must themselves sympathise. Luther, Me- 
 lancthon, (Ecolampadius, Zuingle, would have risen as 
 far above the mass of their fellow men in this century, 
 as they did in their own. They were impelled by an 
 energy as active as it was holy ; and the Almighty, 
 having manifested, at the planting of the Gospel, how it 
 needed not human wisdom to effect the purposes of 
 divine wisdom, now afforded a great example of the 
 manner in which He could employ the gifts of learning 
 and genius, as willing subordinates to the graces of his 
 Spirit. The characters, the opinions, and the struggles of 
 such men as those whom God raised up at this period, 
 form in themselves a theme for study not less elevating 
 to the mind than it is good as an incentive to the love 
 of holiness. 
 
CONCIiUSlON. 331 
 
 The establishment of the Reformation was a triumph- 
 ant exhibition of the power which belongs to truth. 
 It was begun by an appeal to the Bible ; and the sim- 
 plicity of the divine word confounded the subtlest minds 
 that attempted to resist it. Some sacrifices were early 
 needed. They were offered up in the spirit of pri- 
 mitive faith ; and blessed be the names and memories 
 of those who gave their lives for such a cause ! Equally 
 blessed be those who, in our own days, give their hearts 
 and minds to the defence of the Gospel ; and who, shun- 
 ning, as forbidden by the law of love, whatever savours 
 of retorted violence and oppression, seek only to con- 
 vince and subdue by the wisdom from above, by the 
 diffusion of that knowledge, on the free acceptance of 
 which it is the vital principle of protestantism to rest 
 the issue of its claims ! 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
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