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JEWISH ANTIQUITIES: 
 
 / 
 
 or a -<L;/ 
 
 Course of LECTURES 
 
 On the Three First BOOKS of 
 
 Godwin's Moses and Aaron, 
 
 To which is annexed, 
 A 
 
 DISSERTATION 
 
 ON THE 
 
 HEBREW LANGUAGE. 
 
 v^- 
 
 By the late Rev. DAVID JENNINGS, D.D. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. Johnson and B. Davenport, at 
 the Globe in Paternofter-Row. 
 
 MDCCLXVI. 
 
■fit ^k. ^k- iik, -*- ^fc- 5^ jfe ^ 4fe* 4tft 4fe it =j£ 4te 4fe- -^ 4fc ^fc. sik. -it 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SECOND VOLUME. 
 
 C 
 
 BOOK II. 
 ONCERNING Places. 
 
 CHAP I. Page 
 
 ©^ 
 
 Of the Tabernacle and Temple i 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Synagogues, Schools and Houfes of 
 prayer 46 
 
 CHAP III. 
 
 Of the gates of Jerufalem and of the Temple 76 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the groves and high-places 86 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the cities of Refuge. 94 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Concerning Times. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of days, hours, weeks and years. 99 
 
 C H A P. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. II. Page 
 
 Of the feafts in general 1 24 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 Of the Sabbath. 138 
 
 C H A P IV. 
 
 Of the PafTover and feaft of unleavened bread 
 
 166 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the feaft of Pentecoft 2 1 7 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the feaft of Tabernacles . 227 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the feafts of Trumpets and New Moons 243 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the day of Expiation 256 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the fabbatical year or ieventh year's reft 280 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 The Jubilee 295 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 The feafts of Purim.and of Dedication 304 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Concerning the language of the Jews 3 1 5 
 
 Jewish 
 
SR. M.PX. 
 
 
 Jewish Antiquities; 
 
 BOOK the Second 
 
 Concerning Places. 
 
 < 
 
 " jh itHt, jr m. «. >«. jam. «r wi mm. jr «. Jft >- - ta 
 
 Vol, II. 
 
 B 
 
CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the tabernacle and tempk. 
 
 A V I N G in the laft book, giveri 
 an account of the rnoft remarkable 
 civil and ecclefiaftical perfons, offi- 
 cers and fects among the Jews, we 
 now proceed to the confideration of 
 the moft eminent flructures, or places, which 
 were efteemed facred, or held in high venera- 
 tion amongft them. On this head, Godwin 
 treats firft of the tabernacle and temple, though 
 indeed but imperfectly, efpecially of the former: 
 On the defcription of whofe ft.ruc~r.ure and fump- 
 tuous furniture Mofes has bellowed almoft as 
 many pages, as he has lines on his account of 
 the creation of the world •, no doubt, becaufe 
 the tabernacle was a defigned emblem of the 
 bleflings of the new creation, which far excel- 
 led thofe of the old ; or, as the apoftle ftik j s it, 
 was " a figure for the time then prefent {a).'t 
 
 We have an account of three publick ta- 
 bernacles, before the building of Solomon's 
 temple •, 
 
 B 2 The 
 
 {a) Heb. ix. 8, 9. 
 
4 The tabernacle. B. II. 
 
 The firft which Mofes erected for himfelf, 
 iV HtMl venatah lo (a) ; and this the feptuaginc 
 calls 7w s-Kwm o,vtk. In this tabernacle he gave 
 audience, heard caufes, and enquired of God ; 
 and perhaps, alfo, the publick offices of reli- 
 gious worfhip were performed in it for fome 
 time, and therefore, Mofes ftiled it the taber- 
 nacle of the congregation. 
 
 The fecond tabernacle was that which Mofes 
 built for God, by his exprefs command, part- 
 ly to be a palace of his prefence as the king of 
 Ifrael (£), and partly to be the medium of the 
 molt folemn publick worfhip, which the people 
 were to pay to him {c). This tabernacle was 
 erected on the firft day of the firft month of the 
 fecond year of the Ifraelites migration out of 
 Egypt (d). 
 
 The third publick tabernacle was that which 
 David erected in his own city, for the reception 
 of the ark, when he received it from the houfe 
 of Obededom 0). 
 
 It is the fecond of thefe tabernacles we are 
 now to treat of, called the tabernacle **-/ s^w, 
 by way of diftinction and eminence. It was a 
 moveable chappel, fo contrived as to be taken 
 to pieces, and put together, at pleafure, for the 
 convenience of carrying it from place to place, 
 during the wandering of the Ifraelites in the 
 wilderneis for forty years. 
 
 The learned Spencer * has fetched this taber- 
 nacle, with all its furniture and appurtenances, 
 from Egypt •, fuggefting, that Moles projected 
 it after the fafhion of fome fucli ftructure, which 
 
 he 
 
 (a) Exod. xxxiii. 7. (/») chap. xl. 34, 3-. (c) ver. 
 26, — 29. (d) ver. 2, 17. (e) z Sam. vi. 17. 1 Chron, 
 acvi. 1. 
 
 * Dc Iegibus Hebr. DifTert. 1. 
 
C. I. Tlie tabernacle. £ 
 
 he had obferved in that country, and which was 
 in ufe among other nations ; or at leaft that 
 God directed it to be made with a view of in- 
 dulging the Ifraelites in a compliance with their 
 cuftoms and modes of worfhip, fo far as there 
 was nothing in them directly finful And he 
 quotes both facred and profane writers, to prove 
 that the heathens had fuch portable temples, in 
 which they depofited the mofl valuable facred 
 or religious utenfils. Such a temple or taber- 
 nacle we read of in the prophecy of Amos : 
 " Ye have borne the tabernacle of Moloch and 
 Chiun, your images, the flarof your god which 
 ye made to yourfelves (a)." It is indeed paft 
 difpute, that the heathens had fuch tabernacles, 
 as well as many other things, very like thofe 
 of the Jews, but that they had them before the 
 Jews, and efpecially that God condefcended fo 
 far to the humour of the Ifraelites, as to intro- 
 duce them into his own worfhip, is neither 
 proved, nor is it probable. It is more likely, 
 that the heathens took thefe things from the 
 Jews, who had the whole of their religion im- 
 mediately from God, than that the Jews, or 
 rather that God, mould take them from the 
 heathens. Befides, this account of the origin 
 of the jewifh tabernacle and its furniture evi- 
 dently thwarts the account which the apoftle 
 gives of the typical defign and ufe of them, in 
 the ninth chapter of the epiftle to the Hebrews. 
 And further, fuppofing thofe heathen taberna- 
 cles to have been more ancient, than that built 
 by Mofes by divine direction, yet, fo far from 
 there being any defign of complying with the 
 idolatrous heathen, the contrary rather appears, 
 B 3 in 
 
 i) Amos v. z6. 
 
6 The tabe-rnacle. B. II.. 
 
 in that this tabernacle was ordered to be direct- 
 ly the reverfe of theirs, both in its form and fi- 
 tuation. In its form : for, whereas the heathen 
 tabernacles were carried about whole upon the 
 Ihoulders of the priefts, this was to be taken to 
 pieces whenever it was to be removed. And as 
 to the fituation : whereas it was the general 
 practice of the heathens to worfhip with their 
 faces towards the eaft, God directed his taber- 
 nacle to be fo placed, that the people fhould 
 worfhip towards the weft ; for to that point the 
 holy of holies flood, in which were the more 
 fpecial fymbols of God's pretence, and which 
 the people were to face as they worfhipped in 
 the court at the eaft end of the tabernacle, where 
 was the altar of their facrifices : as will appear 
 hereafter. This detects a miftake of Godwin's, 
 who makes our cathedral churches anfwer to 
 the jewifh tabernacle Or temple, the fanctuary 
 refembling the body of the church-, the fanctum 
 fanctorum the choir •, and the court round a- 
 bout the tabernacle the church-yard •, it being 
 evident, that the form of thefe churches, in 
 which the choir or chancel is placed towards the 
 eaft, is directly contrary to the jewifh taberna- 
 cle and temple, and it is borrowed from the 
 heathens, who placed their v&m to the eaft, and 
 the irpowioi to the weft *. That the heathen 
 idolaters worfhipped towards the eaft, appears 
 from the following paffage of the prophet Eze- 
 kiel, " And he brought me into the inner 
 court of the Lord's houf? ; and behold at the 
 door of the temple of the Lord, between the 
 porch and the altar, were about five and twenty 
 jnen with their backs towards the temple of the 
 
 Lord, 
 
 <i 
 
 * Vid. Vitruv. lib. iv. cap. v. 
 
CI. The tabernacle. y 
 
 Lord, and their faces towards the eaft, and they 
 worfhipped the fun towards the eaft(tf):" And 
 from Virgil, who, giving an account of iEneas's 
 facrificing before the battle with Turnus, faith, 
 
 Uli ad furgentem converfi lumina folem, 
 Dant fruges manibus falfas, et tempora ferro 
 JSumma notant pecudurn, paterifque altaria li- 
 bant, ^neid. xii. 1. 172, — 174. 
 
 And accordingly many heathen temples have been 
 converted into chriftian churches, without any 
 alteration in the form of the building. 
 
 The tabernacle we are now to defcribe, though 
 otherwife called a tent, becaufe it was a move* 
 able fabric, and becaufe it had no proper roof, 
 but was only covered with curtains or canopies 
 of cloth and fkin, was neverthelefs built with 
 extraordinary magnificence, and at a prodigious 
 expence, that it might be in fome meafure fuit- 
 able to the dignity of the king whofe palace it 
 was to be, and to the value of thofe fpiritual 
 and eternal bleflings of which it was alfo de- 
 figned as a type or emblem. The value of the 
 gold and filver only, ufed for the work of that 
 holy place, and of which we have an account in 
 the book of Exodus (£), amounted, according 
 to bifhop Cumberland's reduction of jewifh ta- 
 lents and fhekels to englifh coin, to upwards 
 of one hundred eighty two thoufand five hun- 
 dred fixty eight pounds. Jf we add to this 
 the vaft quantity of brafs, or copper, that was 
 alfo ufed about this fabric, its court and furni- 
 ture ; the fhittim wood, of which the boards of 
 the tabernacle, as well as the pillars which fur- 
 B 4 rounded 
 
 (.a) Ezek, viii. 16, [b) Exod. xxxviii. 24, 25* 
 
8 The tabernacle; B. II. 
 
 rounded the court, and other utenfils were made, 
 (which, though we do not know what name 
 the fame Wood bears now, was no doubt the 
 t>eft and moft coftly that could be got,) as alfq 
 the rich embroidered curtains and canopies that 
 covered the tabernacle, divided the parts of it, 
 and furrounded the court •, — and if we further 
 add the jewels that were fet in the high prieft's 
 ephod and breaftplate, which are to be confi- 
 dered as a part of the furniture of the taberna- 
 cle •, the value of the whole materials, exclufive 
 of workmanfhip, muft amount to an immenfe 
 fum. This fum was raifed, partly by volunta- 
 ry contributions and prefents(^), and partly by 
 a poll tax of half a fhekel a head for every 
 male Ifraelite above twenty years old {b) ; which 
 amounted to a hundred talents, and one thou- 
 fand feven hundred feventy five fhekels, that is, 
 thirty five thoufand three hundred fifty nine 
 pounds, feven millings and fix pence fterling (c). 
 We may here remark that this tax of the half 
 fhekel a man was, in after times, levied yearly 
 for the reparation of the temple, and for defray- 
 ing the charge of publick facrifices, and other 
 necefTaries of divine fervice. This, as I have 
 before obferved *, was probably the tribute, de- 
 manded of our Saviour (d) ; from which, as it 
 was paid to God for the fervice of his houfe, 
 and the fupport of his worfhip, Chrift, as be- 
 ing the Son of God, might, according to the 
 cultom of all nations, have pleaded an exemp- 
 tion (e). However, that he might give no of- 
 fence, he chofe to pay it, though he was. 
 
 oblige^ 
 
 (a) Exod. xxv. 2, Sec. [b) ch. xxx. ii,«—i6. 
 (r) ch. xxxviii. 25. 
 • See p. 86. Vol. I. 
 {d) Matt. xvii. 24. (,») ver. 25, 26. ^ , 
 
C. I. The tabernacle. 9 
 
 obliged to work a miracle to raife fo fmall a 
 fum (a). 
 
 Upon this general view of the prodigious ex- 
 pence of building the tabernacle, it may natu- 
 rally be enquired, whence had the Ifraelites, 
 who had not been come a year from their fia- 
 yery .in Egypt, and from labouring at the brick- 
 kilns, riches enough to defray it ? To this it 
 may be anfwered *f- , 
 
 ift. That though the bulk of the people had 
 been reduced to the condition of (laves, yet it 
 may be reafonably fuppofed, that fome, especi- 
 ally of the pofterity of Jofeph, had preferved, 
 and, it may be, concealed their wealth, till they 
 had an opportunity of efcaping with it out of 
 
 Egypt- 
 
 2dly. Perhaps the wildernefs, where they now 
 were, might fupply them with fome part of the 
 materials for this building; in particular, the 
 wood. Some tell us of a grove of fhittim trees 
 near mount Sinai, from whence they had their 
 wood, with no other expence, then that of la- 
 bour. 
 
 3<dly. Abarbanel conjectures, that the neigh- 
 bouring nations came and traded with the If- 
 raelites in the wildernefs, and that God blefled 
 their commerce to the very extraordinary in- 
 creafe of their opulence. But the fcriptures 
 give no account of any Strangers reforting to 
 them at this time, befides Jethro and his fami- 
 ly ; probably the fate of their egyptian ene- 
 mies terrified the other neighbouring nations, 
 and made them afraid to come near them. 
 
 4thly. The fpoil of the Egyptians, who were 
 drowned in the red fea, and whofe dead bodies 
 
 were 
 
 (a) Matt. xvii. 27. 
 
 t Vid. Witfii Mucell. torn. i. lib. ii. Dificrt. i. § X: 
 
10 The tabernacle. B. IT. 
 
 were providentially caft upon the more, where 
 the Ifraelites were, might very confiderably en- 
 rich them (a). 
 
 5thly, But we are chiefly to account for their 
 riches by their having brought out of Egypt a 
 very large quantity of gold and filver jewels, 
 Or vefTels, as the word *73 chele fignifies, which 
 were lent, or rather given them, by the Egyp- 
 tians at their departure. For by the command 
 of God (£), they " borrowed" or required " of 
 the Egyptians jewels," or vefTels *' of filver 
 and vefTels of gold, and raiment. And the 
 Lord gave them favour in the fight of the E- 
 gyptians, fo that they lent," or gave <c them 
 fuch things as they required (c)." The verb 
 btiW fhaal, which in Kal our tranflators have 
 rendered " borrow," fignifies more properly, 
 petere, to require or demand j and in Hiphil, 
 where they have rendered it " to lend," it de- 
 notes, mutuum dare, to give *. This fenfe of 
 the verb, in both the conjugations, is warrant- 
 ed by the following pafTage* " The Lord, faith 
 Hannah in reference to the birth of Samuel, 
 bath given me my petition, which I afked of 
 him, Tl^tt&y, fhaalti •, therefore alfo I have 
 lent, Ifmbtt^n hifhiltihu, given him to the 
 Lord as long as he liveth. He mall be lent, 
 b)$& {haul, given to the Lord [d)" Now fome 
 of thofe vefTels, which were given to the Ifrael- 
 ites, might probably be the filver bowls and 
 chargers and golden fpoons, which were offered 
 by the princes for the fervice of the taberna- 
 cle (e). By this means the divine prediction and 
 
 promife 
 
 (a) Exod. xir. 30, {b) ch. HI. 21, 
 
 (c) ch. xii. 35, 36. 
 
 * Vid. Stockii Clav. in verbum. 
 
 (J) 1 Sam. i. 27, 28. (e) Numb. vii. 
 
C. I. The tabernacle. 1 1 
 
 promife to Abraham was fignally accomplifhed, 
 *' The nation whom thy feed ihall ferve, and 
 who mall afflict them four hundred years, will 
 I judge, and afterwards they fhall come out 
 with great fubftance («)." 
 
 Having cleared the ground, and provided the 
 proper funds for building the tabernacle, we 
 Come now to erect the edifice, or rather to take 
 a view of it, as it was erected by Mofes ac- 
 cording to the vifionary model fhewed him in 
 the mount (£). 
 
 The tabernacle was an oblong rectangular 
 figure, thirty cubits long, ten broad and ten in 
 height, which reduced to englifh meafure, ac- 
 cording to Dr. Cumberland, who fuppofes it 
 the egyptian cubit, nearly equal to twenty two 
 inches *, was fifty five feet long, eighteen broad, 
 and eighteen high. The two fides and one end 
 were compofed of broad boards, Handing up- 
 right-, each board being about two feet nine 
 inches broad, fattened at the bottom by two 
 tenons in each board, fitted into two mortices 
 in the foundation ; at the top by links or hafps, 
 and on the fides by five wooden bars, which 
 run through rings or ftaples in each of the 
 boards. The thicknefs of thefe boards is not 
 determined in fcripture. Dr. Lightfoot makes 
 it to be very great -f ; he fuppofes about nine 
 inches, becaufe the middle bar is faid to moo: 
 " through the boards from one end to the o- 
 ther (c) ;'' y that is, as he conjectures, through a 
 hole in the body of the boards. And no doubt 
 they muft be of a very confiderable thicknefs, 
 
 if 
 
 (a) Gen. xv. 13, 14. [b) Exod. xxv. 40. 
 
 * Ejfay on jewifh meafures, chap. 2. p. 56. 
 
 + See his Handful cf gleanings u x on Exodus, §. xxxiv, 
 
 (<:) Exod. xxxvi. 33. 
 
12 The tabernacle. B. II. 
 
 if they were pierced with a hole big enough to 
 receive a wooden bar which, confidering its 
 length of fifty five feet, could not be flender. 
 But as boards or timbers of fuch a length and 
 breadth, and of fuch a fuppofed thicknefs, would 
 be almofl unmanageably heavy ; may we not ra- 
 ther conceive, that the middle bar, mooting 
 through the boards from end to end, denotes 
 only that it reached the whole length of the ta- 
 bernacle, whereas the other bars reached but 
 about, or little more than, half way. For 
 though it is faid " the middle bar in the midft 
 of the boards fhall reach from end to end (a)," 
 there was no occafion they mould all do fo. 
 
 Each fide confided of twenty of thefe boards; 
 and the end, of eight •, which comes to about 
 three feet more than the breadth of the taberna- 
 cle. Therefore if thefe eight boards flood to- 
 gether in a right line, the end mufl project con- 
 fiderably on each fide of the building. But, 
 perhaps the two end boards of the eight flood 
 in an angular pofition to the fides, and the end 
 of the building -, for which reafon they are dif- 
 tinguifhed from the other fix, and called " the 
 two boards of the corners of the tabernacle (£)." 
 Thefe boards and thefe bars were all overlaid 
 with gold ; and their rings for the ftaves, and 
 their hafps at top, were all of the fame metal. 
 
 The Foundation on which they flood, was 
 alfo very coflly and magnificent. It confilled 
 of folid blocks of filver, two under each board ; 
 they were each about fixtcen inches long, and 
 of a fuitable breadth and thicknefs-, each weigh- 
 ing a talent, or about an hundred weight. Of 
 thefe there were about an hundred in number, 
 
 ninety 
 
 {a} Exod. xxvi. 28, (&) v?r. £3. 
 
C. I. The covering of the tabernacle. 13 
 
 ninety fix of which were laid for the foundation 
 of the walls of the tabernacle, under the forty- 
 eight boards •, and the other four were the bafes 
 of the columns that fupported the veil or cur- 
 tain, which divided the in fide of the tabernacle 
 into two rooms (#)." From hence fome have 
 derived the ancient fafhion of fetting porphyry 
 columns on bafes of white marble. 
 
 The tabernacle, thus fitted and reared, had 
 four different coverings, or curtains, or carpets 
 thrown one over the other, which hung down 
 on the fide near to the filver foundation. 
 
 The firfb and loweft carpet was made of fine 
 linnen, richly embroidered with figures of che- 
 rubim, in fhades of blue, purple and fcarlet. 
 It is reafonable to fuppofe, that the right fide 
 of this carpet was undermoft, and fo it formed 
 a beautiful cieling in the infide of the taberna- 
 cle. This carpet confided of ten breadths, 
 which were joined together with blue loops 
 and clafps of gold. 
 
 The next carpet, which lay over the embroi 
 dered one, was made of a fort of mohair -, the 
 breadths of thefe were joined together with clafps 
 of brafs. 
 
 The third carpet was made of ram's fkin 
 dyed red •, and the uppermoft of all, which was 
 to fence the reft from the weather, was made 
 of tachafh fkins. What beaft this was is not 
 certain •, it appears that fhoe leather was made 
 of its fkin ; for God faith concerning Jerufa- 
 lem, " I clothed thee with broidered work and 
 fhod thee with badger's (tachafh) (kin (£)." lc 
 is conceived the latin word taxus, and the ger- 
 man tachs, may come irom the hebrew J^nn 
 
 tachafh i 
 
 (a) Exod, xxxviii, 27.; (£) Ezek. xvi. 10. 
 
j 4 Infide of the tabernacle. B. II. 
 
 tachafh i therefore we tranflate it badger. How- 
 ever the Jews hold this to be a clean bead, 
 which the badger is not. 
 
 Thus we have feen the outfide of the taber- 
 nacle compleat, on the top, the two fides, and 
 one end, namely, that which was fet towards 
 trie weft, when the tabernacle was reared (a). 
 As for the eafl end, it had no boards ; but was 
 fheltered with a fine embroidered curtain, hung 
 upon five pillars of fhittim wood overlaid with 
 gold (/;). The text does not tell us how low 
 this curtain hung. Philo makes it to touch the 
 ground * ; but Jofephus will have it to come 
 only half way down, that fo the people might: 
 have a view of the infide of the tabernacle, and 
 of what was done there ; but then he fays, there 
 was another curtain over that, which came 
 down to the ground, and was to preferve it 
 from the weather, that was drawn afide on the 
 fabbath and other feftivals±. Philo's opinion 
 is the more likely, fince we find, by the fto- 
 ry of Zechariah's miniflry (c) in the temple, 
 (which was built after the model of the taber- 
 nacle,) that the people who were without, could 
 not fee into the fanduary. 
 
 The infide of the tabernacle was divided in- 
 to two rooms, by means of a veil or curtain, 
 hung upon four pillars mentioned before. This 
 veil was made of the richeft fluff, both for mat- 
 ter and workmanfhip, and adorned with cheru- 
 bim and other ornaments, curioufly embroider- 
 ed 
 
 {a} Exod. xxvi. 22. {h) ver. 36, 37. 
 
 * Philo J ud. de vita Mofis, lib. iii. p. 516. D,E. edit. 
 Colon. Allobr. 1613. 
 
 X Jofeph. Antiq. lib. iii. cap. vi. §. 4. p. 134. edit. 
 Haverc. 
 
 (<•) Luke i. 
 
C.I. Court of the tabernacle* 15 
 
 ed upon it. It does not appear, in the fcripture 
 account, at what diftance from either end of 
 the tabernacle this veil was hung ; but it is 
 reafonably conjectured, that it divided the ta- 
 bernacle, in the fame proportion in which the 
 temple, afterwards built according to its mo- 
 del, was divided ; that is, two thirds of the 
 whole length were allotted to the firfr. room, 
 and one third to the fecond ; fo that the room 
 beyond the veil, which was called the holy of 
 holies, was exactly fquare, being ten cubits 
 each way •, and the firft room, called the fanc- 
 tuary, was twice as long as broad. 
 
 'Round the tabernacle there was a fpacious 
 area, or court, of an hundred cubits long and 
 fifty broad, furrounded with pillars, fet in bafes 
 of brais and filietted with filver, at the diftance 
 of five cubits from one another. So that there 
 were twenty pillars on each fide, and ten at 
 each end of the court. Thefe pillars had filver 
 hooks, on which the hangings were faftened, 
 that formed the inclofure of the court. Thefe 
 hangings were of fine twined linnen (a). The 
 word D'y^p kelangnim, which we render hang- 
 ings, is iuppoied to mean open or net work, 
 from vbp kalang, fculpfit. Accordingly tl>e 
 Targum translates it grate-v/ork. So that tins 
 inclofure did not wholly conceal the view of 
 the tabernacle, and of the worfhip performed 
 in the court, from the people that were without. 
 The entrance into this court was at the eait 
 end, facing the tabernacle •, where richer hang- 
 ings, for the fpace ot twenty cubits, were fup- 
 ported by four of the pillars ; and thefe were 
 not fattened like the reft of the hangings, but 
 
 made 
 
 ia) Exod. xxvii. g\ 
 
j 6 Court of the tabernacle. B. IL 
 
 ttiade either to draw or lift up ; the text does 
 hot fay which, but the Jews believe the latter. 
 
 It is made a queftion, whether there was on- 
 ly one court, or more, furrounding the taber- 
 nacle. Mofes mentions but one; yet David 
 fpeaks of " the courts of the Lord " in the 
 plural number (a). Which hath led fome peo- 
 jple to imagine, there were at lead two ; one 
 for the Levites, and the other for the people 
 But this cannot be inferred with any certainty 
 from the word being in the plural number, 
 which is fo often ufed in the hebrew with a An- 
 gular figni fixation, to denote the excellency of 
 the thing fpoken of. Or otherwife, Mofes's 
 account of but one court may be reconciled 
 with David's mentioning more then one* by an 
 eafy fuppofition, that after the fettlement in 
 Canaan, when the tabernacle was no longer to 
 be moved about as formerly, they inclofed it 
 and its court with a ftrong fence, at fome dif- 
 tance without the pillars and hangings ; which 
 formed an outward court, befides that in which 
 the tabejnacle flood. 
 
 Though the court furrounded the tabernacle 
 there is no reafon to fuppofe that the tabernacle 
 flood in the centre of it •, for there was no oc- 
 cafion for fo large an area at the weft end, as at 
 the eaft ; where the altar of burnt offering flood, 
 and feveral other utenfils of the facred fervice, 
 It is more probable, that the area at this end 
 was at leaft fifty cubits fquare •, and indeed a 
 lefs fpace than that could hardly fuffice for the 
 work that was to be done there, and for the 
 perfons who were immediately to attend the fer- 
 vice. 
 
 Having 
 
 {a) Pfaf lxxxiv. 2, 10. Ixv. 4. etalibJ, 
 
C. T. Altar of burnt offering. 17 
 
 Having defcribed the tabernacle and the court 
 that Unrounded it, we proceed now to take a 
 view of the furniture that belonged to both. 
 
 The chief things in the court were the altar 
 of burnt offering, and the brazen laver. The 
 altar of burnt offering, which is defcribed in the 
 beginning of the twenty eighth chapter of Ex- 
 odus, was placed towards the eait end of the 
 court, fronting the entrance of the tabernacle j 
 and we muft fuppofe, at fuch a convenient dif- 
 tance from it, that the fmoke of the fire which 
 was conftantly burning on the altar, might not 
 fully that beautiful tent, its veil and curtains. 
 
 The dimenfions of the altar were five cubits, 
 or about nineSSB feet fquare, and three cubits, 
 or about five feet and an half high. It was 
 made of fhittim wood plated over with brafs, 
 and it had four brafs rings, through which two 
 bars were put, by which it was carried upon 
 the priefts moulders. It is defcribed with horns 
 at the four corners, but what was the fhape 
 and ufe of thefe horns is not now known -, per- 
 haps they were for tying the victims, according 
 to the allufion of the Pfalmifl, " Bind the fa- 
 crifice with cords even to the horns of the 
 altar (a)." 
 
 The fire was kept upon a fquare grate, fuf- 
 pended by rings at the corners, and, it may 
 be, by chains in the cavity of the altar. The 
 fcripture account does not determine the dimen- 
 fions of this grate ; but if we fuppofe it to be 
 five feet fquare, which probably was large e- 
 nough for the ufe it was defigned for ; and if 
 we allow fix inches for the thicknefs of the fides 
 of the altar, there would be a fpace of one foot 
 
 Vol. II. C and 
 
 {a) Pfal. cxviii. 27, 
 
i 8 Altar of burnt offering. B. IT. 
 
 and an half betwixt the grate and the altar on 
 every fide •, which was fufficient to preferve the 
 wooden fides, (efpecially as they were plated over 
 with brafs,) from being damaged by the fire on 
 the grate. 
 
 This grate is faid to be put under the com- 
 pafs of the altar, as we underfland the word 
 ^ID^O carcobh, in the only two places where 
 it occurs (a). The meaning of it, therefore, 
 can hardly be conjectured, for want of parallel 
 places by which to fix it. Mr. Saurin fuppofes the 
 SftDID carcobh might be a copper veffel, hung 
 by rings or chains to the altar over the fire on 
 the grate, in which the'flefh of the victims was 
 confumed *. 
 
 But it is a material objection againil this 
 conjecture, that there are fome paffages, in 
 which it is enjoined, that the victims with the 
 head and the fat mould be laid upon the wood, 
 that is, upon the fire, which is on' the altar {b). 
 
 Others, therefore,conceive the SIITD carcobh 
 to be nothing but a kind of cincture to the 
 grate. Others, again, have imagined it to be 
 a fort of dome over the fire, contrived to col- 
 lect the flame, .and concenter the heat •, fo as 
 to confume the vapour that would arife from 
 the flefh in burning, and thereby to prevent 
 that offenfive fmell which the burning fuch 
 quantities of flefh and fat muft other v/ays have 
 caufed. To ftrengthen this conjecture, the au- 
 thors of the univerfal hiftory tell us, they have 
 feen in France a kind of portable hearth, not 
 unlike a chaffing dim, fo artfully contrived, 
 
 that 
 
 [a) Exod. xxvii. 5. and xxxviii. 4: 
 * See Saurin's diicours fur la Pentateuch, difc. liv. Or 
 Chamberlayne's translation, p. 458. 
 */) Levit. i. 8. 
 
C. I. The laver. 19 
 
 that the fire within (though not very fierce to 
 outward appearance) confumed feathers, brim- 
 itone, and other like fetid materials, without 
 caufing the lead fmell *. Now if fuch a thing 
 is poffible, it is not at all unlikely, there 
 might be ibme fuch contrivance in the altar, 
 to prevent any offence from the fmell of the 
 facrifices. 
 
 The fire on this altar was looked upon as fa- 
 cred, having firft defcended upon it from hea- 
 ven (a). Jt was, therefore, to be kept conftant- 
 ly burning, and never to go out b). From 
 hence, probably, the Chaldeans and Perfians 
 borrowed their notion of their facred fire, 
 which they preferved and nourifhed with re- 
 ligious care and attention •, a cuftom which 
 afterwards pafied from them to the Greeks and 
 Romans* 
 
 The rabbies have recourfe to a miracle, to 
 account for the preferving of the facred fire in 
 their marches in the wildernefs, when the altar 
 was covered with a purple cloth and a covering 
 of badger's fkins (c). But it may be as well 
 accounted for, by fuppofing, that the grate with 
 the fire, was on thefc occafions taken out of the 
 altar, and carried by itfelf. 
 
 The other confiderable* utenfil in the court of 
 the tabernacle, was the brazen laver, defcribed 
 in the thirtieth chapter of Exodus (d). The 
 place of this laver was betwixt the altar and the 
 eaft end of the tabernacle. Neither the fhape, 
 nor fize of it, is mentioned by Mofes •, proba- 
 bly it was confiderably capacious-, fince it was 
 C 2 for 
 
 * Univerf. hiftory, Vol. I. part 2. p. 662. folio edit. 
 [a) Lev, ix. 24. {b) chap.vi. 13. (r) Numb, 
 
 iv. 13, 14, {d) Exod. xxx. 18,— 21, 
 
20 The laver. B. II. 
 
 ior the ufe of all the priefts to wafh their hands 
 and feet, before they performed their miniftry. 
 
 It is faid, that Mofes " made the laver of 
 brafs, and the foot of it of brafs, of the look- 
 ing glaffes of the women, who affembled at the 
 door of the tabernacle of the congregation (a)" 
 Such were the ancient mirrours, made of polifh- 
 ed brafs, or other metal * ; which gave but a 
 dark or obfcure image, in comparifon of glafs 
 mirrours. Hence we read of " feeing through 
 a glafs darkly (^)," or rather " in or by a 
 glafs," as <Pi sowr?* fignifies. 
 
 As for the cuftom of the women's affembling 
 at the door of the tabernacle of the congrega- 
 tion, that is, the tabernacle of Mofes, (for it 
 was before the tabernacle of the Lord was 
 reared) fome derive it from a cuftom of the 
 egyptian women, who, (if we may credit Cyril 
 of Alexandria,) ufed to go to the temple with 
 looking glaffes in one hand, and a timbrel in 
 the other f. > * 
 
 The rabbies have reprefented it as very me- 
 ritorious in thefe jewifh women, devoutly to 
 facrifice the moft precious ornament of their 
 toilets to holy ufes (c). Others have fufpected 
 a graphical error in the word ntt*1DH bema- 
 roth, " of the looking glaffes," namely, that 
 the prefix 3 beth may have flipped into the 
 text, inftead of 3 caph, by reafon of the fimi- 
 
 litude 
 
 (a) Exod. xxxviii. 8. 
 
 * Vid. Ezek. Spanheim. Obferv. in Callimach. hymnum 
 in Pallad. v. 21. p. 548,-550. edit. UkrajecV. 1697,.. 
 o&av. The targum of Jonathan renders the text Jait 
 quoted, ex aereis fpeculis. 
 
 {b) 1 Cor. xiii. 1 2. 
 
 t Vid. Cyril, de Adoratione in fpiritu et virtute, torn, u 
 lib. 2. p. 64. 
 
 [e) Vid. Aben-e7ia in Exod, xxxviii, 8. 
 
C. I. Altar of incenfe. 2 r 
 
 litude of thofe letters ; and to ftrengthen this 
 conjecture they obferve, that 2 beth is very 
 feldom ufed to exprefs the metal or (tuff of 
 which any thing is made ; though fometimes, 
 it mull be owned, it is*-, as, on mentioning 
 the brafs which David collected, it is added, 
 wherewith, PO bah, " Solomon made the bra- 
 zen fea, &c {a)" And it is faid of Afa, that 
 " he carried away the ftones and timber of Ra- 
 man, wherewith Baafha was a building, and 
 therewith, 0H1 baham, built Geba and Miz- 
 pah (£)." They fuppofe, however, the true 
 reading of this place was DK^DD chemaroth, 
 and if fo, the proper rendering would be 
 " Mofes made the laver of brafs as or like 
 the looking glaffes of the women," that is, 
 he finely polimed it. 
 
 Having thus taken a view of the two mod 
 confiderable things in the court, let us now en- 
 ter into the tabernacle ; where in the fanctua- 
 ry, or firfl room, we fee the alttpfof incenfe, 
 the golden candieftick, and the table of Ihew 
 bread. 
 
 i ft, The altar of incenfe (c) was made of fhit- 
 tim wood and overlaid with gold. It was one 
 cubit fquare, and two high, with an ornament 
 of gold, in the nature, we may iuppofe, of a 
 carved moulding, round the top of it. The 
 ufe.of it was to burn incenfe upon every morn- 
 ing and evening. It was alio to be fprinkled 
 with the blood of the facrifices, that were ofFer- 
 C 3 ed 
 
 * Vid. Noldii Concordant. Particul. in partic. ^, fignif. 
 14, ex, e, Materise. And Aben-ezra vindicates this fenfe 
 of 2, in tne place before us. Vid. Cartwright. Elecla tar* 
 gum. rabbin, in loc. 
 
 {a) 1 Chron. xviii. 8. (h) 2 Chron. xvi. 6. 
 
 [c) See the description of it in Exod. xxx. i, — 10. 
 
2 2 Candleftick & table of fhew bread. B. II 
 
 ed for the fins of ignorance, committed either 
 by particular perfons, or by the people in ge- 
 neral (a). 
 
 2diy, The golden candleftick (b) was the 
 richeit piece of furniture in the tabernacle. It 
 was made of folid gold, to the weight of a 
 talent ; and exclufive of the workmanfhip, 
 which was very curious, it was worth, accord- 
 ing to Cumberland, upwards of five thoufand, 
 feventy fix pounds. It contained feven lights, 
 fix branching out in three pairs, from the up- 
 right ftem, and one on the top of it. This was 
 
 3 moft ufeful, as well as moft ornamental, 
 piece of furniture in a room that had no win- 
 dows. 
 
 3dly, The table of fhew bread (c) was made 
 of the fame fort of wood with the altar of in- 
 cenfe, and like that overlaid and ornamented 
 with gold. Its dimenfions were two cubits 
 long •, one broad, and one and an half high. 
 It is faid to have a golden border, or crown, 
 which may be fuppofed to be a kind of rim 
 round it, fomething like that of our tea tables. 
 Upon this table were fet two rows or piles of 
 loaves, or cakes of bread, fix in a row or pile, 
 which were changed for new ones every fabbath. 
 The ftale bread belonged to the priefts. 
 
 This table was alfo furnifhed with golden 
 dimes, fpoons and bowls, of the uie of which 
 we have no certain account. Perhaps they were 
 ufed about the holy oil, which was kept in the 
 tabernacle (d), and very probably upon this ta- 
 ble. Perhaps, alfo, this was the place of the 
 
 book 
 
 (a) Exod. xxx. 10. Lev. iv. 3, 7, 73, i£. 
 \b) Defcribed Exod. xxv. 31, et feq. 
 (c) Defcribed Exod. xxv. 23, — 30. 
 {J) See 1 Kings i. 39. 
 
C. I. Holy of holies and ark. 23 
 
 book of the law of the kingdom, which Sa- 
 muel wrote, and laid up beiore the Lord {a). 
 
 We now go, through the fecond veil, into 
 the holy of holies ; where we are to view the 
 ark or" the teftimony, and its lid or cover, called 
 " the mercy feat(^)." 
 
 The ark was a cheft of fine proportion, two 
 cubits and an half long, one and an half broad, 
 and one and an hall high. It was made of 
 fhittim wood, but plated over with gold, both 
 wirhin and without, and richly ornamented 
 with curious workmanfhip. Its chief ufe was 
 to be a repofitory for the two tables of ftone, 
 on which were engraven the ten commandments 
 by the finger of God himfelf, and which he 
 gave to Moles on mount Sinai (c). Thefe are 
 called the tables of teftimony (i), not only as 
 they were a witnefs and lading monument of 
 the covenant between God and the people of 
 Ifrael, but as they would in effect teftify againft 
 them, if they kept not that covenant. For this 
 end alfo the book of the law, which Mofes 
 wrote, is ordered to be laid in or by the fide 
 of the ark ; that it " might be there for a wit- 
 nefs agaihft the difobedient (e)."'' From thefe 
 tables the ark, in which they were preferved, 
 is called the ark of the teftimony if) •, and the 
 lid of this cheft, which covered thefe tables of 
 the law, is called *< the mercy feat," as fitly 
 reprefenting the effect of God's mercy to the 
 tranfgrelTcrs of his law •,. or the covering, (as it 
 were) of their tranfgreffions. And hence the 
 word tfr&wyov, by which the feptuagint renders 
 C 4 the 
 
 {a) r Sam. x. 25. 
 
 (b) Both thefe are defcribed in Expd. xxv. 10, — 21. 
 (0 Exod. xxv. 16. {d) chap, xxxi, 18, (*) Deut, 
 fcxxi. 26. (/J Exod, xxx, 6, 
 
24 Cherubim. B. II 
 
 the mercy feat, and which is ufed for it by the 
 apoftle, in the epiftle to the Hebrews (a), is 
 likewife given to (Thrift in the epiftle to the Ro- 
 mans (J?) •, inafmuch as, by his death, he hath 
 fo covered the tranfgreflions of his people, that 
 they fhall not be punifhed for them. 
 
 The upper face of the mercy feat was a- 
 dorned with two figures of cherubim, either 
 in chafed work, as fome think, or in ftatuary, 
 as it is more commonly underftood, and as 
 feems moft agreeable to the defcription of them 
 in the book of Exodus (c). 
 
 We have no fufncient light in fcripture abfo- 
 lutely to determine the form, the pofture, or 
 the fize of thefe cherubim. 
 
 As to their fize, indeed, fince they are de- 
 fa bed as having wings, and their wings are 
 faid, when firetched forth on high, to cover 
 the mercy feat, of which we know the dimen- 
 fions, upon the xeafonable fuppofition that their 
 wings were in a juft proportion to their bo- 
 dies, we may form fome idea of their bignefs. 
 
 As to their pofture, their faces are faid " to 
 be towards one another and towards the mercy 
 feat •, " which probably means that they flood 
 in an erect pofture on the mercy feat, with their 
 faces towards each other, and both of them 
 with their heads fomewhat inclined, as looking 
 down upon, contemplating and admiring the 
 myfte s typified by the ark and mercy fe,;t on 
 which they flood. This may give occafion to 
 the ailufion of St. Peter, when fpeaking of the 
 
 myfte- 
 
 (a) Heb. ix. 5. 
 
 (£) Rom. iii. 25. where our translators render it, propi- 
 tiation. 
 
 (0 Exod. xxv. 18,— 20, 
 
C. T. Cherubim. z$ 
 
 myfteries of redemption he fays " which things 
 the angels defire to look into (a)." 
 
 But we are at the greateft lofs of all to de- 
 termine the true fhape and form of thefe cheru- 
 bim. Some, upon obferving that the verb 
 y\2 charabh, in the fyriac language, fome- 
 times means, fimulavit, conceive the noun 2Y"D 
 cherubn, fignihes no more than an image, fi- 
 gure, or reprefentation of any thing. Aben 
 Ezra is of this opinion *. Jofephus fays, they 
 were flying animals, like none of thofe which 
 are feen by men, but fuch as Mofes faw about 
 the throne of God f. In another place he fays, 
 " As for the cherubim, nobody can tell or con- 
 ceive what they were like J." However, the 
 generality of interpreters both ancient and mo- 
 dern, fuppofe them to be of a human fhape, 
 only with the addition of wings §. The reafon 
 of which fuppofition is perhaps, chiefly, be- 
 caufe Mofes defcribes them as having faces ; 
 though that will by no means prove the point, 
 becaufe faces are attributed to beafts as well as 
 to men. It is certain, that what Ezekiel, in 
 one place, reprefents as the face of an ox, in 
 another he reprefents as the face of a cherub {b). 
 From whence others have conceived the che- 
 rubim to be rather of the fhape of flying oxen ; 
 and it is alledged in favour of this opinion, 
 
 that 
 
 (a) I Pet. i. 12. 
 
 * See the reafons on which Aben-ezra grounds his opi- 
 nion in Chriftoph. Cartwright. electa targum. rabbin, in 
 Exod. xxv. 1 8. 
 
 f Antiq. lib. iii. cap. vi. §. 5 . p. 135, 136. edit. Ha- 
 vercamp. 
 
 X \ntiq. lib. viii. cap. iii. §. 3. p. 424. edit. Haverc. 
 
 § That this was the opinion of feveral rabbies, fee in 
 Cartwright ubi fupra. 
 
 {i>) Ezek. i. 10. compared with chap. x. I4> 15. 
 
26 Cherubim. B. II. 
 
 that the far more common meaning of the verb 
 H"D charabh, in the Arabic, Syriac and Chal- 
 dee, being to plow, the natural meaning of 
 2TO cherubh is a creature ufed in plowing, 
 which in the eaftern countries was generally the 
 ox*. This feems to have been the ancient 
 opinion, which tradition had handed down, 
 concerning the fhape of the cherubim with the 
 flaming fword, that guarded the tree of life (a). 
 And Ovid's fable concerning Jafon's golden 
 fleece being guarded by brazen-footed bulls, 
 which breathed out fire, was, perhaps, ground- 
 ed upon it. 
 
 Ecce adamanteis Vulcan urn naribus efflant 
 iEripides tauri. 
 
 Metamorph. lib. vii. 1. 104. 
 
 We obferve further, that as Ezekiel defcribes 
 the face of a cherub and the face of an ox as 
 the fame, fo St. John, in his defcription of the 
 four (&* or living creatures, which he faw in 
 his vifion, and which ieem in all refpects to 
 anfwer to the four living creatures in EzekiePs 
 vifion, calls that the calf, which Ezekiel calls 
 the ox or cherub (Z>). From hence we may 
 give a probable account of the ftrangeft part 
 of the itory of Jeroboam's idolatry, his fetting 
 up the two golden calves for objedls of wor- 
 fhip in Dan and Bethel (c). I call it the 
 ftrangeft part, becaufe it appears wonderful, 
 not only that Jeroboam himfelf fhould be fo 
 fhipid as to fet up calves for gods, but that the 
 
 bulk 
 
 • Bochart. Hierozoic. pari. I. lib. ii. cap. xxxv. oper, 
 torn. 2. p. 358. edit. 171 2. 
 
 («) Gen. hi. 24. (b) Rev. iv. 7. 
 
 (c ) 1 King's xii. 28, 29. 
 
G. T. Jeroboam's idolatry. 27 
 
 bulk of the nation fhould fo readily fall into 
 fuch fenfelefs idolatry : but it relieves our con- 
 ceptions, if we confider thefe calves as nothing 
 but cherubim, the very fame fort of figures 
 that were placed in the temple by God's owri 
 appointment ; fo that Jeroboam not only fet 
 up the wprfhip of the fame God, and in the 
 fame modes and forms that were prattifed at 
 jerufalem, but the fame fymbols of the divine 
 jpreience ? to which the people had been accuf- 
 tomed. It is therefore no wonder they fo ge- 
 nerally fell in with him in fome little altera- 
 tions, particularly as to the place or their moif 
 folemn publick vvorfhip v especially if we at- 
 tend to the plaufible :hings he might alledge 
 on fhii head : namely, that it was an ufual 
 practice of the holy patriarchs to build altars-, 
 and to worfhip God, wherever they came and 
 made any flay. Abraham facrificed in She- 
 chem, and at Bethel, in the plain of Mamre ; 
 and at Beerfheba. The ark and the tabernacle 
 were many years at Shiloh, and there the peo- 
 ple facrificed. It was fr ,m thence moved to 
 Kirjath-jearim, and after that to feveral other 
 places ; in all which facrifices were offered to 
 God with acceptance. At length David, anc}. 
 then Solomon his fon, having chofen to fix 
 their court at Jerufalem, and to have the tem- 
 ple near to the royal palace, it was built in that 
 city. However, the whole land is holy; and 7 
 they fhould not be fo fuperftitious, as to ima- 
 gine the prefence of God is limited to one place 
 more than another ; but wherever his pure wor- 
 fhip is performed, he would meet his people,, 
 and blefs them. Or if it fhould be alledged, 
 that Solomon had built the temple at Jerufalem 
 by the exprefs appointment of- God, might 
 
 not 
 
Js8 Jeroboam's idolatry. B. II. 
 
 riot Jeroboam reply, that Solomon had fo de- 
 filed that city by his lewdnefs and his idola- 
 tries, that it was now become an impure place; 
 and any other therefore might furely be as pro- 
 per for the moil folemn worfhip, especially Be- 
 thel, the houfe of God, the place where he 
 had anciently chofe to dwell * ? Thus might 
 Jeroboam vindicate his conduft, perhaps as 
 well as any will worihipper could ever do. 
 Neverthelefs, as he went contrary to a divine 
 inftitution, his cherubim are contempruoufly 
 called calves, and he is frequently branded, 
 as that great fmner who made Ifrael to fin ; 
 which mould be a caution to us by no means 
 to depart from, but to keep clofe to, divine 
 jnftitutions in all matters of religious wor- 
 ihipf.. 
 
 To 
 
 * The greatefl part of the fpeech which I have put into 
 the mouth of feroboam is taken from Jofephus, who feems 
 to have fuppofed, that the fin of this prince was not wor- 
 fhipping another God ; but, for political reafons, worfhip- 
 ping the true God in a manner contrary to his inftitu- 
 tion. Jofeph. Antiq. lib.viii. cap. viii. p. 445. edit. Ha- 
 vercamp. 
 
 -f Concerning the figure of the cherubim, and the fin 
 of Jeroboam, in ere&ing fuch in Dan and Bethel, in imi- 
 tation of thofe at Jerusalem, fee Moncasus de Vitulo au- 
 reo, cap. iv, — ix. apud Criticos facros, torn. ix. p. 4429 
 et feq. In cap. x, et feq. he anfwers the obje&ions to his 
 opinion. A fhort abftracl: of what he offers on the fubjefl, 
 may be feen in Pool's fynopfis on 1 Kings xii. 29. It is 
 remarkable that the author, who was a papift, takes oc- 
 cafion from this fin of Jeroboam, to harangue the protec- 
 tants, and the king of Great Britain in particular, on the 
 heinous guilt of fchifm. There would have been more 
 propriety in his addrefling the church of Rome, and her 
 infallible head, the Pope, on the guilt of abrogating, or 
 
 difpenfing with divine inftitutions. (Jonfult likewife on 
 
 this fubjedl Bochart. Hierozoic. part. i. lib. ii. cap. xxxy. 
 oper. torn. z. p. 354,-360. 
 
C. I. The Schechinah. 29 
 
 To return to the cherubim. Clemens of 
 Alexandria feems to have been of opinion, that 
 the egyptian fphynx, and other hieroglyphical 
 beafts, were borrowed from thefe cherubim and 
 thofe in Ezekiel's vifion *. Hence it appears 
 that he did not take them to be, entirely at 
 leaft, of a human form and fhape -f. 
 
 It was betwixt thefe two cherubim over the 
 mercy feat, that the Schechinah, or miraculous 
 light, ufed to appear, as the vifible token of 
 the fpecial prefence of God J . From whence 
 
 he 
 
 * Strom, lib. v. apud oper. p. 566, 567. edit. Paris/ 
 1641. 
 
 f On this head confult Dr. Watts on the figure of a 
 cherub, in his remnants of time improved, in his works, 
 vol. 4. and Witiii JEgyptiaca, lib. ii. cap. xiii. 
 
 J This Schechinah, or vifible glory of Jehovah after it 
 had conducted the Ifraelites through the wildernefs, (fee 
 vol. 1. p. 23.) had its more Hated refidence in the taber- 
 nacle, and the temple. For a further account of this mi- 
 raculous phenomenon, confult part ii. chap. ii. of Mr. 
 Lowman's rational of the hebrew ritual. There are fome 
 remarkable things in Lord Harrington's difTertation on 
 God's vifible prefence, at the end of the fecond edit, of 
 his efTay, and in p. 39, of his effay, note 12. where he hath 
 endeavoured to trace this divine appearance from the crea- 
 tion till a little after the flood, and from the giving of the 
 law to the deftrucuon of the firft temple. Toland's at- 
 tempt to prove that this apprehended miraculous appear- 
 ance had nothing miraculous in it, but was only a kind of 
 beacon made ufe of by the Ifraelites for their direction in 
 their journey, (fee his " Hodegus, or pillar of cloud and 
 Are not miraculous, 1 ' in his piece, called Tetradymus,) was 
 anfwered in a pamphlet, called ** Hodegus confuted, or a 
 plain demonilration, that the pillar of cloud and fire, that 
 guided the Ifraelites in the wildernefs, was not a fire of 
 human preparation, but the moft miraculous prefence of 
 God;" publifhed 1721. 8vo. And likewife in " A Dif- 
 courfe upon the pillar of cloud and fire, &c." inferted in 
 the Bifeliotheca literaria, 1723. Numb. v. p. I. and fol- 
 lowing. The fentiments of the jewifh writers upon this 
 iubjett may be feen in Buxtorf. exercitat. de area foederis. 
 
30 The pot with manna, Sec. B. U. 
 
 he is faid to " dwell between the cherubim (d)," 
 and " to fit betwixt the cherubim (#)." In 
 confequence of which the people are called up- 
 $n to worfhip at his footftool (<:), that is, the 
 firk and the m^rcy feat. 
 
 We have before obferved, that the two ta- 
 bles of the law, which God gave to Mofes, 
 were depofited in the ark under the mercy feat •, 
 and with them were laid up, it mould feem in 
 the fame cheft, the golden pot that had manna, 
 and Aaron's rod that budded. For the author 
 of the epiftle to the Hebrews, fpeaking of the 
 tabernacle, <rx.wn w hzyoyavn ayta, ctyiuv^ which is 
 called the holieil of all, which had the golden 
 cenfer, and the ark, tm wficorov, of the cove- 
 nant, adds, wherein zv »j, was the pot, that had 
 manna, and Aaron's rod that budded, and the 
 tables of the covenant (d). But how to recon- 
 cile this paffage, if we underftand it to aflert, 
 that the pot of manna, and Aaron's rod were 
 laid up in the ark, with the affertion in the 
 firft book of kings, that there was nothing in 
 the ark fave the two tables of ftone which Mo- 
 fes put there at Horeb (<?), is fomewhat diffi.-> 
 cult. Some fay, the apoftle fpeaks of the ark 
 as it was in the time of Mofes •, the text in 
 kings, as it was in Solomon's time, when up- 
 on fome occafion or other the pot of manna 
 and Aaron's rod had been taken out of it. But 
 this is hardly probable. Therefore ?f m, in which, 
 muft either fignify, " near to which •," in which 
 ienfe the particle zv is fometimes ufed* : or rather, 
 I apprehend, w », in which, refers, not to kiPotov, 
 
 the 
 
 ,a) Pfal. Ixxx. I. (b) Pfal. xcix. I. (r) ver. 5, 
 
 ./) Heb. ix. 3, 4. (<•) 1 Kings viii. 9, 
 
 * See Whitby, in loc. 
 
C. I. The temple. 3 r 
 
 the ark, immediately preceding, but to the re- 
 mote antecedent, <TMvn » teyopwn &yta, ayiuv the 
 fecond tabernacle or holy of holies ; and is pa- 
 rallel to the expreffion, which juft before oc- 
 curs, crm\ "}<tp Kct7i<rx.ivdL&t) » Tp«T«, v there was 
 a firft tabernacle made, wherein, sv «, was the 
 candleftick, and the table, &c." 
 
 That the tabernacle and all its furniture were 
 typical and emblematical of fpiritual bleflings*, 
 we are allured by the apoftle a). But for the 
 particular meaning of thefe fevera! myfteries we 
 refer to Witfius's diifertation de tabernaculi 
 myfteriis, in the firft volume of his mifcel- 
 lanea t. 
 
 Of the temple. 
 
 Having taken a furvey of the tabernacle, we 
 proceed to the temple at Jeruialem, which was 
 built much after the mode) of the former edi- 
 fice, but every way in a more magnificent and 
 expenfive manner. 
 
 According to' the opinion of fome perfons, 
 there were three different temples •, the firft built 
 by David and Solomon ; the fecond, byZerub- 
 babel and Jofhua the high prieft ; and the third 
 by Herod, a little before the birth of Chrift. 
 The Jews acknowledge only two J •, for they 
 do not allow the third to be a new temple, but 
 only the fecond rebuilt. And this bell agrees 
 
 with 
 
 * Vid. Deyling. obferv. facr. part. i. obfer. xvii. p, 68. 
 
 (a) Heb. ix. 9. x. 1. et alibi. 
 
 •f On this fubjed confult Buxtorf's exercitat. de area 
 foederis. And with refpeft to the tabernacle, as well as all 
 its furniture, read Jofeph. Antiq. lib. iii. cap. vi. 
 
 X Vid. Reland. antiq. hebr. part. i. cap. vi. §. ii. p. 58, 
 5<Ut. 1717. and the paifages 0!" the talrnud there qnotcd. 
 
32 The temple. B. IL 
 
 with the prophecy of Haggai (a), that " the 
 glory of this latter houfe, namely, Zerubba- 
 bel's temple, fhouid be greater than that of the 
 former ;" which undoubtedly was faid in re- 
 ference to the MeiTiah's honouring it with his 
 perfonal prefence and miniftry. 
 
 The firfl temple was built by David and So- 
 lomon. David provided materials for it be- 
 fore his death, and Solomon raifed the edi- 
 fice. It flood on mount Zion (b), which was 
 the general name of a range of hills in that 
 neighbourhood. The name of that particular 
 hill, on which the temple Hood, was Moriah(f). 
 The Jews will have it to be the very fpot, on 
 which Abraham went about to facrifice Ifaac ; 
 and where Adam paid his firfl devotions after 
 his creation, and facrificed after his fall. This 
 hill had been purchafed by David of Arau- 
 nah, or Oman, king of the Jebufites (d). 
 
 It is remarkable, that though in the fecond 
 book of Samuel, we have an account that 
 " David purchafed the threfhing floor of Or- 
 nan, with the oxen, for fifty fhekels of fil- 
 ver (£■);" in the firfl book of Chronicles it is 
 faid, " he gave to Oman for the place, fix 
 hundred fhekels of gold (/)." To folve this 
 difficulty, fome learned men, obferving that 
 the words *)D0 kafTaph and 311? zahab which 
 we render filver and gold in thefe two pafTages, 
 are both ufed, fometimes, for money in gene- 
 ral, imagine that the former fum was fifty fhe- 
 kels of gold, and the latter fix hundred fhekels 
 
 of 
 
 (a) Hag. ii. 9. {b) Pfal. cxxxii. 13, 14. 
 
 (c) 2 Chron. iii. 1." 
 
 {d) 2 Sam. xxiv. 23. where the literal verfion is, K Al! 
 this did Araunah the king give unto the king." 
 (e) 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, (/) 1 Chron, xxi. 25, 
 
C. I. The temple. 33 
 
 of filver ; and if fo, both amount to much th« 
 fame value, about five hundred forty feven 
 pounds. But it feems an eafier and more na- 
 tural fuppofition,- that the former fum was for 
 the floor, oxen and wooden instruments only, 
 and the latter was afterwards paid for the whole 
 hill, whereon David chofe to build the tem- 
 ple *; 
 
 The expence of erecting this magnificent 
 ftrueture was prodigious •, and indeed, accord- 
 ing to the common acceptation Of the fcripture 
 account, next to incredible ; the gold and filver 
 only, which was provided for that purpofe, a- 
 mounting to upwards of eight thoufand millions 
 fterling(^); which, fays Dr. Prideaux, was fuffi- 
 cient to have built the whole temple with folid 
 filver + ; and greatly exceeds all the treafures of 
 all the monarchs in chriilendom; 
 
 But it may be obferved that the number of 
 thefe talents, by which the gold and filver is 
 computed, is mentioned only in the book of 
 chronicles, which was undoubtedly written af- 
 ter the return from the babyloniih captivity, 
 as appears from its mentioning Cyrus's decree 
 for the building the temple (£), and from its 
 
 Vol. II. D carry- 
 
 * Capel in his Critica Sacra, lib. i. cap. x. §. x. p. 57." 
 fuppofes, that thefe different numbers are owing to the 
 blunder of fome tranfcriber i and are therefore molt eafdy 
 reconciled by admitting a various lettion. And many of 
 this learned man's conjectures, to his immortal honour, 
 are confirmed by the hebrevv manufcripts, as Dr. Kenni- 
 cott hath had occafion to obferve ; and perhaps this may ap- 
 pear in various other inftances, when that gentleman hath, 
 nnifhed his great work of the collation, in which he i» 
 now engaged. 
 
 {a) 1 Chron. xxii. 14. xxix. 4, 6, 7. 
 
 t Prideaux's connect, part 1. book i, vol. I. p. 7, 8* 
 note (q). 
 
 [e) z Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23, 
 
34 The temple. B. IT 
 
 carrying the genealogy beyond Zerubbabel, who- 
 was one of the chiefs that returned from Baby- 
 lon (a) ; and it is not therefore improbable, that 
 at the time of writing this book the Jews might 
 compute by the babylonifh talent, which was 
 little more than half the mofaic talent, or per- 
 haps by the fyriac talent, which was but one 
 fifth of the babylonifh ; and thus the whole 
 mafs of gold and filver would be reduced to a 
 comparatively moderate quantity, and yet be 
 abundantly fufficient to build a mod magnifi- 
 cent temple. 
 
 The plan, and the whole model of this ftmc* 
 ture was laid by the fame divine architect, as* 
 that of the tabernacle, namely, God himfelf(^). 
 We may reafonably therefore conclude, it was 
 the compleateft building that was ever erected *, 
 and it is no improbable conjecture of thofe who 
 are for deriving all the grecian orders, and juft 
 ornaments in architecture from this temple. 
 
 It was built, as was faid before, much in 
 the fame form with the tabernacle, only every 
 way of larger dimensions. It was furrounded, 
 except the front, or eaft end, with three ftories. 
 of chambers, each five cubits fquare, which 
 reached to half the height of the temple •, and 
 the front was graced with a magnificent porti- 
 co, which rofe to the height of an hundred and 
 twenty cubits. So that the fhape of the whole 
 was not unlike fome churches we have feen, 
 which have a lofty tower in the front, and a 
 lower ifle running along each fide of the builds 
 ing. 
 
 The utenfils for facred fervice were the fame 
 as in the tabernacle ; only feveral of them, as 
 
 the 
 
 {a) 1 Chron. iii. 19. {I) chap, xxviii. 11, 12. 
 
C. t The temple. 3 e 
 
 the altar, candleftick, &c. were larger, in pro- 
 portion to the more fpacious edifice to which 
 they belonged. This firft temple was at length 
 plundered by Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon 
 of all its rich furniture, and the building itfelf 
 deftroyed, after it had flood, according to Jo- 
 iephus, four hundred and feventy years fix 
 months and ten days from its dedication *. 
 Though other chronologers, as particularly 
 Calvifius and Scaliger, reduce the number of 
 years to four hundred twenty feven or eight ; 
 and Ufher to four hundred twenty four, three 
 months and eight days -f. 
 
 The fecond temple was built by the Jews up- 
 on their return from the babylonifh captivity, 
 under the influence and direction of Zerubbabel 
 their governor, and of Joihua the high prieft, 
 with the leave and by the encouragement of 
 Cyrus the perfian emperor, to whom Judasa 
 was now become a tributary kingdom. This 
 is that Cyrus, of whom Ilaiah had prophecied 
 by name two hundred years before he was born, 
 and had predicted his encouraging the rebuild- 
 ing Jerusalem and the temple {a). It is proba- 
 ble, that Daniel had fhewed Cyrus this prophe- 
 cy, and that Cyrus refers to it in his procla- 
 mation for rebuilding the temple : " The Lord 
 God, faith he, hath given me all the kingdoms 
 of the earth, and charged me to build him a 
 houfe in Jerufalem(^)." He alfo reftored the 
 facred utenfils, which Nebuchadnezzar had put 
 in the temples of his God •, and not only gave 
 leave to the Jews to rebuild their temple, but 
 D 2 encpu- 
 
 * Antiq. lib. x. cap. viii. §. 5. p. 528. edit. Haverc. 
 f UiTer. Annal. A. M. 3416. p. 71. and Scaliger.de 
 emend, temp. p. 400. edit. Colon. Allobr. 1629. 
 (a) Ifai. xliv. 28. xlv. 1. [b) Ezra i, 2. 
 
36 The temple. B, IT, 
 
 encouraged his own people to afilft them with 
 prefents, for carrying on the work (a). Upon 
 which the foundation of a new building was 
 laid with great rejoicing of the people -, only 
 fome old men who remembered the glory of 
 Solomon's temple, and had no expectation that 
 this„ which was erecting by a few poor ex- 
 iles, juit returned to their own country,, could 
 ever equal that in magnificence, wept with a 
 loud voice, while others were fhouting with 
 joy (b). However, the work, which was thus 
 chearfully begun, went on but flowly, partly 
 for want of zeal for God's honour and worlhip, 
 for which they were reproved by the prophets 
 Haggai and Zechariah ; and partly alfo, through 
 the envy and malice of their neighbours, the 
 Samaritans, who. by their ill offices at court pre- 
 vailed with the emperor to put a Hop to the 
 work(V). At length, after an intermiflion of 
 about thirteen years, it was vigoroufly reafium- 
 cd under the encouragement of the emperor 
 Darius, and compleatly finiflied in the fixtfa 
 year of his reign {d). Upon which the new 
 temple was dedicated with great folemnity and 
 much rejoicing (e). 
 
 That there was* really a very confiderabk 
 difference and difparity betwixt the old, and 
 this new temple, is very certain, not only from 
 the old men's lamentation before mentioned., 
 but from the following paffage of the prophet 
 Haggai, " Who is left amongft you, that law 
 this houfe in its firft glory ? And how do you 
 fee it now ? Is it not in your eyes in companion 
 
 of 
 
 (a) Ezra i. 4. (£) chap Hi. 12, 13. 
 
 (() chap. iv. 23, 24. [d) chap. vi. 15. 
 
 {e) ver. 1 6, 17. 
 
C. L The temple. 37 
 
 of it, as nothing (a) ?" And alfo from the pro- 
 mife which God gave them, in order to com- 
 fort them on this occafion, that he would raife 
 the glory of this latter temple above that of 
 the former, by the pretence of the Me h*iah in 
 it {b). 
 
 The Jews tell us, the fecond temple wanted 
 five remarkable things, which were the chief 
 glory of the firft temple : — the ark and mercy- 
 feat : — the divine prefence, or vifible glory in 
 the holy of holies, which they call the She- 
 chinah : — the holy fire on the altar, which had 
 been firft kindled from heaven : — the urim and 
 thummim : — and, the fpirit of prophecy. 
 
 This temple was plundered and wretchedly 
 profaned by Antiochus Epiphanes, who not 
 only rifled it of all its riches, but caufed it to 
 be polluted by facrificing fwines flefh upon the 
 altar. He alfo caufed the publick worfhip in it 
 to ceafe *. 
 
 It was afterward purified, and the divine 
 worfhip reftored, by Judas Maccabeus ; on 
 which occafion the temple, or at leaft the altar, 
 was dedicated anew ; and an annual feftival 
 was inftituted in commemoration of this happy 
 event. This is the feaft of dedication, which 
 we read of in the gofpel of St. John (c), and 
 which is faid to be in winter ; and could not 
 therefore be kept in remembrance of the dedi- 
 cation of the temple of Solomon •, for that was 
 in the feventh month, which is juft after har- 
 veft (d) : nor of Zerubbabel's temple, which 
 was dedicated in the month Adar, in the fpring. 
 
 P 3 . M 
 
 {a) Haggai ii. 3. {b) ver. 9. 
 
 * Jofeph. Antiq. lib. xii. cap v. §. 4. p. 609. edit. Ha- 
 verc. and 1 JVIaccab. i. 20,*— 24, 45^—47. 
 (jf) John x. 22. {d) 1 Kings viii, 2. ■ 
 
3 5 The temple, B. IT 
 
 It muft, therefore, be the feftival, which was 
 in ft itu ted by Judas Maccabeus on his having 
 purified the temple and altar from the pollution 
 of Antiochus. This feaft was celebrated for 
 eight days fucceftively, from the twenty fifth 
 day of the month Cafleu, anfwering to our de- 
 cember (a). And it is alio mentioned by Jole- 
 phus, as a feftival to which great regard was 
 paid in his time *. . This feftival is ftill obferv- 
 ed by the jews ; yet not as a time of rejoicing, 
 but of mourning,, on account of the deftruction 
 of their temple, and the calamities which have 
 befallen ;heir nation. 
 
 When this fccbnd temple was grown old, and 
 out of repair, having. ftood five hundred years, 
 king. Herod, in order to ingratiate himfelf with 
 the jews, and to perpetuate his own memory, 
 offered to rebuild it : Which brings us 
 
 Thirdly, to, Herod's temple; which was a 
 far more magnificent ftructure than Zerubba- 
 bei's, and came much nearer to the glory of 
 Solomon's. Tacitus, the roman hiftorian, calls 
 it ", Immenfa^ opulentias templum," a temple 
 of immenfe opulence f. Jofephus fays it was 
 the moft aftonifhina; ftructure he had ever feen 
 or heard of, as well on account of its architec- 
 ture as its magnitude, and likewiie the richnefs 
 and magnificence of its various, parts, and the 
 fame, and reputation of its facred appurte- 
 nances § . As for rabbi Jehuda, the compiler 
 of the talmud, and other more modern writers, 
 who have given us defer iptions of this tem- 
 (a) i Maccab. iv. 59. 
 
 * Antiq. lib. xii. cap. vii. §. 7. p. 61.7. edit. Haverc. 
 f Tacit, hillor. lib. v. §.viii. p. 202. edit. Glafg. J 743. 
 § Jofeph. de bell, judaic, lib. vi. cap. iv. §. 8. p. 386. 
 edit. Haverc. 
 
C. T. The temple. 39 
 
 ■pie, which none of them had ever feen', we 
 can have little dependence on their accounts ; 
 efpecially as they differ fo much from one ano- 
 ther, each having in a manner erected a fepa- 
 •rate edifice *, to which one cannot help fufpect- 
 ing that the ftrength of imagination has fome- 
 times contributed more largely, than the know- 
 •ledge of hiftory. But Jolephus was himfelf a 
 prieft in the temple he deicribes, and wrote fooji 
 after its deftruction, when if he had given a 
 falfe, or remarkably inaccurate account, he 
 •might have been contradidted by numbers, 
 who had viewed it as well as himfelf. For 
 that reafon, he is to be credited beyond any of 
 the reft * ; though one cannot avoid fufpecting, 
 that even in his defcription, there is fome pa- 
 negyrick exceeding the bounds of truth, inter- 
 mixed with faithful and exact narrative ; for 
 inftance, when he tells us of fome ftones in the 
 building, forty five cubits long, five high, and 
 fix broad. That there were, indeed, fome ex- 
 traordinary large ftones may be colle<fted from 
 the following paffage of the evangelift Mark, 
 ■" And as he went out of the temple, one of 
 his difciples faith unto him, matter, fee what 
 manner of ftones, and what buildings are 
 here ! (a) " And in Luke they are ftiled 
 ffi. .goodly ftones (£)." But I apprehend, it 
 would puzzle all the mathematicians of the 
 prefent age, to contrive machines by which, 
 ftones of fuch prodigious weight and fize, as 
 thofe mentioned by Jofephus, could be raifed 
 and managed.. We are to confider, he wrote 
 before the invention of printing, when books 
 D 4 could 
 
 * See his defcription of the temple, de bell, judaic, lib, 
 v. cap. v. p. 331 et feq. 
 
 («) Mark xiii. i. (£) Luke xxi. 5. 
 
4-6 The temple. B. II. 
 
 could not be foon and eafily publifried and 
 difperfed into many hands, as they now a^re. 
 It is pofiible, therefore, a vain defire of ex- 
 altingj the glory of his nation, might prevail 
 with him, in fome cafes, above a ftrift regard 
 to truth, when it was probable none who were 
 able to contradict him, might ever fee his book ; 
 or if they fhould, and were of his own nation, 
 they would not be inclined to do it *. 
 
 Hitherto we have only conlidered the temple 
 itfelf, which confided of the portico, the fanc- 
 tuary, and the holy of holies. But this was 
 only a fmall part of the facred building on the 
 top of mount Moriah •, for the temple was fur- 
 rounded with fpacious courts, making a fquare 
 of half a mile in circumference. 
 
 The firft court, which encompahed the tem<- 
 ple and the other courts, was called the court 
 of the Gentiles •, becaufe Gentiles were allowed 
 to come into it, but no further. It was in- 
 clofed with a wall, twenty cubits high, on the 
 top of which were chambers or galleries, fup- 
 ported by the wall on the outer fide, and by 
 rows of columns on the infide •, as the fides of 
 the Royal Exchange, or the piazzas in Covent 
 Garden are. Thefe piazzas of the temple are 
 called ro*/ by Jofephus, and in the new tefta- 
 ment ; which we tranflate porches, though not 
 very properly, for the enghfh word porch, con- 
 veys a very different idea from the greek word 
 fo*, which is better rendered, piazza. That 
 
 on 
 
 * There is, however, a furprifmg account in Mr. Maun- 
 dxel's travels, p. 138. edit. 1749. Oxon. of the fizc of 
 fome ftones, which he faith he faw himfelf in a wall which 
 encompaiTed the temple of Balbec ; one ftone was twenty- 
 one, and two others, each twenty yards long, four yards 
 deep, and as many broad And the authors of the uni- 
 versal hiitory quote De La Roque, a french author, as 
 giving the fame account. 
 
C. t The temple. 41 
 
 on theeaft fide was called Solomon's piazza (a) y 
 becaule it flood upon a vaft terrafs which he 
 built up from the valley beneath, four hundred 
 cubits high, in order to enlarge the area on the 
 top or the mountain, and make it equal to the 
 plan of his intended building. As this terrafs 
 was the only work of Solomon's remaining in 
 Herod's temple, the piazza, that flood upon it, 
 flill retained the name of the former prince. 
 
 Of the fame kind with thefe piazzas were 
 doubtlefs the five re*/, which furrounded the 
 pool of Bcthefda (b). The pool was probably 
 a pentagon, and the piazzas round it were de- 
 signed to fhelter from the weather the multitude 
 of difeafed perfons, who lay waiting for a cure 
 by the miraculous virtue of thofe waters. 
 
 Within this outward great court was a lefs 
 court, of an oblong rectangular figure, near 
 to the weft end of which the temple flood. In- 
 to this court none but Ifraelites might enter. 
 It was alfo furrounded with a wall, and adorn- 
 ed with piazzas, in the manner of the great 
 court. The rabbies fpeak of two walls, and a 
 fpace betwixt them of ten cubifs broad, which 
 they call the ^p| chel, that parted the court of 
 the Ifraelites from the court of the Gentiles. 
 This is what they underfland by the word ^pj 
 in the lamentations of Jeremiah (c) : " He 
 made the chel and the wall to lament -, they lan- 
 guished together *." But however that be, the 
 wall that divided betwixt the court of the Gen- 
 tiles 
 
 {a) See John x. 23. A£ts iii. 11. 
 
 {b) John v. 2. (<r) Lament, ii. 8. 
 
 * Vid. Maimon. de aedificio templi, cap. vii. §. iii. p. 39. 
 Crenii fafciculi fexti. There is, however, a miftake in the 
 tranftation ; inftead ef being altitudine, in height ten cubits, 
 it fhould be latitudine, in breadth. Vid. Mifhn. tit. Mid- 
 fioth. cap. s. $. 3, LTEmperear. not. 3. in loc. torn, 5. p. 
 326. Surenhus. 
 
42 The temple. B. II. 
 
 tiles and the court of the Ifraelites, is evidently 
 alluded to in the following paffage of St. Paul, 
 *' But now in Chrift Jefus, ye who fometime 
 were afar off are made nigh by the blood of 
 Chrift : for he is our peace, who hath made 
 both one, and hath broken down the middle 
 wall of partition between us (a) : M which ex- 
 preffes the union of the Jews and Gentiles in 
 one Church by Jefus Chrift. 
 
 In the outer court was probably kept the 
 market of beafts for facrifice, which is men- 
 tioned by St. John {b) ; and there likewife were 
 the money changers, which he alfo fpeaks of, 
 who for a fmall gratuity furnifhed people, in 
 exchange for other coin, with half fhekels, for 
 payment of the annual tribute which every If- 
 raelite was to give into the facred treafury. 
 
 The court of the Ifraelites was divided into 
 two parts. The firft, entering at the eaft end, 
 was called the court of the women, becaufe 
 they were allowed to come no nearer the tem- 
 ple than that court. Of this indeed we have 
 no account in fcripture, except it be the fame 
 that was called, in Jehofhaphat's time, the new 
 court (c). There feem to have been but two 
 courts originally belonging to Solomon's tem- 
 ple ; one called " the court of the priefts ;" 
 the other, " the great court (d) •" and we read 
 that " ManafTeh built altars for all the hofts of 
 heaven, in the two courts of the houfe of the 
 Lord (e)" In the great, or outward court, 
 devout Gentiles were allowed to pay their devo- 
 tion to the God of Ifrael ; and in the court of 
 the priefts, or the inner court, the priefts and 
 
 other 
 
 (a) Eph. ii. r3, 14. {b) John ii. F4. 
 
 (e) 2 Chron. xx. 5. [d] z Chron. iv. g. 
 
 (e) 2 Chron. xxxiii. 5. 
 
CI. The temple: 43 
 
 other Ifraelites worfriipped. And as in thofa 
 times there feems to have been no other diftinc^ 
 tion of courts but thefe two, the fetting the 
 women at a greater diftance from the temple, 
 and from the Tpecial tokens of God's prefence, 
 than the men, muft have been the contrivance 
 of iome later ages, without any divine inftitu-p 
 tion, that we find, to fupport it. 
 
 In this court of the women there was placed 
 one cheft, or more, the Jews fay eleven, for 
 receiving the voluntary contributions of the 
 people towards defraying the charges of public 
 worfhip : fuch as providing the publick facri- 
 fices i wood for the altar, fait and other necef- 
 faries. That part of the area where thefe chefts 
 were placed, was the yet^v^aKtov, or treafury, 
 mentioned by St, Mark (#). And perhaps the 
 whole court, or at leaft the piazza on one fide 
 and the chambers over it, in which the facred 
 flores were kept, was from hence called by the 
 fame name ; as the following palfage of St. John 
 feems to imply, " Thele words fpake Jefus in 
 the treafury, as he taught in the temple (£)." 
 
 From the court of the women, which was on 
 higher ground than the court of the Gentiles, 
 they afcended by fifteen fteps into the inner 
 court, in which the temple and altar flood, 
 Into this court, not only the priefts, but all 
 male Ifraelites might enter. Neverthelefs, in 
 this court there was a diitinction made in He- 
 rod's temple, of which we read nothing in So- 
 lomon's, betwixt the court of the priefts, and 
 that of the people. The court of the priefts 
 was nothing but an inclofure of a rail or wall 
 pf one cubit high, round about the altar, at a 
 
 con- 
 
 («) Mark xii. 41, [h) John viii. 263 
 
2j4 The temple; B. It 
 
 convenient diftance from it, to which the peo- 
 ple were to bring their offerings and facrifices ; 
 but none befide the priefts were allowed to come 
 within that enclofure. 
 
 From hence probably the papifts have taken 
 the hint of railing in their altars. 
 
 Herod began to build the temple about fix- 
 teen years before the birth of (Thrift, and lb 
 far compleated it in nine years and an half, 
 that it was lit for divine fervice. In all which 
 time, the Jews fay, it never rained in the day 
 time, but only in the night, that the facred 
 building might not be retarded. However, the 
 outbuildings of the courts were not finifhed till 
 feveral years after our Saviour's death •, fo that 
 when he was about thirty years old, the temple 
 had been forty fix in building: which is the 
 meaning of this paflage in the evangelift John, 
 " Forty and fix years was, 6»co</y«s», which 
 fhould rather be rendered, hath been, this tem- 
 ple in building (a)" 
 
 The external glory of this latter temple con- 
 fifted not only in the opulence and magnificence 
 pf the building, but in the rich gifts, «tf*$n//«iT*, 
 with which it was adorned, and which excited 
 the admiration of thofe who beheld them (If). 
 Tke hanging up of aw^quceTas, or confecrated 
 gifts, was common in moft of the ancient tem- 
 ples ; as we find it particularly was in the tem- 
 ple at Jerufalem •, where, among the reft, was 
 a golden table given by Pompey, and feveral 
 golden vines of exquifite workmanfhip, and of 
 an immenfe fize, with clufters, faith Jofephus, 
 wtytmus , as tall as a man % 
 
 This 
 
 (a) John ii. 2©. [i) Luke xxi. 5. 
 
 * Jofeph. d? beUr judaic lib. v. cap. v, §. ^. p. 333; 
 edit. Haverc. 
 

 C. I. The temple. 4$ 
 
 This magnificent temple was at length 
 through the righteous judgment of God on 
 that wicked and abandoned nation, who had 
 liberally turned it into a den of thieves, ut- 
 terly deftroyed by the Romans, on the fame 
 month, and on the fame day of the month, on 
 which Solomon's temple was deftroyed by the 
 Babylonians. 
 
 On this fubjedt may be confulted Lightfoot's defcriptlon 
 of the temple, and Capel's Templi Hierofolymitani triplex 
 ceiineatio ex Villalpando, jofepho, Maimonide ct Talmudej 
 prefixed to Walton's Polyglot. 
 
 C H A P. 
 
( 46 1 
 
 ^ ^- ^r ^c? ^ ^f* ^^ '-fr ^ ik? ^ ^ ^r ^ w ^ ^ ^ ^r ^ ^f ^^ 
 
 CHAR II 
 
 Of the Synagogues, fchools and houfes 
 of prayer. 
 
 TH E term fynagogue, primarily fignify-" 
 ing an aflembly, came, like the word 
 church, to be applied to places in which any 
 affemblies, efpecially thofe for the worfhip of 
 God, met, or were convened. The Jews ufe 
 it in the primary fenfe, when they fpeak of the 
 great fynagogue ; meaning the court of feventy 
 elders, which they pretend to have been infli- 
 tuted originally by Mofes, and the members of 
 which they afterwards increafed to one hundred 
 and twenty. 
 
 We are now to treat of fynagogues, chiefly, 
 in the latter fenfe j namely, as denoting places 
 of worfhip. And thus they were a kind of 
 chapels of eafe to the temple, and originally in- 
 tended for the convenience of fuch, as lived too 
 remote ftatedly to attend the publick worfhip 
 there. But in the latter ages of the jewifh 
 Hate, fynagogues were multiplied far beyond 
 what fuch convenience required. If we may 
 believe the rabbies, there were no lefs than 
 
 four 
 
C. II. Synagogues. 47 
 
 four hundred and eighty, or according to Ga- 
 thers four hundred and fixty *, of them in 
 Jerufalem, where the temple Hood. So great 
 a number indeed exceeds all reafonable belief. 
 Neverthelefs it is eafy to imagine, that as the 
 erecting fynagogues came to be confidered as a 
 very meritorious work of piety (a), the number 
 might foon be encreafed, by the fuperftition of 
 religious zealots, beyond all neceffity or con- 
 venience. 
 
 The almoft profound filenee of the old tefta- 
 ment concerning fynagogues hath induced feve- 
 ral learned men to conclude, that they had a 
 very late original. Mr. Bafnage fuppofes them 
 to be coeval with the traditions in the time of 
 the afmonean princes, but a few ages before 
 Chrift. Dr. Prideaux does not admit, there- 
 were any fynagogues before the babylonifh cap- 
 tivity -f. Vitringa is of the fame opinion, and 
 hath faid a great deal in fupport of it J. In 
 favour of which fentiment Reland alfo quotes 
 Ibme paffages from the rabbies § . But I can- 
 not think their arguments are conclufive. For 
 in the feventy fourth pfalm, which feems to 
 have been written on occafion of the babylonifh 
 captivity, there is mention made of their ene- 
 mies having burnt or deftroyed " all the fy- 
 nagogues 
 
 *o v o l 
 
 *■ Gemar. Hierofol. tit. Megill. cap. iii. fol. 73. col. 4. 
 and tit. Cethuboth. cap. xiii. fol. 35. col. 3. Vid. Selden. 
 prolegom. in librum de fuccefiionibus in bona defun&o- 
 rum. p. xv, xvi. apud Opera, vol. ii. torn. i. Or Light- 
 foot. Centur. chorograph. Matt. xxvi. 
 
 (a) See Luke vii. 4, 5. 
 
 •{- Conneft. vol. 2. p. 53+,— 536. 
 
 X Vitring. de iynag. vet. lib. i. part. ii. cap. ix,— xii; 
 
 § Re.'and. Anciq. lacr. part. i. cap. x. V iii. p. 128, 129. 
 Cdic. 3. 1717. 
 
48 Synagogues. E. if I 
 
 nagbgues of God in the land," ^tf-HyVJ" 1 ?!) 
 !HK3 col-mongnadhe-el baarets(^) : In which 
 paflage not only HVID mongnathe, from "TV 1 
 jangnadh, convenire fecit ad locum tempufque 
 ftatutum, feems to be properly tranflated fyna- 
 gogues, where the people were ftatedly to meet 
 for divine worfhip •, but the words ^ col and 
 3fll£3 baarets, all the fynagogues of God in 
 the land, being added, prevent our underftand- 
 ing this expreflion, as lbme do, only of the tem- 
 ple, and the holy places belonging to it at Je- 
 rufalem. Vitringa feems fenfible of the force 
 of this argument, and endeavours therefore to 
 fhow, that the phrafe may either mean all the 
 places throughout the land, where God had 
 occafionally met his people in old time, and 
 which on that account Were had in peculiar ve- 
 neration •, or at leaft, the fehools and academies 
 of the prophets. An interpretation, which 
 feems not very natural •, and indeed this learned 
 author himfelf was fo doubtful of it, that he 
 adds, Difcerning perfons will not imagine, that 
 this one paffage, which is of an uncertain fenfe, 
 is fufficient to counterbalance the arguments - I 
 have produced, to prove that fynagogues werfc 
 of a later original. 
 
 Again, I obferve that St. James fpeaks of 
 Mofes being read in the fynagogues " of old 
 time (£)." And indeed it can hardly be ima- 
 gined, that the bulk of a nation which was the 
 only vifible church of God in the world, mould 
 in their pureft times, in the days of Jofhua, 
 Samuel, and David, feldom or never pay him 
 any publick worfhip : and this muff, have been 
 the cafe, if they had no other places for it, be- 
 
 iides 
 
 («) Pfal. lxxiw 8. (b) Afts xv. :i. 
 
C. II. Synagogues. 49 
 
 fides the tabernacle ; and on this fuppofition 
 likewife the fabbath could not be kept accord- 
 ing to the law, which required a holy convo- 
 cation t2Hp"iO|2D mikra-kodheih, on, or for, 
 that day, in, or among, all their dwelling:, or 
 throughout the whole land [a). The word. 
 tt^p/12 mikra, which we render a convocation, 
 leems more naturally to import a place of pu- 
 biick worihip in which the people affmbled, 
 than the afTembly itfelf. As in the following 
 paffage of Ifaiah, " And the Lord will create 
 upon every dwelling place of mount Zion, and 
 upon her aflemblies HWIptD mikrajeha, a cloud 
 and fmoke by day, and the mining of a darning 
 fire by night (£)." In which there is a manifelt 
 allufion to the tabernacle, whereon the cloud 
 and pillar of fire relied in the wildernefs(f). 
 And what then could thefe J£Hp WlpS mikre 
 kodhefh be, but fynagogues, or edifices for pu- 
 blick worfhip * ? 
 
 However, the difpute, perhaps, may be com- 
 promifed, if we allow that the cultom of erect- 
 ing thofe forts of chapels, in later ages called 
 fynagogues, and appropriated to publick wor- 
 ihip alone, firft began after the return from the 
 captivity •, and that in former times, from their 
 aril fettlement in the land of Canaan, the peo- 
 ple ufed to meet cither in the open air, o; in 
 dwelling houfes, particularly in the houfes of 
 the prophets, (as feems to be intimated in the 
 hufband of the Shunamite enquiring of her, 
 when llie w T as going to Elifha's houie on occa- 
 
 Vol. II. E fioa 
 
 (a) Lev. xxiii. 3. (b) Ifai. iv. 5. (c) Excd. 
 
 xl. 38! 
 
 * See on this fubjeel Leydecker. de Republ. Hebr. lib, 
 viii. cap. v. §. ii. 
 
50 Synagogues. B. II. 
 
 fion of the death of her fon, " Wherefore wilt 
 thou go to him to day ? It is neither new moon 
 nor fabbath(tf) : " ) or in any other place or 
 building convenient for the purpofe. 
 
 But though we cannot help concluding, they 
 had extempore fynagogues, if we may fo flile 
 them, without which religious affemblies could 
 not be ordinarily held, from their firft fettle- 
 ment in Canaan •, neverthelefs, it mull be ac- 
 knowledged, thefe affemblies were fometimes 
 neglected, and in a manner laid afide, for years 
 together ; which made it necefTary for Jehofa- 
 phat to fend Levites, a fort of itinerant preachers, 
 with a book of the law with them, throughout 
 the cities of Judah (b). And from the long 
 difufe of reading it in fuch publick affemblies 
 the knowledge of the law was at a very low- 
 ebb in Jofiah's time ; which may be fuppofed, 
 in part, to have occafioned the pleafure and 
 furprize of the king and of Hilkiah the high- 
 prieft, when the book, or autograph of the law,. 
 which had been long neglected and loft, was 
 found, as they were repairing the temple (c). 
 
 In the fixth chapter of the Acts of the Apo- 
 ftles there is mention made of the fynagogue 
 of the libertines (d) -, concerning whom there 
 are different opinions, two of which bid faireft 
 for the truth. The firft is that of Grotius and 
 Vitringa*, that they were italian jews or pro- 
 felytes. The ancient Romans diftinguifhed be- 
 twixt libertus and libertinus. Libertus was one 
 who had been a flave, and obtained his free- 
 dom •, 
 
 {a) 2 Kings iv. 23. (h) 2 Chron. xvii. 9. 
 
 (c) z Kings xxii. 8. (d) Adts vi. 9. 
 
 * Grot, in loc. Vitring. de Synag. vetere, lij>. i. part, i, 
 cap. 14 p. 254,255. 
 
C. IT. Synagogues. 5 1 
 
 dom * ; libertinus was the fon of a libertus -f*. 
 But this diftinction in after ages was not ftrictly 
 obferved ; and libertinus alfo came to be ufed 
 for one not born, but made free, in oppofition 
 to ingenuus, or one born free J . Whetner the 
 Jibertini mentioned in this paffage of the acts* 
 were gentiles, who had become profelytes to 
 judaifm, or native Jews, who having been made 
 Haves to the Romans were afterwards fet at li- 
 berty § , and in remembrance of their captivity 
 called themfelves libertini, and formed a fyna- 
 E 2 gogue 
 
 * Cives Roman! funt Liberti, qui vindi&a, cenfu aul 
 teftamento, nullo jure impediente manumiffi funt. Ulpian. 
 tit. 1. §. 6. . 
 
 f This appears from the following pafiage of Suetonius 
 concerning Claudius, who he fays, was ignarus temporibus 
 Appii et deinceps aliquamdiu Libertinos diftos, non ipfos, 
 qui manumitterentur, fed ingenuos ex his procreatos. In 
 vita Claudiij cap. xxiv. §. 4. p. 78. Pitifci. 
 
 % Quintilian. de inftitutione oratoria, lib. v. cap. x. p. 
 246. edit. Gibfon. 1693. Qui fervus eft, fi manumittatur 
 fit Libertinus. — Juftinian. Inftitut. lib. i. tit. v. Libertini 
 funt, qui ex jufta fervitute manumiffi funt. Tit. iv. Inge- 
 nuus eft is, qui ftatim ut natus eft, liber eft ; five ex duo- 
 bus ingenuis matrimonio editus eft, five ex libertinis duobus, 
 iive ex altero libertino, et altero ingenuo. 
 
 § Of thefe there were great numbers at Rome. Tacitus, 
 informs us (Annal. lib. ii. cap. lxxxv.) that four thoufand 
 Libertini, of the jewifh fuperflition as he ftiles it, were 
 bammed at one time, by order of Tiberius, into Sardinia ; 
 and the reft commanded to quit Italy, if they did not ab- 
 jure, by a certain day. See alfo Suetonius in vita Tiberii, 
 cap. xxxvi. Jofephus (Antiq. lib. xviii. cap. iii. §. 5. edit. 
 Haverc.) mentions the fame facl:. And Philo (legat. ad 
 Caium, p. 785. C. edit. Colon. 161 3.) fpeaks of a good 
 part of the city beyond the Tiber, as inhabited by Jews, 
 who were moftly Libertini, having been brought to Rome 
 as captives and Haves, but being made free by their maf- 
 ters, were permitted to live according to their own rites 
 and cuftoms. 
 
'$2 Synagogues. B. 11^ 
 
 gogtie by themfelves, is differently conjectured 
 by the learned *. 
 
 It is probable, the Jews of Cyrenia, Alex- 
 andria, &c. built fynagogues at Jerufalem at 
 their own charge, tor the ufe of their brethren, 
 who came from thofe countries ; as the Danes, 
 Swedes, &c. build churches for the ufe of their 
 own countrymen in London •, and that the Ita- 
 lian Jews did the fame •, and beeaufe the great- 
 eft number of them were libertini, their fyna- 
 gogue was therefore called the fynagogue of 
 the libertines. 
 
 The other opinion, which is hinted by Oecu- 
 menius on the Acts-f, and mentioned by 
 Dr. Lardner, as more lately advanced by Mr. 
 Daniel Gerdes J , profeflbr of divinity in the 
 univerfity of Groningen \ is this, that the li- 
 bertines are fo called from a city or country 
 called Libertus or Libertina in Africa, about 
 Carthage. Suidas in his lexicon, on the word 
 A/3?pr/j/o?, fays it was ovoy.u, sitair, nomen gentis. 
 And the GlofTa interlinearis, of which Nicolas 
 de Lyra made great ufe in his notes, hath, over 
 the word Libertini, e regione, denoting that 
 they were fo ftiled from a country. 
 
 In the acts of the famous conference with the 
 Donatifts at Carthage anno 411. there is men- 
 tioned one Victor, bifnop of the church of Li- 
 bertina-, and in the acts of the Lateran council, 
 which was held in 649. there is mention of 
 Januarius gratia Dei epifcopus fanctas ecclefife 
 Libertinenfis ; and therefore Fabricius, in his 
 geographical index of chriftian bifhopricks, has 
 
 placed 
 
 * Vid. Selden. de jure nnt. et gent. lib. ii. cap. v. oper. 
 vol. 1. torn; t. p. 200, 201. et Alting. de profelytis. 
 ■f In loc. torn. i. p. 57. 
 ,| Vid. ejus Exercit. Academ. lib. iii. Amftcl. iyz8. 4.10. 
 
 
C. II. Synagogues. 53 
 
 placed Libertina in what was called Africa pre 
 pria, or the prpconfular province of Africa. 
 Now as all the other people of the feveral fyna- 
 gogue s, mentioned in this pafTage of the Acts, 
 are denominated from the places from whence 
 they came -, it is probable, that the Libertines 
 were fo too ; and as the Cyrenians and Alexan- 
 drians, who came from Africa, are placed next 
 to the Libertines in that catalogue, it is pro- 
 bable they alfo belonged to the fame country. 
 So that, upon the whole, there is little reafon 
 to doubt of the Libertines being fo called from 
 the place from whence they came * ; and the 
 order of jhe names in the catalogue might lead 
 us to think, that they were further off from Je^ 
 rufalem than Alexandria and Cyrenia, which 
 will carry us to the proconfular province in 
 Africa about Carthage t* 
 
 When Godwin mentions it as a jewifh tra- 
 dition, that wherefoever there were ten men of 
 Ifrael, there ought to be a fynagogue built -, he 
 is fomewhat miftaken in the meaning of the 
 tradition, which was, that a fynagogue ought to 
 be built where there were ten Q^DH batlanim, 
 that is, men of leifure, who could take care of 
 the affairs of the iynagogue, and give them- 
 felves to the ftudy of the law. So faith Light- 
 foot, underftanding it to be a general name for 
 the elders or officers of the fynagogue X. How- 
 E 3 ever, 
 
 * It is furprizing that this opinion fhould be rejected by 
 Mr. Selilen, fince he hath not only mentioned it, but quot- 
 ed on the occafion the paifages here produced out of Sui. 
 das, the Gloria interlinearis, and the Acts of the confer^ 
 rence at Carthage. De jure nat. et gent, ubi fupra. 
 
 f See Dr. Lardner's Cafe of the Demoniacs, p. 152, 
 -,56. 
 
 X Vid. Lightfoot. hor. hebraic. in Matt. iv. 23, 
 
54 Synagogues, B. IT. 
 
 ever, others are of a different opinion ; parti- 
 cularly Rhenferdius, who hath wrote a large 
 differtation, chiefly againft Lightfoot, in order 
 to prove that they were perfons, who at a ftated 
 falary were obliged to attend the fervice of the 
 fynagogue at proper hours, that whoever came 
 might find a lufficient number to make a lawful 
 congregation, which the Jews imagine mull 
 confift, at leaft, of ten*. 
 
 In the fynagogue, faith Godwin, the fcribes 
 ordinarily taught •, but not only they •, for Chrift 
 himfelf alfo taught in them. It is queried by 
 what right Chrift and his apoftles, who had no 
 publick character among the Jews, taught in 
 their fynagogues ? In anfwer to which Dr. 
 Lightfoot obferves, that though this liberty 
 was allowed to no illiterate perfon or mecha- 
 nick, but only to the learned •, they neverthelefs 
 granted it to prophets, and workers of miracles, 
 and fuch as fet up for heads and leaders of new 
 feels f •, I fuppofe, in order that they might 
 inform themfelves of their dogmata, and not 
 condemn them unheard and unknown. And 
 under all thefe characters, Chrift and his apo- 
 Ifles were admitted to this priviledge. 
 
 He that gave liberty to preach was termed 
 ApXHrvmycoyof. Which word is fometimes ufed 
 in a larger fenfe, for any one of the officers, 
 who had power in the affairs of the fynagogue. 
 
 Thus 
 
 * Vid. Rhenferdii Diflertationes philolog. de decern 
 Ptipfis Synagogas. Franekeras, 1686. 4to. Vitring. de 
 Decem-viris Otiofis, Franek. 1687, in defence of what he 
 had advanced in his Archifynagog. Franeker. 1685. cap, 
 ii, Hi. et eundem de Synagog. vetere, lib. ii. cap. vi, vii, 
 yiii. where he {hews at large the grounds of Lightfoot's 
 ppinion, more fplly than he had done himfelf, but leaves 
 |:he difpute undetermined. 
 
 t Lightfoot, hor ? hebr, in Matt, iv, 33. ad iinem, 
 
C. II. Synagogues. $$ 
 
 Thus in the thirteenth chapter of the Acts (a) 
 we read of the AfaHrvyctyuyoi, rulers of one fy~ 
 nagogue. Sometimes it is ufed, in a ftricter 
 fenfe, for the prefident or chief of thofe officers. 
 As in the following palfage of St. Luke, " And 
 the ruler of the fynagogue, AfX'^vttyayos, an- 
 fwered with indignation, becaufe that Jefus had 
 healed on the fabbath day (£)." And perhaps 
 in thefe paifages of the Acls, " And Crifpus, 
 the chief ruler of the fynagogue, Ap%nrvi'ayayo( 9 
 believed on the Lord with all his houfe (c).** 
 Again, " All the Greeks took Softhenes, the 
 chief ruler of the fynagogue, Af%*fw*yayot 9 an4 
 beat him before the judgment-feat (d)." 
 
 Next to the ApxHrw&yayos, was an officer, 
 whofe province it was to offer up publick prayer 
 to God for the whole congregation, and who on 
 that account was called Tft¥ irSttf Sheliach 
 Zibbor, the angel of the church *, becaufe as 
 their meffenger, he fpoke to God for them. 
 Hence the pallors of the feven churches of Afia, 
 in the book of the revelation, are called by a 
 name borrowed from the fynagogue, " Angels 
 of the churches." Dr. Lightfoot makes this 
 officer to be the fame with the tthpsth* t , men- 
 tioned in the fourth chapter of St. Luke, and 
 by our tranflators rendered " minifter (*)." He 
 alfo confounds it with the ]tn chazan J , as 
 Vitringa did when he wrote his Archifynago- 
 E 4 gus, 
 
 {a) A&s xiii. 15. {6) Luke xiii. 14. (r)AdU 
 
 xviii. 8. {d) ver. 17. 
 
 * Milh. rofh hafshanah, cap. 4. §. 9. Maimon. et 
 Bartenor. in loc. torn. 2. p. 353. edit. Surenhus. et Vi- 
 tring. de Synag. vetere, lib. 3. part. 2. cap. i. p. 889,—* 
 895. et cap. ii. p. 905, et feq. 
 
 t See his Harmony on Luke iv. 20. 
 
 (e) Luke iv. 20. 
 
 X See his Harmony on Luke iv, 15. §. iv. 
 
56 Synagogues. B. II. 
 
 gus *, but on mature r confederation he after- 
 wards altered his opinion. 
 
 The Ch-.zan, I apprehend, was, generally at 
 lead, a different officer from the Sheliach Zib- 
 bor, and inferior to him. Some underftand the 
 word Chazan to anfwer to the greek frUitifoi + ; 
 but according to the account the rabbies give 
 of his office J , it fhould anfwer to the engliili- 
 word fexton ; for he was the fervant of the fy- 
 nagogue, as Dr. Doddridge on the forecited 
 paffage of St. Luke tranflates the word Vfntfkrut-i 
 leeming to underftand it, as molt interpreters 
 do, of the Chazan. 
 
 The vvorfhip performed in the fynagogue 
 con filled of three parts, reading the fcriptures, 
 prayer, and preaching. 
 
 The fcriptures they read, were the whole law 
 of Mofes, and portions out of the prophets, 
 and hagiogr.ipha. 
 
 The law was divided into fifty three, accord- 
 ing to the Maforets, or according to others, fifty 
 four rntZHD parafhoth or lections. For the 
 jewifh year confifted of twelve lunar months, 
 alternately of twenty nine or thirty days, that 
 is, of fifty weeks and four days. The Jews, 
 therefore, in their divifion of the law into Pa- 
 rafhoth or fections, had a refpect to their inter- 
 calary year, which was every fecond or third, 
 and confifted of thirteen months; fo that the 
 whole law was read over this year, alloting one 
 Parafhah, or kction to every fabbath. And in 
 
 com • 
 
 * Archifynng. p. 58, et feq. 
 
 f Vitring. de Synag. vetere, lib. 3. part. 2. cap. iv. 
 p. 914, et feq. 
 
 % Vid. Milhn. Sotah, cap. 7. §. 7. Bartenor. et Wagen- 
 feil. in loc. torn. 3. p. 266. edit. Surenhus. Vitring. de 
 3jn.ig. vetere, wbi fupra. cap. ii. p, S95. et feq. 
 
C. II. Synagogues. 57 
 
 common years they reduced the fifty three or 
 fifty four lections to the number of the fifty 
 fabbaths, by reading two fhorter ones together, 
 as often as there was occafion. They began 
 the courfe of reading the firft fabbath after 
 the feaft of tabernacles ; or rather, indeed, on 
 the fabbath day before that, when they finilhed 
 the laft courfe of reading, they alfo made a be- 
 ginning of the new courfe * •, that fo, as the 
 rabbies fay, the devil might not accufe them to 
 God of being weary of reading his law f. 
 
 The portions fele&ed out of the prophets are 
 called ntVODn haphtaroth The tradition t is, 
 that when Antiochus Epiphanes forbad them 
 reading the law in their fynagogues, they pick- 
 ed out portions of the prophets, fomewhat an- 
 fwefing in fenfe to thofe of the law § , and read 
 them on the fame days when the others fhould 
 have been read [\ . 
 
 The 
 
 * See Vitringa de Synag. vetere, lib. iii. part. 2. cap. 
 viji- p. 964, et feq. Leufden. Philolog. hebras. diflert. iv. 
 
 t Leufden. ubi fupra, §. xx. 
 
 I Elias Levita in Thifbi ad rad. ItDD- See the paflage 
 quoted by Vitringa de Synag. vetere, lib. iii. part 2. cap. xi. 
 p. 1006. This tradition of the origin of reading the haphta- 
 roth, is very improbable, as Vitringa fhews, p. 1007, 1008. 
 
 § That the paiTages of the prophets were to be fimilar 
 to thofe of the law, we are informed by Maimonides, de 
 precibus, cap. xiii. §. iii. See Vitring. p. 985, 986. 
 
 || See a table of the Parafhoth and Haphtaroth in Mai- 
 mon. de ordine precum. in de Voifin. Obfervat. ad Ray- 
 mundi Martini Pugionem fidei, procem. p. 80, et feq. p. 
 108, et feq. or at the end of Athias's Hebrew Bible. 
 
 It is debated, among learned men, whether the greek 
 verfton of the feptuagint was anciently ufed in the fyna- 
 gogues of thofe Jews, who were not well verfed in the 
 Jiebrew ; or whether the original alone was read to them, 
 and then interpreted. We have already declared our opi- 
 nion that the Hellenifts mentioned in the Acts were Jews, 
 who ufed the greek verfion in facris, or in their fyna- 
 gogues. 
 
58 Synagogues. B. II. 
 
 The fecond part of the fynagogue fervice 
 was prayer. For the performance of which, 
 faith Dr. Prideaux, they had liturgies, in which 
 are all the prefcribed forms of the fynagogue 
 worihip. The moft folemn part of thefe prayers 
 are eighteen collects, which, according to the 
 rabbies, were compofed and inftituted by Ezra, 
 in order that the Jews, whofe language after 
 the captivity was corrupted with many barba- 
 rous terms, borrowed from other languages, 
 might be able to perform their devotions in the 
 pure language of their own country. This is 
 the account which Maimonides gives out of 
 the Gemara, of the origin of the jewifh litur- 
 gies*. And the eighteen collects, in particu- 
 lar, are mentioned in the Mifhna t. However 
 ■fome better evidence than that of the talmudi- 
 cal rabbies is requifite in order to prove their 
 liturgies to be of fo high an antiquity -, efpe- 
 cially when fome of their prayers, as Dr. Pri- 
 deaux acknowledges, feem to have been com- 
 pofed after the deftruction of Jerufalem, and 
 to have reference to it J, It is evident they 
 
 were 
 
 gogues. See on the other fide of the queftion Vitringa, 
 (de Synag. vetere, lib. iii. part. 2. cap. 7. p. 9-0, — 95?-) 
 who hath laboured to prove, againft Scaliger (animadverf. 
 ad Eufebii Chronicon, p. 134.) and Walton (prolegom. ix. 
 $. 14. p. 60.) that no greek verfion was ever ufed in any 
 jewifh iynagogues. In fupport of the opinion we have 
 cfpoufed, befides Scaliger and Walton, fee in particular, 
 Hody de Bibliorum textibus, lib. iii. part. 1. cap. I. p. 
 224,-233. _ . . . 
 
 * Maimon. de precibus et benedift. facerdot. cap. i. 
 $. i,— ix. ex Gem. tit. Barachoth, fol. xxxiii. col. 1. et 
 Megill. fol. xviii. col. 2. See Vitringa, lib. 1. part. 2. 
 cap. 12. p. 414,-416. 
 
 f Mifhn. tit. Barachoth, cap. 4. §. 3. p. 14. edit. Su- 
 renhus. 
 
 % Connect, part 1. book vi. vol, 2. p. 538.>ote d. edit. 
 10. 1729. 
 
C II. Synagogues* Sg 
 
 were compofed, when there was no temple, nor 
 facrifices ; fince the feventeenth collect prays, 
 that God would reftore his worlhip to the inner 
 part of his houfe, and make hafte with fer- 
 vour and love to accept the burnt facrifices of 
 Ifrael, &c *. They could not, therefore, be 
 the compofition of Ezra, who did not receive 
 his commifiion from Artaxerxes to go to Judea, 
 till more than fifty years after the fecond temple 
 was built, and its worlhip reftored. However, 
 Dr. Prideaux not doubting but they were ufed, 
 at leaft mod of them, in our Saviour's time ; 
 and confequently, that he joined in them -f-, 
 whenever he went into the fynagogues, as he 
 did every fabbath day(<z); infers from hence 
 two things, as he faith, for the confideration of 
 dhTenters. 
 
 I ft, " That 
 
 * Prideaux, ubi fupra, p. 541, 542. The fifth, tenth, 
 eleventh, and fourteenth collects have the fame allufion 
 and reference as the feventeenth. See the original prayers 
 in Maimonides de Ordine precum, or in Vitringa, (de Sy~ 
 nag. vetere, lib. iii. part. 2. cap. xiv. p. 1033,-1038.) 
 who obferves, that the Talmudiib will have the feven- 
 teenth collecl:, which prays for the relkiration of the tem- 
 ple worlhip, (reduc minifterium Leviticum in Adytum Do- 
 mus tuje, as he tranflates it) to have been ufually recited 
 by the king in the temple at the feaft of tabernacles ; 
 which is fuch an abfurdity, that it confutes itfelf, and. 
 fhows how little the jewifh traduions concerning the anti- 
 quity and ufe of their liturgies are to be depended upon, 
 
 f Suppofing thefe forms were ufed in our Saviour's 
 time, it will not follow, that he joined in them, or wor- 
 fhipped God by them, becaufe he frequently attended the 
 jewifh fynagogues ; which he might do for other reafons. 
 And indeed many of them, as the author of the letter to 
 Dr. Prideaux in the Occasional paper (vol. 3. numb. 3. 
 p. 14, — -1 7.) juftly obferves and fhews, were fuch as he 
 cannot be fuppofed to have joined in, not being confident 
 with his character and circumftances. 
 
 («) Luke iv, 16, 
 
6c Synagogues. B. J L 
 
 i ft, " That our Saviour difliked not let 
 forms of prayer in publick worfhip." 
 
 2uly, " That he was content to join with 
 the publick in the meaneft forms (for fuch he 
 allows thefe jewifh forms to be) rather than fe- 
 parate from it." " And this, fays he, may fa- 
 tisfy our diffenters, that neither our ufing fet 
 forms of prayer in our publick worfhip, nor 
 the ufing of fuch forms as they think not fum> 
 ciently edifying, can be objection fufficient to 
 juftify them in their refufal to join with us in 
 the ufe of them V 
 
 As both thefe inferences are built upon the 
 fuppofition, that forms of prayer were ufed in 
 the jewifh church in our Saviour's time, if that 
 cannot be fatisfactorily proved, they ftand upon 
 a very precarious foundation. And though the 
 doctor is pleafed to fay, there is no doubt of 
 it, yet, unlefs he could produce fome better 
 and earlier evidence than the talmudical rab- 
 bies, I think there is great reafon to withold 
 our affent. If they were in ufe fo early as the 
 jewifh writers pretend, it is ftrange there fhoiild 
 be no hint of it in the Old Teftament, and in 
 the Apochrypha •, and if they came into ufe in 
 or before our Saviour's time, fome intimation 
 of it might naturally have been expected in the 
 New Teftament. Nor is the total filence of 
 Jofephus and Philo, and all other writers, pre- 
 vious to the talmudical rabbies, eafy to be ac- 
 counted for on fuppofition that fuch liturgical 
 forms were then in ufe. 
 
 How- 
 
 * The fame argument is ufed by Dr. Whitby on Luke 
 iv. 16. by Archbifhop Tillotfon, Serm. 135. vol. 3. p. 227. 
 fol. by Dr. Bennet, in his brief hittory of rornu of prayer, 
 chap, r> 2, and 3. 3nd by feveral others. 
 
C. IT. Synagogues. 6 1 
 
 However granting they were then ufed, and 
 that our Saviour ordinarily attended the jewifli 
 publick worfhip, at that time very corrupt and 
 loaded with ceremonies of mere human inven- 
 tion -, it may neverthelefs be doubted how far 
 his example in this cafe will oblige us to join 
 with a national church in any forms of worlnip, 
 which we apprehend to be corrupted from the 
 divine inftitution : For 
 
 i ft. Though our bleffed Saviour for wife rea- 
 fons was prelent at the corrupt worfhip of the 
 jewifli church, he frequently remonftrated a- 
 gainft their corruptions. The argument, there- 
 fore, drawn from hence, for our complying 
 with human inventions and corruptions in the 
 worfhip of God feems not quite remote from 
 that which Cardinal Bellarmine ufes for the 
 worfhip of angels ; " St. John fell down before 
 an angel, in order to worfhip him ; and why 
 are we blamed for doing what St. John did ? " 
 To which Archbifhop Tillotfon properly re- 
 plies, becaufe St. John was reproved by the 
 angel for doing what he did. In like manner 
 when we are afked, why we cannot comply with 
 corrupt forms and human inventions, as Chrift 
 did ? We may reply, becaufe he remonftrated 
 againft fuch corrupt forms and human inven- 
 tions, and reproved the Jews for them. Indeed 
 if this argument proves any thing, it proves 
 too much •, it proves that we mult not only 
 comply with corrupt modes and forms in divine 
 worfhip, but that we mult at the lame time 
 continue to bear our teftimony againft fuch cor- 
 ruptions j and this, we apprehend, would not 
 only be cifagreeable to our chriftian brethren, 
 with whom we differ, but would ordinarily be 
 the caufe of more uncharitable contentions, and 
 
62 Synagogues. B. II. 
 
 give a more mortal wound to the peace of the 
 church, for the fake of preferving which the 
 example of (Thrift is fo flrongly urged upon us, 
 than a quiet and peaceable reparation. Not to 
 add, 
 
 2dly. That if we are under an obligation, 
 from the example of Chrift, to comply with 
 the eitablifhed worfhip in any nation, I appre- 
 hend, we muft be under the like obligation to 
 comply with it in every nation, to be epifcopa- 
 lians, or prefbyterians, papifts, or proteftants, 
 according to the law and conftitution of the 
 country in which we refide. 
 
 3dly. Though our Saviour for a time com- 
 plied with the corrupt worfhip of the jewifh 
 church, he nevertheless afterwards diflented, 
 and fet up another church and another form in 
 oppofition to theirs •, injoining on his difciples a 
 nonconformity to the rites of the jewifh church, 
 and a ftrict and clofe adherence to him as their 
 lawgiver, and to his inftitutions as their rule, 
 and not to fuffer themfelves to be again entan- 
 gled with the yoke of carnal and ceremonial 
 ordinances, but to Hand faft in the liberty 
 wherewith Chrift hath made them free ; to own 
 and fubmit to his authority alone as obligatory 
 on confcience, and to oppofe every ufurpation 
 on his fovereignty, and every invafion of the 
 rights of his fubjefts. Which leads me to 
 obferve, 
 
 4thly, That the argument is built on this 
 miftaken principle, that the church of England 
 is a national eftablifhed church, on the fame, 
 or as good, authority as the jewifh church was. 
 That indeed was a divine eftablifhment ; and 
 all perfons born in the land of Iirael, and of 
 jewifh parents being confidered as members of 
 
 it, 
 
C.I1. Synagogues. 63 
 
 it, were therefore bound to conform to its rites, 
 and worfhip, at ieafl fo far as they were confo- 
 nant to the divine inftitution. But is there a 
 divine eftablifhment of any national church un- 
 der the gofpel difpenfation ? If the New Tefta- 
 ment gives us no other idea of the churches of 
 Chrift, but their being voluntary focieties, unit- 
 ing, under the laws of Chrift, for publick wor- 
 fhip, and other purpofes of religion ; then is 
 no man born a member of any church, but 
 every one is at liberty to join himfelf to that, 
 whole conftitution and worfhip appear to him 
 moil agreeable to the rule of fcripture, and mod 
 for his own edification. And fince the unity 
 which the gofpel recommends, does not confaft 
 in the uniformity of rites and modes of wor- 
 fhip, but in harmony of affection, and in the 
 mutual love of all chriftians •, it follows, that 
 the peace of the church is not broken by quiet 
 and confcientious nonconforming, but by thofe 
 who are bitter and violent againft their fellow 
 chriftians for not approving thofe human forms 
 of which they are fond and tenacious *. 
 
 The third part of their fynagogue fervice was 
 expounding the fcriptures, and preaching to the 
 people. The pofture, in which this was per- 
 formed, whether in the fynagogue, or other 
 places {a), was fitting. Accordingly, when our 
 
 Saviour 
 
 * See Mr. Robinfon's Review of the cafe of liturgies, in 
 anfwer to Dr. Bennet, chap. iii. p. 49, et feq. and the 
 letter to Dr. Prideaux in the Occaiional Paper, vol. 3. 
 Numb. iii. 
 
 If any are defirous of being acquainted with the jewifli 
 forms, and with their manner of difcharging the duty of 
 publick prayer, as defcribed by the rabbies, they may have 
 ample fatisfaclion in Vitringa de Synag. vetere, lib. i ; .i. 
 part. z. cap. xiii, — <xviii. or in Buxtorf. de Synag. ju- 
 daica. 
 
 («) See Matt. v. 1. and Luke v. 3, 
 
64 Synagogues. B. II. 
 
 Saviour had read the nVlDiDH haphteroth in the 
 fynagogue at Nazareth, of which he was a 
 member, having been brought up in that ci- 
 ty ; and then inftead of retiring to his place, 
 fat down in the defk or pulpit, it is faid, t; the 
 eyes of all that were prefent were fattened up- 
 on him," as they perceived by his pofture that 
 he was going to preach to them (a); And 
 when Paul and Barnabas went into the fyna- 
 gogue at Antioch, and fat down, thereby in- 
 timating their defire to fpeak to the people, if 
 they might be permitted; the rulers of the fy- 
 nagogue fent to them, and gave them leave (b). 
 
 The fynagogues were ufed, not only for di- 
 vine fervice, but for holding courts of juftice, 
 efpecially upon ecclefiaftical affairs. And as 
 among us, leiTer punifhments are often inflicted 
 in the court, as foon as judgment is given ; 
 for inftance, burning in the hand ; fo among 
 the Jews, the punifhment of beating or whip- 
 ping was often inflicted in the fynagogue, while 
 the court was fitting (c). 
 
 To this ufe of the fynagogues for holding ju- 
 diciary courts, Dr. Whitby thinks, St. James 
 refers, when he fays, " If the;e come into 
 your affembly, m tw cw&yuyw vfc^v, a man 
 with a gold ring, in goodly apparel, and there 
 come in alfo a poor man, in vile rayment ; 
 and ye have refpect to him that weareth the 
 way cloathing, and fay unto him, Sit thou here 
 in a good place -, and fay to the poor, Stand 
 thou there, or fit here under my footftool ; are 
 ye not partial in yourfelves, and are become 
 judges of evil thoughts," or judges who think 
 
 and 
 
 [a) Lukeiv. 20. (b) Afts xiii. 14, 15. 
 
 [c) See Matt. x. 17. Luke xii. u. A&s xxii. 19. 
 
C. IL Synagogues." 65 
 
 and reafon ill (a) ? That the apoflJe here fpeaks 
 of confiflories for civil judicature, is argued, 
 lft. From the ufe of the word <rw<t.y<oy^^ which 
 never fignifies in the New Teftament an afiem- 
 bly of chriftian worihippers. 2dly. From the 
 word TpotaxoMhl'tA being ufed to exprefs the 
 partiality here cenfured, in the claufe imme- 
 diately preceding: " My brethren, have not 
 the faith of our Lord Jefus Chrift, the Lord of 
 glory, with refpect of perfons, w r&u ^otrwra- 
 M<\.ia.ts(b)." Now this term is moft commonly, 
 if not always, ufed for a partial refpect of per- 
 fons in judgment ; like the inftance here men- 
 tioned, favouring a rich man's caufe before a 
 poor man's. 3dly. The phrafe " Sit thou un- 
 der my footiiool (c)" moft naturally refers to 
 courts of juftice; where the judge is common- 
 ly exalted upon a higher feat than the reft of 
 the alTembly ; but it cannot be well applied to 
 alTemblies of worihippers. 4-thly, The Apo- 
 itle's accufing them, on account of this con- 
 duct towards the poor, with being partial 
 judges (d) -, and reminding them, that the 
 rich were the perfons, who " drew them be- 
 fore the judgment-feats <>)," feems very na- 
 tural, if we underftand him in the preceding 
 palTage, as difcourfing concerning courts of ju- 
 dicature. 5thly, The Apoftle fays, fuch a re- 
 fpect of perfons, as he here fpeaks of, is con- 
 trary to the law, and thofe who are guilty of 
 it, are " convinced of the law as tranfgref- 
 fors(/)." Now there was no divine law againft 
 diftinction of places in worihipping alTemblies, 
 into thofe which were more or lefs honourable •, 
 Vol. II. F this 
 
 (a) James ii. 2,-4. {b) ver. 1. (c) ver. 3. 
 
 (</) ver. 4. (*) ver. 6. (/) ver. 9 
 
65 Synagogues. B. II. 
 
 this muft therefore, no doubt, refer to the law 
 of partiality in judgment, " Ye (hall do no 
 unrighteoufnefs in judgment; thou ihalt not 
 refpett the perfon of the poor, nor honour the 
 perfon of the mighty (a)" The talmudifts 
 fay *, it was a rule, that when " a poor man 
 and a rich man pleaded together in judgment, 
 the rich mould not be bid to fit down, and the 
 poor to ftand - t but either both mail fit, or both 
 fhall ftand." To this rule, or cuftom the A- 
 poftle feems to refer, when he infinuates a 
 charge againft them, of faying to the rich 
 man, " Sit thou here in a good place, and 
 to the poor, Stand thou there (£)." 
 
 So that, upon the whole, by the fynagogue 
 is not here meant, as is commonly underftood, 
 the church afTembly for worfhip, but a court of 
 judicature, in which men are too apt to favour 
 the caufe of the rich againft the poor. 
 
 With refpect to the fchools amongft the Jews, 
 it fhould be obferved, that befides the com- 
 mon fchools, in which children were taught 
 to read the law, they had alio academies, in 
 which their doctors gave comments on the law, 
 and taught the traditions to their pupils. Of 
 this fort were the two famous fchools of Hillel 
 and Sammai, and the fchool of Gamaliel, who 
 was Paul's tutor (c). In thefe feminaries the 
 tutor's chair is faid to have been fo much raifed 
 above the level of the floor, on which the pu- 
 pils fat, that his feet were even with their heads. 
 Hence St. Paul fays, that " he was brought 
 
 up 
 
 (a) Lev. xix. te. See alfo Deut. i. 17. 
 * V'id. Hottinger. de juris Hebraeor. legibuj, leg, ccxlift 
 p. 364. edit. Tigur. 1695. 
 
 [i>) James ii. 3. (r) A&s xxii. 3. 
 
C. II. Schools. 67 
 
 up at the feet of Gamaliel.** Thefe academies 
 were commonly furnifhed with feveral tutors, 
 of whom one was prefident, and from whom 
 the fchool was denominated. They were cal- 
 led ^^VJTIl beth-rabbonin, whereas the in- 
 ferior fchools were called pVJV2 beth-rabban, 
 as having only one matter. 
 
 The doctors in thefe academies not only read 
 lectures to their pupils, but held difputations or 
 conferences, at which other perfons might be 
 prefent, and propofe queflions to them. It was 
 perhaps in one of thoie fchools, which were 
 kept in fome apartment in the courts of the 
 temple, that Mary found her young fon Jems, 
 " fitting in the midft of the doctors, both 
 hearing and afking them queflions (a)" Or 
 it might be even in the fanhedrim, which, Dr. 
 Lightfoot fays, was the great fchool of the na- 
 tion, as well as the great judicatory *. 
 
 In order to prove that thefe fchools were dif- 
 ferent from the fynagogues, Godwin obferves, 
 that Paul, having difputed for the fpace of 
 three months in the fynagogue, " becaufe divers 
 believed not, but fpake evil of that way, then 
 departed from them, and feparated his difci- 
 ples, difputing daily in the fchool of one Ty- 
 rannus(£y." This argument is grounded on a 
 fuppofition, that this fchool of Tyrannus was 
 aj jewifli academy •> which is very unlikely, con- 
 fidering it was at Ephefus. Befides, it does not 
 feem probable, that on account of the Jews 
 oppofing and blafpheming the gofpel, St. Paul 
 ihould merely retire from a jevvifh fynagogue 
 
 F 2 to 
 
 {a) Luke ii. 46. 
 
 * Lightfoot. Harmony on Tohn iii. 10, 
 
 lb) Afts xix. 8,— 10. 
 
68 Schools. B. II. 
 
 to a jewifli fchool. Was he likely to meet 
 with lefs oppofirion amongft the fame people 
 by teaching in a different place ? The truth 
 ieems to be, that he departed from the Jew's, 
 as being under obilinate and invincible preju- 
 dices, and taught among the Gentiles, in the 
 fchool of one Tyrannus •, and that for the fpace 
 of two years : fo that all the inhabitants of 
 Afia heard the word of the Lord, Greeks as 
 well as Jews. Some take Tyrannus to be the 
 proper name of a gentile philofopher, who fa- 
 voured St. Paul, and lent him his fchool to 
 preach and difpute in -, others, to be a title or 
 name of place or office, li/fewo? fignifying, in 
 the greek language, a king or prince - y and ac- 
 cordingly the chaldee paraphrafe, which often 
 borrows words both from the greek and latin, 
 renders the hebrew word *31P zarne, which 
 we tranflate lords in the books of Jofliua and 
 Judges (a), by TTtD'turne. Thus Phavorinus 
 interprets Iv^wos by &$x av Traxzas. : It may there- 
 fore, in this place fignify a magiftrate ; which 
 interpretation feems to be favoured by the ad- 
 dition of two?. Neverthelels it muft be owned, 
 77? is fometimes joined with a proper name; as 
 7tv& Hipava, (£), and Tsp7iaa» t/i'o? (e). How- 
 ever, if by TVf&irvx-Tms we underftand a certain 
 magiftrate of Ephefus, o-^oah may fignify his 
 hall or gallery, in which people ufed to meet 
 for difcourfe : a fenfe, in which the word is 
 very commonly ufed both by the Greeks and 
 Latins. Others, again, take <ryo^" here to fig- 
 nity a yvpv&euv, in which wreftlers and other 
 combatants in the publick games exercifed 
 
 them- 
 
 (a) Jojh. xiii. 3. Judg. xvi. 5, 8. 
 {/>) Mark xv. 21. (c) Acls xxiv. 1. 
 
C. II. Profeuchas. 69 
 
 themfelves; and which perhaps had been built 
 at the expence of one Tyrannus, and therefore 
 bore his name *. 
 
 With refpect to their oratories or a-poret/^*/, 
 it is a queftion among the learned, whether they 
 were different from their ichools or fynagogucs. 
 It is faid, that our Saviour " went up into a 
 mount to pray, and continued all night" «? m 
 ^•poo-ivx" ?* &'<*) which can hardly bear the fenfe 
 our translators have put upon it, " in prayer 
 to God («)•" Beza indeed renders it, " per- 
 noclavit illic, orans Deum •," but acknowledges 
 ,he is forced to depart from the Greek, " ut 
 planius loqueretur." But Dr. Whitby infers 
 from the uie of parallel phrafes, fuch as " the 
 mount of God," " the bread of God," " the 
 altar of God," " the lamp of God," which are 
 all of them things confecrated or appropriated 
 to the fervice of God, that nr^<nvy\\ iz ©:* might 
 in like manner fignify " an oratory of God," 
 or a place that was devoted to his fervice, ef- 
 pecially for prayer. In the fame fenfe he un- 
 derftands the word in the paffage of the Acts, 
 wherein we are informed, that Paul and his 
 companions, on the fabbath day, went out ot 
 the city by a river fide, a ivoy-tfyrt 7rpo<nvxn uva.- 
 which we render, " where prayer was wont to. 
 be made." But the Syriac renders it, quoniarn 
 illic videbatur Domus precationis; becaufe there 
 was perceived to be an houfe of prayer; and 
 the Arabic, ad locum quendam qui'putabatur 
 effe Locus qrationis, to a certain place,, which 
 was fuppofed to be a place of prayer. » ahut^kf^ 
 F 3 •* hqre 
 
 * Vid. Stephani Thefaurus in verb, Schola, 
 (a) Luke vi. 12. 
 
jo Profeuchs. B. II, 
 
 where there was taken, or famed to be *, or 
 where according to received cuftom there was -j-, 
 or where there was allowed by law^, a profeu- 
 cha, or oratory, and where therefore they ex- 
 pected to meet an aiTembly of people. Mr. 
 Mede obferves, that it mould have been « &oj 
 {z/£«to •n-pocfivyji ytvz£cLt, not «/:*/, to exprefs where 
 prayer was wont to be made. And Pe Dieu 
 feems to be of the fame opinion. 
 
 That the Jews had houfes, or places for 
 prayer, called <Tfo<riv%et.i, appears from a variety 
 of paflages in Philo § ; and particularly in his 
 oration againft Flaccus, he complains, that 
 their nr^jivyjti were pulled down, and there was 
 no place left in which they might worihip God, 
 and pray for Cazfar || : And Jofephus, in his 
 life, mentions the profeuchae more than once, 
 and fpeaks of the people's being gathered m iw 
 ypotrwxw **. To the fame purpofe is the fol- 
 lowing pafTage of Juvenal, if he be rightly un- 
 derflood by Godwin, Vitringa f f , and others, 
 
 Ede 
 
 * Mede's Diatrib. Difc. xviii. p. 67. Gf his works. And 
 J)e Dieu, Animadverf. in A£ta xvi. 13. 
 
 -f- Eliner. Obfery. Sacr. in loc. where he oppofes Bos, 
 who (in his Exercitat. philolog. in loc.) had endeavoured 
 to ihpw, that ti/ofju^iTo was redundant, and that the paiTage 
 pught to be tranflated Amply, " where there was a Pro- 
 feucha." 
 
 t Lardner's Credibil. part r. vol. r. book 1. cap. frf; 
 ■J . lii > p. 239. edit. 3. p. 1741. Erafrnus Schmidius (in 
 loc.) Supports this fenfe of tvo^no by fome paflages in 
 Ariftophanes, Confult Scapula and Conftantine in verb. 
 
 § Vid. in FJaccum, et Legat. ad Caium. paflim, 
 
 j| Phil, in Flacc. apud Opera, p. 752. E. edit. Colon. 
 Aljobr, 1613. 
 
 ' ** Jofeph. in Vit. §. 54, et 56. p, 27. torn. 2. edit. 
 Jfaverp. 
 
 tt Vitring. de Synag, vetere, lib. 1 part. 1 . cap. 4.. 
 
C. II. Profeucha?. 7 r 
 
 Ede uhi confiftas > in qua te qivero Profeucha ? 
 
 * Sat. 3, 1. 296. 
 
 F 4 Among 
 
 •The late learned Mr. Samuel Jones of Tewkefbury, in 
 his MS leclures on Godwin hath the following note on 
 this pafTage of Juvenal : 
 
 Autor nofter et etiam Vitringa aliique poetam his verbis 
 Synagogam Judaeorum innuilfe putant. Sed aliter mihi vi- 
 detur. Nam in hoc loco de Judseis nil habet ; inducit ve- 
 rd Umbritium, Romanum quidem, non Judaeum, de con- 
 tumeliis, quibus pauperes afficiebant ebrii petulantefque ju- 
 venes, conquerentem, et referentem verba talium juvenum 
 rogantium pauperem quendam, a quo conches et porra 
 mendicaifet, et quo in loco ad medicandum flare aiTuetus 
 erat. Qninetiam haud verifimile eft Romanos mendicandi 
 causa fynagogas frequentafTe, quum ipfi tunc temporis pau- 
 perrimi habebantur et rnendici, ut ex hoc ipfo aliiique con- 
 ftat poetis. Infuper quum poeta dicit; in qua te qua;ro 
 Profeucha? innuit, quod pluriruas erant tunc temporis Ro- 
 mas Profeucha?. Non autem verifimile eit plurimas ibi 
 fuifTe fynagogas, quia Judsei tunc temporis pauperes erant 
 et exofi et faepe ab Imperatoribus longe ab urbe difcederc 
 julli. 
 
 Turnebus, ut hanc quae autoris eft fententiam probet, 
 citat locum Cleomedis. Extat ille locus, lib. ii. p. 204. 
 Kt/tftfeqi; ^tu^a.% 'pOdiiegtor, ubi Epicurum in fua, de qua glo- 
 riabatar, locutione vocibus corruptis, ridiculis et abfur- 
 dis ufum fuifle dicit; quarum quafdam perftringit, quafi 
 uzto jAiaxq rrj Sfrpoc"Rbjj4)< v.a.\ tuv it? avrr,c tjpooctTovvTw laocuy.x 
 TiiU. x.ou rs'x^u.y.iyju.za.y^.vi3, y.en xxrx <src\v rav t^Trtruv Tantim- 
 regx. Sed de Synagogis Judaeorum non videtur loqui. 
 Tempore enim Epicuri, nempe circa Ptolomssi Philadeiphi 
 astatem, lingua graeca in fynagogis, dum precabantur, ufos 
 fuifTe Judaeos, haud verifimile eft ; et ft ufi fuiflent, an eas 
 Epicurus, homo gentilis et irreligiofus, frequentaret, ut 
 inde verba depromeret ? et ft ita recifiet, an necefle eflet 
 eas voces efTent corruptae et humiles ? Porro, quod non de 
 fynagogis, fed de locis ubi mendicantes ftabant, egit, 
 conitare mihi videtur ex voce n^a.iTwvTwj, quae non in fy- 
 nagogis precantibus, optime vero alibi mendicantibus, con- 
 venit. Nee quicquam eft hoc in loco, quod cujufquam in 
 animum fufpicionem induceret, Cleomedem de Jn'daeis e- 
 g'fTe, nifi fola vox Jy&txa, Sed ut ea vox hie videtur ab- 
 
 iurda, 
 
72 Profeuchaa. B. IC 
 
 Among thofe who make the Synagogues and 
 Profeuchas to be different places, are the learn- 
 ed Mr. Jofeph Mede *, and Dr. Prideaux -f 
 and they think the difference coniifts, partly 
 in the form of the edifice -, a fynagogue, they 
 fay, being sedificium tectum, like our houfes 
 or churches •, and a profeuchse being only en 
 compaffed With a wall, or fome other mound 
 or enclofure, and open at the top, like our 
 courts J . They make them to differ in fitua- 
 tion, fynagogues being in towns and cities •, 
 profeuchae in the fields, and frequently by the 
 river fide §. Dr. Prideaux mentions another 
 
 dif- 
 
 furda, et a contextu aliena, ita nullus dubito, quin corrup- 
 ta eft. In verfione de Judaeis ne verbum quidem ; Iaoaixs. 
 autem redditur " vulgaria j" verfionis igitur autor non le- 
 git l8o»»xa, fed loio.Tt«a, aut talem aliquam vocem. Eodem 
 modo ex I&«», Aft. xxiv. 23. aliqui conftaverunt laoawv, 
 tit in quibufdam editionibus extat, et ad locum notat Eraf- 
 mus. — rifoo-r.x*) ideo apud profanos hofce autores erat locus 
 publicus, in quo pauperes ftipem petebant. 
 
 * Ubi fupra, p. 65, et feq. 
 
 •J- Conned, part. i. book vi. vol. 2. p. 556, et feq I 
 edit. ic. 
 
 % See the account which Epiphanius gives of the jewifh 
 Profeuchae, Haeres. lib. iii. torn. ii. ha;res. lxxx. §. 1 Oper. 
 vol. I. p. 1067, 1068. edit. Petav. 
 
 § See a decree of the people of Halicarnaffus, in favour 
 cf the Jews, (Jofeph. Antiq. lib. xiv. cap. x. $. Z3. p. 712. 
 edit Haverc.) in which are the following words, — Mcucrm 
 
 >.xaa-n x«t« to itxt^oy e$o$. The cuftom of building Pro- 
 feuchas by the water-fide feems to have been derived from 
 another cuftom of the Jews, namely, their waihing before 
 prayer, (vid. Elfner. Obferv. facr. in Aft. xvi. 13.) though 
 De Dieu fuppofes it to be derived from the example of 
 Ifaac. There is a remarkable paffage in Philo, which 
 fhows how fond the Jews were of praying by the fides of 
 rivers, or on the fea-ihore, Phil, in Flacc. p. 760. D, E. 
 edit. Colon. Allobr. 1613. See alfo de vit. Moils, lib. 2. 
 p. 510. F. and Tertullian (ad nationes, lib. 1. cap. 13. 
 Oper. p. 50. edit. Rigalt.) among feveral jewifh rites men- 
 tions Orationes litorales. 
 
£. 1L Profeuchse: f$ 
 
 diftincflion, in refpect to the fervice performed 
 in them ; in fynagogues, he faith, the prayers 
 were offered up in publick forms in common 
 for the whole congregation •, but in the profeu- 
 chas they prayed, as in the temple, every one 
 apart for himfelf. And thus our Saviour pray- 
 ed in the profeucha into which he entered. 
 
 Yet after all, the proof in favour of this no- 
 tion is not fo ftrong, but that it ftill remains a 
 queftion with fome, whether the fynagogues 
 and the profeuchas were any thing more than 
 two different names for the fame place -, the 
 one taken from the peoples aflembling in them, 
 the other from the fervice to which they were 
 more immediately appropriated ; namely, pray- 
 er. Neverthelefs the name profeuchas will not 
 prove, that they were appropriated only to 
 prayer, and therefore were different from fy- 
 nagogues, in which the fcriptures were al- 
 fo read and expounded ; fince the temple, in 
 which facriftces were offered, and all the parts 
 of divine fervice were performed, is called 
 oiMi Tpoa-^M?, an houfe of prayer (a). And 
 we find St. Paul preaching in the profeucha 
 at Philippi, in the forecited paftage of the 
 Acts (b) Dr. Prideaux acknowledges, that 
 in our Saviour's time fynagogues were called 
 by the fame name with the profeuchae ; and 
 fo both Jofephus* and Philo f feem to ufe the 
 
 word. 
 
 [a) Matt. xxi. 13. (&) Aftsxvi. 13. 
 
 * See the paflages before quoted from the life of Jofe- 
 phus, where the Profeucha in which the people aflembled 
 in a great multitude, feems to have been the great fyna;. 
 gogue at Tiberias. 
 
 t Philo fpeaks of many Profeuchae in the city of Alex- 
 andria : TroWai 01 (ir^ocrivy.cn fc.) suri v.aS tx.ee.foy t^jaoc t>); 
 ftfMwf. (Legat. ad Caium, p. 782. F.) and of one in par- 
 ticular, 
 
74 Profeuchs; B. If. 
 
 word*. Mr. Mcde lays great ftrefs upon that paf- 
 fage in the book of Jolhua, wherein he is faid " to 
 fet up a pillar under an oak that was by the fanclu- 
 ary of the Lord (a) ;" to prove, that there were 
 profeuchas, even in Jofhua's time, diftincl from 
 the tabernacle ; arguing, that becaufe the law 
 exprefsly forbad (planting trees near to God's 
 altar (b) y therefore this fancluary of the Lord, 
 by the oak could not be the tabernacle, which 
 had the altar by it, but was one of the profeu- 
 chse, which were very often inclofed with trees f. 
 But Bifhop Patrick obferves, that though it 
 was finful to plant trees near to God's altar, it 
 was not fo to fet up the fancluary under or near 
 the trees which had been planted before, efpe- 
 cially when it was done only for a fhort time. 
 And he further remarks, that the words, " by," 
 or, as it may be rendered, in " the fancluary of 
 the Lord," do not necerTarily refer to the oak, 
 but may be connecled with " the book of the 
 law of God," mentioned in the former claufe : 
 " Jofhua wrote thefe words in the book of the 
 law of God, (and took a great flone, and fet 
 it up under an oak) that was by, or in, the 
 fancluary of the Lord:" that is, he wrote thefe 
 words in the book of the law of God, that was 
 in the fancluary of the Lord ; the intermediate 
 
 words 
 
 ticular, which he ftiles //.sy»rw xa» tn^c^orxTn, (p. 783. A.) 
 and it was, no doubt, that very celebrated and magnifi- 
 cent fynagogue, of which the Jerufalem Talmud gives a 
 very pompous defcription. Vid. Vitring. lib. 1. part. 1. 
 cap. 14. p. 256. 
 
 * Vid. Vitring. de Synag. vetere, lib. r.part. 1. cap. 4. 
 p. 119, — 129. et Witfii Meletem. de vit. Pauli, feci. v. iv. 
 
 p. 7°. 7i- 
 
 (a) Jofh. xxiv. 26. [b) Deut. xvi. 21. 
 
 \ Philo l*gat. ad Caium, p. 782. F. r«$ /.tei (Kpojivy.ou} 
 
C. 71. Profeuch*; f§ 
 
 words being inferted in a parenthefis. There is 
 a fimilar inftance of a remote connection in the 
 foilov. ins paffage of the book of Ger.efis, (i And 
 Lot lifted up his eyes, and beheld all the plain 
 of Jordan, that it was well watered every where, 
 before .the Lord deflroyed Sodom and Gomor- 
 rah, even as the garden of the Lord, like the 
 land of Egyp r » as ihou comeft unto Zoar(^) .:" 
 where the connection is, he " beheld all the 
 plain of Jordan, as thou comeft unto Zoar, that 
 it was well watered every where, &c/' 
 
 {a) Gen. siii. 10. 
 
 G H A P. 
 
( 76 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the gates of Jerufalem and of the 
 temple. 
 
 JERUSALEM, faith Godwin, had nine 
 gates •, or rather, according to the authors 
 of the univerfal hiftory, ten ; five from weft to 
 eaft by fouth, and five from weft to eaft by 
 north. 
 
 By fouth * By north 
 
 1. Dung-gate, 1. Valley-gate, 
 
 2. Fountain-gate, 2. Gate of Ephraim, 
 
 3. Water-gate, 3. Old-gate, 
 
 4. Horfe-gate, 4. Fifth-gate, 
 
 5. Prifon-gate, or 5. Sheep gate. 
 
 Miphkadh. 
 This account is very little, if any thing, dif- 
 ferent from the plan of the city prefixed to the 
 Polyglot. But Hottinger in his notes on God- 
 win *, hath given a very different defcription of 
 the fituation of thefe gates, which he endea- 
 vours to trace by the account of the order in 
 which they were erected after the captivity, in 
 the book of Nehemiah. Where the flieep-gate 
 is mentioned firft, which he places on the weft 
 
 fide 
 
 f Thomae Godwini Mofes et Aaron Sec. illuftrati, emen- 
 clati et praecipuis thematibus aufti, ftudio Joh. Henr. Hot- 
 tingeri. p. 392 et feq. edit. 2. Francof, ad M«num 1716. 
 
G. III. Gates of Jefufalem. yj 
 
 fide of the city, and towards the fouth ; prin- 
 cipally for thefe two reafons, becaufe he lup- 
 pofes it was the fame with the gate which Jofe- 
 phus calls Tuxa icsww, that is, not the gate of 
 the Effenes, it being improbable, that a gate of 
 the city, which muft of courfe be common to 
 all forts of perfons, ihould be called by the 
 name of a particular feci: ; but the word Jofe- 
 phus ufes, is, he imagines, only the hebrew 
 word JtfVn hatfan, ovis, with a greek termi- 
 nation ; and if lb, wto tvawuv which Jofephus 
 faith was on the weft fide of the city, literally 
 fignifies the fheep-gate. Another reafon for 
 his affigning it this fituation is, that the fifh- 
 gate, which is next mentioned in Nehemiah, 
 is placed by moil on the weft, with great pro- 
 bability, faith Hottinger, becaufe large quanti- 
 ties of fiih were brought into the city from that 
 quarter ; and becaufe this fituation feems to be 
 afligned it in the following paflage of the fecond 
 book of chronicles: " Now ManafTeh built a 
 wall without the city of David, on the weft fide 
 of Gihon, in the valley, even to the entering 
 in at the fifh-gate." Thus beginning at the 
 fouth- weft, he proceeds to the weft, and lb by 
 the north, quite round the city -, affigning the 
 feveral gates their fituation according to the or- 
 der in which they are mentioned in the facred 
 hiftory. 
 
 Spanheim places the fheep-gate on the eaft *, 
 Lightfooton the fouthf; and in this and feveral 
 other refpects, the topography of Jerufalem is 
 a matter of great uncertainty. 
 
 Godwin informs us, that near the fheep-gate 
 was fituated the pool of Bethefda -, %iq t» appii- 
 
 run, 
 
 * Spanheim. Hierofol. veteris topograph, defcrip. p. 50. 
 Oper. Geograph. &c. Lii'gd. Bat. 1701. 
 t LightfooCs Harmony on John v. 2. 
 
J$ The pool of Bethefda. B. II. 
 
 »//.», faith the evangelift John, where onr tranf- 
 lators take the word &yop& to be underftoodj 
 and accordingly have rendered it, " by the 
 iheep market " others with Godwin fupply the 
 noun wMi, and render it " the Iheep - gate ;" 
 which is the more probable fenfe, referring to 
 the gate mentioned under this name by Nehe- 
 miah. And if this gate was fituated near the 
 temple, as is moft commonly fuppofed, per- 
 haps it was fo called, becaufe the fheep and o- 
 ther cattle for facrifice, were ufually drove iri 
 through it. 
 
 This pool of Bethefda demands our particu- 
 lar attention, on account of the miraculous 
 cures, which are afcribed to it in the gofpel of 
 St. John (a). It is there called K«Av^?iiJfa : a 
 word, which though it be rendered pifcina by 
 Beza and the Vulgate, yet does not properly 
 fignify a fifh-pond, but rather a bath or pool 
 for fwimming, from kow^au, nato. The Syriac 
 therefore renders it, according to the Polyglot 
 tranflation, locus baptifterii. Its proper name 
 in the hebrew or fyriac language, was Bethefda ; 
 which Bochart *, Gomarus and fome others de- 
 rive from JTH beth domus vel locus, and l&ti 
 afhadh effudit. So that according to this ety- 
 mology, EHSur^A eft locus effufionis ; that is, 
 as they conceive, either a refervoir for rain 
 water, or a kind of cefs-pool, that received the 
 wafte water which run from the temple. Wa- 
 genfeil -f- produces a paffage from the talmud 
 concerning a fmall ftream iffuing from the fane- 
 tuary, and proceeding to the gate of the city 
 of David, by which time it was become fo con- 
 fiderable, that perfons in particular cafes, efpe- 
 
 cially 
 
 (a) John v. 2,-— 4. 
 
 * Bochart. Geograph. lib. i. cap. xxxiv. oper. tern. U 
 p. 614. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1707. 
 
 f iotah, cap. 1 §. xlvii. annot. 4. p. 308. 
 
C. III. The pool of Bethefda. 79 
 
 cially women, ufed to bathe in it. And as he 
 fuppofes the water daily ufed in the temple fer- 
 vice, in warning the hands and feet of the 
 priefts, the victims, veffels, &c. was fomewhere 
 or other collected into a refervoir -, if that was 
 called the pool of Bethefda, he profefles he 
 mould incline to explain the word by effufionis 
 domus. But on the whole, he declares himfelf 
 uncertain. 
 
 Others, with greater probability, derive the 
 word from JT3 beth domus, and the fyriac 
 tf*Tl#n chefdo, gratia vel mifericordia •, and fa 
 the name fignifies the houfe or place of mercy, 
 becaufe of the miraculous healing virtue, with 
 which God mercifully endowed the water of 
 that pool ; and this is indeed the moft extraor- 
 dinary thing to be obferved concerning it. 
 
 The Evangelift fays, that " an angel went 
 down at a certain feafon into the pool, and trou- 
 bled the water •, whofoever then, firfl after the 
 troubling the water, ftepped in, was made 
 whole of whatever difeafe he had •," and there- 
 fore there lay at this pool, in the five porticos 
 that furrounded it (of which we have already 
 1 taken fome noticej " a multitude of impotent 
 folks, as blind, halt, withered, waiting for the 
 moving of the water." Now it is difputed, 
 whether the virtue of thefe waters, and the 
 cures performed by them, were miraculous or 
 natural ? Dr. Hammond contends for the lat- 
 ter, and imagines that the healing virtue of this 
 bath was owing to the warm entrails of the vic- 
 tims being warned in it : that the angel who is 
 faid to come and trouble the water, was only a 
 meifenger fent by the high prieft to ftir up the 
 bath, in order to mix the congealed blood and 
 pther groffer particles that were funk to the 
 
 bottom, 
 
Bo The pool of Bethefda. D. If 
 
 bottom, with the water ; that fo they might 
 mfufe their virtue into it more ftrongly. By 
 KdrA tuLip?, which we render " at a certain fea- 
 fon" he underfiands at a let time, that is, at 
 one of the great feafts, when a vaft multitude 
 of facrifices were killed and offered, and by 
 that means the waters of this pool were impreg- 
 nated with more healing virtue than they would 
 have at other times. But this fenfe of the paf- 
 fage, in which Dr. Hammond thinks himfelf 
 countenanced by the authority of Theophylact*, 
 appears improbable from almoft all the circum- 
 flances of the ftory f . As 
 
 i ft, From the healing virtue of this water 
 extending to the cure of all manner of difeafes. 
 For it is faid, " he that ftepped in was made 
 whole of whatever difeafe he had.' 1 Dr. Ham- 
 mond indeed fuppofes, that " whatever difeafe 
 
 he 
 
 * An attentive reader of Theophylact's commentary in 
 loc. will eafily perceive that Dr. Hammond hath miftaken 
 his meaning; for Theophylatt never intended to afTert, 
 that thefe miraculous cures were owing to the warning the 
 entrails of the beads flain for faerifice in the waters of this 
 pool, which thereby acquired, in a natural way, a fanitive 
 virtue. All he faith, is, that by this walhing the water was 
 fanttified, and become thereby the more fit (for what ? 
 for healing difeafes by any natural quality hereby impart- 
 ed to it? no; but) for receiving ^vm/jur Sewr^xv a divine 
 power by the operation of the angel, who came to it not 
 as to common water, but as to chofen water, uJari u<; exAextw, 
 and wrought the miracle, ha.vfA.a.'rtifyuv. He fays exprefoly, 
 that the water did not heal by any virtue in itfe-lf, other- 
 wife thefe cures would have been conftant and perpetual ; 
 but folely through the energy inpyuti of the angel, who 
 imparted to it its healing virtue. 
 
 f See alio an attempt to account for the virtue of thefe 
 waters in a fibular manner from natural caufes, in a tract 
 publifhed by Bartholine a learned foreign phyfician, enti- 
 tled., Paralytici Novi Teftamenti medico et philologico 
 commentario illufirati ; and republifhed in Crenius's Fafcj- 
 culus quintus. Vid. p. 313,-333. and p. 390,— 4:1. 
 
C. Ill The pool of Bethefda. 8r 
 
 he had," refers only to the three forts of di- 
 feafed perfons beforementioned, namely, " the 
 blind, lame and withered." But that will not 
 remove the objection, fince no fuch healing vir- 
 tue could ever be communicated to any other 
 water by the fame means, by warning the warm 
 entrails of beafts in it, fo as to render it effec- 
 tual for the cure of all thefe difeafes, or indeed 
 of any one of them. 
 
 2dly, It is highly improbable, that the trou- 
 bling of ftirring up the water fhould increafe 
 its healing virtue - 3 but rather, the ftirring up 
 the blood and faeces, that were funk to the 
 bottom, muft make the bath fo foul and fetid, 
 that it would be more likely to poifon than cure. 
 
 gdly, No good reafon can be given on this 
 fuppofition, why thefe medicinal waters mould 
 not have cured many perfons as well as one 
 only, the firft that ftepped in. The doctor is 
 indeed aware of this objection, and endeavours 
 to evade it, by fuppofing the bath might be fo 
 fmall, that it would hold but one at a time ; 
 and by the time one was cured, the healing 
 particles were fubfided, and therefore it could 
 not heal another. But then, why could it not 
 be ftirred up a fecond time, and a third, and as 
 many as there were perfons to be cured ? How- 
 ever, 
 
 4thly, The whole foundation of this, fuppo- 
 fition appears to be a miftake ; namely, that the 
 entrails of the victims were warned in this pool 
 out of the temple •, for Dr. Lightfoot mows that 
 it was done in the temple, in the warning room 
 as it was called, appointed for that purpofe *. 
 
 Vol. II. G And 
 
 * See Dr. Lightfoot's Defcription of the temple, chap. 
 3 J. And he i'uppofes, (Hor. Heb. Joh. v. 2.) that the 
 
 pool 
 
82 The pool of Bcthefda. B. II. 
 
 And indeed, if this pool was near the fheep- 
 gate, and if we fuppofe Hottinger's, or even 
 Lightfoot's account of the fituation of that 
 gate to be true, it was then at too great a 
 diftance from the temple, to be ufed as a wafh- 
 ing-place for the entrails of the beafts (lain for 
 facririce. 
 
 Upon the whole therefore, there is reafon to 
 conclude, that the healing virtue of this pool 
 was miraculous ; that the angel was a heavenly 
 angel, and that the defign and ufe of his com- 
 ing was either to work the miracle, as God's 
 inltrument, by the ufc of the water -, or at 
 leaft, by troubling the water, and giving it 
 fome unufual motion, to give notice to thofe 
 who were waiting for a cure, when they might, 
 feek it. 
 
 It is further enquired, when this miraculous 
 pool firfl received its healing virtue ? I take the 
 moft probable opinion to be, that it was about 
 the time of, or not long before, our Saviour's 
 coming ; and very likely the chief intent of 
 the miracle might be, to give notice, by an 
 illuftrious type, of the fpeedy accomplifhment 
 of Zechariah's prophecy, " In that day there 
 mail be a fountain opened to the houfe of Da- 
 vid, and to the inhabitants of Jerufalem, for 
 fin and for uncleannefs (a).* Thus the foun- 
 tain of the blood of Chrid to take away all fin, 
 was afrefh typified by the miraculous virtue, 
 which God put into this pool to heal all man- 
 ner of difeafes. And as the fountain of Chrift's 
 blood was to be opened at the paffover, at which 
 feaft he was crucified, fo Dr. Lightfoot ima- 
 
 of Bethefda was a bath, xoXvy.firfyx, in which thofe who were 
 unclean purified themielves. 
 («) Zech. xiii. i. 
 
C. HI. the pool of Bethefda; 8 j 
 
 gines, that the miraculous cure was effected by 
 this pool at that feaft only *. 
 
 It may feem a little ftrange, that there is no 
 mention made of this miracle, either by Jofe- 
 phus, or the writers of the talmud ; who on all 
 other occafions are ready enough to celebrate 
 the miracles which God wrought for, and which 
 did hcnour to their nation. But fuppofing, 
 which is highly probable, that the miraculous 
 virtue was firft imparted to this pool about the 
 time of our Saviour's coming, and that it ceafed 
 at his death ; whereby it plainly appeared that 
 this miracle was wrought in honour of (Thrift ; 
 we need not wonder, that Jofephus pafles it 
 over in filence ; fince he could not relate it 
 without reviving a teftimony to Chrifl, greatly 
 to the difcredit of his own nation, who rejected 
 and crucified him. And as it is not recorded 
 by Jofephus, it is not unlikely, that the memo- 
 ry of it was loll among the Jews at the time 
 when the talmud was written, which was not 
 till feveral hundred years afterward -f. 
 
 Concerning the gates of the temple Godwin 
 obferves, that there were two of principal note, 
 both built by Solomon ; the one for thofe that 
 were new- married, the other for mourners and 
 excommunicated perfons. The mourners, he 
 faith, were diftinguifhed from the excommuni- 
 cated by having their lips covered with a fkirt 
 of their garment ; none entered that gate with 
 G 2 their 
 
 * Horze hebraic. foh. v. 4. 
 
 t There are two very learned differtations on this fub- 
 jecl in the fecond volume of the Thefaurus novus theolo- 
 gico philologicus; one by Joan. Conrad. Hottingeruf de 
 pifcina. Bethefda ; the other by David Ebersbach, de Mira- 
 culo pifcina? Bethefda?. The laft contains a full reply both 
 to Bartholine and Hammond. See alfo Witfii Mifcell. torn. 
 z. Exercitat. xi. $, liv, — lx. p. 314,-323. 
 
84 The gates of the temple. B. IT. 
 
 their lips uncovered, but fuch as were excom- 
 municated. The Mifhna faith, " All that en- 
 ter according to the cuitom of the temple, go 
 in on the right hand way, go round and go out 
 on the left hand way •, except a perfon, cui ac- 
 cidit aliquid, who is rendered unclean by a par- 
 ticular circumftance, who goes round and en- 
 ters on the left. And being afked why he does 
 lb •, if he anfwers, becaufe I mourn, they reply, 
 he who inhabits this houfe comfort thee. If 
 he anfwer, becaufe I am excommunicated, the 
 reply is, according to R. Jofe, he who inhabits 
 this houfe, put it into thy heart, to hearken to 
 the words of thy companions, or brethren, that 
 they may receive thee*." It appears from 
 hence, (at leaft according to the opinion of the 
 mifhnical rabbies,) that excommunicated per- 
 fons were not excluded from the temple •, though 
 they were from the fynagogue, as we learn from 
 feveral paiTages in the evangelift John (a)> where 
 fuch perfons are faid to be tfTrotrvmyayot, exclud- 
 ed from the fynagogue. Not that we are to 
 infer from this, that the Jews accounted their 
 fynagogues more holy than the temple ; but it 
 fhows what was, and mould be, the true intent 
 of excommunication, namely, the fhaming and 
 humbling an offender, in order to bring him to 
 repentance ; on which account he was excluded 
 the fociety of his neighbours in the fynagogue : 
 but not his eternal defrruclion, by driving him 
 from the prefence of God in the temple, and 
 depriving him of the ufe of the moft folemn 
 ordinances, and the moil effeclual means of 
 
 grace 
 
 * Mifh. tit, Middoth. cap. 2. §. 2. et Maimon. in loc. 
 torn. 5. p. 334, 335. edit. Surenhus. Lightf. Hor. hebr. 
 1 Cor. v. 5. 
 
 {a) John ix. 22. xii. 42. xvi. 2. 
 
C. III. The gates of the temple. 85 
 
 grace and falvation. The temple was the com- 
 mon place or" worfhip for Ifraelites •, by allow- 
 ino- him to come thither they fignified, that 
 they did not exclude him from the common 
 privilege of an Ifraelite, though they would 
 not receive him into their familiarity and friend - 
 fhip. How much heavier is the yoke of Anti- 
 chrift than the jewim yoke of bondage ! How 
 much more cruel is the excommunication of 
 popery, which deprives perfcns of all their li- 
 berties and privileges, of their goods and lives, 
 and configns over their fouls to be tormented 
 in hell for ever ! How infinitely more cruel, I 
 fay, is this modern excommunication, than e- 
 ven that of the wicked and barbarous Jey/s, 
 who crucified the Lord of glory ! 
 
 G 3 
 
 CHAP. 
 
£ S6 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of their groves, and high places. 
 
 WE have feveral times had occafion to 
 obferve, that in order the more effec- 
 tually to guard the Ifraelites from idolatry, the 
 blefled God in inftituting the rites of his own 
 worfnip, went directly counter to the practice 
 of the idolatrous nations. Thus, becaufe they 
 worshipped in groves *, he exprefsly forbad 
 " the planting a grove of trees near his al- 
 tar (a)" Nor would he fuffer his people to of- 
 fer their facrifices on the tops of hills and 
 
 moun- 
 
 * Hsec (nemora fc.) fuere numinum templa, prifcoque 
 ritu fimplicia rura Deo praecellentem arborem dicant. Nee 
 magis auro fulgentia atque ebore fimulacra quam lucos et 
 jpfa filentia adoramus. Plin. nat. hift. lib. xii. cap. I. p. 4. 
 torn. 3. edit. Harduin. 1685. See alfo Lucian. de Sacrif. 
 torn- 1. p- 355- C, D. edit. Salmur. 1619. Thefe groves Plu- 
 tarch calls ct>.trr, St*:-, the groves of the gods, which he faith 
 Numa frequented, and thereby gave occafion to the ftory 
 of his commerce with the goddefs Egeria. Plutarc. in Nu- 
 ma, p. 61. F. oper. torn. 1. edit. Francof. 1620. They 
 are exprefsly injoined by the laws of the twelve tables, as 
 a part of the publick religion, Lucos in agris habento. Vid. 
 J)uodecim Tabular. Fragm. tit. Ubicolendi. ad calcemCod. 
 Juflinianip. 751. apud Corp. Juris Civil, edit. Lipf. 1720. 
 
 (a) Deui. xvi. 2i. See Spencer's learned difiertation on 
 this and the following verfe, de Leg. Hebrsor. lib, ii. cap, 
 xxvji, xxviii. 
 
C. IV, Groves and high places. 8j 
 
 mountains, as the heathens did * ; but ordered 
 that they mould be brought to one altar in the 
 place which he appointed (a). And as for the 
 groves, which the Canaanites had planted, and 
 the idols and altars which they had erected on 
 the tops of high mountains and hills for the 
 worfhip of their Gods, the Ifraelites are com- 
 manded utterly to deflroy them {b). 
 
 The groves and high places do not feem to 
 have been different, but the fame places, or 
 groves planted on the tops of hills, probably 
 round an open area, in which the idolatrous 
 worfhip was performed ; as may be inferred 
 from the "following words of the prophet Ho- 
 fea, " they facrifice upon the tops of moun- 
 tains, and burn incenfe upon the hills, under 
 oaks and poplars and elms {c)* y The ufe of 
 groves for religious worfhip is generally fuppo* 
 fed to have been as ancient as the patriarchal 
 ages; for we are informed that w Abraham 
 planted a grove in Beerfheba, and called there 
 on the name of the Lord(^)." However, it 
 is not exprefsly laid, nor can it by this paffage 
 be proved, that he planted the grove for any 
 religious purpofe ; it might only be defigned to 
 G 4 fhade 
 
 * Sophocles introduces Hercules asking Hyllus, whether 
 he knew mount CEta, which was facred to Jupiter ? Yes, 
 faith he, for I have often facririced upon the top of it. 
 Trachin. v. 1207, 1208. torn. 2. p. 325. edit. Glafg. 1745. 
 And Strabo faith of the Perfians, ayaA/^aTa y.ca @vy.8i a* 
 
 KipvovTCu, Svxo-i & sv v\>rihu tottcj Ton Hfxiov r,ytifJiiVQL A;a. 
 
 Geograph. lib. xv. p. 732. C. edit. Cafaub. 1620. See 
 alfo Herodot. Clio, cap. cxxxi. p. 55. §. 131. edit. Gro- 
 nov. Xenophon. Cyr. lib. viii. p. 500. edit. 3. Hutchinf. 
 And Appian (de bello Mithrad. p. 361,362. §. 215. edit. 
 Tollii, Amftel. 1670.) faith, that Mithridates facririced to 
 Jupiter according to the cuftom of his country, ew* ofu; 
 tv|/»Xa, upon a high mountain. 
 
 (a) Deut. xii. 13, 14. \J>) ver, 2, 3. [c) Hof. iv, 13 = 
 {J) Gen. xxi. 35, 
 
88 Groves and high places. B.II. 
 
 fhade his tent. And this circumftance perhaps 
 is recorded to intimate his rural way of living, 
 as well as his religious character •, that he dwelt 
 in a tent under the fhade of a grove, or tree, 
 as the word ^^ efhel, may more properly be 
 tranflated •, and in this hunible habitation led a 
 very pious and devout life. 
 
 The reafon and origin of planting facred 
 groves is vanoufly conjectured y fome imagin- 
 ing, it was only hereby intended to render the 
 fervrce more agreeable to the worfhippers, by 
 the pleafantnefs of the fhade * j whereas others 
 fuppofe it was to invite the prefence of the 
 gods. The one or the other of thefe reafon s 
 ieems to be intimated in the forecited paffage of 
 Hofea, " rhey burn incenfe under oaks, and 
 poplars and elms, becaufe the fhade thereof is 
 good (#)." Others conceive their worfhip was 
 performed in the midft of groves, becaule the 
 gloom of fuch a place is apt to ftrike a reli- 
 gious awe upon the mind-}-; or elfe, becaufe 
 
 fuch 
 
 * This feems, according to Virgil, to have been the 
 reafon of Dido's building the temple of Juno in a delight- 
 ful grove, 
 
 Lucus in urbe fuit media, laetiiTimus umbra : 
 
 Hie tempi um Junoni ingens Sidonia 0ido 
 
 CondeBat." ' iEneid. lib. i. v. 445. 
 
 (a) Hof. iv. 13. 
 
 •f Si tibi occurrit, faith Seneca, (Epift. xli.) vetullis ar- 
 boribus, et folitam altitudinem egreihs frequens lucut, et 
 confpeftum cceli denfitate ramorum aliorum alios protegen- 
 tium febmovens : ilia proceritas fylvz, et fecretum loci et 
 admiratio' umbra?, in aperto tarn denfae atque continuae, fi- 
 dem tibi numinis facit. Et fiquis fpecus faxis penitus ex- 
 efis moritem fufpenderit, non manufaclus, fed naturalibus 
 caufis in tantam laxitatem excavatus : animum tuum qua- 
 dam religionis fufpicione percutiet. See alfo a remarka- 
 ble paflage in Virgil. JEndd. viii. v. 347^ et feq. 
 
C. TV*. Groves and high places 89 
 
 inch dark concealments fuited the lewd myfte- 
 ries of their idolatrous worfhip *. 
 
 I jhaye met -with another conjecture, -which 
 feems as probable as any ; that this practice 
 began with the worfhip of demons or departed 
 fouls. It was an ancient cuftom to bury the 
 dead under trees, or in woods. P Deborah 
 was buried under an oak, near Bethel (a) ;" and 
 the bones of Saul and Jonathan under a tree at 
 Jabefh (b). Now an imagination prevailing a- 
 mong the heathen, that the fouls of the deceaf- 
 ed hover about their graves, or at leaft delight 
 to vifit their dead bodies ; the idolaters, who 
 paid divine honours to the fouls of their de- 
 parted heroes, erected images and altars for 
 their worfhip in the fame groves where they 
 were buried + •, and from thence it grew into 
 a cuftom afterwards to plant groves, and build 
 temples, near the tombs of departed heroes (r), 
 
 and 
 
 * For proof of the lewdnefs and obfcenity of many of 
 the religious rites of the heathen, vid. Hercdot. Euterp. cap, 
 64. p. 1 1 2, 1 1 3. edit. Gronov. et Clio. §. 199. p. 80. Dio- 
 dor. Sicul. lib. 4. init. Valer. Maxim, lib. ii. cap. vi. §. 1 j. 
 p. 185. 186. edit. Thyfii, Ludg. Bat. 1655. Juvenal. Sat. 
 ix. v. 24. and what Eufebius faith of a grove on mount 
 Libamis, dedicated to Venus, in his life of Conftantine, 
 lib. iii. cap. 55. Compare 1 Kings xiv. 23, 24. 
 
 (a) Gen. xxxv. 8. [b) 1 Sam. xxxi. 13. 
 
 t Plato, after having declared his approbation of the 
 fentiment of Hefiod, that when any of the golden age 
 died, they became demons, and the authors of great good 
 to mankind ; and after having afferted that all ,vho died 
 bravely in war, were entitled to be ranked in the fame 
 clafs ; reckons among the honours they deferved, their fe- 
 pulchres being efleemed and worshipped as the repofitories 
 of demons. — u<; aatfMtat aru tifcc.7rvjcrojj.ev xi y.ca 7rcc?x.vir,cro- 
 
 pi* cttTw rat Srs.a.;. De Republ. lib. v. p. 662. D, E. edir. 
 Ficin. Francofurt. 1602. 
 
 (c) 2 Kinps xxiii. 15, t6. See Arrian's defcription of 
 the tomb or Cyrus, de Expedit. Alexandr. lib. vi. p. 435, 
 edit. Blancard. Amitel. 1678. 
 
90 Groves and high places. B. II. 
 
 and to furround their temples and altars with 
 groves and trees * ; and thefe facred groves be- 
 ing conftantly furniflied with the images of the 
 heroes or gods that were worihipped in them, 
 a grove and an idol came to be ufed as convert- 
 ible terms*(tf). 
 
 We have before obferved, that thefe facred 
 groves were ufually planted on the tops of hills 
 or mountains ; from whence they are called in 
 fcripture, mft3 bamoth, or " high places." 
 Perhaps fuch an exalted fituation was chofen by 
 idolaters, in reflect to their chief god, the fun, 
 whom they worfhipped, together with their in- 
 ferior deities, on the tops of hills and moun- 
 tains, that they might approach as near to him 
 as they could f. It is no improbable conjec- 
 ture Concerning the Egyptian pyramids, that 
 they were intended as altars to the fun, as well 
 as very likely for fepulchral monuments, like 
 thefe ancient groves. Accordingly they are all 
 flat at the top, to ferve the purpofes of an al- 
 tar. It is faid, that altars to the fun, of the 
 fame form though not fo large as the pyramids, 
 were found among the american idolaters J. 
 
 There might be another reafon for planting 
 the facred groves on the tops of hills and 
 mountains ; namely, for the fake of retire- 
 ment from noife and difturbance in their acts 
 
 of 
 
 * On account of the cuftom of planting trees near tem- 
 ples, *' the poets, as Strabo informs us, ftiled all their 
 temples groves, even thofe which had no plantations around 
 them." Geograph. lib. ix. p. 412. D. edit. Cafaub. 1620. 
 
 (a) 2 Kings xxiii. 6. 
 
 f Tacitus fpeaks of fome places, which were thought 
 inaxime ccelo propinquare, precefque mortalium a Deo 
 nufquam proprius audiri. Annal. lib. xiii. §, lvii. p. 281. 
 edit. Glafg. 1743. 
 
 J See Young's Hiftorical Diflertation on Idolatrous cor- 
 ruptions in religion, vol. 1. p. 222,— '228. 
 
C. IV. Groves and high places. gi 
 
 of worfhip *. And on this account, probably, 
 the worfhippers of the true God had alfo their 
 profeuchae, or places of retirement for worfhip, 
 generally on hills or high places. Accordingly 
 we read, that Chnff " went up into a moun- 
 tain apart to pray (a)." And at his transfigura- 
 tion, he retired with three of his " .difciples to 
 the top of a high mountain apart (£)." I fee no 
 reafon therefore to conclude, that thofe high 
 places, of which we read in the Old Teflament, 
 where holy men and worfhippers of the true, 
 God paid their devotion, were the facred groves 
 of the idolaters j but rather they were jewifh 
 profeuchse, or fynagogues. Such were the high 
 places by the city where Samuel lived, and 
 where he facrificed with the people (c) ; and 
 upon the hill of Gath, where was either a fchool 
 of the prophets, or they had been thkher to 
 pay their devotion, when Saul met them (d). 
 And of the fame fort was the great high place 
 at Gibeon, where Solomon facrificed, and where 
 God appeared to him in a dream (e). 
 
 The grand difficulty on this head is how to 
 reconcile their facrificing in other places befide 
 the national altar, as Gideon did at Ophrah (/), 
 Manoah in the country of Dan (g), Samuel at 
 Mizpah (£), and at Bethlehem (i), David in the 
 threihing floor of Oman (£), and Elijah on 
 mount Carmel (/) •, with the law in the book of 
 Deuteronomy, " Take heed to thyfelf, that 
 
 thou 
 
 * Lucos et ipfa filentia adoramus, faith Pliny in a paf- 
 fage before-cited. 
 
 (a) Matt. xiv. 23. {b) Matt. xvii. 1. (c) 1 Sam, 
 5x. 12, — 14. {d) See 1 Sam. x. 5,-13- (*) » Kings 
 iii. 4, 5. (/) Judg.vi. 24. (g) Judg. xiii. 16,— ao. 
 'M 1 Sam. vii. 10. (/) chap. xvi. 5. [k) 1 Chron, 
 
 xxi. zz. (/) i Kings xviii. 30, et teq. 
 
92 Groves and high places. B. If J 
 
 thou offer not thy burnt-offerings in every place 
 that thou feeft. But in the place, which the 
 Lord thy God fhall choofe, there thou fhalt of- 
 fer thy burnt-offerings, and there thou fhalt do 
 all that I command thee (a)." 
 
 The belt folution, I apprehend, is, that it 
 was done by fpecial divine direction and com- 
 mand, God having an undoubted right to fu- 
 perfede his own pofitive laws, when, and in 
 what cafes he pleafes ; and as this is exprefsly 
 afferted to have been done in David's cafe be- 
 forementioned (b), it may the more reafonably 
 be fuppofed in all the reft. 
 
 This may intimate to us the true folution 
 of another difficulty, how to reconcile the law 
 which prefcribes an altar " of earth only to be 
 made in all places where God fhould record his 
 name (c)," with the order, which Mofes received 
 to make a brazen altar in the court of the ta- 
 bernacle. 
 
 Some have fuppofed, that the brazen altar 
 was filled with earth and ftones, and fo was an 
 altar of earth, though cafed with brafs. But 
 the real folution I take to be this : " In all 
 places where I record my name," means, in 
 whatever particular place befide the national 
 altar, I fhall caufe my name to be recorded, 
 by commanding my fervants to facrifice unto 
 me, there thou fhalt make an altar of earth. 
 
 The reafon of God's appointing fuch plain 
 and inartificial altars on thefe fpecial occafions, 
 was in all likelihood to prevent that fuperfli- 
 tious veneration, which the people would pro- 
 bably have entertained for them, as having a 
 more than ordinary fanftity in them, if they 
 
 had 
 
 {a) Deut. xii. 13,14. {b) 1 Chron. xxi. 18. 
 
 (c) Exod. xx. 24. 
 
C. IV. Groves and high places 93 
 
 had been more expenfive and durable ; whereas 
 being raifed juft to ferve a prefent exigence, and 
 prefently pulled down, or falling of themfelves, 
 they could not adminifter any temptation to fu- 
 perftition or idolatry. 
 
 But to return : Though fome places were 
 called by the name of high places, which had 
 never been polluted with heathen idolatry, and 
 in which God was acceptably worfhipped ; ne- 
 verthelefs, all which had been actually fo defil- 
 ed, the Ifraelites are commanded utterly to de- 
 ftroy •, infomuch that it is left upon record, as 
 a ftain and blemifh upon the character of fome 
 of the more pious kings of Judah, that they did 
 not deftroy them, but fuffered the people who 
 were very prone to idolatry, to facrifice in them. 
 Which is the cafe of Afa (a), Jehofhaphat (b) 9 
 and feveral others. 
 
 (a) i Kings xv. 14. (l>) chap. xxii. 43. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
C 94 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 Of the cities of refuge, 
 
 TH E latin word afylum* iifed for a fanc,- 
 tuary or place of refuge, has fo near an 
 affinity with the hebrew word ^tytf efhel, a tree 
 or grove, as to make it probable, that the fa- 
 cred groves which we fpoke of in the laft chap- 
 ter, were the antient places of refuge, and that 
 the Romans derived the ufe of them from the 
 eaftern nations. So we find in Virgil, that the 
 afyla were groves * : 
 
 Hinc lucum ingentem quern Romulus acer 
 
 afylum 
 Rettulit. iEneid. viii. 1. 342. 
 
 And 
 
 * Mr. Jones fuppofes, that the reafon why thefe groves 
 were considered as places of refuge was the opinion which 
 prevailed, that the demons to whom they were dedicated, 
 afforded their affiftance to thofe who fled to them for p;o- 
 te&ion. Afylorum origo mihi deducenda videtur ex anti- 
 quorum erga mortuos reverently et opinione eorurrf poten- 
 tial opem ferendi mpphcibus. — Illi, qui a potentioribus 
 metuebant. ad fepulcra virorum eximiorum confugiebant. 
 Vid. Senecam in Troad, Aft. 3. — Ita Plutarchus Thefei 
 
 fepul- 
 
C. V. Cities of refuge. 9£ 
 
 And God's altar appears to have been the afy- 
 lum of the Jews, before the cities of refuge 
 were appointed {a). Some perfons have ima- 
 gined that all the cities of the Levites, in num- 
 ber forty two, were afyla. But that appears to 
 be a miitake ; for in the book of Numbers (b) 9 
 among the cities that were given to the Levites, 
 only fix are mentioned, as appointed to be cities 
 of refuge. 
 
 Thefe afyla were not only intended for Jews, 
 but for Gentiles, or for ftrangers, who dwelt 
 among them (c). 
 
 They were not defigned as fanctuaries f<fr 
 wilful murderers and all kinds of atrocious vil- 
 lains among the Jews, as they were among the 
 Greeks and Romans *, and now are in roman 
 
 catholic 
 
 fepulcrum fuifle afylum dick, in vita Thefei, fub fin. He 
 oblerves, that God never appointed his altar for an afylum ; 
 neverthelefs, it was fo confidered before the giving of the 
 law in Exodus concerning the cities of refuge. On which 
 account he imagines, that the origin of afyla was not a 
 divine inftitution ; but that God, by his appointment of ci- 
 ties of refuge, perhaps intended to check and reftrain the 
 fuperftitious and idolatrous ufe of groves and altars for this 
 purpofe. Annot. MS. in Godwini Mof. et Aaron. 
 
 (a) Exod. xxi. 14. (b) Numb. xxxv. 6. (c) ver. 15. 
 
 * Privilegia afylorum, inquit Jonefius, fumma erant, 
 certa enim in illis fupplicibus falus, nee ullus inde fub 
 quovis prstextu ad paenam extrahendus, hXinuttn yxj h 
 euktett Errevdm ixsrr.bvri. Paufan. lib. 2. p. ic8. 1. 4.J. edk. 
 Xyiand. Hanov. 1613. nee de eo qui i« afylum confugs- 
 rat, judicium inftituebant, nee examinabant, an talis vi- 
 ta? dignus erat, an non. Eum verb Diis reiinquendum 
 cenfebant. Ita Leotycidam, quamvis proditionis reum, 
 nnnquam extrahere conati funt Lacedsemonii. Paufan. 
 lib. 3. p. 171. 1. 44, et feq. Ita Livius, lib. 44. cap. 
 29. San&kas templi infulseque inviolatos prsilabat 
 omnes. Et idem de cujuflibet generis maleficis, quir.etiam 
 obsratis, teftatur Tacitus, Annal. lib. 3. cap. 60. Veruni 
 eft qaod aliqui aliquando hsc violarunt privilegia; ied ii 
 
96 Cities of reftige. B. If. 
 
 •catholic countries*-, but merely for fecuring 
 thofe who had been guilty of involuntary ho- 
 micide [a) from the effects of private revenge, 
 until they were cleared by a legal procefs. And 
 it is obfervable, that the lfraelites are command- 
 ed to " prepare the way," that is, to make 
 the road good, li that every flayer may flee thi- 
 ther" without impediment, and with all expe- 
 dition (b). And as Godwin obferves, the rab- 
 bies inform us, among other circum fiances, 
 that at every crofs-road was fet up an inferip- 
 tion, Afylum, Afylum. Upon which Hottin- 
 ger remarks, that it was probably in allufion to 
 this cuflom, that John the Baptift is defcribed 
 as " the voice of one crying in the wildernefs, 
 prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths 
 ftraight(c)." He was the Mefliah's forerunner, 
 and in that character was to remove the obfta- 
 cles to men's flying to him as their afylum, and 
 obtaining a^n^iov t« g««, the falvation of God. 
 
 For any thing further on this fubject we refer 
 to Godwin's Mofes and Aaron, efpecialJy with 
 Hottinger's notes. 
 
 habebantur hominum fcelefliffimi, nee a paena ab he-mini* 
 bus erant liberi, nifi nimia eos tuebatur potentia. Vid. 
 Thucyd. lib. i. §. 126. p. 69,70. et §. 134. p. 174, 175. 
 edit. Hudfon. Saltern vero violatorum horum privilegio- 
 rum acerrimi vindices habebantur Dii. Vid. Juitm. lib. 8. 
 cap. 1, 2. Paufan. lib. r. p. 36. 1. 20. et feq. et lib. 7. 
 p. 445. 1. 50, et feq. p. 447. 1. 37. edit. Xyland. Hanov. 
 1613. 
 
 * Middleton's Letter from Rome, p. 156, — 158 of his 
 mifcellan. works, vol. 5, o&av. 
 
 (a) Deut. xix. 4, — 10. (6) ver. 3. (c) Luke iii. 
 4,-6. 
 
 JEWISH 
 

 Jewish Antiquities: 
 
 BOOK the Third 
 
 Concerning Times. 
 
 
 Vol. II. H 
 

CHAP. L 
 
 Of days, hours, weeks and years. 
 
 H E Hebrews, in common with 
 other nations, diftinguifhed their 
 days into natural, confining of 
 twenty four hours ; and artificial, 
 that is, from fun-rife to fun-fet. 
 
 Concerning the natural day, it is enquired, 
 when it began 1 and ended. 
 
 Godwin conceives the ancient Jews had two 
 different beginnings of the natural day •, one of 
 the facred or feftival day, which was in the 
 evening ; the other of the civil or working 
 day, which was in the morning. That the fa- 
 cred day began in the evening, is certain from 
 the following paffage of Leviticus: " From even 
 unto even fhall ye celebrate your fabbaths (a) ; " 
 and alfo from the following words in the book 
 of Exodus, " In the firfr month, on the four- 
 teenth day of the month at even, ye fhall eat 
 H 2 un- 
 
 («} Lev. xxiii, -*2, 
 
ioo Days. B. IIL 
 
 unleavened bread, untill the one and twentieth 
 day of the month at even (a)." Neverthelefs, 
 the paffage which our author alledges out of the 
 evangelilt Matthew, " In the end of the fab- 
 bath, as it began to dawn towards the firft day 
 of the week (/>) •," does not fo certainly prove 
 that the civil, natural day began in the morn- 
 ing. For, " the firft day of the week" may 
 there be underftood of the artificial day ; as 
 indeed the word gT/pa<r*oK<™ * feems to imply. 
 In like manner, though we begin the natural 
 day at midnight, yet we fpeak of the day break- 
 ing or dawning a little before fun-rife. That 
 the Jews began the day, not at evening, but at 
 midnight, or in the morning, at the time of 
 their migration out of Egypt, appears from 
 hence, that the fifteenth day of the month, in 
 which they departed from Egypt, is faid to be 
 the morrow after the pafibver, which was kept 
 on the fourteenth day in the evening (c). But 
 neither will this prove, that they reckoned the 
 beginning of their civil, and facred day, from 
 a different epocha. It is more probable, that, 
 before their departure out of Egypt, they began 
 all their days, both civil and facred, with the 
 fun's rifing, as the ancient Babylonians, Per- 
 iians, Syrians, and moft of the eaftern nations 
 did -f . And, at the time of their migration, 
 God ordered them to change the beginning, 
 not only of the year and of the week, but like- 
 wife of the day, from the morning to the even- 
 ing, in oppofition to the cuftoms of the idola- 
 trous 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 18. (I) Matt, xxviii. I. 
 
 * See on this word Dr. Macknight's Commentary in 
 loc. 
 
 (c) Numb, xxxiii. 3. compared with Exod. xii. 6. 
 T Petav. de uo&rina tempcram, lib. vii. p. 609. 
 
C. I. Days. 10 1 
 
 trous nations, who, in honour to their chief 
 God, the fun, began their day at his rifing. 
 
 Cocceius, who fuppofes, that only the iacred 
 day began in the evening, finds out this myfte- 
 ry in it •, that God appointed the fahbath of the 
 jewifh church to begin with the night, in order 
 to fignify the darknefs of that difpenfation, 
 compared with the fubfequent one of the Gof- 
 pel ; the light of divine knowledge being in 
 thofe times like that of the moon and ftars in 
 the night, but under the chriftian difpenfation, 
 like that of the fun in the day *. 
 
 It has been commonly fuppofed, that the 
 epocha, or beginning, of the natural day was 
 originally in the evening ; " the evening and 
 the morning, faith Moles, in the book of Ge- 
 nefis, were the firft: day (a)." And if fo, we 
 are to conclude, that the idolaters had changed 
 the beginning of the day to the morning, in 
 honour of the fun ; and that God reftored it, 
 by the law which he gave to the Jews, to its 
 original epocha. But learned men are not 
 agreed about the meaning of this paffage, and 
 the reafon of Mofes's fetting the evening be?- 
 fore the morning. Le Clerc + begins the firft 
 day from the creation of the chaos, and by the 
 evening he underftands all the time it remain- 
 ed in darknefs, before the production of light. 
 But this opinion does not well agree with the 
 import of the hebrew word ^"IV gnerebh, the 
 evening, from yiV gnarabh, mifcuit •, which 
 therefore denotes twilight, in which there is a 
 kind of mixture of light and darknefs •> rather 
 H 3 • than 
 
 * Vid. Cocceii Ccrament. in Lev. xxiil. §. 18, opgr, 
 torn. i. p. 173. ' 
 
 (a) Gen. i. 5. f In loc, 
 
102 Days. B.IIT, 
 
 than total darknefs, fuch as there was before 
 light was produced. 
 
 Others think it more natural, to date the be- 
 ginning of time, and the fucceffion of day and 
 night, from the firft production of light. But 
 as for the reafon of Mofes's fetting the evening 
 before the morning, the mod probable opinions 
 are thofe of Cocceius and Lyra. Cocceius un- 
 derftands the words in the following manner, 
 that the light moved away from the place or 
 hemilphere, on which it firft appeared, and 
 was fucceeded by darknefs •, and when it re- 
 turned to enlighten the fame hemifphere again, 
 the firft day was compleated *. So that, ac- 
 cording to him, the evening fignifies the light 
 moving away, which it began to do from its 
 firft appearance. 
 
 The other opinion is, that the two parts of 
 the natural day, namely, the artificial day and 
 artificial night, are denominated from the terms 
 which compleat them, from the evening which 
 is ihe end of the day, and from the morning 
 which is the end of the night •, and fo the even- 
 ing and the morning make up one natural day ; 
 namely from morning to morning f. 
 
 But whatever were the reafons of Mofes's 
 fetting the evening before the morning, or the 
 night before the day, his expreffion has plainly 
 been followed by other writers, and in other lan- 
 guages. Hence days are exprefTed in the book 
 pf Daniel, by "ipm^y gnerebh-boker, even- 
 ing and morning (a). Hence alfp is the ufe of 
 the greek word rt/*fl»/usj>oy (b). And may we 
 not opferve fome faint traces of the fame ori- 
 ginal 
 
 ? Vid. Cocceii Cur. prior, in Gen. i. 5, 
 •J- Vid. Lyr. apud Poli Synops. in loc. 
 Ca) Dan. viii. 14. {i>) 2 Cor. xi. z£. 
 
C I. Hours. 103 
 
 .ginal in the englifh language, in our computing 
 time by nights rather than by days ; as, in the 
 words fe'n- night, fortnight, &c. 
 
 With refpect to the artificial day and night, 
 I obferve, that the Hebrews divided the night 
 into four watches, as appears from St. Matthew, 
 who fpeaks of the fourth watch of the night (a)-, 
 and from St. Mark, who ltiles thefe watches, 
 the even, midnight, cockcrowing, and the 
 morning (b). Neverthelefs it mould feem, that 
 they anciently divided the night into an odd 
 number of watches, probably into three ; fince 
 we read in the book of Judges, of v< the mid- 
 dle watch (c)." 
 
 It is probable, thefe watches had their rife, 
 and their name, from the watchmen, who kept 
 guard at the gates of the city and of the tem- 
 ple by night, and who relieved one another by 
 turns. And if anciently there were but three 
 watches, then each watched four hours •, and 
 more, in the winter, when the nights are above 
 twelve long. But that being found too te- 
 dious and tirefome, the number of watches was 
 afterwards increafed to four. We, therefore, 
 never read of the middle watch in the new 
 teftament. 
 
 The day was divided into hours ; which are 
 reckoned to be of two forts, lefs and greater. 
 The leffer hours were twelve, as appears from 
 the following queftion in the evangeliit John, 
 " Are there not twelve hours in the day (d) ? " 
 Each of thefe was a twelfth part of the artifi- 
 cial day. Herodotus obferves, that the Greeks 
 H 4 learned 
 
 [a) Matt. xiv. 25. (b) Mark xiii. 35, (<•) Ju^lg* 
 
 vii. 19. [d) John xi. 9, 
 
1C4 Sun-dial of Ahaz. B. HI 
 
 learned from the Egyptians, among other things^ 
 the method of dividing the day into twelve 
 parts. But whether the Hebrews derived it 
 from the Egyptians, or the Egyptians from the 
 Hebrews, cannot now be known. Nor does it 
 appear how ancient this divifion of the day into 
 hours, among the Hebrews, was. The firft 
 hint in fcripture, which feems to imply fuch a 
 divifion, is a pafiage in the fecond book of 
 Kings (#), where we read of the fhadow's going 
 back twenty degrees on the lun-dial of Ahaz. 
 But the hiftory gives us no intimation, what 
 thofe degrees were, or what portion of time was 
 marked by them. 
 
 The mention of this dial fuggefts a queflion 
 which has occafioned much difpute among the 
 learned : Whether the miracle of the lhadow's 
 going back was wrought upon the fun, or only 
 upon the dial ? Vatablus, Montanus, and feve- 
 ral moderns obferve, that there is not a word 
 laid of the fun's going back, but only of the 
 fhadow upon the dial ; which might be effected 
 by the divine power, perhaps by the miniflry 
 of angels, obftructing or retracting the rays of 
 the fun, or altering the pofition of the dial, fo 
 as to make the fhadow retire without changing 
 the motion of the fun itfelf. The Jews in ge- 
 neral are of the contrary opinion, with which 
 archbifhop Ufher agrees ; who fays, that the fun 
 and all the heavenly bodies went back, and as 
 much was detracted from the next night, as 
 was added to this day *. 
 
 The arguments on this fide of the queflion 
 are 
 
 I ft, The 
 
 (a) z Kings xx. g, — i?. 
 
 *' Utter. Annal. A, M. 400:. 
 
C. 1- Hours. 105 
 
 1 -ft, The words of Ifaiah (a), that " the fun 
 returned ten degrees." But this may pofubly 
 he. meant only of its fliadow, efpecially in fo 
 poetical a writer as Ifaiah. 
 
 2dly, That the miracle was obferved at Ba- 
 bylon, from whence Meradach-Baladan fent to 
 enquire about it (b). Which could not have 
 been the cafe, unlefs it had been wrought on 
 the fun itfelf, and not merely on the dial of 
 Ahaz. To this it is anfwered, that it does not 
 appear the • miracle was obferved at Babylon ', 
 rather the contrary. For it is faid, " The 
 princes of Babylon fent to enquire of the won- 
 der that was done in the land {" not as a thing 
 they themfelves had feen in their own country, 
 which muft have been the cafe, if the mira- 
 cle had been wrought on the fun ; but which 
 they had heard reported as done in the land of 
 Ifrael*/ ' 
 
 To return to our fubject :. the firfl mention 
 we have of hours in the Old Teftament is in 
 die book of Daniel, particularly in the fourth 
 chapter ; where Daniel, upon hearing Nebu- 
 chadnezzar's dream? is faid to' have been afto- 
 niflied for one hour (c), 7\VW fhangnah. But that 
 word is of too general a fignification, to prove 
 that hours, in the modern fenfe of the term, 
 were then in ufe ; it feems rather to import any 
 portion of time ; and perhaps, in the decree 
 of Nebuchadnezzar, that all- who refufed to 
 worfhip his image mould be caft into the fiery 
 furnace, it might as well be rendered that mi- 
 nute or moment, as " the fame hour (d)" And 
 
 in 
 
 {a) Ifai. xxxviii. 8. (I) 2 Chron. xxxii. 31. 
 
 * Voffius de Origine et Progreflu Idololatriae, lib ii, 
 cap. ix. p. 179. Amltel. 1668, 
 
 (c) Dan.iv. 19. ,(</) Dan. iii. 15: 
 
io6 Hours, B. III. 
 
 in the prefent cafe, it is not very likely, that 
 a poor jewifh (lave, as Daniel was, mould ftand 
 as one ftupid, a whole hour, in the prefence of 
 fo great a monarch as Nebuchadnezzar. On 
 the whole, I do not find that the antiquity of 
 the jewifh hours can be traced and afcertained, 
 by any thing that is faid in the Old Teftament. 
 
 Befides the twelve leffer hours, (which, as 
 they are fuppofed to be equal divifions of the 
 artificial day, muft be of different lengths at 
 different times of the year, and which are the 
 fame that we now call jewifh hours ; ) Godwin, 
 with many Others, fpeaks of the greater hours j 
 which are faid to be four, each containing three 
 of the leffer hours ; the firft beginning at fun- 
 rife, (and nOt at fix o'clock, as Godwin erro- 
 neoufly fays,) and holding till about nine. The 
 fecond ended at noon, the third in the middle 
 of the afternoon, and the fourth at fun-fet. 
 However, this divifion of the day into greater 
 hours, is not fufficiently fupported by the paf- 
 fages of fcripture, which Godwin quotes in 
 proof of it. And feveral learned men, very 
 fkilful in thefe matters, have doubted, whether 
 any fuch hours were in ufe among the Jews. 
 
 Mayer f* thinks he has proved, that the great- 
 er hours were in ufe in the days of Nehemiah, 
 from the following paffage, " they read in the 
 book of the' law one fourth part of the day, 
 and another fourth part they confeffed and wor- 
 shipped the Lord their God(tf)." This, how- 
 ever, will prove no more, than that they had 
 fkill enough, in thofe times, to divide the day, 
 
 upon 
 
 Johannis Mayeri Trattat. de temporibus et feftis die- 
 bus Hebrasor. part, i, cap. x. §. xiv,— xvii. p. 68,-70. 
 edit. 2. Amftel. 1724. 
 {a) Nchem. ix. 3. 
 
CI I. Hours, 107 
 
 upon occafion, into four parts ; but that thefc 
 divifions were called the greater hours, or that 
 this was a ftated divifion of the day, does not 
 appear. 
 
 Since then the ufe of the greater hours is fo 
 uncertain, even in our Saviour's time, We muft 
 not rely on them, as Godwin does, for recon- 
 ciling the different accounts of the evangelifts 
 concerning the time of our Lord's crucifixion, 
 St. Mark fays it was at the third hour {a) ; 
 whereas, according to St. John (£), it was a- 
 bout the fixth hour, when he was arraigned 
 before Pilate. Some endeavour to remove this 
 difficulty by the fuppofition that St. John's 
 gofpel was written after the dehruction of Je- 
 rufalem *, and that he therefore ufes the com- 
 putation of the Romans, who began the natu- 
 ral day, as we do, from twelve o'clock at night; 
 accordingly the fixth hour, when Pilate con- 
 demned Chrift to be crucified, was fix in the 
 morning: But- St. Mark ufes the jewiih com- 
 putation, according to which • the third hour 
 anfwers to our nine in the morning, at which 
 time Chrift was nailed to the Crofs. 
 
 This is an ingenious way of reconciling the 
 two evangelifts ; and provided it could be made 
 appear, that St. John ufes the roman computa* 
 tion in any other part of his hiftory, we lhould 
 readily acquiefce in it. But, I apprehend, the 
 contrary is very probable from the following 
 paflage in the fourth chapter (f),- * Jefus there- 
 fore 
 . 
 
 (a). See Mark xv. 25. (b) John xix. 14.. 
 
 . * That St. John's gofpel was written, not after, but be- 
 fore the deftruction of Jerufalem, fee proved by Dr. Lard- 
 ner, in his Supplement to the Second part of his Credibili- 
 ty, vol. 1. chap.ix. $. 9, 10. p. 391, — 445. 
 (f) John iv. 6,-8, 
 
io8 Hours: B. III. 
 
 fore being wearied with his journey, fat thus 
 on the well, and it was about the fixth hour." 
 *•' There cometh a woman of Samaria to draw 
 water ; Jefus faith unto her, Give me to drink. 
 For his difciples were gone away into the city 
 to buy meat." Now it is not fo probable, that 
 the difciples mould be gone to procure provi- 
 fjons for their refreshment on their journey at 
 fix in the morning, as at twelve at noon •, much 
 lefs is it likely, that (Thrift was wearied with his 
 journey at fo early an hour -, and if St. John 
 ufes the jewjfti computation in this part of his 
 hiftory, it is hardly confiftent with the character 
 of a good hiftorian to ufe the roman in another 
 part of it ; at leaft, without giving notice of 
 the change. Perhaps therefore an eafier way 
 of folving this difficulty is to admit the reading 
 of the Cambridge manufcript, which has rpmj, 
 the third, inftead of sktm, the fixth hour, in the 
 preceding pafTage. And this reading is con- 
 firmed by Nonnus's paraphrafe *, and by Peter 
 of Alexandria, or whoever was the author of 
 the fragment prefixed to the Ghronicon Paf- 
 chale -f ; who exprefsly alferts, that it was rp;T» 
 in the original copy £, which, he faith, was at 
 that time preferved with great care in the church 
 of Ephefus || . 
 
 Before 
 
 * See the paffage in Dr. Lardner's Credibility, part 2: 
 chap. 128. vol. 11. p. 63. 
 
 f Confult Cave, Hill, literar. ad init. §. 4. 
 
 { Chronicon Pafchale, in Prsf. audtoris de pafchate, 
 p. 5. edit. Du Frefne, Paris 16S8. 
 
 || See this matter difcuffed by Dr. Whitby in his Anno- 
 tations on Mark xv. 25. and by Pfaffius in his Differtatio 
 critica de genuinis librorum Novi Teftamenti leftionibus. 
 cap. viii. p. 154, — 162. edit. Amftel. 1709. who particu- 
 larly confiders what Mill hath advanced againft this read- 
 ing on Mark xv. 25. and John xix. 14. 
 
C. I. Hours. 1 09 
 
 Before we quit the fubjecl: of the jewilli 
 hours, it is proper to take notice of the hours 
 of prayer, which we find mentioned in fcrip- 
 ture. Peter and John, it is faid in the Acts, 
 " went up into the temple at the hour of pray- 
 er, being the ninth hour(tf)." This indeed re- 
 fers to the publick prayers, offered up in the 
 temple at the time of the evening facrifice. 
 But the Jews had alfo dated hours for private 
 prayer, at leaft when they did not attend thofe 
 which were publick. It was Daniel's cuftom to 
 pray three times a day, which he would not 
 omit, though he was liable, on that account, 
 to be call into the den of lions (b). The fame 
 was the practice of David, " Evening and 
 morning," faith he, " and at noon will I 
 pray (<:).'* From whence we learn not only 
 how frequently, but at what times of the day 
 that duty was commonly performed. It is ge- 
 nerally fuppofed, that the morning and evening 
 prayers were at the time of offering the morn- 
 ing and evening facrifice, that is, at the third 
 and ninth hour. And the noon prayer was at 
 the fixth hour, or twelve o'clock. For it is 
 faid, that " Peter went up on the houfe-top to 
 pray, about the fixth hour (d)" Though Lu- 
 dovicus Capellus makes the morning and the 
 noon prayer to correfpond to the morning and 
 evening facrifices. According to him, the 
 morning prayer was performed any time be- 
 twixt fun-rife and the fourth hour ; the noon 
 prayer, betwixt the fixth hour and fun-fet; and 
 evening prayer, any time betwixt fun-fet and 
 
 . break 
 
 (a) Acb iii. 1. 
 
 (b) Dan. vi. 10, — 12. 
 
 (c) Pfal. lv. 17. 
 (</) Afts x. 9. 
 
j id Hours. B. ID; 
 
 break of day *. We find in fcripture, no ex~ 
 prefs institution of the ftated hours of prayer. 
 The Jews fay* they received them from the 
 Patriarchs •, the firft hour, from Abraham ; 
 the fecond, from Ifaac ; and the thirds from 
 Jacob -f. 
 
 From hence, the papifts have borrowed their 
 canonical hours *, as they call certain prayers, 
 which are to be repeated at certain times of 
 the day, namely, matins, lauds, vefpers, and 
 complins. Cardinal Baronius fancies they were 
 inftituted by the apoftles •, of which he imagines, 
 that Peter and John going into the temple at 
 the hour of prayer, being the ninth hour, is 
 proof fufficient. Indeed, if we reject this evi- 
 dence, there is none to be produced, of their 
 being initituted earlier than the ninth century, 
 in a capitular J of Hatto, or Hetto, bifhop of 
 Bafil, directed to his curates, injoining that none 
 of them be abfent at the canonical hours f| . 
 
 From the Jews the Mohammedans have bor- 
 rowed their hours of prayer, enlarging the num- 
 ber of them from three to five ; which all Muf- 
 fulmans are bound to obferve •, the firft in the 
 morning before fun-rife ; the fecond when noon 
 is paft, and the fun begins to decline from the 
 meridian; the third in the afternoon, before 
 fun-fet ; the fourth in the evening after fun-fet, 
 
 and 
 
 * Ludov. Capell. in Aft. iii. i. apud Crit. Sacr. See 
 alfo Mifhn. tit. Berachoth, cap. 4. Bartenor. et Maimon, 
 in loc. et annot. Guifii et Surenhus. torn, 1 p. 13, 14, 
 edit. Surenhus. 
 
 f Vid. Drufii Praeter. in Aft. iii. I. five apud Critic, 
 Sacros. 
 
 % A capitular is an aft pafled in a chapter, that is, in 
 an aflembly held by religious or military orders, for deli- 
 berating on their affairs, and regulating their difcipline. 
 
 j| Du Pin's Ecclef. Hid. cent. ix. vol. 7. p. 142. 
 
C. I. Weeks. 1 1 1 
 
 and before the day be fhut in •, the fifth after 
 the day is fhut in, and before the firft watch of 
 the night *. To thefe fome of their devotees 
 add two more, the firft an hour and an half 
 after the day is fhut in, the other at midnight ; 
 but thefe are looked upon as voluntary fervices, 
 practifed in imitation of Mohammed's example, 
 but not enjoined by his law f. 
 
 We now proceed to confider the jewifh weeks j 
 which, Godwin obferves, were of two forts i 
 the one ordinary, confifting of feven days ; the 
 other extraordinary or prophetical, confifling of 
 feven years. 
 
 As for the ordinary week of feven days, it is 
 a divifion of time, which appears to have been 
 obferved by all nations, probably from the be- 
 ginning of the world J. It was firft made by 
 God himfelf, who, after he had created the 
 world in fix days, " refted on the feventh, and 
 blefied the feventh day, and fanctified it (a)." 
 From whence every feventh day has been ever 
 held facred. 
 
 To prove that this diftinction of time pre- 
 vailed in the firft ages of the world, fome al- 
 ledge the following paffage of the book of Ge- 
 nefis, " In the end of the days, D*E* %PP 
 mikkets jamim, Cain and Abel brought their 
 offering to the Lord {b) :" that is, fay they, at 
 the end of the week, or on the fabbath-day \ 
 for according to the learned Gataker, there was 
 
 then 
 
 * See Sale's Preliminary difcourfe to his translation of 
 the Koran, Sett. iv. p. 107, 109. edit. 1734. 
 
 f DeDieu, Animadverfiones in Adt.iii. 1. 
 
 % See Grotius de Veritate Chriftianje Religionis, lib. i- 
 §. 16. p. 45, 46. notis Clerici, Glafg. 1745. Sclden, de 
 Jure nat. et gent. lib. iii, cap. xvi,— xix. 
 
 (a) Gen, ii. 2. 3, (i) Gen, iv. 5, 
 
H2 Weeks. B: lit, 
 
 then no other diftinction of days but into 
 weeks *. We may however obferve, with defe- 
 rence to fo great an authority, that it is not im- 
 pofiible, nor improbable, that by this time they 
 might have learned to diftinguim time, by tile 
 changes of the moon, into months ; and by the 
 courfe of the fun, and the revolutions of the 
 feafons, into years. It is very evident, that the 
 phrafe D'D* 1{p!2 mikkets jamim does not al- 
 ways import the end of a week, from the ufe 
 of it in the fecond book of Samuel (#), where 
 it is faid, that " at the end of the days, Abfa- 
 lom polled his head, becaufe his hair was heavy 
 on him; and he weighed it at two hundred 
 fhekels." It cannot be imagined, his hair 
 mould grow fo heavy, as to need polling every 
 week. Probably in this place, the phrafe means, 
 as we render it, " at every year's end." In the 
 fame fenfe the learned Ainfworth understands 
 it in the paffage in Genefis which we are now 
 confidering : " At the end of the year," when 
 the fruits of the earth were ripe, u Cain brought 
 of the fruits of the ground an offering unto the 
 Lord." So God afterwards appointed " a feaft 
 of ingathering," to be obferved by the Jews in 
 the end of the year, when they had gathered in 
 their labours out of the field (/>)." The fame, 
 cuftom prevailed among the Gentiles, who at 
 the end of the year, when they gathered in 
 their fruits, offered folemn facriiices, with 
 thanks to God for his bleflings. Ariftotie 
 fays -f , that the ancient facrifices and alfemblies 
 were after the gathering in of the fruits, being 
 
 de/ign- 
 
 * Vid. Poli Synopf. in Gen. iv. 3. 
 
 (a) 2 Sam. xiv. zh. (b) Exod. xjciii. 16, 
 
 f Ariitot. Ethic, lib. viii. 
 
C. I. Weeks. irj 
 
 defighed for an oblation of the firfl: fruits unto 
 God. Again, days are put for years in the 
 twenty fifth chapter of Leviticus < a) : " within 
 a year (hall he redeem it:" in the hebrew D-.2* 
 jamim, which yet is immediately explained ro 
 fignify a whole year. It is therefore probable, 
 that it was at the end of the year, Cain brought 
 of his ripe fruits an offering unto the Lord. 
 
 Neverthelefs, though the evidence of this 
 pafTage, in favour of the antiquity of diftin- 
 guifhing time by weeks, fail us, we have other 
 lufficient proofs of its being ufed in very early 
 ages. It appears, that Noah divided his days 
 by fevens, in fending the dove out of the 
 ark {b) ; and that the fame divifion was ufed in 
 Jacob's time ; for in the hiflory of his marriage 
 with Leah and Rachel, we meet with this ex- 
 preflion, " Laban faid, fulfill her week* V1W 
 fhebhuang, and we will give thee this alio for 
 the fervice which thou ffialt ferve with me yet 
 feven other years (r)." That the word UOSf 
 fhebhuang, here fignifies a week of days, is 
 plain from its being exprefsly diftingui fried from 
 feven years ; and alfo becaufe it was the cuftom 
 in ancient times to keep marriage feafts for 
 feven days. It is faid of Samfon's wife, that 
 ■•* me wept before him the feven days, while 
 their marriage feaft lafted,-" in order to obtain 
 from him the interpretation of a riddle, for ex- 
 plaining which *• within the feven days of the 
 teaft," he had offered a reward to his guefts (d). 
 
 As for the extraordinary or prophetical weeks, 
 they confifted of feven years each. And it is 
 not unlikely, that this fort of computation by 
 
 Vol. II. I weeks 
 
 {a) Lev. xxv. 29. (6) Gen viii. io/— '13. (e) Gen. 
 Xxix. 27. [d) Judg. xiv. iz, 17. 
 
H4 Weeks. B. Ill 
 
 weeks of years, which is ufed in the prophetick 
 writings, owed its origin to the expreffions in 
 which Mofes records the inftitution of the year 
 of jubilee: " Thou fhalt number feven fab- 
 baths of years unto thee, feven times feven 
 years, and the fpace of the feven iabbaths of 
 years mail be unto thee forty and nine years ; 
 then fhalt thou caufe the trumpet of the jubi- 
 lee to found, — and ye {hall hallow the fiftieth 
 year(tf)." Accordingly a day is put for a year 
 in Ezekiel, where three hundred and ninety 
 days means as many years, and forty days for- 
 ty years : " I have appointed thee, faith the 
 Lord, each day for a year (£)." In the fame 
 fenfe feven days, or a week, is in the prophe- 
 tick ftile feven years. Of this fort are the fe- 
 venty weeks in the ninth chapter of Daniel's 
 prophecy (c), which appears from hence, that 
 having occafion immediately after this prophe- 
 cy, to mention weeks in the ordinary accepta- 
 tion of the word, he exprefsly calls them, by 
 way of diftinction from the weeks he had been 
 before fpeaking of, " weeks of days (d) •" for 
 fo is the exprefiion in the original, which we 
 render, tc three full weeks*." Befides, it is 
 certain, that fo many great events, as are pre- 
 dicted to come to pafs in the fpace of feventy 
 weeks, could not be crouded into ieventy weeks 
 of days, which is lefs than one year and an 
 half. The feventy prophetical weeks, there- 
 fore, amount to four hundred and ninety years. 
 
 Months, 
 
 (a) Lev. xxv. 8, — iq. (h) Ezek. iv. 5,6. (c) I/an. 
 ix. 24. (d) Dan. x. 1, 2, 3. 
 
 * Mayer, de temporibus et feftis Hebraeor. part. 1 cap. 
 x. §. v. p. 65. edit. Amftel. 1724. Marfhall's Chronologi- 
 cal treatife on the feventy weeks of Daniel, p. 8, 9. Lond, 
 1724. 
 
C. T. Months, 1 1 $ 
 
 Months, with the Hebrews, take their name 
 from the moon ; the word Win chodhefh, be- 
 ing ufed by them to Jignify both a new moon, 
 and a month j becaufe their months began with 
 a new moon. And therefore they confifled of 
 twenty nine or thirty days ; for fince the fyno- 
 dical lunar month is nearly twenty nine days and 
 an half, they made their months to con lift of 
 twenty nine and thirty days alternately ; fo that 
 what one month wanted of being equal to the 
 fynodical courfe of the moon, was made up in 
 the next ; and by this means their months were 
 made to keep even pace, pretty nearly, with 
 the lunations. Thus was the jewifh calendar 
 regulated by the law of Mofes, which appoint- 
 ed the day of the new-moon, or rather perhaps 
 the firft day of its appearance, to be a folemn 
 feflival, and the beginning of a month. But 
 it fhould feem, that at the time of the deluge 
 they were not come to this regulation; but then 
 the years confuted of twelve months, and each 
 month of thirty days. That the year confifted 
 of twelve months, may be inferred from the 
 time that Noah lived in the ark, namely, a year 
 . and ten days •, for the flood began on the {tven- 
 teenth day of the fecond month of the fix hun- 
 dredth year of Noah's life (a), and on the 
 twenty feventh of the fecond month, in the fix 
 hundred and firft year of his life, was the earth 
 dried (£). Now if the month confifted of thirty 
 I 2 days, 
 
 {a) See Gen. vii. 1 1 . 
 
 (£) Gen. viii. 13, 14. In the thirteenth verfe it is faid, 
 that " in the fix hundred and firft year, the firft day of the 
 month, the waters were dried from the earth, and Noah 
 removed the covering of the ark, and looked, and behold 
 the face of the ground was dry." This mull be underftood 
 of the water.-- being fo far dried from off the face of the 
 
 earth, 
 
n6 Months. B. III. 
 
 days, as we mail prefently {hew that it did; and 
 if the year then in ufe was nearly either lunar 
 or folar, there muft have been twelve months 
 in the year; for thirty multiplied by twelve is 
 three hundred and fixty, that is, fix days more 
 than the lunar year, and five lefs than the folar. 
 Perhaps the form of the year then ufed was the 
 fame afterwards ufed by the Egyptians, confid- 
 ing of twelve months and five days. 
 
 That the month, in Noah's time, confifted 
 of thirty days, is made out thus. It is faid in 
 the account of the deluge, that in the fecond 
 month, the feventeeth day of the month, the 
 fountains of the great deep were broken up (#)-," 
 and afterwards it is faid " the ark refled in the 
 ieventh month, on the feventeenth day of the 
 month, upon the mountains of Ararat {b)." 
 From the beginning of the flood, therefore, to 
 the time of the ark's reftin-g, was juft five 
 months. Now the waters are faid to have pre- 
 vailed upon the earth one hundred and fifty 
 days (c), that is, till the time of the ark's rett- 
 ing ; and one hundred and fifty divided by five, 
 the number of the months, gives juft thirty 
 days for each month. 
 
 From this account of the antediluvian months 
 and years, we may infer the abfurdity ol the 
 fuppofition, which Varro and others have made, 
 in order to take off the wonder of men's living 
 fo long before the flood, as the fcriptnre hifto- 
 rv relates ; namely, that their ages are to be 
 
 com- 
 
 earth, that they ro logger flood on the ground ; never - 
 thdefc the earth was net fufficiently hardened to be fit for 
 habitation til! near two months after, when on the twenty 
 Tevcnth day of the fecond month Noah left the ark, 
 
 (a) Gen. vii. u. [I) Gen.viii.4. Gen. vii, 
 
 2.4- viii. 3,4. 
 
C.I. Months. 117 
 
 computed, not by folar years, but by months ; 
 whereas it plainly appears, that they computed 
 by months and years before the flood, as we 
 now do, and that their years were nearly equal 
 to ours •, and it cannot be thought lb good an 
 hiftorian as Mofes, would ufe the word years 
 tor months only, in fome part of his antidelu- 
 vian hiftory, and for twelve months in other 
 parts of it. Befides, this way of computing 
 will reduce the lives of the ancient patriarchs 
 to a fhorter period than ours. Peleg, who is 
 laid to have lived two hundred and thirty nine 
 years (a), will be found in reality to have lived 
 only about twenty years ; and Serug, who is 
 faid to have lived two hundred and thirty 
 years (#), muft have Jived but a little more than 
 nineteen -, and both of them muft have begot 
 children before they were three years old, in- 
 flead of thirty, according to the fcripture ac- 
 count. 
 
 Godwin is undoubtedly miftaken, when he 
 faith, that " the Jews, before their captivity, 
 counted their months without any names, ac- 
 cording to their number, as the rirft, the fe- 
 cond month, &c." For we meet with the 
 names of months in the fcripture hiftory, long 
 before that period ; as the month Abib (0), the 
 month Zif(^), the month Bui (<r,, and the 
 month Ethanim (d). 
 
 We proceed now to confider the jewifty year, 
 wh'ch was partly lunar and wandring, and part- 
 ly folar and fixed. It confifted fometimes of 
 twelve, and fometimes of thirteen fynodical 
 months ; ordinarily it confifted of twelve fyno- 
 I 3 dical 
 
 [a) Exod. xiii. 4. (£) 1 Kings vi. 1, 37. (<-) ver. 
 38. [(f) 1 Kings viii. 2. 
 
n8 Years. B. III. 
 
 dical months, amounting to three hundred and 
 fifty four days. As the years of this form fall 
 eleven days fhort of the folar year, had they 
 ufed them conftahtly, their months and felti- 
 vals would have wandered in thirty two years 
 through all the feafons. But fince the rites they 
 were to perform at lome of their feflivals had 
 a neceffary connection with a particular feafon 
 of the year ; as the offering the firft fruits of 
 the wheat harveft at the feaft of pentecoft, 
 which muft neceffarily be kept in the fum- 
 mer, and their dwelling in booths at the feaft 
 of tabernacles, which would have been high- 
 ly inconvenient in winter ; it was neceffary, by 
 fome means to reduce the lunar years to the fo- 
 lar, that their months, and confequently their 
 feftivals, might always fall at the fame feafon. 
 This therefore they did by adding a whole 
 month to the year, as often as it was needful, 
 commonly once in three, and fometimes once 
 in two years. This intercalary month was ad- 
 ded at the end of the year, after the month 
 Adar, and was therefore called "nttl veadar, or 
 a fecond Adar *. 
 
 The year was alfo diftinguifhed into the civil 
 and facred year ; each of which had a different 
 beginning. The civil begun with the equinoc- 
 tial new moon in autumn ; the facred or eccle- 
 fiaftical, with the equinoclial new moon in 
 fpring. The civil, according to which all po- 
 litical matters were regulated, was the more an- 
 cient, and was perhaps the fame with the pa- 
 triarchal year, which we gave an account of be- 
 fore, and which is fuppofed to have originally 
 
 com- 
 
 * Maimon. de Confecratione Calendarum, cap. iv. J. i. 
 p. 356. ad calcem tra&atns de facrinciif 3 edit, et verf. De 
 Veil, liOnd, 1683, 
 
CI. Years. 119 
 
 commenced at' the creation. Hence, fince this 
 year began in autumn, fome have thought it 
 probable the world was created at that feafon, 
 or in its autumnal ftate, with refpect to that 
 hemifphere in which Adam was placed*. But 
 the premifes, from which this inference is drawn, 
 are fomewhat uncertain, namely, that the an- 
 cient year was a fixed folar year, always begin- 
 ning at the fame feafon •, whereas we have be- 
 fore fhewn, that the patriarchal year confifted 
 of twelve months of thirty days each, which, 
 fell about five days fhort of the true folar year. 
 •Unlefs, therefore, we fuppofe, as fome have 
 donef, that they added five days to their laft 
 month, according to the form of the Annus 
 Nabonaffarius, or the Egyptian year J ; which 
 •five days were called ny.tpctt i7ra.yoyzva.i : this year 
 muft have been wandering, and the beginning 
 of it have run through all the feafons. Nay, 
 even fuppofing the addition of the ny^m iim.yo- 
 y.iva.1, yet the neglect of five hours forty nine 
 minutes, by which the egyptian year fell fhott 
 of the true folar year, would make the begin- 
 ning of it wander through all the feafons in 
 about fourteen hundred years ; fo that, though 
 it happened to begin at the autumnal equinox 
 at the time when Mofes regulated the Jewish 
 calendar, it might have begun originally at an- 
 
 I 4 other 
 
 w * Vid. Meyer, de temporibus et feftis Hebraor. part. r. 
 cap. i. p. 4, — i7.Amftel. 1724. etFred. Spanhemii Chro- 
 nol. Sacr. part. 1. cap. 1. Talmud, tit. Rom halhanah, 
 cap. 1 . Abarbanel de principio anni et confecratione novi- 
 lunii, ad calcem lib. Cozri, p. 443, — 445. edit. Buxtorf. 
 1660. 
 
 t Vid. Spanhem. Chronol. Sacr. part. 1. cap. iii. p. 8. 
 oper. Geograph. Chronolog. &c. Lugd. Bat. 1701. 
 
 % See Strauchius's Chronology, by Sack, bool^ iv. chap, 
 xviii. p, 261. Lond, 1722, 
 
I20 Years. B. III. 
 
 pther feafon. However, it is thought, that 
 the feaft of ingathering of the harveft, which 
 muft certainly be at autumn, being faid to be 
 u in the end of the year (a)" favours the opi- 
 nion that the ancient year began at that feafon. 
 Therefore, though fome have fuppofed, that 
 the world was created in fpring *, the more 
 commonly received opinion is, that it was 
 created in autumn. In fupport of which fome 
 alledge the following pafiage in the firft chap- 
 ter of Genefis, " The earth brought forth 
 grafs, the herb yielding feed, and the fruit 
 tree yielding fruit after his kind, whofe feed is 
 in itfelf (b)\ " which, they fay, muft be in au- 
 tumn, when the fruits are ripe. 
 
 As for the jewifh facred, or ecclefiaftical year, 
 it began with the month Njfan, the feventh of 
 the civil year, about the vernal equinox (7). 
 By this year the order of all their religious ce- 
 remonies was regulated •, fo that the paffover, 
 which was {<xpt in the middle of the firft month 
 of this year, was as it were the mother of all 
 the other feftivals. 
 
 "While the Jews continued in the land of Ca- 
 naan, the beginnings of their months and years 
 were not fettled by any aitronomical rules or 
 calculations, but by the phafis or actual appear- 
 ance of the new moon. When they faw the 
 new moon, they began the month. Perfons 
 were therefore appointed to watch on the tops 
 of the mountains for the firft appearance of th£ 
 jnoon after the change. ' As foon as they fav 
 
 it, 
 
 {a) Exod. xxiii. 16. xxxlv. 22. 
 
 * J^cobi Capelli Obferv. in Gen. i. 14. p. 583. edit, una 
 pum Lud. Capell. Continent, et not. critic, in Vet. Teft. 
 £mftel. 1689. 
 
 {£) Gen. i. 1 1. (<•) Ex.pd. xii, 2, et fe<j. 
 
C. I. Years: 121 
 
 it, they informed the fanhedrim, and publick 
 notice was given by lighting beacons through- 
 out the land ; though after they had been orten 
 deceived by the Samaritans, who kindled falfe 
 fires, they uled, fay the mifhnkal rabbies, to 
 proclaim its appearance by fending meffengers. 
 Yet as they had no months longer than thirty- 
 days, it they did not fee the new moon the 
 night following the thirtieth day, they conclud- 
 ed the appearance was obftrudted by the clouds, 
 and without watching any longer, made the 
 next day the firft day of the following month*. 
 But after the jews became difperfed through all 
 nations, where they had no opportunity of be- 
 ing informed of the firft appearance of the new 
 moon, as they formerly had, they were forced 
 to make ufe of aftronomical calculations and 
 cycles for fixing the beginning of their months 
 and years f. The firft cycle they made ufe of 
 for this purpofe was of eighty four years. But 
 that being difcovered to be faulty, they came 
 afterwards into the ufe of Meto's cycle of nine- 
 teen years, which was eftablifhed by the autho- 
 rity of Rabbi Hillel Hannafi, or prince of the 
 fanhedrim, about the year of Chrift 360. This 
 they ftill ufe, and fay, it is to be obferved till 
 the coming of the Mefliah. In the compafs of 
 this cycle there are twelve common years, con- 
 fiding of twelve months, and feven intercalary 
 years, confifting of thirteen months J. 
 
 We find the Jews and their anceltors com- 
 puting their years from different eras, in differ- 
 ent 
 
 ♦ Vid. Mifli. tit. Rofh. hafhanah, cap. 2. §. r, — 7. Mai- 
 mon. de Confecratione Calendarum, cap. iii. §. y,— viii. 
 p. 352. 
 
 f Maimon. de Confecratjone Calendarum, cap, v, $. 1^ 
 p— iii. p. 362. 
 
 I §ce Prideaux's Connect, part 1. preface. 
 
122 Years. B. III. 
 
 cnt parts of the Old Teftament •, as from the 
 birth of the patriarchs •, for inftance, of Noah (a) ; 
 afterwards from their exit out of Egypt' b) \ then 
 from the building of Solomon's temple (<:), and 
 from the reigns of the kings of Judah and If- 
 rael. In later times the babylonifh captivity 
 furnifhed them with a new epocha, from whence 
 they computed their years (d). But fince the 
 times of the talmudical rabbies, they have con- 
 stantly ufed the era of the creation, which ac- 
 cording to their computation *, in this prefent 
 year of the chriftian era 1762, is A. M. 5522. 
 They ufually in writing contract this by omit- 
 ting the thoufands, writing only HDpH, 5227. If 
 to the jewifh year, thus expreffed, you add 1240 
 it gives the year of the chriftian era, as 522 with 
 the addition of 1240 makes 1762 £. 
 
 If it be enquired, why God appointed a new 
 beginning of the year to the Israelites at the 
 time of their deliverance out of Egypt ; the 
 anfwer may, perhaps, be 
 
 1 ft. The more effectually to diftinguifh and 
 feparate his own people from the idolatrous na- 
 tions, and detach them from their cuftoms -, to 
 which end the beginning their days, their weeks, 
 their months, and their years at a different time 
 
 from 
 
 {a) Gen.vii. 11. viii. 13. [b) Numb, xxxiii. 38. 
 
 1 Kings vi. 1. (<■) 2 Chron. viii. 1. (d) Ezek. 
 
 xxxiii. 21. xl. I. 
 
 * The Jews reckon only 3760 years from the creation to 
 the birth of Chrift. See Scalig. de emendat. tempor. lib. 
 vii. p. 628. and Strauchius's Chronol. by Sault, book iv. 
 chap. ii. p. 168, — 171. 
 
 ■f This is called the computus minor ; when the thou- 
 fands are expreffed at length, it is called computus ma- 
 jor. 
 
 % Reland. Antiq. Heb, part iv. cap. 1. $.. vib, p. 428; 
 429. edit. 3. 
 
C. I. Years. 123 
 
 from thofe of the idolaters, was undoubtedly 
 fubfervient. 
 
 2dly, Becaufe the month, in which they were 
 delivered out of Egypt, and in which fuch a 
 furprizing feries of miracles was wrought in 
 their favour, might be well accounted a fort of 
 menfis nataiis of that nation, in which God as 
 it were revived them from a ftate of death, and 
 took then, under his future fpecial protection 
 and pfbvidence ; on which account, to fet a 
 particular mark upon that month, and to per- 
 petuate the memory of lb great a mercy, he 
 ordered, that it fhould fland at the head of the 
 months, and be reckoned the firft of the year. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
( 124 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of their feafts. 
 
 Jj c A S, among the Jews, their ordinary meals, 
 J^\. fefch Godwin, were not many in a day, 
 fo neither were they coftly ; and therefore they 
 were called firntt aruchoth, which properly 
 fignifieth fuch fare as travellers ufe on their jour- 
 nies •, whereas the extraordinary and more libe- 
 ral kind of entertainment was commonly cal- 
 led nnttfD miftiteh." There is no doubt, but 
 the word nrHtt aruchah, as it comes from the 
 root mtf arach, iter fecit, properly and pri- 
 marility fignifies provifions on a journey, or 
 fuch a meal as was common with travellers, 
 which can hardly be fuppofed to have been 
 either elegant or plentiful in thofe countries 
 •where there were no inns or houfes of enter- 
 tainment on the road, and where travellers ufed 
 to carry their provifions with them ; and though, 
 as Godwin obferves, the word is ufed for a mean 
 and fcanty meal in the book of Proverbs (0), 
 where p^ nmtt aruchath jarak, a dinner of 
 herbs, ftands in oppofition to a ftalled or fatted 
 
 ox ; 
 
 (a) Prov. xv. 1 7. 
 
C.II. Feafls. 125 
 
 ox : neverthelefs, as the whole life of man is 
 reprefented as a pilgrimage or journey, the word 
 nrntf aruchah, in an allufive fenfe, is ufed for 
 a meal in general, whether fumptuous or mean, 
 whether plentiful or fparing. In the book of 
 Jeremiah (a) it is ufed for the daily provifion> 
 which the king of Babylon alloted to Jehoia- 
 kim king of Judah, after he had brought him- 
 out of prifon, and fet his throne above the 
 thrones of all the kings that were with him in 
 Babylon, and admitted him to eat bread con- 
 tinually before him (b) •, and no doubt the pro- 
 vifions of his table were plentiful and elegant. 
 
 The word HD^O mifhteh, from T\r\W fha- 
 thah, bibit, anfwers to the greek evpnofteV) and 
 primarily fignifies compotatio; or perhaps as 
 we call it, a drinking bout. And as delicious 
 liquors were always fuppofed to make a confi- 
 derable part of an elegant entertainment, the 
 word nntPE mifhteh, is ufed, by a fynecdoche, 
 for a feaft in general ; fuch as Abraham made 
 at the weaning of Ifaac (c) j Pharoah on his 
 birth- day (d) ; Samfon at his wedding (e) ; and 
 Ifaac for Abimelech and his friends, who, it is 
 exprefsly faid, eat as well as drank (/). " A 
 feaft of fat things" is called nnttfO mifhteh, as 
 well as " a feaft of wine (£)." And as the 
 Hebrews fometimes denominated their feafts 
 from drinking, fo likewife from eating: " Ja- 
 cob offered facrince on the mount, and called 
 his brethren to eat biead, &cc(b)." Belfhazzar 
 made a great feaft, £p^ lechem («), which pri- 
 marily fignifies bread. At other times it was 
 
 deno- 
 
 («) Jer. lii. 34. (b) ver. 31,— 33. (c) Gen. 
 
 xxi. 8. (</) Gen. xl. 20. (e) Judg. xiv. 10. 
 
 (/) Gep. xxvi. 30. (g) Ifai. xxv. 6. [b) Gen, 
 
 .xxxi. 54. (i) Dan. v. 1. See arfo Ecclcf. x. 19. 
 
j 26 Feafts. B. Ill, 
 
 denominated from both : " Come, eat of my 
 bread, and drink of the wine which I have 
 mingled (a)." 
 
 It is Godwin's opinion, that the agapa?, or 
 love feafts, of the primitive chriftians, were de- 
 rived from the D^R chiggim, or feafts upon 
 the facrifices, at which the Jews entertained 
 their friends and fed the poor(£). 
 
 There were alfo feafts of much the fame kind, 
 in ufe among the Greeks and Romans. The 
 former were wont to offer certain facrifices to 
 their gods, which were afterwards given to the 
 poor. They had likewife publick feafts for cer- 
 tain diftricts, fuppole for a town or city, to- 
 wards which all, who could afford it, contri- 
 buted, in proportion to their different abilities, 
 and all partook of it in common. Of this fort 
 were the %va-<wi& of the Cretans ; and the (ti^md 
 of the Lacedemonians, inftituted by Lycur- 
 gus, and fo called, ta.^ vns zikicls, (the a being 
 changed into cP according to their ufual ortho- 
 graphy,) as denoting that love and friendfhip 
 which they were intended to promote among. 
 neighbours and fellow- citizens*. 
 
 The Romans likewife had a feafr. of the fame 
 kind, called chariftia •, which was a meeting 
 only of thofe who were akin to each other ; 
 and the defign of it was, that if any quarrel 
 or mifunderftanding had happened among any 
 of them, they might there be reconciled 7. To 
 this Ovid alludes in the fecond book of his fafti, 
 
 Prox- 
 
 {a) Prov. ix. 5. See alfo Ecclef. ix. 7. {b) Deut. 
 
 zii. 18. xxvi. 12. 
 
 * Vid. Cragium de Republ. Lacednem. lib. i. cap. ix. 
 apud Gronov. Thefaur. Grcec. Antiq. vol. 5. p. 2541. et 
 Stuckii Antiquitat. convivial, lib. 1. cap. 51. 
 
 f Valer. Maxim, lib. ii. cap. i. §. 8. p. 136. edit. Thy- 
 fii, Lugd. Ba:. 1655. 
 
C. II. Feafts. J27 
 
 Proxima cognati dixere chariftia chari, 
 Et venit ad ibcios turba propinqua deos. 
 
 v. 617. 
 
 In imitation either of thefe jewifh or gentile 
 love feafts, or probably of both, the primitive 
 chriftians, in each particular church, had like- 
 wife their love-feafts, which were fupplied by 
 the contribution of the members, according to 
 their feveral abilities, and partaken of by all 
 in common. And whether they were converts 
 from among the Jews or Gentiles, they retain- 
 ed their old cuftom with very little alteration,, 
 and as their a.yA-ra.1 had been commonly annex- 
 ed to their facririces, fo they were now annexed 
 to the commemoration of the facriiice of Chrift 
 at the Lord's fupper •, and were therefore held 
 on the Lord's day, before or after the celebra- 
 tion of that ordinance. It mould feem at Co- 
 rinth, in the apoftle's days, they were ordinari- 
 ly held before ; for when the Corinthians are 
 blamed for unworthily receiving the Lord's 
 fupper, it is partly charged upon this, that 
 fome of them came drunk to that ordinance, 
 having indulged to excefs at the preceding love- 
 feaft : " Every one taketh before, TpoAay.Sas's/, 
 his own fupper, and one is hungry and another 
 is drunken (a)." This ihows, faith Dr. Whit- 
 by, that this banquet, namely, the love-feaft, 
 was celebrated before the Lord's fupper. But 
 Chryfoflom gives an account of it, as being in 
 his time, kept after it *. 
 
 It 
 
 (a) 1 Cor. xi. 21. See Whitby in Ibc. 
 
 * Vid. Suiceri Thefaur. in verb. ayu.r.-n. Thi? opinion 
 b maintained by Mr. Hallet in bis Notes and Difcourfes, 
 Vol. 3. Difc. vi. and by Or. Chandler in his Account of 
 
 the 
 
* 
 
 't*8 Feafls, B. IIL 
 
 It is commonly fuppofed, that when St. Jnde 
 mentions certain perfons, who were fpots in the 
 feafls of charity, *v ra/? AyctTAt^a)^ he means, in 
 the christian love- feafls-, though Dr. Lightfoot 
 and Dr. Whitby apprehend the reference in this 
 pafTage is rather to a cuftom of the Jews, who 
 on the evening of their fabbath had their kiivcb- 
 !':*, or communion, when the inhabitants of the 
 fame city met in a common place to eat toge- 
 ther*. However that be, all antiquity bears 
 teftimony to the reality of the chriftian etyeLVAti 
 or love-feafts. Indeed Suicer conceives they 
 are referred to in the following pafTage of the 
 Acts, " They," that is, the apoftles, '« conti- 
 nuing daily with one accord in the temple, and 
 breaking bread from houfe to houfe, did eat 
 their meat with gladnefs and finglenefs of 
 heart (b)" And when it is faid, that " the 
 twelve called the multitude of the difciples un- 
 to them, and faid, It is not reafon that we 
 mould leave the word of God, and ferve ta- 
 bles (c)," he fuppofes the tables mean thefe 
 love-feafts ; which expreffion, I think, prima- 
 rily refers to the tables of the poor of the 
 church, or to the making a proper provifion 
 for them ; as appears from its having been 
 mentioned as the ground of complaint of " the 
 Grecians againft the Hebrews, that their widows 
 were neglected in the daily miniftration (d)." 
 To the love-feafls he likewife refers the follow- 
 ing 
 
 the Conference in Nicholas- Lane Feb. 13, 1734-5. be- 
 tween two romifh priefts and fome protectant divines, p. 
 
 [a) Jude, ver. 12. 
 
 * Whitby in loc. and Lightfoot, Horae Hebraic. 1 Cor, 
 x. 16. 
 [I) Afts ii. 46. (f) Afts Vi. |. (d) ver. 1. 
 
C. II. Feafts. 129 
 
 ing pafTage concerning St. Paul, t£ When he 
 had broken bread and eaten and talked a long 
 while even till break of day, he departed (a)." 
 But this may very naturally and properly be 
 nnderftood of the Lord's fupper. Indeed how 
 far St. Paul might join in thefe love-feafts with 
 other chriftians, before they were abufed, does 
 not appear. But when he blamed the fcanda- 
 lous irregularities of the Corinthians, in their 
 participation of the Lord's fupper; which were 
 very much occafioned by their preceding love- 
 feafts, and in order to bring them back to its 
 original fimplicity and purity, give? them a ve- 
 ry particular account of the primitive inftitu- 
 tion (£), in which there is not one word of thefe 
 agapae ; he evidently condemns the addition they 
 had made to this ordinance, which had occa- 
 fioned fo much fin, and fo many diforders and 
 confufions. 
 
 However the agapse were not wholly laid 
 afide till fome ages after. For they are men- 
 tioned by Ignatius *, by Clemens of Alexan- 
 dria f, by TertullianJ, and even by St. Je- 
 rom § and St. Auftin |j in the fourth century, 
 as praetifed in their times. 
 
 Dr. Lighttbot hath a peculiar notion con- 
 cerning thefe chriftian agapse, that they were 
 a fort of hofpitals for the entertainment of 
 ftrangers, in imitation of thofe which the Jews 
 
 Vol. II. K had, 
 
 '> 
 
 {a) .Ac~ls xx. U. {b) 1 Cor. xi 23, et feq. 
 
 * Epiit. ad Smyrn. §. 8. apucl Coteler. Patres Apoftcl. 
 p"; 37. vol. 2. edit. Cicrici 2. 1724. 
 
 t Psedag. lib. ii. p. 14 r. B. et Strom, lib. iii. p. 430. C> 
 
 D. edit. Paris. 1641 . 
 
 X Apolog. cap. xxxix. p 32. edit. Ri^alt. Paris 1675. 
 § Ad Euftoc. de Cuftod. Virgin. Epilt. xxii, p. 286. D. 
 Paris 1579. 
 
 U Contra Fauftum Manich. lib. xx. cap. xx. 
 
130 Feafts. B. 1U. 
 
 had, adjoining to their fynagogues. And Gaius r 
 who is called " the hod of the whole church (a)" 
 he fuppoies to have been the mailer of fuch an 
 hofpitai-, and that Phcebe, who is called the 
 <fi<Lx.ovo{ of the church at Cenchrea (£), and thofe 
 other women r who in the epiftle to the Philip- 
 pians, are faid to labour in the gofpel (c), were 
 fervants attending thefe hofpitals. Neverthe- 
 lefs he does not call in queftion the ancient ufe 
 of love-feafts' together with the eucharift : to 
 doubt of that, he fays, would be to contradict 
 all antiquity. But he feems to queftion, whe- 
 ther they were fo ancient as the days of the a- 
 poftles*. However, notwithftanding all the 
 doctor has faid, on the authority of the rabbies,. 
 of thefe jewifh hofpitals, which he fuppofes the 
 chriftians to have imitated in their agapas, it 
 may reafonably be doubted, whether they had 
 ordinarily fuch hofpitals adjoining to their 
 churches fo early as the days of the apoftles ; 
 for as yet they had hardly any churches or 
 buildings appropriated to chriftian worfhip, but 
 were forced to meet in private houfes, and often 
 fecretly, to avoid the rage and violence of their 
 perfecutors. Nor can I think it fo probable, 
 that the Corinthians, who were for the molt 
 part gentile converts, mould borrow the infti- 
 tution of fuch hofpitals from the Jews, as that 
 they mould follow their former cuftom, and 
 that of their anceilors, in annexing love-feafts 
 tT5 their facrifkes, and fo adopt them into chrif- 
 tian worihip. 
 
 Godwin hath difcourfed pretty largely on the 
 ceremonies ufed by the Jews at their feafts. 
 
 And 
 
 (<?) Rom. xvi. 23. (l>) Rom. xvi. r. (c) Phil. 
 
 iv. 3. 
 
 * Sec Hor. Hebraic. 1 Cor. xi. 21. 
 
t. it. Salutations. 13 1 
 
 And under the head of falutation, as one of 
 their preparatory ceremonies, he occafionally 
 mentions the prophet Elifha's order to his fer- 
 vant Gehazi, " If thou meet with any man, 
 falute him not ; and if any man falute thee, 
 anfwer him not again (a)." It is enquired, 
 whether this is to be taken for a general pro- 
 hibition of all ceremonies betokening civil re- 
 ipeft, according to the ufage of the modern 
 quakers -, or only as an injunction peculiar to 
 the prefent occafion ? I apprehend, there is no 
 reafon to take it lor a general prohibition, fince 
 in the fcripture hiftory, we find fuch ceremo- 
 nies of civil refpecl practifed by good men, 
 without any ceniure palled upon them -, as by 
 Mofes to his father in law(£); by Abraham 
 to the three angels, whom he took for three 
 men (c) ; and afterwards to the children of 
 Heth (d). Befides, when our Saviour fent forth 
 the twelve apoftles to preach, he enjoined them 
 to pay to all perfons and families, where they 
 came, the ufual tokens of civility and refpedr. : 
 " When ye come into a houfe falute it (<?)." 
 The reafon then of Elifha's forbidding his fer- 
 vant either to give, or return, a falutation to 
 any man, was probably either on account of 
 the expedition which the prophet fuppoied his 
 journey to the Shunamite required, (for perhaps 
 he did not underftand her child was quite dead, 
 when he ordered Gehazi to go and lay his ftaff 
 on it •,) or elfe, it might be to keep the child's 
 death, out of tendernefs, a fecret to the father, 
 till he was raifed to life again j and if the fer- 
 K 2 vant 
 
 {a) 2 Kings iv. 29. {h) Exod. xviii. 7. 
 
 (c) Gen. xviii. 2. [d] Gen. xxiii. 7. 
 
 {e) Matt. x. 12. 
 
132 Salutations. B.IIL 
 
 vant fo much as fpoke to any perfon on the 
 road, he might imprudently divulge it. 
 
 This may enable us to account for a prohibi- 
 tion of the fame kind, given by Chrift to the 
 feventy difcipies, when he fent them " two and 
 two before his face, to every city and place, 
 whither he himfelf would come (a)." " Car- 
 ry, faith he, neither purfe, nor fcrip, nor fhoes, 
 and falute no man by the way." We may, 
 with equal reafon fuppofe, that our Lord in- 
 tended to forbid his difcipies and minifters, the 
 ufe of fhoes and purfes, as the cuftomary tokens 
 of civil refpecl. Mis defign was only to pro- 
 hibit them while they were employed on that 
 particular meffage. It is further enquired, why 
 he forbad it at this time ? Dr. Lightfoot, from 
 the rabbies, obferves, that it was the cuftom of 
 the Jews, during the days of their mourning, 
 not to falute any one. He conceives, therefore, 
 that our Saviour would have his difcipies ap- 
 pear like mourners-, partly, as reprefenting him- 
 felf, who was a man of forrow, that fo from 
 thefe melfengers the people might guefs, in 
 fome meafure, what fort of perfon he was who 
 ient them •, partly, as they were to fummon 
 the people to attend upon Chrift, in order to 
 be heiled, both of their fpiritual and their bo- 
 dily difeafes; and it was, therefore, fit their 
 behaviour mould be mournful and folemn, in 
 token of their fellow-feeling with the afflicted 
 and miferable *. 
 
 But the teftimony of the rabbies is too weak a 
 foundation to fupport this interpretation. The 
 cuftom mentioned might have prevailed in their 
 
 times, 
 
 (a) Luke x. 1,4. 
 
 * Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. Luc. x. 4. 
 
C. TI. Feafts. 133 
 
 times, without being near fo ancient as our Sa- 
 viour's. It may alio be objected, that our 
 bleffed Lord was To far from defiring his difci- 
 ples fhould appear as mourners, that he repre- 
 fents this to be unfuitable to their condition, 
 while he, the bridegrom was with them {a). 
 
 Perhaps, therefore, the prohibition of falut- 
 ing any man by the way, may be taken in a 
 more general fenfe, as a caution againft trifling 
 away their time in compliment and ceremony. 
 Or if we underftand it more literally, it might 
 be defigned to make the difciples appear as men 
 in hafte, and fully occupied, whole minds were 
 intent on the difpatch of the moft important 
 bufinefs ; to awaken the people's attention to 
 their mefTage, and at the fame time, like the 
 fymbolical actions of the prophets, to repre- 
 fent in a fenfible manner, the main drift and 
 tenor of it, namely, that finners fhould make 
 all poflible fpeed to fly from the wrath to come, 
 and lay hold on eternal life, and for that end 
 ihould apply to Chrift in earneft and without 
 delay. 
 
 The fecond preparatory ceremony, mention- 
 ed by Godwin, is warning the feet of the guefls. 
 However, it does not appear in the inftitution 
 of any of the jewifh feafts, nor by any fcrip- 
 ture examples, that this "was ever ufed, except 
 when perfons had defiled their feet by travelling. 
 And indeed, if it had been a conftant cuftom, 
 I can hardly think, that Simon the pharifee, 
 who civilly invited our Lord to an entertain- 
 ment at his houfe, would have omitted itfy). 
 
 The inftance produced, namely, our Saviour's 
 warning his difciples feet(f), is quite befide the 
 K 3 pur- 
 
 is) Matt.ix. 15. {?>) Lukevii. 44. (0 Johnxiii.5.' 
 
134 The fix water pots. B. III. 
 
 purpofe ♦, fince that was plainly an extraordina- 
 ry cafe, performed, not out of rcfpect to any 
 cuftom, but with a particular intent of inftrucl- 
 ing them in the duties of humility and conde- 
 I'cending benevolence [a). Befides, this was not 
 done before they began fupper, but in fome in- 
 terval of the meal, as appears from its being 
 faid of our Lord, that " he rofe from fupper, 
 and laid afide his garments, and took a towel 
 and girded himfelr ' {b)." We conclude from 
 hence, that the difciples had not warned their 
 feet before fupper ;. for it is highly improbable, 
 that Chriil mould chufe to fet them an example 
 of mutual condefcention and benevolence, by 
 an action, which, if they had been warned be- 
 fore, was altogether needlefs f. 
 
 It is Godwin's apprehenfion, that the fix wa- 
 ter pots of {tone, mentioned on occafion of the 
 marriage at Cana in Galilee (<:), and laid to be 
 •* after the manner of the purifying of. the 
 Jews," were defigned for thefe compljmental 
 warnings. But as the word xatflap/^sf is com- 
 monly, if not always ufed, for the purifying or 
 warning the whole body ; as for the purifying 
 ©fa woman after child-birth (d), and of a leper- 
 after his cure(tf); in both which cafes the law 
 prefcribed that the body mould be warned or 
 bathed all over; fome have thought it more 
 probable, that thefe water pots were fuch as 
 were ufed for that purpofe. And if we confi- 
 
 der, 
 
 {a) Johnxiii. 13,— -15. {h) ver. 4. 
 
 * That warning the feet was not an ufua! preparatory 
 ceremony, is {hewn at large by Buxtorf, in his Difierta- 
 tiones philologico-theolcg. Diflert. vi. de Cama? Domin, 
 prims ritibus et forma, §. xxx. p. 302,-306. Bafil. 
 J662. 
 
 {c) John ii. 6. {d) Luke ii. 22, {() Luk§ 
 
 V, 14, Mark i. 44. 
 
C. II. The fix water pots. 135 
 
 der, how many legal pollutions, unavoidably 
 and frequently contracted, required this larger 
 purification, efpecially among the women, it is 
 likely, that all perions, who could provide con- 
 veniences for it, would keep fufficient quanti- 
 ties of water in their houfes ready for fuch oc- 
 cafions. According to this opinion, theie wa- 
 ter pots muft have been large vefiels. How 
 large, is not certain. The text fays, they 
 <l contained two or three psrpnra/ apiece ;" a 
 word, which tr.ough it properly fignifies a mea- 
 fure in the general, was yet, doubtlefs, in com- 
 mon ufe for fome particular meafure-, other- 
 wife, this account of the contents of thefe wa- 
 ter pots would be altogether indeterminate, and 
 convey no idea at all. It is probable, therefore, 
 that as the word rod, in englifh, which prima- 
 rily fignifies a flick to meafure with, of any 
 length, is yet appropriated to that particular 
 meafure of length which is moft ufed in mea- 
 furing lands, namely, five yards and an half, 
 fo the word ^.gxpnm was particularly appropria- 
 ted to that meafure of capacity, which was 
 moft uied by the Jews in meafuring liquids, and 
 that was the T\1 bath. This is ftill more proba- 
 ble, becaufe the feptuagint renders the word, bath, 
 by /^Tp»»Tn, in the fourth chapter of the fecond 
 book of Chronicles {a). Now the bath, ac- 
 cording to Dr. Cumberland, contains feven gal- 
 lons and a quarter. Each water pot, therefore, 
 may be fuppofed to contain about twenty gal- 
 lons, and all of them when filled to the brim, 
 as they were when our Saviour turned the water 
 into wine, about an hundred and twenty *. 
 
 K 4 As 
 
 [a) 2 Chron. iv. 5. 
 . * See on this fubjed a diilertation of Hoftus, in the Cri- 
 tici Sacri, vol. ix. 
 
136 Feafts. B. III. 
 
 As to the defign of this miracle, we are not 
 to fuppofe that Chrift produced fo great a quan- 
 tity of wine, merely, or chiefly for the ufe of 
 the gncfts at that entertainment. Befides the 
 grand purpofe of difplaying his divine power, 
 he might hereby intend to make a handlome 
 prefent to the new married couple, as fuch a 
 quantity of excellent wine undoubtedly was, 
 in grateful return for their favour in inviting 
 him and his difciples to the marriage feaft. 
 
 As to the third preparatory ceremony, pour- 
 ing out oil, I can find no fufficient evidence of 
 this being in common life. The woman's a- 
 nointing our Saviour's head with ointment, 
 which St. Luke mentions (a), and to which 
 Godwin refers, was without doubt an extraor- 
 dinary cafe. 
 
 As to the r012 barachah, or benediction of 
 the bread and wine, from whence many others 
 fuppofe, as well as Godwin, that our Saviour 
 borrowed the rites which he ufed in the celebra- 
 tion of his fupper ; the authority of the rabbi- 
 nical writers, who mention this barachah, is 
 too precarious, to furniih a certain conclufion, 
 that it was in ufe among the Jews in our Sa- 
 viour's time. The correfpondence betwixt the 
 facramental rites, and thofe of the jewifh ba- 
 rachah, as practifed in the days of the talmu- 
 dical rabbies, may be feen at large in Buxtorf 
 on this fubjecl *. 
 
 The laft thing which Godwin mentions as 
 remarkably in the feafts of the Jews, was their 
 table gefture -j~. And this was reclining on 
 
 couches 
 
 (a) Luke vii. 37, 38. 
 
 * Buxtorf. Ditfertationes philolog. theolog. diflert. vi. de 
 Cannae Domin. primas ritibus et Forma. 
 
 t Vid. Buxtorf. ubi fupra, §. xxxii,-— xl. p. 306,-309. 
 et Lightibot, Horas Hebr. in Matt. xxvi. 20. 
 
C. IT. Feafls. 137 
 
 couches after the manner of the Romans *, the 
 upper part of the body refting upon the left 
 elbow, and the lower lying at length upon the 
 cpuch. When two or three reclined on the 
 fame couch, fome fay the worthieft or moft ho- 
 nourable perfon lay firft, Lightfoot fays in the 
 middle -f\ The next in dignity lay with his 
 head reclining pn the breaft or bofom of the 
 firft ; as John is faid to have done on the bofom 
 of Jefus at fupper {a). And hence is borrowed 
 the phrafe of Abraham's bofom, as denoting 
 the ftate of celeftial happinefs (b). Abraham 
 being efteemed the moft honourable perfon, and 
 the father of the jewifh nation, to be in his bo- 
 fom fignifies in allufion to the order in which 
 guefts were placed at an entertainment, the 
 higheft ftate of felicity next to that of Abraham 
 hi'mfelf. 
 
 * Plutarchi fympos. lib. v. problem, vi. p. 769, 780. edit. 
 JYancofurt. 1620. Seethe Accubitus of the Romans de- 
 fcribed, with a delineation from fome antique marbles, by 
 Hieron. Mercurialis, de Arte Gymnaft. lib. 1. cap. xi. Am- 
 ftel. 1672. 
 
 t Hora; hebr. Joh. xiii. 23. 
 
 {«) John xiii. 23. {b) Lukexvi. 22. 
 
 C II A P. 
 
( 138 } 
 
 
 CHAf, HI, 
 pf the S A B B a T H f 
 
 TH E word fabbath, from rDtif mabath ? 
 quievit, is ufed in fcripture, in a limited 
 fenfe, for the feventh day of the week, which 
 by the jewifh law was peculiarly confecrated to 
 the fervice of Gtod ; and in a more extenfive 
 fenfe, for other holy days, as for the annual 
 fad or day of atonement on the tenth of the 
 month tizri (a) ; and, in the new teftament, 
 the word ffttfcfanw is fometimes ufed for a week : 
 *< I fall twice in a week," " N«r«u«> fit m (?&$$«.- 
 rx(b) y " and " m& a-ct^fittTuv" fignifies the firft 
 day of the week (c). But commonly the word 
 fabbath is peculiarly appropriated to the feventh 
 day. 
 
 In the fixth chapter of St. Luke, we read of 
 the (r&fifi&Tov fivripoTfuTov (d), the explaining of 
 which has given the critics and commentators 
 not a little trouble. Some alledge there were 
 two fabbaths in the year, each of them called 
 the firft, in refpect to the two different begin- 
 nings of the year, the civil and the facred. 
 
 That 
 
 - (a) Lev. xxiii. 32. {b) Luke xviii. 12. (c) Matt, 
 xxviii. 1. (d) Lukevi. 1, 
 
C. HI. Thefabbath. 139 
 
 That the Jews had fome peculiar regard to the 
 firft fabbath in the year, appears from a pafiage 
 in Clemens Alexandrinus ; " c AV ^ ci?^vn $a.vit. 
 
 ff-j.ppa.rov ax. d.ys<Ti to Azycpivcv, rrfcorov *. Nifl \\i— 
 
 na appareat, iabbatum non celebrant quod pri- 
 mum dicitur, &c. Now as their year had two 
 different beginnings, one with the month tizri 
 in autumn, the other with the month nifan in 
 fpring, there were confequently two firft fab- 
 baths - y of which this, according to the compu- 
 tation of the civil year, was the fecond, and is 
 therefore called fivripoTrcuTov, or the fecond-firft 
 fabbath. 
 
 Grotius, whole opinion is followed by Dr. 
 Hammond, conceives, that when any of the 
 folemn yearly feafts fell on the fabbath day, 
 that fabbath had a fpecial refpect paid to it, and 
 was called p*y<t or (which Dr. Hammond faith 
 is the fame thing) ca^atw m^wrw. Now of thefe 
 prime or firft fabbaths there were three in the 
 year, at the paffover, at pentecoft, and at the 
 feaft of tabernacles. The firft of them, that 
 is, when the firft day of the paffover fell on the 
 fabbath day, was called rrfuro'Trfu^ov a-A&isLTQv, or 
 the firft prime fabbath. The fecond, that is, 
 when the day of pentecoft fell on the fabbath, 
 was called fivTifwrfsinif, which, he apprehends, 
 was the fabbath here intended f. But as neither 
 Grotius nor Hammond have produced any paf- 
 fage, in which either the word rfurvrfttrov or 
 TpiTorpuTov occurs, this interpretation remains 
 doubtful and uncertain. Sir Iiaac Newton ima- 
 gines this fxpZiLTov ^.vrtpoTrpuTcv was the fecond 
 great day of the feaft of the paffover : as we 
 pall eafter day high eafter, and its octave low 
 
 eafter, 
 
 * Strom, lib. vi. p. 636. A, edit. Paris. 1741 . 
 •f Grotii et Hammondi Annot. in Ice. 
 
1 4 o The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 eafter, or low funday, To it feems, St. Luke 
 ftiles the feafl on the feventh day of the unlea- 
 vened bread, the fecond of the two prime fab- 
 baths *. To this fenfe Dr. Doddridge objects, 
 that though the feventh day of unleavened bread 
 was to be an holy convocation, yet the law ex- 
 prefsly allowed the Jews to drefs victuals on 
 it (a) j and therefore the pharifees could have 
 had no pretence for charging Chrift's difciples 
 with breaking the fabbath by their plucking 
 and rubbing the ear of corn on that day, as 
 they did(£). 
 
 Theophylact f , who is followed by J. Scali- 
 ger J, Lightfoot §, and Whitby, makes the 
 e&fiiicLTw JWspoxpwToi/ to be the firft of the feven 
 fabbaths betwixt the paffover and pentecoft, or 
 the firft fabbath after the fecond day of unlea- 
 vened bread, from whence the fifty days to 
 pentecoft were computed (<:). There want only 
 inftances of the word JWspsJP-suTspoi' being ufed 
 for the fecond, and /guTspoTp/rov for the third of 
 thefe fabbaths, to confirm this fenfe beyond dif- 
 pute. However, though it be not quite free 
 from uncertainty, it feems to ftand as fair in 
 point of probability as any of them || . Thus 
 much for the word fabbath : we proceed to treat 
 of the thing. 
 
 It hath been controverted both among Jews 
 and chriftians, whether the fabbath was firft 
 
 infti- 
 
 * Sir Ifaac Newton's Obfervations on the prophecies of 
 Daniel and the Revelation, p. 154. 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 16. {b) Luke vi. 2. 
 
 •f Comment, in loc. 
 
 •j Scalig. de emendat. temp. lib. vi. p. 557. edit. Colon.' 
 Allobr. 1629. 
 
 $ Lightfoot, Horx hebraic. in loc. et in Matt. xii. 1. 
 
 (c) Lev. xiiii. 15, 16. 
 
 j| See Whitby and Doddridge in loc. 
 
C. III. The fabbath. 141 
 
 inftituted immediately after the creation, and 
 given to Adam and Eve in paradife ? or, whe- 
 ther the account, of God's blefling the feventh 
 day and fanctifying it, which Moles mentions 
 in connection with God's refting on the feventh 
 day when the work of creation was iinifhed (a) 7 
 is to be underftood proleptically, of his appoint- 
 ing that day to be obferved as a fabbath, not 
 at that time, but by the Ifraelites many ages 
 afterwards. 
 
 Limborch*, Le Clerc-f* , and fome other learn- 
 ed men are of the latter opinion. But furely it is 
 more natural to underftand this pafTage as relat- 
 ing to the time in which it is placed in the fe- 
 ries of the hiftory, that is, to the fir ft ages of 
 the world, previous to the fall. The chief rea- 
 fon for underftanding it proleptically is, that 
 there is no mention of the fabbath afterwards, 
 in the facred hiftory, till the time of Mofes ; 
 that is, for about two thoufand five hundred 
 years. However, the fame argument will 
 hardly be admitted in the cafe of circumcificn, 
 of which there is no exprefs mention in fcrip- 
 ture, or however no inftance recorded of the 
 obfervation of it, from the fettlement of the If- 
 raelites in Canaan, to the circumcifion of (Thrift. 
 Neverthelefs, as this rite was the fign of the 
 covenant with Abraham and his pafterity, and 
 the characteriftic of the peculiar people of God, 
 its being conftantly obferved, cannot reafonably 
 be called in queftion ; efpecially as the heathen 
 are called " the uncircumcifed " in contradif- 
 tinction to the Ifraelites, which implies, that it 
 was practifed conftantly by the latter. The fi- 
 lence of hiftory with refpect to the continuance 
 
 of 
 
 [a) Gen. ii. 5. * Limborc. Theolog. Cbriftian. lib. v. 
 cap. xxviii. §. vii, — ix. p. 478, 479. edit. Amftel. 1715. 
 f Clerici Annot. in Gen. ii. 3. 
 
142 the fabbath. B. IIL 
 
 of a rite or cuftom, well known to have been* 
 inftituted or adopted, is ho argument againft 
 fuch continuance^ provided the reafon on which 
 the institution was originally grounded, remains 
 the fame. It can by no means be concluded, 
 that becatife there is no exprefs mention of the 
 obfervation of a fabbath in the patriarchal hif- 
 tory, therefore no fabbath was obferved in thofe 
 times. On the contrary, that the fabbath was 
 inftituted at the time, to which Mofes's relation 
 of the inftition of it refers, and was in confe- 
 quence hereof obferved by the patriarchs, is at 
 lead probable, from their diflinguifhing time 
 by weeks of feven days (a) ; for which it is not 
 eafy to account on any other fuppofition, than 
 of fome pofitive divine appointment, there be- 
 ing no ground in nature for fuch a divifion *. 
 The changes and quarters of the moon would 
 not occafion it to be adopted, a lunar month 
 being more than four times feven days, by 
 above a day and an half. 
 
 It is a further confirmation of this argument, 
 that all heathen nations, many of whom cannot 
 be fuppofed to have had any knowledge of the 
 law or hiftory of Mofes, divided their time in 
 the lame manner as the patriarchs and the Jews 
 did, by weeks of feven days. And it appears 
 by their moft ancient writers, Homer and He- 
 fiod in particular, that they accounted one day 
 of the feven more facred than the reft. Hefiod 
 itiles the feventh day the illuftrious light of the 
 fun: 
 
 E^cTo/XX7JI cT (Ll'SiS Ati.{J.7rpiV $0.0$ IJjA/0/9. 
 
 Homer 
 
 (a) Gen. viii. io> — 12. xxix. 27. 
 * See a remarkable pafiage, to this purpofe, of Johannes 
 Philoponusin VVitfii'^Egypt.lib. iii. cap. ix. §.ii. p. 241,242. 
 
C. III. The fabbath; '143 
 
 Homer faith, 
 
 then came the feventh day, which is facred or 
 holy *. 
 
 Now can we fuppofe, they mould all agree 
 in this divifion of time, unlefs from a divine 
 inftitution imparted to our firft parents, from 
 whom it was derived by tradition to their pof- 
 terity. 
 
 Some have apprehended, as we have already 
 obferved, that " the end of the days," when 
 Cain and Abel are faid to have " brought their 
 offerings to the Lord (a)" means the end or 
 lad day of the week, that is, the fabbath-day. 
 But fhould this exprefllon be thought to fignify 
 more probably the end of the year, when the 
 fruits of the earth were ripe ; it is not however 
 unlikely that the day, when " the fons of God" 
 are faid in the book of Job to come to " pre- 
 fent themfelves before the Lord (£)," was the 
 fabbath, when pious perfons (ililed in Genefis 
 " the fons of God (c)") alfembled for publick 
 worihip. 
 
 It is further obferved by Dr. Kennicott, that 
 when the fabbath is firft mentioned in the time 
 of Mofes, namely in the fixteenth chapter of 
 the book of Exodus, it is not fpoken of as a 
 novel inftitution, but as one with which the 
 people were well acquainted : " To morrow, faith 
 he, is the holy fabbath to the Lord:" and then 
 he informs them, not of their general duty at 
 fuch a fealbn, of which they were perfectly ap- 
 prized, but only how they fhould aft on that 
 
 day 
 
 * See Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom, lib. v. p. 60.0. edit. 
 Paris. 1641. et Selden. de Jure nat. et gent, lib.iii. cap. xvi. 
 (a) Gen. iv. 3. (£) Job i. 6, (') Gen. vi. z. 
 
•144 The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 day with refpedl to the manna, which was not 
 to fall on the feventh, as it had done on the fix 
 preceding days*. 
 
 Indeed it cannot be fuppofed that God left 
 the world deftitute of ib falutary an inftkution; 
 and confequently that no fabbath was obferved* 
 for fo many ages as intervened between Adam 
 and Mofes. The obfei vation of a fabbath, cf 
 fome particular feafon for reft and devotion, is 
 primarily a moral law, or law of nature ; cer- 
 tain intervals of refpke from bufinefs and la- 
 boar being neceffary for the prefervation both 
 of our intellectual and corporeal frame •, and it 
 being highly reafonable, thic thofe, who are 
 wholly dependent on God, from whom they re- 
 ceive many publick as well as private bleffings, 
 ihould prefent him not only private, but publick 
 and focial worfhip; which cannot be done un- 
 lets certain days or times are appointed, when 
 they may affemble for that purpofe. 
 
 And for this end the Mefled Gcd hath been 
 pleafed to eftablifh a due proportion of time, 
 namely, one day in feven. " God bleffed the. 
 feventh day, it is faid, and fanftiQed it, becaufe 
 that in it he had relied from all hi? work, which 
 God created and made." He fanclifi'ed it, that 
 is, he feparated and diftinguifhed it from the 
 days of the week, letting it apart for the pur- 
 pofes of a fabbath ; agreeable 10 the primary 
 meaning of ihe verb V?1p kadhafn, fepa.avit or 
 confecravit. What is meant by his " blefTing 
 the day," may be underftood by the oppofite 
 phrale, " curfing a day." Both Job (a) and 
 Jeremiah (b) in the warmth and bitternefs of 
 their fpirits u curled the day of their birth," 
 
 that 
 
 ** Kennicott's two Liffertations on tbe tree oflifo, and ob- 
 lations of Cain and Abel, difiert. 2. p. 141. Oxford 1747. 
 (a) Job iii. l,Sec. [i>) Jer. xx. 14. 
 
C. JI r . The fabbath. 145 
 
 that is, wifhed no favourable cr agreeable e^ent 
 might happen on that day, that it might not 
 be a time of rejoicing, but of mourning : " Let 
 the day be darknefs j let a cloud dwell upon it ; 
 let no joyful voice come therein (d)." The 
 Greeks had their a-joz^h *, and the Romans 
 their dies infaufti, that is, certain days, which 
 had been diftinguifhed by fome great calamity; 
 on which, therefore, they did not indulge them- 
 fclves in any mirth or pleafure, and expected 
 no good event to happen to them. Tacitus re- 
 lates, that the fenate, to flatter Nero, decreed, 
 ut dies natalis Agrippinse inter nefaftos eflet f. 
 To blefs a day on the contrary, is to wilh that 
 it may prove happy, and to devote it to joy 
 and pleafure. And by God's blefiing the feventh 
 day, we are naturally to underftand his appoint- 
 ing it to be a facred feftival, a day not only of 
 relt, but delight, as the fabbath is called by the 
 prophet Ifaiah {b) -, and perhaps it might have 
 a further refpect to fome happy event, which 
 was afterwards to happen on this day of the 
 week, I mean the refurrection of Chrift. For 
 if, as we fhall prefently make appear to be pro- 
 bable, the jewifh fabbath was appointed to be 
 kept the day before the patriarchal fabbath, then 
 the fiift day of the week, or the chriftian fab- 
 bath, is the fevenrh day, computed from the 
 beginning of time, and the fame with the fab- 
 bath instituted, and obferved by the patriarchs, 
 in commemoration of the work of creation. 
 
 Thus much with refpect to the patriarchal 
 fabbath : As to the jewifh we mail confider 
 
 Vol. II. L ift, The 
 
 * Lucian. Pfeudologifta feu Tfgt t«; AorotyaJbc, prxfercim 
 ab init. cum not. Cognati in loc. Etiam Lexico. Conftantini 
 invoc. ATroppaJffTj/As^ai. (a) Job iii. 4, 5, 7. 
 
 t Annal. lib. xiv. §. xii. p, 289. edit. Glafg. 1 74.3, 
 
 {b) Ifai. lviii. 13. 
 
146 The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 i ft, The inftitution of it : 
 
 2dly, The duties that belonged to it : And 
 
 3dly, The defign and end of it. 
 
 ift, As to the inftitution of the jewifli fab- 
 bath : The firft account we have of it is in the 
 fixteenth chapter of the book ©f Exodus, where 
 the day that God appointed to be kept by the 
 Jews for their fabbath, was marked out by its 
 not raining manna, which it had done for fix 
 days before (a). The obfervation of a fabbath 
 was probably not wholly new to the Jews ; it 
 is not likely they had entirely omitted this week- 
 ly day of reft and devotion. Neverthelefs the 
 manner of keeping the fabbath by a total ceffa- 
 tion from labour, and the particular day on 
 which it was to be kept by the Jews, feems to 
 have been a new inftitution ; otherwife, as to 
 the day, there would have been no occafion for 
 its being fo particularly marked out by Mofes, 
 as the reafon of there being a double quantity 
 of manna on the fixth day (b), for it muft have 
 immediately occurred to the people, that it was 
 intended for their provifion on the fabbath, if 
 the next day had been the fabbath in courfe. 
 And the expreffion which Mofes ufeth is re- 
 markable, " See, or take notice, for that the 
 Lord hath given you the fabbath, (as if this 
 day were then firft appointed to them, ) there- 
 fore he giveth you on the fixth day the bread 
 of two days (V)." And it feems to have been 
 too trivial a circumftance to be recorded in the 
 facred hiftory, that the people " refted on the 
 feventh day {d)" if this had been merely what 
 they and their fathers had always done. 
 
 It 
 
 {a) Exod. xvi. 23,-26. (b) See verfes 23, 25. 
 
 [c) ver. 29. [d) ver. 30. 
 
C. II. The fabbath. 147 
 
 It moreover appears, that that day week, be- 
 fore the day, which was thus marked out for 
 a fabbath by its not raining manna, was nor 
 obferved as a fabbath. On the fifteenth day of 
 the fecond month they journeyed from Elim, 
 and came at night into the wildernefs of Sin (a) ; 
 where, on their murmuring for want of provi- 
 fions, the Lord that night fent them quails-, and 
 the next morning, which was the fixteenth day, 
 it rained manna, and fo for fix days fucceflive- 
 ly ; on the feventh, which was the twenty-fe- 
 cond, it rained none, and that day they were 
 commanded to keep for their fabbath ; and if 
 this had been the fabbath in courfe, according 
 to the paradifaical computation, the fifteenth 
 mull have been fo too, and would have been 
 doubtlefs kept as a fabbath, and not have been 
 any part of it fpent in marching from Eiim to 
 Sin. 
 
 Again, that the jewifh fabbath was on a dif- 
 ferent day from the paradifaical is probable, 
 from its being appointed as a fign between God 
 and the people of Ifrael, by obferving which 
 they were to know or acknowledge Jehovah as 
 their God (Z>). Agreeable to which is the opi- 
 nion of the jewifh doctors, that the fabbath 
 was given to Ifraelites, and none elfe were bound 
 to obferve it. But how could it be a fign be- 
 tween God and the people of Ifrael, more than 
 any other pecple, if it had been merely the old 
 paradifaical fabbath, which had been given to 
 all mankind ? 
 
 The jewiih fabbath being declared to be in- 
 
 ftituted as a memorial of their deliverance out 
 
 of the land of Egypt, and this being fuper- 
 
 L 2 added 
 
 \a) ver. 1. [b) Exod. xxxi. 13, 17. Ezek. xx. 20. 
 
148 Thefabbath. B. III. 
 
 added to the reafon for keeping the ancient pa- 
 radifaical fabbath, makes it highly probable it 
 was appointed to be on a different day •, other- 
 wife how could it be a memorial of a new event, 
 or with what propriety could it be faid, as it is, 
 that becaufe God " had brought them out of 
 the land of Egypt, therefore he commanded 
 them to keep the fabbath day (a) ? " Some 
 learned men have endeavoured to compute that 
 the jewiih fabbath was appointed on the fame 
 day of the week, on which they left Egypt ; 
 or rather, on which their deliverance was com- 
 pleated by the overthrow of Pharoah in the 
 red-fea ; but whether that computation can be 
 clearly made out, or not, this new reafon af- 
 figned for keeping the fabbath, makes it very 
 likely that it was fo. 
 
 To the foregoing arguments it is replied, 
 
 ifi, That the Ifraelites had probably loft the 
 ancient fabbath during their flavery in Egypt, 
 if not before * ; for that it cannot be thought 
 their egyptian tafk-mafters would fuffer them to 
 reft from their labours one day in every week; 
 and that therefore the fabbath having been laid 
 afide or forgot, the inftitution of the jewiih 
 fabbath, was only, by a new order, reviving 
 the ancient fabbath. 
 
 But to this it may be anfwered, That if the 
 Ifraelites had forgot the original fabbath, God 
 certainly had not ; and it is very improbable he 
 would have commanded them to travel from 
 Elim to Sin on the day he had confecrated to 
 facred reft, before he had either repealed the 
 law of the fabbath, or declared his will that any 
 alteration fhould be made in it. For the chil- 
 dren 
 
 (a) Compare Exod. xx. II. andDeut.v. li;. 
 
 * This was the opinion of Philo, de vita Ivlofo, p. 49 1 > E . 
 edit. Colon. Allobr. 161 3. 
 
C. III. The fabbath. 149 
 
 dren of Ifrael never journeyed, but at the com- 
 mand of God {a). 
 
 Again, it is not probable, the Egyptians 
 would be fo blind to their own intereft, as 
 by fu ejecting the Ifraelites to exceffive and in- 
 cefiant labour, to wear out and deftroy their 
 conltitutions *. It is more likely, they allowed 
 them a weekly day of reft, as is allowed by 
 their mafters to the negroes in the Weft-Indies, 
 more for the fake of their health, than out of 
 any regard to religion. 
 
 But if there is reafon to believe, that the 
 Egyptians themlelves obferved the ancient pa- 
 radifaical fabbath, it is ftill more probable they 
 would allow the Ifraelites to do the fame •, and 
 as the Egyptians and other heathens received 
 the law of the fabbath by tradition from Noah 
 and Adam, it is reafonable to fuppofe they kept 
 the day of the week originally appointed •, for 
 what fhould alter it as long as men meafured 
 their time by a regular fucceflion of weeks, but 
 a new divine inftitution ? 
 
 It is a very probable conjecture, that the day 
 which the heathens in general confecrated to the 
 worfhip and honour of their chief god the fun, 
 which according to our computation was the 
 firft day of the week, was the ancient paradi- 
 faical fabbath. What, but the tradition of a 
 divine inftitution, fhould induce them to confe- 
 crate that day to their principal deity, and to 
 efteem it more facred than any other? 
 
 The reafon perhaps for God's changing the 
 day might be to take off the Ifraelites more ef- 
 fectually from concurring with the Gentiles in 
 their idolatrous worfhip of the fun. For the 
 L 3 fame 
 
 (a) Exod. xiii. 21. Numb. ix. 18. 
 * See Selden de jure nat. et gent. lib. iii. cap. xiii. oper, 
 vol. 1. com. 1. p. 344. 
 
150 Thefabbath. B, III. 
 
 \ame reafon, as the heathens begun their fab- 
 bath, and other days, from the fun-rifing, the 
 Ifraelites are ordered to begin their fabbath from 
 the fun-fetting(tf) : " from evening to evening 
 fhall ye celebrate your fabbath." As the wor- 
 Ihippers of the fun adored towards the eaft, the 
 Jx>int of the fun's rifing, God ordered the moft 
 holy place, in which were the facred fymbols of 
 his prefence in the tabernacle and temple, and 
 towards which the people were to worihip, to 
 be placed to the weft. 
 
 2dly, It is objected, that the paradifaica] fab- 
 bath was appointed to be kept on the feventh 
 day •, and fo, in the fourth commandment, was 
 the jewilh ; and they are fuppofed, therefore, 
 to have been kept on the fame day. But this 
 confequence will not follow from the premifes. 
 It is by np means certain, that the feventh day 
 of the jewifh week coincided with the feventh 
 of the paradifaical. For upon their migration 
 out of Egypt, God appointed the Ifraelites a 
 quite new computation of time. The begin- 
 ning of the year was changed from the month 
 Tizri to the oppofite month Abib (b) ; and the 
 beginning of the day from the morning to the 
 evening •, for whereas the fifteenth day of the 
 month, on which they departed from Egypt, 
 was. reckoned to be the morrow after the even- 
 ing in which they eat the paffover, that is, on 
 the fourteenth day (c ), they were, for the time 
 to come, to compute their days, at leaft their 
 fabbaths, from evening to evening -, by this 
 means the fifteenth day was changed into the 
 fourteenth, and the feventh into the iixth ■, and 
 
 the 
 
 la) Lev. xxiii. 32. (£) Exod. xii. 2. (<-) Numb, 
 sxxiii. 3. compared tvith Exod. xii. 6. 
 
CIIL Thefabbath. 151 
 
 the change of the fabbath made a change like- 
 wife of the beginning of the week, it always 
 beginning the next day after the fabbath, which 
 was Hill the ieventh day of the week, or the fe« 
 venth in refpect of the preceding fix of labour, 
 though not the ieventh from the beginning of 
 time. 
 
 We may further obferve, that the law of the 
 fabbath is limitted, not only to the people of 
 Ifrael, but to the duration of their ftate and po- 
 lity. " Thy children (hall obferve the fabbath 
 throughout their generations (a) : " that is, as 
 long as their political conftitution mould en- 
 dure, to the days of the Mefliah ; fo long the 
 fabbath was to be kept for a " perpetual cove- 
 nant" without interruption, and was to be a 
 " fign between God and the children of Ifrael 
 for ever(£)," or while they were his peculiar 
 people, and only vifible church in the world. 
 In the fame fenfe the priefthood of Aaron and 
 his fons is called an everlafting priefthood (c)\ 
 and God promifed that he would give to the 
 feed of Abraham all the land of Canaan for an 
 everlafting poileflion (d). 
 
 This law or inftitution of the fabbath was 
 inforced by the threatening of capital punifh- 
 ment to fuch as violated it : " Every one that 
 defileth it fhall furely be put to death ; and who- 
 ever doth any work thereon, that foul fhall fure- 
 ly be cut off from among his people^)." Thefe 
 two ciauies of the threatening are generally un- 
 derflood in the following manner : the firft, as 
 referring to any open violation of the fabbath •, 
 which was to be punifhed by the magiftrate 
 L 4 with 
 
 {a) Exod. xxxi. 16. (b) ver. 17. (c) Exod, 
 
 xl. 15. (d) Gen, xvii. 8. [e) Exod, xxxi. 14. 
 
152 The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 with death, but it was not yet declared by what 
 kind of death. Accordingly a peribn being 
 afterwards convi&ed of this Crime, he was put 
 in ward, " becaufe it was not declared what 
 Should be done to him («)." And God being 
 afrefh confulted on this occafion, it was now 
 determined the execution for this offence Ihould 
 be by Stoning (Z>). The fecond claufe of the 
 threatening, " that foul fhall be cut off from 
 among his people," is commonly fuppofed to 
 relate to fecret violations of the fabbath, of 
 which there being no witnelfes, they could not 
 be punifhed by the magistrate ; and therefore 
 they mould be punifhed by the immediate hand 
 of God. The fame phrafe is ufed concerning 
 the punifhment of incestuous and unlawful con- 
 junctions, which are generally practifed fecret- 
 ly, and therefore can be punifhed by none but 
 God (t). 
 
 Thus much for the institution of the jewifh 
 fabbath. We now proceed 
 
 2dly, Tp confider the duties that belonged 
 to it •, which are to remember to keep it holy, 
 to abftain from all work and worldly bufinefs 
 on that day, and to fanctify it. 
 
 The firft duty of the fabbath is to remember 
 to keep it holy (d) ; which may import two 
 things. 
 
 lit. The commemoration of blefTings for- 
 merly received. And 
 
 2dly. Preparing themfelves for the due ob- 
 fervance of it. 
 
 ill:. The word <c remember" hath naturally 
 a retrofpect to thofe former blefTings, which 
 they were particularly to recoiled: and comme- 
 morate 
 {a} Numb. xv. 34. [b) ver. 35. (c) See Lev. 
 
 Xviii. 29. («0 Excd. xx. 8. 
 
G. TIL Thefabbath. 153 
 
 morate on the fabbath. And they were chiefly 
 two, God's creating the world, and his deliver- 
 ing their nation from bondage in Egypt. The 
 firit was a blefling common to the Jews and the 
 reft of mankind ; and is accordingly afiigned as 
 the reafon of God's appointing a fabbath to be 
 kept by Adam and all his pofterity (a). This 
 reafon, therefore, for the obfervation of the 
 fabbath was not peculiar to the Jews, but com- 
 mon to them and all others, on whatever day it 
 was kept. But befides this reafon mentioned 
 in the book of Exodus, on occafion of the in- 
 ftitution of the jewifh fabbath (b) y there was a 
 further reafon afiigned in the book of Deutero- 
 nomy (j) which was peculiar to themfelves ; 
 namely, their deliverance from their bondage 
 in the land of Egypt. 
 
 2dly. To " remember the fabbath, to keep 
 it holy,'* may further imply, that they mould 
 not forget to prepare themfelves beforehand for 
 the right obfervance of it. The fabbath began 
 at fix, the preparation at three o'clock in the 
 afternoon, and then they got every thing in rea- 
 dinefs, for which they had occafion, and the 
 procuring or providing which was prohibited 
 on the fabbath, or inconfiftent with the ftrift- 
 nefs which the law required on that holy day. 
 The whole preceding day, according to God- 
 win, was a kind of preparation, which, faith 
 he, will appear by the particulars then forbid- 
 den : Firft, on this day they might go no more 
 than three parfas v ten of which a man might 
 go in an ordinary day : Secondly, judges might 
 not fit in judgment upon life and death : Third- 
 ly, all forts of artificers were forbidden to work, 
 three only excepted, fhoemakers, taylors, and 
 
 fcribes 
 
 {a) Gen. ii. 3. (b) Exod, xx. 1 1 . [c) Deut. V. 15. 
 
i-j4 Thefabbath. B. III. 
 
 icribes, who were allowed to employ themfelves 
 during half the time alloted for preparation, 
 the two former in repairing apparel, the laft in 
 getting ready to expound the law *. 
 
 It was ufual to give notice of the approach 
 of the fabbath, by blowing the trumpet from 
 fome high place -f-. Rhenferd concludes that the 
 DUS^n "JDIO mulTak hafiabath, or, as our ver- 
 fion renders it, the covert for the fabbath, 
 which king Ahaz took away from the tem- 
 ple (a), was fome kind of watch tower, from 
 the top of which the priefts ufed to proclaim 
 in this manner the approach of the fabbath J. 
 But it may as well fignify a canopy, under 
 which the king ufed to fit in the court or porch 
 of the temple on the fabbath-day -, which Ahaz 
 probably took away, to exprefs his contempt 
 of the fabbath, and his not intending to come 
 to the temple any more. 
 
 The fecond duty of the fabbath was to ab- 
 ftain from all manner of work or bufinefs ; 
 from the labour of their trades and callings (£)> 
 buying and felling (c), carrying burthens (d), 
 and travelling. The law injoins, that " no 
 man mould go out of his place on the fabbath- 
 day (e) j" which could not be meant to confine 
 them to their houfes, fince the fabbath was to 
 be celebrated by a holy convocation (/), or by 
 the peoples afiembling for publick worfhip. It 
 can only therefore be underftood as forbidding 
 them to travel any further than was neceffary 
 for that purpofe 5 how far that might be, the 
 
 law 
 
 * Concerning the preparation for the fabbath, fee Bux- 
 torfii Synag. judaic, cap. xv. -f- Maimon. in traft. 
 
 Sabbath, cap. 5. §. 18, 19. Leufden. Philolog. hebraeo- 
 mixt. DifTert. xxxvi. fub fin. (a) 2 Kings xvi. 18. 
 
 % Vid. Rhenferd. opus philolog. differt. xviii. 
 
 (6) Exod. xxxi. 15. (c) Nchem.x. 31. (d) Jer, 
 
 xvii. 21. (e) Exod. xvi. 29. {/) Lev. xxiii. 3. 
 
C. III. The fabbath, 1$S 
 
 law does not determine •, but leaves it to every 
 one's diicretion, according as the fynagogue or 
 place or worfhip, when the Jews came to be 
 fettled in Canaan, might be nearer or more re- 
 mote. But the rabbies, the expounders of the 
 law, have fixed it at two thoufand cubits*, or 
 about two thirds of an englifh mile. This they 
 ground, partly, on Jcfhua's appointing the fpace 
 of two thoufand cubits between the ark and the 
 people,, when they marched into Canaan (a) ; 
 and partly, on two thoufand cubits being af- 
 figned for the fuburbs of the cities of the Le- 
 vites all around them (b) ; beyond which, fay 
 they, it was not lawful for them to travel on 
 the fabbath-day. The chaldee paraphrafe -f* 
 fays, <i Naomi faid unto Ruth, we are com- 
 manded to keep the fabbath and good days, 
 and not to go about two thoufand cubits." The 
 fame meafure is afligned in the babylonilh tal- 
 mud J. This, in all probability, was the diftance 
 of mount Olivet from Jerufalem, it being faid (d) 
 to be a fabbath-day's journey §. 
 
 Again, the Jews were forbid " doing and 
 finding their own pleafure on the fabbath ;" 
 which, I conceive, is to be understood of re- 
 creations and diverfions ; and " fpeaking their 
 own words," that is, talking about worldly mat- 
 ters, making bargains, &c. (e) 
 
 They 
 
 * Vid. Meyer, dc temporibus et fcflis diebus Hebrxor. 
 part. ii. cap. ix. §. xxxix, xl. p. i 88, 190. Hottinger. 
 Juris Hebracor. leges, leg. xxiv. p. 32.-34. Lightfoot, 
 Horce Hebraic, in Luc. xxiv. 50. et A£t. x. 12. 
 
 {a) Jo(h. iii. 4. (b) Numb. xxxv. 5. ■[ On Ruth i. 16. 
 
 X Cod. Gnerubin, fol. 48. 1. et fol. 51. 1. Vid. Meyer. 
 Hottinger. et Lightfoot ubi fupra. (d) Adls i. 12. 
 
 [e) lia. lviii. 13. § See Voightii Diflert de viaSab- 
 
 bathi, et Waltheri DifTert. deitinere Sabbathi, in Aft. i. 12. 
 pud Thefaur. theolog. philolog. tom. 2. p. 417, et feq. p« 
 423,etfeq. Amftel. 1702. 
 
156 The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 They were likewife forbid kindling fires in 
 their habitations on the fabbath-day (a). This 
 law it is fuppofed was not intended to prohibit 
 their having fires on the fabbath, to keep them 
 warm in cold weather, but only to drefs their 
 meat, or for any other work. They were to 
 drefs their victuals for the fabbath the day be- 
 fore, that nofervile labour, or as little as pofii- 
 ble, might be done on the day itfelf, and that 
 their fervants might reft as well as themfelves (£). 
 Nay, the fabbatical reft was ordered to extend 
 even to the beafts of labour ; they were not to 
 be let to work on that day (c), The ancient 
 doctors inculcated the reft of the fabbath with 
 a very fuperftitious rigour, forbidding even all 
 acts of felf-defence on that day, though aflault- 
 ed by their enemies. Upon this principle a 
 thoufand Jews fuffered themfelves to be flain on 
 the fabbath, not making the leaft refiftance, in 
 the beginning of the maccabean wars (d). . Up- 
 on which Matathias and his followers, reflect- 
 ing, that if they went on to act upon this prin- 
 ciple, they mult all be deftroyed in like man- 
 ner, decreed, upon a full debate of the matter, 
 that for the future, if they were aflaulted on 
 the fabbath, they fhould defend themfelves, 
 and it was lawful for them fo to do (e). How- 
 ever, though they would defend themfelves a^. 
 gainft a direct attack, they would do nothing to 
 hinder the enemies works : which Pompey ob- 
 ferving, as he was befieging Jerufalem in fa- 
 vour of Hyrcanus againft his brother Ariftobu- 
 lusj ordered that no affault mould be made on 
 
 the 
 
 (a) Exod. xxxv. 3. [b) Exod. xvi 23. {c) Exod. 
 xx. 10. (</) 1 Mac. ii. 31, — 38. Jofeph. lib. xii. cap. 
 vi. $. 2. p. 612. edit. Haverc. ' (e) ver. 39, — 41. Jo- 
 feph. ubi fupra, et §. 5. 
 
C. III. The fabbath. 157 
 
 the fabbath, but that the day mould be em- 
 ployed by his army in carrying on their works, 
 iuch as filling up the ditches with which the 
 temple 'was fortified, placing their battering en- 
 gines, &c. by which means he took the city, 
 and brought the Jews under fubjeclion to the 
 Romans, who at length took away both their 
 place and nation *. Thus their traditionary 
 precepts, by which, in many cafes, they made 
 void the law of God, proved in the end to be 
 one means of their utter deftruction. 
 
 Neverthelefs, the modern or rabbinical doc- 
 tors have regarded the reft of the fabbath, if 
 poflible, more fuperftitioufly ftill : they advance 
 thirty -nine negative precepts concerning things 
 not to be done on that day, befides many others 
 which are appendages to them. Two of thefe 
 may ferve as a fpecimen of the whole: grafs 
 might not be walked upon, leaft it mould be 
 bruifed, which is a fort of threfhing •, and a 
 flea muft not be caught, while it hops about, 
 becaufe that is a kind of hunting. They ac- 
 quaint us alfo with many pofitive precepts, 
 which run much in the fame (train •, that they 
 fhould put on clean linnen, wear better cloaths 
 than on any other day, eat once in fix hours, 
 &c f. But the true key for underftanding the 
 law of God concerning the fabbatical reft was 
 given us by our Saviour, when he faid, " The 
 fabbath was made for man, and not man for 
 the fabbath (a) ;" it was intended for his bene- 
 fit, 
 
 * Jofeph. Antiq. lib. xiv. cap. iv. §. 2,-4. p. 689. See 
 the ltory in Prideaux's Connect, part ii. book vi. fab. anno 
 63. vol. 4. p. 620,621. 
 
 f Munfter. in Exod. xx. 2. Mifhn. torn 2. tit. Sabbath. 
 Maimon. tra£t. Sabbath, paffim. Leufden. Philolog. hebrseo- 
 mixt. Diflert. xxxiv, xxxv. de Sabbatho, prxfertim. § . vi. 
 p. 235. edit. 2. and Buxtorf.de Synag.judaic k cap. xv. p. 322. 
 cap. xvi. p. 351, — 364. edit. Bafil. 1061. (a) Mark ii 27. 
 
j 5 $ The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 fir, for his reft and religious improvement, and 
 not as a yoke or bondage, reftraming him from 
 works of neceffity or mercy. And this leads 
 to rhe consideration of 
 
 The third duty of the fabbath, which is to 
 *' fanctify it {a)." It is enquired, what this 
 means ? Some would have it to import no more 
 than abftaining from work and labour. Le 
 Clcrc contends for this opinion, and alledges in 
 fupport of it the following paiTage of Jeremiah, 
 " Neither carry forth a burden out of your 
 houfes on the fabbath-day, neither do ye any 
 work, but hallow ye the fabbath-day, as I com- 
 manded your fathers '£)." Doing no work on 
 the fabbath, and hallowing op Sanctifying it are 
 plainly ufed as exp-ei!ions of the fame import. 
 As for what is called in Leviticus " the holy 
 convocation to be kept on the fabbath (c)," he 
 fuppofes it means what 'heGiceks call Tntwyv^tt, 
 an affembly lor feafting ar.-l h >lcaiure*. Vitrin- 
 ga efpoufes rhe fame icn'imer.t -f. The jewifh 
 doctors are of a contrary opinion -, they make 
 the fanctification of the fabbath to con fid, not 
 merely in iefl and idlenefs, but in meditation on 
 the wonderful works of God, in the ffudy of 
 the law, and in inftrudting thole who are under 
 them £. They tell us further, that the ninety- 
 fecond pfalm was compofed by Adam for the 
 
 devo<- 
 
 'ai Dent. v. 12. (h) Jer. xvii. 22, 24. (r) Levit. 
 xxiii. 3. 
 
 * Clerici Comment, in Excel, xx. 8. 
 
 t De Synag. vetere, lib. i. part. ii. cap. ii. efpecialljr 
 p. 289, — 294. Spencer maintains the lame opinion, de 
 Legibus Hebrsx>r. lib. i. cap. v. §. viii, — x. vol. j. p. 67, 
 — S8. cdie. Cantab. 1727. 
 
 % Vid. Mtyer. de temporibus ei fefHs, part. ii. cap. ix. 
 j. ix. et feq. p. 197, &c. Chriftoph. Carui ight. Eleaa 
 tarzum. o&hbaa ;n Exod. xx. 8. 
 
C. III. The fabbath. 159 
 
 devotion of this day *. We fhall not iniift on 
 the laft particular •, in other refpects their opi- 
 nion feems to be agreeable to fcripture and the 
 reafon of things, becaufe, 
 
 1 ft, The word fanctify, applied either to per- 
 fons or things, ufually imports not only the 
 feparation of them from common ufe, but the 
 dedication of them to the more immediate fer- 
 vice of God. To fandtify the fabbath therefore, 
 according to the true import of the word, is 
 not only to refrain from common bufinefs, but 
 to fpend the day in the peculiar fervice of God, 
 or in religious exercifes and acts of devotion. 
 
 2dly, Double facrifices being appointed to 
 be offered on the fabbath (0), is an intimation 
 that it was intended to be a day of extraordina- 
 ry devotion. 
 
 3dly, The Wip MtyB m ikre kodhefh, or 
 holy convocations to be held on the fabbath (£), 
 are moft naturally to be underftood of affem- 
 blies for religious worfhip ; as in the following 
 paffage of Ifaiah, " The Lord will create up- 
 on every dwelling-place of mount Zion, and 
 upon her aflemblies, t£Hp WIO mikre kodhefh, 
 a cloud and fmoke by day, and the mining of 
 a flaming fire by night (c). 
 
 4thly, That fuch religious aflemblies were 
 anciently held on the fabbath is argued from the 
 Shunamite's hufband enquiring of her why fhe 
 wanted to go to the prophet's houfe when it was 
 neither new moon nor fabbath {d) ? Which feems 
 to imply, that it was cuftomary to go to his 
 houfe on fabbath-days, and it may reafonably be 
 
 fcp- 
 
 * See the title of this pfalm in the Chaldee Paraphrafe. 
 
 {a) Numb, xxviii. 9, 10. {b) Lev. xxiii. 3. 
 
 (c) Ifai. iv. 5. See above, p. 49. (</) 2 Kings 
 
 iv. 23. 
 
i6o The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 fwppofed to be for the fake of religious worfhip 
 performed there, when probably the prophet 
 preached for the inftruclion of the people. 
 
 This may likewife be inferred with great pro- 
 bability from the following paffage of the Acts, 
 " Moles of old time *, hath in every city them 
 that preach him, being read in the fynagogues 
 every fabbath-day (a)." 
 
 5thly, We may argue with ManafTeh Ben- 
 Ifrael, that as idlenefs is ufually productive of a 
 great deal of evil, if the institution of the fab- 
 bath had been merely to render people idle one 
 day in the week, it would have been very hurt- 
 ful inftead of beneficial -}-. 
 
 Upon the whole we conclude, that the fab- 
 bath was to be fanclified by acts of devotion, 
 and efpecially by meeting together in folemn 
 alfemblies for public worfhip. Of this opinion 
 is Jofephus, who mentions it as an excellent 
 inftitution of Mofes, that, not thinking it fuf- 
 ficient for the Ifraelites to hear the law once or 
 twice or oftener, he commanded them every 
 week, to lay afide all worldly bufinefs, and to 
 affemble in publick to hear the law read and ex- 
 pounded J. Philo faith much the lame thing§. 
 
 3dly, In the laft place, we are to confider 
 the ends for which the fabbath was inftituted, 
 which were partly political, and partly religious. 
 
 i ft, There 
 
 * Tena* apyaM, from ancient generations or the firft 
 ages, Vid. Marckii Syllog. diflertat. philolog. theolog. Ex- 
 crcitat. xvi. §. vii. p. 454,455. Rotterod. 1721. 
 
 (a) A&s xv. 21. 
 
 f Manaff. Conciliat. in Exod. Qucefr.. 35. See the paf- 
 fage a: large in Cartwright, ubi fupra. 
 
 + Jofeph. contra Appion. lib. ii. §. 17. p, 483. See al- 
 io Antiq. lib. xvi. cap. ii. §. 4. p. 788. edit. Haverc. 
 
 ^ F'rylo in Vit. Mofis lib. iii. p. 529, 5 30. edit. Colon. 
 Aliubr. 161 3. 
 
C. IIT. The fabbath. i6t 
 
 ill, There is a political end aligned for this 
 institution ; namely, that the beasts of burden, 
 as well as fervants and other labouring people 
 might be refreihed by retting one day in feven, 
 which would be a means of recruiting their vi- 
 gour and preferving their heaith : " That thine 
 ox and thine afs may reit, and the foil of thy 
 handmaid and the stranger may be refreihed (tf)." 
 Some of the jewifn doctors, by the fervants 
 that were to reit on the fabbath-day, understand 
 only fuch as were circumcifed. Uncircumcifed 
 flaves, they fay, might work on the fabbath, as 
 an Ifraelite might on any other day *. Where- 
 as the weekly reft, extending to the labouring 
 bead, finely much more included all labouring 
 fervants, of whatever religious denomination. 
 By the way, this may fuggeft a good reafon, 
 why the civil magistrate, whofe province is not 
 religion, but merely the civil weal, mould ne- 
 verthelefs maintain the obfervation of the fab- 
 bath, becaufe a weekly day of reft is evidently- 
 conducive to the civil and national welfare. 
 
 2dly, The religious reafon for this inftitution 
 was twofold ; partly, to keep up a thankful re- 
 membrance of blessings already received -, and 
 partly, to be a means of their obtaining and en- 
 joying future and heavenly bleiTings. 
 
 The bleflings already received, of which the 
 fabbath was inftituted to be a memorial, were 
 chiefly two, their creation, and their deliverance 
 from bondage in Egypt. 
 
 ill, It was appointed to be kept in memory 
 of God's creating the world, which is the rea- 
 
 Vol. II. M fon 
 
 [a) Exod. xxiii. 12. 
 
 * Maimon. de Sabbato, cap. xx. §. 14. See Ainfworth 
 CD Exod. xx. 10. 
 
1 62 Theiabbath. B. TIL 
 
 ion afligned for the firft inftitution (a), becaufe 
 " on the ieventh day God ended his work, 
 which he had made," or as the word i jy\ 
 vaichal, mould rather be rendered, " he had 
 ended his work,'"' for he did not work on the 
 ieventh day •, it follows, ',' he refted on the fe- 
 venth day from all his works which he had 
 made, and bleffed the feventh day, and fanfti- 
 fied it, becaufe that in it he had refted from all 
 his work." This, however, is not to be un- 
 derftood of his ceafing from any further opera- 
 tion and action, the contrary to which our Sa- 
 viour afferts, " My father worketh hitherto, 
 and I work (£)," that is, in preferring, ordering, 
 and governing the world. It is therefore com- 
 monly underftood to mean, that he ceafed from 
 creating any new forts or fpecies of creatures, 
 fo that his power has ever fince been exerted 
 only in continuing and increafing the feveral 
 fpecies which he formed on the firft fix days. 
 And Certain it is, no inftance can be given of 
 any new fort or fpecies having been fince brought 
 into being. Though various kinds of mules 
 have been produced by creatures of different 
 fpecies, both in the animal and vegetable world, 
 yet fuch are not to be reckoned diftincl fpecies, 
 fince none of them ever propagate their kind. 
 
 As for God's refting, we are not to under- 
 ftand it as oppoied to toil or wearinefs ; for 
 " the creator of the ends of the earth fainteth 
 not, neither is weary (<:)." But it merely im- 
 ports his ceafing to work as he had done for 
 the preceding fix days. Thus the word mt^ 
 (habath, is ufed for the manna's ceafing to 
 
 fall, 
 
 (a) Gen. ii. 2,3. (b) John v. 17. (c) Ifa. 
 
 xl. 2$. 
 
C. III. The fabbath. 163 
 
 fall (a), and for the Ifraelites ceafing to be a 
 nation (b). Ncverthelefs, it may probably im- 
 port likewife, the compiacency or delight which 
 he took in the works he had made, which were 
 " all very good j" fmce in the twentieth chap- 
 ter of Exodus, God's refting oh the feventh 
 day is expreffed by the verb ITU nuach (c) ; the 
 fame word which is' ufed for his acceptance of 
 Noah's facrifice : cc The Lord fmelt a favour 
 of reft," or as we render it, " a fweet favour (d)** 
 importing that his thankfulnefs and devotion, 
 expreffed by his facrifice, were as grateful to 
 God as fweet odours are to us. To preierve 
 therefore, a remembrance of his creating the 
 world in fix days, and his refting from his 
 work on the feventh, God instituted a weekly 
 fabbath, commanding men to work fix days, 
 and to lay afide all their worldly employments 
 on the feventh. And no doubt the right re- 
 membrance of God's creating power, wifdom 
 and goodnefs, muft include adoration, thank- 
 fulnefs and prSife to the great creator. 
 
 2dly, The other bleffing, which the Jews in 
 particular were to commemorate, was their de- 
 liverance out of the egyptian bondage ; which 
 is mentioned as the fpecial reafon of their be- 
 ing commanded to keep the fabbath (e). The 
 learned Mr. Mede endeavours to prove the 
 feventh day of the jewifh week, which was ap- 
 pointed for the fabbath, to be the day on which 
 God overthrew Pharaoh in the Red Sea, and 
 thereby compleated the deliverance of his peo- 
 ple from the egyptian fervitude. And whereas 
 a feventh day had before been kept in memory 
 M 2 of 
 
 {a) Jofh. v. iz. {b) Jerem. xxxi. 36. (f) Exod,. 
 
 xx. 11. {d) Gee. via. 21. [e) Deut. v f 15. 
 
164 The fabbath. B. III. 
 
 of the creation (but to what day of the jewifh 
 week that anfwtred we cannot certainly fay,) 
 now God commanded them to obferve for the 
 future this day of their deliverance, which was 
 the feventh day of their week, in commemora- 
 tion of his having given them reft from their 
 hard labour and fervitude in Egypt *. And both 
 thefe reafons ior their obferving the fabbath, 
 implied their obligation to obferve it with devo- 
 tion, gratitude and praife. 
 
 The other religious end of the fabbath was 
 to be a means of their obtaining and enjoying 
 future and heavenly blefiings. This is a prin- 
 cipal defign of all ails of devotion and worfhip ; 
 fuch as we have already fhewn ought to accom- 
 pany the obfervance of the fabbath. The Jews 
 accounted this holy day to be a type of the hea- 
 venly reft. On this notion the apoftle evident- 
 ly grounds his difcourfe in the fourth chapter 
 of the epiftle to the Hebrews (a). Origen 
 makes the fabbath an emblem of that reft we 
 mail enjoy when we have done our work, fo as 
 to have left nothing undone which was our in- 
 cumbent duty-f. In the fame manner the jew- 
 ifh doctors fpeak of the fabbath. It was a com- 
 mon proverb among them J, " Non datum eft 
 fabbatum, nifi ut effet typus futuri feculi." 
 Remarkable to the fame purpofe are the words 
 of Abarbanel § : Sabbata dixit in plurali nu- 
 mero, quandoquidem prasceptum de fabbato 
 non folum defignat fundamentalem ilium arti- 
 
 culum 
 
 * Mede's Diatrib. onEzek. xx. 10. 
 (a) Heb, iv. I, — II. 
 
 -} Origen. contra Celfum, lib. vi. p. 317. edit. Spencer. 
 Cantab. 1677. 
 
 % Vid. Buxtorf. Florileg. hebr. p. 299. 
 $ On Exod. xxxi. 1 3. 
 
C. Ilf. Thefabbath. 165 
 
 culum de creatione mundi, verum etiam, mun- 
 dum fpiritualem, in quo erit vera quies, et ve- 
 ra poifeflio. Illic vera ceflacio erit, ab omnibus 
 operibus et rebus corporeis. Habemus ergo 
 duo fabbata, unum corporale, in memoriam 
 creationis, alterum ipirituale, in memoriam im- 
 mortalitatis animse et oblectationis poft mortem. 
 The Jews, therefore, by no means count the 
 fabbath a burden, but a great blefling; they 
 have it in high veneration, and affect to call it 
 their fpoufe *. Leo of Modena tells us that 
 fo far are the modern Jews from being inclined 
 to fliorten the fabbath, that they make it laft as 
 long as poffible, prolonging their hymns and 
 prayers not only out of devotion to God, but 
 charity to the fouls of the damned, it being a 
 received opinion among them, that they fuffer 
 no torments on the fabbath f . 
 
 * Selden. de Jure nat. et gent. lib. iii. cap. x. oper. vol. 
 I. p. 326, 327. Buxtorf. Synag. judaic, cap xv. p. 299, 
 300. edit. Bafil. 1661. 
 
 f On the fubjeft of the fabbath confult Selden. de Jure 
 nat. et gent. lib. iii. cap. viii. et feq. Capelli Difputatio 
 de fabbatho, apud Comment, et not. critic, in Vet. Teft. 
 p. 263, et feq. Amftel. 1689. Spencer, de Leg. Hcbr. 
 lib. 1, cap. v. fed. vii, et feq. 
 
 M % G H A P. 
 
'( 166 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the paffover and feaft of un- 
 leavened bread. 
 
 TH E jewifh feftivals were either weekly, 
 as the fabbath •, monthly, as the new 
 rncons ; or annual, as the paffover,. the. pente- 
 coft, the feaft of ingathering or of tabernacles, 
 and the feaft of trumpets ; to which we may 
 add, the annual fail, or day of expiation. Be- 
 fides thefe, there were others that returned once 
 in a certain number of years-, as the iabbatical 
 year, and the jubilee. 
 
 Of the anniverfary feafts the three fomner 
 were the moft considerable, the paffover, the 
 pentecoft, and the feaft of tabernacles. At each 
 of thefe all the males were to appear before the 
 Lord at the national altar [a). , The deflgn of 
 this was, partly to unite the Jews among them- 
 felves, and to promote mutual' love and friend- 
 ihip throughout the nation, by means of the 
 whole body of them meeting together lb often : 
 to which the Pfalmift feems to refer, when he 
 
 faith, 
 
 [a) Exod. xxiii. 14, 17. X'xxiv. 22, 23. Deut. xvi. 16. 
 
CIV. Annual feafts. 167 
 
 faith, " Jerufalem is buikled as a city that is 
 compact together : whither the tribes go up, 
 the tribes of the Lord, unto the teftimony of 
 Ifrael, to give thanks unto the name of the 
 Lord (a)." And ft was, partly, that as one 
 church, they might make one congregation and 
 join in folemn worfhip together -, for I appre- 
 hend the fcripcure idea of one particular church, 
 is only one worshipping aifembly. And it was 
 further, by fo large an appearance and con- 
 courfe of people, to grace thefe facred feftivals, 
 and add greater folemnity to the vvorfhip •, and 
 partly, likewife, for the better fupport of the 
 fervice and minifters of the fanctuary ; for none 
 were to appear before the Lord empty, each 
 perfon was to bring fome gift or prefent with 
 him, according to his ability, and as God had 
 bleffed him (b). Further, as the jewifh fanctu- 
 ary and fcrvice contained in them a fhadow of 
 good things to come, and were typical of the 
 gofpel-church, this prefcribed concourfe from 
 all parts of the country to the fanctuary might 
 be intended to typify the gathering of the peo- 
 ple to Chrift, and into his church, from all 
 parts of the world under the chriftian difpenfa- 
 tion. Hence the apoftle in allufion to thefe ge- 
 neral arTemblies of the Ifraelites on the three 
 grand- feafts, faith, " We are come to the ge- 
 neral affembly and church of the nrft-born (c)." 
 The law required only the males to appear 
 before the Lord on thefe folemn occafions. But, 
 though the women were exempted from a ne- 
 ceflity of attending, yet they were not excluded 
 if they pleafed to do it, and could with conve- 
 M 4 nience -, 
 
 {a) Pfal. cxxii. 3, 4. {b) Deut. xvi, 16, 17. 
 
 (c) Heb. xii. 23. 
 
1 68 Annual feafts. B. III. 
 
 nience •, as appears from the cafe of Hannah, 
 ■who ufed to go with her hufband yearly to wor- 
 fhip and facrifice to the Lord of Hods in Shi- 
 loh {a) : and from the cafe of the Virgin Mary, 
 who went with her hufband Jofeph every year 
 at the feaft of the paffover to Jerufalem (£). 
 Mr. Mede afiigns three reafons for the women's 
 being exempted from the duty of attending the 
 feafts : 
 
 ill, The weaknefs and infirmity of the fex, 
 they not being able without much trouble and 
 danger to undertake fo long a journey from the 
 remote parts of the country. 
 
 2dly, The hazard of tfieir chaftity in fo vaft 
 a concourfe of people. 
 
 3dly, The care of their young children, and 
 other houfhold affairs, which muff have been 
 wholly abandoned, if they, as well as the men, 
 had been abfent from their houfes fo long; at the 
 fame time *. 
 
 To thefe reafons probably another and more 
 confiderable may be added, namely the legal 
 wncleanefTes to which they would be liable in fo 
 long a journey. 
 
 Though the law required all the males to 
 appear before the Lord, in the place he mould 
 choofe at thefe three feafts ; no doubt it was to 
 be underftood with fome reftriction, it not be- 
 ing likely that young children or decrepid old 
 men could give their attendance f. Mr. Mede j 
 conceives ? the law is to be underltood of all 
 
 males 
 
 (a) t Sam. i. 3, 7. (/>) Luke ii. 41. 
 
 * Mede's Diatnb. Difcourfe xlvii. on Deut. xvi. 16. 
 Works, p. 261. 
 
 •f Thefe, among others, areexprefsly excepted, Miftin. 
 tit. Chagigah, cap. 1. J. r. torn. 2. p. 413. edit. Surenhus. 
 See alfo the Gemara in loc. 
 
 X Mede, ubi fupra. 
 
C. IV, Annual feafts. 169 
 
 males within the age of fervice, from twenty 
 to fifty years old -, for at fifty all were emeriti, 
 even the prieils and levites ferve not after that 
 age •, but as to the age at which perfons entered 
 on fervice, that was different j the priefts might 
 not ferye before thirty, nor the levites before 
 twenty-five ; but the laity were capable of em- 
 ployment at twenty ; as appears from a paffage 
 in Numbers, wheie God commands Mofes " to 
 take the fum of all the congregation of the 
 children of lfrael, from twenty years old and up- 
 wards, all that were able to go forth to war («)." 
 But if, according to the rabbies, children came 
 under the obligation of the law, when they were 
 twelve years old, this perhaps was the age of 
 their attendance at thefe feflivals. Which opi- 
 nion is fpmewhat countenanced by the hiftory 
 of Jefus going with his parents to Jerufalem at 
 the paflpver, when he was twelve years old(£). 
 But 1 take the more probable opinion to be, 
 that all the males meant all that were capable 
 of taking the journey *, and of attending the 
 feaft ; which fome were able to do fooner and 
 fome later in life j and therefore by the law no 
 age was fixed, but it was left to be determined 
 by every one's prudence and religious zeal ; 
 only none might abfent themfelves without fuf- 
 fccient reafon. 
 
 There are yet two difficulties, which have 
 been flarted concerning this law. One is, how 
 jerufalem could contain fuch multitudes as 
 flocked from all parts of Judea to thefe fo» 
 lemnities. The other is, how the Ifraelites 
 
 could 
 
 («) Numb. i. 3. [b) Luke ii. 42. Lightfoot, Hor. 
 
 hebraic. in ]oc. 
 
 Vid. Mifhn. ubi fupra. 
 
170 Annual feafts. B. III. 
 
 could leave their towns and villages deftitute of 
 men, without the greateft danger of being in- 
 vaded and plundered by their neighbouring 
 enemies. 
 
 As to the former queftion, it may as well be 
 afked, how it is poffible for Bath and Tun- 
 bridge to contain iuch multitudes as flock to 
 them in their feafons. For, as at thofe places 
 there are great numbers of lodging houfes, 
 much larger than are requifite for the accom- 
 modation of the families -that conftantly inha- 
 bit them -, fo it was doubtlefs at Jerufalem, to 
 which there were every year three ftated feafons 
 of concourfe from all parts of the country. It 
 Is probable, that moll: families let lodgings at 
 thole times. The man, at whofe houfe our Sa- 
 viour eat his laff, paffover with his difciples, 
 had a " gueft chamber," or a room which he 
 fpared on thefe occafions (a). Or if this be not 
 fufficient to remove the difficulty, it is an eafy 
 fuppofition that many might be entertained in 
 tents erected on thefe occafions j as the moham- 
 medan pilgrims are at Mecca, to which many 
 thoufands refort at a certain time of the year. 
 
 As to the other difficulty concerning the dan- 
 ger of leaving their towns and villages without 
 any men to guard them, we need not have re- 
 courfe to the conjecture advanced by fome, that 
 this obligation on all the males was only during 
 their abode in the wildernefs, when their near- 
 nefs to the tabernacle eafily admitted of their 
 attendance. If that had been the cafe, Jero- 
 boam need not have fet up the golden calves 
 at Dan and Bethel, to deliver the ten tribes 
 from going up to Jerufalem to worlhip {b). 
 
 Befide,. 
 
 {a) Luke xxii. 11. (b) 1 Kings xii. 27,28. 
 
CIV. Annual feafts." Sfi 
 
 Be fide, there are fufficient inftances in the jevv- 
 iih hiftory, to fhew that this practice wa's conti- 
 nued till after our Saviour's time. Thus we 
 are informed in the Acts, that there were mul- 
 titudes of Jews, out of every nation under 
 heaven, come to Jerufaiem at the feafl of pen- 
 tecoft <a). KuTo'/.eyrzc, which our verfion ren- 
 ders " dwelling" at jerufaiem, mould, in this 
 place he rendered *' abiding," that is, during 
 the time of the feftival. K&To/yjuns is ufed by 
 St. Mark for a place- of trannent abode, and 
 not a fixed and fettled habitation (b). 
 
 Nor need we fuppofe with others, that they 
 only fent a certain proportion of men, as one 
 in ten or twelve, to Jerufaiem, to be as it were: 
 the reprefentatives, and offer the gifts, of the 
 reft, while they kept the feafls in their own 
 towns. Nor need we, again, fuppofe with c- 
 thers, that fince there was a divine permiflicn 
 granted to thofe, who were unable to celebrate 
 the paffover in the firft month, m do it in the 
 fecond {c) ; the fame indulgence might proba- 
 bly extend to the other feftivals •, and ib one 
 half of the males might flay at home and guard 
 the country and their houfes, while the other 
 half went to the fanctuary •, and thofe who thus 
 remained behind might celebrate the feftival in 
 the next month. 
 
 We need, I fay, none of thefe fuppofitions 
 and conjectures, fince God himfelf had exprefs- 
 ly undertaken to guard their habitations and 
 iubftance, by his fpecial providence, while the 
 men were abfent to celebrate the (acred festi- 
 vals : " Neither fliall any man defire thy land," 
 
 it 
 
 («) Ads ii. 5, (I) Mark v. 3. {c) Numb. 
 
 IX. 10, t!. 
 
ijz The pafibver. B. III. 
 
 it is faid, " when thou malt go up to appear 
 before the Lord thy God thrice in the year (#).'* 
 This is, by the way, a very remarkable inftance 
 of the fovereign and abfolute power, which God 
 exercifes over the hearts and fpirits of men. 
 Accordingly we find not in the whole fcripture 
 hiftory, that any fuch evil ever befell the lira- 
 elites on thefe occafions - } infomuch that though 
 in many other cafes they were backward in be- 
 lieving God's promifes; yet at thefe feafons they 
 would leave their habitations and families with- 
 out the leaft apprehenfion of danger. 
 
 Having thus confidered a circumftance, which 
 was common to the three grand anniverfary feafts, 
 we are now to treat of the firft of them, namely, 
 the paflbver. 
 
 Of the inftitution of this feftival we have an ac- 
 count in the twelfth chapter of the book of Exodus. 
 It is called in the hebrew KPIDD pafcha, from 1"1DD 
 pafach, tranfiit. In the greek it is called t^x*, 
 but not from the verb 'rrmayu-, patior, to fuffer, 
 on account of Chrift's having fuffered at the 
 time of this feaft, according to the illiterate fup- 
 pofition of Chryfoftom, Irenasus and Tertul- 
 lian. Chryfoftom faith, TLcttr^a. \iy^Tet,t, ort tots 
 evx.Qiv o Xpirof v7no npm : Pafcha dicitur, quia 
 Chriftus illo tempore pro nobis pafTus eft *. 
 Irena^us faith, A Moyfe oftenditur Filius Dei, 
 cujus et diem pafiionis non ignoravit, fed figu- 
 ratim pronunciavit, eum pafcha nominans +. 
 
 Tertullian, Hanc folemnitatem prascanebat 
 
 (fc. Moyfes) et adjecit, Pafcha efTe Domini, id 
 
 eft, 
 
 (a) Exod. xxxiv. 24. 
 * Homil. v. in 1 Tim. 
 
 •f Iren. adverfus hasr. lib. iv. cap. xxiii. p. 309 edit. 
 Grabii, Oxon. 1702. 
 
C. IV. The pafTover. 273 
 
 eft, paffionem Chrifti *. But the greek word 
 wa,<rx<*- is derived from the chaldee tfnD3 paf- 
 chaf, which anfwers to the hebrew HD£3 pefach; 
 and the feftival was fo called, not from its be- 
 ing prophetical or typical of (Thrift's fufferings, 
 but from God's palling over, and leaving in 
 fafety the houfes of the Ifraelites, on the door- 
 poits of which the blood of the facrificed lamb 
 was fprinkled, when he flew the firft born in 
 all the houfes of the Egyptians. This etymo- 
 logy of the name is exprefsly given in the book 
 of Exodus, " It is the facrifice of the Lord's 
 pafTover," nDD IWtt airier pafach, who pafTed 
 by, or leaped over, the houfes of the Ifrael- 
 ites (a). So that our englifh word pafTover 
 well exprefTes the true import of the original 
 rtPD pefach or NnPD pafcha. 
 
 Concerning the pafTover we fhall confider, 
 
 ifl. The time when it was to be kept. 
 
 2dly, The rites with which it was to be cele- 
 brated. 
 
 ^dly, The fignification of thefe rites. 
 
 1 ft. The time, when this feaft was to be ce- 
 lebrated, is very particularly exprefTed in Le- 
 viticus, " In the fourteenth day of the firft 
 month, at even, is the Lord's pafTover [b) : *' 
 Wherein is remarked the month, the day, and 
 the time of the day. 
 
 ift. The month. It is called the firft month, 
 that is, of the ecclefiaftical year, which com- 
 menced 
 
 * Tertullian adverfus Judxos, cap. x. fub fin. p. 1 97. 
 A. edit. Rigalt. Paris. 1675. 
 
 + Philo in vita Mofis, lib. iii. p. 531. A. edit. Colon. 
 Allobr. 16 1 3. to p^aAoair* Xsysf*s>oe "Ka.ayjx. In his treatife 
 de Decalogo he iaith, »]» (fc. tofTij>) E|?fa»o« -kclt^u yl.urTT 
 •xolv/o. vrfoffaycpivxcw. p. 59' • ^- , 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 2-. {h) Lev xxiii. 5. 
 
174 The pa/To ver. B. III. 
 
 menced with the Ifraelites flight out of Egypt{^)„ 
 This month had two names Abib(£\ and Ni- 
 fan(c). It is called Abib, that is, the earing 
 month, or the month of new corn ; for Abib 
 fignifies a green or new ear of corn, fuch as 
 was grown to maturity, but not dried or fit foe 
 grinding. In the fecond chapter of Leviticus 
 the offering of the firft: fruits is called Abib, 
 and it is ordered to be dried by the fire, in or- 
 der to its being beaten or ground into flour {d); 
 and in the ninth chapter or Exodus, the barley 
 is faid to be fmitten with hail, becaufe it was 
 Abib (e)j that is, in the ear. Hence the fep- 
 tuagint tranflates Abib, wherever it is ufed for 
 the name of a month, ^.wet tkv vtav, underftand- 
 ing, no doubt, x,a^w. So the vulgate alfo ren- 
 ders it, menfis novarum frugum. 
 
 The other name, Nifan, is derived by fome 
 from D13 nus, fugere •, and fo it fignifies the 
 month of flight, namely, of the Ifraelites out 
 of Egypt. Others derive it from D3 nes, vexil- 
 lum, or DDi nafas, vexillum tulit ; and fo it fig- 
 nifies the month of war, when campaigns ufu- 
 ally began. Perhaps " the time when kings 
 go forth to battle," a phrafe ufed in the fecond 
 book of Samuel (/), may only be a periphra- 
 fis for the month Nifan. Thus the Romans 
 called this month Martius, quafi menfis Marti 
 facer : the Bithynians {filed the two firft fpring- 
 months rpantos and *ps/o?, from fyni Mars, the 
 god of war*. But there are others, who derive it 
 from the arabic and fyriac word D13 nus, contur- 
 batus eft, becaufe it is ufuaily a ftormy month. 
 
 Second- 
 
 [a) Exod. xii. 2. {b) Exod. xlii. 4. (0 Nehenv 
 
 ». 1. Elth.iii. 7. {d) Lev. ii. 14. eng. 13. heb. (e) Exod. 
 ix.31. (/) 2 Sain* xi. I. * Bochart. Kieroz. lib. h. 
 «ap. 1. opor. $om. 2. p. 557, 558. edit. Lugd. Bat. 171 2. 
 
C. IV. The paiTover. 175 
 
 Secondly, As to the day of the month, when 
 this feaft was to begin, it was ordered to be 
 on the fourteenth at even, at which time the 
 pafchal lamb was to be killed and eaten, and 
 from thence the feaft was to be kept feven days, 
 till the twenty firft (a). Sacrifices, peculiar to 
 this feflival, were to be offered on each of the 
 feven days ; but the firft and laft, namely, the 
 fifteenth and the twenty-firft, were to be fanc- 
 tified above all the reft, as fabbaths, by abftain- 
 ins from all fervile labour and holding a holv 
 convocation (b) -, efpecially the feventh, or laft 
 day, was called nUTv JH chag Laiovah, <c a 
 feaft unto the Lord," k&t <&,o%w (c) 9 and tirwV 
 plpp^ gnatfereth Laiovah, which we render " a 
 folemn affembly (d) •" but tcTti& gnatfereth, 
 from *y$y gnatfar, claufit vel cohibuit, rather 
 fignifies a reftraint from all worldly bufinefs and 
 fervile labour. 
 
 The reafon of the firft and feventh day being 
 thus peculiarly confecrated above the reft, is by 
 Bochart fuppofed to be, becaufe the firft was 
 the day of the Ifraelites efcape out of Egypt, 
 and the feventh that on which Pharaoh and his 
 army were deftroyed in the red fea *. But the 
 fpecial holinefs of the firft and the laft day be- 
 ing a circumftance common to the feaft of ta- 
 bernacles, as well as the paffover (<?), for this 
 reafon others think it was intended to iignify in. 
 general, that we fhould perfevere in the diligent 
 profecution of the bufinefs of religion to the 
 end of our lives, and inftead of growing more 
 
 remifs. 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 6, 8, 15. Lev. xxiii. -, 6. (£) Exod, 
 
 xii. 16. Lev. xxiii. 7,8. (c) Exod. xiii. 6, (a) Deut. 
 
 xvi. 8. 
 
 * Hierozoic. ut>i fupra, p. 602. 
 
 (e) Lev. xxiii. 39. John vii. 37. 
 
iy6 The pafTover. B. III. 
 
 remifs, mould be the more active and vigorous, 
 the nearer we arrive to the period of our race, 
 to our heavenly reft and reward : agreeable to 
 the exhortation of St. Peter, " Wherefore fee- 
 ing ye look for fuch things, be diligent that ye 
 may be found of him in peace, without fpot 
 and blameleis (a) :" and of the author of the 
 epiftle to the Hebrews, " Exhorting one ano- 
 ther fo much the more, as ye fee the day ap- 
 proaching {b)" 
 
 Although the whole time of the continuance 
 of this teaft is in a more lax fenie ftiled the 
 paffover (c) -, yet, ftriclly fpeaking, the paffover 
 was kept only on the evening of the fourteenth 
 day of the month, and the enfuing feven days 
 were the feaft or unleavened bread •, fo called, 
 becaufe during their continuance the Jews were 
 to eat unleavened bread, and to have no other 
 in their houfes. This diftinction between the 
 paffover and the feaft of unleavened bread, is 
 made in the fecond book of Chronicles, " The 
 children of Ifrael kept the paffover, and the 
 feaft of unleavened bread feven days (d) : " and 
 in the book of Ezra, " The children of the 
 captivity kept the paffover upon the fourteenth 
 day of the firft month, and kept the feaft of 
 unleavened bread itven days with joy(tf)." 
 
 It is an enquiry, which hath occafioned no 
 little debate, whether Chrift kept his laft paff- 
 over at the fame time with the reft of the Jews, 
 or one day fooner r Several confiderable criticks* 
 
 are 
 
 (a) z Pet. iii. 14. [b) Heb. x. 2;. (c) John 
 
 xviii. 39. Luke xxii. 1. [d) 2 Chron. xxxv. 17. 
 
 (.♦; Ezra vi. 19, 22. 
 
 * Vid. Grotii Annot. in Matt. xxvi. 18. Scaliger. de 
 Emend, tempor. lib. vi. p. 567, er. feq. edit. Colon. Allob. 
 1629. Cafaubon. Exercitat. in Baronii Annaler, exerc. xvi. 
 
 i xii, 
 
C. IV. The paflbver: 177 
 
 are of opinion, that, for fpecial rcafons, he kept 
 it the day before the flated and ufual time. This 
 fentiment they ground on feveral palfages of 
 fcripture ; particularly on the account in the 
 thirteenth chapter of St. John (a), of the fup- 
 per which Chrift eat with his difciples, which* 
 if it be, as there is good reafon to believe it 
 was, the laft fupper he eat with them, that is, 
 the paflbver- fupper, it is exprefsly laid to be 
 Vol. II. N before 
 
 §. xii,— xxi. p. 405, — 4.39. edit. Genev. 1655. Cud- 
 worth's True notion of the Lord's fupper, chap. iii. Saube»- 
 tus de ultimo Chrifti Pafchate, cap. 1. $. 8, — 12. apudThe- 
 faurum theolog. philolog. vol. 2. p. 1 95, 1 99. It is remark- 
 able, that thele eminent criticks, who all agree that Chrift 
 eat the paflbver on a different day from the Jews, are di- 
 vided in their opinions concerning the method of account- 
 ing for it. Grotius diftinguiihes between the pafchal fa- 
 crifice, and a fupper commemorative of the paflbver, and 
 fuppofes our SavioUr celebrated the latter only, before the 
 time prefcribed by the law for the pafchal facrifice, which 
 he forefaw his death would prevent his obferving. Scali- 
 ger and Cafaubon apprehend that Chrift eat the pafchal fa- 
 crifice on the day prefcribed by the law, but not when the 
 Jews did, they having deferred it, according to their fuppofed 
 cuflom when it fell the day before the fabbath, that there 
 Blight not be two fabbaths together. Cudworth oppofes 
 the notions both of Grotius and Scaliger, and makes the 
 g'ound of this difference of the days to be that our Saviout 1 
 and his apoftles, and divers others of the moft religious 
 Jews, regulated the time of their obfervation of the paff- 
 over by computing from the true phafis of the moon, and 
 not by the decree of the fehate. The opinion of Grotius 
 concernir.' the ground of this difference of the days, is 
 juftly exploded likewife by Leidekkcrde Republ. Hebraeor., 
 lib. ix. cap. iv. p. 551, 552. though he ftrenuoufly main- 
 tains that the days were different. Deylingius in confor- 
 mity with the opinion of feveral other learned men, fup- 
 poiwS, that Ch riit did not celebrate the paflbver at all, but 
 only his cwn Kipper, (Obfervationes Sacise, vol. 1. Obferv. 
 Iii. $. xiv,— *-Xix.) but he is confuted by Harenberg. in his 
 Differt. on John xviii. 28. $. xxvi. et ieq. publifhed in the 
 Thefaurus Novus theologico-philolog. 
 (a) John xiii. 1, 29. 
 
lyB The paflbver. B, III , 
 
 before the feaft of the paffover (a), that is, be- 
 fore the ufual time of keeping it. Again, tha 
 difciples imagined their Lord had ordered Ju- 
 das " to buy thofe things they had need of 
 againft the feaft (£);" which feems to imply, that 
 although for particular reafons he eat the paf- 
 chal lamb that evening* neverthelefs the time 
 of the feaft wa3 not yet arrived. 
 
 Another paffage alledged in fupport of this 
 opinion, is in the eighteenth chapter of St. John, 
 where we are informed, that on the day of our 
 Saviour's crucifixion, which was the day after 
 he had eat the paflbver, the Jews " would not 
 go into the judgment hall, left they fhould be 
 defiled; but that they might eat the paflbverO): 9 * 
 which implies, it is faid, that they had not yet 
 eat it. 
 
 Again, in the nineteenth chapter the fame 
 day, that is, the day of our Lord's crucifixion, 
 is faid to be the " preparation of the paflb- 
 ver (d) •, " and therefore it is alledged, the paff- 
 over could not yet be eaten. 
 
 Dr. Whitby argues on the oppofite fide of 
 the queftion in the following manner *. 
 
 ift, In the twenty fixth chapter of St. Mat- 
 thew it is faid, that on " the firft day of un- 
 leavened bread the difciples prepared the paff- 
 over (<?) -, " and in the evening Chrift eat it 
 with them ; and in St. Mark it is obferved, 
 that this " was the day on which they, that is, 
 the Jews, killed the paffover (/)." 
 
 2dly, Chrift 
 
 (a) Johnxiii. i. {b) vcr. 29. (<-) John xviii. 28. 
 (</) John xix. 14. 
 
 * See his diflertation on this fubjeft, in an Appendix to 
 the fourteenth chapter of St. Mark. 
 
 (e) Matt. xxvi. 17. (f) Mark xiv. 12. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver. 179 
 
 2cily, ChriPc fays to his difciples, " Ye 
 know that a tier two days is the feaft of the 
 pal lover [a)" Now the feaft of the paflbver 
 and of unleavened bread, is one and the fame, 
 or at the fame time (b). Since, therefore, as 
 hath bern iutt fhewn, Chrift did not eat the 
 pafTovcr nil the firlt day of unleavened bread, 
 it follows that he did not eat it till after thofe 
 two days, that is, at the time when the difciples 
 knew it was to be eaten according to the law. 
 
 3dly, The day following our Saviour's eating 
 the paflbver was a feaft day j for Barabbas, it 
 is faid, was releafed at the feaft {c). Now the 
 firft day of the feaft. of unleavened bread, in 
 which a holy convocation was held, was the day- 
 after eating the paflbver (d). 
 
 4thly, As Chrift was '" made under the law," 
 which continued in full force till after his re- 
 furrection, he could not have kept the paflbver 
 the day before the law prefcribed it, without 
 juft cenfure, nor before the reft of the Jews 
 obferved it, according to their interpretation of 
 the law, without their cenfure, which he does 
 not appear to have incurred ; nor can it be 
 imagined his difciples would have come to him 
 with that queftion, " Where wilt thou that we 
 prepare to eat the paflbver," before the time 
 which the law appointed, or which was ufual, 
 for eating it. 
 
 5thly, The pafchal lamb could not be flain 
 but " in the place which God had chofen, to 
 put his name there («?) ; " that is, in the taber- 
 nacle or temple. Now it cannot be fuppofed, 
 N 2 ' that 
 
 (a) Matt. xxvi. 2. (b) Mark xiv\ i. Luke xxii. i. 
 (c) Mat xxvii. 15, 26. Mark xv\ 6, 15. (</) LeV. xxiii. 4, 
 etfeq. («) Deut. xvi. 6, 
 
180 The paflbver. B. Ill, 
 
 ^at the priefts would have killed the pafchal 
 lamb for Jefus, or fuffered it to have been kil- 
 led in the temple, before the day which the law 
 prefcribed, namely, the fourteenth day of the 
 month Nifan, when they killed it for all the 
 people •, or before the day, which was obferved 
 according to their rules of interpreting the law. 
 
 Thefe reafons feem to me to prove unanfwer- 
 ably, that Chrift eat the paflbver at the ufual 
 time- when the reft of the Jews did. Let us 
 then enquire, how the paflfages alledged to the 
 contrary, are to be underftood. 
 
 i ft. Bifhop Kidder*, and the doctors Light- 
 foot -j- and Whitby J are of opinion that the 
 fupper fpoken of in the thirteenth chapter of 
 St. John, was not the paflbver, but another 
 fupper at Bethany fome nights before ; but the 
 contrary is proved by Dr. Doddridge and Dr. 
 Guyfe§. As for the phrafe, " Before the feaft 
 of the paflbver (dj," it need only be underftood 
 to mean before the feaft begun, or before they 
 fat down to fupper ; and A/tkk yiv«ixiv« 9 which 
 in our verfion is, " Supper being ended (£)," 
 may be better rendered, ■• Supper being come:" 
 Ufuictf yivoyavK fignifies " when morning was 
 come (c) : " nya^ett yivo^wif " when day was 
 come {d) :*' <rty*s yivopim, " when filence was 
 made (<?)." 
 
 As to Judas's buying things againft the feaft, 
 it is eafy to be underftood of the facrifices, and 
 whatever they would need to celebrate the en- 
 fuing feftival, or the feaft of unleavened bread. 
 
 2dly, The 
 
 * Demonft. of the Meffiah, chap. 3. p. 60,61. 
 + Hora: hebr. Matt. x*vi. 6. 
 X Ubifupra. 
 
 § See Doddridge and Guyfe inver. r. 
 (a) ver. 1. (*) ver. 2. (c) John xxi. 4. 
 
 {</) Adsxii. 18. xvi.35. {<) Afts xxi. 40. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver. i&i 
 
 2dly, The paffage in the eighteenth chapter 
 of St. John, relating to the folicitude which 
 the Jews exprefTed, not to be defiled on the 
 day of our Lord's crucifixion, in order that 
 they might eat the paflbver (a), may be under- 
 ftood of the facrifices, which were offered on 
 the feaft: of unleavened bread, otherwife called 
 the paflbver. 
 
 ^dly, As for the T<*p*0-x£v» t« t*^*, or pre- 
 paration of the paflbver, fpoken of in the nine- 
 teenth chaptef of St. John (£), as being the day 
 of our Lord's crucifixion, it fignifies the pre- 
 paration for the pafchal fabbath, or the fabbath 
 which fell in the pafchal week, and was obferv- 
 ed with fome peculiar folemnity •, for it was ef- 
 teemed to be, as it is exprefsly filled (c), " an 
 high day, " or the great day of the feaft*. 
 
 Thirdly, As to the time of the day, when 
 the paflbver was to be killed and eaten, it was 
 0*3iyn \ y 2 bein hangnarbaim, " betwixt the 
 two evenings (d) , u which means the after part 
 of the day, as appears from the ufe of the fame 
 phrafe in the twenty eighth chapter of the book 
 of Numbers, where it Hands oppofed to the 
 N 3 morn- 
 
 («) John xviii. 28. (i) Johnxix. 14. (c) ver.31. 
 
 * Among thofe who maintain that our Saviour kept the 
 paflbver at the fame time with the Jews, fee Bochart. 
 Hieroz. lib. ii. cap. 1. oper. torn. 2. p. 560, — 571. edit. 
 4. Lugd. Bat. 1712. Bamage in his hiftory of the Jews, 
 lib. v. cap. x. $. xliv. p. 437. Frifchmuthi Diflertat. in 
 Matt. xxvi. 2. apud Thefaur. Theolog. philolog. torn. 2. 
 p. 1 89. Harenbergi Diflertat. in Joh. xviii. 28. apud The- 
 faur. Nov. theolog. philolog. torn. 2. p. 538. Reland. 
 Antiq. pars iv. cap. iii. $. ix. ad ult. p. 467,-472. edit* 
 3. 1717. Byna2us,de Morte Chrifti, lib. 1. cap. 1. §. 19, 
 —32. p. 24, — 65. edit. Amftel. 1691. hath reprefented the 
 arguments on both fides. See alfo Witlii Meletem Diflert. 
 xi. and Leufden. Philolog. hebrxo-mixt. Diflert. .xxxviiu 
 dc Pafchate. Quajft. v. (dj Exod. xii, 6, 
 
'1$2 The paffover. B. Til. 
 
 morning : " One lamb ihalt thou offer in the 
 morning, and the other lamb fhak thou offer 
 at evening {a)." But what part or hour of the 
 afternoon is intended by it, is difputed betwixt 
 the rabbinifts and the karraites. 
 
 The rabbinifts underfland by the firft of the 
 two evenings, the time of the fun's beginning 
 to decline from his meridian altitude, which 
 they fix at half an hour after twelve ; by the 
 other, the time of his fetting. In the fame 
 manner the ancient Grecians diftinguifhed be- 
 twixt the two evenings, as we learn from a note 
 of Euftatius on the feventeenth book of the 
 Odyffey •, who faith, that according to the an- 
 cients, there are two evenings ; one, which they 
 called the latter evening, at the clofe of the 
 day, the other, the former evening, which 
 commences prefently after noon *. 1 hefe were 
 the two evenings more generally undcrftcod by 
 the Jews in the time of Jofephus ; for he fays, 
 they killed the pafchal lamb from the ninth 
 hour to the eleventh, that is, from our three 
 to five o'clock in the afternoon -f-. 
 
 The karraites underftand the fir ft of the two 
 evenings to commence from fun fet •, before 
 which, according to them, the paffover was 
 not to be killed and eaten •, and the latter, from 
 the beginning of dark night •, fo that, in their 
 opinion, " betwixt the two evenings" means 
 in the twilight. Their notion, at leaft as to the 
 time of eating the pafTover, feems to be coun- 
 tenanced by the letter of the law in Deuterono- 
 my ; 
 
 (a) Numb, xxviii. 4." 
 
 * Vid. Bochart. Hierozoic. part, I. lib. ii cap.'l. oper. 
 torn. 2. p. 5C9. edit. 171 2. 
 
 + De Bello judaic, lib. vi. cap.ix. §. 3. p. 599. edit. 
 Baverc. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver. 183 
 
 my : " Thou fhak facrifice the paflbver at even- 
 ing, at the going down of the fun (a)." And 
 in the book of Jolhua it is faid, that " the 
 children of Ifrael encamped in Gilgal, and kept 
 the paflbver on the fourteenth day of the month 
 at even (£)." Neverthelefs, the duration of the 
 twilight at the equinoctial feafons, at one of 
 which the paflbver was kept, being fhorter than 
 at any other time of the year, would hardly af- 
 ford 'time fuffkient, efpecially in that climate, 
 for killing, roafting and eating the lamb. It 
 is therefore probable, either that by " facri- 
 ficing and keeping the paflbver" in the forecited 
 text in Deuteronomy, is meant merely the eat- 
 ing of it •, or that by " evening and the going 
 down of the fun," is denoted the whole time of 
 its declining from the meridian altitude till fun- 
 fet*. 
 
 Thus much for the time of this feaft. 
 
 sdly, Concerning the rites with which it was 
 to be celebrated, we are to obferve, 
 
 i ft, The matter of the pafchal feaft; which 
 was to be " a lamb without blemifh, a male 
 of the firft year from the fheep or from the 
 goats (£•)." The hebrew word T\W feh, which 
 we render lamb, fignifies the young either of 
 the fheep or of the goats -, which we have no 
 cnglifh word, as I remember, to anfwer. The 
 nt^ feh, of the paflbver might be, what we 
 call, either a lamb or a kid. But as lambs 
 were preferable, being the better food, Theo- 
 N 4 doret 
 
 (a) Deut. xvi. 6. {b) Jofh. v. io. 
 
 * On this controverfy fee Martinii Etymologicum, Bux« 
 torfii Lexic. Biblic. et Bocharti Hierozoic, part. i. lib. i; s 
 cap. 50. p. 558,-560. 
 
 (c) Exod. xii. 5. 
 
i§4 Thepaflbver. B. III. 
 
 doret * hath probably given the jufl fenfe of 
 this law, ** he that has a lamb, let him offer 
 it; but if not, let him offer a kid +." Thougli 
 our Saviour, therefore, is fo often called a lamb, 
 in reference to this ancient type of him, yet he 
 is never called a kid. 
 
 The pafchal lamb muft be a male ; which is 
 accounted preferable to a female (a). There- 
 Fore, though the peace offerings, which were 
 eaten by the people, might be either male or 
 female {I?) ; yet the burnt offerings, which were 
 wholly offered to God or confumed upon his al- 
 tar, and which were therefore the more perfect 
 facrifkes, muft be all males (c). 
 
 Perhaps in this circumftance, as in many o- 
 thers, Jehovah deligned to oppofe the rites of 
 the jewifli wOrfhip to the cuftoms of the idola- 
 trous Gentiles, who efteemed facrifkes of the 
 female kind to be the moft valuable, and the 
 rrioft acceptable to their gods: " In omnibus 
 facris fceminei generis plus valent viclimse," 
 fays Servius in his notes on Virgil J. We arp 
 informed, indeed, by Herodotus, that it was 
 the cuftonv of the Egyptians to- offer only 
 males §, which Bochart fuppofes they borrow- 
 ed from the Jews ||: 
 
 Again, 
 
 * Thcodorit. QuoeJHon. in Exod. QuacfL xxiv. oper. 
 torn. T. p. 90. B. edit. Paris. 1642. 
 
 f Vid. Miihn. tit. Cherithoth, cap. vi. §. 9. cum. not. 
 Bartenor. torn. 5. p. 265. - 
 
 (a) Mai. i. 14. (b) Levit. iii. 6. (<r) Levit. 
 
 i. 3, 10. 
 
 £ Serv. in ^neid. viii. v. 641. Other proofs may be 
 (een in Bochart. Hieroz. part. i. lib. ii. cap. xxxiii. oper. 
 torn. '2. p. 322. 
 
 $ Herodot. Euterp. cap. 41. p. 104. edit. Gronov. 
 
 I Obi fupra, p. 321. et cap. 1. p. 584. ' 
 
CIV. Thepaljbven J 85 
 
 Again, the pafchal Iamb muft be J"Wp 
 ben-lhanah, " the fon of a year;" by which, 
 fome underftand a lamb of the lad year, which, 
 considering the ufiia'l yeaning time, muft be 
 upward ot a year old at the feafori of the pafT- 
 over. But as a lamb, grown to that degree of 
 maturity, was rather too large to be convenient* 
 ly roarted whole, and eaten up at one family 
 meal, as the pafchal lamb was to be ; the opi- 
 nion of the jewifh doctor's is, in this inftance, 
 more probable, that it was to be a lamb of the 
 prefent year, or of the I aft yeaning time*, 
 which ordinarily preceded the paflbver by a 
 month or two. ' This well agrees with the ufe 
 of the hebrew phrafe, " The fon of fo many 
 years " which ordinarily fignifies the year cur- 
 rent •, as appears from the feventh chapter of 
 Genefis, wherein it is faid, " that Noah was 
 fix hundred years old " 'mjfe W"p ben fhefh 
 meoth, the fon of fix hundred years, when the 
 flood of waters was upon the earth (a) ; and pre- 
 fently afterwards, this is faid to be in the U fix 
 hundredth year of Noah's life (£)." Thus the 
 priefts and levites were to enter on their mini- 
 ltry "" at thirty years old(r)-," but that is pro- 
 perly to be underftood of the year current, or 
 when they had entered on the thirtieth year. 
 So Chrift entered on his publick miniftry, van 
 iTuv TfiAKovra, d.c%ouivo{, when he began to be about 
 thirty years of age(d). 
 
 The age then of the pafchal lamb is thus de- 
 termined by the rabbies ; it muft not be lefs 
 than eight days, and yet under a year old : not 
 
 lefs 
 
 * Vid. Cartwright. Eletta targumico-rabbin. in Exod. 
 xii. 5. 
 
 [a) Gen. vii. 6. (£) ver. ::. (c) Numb, iv, 
 
 3. (d) Luke iii. 23. 
 
1 86 The paflbvcr. B. III. 
 
 lefs than eight days, for fo is the law concern- 
 ing firftlings and burnt-offerings, that they were 
 to be feven days with the dam, and from the 
 eighth they might be accepted in facrinces(tf). 
 "Which law the jewifh doctors extend, and per- 
 haps not without reafon, to the pafchal facri- 
 iice ; and Maimonides fays, " if the lamb was 
 older than the year only an hour, it was not 
 permitted as an oblation *. 
 
 Once more, As to the qualities of the paf- 
 chal lamb, " it muft be without blemiih." 
 The rabbies reckon up fifty blemifhes, which 
 difqualified beafts for facrifices ; as five in the 
 ear, three in the eyelid, eight in the eye, &c f . 
 but what thofe blemifhes were, which difquali- 
 fy according to the law of God, fufficiently 
 appears in the twenty fecond chapter of Leviti- 
 cus : the beafts that were blind, or broken, or 
 maimed, or that had a wen, or the fcurvy or 
 fcab, or any part fuperfluous or defective, or 
 that was bruifed, or crufhed, or broken, or cutj 
 thefe were not to be offered in facrifice (b). 
 
 We muft not pafs over a conjecture of fome 
 perfons concerning the reafon of God's com- 
 manding the Ifraelites to eat a male lamb, or 
 young ram with fo much folemnity about the 
 vernal equinox ; namely, that it was in oppofi- 
 tion to the idolatry of the Egyptians, who at 
 this feafon, of the fun's entering into the fign 
 Aries, paid fome folemn worfhip to the crea- 
 ture by whofe name that fign was diftinguifhed. 
 
 The. 
 
 {a) Exod. xxii. 30. Lev. xxii. 27. 
 
 * Maimon. de ratione facrificiorum faciendorum, cap. 
 I. §. 12, 13. apud Crenii Fafcicul. Sext. p. 288. 
 
 f Maimon. de ratione adeundi templi, cap. vii. apud 
 Crenii Fafcic. Sext. p. 208, et fe<]. 
 
 (£) Lev. xxii. 20,-24. 
 
CIV. Thepaffoyer. 187 
 
 The author of the Chronicon Orientale, as 
 quoted by Patrick *, faith, that the day on 
 which the fun entered Aries was moft folemn 
 among the Egyptians •, and R. Abraham Seba 
 pbferves, that this feaft of the Egyptians being 
 at its heighth on the fourteenth day, God or- 
 dered the killing 1 and eating of a lamb at that 
 time t ; in contempt, it fhould feem, of their 
 worfhip of Aries, and as a fenfible evidence, that 
 he could be no God whom the Ifraelites eat J. 
 Rabbi Levi Ben Gerfhom faith, God intended 
 by this to expel from the minds of the Ifraelites 
 the bad opinions of the Egyptians. This, 
 however, Dr. Patrick looks upon to be mere 
 conjecture §. The 
 
 2d. Thing we obferve in the pafchal rites 
 is the taking the lamb from the flock four 
 days before it was killed (a). For which the 
 rabbies afiign the following reafons : — that the 
 providing it might not, through a hurry of bu- 
 finefs, efpecially at the time of their departure 
 from Egypt, be neglected till it was too late : 
 — that by having it fo long with i;..m before it 
 was killed, they might have the better opportu- 
 nity of oblerving, whether there were any ble- 
 mifhes in it : — and by having it before their 
 eyes fo considerable a time, might be more ef- 
 fectually reminded of the mercy of their de- 
 liverance 
 
 * Patrick on Exod. xii. 3. 
 
 ■f Tzeror. Hamrnor. fol. 70. col. 4. Seethe pafiage in 
 Spencer de Legibus Hebrseor. lib. ii. cap. iv. Se6l. 1. vol. 
 I. p. 296. edit. Cantab. 1727. 
 
 X Caefo ariete, fays Tacitus, velut in contumeliam Ham- 
 monis. Hiftor. lib. v. cap. iv. p. 200. edit. Glafg. 1743. 
 See alfo Targum Jonathan .on Exod. viii . 22. in Walton's 
 Polyglot, torn. 4. 
 
 § Patrick, ubi fupra. 
 
 {a) Exod. xii. 3. 
 
188 The paflbver. B. III. 
 
 liverance out of Egypt : — and likewife to pre- 
 pare themfelves for fo great a folemnity as the 
 approaching feaft. On thefe accounts, fome of 
 the rabbies inform us, it was cuftomary to have 
 the lamb tied thefe four days to their bed-pofts; 
 a rite which they make to be neceffary and ef- 
 fential to the paffover in all ages *. 
 
 Others conceive, with an equal degree Of 
 probability, that this was one of thofe circum- 
 stances of the firft paflbver, which were not 
 defigned to be continued and practifed after- 
 wards; of which fort we fhall obferve feveral 
 others. It was highly proper the providing the 
 lamb before their departure out of Egypt mould 
 not be left to the very day of their departure, 
 when they mult unavoidably be in fome hurry 
 and confufion : a reafon, however, which would 
 not take place in after-times. Befides, thofe who 
 came annually out of all parts of the country 
 to keep the paflbver at Jerufalem, could not 
 well obferve it, nnlefs they came at leaft four 
 day's beforehand. It is indeed related in the 
 eleventh chapter of St. John (a\ " that many 
 went out of the country to Jerufalem before the 
 paflpver-," but the reafon afligned is, that it 
 was " to purify themfelves." Nothing is faid 
 of their providing lambs beforehand. It more- 
 over appears, that on the former part of that 
 very day on which the paffover was' to be killed 
 and eaten, Chrift and his difcipl.es had not (o 
 much as provided a place where they fhould eat 
 it : for " The difciples faid unto him, Where 
 
 wilt 
 
 • 
 
 Targum Jonathan ct R. Solomon in Ioc. Vid. Cart* 
 Wright. Ele&a Targumico-rabbin. inExod. xii. 3. 
 (a) John xi. 55. 
 
C. IV. The paffover: 189 
 
 wilt thou, that wt go and prepare, that thou 
 maycft eat the paflbver (a)" Whereas, if they 
 had provided the lamb four days before, they 
 would in all probability have kept it at the 
 houfe where they intended to eat it ; and there 
 would have been then no room for this ques- 
 tion. It is more likely they went and bought 
 one in the market, kept on the preparation of 
 the paflbver for that purpofe, as well as to fur- 
 nifh the other facrifices that were to be offered 
 on the enfuing feftival : which market fome had 
 profanely brought into the very court of the 
 temple (b). Again, if the lamb, the principal 
 thing, had been provided, it is not fo probable, 
 the difciples mould have fuppofed, as we know 
 they did, that Chrift by his fpeech to Judas, 
 " What thou doeft, do quickly," meant, that 
 he mould " buy thofe things which they hact 
 need of againft the feaft (*).'" 
 
 3dly, Next followed' the killing of the paf- 
 chal Iambi which at the firft paflbver in Egypt, 
 as there was no national altar, was performed 
 in private houfes. But after their lettlement in 
 Canaan, it was ordered to be done in " the 
 place, which the Lord mould chufe to place 
 his name there (d)" By the name of God in 
 this paflage is denoted God himfelf : to " call 
 upon his name" is to call upon him. And by 
 placing his name there, is meant fiicing in that 
 place the fpecial tokens of his prefence, aa the 
 ark with the mercy feat, and the cloud of glo- 
 ry over it. This place feems at firft to have 
 been Mifpah, afterwards Shiloh •, and when 
 that was deftroyed, the ark was removed to 
 
 feverai 
 
 {a) Mark xh*. iz. (£) John ii. 13, 14. {c) John 
 xiii. 27, 29. (d) Deut. xvi.z. 
 
190 The paffover. B. III. 
 
 feveral places, till at lafl it was fixed at Jeru» 
 falem. 
 
 It is obfervable, that though there is frequent 
 mention in the law of Moles of fome place 
 which God would chufe to fix his name there, 
 it is no where declared where that place fhould 
 be. For this Maimonides * affigns feveral rea- 
 fons •, the belt and mod probable is, lead every 
 tribe fhould defire to have that place to their 
 lot, and thus flrife and contention fhould arife 
 among them. But when the place was after- 
 wards fixed by a new revelation, there the na- 
 tional altar was to be erected, and thither all 
 their f^crifices were ordinarily to be brought 
 and offered. The law to which we before re- 
 ferred, concerning their " facrificing the paff- 
 over unto the Lord their God, of the flock 
 and of the herd, in the place which the Lord 
 mould choofe to place his name there (#)>" 
 chiefly refpecls the facrifices that were to be 
 offered on the feven days of the feaft of un- 
 leavened bread, which feaft, we have obferved 
 before, was fometimes called the paffover •, as 
 appears, in that the facrifice of the paffover is 
 faid to be of the flock and of the herd •, where- 
 as" the paffover, properly fo called, was of the 
 flock only. This law, neverthelefs, included 
 the pafchal lamb, and was fo underftood by 
 the ancient Jews, as is evident from the account 
 of the folemn paffover kept in the reign of king 
 Jofiah ('£), when " the priefts and the levites 
 flood in the holy place, and they flew' the paff- 
 over, and the priefts (prinkled the blood, and 
 
 the 
 
 * Maimon. Moreh Nebhoc. part. iii. cap. xlv. p. 475. 
 edit, et verf. Buxtorf. fiaftty 1629. 
 (a) Dent xvi. 2. (h) z Chron. xxxv. 5, 6, 10, 1 1. 
 
C. IV. The palTover. 191 
 
 the levites flayed it." They, who killed the 
 paflbver, are diftinguifhed from the priefts who- 
 fprinkled the blood ; for a common Ifraelite 
 might kill the pafchal lamb according to the law 
 in Exodus (a), " the whole aflembly of the con- 
 gregation of Ifrael (hall kill it." Accordingly 
 in the paflbver, which was kept in Hezekiah's 
 reign, the fervice of killing the paflbver fell 
 upon the levites, only for thofe of the congre- 
 gation that were not clean {b) ; otherwife, every 
 Ifraelite was to kill his own pafchal lamb. Nor 
 was this a circumftance peculiar to the pafs- 
 over ; in all other facrifkes, even in burnt-of- 
 ferings, which were reckoned the mod folemn 
 and (acred of all others, every man might kill 
 his own facrifice. The proper duty of the 
 priefts was only to fprinkle the blood, and of- 
 fer it on the altar after it was (lain (c). The 
 argument, therefore, as formerly hinted, which 
 fome have alledged againft the priefthood of 
 Chrift, and the facrifice of his death, that then, 
 as pried, he muft have killed himfelf, is futile 
 and groundlefs, becaufe it did not properly be- 
 long to the priefts to kill the facrifices. We 
 proceed to the 
 
 4th Article of the pafchal rites, the fprink- 
 ling of the blood ; in order to which it mult 
 be received in a bafon : " Ye fhall take a bunch 
 of hyflbp and dip it in the bafon," *p2 be- 
 faph (d). Both the feptuagint and the vulgate 
 feem to have miftaken the meaning of this word, 
 taking it to fignify the door, or the threfhold 
 of the houfe, where fome fuppofe the lamb was 
 killed. The feptuagint renders it *&$& rm $vt>&v, 
 
 the 
 
 {a) Exod. xii. 6. [b) 2 Chron. xxx. 17. 
 
 (f) Lev. i. 2, — 5. {J) Exod. xH 22. 
 
192 The jpaflbver.' B. FI. 
 
 the vulgate, in limine •, whereas D*3D fippim 
 and mDD fippoth, which are plurals of P)D faph, 
 are mentioned among thi vcffels of the fanclu- 
 ary in the firft book of Kings and in Jere- 
 miah K a). This blood was to be fprinkled with 
 a bunch of hyffop upon the lintel, and the two 
 fide polls of the doors of their houfes, as a 
 fignal to the deilroying angel to pafs over thole 
 that were thus marked when he went forth to 
 fmite the firft-born in all the other houfes in 
 Egypt {b). The blood was to be fprinkled on- 
 ly on the lintel and the fide polls, not on the 
 threinold, that it might not be trod on, but 
 that: a proper reverence might be prelerv d for 
 it as iacred and typical. It cannot be fuppofed, 
 either that this blood had any natural virtue in 
 it, to prefervc the famiiy upon whofe houfe it 
 was fprinkled from the plague, or that God or 
 his angel needed iuch a fignal to cufhnguifh be- 
 twixt Egyptians and liraeiites. The ufe of it 
 could oniy be as a fenfibir token of the divine 
 promife of protection ano i tfety to the Ifraelites, 
 defigned to aflifr and encou<age their faith. 
 With the like view God mad" the rainbow a to- 
 ken or fign of his covenant and promife to 
 Noah, that he would never again cring a de- 
 luge on the earth (c). No douoi the blood of 
 the pafchal lamb, fprinkled on theii houfes, 
 was intended, likewife, to be a typical fign of 
 protection from the vengeance of Gca through 
 the blood of (Thrift, which :s therefore called 
 " the blood of fprinkling (d). 99 In both re- 
 fpects it is faid that Moles " through faith kept 
 
 the 
 
 [a) i Kings vii. 50. Jcrcm. lii. 19. 
 
 (i>) rxod. xii. 1$, — 23. 
 (c) Gen. ix. 10, — 15. 
 ',d) Heb. xii. 24. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver.' 193 
 
 the paflbver and the fprinkling of Wood (a) •," 
 through faith in God's promife of a prefent 
 temporal protection, and through faith in the 
 blood of Chriit, as typified by this blood, for 
 fpiritual and eternal Salvation. 
 
 The Egyptians, who were, in many cafes, 
 'unacquainted with the original of their own 
 rites, had among them, many ages afterwards, 
 according to Epiphanius, a very fenfible me- 
 morial of the prefervation of the Ifraelites, by 
 this red mark, being fixed on their houfes ; for 
 at the vernal equinox, which was the time of 
 the paflbver, they ufed to mark their Iheep, 
 their trees and the like ix, ///ats«?, with red oker, 
 or fomewhat of that kind, which they fuppofed 
 would preferve them *. 
 
 The circumftance of fprinkling blood upon 
 the door pofts was plainly peculiar to the firftpaf- 
 over ; for we find in after ages, when the pafchal 
 Jamb was killed in the court of the tabernacle or 
 temple, the blood of it was fprinkled on the al- 
 tar like the blood of the other facrifices (b). 
 
 5thiy, The pafchal lamb was to be roafled 
 whole : tt Eat it not raw, nor fodden at all 
 with water, but roaft with fire his head, with 
 his legs, and with the purtenance thereof (c). n 
 The prohibition of eating it raw ; for which 
 there might feem to be little occafion fince man- 
 kind ha.-c generally abhorred fuch food, is un- 
 derftood by 10 me to have been given in oppo- 
 lition to th^ b rbarous cuftpms of the Heathens, 
 who in their feafts of Bacchus, which, accord- 
 ing to Herodotus f and Plutarch J, had their 
 
 Vol. II. O original 
 
 {a) Heb. xi. 28. *Epiphan. adverfus Ha»res. 
 
 hsres. xviii. Nazarzeor §. iii. p. 39. edit. Petav. 
 
 (b) 2 (Jhron. xxxv. 11. (<•) ExoJ xii. 9. 
 
 t Herodot. Enterp. cap. 49. p. 107, tc8. edit. Gronov. 
 
 X Plutarch, de Iilce et Jfiride, oper. torn. 2. p. 355, 
 3j6, 36*. B, 6cc. edit, Francforc. 1620. 
 
194 The- paffover. B; III. 
 
 original in Egypt, ufed to tear the members of 
 living creatures to pieces, and eat them raw. It 
 is therefore obfervable, that the fyriae verfion 
 renders the claufe " Eat not of it raw, eat not 
 of it while it is alive *" 
 
 Bochart, after R. Solomon and Aben-Ezra, 
 derives the hebrew word JO na, which we ren- 
 der raw, from the Arabic &U naa or *J ni, fe- 
 micodhis, half dreiTedf. 
 
 The pafchal lamb was to be roafted •, which, 
 befides its typical meaning, to be hereafter con- 
 fidered, might be ordered as a matter of con- 
 venience at the firft paffover, in order that their 
 boiling veflels might be packed up, ready for 
 their march out of Egypt, while the lamb was 
 roafting. 
 
 It mull be cc roafted whole, with its Ieg5 and 
 appurtenances. " By the appurtenances we are 
 not to underftand the guts, but the heart, 
 lights, liver, and whatever other parts of the 
 inwards are fit for food. This injunction might 
 perhaps be defignedly oppofed to the fuperfti- 
 tion of the Gentiles, who ufed to rake into the 
 entrails of their facrifices, and collect auguries 
 from them ; and it might be partly intended for 
 expedition in the celebration of the firfl paffover. 
 
 6thly, The firfl paffover was to be eaten 
 ftanding, in the pofture of travellers, who had 
 no time to lofe •, and with unleavened bread and 
 bitter herbs, and no bone of it was to be 
 broken (a). The pofture of travellers was en- 
 joined them, both to enliven their faith in the 
 promife of their now fpeedy deliverance from 
 
 Egypt i 
 
 * Spencer, de Leg. Hebr. lib. ii. cap. iv. Sett. ii. p, 
 300,-305. 
 -f- Hierozoic. lib. ii. cap. l. oper. torn. 2. p. 595. 
 (a) Exod. xii. 2, ii y 46. 
 
p. IV. The pa/lbver.' . 195 
 
 Egypt -, ajid alfo, that they might be ready to 
 begin their march prefently after flipper. They 
 were ordered, therefore, to eat it with their 
 loins girded ; for as they were accuftomed to 
 wear Jong and loofe garments, luch as are ge- 
 nerally ufed by the eaflern nations to this day, 
 it was hecefTary to tye them up with a girdle 
 about their loins, when they either travelled Or 
 betook themfelves to' any laborious employ- 
 ment. Thus, when Elifha fent his fervant 
 Gehazi on a, mefiage in hafte, he bad him 
 " gird up his loins {a) " and when oiir Savi- 
 our fet about warning his difciples feet, "he 
 took a towel and girded himfelf (£)." 
 
 They were to eat the paflbver " with fhoes 
 on their feet." For in thofe hot countries they 
 ordinarily wore fandals, which were a fort of 
 clogs j or went barefoot. But in . travelling 
 they ufed fhoes, which were indeed a fort of 
 fhort boots, reaching a little way up the legs *. 
 Hence, when our Saviour fent his twelve dif- 
 ciples to preach in the neighbouring towns, 
 deligning to convince them by their own ex- 
 perience of .the extraordinary care of divine pro- 
 vidence over them, that they might not be dif- 
 touraged by the length and danger of the jour- 
 nies they would be called to undertake \ I fay, 
 on this account he ordered them to make no 
 pio,vifion for their prefent journey, particularly, 
 
 O 2 nQt 
 
 • 
 
 [a) 2 Kings iv 29. [&) John xiii. 4. 
 
 * See Wagenfeil. Sotah, p. 664. edit. Altdorf. 1674? 
 or in Mifhn. Surenhufii, torn. 3. p. 261. Lightfoot's Hone 
 hebr, Matt, x. 10. Sagittarius de Nudipedalibus veteium, 
 cap. i. §. xix. et fco. apua Syntagma Dillertationum. *om. 
 i. p. 272. et feq. Re erod 1699. But Bynaeus is or opi- 
 nion, that ihoes and fandals are the fame, de Calceis He- 
 brxorura, lib. i. cap. vi. §. ix. x. p. 90,-98. Dordrac, 
 
if 
 
 + * 
 
 196 . The pafTover. B. III. 
 
 not to take fhoes on their feet, but to be fhod 
 . with fandals (a). 
 
 The ethiopian chriftians have indeed found 
 out another reafon for the Ifraelites being com- 
 manded to eat the firft paiTover with fhoes on 
 their feet ; namely, becaufe the land of Egypt 
 was polluted •, whereas at mount Sinai God 
 commanded Mofes to put off his fhoes from his 
 feet, becaufe the place was holy •, and for this 
 reafon the Ethiopians fay, it is a cuftom with 
 them to be barefoot in their churches *. 
 
 Again, they were to eat the paffover with 
 {laves in their hands, fuch as were always ufed 
 by travellers in thofs rocky countries, both to 
 fupport them in flippery places, and defend 
 them againft affaults {b). Of this fort was 
 probably Mofes's rod which he had in his 
 hand, when God fent him with a meffage to 
 Pharaoh (<:), and which was afterwards ufed as 
 an inftrument in working fo many miracles. 
 So neceffary in thefe countries was a ftaff, or 
 walking flick on a journey, that it was a ufual 
 thing for perfons when they undertook long 
 journeys, to take a fpare ftaff with them, .for 
 fear one fhould fail. When (Thrift, therefore, 
 fent his apoflles on that embafly, which we 
 mentioned before, he ordered them not to take 
 flaves, /wwts f aC <F«« (d), that is, only one ftaff or 
 walking flick, without making provifion of a 
 fpare one, as was common in long journeys ; 
 or as it is in St. Mark (*), " fave a ftaff only." 
 .If therefore we adhere to the common reading 
 
 in 
 
 (a) Matt. x. 10. compared with Mark vi. 9. 
 
 * Damianus GoenGs de moribus iEthiopum, cited by 
 Sagittarius de Nudipedalibus veterum, cap. ii. $. xv. ubi 
 fupra, p. 305, 306. Rotterod. 1699. (b) See Gen. 
 
 jixxii. 10. (c) Exod. iv. 2. [d] Luke ix. 3. 
 
 (*) Mark vi. 8. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver. 197 
 
 in the parallel paflage in St. Matthew, where 
 Chrift bad them take /xh7s f*£JV, not a ftaff(d), 
 it muft be underftood of a fpare flaff. Never- 
 thelefs many copies have ?<*C<T»$ in this place, 
 which is followed in our tranflation. 
 
 Now thefe circumftances were plainly pecu- 
 liar to the firit paflbver -, for when the children 
 of Ilrael were fettled in the land of Canaan, 
 they no longer eat the pafchal lamb in the pof- 
 ture of travellers, but like men at reft and 
 eafe, fitting or rather lying on couches ■> the 
 pofture in which our Saviour and his difciples 
 eat the paflbver {b). 
 
 The pafchal lamb was to be eaten with un- 
 leavened bread ; in the Hebrew r\W2 matfoth, 
 which fome derive from \*VD matfets, or Hi'O 
 matfah, comprefiit, becaufe bread made with- 
 out yeaft or leaven is heavy and clofe, as if 
 prefled together. Bochart rejects this derivation, 
 and derives it from an arabic word, with the' 
 fame radicals, which fignifies pure and fincere* * 
 and fo m¥D matfoth, fignifies bread made of 
 pure flour and water, without any mixture. This 
 iuits beft with the apoftle's allufion : " There- 
 fore let us keep the feaft, not with old leaven, 
 neither with the leaven of malice and wicked- 
 nefs j but with the unleavened bread of finceri- 
 ty and truth (c)." 
 
 The reafon of the injunction to eat the paf- 
 chal lamb with unleavened bread was, partly, 
 to remind them of the haidfhips they had fuf- 
 tained in Egypt, unleavened being more heavy 
 and lefs palatable, than leavened bread ; and it 
 is, therefore, called the bread of affliction (d) ; 
 O 3 and 
 
 {a) Matt. x. 10. [b) John xiii. 23. 
 
 * Bochart. Hieroz. lib. ii. cap. l. p. 601. 
 (c) 1 Cor. v. 8. {d) Deut.'xvi. 3. 
 
 \ 
 
l$8 The paffoyer. &• III. 
 
 and partly to commemorate the fpeed of 
 their deliverance or departure from thence, 
 which was fuch, that they had not fufficient 
 time to leaven their bread •, it is exprefsly laid, 
 that their "dough was not leavenec'. Becaufethey 
 were th'ruft out or Egypt and couid not tar- 
 ry (a) y' and on this account, it was enacted in- 
 to a ftanding law* " Thou fhalt eat unleavened 
 bread, even the bread of affliction ; for thou 
 earned forth out of Egypt in haile (#)," This 
 rite, therefore, was not only obferved at the firft 
 paflbver, but in all fucceeding ages. 
 
 The fallad, or fauce, of bitter herbs was 
 doubtlefs prefcribed for the fame reafon, name- 
 ly to be a memorial of that fevere bondage in. 
 Egypt, which " made their lives bitter to 
 them (c) i" and pofTibly alfo, to denote the hade 
 they were in, which laid them under a neceflity 
 of taking up with fuch wild herbs as were 
 readied at hand. We have not any account, 
 what herbs in particular thefe were, except from 
 the conjectures of the' rabbies, which are not; 
 worth our attention *. 
 
 To this fallad, or fauce, the latter Jews, as 
 Godwin obferves, add another, of f.veet and 
 bitter things, as dates, figs, raifons, vinegar, 
 and other ingredients, pounded and mixed up 
 together to the confidence of mudard, which 
 they call ffchfl charofeth, and make to be a 
 memorial of the clay in which their fathers la- 
 boured 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 39. 
 [ty Deut. :ivi. 3. 
 (c) Exod. i. 14. 
 
 * Mi/hn. tit. Pefachim, cap. 2. §. 6. torn. 2. p. 141, 
 edit. Surenhus. Their opinion is difcufled at large, by 
 ISochart, Hierozcic. lib. ii. cap. l. oper. torn z. p. 603, 
 •-609. 
 
 
C. IV. The paflbver. 1 99 
 
 bourcd in the land of Egypt*. Some imagine, 
 this was the fauce in which our Saviour dipt the 
 fop that he gave to Judas (a). 
 
 It was further prefcribed, that they fhould 
 eat the ftefh of the lamb, without breaking 
 any of his bones (b). This the later Jews un- 
 derftand, not of the lefier bones, but only of 
 the greater, which had marrow in them -f\ 
 Thus was this rite alfo intended to denote their 
 being in hafte, not having time to break the 
 bones and fuck out the marrow J. But it had 
 likewife a typical meaning, of which we mail 
 have occafion to take notice hereafter. 
 
 7thly» It was ordered, that nothing of the 
 pafchal lamb fhould remain till the morning ; 
 but, if it was not all eaten, it fhould be con- 
 fumed by fire (c). The fame law was extended 
 to all euchariftical facrifices (d) ; no part of 
 which was to be left or fet by, left it fhould be 
 corrupted, or converted to any profane or com- 
 mon ufe. An injunction, which was defigned, 
 no doubt, to maintain the honour of facrifices, 
 and teach the Jews to treat with reverence what- 
 ever was confecrated, more efpecially, to the 
 fervice of God. 
 
 As to the flrft pafchal facrifice, it was the 
 more neceffary that it fhould all be eaten or 
 confumed that night, as the Ifraelites were to 
 march out of Egypt early the next morning. 
 Otherwiie they would have been obliged either 
 O 4 to 
 
 f Maimon. de Solemnitate Pafchatis, cap. vii. §. xi, 
 p. 889. Crenii Fafciculi feptimi. 
 
 (a) Johnxiii. 26. (b) Exod.xii. 46. 
 
 t Vid. Bochart. Hierozoic. lib. ii. cap. l. oper. torn, il 
 p. 609. 
 
 % Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. paxtiii. cap.xlvi. p. 483. 
 Bafil. 1629. 
 
 {c) Exod. xii. iC; (</) Levit. xxii. 30. 
 
20O The paffoveiv B- Hf* 
 
 to fubmit to the inconvenience of carrying the 
 rerhainder of it along with them, or to the dif- 
 agreeable circumftance of leaving it behind, 
 them, to the contempt of the Egyptians. More- 
 over, this law with refpect to iacrifices might 
 be made fo comprehenfive and general, on the 
 fame account that induced Hezekiah to break 
 in pieces the brazen ferpent (a) ; that is, to pre- 
 vent the abufe of fuch relicks to fupenatious 
 ufes, and to difcountenance the cuilom or the, 
 heathen idolaters, who referved fome part of- 
 their facrifices for any purpofes they thought 
 proper •, as Herodotus * intorms us concerning 
 the antient Perfians, and as feems to be inti- 
 mated in the fixth chapter of the apochryphal 
 book of Baruch, where the priefts are iaid " to 
 fell and abufe the things that were facrifked to 
 idols •, and in like manner their wives laid up 
 part thereof in fait (b)." From whence we may 
 naturally derive the like fuperltitious cuftom of 
 fome women among Chriftians,. who procure 
 and lay up fome part of the bread, which has 
 been ufed in the Lord's fupper, to cure their 
 children of the whooping cough. 
 
 8thly, It was enjoined the Ifraelites at the 
 firft pailbver, that they mould keep in their 
 own hcufes all that night, " and none of them 
 fhould go out of the door of his houfe till the 
 morning," left they mould be expofed to the 
 deflroying angel (c). We are not to fuppofe, 
 the angel could not have diftinguifhed an 
 Ifraelite from an Egyptian, if he had met him 
 in the ftreet j but, they were hereby intended 
 
 to 
 
 (<z) 2 Kings xviii. 4. 
 
 • Herodo:. Clio, cap. 132. p. fj. edit. Gronov. 
 
 [b) Baruch vi. 28. ' (0 Kxod. xii. 22, 23. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver. so* 
 
 to be inftructed, that their fafety. lay in being 
 under the protection of the blood of the lamb, 
 which was fpnnkled upon the door-pofts of 
 their houfes, as an emblem and type of fpiri- 
 tual falvation by the blood of Chrift:. This 
 rite, however, was peculiar to the nrft paflbver, 
 and not obferved in fucceeding ages j other- 
 wife, Chrift. and his apoftles would not have 
 gone to the mount or Olives the fame even- 
 ing ' on which they had been eating the pafs- 
 over {a). 
 
 Having thus confidered the rites of the pafs- 
 over, we are 
 
 3dly, to enquire into the fignification of them. 
 
 That the pafibver had a typical reference to 
 Chrift, we learn from the apoftle's calling him 
 * c our paflbver (b) :" Godwin has drawn out a 
 catalogue of thirteen articles in which this type 
 refembles its antitype, and a larger and" more 
 particular one may be found in the chapter, de 
 Pafchate, of Witfius's CEconomia Foederis, un- 
 der four general heads : The firft reflecting the 
 perfon of Chrift : — the fecond, his fufferings : 
 the third, the fruits and effects of them : — 
 and the way in which we are to obtain an in-' 
 tereft in thefe fruits and effects. We mail 
 briefly felect a few of the particulars under each 
 of thefe heads. 
 
 ill:, The perfon of Chrift was typified by 
 the pafchal lamb. On which account, as w r ell 
 as in refpect to the lamb of the daily facrifice, 
 he is often reprefented under the emblem of a 
 lamb. " Behold the lam£> of God," faith John 
 the baptift (c). The fitnefs and propriety of 
 
 'this 
 
 {a) Matt. xxvi. 30. {h) 1 Cor. v. 7, 
 
 {() John i. 29, 36. 
 
%02 The paffover. B. IIL 
 
 this type or emblem confifbs, partly, in fome 
 natural properties belonging to a lamb; and, 
 partly, in fome circumflances peculiar to the 
 pafchal lamb. A lamb being, perhaps, the 
 leaft fubjedt to choler of any animal in the brute 
 creation, was a very proper emblem of our Sa- 
 viour's humility and meeknefs P and of his in- 
 offenfive behaviour (a) \ for he, by whofe pre- 
 cious blood we were redeemed, was " a lamb 
 without blemifh and without lpot (J?) :" anql 
 likewife of his exemplary patience and fubmif- 
 lion to his father's will under all his fufferings 
 and in the agony of death ; for though he was 
 «* opprefled, and afflicted, yet he opened not his 
 mouth (c)." By his almighty power he could 
 have delivered himfelf, out of the hands of his 
 enemies, as he had done on former occafi- 
 6ns (d) ; but behold, the lion of the tribe of 
 Judah now transformed into a lamb, by his 
 obedience to his father's will, and companion 
 to the fouls of men. 
 
 There were, alfo, fome circumflances pecu- 
 liar to the pafchal lamb, which contributed to 
 its fitnefs and propriety as a type and emblem 
 of Chrift. Such as its being ordered to be 
 free from all blemifh and natural defect, that 
 it might the better reprelent the immaculate fon 
 of God, who was made without fin, and 
 never did any iniquity (e) ; that it was to 
 be taken out of the flock, therein reprefenting 
 that divine perfon, who, in order to his being 
 made a facrirke for our fins, did firfl be- 
 come 
 
 (a) Matt. xi. 29. 
 
 (b) 1 Pet. i. 19. 
 (<\ Ifaiah liii. 7. 
 
 (d) Luke iv. 29, 30. John viii. 55. 
 (1) Heb. vii. 26. 
 
C. IV. The paflbver.' 203 
 
 come c'ne of us by taking our fiefli and blood > 
 ana " vj: rnacte in all things like to his bre^ 
 jttiren . 
 
 The j rial lamb was to be a male of the 
 firft year, when the fie/h was in the higheft (late 
 of perfection for food j more fitly to reprefent 
 the " child that was to be born," " the fon that 
 was to be given (&)" to t.s, and the excellency 
 of th facnfice he was to offer for ys, after he 
 had liyed a fhort life among men. Once more, 
 
 1 he pafchal lamb was to be taken out of the 
 flock four days before it was facrificed. This 
 circumltance, if we underftand it of fuch pro- 
 phetic days as are mentioned in the fourth chap- 
 ter of Ezekiel, is perfectly applicable to Chrift, 
 who left his mother's houfe and family, and en- 
 gaged publickly in his office as a Saviour, four 
 years before his death. 
 
 2dly, The fufferings and death of Chrift 
 were alfo typified by the pafchal lamb in vari- 
 ous particulars. For inftance, that lamb was 
 to be killed " by the whole aflembly of the 
 congregation of Ifrael (c) y, and fo the whole 
 eftat'e of trie jews, the priefls, fcribes, elders, 
 rulers, and , the populace in general (J), con- 
 fpired in the death of Chrift. The pafchal 
 lamb was to be killed by the effufion of its' 
 blood, as pointing out the manner of Chrift's 
 death i in which there was an effufion of blood 
 on the crofs. Ii was to be roafted with fire, as 
 reprefenting its antitype enduring on our ac- 
 count the fiercenefs of God's anger, which is 
 laid to " burn like fire (*)." Hence ttoat com- 
 plaint of our fuffering Saviour in the prophecy 
 
 concern- 
 
 [a) Heb. ii. 14, 17. (b) Ifai. ix 6. 
 
 (() Exod. xii. 6. [d] Compare Mark xiv. 43. with 
 
 Luke xxiii. 13. (e) Pfal. lxxxix. 46. Jerem. iv. 4. 
 
«04 The pafTover. B. III. 
 
 ^concerning him in the twenty-fecond Pfalm, 
 46 My heart is like wax, it is melted in the 
 midft of my bowels ; my ftrength is dried up 
 like a potfherd, and my tongue cleaveth to my 
 jaws (*)." 
 
 There was, further, a remarkable correfpon- 
 dence betwixt the type and the antitype, with 
 jrefpect to the place and time in which each was 
 killed as a facrifice. The place was the fame 
 as to both ; namely, " the place which the 
 Lord mould chufe to put his namp there,'* 
 Which from the reign of David was at Jerufa- 
 lem : and the time was alfo the fame ; for 
 Chrifl fuffered his agonies on the fame evening 
 on which the pafTover was celebrated •, and his 
 death the next day, betwixt the two evenings, 
 according to the moft probable interpretation of 
 that phrafe, namely, betwixt noon and fun 
 let. " ' 
 
 3dly, Several of the happy fruits and confe- 
 quehces of the death of Chrift were remark- 
 ably typified by the facrifice of the pafchal 
 iamb ; fuch as protection and falvation by his 
 blood, of which the fprinkling of the door 
 pofts with the blood of the lamb, and the fafe- 
 ty which the Ifraelites by that means enjoyed, 
 from the plague that fpread through all the fa- 
 milies of the Egyptians, was a defigned and il- 
 luflrous emblem. It is in allufion to this type, 
 that the blood of Chrift is called " the blood 
 of fprinkling (£)." 
 
 Immediately upon the Ifraelites eating the 
 firft paffover, they were delivered from their 
 egyptian flavery, and reftored to full liberty, 
 of which they had been deprived for many 
 
 years ; 
 
 («) Pfal. xxH. 14, 15. [b) 1 Pet. i. 2. Heb. xii. 24, 
 
CIV. The paflbver." ioc 
 
 years ; and fuch is the fruit of the death of 
 Chrift, in a fpiritual and much nobler fenfe, to 
 all that believe in him •, for he hath thereb/ 
 " obtained eternal redemption for us,*' and 
 " brought us into the glorious liberty of the 
 children of God (a)." 
 
 4thly, The ways and means, by which we 
 are to obtain an in te reft in the bleffed fruits of 
 the facrifice of Chrift, were alio reprefented by 
 lively emblems in the paflbver, namely, by the 
 fprinkling of the blood of the lamb on the 
 cloor pofts, and by eating the flefh of it. The 
 door poft may be underftood to fignify the heart 
 of man, which is the gate, or door, by which 
 the king of glory is to enter {b) j and which is 
 as manifeft in the fight of God, as the very 
 doors of our houfes are to any one that jpafles 
 by them (c). The fprinkling of the blood on 
 the door pofts may therefore fignify the purify- 
 ing of the heart by the grace of Chrift, which 
 he purchafed for us by his blood. This feerr.s 
 to be the apoftle's allufion in the following" ex 
 preftion, " Having your hearts fprinkled from 
 an evil confeience (d)." 
 
 By eating the fiefh of the Iamb we have no 
 difficulty to underftand faith in Jefus Chrift, 
 fince Chrift himfelf has expreffed faving faith in 
 him by the metaphor of eating his flefh, pro- 
 bably in reference to the paflbver (e). 
 
 It is worthy of our notice, that the lamb 
 was to be roafted whole, and was to be all 
 eaten, and none of it left : which may fitly 
 fignify, that, in order to our obtaining the be- 
 nefits of Chrift's facrifice, we mult receive 
 
 him, 
 
 (a) Heb ix. 12. Rom. viii. 21. (£) Pfal. xxir. 7. 
 
 (/) I Sam. xvi. 7. (^ Heb. x. 22. (e) John vi. 53, 
 
20,6 The • pa/lbver, B. II|„ 
 
 him, fubmit to him, and truft upon him in all 
 his characters and offices, as our prophet, our 
 , prieft and our king ; nor are we to expect, that 
 he will redeem and lave us from the wrath to 
 come, if we will not at prefent have him to 
 reign over us. 
 
 The paffover was to be eaten with bitter 
 herbs; which, befides its being an intended 
 memorial of the afflictions of the Ifraelites in 
 Egypt, may fitly fignify, that repentance for 
 fin mult accompany faith in Chriit ; and alio, 
 that, if we are partakers of the benefits of 
 Chrift's fufferings, we mull expect, and be 
 content, to be in fome meafure partakers like- 
 wife of his fufferings. To this purpoie the 
 apoftle fpeaks of " the fellowfhip of his fuffer- 
 ings (a) ;" and elfe where faith, " that if we fuf- 
 fer with him, we fhall alfo reign with him (£).'* 
 
 The paffover was alfo to be eaten with un- 
 leavened bread •, which St. Paul interprets to 
 fignify fincerity and purity of heart, in oppofi- 
 tion to malice, wickednefs and falfhood ; and 
 which mult neceffarijy accompany faith in Chriit 
 in order to his being our paffover, that is, our 
 protector from the wrath of God, and our re- 
 deemer from fpiritual bondage and mifery {c)«. 
 
 It was further ordered, that in eating the 
 pafchal lamb they fhould " not break a bone 
 of it j a circumftance in which there was a 
 remarkable correfpondence betwixt the type and 
 the antitype (<0. 
 
 Perhaps there is more fancy, than judgment, 
 in that myffical interpretation, which fome have 
 put on this circumftance j who by the bones 
 
 understand 
 
 {a) Phil. iii. io. [I) 2 Tim. ii. xz. (0 J. Cor, 
 
 v. 7, 8. (d) John xix. 33, 36. 
 
C. IV. The pafibveri 207 
 
 underftand thofe fecrets of God, or thofe hard 
 and difficult things in the divine counfels, which 
 ■we are not able to comprehend, and which we 
 fhculd, therefore, be humbly content to be ig- 
 norant 01 without too curioufly and anxioufly 
 featching into them; according to the advice 
 ot Moles, 4 ' Secret things belong to the Lord 
 our God, bu. thofe which are revealed, to us 
 and to our children for ever, that we may do 
 all the words of this law (a)" 
 
 None, who were legally unclean and pollut- 
 ed, might eat the paffover •, which may further 
 hint to us that purity and holinefs are neceffary 
 and incumbent on all that would partake of 
 the benefit of Chrift's facrifice % for " what fel- 
 low fhip hath righteouihefs with unrighteouf- 
 neis ? what communion hath light with dark- 
 »efs ? what concord hath Chrift with belial (£)." 
 The Ifraelites were to eat tieir firft paffover 
 in the habit and pofture of travellers •, which, 
 in the myftical fenfe, may fignify, that fuch as 
 enter into covenant with God through Chrift, 
 mull be refolved* upon, and ready to go forth 
 to, every duty to which he calls them. They 
 are not to look on this world as their home ; 
 but, remembering that they are travelling to- 
 wards heaven, they are to bear that blefled 
 world much upon their thoughts, and to be di- 
 ligent in preparing for their entrance into it. To 
 this purpofe are we exhorted " to gird up the 
 loins of our minds and to be fober-," to " ftand, 
 having our loins girded about with truth ;" 
 and, " as pilgrims and ftrangers, to abftain from 
 flefhly lulls, .which war againft the foul (*)*" 
 
 In 
 
 {a) Deut. xxix. 29. {!>) 2 Cor. vi. 14, lj, 
 
 [c) 1 Pet. i. 13. Ephef. vi. 14. 1 Pet. ii. 11. 
 
2o$ Feaft of Unleavened bread. B. 11/. 
 
 In all thefe exprefiions there feems to be fome 
 reference to the habit and pofture of the 
 Ifraelites at the firft paflbver. 
 
 They were to eat the paflbver in hafte ; and 
 thus we mult " flee for refuge to lay hold on 
 the hope let before us {a) \* muft not delay and 
 trifle, but " give diligence to make our calling 
 and election fiire (b) ;" for the kingdom of hea- 
 ven is faid to " fuffer violence, and the violent 
 take it by force (c).'\ 
 
 In the laft place, the Ifraelites were to eat 
 the paflbver, each family in their own houfe ; 
 and none might go out of the houfe any more 
 that night, lelt the deftroying angei mould meet 
 and kill him. By the houfes may be under- 
 stood the church of Chrift, in which only we 
 are to expect communion with him and falva- 
 tion by him j and having entered into it, we 
 mull not go out again, left we meet with the 
 doom of apoftates (d), which is dreadful beyond 
 defcjiption *. 
 
 Of the feafl of unleavened bread. 
 
 Having treated pretty largely of the paflbver, 
 we proceed to the feaft of unleavened breach 
 
 Which 
 
 [a) Heb. vi. 18. {b) z Pet. i. 10. 
 
 (c) ivlatt. xi. 12. [d] See Heb. vi. 4, — 6. x. 39. 
 
 2 Pet. ii. 20, zi. 
 
 * Befides Witfius, fee Mather on the <ypes, p. 521,— 
 520. Dublin. 1685 
 
 On the fubjeft of the paflbver in genera/, with the reft 
 of the authors already quoted, fee Lightfooi, in his temple 
 fervice, chap. 12, 13, 14. and Spencer de iegibus He- 
 brxor. lib. ii. cap. iv. torn. i. p. 293,-310. Jn Wirfli 
 CEconom. foederis is a good abridgement of what Bochart 
 hath faid on the fubjeclt. 
 
C.IV. Feaft of unleavened bread. 2C9 
 
 which immediately followed it, and was kept 
 feven days, from the fifteenth of the month 
 Nifan, to the twenty-firft, inclufive ; as ap- 
 pears from the two following pafTages : the firft 
 from the book of Exodus, " In the firft month, 
 on the fourteenth day of the month at even ye 
 jfhall eat unleavened bread, until the one and 
 twentieth day ot the month at even {£)■:" Again, 
 from the book of Numbers, " In the fourteenth 
 day of the firft month is the paflbver of the 
 iLord ; and in the fifteenth day of this month 
 is the feaft ; feven days mail unleavened bread 
 be eaten ; in the firft day fhall be an holy con- 
 vocation (£)•" When therefore it is faid in the 
 fixteenth chapter of Deuteronomy, " Six days 
 malt thou eat unleavened bread, and on the 
 feventh fhall be a folemn affembly(r)," it cannot 
 be meant that they were to ufe unleavened 
 bread fix days only ; but that having eaten it 
 fix days, they mould conclude the feftival on 
 the feventh with a folemn afTembly, continuing 
 to eat unleavened bread on this day, as they 
 had done on the fix preceding. The famaritan 
 tex; and the feptuagint, read fikewife in the 
 thirteenth chapter of Exodus, " fix days (halt 
 thou eat unleavened bread (/)," and not feven, 
 as it is in the hebrew copy and the targum. 
 
 The very day of the pafTover, viz. the four- 
 teenth of Nifan, is called the firft day of un- 
 leavened bread, both by St. Matthew and St. 
 Mark (e) -, whereas, according to the paffaee 
 before cited, from the book of Numbers, the 
 fifteenth day of the month being faid to be the 
 firft day of the feaft, that is, of unleavened 
 
 Vol. II. P bread, 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 18. (h) Numb, xxviii. 16, 17. 
 
 [c) Dent. xvi. 8. (d) Exod. xiii. 6. (e) Matt, xxvi. 
 
 J 7. Mark xiv. 12. 
 
210 Feafl: of unleavened bread. B.III. 
 bread, the day of the paflbver was the day be- 
 fore the firfl day of unleavened bread. Some 
 therefore fuppofe, that Tf<uT» is put by the evan- 
 gelifts for tpot«j*j as it is in the firfl chap- 
 ter of St. John, where John the baptifl fays, 
 " He that comes after me," t^to* p* hc, that is, 
 TfoTSfs?, " was before me (a). 91 Thus t?«tw 
 My.if& tuv et^vpw, fhould be rendered not " the 
 firfl day of the feaft," but " the day before the 
 feafl of unleavened bread*/' 1 apprehend, 
 however, there is no need, in order to folve the 
 difficulty, to have recourfe to this more un- 
 ufual meaning of the word tjwtw : for thefc 
 two feafls, the paflbver and that of unleavened 
 bread, though diftinct in themfelves, yet fol- 
 lowed clofe upon one another, and being unit- 
 ed into one continued feftival for eight days to- 
 gether, hence the name of either of them came 
 to be ufed for both. The feafl of unleavened 
 bread is called the paflbver by St. Luke (b) -, 
 and why then may not the feafl of the paflbver 
 be called the feafl of unleavened bread by 
 St. Matthew and St. Mark, efpecially fince 
 the paflbver alfo was eat with unleavened 
 bread ? and this, notwithflanding the feafl of 
 unleavened bread, properly fo called, did not 
 begin till the next day •, at leafl, not till the 
 evening of the pafchal day ; for it mufl be re- 
 membered, the Jews celebrated their fabbath, 
 and all facred feflivals, from evening to even- 
 ing. This, indeed, gives us the hint of ano- 
 ther folution, which is efpoufed by fome -, 
 namely, that the pafchal day is called the firfl 
 day of unleavened bread, becaufe the feafl of 
 unleavened bread began on the evening of that 
 
 day 
 
 (a) John i. 30. 
 
 * Reland. Antiq. part. iv. §. iii. p. 456. edit. 3. 17x7. 
 
 (£) Luke xxii. 1. 
 
CIV. Feaft of unleavened bread. 21 i 
 
 day *. But the former folution is, I think, the 
 more fatisfactory. 
 
 During the whole continuance of this fefli- 
 val they might not eat any leavened bread, nor 
 fo much as have it in their houfes (a). Care, 
 therefore, mult be taken, before the feaft be- 
 gan, to " purge out the old leaven ;" as the 
 apoftle, in allufion to this rite, expreffes it (b). 
 Concerning this matter the modern Jews are 
 fuperfticioufly exact and fcrupulous. The maf- 
 ter of the family makes a diligent fearch into 
 every hole and crevice throughout the houfe, 
 left any crumb of leavened bread mould re- 
 main in it ; and that not by the light of the 
 fun or moon, but of a candle. And in order 
 that this exactnefs may not appear altogether 
 fuperfluous and ridiculons, care is taken to con- 
 ceal fome icraps of leavened bread in fome cor- 
 ner or other, the difcovery of which occafions 
 mighty joy. This fearch, never thelefs, ftriet 
 as it is, does not give him entire fatisfaction. 
 After all he befeeches God, that all the leaven- 
 ed bre.id which is in the houfe, as well what he 
 has found, as what he has not, may become 
 like the duft of the earth, and be reduced to 
 nothing. And as they are thus fuperftitioufly 
 careful in purging out the old leaven, fo they 
 are no lefs exact and fcrupulous about making 
 their bread for the feaft, left there Ihould be 
 any fermentation in it, or any thing like leaven 
 mixed with it. For inftance, the corn of which 
 it is made, muft not be carried to the mill on 
 the horle's bare back, left the heat of the horfe 
 fhould make it ferment •, the fack, in which it 
 is put, muft be carefully examined, left there 
 P 2 mould 
 
 * Reland. ubi fupra, p . 455, 456. 
 
 (a) Exod. *ii. 15, 1 8, 19. {b) 1 Cor. v. 7. 
 
212 Feaft of unleavened bread. B. III. 
 
 fiiould be any remainder of old meal in it, 
 which might prove like leaven to the new meal ; 
 the dough mud be made in a place not expofe4 
 to the fun, left the heat of the fun fhould 
 make it ferment •, and it mull be put into the 
 oven immediately after it is made, left it fhould 
 ferment itlelf *. 
 
 From the Jews, probably, the roman catho- 
 licks have borrowed many fuperftitious niceties 
 about the corn and dough, of which they make 
 their hofls. 
 
 The punifnment to be inflicted on any, who 
 neglected to cleanfe their houfes from leaven 
 againft the feaft, is, in the judgment of the 
 rabbies, fcourging f. But the penalty for eat- 
 ing leavened bread during this feftival, is, ac-, 
 cording to the law of God, to be " cut off 
 from the congregation of Ifrael (a) :" the fame 
 punifhment, which is threatned to the neglect 
 of circumcifion (£), and to feveral other tref- 
 paffes, both againft the moral and ceremonial 
 laws •, as to wilful finning in contempt of 
 the divine authority (c), to profaning the fab- 
 bath (d) t to the eating of fat and blood (e)> and 
 to feveral other violations of the law. But 
 what this JVD chereth, as the rabbies call it 
 from D12 charath, fecuit, or cutting off, fig- 
 nified is rather differently conjectured by vari- 
 ous writers, than certainly determined by any. 
 Some make it to fignify excommunication ; o- 
 
 thers 
 
 • See Bnxtorf. Synag. judaic, cap. xvii. p. 394,— 398,. 
 edit. 3. Eafil. 1661. and Maimon. de folennitate Pafchatis, 
 cap. ii,— v. p. 843, — 877. Crenii Fafcicul. feptimi. 
 
 | Maimon. de folennitate Pafchatis, cap. i. p. 838,—* 
 843. Crenii Fafcicul. feptimi. 
 
 (a) Exod. xii. 19. (b) Gen. xvii. 14. 
 
 (.-) Numb. xv. 30, 31. [a\ Exod. xxxi. 14, 
 
 • r) Levlti vii. 25. 27. 
 
C.iy. Feaft of unleavened bread. 213 
 
 thers death, to be inflidtcd by the magiftrate •, 
 others death by the immediate hand of God. 
 Others fay it was making a man childlefs, fo 
 that his family and his name perifhed in Ifrael. 
 Maimonides would have it be the extinction 
 both of the foul and body, or perifhing like the 
 brutes ; anji Abarbanel, the lofs of future hap- 
 pinefs *. But hardly any one of thefe fenfes 
 will fuit all the cafes, in which this punifhment 
 is threatned. It could not mean excommuni- 
 cation from the church of Ifrael, when it is 
 threatned to the neglect of circumcifion, be- 
 caule no perfon was a member of that church 
 till he was circumcifed. Nor could it mean 
 death to be immediately inflicted by the hand 
 of God, flnce the Israelites neglected circumci- 
 fion with impunity, during their journey in the 
 wildernefs, for forty years together (a). Nor 
 could it fignify the fan>e punifhment, when 
 threatned to the neglect of the paffover ; fince 
 that ordinance was fbamefully neglected during 
 feveral wicked reigns of the jewifli kings, till 
 Hezekiah, and after him Jofiah, revived it (3). 
 It is moll probable, that HID chereth, is a ge- 
 neral name for feveral forts of punifhment, which 
 were to be determined by the nature of the of- 
 fence. Sometimes it feems to import puniGi- 
 ment by the judge, and fometimes, by the 
 more immediate hand of God -f. 
 
 The firft and lafl days of the feaft. of u,n- 
 
 leavened bread, were to be kept as fabbaths, 
 
 P 3 holy, 
 
 * Abarbanel. DuTert. de poena Excidii, ad calqem Bux- 
 torf. Diflert. de Sponfalibus et Divortiis. Where thefe i'e- 
 ▼«ral opinions are examined. 
 
 (a) Jofh. v. 5. (b) z Chron. xxx. xxxv. 
 
 -f Mr. Selden hath treated largely on the chereth, dc 
 Jure Nat. et Gent, lib. vii. cap. ;x. and de Syned. lib. i. 
 cap. vi. 
 
2i4 Feaft of unleavened bread. B, III. 
 
 ho*y, and free from all fervile work, except 
 dreifing of victuals, which was unlawful on the 
 weekly fabbath(tf)-, and they were likewife to 
 be folemnized by a holy convocation. But we 
 find no precept concerning the keeping the five 
 intermediate days, befides their abftaining from 
 leavened bread, and offering certain facrifices 
 on each cf them (b). However, the rabbies 
 have abundantly fupplied thefe defects by their 
 comments ; they allow the time to be fpent in 
 mirth, and all lawful recreation •, and fome of 
 them allow works of neceflity to be performed, 
 while others think it unlawful even to take up 
 a ftraw, or to pick their teeth *. 
 
 One remarkable offering, that was to be 
 made at this feaft, was the fheaf cf the fvrft 
 fruits of the harveft (c). For though this feaft 
 was kept foon after the vernal equinox, yet in 
 that warm climate the barley, which was ufually 
 fown in November, became ripe at this feafon. 
 But if it happened, that the harveft was not 
 forward enough to be fit to cut at the middle 
 of Nifan, they intercalated a month, which 
 they called Veadar, and the next Nifan, and fo 
 put off the feftival a mon r h longer f. 
 
 The day, on which this offering was made, 
 is faid to be " the mcrrow after the fabbaih(^)." 
 By which though fome have undei flood the 
 weekly fabbath that fell in the time of this fefti- 
 val, yet the Jews more generally underftand by 
 
 it 
 
 (a) Compare Exod. xii. 16. whh chap. xxxv. 3. 
 
 (b) Numb, xxviii. 17 — 25. 
 
 • See thefe and various other particulars in Buxtorf $ 
 Synag judaic, cap. xix. p. 430, — 433. edit. 3. 
 
 (c) Levit. xxiii. lo, ! 1. 
 
 + See Lightfoot, Hors hebr. Matt. xii. I. 
 (J) Levit. xxiii. 11. 
 
C. IV. Feaft of unleavened bread. 2 1 5 
 
 it the firft day of the feaft ; according to which 
 fenfe, the feptuagint renders it t» zttav^iov rm ir^a- 
 •rw*, " the morrow after the firft.'* The tar- 
 gum of Onkelos renders it, " after the feaft 
 day ; and Jofe-phus fays exprefsly, t» JWep* ruv 
 tL^vyuv «^€f*, &c. on the fecond day of un- 
 leavened bread, which is the fixteenth of Nifan, 
 they take of the fruits of the harveft, which 
 they have not touched before •, and efteemjng it 
 their duty firft to pay due honour to God, 
 from whom they have received their liberal 
 fupply, they offer him the firft fruits of the 
 barley *. 
 
 The rabbies inform us, that this fheaf was 
 gathered and prepared for the offering, with a 
 jgreat deal of ceremony ; which, as we have no 
 account of it in fcripture, we pafs over in fi- 
 lence f. 
 
 The moral fignification of this rite, the of- 
 fering of the firft fruits, was undoubtedly, to 
 be an acknowledgment of his goodnefs, " who 
 gives rain, both the former and the latter rain, 
 in its feafon, and referves to men the appointed 
 weeks of harveft (a) ;" and alfo of his right 
 to, and propriety, in thofe bounties of his pro- 
 vidence, in confequence of which he may be- 
 llow, or take them away, as he pleafes (b)\ 
 and likewife, to teach them to look up to God 
 P 4 for 
 
 * Jofeph. Antiq. lib. iii.. cap. x. $. 5. p. 177, 178. 
 edit. Haverc. fee alfo Lightfoot. Horse hebraic. Att. 
 vii. 1. 
 
 t See Ainfworth on Levit. xxiii. 10. Lightfoot's templc- 
 fervice, chap. xiv. $.2. Outramde Sacrificiis, lib. 1. cap. 
 viii. §. 6. p. 87. London 1677. Mifhn. tit. Sotah, cap. vii. 
 $.3. not. Wagenfeil. torn. 3. p. 259, 260. edit, buvenhus. 
 et tit. Menachoth, cap. 10. cum not. Bartenor. et Mai- 
 mon. torn. 5. 
 
 [a Jercm. v. 24, (b) Hof. ii. 8, 9. 
 
2i6 Feafl of unleavened bread. B. Ill* 
 
 for his blefiing to render their earthly enjoy- 
 ments and pofTefftons profitable and delight- 
 ful (a). 
 
 There might alfo be a typical fignincation of 
 this rite, as referring to the refu.rrettion of 
 Chrifl, whofe facrifice and death had been juft 
 before reprefented by that of the pafchal lamb, 
 and which is compared by our Lord himfelf 
 to corn falling into the ground and dying, after 
 which it fprings up and brings forth fruit (b). 
 Accordingly the apoftle faith, as it (c) ihould 
 feem in reference to this type, « Now is Chrift 
 rifen from the dead, and is become the firft 
 fruits of them that flept *." 
 
 (a) i Tim, iv. 4, 5. (b) John xii. 24. 
 
 {() 1 Cor. xv. 20. 
 
 * On the Iheaf of the firft fruits, fee alfo Reland. Amicj. 
 part. iv. cap. iii. §. viii. p. 464,-466. Hottingeri Anno't. 
 in Godwin, lib. iii. cap. v. §. 3. not. 3. Francof. 1716. 
 
 On the feaft of unleavened bread, fee the authors be- 
 fore referred to, on the paifover. 
 
 C II A P. 
 
( 2I 7 ) 
 
 * «C wm jtt ^ « ^^ sl ra ^ x& SL .& p*. jo «. .mac * 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the feaft of Pentecoft. 
 
 TH E Pentecoft was the fecond of the 
 three grand feftivals in the ecclefiaftical 
 year, at which all the males were to appear be- 
 fore the Lord at the national altar. 
 
 It is called by feveral names in the old tefta- 
 ment ; as, the feaft of weeks, the feaft of har- 
 yeft, and the day of the firft fruits. In the 
 new teftament it is ftiled pentecoft; and the 
 rabbies have other names for it, calling it " the 
 clay of giving the law," and fiT^y gnatfereth, 
 the word which we render " a folemn affcm- 
 bly." 
 
 ift. It is called " the feaft of weeks (a)," be- 
 caufe it was celebrated feven weeks, or a week 
 of weeks, after the pafibver ; or rather, after 
 the firft day of the feaft of unleavened bread ; 
 for the computation of the feven weeks began 
 with the fecond day of that feaft, and the next 
 day after the feven weeks were compleated, was 
 the feaft of pentecoft. Thus it is laid in Levi- 
 ticus, " Ye fhall account unto you from the 
 
 mcr- 
 
 («) Exod. xxxiv. 22, 
 
2i 8 The pentecoft. B. Ill; 
 
 morrow after the fabbath, from the day that 
 ye brought the fheaf of the wave offering; 
 Seven fabbaths fhall be compleat ; even to the 
 morrow after the feventh fabbath fhail ye 
 number fifty days (a)." By the feven fabbaths 
 here mentioned, we are to underftand feven, 
 weeks ; and fo it is rendered in the targum and 
 in the feptuagint •, in which fenfe we find the 
 word sx^tt-rw ufed in the new teftament : the 
 Pharifee in the parable faith, vwuu JW t« a<*3- 
 0*T¥, " I faft twice a week %* that is, on the 
 fecond and fifth days, on which falling was re- 
 commended by the tradition of the elders; and 
 which were accordingly kept every week, as 
 fafts, by the devout Jews. And in the firft 
 verfe or the twenty eighth chapter of Matthew, 
 (iiav o-aWatw evidently fignifies the " firft day 
 of the week." 
 
 The rabbies lay great ftrefs upon the precept 
 to count the feven fabbaths, or weeks. And 
 Maimonides remarks, that it was to the honour 
 of this feftival, that they were obliged to count 
 the days of its approach from the preceding 
 paffover, as a man, expecting his bed and molt 
 faithful friend at an appointed time, is accuf- 
 tomed to number the days and hours till his ar- 
 rival *. Accordingly the modern Jews make 
 an act of devotion of counting the days from 
 the pafibver to the pentecoft; beginning the 
 computation with a folemn prayer, or benedic- 
 tion, in this form : " BlefTed art thou, O Lord 
 our God, the Lord of the world, who haft 
 fanctified us with thy precepts, and commanded 
 us to number the days of the harveft -, and this 
 
 is 
 
 (a) Levit. xxtii. 15, 16. 
 
 * MUimon. Moreh. Nebhoch, part. iii. cap. xliii. p." 
 471. 
 
C. V. The pentecoft. 219 
 
 b the fnfl thy." Thus they go on with their 
 prayr, or benec'icYion, till the fevenrh day; 
 then they add, " Now there is one week-," and 
 fo rh.y p pceed with the fame aft of devotion 
 every ^ y to the evening of rhe pentecoft *. 
 
 This counting is, tp fome places, performed 
 pi.bnckly in the i ; nagogue. But whether it be 
 thus 1 enormia or not, every mafter of a fami- 
 ly is 00 iged to do it every evening at home-j*. 
 
 iNow fince there were leven weeks compleat 
 betwixt the firft day of the feaft of unleavened 
 bread and the day of pentecoft, it is made mat- 
 ter of enquiry, on what day of the week that 
 remarkable per.tecoft fell, when the Holy Ghoft 
 was (bed forh on the a ( oftles ? which is faid to 
 have been w tu fvy.'r^^&a.i tm w^av tk n«pTt»- 
 Kor»f ; the meaning of which is ambiguous, as it 
 may either fignify, when the day of pentecoft 
 was fulfilh d and over •, or, as it is rendered in our 
 en-hfh verfion, " when it was fully come («)." 
 The former fenfe is rnoft agreeable to the com- 
 'mon meaning of the word TMipoa, and the text 
 is accordingly rendered in the Italian verfion, 
 ** when the day of pentecoft was fully gone." 
 This fenfe Dr. Lightfoot prefers, and not with- 
 out reafon J : for fince Chiift eat his laft pa-Ho- 
 ver on the fame day with the reft of the Jews, 
 as we have already proved, namely, on the four- 
 teenth of Nifan, which was thurfday ; the next 
 day, on which he was crucified, muft be the 
 firft day of the feaft of unleavened bread ; 
 therefore the iixteenth day, the faturday, was 
 
 the 
 
 * Hottinger. in Godwin, lib. iii. cap. v. §. v. p. 575, 
 
 1 See Buxtorf. Synag. judaic, cap. xx. p. 441. edit. 3. 
 
 (a) A£b ii. 1. 
 
 j Hone hebr. in loc. 
 
£20 The pentecoft. B. Ill* 
 
 the firft day of the feven weeks betwixt that 
 and the pentecoft ; confequently the fiftieth 
 day, or the morrow after the feventh fabbath 
 or week, which was the day of pentecoft, muft 
 fall on the faturday, or the jewifh fabbath. 
 
 The dodtor apprehends, no reafon can be af- 
 figned for " the difciples being all with one 
 accord in one place," on the day when the 
 Holy Ghoft defcended upon them, more rea- 
 ibnable and probable, than that they were af- 
 fembled for the celebration of the Lord's day ; 
 which muft be, therefore, the next day after the 
 pentecoft. Upon which he further obferves, 
 that our Lord, in fulfilling feveral types by 
 which he was reprefented, did not confine him- 
 felf to the day of the type, but deferred the ac- 
 complishment to the day following. It was not 
 upon the very day of the paflbver, but on the 
 enfuing day, that " Chrift our paflbver was fa- 
 crificed for us {a)" It was not on the day, 
 that the fheaf of the firft: fruits was offered; 
 but the next day, that Chrift became the " firft 
 fruits of them that flept (£)." In like manner, 
 he fuppofes, the defcent of the Holy Ghoft 
 was not on the day of pentecoft, but when it 
 was gone, or the next day after. Neverthelefs 
 our englifh verfion, " when the day of pente- 
 coft was fully come," is iupported by the ufe 
 of the word ^Awpow in feveral places of the fep- 
 tuagint, as Dr. Hammond hath fully fhewn f . 
 Thus in the evangelift Luke, ort i*K*)<£n\<rAv «//.«- 
 f*i o*t«, which we render, " when eight days 
 were accomplished for circumcifmg the child (<:)," 
 muft fignify, not when the eighth day was over, 
 
 but 
 
 {a) i Cor. v. 7. (I>) 1 Cor. xv. 20. 
 
 * See Hammond in loc. 
 '.:) Luke ii. 21, 
 
C. V. The pentecoft. 22 r 
 
 but when it was come, for on that day, accord- 
 ing to the law, circumcifion was to be perform- 
 ed (a). Suppofing, then, it was the very day 
 of pentecoft when the difciples were thus atiem- 
 bled, and the Holy Ghoft came upon them, it 
 might neverthelefs be the firft day of the week, 
 or the Lord's day ; for as the Jews reckoned 
 all their facred and feftival days from the even- 
 ing, fo we have the teflimony both of Rabbi 
 Solomon and Maimonides *, that they began 
 the computation of the feven weeks from the 
 evening of the fixteenth of Nifan f. Infomuch 
 that the faturday, on which our Saviour lay in 
 the fepulchre, was not one of the forty-nine 
 days which made feven weeks compleat ; but 
 that evening and the firft day of the week on 
 which Chrift rofe from the dead, made the firft 
 day of the firft week ; and confequently friday 
 evening and faturday were the forty ninth, and 
 the Lord's day was the fiftieth, or the day of 
 pentecoft. Thus it appears, that according to 
 the manner in which the fcribes computed the 
 feven weeks, the day of pentecoft that year, 
 when the Holy Ghoft defcended upon the apo- 
 ftles, was the firft day of the week. 
 
 According to the computation of the Baithu- 
 fians, and Karraites, the day of pentecoft al- 
 ways fell on the firft day of the week ; for by 
 " the fabbath on the morrow after which the 
 fheaf was offered," and the computation of the 
 feven weeks began, they underftand the weekly 
 
 fabbath, 
 
 (a) Lcvit. xii. 2, 3. 
 
 * R. Solom. cited by Meyer in not. ad Megillath Taa- 
 p.ith, cap. r. p. 7. ad ca'cem Traclat. tie tempor. et fcins 
 Hebrxorum. Maimon. de Sacrifices jugibus, cap. vii. $. 
 xxii. p. 477. Cremi Fafcic. Se.xti. 
 
 f Ser alfo Megillath Taanith, ubi fupra, p, 4, — 6. 
 
222 The pentecoft. B. TIT. 
 
 fabbath, (or the fabbath of the creation, as :he 
 fcribes call it,) which fell in the pafchal week. 
 So that, according to them, the firft day of the 
 week was always the firft day of the forty nine 
 days or feven weeks ; and confequently the fif- 
 tieth day, or pentecoft, was always the firft day 
 of the week *. 
 
 2dly, It was called " the feaft of harveft (d):" 
 on the following account, according to the learn- 
 ed Mr. Jofeph Mede, becaufe, as the harveft 
 began at the paffover, fo it ended at pentecoft-f. 
 Bochart is of the fame opinion, who faith, that 
 as about the time of the paffover the fickle was 
 brought out for cutting the corn, fo about pen- 
 tecoft it was laid up again, the harveft being 
 entirely finifhed J. And it is likewife the fen- 
 timent of Godwin. But it doth not feem to be 
 juftly founded ; for at this feaft the firft fruits 
 of their wheat harveft were brought and offered 
 to God •, on which account it was called " the 
 feaft of harveft," as that name is explained : 
 *' the feaft of harveft, the firft fruits of thy 
 labour, which thou haft fown in the field." 
 Now as the firft fruits of the barley harveft were 
 
 offered 
 
 * R. Obad. de Bartenora in Milhn. tit. Chagigah, cap. 
 ii. §. 4. p. 419. iVlegillath Taanith, ubi fupra. See the 
 difpute concerning this computation in Meyer, de tempor. 
 et feltis Hebrseor. part. 2. cap. xiii. $.xxi, — xxiv. p. 29$, 
 — 297. Reland Antiq. part. iv. cap. iv. $. iii, iv. p. 474, 
 ■ — 476. edit. 3. Liber L'ozri, part. iii. §. xli. p. 217. cum 
 not. Buxtorf. in ioc. p. 218, 219. Lightfoot, Horx hebr. 
 Aft. ii. t. Selden. de Anno civili Judseorum, cap. vii. 
 
 («) Exod. xxiii. 16. 
 
 -f- Mede's Diatrib. difc. xlviii. p. 269. of his works. 
 
 + Bochart. Hieroz. part. 1. lib. iii. cap. xiii. oper. 
 torn; 2. p. 857. edit. 1712. See alfo Fuller. Mifccll. lib. 
 iii. cap. xi. apud Criticos facios, torn. 9. p. 236a. edit. 
 Londin. 
 
C. V. The pentecoft. 223 
 
 offered at the very beginning of it, as we have 
 Ihown in the laft chapter, To it is reafonable to 
 fuppofe, the firft fruits of the wheat harveft were 
 likewife offered at the beginning of it, and not 
 delayed till it was over, and all brought into 
 the barns. Hence 
 
 3dly, Another name of this feaft is, " the 
 day of the firft fruits f^)," as it is called in the 
 twenty eighth chapter of the book of Numbers, 
 becaufe on that day they were to " offer a new 
 wheat offering unto the Lord of two loaves of 
 fine flour baked with leaven (£)," as we are in- 
 formed in Leviticus ; and thefe were to be ac- 
 companied with animal facrifices, namely, kvtn. 
 lambs, without blemifh, of the firft year, and 
 a bullock and two rams, for a burnt-offering, 
 a kid of the goats for a fin- offering, and two 
 lambs of the firft year for a facrifice of peace- 
 offerings (<•)•" 
 
 It may to us feem very ftrange, that the 
 wheat harveft fhould not begin in Judea till 
 feven weeks after the barley harveft •, whereas 
 we are accuftomed to fee them both together. 
 It was otherwife in the eaftern countries * -, in 
 Egypt particularly, " the barley, it is faid, 
 was irnitten with the hail, for it was in the ear, 
 whereas the wheat and the rye were not fmitten, 
 for they were not grown up (d).'* 
 
 It is enquired, why leaven was ufed in the 
 bread offered at pentecoft ; whereas it was ex- 
 prefsly forbidden at the pafibver ? 
 
 The 
 
 {a) Numb, xxviii. 26. (b) Levit. xxiii. 16, 17. 
 
 [c) ver. 18, 19. 
 
 * Vid. Bochart. ubi fupra, p. 857, 858. 
 (d) Exod. ix. 31, 32. 
 
224 The pentecoft: B. lit. 
 
 The rabbies fay, becaufe their bread at the 
 pafifover was in commemoration of their fudden 
 departure out of Egypt, when they CQtfid not 
 i'tay to have it leavened *, but the loaves orYered 
 at pentecoft, were in behalf of the bread which 
 they were ordinarily to eat *. 
 
 4thly, This feaft. is ftiled in the new tefta- 
 ment nivrmiM, that is, the fiftieth ; becaufe it 
 was kept fifty days alter the paflbver. Pafor in 
 his lexicon fuppofes the word w^m to be under- 
 stood, with which the feminine adjective Tiivm- 
 xsrM agrees. This, however, would make a 
 fad tautology of the expreflion in the Ads, T»r 
 
 5thly, The rabbies call this feaft " the day . 
 of the giving of the law j" for it is the con- 
 flant opinion of the Jews, that on this day 
 the law was given on mount Sinai, namely, 
 on the fiftieth day from their departure out of 
 Egypt+. This is collected from the nineteenth 
 chapter of Exodus, in the firft verfe of which 
 it is faid, that " in the third month, or in the 
 third new moon, (as the hebrew word J£Hp 
 chodhefh fignifies,) when the children of Ifrael 
 v/ere gone forth out of Egypt, the fame day, 
 (that is, the day of the new moon,) they came 
 to Sinai." Adding, therefore, to this day 
 twenty nine for the laft month, and fifteen 
 
 days 
 
 * Abarbanel in Lev. Hi. cited by Lightfoot in his Tem- 
 ple Service, chap. xiv. §. iv. 
 
 (a) Acts ii. i. 
 
 •f Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. part. Hi. cap. xliii. p. 
 471. who makes the defign of pentecoft to be a memorial 
 of the giving of the law. Abarbanel, who differs with 
 him as to the defign of the inflitution, admits neverthelefs, 
 that it was celebrated on the fame day on which the law was 
 ^iven. See Meyer, de teinpor. et feftis Hcbrxor. pan. ii. 
 cap. xlii. §. xvi, xvii. p. 293, 294. 
 
C. VI The pentecoft. 225 
 
 days of the firft month, it makes forty-five 
 from the time of their departure from Egypt 
 to their arrival at Sinai. To which if we add 
 the day when Moles went up to God in the 
 mount (a), and the next day when he reported his 
 meffage from God to the people, and returned 
 their anfwer {J?) ; and the three days more which 
 God gave them to prepare themfelves for his 
 coming down among them {c) ; there were juft 
 fifty days from the firft paffovcr to the giving 
 the law at mount Sinai ; to which, therefore, 
 according to Maimonides, the inftitution of 
 this feaft had a fpecial regard. 
 
 6thly, The rabbies again Gall this feaft m¥V 
 gnatfereth * •, the word which we render, <c fo- 
 lemn afTcmbly (d)\ " which, though it is never 
 applied to the pentecoft in fcripture, yet they 
 in a manner appropriate it to this feaft, calling 
 it nTaV gnatfereth, kat tfyx™' The reafon of 
 which might be, as Dr. Lightfoot conjectures, 
 becaufe this feaft confifted of one folemn day 
 only, whereas the feaft of the paflbver and of 
 tabernacles had more-f. 
 
 The more immediate defign of this inftitu- 
 tion feems to have been, that they might thank- 
 fully acknowledge the goodnefs of God in giv- 
 ing them the fruits of the earth, and beg his 
 blefling on the bounties of his providence, by 
 their offering the firft fruits of their harveft to 
 
 Vol. II. Q^ him; 
 
 [a) Exod. xix. 3. (i) ver. 7, 8. 
 
 (c) ver. 1 1 . 
 
 * See the Chaldee Paraphrafe on Numb, xxviii. 26. 
 Mifhn. tit. Gnerachin, cap. 2. §. 3. torn. 5. p. 196. 
 See alfo Reland. Antiq. part. iv. cap. iv. $. iii. p. 472, 
 —474. and Lightfbot's temple fervice, chap. xiv. $. iv. 
 
 (d) Levit xxiii. 36. Deut. xvi. 8. 
 
 f Hora: hebr. Ad. ii. X. 
 
226 The pentecoft. B. HI. 
 
 him ; and it doubtlefs had a typical reference to 
 the firft fruits of the Holy Spirit, and of con- 
 verts to Chrift, after the erection of the gofpel 
 kingdom, by means of Peter's preaching on the 
 day of pentecoft *. 
 
 • See on the pentecoft, Meyer, de Temporibus et Fef- 
 tis Hebrasorum, part. z. cap. xiii. Reland. Antiq. part, 
 iv. cap. iv. Lighttoot, Horse hebr. Aft. ii. i. and Tem- 
 ple-fervice, chap. xiv. Leydekker de Republ. Hebrseor. 
 lib. ix. cap. v. 
 
 
 CHAP. 
 
( 2*7 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the feaft of Tabernacles. 
 
 TH E feaft of tabernacles was the third 
 grand feftival, at which all the male Is- 
 raelites were to attend at the national altar (a). 
 It derived its name from their dwelling in ta- 
 bernacles*, or booths, during its celebration- {b). 
 It is likewife called the " feaft of ingathering 
 in the erid of the year(c)," became at this fea- 
 fon the whole harveft, not only of the corn, 
 but alio of the vintage and other fruits, for 
 which they were to exprefs their thankfulnefs to 
 God at this feaft, was compleated (d). 
 
 It began on the fifteenth day of the month 
 Tifri, the firft of the civil and the feventh of 
 the ecclefiaftical year, and was to be celebrated 
 fcven days : " The fifteenth day of the feventh 
 month lhall be the feaft of tabernacles for feven 
 days (e)." To which there was alfo added an 
 eighth day, which was to be obferved with 
 peculiar foiemnity : "Seven days mall ye offer an 
 offering made by fire unto the Lord; on the 
 eighth day (hall be an holy convocation unto 
 Q^ 2 you, 
 
 {a) Deut. xvi. 16. * The Rabbies fay a great deal 
 
 Concern;ng the form of thefe tabernacles; fee Milhn. tit. 
 Succah, and Surenhufii Tabulae rariffimorum Tabernaculo- 
 rum prefixed to torn 5. (6) Levit. jtxiii. 42. (r) Exod. 
 xxiii. 16. (d) Levit. xxiii. 39. (ej Levit. xxiii. 34. 
 
228 The feaft of tabernacles. B. III. 
 
 you, and ye fhall offer an offering made by 
 fire unto the Lord •, it is a folemn aflembly, 
 and ye fhall do no fervile work therein (a)." 
 But as the feaft of tabernacles is exprefsiy limit- 
 ted to feven days : *' The fifteenth day of this 
 feventh month fhall be the feaft of tabernacles 
 for feven days unto the Lord {b) -, " during 
 which only they are commanded to dwell in 
 tabernacles or booths (c), this eighth day was 
 not fo properly a part of the feaft of taberna- 
 cles, as another diftinc~t feaft which followed 
 immediately upon it •, agreeably to the account 
 which is given in the book of Nehemiah, " They 
 kept the feaft feven days, and on the eighth day 
 was a folemn aflembly according unto the man- 
 ner (d)." The feven days are exprefsiy faid in 
 Leviticus to have been kept in commemoration 
 of their dwelling in tents in the wildernefs for 
 forty years (e) ; the eighth day, therefore, was 
 properly the feaft of ingathering, on which they 
 were to give thanks for their whole harveft, 
 " after, as it is exprefled in the book of Deu- 
 teronomy, they had gathered in their corn, and 
 their wine {/)." Indeed there is no mention in 
 this laft pafTage, of this eighth day, but only 
 of the feftival of feven days. Nevertheless 
 thefe being obferved on a feparate account, 
 namely, to commemorate their dwelling in 
 tents in the wildernefs, we may conclude, that 
 the rejoicing and thankfgiving, enjoined at this 
 feftival on account of the harveft, were chiefly 
 if not wholly appropriated to the eighth day. 
 And it is obfervable, that they were command- 
 ed to dwell in booths no longer than the feven 
 
 days; 
 
 (a) Levit. xxiii. 36. {&) ver. 34. (c) ver. 42. 
 
 {d) Nehtm . viii. 18. (e) Levit. xxiii. 42, 43. 
 
 (/") Deal. xvi. 1 3, — 16. 
 
C. VI. The feaft. of tabernacles. 229 
 
 days ; a circumftancc, which mows, that the 
 eighth day was not obferved on the fame ac- 
 count as the feven preceding. Neverthelefs, as 
 the names of the feaft of the paffover, and the 
 feaft of unleavened bread which immediately- 
 followed it, are frequently confounded*, lb the 
 feafl of tabernacles and of ingathering, though 
 properly diftinct, yet following clofe upon one 
 another, are fometimes fpoke of as one feaft, 
 and the name of either indifferently applied to 
 both- It was probably thq eighth day, which 
 is ordered to be kept with the folemnity of a 
 fabbath, and not the feventh, concerning which 
 there is no fuch appointment in the law, that 
 is ftiled by the evangelifl John, " the lafl and 
 great day of the feait {a)" that is, of the feaft: 
 of tabernacles [b). 
 
 The firft day of this feaft was to be kept as 
 a fabbath (f), and during that and the fix fol- 
 lowing days they were to dwell in tents or 
 booths, made of branches of feveral forts of 
 trees, which are particularly mentioned (d). 
 The name of the firft fort is T\7\ \V gnets 
 hadhar, which we render, " goodly trees." The 
 Jews will have it to mean the citron f. The next 
 is called ipfl thamar, or the palm. The third 
 is T)1V \y gnets gnabhoth, which ftgnifies any 
 thick or buihy wood •, by which the Jews un- 
 derftand the myrtle. The laft is the willow. 
 But when Nehemiah, upon the revival of this 
 feaft, directed the people what branches to 
 gather, he called fome of them by different 
 names, which we render olive branches, and 
 pine branches, and myrtle branches (e). Pro- 
 
 Q.3 bably, 
 
 • See before, chap. 4. p. 209, 210. 
 
 (a) John vii. 37. (b) See ver. 2. (c) Levit. 
 
 xxiii. 39. (d) ver. 40. t Reland. Antiq. part. iv. 
 
 cap. v. §. ix. Hotcinger in Godwin, lib. iii. cap. vi. §. iii. 
 not. 4 p. 581,— 584. {e) Nehem. viii. 15. 
 
230 The feafl of tabernacles. B. Ill, 
 
 bably, therefore, the Karraites were right W 
 their opinion, that it was not the intention of 
 the law to oblige them to ufe certain trees ancl 
 no other, but only fuch as were fit for the pur- 
 pofe, and .could be moft readily procured, in 
 the places where they dwelt. Accordingly Mo- 
 les named fuch trees as were moft common in 
 his time, andNehemiaJi others that were grown 
 more common in his. It appears from the paf- 
 fage in Nehemiah, that the booths were to be 
 made of thefe branches •, but this is not exprefs- 
 ly declared of the boughs mentioned in Leviti- 
 cus. It is only faicj, ff Ifou fhall take on the 
 firft day the boughs of goodly trees, branches 
 of palm frees, and the boughs of thick trees, 
 and willows of the brook •, and ye fhall rejoice 
 before the Lord your God feven days." Thefe 
 boughs and branches the Sadducees underftand 
 to be for making their booths ; but the Phari- 
 fees, that they were to be carried in their hands*; 
 which is the practice of the modern Jews to this 
 day. They tye together one branch of palm, 
 three branches of myrtle, and one of willow. 
 This tfyey carry in their right hands, and in. 
 their left they have a branch of citron, with its 
 fruit, or at leaft of pomecitron, when they can- 
 not procure fuch a branch. With thefe, every 
 day of tfie feaft, that is, for feyen days, they 
 make a procefiion in their fynagogues round 
 their reading defks, as their anceftors did round 
 the walls or Jericho, in token of the expected 
 downfal qf their enemies +. Under eacn of 
 thefe branches a' my fiery is comprehended. 
 The palm, jnafmuch as it bears an infipid 
 
 fruit, 
 
 * Reland. Antiq. ubi fupra. See Jofcph. Antiq. lib. iii. 
 cap. x. $. 4. p. 175. edit. Haverc. 
 t Buxtorf. Synag. Judaic, cap. xxi. p. 460, 461. 
 
C. VI. The feaft of tabernacles. 231 
 
 fruit, is an emblem of the hypocrite. The 
 myrtle, as it has a fragrant fmell, although it 
 be barren, refembles thofe who perform good 
 works without the law. The willow is an 
 emblem of the wicked, and the citron of the 
 righteous*. They alfo turn about with thefe 
 branches to the four cardinal points, and (hake 
 or pufh with them each way, and upwards and 
 downwards, to drive the devil from them f . 
 While they are making this proceffion, they 
 fing Hofannah ; whence this feaft is called by 
 the rabbies, the Hofannah ; and fometimes the 
 branches are called by the fame name. On the 
 laft day, which they call Hofanna rabbah, or 
 the great Hofannah, they make the proceffion 
 feven times together, in memory of the fiege 
 of Jericho. The form of the Hofannah in 
 their ritual, which they fing on this occafion 
 is remarkable, " For thy fake, O our creator, 
 Hofannah •, for thy fake, O our redeemer, Ho- 
 fannah •, for thy fake, O our feeker, Hofan- 
 nah :*' as if they befeeched the blefted trinity, 
 faith Dr. Patrick J, to fave them, and fend 
 them help. This feaft is kept with the great- 
 eft jollity of any of their feftivals, elpecially 
 on the eighth day ; when, according to the law, 
 they were to feaft and rejoice upon their having 
 gathered in their corn and their wine. Hence, 
 in the talmud, it is often called jn chag, the 
 feaft, kclt i^oyrw : and Philo calls it zo}tuv ^s^rwK, 
 the greateft of the feafts § ♦, arid hence likewhe 
 this jewilh feftival came to be more taken no- 
 0^4 tice 
 
 • Buxtorf. Synag. Judaic, cap. xxi. p. 457. edit. 3. 
 
 •f Buxtorf. cap. xx. p 459. 
 
 % Patrick on Levit. xxiii. 40. 
 
 $ See Wolfii Curas Philolog in Joh. vii. 37. 
 
2J2 The feaft of tabernacles. B. III. 
 
 tice of by the heathens than any other. It is 
 probable King Cecrops took from it the hint of 
 the law which he ordained at Athens, " that 
 the matter of every family fhould after harveft 
 make a feaft for his fervants, and eat together 
 with them, who had taken pains with him in 
 tilling his ground *." And as this jewiih t'& 
 tival was kept at the time of the vintage, or 
 prefently after it, when *' they had gathered in 
 their corn and their wine," it is not unlikely, 
 that the heathens borrowed their bacchanalia 
 from it; and this ; might lead Plutarch into 
 that egregious miftake, that the Jews celebrat- 
 ed this feftival to the honour of Bacchus ; for 
 he faith in his fympofiaf, " that in the time cf 
 the vintage the Jews fpread tables, furnifhed 
 with all manner of fruits, and lived in taberna- 
 cles .especially of palm and ivy wreathed toge- 
 ther, and they call it the feaft of tabernacles ;" 
 i\ and then a few days after," faith he, (refer- 
 ring I fuppofe to the laft: day of the feaft) " they 
 kept another feftivity, which openly fliows it 
 was dedicated to Bacchus •, for they carried 
 boughs of palms, &c. in their hands, with. 
 which they went into the temple, the levites, 
 (who, he fancies, were fo called from l via, one 
 of the names of Bacchus) going before with 
 inftruments of mufick, &c." 
 
 Although only the firft and laft days of this 
 feaft were to be kept as fabbaths, there were, 
 neverthelefs, peculiar and extraoidinary facri- 
 fices appointed for every day of it (a). On the 
 firft day, " thirteen young bullocks, two rams 
 and fourteen lambs of the firft year" were fa- 
 
 crificed ; 
 
 • Macrob. Saturnal. lib. i. cap. x. p. 231. edit. Gronov. 
 Lugd. Bat. 1670. 
 
 t Plutarch. Sympos. lib. iv. prob. 5. oper. torn. 2. p. 
 671. edit. Francof. 1620. 
 
 [a) Numb. xxix. 12, et feq. 
 
C. VI. The feaft of tabernacles. 233 
 
 crifked ; whereas on the other feftivals two bul- 
 locks fufficed (a ). The next day twelve buU 
 locks were lacriiked, and lb on, with the de- 
 creale of one bullock a day, till on the feventh 
 day oniy feven bullocks were offered j which in 
 all made feventy bullocks. The lambs and the 
 rams alio were in a double proportion to the 
 number facrifked at any other feftival. The 
 doctors give this reaibn for the daily diminuti- 
 on oi the number of the bullocks ; the whole 
 number, fay they, being feventy, was accord- 
 ing to the languages of the feventy natipns of 
 the world ; and the diminution of one every 
 day fignified that there mould be a gradual di- 
 minution of. thofe nations, till all things were 
 brought under the government of the Mefijah*. 
 Others fuppole this diminution had a refpect to 
 the feventy years of map's age, which is daily 
 
 decaying!. 
 
 For the eighth day, though it was properly 
 a diftincl feftival, and was to be kept with ex- 
 traordinary folemnity, fewer facrifices were ap- 
 pointed than for any of the foregoing feven. 
 On every one of them two rams were offered 
 and fourteen Jambs ; on this day there were but 
 half as many ; and whereas feven bullocks were 
 the feweft that were offered on any of thefe days, 
 on this there was only one(£). By which, Dr. 
 Patrick faith, God confulted perhaps the weak- 
 nefs of mankind, who naturally grow weary 
 both of the charge and labour of fuch fervices, 
 
 when 
 
 [a) See Numb, xxviii. n, 19, 27. 
 
 * R. Solomon jn Numb. xxix. cited by Lightfoot in his 
 Tempi e-fervice, chap. xvi. §. 1. 
 
 f Abarbanel in Numb. xxix. cited by Lightfoot, ubi 
 fupra. 
 
 \t>) Numb. xxix. 36. 
 
234 The feaft of tabernacles. B. III. 
 
 when they are long continued ; and therefore 
 he made them every day lefs toilfome and ex- 
 penfive •, and put them in mind likewife that 
 the multitude of facrifices did not procure their 
 acceptance with God, and that in length of 
 time they would come to nothing, and be ut- 
 terly abolifhed, to eftablilh fomething better in 
 their room *. 
 
 Before we difmifs the ceremonies of this feaft, 
 we muft not forget to mention a very extraor- 
 dinary one, of which the rabbies inform us, 
 though there is not the lead hint of it in the 
 law of Mofes, notwithftanding he gives a more 
 particular defcription of this feaft than of any 
 other; namely, the drawing water out of the 
 pool of Siloam, and pouring of it, mixed with 
 wine, on the facrifice as it lay on the altar *f\ 
 This they are faid to have done with fuch ex- 
 preflions of joy, that it became a common pro- 
 verb, ** He that never faw the rejoicing of 
 drawing water, never faw rejoicing in all his 
 life J." To this ceremony our Saviour is fup- 
 pofed to refer, when " in the laft day, the 
 great day of the feaft, he ftood and cried, fay- 
 ing, If any man thirft, let him come unto me, 
 and drink ; he that believeth on me, as the 
 fcripture hath faid, out of his belly lhall flow 
 rivers of living water (#):" thereby calling off 
 the people from their carnal mirth, and feftive 
 
 and 
 
 • See Patrick in Ioc. 
 
 -f See this ceremony defcribed in Maimon. de Sacrifi- 
 ces jugibus, cap. x. §. vii. p. 494, 495. Crenii Fafcic. 
 Sexti. in Annot. Conftant. L'Empereur, ad cod. Middoth, 
 cap. 2. $. 5. p. 67, — 69. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1730. or is 
 Miftn. Surenhus. torn. 5. p. 343, 344. 
 
 t Miihn. tit. Succuh, cap. J. 1. 1. torn. 2. p. 277. edit. 
 Surenhus. 
 
 («) John vii. 37, 38. 
 
C. VI. The feafr. of tabernacles. 23c 
 
 and pompous ceremonies, to feck fpiritual re* 
 frefhment for their louls. The Jews precend to 
 ground this cuftoir. on the following paiTa^e of 
 liaiah, " With joy mall ye draw water out 
 of the wells of falvarion (a).*' This libation 
 was performed every day of the feaft, at the 
 litre ol the morning facrifice* ; but the greater 
 part pf their rejoicing on that oecafion was ad- 
 journed till evening-, when a wild and ridicu- 
 lous frene of mirth was acted in the court of 
 the tempK by thofe who were efteemed the 
 wife men of Ifrael f , namely, by the eiders and 
 members ot the fanhedrim, the rulers of the 
 fynagogues, and doctors of the fchools, and 
 fuch others as were moft honoured for their age 
 and piety. All the temple- mufick played, and 
 thefe old men danced, while the women in the 
 balconies round the court, and the men on the 
 ground, were fpeclators. All the fport was to 
 lee thefe venerable fathers of the nation fkip and 
 dance, clap their hands and fing; and they, 
 who played the fool moft egregioufly, acquitted 
 themfclves with moft honour -, for in this they 
 pretend to imitate the example of David, •■ who 
 danced before the Lord with all his might, and 
 faid, I will be yet more vile than this, and be 
 bafe in my own fight (£)." In this manner they 
 fpent the greater part of the night, til] at length 
 two priefts founded a retreat with trumpets. 
 This mad feftivitv was repeated every evening, 
 
 except 
 
 («) Ifai. xii. 3. 
 
 * Maimon. ubi fupra, $.vi. 
 
 •f Maimon. in Lulahb, cap. viii. $• 12, et feq. See the 
 quotations in TaJmudis Babylonici codex Succah, by Dach9, 
 not. i,2. ad cap. v. §. jv. p. 45 1,45 z. Trajeft ad Khen. 
 1726. 
 
 (b) 2 Sam. vi. 14, 7.2, 
 
236 The feaft of tabernacles. B. III. 
 
 except on the evening before the fabbath which 
 fell in this feftival, and on the evening before 
 the laft and great day of the feaft. It feems, 
 thefe two evenings were accounted too holy for 
 fuch ridiculous gambols *. 
 
 We can be at no lofs for a reafon, why the 
 feaft of ingathering, which was annexed to the 
 feaft of tabernacles, was celebrated at this fea- 
 fon of the year, when the vintage, as well as 
 the corn harveft, was newly finifhed •, in refpe<5t 
 to which the feaft is faid, in the book of Exo- 
 dus, to be " in the end of the year(tf)," 
 though it was not celebrated till three weeks 
 after the new civil year began ; and fo the next 
 words feem to explain it, " in the end of the 
 year, when thou haft gathered thy labours out 
 of the field :" In which fenfe it comes nigh our 
 autumn, the latter end of the year. Or, per- 
 haps, the phrafe TWT\ HN^l betfeeth hafhanah, 
 may admit of a different verfion, for the verb 
 tta* jatfa, fignifies not only exiit, but, ortus 
 eft, in which fenfe it is applied to the rifing of 
 the fun (£), and to the birth of man(f). Ac- 
 cordingly betfeeth hafhanah may be as juftly 
 rendered, in ortu anni, as in exitu anni ; in the 
 beginning as in the end of the year, and may 
 as properly be applied to the fir ft month as the 
 laft. But it is not fo obvious, for what reafon 
 the feaft of tabernacles was fixed to this feafon. 
 One might naturally expect, that the annual 
 commemoration of their dwelling in tents in the 
 wildernefs, mould be celebrated at the fame 
 
 time 
 
 * See a larger account of this ceremony in Lightfoot's 
 Temple-fervice, chap. xvi. $. iv. 
 
 (a) Exod. xxiii. 16. (b) Gen. xix. 23. Pfal. 
 
 xix. 6. (c) Job i. 21. 1 Kings viii. 19. Ifai. 
 
 xi. 1. 
 
C. VI. The feaft: of tabernacles. 237 
 
 time of the year, when either they firft betook 
 themfelves to tents on their leaving Egypt pre- 
 fently after the paflbver, or when they quitted 
 their tents upon their entrance into Canaan, a 
 little before the paflbver, which was kept in the 
 plains of Jericho (a). Whereas this read was 
 appointed to be celebrated at near fix months 
 diftance from either. 
 
 Rabbi Jacob Levita conceives, that as it was 
 ufual with people in warm climates to live much 
 in tents or booths in fummer for coolnefs, God 
 purpofely directed the celebration of this feaft 
 to be delayed to that feafon of the year when 
 the ccld mornings, winds and rains, ordinarily 
 obliged them to quit their booths and betake 
 themfelves to their houfes ; that it might ap- 
 pear, their dwelling in booths at this time was 
 not for convenience or pleafure, but in obedi- 
 ence to the divine command*. Maimonides, on 
 the contrary, obferves, that this feaft was wife- 
 ly fixed to that feafon, when the people might 
 dwell in booths with the leaft inconvenience, 
 becaufe the weather was then moderate, and 
 they were not wont to be troubled either with 
 heat or with rain f. 
 
 Others have, therefore, endeavoured to prove, 
 that this was the time of the year, when Mofes 
 came down the fecond time from the mount, 
 and brought them the joyful news, that God 
 was appeafed for the fin of the golden calf -, 
 and that he had accordingly ordered the taber- 
 nacle to be reared in token that now he no lon- 
 ger difdained to dwell among them, in memo- 
 ry 
 
 (a) Jofti. v. 10. 
 
 * Meyer, de Temporibus et Feftis Hebraeor. part. U. cap. 
 xvi. §. iv. p. 318,319. 
 
 t Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. lib.iii. cap. xliii; 
 
238 The feaft of tabernacles. B. Til, 
 
 ry of which this feaft is fuppofeti to be appoint* 
 
 cd. Ho vcver this isafir r.ing a quite different 
 realbn tor their dwelling in booths o taberna- 
 cles from chat which the fcripture afiigns* for 
 according to the fcripture this appointment was 
 defigned, not in commemoration or God's dwel* 
 ling in the tabernacle among them, but of their 
 " dwelling in tents fort/ years in the wiider- 
 nefs." 
 
 The learned Jofeph Mede's opinion feems to 
 be the moft probable, as weli as th<" molt in- 
 genious*, namely, that this feaft was affixed to 
 the time of the year when Chrift v. as to be 
 born, and the dwelling in tabernacles was in- 
 tended as a type of his incarnarion j as St. John 
 feems to intimate, when hefaWi, " the word 
 was made fiefli, ha: tfttrtfatttp iv w^ip, and taberna- 
 cled in or with us(t?). 
 
 We are allured by the Apoftle, that the law 
 in the general had " a fhadow of good things. 
 to come (£)," or a typical reference to Chrift 
 ancf the gofpel difenlatiom It is, there! ere, 
 incredible, that any of the three grsi:c* fefthals 
 Should be without fome illuftrious type of han, 
 or mould not point to fome principal circum- 
 ftance concerning him ; as we know the paffo- 
 ver and the pentecoft did, the former being a 
 type of his paffion, tifot latter of his fending the 
 jfirft fruits of his fpirit, on his fetting up the 
 gofpel kingdom. And can it be imagined, thaC 
 the third principal feaft, which was more fo- 
 lemn than either of the others, having a more 
 extraordinary courfe of facrifices annexed to it, 
 fhould not typically point to fotru giand event 
 concerning him and his kingdom? And to 
 
 what 
 
 * Mede's Diatrib. Difc. xlviii. p. 26$. of his works, edit, 
 |6 7 ; . 
 {a, John i. 14, [6) Heb. x. 1. 
 
C. VI. The time of ChrhTs birth: 23 j 
 
 what can we fo naturally apply ir, cfpecially 
 after the hints St. John has given us in the 
 pafiage before quoted, as to the incarnation and 
 birth of our Saviour ? The events, then, that 
 were typified by the two former feafts, falling 
 out at the very time of thofe feftivals, it is pro- 
 bable the cafe was the fame as to the feaft of 
 tabernacles, and that Chriil was born at this 
 feftival*. 
 
 Of the time of ChrilYs nativity* 
 
 As to the vulgar opinion, that the birth of 
 Chrift was on the twenty-fifth of December, 
 there is not only no good reafon for it, but the 
 contrary. 
 
 It is certain, this day was not fixed upon is 
 the christian church, as the day of our Saviour's 
 nativity till after the time of Conftantine, in 
 the fourth century •, and then it was upon a 
 miftaken fuppofition, that Zacharias, the father 
 of John the baptift, was the high prieft, and 
 that the day when he burnt incenfe upon the 
 altar in the temple, while the people were wait- 
 ing without, was the day of expiation, or the 
 tenth of the month Tifri, which fell out that 
 year about the middle of September. As foon 
 as Zacharias had fulfilled the days of his mini- 
 ftration, John the baptift was conceived, that 
 is, towards the end of September. Our Saviour 
 was conceived fix months after,, that is, towards 
 the end of March, and confequcntly his birth 
 
 mult 
 
 * Oa the feaft of tabernacles, befides the Mifhna, tit. 
 SuCcah, and Dachs. Talmudis babylon. codex Succah, five 
 de Tabernaculorum Fefto, pafiim, fee Meyer, de Tempori- 
 bus et Feitis diebus Hebraeor. part. 2. cap. xvi. Reland. An- 
 tiq. part. iv. cap. v. Ainfworth on Levit. xxiii. J4»"~43- 
 Lightfoot Temple. fervice, chap. xvi. Leidelcker.deRepatL 
 Hebr, lib. ix. cap. vii. 
 
240 The time of (Thrift's birth. J3/III. 
 
 mud fall out towards the end of December. 
 This is the ground upon which the feaft of 
 our Saviour's nativity was 6xed to the twenty- 
 fifth of December*. However, that it is erro- 
 neous, is very evident-, for Zacharias was. not 
 in the holy of holies, into which the high prieft 
 only entered, when the angel appeared to him ; 
 but by the altar of incenfe, which flood in the 
 fanctuary without the veil {a) •, at which altar 
 the common priefts performed their daily mini- 
 ftry. Neither was Zacharias the high prieft ; 
 for we are told, that " he was of the courfe of 
 Abia," and that his lot " was to burn 'in- 
 cenfe (b) •" whereas the high prieft was of no 
 courfe at all, neither did burning incenfe in the 
 moft holy place fall to him by lot, .but was 
 part of his proper and peculiar office. Accord- 
 ingly there is no reafon to conclude, that the 
 day when the angel appeared to Zacharias was 
 the day of expiation, which is the foundation 
 of the common opinion concerning the time of 
 the birth of Chrift. 
 
 I add further, that not only is the vulgar o- 
 pinion of the feafon of his nativity deftitute of 
 any juft ground ; but there are good and valid 
 arguments againft it. For inftance, 
 
 There was a decree from Cefar Auguftus 
 iffued and executed at this feafon, that all per- 
 fons, women as well as men, mould repair to 
 their refpective cities, to be taxed, or enrolled. 
 This occafioned the Virgin Mary to come to 
 Bethlehem at that time ; where fhe was deliver- 
 ed. But furely this decree was not executed in 
 the middle of winter, which was a very fevere 
 feafon in that country, and highly inconvenient 
 
 for 
 
 * Spanhem. Hifbr. Ecclef. Secul. i. Se&. ii. de Nativi- 
 tate, §. iii. p. 523, 524. et Secul. iv. Seel. vi. de Ritibus, p. 
 855. edit. Lugd.Bat. 1701. 
 
 [a) Luke i. 11. [b) Luke i. 5, g. 
 
C. VI. The time of ChrifVs birth. 241 
 
 for travelling, efpecially for iiich multitudes, 
 and in particular for women in Mary's condi- 
 tion •, as may be inferred from what our Savi- 
 our faith in the twenty fourth chapter of St. 
 Matthew, concerning the difficulties to which 
 his difciples would be expofed, if their flight, 
 previous to the fiege and definition of Jerusa- 
 lem, mould happen in the winter (a). 
 
 Again, at the time when Chriit was born, 
 there were fhepherds abroad in the fields by 
 night watching their flocks ; certainly a very 
 unfeafonable fervice for the winter in Judea, if 
 we may judge of the weather in that country, 
 and at that feafon, by the Pfalmift's defcription : 
 * e He giveth fnow like wool, he fcattereth the 
 hoar froft like afhes ; he cafteth forth his ice 
 like morfels; who can ftand before his cold (£';?" 
 
 Upon the whole, there is great probability, 
 that Chrift was not born in December. But, 
 though we do not pretend to be certain of the 
 real time when he was born, there are, however, 
 feveral reafons to incline us to believe, it was at 
 the feaft of tabernacles ; particularly, as was 
 hinted before, the fynchronifm of the type and 
 the antitype in the two other principal leads ; 
 and the fame, therefore, was probably the cafe 
 as to this feaft. 
 
 Again, Dr. Lightfoot has offered feveral ar- 
 guments, to prove that Chrift was baptized at 
 the time of the feaft of tabernacles *. But when 
 he was baptized, he was a<ru nw TfiaKwra. ap^o- 
 /./5W, that is, entering on his thirtieth year(r) ; 
 confequently this was the fame time of the year 
 in which he was born. 
 
 Vol. II. R Fur- 
 
 {n) Matt. xxiv. 20. [b) Pfal. cxlvii. 16, 17, 
 
 * See his Harmony on Luke iii. 2i„ 
 (<■) Luke iii. 23. 
 
242 The time of Chrift's birth. B. III. 
 
 Further, Jofeph Scaliger obferves, that the 
 twenty tour courfes of the priefts, which went 
 through the vear, began with the month Nifan 
 about the vernal equinox ; and that confequent- 
 ly the eighth courfe, to which Zacharias belong- 
 ed, minitlred in the latter part of July. If 
 from thence you reckon the five months to the 
 virgin's conception, and nine more for her gef- 
 tation, the birth of Chrift will fall in the latter 
 end of September, that is, at the feafon of the 
 feaft of tabernacles *. 
 
 * See Scalig. Fragment, p. 58, 59. ad calcejn emend, 
 Temp. Mede's Diatrib. difc. xlvni. on Deut. Xvi. 16. 
 (Thrill's birth mifUmed, a Traft. No. iv. in the Phenix, 
 1707. and in defence of the common opinion, SeldeR 
 on the Birth-day of our Saviour, arud Opera, vol. 3. torn. 
 6. p. 1405. et feq. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
C 243 }' 
 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the fcaft of Trumpets and 
 New Moons. 
 
 AV I N G confidered the three grand fes- 
 tivals, at which all the male Ifraelites, 
 who were able, were obliged to afiemble at the 
 national altar, we proceed to confider the lefTer 
 feafts, of which fome were menftrual, others 
 annual. The menftrual were the new moons, 
 which were kept on the fir ft day of every 
 month ; and of thefe one was more remarkable 
 and to be obferved with greater Solemnity than, 
 the reft ; namely,- on the firft day of the month 
 Tifri. This is ftiled the " feaft of trumpets/' 
 
 It is proper firft to confider the common 
 new moon feaft, of which we find no other 
 institution in the law of Mofes, than meerly ^ 
 prescription of certain Sacrifices to be offered on 
 the day of the new moon, or which is the fame, 
 on the firft day of the month, over and above 
 the faCriffces that were daily offered (a). 
 
 The Sacrifices, prefcribed on this occafion, 
 
 are two young bullocks, one ram and feven 
 
 R 2 lambs 
 
 See Numb, xxviii. 11, — \-. 
 
244 The ^ a ^ °f trumpets. E. IIT. 
 
 lambs for a burnt -offering, and a kid of the 
 goats tor a fin-offering, to be attended with 
 meat-qfitrings and drink-offerings, as ufual in 
 other facrifices. 
 
 The number of the animal facrifices are e- 
 leven, lor which the hebrew doctors have de- 
 viled the following reafon, becaufe the lunar 
 year falls fhort of the folar by eleven days *. 
 We find only one precept more in the law of 
 Mofes concerning thtfe new moons ; namely, 
 that " in their folemn days, and in the beginning 
 of their months, they fhall blow with the trum- 
 pets over their burnt-offerings, and over the 
 facrilices of their peace-offerings (a)" But this 
 is rather to be confident as a ceremony attend- 
 ing the iacrifices, than as peculiar to the new 
 moon days ; tor the fame thing is enjoined at 
 their other folemn facrifices, or on their other 
 folemn days, at the feveral feafts which arc in- 
 stituted in the twenty-third chapter of Leviti- 
 cus, which were to be proclaimed as holy con- 
 vocations (Z>), and this was always done by 
 found of trumpets {c). 
 
 Indeed in the eighty-firft Ffalm this feems 
 to be mentioned as a rite peculiar to the new 
 moon : " Bie;w up the tiumpe: in the new 
 moon, at the time appointed, on the folemn 
 feaft day (d)." But it is probable the new 
 moon, here mentioned-, v. as the teitt of trum- 
 pets, or the new moon at the beginning of the 
 month Tifri •, for the ufe of which ieftival Dr. 
 Patrick fuppofes this Pfalm was compofed. This 
 was the chief new moon of the year, and was 
 diitinguifhed irom the reft by peculiar rites, 
 
 particu- 
 
 Reland. Antiq. part. iv. cnp. vii. §. iv. p. 510. edit. 3. 
 {a" Numb, x ic. [b) Levit. x.uii. 2. (r) Numb. 
 
 x. 7, 8. (^) rFfal, lxxxi. 3. 
 
C. VII. The feaft of trumpets. 245 
 
 particularly by the blowing of" crumpets, as we 
 fhall fee hereafter. 
 
 The trumpet, or mtifica! infcrument, of 
 which Afaph here fpeaks as to be founded oa 
 the new moon to which he refers, was the 
 *1D*i&* fliopluu, made of horn, and therefore 
 fometimes rendered the cornet ; whereas the 
 inftrument ufed on die ordinary new moons, 
 or at the beginning of their months, was the 
 JlTiiil chatfotferah (a), which was made of fil- 
 ver (If). Of both thefe inftruments we have 
 formerly given an account *. 
 
 The new moon to which Afapji refers, 
 was to be kept as a fabbach, for it is called a 
 iblemn feail-day. Buc I do not find the ordi- 
 nary new moons ever fo (tiled •, nor does it ap- 
 pear by the law of Mofes, that they were to be 
 obferved as facred feftivals, or iabbath-dayp, 
 in which no fervile work was to be done. They 
 are not mentioned among the facred feafts in 
 the twenty-third chapter of Leviticus. Nor 
 is any thing prefcribed on thole days more 
 than the offering of the facri flees already 
 mentioned. Neverthelefs facrifices relating to 
 and imolyincr devotion in trie offerers, thole 
 days were accounted imre facred than common 
 ones, and were accordingly obferved by pious 
 Ilraelites for the exercifes of devotion •, they 
 ufed at thefe feafons to repair to the prophets, 
 or other ministers of God, to hear his word. 
 This occafioned the Shunamite's hiifband en- 
 quiring, for what end fhe defired to go to the 
 prophet that day, " when it was nei:.u-r new 
 moon, nor fabbath j" a plain intimation, that 
 R 3 it 
 
 (*) Numb. x. 10. (i) vcr. 2. 
 
 ■* See vol. I . p. 276, 277. 
 
246 The fcaft of trumpets. B. III. 
 
 it had been her cuftom to do it on thofe days. 
 The new moons and fabbaths are mentioned 
 together, as days of publick worfhip, by fe- 
 veral of the prophets. " It mall come to pafs, 
 faith the prophet Ifaiah, that from one new 
 moon to another, and from one fabbath to ano- 
 ther, fliall all fiefh come to worfhip before me, 
 faith the Lord (**)." Again, " thus faith the 
 Lord God, (by the prophet Ezekiel,) the gate 
 of the inner court, that looketh towards the 
 eafl, fhall be fhut the fix working-days ; but 
 on the iabbath it fhall be opened, and on the 
 day of the new moon it fhall be opened (b)" 
 And in the following remarkable pafiage of the 
 prophet Amos, " Hear this, O ye that fwallow 
 up the needy, even to make the poor of the 
 land to fail, faying, when will the new moon 
 be gone, that we may fell corn ? and the fab- 
 bath, that we may fet forth wheat, &c (,V' \t 
 appears from this pafiage, that though the law 
 did not exprefsly require, that they ihould ab- 
 ftain from fervile work on the new moon, as it 
 did on the fabbath ; worldly bufinefs, notwitlv 
 {landing, was in a good meafure, laid afide on 
 thofe days. 
 
 Behdes the publick, national facrifices that 
 were to be offered on the new moons it was 
 euftomary to make feafts, probably on the 
 more private facrifices offered by particular per- 
 sons and families (d). 
 
 In the opinion of the rabbi es, whilft men are 
 allowed to follow their vocations on the new 
 moons, as on other days -, the women were ex- 
 empted from all labour. For they pretend, 
 
 the 
 
 .a) Ifei. Ixvi. 23. (b) Ezek. xlvi. 1. (c) Amos 
 
 . v- [d] See i Sam. xx. 5, 6. 
 
C. VII. The feafl: of trumpets. 247 
 
 the new moon is in a peculiar manner the fefti- 
 val of the women, in commemoration of their 
 liberality at the time of- erecting the tabernacle, 
 in contributing their molt valuable jewels to 
 promote the magnificence of the divine fervice, 
 which memorable action was performed, they 
 fay, on the new moon of the month Nifan*. 
 
 It does not appear in fcrip:ure by what me- 
 thod the ancient Jews fixed the time of the 
 new moon, and whether they kept this feafl on 
 the day of the conjunction, or on the firit day 
 of the moon's appearing. The rabbies are of 
 the latter opinion. They teli us, that for want 
 of aftronomical tables, the Sanhedrim, about 
 the time of the new moon, fent out men to 
 watch upon the tops of mountains, and give 
 immediate notice to them of its firit appear- 
 ance ; upon which a fire was made on the top 
 of mount Olivet, which, being feen at a dif- 
 tance, was anfwered by fires on the tops of o- 
 fher mountains, and they in like manner by 
 others itill more remote ; by which means the 
 notice was quickly fpread through the whole 
 land. But experience at length taught them 
 that this kind of intelligence was not to be de- 
 pended on, the Samaritans, and other prophane 
 perfons, fometim,s kindling fuch fires on the 
 'tops of mountains at a wrong feafon on pur- 
 pofe to deceive the people, and difturb the or- 
 der of the facred leftivals. In later time, there- 
 fore, the Sanhedrim was forced to fend ex- 
 preifes on this occafion to all p'a;ts of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 It is further added, that becaufe of the un- 
 certainty that would a«tend this way or fixing 
 R 4 the 
 
 * See Buxtorf s Synag. judaic, cap. xxii. y. 47;, .174. 
 edit. 3. et Le dekker. dc Republ. Hcbr.eor. lib. ix. car. ii. 
 F- 53 8 > 539- Amftel i-c+. 
 
248 The feaft of trGmpets. B. Ill, 
 
 the time of the new moon, efpeciaily in cloudy 
 weather, they obferved two days, that they 
 might be fecure of being in the right *. 
 Hence they account for Saul's expecting David 
 at his table two days fucceflively, en the feaft 
 of the new moon (a). 
 
 The modern Jews keep this feftival, by re- 
 peating certain prayers in their fynagogues, and 
 afterwards by feafhng in their own houies tj and 
 fome devotees fait on the vigil of it +. 
 
 Many of them add another ceremony about 
 three days after. They meet in companies in 
 the night in fome open place, when they blefs 
 God m a prayer of confiderable length, ior 
 having created the moon, and for having re- 
 newed her, to teach the Ifraelites that they 
 ought to become new creatures. Then they 
 lrap up thrice in the air as high as they are 
 able, and fay to the moon, " As we leap up 
 towards thee without being able to touch thee, 
 io may it be impofhble for cur enemies to rile 
 up againft us to hurt us |}." 
 
 The reafon of God's appointing peculiar fa- 
 criftces to be offered at the new moon, might 
 be in part, to make the time of it more care- 
 fully obferved •> which was a matter of confi- 
 derable importance, not only to prevent con- 
 fufion in their chronology, fmce they reckoned 
 by lunar months ; but hkewife, btcauie the 
 true time of obferving all their great reitiva-s 
 depended upon it. Nevertheless 1 conceive the 
 chief reafon of this inftitution was to preferve 
 the Ifraelites from the idolatry of the heathens, 
 who ufed to offer facrifices to the new moon. 
 
 Thus 
 
 * See above, chap. I. p. 12c, 121. [a) 1 Sam.xx. 24.. 
 -j- Buxtorf. Synag. cup. xx'w. p ceo, ^04. £ Buxtorf. 
 cap. xxin. p. 489. See bafnage's HiJiory ct the Jews, 
 
 book v. chap. x:v. § ix. p. 451, 452. 
 
C. VII. The feaft of trumpets. 249 
 
 Thus among the Athenians, the firfl day of 
 the month was th /«f»r<tTH h/ms^k^ a moll holy 
 day, as Plutarch {tiles it*. And there was a 
 law, TAH wpwws Svw, to offer facrifices on the 
 new moons -f\ Some indeed have obferved fo 
 great a refemblance in feveral articles of the 
 athenian law, to that of Mofes, as to fufpect 
 that the athenian lawgiver took the hint of 
 many of them from the jewifh inftitutions. Be 
 that as it will, nothing is more likely than that 
 as the fun and the moon were the principal 
 idols the heathens worfhiped, it was ufual for 
 them to pay theif devotions to the moon, pro- 
 bably by facrifices, chiefly at the time of her 
 firft appearing after the change. In order, 
 therefore, to check this fpecies of idolatry, 
 God commanded the Ifraelites to offer folemn 
 facrifices to him at the fame time, that the hea- 
 thens were facrificing to the moon. Accord- 
 ingly it is very obfervable, that the fin- offering 
 on this occafion, which was to be a kid of the 
 goats, is particularly and exprefsly directed to 
 be offered to Jehovah (a). The defign of this, 
 Grotius obferves, was to put them in mind of 
 the right object of worfhip, at a time when 
 they were in peculiar danger of being feduced 
 to offer facrifices to the moon after the manner 
 of the heathens. Which remark is the more 
 worthy of notice, in that, though in the fame 
 chapter a goat is ordered to be facrificed lor a 
 fin-offering, both at the feaft of the paffover and 
 at pentecoft {b) j yet it is not faid in either in- 
 
 ftance, 
 
 * Plutarch, de vitando sere alieno, oper. torn. 2. p. 828. 
 A. edit. Francof. 1620. 
 
 + Vid. Petit: Comment, in Leges Atticas, lib. i. tit. 1. 
 p. 85. 
 
 («) Numb, xxviii. 15. \b) ver. 22, — 30. 
 
250 The feaft of trumpets. B. III. 
 
 fiance, that it mull: be offered to Jehovah, 
 though it was, no doubt, fo intended •, in all 
 probability becaufe there was no fuch danger of 
 this kind or idolatry at thofe feafons, as there 
 was at the new moon. Maimonides likewife 
 hath obferved that " this fin -offering is fo pe- 
 culiarly laid to be unto the Lord, leaft any 
 fhould think this goat to be a facririce to the 
 moon after the manner of the Egyptians, who 
 uled to facririce one to the moon at this time, 
 as they did to the fun at his rifing *." And it 
 feems, among the heathens, the goat was a 
 favourite facririce to the moon, becaufe the 
 horns of that animal fomewhat refemble the 
 new moon f . Thus much for the common new 
 moon. 
 
 The new moon which began the month 
 Tifri, the feventh of the eccleiiaftical, but the 
 firft of the civil year, was to be obferved with 
 more than ordinary folemnity, not only with 
 feveral facrifices additional to thofe that were 
 oflrered on other new moons •, but it was to 
 be kept as a fabbath, in which they were to 
 have a holy convocation, and to do no fervile 
 work. And beiides the founding the trumpets 
 over the facrifkes, as on the other new moons 
 and folemn feftivals ; this was to be " a day of 
 blowing the trumpets^;," that is, as the an- 
 cient Jews understand it, they were to be blown 
 from morning to evening J •, at lead it imports 
 they were to be blown more on this day than 
 on any other. 
 
 This 
 
 * Moreh Nebhoch. part. iii. cap. xlvi. priefertim p.' 488. 
 •(- Spencer de Legi'ous Hebraior. lib. iii. diflert. iv. cap. 
 1. kft. v. p. 814. torn. 2. edit. Cantab. 1727. 
 (a.) Numb. xxix. I . 
 I Mnnlkr. in loc. c: Buxtorf. Synag. cap. xxiv. p. 504. 
 
£. VII. The feaft of trilmpets. 251 
 
 This day is alfo called " a memorial of blowr 
 ing of trumpets (a)." 
 
 The fcripture no where exprefsly afligning the 
 reafon of this feftival, and particularly of the 
 blowing of trumpets, from whence it is called 
 the featto.f trumpets, the learned are very much 
 divided about it. Maimcnides thinks it was in- 
 stituted to awaken the people to repentance a- 
 gainft die annual fail or great day of expiation, 
 which followed nine days alter. He makes the 
 found of the trumpet on this day to be in effect 
 faying, " Shake off your drowfinefs ye that 
 fieep 3 fearch and try your ways, remember your 
 .creator and repent, bethink yourfelv.es and take 
 care of your fouls, &c*. 
 
 Some have fuppofed, that the apoflle refers 
 to this ufe and meaning of blowing the trum- 
 pets, in the following paflage of the epiftle to 
 the Ephefians, ** Wherefore he faith, Awake, 
 thou that fleepefi, an4 arife from the dead, and 
 Chrift fhall give thee light (£)." Accordingly 
 they make the nominative cale to hz-yn^ he faith, 
 to be 0w, God, as fpeaking by the voice or 
 found of the trumpet. To this it may be ob- 
 jected, not only that there is no intimation in 
 fcripture, that the trumpets were blown for the 
 purpofes Maimonides imagines-, but likewife 
 that the apoflle would hardly have referred to a 
 jev.ifh ceremony, as if the meaning of it were well 
 known, when he was writing to the Gentiles, 
 
 who 
 
 [a] Levit. xxiii. 24. See the inftitution of this feftivaj, 
 Numb. xxix. 1, — 6. Levit. xxiii. 24, 25. 
 
 * Maimon. de pcenicentia cap. iii. §. vi. p. 56. edit, et 
 yerf. Clavering. Oxon. 1705. See alfo Moreh Nebhoch. 
 part. iii. cap. xliii. p. 471, 472. edit. Buxtorf. 1629. and 
 Shorn Tobh on Maimonides, quoted by Hottinger on God- 
 win, lib. iii. cap. vii. §. vi. not. 4. p. 6©i. 
 
 {b) Ephef. v. 1 4. 
 
1 52 The feaft of trumpets. B. III. 
 
 who probably were unacquainted with the cere- 
 mony itfelf, and much more with its defign and 
 intention. Others therefore fuppofe the nomi- 
 native cafe to Kzy-i is ^p<£<pw, the fcripture, or 
 God fpeaking in the fcripture, and that there is 
 a reference to the following paffage of Ifaiah, 
 " Arife, mine, for thy light is come, and the 
 glory of the Lord is riien upon thee (<?}:" 
 quoted by the apoftle, though not verbatim, yet 
 according to the fenfe ; while others apprehend 
 the allufion is not fo much to any particular 
 paffage, as to the general and principal defign 
 of the facred oracles, which evidently is, to a- 
 waken, convert and fave finners. 
 
 It is an ingenious conjeclure of Heuman- 
 nus *, that this paffage is taken out of one of 
 thofe hymns, or fpiritual fongs, which were 
 in common ufe in the chriftian church in thofe 
 times, and which are mentioned by the apoftle 
 in a fubfequent paffage, " Speaking to your- 
 felves in pfalms and hymns and fpiritual 
 fongs (£)." This author obferves, that it con- 
 firms of three metrical lines, 
 
 'Eyapa.i o KxQivfw, 
 
 Ka.t avctTet zx, tov PSJtpar, 
 
 Kcti z-ji*zv<tu coi o Xp/rof. 
 
 As for tft/o hiyity he makes it to be the fame 
 with cT<9 hsyvr&t, " wherefore it is faid (c)." But, 
 on fuppofition that thefe lines were taken out 
 of fome hymns or fpiritual fongs, known to 
 have been compofed by infpiration, I fhould 
 
 rather 
 
 [a) I fa. lx. I. 
 
 * Poeciles torn. 2. lib. ii. p. 390. as cited by Wolfius, 
 Corac philoiogicx in loc. 
 
 \b) Ephef. v. 19. (<r) As in Rom. xv. 10. 
 
C. VII. The feafT of trumpets. 253 
 
 rather think the nominative cafe to hiyu may 
 be ©so?, or TT.ivy.ct etyiov. To return to the fub- 
 ject we are upon. 
 
 It may be further objected to Maimonides 
 and fome other Jews, who conceive the defign 
 of blowing the trumpets was to awaken men 
 to repentance, that rWPD ]V07 zickron terung- 
 nah, which we render " a memorial of blow- 
 ing the trumpets (<?)," properly fignifies a me- 
 morial of triumph, or fhouting tor joy ; for, 
 as Dr. Patrick obferves *, the word n>"Hn te- 
 rungnah, is never ufed in fcripture but for a 
 found or fhout of rejoicing, as the chaldee 
 tf^y jabbaba, by which Onkelos renders it, 
 always fignifies-f. 
 
 Other Jews, therefore, make the blowing of 
 the trumpet to be a memorial of Ifaac's deli- 
 verance by means of the ram, which was iub- 
 ftituted to be facrificed in his Head. Accord- 
 ingly they fay, the trumpets blown on this day 
 mult be made of rams horns ; and fuch are 
 thofe which the modern Jews blow in their fy- 
 nagoguesj. 
 
 They found the horn thirty times, fometimes 
 fio»v •, and fometimes quick. If the trumpeter 
 founds it clear and well, they reckon it a pre- 
 fage of a happy year j if otherwife, they ex- 
 prefs their concern by the fadnefs of their coun- 
 tenances, efleeming it an unfavourable omen. 
 When he hath done, the people repeat thefe 
 words loudly and diftinctly §, " Blelied is the 
 people that know the joyful found ; they fhall 
 walk, O Lord, in the light of thy countenance^). 
 And when they return from the fynagegue, 
 
 their 
 
 (a) Levit.xxiii. 24. * Patrick on Numb. xxix. I, 
 t See Chaldee Paraphrafe on Numb. xxix. 1. 
 %. Abarbanel in Levic. xxiii. 24. § Buxtorf Synag. 
 
 Judaic, cap. xxiv. p. 502. {l>) Pfal. lxxxix. 15. 
 
254 The feaft. of trumpets.- B. III. 
 
 their falutation to one another is, " Mayeft 
 thou be written in a good year •, " the reply,- 
 " And thou alfo*." 
 
 Some of the chriftian fathers, particularly 
 Bafil -f- and Theodoret J, make the founding of 
 the trumpets on this day, to be a memorial of 
 the giving of the law at mount Sinai, which 
 was attended with the found of a trumpet (*?). 
 But the opinion, more generally embraced both 
 by Jews and Christians, is, that it was a me- 
 morial of the creation of the world, at which 
 the " fons of God fhouted for joy [b) •, " and 
 which is fuppofed, not altogether without rea- 
 fon, to have been at this feafon of the year, 
 The month Tifri, therefore, was not only an- 
 ciently, but is ft ill, reckoned by the Jews the 
 firft month of the year ; and the feaft: of taber- 
 nacles, which was kept in this month, was faid 
 to be T\WT\ nDlpf") tekuphath hafhanah (c). 
 which we render, " at the end," but in the 
 margin more truly, " at the revolution of the 
 year •," importing, that at this feafon the year 
 had revolved, and was beginning anew. So 
 that the feaft of trumpets was indeed the new 
 years day, on which the people were folemnly 
 called to rejoice in a grateful remembrance of 
 all God's benefits to them through the laft year, 
 which might be intended by blowing the trum- 
 pets •, as well as to implore his bleffing upon 
 them for the enfuing year, which was partly the 
 intention of the facrifices on this day offered. 
 
 The modern Jews have a notion, which they 
 derive from the mifhna §, that on this day God 
 
 judges 
 
 * Buxtorf. p. 497, 498. f Bafil. in Pfal. Ixxxi. 
 
 % Theodoret. Qusitionesin Levit. Quxil. 32. 
 
 [a] Exod. xix. 16. (6) Job xxxviii. 7. (c) Exod. 
 
 •XXXiv. 22. 
 
 § Mifhn. tit. Rofli hafhanah. cap. 1. §. 2. torn. 1. p. 311- 
 
C. VII. The feaft of trumpets. 255 
 
 judges all men, who pafs before him as a flock 
 before the fhepherd. Therefore, as Bafnage 
 faith, their zealots fpend, fome a whole month 
 before hand, others four days, and cfpecially 
 the eve of this feaft, in confeffing their fins, 
 beating their breads, and fome in lafhing their 
 bare backs by way of pen nance, in order to 
 procure a favourable judgment on this decifive 
 day. He adGs, if Chriftians ihould be told 
 that they have derived their vigils, their whip- 
 cord discipline, and the merit annexed to them 
 from the Jews, though they would not be pleaf- 
 ed, it is neverthelefs probable*. 
 
 As for the long account, which Godwin gives 
 us of the tranfiation of feaft s, it is mere rabbi- 
 nical trifling, without the leaft foundation in the 
 facred oracles, and of confequence, utterly un- 
 worthy our attention+. 
 
 * See Bafnage's Hiftory of the Jews, book v. chap. xiii. 
 
 On the Feaft of Trumpets, fee Meyer, de Tempor. et 
 Feftis Diebus Hebrcor. 
 
 f Vid. Bochart. Hieroz. part. i. lib. ii. cap. h oper. 
 torn. 2. p. 561, 562. Lugd. Bat. 1712. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
( 256 ) 
 
 Ttiiff «1W iS«i "US ^T -W tt< TISW Til ili TJ$ ft. "Jti Hi t^fti -u 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the day of Expiation. 
 
 GODWIN ftiles this day the feaft of ey- 
 piation, whereas it was altogether a faft, a 
 day of deep humiliation, and of " afflicting their 
 fouls (a)." Neverthelefs he is fo inconfiftent with 
 himfelf, that he underftands the faft mentioned 
 in the account of St. Paul's voyage to Rome (#), 
 to be meant of the day of expiation. It is true 
 there is no exprefs injunction in the law of Mo- 
 fes nor any where in the Old Teftament to faft 
 on this folemnity. But that it was understood 
 to be a faft by the Jews, appears from Jofe- 
 phus* and Philo-f, who both ftile this day 
 wire/*, " the faft." The rabbies commonly 
 diftinguifh it by the name of im N\9j? tforha 
 rabba, the great faft J. Tertullian likewife, 
 
 fpeak- 
 
 (a) See an account of the infcitntion of this annual io- 
 iemnity, Levit. xvi. and chap, xxiii. zj } — 32. 
 
 (6) A<!ts xxvii. 9. 
 
 * Jofeph. Antiq. lib. iii. cap. x. §. 3. p. 172. 
 
 f Philo de Vita Mofis, lib. n. oper. p. 50S. F. edit. 
 Colon. Allobr. 161 3. 
 
 X Midrafch Ruth. 46. 4. et Echa Rabbati. 80. 1. quoted 
 by Reland, Antiq. part. iv. cap. vi. §. j. p. 492. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation^ 257 
 
 fpeaking of the two goats that were offered on 
 this day, faith, jejunio offerebantur, they were 
 offered on the rait *. 
 
 As for the faft mentioned in the account of 
 St. Paul's voyage, and concerning which it is 
 laid, that " failing was now dangerous, becaufe 
 the faft was now paft(a)," Caftalio, not being 
 ablw to conceive what a jewifli faft could have 
 to do with failing, fuppofes there is an error in 
 the greek copy, and that inftead of mruAv, it 
 ifhould be vtvzy.ikv, which fignifies calm weatherj 
 and according to him the meaning is, that fail- 
 ins was now dangerous, becaufe the fine wea- 
 ther, or calm feafon, was now over. However, 
 all the manufcripts and ancient verfions remon- 
 ftrate againft this emendation ; and indeed there 
 is no need of it, to fupport even Caftalio's own 
 fenfe Of the palTage ; for this jewifh faft being 
 kept on the tenth day of the month Tifri, a 
 little after the autumnal equinox, it is in fact 
 the fame thing to fay, the faft was already paft, 
 or the calm feafon of the year was over. 
 
 Before the invention and ule of the compafs, 
 failing was rarely practifed in the winter months; 
 and it was reckoned very dangerous to put to 
 feai after the autumnal equinox. Hefiod ob- 
 ferves, that at the going down of the pleiades 
 navigation is dangerous -j-; and the going down 
 of the pleiades, he faith, was in autumn, when 
 after harveft they began to plow J. Again, 
 fpeaking of fafe and profperous failing, for 
 which he allots fifty days after the fummer fol- 
 
 Vol. II. S ftice 
 
 * Tertullian adverfus Judaeos, cap. xiv. oper. p. 201. C. 
 edit. Rigalt. 
 
 (a) Afts xxvii. 9. 
 
 T Hefiod. Opera et Dies, lib. ii. 1. 236, — 240. 
 
 % Hefiod. lib. ii. 1. 2. 
 
25$ The day of expiation. B. III. 
 
 ftice, he admonilhes to make hafle, and get 
 home before the time of new wine, and the au- 
 tumnal ftorms, which made the fea difficult and 
 dangerous *. Philoftratus, in his life of Apollo- 
 nius Tyaneus f, faith, that at the latter end of 
 autumn the fea was more unfettled. And Philo 
 fpeaks of the beginning of autumn as the laft 
 feafon that was fit for navigation J. Thefe tef- 
 timonies fufficiently demonftrate, that when the 
 facred hiftorian declares, that " failing was now 
 dangerous, becaufe the faft was already pad," 
 he fpeaks according to the common fenfe and 
 apprehenfion of thofe times ; and he likewife 
 afcertains the feafon of the year, when this faft 
 was kept, to be about, or foon after the au- 
 tumnal equinox ; which anfwering to the time 
 of the day of expiation among the Jews, ren- 
 ders it highly probable, that this was the par- 
 ticular faft to which the writer of the A<fls re- 
 fers. As to the objection of Erafmus Schmi* 
 dius §, that it is improbable thefe alexandrian 
 manners fhould denominate the feafons of the 
 year from jewifh fafts or feflivals, he fhould 
 have obferved, that the paffage under confeder- 
 ation is not the words of the alexandrian mari- 
 ners, but of Luke the hiftorian, who was a 
 Jew by nation, and no doubt therefore, deno- 
 minated the feafons from fome jewifh faft, ac- 
 cording to the cuftom of his country. 
 
 Scaliger || conceives the faft here referred to, 
 was that in the month Tebeth, or the tenth 
 
 month, 
 
 * Hefiod. lib. ii. 1. 281,-295. 
 
 •j- Philoftrat. in vita Apollonii. lib. iv. cap. iv. p. 168. 
 A. edit. Paris. 1608. 
 
 % Philo. Legat. ad Caium, oper. p. 770. B. edit. Colon. 
 Allobr. 161 3. § Erafmus Schmidius in loc. 
 
 (I De Emendat. Tempor. cited by Wolfius, Curas Philo- 
 log. in Ad. xxvii. 9. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation": 359 
 
 month, anfwering to our December or Janua- 
 ry ; which fall is mentioned by the prophet 
 Zechariah (a\ and was kept in memory of Ne- 
 buchadnezzar's fitting down before Jerufalem* 
 to befiege it, on the tenth day of the month [b). 
 Scaliger has been followed -in this opinion, 'by 
 feveral others; but is confuted by Hafasus*, 
 who (hows, .that failing was abfolutely difufed, 
 both by the Romans and Greeks, in the depth 
 of winter. The Romans fhut up the lea, or 
 forbad; failing from the third of the ides of 
 November to the fixth of the ides of March, 
 that is, from November the twenty-fecond to 
 March the twenty- firft •, and it appears by 
 Theophrailusi*, that the Greeks opened the 
 lea at their Dionyfia, or feaft of Bacchus, 
 which was kept in March,. It is therefore, 
 altogether improbable, or rather incredible, that 
 the lhip in which Paul failed, fhould put to fea 
 foon after the fad of the tenth month. It re- 
 mains then, that the -raft here intended, mull 
 be the day of expiation, which fell out in our 
 September or October. 
 
 This account from Hafeus will likewife ex- 
 plain the reafon of Paul's and his companions 
 flopping three months at Melita, before they 
 could get a paffage to Italy. " After three 
 months we departed in a (hip of Alexandria, 
 which had wintered in the ifle (V)." Now, 
 fuppofing they hrft put to fea at the begin- 
 ning or middle of October, yet failing (lowly, 
 and much time being fpent before their fhrp- 
 S 2 wreck, 
 
 {a) Zech. viii. 19. {b) 2 Kings xxv. 1. 
 
 * See his Difcourfe de Computatione Menfium Pauliru 
 Itineris, in the.Bibliotheca Bremenfis, Clafs. 1. p. 17. Si 
 feq. ' t Theophrait. Charadt. Ethic cap. iv. alias 3. 
 
 (c) ASs xxviii. 1 1. 
 
*6o The day of expiation. B. III. 
 
 wreck (a\ probably they did not arrive at Me- 
 lita till the middle of December ; and there they 
 were forced to Hay till the fea was opened in 
 the fpring, or till the law allowed them to put 
 to fea again, in March. 
 
 Upon the whole, as. there is great realbn to 
 conclude, that the faft which was lately paft at 
 the beginning of Paul's voyage, was the day 
 of expiation ; we may from hence infer, that 
 this day was kept as a faft by the Jews ; though 
 as we before obferved, falling is not exprefsly 
 enjoined in the mofaick inftitution •, unlels it 
 was included, or, as fome have thought, di- 
 rectly intended in the words, U Ye fhall afflict 
 your fouls [b)" This feems to be the meaning 
 of the fame exprefTion in the following paflage 
 of Ifaiah, " Is it fuch a faft that I have chofen? 
 a day for a man to afflict: his foul ? is it to bow 
 down his head as a bulrufh, and to fpread fack- 
 cloth and afhes under him ? wilt thou call this 
 a faft, and an acceptable day to the Lord (c ) ? " 
 Among the feveral external rites here particu- 
 larly fpecified, as belonging to a faft, and as 
 carefully obferved by the hypocritical Jews, 
 there is nothing faid of their abftinence from 
 food, which undoubtedly belonged to a faft, 
 and might naturally have been expected to have 
 been mentioned on this occafion, unlefs it be 
 intended by the phrafe, " afflicting their fouls." 
 By the foul we may underftand the fenfitive 
 part of man, which is afflicted by fading. Ac- 
 cordingly David faith, that he had " humbled 
 his foul with falling (d)." The word here tranf- 
 lated humbled, is the fame which in Leviticus 
 
 is 
 
 {a) Afts xxvii. 7, 9. (£) Levit. xvl, 29. 
 
 (c) llai. lviii. 5. \d) Pfal.wur. 13. 
 
C VIII". The day of expiation. 26 1 
 
 is rendered, afflicted. And if by the foul we 
 underftand the rational foul or mind, lbme 
 have obferved a natural connection betwixt 
 afflicting the foul with a deep penitential {tn{& 
 of fin, and bodily fading ; inafmuch as greac 
 grief never rails to pall the appetite, and incline 
 men to faft; and therefore '* afflicting their 
 fouls" very naturally implies abflinence from 
 food. Hence, perhaps, the light of nature 
 hath led men to practice fading, as a proper 
 token and evidence of inward contrition. Thus 
 the Ninevites, though heathens, proclaimed a 
 faft of ftrict abftinence from food, when they 
 were threatened with fpeedy deftruction (0). 
 We find, indeed, no fcripture example of re- 
 ligious fading before the inftitution of this an- 
 nual-faft by Mofes ; yet this filence concerning 
 it will by no means prove it was never prac- 
 tifed. But from the time of Mofes the jewilh 
 hiftory abounds with inftances and examples of 
 this fort. After the unexpected defeat before 
 Ai, Jofhua and all the elders of Ifrael conti- 
 nued proftrate before the ark from morning to 
 night (b) •, which mud therefore be without eat- 
 ing. The fame was practifed by the eleven 
 tribes, upon the defolation which had befallen 
 the tribe of Benjamin : they " wept, and fat 
 there before the Lord, and faded that day un- 
 till evening (r)." And again by all the peo- 
 ple at Mizpeh, in token of their repentance 
 for having ferved Baalim and other ftrange 
 gods (d) ♦, and particularly by David, in hopes 
 of faving the lite of the child which he had by 
 Bathflieba (e), and on other occafions, when, as 
 S3 he 
 
 (a) Jon.iii. 5,7. (b) Jofh. vii. 6. (<■) Judg. 
 
 XX. 26. (d) i Sam. vii. 6. [e) z Sara, xii. 16, 
 
£6£ Theday of expiation; B. Ill; 
 
 he faith in the before-cited pafiage, he " hum- 
 bled his foul with failing." 
 
 Befides the annual faft in the feventh month, 
 we read of three others kept by the Jews after 
 their return from the captivity •, one in the 
 fourth, month, another in the fifth, another in 
 the tenth (a). The later Jews had fo multi- 
 plied them, that they, filled almoft half their 
 Calendar. 
 
 According to the rabbies, the faft we are 
 now fpeaking of was to be obferved with ex- 
 traoidinary ftrictnefsj they mention fix things 
 in particular, which they were that day to ab- 
 ftain from, namely, eating, drinking, warning, 
 anointing themfelves, wearing fhces, at kail 
 thofe made of leather, and the ufe. of the mar- 
 riage bed *. 
 
 This fall being called a fabbath, and ; being 
 kept like a fabbath, by their abftainingfrom all 
 fervile work(^), as probably their other fails 
 were, might pccafion the error of thoie hea- 
 then writers, who reprefent the Jews as failing 
 on their weekly fabbaths. Suetonius cites Oc- 
 tavius faying, in an epiftle to Tiberius, tc Ne 
 Juda?us quidem, mi Tiberi, tarn diligenter fab- 
 batis jejunium fervat quam ego hodie fervavi : 
 a Jew does not obferve the fail of his fabbath 
 fo carefully, as I have done to day f." And 
 Juftin faith of Mofes, Quo (fc. ad montem 
 Synas) feptem dierum jejunio per deferta Ara- 
 bias cum populo fuo fatigatus, cum tandem 
 
 venhTet 
 
 fa) Zech. viii. 19. 
 
 * Mifon. tit. Joma, cap. 8. §. i. torn. 2. p. 252. Su- 
 renhus. 
 
 (b) Lev. xvi. 31. 
 
 t Sueton. in vit. O&av. cap. lxxvi. p. 473, 474. torn. !. 
 «dit. Pitifci, Trajett. ad Rhen. 1690. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation. Vg% 
 
 veniffet, feptimum diem, more gentis fabbatum 
 appellamm, in omne asvum jejuniu.m facravir, 
 quoniam ilia dies famem illis erroremque finie- 
 rat : that arriving at mount Sinai, after wan- 
 dering and falling in the deferts of Arabia feven 
 days, he confecrated every feventh day, called 
 the fabbath, for a perpetual faft, becaufe that 
 day had put a period to their wandering and 
 hunger*. 
 
 This annual fall is called in the Hebrew 
 DH£DH DV jom hacchipurim, the day of a- 
 tonement kclt i^m (a), becaufe of the extra- 
 ordinary expiatory facrifices offered thereon, 
 and becaufe the rites, which the law preferr- 
 ed to be then ufed, were more eminently typi- 
 cal of the miniftry of our great high prieft Je- 
 fus Chrift, and of the atonement made by him 
 for the fins of his people, than thofe which ap- 
 pertained to any other feftival. And whereas 
 other expiatory facrifices atoned for particular 
 fins, and the fins of particular perfons, the Jews 
 fay, the facrifices of this day atoned for all the 
 fins of the foregoing year, and that of the 
 whole nation f. They add likewife, that on 
 this day fatan had no power to do any harm to 
 their nation, as he had on the other three hun- 
 dred and fixty four days of the year. Which 
 opinion is abundantly confirmed by the cab- 
 balifts ; for they find that the letters of the 
 word, \\DWtl hafatan, make, according to their 
 gematria, three hundred fixty and four J. 
 
 S 4 Several 
 
 * Juftin. lib. xxxvi. cap. ii. $. 14. p. 524. edit. Graevii, 
 Lugd. Bat. 1701. 
 
 [a) Lev. xxiii. 27. 
 
 t Mifhn. tit. Joma, cap 3. §. 8. ivith refpett to of. 
 fences againft their neighbours, the expiation was on con- 
 dition the offended perfons were appeafed. See §. 9. 
 
 X Biutorf. Synag. Judaic, cap, xxvi. p. 535. edit. 3. 
 
r The day of expiation. B. III. 
 
 Several reafons are afiigned by the Jews, far 
 God's fixing this annual faft and expiation tq 
 the tenth day of the month Tiiri. For in- 
 ftance, their tradition faith, this was the day 
 on which Adam repented of his tranfgrefiion. 
 and God was reconciled to him ; and the day 
 alfo on which Abraham was circumcifed ; and 
 therefore they were in fo particular a manner to 
 repent of and atone for their tranfgrefiions of 
 God's covenant, on this day, when they (as 
 being included in their father Abraham) were 
 fir ft taken into covenant with God *. 
 
 Further, the rabbies tell us, this was the 
 day on which Mofes came down the laft time 
 from the mount, having received the fccond 
 table from God, with an aflurance of his hav- 
 ing pardoned their fin of the golden calf-, and 
 therefore it was annually to be kept as a day of 
 expiation and plenary remiflion f . 
 
 It was probably on this laft jewifh tradition, 
 that Mohammed founded the inftitution of his 
 annual faft on the month Ramadan, in which 
 he faith, the Coran, was fent down from hea- 
 ven J. 
 
 On thefe jewilh traditions we can have no 
 dependance j nor need we be fblicitous to dis- 
 cover the reafon of God's appointing the tenth 
 of the month Tifri for the day of expiation in 
 preference to any other, fince the abiblute fi- 
 fence of fcripture concerning it is a iufricient 
 
 indication, 
 
 • Abarbanel in Levlt. xxiii. cited by Meyer, de Tem- 
 poribus & Feftis Hebrajor. part. 2. cap: xv. §. iii. p. 309, 
 310. and more fully by Nicolai, Annot. in Cuna;um de 
 Republ. Hebraeor. lib. ii. cap. iv. not. 1. p. 223, 224. 
 Lugd. Bat. 1703. 
 
 + Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. part. iii. cap. xliii. 
 
 X Sale's translation of the Coran, chap. 2. p. 21. 
 
£. VIII. The day of expiation. 265 
 
 indication, that the knowledge of it is of no 
 Importance. 
 
 We have only to obferve further concerning 
 the time or this faft, that it was to be kept 
 from evening to evening (a) 1 which expref- 
 jfton, as it is peculiar to this day, and is not 
 ufed concerning the weekly fabbath or any o- 
 ther fffrival, the Jews underftand to import 
 more than a natural day ; or that this fall was 
 to comprehend the evening, or fome of the 
 latter part, of the ninth day, as well as the 
 whole tenth, Although, therefore, the tenth 
 day of the month is appointed for the day of 
 atonement (£), yet it is laid (V, " ye fhall af- 
 flict your fouls in the ninth day at evening. 5 * 
 Accordingly they are faid to have begun this 
 half an hour before fun fet on the ninth, and 
 to have continued it till half an hour after iun 
 fet on the tenth. So that this fabbaih was an 
 hour Jonget than any other f; It is 'therefore 
 called in the Talmud N&V Joma, the day by 
 way pf eminence, and by the helleniftic jews^ 
 
 We now proceed to the confideration of thofe 
 rites, with which the day of expiation was to 
 be obferved. And here from the rabbies I 
 might give you a long detail of thofe which 
 were preparatory, and were ufed for feveral 
 days before hand ; efpecially relating to the 
 highprieft, who on this day was to perform the 
 moft folemn part of all his miniftry. They tell 
 us, that leaving his own houfe, he conftantly re- 
 sided in an' apartment of the temple for a week 
 
 before, 
 
 (a) Lev. xxiii. 32. [I) Lev. xxiii. 27. 
 
 (f) ver. 32. 
 
 * Maimon. de Solennitate expiationum, cap. 1. §. vi. 
 p. 823, 824. Crenii Fafcicul. fcpt;mi. 
 
266 The day of expiation. B. Ill: 
 
 before, and during every day practifed the fa- 
 cred rites, fuch as fprinkling the blood of the 
 daily facrifkes, burning incenfe, &c. that he 
 might be expert in performing the peculiar 
 duties of his office on the day of expiation. 
 And left after all he fhould be ignorant or un- 
 mindful of them, the Sanhedrim fent elders to 
 read the ceremonial to him, to direct him in 
 the fervice, requilite on this occafion, and to 
 fwear him not to make any alteration it it *. 
 But as Bafnage very juftly obferves, the Tal- 
 mudifts make no fcruple to invent ceremonies 
 unknown to their fathers f ; we mall therefore 
 pafs over the rites mentioned by them without 
 any further -notice, and attend only to thofe 
 jthat are prefcribed in the divine law. 
 
 Befides failing, fpoken of before, this day 
 Was to be kept with all the ftrict and religious 
 regard of a fabbath (a), and with offering fa- 
 crifiees, firft, for the highprieft and his family* 
 and then for the people (£). 
 
 The victims, offered on this day, including 
 the daily burnt-offerings, were fifteen. The 
 two firft were a bullock and a ram, and were 
 defigned to make atonement for the " high- 
 prieft himfelf, and for his houfe ;" by which is 
 probably meant the other priefts, and perhaps 
 the whole tribe of Levi ; for the priefts are 
 
 called 
 
 » Milhn. tit. Joma, cap. i. §. i,— 5. p. 206, — 209. 
 torn. 2. edit. Surenhufii. Maimon. de Solenni Die Expia- 
 tionum, cap. i. §. iii,— v. p. 653,— 655. Crenii Fafcic. 
 fcptimi. See alfo Buxtorf. de Synag. cap. xxv, xxvi. 
 
 •f Bafnage's hiftory of the Jews, book v, chap. xiii. 
 S- «• P- 44 8 - 
 
 (a) Lev. xxiii. 32. xvi. 29. (b) Heb. vii. 27* 
 
 See an account of thefe facrifiees in Lev. xvi. 3, 5, 8. and 
 Numb. xxix. 7, — ii. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation. 267 
 
 jcalled " the houie of Aaron (a).'* However, 
 rabbi Jehuda, underllanding by the highprieft's 
 houfe chiefly his wife, makes it fo.neceifary for 
 him to have a wife on this day, that if ihe 
 died, he mufl marry another-, that he mighc 
 fatisfy the law, by making expiation for him- 
 felf and his wife. But this opinion is rejected 
 by the other rabbies *. 
 
 Of the victims, none are more remarkable 
 than the two goats, which the high-prieft was 
 to receive from the congregation, and to fet 
 them before the tabernacle-, calling lots, which 
 of the two mould be immediately facrificed, 
 and which mould be lent alive into the wilder- 
 nefs, after the Jtns of the people had been con- 
 fciTed over him, andlaid as it were upon him. 
 The manner in which theie lots were call, does 
 not appear in (cripture. But if we may credit 
 the rabbies, there was an urn brought to the 
 high-prieft, into which he threw two wooden 
 lots, on one of which was written, *' For the 
 Lord/," on the other, " For tytfW gnazazel ; 
 the . word which we render, the fcape goat. 
 After he had fhaken them, he put both his 
 bands into the urn, and brought up the lots, 
 one in each hand -, and as the goats flood one 
 on each fide of him, their fate was determined 
 by the lot that came up in the hand next to 
 them. If the right hand brought up the lot 
 for the Lord, they regarded it as a good omen. 
 This, they fay, fell out through the whole 
 priefthood of Simeon the Juft. If the , left 
 hand brought up that lot, they accounted it as 
 
 a bad 
 
 {a} Pfal. cxv. 10, 12. and exxxv, 19. 
 
 " Mifhn. tit. Joma, cap. 1. §. I. cum nctli Maimer; 
 L Eartenor. in loc p. 206. torn. 2. edit. Surenhus. 
 
268 The day of expiation. B, HE 
 
 a bad omen, and an indication that God was 
 not pacified *. 
 
 The goat, on which the lot fell for life, is 
 called in the Hebrew ^fNTy gnazazel (a) : con- 
 cerning the meaning of which word there are 
 divers opinions. The chief are the three fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 i ft, The moft common opinion is, that 
 7?tfty gnazazel is a name given to the goat it- 
 (d£ 9 on account of his being let go ; as being 
 derived from TV gnez a goat and vitt azel, 
 abiit, to go away. Thus it is explained by 
 Buxtorf-j-, and by Paulus Fagius J and many- 
 others § i and lb it was tinderftood by our tran- 
 flators ; who therefore render it a fcape goat ; 
 the feptuagint like wife renders it <tToTo/-«r<t/of, 
 and the vulgate emifiarius. To this interpre- 
 tation it is, however, objected, that TV gnaz, 
 fignifying a Ihe goat, 7?tt azel, which is the 
 third perfons mafculine, cannot agree with it. 
 Bochart, therefore, derives gnazazel from the 
 Arabick word gnazala, fignifying to remove or 
 feparate j and understands by it a feparate place 
 or wildernefs (|. But others perceive no occa- 
 fion to have recourfe to the Arabick, as with 
 refpeft to compound words fuch an enallage 
 generis is not uncommon in the Hebrew **. 
 
 *dly, 
 
 • Miihn. tit. Joma, cap. 3. §. 9. p. 223. torn. 2. 8c 
 Maimon. de Solenni Die Expiationum, cap. iii. §. i,— iii. 
 p. 665, — 66$* Crenii Fafcic. Septimi. 
 
 (<») Lev. xvi. 8. 
 
 f Buxtorf. Lexic. Hebraic. & Chaldaic. in verb. 
 
 j Fagius in loc. apud Criticot Sacros. 
 . $ Francifc. Turretine de Veritate Satisfadt. Chrifti, 
 part. iii. $. xxiv. p. 141. Geneva?, 1666. 
 
 I Bochart. Hierozoic. part. 1. lib. ii. cap. liv. p. 653 
 k feq. 
 
 «• Vid. Witfii CEconom. Feeder, lib. iv. cap. vi. §.liii. 
 p. 506. edit. Lcovard, 1677. Mr. Jones, in his M. S. 
 
 lectures 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation. 269 
 
 2dly, The fecond opinion, efpoufed by Le 
 Clerc *, is, that gnazazel was the name of a 
 place, either a mountain or cliff, to which the 
 goat was led, and irom thence, as the rabbies 
 lay, he was caft down and killed -f\ In favour 
 of this it is alledged, that the words in the fix- 
 teenth chapter of Leviticus, " He that let go 
 the goat SttfTV 1 ? langnazazel," cannot be pro- 
 perly rendered any other way than, to gnaza- 
 zel ; which intimates, that gnazazel muft be a 
 place. 
 
 To this it is objected, that thofe who have 
 examined the geography of the holy land, have 
 never been able to point out any place of that 
 name, except in an anonymous writer of very 
 little credit, mentioned by Aben Ezra, who 
 fpeaks of fuch a mountain near Mount Sinai, 
 which mull have been too far diftant, for the 
 
 fcape 
 
 lectures tm Godwin, obferves, that the word f}f gnez, 
 icems to be of the epicene gender. Non diffitendum eft 
 quidem, intuit ille, quin fy gnez, quam plurimum in fcrip- 
 turis ufurpacur in genere fasmineo ; fed non inde fequitur 
 quod ea vox nunquam in maiculino fuit ufurpata ; revera 
 vero potius vox epicena videtur, quas utrique generi tribui 
 poffit, quum pluralem format more mafcuhnorum ,• & quod 
 revera ita eft ex Gen. xxx. 32, 33. conftare videtur; pro- 
 cul dubio enim hircos asquc ac capras habuit Labanus, Sc 
 quamvis ibi Com. 35. ufurpaniur adjedtiva fasminei gene- 
 ris, tamen cap. xxxi. 8. eadem adjectiva de iifdem rebus 
 in mafculino ufurpantur. 
 
 * This is the opinion of R. Bechai, R. Solomon, R. 
 Levi Ben Gerfon, Aben Ezra, and other jewiih writers, 
 and of Cunxus, Vatablus, Schindler, and other Clmitians. 
 See Nicolai, Annot. in Cunseum, lib. ii. cap. vi. it is 
 likewiie the opinion of Hottinger. See his notes on God- 
 win. 
 
 t Mifhn. tit. Joma, cap. 6. §. 6. cum not. Sheringham. 
 Com. 2. p, 243, 244.. edit. Surenhus. Targum Jonathan 
 Ben Uziel in Lev. xvi. 10. apud Walton Polyglot, torn. 4. 
 Maimon. de Solenni Die Expiationum, cap. iii. $ vii. p. 
 674. Crenii Fafcicul. feptimi. 
 
270 The day of expiation. B. IIT; 
 
 fcape-goat to have beeii conducted thither from 
 Jerusalem* Betides, Mofes ufually prefixes 
 the word mount to the proper name of any 
 mountain-, as Mount Hebdr, Mount Geri- 
 
 zim, .&c : * m nwofa 
 
 gdly, The third opinion is that of Spen- 
 cer -f% who is followed by Witfius J, Coece- 
 jus §, Akingius |],. Meyer *f, and others ; that 
 gnazazel- was the name of the devil, who was 
 worflitpped iby the Heathensj and particularly 
 by the Egyptians, in the form of a goat -f"j% 
 Hence Juvenal faith , of Egypt, 
 
 ■-• ; 
 - — -Nefas illic fastum jugulare capella?, 
 
 Sat. xv; 1. rir 
 
 becaufe there the goat was honoured as a God. 
 
 According to this interpretation of gnazazel, 
 it is fuppofed by fome, that both the goats were 
 typicajof Chrift, that which was facrificed fig- 
 nifying his death, and the other which was fent 
 to gnazazel, his being expofed to and overcom- 
 ing 
 
 * See Bocharr. Hierozoic. part. i. lib. ii. cap. \W. p. 
 653. Spencer de Legibus, lib. iii. Differt. viii. cap. i. 
 fed. i. p. 1040. 
 
 •f- Spencer, ubi fupra, fed. ii. p. 1041. 
 
 X L»e CEconom. Feeder, lib. iv. cap. vi. §. Ixv, Ixvi. 
 p. 513. edit. Leovard. 1677. & ^gyptiaca, lib. ii. cap. ix. 
 $. iii. p. 120. Amftel. 1696. 
 
 $ Comment, in Heb. ix. 25. 
 
 jj Aking. ad Lev. xvi. oper. torn. 1. p. Sz, 83. 
 
 ** Meyer, de Feftis Hebra^or. part. ij. cap. xv. §.xvi. 
 p. 315, 316. 
 
 -ft Herodot. Euterp. cap. 46. p. 10O, 107. edit. Gro- 
 nov. Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. part, iii cap. xlvi.- p. 
 4S0. See various teflimonies to the feme purpofe inBoc- 
 hart. Hieroz. part. i. lib. ii. cap, liii. p. 641. & part. ii. 
 lib. vi. cap. vii. p. 828, 8:q. corr.p.-.re Lev. xvii. 7.' and 
 2 Cbron. xi. 15. in the Hebrew, Q'"V^&> iengnirim, 
 hirci. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation." 271 
 
 ing the power of the devil. Dr. Patrick objects 
 to this opinion, that though it hath been efpoufed 
 by very great men, it is difficult to conceive, 
 that, when the other goat was offered to God 
 on his altar, this mould be fent among the de- 
 mons who delighted in defart places. Nor will 
 it accord with the hebrew text, which faith, 
 this goat was for gnazazel, as the other was 
 for the Lord. Now furely none will imagine, 
 that both thefe goats being " fet before," and 
 prefented to " the Lord," as equally confe- 
 crated to him (a), he would order one of them 
 for himfelf, and the other for the devil •, efpe- 
 cially as he foon after exprefsly commanded the 
 Ifraelites " no more to offer their facrifices un- 
 to devils," D'Tyfi? fengnirim, Hircis, five Das- 
 monibus hirci-formibus (b). And though Spen-> 
 cer will not allow, that the goat, which, he 
 faith, was fent to gnazazel, or to the devil, 
 was to be confidered as a proper facrifice to 
 him, but only as being delivered into his pow- 
 er, and given up to his difpofal ; neverthelefs 
 as the former goat, upon whom the lot to the 
 Lord fell, was a facrifice to the Lord, fo the 
 fame expreffion being ufed concerning the goat 
 on whom fell the jot to gnazazel, if the word 
 gnazazel means a demon, it would feem to 
 imply a facrifice to that demon ; but granting 
 the fending the goat to that demon was not 
 properly a facrifice, or an act of religious wor- 
 fhip, it feems however to have been a rite, 
 which might fo eafily have been interpreted 
 into an encouragement of demon-worihip, that 
 it is very difficult to conceive of it as a divine 
 inftitution. 
 
 Upon 
 
 (a) Lev. xy'u 10. {b) Lev. xvii. 7, 
 
2j2 The day of expiatidn. B. IIL 
 
 Upon the whole, though we cannot arrive 
 at abfolute certainty in this matter, the ftrft 
 opinion appears moft probable •, and that, as 1 
 the facrifice-goat was typical of the expiation 
 of fin by the iacririce of Chrift, the fcape-' 
 goat, which was to have the fins of the peo- 
 ple confeffed over him, and as it were put up- 
 on him, and then to be fent away alive into 
 fome defart place, where they would fee him no 
 more, was intended to fignify the effect of the 
 expiation, namely, the removing of guilt, in- 1 
 fomuch that it mould never more be charged 
 on the once pardoned finner *. 
 
 The rites attending the publick fervice of 
 this day were chiefly performed by the high- 
 prieft, who had more to do on this than any 
 other day of the year, or perhaps all the reft 
 together. He was to kill and offer the facri- 
 jices, and fprinkle their blood with his own 
 hands (a). He was drefied, therefore, in a; 
 manner fuitable to this fervice, with only a* 
 fingle linen veft and breeches, and with a linen 
 girdle and mitre (£). Thefe the Jews called 
 the white garments, as diftinguifhed from the 
 other four, which compleated the pontifical: 
 habit, wherein the high-pried miniftred on o- 
 ther occafions, and which were ftiled the golden 
 garments, becaufe they had a mixture of gold 
 in them ; namely, the blue robe, adorned at 
 the bottom with golden bells and pomegranates ; 
 
 the 
 
 * On this fubjefl, fee Fiifchmuthi Diflert. dua; de Hirco 
 Finiflario, apud Thefaur. theolog. phiioiog. torn. a. p. 
 914. & feq. Deylingii Obfervat. Sacra?, part. i. Obferv. 
 xviii, de Hirco Emiflario Cbrifti Figura, Spencer, de Hirco 
 Emiflario, apud Leg. Hebrasor. lib. iii. Diilert. viii. and 
 Bochart. Hieroz. part. i. lib. ii. cap. hv. 
 
 {a) Lev. xvi, 11,-15. {6) ver. 4. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation." 273 
 
 the embroidered ephod with its curious girdle -, 
 the breaft plate, enriched with jewels fet in 
 gold j and the golden fillet or crown upon the 
 mitre. Whenever the high-prieft miniftred on 
 other occafions, he was drefled in theie eight 
 garments *. On the day of expiation he wore 
 only the four which were common to him and 
 the other priefts. Some conceive, this was de- 
 figned as a token of humility, this day being 
 appointed for the confeflion of fins and for re- 
 pentance. There was alfo another good reafon, 
 why he mould on this occafion be drefted like an 
 ordinary prieft, becaufe he was to do the work of 
 one^ in killing and offering the facrifices, which 
 being a laborious employment required him to 
 be thinly clad ; and his upper garments to be 
 laid afide. Befides, as fome of it was but dirty 
 work, performing it in thefe veftments, which 
 were rich and finely embroidered^ would have 
 been altogether improper. 
 
 The grand peculiarity in the fervice of this 
 day, was the high-prieft's entering into the ho- 
 Jy of holies, which was not permitted at any 
 other time (a). And as it was his peculiar pri- 
 viledge thus to draw nearer to God, or to the 
 tokens of his fpecial prefence, to the ark; to 
 the rhercy-feat and to the fheckinah, than was 
 allowed any other mortal, Philo makes him on 
 this occafion, to be transformed into fomewhat 
 more than man. To which purpole he cites a 
 paffage of Leviticus in the following manner* 
 Orecv — «;<r/ii us t* etyict ruy a.yiuv, fcilicet o (xiy&t 
 "?st><, av^paxs* sx. «r<£/ iui a.v &£&&£». Quum in- 
 greflus fuerit, nempe magnus facerdos, in fanc- 
 
 Vol. II. T ta 
 
 * Sec thefe garments defcribed in Exod. xxviii. and a- 
 bove, vol 1. book i. chap. 5. p. 2iz. — Z46. 
 (a) Lev. xvi. 2, &c. compared with Heb. ix. 7. 
 
274 The day of expiation. B. III. 
 
 ta fan&orum, non erit homo, donee egrefliis 
 fuerit *. But this conceit is built on a fad mif- 
 reprefentation of the paffage, for the words are 
 thefe, n*< cw-S-fwTrof *k era.t tv th <tkw», " there 
 fhall be no man in the tabernacle, when he," 
 the high-prieft, " goes in to make an atone- 
 ment in the holy place (a)." 
 
 It is queried, whether on this day the high- 
 prieft entered more than once into the molt ho- 
 ly place. It mould feem by the ritual in the 
 fixteenth chapter of Leviticus, that he muft 
 do it three or four feveral times; in order to 
 carry in, firft, the center full of burning coals 
 in one hand, and the incenfe in the other {b) : 
 Secondly, the blood of the bullock, which was 
 facrificed for himfelfand his houfe(r) : Third- 
 ly, the blood of the goat of the fin-offering 
 for the people (d) : And it may be, fourthly, 
 as the rabbies fay, to bring out the cenfer and 
 the pot which contained the incenfe. Thus, 
 according to them, he entered into the holy of 
 holies on this one day four feveral times -f-; 
 whereas fome chriftian writers, on the contrary, 
 have afferted, that he entered only once ; fup- 
 pofing it to be fo declared by the apoftle, when 
 he faith, " Into the fecond [tabernacle] went 
 the high-prieft alone once every year(^)." Be- 
 
 fides, 
 
 * Philonis lib. fecund, de Somniis, oper. p. 880. F. 
 edit. Colon. Allobr. 161 3. 
 
 (a) Lev. xvi. 17. (i) ver. 12. (c) ver. 14. 
 
 (d) ver. 15. 
 
 t Maimonides & Bartenora in Mifhn. tit. Chelim. cap. i. 
 $. 9. torn. 6. p. 23. & Miftin. tit. Joma, cap. 5. J, 1. p. 
 231. §.3. p. 234. §. 4. p. 235. cap. 8. $.4. p. 248. 
 edit. Surenhus. Maimon. de Solenni Die Expiationum, 
 cap. iv. $. i. p 681. §. ii. p. 682, 683, 686. Crcnii Faf- 
 cicul. feptimi. 
 
 (e) Heb. ix. 7. 
 
C. Vlli. The day of expiation. 275 
 
 fides, they alledge that if he had entered of- 
 tener he would have failed in that particular, 
 Of being what the apoftle reprefents him to be, 
 a type of Chriit *, " who entered once into 
 the holy place (a).*' 
 
 To this it is replied, that the high-prieft 
 might properly enough be faid to enter in only 
 once, that is, one day in the year, though he 
 entered in ever fo many times on that day. In 
 like manner all the male Ifraelites are faid to 
 appear before the Lord, or at the national al- 
 tar, three times in the year, that is, at three 
 different feafons* or on the three grand fefti- 
 vals; But no one would fuppofe, they were 
 permitted to vifit the temple no more than once 
 at each of thofe feftivals, efpecially confidering 
 that two of them iafted each for the fpace of a 
 week -f . 
 
 The ier vice, performed by the high-prieft in 
 the inmoft fmctuary, was burning incenfe, and 
 fprinkhng the blood of the facrifices before the 
 mercy-feat ; which he was to do with his finger 
 feven times f b). The fame number of fprink- 
 lin«s of the blood of the fin offerings of the 
 congregation, is required ; on another occafi- 
 on (c) y and likewife of the blood of the red 
 heifer, which was burnt, in order to make the 
 water of fepara'tion with its aihes (d). The 
 fame rite is prefcribed for the cleanfing of a 
 leper (e), in dedicating the altar (/), and at the 
 T 2 confe- 
 
 * See Wiikens de Functione Pontificis maxim, ad Hebr. 
 ix. 7. DifTerc. ii. cap. iii. praefertim a §, x, ad fin. capitis, 
 p. 763, — 765. torn-. 2. Theiauri theclogtco-philolog. 
 
 [a) Heb. ix. i 2. 
 
 •f Vid. Deylingii Obfervat. Sacrae, part. 2. obferv*. xiii. 
 ^. xvi, — xxx. p. 184, — 198. 
 
 (u) Lev. xvi. 14. [c) Le 1 /. iv. 6. (d) Numb, 
 
 xix. 4. [e) Lev. xiv. 7. (/) Lev, viii. 1 1. 
 
aj6 The day of expiation. B. IIT, 
 
 confecration of the priefts (a), Some perfons 
 difcover a great deal of myitery in this num- 
 ber feven, observing that it is much ufed on 
 other occafions. Jericho was befieged feven 
 days, on each of which feven priefts were to 
 blow with feven trumpets (b). Seven priefts 
 alio blew with feven trumpets before the ark* 
 when David brought it, home (<:). Naaman is 
 ordered by the prophet Eliiha to warn himfelf 
 in Jordan feven times (d). In the book of the 
 Revelation we read of the feven fpirits of 
 God (e), of the book with feven feals (f), of 
 feven angels with trumpets (g), and of feven 
 phials full of the wrath of God (h). Every 
 feventh day was the fabbath, every feventh 
 year was a year of reft unto the land, in which 
 there was no plowing, or fowing ; and feven 
 times feven years brought the jubilee. Seven 
 was alfo much regarded in the number of vic- 
 tims offered on extraordinary occafions. Job 
 offered feven bullocks, and feven rams for his 
 friends (i). David facrificed the fame number 
 of victims on occafion of his bringing the ark to 
 the place he had prepared for it (k). Hezekiah 
 offered victims by fevens, when he aboliihed 
 idolatry, and reflored the true religion (/j. 
 Nay, it appears, that the number feven was 
 highly regarded and thought of great efficacy 
 in religious actions, not only by the Jews, but 
 by the Heathens. Balak king of Moab offer- 
 ed, by the direction of Balaam, feven oxen and 
 feven rams upon feven altars [m). Apuleius 
 
 faith, 
 
 («) Exod. xxiX. 21. compared with ver. 35. 
 (/>) Jofh. vi. \c) 1 Chron. xv. 24. {J) 2 Kings v. 
 
 10. (f) Rev. v.6. (f) ver. 1. (g) Rev viii. 2. 
 
 {/.') Rev. xv. 7. (/') Job xlii. 8. {A) 1 Chron. xv. 
 
 26. (/) 2 Chron. xxix. 21. [m) Numb, xxiii. 1, 2. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation. 277 
 
 faith, Defirous of purifying myfelf, I warn in 
 the fea, and dip my head feven times in the 
 waves i the divine l J ythagor.as having taught, 
 that this number is above all others moft pro- 
 per in the concerns of religion *. 
 
 The high-prieil is ordered to fprinkle the 
 blood eaftward^); in the appointment of which 
 circumftance likewife lome have difcovered a 
 profound myftery ; that whereas the priefts in 
 all the other parts of their fervice turned their 
 faces to the Weft, the high-prieft in perform- 
 ing this chief part of his miniftry difpofed his 
 face towards the Eaft, " as turning his back 
 upon the beggarly elements of this world," 
 and as representing him whofe name is the 
 Eaft; for fo the ieptuagint and the vulgate 
 render the hebrew word nJ3J> Tfemach, in the 
 fixth chapter of Zachariah, " Behold the man 
 whofe name is, as we render it, the branch {b) ;" 
 but according to the verfions juft mentioned, 
 &v&To\», or Oriens. However, the true reafon 
 of his fprinkling the blood eaftward is evident- 
 ly, becaufe the mercy-feat before which he was 
 to fprinkle it ilood on the Eaft fide of the ho- 
 ly of holies, the fide by the veil, which parted 
 it from the fancluary. It is faid, " he fhail 
 fprinkle it upon the mercy-feat, and before the 
 mercy-feat &" by which one would think he 
 fprinkled the mercy-feat itfelf with fome of the 
 blood. But the Jews unanimoufiy underftand 
 T 3 it 
 
 * Apuleius de Afino aureo, lib. xi. ah ink. Thofe who 
 would fee more concerning the number, feven, and its 
 fuppofed myfteries, may read St. Jerom on Amos v. 3. 
 and Philo de Opificio Mundi, oper. p. 15, — 21.de Legis 
 AHegor, lib. 1. p. 31, — 33. de Decalago, oper. p. 585. 
 586. edit. Colon. Allobr. p. 1613. 
 
 (a) Lev. xvi. 14. (I) Zcch. vi. j:. 
 
278 The day of expiation. B.IIL 
 
 it otherwife ; and indeed ♦JtrSy gnal-pene, 
 which we render, *' upon,'* may as well be 
 tranflated, " towards •," or, as we exprefs it, 
 *' over againft the face of the mercy-feat." 
 The difference betwixt ^2 -k 7V gnal-pene and 
 ^&b lippene, which we render, " upon," and 
 " before," is only this, that the former figni- 
 fies towards the top, and the latter towards the 
 lower part of the mercy-feat *. 
 
 The rabbies reprefent the high-prieft as 
 warning himfelf all over, and changing his 
 drefs feveral times, during the fervice of this 
 day, fometimes wearing the white and fome- 
 times the golden veftments f. 
 
 As to the fpiritual or evangelical meaning 
 of thefe rites, the apoftle hath very particular- 
 ly explained them in the ninth chapter of the 
 epiille to the Hebrews. As the high-prieft was 
 a type of Chrift, his laying afide thofe veft- 
 ments which were " made for glory and for 
 beauty (#)", and appearing only in his white 
 garments, might fignify our Lord's ftate of 
 humiliation, when he *' laid afide the glory 
 which he had with the father before the world 
 was," and " was made in fafhion as a man." 
 
 The expiatory facrifices, offered by the high- 
 prieft, were typical of the true expiation which 
 Chrift made for the fins of his people by the 
 facrifke of himfelf j and the prieft's confefiing 
 
 the 
 
 * Deylingii obfervat. facra?, part. 2. obferv. xiii. §. xxvi, 
 xxvii. p. 194, 195. 
 
 i Vid. Reland. Antiq. part. iv. cap. vi. Mifhn. tit. 
 Joma, cap. 3. §. 3,-7. p. 218,-221. cap. 4. §; 5. p. 
 230. cap. 8. §. 3, 4. p. 247, 248. torn. 2. Surenhus. 
 Maimon. de Solenni Die Expiation urn, cap. ii. §. 1, — vi. 
 p. 658, — 662. cap. iv. $. i. p. 678. §. ii. p. 685, 686. 
 Crenii Fafcic. feptimi. 
 
 (a) Exod. xxviii. 2. 
 
C. VIII. The day of expiation. 279 
 
 the fins of the people over, and putting them 
 upon the head of the fcape-goac (a), was a 
 lively emblem, of the imputation of fin to 
 Chrift, " who was made fin for us (b) •" for 
 c< the Lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us 
 all (c). M And the goat's " bearing upon him 
 all the iniquities of the Jews into a land not 
 inhabited {})" fignifies the effecl: of Chrift's fa- 
 crifice in delivering his people from guilt and 
 puni/hment. The prieft's entering into the ho- 
 ly of holies with the blood of the facrifice, is 
 interpreted by the apoftle to be typical of Chrift's 
 afcenfion, and heavenly interceffion for his peo- 
 ple in virtue of the facrifice of his death *. 
 
 (a) Lev. xvi. si. (b) 2 Cor. v. zi. (c) Ifa. liii. 6. 
 (</) Lev. xvi. 22. 
 
 * For a more particular account of the Spiritual defign 
 of the rites attending the fervice of the day of expiation, 
 fee Witfius de CEconom. Fcederum, lib. iv. cap. vi. $. lviii. 
 
 Concerning the day of expiation, fee the commentators 
 on the fxxteenth chapter of Leviticus, particularly Ainf- 
 worth ; Lightfoot's temple fervice, and the milhnical traft, 
 Joma, with Sheringham's notes. 
 
 T 4 CHAP. 
 
( 280 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. IX, 
 
 Of the fabbatical Year or feventh 
 Year's Reft. 
 
 AMONG the irra^m ?oi%ua. or beggarly 
 elements, of the jewifh difpenfation, the 
 apoftle mention? days, and months, and times, 
 and years (a). For befides the weekly fab- 
 baths, or days of reft, the law prefcribed the 
 obfervance of the monthly new-moons, and 
 annual feftival feafons, fuch as the paiTover, 
 pentecoft, feaft of tabernacles, &c. which are the 
 x*/fo/ or times, to which the apoftle refers ; ancj 
 likewife whole years, to be obferved with pe- 
 culiar regard after certain returning periods^ 
 fuch as every feventh year, called the fabbati- 
 cal year ; and every feven times feventh, ftiled 
 the jubilee. 
 
 It is the former which falls under pur pre- 
 sent confideration * ; and in the law of Mofes 
 it is diftinguifhed from all others by feveral 
 names. It is fometimes called JTJOlPn i"W 
 
 fhanaH 
 
 (a) Gal. iv. g, 10. 
 
 * The inftitution of the fabbatical year is in ExocJ. 
 axiii. 10, rl. Lev. xxy. 5, — 7. Deut. xv. 1,— 18. and 
 ?cxxi. 10, — 13. 
 
i 
 
 C.IX. The fabbatical year. 281 
 
 /hanah hafhebingnith, the feventh year x*t ? 
 faym : fometimes, yittn rut? fabbath haarets, 
 the fabbath or reft of the land •, and fometimes 
 frin'S HDptP fhcmittah Laihovah, the releafe 
 of the Lord. 
 
 The peculiar obferyances of this year were 
 the four following. 
 
 j ft, A total ceflation from all manner of a- 
 griciilture. 
 
 2dly, Leaving all the fpontaneous product 
 of the ground to be ufed and enjoyed in com- 
 mon ; fo that no perfon was to claim any pe- 
 culiar property. 
 
 3dly, The remifiion of all debts from one 
 Ifraelite to another. 
 
 4th!y, The publick reading of the law at the 
 feaft of tabernacles. 
 
 Before we confider thefe feveral particulars, 
 there are two chronological queftions to be 
 briefly difcuffed. 
 
 ift. From whence the computation of the 
 fabbatical year commenced •, and 
 
 2dly, At what feafon of the year it began. 
 
 1 ft, It is made a queftion, from whence the 
 computation of the fabbatical year commenced, 
 or how foon it began to be obferved by the 
 Jews. In the general it was, when they came 
 into the land of Canaan. For they received 
 this command, while they were yet in the wil- 
 dernefs, " When ye come into the Land, which 
 I give you, then fhall the land keep a fabbath 
 to the Lord (a)." Neverthelefs, it is far from 
 being fettled, what year after their entrance 
 into Canaan was obferved, as their firft fabba- 
 tical year. Archbimop Ufher * determines it 
 
 (i?) IyPV. XXV. 2. 
 
 * Ufler. Annales, A. M. r"4- 
 
2% 2 The fabbatical year. B. III. 
 
 to be the feventh year after the manna ceafed, 
 from which time the Ifraelites lived upon the 
 fruits of the land of Canaan (a) ; and fix years 
 being taken up in the conqueft and divifion of 
 the land, the feventh proved in all refpects a 
 year of reft, when they peaceably enjoyed the 
 fruits of their victories, and of the country 
 they had fubdued. 
 
 Neverthelefs, others cbferving, that the fab- 
 batical year is enjoined to be obferved after fix 
 years of agriculture, " Six years thou Ihalt 
 low thy field, and fix years thou Ihalt prune 
 thy vineyard, and gather in the fruit thereof, 
 but in the feventh year fhall be a fabbath of reft 
 unto the land {b) :" I fay, others for this rea- 
 fon conceive it more probable, that the fix 
 years preceding the fabbatical year, did not 
 commence till after the conqueft and divifion of 
 the land. For it is not to be fuppofed, that 
 they could apply themfelves to agriculture, till 
 they had actually conquered it, or that they 
 would do it, till each man's property was af- 
 figne4 him* Now the year, in which Jolhua 
 divided the land, may be thus computed : Ca- 
 leb was forty years old, when Mofes fent him 
 from Kadeih-barnea to fpy out the land(r); 
 and this was in the autumn of the fecond year 
 from their exodos, or at the feafon, when the 
 grapes, pomegranates and figs were ripe, of 
 which the fpies brought a fample with them (d). 
 But Caleb was eighty-five years old at the time 
 of the divifion of the land (e ) \ it waS| there- 
 fore, forty-five years fince he went as a fpy ; 
 to which adding one year and a half before 
 
 elapfed 
 
 {a) Jofh. v. 12. (i) Lev. xxv. 3, 4. [c) Jofh. 
 
 xiv. 7. (</) Numb. xiii. 23. (*) Jofli. xiv. 10. 
 
C.IX. The fabbatical year. 283 
 
 plapied betwixt that time and the exodos, and 
 the divifion of the land will appear to have 
 been made in the forty-feventh year of their 
 departure from Egypt ; from which fubtradting 
 forty years, the time of their wandering in the 
 wildernefs (a), and there remain fix years and 
 an half from their entrance into Canaan to the 
 divifion of the land, which was compleated 
 the latter end of the fummer. Infomuch that 
 every man's property was affigned him againfl 
 the enfuing feed time, with which began the 
 fix years that preceded the firft fabbatical year. 
 Probably, therefore, the firft fabbatical year 
 was not kept till the fourteenth year from their 
 entrance into Canaan *. 
 
 2dly, The pther chronological queftion is, 
 at what feafon the fabbatical year began, whe- 
 ther with the month Nifan in the fpring, or 
 Tifri in autumn ; pr in other words, whether 
 the fabbatical year was reckoned by the eccle- 
 fiaftic, or civil computation. 
 
 This queftion, though not exprefsly deter- 
 mined by the mofaick law, is, I appiehend, 
 not very difficult to be decided. That the fab- 
 batical year followed the civil computation, 
 beginning with the month Tifri, may be ftrong- 
 ly inferred from a paffage in the twenty -fifth 
 chapter of Leviticus (Z>), where they are com- 
 manded to tc fow their fields and prune their 
 vineyards, and gather the fruit thereof, for 
 fix years fucceffively, and to jet the land reft," 
 pr lie fallow, " on the feventh." Doubtlefs 
 therefore the feventh, or fabbatical year began 
 after the harveft and fruits were gathered in, 
 
 and 
 
 {a) Numb. xiv. 33, 34. 
 
 ' Maimon. dc Anno Sabbat^co $c Jubilseo, cap. x. §. ii. 
 
 (b) Lev. xxv, 3, 4, 
 
284 The fabbatical year. B. TIL 
 
 and againft the ufual feafon of ploughing and 
 lowing. It muft then have begun in autumn * ; 
 for had it begun with the month Nilan, they 
 muft have loft a crop of the laft year's low- 
 ing, as well as have neglected the feed time 
 for the next year •, which is inconfiftent with 
 the law in the twenty-third of Exodus (a), 
 " Six years malt thou fow thy land, and gather 
 in the fruits thereof." 
 
 We proceed to confider the particular obfer- 
 vances of the fabbatical year. The, 
 
 ill, is the total celfation from all manner of 
 
 agriculture. " Thou fhalt neither fow thy 
 
 field, nor prune thy vineyard (£)." If it be 
 
 alked, what they were to live upon during this 
 
 . year, the anfwer is, 
 
 1 ft, They were allowed to eat whatever the 
 land and fruit-trees produced fpontaneoufly, 
 without ploughing and pruning •, only the pro- 
 prietors of the ground and trees were not to 
 look upon the product of that year as pecu- 
 liarly their own, but all was to be in common; 
 as will be fhowed under another head. Now 
 fome crop would rife this year from the corn 
 fhed in the laft harveft, and from what was 
 fcattered in winnowing, which they performed 
 abroad in the fields. But 
 
 2dly, The queftion is beft anfwered by God 
 himfelf, U I will command my blefling upon 
 you in the fixth year, and it lhall bring forth 
 fruit for three years (Y) :" that is, for part of 
 the fixth, the whole feventh, and part of the 
 eighth, till harveft come, reckoning the years 
 to begin with Niian. Thus one whole year 
 
 and 
 
 • Miftin. Rofh hafhanah, cap. I. §. 1. p. 300. torn. 2» 
 (a) Exod. xxiii. 10. {6) Lev. xxv. 4. 
 
 (f) Lev. xxv. 2 1 . 
 
C. IX. The fabbatical year. 285 
 
 and part of two others were called three years ; 
 as one whole day and part of two others, dur- 
 ing which our Saviour laid in the Sepulchre, 
 are termed three days, and three nights (a), 
 r$zif tipifctf ku.1 rein n'XTfjf, which is a hebraifrn 
 of the lame import with the greek word wx.$»~ 
 /i/tpa, or three natural days *. 
 
 This divine promife of an extraordinary 
 blefting on the fixth year is doubtlefs to be 
 understood conditionally, on fuppofition of their 
 obedience to the law of God. When there- 
 fore they became neglectful on this head, and 
 frequently revolted to idolatry, it is reafonable 
 to fuppofe God, in a great meafure at leaft, 
 witheld that extraordinary blefllng. Where- 
 upon, as one fin frequently leads to another, 
 they alio frequently neglected the obfervance 
 of the fabbatical year. And on that account, 
 as Mr. Mede obferves, the Lord, agreeably to 
 what he had foretold and threatned (<£), caufed 
 them to be carried captive, and the land to be 
 wafte for feventy years, without inhabitant, 
 till it had fulfilled the years of fabbath which 
 they obferved no:. For their idolatry he gave 
 them into the hand of their enemies, the Gen- 
 tiles ; and moreover, for their fabbatical facri- 
 ledge, he caufed them, not only to be made 
 captives, but carried away into a ftrange coun- 
 try, and their land lay defolate for feventy 
 years -j\ This making profit of their land on 
 
 the 
 
 (a) Matt. xii. 40. 
 
 * See Reland. Antiq. part. iv. cap. I. §'. xx, xxi. p. 
 44?.,— 444. edit. 3. Kidder's Demonltration of the Mef- 
 iias, part. i. chap. viii. p. 104. part. ii. chap. iii. p. 61, 
 —64. edit. 2. fol. London, 1726. 
 
 (b) Lev. xxvi. 34. compared with 2 Chron. xxxvi. 21. 
 t Mede'i D;atrib. Diicourfe xxvii. p. 123. of his 
 
 works. 
 
* 86 The fabbaticai year.' B. til. 
 
 the fabbaticai year, as well as not remitting 
 debts upon that year, as the law enjoined them, 
 was " the iniquity of their covetoufnefs for which 
 the Lord was wroth with them, and fmote 
 them (a).'* Indeed, after they had been thus 
 chaftifed for their difobedience, they grew fu- 
 perftitioufly fcrupulous, rather than religioufly 
 obedient, in obferving the fabbaticai year. 
 Neverthelefs it does not appear, God ever re- 
 newed the extraordinary blefiing on the fixth 
 year, which he firft promifed them* and they 
 had mamefully forfeited. So that in after- 
 ages the fabbaticai year was always a year of 
 fcarcity. Hence, when Alexander the great, 
 by a wonderful providence, was diverted from 
 his purpofe of deilroying Jerufalem, and on the 
 contrary, became moft kindly difpofed towards 
 the Jews, bidding them afk what they had to 
 defire of him ; they petitioned for an exemp- 
 tion every feventh year from paying tribute* 
 becaufe, according to their law, they then 
 neither fowed nor reaped *. Hence alfo our 
 Saviour, forewarning his difciples of the ap- 
 proaching calamities of Jerufalem and Judea^ 
 whereby they would be obliged to quit their 
 habitations and their country, advifes them to 
 pray that their flight might not be in the win- 
 ter, nor tv txafipuLTa (£), which is moft natural- 
 ly to be underftood of the fabbaticai year j 
 when provifions being fcarce would make it 
 doubly inconvenient to be forced to travel and 
 fojourn among ftrangers. 
 
 2dly> 
 
 (a) Ifai. lvii. 17. 
 
 • Jofeph. Antiq. lib. xi. cap. viii. or Prideaux's Con- 
 nect, part. i. book vii. fub A. ante Chriit. 332. 
 [k) Matt. xxiv. 20. 
 
C.IX. The fabbatical year. 287 
 
 idly, Another obfervance, belonging to the 
 fabbatical year, was leaving the fpontaneous 
 product of the fields and fruits-trees to be ufed 
 and enjoyed in common -, fo that no perfons 
 were to claim any peculiar property in them. 
 For, although the product of this year was to 
 be for the poor and the beafts of the field (a) 9 
 yet the proprietors of the fields and vineyards 
 were not excluded from fharing it in common 
 with others •, as appears from the following paf- 
 fage, " The fabbath of the land fnall be meat 
 for you, for thee and for thy fervant (b) :" 
 where the word fabbath means the fruit that 
 grew on the fabbatical year ; as elfewhere (c) 9 
 the fabbaths of the Lord fignify the facrifices 
 offered on the fabbath days. 
 
 On this year, therefore, the whole, land was 
 one common field, in which none were con- 
 fidered as having any diflinct property, but 
 every rich and poor Israelite, and foreigner who 
 happened to be in the country, nay, men and 
 beafts were fellow commoners. So that, as 
 Maimonides faith, whoever lock'd up his vine- 
 yard, or hedged in his field on the feventh 
 year, broke a commandment •, and fo likewife, 
 if he gathered in all his fruits into his houfe. 
 On the contrary, all was to be free, and every 
 man's hand alike in all places *, 
 
 Since beafts are mentioned in the lav/ as fel- 
 low commoners with men, the jews, according 
 to Maimonides, were over careful, that they 
 fhould have an equal mare with themfelves. So 
 that when there was no longer any fruit for the 
 beafts of the field, they would not eat of what 
 
 they 
 
 (a)Exod. xxiii. u. (£) Lev. xxv. 6, 7. (c) Lev. 
 Jtxiii. 38. 
 
 * Maimon, de Anno Sabbatic, & jubilaeo, cap. iv. §. z±. 
 
288 The fabbatical year* B< III 
 
 they had gathered for themfelves, but threw it 
 out of their houfes *. 
 
 3dly, The next obfervance, attending the 
 fabbatical year, was the remiilion of all debts 
 from one Israelite to another (a). The rabbies 
 have devifed fuch a number of exceptions to 
 this law, as in a manner wholly to defeat it. 
 They fay, for inftance, he that lends upon a 
 pawn, is not bound to releafe •, that mulcls, or 
 fines for defaming a man, &c. are not to be re- 
 leafed 5 that if a mart was call: at: law in a cer- 
 tain fum to be paid to another, it was not to 
 be releafed ; and that if a man lent money on 
 the exprefs condition that the debt ihould not 
 be releafed on the fabbatical year, he was not 
 bound to releafe it -f. 
 
 Some of them will have the releafe to fig- 
 nify no more, than that the debt mould not be 
 claimed in that year •, but that after the expira- 
 tion of it, it might be demanded J. Thus 
 they make void the commandment of God by 
 their traditions ; for the law feems plainly to 
 require an abfolute difcharge oi all debts from 
 one Ifraelite to another, though it did not ex- 
 tend to debts owing them by foreigners or 
 heathens. The only point in this law, which 
 can well bear difpute, is, at what time the 
 difcharge was to be given to the debtor, whe- 
 ther at the beginning or at the end of the year. 
 Maimonides § understands, that it was not to 
 be given till the end j becaufe it is laid, " At 
 
 the 
 
 * Maimon. ubi fupra, cap. vii. 
 (a) Deut. xv. i, — 3. 
 
 f Milhn. tit. Shebingnith, cap. 10. prxfertim, § 2,-4* 
 p. 195, 196. torn. 1. 
 
 J Maimon. de Annofabbat. cap. 9. 
 
 §. Maimon. dc Anno fabbatic. & Jubilxo, cap. 9. $ 4/ 
 
C; IX. The fabbatical year. *8o 
 
 the end of every feventh year ye fhall make a 
 releafe (a).'* Others conceive, I apprehend on 
 iufter grounds, that the releafe took place at 
 the beginning, or that the debtor was freed 
 from his obligation as foon as the fabbatical 
 year commenced. For in a parallel cafe, the 
 releafe of a hebrevv fervant, we find this phrafe, 
 " at the end of feven years," means in the. fe- 
 venth year, as foon as the fix years fervice 
 was compleated (b). " At the end of kven 
 years let ye go, every man, his brother, an 
 Hebrevv, which hath been fold unto thee j 
 and when, he hath ferved thee fix years, thou 
 fhalt let him go free from thee." 
 
 The whole feventh year, then, is called the 
 end of the feven years, as being the laft of the 
 week of years ; in like manner, as we call the 
 whole Saturday the end of the week. 
 
 Some alfo refer to the fabbatical year the re- 
 leafe of the hebrew fervants, or flaves ♦, who 
 had liberty to go out free on the feventh year. 
 But in that cafe, the feventh year feems rather 
 to mean the feventh from the beginning of 
 their fervitude * ; becaufe it is faid, " If thou 
 buy an hebrew fervant, fix years he fhall ferve 
 you, and in the feventh year he fhall go 
 free (r)." Again, " When he has ferved thee 
 fix years, then fhalt thou let him go free from 
 thee '(d)?* 
 
 The year of manumifiion could not therefore 
 be the fabbatical year, unleis the fervitude 
 commenced immediately after the lafl fabbati- 
 cal year. Although, therefore, the mention of 
 
 Vol. it U the 
 
 (a) Deut. xv. !. 
 
 (f>) See Dent. xv. 12, 18. compared with Jer. xxxiv. 14, 
 
 * Maimon. de Servis, cap. ii. §. 2, 3. 
 
 U) Exod. xxi. 2. {/) Jer. xxxiv. 14. 
 
2 go The fabbatical year. B. III. 
 
 the releafe of hebrew fervants may Teem to be 
 introduced in this place a little out of its pro- 
 per courfe, we mail notwithftanding take this 
 opportunity briefly to comment upon the law 
 concerning them in the twenty firft chapter of 
 Exodus (a). I would efpecially remark, that 
 in cafe fuch a fervant, or flave, mould volun- 
 tarily renounce his proffered liberty, and chufe 
 to abide with his old matter, he was to be 
 brought before the judges, that it might ap- 
 pear he was not forcibly or fraudulently de» 
 tained againft the law, but ftaid with his own 
 confent {b). Upon which his ear was to be 
 bored with an awl to the door poft of his maf- 
 ter's houfe, in token that he was now affixed to 
 his houfe and fervice for life, or at lead till the 
 year of the jubilee. This jewilh cuftom was 
 borrowed by other nations ; particularly, by 
 the Arabians ; as appears from a pafiage of 
 Petronius Arbiter*, where he introduces one 
 Giton exprefiing himfelf in thefe terms, Cir- 
 cumcide nos, ut Judsei videamur ; & pertunde 
 aures, ut imitemur Arabes. Juvenal puts the 
 following expreflions in the mouth of a Liber- 
 tinus, 
 
 Quamvis 
 
 Natus ad Euphratem, molles quod in aure fo* 
 
 neftrae 
 Arguerint, licet ipfe negem. 
 
 Satyr, i. 1. 104. 
 
 It is generally fnppofed by the commenta- 
 tors, that the pfalmift refers to this rite in the 
 
 fourth 
 
 [a) Exod. xxi. i,—6. {b) ver. 5, 6. 
 
 * Petron. Arbitri Satyricon, p. 364. edit. Michael. 
 Hadrian. Amftel. 1669. 
 
C. IX. The fabbatical year. 291 
 
 fourth Pfalm, " Sacrifice and offering thou 
 didft not defire ; mini ears haft thou open- 
 ed (a) : Or," as the margin tranflates the verb 
 fVO caricha, *' My ears haft thou digged.'* 
 Rut the apoftle, quoting this pafTage, which 
 he applies to Chrift, renders it, vwy.a. Si katv$- 
 rtcru ju<?/, " a body haft thou prepared me (b) :'* 
 which is a quotation of the apoftle's from the 
 Septuagint, though it manifestly differs from 
 the hebrew text ; and great ufe hath accord ing- 
 Jy been made of it, to prove the authority of 
 that verfion. It cannot, however, be eafily 
 imagined, he would follow the feptuagint in 
 preference to the hebrew original, when he 
 was writing to thofe who were Hebrews, and 
 would probably object againft fueh a citation. 
 The commentators have endeavoured to mow 
 that the quotation is made x*t<*. ^javhav though 
 not Kara. Asf/f, according to the fenfe, though 
 fiot according to the letter *. 
 
 The learned Mr. Peirce obferves, that the 
 authority of the feptuagint, and of an infpired 
 apoftle, fhould weigh more with us than that 
 of our prefent hebrew copies., which may have 
 been corrupted through the miftake of tran- 
 scribers, and that in this cafe the Hebrew 
 fhould be corrected by the Greek. He con- 
 jectures, therefore, that the word D^Ttt ofnaim^ 
 aures, was in the true copy *yU"tft as-guph* 
 tunc corpus. We have other inftances of the 
 like miftakes of joining two words in one. In 
 the fifteenth verfe of the third chapter of Ifaiah, 
 6D7 nft mah lachem, quid vobis, as it is in the 
 Keri, is made one word in the Chetibh, DD7D 
 mallachem, which fignifies their king j but in 
 U 2 that 
 
 /«) Pfal. xl. 6. {b) Heb. x. $< 
 
 See Whitby, Pool, &c. in loc. 
 
4.<y2. The fabbatical year. B. III. 
 
 that place it carries no fenfe at all. As for the 
 change of *yU guph, into DU naim, it is not 
 very improbable, confidering the fimilitude of 
 the -3 gimel and 3 nun, the * jod and 1 vau, and 
 the f\ phe, final, and D mem, final j for if the 
 long itroke of the *) phe, below the line was 
 obfcure, it might eafily be miitaken for mem 
 claufum. 
 
 . Indeed the word *pJ guph, is not found in 
 the hebrew bible ; but we have HDIJI guphah, 
 the feminine ; and *yti guph, is frequently ufed 
 by the rabbies. Perhaps, therefore, it might 
 be an anrct.% hiyofiivw in the claufe under confi- 
 deration. However, if that be difliked, we need 
 only read HU gevah, which the feventy elfe- 
 where render ca^ct (a). As for the verb JTO 
 charah, Stockius (hows, its proper meaning 
 is paravit *. So that according to this con- 
 jectural criticifm, the claufe is literally rendered, 
 by the feptuagint and by the apoftle, «r»^ *«,- 
 i^tisu juo;, " a body haft thou prepared me." 
 
 Dr. Doddridge + brings another folution of 
 the words from monfieur Saurin, who fup- 
 pofes, that the feptuagint chofe to explain the 
 phrafe of boring the ear, by that of preparing 
 the body for fervice ; as better known to thole 
 for whom the verfion was intended; and therefore. 
 to be preferred alfo by the apoftle, who though 
 he directs this epiftle to the Hebrews, to whom 
 the other cuftom might be well known, yet 
 intended it for general ufe J. 
 
 We return to the fabbatical year. The 
 
 4th, 
 
 {a) See Job xx. 25. 
 
 * See Stockii Clavis Vet. Teft. in verb. 
 
 •f- - Doddridge in loc. 
 
 j Saurin's Serm. vol. xi. p. 17, — 23. 
 
C IX. The fabbatical year. 203 
 
 4th, Obfervance, which we mentioned, was 
 the publick reading of the law at the clofe of 
 it at the feaft of tabernacles (a) As mens 
 minds were now free from cares by the releafe 
 of their debts, it might be fuppofed they would 
 the better attend to God's law. This, there- 
 fore, was a proper opportunity for the publick 
 reading it to the people. 
 
 As for the general reafon, on which the 
 )aw concerning the fabbatical year was 
 grounded, it was no doubt partly political and 
 civil ; to prevent the land from being worn out 
 by continual tilling * : partly religious ; to 
 afford the poor and labouring people more 
 leifure one year in feven, to attend to devo- 
 tional exercifes : and partly myftical, typifying 
 that fpiritual reft, which Chrift will give to all 
 who come unto him {b). Some, both Jews 
 and Chriftians, make the fabbatical year to be 
 typical of the Millennium. For as the law 
 confecrates the feventh day and the feventh. 
 year, they conclude the world will laft fix 
 thoufand years in the ftate in which we now 
 fee it*, or, as R. Elias in the Talmud expreffes 
 it, two thoufand years without the law, two 
 thoufand under the law, and two thoufand un- 
 der the Meffiah f. After which comes the 
 grand fabbath of one thoufand years. This no- 
 tion, though it be perhaps without any fuffi- 
 U 3 cient 
 
 («) Deut. xxxi. 10, it. 
 
 * Maimon. Moreh Nebhoch. part. iii. cap. xxxix. 
 Philo de Execrationibus, oper. p. 724, B. C. edit. Colon. 
 Allobr. 1613. 
 r \b) Matt. xi. 28. 
 
 » -f VicLCocceii Sanhedrim Sc Maccoth, apud Excerpt. 
 Gemar. Sanhedr. cap. xi. §. xxix. p. 346. edit. Ara- 
 ftel 1629. 
 
294 The fabbatical year. B. Ill, 
 
 cient ground, might be improved into an ar- 
 gument ad hominem, to convince the Jews, 
 that the Mefiiah muft be already come ; fince 
 the world is gone far more than half way 
 through the laft two thoufand years of the 
 fix thoufand, allowed by their tradition for its 
 continuance; during which period, therefore, 
 if at all, muft be the reign of the Mefiiah. * 
 
 • See on this fubjeft the Commentators on Deut. xv, 
 particularly Ainfworth. See alfo Reland. Antiq. Hebr, 
 part. iv. cap. viii. $. xiij, — #vii. 
 
 CHAP, 
 
( 295 ) 
 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 The Jubilee. 
 
 TH E jubilee was the grand fabbatical year, 
 celebrated after every feven feptenaries of 
 years ; namely, every forty-ninth or fifteenth 
 year. This was a year of general releafe, not 
 only of all debts, like the common fabbatical 
 year, but of all flaves ; and of all lands and 
 poffeflions which had been fold, or otherwifc 
 alienated from the families and tribes to which 
 they originally belonged (a). 
 
 The critics are not agreed about the etymo- 
 logy of the word ^V Jobel. Some derive it 
 from Jubal, who was the inventor of mufical 
 inftruments (b) ; and fuppofe, that this year 
 was named after him, becaufe it is a year of 
 mirth and joy, on which mufick is a common 
 attendant -, or, as we fay in Englim, a jovial 
 time, the word jovial being perhaps a corrup- 
 tion of the hebrew word Jobel - 3 or eUe t be- 
 caufe it was ulhered in with the mufical found 
 U 4 of 
 
 ' («) See the inftitution of this fc(lival,*k Lwr.jay* S # 
 —17. 
 (/'] Gen. iv. ai, 
 
2g6 The jubilee. B. Ill,, 
 
 of the trumpet through the whole land *. Or 
 thers, particularly R. David Kimchi, tell us, 
 that Jobel fignifies a ram in the Arabjek j 
 and that this year was fo called, becaufe it 
 was proclaimed with trumpets made of rams 
 horns -f\ With him the rabbies in general 
 agree J. Bochart, however, is of opinion, there 
 were never any trumpets made of rams horns, 
 they being very unfuitabje for iuch a purpofe, 
 and that the phrafe'-Qi^n mi3W fhopheroth 
 hajjobhelim, which in the fixth chapter of 
 Jofhua we rencjer trumpets of rams horns (<z) ? 
 means only fuch trumpets, as were to be ufed 
 in proclaiming the jubilee ; which, it is far 
 more probable, were made of the horns of 
 oxen, than of rams §. 
 
 Hottinger is of opinion ||, that Jobel is a 
 word invented to imitate the found of the in- 
 flrument, and that it does not therefore fignify 
 the trumpet itfelf, but the found it made (b). 
 Dr. Patrick efpoufes this etymology, and con- 
 ceives this year was called Jobel from the found 
 then every where made; as the feaft of the 
 paffover was ftiled Pefach, from the angel's 
 palling over the Ifraelites when he flew the 
 Egyptians **. 
 
 There 
 
 * See Mafius ad Jofh. vi. 4. apud Criticos Sacros. 
 
 + R. D. Kimch. in Lev. xxv. 
 
 % R. S. Jarchi in Lev. xxv. and the Chaldee Paraphraft 
 fometimes explains ^V }ohe\ by X"DH dichra, a ram, 
 particularly in Jofh. vi. 4. 
 
 (a) Jofh. vi. 4. 
 
 § Bochart. Hierozoic. part. i. lib. ii. cap. xliii. oper. 
 torn. 2. p. 425, 426. 
 
 || Joh. Hen. Hottinger. Analeft. hiftorico-theolog, Dif- 
 ,fert. iii. & Joh. Hen. Hottinger. jun. Annot. in Godwin,. 
 
 (b) See Exod. xix. 13. and other places. 
 *• Patrick on Levit. xxv. 10. 
 
C. X. The jubilee. 297 
 
 There Is another opinion, which bids as fair 
 for probability as any of the former, that Jobel 
 comes from 7^1 jabal, in hiphil Son hobil, 
 which fignif.es to recall, reftore, bring back, 
 &c. becaule this year reftored all flaves to their 
 liberty, and brought back all alienated eftates 
 to the families to which they originally be- 
 longed *. Accordingly the feptuagint renders 
 Jobel, ttpiGK, a remiflion (a) •, and Jofephus 
 faith, it fignifies i?.iv^ia,v^ liberty -f\ 
 
 As the learned are not agreed about the ety- 
 mology of the name, fo neither about the year- 
 in which the feftival was to be celebrated ; whe- 
 ther every forty-ninth, or every fiftieth •, and 
 it is hard to fay, which of thefe opinions hath 
 the moil eminent, or the moft numerous advo- 
 cates. On the former fide are Jofeph Scali-' 
 gerj, Petavius§, Jacobus Capellus||, Cun^- 
 iis **, Spanheim ft, Ufher JJ, Le Clerc §§, 
 
 and 
 
 • Fuller. Mifcell. facr. lib. iv. cap. viii. apud Criticos 
 Macros, torn. ix. 
 '(a) Lev. xxv. 10. 
 
 t Jofeph. Antiq. lib. iii. cap. xii. §. 3. p. 184. 
 
 X Scaliger de Emendat. Tempor. lib vii. p. 782. D, 
 Colon. Allobr. 1629. Canon. Ifagog. lib. i. p. 55. ad 
 calcem Thefaur. Tempor. Amftel. 1658. Sc Animadverf. itv 
 Chronic Eufebii, p. 15. 
 
 § Petav. Raxionar. Tempor. part. 2. lib. ii. cap. vii. 
 p. S-7, Sc feq. edit. Paris 1673. & de Doclrin. Tempor.. 
 lib. ix. cap. xxvii. 
 
 IJ Jacob. Capeil. Hiftor. Sacr. & exotic, ad A. M. 2549. 
 
 ** Cun£us de Republ. Hebr. lib. i. cap. vi. p. 54. 
 & feq. 
 
 ' ff Spanhem. Chronolog. Sacra, part. i. cap. xvi. p. 84, 
 — 86. apud oper. geograph. chronolog. Sc hiftor. Lugd? 
 Bat. 1701. 
 
 ' XX Ufler. Annal. A.M. 2609. Jubilsus primus. A.M. 
 2658. Jubilaus fecundus. See p. 24. A. M. 2707. Jubi- 
 laeus tertius. p. 25. edit. Genev* 17Z2. 
 
 $§ Cleric, in Lev. xxv. 10. 
 
398 The jubilee. B. III. 
 
 and many others; on the latter, the Jews in 
 .general *, many of the chriftian fathers, and 
 among the moderns Fagiust, Junius J, Hot- 
 tinger§, Schindler||, Leidekker **, Leufden ff, 
 Meyer JJ, Calmet §§, &c. 
 
 The ground of the former opinion is chiefly 
 this, that the forty-ninth year being of courie 
 a fabbatical year, if the jubilee had been kept 
 on the fiftieth, the land muft have had two 
 fabbaths, or muft have lain fallow two years 
 together, fince all agriculture was forbid on the 
 jubilee, as well as on the fabbatical year. 
 
 Now this is thought an unreafonable fuppo- 
 fition, fince in all likelihood, without a miracle, 
 it muft have produced a dearth. If the law, 
 therefore, had carried any fuch intention, 
 one might have expe&ed a fpecial promife, 
 that the forty-eighth year ftiould bring forth 
 fruit for four years, as there was, that the fixth 
 year ftiould bring forth fruit for three. 
 
 On the other hand it is alledged, that the 
 fcripture declares for the fiftieth year (a) : "And 
 
 ye 
 
 * See Chaldee Paraphraft on Lev. xxv. Maimon. de 
 Anno Sabbatico & Jubileo. cap. x. f.vii. R. Menacheiru 
 in Lev. xxv. 
 
 f Fagius in Lev. xxv. 10. 
 
 ^ Junius & Tremeilius in loc. 
 
 $ Hottinger Annot. in Godwin, lib. iii. cap. X. §. ti 
 Annot. 1. p. 63?, 636. 
 
 J| Schindler. Lexic. Pentaglot. in verb. 7^V» 
 
 ** Leidekker. de Republ. Hebraeor. lib. v. cap. xiv. 
 5. iv. p. 323. Amftel. 1704. 
 
 -j-f Leufden. Philolog. hebraeo-mixt. DiiTert. xli. p. 290. 
 edit. Ultrajefti, 1682. 
 
 $% Meyer, de Tempor. & Fed. Hebrxor. part. 2. cap. 
 xviii. §. vii, — xlix. p. 343, — 358. edit. 2. Amftel. 1724* 
 where he confiders the argument at large. 
 
 $$ Calmet on the word jubilee. ... ^ 
 
 {*) Lev. xxv. 10, n. 
 
C. X. The jubilee. 299 
 
 ye (hall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim 
 liberty throught all the land unto all the inha- 
 bitants thereof $ it fhall be a jubilee unto you, 
 and ye lhall return every man unto his poffef- 
 fion, and ye mail return every man unto his 
 family i a jubilee fhall that fiftieth year be un- 
 to you," Befides, if the law had meant, that 
 the forty-ninth fhould be the jubilee, there 
 would have been no need of forbidding Tow- 
 ing, reaping, &c. on the jubilee, becaufe that 
 being the fabbatical year it was forbidden in 
 the preceding law relating to that year (a). 
 
 As to the iuppofed dearth, the gentlemen on 
 this fide of the queflion conceive, there could 
 be no danger of that while God protected the 
 nation by a fpecial providence ; and efpecially, 
 fince we have an inflance of their living with- 
 out any harveft for two years together, when 
 the AlTyrians had trodden down or fpoiled the 
 crop of one year, and the next was probably a 
 fabbatical year ; and yet there was no famine, 
 but they had fufficient tQ eat of that which 
 grew of itfelf (b), 
 
 The authors of the univerfal hiftory have 
 endeavoured to reconcile thefe two opinions •, 
 obferving, that as the jubilee began in the firft 
 month of the civil year, which was the feventh 
 of the ecclefiaftical, it might be faid to be 
 either the forty-ninth or fiftieth, according as 
 the one or the other of thefe different computa- 
 tions was followed *. 
 
 The jubilee began on the tenth day of the 
 month Tiffi, at the evening of the day of 
 
 atone- 
 
 \a) Lev. xxv. 4, 5. {b) 1 Kings xix. 29. 
 
 * Univerfal Hiftory, Hift. of the Jews, book i. chap.iriL 
 £>aws relating tq the jubilee, not. R. 
 
300 The jubilee. B. III. 
 
 atonement (a). A time, faith Dr. Patrick, very 
 fitly chofen •, for they would be better difpofed 
 to forgive their brethren their debts, when they 
 had been craving pardon of God for their own. 
 To which we may add, that when their peace 
 was made with God by the facrifices of atone- 
 ment, it was the proper time to proclaim liber- 
 ty and joy throughout the land. 
 
 The peculiar obfervances of the jubilee be- 
 yond thofe of the common fabbatical year were 
 the following, 
 
 i ft, That it was proclaimed by the found of 
 the trumpet throughout the whole land. Mai- 
 monides faith, every private man was to blow 
 with a trumpet, and make a found nine times *. 
 
 2dly, The jubilee was a year of general re- 
 leafe of all (laves and prifoners. Even fuch as 
 had voluntarily relinquished their freedom, at 
 the end of their fix years fervice, and had had 
 their ears bored in token of perpetual fervitude, 
 were yet fet free at the jubilee ; for " then they 
 were to proclaim liberty throughout all the land 
 to all the inhabitants thereof (b)" 
 
 3dly, In this year all eftates, which had been 
 fold, were returned back to their former pro- 
 prietors, or to the families to which they origi- 
 nally belonged -, by which means it was pro- 
 vided, that no family mould be funk and ruin- 
 fed and doomed to perpetual poverty ; for the 
 family eftate could not be alienated for longer 
 than fifty years. The nearer, therefore, the 
 Jubilee was, the lefs was the value of the pur- 
 chafe of an eftate (V). This law of the Jews 
 
 was 
 
 (a) Lev. xxv. 9. 
 
 * Maimoh. de Anno Sabbat. & Jubilaeo, cap. io. 
 
 U>) Lev. xxv. 10. (c) -w. 15, i 
 
C. X. The jubilee. 301 
 
 was famous among the Heathens* fome of whom 
 copied after it. Diodorus Siculus faith, It was 
 not lawful for the Jews, rm tftxs Khnp*< ir&wn 
 to fell their own inheritances * ; and Ariftotle, 
 in his politicks t, faith of the Locrians, that 
 they were prohibited by their laws from felling 
 their antient poffeflions. 
 
 The reafon and defign of the law of the ju- 
 bilee was partly political, and partly typical. 
 
 1 ft, It was political, to prevent the too great 
 oppreffion of the poor, as well as their being 
 liable to perpetual flavery. By this means the 
 rich were prevented from accumulating lands 
 upon lands, and a kind of equality was pre- 
 ferred through all their families. Never was 
 there any people fo effectually fecured of their 
 liberty and property, as the Ifraelites were j 
 God not only engaging fo to protect thofe in- 
 valuable bleffings by his providence, that they 
 fhould not be taken away from them by others ; 
 but providing, in a particular manner by this 
 law, that they fhould not be thrown away 
 through their own folly •, fince the property, 
 which every man or family had in their divi- 
 dend of the land of Canaan, could not be fold 
 or any way alienated for above half a century. 
 By this means alfo the diftinction of tribes was 
 preferred, in refpect both to their families and 
 poffeffions ' y for this law rendered it neceffary 
 for them to keep genealogies of their families, 
 that they might be able, when there was occa- 
 fion, on the jubilee year to prove their right 
 to the inheritance of their anceftors. By this 
 means it was certainly known, of what tribe 
 and family the Mefhas fprung. Upon which 
 
 Dr. 
 
 I * Died. Sicul. lib. xl. 
 
 f Aiift. Politic, lib. ii. cap. 7. Se^alfe lib.' vi.'csp. 4, 
 
302 The jubilee. B. Ut 
 
 £>r. AM obferves, that God did not fuifei* 
 them to continue in captivity out of their owrf 
 land for the fpace of two jubilees, left by that 
 means their genealogies ihould be loft or con-* 
 founded. 
 
 A further civil ufe of the jubilee might hi 
 for the readier computation of time. Vor, ai 
 the Greeks computed by Olympiads^ the Ro- 
 mans by Luftra, and we by centuries, the Jews 
 probably reckoned by jubilees •, and it might, 
 I fay, be one defign of this inftitutiort to mark 
 out thefe large portions of time for the readier 
 computation of fucceffive years of ages. 
 
 idly, There was alfo a typical defign and ufd 
 6f the jubilee, which is pointed out by the pro- 
 phet Ifaiah when he faith in reference to the Mef- 
 fiah, " The fpirit of the Lord God is upon me, 
 becaufe the Lord hath anointed me to preach 
 good tydings unto the meek, he hath fent me 
 to bind up the broken hearted, to proclaim li- 
 berty to the captives, and the opening of the 
 prifon to them that are bound, to proclaim the" 
 acceptable year of the Lord (a)* Where " the 
 acceptable year of the Lord," when " liberty was 
 proclaimed to the captives," and " the opening 
 the prifon to them that were bound," evident- 
 ly refers to the jubilee ; but, in the prophetick 
 fenfe, means the gofpel ftate and difpenfacion, 
 which proclaims fpiritual liberty from the bond* 
 age of fin and fatan, and the liberty of re- 
 turning to our own poffeflion, even the heaven- 
 ly inheritance, to which, having incurred a for* 
 feiture by fin, we had loft all right and claim. 
 
 I have only further to obferve, that this ju- 
 bilee of the Jews hath been in fome fort imi- 
 tated 
 
C. X. The jubilee, 303 
 
 tated by the pope ; who, after a certain return- 
 ing period, proclaims a jubilee, in which he 
 grants a plenary indulgence to all finners, at 
 leaft to as many as vifit the churches of St. 
 Peter and St. Paul at Rome. The jubilee was 
 firft eftablifhed by pope Boniface VIII. anno. 
 1300. and was only to return every hundredth 
 year ; but the firit celebration brought fuch 
 ftores of wealth to Rome, that Clement VI. 
 reduced the period to fifty years ; afterwards 
 Urban VI. appointed the jubilee to be held 
 every thirty- five years ; and Sextus IV. brought 
 it down to twenty-five *. 
 
 One of our kings, Edward III. caufed his 
 birth-day, when he was fifty years of age, but 
 neither before nor after, to be obferved in the 
 manner of a jubilee ; this he did by releafing 
 prifoners, pardoning all offences, treafon itfelf 
 not excepted, and granting many priviledges to 
 the people f. 
 
 * See on this fubjeft, Dieteric. Antiq. Biblics, ex Lew. 
 xxv. 4. p. 220, & feq. edit. Giffas & Francof. 1671. 
 
 f Polydor. Virgil. Hiltor. Anglican, lib. xix. p. 49$., 
 Lugdun, Bat. 1651. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
( S°4 ) 
 
 C.H.AP. XL 
 
 The Feafts of Furim and of De- 
 dication. 
 
 BESIDES the facred feftivals, already 
 confidered, no other were appointed by the 
 law of Mofes. However, the Jews, in proceis 
 of time, added feveral others ; two of which 
 are to be the fubject of this chapter, namely* 
 the feaft of purim, of the occafion and inftitu- 
 £ion of which we have an accounr in the book 
 of Either (a) ; and the feaft of dedication^ 
 mentioned by the evangelift John(£). They 
 were both of them annual feftivals, and ob- 
 ferved in commemoration of national mercies 
 and deliverances. 
 
 The former, the feaft of purim, was infti- 
 tuted by Mordecai to commemorate the deli- 
 verance of the Jews from Haman's confpiracy, 
 of which we have an account in the book of 
 Either. Many fuppofe, that in this he had 
 a fpecial direction from God, delivered by fome 
 prophet, perhaps Haggai, or Malachi. But if 
 fo, it is ftrange that the fanclion of divine au- 
 thority 
 
 (a)' Efth. ix. 20,— ult. (i>) John x. 22. 
 
CXI. The feaft of purim. 305 
 
 thority fhould not be exprefsly ftamped on the 
 inftitution, and that the name of God fhould 
 not be mentioned (o much as once, in the hif- 
 tory of it or of the events relating to it. Thus 
 much is certain, it hath had the efFeft, which 
 meer human inftiiurions in matters of religion 
 very commonly have, to occafion corruption 
 and licentioufnefs of manners, rather than to 
 promote piety and virtue. Though ftill cele- 
 brated by the Jews with great ceremony, it is 
 a time of general riot and debauchery ; and 
 they make it a fort of rule of their religion to 
 drink, till they can no longer diftinguifh be- 
 twixt the bleffing of Mordecai and the curfing 
 of Hainan *. Infomuch that archbifhop Ufher 
 very juftly ftiles the feaft of purim the baccha- 
 nalia of the Jews -f . 
 
 This feflival was to be kept two days fuccef- 
 fively, the fourteenth and fifteenth of the month 
 Adar (a) In the intercalatory year, therefore, 
 when there are two adars, it is kept twice 
 over J •, the firft time with iefs ceremony, which 
 they call the little purim •, the fecond, in the 
 veadar, with more ceremony, which they term 
 the great purim §. On both days of the feaft 
 the modern Jews read over the Megillah, or 
 book of Efther, in their fynagogues. The 
 copy there read muft not be printed, but writ- 
 
 Vol. II. X ten 
 
 * Talmud, cod. Megillah, fol. 7, 2. quoted by Buxtorf. 
 fynag. Judaic, cap. xxix. p. 559. edit. 3. in Lexic. 
 Talmud, fub voc QP^ p. 324. and by Leufden. Piiilo- 
 log. Hebrseo-mix:. Differ!, xl. p. 285. edit. 2. Ultra- 
 jed. 1682. 
 
 f Uffer. Annales, fub A. M. 3495. p. 88. edit. Ge- 
 nev. 1722. 
 
 (a J Elth. ix. 21. 
 
 J Milhn.. tit. Megillah, cap. i. §. 4. torn. 2. p. 389. 
 
 § Buxtorf. Synag. lib. xxix. fub fin. 
 
306 The fcaft of purim. B, III. 
 
 ten on vellum in the form of a roll ; and the 
 
 names of the ten foas pf Haman are written in 
 it in a peculiar manner, being ranged, they 
 fay, like fo many bodies hanging on a gibbet. 
 The reader mull pronounce all thefe names in 
 one breath. Whenever Hainan's name is pro- 
 nounced, they make a terrible noife in the fyna- 
 gogue i fome drum with their feet on the floor, 
 and the boys have mallets, with which to 
 knock and make a noife*. They prepare them- 
 feives for their carnival by a previous fa ft, 
 which mould continue three days in imitation 
 of Efther's {a) -, but, for the generality, they 
 have reduced it to one day t. 
 
 We may here take occafion to confider three 
 queftions, ftarted upon the ftory to which this 
 feftival relates. 
 
 ift^ When, and in whofe reign, the affair 
 happened, which it is intended to commemo- 
 rate. 
 
 2dly, For what reafon Mordecai refufed to 
 pay that refpeci to Haman, the neglect of 
 which fo much incenfed him againft the Jews. 
 
 3dly, Why Haman carl lots, in order to fix 
 the day for the maffacre of the Jews. 
 
 1 ft, The nrfl queftion is, when, and in what 
 king's reign, this affair happened. Though it 
 was doubtlels after the kingdom of Judah re- 
 turned from its captivity, yet the ten tribes ftill 
 continued in their difperfion, from which they 
 have not been recovered to this day. Accord- 
 ingly the Jews are laid, at that time, to have 
 been difperfed through all the provinces of 
 Ahafuerus's kingdom, " who reigned from In- 
 dia 
 («) Efth. iv. 16. 
 
 * Buxtorf. Synag. Judaic, cap. xxlx. p. ^55,— 558. 
 •f Hottinger in Godwin, lib. iii. cap. xi. aanot. I. p. 
 *43- 
 
C. XI. The feaft of purirrf. 307 
 
 dia even to Ethiopia over one hundred twenty 
 and feven provinces (a) :'* But who this Aha- 
 fuerus was, is a qtieftion upon which chrono- 
 Jogers are much divided- Umer * takes him 
 to be Darius the fon of Hyflafpes, who pro- 
 moted the building the temple at Jerufalem (b) % 
 Scaiiger thinks it was Xerxes, who was Da- 
 rius's fucceifor -f . J. Capellus J is perfwaded, 
 this Ahafuerus was Ochus, one of the laft 
 kings of Perfia ; for in his reign Alexander the 
 great was born, who brought the perfian empire 
 to its period. Dr. Patrick, in fupport of this 
 opinion, obferves* that Ochus's perfian name 
 was Achaih, to which Verofh being added ae 
 his firname, he was called by the perfians Ach-' 
 af-verofh ; which the Greeks tranflated Aha- 
 fuerus §. Rollin || fuppofes him to have been 
 Cambyfes. I take the opinion of Prideaux**. 
 to be the moll probable of any, that Aha- 
 fuerus was Artaxerxes Longimanus ; through, 
 whofe favour to the Jews Ezra and Nehemiah 
 compleated the reftoration of the kingdom of 
 Judah, and rebuilt Jerufalem. It is likely, 
 his extraordinary kindnefs to that people was 
 owing to the influence of his queen Either ; it 
 is particularly remarked, that when Nehemiah 
 X 2 obtained 
 
 (a) Efth. i. 1. iii. 8. 
 
 * Ufler. Annal. A. M. 3483, p. 85. 
 
 {b) Ezra vi. 
 
 t Scalig. de Emendat. Tempor. p. 585. Sc feq. pr«. 
 fertim, p. 591,-593. 
 
 X Hiftor. Sacr. & Exotic. A. M. 3640. & 3650. 
 
 § Patrick on Eitb. l. i. 
 
 |j Rollin's ancient hiilory, vol. 2. book 4. chap. z. 
 
 ** Prideaux's Connect, part. i. book iv. fub anno ante 
 Chrift. 465. p. 361, — 364. vol. 1. edit. ic. See alfo Clc» 
 rici Annot. in Eith. i. 1 . 
 
30$ The feaft of purlm. B. III. 
 
 obtained his commifiion to rebuild and fortify 
 Jerufaiem, the queen was fitting by (a). 
 
 As for the name gnTrttTW Achafh-verofh, 
 it feems rather to have been a title common to 
 the kings of Media and Perfia, than a proper 
 name of any of them. It is evidently com- 
 pounded of the perfic word JSTltf Achafh, dig- 
 nitas, which the rabbies commonly ufe for, 
 magnus, and CWl rofh, caput, fummitas, 
 dux, princeps *. So that Achafh- verofti figni- 
 fies magnum caput, live magnus princeps ; and 
 was, as fome think, nomen gentilitium, the 
 name of all their kings, as Pharaoh was of all 
 the kings of Egypt. Accordingly this name or 
 title is alio given, as is commonly thought, to 
 Cambyfes, in the fourth chapter of Ezra (b). 
 Neverihelefs it might be given to Artaxerxes 
 xat t&x tv ' The 
 
 2d. Queftion is, for what reafon Mordccai 
 refufed to pay that refpect to Haman, the neg- 
 lect of which fo much incenfed him againft; the 
 Jews (c). 
 
 This queftion can be only anfwered conjec- 
 turally. Some think the reafon was, becaufe 
 Haman was an Amalekite \ and the Ifraelites 
 had been commiffioned from God to deftroy 
 that whole nation, becaufe of the injuries they 
 had formerly done them (d). But this hardly 
 feems to be a fulficient account of Mordccai *s 
 refufing civil refpeft. to Haman, who was firft 
 minifter of ftate ; efpecially when by fo doin°- 
 
 he 
 
 .(a) Nehem. ii. 6. 
 
 * Vid. Ffeifteri Exercitationes ad calcem Dubior. Vexa-- 
 6>r. Fxercicai. iii. de Lingua Protoplaft. p. 6j. edit. 3. 
 Lipfia?. 
 
 (b) Ezra iv. 6. (<:) Sec Efth. iii, 1,— 6. 
 
 {J) Deut. xxv. 17,-19. 
 
C. XL The feaft of purim, 309 
 
 he expofed his whole nation to imminent 
 danger. Befides, if nothing but civil re- 
 fpect had been intended to Haman, the king 
 need not have injoined it on his fervants, after 
 he had made him his firft minifter and chief 
 favourite (a) -, they would have been ready- 
 enough to fhow it on all occafions. Probably, 
 therefor*, the reverence ordered to be paid this 
 great man was a kind of divine honour, fucli 
 as was fometimes addreffed to the per fun mon- 
 archs themfelves ; which being a fpecies of 
 idolatry, Mordecai refufed it for the fake of a 
 good confcience. And perhaps it was Ha- 
 inan's underftanding that his refufal was the 
 refult of his jewifli principles, that was the very 
 thing which determined him to attempt the de- 
 flru&ion of the Jews in general, knowing they 
 were all of the fame mind. As to the 
 
 3d. Queftion, why Haman call lots,, in or- 
 der to fix the day for the maffacre of the 
 Jews (if) ; from whence the feafl of purim, 
 which is a perfic word and figniftes lots *, 
 took its name (c) ; it was no doubt owing to 
 the fuperftitious conceit, which antiently pre- 
 vailed, of fome days being more fortunate than 
 others for any undertaking ; in fhort, he en-, 
 deavoured to find out, by this way of divining, 
 what month, and what day of the month, was 
 moil unfortunate to the Jews, and moil for- 
 tunate for the fuccefs of his bloody defign a.-. 
 gainft them. It is very remarkable, that while 
 Haman fought for direction in this affair from 
 X 3 the 
 
 {a) Efth. iH. 1, 2. [6) Efth. iij.7. 1 
 
 * Vid, Pfeifferi Dubia Vexat. centur. iii. Icq. xxix. 
 p. 486, 487. edit. 3. Lipfae. 
 (0 Efth. ix. 26. 
 
310 The feaft of dedication. B. III. 
 
 the perfian idols, the God of Ifrael fo over- 
 ruled the lot, as to fix the intended mahacre to 
 almoft a year's diftance, from nifan the firft 
 month to adar the laft of the year j in order 
 to give time and opportunity to Mordecai and 
 Either to defeat the confpiracy. Thus much 
 for the feaft of purim *. 
 
 The feaft of dedication is in Greek termed 
 vyKeuvtct (a), from eji-x«./p/^« renovo, inftauro ; a 
 word commonly uled by the antient chriftian 
 writers, for an annual feftival kept in comme- 
 moration of the building of cities, or dedica- 
 tion of churches. Thus Codinus, in his Ori- 
 gines Conftantinopolis, faith, ta tymtiu* tjk to- 
 tew yzyevz. kcli TfG<rzyo$:vdti Kuvmv\tv>s'^o\ii : En- 
 ccenia urbis fuei unt ceiebrata, <k Conftantino- 
 polis fuit appellata f ; and Eufcbius, in his 
 ecclefiaftical hiftory, fpeaks of the iyKctivncv scf- 
 Ttti J, meaning the feafts of the dedication of 
 Churches. There is no doubt the eyy-euvi*, 
 mentioned by St. John, were celebrated in 
 commemoration of the dedication of the tem- 
 ple. Now the feafon of the year, when this 
 feftival was obferved, will enable us eafily to 
 determine, what dedication of the temple it 
 muft refer to. The evangelift faith, " it was 
 then winter •," it couid not therefore be obferv? 
 ed in commemoration of the dedication of So- 
 lomon's temple ; for that was in the feventh 
 month, or autumn (b) ; nor of the fecond, or 
 
 Zerobabel's 
 
 * See on this iubject Schickard. Cratiuncula de Fefto 
 Purim, apud Criticos facros, torn. yiii. 
 
 {«) John x. 22. 
 
 t S=e Suictri Thefaur. ad voc. Eyy-umu. 
 
 J Eufeb. Ecclef. Hift. lib. x. cap. iii. p. 4^, 464, 
 tdit. Cantab. 1720. 
 
 (£) I Kiugs viiu 2. 
 
C. XI. The feaft. of dedication. 3 ? 1 
 
 Zerobabel's temple ; for that was in the month 
 adar in the fpring (a). The feftiyal here in- 
 tended, mufl, therefore, be that militated by 
 Judas Maccabeus, on his having purified the 
 temple and the altar from the pollution of An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes ; which was celebrated for 
 eight days fucceffively, in the month chiOau 
 about the winter folftice (£). It is mentioned 
 by Jofephus as a feftival much regarded in his 
 time*. 
 
 The circumftance of Chrift*s walking in the 
 temple at this feaft (r), is alledged by Doctor 
 Nichols f, Prideaux J and others in favour of 
 the obfervance of facred feftivals of mere hu- 
 man inftitution ; for though this was iuch an 
 one, neverthelefs Chrift honoured it with his 
 prefence. But how will this prove, that our 
 Lord had a more facred or religious regard to 
 this feftival, than it may be proved, he had to 
 the winter, from his walking in the temple at 
 that Jeafon ? Or if he choie to come to Jeriifa- 
 Jem and to the temple at that time, when more 
 people frequented the temple fervice, than or- 
 dinarily at any other, the only reafon might be 
 the opportunity of preaching to greater num- 
 bers •, on which account we find the apoflles 
 likewife frequented the fynagogues upon the 
 X 4 jewifh 
 
 (a) Ezra vi. 15, 16. 
 
 (i>) 1 Mace. iv. 52, — 59, 
 
 * Antiq, lib. xii. cap. vii. §. 7. p. 617. edit. Haret- 
 camp. 
 
 (c) John x, 23. 
 
 t Nicholfn Defenfto Scclef. Anglican, part. ii. cap. xi. 
 £. 298, 299. Lomlini, 1707. 
 
 % Conned, part, ii, book iii, vol. 3. p, 278, 279, edit> 
 
 fOi 
 
312 The feaft of dedication. B. III. 
 
 jewifti fabbalh, even after that inftitution was 
 abrogated *. 
 
 Beiides thefe two feftivals, we read in fcrip- 
 ture of feveral other feafts, or fails, obforved 
 by the Jews in later ages, though not appointed 
 by the law of Moles ; as the fait of the fourth 
 month* on account of the taking of Jerufalem 
 by the Chaldeans (a) •, of the fifth month, on 
 account of their burning the temple and city [b) •, 
 of the feventli month, in memory of the mur- 
 der of Gedaliah (f) ; aud of the tenth month, 
 when the bah) Ionian army began the liege of 
 Jerufalem [d). Thefe fafts are all mentioned to- 
 gether in the eighth chapter of Zechariah ie) ; 
 to WhLcJi we may perhaps add the fealt, which 
 Jofephus calls, ^v^otpo^a., the fealt ol the wood 
 offering, when the people brought great ftore 
 of wood to the temple for the u{e of the al- 
 tar -f". This is faid to be grounded on the fol- 
 lowing pafTages in Nehemiah, " We caft the 
 lots among the priefts, the Levites, and the 
 people for the wood-offering, to bring it into 
 the houfe of our God, after the houfes of our 
 fathers, at times appointed year by year, to 
 burn upon the altar of the Lord our God, as 
 \t is written in the law (/)." Again, " I apr 
 pointed the wards of the priefts and the Le- 
 vites, every one in his Ibufinefs ; and for the 
 wood-offering at times appointed, and for the 
 firft fruits (g)." 
 
 Befides 
 
 * Vid. Peircii VJndic. Fratrum Difient. part. iii. cap. xi. 
 p. 381, Londini, 1710 or the Englilh 1 ranflat. part. 3. 
 chap. xi. p. 218. London, 1717. 
 
 (a) Jer. Iii. 6, 7. (t>) 2 Kings xxv. 8. (c) ver. 25. 
 Id) Jer Iii. a. (e) Zech. viii 19. 
 
 f Jofeph. de Bell. Judaic, lib. ii. cap. xvii. §. 6. p. 
 J94. Ha\ercamp. 
 
 (/) Nehem. x. 34, (£) Nebem. xiii. 30, 31. 
 
C. XI. The feaft of dedication. t 33 
 
 Befides thefe fails and feftivals, the modern 
 jewifh calendar is crowded with a multitude of 
 others * ; of which, there being no mention of 
 them in fcripture, it is befide our purpoie to 
 take any further notice. 
 
 * Vid. Selden. de Synedriis Hebraeor. lib. iii. cap. xiii. 
 §. xii. 
 
 A P- 
 

 APPENDIX, 
 
 CONCERNING THE 
 
 LANGUAGE 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 JEWS. 
 
 jf <o TXltt T&YS "MTV ~*>fiW T0 V "*S o> "iattf Ttf « "WW" W V 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 Concering the 
 
 Language of the JEWS. 
 
 O the large account given of the 
 Jews and their religion, chiefly from 
 the facred records «f the old Tefta* 
 ment, I fhall now fubjoin a difler- 
 tation on the languages in which 
 thofe records were written, namely, the Hebrew 
 and the Chaldee. However, as only a fmall 
 part of the later writings are in Chaldee, our 
 chief attention will be paid to the Hebrew. 
 And here we fhall confider 
 
 i ft, The antiquity of the language j and 
 
 2dly, The language itfelf. 
 
 ift, As to its antiquity : The Jews are rery 
 
 confident it was the firft^and original language, 
 
 which, they fay, was contrived by God him- 
 
 felf, and which he infpired Adam with a com* 
 
 pleat 
 
318 The original language, 
 
 pleat knowledge of*. Accordingly thofe words, 
 which we tranflate, " Mail became a living 
 foul {a)" are rendered in the chaldee para- . 
 phrafe of Jonathan, "The breath, breathed 
 into him by God, became in man a fpeaking 
 foul." And to the fame purpofe the paraphrale 
 of Onkelos. But notwitnitanding the confi- 
 dent affertions of the Jews, there are other 
 perfons who have taken the liberty to doubt of 
 this opinion, not only as to the high antiquity 
 of the hebrew language, but as to fuch a di- 
 vine original of any language at all. 
 
 j ft, As to the original of language itfelf. 
 Though the Jews aflert, their language was 
 taught to Adam by God himfeir, yet they are 
 not all agreed, how far the divine inititution 
 reached. Abarbanel fuppofes, God inftructed 
 our firft parents only in the roots and funda- 
 mental parts ol the tongue, and left the fur- 
 ther improvement to themfelves -f- ; but others, 
 that they received the whole extent and pro- 
 priety of the language by immediate revela- 
 tion J. The fame opinion hath been embraced 
 by feveral Chriftians, particularly by 1 1 noni» 
 lis, who becaufe Gcd is introduced by Ivlofes 
 as fpeaking before the creation of mar,, main- 
 tained that there was in words a certain eternal 
 and immutable nature. But it is difficult to 
 conceive, what connection there can be, for the 
 
 moft 
 
 * Vid. Buxtorf. DiJTertationes Philologico-theolog. Dif- 
 fert. 1. de Ling. Hebr. orig. & antic u-t- §. 17. p. n,— 
 14. §. 30. p. 20, — 23. Bafil. 1662. 
 
 (a) Gen. ii. 7. 
 
 •f Abarbanel in Gen. ii. 19. See Buxtorf. ubi fupra, 
 §. 22. p. 15, 16. 
 
 X R. Jehudah in libro Cozri & ejus Commentator, R 
 Jehuduh iVIutcatw. See Bu#torf. ubi iupra, §. 21. p. 14, 
 l S- 
 
 
The original language. 31$ 
 
 mod part, between founds and things, except 
 what is arbitrary, and fixed by confent or 
 cuftom *. And Gregory Nyfifen expofes it as 
 ridiculous and blafphemous to imagine, God 
 would turn grammarian, and fet him down fub- 
 tilly to invent names for things f . Dr. Shuck- 
 ford J conceives, that the original of our fpeak* 
 ing was indeed from God •> not that he put in- 
 to Adam's mouth the very founds which he 
 defigned he mould ufe as the names of things ; 
 but only as he made him with the powers of 
 a man, he had the ufe of an underftanding to 
 form notions in his mind of things about him, 
 and he had power to utter founds which fhould 
 be to himfelf the names of things, according 
 as he might think fit to call them. Theie he 
 might teach Eve, and in time both of them 
 teach their children j and thus began and fpread 
 the firft language of the world. Perhaps in 
 this, as in many other difputes, the truth may 
 lie betwixt the extremes. If our firft parents 
 had no extraordinary divine alullance in form- 
 ing a language, it mull have been a confider- 
 able time before they would have been able to 
 converfe freely together ; which would have 
 been a very great abatement of the pleafure of 
 their paradifaical ftate. Neverthelefs, as no 
 
 doubt 
 
 * Etfi homines (ir.quit Heidegger. Hift. Patriarch, tccn. *-. 
 Exercit. xvi. §.iii. p. 443. Amftel. 1667.) potcntiam habeanc 
 fibi mutud animi fui notionem per verba ceu xyyttei quof- 
 dam »or,^aruv expromendi, tamen ipfa verba, non fignificarjt 
 jiaturaliter, hoc eft per connexionem aliquam naturaleaa feu 
 fimilitudinem verborum cum rebus; Ted inveniuntur ex 
 patto & placito, vel certc per inftitutionem Si coniuetudi- 
 jiem addifcuntar. 
 
 t Contra Eunom. lib. xii. See Heidegger. Hifto/. Pa- 
 triarch. Differt. xvi. §. v, — vii. torn. r. 
 
 X Shuckford's Conned, vol. i. book ii. p. in. 
 
320 The original language. 
 
 doubt God formed them with excellent abilities, 
 it may reafonably be fuppofed, he left them to 
 exercife thofe abilities in perfecting a language 
 upon the hints which he had given them *. 
 
 But in whatever way the original language 
 was formed, 
 
 2dly, In the difpute, which was the original 
 language, othe* nations have put in their claim, 
 with as much affurance as the Jews. The Ar- 
 menians alledge, that as the ark relied in their 
 country, Noah and his children mud have re- 
 mained there a confiderable time, before the 
 lower and marfhy country of Chaldea could be 
 fit to receive them ; and it is therefore reafon-- 
 able to fuppofe, they left their language there, 
 which was probably the very fame that Adam 
 fpoke, 
 
 Some have fancied the Greek the molt an- 
 cient tongue, becaufe of its extent and copi- 
 oufnefs -]-. 
 
 The Teutonic, or that dialect of it which is 
 fpoken in the lower Germany and Brabant, hath 
 found a ftrenuous patron in Geropius Beca- 
 nus j, who endeavours to derive even the He- 
 brew itfelf from that tongue. 
 
 The pretenfions of the Chinefe to this hon- 
 our, have been allowed by feveral Europeans §. 
 The patrons of this opinion endeavour to fup- 
 port it, partly, by the great antiquity of the 
 Chinefe, and their having preferved themfelves 
 fo many ages, from any confiderable mixture 
 
 or 
 
 * See Heidegger, ubi fupra. §. viii, ix. 
 
 •f Eurych. Annaies, p. 50. 
 * J See his Origines Antwerpiae, Yib. v. p. 539, & feq. 
 
 § See Webb's Eiiay towards dii'coverino the primitive 
 language. 
 
The original language. 321 
 
 or intercourfe with other nations. It is a no- 
 tion advanced by Dr. Allix*, and maintained 
 by Mr. Whifton with his ufual tenacity and 
 fervor f, that the Chinefe are the pofterity of 
 Noah, by his children born after the flood, 
 and that Fohi, the fir ft king of China, was 
 Noah. 
 
 It is further alledged in favour of the Chinefe 
 language, that confifting of few words, and 
 thole chiefly monofyllables, and having no va- 
 riety of declenfions, conjugations or gramma- 
 tical rules, it carries ftrong marks of being the 
 fidl and original language. Shuckford faith, 
 it is fo like a firft uncultivated effay, that it is 
 hard to conceive any other tongue to have been 
 prior to it ; and whether it was itfelf the origi- 
 nal language or not ; in refpect to its confuting 
 of monofyllables, the firft language was no i 
 doubt fimilar to it. For it cannot be conceived, 
 if men had at firft known that plenty of ex- 
 prefTion which arifes from polyfyllables, any 
 people or perfons would have been fo ftupid, as 
 to reduce their language to words of one fyl- 
 lable only J. 
 
 As for thofe which are called the oriental 
 languages, they have each their partizans ; and 
 of theie the Hebrew and Syriac have molt 
 votes. The generality of eaftern writers allow 
 the preference to the Syriac §, except the Jews, 
 
 Vol. II. . Y who 
 
 • Reflections on the books of the hoi) fcripture, vol. i, 
 part. i. chap. xx. p. 112. 
 
 t Whifton's Theory, book ii. p. 137 & feq. and his 
 Ihort view of the chronology, Sec. p. b\ & feq. See alio 
 Shuckford's Connection, vo.. i. book i. p. 29. book ii. 
 p. 98,— 104 
 
 f Shuckford's Connect, vol. i. book ii. p. 123, 124. 
 
 $ Theodoret. Quaefr.. 51. in Gen. 
 
322 The original language. 
 
 who alTert the antiquity of the Hebrew with 
 the greateft warmth •, and with them feveral 
 chriitian writers agree j particularly, Chryfo- 
 ftom *, Auftin -f, Origen J and Jerom§ among 
 the antients, and among the moderns Bochart||, 
 Heidegger **, Selden ff y and Buxtorf J J. 
 The chief argument, to prove the Hebrew the 
 original language, is taken from the names 
 of perfons mentioned before the confufion of 
 Babel ; which, they fay, are plainly of the he- 
 brew derivation. As DTK Adam, from HDHK 
 Adamah, the ground, becaufe God formed 
 him out of the earth : mn Eve or Havah, 
 from ITfi hajah, vixit, becaufe " fhe was the 
 mother of all living :" pp Cain from iTp ka- 
 jah, acquifivit : fit£> Seth from DW futh, po- 
 fuit : sbQ Peleg from £}£ palag, divifit ; and 
 feveral others. 
 
 It is faid thefe are plainly hebrew names, and 
 therefore prove the hebrew language to have 
 been in ufe when they were given. Befides it 
 is alledged, the names of fome nations are de- 
 rived from hebrew names. As iwi&, Ionia, 
 from \V Javan, the fon of Japhet. And fo 
 likewiie, of fome heathen gods •, as Vulcan, 
 which feems to be a corruption of Tubal-Cain j 
 
 as 
 
 * Chryfoftom. Homil. xxx. in Gen. xi. torn. 2. p. 239. 
 
 -f- Auguilin. de Civitat. Dei, lib. xvi. cap. xi, xii. 
 
 j Origen. Homil. xi. in Numb, xviii. 
 
 § Hieron. in Soph. cap. iii. 18. 
 
 jj Bocharti Phaleg, five Geograph. facr. lib. i. cap. xv. 
 oper. torn. i. p. 50, 51. edit. 1 71 2. 
 
 i'» Heidegger. Hillor. Patriarch, torn I. Exercitat. xvi. 
 $.xiv. & feq. torn. 1. p. 455 & feq. Amftel 1667. 
 
 ■ff Selden. de Synedr. lib. ii. cap. ix. $. iii. vol. I. 
 torn. 2. p. 1420, 142 1. 
 
 XX Buxtorf. Diflertationes Philologico-theolog. DifTert. i. 
 p. 21 ic feq Bafil. 1662. 
 
The original language. 323 
 
 as Apollo does of Ju'oal. But Grotius * and 
 others will not allow this argument to be con- 
 clufive, and therefore reply, 
 
 1 ft, There are many more patriarchal names, 
 of which we can find no fuch hebrew deriva- 
 tion, than there are of which we can ; and it 
 might very likely happen, that among fuch a 
 multitude of names, fome few might anfwer to 
 the word, which cxprefled the fenfe of that ori- 
 ginal word from whence the name was derived, 
 in whatever language Mofes had written. Thus, 
 fuppofing he had written in Latin, and accord- 
 ingly trandated the name Adam into homo, it 
 would have borne as near a relation to humus,* 
 the ground, as it does in the Hebrew to Fu21& 
 Adamah. 
 
 2dly, We have no reafon to conclude the; 
 names in the mofaick hiftory were the original 
 names, and not trandated by Mofes into the 
 language in which he wrote ; fince we have a 
 plain inftance of fuch a trandation, in his own 
 name ; which, as it was given him by Pha- 
 raoh's daughter, an Egyptian, cannot be fup- 
 pofed to have been originally Hebrew ; there- 
 fore, not ntPD Mofheh, as he wrote it, but as 
 it is in the Coptic verfion Moiifi, from Moii, 
 which in that language fignifies water, and fi, 
 taken. But Mofes, finding the hebrew word 
 r\Wi2 moiheh, to " draw out," bearing fome 
 refemblance in found to his name, and In fig- 
 nification to the occafion of it, trandated the 
 Egyptian name Moiifi into the hebrew Moflieh. 
 
 3dly, It is faid, that feveral of thofe names 
 are more pertinently derived from fome other 
 of the oriental tongues, than from the Hebrew. 
 
 Y 2 As 
 
 * Grotius in Gen. xi. I. 
 
324 The original language. 
 
 As Abel, or Hebel, which in Hebrew figninei 
 vanity or a vapour, feems not a name very ap- 
 pofite to Adam's fecond Ton •, and therefore 
 Mofes hath afiigned no reafon for his being 
 called by that name. But if it be derived from 
 the Syriac h'tf 3PV jehab eil, which fignifies, 
 Deus dedit, it is very proper and expreflive. 
 So the name Babel, which the hebrew text in- 
 forms us, was fo called, becaufe God did there 
 bb2 balal, that is, confound the language of 
 all the earth, may be more naturally derived 
 from the Syriac * in which tongue Babel, or 
 Bobeel, fignifies confufion. So that the Syriac, 
 or perhaps any other of the eaftern tongues, 
 might be proved by this argument from the 
 etymology of the names, to have been the ori- 
 ginal language, as well as the Hebrew. 
 
 Le Clerc further advances, that feveral of 
 thefe names were not the proper names, by 
 which the perfons were called from their birth ; 
 but cognomina, or firnames, which were given, 
 them afterwards on account of fomething re- 
 markable in their lives •, and which an hiftorian 
 would naturally have tranflated into his own 
 language. Thus the greek writers fpeak of 
 Pellufia, a city of Egypt, which was fo called 
 *to rv ■*•»;,», from clay, becaufe it flood in 
 clayey ground ; yet it can hardly be fuppofed 
 this was its proper Egyptian name. 
 
 Upon the whole Le Clerc's opinion feems to 
 bid faireft for the truth •, that neither the He- 
 brew, nor Syriac, nor Chaldee, nor any other 
 language now extant, was the true original 
 tongue ; but that this, and the other oriental 
 tongues have all fprung from, or are fo many 
 different dialects of that firfl language, itfelf 
 now loft among them. As the Italian, French 
 and Spanifh are none of them the language of 
 
 the 
 
The confufion of languages. 32; 
 
 the ancient Romans, but all derived from 
 
 it *. 
 
 Having failed in the attempt of tracing up 
 the hebrew language wjth any certainty to 
 Adam, we are now to enquire to what people 
 or nation it properly belonged after the confu- 
 fion of Babel. 
 
 Thofe, who are zealous for the high anti- 
 quity of the hebrew tongue, tell us, it was pre- 
 ferved, in the midft of that confufion, in the 
 family of Eber, who, they fay, was not con- 
 cerned in the building of Babel, and confe- 
 quently did not fhare in the punifhment inflicted 
 on thofe that were. 
 
 Before we examine this opinion, it may be 
 no improper digreffion, to confider briefly the 
 account we have of that confufion, and of the 
 origin of different languages in the eleventh 
 chapter of Genefis -, where we read, that ** the 
 whole earth was of one language, and of one 
 fpeech (a)." And again {b) " The Lord faid, 
 Behold the people is one, and they have all one 
 language.'* But God faid, " Let us go down, 
 and confound their language, that they may 
 not underftand one another's fpeech." And 
 again " The Lord did there confound the lan- 
 Y 3 guage 
 
 • See on this fubjeel Clerici Prolegom. i. in Pentateuch. 
 Grotius in Gen. xi. I. Huetii Demonft. evang. Prop. iv. 
 cap. xiii. fed. iv. Buxtorf. L»iffertat. de Antiqnitate Ling. 
 Hebr. feci, xxvii. Heidegger. Hiilor. Patriarch, torn. i. 
 Exercit. vi. §. x, — xviii. p. 451, — 465. Walton Prole- 
 gom. iii. §. 3, — 12. Pfeiffer. Diflert. de Ling. Protoplail. 
 ad calcem Dub. Vexat. and his Critica Sacra, cap. iii. 
 Bocharti Phaleg, lib. i. cap. xv. Vitring Obfenationej, 
 Differt. i. cap. i,— v. Father Simon's Critical Hiitory, 
 book 1. chap. 14, 15. 
 
 (a) Gen. xi. 1 . (b) ver. 6, 7. 
 
326 The confufion of languages. 
 
 guage of all the earth (a)." Now as to the de- 
 gree of this confufion, and the manner in which 
 it was effected, there is a great diverfity of fen- 
 timents. 
 
 The modern Jews, as Julius Scaliger informs 
 us *, underftand it not of a multiplication of 
 tongues, but of a confufion of thofe ideas, 
 which they affixed to words. Suppofe, for in- 
 france, one man called for a ftone, another un- 
 derstood him to mean mortar, having that 
 idea now fixed to the word j another under- 
 flood water-, and another, fand. Eut though 
 fuch a different connecting of ideas with the 
 fame words muft needs produce a ftrange con- 
 fufion among the people, enough to make 
 them defift from their undertaking \ neverthe- 
 lefs this by no means accounts for the diverfity 
 of tongues, which confitts not in the fame 
 words being ufed in different fenfes, but in the 
 life of words quite remote, and different from 
 one another. 
 
 Others are of opinion that all the confufion, 
 which happened at Babel, was in the people's 
 quarrelling among themfelves, and thereupon 
 bandying into parties, and feparating from each 
 other ; which, they fay, is afcribed to God in 
 the fame fenfe, in which it is elfewhere faid, 
 there " is no evil in the city, and the Lord hath 
 not done it ; ,? that is, permitted, and over- 
 ruled it to the accomplifhrnent of his own wife 
 and gracious defigns. 
 
 As for the different languages now in the 
 world, thefe gentlemen fuppoie, that they all 
 
 arofe 
 
 fa) ver. 9. 
 
 * Scalig, Exercitat. in Cardan. 259. fe&. 1. cited by 
 Stillingfleet, Origin. Sacr. bookiii. cha^* v. §. iij. p. 362. 
 •dit. 8. 1709. 
 
The confuiion of languages. 327 
 
 arofe at firft from one original language, and 
 that this variety is no more than muft naturally 
 have happened in fo long a courfe of time ; 
 partly through the difference of climates -, which, 
 it is laid, will occafion a difference of pronun- 
 ciation, and thereby gradually a variation in 
 languages ; and from various other caufes, 
 which are fometimes obferved to have fo alter- 
 ed the language of fome nations, that it hath 
 hardly been intelligible at the diftance of two 
 or three hundred years. Thus the Salian verfes, 
 compofed by Numa, were fcarcely underftood 
 by the priefts in Quinctilian's time *. Salio- 
 rum Carmina, faith he, vix facerdotibus fuis 
 fatis intellecta. And we find it no lefs difficult 
 to understand the language of our forefathers 
 three or four centuries ago. 
 
 To this hypothecs, that what is commonly 
 called the confufion of tongues was only a dif- 
 ference of opinions, and the contentions confe- 
 quent thereupon, it may be objected, that thi3 
 does by no means come up to the obvious 
 meaning of the facred hiftory, which tells us, 
 " that God did there," even at Babel, " con- 
 found the language of all the earth j" which 
 before was " one" and the fame •, implying that 
 in confequence of this extraordinary procedure 
 of providence, there was now a diverfity of 
 tongues, which occafioned their " not under- 
 standing one another's fpeech :" and likewife, 
 that feveral of the prefent languages are fo en- 
 tirely remote from one another, that with no 
 reafonable probability can they be fuppofed to 
 have fprung from the fame original. For 
 Y 4 though 
 
 • Quinttil. Inflitut. Orat. lib. i, cap. vi. p. 45. edit. 
 Gibfon, Oxon. 1693. 
 
328 The confuflon of languages, 
 though length of time may very much alter a 
 language in its words and phrafes, according to 
 the obfervation of Horace'*, 
 
 Multa renafcentur, quae jam cecidere •, cadent- 
 
 que, 
 Qua? nunc font in honore vocabula, li volet 
 
 ufus ; 
 
 Yet what inftance can be produced of meer 
 length of time bringing a whole language out 
 of ufe, and introducing another in the room of 
 it. Befides, the greatefr. alterations of lan- 
 guages, of which any hiftory, fince that of 
 Babel, informs us, have arifen Irom the inter- 
 mixture of people of different languages. Thus 
 the roman language was corrupted and altered 
 by the multitude of foreign (laves, which were 
 kept at Rome. But if all languages had ori- 
 ginally fprung from one, fuch an intermixture 
 of the people of different nations muft have 
 tended to prevent the diverlity of language, in- 
 ftead of promoting it. 
 
 Dr. Shuckford has an hypothecs, I fuppofe, 
 peculiar to himfelf •, that the builders of Babel 
 were evidently projectors, and their heads being 
 full of innovations, fome of the leading men 
 among them fet themfelves to invent new words, 
 as particularly polyfyllables, and to fpread them 
 amon ()P their companions -, from whence in time 
 a different fpeech grew up in one party from 
 that in another, till at length it came to fuch a 
 height, as to caufe them to form different com- 
 panies, and fo to feparate f. 
 r It 
 
 * De Arte poetica, I. 70. 
 
 •J- Shuckford's Conned, voj. i. book ii. r> f 133. 
 
The confufion of languages. 329 
 
 It may be objected to this hypothefis, as 
 well as to the former that it by no means 
 comes up to the obvious meaning of the facred 
 hiftory. Befides, Thefeus Ambrofe * hath 
 ftarted another material objection, that the di- 
 verfity of languages cannot be l'uppcfed to have 
 arifen from choice and contrivance, unlefs it 
 can be imagined that men would do themfelves 
 fuch a prejudice, as that when they had one 
 common language to reprefent their concep- 
 tions, they mould themfelves introduce lb great 
 an alteration, as would break off that mutual 
 fociety and converfe which even nature itfelf 
 dictated. 
 
 As to what Dr. Shuckford faith, that expe- 
 rience ihovvs, the fear of doing mifchief, hath 
 not retrained the projects of ambitious men, 
 it may be replied, that though it may not have 
 reftrained them from doing it to others, it fure- 
 ly wiil reftain them from doing it to themfelves. 
 And as to what he further alledges, that he fees 
 no detriment arifing from the confufion of lan- 
 guages, let experience, and the immenfe pains 
 men are forced to take in learning foreign lan- 
 guages, which they have occafion for, tell us, 
 whether it be an inconvenience and detriment, 
 or not. 
 
 Upon the whole, I can fee no reafon to de- 
 part from the obvious meaning of the hiftorical 
 narrative, which reprcfents the confufion of 
 tongues as the immediate act of God i but 
 think it right to conclude with Calvin, Pro- 
 digii loco habenda eft linguarum diverfitas t. 
 
 It 
 
 * Thefeus Ambrof. de caufis mutationis linguarum. 
 i Calvin. Annot. in Gen.xi. I, i. 
 
330 The confufion of languages. 
 
 It would be to little purpofe to inquire, in 
 what way and manner thefe new languages 
 were formed -, for though there are various, 
 they are all uncertain, conjectures about it *. 
 
 There is one enquiry more on this head, on 
 which we lhall briefly touch •, namely, how- 
 many languages arofe from the confufion of 
 Babel. 
 
 The Jews make them feventy, imagining 
 there were feventy different nations then plant- 
 ed in the world t -, a notion, which they ground 
 on the following pafTage in Deuteronomy, 
 " When the Moft High divided to the nations 
 their inheritance, when he feparated the fons of 
 Adam, he fet the bounds of the people accord- 
 ing to the number of the children of Ifrael (a)." 
 That is, fay they, he divided them into feventy 
 nations, feventy being the number of the chil- 
 dren of Ifrael, when they came into Egypt t. 
 Bochart, however, hath given a far more pro- 
 bable fenfe of this paffage, that God fo diftri- 
 buted the earth among the feveral people that 
 were therein, as to referve, or in his fovereign 
 counfel to appoint, fuch a part for the lfraelites, 
 though they were then unborn, as might prove 
 
 a com- 
 
 P See Buxtorf. DifTert. de Ling. Hebr. confufione, Sc 
 plurrum Linguar. Origine. Vitring. Obfervat. Diflert. i. 
 Stillingfleet's Oiigines Sacra?, book 3. chap. 5. §.4. Dr. 
 Wotton's Difcourfe concerning the confufion of languages, 
 and Dr. Brett's Eflay on the fame Subject. 
 
 -f- Targum Jonathan in Gen. xi. 7, 8. 
 
 (a) Deut. xxxii. 8. 
 
 J Targum Jonathan, in Deut. xxxii. 8. and R. Bechai» 
 quoted by Buxtorf. apud DifTertatio.ies Philologico-theolog. 
 Differt. ii. de Ling. Hebr. Confuf. §. 43. p. 79. where, 
 and in the following pages are many other teftimonies to 
 <he fame purpofe. 
 
The confufion of languages. 331 
 
 a commodious fettlement and habitation for 
 them *. 
 
 We have no way to determine, how many 
 languages iprung out of the firit confufion. 
 No doubt but their number hath been fince 
 multiplied ; for we have inftances in later ages, 
 of feveral languages growing out of one ; the 
 Italian, French and Spanifh, for inftance, out 
 of the Latin. And thus probably, feveral 
 ealtern tongues, or dialects arofe out of one \ 
 but whether out of the antediluvian language, 
 or fome other, is by no means certain. 
 
 We now return to the enquiry, To what peo- 
 ple, after the difperfion of the nations, the he- 
 brew language originally belonged. The opi- 
 nion of the Jews hath been already mentioned, 
 that it was the language of Heber's family, 
 from which Abraham fprung. But this is gra- 
 tis dictum, or rather highly improbable-, fince 
 we find Heber's family, in the fourth genera- 
 tion after the difperfion, living in Chaldea, 
 where Abraham was born (a) ; and there is no 
 reafon to think they ufed a different language 
 from their neighbours around them. Now that 
 the Chaldee, and not the Hebrew, was the 
 language of Abraham's country, and of his 
 kindred, appears, in that he fent his fervant 
 to his own country, and to his kindred, to take 
 a wife for his ion Ifaac, namely, Rebekah [b) ; 
 and that Laban, the brother of Rebekah, fpake 
 -a different language from the Hebrew, namely, 
 the Chaldee ; for the fame pillar, or heap of 
 ftones, which Jacob called IV^J galgnedh, 
 
 which 
 
 * Bocharti Geograph. Sacra, lib. r. cap. xv. Oper. 
 torn. 1. p. 57. edit. 1712. 
 
 {a) Geo. xi. 27, 28. (£) Gen. xxiv. 4. 
 
332 Hebrew the language of 
 
 which is a hebrew word, Laban calls in his 
 language WlVTnfiy U* jegar fahadhutha, which 
 is pure Chaldee (a). From whence it feems 
 reafonable to conclude, that Abraham's native 
 language was Chaldee, and that the Hebrew 
 was the language of the Canaanites, which 
 Abraham and his posterity learnt by dwelling 
 among them. This Le Clerc hath endeavour- 
 ed to prove *. 
 
 i ft, From the names of places, as well as 
 men, in the land of Canaan being pure He- 
 brew. Fuller indeed, in his milcellanies +» 
 fuppofes, that Mofes in writing his hiftory 
 tranflated the canaanitifh names into Hebrew ; 
 .which, if well grounded, would entirely de- 
 flroy the argument, which he himfelf and o- 
 thers make ufe of, to prove, that the Hebrew 
 was the antediluvian language, from the names 
 of fome of the antient patriarchs being pure 
 Hebrew. But this does not feem to be the 
 cafe as to the names of places in Canaan •, for 
 we find, that though the Ifraelites changed the 
 names of fome of them, yet their old names 
 were as much Hebrew as their new ones. For 
 inftance, Mamre, which they changed into 
 Hebron {b) *, Kirjath-fepher, which they chang- 
 ed into Debir (c) ; and Lafhem, which they 
 changed into Dan (d). 
 
 It is further obferved, that the names of the 
 cities of the Phililtines, who were a part of 
 
 the 
 
 {a) Gen. xxxi. 46, 47. 
 
 * Vid. Clerici Prolegom. r. in Pentateuch, de Ling. 
 Hebr. 
 
 t Fuller. Mifcell. lib. iv. cap. iv. apud Criticos facros, 
 torn. ix. p. 2398. 
 
 (b) Gen. xiii. 18. (r) Jofli. xv. 15. [J) Jolh. 
 
 xix. 47. 
 
the Canaanites. 333, 
 
 the Canaanites not fubdued by the Ifraelites, 
 were probably Hebrew •, luch as Gaza, Alh- 
 dod, Gath, Ekron, &c. 
 
 2dly, Whereas the Egyptians and other 
 neighbouring nations are called " a people of a 
 itrange language" to the Jews (a), nothing like 
 that is ever faid of the Canaanites. 
 
 3<dly, If none but Jacob's family had fpoken 
 Hebrew, where could Jofeph have found an 
 interpreter betwixt him and his brethren, when 
 he affected not to underftand Hebrew (b) ? Pro- 
 bably this interpreter was fome Canaanite. 
 
 4thly, The hebrew language feems to this 
 author, to have been originally formed by Po- 
 Jytheifts, and iuch as worfhipped deified heroes ; 
 particularly, from the plural name of God, 
 Elohim ; and from thofe metaphorical defcrip- 
 tions of the divine attributes, which are plain- 
 ly borrowed from man, as the foul, the ears, 
 the face, the eyes, the hands of God ; which 
 metaphors, he fuppofes, would never have been 
 ufed, if the language had been originally form- 
 ed by people, who had no other notion of God 
 but that or a pure fpirit. It feems to have been 
 originally the language of idolaters. 
 
 5thly, He alledges the teftimony of Bochart, 
 who mows from fome remains of the Phoeni- 
 cian language, that it was originally Hebrew *. 
 Thus the chief magiftrates of the Carthamni- 
 ans, who were originally Phoenicians, or Ca- 
 naanites, were called Suffites, which feems to 
 be a corruption of the hebrew word, D'LDDi^ 
 Shophetim, judges. 
 
 The 
 
 (a) Pfal. cxiv. 1. Ixxxi. 5. {b\ Gen JtliL 23. 
 
 » Bocharti Chaoaan, five Geograph. facr. para poilerior, 
 lib u. per totum-, 
 
334 Excellency cf 
 
 The moft material objection I can find a- 
 gainft this hypothecs, is taken from the thir- 
 teenth chapter ot Nehemiah (a)\ where it is faid, 
 that lbme Jews having married wiv?s of Afh- 
 dod, " their children fpoke half in the fpecch 
 of Afhdod, and could not fpeak in the jews 
 language." Now Afhdod was one of the ci- 
 ties of the Philiftines, who were Canaanites j 
 from whence, therefore, it mould feem, that 
 the jews language, namely, Hebrew, and that 
 of the Canaanites were not the fame. But it 
 may be anfwered. 
 
 ift, That this was after the captivity, when 
 the Jews had in a great meafure loft the He- 
 brew. So that by the jews language we may 
 here rather underftand Chaldee, than Hebrew. 
 
 2dly, That the fpeech of Afhdod. perhaps, 
 might differ from that of the Jews only in pro- 
 nunciation and dialect ; as the Ephraimites (b) 
 pronounced differently from the other tribes, 
 while yet they all fpoke Hebrew *. 
 
 Having thus endeavoured to trace the anti- 
 quity of the hebrew language •, we now come 
 to confider the language iifelf. 
 
 It being common for people to find out pe- 
 culiar excellencies in their own language, the 
 Hebrews have done fo in theirs ; and many 
 Chriflians have joined with them, in be flowing 
 high encomiums upon it, as fuperior to all o- 
 thers. But whether that be owing to its real 
 intrinfic excellencies, or to its advocates being 
 prejudiced in its favour, on account of fo many 
 
 of 
 
 {a) Nehem. ziii. 24. 
 
 {h) Judg. xii. 6. 
 
 * For proof that the Hebrew was the language of the 
 Canaanites fee alfo Jofeph. Scaliger. Epilt 242. & 362. 
 Walton. Prolcgom. ii. §. 13,-19. Seidcn. cap. 2. l'ro- 
 legom. de Diis Syris. 
 
the Hebrew language. 335 
 
 of the facred books being written in it, we do 
 not pretend to determine. 
 
 This language is faid to abound in the apteft 
 etymologies and roots of the names both of 
 men and things -, that in it the names of brutes 
 exprefs their nature and properties, more figni- 
 ficantly and accurately than in any other known 
 language in the world •, that its words are con- 
 cife, yet expreflive, derived from a fmall num- 
 ber of roots, yet without the ftudied and arti- 
 ficial compofition of the greek and roman 
 languages ; that its words follow each other in 
 an eafy and natural order, without intricacy or 
 tranfpofition ; and above all, that it hath the 
 happieft and richeft fecundity in its verbs, of 
 any known tongue either antient or modern ; 
 which arifes from the variety and fufficiency of 
 its conjugations ; by means of which, as Bel- 
 larmine obferves in his hebrew grammar, all 
 the variety of fignifications, into which it is 
 poffible for a verb to be branched out, are ex- 
 preifed, with a very fmall variation either of 
 the points, or of a letter or two •, which in any 
 other language cannot be done without circum- 
 locution. In a word, this language is faid to 
 be fo concife, yet fignificant ; fo pathetic, yet 
 free from lightnefs or bombaft, as of all others 
 to approach neareft to the language of fpirits, 
 who need no words to convey their ideas to 
 each other. 
 
 But whether this language deferves thefe high 
 encomiums, in preference to all others, or not ; 
 yet, as God hath thought fit to convey to us fo 
 great a part of his revelations thereby, it cer- 
 tainly concerns us to be well acquainted with it. 
 But it is not my prefent bufinefs to teach it i nor 
 do vou need inilruclion from me on this head. 
 
 A!! 
 
336 Hebrew character. 
 
 All I fliall further offer with refpect to the 
 language itfelf, will regard the letters in which 
 it is written. 
 
 Concerning thefe there are two eontrover- 
 fies j one about the confonants, the other about 
 the vowels, or points. 
 
 Firft, Concerning the confonants. It is dif- 
 puted, whether the facred books were originally 
 written in the prefent Hebrew fquare character, 
 otherwife called the Affyrian or Chaldee cha- 
 racter j or in the old Samaritan. Each fide of 
 this quettion is warmly maintained by different 
 critics ; though the latter opinion is now more 
 generally received. 
 
 Jofeph Scaliger, in his notes upon Eufebius's 
 chrcnicon % thinks it fo evident, that the fa- 
 cred books were originally written in the Sa- 
 maritan character, at lead thofe of them writ- 
 ten before the captivity •, that he faith, it is 
 luce clarius ; and with die ufual politenefs of a 
 great critic, calls thofe of the contrary opini- 
 on, femi-docti, femi-theologi, femi-homines, 
 and Afini. 
 
 He, with others on this fide of the queftion, 
 conceives, the Samaritan was the antient Phoe- 
 nician character ; and conftantly ufed by the 
 jews, till the babylonian captivity •, when, learn- 
 ing the Chaldee character from the Babyloni- 
 ans, they preferred it to their own on account 
 of its far fuperior beauty. So that by the time 
 they returned from the captivity, they had in 
 a manner, quite difufed their antient character; 
 for which reafon Ezra found it requifire to have 
 the facred books tranlciibed into the Chaldee 
 
 fquare 
 
 * Scalig. Animndverfiones in Eufeb. Chronic, fub anno 
 1617. y. in. Sti alio liis epift. 242, & 362. 
 
Hebrew character. 337 
 
 fquare character, and from that time the old 
 character hath been retained only by the Sama- 
 ritans. 
 
 But there are others, who ftrenuoufly con- 
 tend for the antiquity of the prefent hebrew let- 
 ters, as if they, and no others, were the facred 
 character in which the holy fcriptures were ori- 
 ginally, and have always been, written 5 and that 
 the Samaritan was never ufed for that purpofe, 
 except among the Samaritans ; who in oppofi- 
 tion, they fay, to the Jews, wrote the law of 
 Mofes, which is faid to be the only part of 
 fcripture they received, in this character, dif- 
 ferent from that which was ufed by the Jews. 
 Some of the Talmudifts *, indeed, are quoted 
 by father Morin, bifhop Walton f and others, 
 as having declared for the contrary fide. Ne- 
 verthelefs other talmudical writers maintain the 
 antiquity of the prefent character J. And there 
 is a remarkable pafTage in the tract Megillah, 
 wherein, on occafion of its having been faid 
 by Mofes, that the tables of the law were written 
 on both their fides, HiE") HTft mizzeh umizzeh, 
 on one fide and on the other (a), we are in- 
 formed, that the letters were cut through and 
 through fo as to be feen and read on both 
 fides. And when it is afked, how it was poflible 
 for the middle of the D faniech and rjmem clau- 
 fum, or final mem, to fupport itfelf, the anfwer 
 is, it was fufpended by a miraculous power §. 
 
 Vol. II. Z Certainly 
 
 * Vid. Cocceii Excerpt. Gemar. cod. Sanhedr. cap. ii. 
 §. xiii. p. 186. 
 
 f Walton. Polyglot. Prolegom. iii. §. 32, 33. p. 21. 
 
 j Vid Excerpt. Gemar. ubi fupra, p. 186, 187. 
 
 {a) Exod. xxxii. 15. 
 
 $ Talm. Babylon, cod. Megillah, cap. i. & de Sabbatho, 
 fol. 104. col. ». See Buxtoit. Differ:. Philologico-theoiog. 
 Diff. iv. $. 16. p. 174. 175. 
 
338 Hebrew character. 
 
 Certainly thofe talmudical rabbies, who have 
 advanced this ftory, did not at all dream of 
 the Samaritan being the antient Hebrew cha- 
 racter •, for the Samaritan Samech and Mem are 
 of a quite different fhape from the prefent He- 
 brew, and would have itood in need of no fuch 
 miracle, to lupport the middle of them. Not 
 to add, that the Samaritans make no difference 
 between the final, or the medial and initial let- 
 ters *. 
 
 Buxtorf -j- endeavours to reconcile thefe two 
 opinions, by producing a variety of paffages 
 from the rabbies J to prove, that both thefe 
 characters were antiently ufed ; the prefent 
 fquare character being that in which the tables 
 of the law, and the copy depofited in the ark 
 were written •, and the other character being 
 ufed in the copies of the law which were writ- 
 ten for private and common ufe, and in civil 
 affairs in general •, and that after the captivity 
 Ezra injoined the former to be ufed by the 
 Jews on all occafions, leaving the latter to the 
 Samaritans and to apoflates. And whereas the 
 talmudical rabbies ftile the Hebrew fquare cha- 
 racters IVWtt afhurkh, fcriptura AfTy;iaca, this 
 is faid not to be a proper name, denoting the 
 country where this character was ufed and from 
 whence it was borrowed, but to be nomen ap- 
 pellativum, derived from "T0K afhar, beatum 
 reddere, and to fignify therefore, beata fcrip- 
 tura, 
 
 * Univerfal hiftory, book i. chap. vii. concerning the 
 language, writing and learning of the Jews, note (v.) 
 
 ■f Buxtorf. Diifertat. Philolog. theologic. Diflert iv. de 
 Literar. hebraic. genuini antiquitate, §. 14, 15, 17, 18, 
 20, 42,-44- 
 
 X In particular Maimon. Si Bartenor. in Mifhn. tit. Ja- 
 daiin, cap. ult. $. 5. torn. vi. p. 490. 
 
 
Hebrew character. 339 
 
 tura, the blefled fcripture. R. Gedaliah indeed 
 fuppofes, it was called the AfTyrian character, 
 becaufe it was appropriated to facred, and never 
 employed for common purpofes, before the 
 captivity in Babylon, from whence it was 
 brought by the elders, who alone had the 
 knowledge of it by tradition *. However, a 
 bare infpection of the two characters renders 
 the fuppofition, that both of them mould ever 
 have been ufed at the fame time, fomewhat im- 
 probable •, for whereas the Chaldee is one of 
 the moft beautiful, the Samaritan, on the con- 
 trary, is one of the moft uncouth, unfightly, 
 and puzzling characters, that ever was invent- 
 ed ; and it can hardly, therefore, be imagined, 
 that if the Jews had been acquainted with one 
 fo much fuperior as the Chaldee, they would 
 ever have ufed the other, unlefs out of a fu- 
 perftitious regard to it as facred, and as deem- 
 ing it a prophanation to ufe it in common and 
 civil concerns. But it can fcarcely be believed, 
 that fuch an idle and fuperftitious opinion pre- 
 vailed among them in the times of Mofes and 
 the prophets. 
 
 The chief arguments, on both fides of this 
 queftion, are as follow. 
 
 lit, Thofe who argue in favour of the pre- 
 fent fquare character being the original, alledge 
 
 1 ft, The following paflage of St. Matthew, 
 " One jot or tittle fhali not pafs from the law, 
 till all be fulfilled (a)" From hence it mould 
 feem, that Jo:a or Jod, was the leaft of the 
 confonants ; as indeed it is in the prefent He- 
 brew, but in the Samaritan it is one of the 
 Z 2 lare-eft 
 
 'ST 
 
 * Buxtorf. obi fupra, v 44. p. 203. 
 U) iVJatt. v. 18. 
 
340 Hebrew character. 
 
 larger! letters. Schickard calls this argumen- 
 tuiTi Palmarium *. But bifhop Walton replies, 
 that, fuppofing Chrift fpeaks here of the leaft 
 letcer of the alphabet, which, however, he does 
 not admit, all that can be fairly inferred from 
 it is, that the prefent Chaldee character was 
 ufed in our Saviour's time •, which is not de- 
 nied by thofe who maintain the Samaritan to be 
 the original -f. 
 
 2dly, They alledge the following pafTage of 
 Ifaiah, "Of theincreafe, PQ-lQ 1 ? lemarbeh, of his 
 government and peace, there mail be no end, 
 &c (#)." where the word rQ1D7 lemarbeh, hath 
 a mem claufum in the middle of it, of which 
 there are only two inltances. It is imagined, 
 this contains a myflery, and fignifies, that 
 Chrift fhculd come ex utero claufo. But this 
 myftery cannot be exprefTed in the Samaritan 
 character, it having no mem claufum. The 
 prophecy of Ifaiah, therefore, it is faid, was 
 originally written in the prefent character. It 
 is anfvvered, that it is only gratis dictum, there 
 is any myftery in this letter-, and the eafieft 
 way of accounting for it, is by the carelefsnefs 
 of fome tranfcriber J. 
 
 3dly, They argue from the temper of the 
 Jews, who being an obftinate and fuperftitious 
 people, would never have fufFered their facred 
 character to be altered. But this is more than 
 can be proved, efpecially if it was done by the 
 direction of Ezra. 
 
 4thly, 
 
 * Vid. Schickard. in Bechinath happerufhim, Difp. v. 
 p. 82, 83. 
 
 f Walton, ubi fupra, $. 36, p. 23. 
 
 (a) Ifaiah ix. 7. 
 
 X Walton, ubi fupra. 
 
Hebrew char after. 341 
 
 4thly, They fay, that Ezra could not do 
 this, it he would ; nor would he, if he could-. 
 He could not do it, hecaufe it was impoflible to 
 make this alteration in all their copies. But it 
 may be aiTerted as well, that the old Englifh 
 black letter, in which bibles were formerly 
 written and printed, could not be changed for 
 the Roman, which we know is now univerfal- 
 ly ufed. It is further laid, that Ezra would 
 not do it, had it been practicable ; for fince he 
 blamed thofe that fpake the language of Afii- 
 dod («), he would not furely prophane the fa- 
 cred writings with a heathen character. But 
 this argument fuppofes fome fanctity in the 
 fhape of the letters, which we can hardly ima- 
 gine, Ezra was fo fuperititious as to believe. 
 
 5thly, They argue from antient coins found 
 in Judea, with Solomon's head on the face, and 
 the temple on the reveVfe, with a legend in the 
 Chaldee or AfTyriarf character. But thefe me- 
 dal^yy erg probably made by fome knaviih 
 ChrnttSS^fn«order to get money by impofing 
 on the pilgrims 50 the holy land. 
 
 The fame*~maybe faid of fome Hebrew in- 
 fcriptions in the prefent character, upon the 
 fepulchres of the patriarchs, Abraham, Ifaac, 
 Jacob, Rachel and Leah ; which R. Benjamin 
 faith, he faw in the year 1 1 70 *. 
 
 The arguments on the othsr fide^ for the 
 Samaritan character being the original, are 
 
 1 ft, From the account in the fecond book of 
 
 Kings (£), that when the ten tribes were carried 
 
 captive, and the Samaritans put in their room, 
 
 Z 3 they 
 
 («) Nehem. xiii. 23. 
 
 • Walton ubi fupra, § 35. p. 22. See Conringii Para. 
 doxa de Nummis Hebrjeorum, cap. v, vi, vii. Sc xi. apud 
 Crenii Fafcicul. fecundum. (b) 2 Kin^s xvii. zS. 
 
34 2 Hebrew character. 
 
 they were annoyed with lions ; upon which a 
 jewifh prieft was fent to teach them the manner 
 of the God of the land, or the worfhip of Je- 
 hovah ; in order to which he muft certainly 
 teach them the law j but we have no account 
 of his teaching them the language or charac- 
 ter •, from whence it is preiumed the law was 
 then written in the character which the Samari- 
 tans ufed. 
 
 2dly, It is argued in favour of the Samaritan 
 character from the authority of Jerom, who 
 obferveth on occafion of the prophet Ezekiel's 
 being ordered " to fet a mark," in the Hebrew 
 ID tau, " upon the forehead of the men that 
 figh and cry for the abominations done in the 
 midft of Jerufalem (a) -" that this mark was 
 the fign of the crofs, there being a refemblance 
 of that figure in the Tau of the antient alpha- 
 bet ; which, faith he, is what the Samaritans 
 now ufe. If fo, the form of this letter muft 
 have been, as fome alTert it was, different in his 
 time from what it is at prefent, in which the 
 refemblance is very fmall *. 
 
 3<5Iy, The chief argument is taken from the 
 old jewifh fhekel, which on one fide hath the 
 pot of manna ; and on the other, Aaron's mi- 
 raculous rod that budded ; with a legend on 
 one fide, " The fhekel of Ifrael [ n on the o- 
 ther, " Jerufalem the holy y' both in Samari- 
 tan 
 
 (a) Ezek. ix. 4. 
 
 * Hieron. in loc. Antiquis, inquit, Hebrreorum Uteris, 
 quibus ufque hodie utuntur Samaritani, extrema litera 
 Thau crucis habet fimilitudinem. See Dr. Kennicott's fe- 
 conr' diiljrtation on the itate of the hebrew text, p. 49, 50. 
 and Hieron. Alexandri Epift. Jo. Morino, apud Antiquita- 
 tes Ecclefue Oiientalis clar. virornm Card. Barbarini, &c. 
 Difi'ertationibus tpiflolicis enacleatas, epiit. vi. p. 144, 
 $45. Londini, 1682. 
 
 
Hebrew character. 343 
 
 tan characters. Some of the fhekels were in 
 the poflefiion of rabbi Mofes Nachmanides, and 
 rabbi Azarias * among the Jews ; and of Mon- 
 tanus -j-, and Villalpandus J, and others among 
 the Chrilt-ialis. 
 
 Now this fhekel could not belong to the Sama- 
 ritans after the captivity, whole hatred to the 
 Jews, would never have fuffered them to ftrike 
 iuch an infeription on their coin, as " Jei ufalem 
 hackodefh." It mufl, therefore, have belonged 
 to the Jews before the captivity ; which confe- 
 quently proves, the Samaritan character to have 
 been then in ufe. This argument feems in- 
 deed to be demonstration. Neverthelefs, con- 
 fidering the many notorious impofitions with 
 refpect to coins and medals, we mould be well 
 allured of the genuinenefs of thefe fhekels §, 
 before we are abfolutely determined by them ||. 
 
 We 
 
 * Menor Enaim, p. 171. See the paffage apud Ezec. 
 Spanhem. de ufu & prsftant. Numifm Diflert. 4. p 334. 
 edit. Amftel. 1671. or in Hottinger de Numrnis Oriental. 
 Differt. 3. ad calcem Cippor. Hebr. p. 133, — 139. edit. 
 2. Heidelberg. 1662. 
 
 f Aria? Moutani Tubal-Cain, de Siclo, vol. iii. ab init. 
 apud Criticos facros, torn. 8. p. 657. edit. Londin. 
 
 J Villalpandi Apparatus in Ezekielem. 
 
 § Hottinger maintains the genuinenefs and great anti- 
 quity of thefe fnekels, fuppofing at the fame, that the 
 Samaritan character was uled only for civil and prophane 
 purpofes, and not for writing the holy fcriptures. See his 
 Crippi hebr. Diflert. iii. de Nummis'Orientalibus. On the 
 other hand Conringius, in his Paradoxa de Nummis He- 
 braeorum, cap. vhi. ix. endeavours to prove they were 
 ftruck after the captivity, in the times of the Afmonean 
 princes, and of the Herods : See alfo Reland de Nummis 
 Samaritanis, DifTert. i. 
 
 || See concerning the hebrew letters Ludov. Capell. de 
 
 Antiq. Literar. Hebraic. Morini Exercitat. in Pentateuch. 
 
 Samarit. Exerc. ii. cap. iii. §. 4. & feq. Father Simon's 
 
 Critical Hiltory of the Old Teftament, book i. chap. 13. 
 
 Z 4 fleiftri 
 
344 The hebrcw points. 
 
 We proceed now 
 
 2dly, to confider the points, or vowels ; 
 concerning which there is likewife no little con- 
 troverfy •, whether they are of the fame anti- 
 quity and authority with the confonants, or of 
 a later original. In the beginning of the fix- 
 teenth century, the famous Elias Levita, a ger- 
 man jew, ventured to call their antiquity in 
 queftion, and afcribed the invention of them to 
 the Malbrites of the fchool of Tiberias, about 
 five hundred years after Chrift. The book, 
 which he published on this fubjecT:, foon raifed 
 him a cloud of adverfaries, both of his own 
 nation and among Chriflians. Of the latter 
 were principally the two Buxtorfs ; the father, 
 in his book called Tiberias, five Commentarius 
 Maforeticus •, and the fon, in his Tractatus de 
 Punctorum, Vocalium,.& Accentuum, in li~ 
 bris Veteris Teftamenti hebraicis, Origine, An- 
 tiquitate & authoritate * ; which he wrote in 
 anfwer to Ludovicus Capel, a proteftant divine, 
 and hebrew profefTor at Saumur, who in his 
 Arcanum Punctationis had efpoufed Levita ? s 
 opinion ; as did likewife Jofeph Scaliger f, 
 MorinusJ, Drufius§, and, feveral other cri- 
 ticks. 
 
 This controverfy hath employed the learned 
 for upwards of two hundred years. 
 
 I mail 
 
 Pfeiferi Critica Sacra, cap. iv. §.2. Leufden. Philolcg. 
 Hebrseus ; Prideaux's Connect, part. j. book\i fub A. 
 446. and Scaliger, and Buxtorf, and Walton, as before- 
 quoted. 
 
 * See Buxtorf. de Antiquitate Punftor. part. ii. cap. xi. 
 
 f Scaliger. Epift. ad Buxtorf. 243. 
 
 % Morin. Exercitat. Biblical, Exercit. vi. & Epift.. Bux- 
 torfio apud Antiquitates Ecclefiae Orientalis, &c. Diflerta- 
 tionibus Epiflohcis enucleantas, Epift. lxx. prasfertim, p. 
 368. ad iinem. 
 
 § Drufius ad Loca Difficil. Pentateuch, cap. 25.- 
 
The hebrew points. 345 
 
 I (hall firft give an account of the feveral 
 
 Hypothecs which have been advanced on this 
 
 fubjed, and then of the arguments pro and 
 
 con. 
 
 1 he hv pothefes are 
 
 1 ft, 1 hat the points are coeval with the con-' 
 fonants, and were written along with them in 
 the original coj ies of the facred law. 
 
 The lecond is, that they were added by Ezra, 
 at the time when he is fuppofed to have chang- 
 ed the old famaritan for the affyrian or chaldee 
 character. 
 
 The third is, that they were invented and 
 added by the Maforites of the fchool of Tibe- 
 rias ; certain jewifh grammarians, who devoted 
 themielves to the revifal of the hebrew text, 
 and in order to prevent any future alterations, 
 numbered the fections, words and letters in 
 each book. 
 
 The fchool of Tiberias in Galilee was a very 
 famous one, and flourifhed long after the de- 
 ftruction ot the fecond temple. The gramma- 
 rians, or criticks, of that fchool •, commonly 
 called Maforites, are fuppofed to have invented 
 the points after the completion of the talmud. 
 The Papifts generally embrace this hypothefis, 
 becaufe in their opinion, it ferves the caufe of 
 oral tradition, and hath a tendency to weaken 
 the authority and fufficiency of the facred text; 
 and for other realbns feveral Pro^eftants have 
 received it. • As for Capel, the mod celebrated 
 chriftian champion for this hypothefis, al- 
 though he agrees with Elias Levita in ascrib- 
 ing the hrft addition of the points in the text 
 to the Maforites of Tiberias, he neverthelefs 
 differs from him in this, that he makes the 
 invention of them to be purely human, and fo 
 
 represents 
 
346 The hebrew points. 
 
 reprefents them as of no authority •, whereas 
 Levita fuppofes the points exprefTed the true 
 and genuine reading, which had been preferved 
 and handed down by tradition from the firft 
 writers of the facred books ; fo that in effect 
 they are of equal authority with the confonants. 
 
 There is yet a fourth hypothefis of Dr. Pri- 
 deaux, who goes a middle way betwixt thofe 
 who contend for the points being coeval with 
 the confonants, or at leaft for their being add- 
 ed by Ezra under divine infpiration ; and thofe, 
 who allow them no higher original, than the 
 fchool of Tiberias. He conceives they were 
 added by more antient Maforites, foon after 
 Ezra, when the Hebrew ceafed to be a living 
 language ; but did not come into common ufe, 
 nor were taught in the divinity fchools, till af- 
 ter the compiling of the talmud. There were 
 antiently two forts of fchools among the Jews, 
 the fchools of the Maforites, and the fchools of 
 the rabbies. The former only taught the he- 
 brew language and the reading of the fcriptures 
 in it ; the latter, the understanding of the fcrip- 
 tures, and the traditional interpretation of them. 
 Now the vowel points, Dr. Prideaux fuppofes, 
 were in ufe in the Ichools of the Maforites fe- 
 veral ages before they were introduced into the 
 fchools of the rabbies •, and thus he accounts 
 for their not being mentioned in the talmud, 
 nor by the antient chriftian fathers before the 
 time of the Maforites of Tiberias *. 
 
 We now proceed to confider the arguments 
 for, and againft, thefe different hypothefes. 
 
 i ft, For the antiquity and divine authority 
 
 of 
 
 • Prideaux's Connett. parti, book v. vol. i. p5 ,— • 
 
 £zo. edit. 10. 
 
The hebrew points. 347 
 
 of the points, whether coeval with the confo- 
 nants, or added by Ezra. 
 
 To prove that they were not invented by the 
 Maforitts of 1 iberias, it is alledged, 
 
 ift, That there is no mention in anyjewifh 
 writer, ot fuch an alteration being made in the 
 hebrew bible ; which doubtlefs there would 
 have been, had it been tact *. 
 
 2dly That all the annotations, or notes of 
 the Maforites, upon the vowels relate to the 
 irregularity of them. For inftance, in their 
 comm maries on the nineteenth chapter of 
 Genefis, and the fecond verfe, they obferve, on 
 the word rtJil hinne, ecce, which ought regu- 
 larly to have been HUH hinne, that every !"Cn 
 hinne in this fenfe is with kametz parvum, (by 
 which they mean the vowel which we call tzeri,) 
 except only in this place. And in the fixteenth 
 chapter of Genefis, there being in the thirteenth 
 verfe W fhem, which in the fifteenth verfe is 
 DJ£> mem, they remark that every D^ fhem is 
 with a kametz parvum, except fix. Now had 
 the Maforites been the inventors of the points, 
 it is not to be thought they would have made 
 them irregular according to their own judg- 
 ments ; confequently they muft have had thefe 
 irregular points in the copies that were before 
 them f. But it is obferved, that though we 
 mould fuppofe the Maforites of Tiberias in- 
 vented the points, yet others, perhaps feveral 
 ages afterwards, might make critical remarks 
 
 upon 
 
 * Pfeifferi Critica Sacra, cap. iv. Sect. ii. Qua^ft. ii. 
 p. 83, 84. Lipfise, 1712. 
 
 f Buxtorf. Tiberias, cap. ix. p. 47. & feq. edit. Bafil. 
 1665. & Buxtorf. fil. de Punttorum Antiquitate, part, ij, 
 cap. vi. p. 338. & feq. 
 
348 The hebrevv points* 
 
 upon them. For the Maforah, as printed in 
 our prefent bibles, faith Dr. Prideaux, is a col- 
 lection and abridgement of the chief criticifms 
 made on the hebrew text from the beginning *. 
 
 3dly, There is exprefs mention of the points 
 or vowels, in books more antient than the 
 Talmud ; namely, Bahir and Zohar , the firft 
 of which is faid to have been written a little be- 
 fore our Saviour's time 5 and the fecond, which 
 quotes and refers to it, not much above a cen- 
 tury after f. Buxtorf the elder, quotes the 
 following paffage, among others, out of Bahir, 
 Talia funt punfta cum Uteris legis Mofis qualis 
 eft anima vitas in corpore. But thefe two books 
 are rejected by Capel J, and others, as fpuri- 
 ous and modern. Prideaux faith, there are 
 many particulars in them, which manifeftly 
 prove them to be fo, and that for above a 
 thoufand years after the pretended time of their 
 compofure, they were never heard of, quoted 
 or mentioned §. 
 
 4thly, That the points were in ufe in our 
 Saviour's time, and therefore long before the 
 Maforites of Tiberias, is argued from the fol- 
 lowing paffage of St. Matthew, " One Jota, 
 or ki^io. ;" which we tranflate Tittle, " (hall 
 not pafs from the law (<*)." The tittles or 
 points therefore at that time belonged to the 
 
 law 
 
 * Capelli Arcanum Punftationis, lib. ii. cap. x, xi. 
 Prideaux's Connect, part. i. book v. vol, 2. p. 504. 
 edit. 10. 
 
 t Buxtorf. Tiberias, cap. ix. §. 3. p. 70. Buxtorf fil. 
 de Antiq Pun&orum, par. i. cap. v. p. 68. & feq. 
 
 % CapeJl. Arcanum Punttat. lib. ii. cap. iii. & Vindiciafi 
 Arcani, lib. i. cap. viii. §.13. & feq*. 
 
 § Prideaux's Connect, part. i. book v. vol. 2. p. 501, 
 ,502. edit. 10. 
 
 {a) Matt. v. 18. 
 
The hebrew points. 349 
 
 law *. But Capel understands by the x«p«t/a/, 
 not the points, but the Corolla?, or flourifhes, 
 ibmetimes made about the hebrew confonants f. 
 
 For the high antiquity of the points, and 
 that they mull be coeval with the confonants, 
 it is argued 
 
 1 ft, That as it is impoflible to pronounce the 
 language without vowels, fo it would be 
 alike impeftible to teach it, unlefs the vowels 
 were expreffed £. And 
 
 2dly, If it be allowed, that the prefent vowel 
 points are not of the fame authority with the 
 confonants, but merely of human and late in- 
 vention, it will greatly weaken the authority of 
 the holy fcriptures, and leave the facred text to 
 an arbitrary and uncertain reading and inter- 
 pretation §. 
 
 It is indeed advanced by the gentlemen on 
 the other fide of the queftion, that the Aleph, 
 He, Vau, Jod and Gnain originally ferved for 
 vowels ||. To which it is replied, that there 
 are multitudes of words, in which none of thefc 
 letters occur **. And it is certain, they were 
 not in all words in Jerom's time, who in his 
 commentary on Ifaiah faith, that the word *)21 
 
 dhabhar, 
 
 * Buxtorf. fil. de Pundlorum Antiquitate, part ii. cap. 
 
 xv. p. 435, 43 6 - «„....,.. 
 
 t Capelli Arcanum Punaationis, lib. n. cap. xiv. and 
 Vindiciae Arcani, lib. ii. cap. xiii. See alio Marckii Syi- 
 loge Differtationum, Exercitat. iii. 
 
 J See Buxtorf. de Funclor. Antiq. par. ii. cap. i. p. 305. 
 & feq. 
 
 § Buxtorf. Tiberias, cap. ix. p. 86. & Buxtorf. fil. de 
 Punclor. Antiq. par. ii. cap. xiv. p. 419. & feq. Carpzovii 
 Critica Sacra, par. i. cap. v. Seel. vii. p. 243, — 248. 
 
 H Capelli Arcanum Punttationis, lib. i. cap. xviii, xir. 
 
 ** Buxtorf. de Pun&orum ^miq. par. i. cap. xiv. 
 p. 198. & par. ii. cap. viii. 
 

 350 The hebrew points. 
 
 dhabhar, is written with three letters *. But 
 Capel thinks it reafonable to fuppofe, that nei- 
 ther Mofes nor Ezra would have uled the A- 
 3eph, Vau and Jod at all, if they had been the 
 authors of the points, which render thefe letters 
 needlefs. And though all words have not thefe 
 Matres Lectronis, yet wherever they are want- 
 ing, they may eafiiy be fupplied in reading, 
 by thofe who are fkilled in the tongue, as the 
 perfons undoubtedly were, to whom it was a 
 native language f. To which fome have add- 
 ed, that thefe letters have been ftruck out of 
 many words, in which they were formerly writ- 
 ten, as being of no ufe fince the invention of 
 vowel points. To this it can only be replied, 
 If that were the cafe, many " Jotas muft have 
 perifhed from the law." Befides, who would 
 venture to expunge thefe letters ? Not, furely, 
 the Maforites ; who were fo iu-erfti-ioufly fcru- 
 pulous and exact, as to preferve even the irre- 
 gularities of the letters. And having counted 
 and fet down the number of the letters con- 
 tained in each book, they thereby placed a 
 guard againft its being done by any body after 
 them. But notwithftanding all their care J, 
 it is certain, the Matres Lectionis have been 
 fometimes omitted ; for they are more frequent 
 
 in 
 
 * Hieron. in Ifa. iii. 8. 
 
 f Capei. Vindiciae Arcani, lib. ii. cap. vi. 
 
 \ Concerning the inconfiftency and imperfection of the 
 Maforah, and its infufficiency to guard the purity of the 
 facred text, fee Capelli Critica Sacra, lib. v. cap. xii. 
 p. 373. & .'eq. lib. iii. cap. xvi. p. 156, 186. cnp. xix. 
 p. 203. Dr. Kennicott's firft Diffcrt. on the hebrew text, 
 p. 247, 26'. & feq. 297. & feq. 348, 349, 546, 547. Se- 
 cond L/iffert. p. 245. & feq. 262, — 291, 451, 468, 469, 
 and in ibwe other places. 
 
 
The hebrew points. 351 
 
 in fome of the older manufcripts, than in later 
 manufcripts, or in the printed text *. 
 
 The foregoing arguments for the antiquity of 
 the points are produced, chiefly, by Buxtorf. 
 We come now 
 
 2dly, To confider the arguments againft the 
 antiquity of the points, by which Capel endea- 
 vours to prove, they were added by the Ma- 
 forites of Tiberias. Thefe are drawn from 
 grammar, from teftimony and from hiftory. 
 
 1 ft, The grammatical arguments are built 
 principally upon the Keri and Chethibh. The 
 Chethibh, from 2J"D chathabh, fcripfit, is the 
 reading in the text, the Keri, from ^Sp kara, 
 legit, the reading in the margin. Generally 
 the wrong one is in the text, and the true in 
 the margin. Some of the more modern rab- 
 bies afcribe thefe marginal corrections, or va- 
 rious readings to Ezra. Abarbanel imputes the 
 Chethibhim, the irregularities and anomalies in 
 the text, to the original Writers, who defigned 
 to comprize fome myfteries in them. Or, he 
 thinks, they might, in fome inftances, be ow- 
 ing to their inadvertency, or to their want of 
 fkill in grammar and orthography •, and that 
 Ezra not willing to infert in the text his cor- 
 rections even of the miftakes of the original 
 writers, contented himfelf with placing thein 
 in the margin. Elias Levita very abfurdly 
 maintains, that the various readings themfelves 
 were derived by tradition from the original 
 writers f . The firft of thefe opinions is the 
 moll plaufible, namely that Ezra, in reviewing 
 
 the 
 
 * See Dr. Kennicott's firft DifTert. on the hebrew te«, 
 •f Capelli Critica Sacra, lib. iii. cap. xiv. 
 
352 The hebrew points. 
 
 the different copies, in order to publifh a per- 
 fect edition, marked the feveral variations, and 
 put one reading in the text, and the other in 
 the margin. But it is a ftrong objection to 
 Ezra's having done it, that fuch marginal read- 
 ings, different from the text, are found in the 
 book of Ezra itfelf, who cannot be fuppofed 
 to have been in doubt of the true reading of 
 his own writings •, and therefore they mull, at 
 leaft partly, have been inferred fince Ezra's 
 time *. 
 
 Further, it fhould feem that thefe marginal 
 corrections were nor in the copies, from whence 
 either the fevenry, the chaldee paraphraft, 
 Aquila, Symmachus, or Theodofian made rheir> 
 verfions ; fince they fometimes follow the Keri, 
 fometimes the Chethibh ; whereas had thefe 
 marginal corrections been in their copies, they 
 would doubtlefs, ordinarily, if not always, 
 have followed them. Neither Jofephus, nor 
 Philo, nor Origen, nor Jerom make any men- 
 tion of the Keri and the Chethibh j nor does 
 the Mifhnah. The Gemara, indeed, mentions 
 thofe words, which were written but not read, 
 and thofe which were read but not written, as 
 alfo obfeene words, inftead of which were read 
 others rhat are more pure snd chafte. But it 
 does not take notice of the other part of the 
 Keri and Chethibh, namely thofe words which 
 are written, and read in a different manner. 
 From all this it is concluded, rhar rhe Keriorh 
 began to be collected a little before the com- 
 pletion of the Talmud, probably by the Ma- 
 
 forites 
 
 * That the Kerioth were properly a collection of vari- 
 ous readings, whoever made the collection, is well proved 
 by Dr. Kennicott, fecoud Diflert. on the hebrew text, 
 p. 281. & feq. , 
 
The hebrew points; «g 
 
 forites of Tiberias *. From hence Capel ar- 
 gues againft the antiquity of the points, en- 
 deavouring to prove that they have no higher 
 an original than the Keri and the Chethibh : 
 and for this he offers the following reafons, 
 
 i ft, The Kerioth are various lections of the 
 conibnants only ; there are none of the vowels 
 or points, as doubtlefs there would have been, 
 had the points been in the copies from whence 
 the Kerioth were made -f\ 
 
 2dly, There are certain irregularities in the 
 punctuation, which mow that the points were 
 not in the copies, from whence the Keri and 
 the Chethibh were made. Now thefe irregu- 
 larities are obferved, both in whole words, and 
 in parts of words. 
 
 i ft, In whole words ; thefe are either fingle 
 words, or words combined, or divided. Thofe 
 in fingle words are when the confonants are ei- 
 ther redundant, or defective, or are wholly 
 fupprefTed. Of the firft fort, there is an in- 
 ftance in the fifty- firft chapter of Jeremiah and 
 the third verfe ; where "fn* jidhroch, is writ- 
 ten twice. And this fuperfluous word hath no 
 points : which is thus accounted for ; that thofe 
 who fettled the Keri and Chethibh, finding the 
 word in their copies, durft not ftrike it out, 
 but perceiving it to be an erratum and fuper- 
 fluous, they would not point it -, whereas had 
 it been pointed in their books, they would 
 doubtlefs have given it as they found it, and 
 no more have dared to expunge the vowels, 
 than the confonants. Hence it is inferred, that 
 the Kerioth were more antient than the points, 
 Vol. II. A a and 
 
 * Capell. Critica Sacra, lib. iii. cap. xiv, xv. 
 f Capell. Arcanum Punclatioms, lib. i. cap. vii. 
 
354 * Tta hebrew points. 
 
 and that the copies which fupplied them were 
 
 unpointed. 
 
 Of the fecond fort, where the confonants are 
 defective, we have an inftance in the thirty- 
 firft chapter of Jeremiah, and the thirty-eighth 
 verfe ; where we have the vowels of a word in 
 the Chethibh, without the confonants, which 
 confonants are fupplied in the Keri ; and with- 
 out which fupplement the text is not fenfe. 
 The Maforah obferves eleven inftances of this 
 kind. Now it cannot be thought, the words 
 were written thus originally, or by Ezra, or 
 that any other tranfcriber through carelefsnefs 
 mould omit the confonants, while he fet down 
 the vowels. Therefore it is fuppofed, that thofe 
 who invented the points, found the word o- 
 mitted, doubtlefs through the incuria of fome 
 tranfcriber ; yet durft not put the confonants in 
 the text, but in the margin, and the vowels 
 only in the text. 
 
 There are alfo inftances of the confonants be- 
 ing fuppreffed in reading the text, by other 
 confonants being put in their room in the mar- 
 gin ; as, when the original word feemed to 
 thofe who invented the vowels to be obfcene, 
 and therefore not proper to be read, they have 
 fubftituted another word in the margin, and 
 put the vowels proper to that word under the 
 word in the text. For inftance, in the eigh- 
 teenth chapter of the fecond book of Kings and 
 the twenty- feventh verfe •, where the confonants 
 in the text, cannot be read with the vowels an- 
 nexed to them, which evidently belong to the 
 confonants in the margin. We cannot, there- 
 fore, fuppofe, that the vowels in the text were 
 originally affixed to the words they are now 
 under, or that they were put to thofe words 
 
 before 
 
The hebrew points.' 355- 
 
 before the invention of thefe marginal read- 
 ings *. 
 
 There are obfervations likewife made on th£ 
 combinations of words. Thus the word 
 Km&MQ meefhtam, in the fixth chapter of Je- 
 remiah and the twenty-ninth verfe, ought to be 
 written in two words, as in the margin ; for 
 the punctuation is not juft, if the confonants 
 are joined together ; but agrees very well with 
 the confonants, if they are divided. 
 
 Sometimes, again, we find one word broke 
 into two in the text, which are joined together 
 as they fhould be, in the margin. In the thirty- 
 fourth chapter of the fecond book of Chroni- 
 cles and the fixth- verfe, DHTQ "IPO bechar 
 bothehem, ought certainly to be one word, as 1 
 in the margin; otherwise the punctuation is 
 very irregular.. Now the books of Chronicles 
 are generally fuppofed to have been written by- 
 Ezra* But whoever wrote them, it cannot be 
 imagined, that this irregular punctuation was. 
 in the original copy ; but the confonants hapf 
 pening to be afterwards divided through the in- 
 curia of the tranfcriber, thofe who invented the 
 points, fixed them, as if it had been, what i: 
 ought to have been, one word. Thus much 
 for the irregularities obferved in whole words +. 
 
 2dly, The irregularities which are obferved 
 in parts of .words, or letters, are 
 
 ift, A pleonafm, when there are fuperfluous 
 
 letters, either in the beginning, middle or end 
 
 of a word. In the beginning ' as rV-23 for 
 
 m beth(a): ttflP for 1N¥ tfeu (£)."" In the 
 
 A a 2 middle 
 
 * Capell. Arcanum PuniJbit. lib. i. cap. xi. efpecially, 
 
 i 6,-9- 
 
 t Capell. Arcanum, ubi fupra, §. 10. 
 
 [a) 2 Kings xxii, 5. Jcr.lii. i;. {h) jer.1.8. 
 
356 The hebrew points. 
 
 middle: as J^tJ for yiZ berobh(a) : OnSrf?* 
 for DnbnV vehallechem (b\ In the end; as 
 im for 8M ifh (c) : W7 and ^Vl for Vb 
 langnai, and TO bangnai (^ : in all which 
 places the fuperfluous letter hath no vowel to 
 it ; which mows, that the vowels were affixed 
 to the text, fince thefe errors crept into it. 
 
 2dly, An ellipfis, or the omiffion of a letter, 
 either in the beginning of a word: as fJfiW^ 
 for TV&y jangnafeh (e) -, where the vowel is in 
 the text, under the place of the confonant 
 which is omitted. So likewife fcO _ for tfhi 
 velof/j: ?$ for \W veein(^) : — Or in the 
 middle of a word : as t?*^!?^ for DrODnfi tac- 
 caphanchem (h) : )M for "OrOtt anachnu (i), 
 where the nun and cheth are both wanting : — . 
 Or at the end of a word : as "Ifttt for DDK 
 ormu (k). 
 
 3dly, Permutation, or changing one letter 
 For another: as, POTl for POT jidhcha, vau 
 for jod (/) j which error occurs in twenty-two 
 places: — 7N#» for btiWI velhaal, jod for 
 vau (m) -, which error occurs feventy-five times : 
 —7^ for Tti gedhal, refh for daleth (») • -1 
 JTH for VH haju, he for vau {0) : — and iSltf 
 for Y^y gnabhdhecha, vau for caph final (pj." 
 
 4thly, Metathefis or tranfpofition : as, DEI* 
 for HID* jamuth (g) :~ m»* for DOV jumath x (r)T 
 
 5thly, 
 
 (a) 2 Kings xix, 23. (J) 2 Sam. xvi. 2. 
 
 (*) 2 Sam. xxiii. 21. (^) Join. via. 12. (,) 1 Sam ' 
 xx. 2. (/) Lam. ii. 2. (|) Lam. v. 7. (/,) J er . 
 
 IV, \t , W Jer ' xlii - 6 - (*) « Sam - xviii. 10. 
 
 (/) Pfal. x. 9. («) Prov. xx. 4, Pfal. Ixxvii. 12 
 
 («J Prov. xix. 19. (0) Jofli. xv. 4. (^) 2 Sam, 
 
 xiv. 22. {q) Prov. xix. 15. ( r ) 2 Kings xiv. 6. 
 
 
The Hebrew points. 357 
 
 5thly, Separation ; when a letter is prefixed 
 to one word, which belongs to the next word 
 before it : as, W i'iS nn»H for W&m n»il 
 hajitha hammotfi (a) : &&&b&ft fc& for DTII^D 
 M&8P fhammah phelifhtim (b). 
 
 From thefc and the like inftances Capel in- 
 fers, that the punctuation was regulated by, 
 and confequently is more modern, than the 
 Kerioth * •, the time of collecting which, as I 
 have already obferved, he endeavours to fix to 
 about five hundred years after Chrift. We pro- 
 ceed now to the 
 
 2d. Clafs of arguments againft the antiquity 
 of the vowels ; which are drawn from tefti- 
 mony ; and that, according to Capel, is either 
 tacit or exprefs. 
 
 Of the latter fort is the teflimony of Aben 
 Ezra, R. David Kimchi, R. Jehuda Levita, 
 and R. Elias Levita ; who are all of this opi- 
 nion -f*. 
 
 Tacit, or confequential, teftimony is taken 
 from the copies of the law, which are kept and 
 read in the iynagogues -, or from the cabaliftic 
 interpretation, or from palfages of the talmud. 
 
 1 ft. From the copies of the law, called 
 PHD *1£D Sepher-torah, written on a fcroll of 
 parchment, and read every fabbath in the jew- 
 ifh fynagogues. Thele copies are accounted by 
 them the mod facred, and preferred to all 
 others ; and they are conftantly written with- 
 out points. But had the points been of equal 
 A a 3 authority 
 
 (a) 2 Sam. v. 2. {b) z Sam. xxi. 12. 
 
 • Capell. Arcanum Punttat. lib. 1. cap. xi. §. 1 1. & 
 feq. 
 
 f Capell. Arcanum Punclat. lib. i. cap. li, iii. Bux« 
 torf. de Punttor. Antiq. cap. iii. p. 1 1 . & Teq. & Capell. 
 Vindicis, lib. i. cap. i. 
 
358 The hebrew points. 
 
 authority with the confonants, doubtlefs £ 
 pointed law would have been always looked up- 
 on as the molt facred *. 
 
 2dly, From the cabaliftical interpretations, 
 which relate to the confonants, and none of 
 them to the vowels. And hence it is inferred 
 that the vowels were not in being, when thofe 
 interpretations were made f. 
 
 3dly, From the taJmud, which contains the 
 f e jura& decifiones magiilrorum fuorum," the 
 determinations of the doctors concerning fome 
 paffages of the law. It is evident, they fay, the 
 points were not affixed to the text, when the 
 talmud was compofed, becaufe there are feveral 
 difputes concerning the fenfe of paffages of the 
 law, which could not have been difputed, had 
 there been points. Beiides they never mention 
 the vowels, though they have the faireft oppor* 
 tunity and occafion to mention them, had they 
 been then in being. In the commentary on this 
 paffage of the firft book of Kings, " After he, 5 * 
 that is, Joab, " had fmitten every male in 
 Edom (a)," the talmud relates, that when Joab 
 returned from this expedition, he told David, 
 that he had fmitten every male in Edom. 
 David afked him, why he had left the females 
 alive ? Joab anfwers, the law fays, "OT zakar. 
 No, faith David, we read, "OT zeker, memo- 
 ria. Whereupon Joab went to afk his matter, 
 how he read this word ? His mailer read it, 
 zeker j and upon this Joab drew his fvvord with 
 a defign to murder him. Now had there been 
 points at this time, it would have been impof- 
 fible to have made this miftake. And had there 
 
 been 
 
 * Capell. Arcanum Punftat. lib. i. cap. iv. 
 + Capell. ubi fupra,, cap. v. §. 1,-3. 
 {<?) 1 Kings xi. 15. 
 
The hebrew points. 359 
 
 been points when the talmud was wrote, there 
 would have been no room to have invented this 
 ftory ; for the points determine it to be zakar : 
 and befides, if the talmud ills had been in pof- 
 fefTion of vowels-points, they would certainly have 
 made ufe of them in telling this ftory, that fo 
 the fenfe might have been plain and not liable 
 to be mifunderftood j whereas the two words 
 are no ways diftinguifhed, being both written 
 with the confonants only. 
 
 Another inftance of this fort occurs in the 
 twelfth chapter of Leviticus and the fifth verfe ; 
 where the talmudifts difpute about the meaning 
 of the word D*V3tP. Thefe confonants figni- 
 fy, either two weeks, or feventy days. Now 
 had the vowel-points been then ufed, they 
 would have had the faireft opportunity of fay- 
 ing, it mult be two weeks •, becaufe there is a 
 kibbutz under the.beth; and they would 
 doubtlefs have written it, D*JDtP fhebhung- 
 naim ; whereas they put down only the confo- 
 nants. 
 
 Again, on the nfty third chapter of Ifaiah 
 and the feventeenth verfe they difpute, whether 
 *]02"^ fignifies children, or builders. The 
 confonants may fignify either, but the vowels 
 determine it to mean children *. 
 We proceed now to the 
 3d. Sort of arguments, which Capel draws 
 from the chaldee paraphrafes of Jonathan and 
 Onkelos, the greek verfions of Aquila, Sym- 
 machus and Theodotion, and efpecially that of 
 the feptuagint, by which he endeavours to 
 prove, that the copy, from which they tran- 
 slated, was without points. This appears with 
 A a 4 refpect 
 
 * Capell. ubi fupra, $. 4. & feq. 
 
360 The hebrew points, 
 
 refpeft to them all, from their tranflating fe- 
 veral words in a fenfe different from that 
 which the points determine them to mean. I 
 fhall feledt fome inftances from the feptuagint 
 only. In the fifteenth chapter 'of Genefis, and 
 the eleventh verfe, for DHtt 2tP*l vajjafhebh 
 otham, " he drove them away," the feventy 
 read Drift 32?*1 vajjefhebh ittam, and accord- 
 ingly render it hai ffynkaAieiv avtok, he fat 
 down by them, (that is, the carcafes,) to watch 
 them, that the fowls might not devour them. 
 In the forty-feventh chapter and the thirty-firft 
 verfe, for HiDEn hammitah, a bed, they read 
 ntpftn hammatteh, a ftaffj and accordingly 
 tranflate it §aC<^h avt*. In the eighteenth chap- 
 ter and the twelfth verfe, for T\yiV gnedhnah, 
 pleafure, they read H^IV gnadhennah, hither- 
 to, rendering it zps t« vw. In the thirty-fecond 
 Pfalm and the fifth verfe, " I faid, I will con- 
 fefs my tranfgreffions," or upon my tranf- 
 greffions ; for *7Sf gnalei, upon, they read 
 V? gna-lai, rendering it kat ip* (a). In the 
 forty-feventh Pfalm and the tenth verfe, for 
 OV gnam, the people, they read DV gnim, with j 
 inftead of " the people of the God of Abra- 
 ham," it is in their verfion, psm. t« 0s« AC?**!*, 
 with the God of Abraham. In the thirty- 
 third Pfalm and the feventh verfe, inftead of 
 *"133 cannedh, like a heap, they read 1j3 can- 
 nodh, like a bottle, rendering it aa-n ao-kov. 
 In the ninth chapter of Hofea and the iirft 
 verfe, for 7ft el, to, they read *?tf al, not, 
 rendering it /itj/e. In the firft chapter of Joel 
 and the eighteenth verfe, for 1D2J nabhochu, 
 
 are 
 
 {«) Pfal. xxxi. in the-Greek. 
 
The hebrew points. 361 
 
 are perplexed, they read 1323, nibhchu, wept, 
 from HID bachah, flevit ; and accordingly they 
 render it ix.Ka.v7Av. From thefe and feveral o- 
 ther inftances it is infer'd, that the tranflators 
 of the feptuagint had no bible with points ; or 
 at leaft, that the copy they tranflated from, 
 was not pointed as ours is. 
 
 The inftances of the like fort which Capel 
 produces out of the chaldee paraphrafes, and 
 other antient verfions, are not fo evidently to 
 the purpofe of his argument, as thofe from the 
 feptuagint. 
 
 Let us now fee what is replied to thefe ar- 
 guments of Capel by Buxtorf and others, who 
 contend for the high antiquity and authority of 
 the hebrew points. 
 
 1 ft, As to the argument drawn from the 
 Keri and Chethibh : 
 
 Buxtorf admits the Keri and Chethibh to 
 have been prior to the points-, and therefore, 
 in order to maintain his opinion, that Ezra was 
 the author of the points, he afferts, that it was 
 Ezra, and not the Maforites of Tiberias, who 
 firft collected the Kerioth and then regulated by 
 them the punctuation in the text *. We have 
 already taken notice of the reafons, which Ca- 
 pel offers on the contrary, for allowing the 
 Kerioth no higher antiquity than the time of 
 the Maforites of Tiberias. 
 
 There are others, who affert, that the vari- 
 ous legions, which are to be found in the Ma- 
 forah, and part of which are inferted in the 
 margin of the hebrew bible, are made upon 
 
 the 
 
 * Buxtorf. dc Antiq. Pun&or. part. i. cap. viii. and 
 On the other fide Capell. Vindicias Arcani, lib-, i, cap. jx. 
 
 \ 
 
2 62 The hebrew points. 
 
 the vowels, as well as upon the confonants * j 
 and they endeavour to mow, that the various 
 lections upon the confonants are owing to the 
 irregularity of the vowels ; and if fo, the 
 vowels muft have been prior to theie marginal 
 corrections. Thus they prove the antiquity of 
 the points from the Keri and Chethibh ; and 
 their argument is this : There are many inftan- 
 ces, where the confonants in the margin are 
 plainly fitted to the vowels in the text. But 
 had there been no vowels in the text when the 
 Keri were made, there would have been no oc- 
 cafion for thefe corrections ; for the text might 
 have been read with other vowels, and the 
 fenfe of it much mended. For inftance, in the 
 eighth chapter of Genefis and the feventeenth 
 verfe, where the word in the text is ttain 
 havtfe, bring forth, the Keri reads K^H haj- 
 jetfe, divide ; which is plainly fuited to the 
 punctuation in the text ; for had there been no 
 points, they would rather have read it ttVftl 
 hotfe, as it ought to be, and then there would 
 have been no occafion for this marginal cor- 
 rection. There is much fuch another inftance 
 in the fifth Pfalm and the ninth verfe, where 
 *1E^n havfhar, in the text is corrected by "ItPTT 
 hajlhar, in the margin •, whereas it ought to be 
 *12?in hofhar or "l^in homer, in the imperative 
 hiphil, from "W jafhar, rectus fuit. In the 
 twenty firft Pfalm and the fecond verfe, the 
 word b\X jageil, exultabit, is changed in the 
 Keri into ^JTJagel •, but the confonants in the 
 text are regular in Hiphil, and mould be point- 
 ed Til* jagil. There could, therefore, be no 
 
 reafon 
 
 •f- See Whitfield's diflertatioB on the hebrew vowel-* 
 points, Se&, ix. p. 134. &fea l . Liverpoole, 1748. 
 
The hcbrew points. 363 
 
 reafon for the Kcri to leave out the letter Jod, 
 but only to make the conibnants fuit to the er- 
 roneous punctuation in the text. In the fifty- 
 firfc Pfalm and the fourth verfe, HITin, mul- 
 tiplica, in the text is corrected by 2"\T1 herebh 
 in the margin. Now had there been no points 
 in the text, they would doubtleis have read 
 TtSRft harbeh, of which 2^71 herebh is nothing 
 but a contraction. In the fifty-ninth Pfalm and 
 the fixteenth verfe, pJ^J* jenungnun, vagabun- 
 tur, is made in the Keri p>*\3*, fuited to the 
 erroneous punctuation, pj^ti for had there 
 been no points, inflead of making this correc- 
 tion, they would doubtleis have read it fl>Hj\ 
 as it ought to be ; for the fenfe is plainly in 
 Kal. In the feventy-feventh Pfalm and the 
 twelfth verfe, *V3JK recordabor ; in the margin 
 it is TDTtt ezchor ; whereas it might have been 
 as well read "V3?tt azchir in Hiphil. In Pfalm 
 the eighty-ninth and eighteenth verfe, DHfi ex- 
 ultabit, is changed by the Keri into DTlD ta- 
 rum, in kal •, whereas DF)J1 tarim in Hiphil 
 better agrees with the context. See more in- 
 ftances of the kind in the eighty fifth Pfalm 
 and firft verie, the hundred and fifth Pfalm 
 and eighteenth and twenty-eighth verfes, the 
 hundred and fortieth Pfalm and ninth verfe, 
 the hundred forty- fifth Pfalm and fixth and 
 eighth verfes •, and efpecially the thirtieth Pfalm 
 and the fourth verfe, where H1VD from TV 
 
 ' : t • 
 
 jaradh, defcendit, is corrected in the Keri by 
 leaving out the Vau, and fo making it the infi- 
 nitive or gerund Kal with the affix jod, *TVD, 
 a defcendere me : whereas the fenfe is better, it 
 we retain the Vau, and point it, as the parti- 
 ciple 
 
364 The hebrew points, 
 
 ciple 'TVi'O mijjoredhei ; according to the fe- 
 venty, who render it ana nav KATAictivovrup, 
 which is followed in the old englifh verfion, 
 *' Thou fhak keep my life from them that go 
 down into the pit." This inftance is faid to 
 have convinced Pocock above all others, of 
 the antiquity of the points. 
 
 However it may be obferved on this ar- 
 gument, that it fuppofes the Kerioth not 
 to have been various readings collected from 
 manufcripts, but corrections of the text, made 
 in conformity to an anomalous punctuati- 
 on. Now, admitting that this erroneous 
 pointing was prior to the Kerioth, would it not 
 have been more natural to have put a Keri up- 
 on the vowels, than to have placed erroneous 
 confonants in the margin in conformity with 
 erroneous vowels in the text ? If we fuppofe 
 the Kerioth to have been the various readings 
 of different copies, all that feems necefTary to 
 account for their being often worfe than the 
 readings in the text, is to fuppofe, that thole 
 who collected them were very injudicious per- 
 fons, or had a great reverence for particular co- 
 pies, the readings of which they en thax ac- 
 count preferred, though lefs eligible in them- 
 felves than the readings in the text. Befides, 
 fuppofing the Kerioth were made in conformity 
 with the vowels in the text, we muft then fup- 
 pofe likewife, that with refpect to the inftances, 
 where we meet with points in the text without 
 confonants, the tranferiber wrote the points, 
 forgetting at the fame time to write the confo- 
 nants, which is very hard to conceive ; and 
 where we meet with confonants without points, 
 if the points were there when the Kerioth were 
 
 mad 
 
 
The hebrew points, 365 
 
 rnade, why fhould the points be omitted in the 
 text any more than the confonants ? To the 
 
 lid, Oafs of arguments againft the anti- 
 quity of the points, which are taken from the 
 Sepher-Torah, the Cabala and Talmud, it is 
 replied, 
 
 1 ft, As to the Sepher-Torah *, it is acknow- 
 ledged, that the copies of the law, which were 
 publickly read in the jewifh fynagop;ues, were 
 always, at leaft as far back as we can trace 
 them, without points. But to the inference, 
 that the points are of modern invention, be- 
 caufe the Jews durft not make any alteration in 
 their law, but would tranferibe it juft as they 
 found it, it is replied : that from hence it 
 might as well be proved, that the Keri did ori- 
 ginally belong to the law, (which is abfurd to 
 imagine,) as that the points did not. The Jews 
 give two reafons for the Sepher-Torah's being 
 written without points. The one is, that it is 
 thereby capable of more myfterious interpreta- 
 tions ; the other, that every one is bound to 
 write over the law once in his life, or at leaft to 
 get it written for him ; and it muit be written 
 without any blunder, for one blunder profanes 
 the whole. It is therefore proper it fhould be 
 written without points, becaufe in fuch a vail 
 number of points it would be morally impoili- 
 ble to avoid blunders. 
 
 Perhaps a third reafon may be added for the 
 Sepher-Torah's being written without points, 
 namely, that being written meerly for the uie of 
 fuch perfons as are well verfed in the hebrew 
 tongue, (for it is not to be fuppofed, that any 
 others are employed as publick readers in the 
 
 fynagogue,) 
 
 • See Buxtorf. de Antiq. Piin&or. part. i. cap. iv. and 
 oh the other hand Capell. Vindicise Arcani, lib.i. cap. ii. 
 
366 . The hebrew points. 
 
 fynagogue,) there was no need to write it with 
 the points, they being very capable of reading 
 without them. But as M. T. C. is fufHcient 
 for one who is verfed in the roman contracti- 
 ons, while a more unfkilful perfon cannot read 
 unlefs Marcus Tullius Gicero be wrote . at 
 length ; fo thofe copies, which were written 
 meerly for the ufe of the learned in the hebrew 
 language, '*being written without points, will 
 by no means prove, that points were not necef- 
 fary for, and anciently ufed by, the more un- 
 learned, 
 
 As for the afifertion, that the Jews durft not 
 make any alteration in their law, but would 
 tranfcribe it juft as they found it, and that 
 therefore they would have inferted the points 
 into the.Sepher-Torah, if they had then been 
 ufed originally, or had been invented by Ezra ;. 
 this fuppofes, that the fame fuperftitious regard 
 was always paid to the characters and letters in 
 which the law was written, as hath been done 
 fince the time of the Maforites of Tiberias; 
 and that the Jews would have fcrupled to write 
 out copies without points, for the ufe of their 
 publick readers, who did not need them ; 
 which is not probable, even though they had 
 looked on the vowel-points to be as authentic 
 as the confonants. 
 
 Again, though the modern Sepher-Torah is 
 written without points, yet we cannot be cer- 
 tain, how the fact hath always been, particu- 
 larly how it was in the time of Ezra-, for there 
 are no copies of the law now extant, near fo 
 ancient as his time. As for the copy in the 
 church of St. Dominick in Bononia pretended 
 to be written by Ezra himfelf, it is in a fair 
 character on a fort of leather, and made up in 
 
 a roll 
 
The hebrew points. 367 
 
 a roll according to the ancient manner-, and it 
 hath the vowel-points •, but the frefhnefs of the 
 writing, which hath fuffered no decay, pre- 
 vents our believing it to be near (o ancient as is 
 pretended. We are not informed, whether the 
 points in this manufcript appear to have been 
 written by a later hand than the confonants ; 
 but in many manufcripts, examined by Dr. 
 Kennicott, and thofe fome of the oldeft and 
 beft, either there are no points at all, or they 
 are evidently a late addition *. The 
 
 2d, Argument againft the antiquity of the 
 
 points was drawn from the Talmud, which 
 
 makes no mention of them. To which it is 
 
 replied f, not only that there are books laid by 
 
 Buxtorf, to be older than the Talmud, though 
 
 rejected by Capel as fpurious, in which they 
 
 are exprefsly mentioned ; but likewile that it is 
 
 highly probable the Talmudifts, though they 
 
 make no mention of the points, neverthelefs 
 
 ufed pointed copies •, becaufe all the fenfes they 
 
 give of fcripture, are agreeable to the prefent 
 
 punctuation ; whereas if there had been no 
 
 points, it can hardly be thought, they would 
 
 always have given the fame fenfe of words, as 
 
 the points determine them to mean. As to the 
 
 3d, Argument which is taken from the Ca- 
 bala ; it is replied, that both antient and mo- 
 dern cabaliftical writers have found myfteries in 
 the points, as well as the confonants. For in- 
 
 ftances 
 
 * See Dr. Kennicott'3 firft DifTerti on the hebrew text, 
 p. 313, — 342. pafiim. And Jf. VolTius afferts that in ex- 
 amining above two thoufand hebrew MSS. he had never 
 met with any pointed, that were above 6co years old ; or 
 if the books were older, the points were a late addition. 
 Veil', de Sept. Interp. Tranflat. cap. 30. 
 
 f See Buxtorf. de Antiq. Punftor. part. i. cap. vi. and 
 in anfwer to himCapell. Vindicis Arcani, lib. i. cap. ?:'. 
 S.; alfo above, p. 34S. 
 
368 The hebrew points. 
 
 ftances of which fee Buxtorf de Antiquitate. 
 puncftorum *, and what Capel faith in confuta- 
 tion of him f. The 
 
 Hid. Sort of arguments againft the anti- 
 quity of the points was drawn from comparing 
 the ancient verfions, particularly the feptua- 
 gint, with the original -, by which, they fay, it 
 appears, that the hebrew copies, which thofe 
 ancient interpreters ufed, had no points. But 
 thofe of the contrary opinion remark J, 
 
 ill, That hereby one argument for the an- 
 tiquity of the points is greatly confirmed ; 
 namely, that without them the fenfe would be 
 uncertain. It is pretended indeed, that though 
 there are a number of hebrew words of diffe- 
 rent fignifications, whofe confonants are the 
 fame ; yet where thefe words occur, the con- 
 text will always determine the true meaning. 
 But we fee the contrary in thofe ancient verfions, 
 which are made from copies without points ; 
 for they have frequently miftaken the fenfe by 
 reading with wrong vowels. 
 
 2dly, They remark that if this argument 
 proves any thing, it proves to much j for if the 
 copies we now have of the Septuagint, be juft 
 tranferipts of the original verfion, we may as 
 eafily prove by it, that the hebrew copy, from 
 whence that verlion was made, had no confo- 
 nants, as that it had no vowels •, fince it differ- 
 ed as much from our copy in the former as in 
 the latter. This appears in a variety of in* 
 ftances, not only as to the letters, but likewife 
 as to words and fentences. 
 
 In 
 
 * Buxtorf. de Antiq. Punctor. part. i. cap. v. 
 f Capell. Vindic. Arcani. part i. cap viii. 
 j See Buxtorf. de Antiq. Punftor. part. i. cap, ix, x. 
 and on the other fide Capell. Vindiciae Arcani, lib. i. cap. 
 
 
The hebrew points. 369 
 
 In the nrft place, as to letters : there are many 
 inftances 
 
 1 ft, Of the metaftoicheiofis, or putting one 
 letter for another. In the fifty-fixth Pfalm and 
 the ninth .verfe, inftead of K their copy mull 
 have had J, in the word "pfrWIl •, for they read 
 it "1"IJ)2, and accordingly render it ivu-xiov <rv. 
 In the fixtieth chapter of Ifaiah and the fifteenth 
 verfe, for 3 they read t, for 121V tranfiens, "Ul^ 
 auxilians, and accordingly they render it • 
 $oy)%w. In the thirty-fourth chapter of Ezekiel 
 and the fixteenth verfe, for 1 they read "I, for 
 TDfcW difperdam, TOW cuftodiam. In the 
 eighth chapter of the fir ft book of Samuel and 
 the fixteenth verfe, for T\ they read "I •, for 
 Pt^yi & faciet, they read 1W), and render it 
 Kcti a.7ro^iKc(,TaffH, & decimabit. In the fixtieth 
 Pfalm and fixth verfe, for D they read D, for 
 D&'p Veritas, DWp arcus. In the fixth chapter 
 of the firft book of Samuel and the eighteenth 
 verfe, for b they read 3 •, for bm, ptf a/3«. 
 In the third chapter of Ezekiel and the eighth 
 verfe, for "D they read 3 ; for Dntf D frontem 
 eorum, DfT^J, vines avJuv. On the contrary, in the 
 firil book of Samuel, the twenty third chapter 
 and the feventh verfe, for 3 they read q •, for^OS 
 tradidit they read "Dp vendidit. In the hundred 
 and fourth Pfalm and the twelfth verfe, for V 
 they read p ; for D\SW frondes, D'tfSp, and 
 tranflate it n'tr'soi, rupes. In the third chapter 
 of Genefis and the fifteenth verfe, for £) they 
 read "1 ; for *]D1t^, conteret tibi, they doubtlefs 
 read "pV^, which they render <r* t^hs-h, (c. 
 KifctAny. In the eighth chapter of Ifaiah and 
 the twentieth verfe, for 1 they read "? -, for 
 *V& Aurora, inV munus. Again, in the 
 thirteenth chapter of Zechariah and the nrfl 
 Vol. II. B b verfe, 
 
370 The hebrew points. 
 
 verfe, for 1 they read ft -, for *T!j3D fons, filpft 
 locus. In the thirty-feventh chapter of Ifaiah 
 and the twenty- fifth verfe, for D they read n ; 
 for T)TI55n & bibi, they read TIWl, as if 
 from H W perdidit ; and accordingly they ren- 
 der it r,^i^aa.. 
 
 idly, There are inftances of Epenthefrs, or 
 letters inferted in words in the copies they tran- 
 slated from, which are not in the prefent copy. 
 In the twenty- eighth chapter of Proverbs and 
 the twenty-eighth verfe, S*\p2 in furgendb, they 
 read Qlpft3, and render it w totok, in locis. 
 
 3dly, Metathefis, or changing the place of 
 letters in a word In the twentieth Pfalm and 
 the fixth verfe, for 7JTO vexillum erigemus, 
 they read S*UJ from 7"TJl gadhal, magnus fuit, 
 and render it ij-zytthw^mo^a, (a). 
 
 4thly, Aphaerefis, or leaving out letters. In 
 Ifaiah the fourteenth and thirty fecond verfe, 
 for Otfbft nuncii, they read O/D regss, and 
 render it /W/x** ifow. 
 
 Thus much for a fpecimen of the difference 
 in letters, betwixt the hebrew copy, from which 
 the feventy tranflated, and ours. 
 
 Secondly, There appears alfo to have been a 
 confiderable difference in whole words and fen- 
 tences. In the fecond chapter of Job and the 
 ninth verfe, there is a long fpeech of Job's 
 wife in the feptuagint, which is not in the pre- 
 fent hebrew copy. At the end of the forty 
 fecond chapter there is a long genealogical hif- 
 tory, which is faid to be taken out of a fyriac 
 book. There is a whole Pfalm added at the 
 end of the book of Pfalms. Twenty verfes are 
 kit out of the firft book of Samuel about the 
 
 middle 
 
 («) Pfal. xix. 5. in the Gr«ek. 
 
 
The hebrew points. 371 
 
 middle of the feventeenth chapter *: In the 
 feventeenth of Jeremiah there are four verfes 
 wanting in the beginning; and in the thirty- 
 third chapter (a) thirteen veries at the end. There 
 are alio ftrange tranpofitions, particularly the 
 thi;ty-fixth, thirty-feventh, thirty-eighth and 
 thirty-ninth chapters of Exodus are miferably 
 con fu fed. 
 
 So that upon the whole it appears, that if 
 the feptuagint verfion we now have be genuine, 
 the hebrew copy it was tranflated from differed, 
 greatly from our prefent copy, as well in the 
 confonants, as the vowels ; and therefore it is 
 faid, that the argument drawn from this verfion 
 againfl the antiquity of the points, will either 
 prove too much, or nothing at all. 
 
 As to the hypothefis of Dr. Prideanx -j- , that 
 the points were added to the hebrew textfoon after 
 Ezra's time by the ancient Maforites, and ufed 
 in their fchools in teaching to read the bible 5 
 yet not received into the fchools of the rabbies 
 till feveral hundred years afterwards : in fup- 
 port oi the former afTertion, he alledges the 
 utter impofiibility of teaching to read the he- 
 brew without points, when it was become a 
 dead language; which it is allowed on all 
 hands to have been ever fince the captivity. 
 
 This opinion, that the points were invented 
 and ufed by the Maforites foon after the time 
 of Ezra, who is fuppofed to have fettled the 
 true reading of the hebrew text, makes their 
 authority very confiderable. But if it can be 
 proved, that they were invented a little after 
 Ezra's time, becaufe they were necelfary to 
 B b 2 teach 
 
 * See Dr. Kennicotfs fecond diflert. on the hebrew text, 
 p 418, — 431,554, — 558. (a) Chap. xl. in the Greek. 
 
 t Pridcaux's L'onneft. vol. z. part i, book V; p. 505, 
 &c. 
 
<37 2 The hebrew points. 
 
 teach the reading of the hebrew, when it was 
 become a dead language •, I fee not, but the 
 fame argument will prove, they were invented 
 in his time * for the hebrew was a dead language 
 then as v/ell as after. 
 
 The latter affertion, that though they were 
 not introduced into the fchools of the rabbies, 
 till fome hundred years afterwards, is advanced 
 in order to account tor the filence of the Talmud, 
 Jofephus, and Philo, with mod of the ancient 
 chriftian fathers, concerning them. Now this 
 filence will indeed prove, that there was no dif- 
 pute about them in thofe times j but, what- 
 ever prefumption it may be, it is no demonftra- 
 tion, that they were not then ufed even in the 
 fchools of the rabbies. 
 
 Indeed it was fo natural for the inventors of 
 the alphabet to contrive characters for the 
 vowels as well as the confonants, that no fmall 
 prefumption arifes from hence, that the prefent 
 points were coeval with the confonants, unlefs 
 the Matres Lectionis are fuppofed to have been 
 the original vowels. To which fome add, the 
 ufe of the points, in determining the different 
 meanings of feveral words, which have the 
 fame confonants ; particularly, in diftinguiihing 
 the two conjugations of Pihel and Puhal in all 
 the moods and tenfes except the infinitive. And 
 this mows, the modern points to be at leaft as 
 ancient as the prefent ftructure of hebrew gram- 
 mar. However, this controverfy not admitt- 
 ing of demonftration on either fide of the quef- 
 tion, I (hall leave you, after confidering what 
 hath been faid, and what Buxtorf and Capel 
 have further offered, to judge for yourfelves, 
 on which fide the greateft probability lies •, and 
 
 proceed 
 
General divisions of the Bible. 373 
 
 proceed next to confider the ufual divifions of 
 the hebrew bible. 
 
 Of the general partitions and divifions of the 
 bible. 
 
 The general title of the whole is DHBW 
 njO")NT Nefrim vearbangnah, that is, the 
 twenty-four, becaufe it contains twenty-four 
 books-, though, from a paffage of Jofephus in 
 his firft book againft Appion it appears, that 
 in his time they divided the whole bible into 
 twenty-two books, correfponding to the num- 
 ber of letters in the hebrew alphabet. He faith, 
 we have only twenty-two books, which are de- 
 fervedly believed to be of divine authority, of 
 which five are the books of Mofes. The pro- 
 phets,- who were the fuccefTors of Mofes, have 
 written thirteen. The remaining four books con- 
 tain hymns to God, and documents of life for 
 the ufe of men *. 
 
 At prefent the Jews make the facred books 
 
 to be twenty-four -, for they reckon Ezra and 
 
 B b 3 Nehemiah 
 
 * Jofeph. contra Appion. lib. i. §. 8. torn. 2 p. 441. 
 edit. Havcrc. 
 
 This paflage of Jofephus is much infilled on by Mr. 
 Whifton and iome others, to difprove the divine authority 
 of the book of Canticles. We have now, they (ay, five 
 books in our bibles, which anfwer to this title, Hymns to 
 God and documents of life for the ufe of men ; namely, 
 Job, Pfalms, Proverbs, Ecclefialres and Canticles ; whereas 
 it is plain, that in Jofephus's time there were but four. 
 Therefore the book of Canticles, they conceive, hath been 
 added fince. See Mr. Whilton's Supplement to his Efiay 
 towards reftoring the true text of the Old Teftament prov- 
 ing that the Canticles is not a facred book ; printed 1723, 
 and on the other fide, a defence of the canon of the Old 
 Teftament in anfwer to Mr. Whifton, by William Itchin... 
 jer, M. A, 1723. 
 
374 General divifions of the Bible. 
 
 Nehemiah as one book, and the twelve minor 
 prophets as one, and the two books of Samuel, 
 of Kings, and of Chronicles each as one book ; 
 which reduces the thirty-nine books according 
 to our divifion, to twenty-four. And thefe 
 twenty-four they diftinguifh into five of the 
 law, eight of the prophets, and eleven of the 
 hagiographa. The law, or pentateuch, which 
 they call mil") Win mfcl! chamifhah chu- 
 rniihei torah, that is, quinque quintal legis, 
 contains the five books of Mofes •, each of 
 which is called by the word, with which it be- 
 gins, or the moft confiderable near the begin- 
 ning, as Berefhith, Shemoth, &c. The pro- 
 phets, in Hebrew DWMJ nebhiim, are diftin- 
 guifhed into D^1£W» D\S M ^3 nebhiim rifhonim, 
 pr former prophets, which are Jofhua, Judges, 
 Samuel and Kings ; and the DUTintf DWU nib- 
 hiim acharonim, or the latter prophets ; which 
 are again diftinguifhed into the majores, which 
 are Ifaiah, Jeremiah and Ezekiel •, and the 
 twelve minores, namely, Hofea, Joel, &c. 
 which are all reckoned one book. 
 
 The hagiographa, or DMirD ^SD fepher 
 chetubbim, contain Pfalms, Proverbs, Job, 
 Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclefialtes, 
 \Efther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah and Chroni- 
 cles. But in fome books, as Athias's and 
 Plantin's editions, the rh$D 2JDI1 chamefh me- 
 gillath, that is, the books of Canticles, Ruth, 
 .Lamentations, Ecclefialtes and Either, are 
 placed juft after the pentateuch ; and then the 
 hagiographa contain only Pfalms, Proverbs, 
 Job, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah and Chronicles. 
 The reafon why the Jews divide them in this 
 manner is, that they might have no occafion 
 to carry the whole bible to their fynagogue, 
 
 but 
 
General divifions of the Bible. 275 
 but only the pentateuch and thofe five books, 
 which are read at different feafts •, namely, Can- 
 ticles at the paffover, Ruth ac the pcntecoft, 
 Lamentations at the faft which is kept in July in 
 commemoration of the burning of the temple ; 
 Ecclefiaftes at the feaft of tabernacles, and Either 
 at the feaft of purim. This laft book is written in 
 a little roll by itfelf, and called iriDtt n ? 7 T JJD me- 
 gillah Either, from ^J galal, volvit *. 
 
 The divifion of the bible into thefe three 
 parts, the law, the prophets and the hagiogra- 
 pha, feems to be referred to in the following 
 pailage of St. Luke, " All things muft be ful- 
 filled, which are written in the law of Mofes, 
 and in the prophets, and in the Pfalms con- 
 cerning me (ay*. As the book of Pfalms ftood 
 firft in the hagiographa, or the third divifion, 
 that whole divifion was commonly called the 
 Pfalms ; as the whole book of Genefis is 
 named by the firft word in it, and fo feveral 
 other books. This enumeration, therefore, the 
 law i the prophets* and the Pfalms, include the 
 whole bible. 
 
 On the fame principle Dr. Lightfoot accounts 
 for a fuppofed falfe citation in St. Matthew (b). 
 " Then was fulfilled that which was fpoken by 
 Jeremy, the prophet, faying, And they took 
 the thirty pieces of filver, the price of him 
 that was valued, whom they of the childien 
 of Ifrael did value •, add gave them for the 
 potters field." The paffage here cited is not 
 in Jeremiah, but in Zechariah. Accordingly 
 Beza ftiles this difficulty, Nodus, qui vetuftif- 
 fimos quofque interpretes torfit. St. Auftin 
 Bb 4 fuppofes 
 
 * See on this fubjed Buxtorf. Tiberias, cap. xi. 
 (a) Luke xxiv. 44. {b) Matt, xxvii. 9, 10. 
 
376 General divifions of the Bible, 
 fuppofes it to be e.ixa.$Tn[/.x iJ.vny.ovtKav, a flip of 
 St. Matthew's memory •, which is by no means., 
 tg be admitted, if we allow that he wrote by -J 
 the fecial guidance of the fpirit of Gcd. Dr. 
 Wall, obferving that Dr. Mill fuppofes it 
 to be a lap/us calami of St. Matthew, thinks it 
 more likely that the greek tranflator of his 
 gofpel mould have been thus miftaken than the 
 evangelift himfelf ; and if To, faith he, it is 
 pity fomebody did not do here, as St. Jerom 
 did in a fimilar difficulty rela:ing to " Zacha- 
 rias, the fon of Barachias," who is faid to have 
 been " (lain between the temple a.nd the altar •" 
 namely, confult the hebiew copy ol St. Mat- 
 thew's gofpel before it was loft '*. Indeed St. 
 Jerom faith with refpe6l to the prefent difficul- 
 ty, that a nazarene Jew ihewed him a book, 
 accounted an apocryphal book of the prophet 
 Jeremiah, where this paftage is exprened verba- 
 tim f. 
 
 The learned Jofeph Mede conceives, that 
 thefe words, as well as feveral paffages, which 
 now ftand in the book of Zechariah, were ori- 
 ginally fpoken by Jeremiah i but have been 
 mifplaced through the unfkilfulnefs of the per- 
 fons who collected their prophecies J, 
 
 However Dr. Lightfoot, by teftimonies from 
 the rabbies, fhews us, that Jeremiah did an- 
 ciently ftand firft in the book of the prophets. 
 And hence he came to be mentioned before all 
 the reft in the following pafiage of St. Mat- 
 thew, " Some fay, that thou art John the bap- 
 
 tift, 
 
 * Sep Dr. Wall's critical notes on the New Teftament, 
 on Matt, xxiii. 35. 
 
 f See Dr. Wall on Matt, xxvii. 9, 10. 
 
 j Mede's works, book iv. epift. xxxi. p. 786. London. 
 
 1677- 
 
Editions of the Bible. 277 
 
 tift, fome Elias, and others Jeremias, or one 
 of the prophets {a)" Accordingly, as the 
 whole hagiographa is called the Pfalms from 
 the i J ialms being the firft book, fo the whole 
 volume of the prophets is for the fame reafon 
 called Jeremiah *. 
 
 There is yet another, and perhaps more pro- 
 bable, conjecture of bifhop Hail ; who ima- 
 gines, that Zechariah having been written con- 
 tracted! y, zp«, was by fome tranferiber miftaken 
 for i<>tv. 
 
 Others after all fuppofe, that the name of 
 the prophet is an erroneous marginal addition, 
 now crept into the text •, fince the fyriac ver- 
 fion only faith, " It was fpoken by the pro- 
 phet,'' without mentioning his name. 
 
 I (hall conclude the whole with an account 
 of the moft considerable editions of the bible. 
 I mean thofe which may be called pompous 
 editions •, for the plain, or the mere editions of 
 the hebrew text, are too numerous for our at- 
 tempting a detail of them. Ey the pompous 
 editions, otherwife called Opera Biblica, I in- 
 tend thofe, which contain not only the facred 
 text, but likewife fome commentaries, or ver- 
 lions, joined with it •, and they are chiefly thefe 
 four, the Biblia Complutenfia, Biblia Regia, 
 Biblia Parifienfia, and Biblia Polyglotta. 
 
 The Biblia Complutenfia, fo called from 
 Complutum in Spain, where the work was 
 printed, is contained in one volume folio. It 
 was publifhed under the care of cardinal Xime- 
 nes, anno 15 14, containing the Old Teftament 
 in Hebrew, the vulgar Latin ; the targum of 
 
 Onkelos 
 
 (a) Matt. xvi. 14. 
 
 * Lightfoot's Horx hebraic. on Matt, xxvii. 9. 
 
37& Editions of the Bible. 
 
 Onkelos on the pentateuch, and the feptuagint 
 verfion, with the latin tranflation of both ; alfo 
 the New Teftament in Greek and Latin. 
 
 The Biblia Regia, fo called from Philip II. 
 of Spain, at whofe charge the work was exe- 
 cuted, contains eight volumes, printed at Ant- 
 werp, anno dom. 1-571., with a better letter and 
 paper than the former. Arias Montanus had 
 the greateft fhare in this work ; which contains 
 feveral things more than the Complutenfian, 
 namely, the chaldee paraphrafe on all the Old 
 Teftament, with a latin verfion of it ; the in- 
 terlineary verfion of the New Teftament ; and 
 alfo the New Teftament in Syriac, expreffed 
 both in hebrew and fyriac characters. 
 
 The Biblia Parifienfia in ten volumes, was 
 printed at Paris, anno dom. 1645. at the charge 
 of a private man, Michael de Jay ; and there- 
 fore it is alfo called Jay's bible. It was done 
 under the direction and care of Dr. Gabriel 
 Sionita, profeffor of the oriental languages at 
 Paris, of Johannes Morinus, and Abraham 
 Ecchellenfis. 
 
 It exceeds the Biblia Regia both in paper and 
 in print; it hath, befides all which that con- 
 tains, the pentateuch in Samaritan, all the Old 
 Teftament in Syriac, and both Teftaments in 
 Arabic. 
 
 The Anglicanum opus Biblicum, called the 
 Polyglot, was printed chiefly under the care of 
 Dr. Bryan Walton, in fix volumes at London 
 1657. This contains feveral things which Jay's 
 bible hath not. It has Arias Montanus's in- 
 terlineary verfion, the Septuagint from the 
 Vatican and Alexandrian copies, which are fup- 
 pofed to be the beft ; the old vulgate latin tran- 
 flation of the Septuagint, which alone, he tells 
 
 you 
 
Editions of the Bible. 379 
 
 you, is that which the latin church ufed four 
 hundred years after the apoflles. It has the 
 perfic pentateuch in the perfic character, the 
 Pfalms, Canticles and New Teftament in the 
 Ethiopic, the jerufalem targum, the chaldee 
 paraphrafe of Jonathan, &c *. 
 
 Dr. Edmund Caftell, arabic profeffor at 
 Cambridge, publiflied a Lexicon for the ufe 
 of Walton's Polyglot in two volumes folio, 
 which generally goes with it, making in all 
 eight volumes. 
 
 * See the preface to the London Polyglot. 
 
 The END. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page line 
 
 6 27 for va»oj read *«o? 
 
 28 for wgofatoj lead Trpovaoj 
 
 9 22 for then read than 
 
 10 20 dele mutuum 
 
 16 16 for then read than 
 fc6 2 for of read againft 
 
 71 Note 1. 11 for medicandum read mendicandum 
 
 72 7 for profeucha? read profeucha 
 
 80 Note 1. 6. for fanitive read fanative 
 
 95 Note * 1. 3 for quovis read quoquam 
 
 104 I for Egyptians read Babylonians, and fo twice in 
 
 line 4 and add the following reference, Herodot. 
 
 Euterp. cap. 109. p. 127. edit. Gronov. 
 112 3 in the reference at this mark f after Ariftot. Ethic. 
 
 lib. viii. add cap. ix. fub linem, 
 142 II for inftition read inftitution 
 172 for, in the hebrew ftplDfl' read, in the hebrew 
 
 HD£)» * n tue chaldee tfnDD 
 197 1 6 for matfets read matfats 
 
 349 4 for 9f« read Svuv 
 
 369 Note 1. 4 for ufurpatur read ufurpetur 
 
 391 penult, for DD^D read DD^D 
 
 301 in the reference at this mark * after Diod. Sicul. 
 
 lib. xl. add Eclog. prim. p. 922. edit Hanov. 
 
 1604. 
 339 antepenult. Jota read Iota 
 
 343 Note $. 1. 2 after fame add time 
 
 344 Note % 1. 3 for enucleantas read enucleatas 
 348 25 for Jota read Iota 
 
 350 1 6 for Jota read Iota 
 356 1 6 for ormu read omru 
 360 21 for ^y read ity 
 
<]«M3»«»« 
 
 » 
 
 A "^jfe j£"jk *l A J 
 
 INDEX of TEXTS 
 
 illuftrated or explained. 
 
 GENESIS. 
 
 ap. 
 
 Verfe. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page 
 
 i. 
 
 0' 
 
 II. 
 
 101,-103. 
 
 
 26,-28. 
 
 I. 
 
 148. 
 
 
 29, 30. 
 
 I. 
 
 3°5> 3 o6 > n otc 
 
 ii. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 144, 145. 
 
 
 2,3- 
 
 II. 
 
 162, 163. 
 
 
 7- 
 
 II. 
 
 318. 
 
 iii. 
 
 21. 
 
 I. 
 
 3°5> 3°k 
 
 iv. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 111,-113. 
 
 
 4- 
 
 I. 
 
 148, 149. 
 
 
 *3> 14- 
 
 I. 
 
 5 ,6. 
 
 
 »$• 
 
 I. 
 
 6,-8. 
 
 
 23* 24. 
 
 I. 
 
 8, 9- 
 
 vii. 
 
 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 150, 151. 
 
 
 6, 11. 
 
 lit 
 
 185. 
 
 viii. 
 
 21. 
 
 II. 
 
 163. 
 
 ix. 
 
 3- 
 
 I. 
 
 306, 307, note. 
 
 
 22,-25. 
 
 I. 
 
 10,-15. 
 
 X. 
 
 8,9- 
 
 I. 
 
 10, 11. 
 
 
 21. 
 
 I. 
 
 104. 
 
 xi. 
 
 1, 6, 7, 9. 
 
 II. 
 
 3 2 5>— J3°- 
 
 xiv. 
 
 13- 
 
 I. 
 
 104, 105. 
 
 XV. 
 
 5- 
 
 I. 
 
 3 6 7- 
 
 xxi. 
 
 9, &c. 
 
 I. 
 
 i5- 
 
 
 33- 
 
 IT. 
 
 87, 88. 
 
 cxxi. 
 
 39- 
 
 I. 
 
 3 2 7- 
 
 XXXV. 
 
INDEX of TEXTS, &c. 
 
 Chap. Verfe Vol. Page 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 134. 
 
 xxxviii. 
 
 24. 
 
 I. 
 
 17, 18. 
 
 xlix. 
 
 7- 
 
 I. 
 
 16,17,289,290. 
 
 i 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 76,-81. 
 
 
 26. 
 
 I. 
 
 416. 
 
 
 E X D U 
 
 S. 
 
 in. 
 
 5. 
 
 I. 
 
 242. ; 
 
 
 6. 
 
 I. 
 
 24^ 
 
 
 16. 
 
 I. 
 
 19, 20; 
 
 
 21. 
 
 II. 
 
 IO. 
 
 iv. 
 
 29-. 
 
 I. 
 
 19, 20. 
 
 v. 
 
 14. 
 
 I. 
 
 20. 
 
 xii. 
 
 2; 
 
 II. 
 
 174. 
 
 
 5- 
 
 II. 
 
 183,— 186. 
 
 
 6. 
 
 II. 
 
 181,-183. 
 
 
 8, 1 1, 46, 
 
 II. 
 
 194,-199. 
 
 
 9- 
 
 II. 
 
 1 93-> 194- 
 
 
 10. 
 
 II. 
 
 199, 200. 
 
 
 22. 
 
 II. 
 
 191, 192. 
 
 
 22, 23, 
 
 II. 
 
 200, 201. 
 
 
 35> 36. 
 
 II. 
 
 IO. 
 
 
 48. 
 
 I. 
 
 132. 
 
 xvi. 
 
 23,-26. 
 
 II. 
 
 146, 147. 
 
 XX. 
 
 8. 
 
 II. 
 
 i5 2 > 1 53» 
 
 
 24. 
 
 II. 
 
 92. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 1,-6. 
 
 II. 
 
 290, 291. 
 
 xxiii. 
 
 16. 
 
 II. 
 
 236,-238. 
 
 xxiv. 
 
 i, 9' *4-' 
 
 I. 
 
 3*> 39- 
 
 
 5. 
 
 I. 
 
 l 93> J 94- 
 
 xxvi. 
 
 *3- 
 
 II. 
 
 12.- 
 
 xxvii. 
 
 5- 
 
 II. 
 
 18. 
 
 
 9 : 
 
 11. 
 
 '5- 
 
 Xxviii. 
 
 6. 
 
 I. 
 
 227, 22&. 
 
 
 *.. 
 
 I. 
 
 229. 
 
 xxvi 
 
INDEX of TEXTS, &c 
 Chap. Verfe Vol. Page 
 
 xxviii. 
 
 9> — 12. 
 
 I. 
 
 228. 
 
 
 J 5- 
 
 I. 
 
 229. 
 
 
 So. 
 
 I. 
 
 233>— 2 3*' 
 
 
 3*>— 34* 
 
 I. 
 
 220,-226. 
 
 
 36,-3$. 
 
 I. 
 
 230,— 233. 
 
 
 40. 
 
 I. 
 
 215,-217,219, 
 
 
 41. 
 
 I. 
 
 249, 250. 
 
 
 42. 
 
 I. 
 
 213, 214. 
 
 xxix. 
 
 20. 
 
 I. 
 
 248, 249. 
 
 
 21. 
 
 I. 
 
 224, — 226. 
 
 
 22. 
 
 I. 
 
 247> 24-3. 
 
 
 29, 30. 
 
 I. 
 
 211. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 12, — 16. 
 
 I. 
 
 82,-84. 
 
 
 23,--25- 
 
 I. 
 
 208. 
 
 
 3°- 
 
 I. 
 
 191. 
 
 * 
 
 3*>— 33- 
 
 I. 
 
 208, 205; 
 
 xxxi. 
 
 14. 
 
 II. 
 
 i5*> *5 2 * 
 
 ■ 
 
 16, 17. 
 
 I. 
 
 145- 
 
 xxxiv. 
 
 22. 
 
 11. 
 
 254. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 155. 
 
 xxxvi. 
 
 33- 
 
 II. 
 
 II, 12.' 
 
 xxxviii. 
 
 4- 
 
 II. 
 
 IS. 
 
 
 8. 
 
 II. 
 
 20, 21. 
 
 xxxix. 
 
 27. 
 
 I. 
 
 21-5,' 217; 
 
 
 LEVITICUS. 
 
 i> 
 
 6,-8. 
 
 I. 
 
 332. 
 
 
 15, 16. 
 
 I. 
 
 29. 
 
 X. 
 
 1, 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 I98. 
 
 
 1 7- 
 
 I. 
 
 320, 321; 
 
 Kvi. 
 
 4- 
 
 I. 
 
 2l6, 217. 
 
 
 8. 
 
 II. 
 
 268^ — 272. 
 
 
 14, 15. 
 
 II. 
 
 277, 278. 
 
 
 29. 
 
 II. 
 
 26o,t-262. 
 
 xvli. 
 
 12, 15. 
 
 I. 
 
 I44. 
 
 xxi. 
 
INDEX of TEXTS, &c. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verfe 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page 
 
 xxi. 
 
 IO, 12. 
 
 I. 
 
 251,-259, 
 
 
 *3> !4. 
 
 I. 
 
 250, 251. 
 
 xxiii. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 49; 
 
 
 ii, 
 
 II. 
 
 214, 215. 
 
 
 15, 16. 
 
 II. 
 
 218. 
 
 
 .24. 
 
 II. 
 
 2 53- 
 
 
 40. 
 
 II. 
 
 229,-231. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 281, — ^83. 
 
 
 % 4- 
 
 II. 
 
 283,-286. 
 
 
 10, 11. 
 
 II. 
 
 298, 299. 
 
 
 45- 
 
 I. 
 
 143- 
 
 xxvii. 
 
 29. 
 
 I. 
 
 59, 60. 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 iy. 
 
 3> 23, 43- 
 
 I. 
 
 273> 274.' 
 
 Xb 
 
 3>4- 
 
 I. 
 
 423- 
 
 
 9,-12. 
 
 I. 
 
 420, 421. 
 
 viii. 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 292. 
 
 
 11. 
 
 I. 
 
 291. 
 
 X. 
 
 xi. 
 
 xiii. 
 
 24, 25. 
 
 4- 
 
 35> 3 6 
 16. 
 
 16,-25. 
 
 8, 16. 
 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 273> 274. 
 
 38. 
 
 23* 
 
 39- 
 
 3*> 
 
 3 J > 32. 
 
 
 32- 
 
 I. 
 
 33- 
 
 xiv. 
 
 41, 42. 
 
 I. 
 
 23* 24. 
 
 xxi. 
 
 14. 
 
 I. 
 
 2 2. «A 
 
 xxiv. 
 
 24. 
 
 I. 
 
 107. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 12, 13. 
 
 I. 
 
 199. 
 
 xxvii. 
 
 20. 
 
 I. 
 
 24. 
 
 xxviii. 
 
 ii, 19, 27. 
 
 II. 
 
 2 33- 
 
 
 15- 
 
 II. 
 
 2h-9, 25O. 
 
 xxix. 
 
 1. 
 
 II. 
 
 25O. 
 
 
 S> 
 
 II. 
 
 233> 234- 
 
 xxxik 
 
INDEX of TEXTS,&c. 
 
 Chap. Verfe Vol. Page 
 
 xxxii. 2. I. 38. 
 
 xxxv. 4, 5. I. 295, 296. 
 
 DEUTERONOMY. 
 
 V. 
 
 12. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 158, — 160. 
 
 xii. 
 
 *3> H. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 87, 92, 93 . 
 
 xiv. 
 
 21. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 143- 
 
 XV 
 
 23. 
 
 
 IL 
 
 301. 
 288, 289. 
 
 xvi. 
 
 8. 
 18. 
 21, 
 
 
 IL 
 
 *75- 
 
 3 6 > 37- 
 86. 
 
 xvii.- 
 
 9- 
 
 j 4 to the end. 
 
 '7- 
 
 !• 
 
 45- 
 
 163, — 175; 
 
 88. 
 
 xviii. 
 
 J 5> 
 
 
 X_0 
 
 34- 
 
 xxiii. 
 
 1, &c. 
 
 
 -*» 
 
 141,-143; 
 
 xxxii. 
 
 8. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 33°- 
 
 xxxiii. 
 
 5- 
 16. 
 
 
 *• 
 
 3°, 3 1 * 
 416. 
 
 xxiv. 
 
 JO. 
 
 
 
 37 6 - 
 
 
 JO 
 
 SHU 
 
 A. 
 
 v. 
 
 vi. 
 
 i4> 15- 
 4- 
 
 
 I. 
 II. 
 
 242, 243. 
 296. 
 
 xxxiv. 
 
 26. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 74> 75- 
 
 
 J U D 
 
 G E 
 
 S. 
 
 viii. 
 xi. 
 
 14. 
 
 30,-40. 
 
 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 3°". 
 36. 
 
 48, — 62. 
 
 Vol. II. 
 
 1 S A- 
 
INDEX of TEXTS 5 &c. 
 i SAMUEL. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verfe 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page 
 
 i. 
 
 i, 19. 
 
 I. 
 
 384. 
 
 ii. 
 
 27, & feq. 
 
 I. 
 
 203. 
 
 iii. 
 
 2,-— 4. 
 
 I. 
 
 353- 
 
 viii. 
 
 5* 6 > 7- 
 
 I. 
 
 463. 
 
 
 7* 
 
 I. 
 
 25, 26. 
 
 ix. 
 
 9- 
 
 I. 
 
 344,-34-6. 
 
 X. 
 
 1. 
 
 I. 
 
 178. 
 
 
 5- 
 
 I. 
 
 3*3* 3 8 4- 
 
 
 6, 7. 
 
 I. 
 
 196, 197. 
 
 xii. 
 
 12. 
 
 I. 
 
 25, 26. 
 
 xvi. 
 
 2 3- 
 
 I. 
 
 35^ 357- 
 
 xvii. 
 
 17, 18. 
 
 I. 
 
 87. 
 
 
 2 SAMUEL. 
 
 viii. 
 
 *7- 
 
 I. 
 
 200, 201. 
 
 X. 
 
 4>5- 
 
 I. 
 
 214. 
 
 xii. 
 
 3°- 
 
 I. 
 
 182,-184. 
 
 xiv. 
 
 26.. 
 
 I. 
 
 417,-419, 
 
 xxiv. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 84, 85. 
 
 
 24. 
 
 II. 
 
 3 2 > 33- 
 
 • 
 
 K I 
 
 N G 
 
 S. 
 
 i. 
 
 . 
 
 I. 
 
 178. 
 
 xii. 
 
 28, 29. 
 
 II. 
 
 26, — 28. 
 
 
 2 K I 
 
 N G 
 
 s. 
 
 iii. 
 
 i2 5 13* x 5* 
 
 I. 
 
 S55> 35 6 - 
 
 iv. 
 
 29. 
 
 II. 
 
 I3 1 - 
 
 v. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 i53>—i5 S ' 
 
 xvi. 
 
 18. 
 
 II. 
 
 154. 
 
 XX. 
 
INDEX of TEXTS.&c. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verie 
 
 
 VoJ 
 
 • Page 
 
 XX. 
 
 xxiv. 
 
 9,—i i. 
 io, & iec 
 
 I- 
 
 II. 
 I. 
 
 104, 105. 
 65, 66. 
 
 i 
 
 C H.R 
 
 O 
 
 N I 
 
 C L E S. 
 
 V. 
 
 l 7' 
 
 
 I. 
 
 128. 
 
 ix. 
 
 i. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 128. 
 
 XV. 
 
 16. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 281,-— 283. 
 
 xxi. 
 
 25. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 3 2 > 33- 
 
 xxii. 
 xxiii. 
 
 14. 
 4- 
 
 
 II. 
 I. 
 
 33? 44- 
 288, 289. 
 
 xxvi. 
 
 20. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 287. 
 
 xxviii. 
 
 u 5 — '3- 
 
 
 I. 
 
 266,-— 268. 
 
 xxix. 
 
 4> 6, 7. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 33-> 34- 
 
 
 IS- 
 
 
 I. 
 
 105. 
 
 2 
 
 C H R 
 
 O 
 
 N I 
 
 C L E S. 
 
 V. 
 
 i3- 
 
 
 I. 
 
 280, 281. 
 
 xii. 
 
 i5- 
 
 
 I. 
 
 127. 
 
 
 E 
 
 Z 
 
 R A 
 
 
 i. 
 ii. 
 
 2. 
 
 65. 
 
 
 II. 
 I. 
 
 35- 
 275, 276. 
 
 vi. 
 viii. 
 
 «7- 
 
 35- 
 
 
 \> 
 
 6$. 
 
 
 N E H 
 
 E 
 
 M I 
 
 A H. 
 
 ii. 
 vii. 
 
 1. 
 
 6. 
 64,-65. 
 6 7 . 
 
 
 II. 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 174.' 
 6 9 . 
 
 13°- 
 275, 276. 
 
 viii. 
 
 *5» 
 
 
 II. 
 
 229,-: — 231. 
 
 
 
 C c 
 
 : 2 
 
 xiii. 
 
INDEX of TEXTS, &c. 
 
 Chap. Verfe Vol. Page 
 
 xiii. 
 
 i>— 3- 
 
 I. 
 
 142, I43. 
 
 
 24. 
 
 II. 
 
 334- 
 
 
 ESTHER. 
 
 ix. 
 
 20, — ult. 
 
 II. 
 JOB. 
 
 304,—3IO. 
 
 i. 
 
 6. 
 
 II. 
 
 143- 
 
 
 P S 
 
 A L M 
 
 S. 
 
 ii. 
 
 12. 
 
 I. 
 
 184; 
 
 xl. 
 
 6. 
 
 {'!: 
 
 291, 292. 
 308, 309. 
 
 xlv. 
 
 1. 
 
 I. 
 
 39 l - 
 
 
 7- 
 
 I. 
 
 21 1, 212. 
 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 140. 
 
 1. 
 
 8,-14. 
 
 I. 
 
 308, 309. 
 
 'li. 
 
 8, 10,— 
 
 ■12. I- 
 
 355- 
 
 
 16. 
 
 I. 
 
 308, 309. 
 
 lv. 
 
 1 7- 
 
 II. 
 
 109, no. 
 
 Ixxiv. 
 
 8. 
 
 II. 
 
 48. 
 
 Ixxx. 
 
 1. 
 
 { i 
 
 21. 
 
 3°- 
 
 Ixxxi. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 244,. 245. 
 
 Ixxxix. 
 
 20. 
 
 I. 
 
 177, 178. 
 
 xcviii. 
 
 6. 
 
 I. 
 
 276, 277. 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 21. 
 
 xcix. 
 
 1. 
 
 3°- 
 
 civ. 
 
 *5- 
 
 I. 
 
 224. 
 
 ex. 
 
 4* 
 
 I. 
 
 192. 
 
 
 
 \ L 
 
 179, 180, 223, 
 
 exxxiii. 
 
 2. 
 
 224. 
 
 
 
 
 ISAIAH. 
 
I N D E X of 
 
 * T E X T S, &c. 
 
 
 I S A 
 
 I A 
 
 H. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verfe. 
 
 Vol 
 
 . Page. 
 
 iv. 
 
 5- 
 
 II. 
 
 49. 
 
 XX. 
 
 2> 3- 
 
 I. 
 
 364, & feq. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 29. 
 
 I. 
 
 281. 
 
 xxxiii. 
 
 18. 
 
 I. 
 
 39°- 
 
 xliv. 
 xlv. 
 
 28. 
 1,— 4. 
 
 1 1 
 
 6 7 . 
 
 liii. 
 
 4, 12. 
 
 I. 
 
 321. 
 
 Iviiii. 
 
 5- 
 
 II. 
 
 260, — 262. 
 
 Ixi. 
 
 1, 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 302. 
 
 
 JE R E 
 
 M I 
 
 A H. 
 
 vii. 
 
 22. 
 
 I. 
 
 308,-313 
 
 xiii. 
 
 4> 5- 
 
 I. 
 
 564, & feq. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 i5>— 2 9- 
 
 I. 
 
 3 66. 
 
 xxvii. 
 
 3- 
 
 I. 
 
 3 6 5> 
 
 xxviii. 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 3<>9> 37°- 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 6,7. 
 
 I. 
 
 428, 429. 
 
 xxxvi. 
 
 4> 32. 
 
 I. 
 
 39 l - 
 
 i 
 
 LAMENTATIONS. 
 
 ii. 
 
 8. 
 
 II. 
 
 41. 
 
 
 E Z E 
 
 K I E 
 
 : l. 
 
 iii. 
 
 i7- 
 
 I. 
 
 3 S 4- 
 
 iv. I. 364, & feq. 
 
 xii. 6. I. 364, 365. 
 
 xvi. 10. II. 13. 
 
 Cc 3 DANIEL. 
 
I N D E X of T E X T S, &c. 
 DANIEL. 
 
 Chap. 
 iii. 
 iv. 
 
 Verfe 
 
 15- 
 
 19. 
 
 • 
 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page. 
 105, 106. 
 
 ix. 
 
 24. 
 
 
 
 II. 
 
 114. 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 S E 
 
 A. 
 
 i. 
 
 2. 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 364, 368. 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 E L 
 
 • 
 
 ii. 
 
 28. 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 35*- 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 M O £ 
 
 
 ii. 
 
 11. 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 422. 
 
 
 Z E 
 
 C 
 
 H 
 
 A R 
 
 1 A H. 
 
 vi. 
 
 12. 
 
 
 
 II. 
 
 277. 
 
 
 M 
 
 A 
 
 T 
 
 T H 
 
 E W. 
 
 ii. 
 iii. 
 iv. 
 vi. 
 
 X. 
 
 xii. 
 xvi. 
 
 xvii. 
 
 2 3- 
 '5- 
 
 1 5- 
 
 29. 
 
 3- 
 
 9- 
 
 40. 
 
 14. 
 
 21. 
 
 24,- 
 
 -26 
 
 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 II. 
 I. 
 II. 
 I. 
 I. 
 1. 
 
 424,-426. 
 204, 205. 
 116. 
 
 184, 185. 
 196, 197. 
 219. 
 285. 
 
 444- 
 268. 
 86. 
 
 xxiii. 
 
 2, 3. 
 
 5- 
 
 7> 8, 9- 
 
 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 397> 39 s - 
 447>~ 453- 
 4H 3 ~4>3- 
 
 XX1U. 
 
INDEXof TEXTS.&c. 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verfe. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page. 
 
 xxiii. 
 
 '5- 
 
 I. 
 
 140. 
 
 
 34- 
 
 I. 
 
 38". 
 
 xxiv. 
 
 20. 
 
 II. 
 
 286. 
 
 xxvi. 
 
 I 7- 
 
 II. 
 
 209, 2 10. 
 
 
 65. 
 
 I. 
 
 257, 258. 
 
 xxviii. 
 
 1. 
 
 11. 
 
 100. 
 
 
 M A 
 
 R K 
 
 . 
 
 i. 
 
 22. 
 
 I. 
 
 ■295> 39 6 - 
 
 iii. 
 
 6. 
 
 I. 
 
 474, & teq 
 
 VI. 
 
 8. 
 
 II. 
 
 196, 197. 
 
 xiii. 
 
 i. 
 
 II. 
 
 39> 40- 
 
 xiv. 
 
 12. 
 
 II. 
 
 209, 210. 
 
 XV. 
 
 25- 
 
 II. 
 
 107, 108. 
 
 
 L U 
 
 K E 
 
 • 
 
 i. 
 
 5» 9> "• 
 
 II. 
 
 240. 
 
 ii. 
 
 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 9^—93- 
 
 
 46. 
 
 II. 
 
 67. 
 
 iii. 
 
 4,-6. 
 
 II. 
 
 9 6. 
 
 
 2 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 241-. 
 
 iv. 
 
 20. 
 
 II. 
 
 64. 
 
 vi. 
 
 1. 
 
 II. 
 
 138,— -140. 
 
 
 12. 
 
 II. 
 
 6 9 . 
 
 vii. 
 
 28. 
 
 I. 
 
 35 2 - 
 
 ix. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 196, 197. 
 
 X. 
 
 1,4. 
 
 11. 
 
 *32> l 33- 
 
 xi. 
 
 44- 
 
 I. 
 
 39 7 -> 393- 
 
 xiv. 
 
 26. 
 
 I. 
 
 140. 
 
 xvi. 
 
 22. 
 
 II. 
 
 '37- 
 
 xix. 
 
 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 95- 
 
 xxi. 
 
 5- 
 
 II. 
 
 39, 40, 44. 
 
 C c 4 
 
 JOHN. 
 
I N D E X of T E X T S, &c. 
 
 
 J 
 
 O H N. 
 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verfe. 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page. 
 
 ii. 
 
 6. 
 
 II. 
 
 i34»— l 3 6 - 
 
 
 20. 
 
 II. 
 
 44. 
 
 iii. 
 
 IO. 
 
 I. 
 
 *39- 
 
 iv. 
 
 9- 
 
 I. 
 
 462. 
 
 v. 
 
 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 41. 
 
 
 2,-4* 
 
 II. 
 
 78,-83. 
 
 viii. 
 
 20. 
 
 II. 
 
 43- 
 
 ix. 
 
 22. 
 
 II. 
 
 84, S5, 
 
 X. 
 
 22. 
 
 II. 
 
 37,38,310-313. 
 
 
 *3- 
 
 II. 
 
 41. 
 
 xii. 
 
 20. 
 
 I. 
 
 in. 
 
 
 42. 
 
 II. 
 
 84, 8 5 . 
 
 xiii. 
 
 I, 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 178, 180. 
 
 
 2 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 137- 
 
 
 29. 
 
 II. 
 
 178, 180. 
 
 xiv. 
 
 2 3« 
 
 I. 
 
 342. 
 
 xvi. 
 
 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 84, 2 5 , 
 
 xviii. 
 
 28. 
 
 II. 
 
 i8r. 
 
 xix. 
 
 14. 
 
 II. 
 
 107, 108, i8x. 
 
 XX. 
 
 16. 
 
 I. 
 
 4?4. 
 
 
 A 
 
 C T S, 
 
 
 i. 
 
 12. 
 
 II. 
 
 155- 
 
 ii. 
 
 1. 
 
 II. 
 
 219, — 222, 224, 
 
 
 
 I ii! 
 
 161, 162. 
 
 
 5- 
 
 171. 
 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 161, 162. 
 
 iii. 
 
 11. 
 
 II. 
 
 41. 
 
 vi. 
 
 1. 
 
 I. 
 
 109. 
 
 
 2. 
 
 II. 
 
 128, 
 
 
 S- 
 
 II. 
 
 50,-53' 
 
 Vlll. 
 
I N D E X of 
 
 TEXTS,&e, 
 
 Chap. 
 
 Verfe. 
 
 Vol 
 
 Page. 
 
 viii. 
 
 26, & feq. 
 
 I. 
 
 159, — i6r. 
 
 ix. 
 
 23, 29. 
 
 I. 
 
 111. 
 
 X. 
 
 2. 
 
 L 
 
 158, leg. 
 
 xi. 
 
 19, 20. 
 
 I. 
 
 HO, in. 
 
 xiii. 
 
 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 291. 
 
 
 14, 15* 
 
 II. 
 
 64. 
 
 
 43- 
 
 I. 
 
 132. 
 
 xiv. 
 
 2 3- 
 
 I. 
 
 2 93, 294, 
 
 XV. 
 
 21. 
 
 II. 
 
 160. 
 
 xvi. 
 
 i. 
 
 I. 
 
 HO. 
 
 
 J 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 %, 70. 
 
 xix. 
 
 8,—io, 
 
 II. 
 
 67,— 6 9 . 
 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 no. 
 
 xxii. 
 
 3- 
 
 II. 
 
 66, 6y. 
 
 xxiii. 
 
 5- 
 
 I. 
 
 239, 240. 
 
 
 9- 
 
 I. 
 
 394- 
 
 xxvii. 
 
 9* 
 
 II. 
 
 257,-260. 
 
 xxviii. 
 
 11. 
 
 II. 
 
 259, 260. 
 
 
 ROM 
 
 A N 
 
 ' S. 
 
 i. 
 
 1. 
 
 I. 
 
 291, 292. 
 
 
 14. 
 
 I. 
 
 388. • 
 
 iii. 
 
 25. 
 
 II. 
 
 24. 
 
 v. 
 
 7,8. 
 
 I. 
 
 432, 433- 
 
 xiii. 
 
 7- 
 
 I. 
 
 93* 94- 
 
 
 1 CORINTHIANS. 
 
 i. 
 
 20. 
 
 I. 
 
 388. 
 
 v. 
 
 7- 
 
 II. 
 
 201, — 208. 
 
 viii. 
 
 10. 
 
 I. 
 
 337- 
 
 X. 
 
 2. 
 
 I. 
 
 J 34- 
 
 xi. 
 
 4- 
 
 I. 
 
 244. 
 
 
 5> 
 
 I. 
 
 348, 349. 
 
 
 21, 
 
 II. 
 
 tot. 
 
 XI 11. 
 
I N D E X of T E X T S, &c. 
 
 Chap. Verfe. 
 
 xiii. 12. 
 xiv. 32. I. 374. 
 
 Vol. Page. 
 II. 20. 
 
 2 CORINTHIANS. 
 
 v. 21. 
 
 xi. 22. 
 
 I. 328. 
 I. 109. 
 
 GALATIANS. 
 iii. 28. I. 100. 
 
 EPHESIANS. 
 
 ii. 
 
 i3» H. 
 
 II. 
 
 42. 
 
 
 14. 
 
 I. 
 
 146. 
 
 v. 
 
 14. 
 
 II. 
 
 i5i>—253- 
 
 PHILIPPIANS. 
 
 iii. 5. I. 108. 
 
 COLOSSIANS. 
 ii. 18, 23. I. 471. 
 
 1 TIMOTHY, 
 iii. 13. I. 274. 
 
 HEBREWS. 
 
 vii. 
 
 14. 
 
 I. 
 
 129. 
 
 ix. 
 
 3> 4- 
 
 II. 
 
 3°^^ 
 
 
 7- 
 
 II. 
 
 274, 275. 
 
 x. 
 
 4- 
 
 I. 
 
 28. 
 
INDEX of TEXTS, &c. 
 
 tap. 
 
 Verfe Vol. Page 
 
 X. 
 
 5. II. 291, 292. 
 
 6. I. 328. 
 
 xi. 
 
 4. I.- 310. 
 
 xii. 
 
 3 2 - *• 54,— 59- 
 40. I. 58. 
 23. II. 167. 
 
 xiii. 
 
 II, 12. I. 33 r. 
 
 
 i5- L 335- 
 
 
 JAME S. 
 
 ii. 
 
 2. I. 185, 186. 
 2, — 4. II. 64, — 66. 
 
 
 1 PETER. 
 
 i. 
 
 12. II. 24, 25. 
 
 
 2 PETER. 
 
 i. 
 
 16,-19. I. 379,-381. 
 
 
 2i.. I. 354>37 J >373- 
 
 J U D E. 
 
 12. II. 128. 
 
 REVELATION. 
 
 xi. 2. I. 145. 
 
 xvi. 15. I. 286. 
 
 xvii. 5. I. 232. 
 
 xviii. 14. I. 1S5, 186. 
 
 INDEX. 
 

 INDEX of HEBREW Words 
 and Phrafes explained. 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 nnK II. 174. 
 
 DJVQK I." 32. 
 
 an$ 11. 328. 
 
 nehk 1. s- 
 
 om» 1. 233- 
 
 ro*e 1. 8. 
 
 MMC I. 291. 
 
 i^™fc 11. 308. 
 
 0W7D TK I. 247, 248. 
 
 nwo wat 1. 302. 
 
 pntf 1. 227. 
 
 nrm 11. 124, 125. 
 
 n» 1. 5. 
 
 nmaw n. 338. 
 
 fjptf II. 88. 
 
 to n. 324- 
 
 , -n 1. 217. 
 
 b*ato 11. 53. 
 
 o»:nyn p 11. 181. 
 
 pvna I n . 67 
 
 n^rm 11. 20. 
 lip) 
 
 rnrtai- h 131. 
 
 1313 J 
 
 rorpi 11 ,8c 
 
 rm* 
 
INDEX of HEBREW Words, &c. 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 ropn na^ ii. 256. 
 L ra 11. 135. 
 b^ m r\2 1. 377. 
 
 twm 1. 383. 384. 
 
 ,n:n 1. 10. 
 
 ^ftf I. 14. 
 
 DW I- 450. 
 
 «i»i 1. 405. 
 
 in I. 115. 
 own 1. 405. 
 
 , bin 11. 324. 3 
 
 n» n» tfW v finn *■ 2 50. 
 
 -nn 1. 24. 
 
 mn 11. 322. 
 
 ymn 1. 31, 32. 
 
 nnasn 11. 57. 
 
 nnnn^n 1. 155. 
 
 } ufed disjunaively, I. 45, 50, 51, 8a. 
 
 73>T II. 162. 
 
 mr 11. 32. 
 11. 253. 
 
 win trot 
 
 O'Jpt I. 19.' 
 P")T I. 224, 225, 
 
 :n 11. 231. 
 
 mn 
 
INDEX of HEBREW Words, Sec. 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 win n. 115. 
 
 D nin i- l8 5- 
 
 ntn J - 344. 
 
 ^rn ll r . 55, 56. 
 
 n«pn & 3 2 7- 
 Vn n - 4 1 - 
 
 CPn i- 387- 
 
 DH»Dn 1.430,431. 
 
 mm n 1. 267, 279. 
 pn 1. 62. 
 nonn n. 198, 199. 
 
 D 
 ♦JT1D II. 68. 
 
 to 
 
 11. 295,-297, 
 
 VW7V 
 
 I- 3*, 32. 
 
 KD* 
 
 II. 265. 
 
 5W 
 
 I, 252. 
 
 yfW 
 
 I. 30,31.- 
 
 3 
 
 
 •' go 
 
 I. 190, 192. 
 
 *>3 
 
 II. 10. 
 
 T03 
 
 I. 281. 
 
 >\DD 
 
 II. 32. 
 
 rro 
 
 n. 212, 213. 
 
 il-lD 
 
 11. 25, 26. 
 
 jv-d 
 
 11. 291, 292. 
 
 np^iD 
 
 11. 18. 
 
 b 
 
 
 twrnnj? 
 
 1. 127. 
 
 ,. ,y. 
 
 1. 39, 40. 
 
 nnnob 
 
INDEX of HEBREW Words, &c. 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 mitf? ii. 340. 
 Vsh 11. 278. 
 
 mb mim t 49> 5°- 
 
 »rto 
 
 nip7nD 
 
 nov hid 
 
 ppno' 
 
 •too 
 
 moo 
 
 d^» jpa 
 
 .mpo 
 nrawj 
 
 bpw® 
 nwa 
 
 & 
 
 I. 405. 
 
 I. 266. 
 
 II. 154. 
 
 II. 48. 
 
 L 59, 60. 
 
 I. 77i 78. 
 
 I. 74 . 
 
 I. 400. 
 
 II. in, — 113. 
 
 I I. 405. 
 III. 49. 
 
 II. 323. 
 
 I. 266. 
 
 I. J 71, 172, 405. 
 
 £ 173- 
 1. 182, 183. 
 
 I. 276. 
 
 II. 125. 
 
 ■hem 
 
 m: 
 nw 
 -in 
 Tn 
 
 pi 
 
 anw 
 
 K&>i 
 
 194. 
 
 34 2 » 343' 
 
 281, 282. 
 
 163. 
 . 225. 
 . 182, 416. 
 . 415,416. 
 
 174. 
 
 194. 
 
 320, 321. 
 
 JJD 
 
 I. 260. 
 
 •p 
 
INDEXof HEBREW Words, &c. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Vol* Page 
 
 tp 
 
 II. 191, 192. 
 
 *)BD 
 
 I. 389. 
 
 Hno 
 
 II. 68. 
 
 y 
 
 
 nw* 
 
 I. 116. 
 
 onny 
 
 I. 100, — 108. 
 
 «5W 
 
 I. 323- 
 
 , 7WTV 
 
 II. 268, et feq. 
 
 c:to may 
 
 I. 183, 184. 
 
 ♦js-ty 
 
 II. 278. 
 
 DOT J 
 
 II. 229. 
 
 it«n 
 
 II. 175, 225. 
 
 my? 
 -ip:r:ny s 
 
 II. 102. 
 
 D 
 
 
 'TDTIO'D 
 
 i. 180, 223, 224. 
 
 jbD 
 
 11. 322. 
 
 . EMU 
 
 1. 224. 
 
 KHD£> 
 
 n. 172, 173. 
 
 13 
 
 1. 178. 
 
 wna 
 
 I- 437- 
 
 D^pno 
 
 I. 280. 
 
 rijena 
 
 II. 56. 
 
 TDfi 
 
 I. 450. 
 
 S 
 
 
 $5*3 
 
 I. 449. 
 
 btbv 
 
 I. 282, 283, 
 
 rp5 
 
 II. 227. 
 
 OW 
 
 I. 384. 
 
 " V^ 
 
 I. 230,231. 
 
 IX 
 
 . I. 203. 
 
 wnp 11. 144. , 
 
 7HP 
 
JxNDEX of HEBREW Words, & c . 
 
 J Vol. Paae 
 
 7Hp I. 143. 
 
 *'P II. 322. 
 
 TOP II. 15. 
 
 ftfj? I. 65, 66. 
 
 D\snp 1. 433. 
 
 P? 1. 178. 
 
 n^n _ 1. 344) 345< 
 
 on 
 
 j x - 4i3> 3H. 
 
 oh-i 1. 4 ^. 
 
 V7J1 I. 78 3 
 
 ^ I. 306, 307. 
 
 '^ II. 10. 
 
 LDP I. 66, 67. 
 
 3^ II. 113/: 
 
 TM& II. 18?. 
 
 &n«y 1. 228. 
 
 iny rvW 11. »! /y 
 
 nw 11. ioc. 
 
 D'Dflff I. 28 §, 2 g 9) 
 
 nsssf 1. 276 27? 95 
 
 fitonnn^ n. 2 7 9 6. 77 ' 
 
 W I. 216, 217. 
 
 n» 11. 322! 
 
 t^nn 11. , 3 . 
 
 ,*)in 1. 22v. 
 
 rran 1. 221. v 
 
 VoL ' * D d n^D 
 
INDEX of HEBREW Words, &c. 
 
 ran 
 nsun 
 
 n»*nn 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 I- 233- 
 II. 229. 
 
 I. 49, 50. 
 I. 291. 
 I. 447. 
 II. 254. 
 I. 291. 
 I. 216. 
 
 INDEX 
 
Sa^Sar"xr V^^'sr^^s^a^r^^'v WWW ■w' 
 
 INDEX of GREEK Words. 
 
 ayocBog 
 ayoLTtoug 
 
 UVCtfjrjfJLOlTCt 
 WTTOXGlVOf/Ml 
 
 aprov erSicoiriv 
 upyjcvvotyuyog 
 cco^iTsXuvai 
 c&g-eiog tco Qzta 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page 
 
 I. 
 
 43 2 - 
 
 II. 
 
 128. 
 
 I. 
 
 3 2 7> 3 2 
 
 I. 
 
 467. 
 
 I. 
 
 1 16. 
 
 I. 
 
 115. 
 
 I. 
 
 387- 
 
 II. 
 
 145. 
 
 I. 
 
 117. 
 
 II. 
 
 54> 55 
 
 I. 
 
 95> 9 6 
 
 I. 
 
 119. 
 
 B 
 
 (2s(2oilOT££OV I. 379, 38C 
 
 Bty&0-<$fl& II. 78, 79. 
 
 QipXog I. 115. 
 
 yoc^otpvXoiKiov 
 
 II. 43. 
 
 yiyocg 
 
 I. IO. 
 
 
 Dd 2 
 
 ymuy 
 
INDEX of GREEK Words. 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 ysvtuv u^x otluv ioo, note 
 
 ;94- 
 
 
 eyiccuvix 
 
 II. 310. 
 I. 115. 
 I. 119. 
 
 «**W 1 I. 109,-112. 
 
 e^h n « 3°> 3 1 - 
 
 b^XoBvtus m n/jgl jj 
 
 cc^uo? t« A/3paa/^ J 
 
 efypoXoyziv I. I 10 * 
 
 £7ri(pu<rKi£<rvi II. IOO. 
 
 £0T«?»wfl-EV ei/ i?pv H. 238. 
 
 erspov cupa I. 442, 443- 
 
 £$tyt£p** I" 266 > 26 7« 
 
 £uAc<pop<a !*• 3 12, 
 
INDEX of GREEK Words, 
 
 
 
 
 Vol. 
 
 Page 
 
 Sucrictg 
 
 I 
 
 I. 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 20. 
 
 465. 
 
 467. 
 
 i$ZtV SfOtVOCTOV 
 
 
 T. 
 
 117. 
 
 tXtxg-qptov 
 lavia 
 
 K 
 
 II. 
 II. 
 
 23, 24. 
 322. 
 
 Koc3'o!.pi<rf/,og 
 xo&BijyijTtis 
 
 ■KOCTtX. KCCipOV 
 
 
 II. 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 134* 
 
 4*3- 
 
 80. 
 
 KOCTOtKUVTBg 
 
 KctTotxvjG'is 
 
 } 
 
 A 
 
 II. 
 
 II. 
 I. 
 
 171. 
 
 78. 
 449. 
 
 Xxp.7rpog 
 
 
 I. 
 II. 
 
 185, 186. 
 5 2 > 53- 
 
 M 
 
 perpvjrxi II. 135. 
 
 pyre ca ; GdV 1 tt £ , 
 
 oi>- }■ II. 196, 107. 
 
 pyre pxftdov J y y/ 
 
 Dd^ N 
 
INDEX of GREEK Words. 
 N 
 
 Vol. Page 
 vygtiu. II. 256, et fcq, 
 
 VCi * M01 \ I "0 2. 
 
 ivxfi'/ifi^ov II. 10 2. 
 
 O 
 
 9, 
 
 ax.it iiivv\ I. 9 
 
 c\ox,av£-ct I. 323 
 
 n 
 
 n«j"%a 
 
 II. 
 
 1/2, 173- 
 
 Ilgj/r'/jftopj 
 
 II. 
 
 224. 
 
 Trspay 
 
 I. 
 
 116. 
 
 II?;Ag<r*a 
 
 II. 
 
 3-4- 
 
 Trpa^ropej 
 
 I. 
 
 37- 
 
 TTpUG'iOCi TT^OLViOU 
 
 I. 
 
 119. 
 
 TrpotSccrtx'/i 
 
 II. 
 
 7/ 5 /o. 
 
 7T£o\au.ficcv£i 
 
 II. 
 
 I 27. 
 
 TTaOffEkUTOl 
 
 I. 
 
 I 3 I - 
 
 7rao(rx.wea 
 
 I. 
 
 119. 
 
 Tr^00~0d7T0\yyiCC 
 
 II. 
 II. 
 
 69, 70. 
 
 65. 
 
 <7Tpurv) VjlAcpct TUP 1 
 
 2 10. 
 
 f »v*flj I. 1 1 
 
 5- 
 
INDEX of GREEK Words. 
 
 <tol(3@utov <5gyrepo- 
 
 •zrpwTov 
 (TCt(3(3ctTOV <roi(3(3oiTtov 
 crocQQccrco (ev) 
 <nrXcx.yyyi^p^ott 
 
 crvftTrXypxo-Sctt 
 
 cwtxywyt) 
 
 trxoXii 
 
 fOC&l 
 
 J 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 II. I38, 28l. 
 
 II. 138, et feq. 
 
 II. 265. 
 II. 286. 
 
 I. 116. 
 
 I. 462. 
 II. 219, 220. 
 
 II. 56, 57- 
 II. 6$. 
 
 II. 40, 41. 
 
 reXsioa 
 
 I 
 
 I. 5 S. 
 
 teAc£ 
 rsXtovxt 
 
 
 I. 93, 94. 
 I. 95. 
 
 vuKTotg 
 Tvpxvvog 
 
 T 
 
 II. 285. 
 II. 68. 
 
 VTVOTOLVCTZTOU 
 
 $ 
 
 II. 56, 57, 
 
 L 374< 
 
 Qspopevoi 
 
 S d 
 
 L 373> 374- 
 
 4 $°W 
 
INDEX of GREEK Words, 
 
 (puXUKTVjplOl 
 
 XetpoSsarw 
 
 Vol. Page 
 
 
 I. 
 I. 
 
 93* 94 
 
 447* 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 1 16. 
 
 J 
 
 I. 
 
 293- 
 
 &x0<5opjS'ij 
 
 XI 
 
 II. 44 ? 
 
 INDEX 
 

 I N D E 
 
 TO THE 
 
 TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 Note, The Letters i. ii. denote the Volumes, 
 the Figures the Pages. 
 
 AARON, the high-priefihcod alloted to him and 
 his family, i. 194, 195. the maimer in which 
 it was limited to them, i. 198. 
 
 Abarbanel, his opinion 2bout the antiquity of the 
 hebrew language, ii. 318. 
 
 Abel, what his facrifice confuted of, i. 148. 
 
 Abraham, the Chaldee language was that of his 
 country, ii. 331. He afterwards learnt the He- 
 brew by dwelling among the Ca:iaanites, ii. 332. 
 
 Absalom, whether he was aNazarite or not ? i. 417. 
 the prodigious weight of his hair confidcred, i. 
 410. 
 
 Adam, the father of all mankind, i. 3. Special ho- 
 nours paid to him, i. 4- 
 
 Ahaslerus : king of Perfia, the Jews difperfed in his 
 reign, ii. 306. A queftion among the learned 
 who this king Ahafuerus was, ii. 307. his kind- 
 nefs to the Jews owing to queen t-iiher, ii. 307. 
 this name a common appellation of the kings of 
 Perfia, ii. 308. 
 
 Ah A3, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Ahaz, the. fhadow goes back ten degrees on his fun- 
 dial, ii. 104. questioned whether the miracle was- 
 wrought on the fun itfelf, or only on the dial, ii. 
 104, 105. 
 
 Alexander the great, enters Jerufa!em in a friendly 
 manner, i. 71. becomes kindly difpofed towards 
 the Jews, ii. 286. 
 
 Alexander. Janneus, advifes his wife on his death- 
 bed to feek the favour of the Pharifees, i. 439. 
 her great fuccefs in fo doing, i. 440. 
 
 Angels, the law revealed by their minifrry, i. 383. 
 
 Animal food, arguments to prove it was not ufed be- 
 fore the deluge, i. 148. arguments on the con- 
 trary fide, ibid. 
 
 Anointing, whether all the kings of the Hebrews 
 were anointed, i. 175, 176. the manner of anoint- 
 ing, i. 179. the cuttom of anointing very ancient, 
 i. 181. the jewifh priefts anointed to their office, 
 i. 204. 
 
 Antediluvians, the abfurdity of thofe writers who 
 would compute their ages not by folar years, but 
 by months, ii. 117. whether they ufed animal 
 food, i. 148, 152. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, his impious behaviour at 
 Jerufalem, i. 72. his decree againft the Jews, i. 
 73. plundered and profaned the temple, ii. 37. 
 forbad the reading of the law in the fynagogues, 
 
 ii- 57- 
 Aristocracy, the fupreme government in the nobles, 
 
 i. 35. that government fubfifts in Venice and 
 
 Holland, ibid. 
 Ark. of the testimony, its defcription and ufe, ii. 23. 
 
 the two tables of the law writ by God, and de- 
 
 pofited in it, ii. 23, 30. alfo the pot of manna 
 
 and Aaron's rod, ii. 30. 
 Asaph and others, mafters of mufic in David's time, 
 
 i. 278. 
 Assideans, their character, i. 431. not a diftincl: fe£t 
 
 from the pious Jews, ibid. 
 Assyrian captivity of the ten tribes begun by Tiglath- 
 
 pilefer, i. 64. completed by SalmanafTar. ibid. 
 Attica, that country divided into ten tribes, i. 266. 
 
 how the fenate was chofen, ibid. 
 
 Augustus, 
 
I N D E X. 
 
 Augustus, reduced Judea irto the form of a roman 
 province, i. ; o. a difficulty in his time about taxi- 
 ing c mfi n J, i 
 
 Awake, " t\\ou that fleepeft," what critics iay of 
 that paflage, ii. 251, 252. 
 
 B, 
 
 Babel, the confufion of languages there, it. 325. fe~ 
 veraJ opinions about the manner of this confufion, 
 ii. 326. it appears to be the immediate hand of 
 God, ii. 329. how many languages arofe from 
 this confufion, ii. 330. 
 Babylonish captivity of the tribe of Judah, began 
 in lehoiakim's reign, i. 65. afterwards the king, 
 noDles, and ten thou land carried captive, ibid. 
 Bacchanalia, the heathens fuppofed to have bor- 
 rowed their feftivity from the feafr. of tabernacles, 
 ii. 332. a wild fcene of mirth acted in the court 
 of the temple, ii. 235. 
 Barefoot, to be fo in public worfhip a fign of reve- 
 rence, ii. 242. 
 Bath-kol, what the jewifh rabbies mean by thefe 
 words, i. 377, Sec. a lort of divination among the 
 Jews, i. 381. 
 Bells on the high-prieft's garment, their fize and 
 
 numbei, i. 221, 222. 
 Bethesda, that pool near the temple, famous for its 
 miraculous cures, ii. 78. the etymologv of the 
 word, it. 78, 79. the great virtue of thefe waters, 
 ii. 79. its hea.i.ig virtue miraculous, ii. 82. when 
 it had this virtue, ibid, a type of the fulfilment of 
 Zcchariah's prophefy, ibid. 
 Bible, je'wifh, written in the hebrew language, ii. 
 335. in what character, whether Hebrew or Sa- 
 maritan, ii. 336. whether with points or without 
 points, ii. 3-' 4, &c. the general divifioiis of the 
 bible, ii. 373. how the learned account for a fup- 
 poied falfe citation, ii. 375, Sec. the moft conii- 
 derable editions of the hebrew bible, ii. 377, 378. 
 Biblia compluteniia, an edition of the hebrew bible, 
 printed at Complutum in Spain, ii. 377. 
 
 Biblia 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Biblia regia, an edition printed at Antwerp, fo called 
 
 from Philip II. of Spain, ii. 378. 
 Biblia parifienlia, an edition printed at Paris, ii. 378. 
 Biblia anglicana, the Polyglot, printed at London, 
 
 ii. 378. makes eight volumes with Caftell's Lexi- 
 con, ii. 379. 
 Bishops and archbifhops, hint of appointing them 
 
 fuppofed to be taken from the jewifh priefts, i. 
 
 264. 
 Blackwall, his obfervations on the ftile of the New 
 
 Teftament, i. 123, &c. 
 Breeches, thofe worn by the high-prieft, defcribed, 
 
 i. 213, 214. 
 Burnt- offerings, accounted the moft excellent fa- 
 
 crifices, i. 325. intirely confumed by fire, i. 326. 
 
 their grand ufe to direct to Chrift the true atoning 
 
 facrifke, i. 327. 
 JBuxTORF, his arguments for the antiquity of the he* 
 
 brew points, ii. 349, &c. his anfwers to Capel's 
 
 arguments againft the antiquity of the points, 
 
 ». 3 6l > 3 6 5> 3 68 - 
 
 Cabalists, a fort of myftical doctors, i. 405. pre- 
 tended to difcover a myftery in the facred text, 
 i. 405. and a fenfe never intended by the authors, 
 i. 406. 
 
 Cain, banifhed for the murder of his brother Abel, 
 i. 4. why punifned with banifhment and not with 
 death, i. 6. various opinions about Cain's mark, 
 i. 7. 
 
 Caleb and Jofhua only bring a good report of Ca- 
 naan, i. 33. 
 
 Canaan, a curie denounced on him by Noah, i. 10. 
 why the curfe was on Canaan and not on Ham, 
 i. 13, 14. what meant by his being " a fervant 
 of lervants," i. 14. 
 
 Canaan, thofe who brought a bad report of it died 
 by the plague, i. 33. 
 
 Canaanites, the Hebrew was their language, ii. 
 332. the names of their cities probably of that 
 language, ii. 332. 
 
 Capil, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Capel, his arguments againft the antiquity of the he- 
 brew points, ii. 351. 
 
 Captivity of the hebrew nation, i. 64. the aflyrian 
 capthity that of the ten tribes, ibid, the baby- 
 lonifh captivity was that of Judah and Benjamin 
 only, i. 64, 65. their fevcral periods, i. 65. 
 
 Cherethites and Felethites, what they were, i. 
 186. 
 
 Cherubim, their form and fize in the ark, ii. 24, 25. 
 
 Chinese, claim the honour of the original language, 
 ii. 320, 321. 
 
 Christ, the great Mefiiah, typified by the pafchal 
 lamb, ii. 201. in what refpects a lamb typifies 
 our Lord, ii. 202. the fufferings and death of 
 Chrift typified by the pafchal lamb, ii. 203. the 
 confequences of Chiift's death alio typified, ii. 204. 
 the ways and means of having an intereft in 
 Chrift, reprefented by lively emblems in the pafs- 
 over, ii. 206, &c. 
 
 Christ, called a Nazarene or Nazarite, i. 424, &c. 
 
 Christ's " nativity," the day not fixed upon till the 
 fourth century, ii. 239. what ground for fixing it 
 to the end of December, ii. 239, 240. arguments 
 againft its being in winter, ii. 240. not improbable 
 that it was at the feaft of tabernacles, ibid. 
 
 Cities " of refuge," appointed for thofc guilty of in- 
 voluntary homicide, i. 295. the latin and hebrew 
 etymology confidered, ii. 94. the facred groves, 
 ancient places of refuge, ibid. Mr. Jones's opi- 
 nion upon that matter, ibid, fix cities of the Le- 
 vites appointed for cities of refuge, ii. 95. not 
 fancluaries for wilful murderers or atrocious 
 crimes, ibid, at every crofs leading to thefe cities 
 was an infeription, ibid. 
 
 Consecration, thejewifhpriefts confecrated to their 
 office, i. 204. 
 
 Cornelius the centurion, not a jewifh profelyte, i. 
 
 158. 
 
 Coronation, the fecond ceremony at the inaugura- 
 tion of the kings of Ifrael, i. 181. 
 
 Crown of gold, wuin by the high-prieft, deicribed, 
 i. 230. 
 
 Cymbal, what kind of inflrument it was, i. 282, 283. 
 
 Cyrus, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Cyrus, king of Perfia, reftores the Jews to their own 
 land, i. 67. . 
 
 D 
 
 Dan, a tribe given to idolatry, i. 201. 
 
 Danif.l, not admitted among the prophets by the 
 Talmud ills, i. 350. his clear prophefy of the 
 Meffiah's coming the caufe of it, i. 351. 
 
 David, what was his iin in nu'mbring the people, i. 
 
 8 4- . : 
 
 Days, how the Hebrews diftinguifhed them, ii. 99. 
 
 at what time their days bepan, ibid, their facred 
 days from even to even, ibid, a paftage out of the 
 evangelift Matthew confidered, i ; . ice. the be- 
 ginning of the natural day fupppfed -.0 be by feme 
 in the evening, ii. 101. by others from the m ft 
 production of light, ii. 102. ihe day divided into 
 hours, ii. 103. and into twelve parts, ii. 104. 
 
 Dedication, the feaft of, by whom inftituted, ii. 
 311. mentioned hy Jofephus as a_ feaft much re- 
 garded, ibid, the circamftar.ee of Chrift's walking 
 in the temple at this feaft confidered, ibid. 
 
 Dissenters, inferences by Dr. Prideaux propofed to 
 their confideration, ii. 60. thele examined, ii. 
 60, &c. 
 
 Divination, adopted from the heathens, i. 382. the 
 manner in which the Chriftians ufed it, ibid. 
 
 Dreams and vifions, the manner of revelation to the 
 prophets, i. 357. 
 
 E 
 
 Ears, " mine ears haft thou opened," thefe words 
 
 confidered, ii. 291. 
 East, the heathen idolaters worfhipped towards the 
 
 eaft, ii. 6. 
 Eber, his character, i. 101. the Hebrews taH their 
 
 name from him, i. 102. 
 .Elders of Ifrael, in Egypt, i. 19. and alfo in Canaan, 
 
 i. 35. feventy, whether a perpetual cr temporary 
 
 inftitution, i. 38. 
 
 Elsazar, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Eleazar, why his family was deprived of the prieft- 
 
 hood, i. 202. 
 Elisha, the ftcry of his paflion confidered, i. 355. 
 Ellenes and Ellenistai, thefe words conlidcred, 
 
 i. no. 
 Ephod, a garment worn by the high-priefr, i. 227. 
 
 a defcription of it, 227, &c. 
 Essenes, afcribe all things to fate and the frars, i. 
 441. no notice taken of them in fcripture, i. 463. 
 470. a feci: among the Jews, i. 470. the jewifh 
 writers {peak of them, ibid, the etymology of the 
 name, i. 464. their auftere way of life, i. 465, 
 472. their great veneration for the "books of 
 Mofes, i. 467. 
 Ethiopians, a tradition among them about the queen 
 of Sheba, i. 160. and about the eunuch baptifed 
 by Philip, i. 161. 
 Evangelists and apoftles, their writings criticifed 
 
 upon as to ftile, i. 123, &c. 
 Eunuch of Ethiopia, not a profelyte of the gate, i. 
 
 159. from whence he came, i. 160. 
 Excommunicated perfons, not excluded from the 
 temple, ii. 84. the modern excommunication of 
 popery cenfured, ii. 85. 
 Expiation, the day of, an annual feaft, ii. 263. the 
 day of atonement, expiatory facrifices being of- 
 fered thereon, ii. 263. reafons affigned by the 
 Jews for fixing this feaft to the tenth of the 
 month Tifri, ii. 164. this day to be kept with the 
 religious regard of a fabbath, ii. 266. the vic- 
 tims offered, were fifteen in number, ibid, the 
 two goats, one of them to be facrificed, ii. 267. 
 the rites on this day performed by the high-prieir, 
 ii. 272. the grand peculiarity of this day, the 
 prieit entring into the holy of holies, ii. 273. 
 whether he entred in only once, ii. 274, 275. the 
 fervice performed by him in the (an&uary, ii. 
 275. the blood ordered to be fprinkled eaftward, 
 ii. 277. the fpiritual meaning of the rites ufed on 
 this day, ii. 278. the expiatory facrifices typical 
 of the true expiation made by Chriif, ii. 278, 
 279. 
 
 Ezra, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Exra, reflores the worfhip of God after the captivity* 
 i. 69. fome are of opinion that the hebrew points 
 were added by him, ii. 345, 34.6. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fast, mentioned in St. Paul's voyage, what fall is 
 there referred to, ii. 256, &c. 
 
 Fasting, initances of this religious practice, ii. 261, 
 &c. 
 
 Fasts and Feftivals, the jewifh calendar crouded with 
 them, ii. 313. 
 
 Feasts, jewifh, an account of them, ii. 124, &c. 
 the ceremonies ufed at them, ii. 133, 136. the 
 table-geiture ufed at thefe feaits, ii. 130. 
 
 Feasts, weekly, monthly and annual, ii. 166. the 
 three annual, were the pafs-over, pentecofl and 
 tabernacles, ibid, at each of thefe the males were 
 to appear every year at the national altar, ibid, 
 the defign of this institution, ii. 166, 167. the 
 reafens alngned for the women being exempted, 
 ii. 168. two difficulties attending this law, ii. 169. 
 the one, how Jei ufalem could contain them, an- 
 fwered, ii. 170. the other, how their towns and 
 their houfes could be left unguarded, ibid. 
 
 Fringes, ufed by the Pharifees, their form and ufe, 
 i. 450. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gaulonites, a political faction raifed by Judas of 
 Galilee, i. 473. 
 
 Garments of the jewifh priefts, i. 213, &c. only 
 worn when they officiated, i. 238. they were pro- 
 vided at the expence of the people, i. 240. what 
 became of them when left off, 241. nothing worn 
 on the hands and feet of the priefts when in their 
 mi nifl rations, i. 242. were fuppofed to have a 
 moral and typical fignification, i. 245. 
 
 Genealogies of the Hebrews, i. 127, &c. were de- 
 ftroyed by Herod, i. 128. the genealogies of 
 Chrift, from whence copied, i. 129. their genea- 
 logical 
 
INDEX. 
 
 logical tables long fince loft, i. 130. their being 
 loir, an argument that the Meiftah is come, i, 130. 
 
 Gentiles, an account of their outer court, i. 145. 
 
 Gnazazel, a name given to the fcape-goat, ii. 268. 
 critical remarks upon that name, ii. 269. 
 
 Goats, two, received from the congregation, and 
 fet before the tabernacle, ii. 267. one to be facri- 
 ficed, and the other to be lent alive into the wil- 
 dernefs, ibid, both the goats typical of Chrift, 
 ii. 270, &c. 
 
 God, may be faid to be the king of the Jews, as to 
 their civil government, i. 21, 22. he gave them 
 laws, i. 22. proclaimed peace and war, ibid, di- 
 vided their inarches, i. 23. ibid, appointed all 
 their affairs of ftate, i. 24. 
 
 Government, the patriarchal form thereof, ii. 3. 
 cannot fubfifc without an executive power, ii. 4. 
 civil government fuppofed to be in the iirlt ages, 
 ibid. 
 
 Gradus Mosaicus, the import of thefe words, i. 
 
 375. 377- 
 Greeks, in fcnpture include the whole heathen 
 
 world, i. 100. an account of them, i. HO. 
 
 Groves and " high places," religious wormip forbid 
 
 there, ii. 87. idolatrous worfhip performed there, 
 
 ibid, for what end Abraham planted a grove in 
 
 Beerfheba,ibid. the origin of planting facred groves, 
 
 ii. 88. the cuftom of burying the dead under trees 
 
 confidered, ii. 89. groves ulually planted on the 
 
 tops of hills, ii. 90. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hagar, with Ifhmael, flee from Abram's family, 
 
 1 '5- 
 
 Ham, his crime ag?inft his father Noah, i. 1. why 
 
 the curfe not denounced on Ham, but on Canaan 
 his lbn, i. 13. 
 Ham an, why he caft lots for fixing the day for the 
 maflacre of the Jews, ii. 309. the lot over-ruled 
 by the God of Ifrael for defeating the confpiracy, 
 ii. 310. 
 Vol. ii. E e . Hammond, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Hammond, his opinion about the pool of Bethefda 
 rejected, ii. 79, 80. 
 
 Hands, (holding up) at elections, a cuflom derived 
 from the Athenians, i. 293. 
 
 Hart, Vander, his opinion about Ham's crime, i. 
 12. 
 
 Hebraisms, many of them in the New Teftament, 
 i. 107, &c. 
 
 Hebrew commonwealth, its form patriarchal and fpe- 
 cial, i. 3. its government confidered, i. 18. di- 
 ftinguifhed into four periods, ibid, the form of 
 their government while in Egypt, i. 19. a theo- 
 cracy in the times of Mofes and Jofhua, i. 20, 
 22, 24.. its form ariitocratical after them, i. 35. 
 kingly government fet up among them, i. 163. 
 faid to be defired on account of the corruption 
 in their courts by Samuel's fons, i. 164. 
 
 Hebrew language, the Jews confident it was the ori- 
 ginal language, ii. 317. the opinions of others 
 about its antiquity, ii. 318, 319. how the original 
 language was formed, ibid, the names of moft 
 ancient perfons derived from the Hebrews, i. 320. 
 fome writers allow not this argument to be con- 
 clufive, ii. 323. to what people the hebrew lan- 
 guage belonged after the difperfion at Babel, ii. 
 321. the hebrew the language of the Canaanites, ii. 
 333. the excellencies this language is faid to have, 
 
 «. 334- 
 
 Hebrew, character, in what letters the facred books 
 were written, ii. 336. whether in the hebrew cha- 
 racter, or in the old Samaritan, ibid, the opinion 
 of Scaliger and others about this queftion, ii. 336, 
 &c. the arguments on both fides, ii. 339, &c. 
 
 Hebrew points or vowels, ii. 344. a great controverfy, 
 whether they are of the fame antiquity, and au- 
 thority with the confonants, ibid, the feveral hy- 
 potheses on this fubject, ii. 345, 346. the argu- 
 ments on both fides confidered, ii. 346, &c. ar- 
 guments for the antiquity of the points, ii. 349, 
 &c. three forts of arguments againft the anti- 
 quity of the points, ii. 351, 357, 365. 
 
 Hebrews, the meaning of that word, i. 101. from 
 whence derived, ibid. " Hebrew of the Hebrews," 
 
 a name 
 
INDEX 
 
 a name of honour, ii. 106, &c. their genealogies, 
 i. 127. 
 
 Hellenists, who were helleniftic Jews, i. 109, &c. 
 
 Herod, the temple rebuilt by him, ii. 38. a more 
 magnificent ftrudture than Zerubbabel's, ibid, 
 writers differ in the accounts of it, ii. 39. the 
 time when built, ii. 44. utterly deftroyed by the 
 Romans, ii. 45. 
 
 Herodians, not mentioned by the jewifh hiftorians, 
 i. 474. mentioned in three paflages of the New 
 Teftament, ibid, whether a political party, or a. 
 religious feet, thefe two opinions confidered, i. 
 4.74, &c. 
 
 High- places, a blemifh on fome pious kings for not 
 deftroying them, ii. 93. 
 
 High-priest, a type of Chrift, i. 211. his unclion 
 typical of the extraordinary gifts and influences 
 of the Spirit, ibid, by fome peculiarities different 
 from the priefts, i. 250. muft marry none but a 
 virgin, ibid, muft not mourn for the death of his 
 kindred, i. 251. forbid to uncover his head, i. 
 252. muft not rend his clothes in mourning for 
 the dead, i. 255. prefided over the inferior priefts, 
 i. 259. his peculiar province, i. 260. his deputy 
 or fagan, ibid, rites chiefly performed by him in 
 the day of expiation, ii. 272. entred that day in- 
 to the holy of holie?, ii. 273. a type of Chrift, 
 ii. 278. ordered to fprinkle the blood eaftward, 
 ii. 277. the expiatory facrifices offered by him ty- 
 pical of the true expiation Chrift made, ii. 278. 
 
 Holy of holies, beyond the fecond veil of the taber- 
 nacle, ii. 23. 
 
 Hose a, whether that prophet's taking a wife of whore- 
 dom was a real fad or a fymbolical virion, i. 
 368. 
 
 Hours, the day divided into hours, ii. 103. an hour 
 the twelfth part of an artificial day, ibid, various 
 opinions about the greater and lelfer hours, ii. 
 106, 107. a difficulty about the hour of Chrift's 
 crucifixion confidered, ii. 107, 108. what were 
 the hours of prayer obferved by the Jews, ii. 
 109, lie. 
 
 E e 2 I. 
 
INDEX* 
 I. 
 
 Jacob's prophefy about the fceptre's departing from 
 Judah considered, i. 76. the literal meaning or 
 the words, i. 76. the import of the prophefy, i. 
 79, 80. 
 Idolatry, the reafons of its being performed in 
 groves, ii. 88, 89. this practice began with the 
 worfhip of demons and departed fouls, ii. 89. 
 Jephthah's vow, i. 48. a great controverfy whether 
 he facrificed his daughter, ibid, what ahedged for 
 her being devoted to perpetual virginity, i. 49, 
 &c. arguments alledged for Jephthah's facrificing 
 his daughter, i. 59. &c. 
 Jeroboam's idolatry in fetting up the two golden, 
 calves, ii. 26. his filling the hand of the priefts 
 explained, i. 250. 
 Jerusalem befieged, and the king, nobles, and 
 thoufands of people carried captive, i. 65. facked 
 and burnt by the babylonian general, i. 66. its 
 inhabitants maflacred by Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 i. 72. 
 Jerusalem, its nine gates, ii. 76. the fheep-gate, its 
 fituation, ii. 77. the pool of Bethefda, its cures 
 miraculous, ii. 78 — 82. its two principal gates 
 built by Solomon, ii. 83. 
 Jeshurun, why Mofes and Ifrael were called by that 
 
 name, i. 30, 31. 
 Jethro, his advice to Mofes about judging the peo- 
 ple, i. 25. whether an eccleiiaftical or civil 
 perfon, i. 191. 
 Jews, fettled in their own land after the captivity, i. 
 70. under the authority of the king of Perfia, 
 ibid, though tributary, enjoyed their own reli- 
 gion, and were governed by their own laws, i. 
 72. favoured by Alexander the great, i. 72. per- 
 secuted by Antiochus Epiphanes, i. 72. deflroy 
 the Heathen altars, i. 73. enjoy their liberty for 
 a long time, i. 75. conquered by the Romans, 
 ibid. 
 Jews and Gentiles, the meaning of that expreffion, 
 ». ico. 
 
 Imposition 
 
I N D E X. 
 
 Imposition of hands, ufed at confccration into art. 
 
 office, i. 292. 
 Inauguration of the kings of the hebrews, i. 175. 
 
 the anointing and other ceremonies attending it, 
 
 i. 175, 181, 184. 
 Inspiration, a way of revelation to the prophets, 
 
 i. 370. was calm and gentle, i. 371. 
 John the baptift and Zacharias, to be reckoned among 
 
 the prophets, i. 352, 353. 
 Jonadab the fon of Rechab, zealous againft idolatry, 
 
 i. 428. what rules of living he gave to the Re- 
 
 chabites his children, i. 428. 
 Joseph, whether a Nazarite by being feparated from 
 
 his brethren, i. 415. 
 Josephus, his opinion about Cyrus's reftoring Ifrael, 
 
 i. 67. prefers Daniel to the reft of the prophets, 
 
 i. 351. his bad character of the fadducees, i. 437. 
 
 his account of the largenefs of the itones of the 
 
 temple not probable, ii. 39. 
 Joshua, by divine appointment Mofes's fucceflbr, i. 
 
 24, 31, 34. what his name fignifies, i. 31, 32. 
 conduits Ifrael into Canaan, i. 33. not equal in 
 honour to Mofes, i. 34. 
 
 Isaiah, whether the account of his walking naked 
 
 was a real fact, or a fymbolical dream, i. 364. 
 Israelites, the Lord their King and their God, i. 22, 
 
 25. two forts, Hebrews and Ifraelites, i. 99, 100. 
 whence they had riches to build the tabernacle;, 
 ii. 19, 20. 
 
 Jubile, the grand fabbatical year, ii. 295. celebrated 
 every forty-ninth or fiftieth year, ibid, the ety- 
 mology of the word, ii. 295, 296. the learned 
 not agreed whether kept the forty-ninth or fiftieth 
 year, ii. 297, Sec. proclaimed through- the- whoie 
 land, ii. 300. a year of general releafe of flaves 
 and prifoners, ibid, in which all eftates returned 
 to their former proprietors, ii. 300. fome of the 
 heathens copied after it, ii. 301. its defign. politi- 
 cal in feveral refpects, ibid, typical of fpiritual 
 liberty from the bondage of fin and fatan, ii. 302. 
 
 Judah, his patriarchal authority coniidered, i. 17. 
 
 E e 3 Judas 
 
I N D E X. 
 
 Judas Maccabeus, the motto on his ftandard, i. 74 
 
 purified the temple from the pollution of Antio 
 
 ehus Epiphanes, ii. 37. 
 Judas of Galilee, raifes a political fa&ion, i. 473. 
 Judges, the form of government under them, i. 35. 
 
 appointed on particular occafions, i. 42, 43, 44. 
 
 fifteen in number from Othniel to Samuel, i. 47. 
 
 K 
 
 Karraites, their opinions, i. 433. wherein they dif- 
 fered from other Jews, i. 434, 435. 
 
 Katkolikin, Immarkalin and Gizbarin, thefe three 
 forts of officers fuperior to common priefts, i. 265. 
 
 King, a king granted to the Ifraelites under feveraj 
 limitations, i. 166. the choice to be referved to 
 God himfelf, ibid, is to be a native Ifraelite, i. 
 167. was not to multiply horfes, i. 168. was 
 commanded not to multiply wives, i. 169. forbid 
 to multiply filver and gold, i. 170. injoined to 
 write a copy of the law, i. 171. was bound to 
 govern by law, i. 172. and with lenity and kind- 
 nefs, i. 174. inverted with the kingly dignity by 
 anointing, i. 175. the ftate and magnificence of 
 the jewifh kings, i. 186. 
 
 Knave, the derivation and meaning of this word for- 
 merly, i. 106. 
 
 Kohathites, Gerfhonites and Mcrarites, what par- 
 ticulars of the tabernacle were committed to the 
 care of each of them, i. 272. 
 
 Language, what was the original language, and how 
 formed, ii. 318, 319. the Jews affirm the Hebrew 
 to be the firft language, ii. 317,318. other na- 
 tions put in their claims, ii. 320. the eaitern 
 writers give the preference to the Syiac, ii. 321. 
 the confufion of languages at Babel, ii. 325. the 
 excellency of the hebrew language, ii. 334, &c. 
 
 Laws, how enacted and publifhed among the Ifrael- 
 ites, i. 22. the laws and limitations concerning 
 their kings, i. 164. 
 
 Le Clerc, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Le Clerc, his opinion about Cain's mark, i. 8« 
 what he fays about the original language is near 
 the truth, ii. 324. 
 Leprosy, a very bad difeafe in Syria, i. 157, 158. 
 Levites, a lower order of the prielts, i. 270. the 
 honour of attending divine fervice affigned to 
 them inftead of the firft-born, i. 271. diftinguifh- 
 ed into three claffes, i. 272. afterwards divided 
 into twenty-four courfes, ibid, at what age they 
 were to enter on their office, i. 273. how they 
 were inltru&ed, ibid, the different fervices of the 
 feveral claffes of the priefts, i. 275. vocal and 
 inftrumental mufic performed by them, i. 279. 
 magiftrates of different ranks chiefly chofen out 
 of the tribe of Levi, i. 289. the prophetic curfe 
 turned into a blcffing, i. 289, 290, 294.. at what 
 age the Levites were confecrated, i. 290. the ce- 
 remonies ufed at their confecration, i. 291, &c. 
 the places of their reiidence, and their fubfiftence* 
 i. 294, 296. the number of cities allotted for 
 them, i. 294. 
 
 Libertus and Libertinus, the meaning of that di- 
 stinction, ii. 51. 
 
 Love-feasts, derived from the jewifh feafts upon fa- 
 crifices, ii. 126. the time when they were kept, 
 ii. 127, 128. the ceremony of warning the feet 
 of the guefts, ii. 133. 
 
 M 
 
 Maccabees, change the government of the Jews, 
 
 i. 109, &c. 
 Maimonides, his opinion about the fin of the Isra- 
 elites in afking a king, i. 165. 
 Malachi, commonly reckoned the laft prophet, i. 
 
 351. how long he prophefxed before Chrift's 
 
 coming, ibid. 
 Mark, fet upon Cain by God, conjectures about it, 
 
 i. 7. 
 Masora, called by the Jews the hedge and fence of 
 
 the law, i. 402. 
 Masorites, a lower fort of fcribes, i. 400. what was 
 
 their office, ibid, doubtful when they firfb arofe, 
 £ e 4 i. 401. 
 
I N D E X. 
 
 i. 401. their work regarded the letter of the he- 
 brew text, i. 402. they numbered the verfes T 
 words and letters of the text, ibid, and marked 
 the irregularities of the text, i. 403. were the 
 authors of the marginal corrections, i. 404. 
 
 Mattathias deftroys the heathen altars and idola- 
 ters, i. 73. _ 
 
 Maundrel, his furprifmg account of the fizc of 
 fome ftones, ii. 40. 
 
 Meals, jewifh, not many, nor coftly, ii. 124. 
 
 Meat-offerings and drink-offerings, of what they 
 confifred, i. 339. how they were offered and con- 
 fumed, i. 340, 341. 
 
 Mede, Mr. Jofeph, makes the fynagogues and pro- 
 feuchae to be different places, ii. 63. 
 
 Melchizedek, a prieft as well as a king, i. 193. 
 
 Mercy-seat and cherubim, ii. 24. 
 
 Metempsychosis, an account of that opinion, i. 444. 
 
 Mishna, eighteen collects particularly mentioned, ii. 
 58. traditionary precepts in that book, i. 441. 
 
 Monarchy, the fupreme authority lodged in a fingle 
 perfon, i. 35. 
 
 Months, with the Hebrews, take their name from 
 the moon, ii. 115. when this regulation took 
 . place, ibid, in Noah's time the year confifted of 
 twelve months, ii. 115, 116. the abfurdity of 
 fome who would compute the age of the Ante- 
 diluvians, not by folar years, but by months, ii. 
 116, 117. months were counted with names by 
 the Jews before the captivity, ii. 117. when the 
 new moon was feen, their month began, ii. 120. 
 cycles ufed for fixing their months and years, ii. 
 121. 
 
 Mordecai, why he refufed to pay refpecSf. to Haman, 
 ii. 308. fome think, becaufe he was an Amalek- 
 ite, ii. 308. probably a kind of divine . honour- 
 was ordered to be paid, ii. 309. 
 
 fylosEs, the fole judge and viceroy of the Ifraelites, i. 
 19, 29. called king of Jefhurun, i. 30. a famous pro- 
 phefy about the great Mefiiah refembling Mofes, 
 i. 34. his dependents only common Levites, i. 
 271. an evidence he was not the author of the 
 
 laws 
 
INDEX. 
 
 laws given to Ifrael, ibid, why he may be call- 
 ed the g ateft prophet, i. 376. 
 
 I'louRNiN'o, figns thereof among the Jews and other 
 nations, 1. 253, 254. 
 
 Music, Hrir introduced into the jewifh fervice by ?Jo- 
 fes, i. 276. improved by David, ibid, refiored 
 by Hezekiah, ibid, whether mufic is to be ufed 
 in chriftian worfhip, i. 277, 278. that ufed in the 
 temple was both vocal and irdtrumentalj i. 278. 
 the mufical inftruments ufed in the iacred fervice, 
 i. 28c, 281. inftrumentrd mufic in chriftian wor- 
 fhip not approved by the ancient fathers, i. 283. 
 at what time it was introduced, i. 284. where 
 ufed at prefent, ibid, o'ifapproved by Luther and 
 the fynod of Middleburgh, ibid, the church of 
 England remonih-ar.es againfl fuch mufic, i. 285. 
 
 Music, of ufe to compofe the mind, and free people 
 from melancholy, i. 356. 
 
 N 
 
 Naaman the Syrian, a gentile idolater, i. 153. cured 
 of his leprofy by the direction of Elifha, ibid, 
 renounced his idolatry, i. 154. remarks on hi» 
 bowing before Rimmon, i. 155. fuppofed to have 
 erected an hofpital for lepers, i. 157. the only 
 miraculous cure of leprofy recorded before the 
 coming of Chrift, i. 157. 
 
 ^Tadab ^nd Abihu, ftruck dead, i. 19-8. what was' 
 their crime, ibid. 
 
 I^azarexe, that text, of Chrift's being called one, 
 explained, i. 423. 
 
 Nazarites, from whence the name is derived, i. 415. 
 of two forts, for life, or for a limited time, i. 417. 
 what thev were required to do, i. 417, 420. wo- 
 men as well as men might bind themfelves by 
 this vow, i. 421. the inftitution partly religious, 
 partly civil,, i. 422. a Nazarite was a type of 
 Chriit, i. 424, 425. 
 
 I^ethemm, why fo called, and their office, i. 303, 
 
 3P4- 
 NewTesta.mext, various opinions about the dialect 
 
 thereof, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 thereof, i. 112. inftances of latin phrafes in it, 
 i. 113. 
 
 Night, divided by the Hebrews into four watches, 
 ii. 103. 
 
 Nimrod, an oppreflive tyrant, i. 10. 
 
 Noah, pronounced a curie upon Canaan, i. 10. his 
 honour and authority, ibid, endued with a pro- 
 phetic fpirit, i. 11. feven precepts given him, i. 
 147. 
 
 O 
 
 Offerings, fin-offering, burnt« offering, peace-offer- 
 ing, i. 247. 
 
 Officers of the children of Ifrael in Egypt, for 
 what end, i. 20. 
 
 Oil, with which the high-prieft was anointed, ii. 
 208. of what compounded, and how made, ibid. 
 
 Ointment on Aaron's head to his garment, explain- 
 ed, i. 223. 
 
 Old-Testament, in what language written, ii. 317. 
 chiefly in Hebrew, ibid, a fmall part in Chaldee, 
 ibid. 
 
 Oracles, given to the Jews by an audible voice, 
 1. 21. 
 
 Pass-over, the original of that word, ii. 1.72, 173. 
 the time and month when this feaft was kept, ii. 
 173. the two names of the month wherein kept, 
 ii. 174. the diftindtion between the pafs-over and 
 the feaft of unleavened bread, ii. 176. the opi- 
 nion of the critics about the time our Saviour 
 kept the pafs-over, ii. 176, 177. reafons to fhew 
 that Chrift kept it at the ufual time, ii. 178. fome 
 paffages of fcripture relating to the time of keep- 
 ing the pafs-over, explained, ii. 180, &c. the 
 matter of the pafchal feaft, a lamb without ble- 
 mifh, ii. 183, 186. a male of the flrft year, ii. 
 185. and taken from the flock four days before 
 it was killed, ii. 187, &c. the place where it 
 
 was 
 
INDEX. 
 
 was to be killed, ii. 189. the fprinkling of the 
 blood on the fide- polls and doors of the houfes, 
 ii. 193, 194. it was to be rofted, ii. 194. to be 
 eaten Handing in the pofture of travellers, ibid, 
 with loins girt and fhoes on their feet, and ftaves 
 in their hands, ii. 195, 196. to be eaten with, 
 unleavened bread and bitter herbs, ii. 197, 198. 
 nothing was to remain till the morning, ii. 199. 
 they were to keep in their own houfes all night* 
 ii. 200. the pafs-over had a typical reference to 
 Chrift in various particulars, ii. 201, &c. 
 Patriarchal form of government, i. 3. an inftance 
 of it in Adam, ibid, its continuance among the 
 Ifraelites, i. 4. inftances of it, i. 15, 16, 17. 
 Paul, the apoflle, his offering a facrifice how ac- 
 counted for, i. 27, 28. his not knowing the 
 high-pried accounted for, i. 239. 
 Peace-offerings, the intention of thefe facrificcs, i. 
 
 334, Sec. in what manner offered, i. 336. 
 Pentecost, feaft of, the fecond great feftival of the 
 Jews, ii. 217. called the " feaft of weeks," ibid, 
 how the rabbies computed the feven weeks, ii. 
 
 218. on what day of the week this feaft fell, ii. 
 
 219. by the computation of the fcribes it was on 
 the firft day of the week, ii. 221. was called the 
 " feaft of harveft," and why, ii. 222. and alfb 
 the M day of the firft-fruits," ii. 223. why lea- 
 vened bread was ufed at pentecoft, when forbid 
 at the pafs-over, ii. 223, 224. this feaft called 
 the " fiftieth," and why, ii. 224. and alio the 
 day of the giving of the law, ibid, the rabbies 
 call it " gnatfereth," and why, ii. 225. 
 
 Pharisees, from whence fo named, i. 437. uncertain 
 when this feet fprung up, i. 438. then opinion of 
 holding the tradition of the elders, i. 440. their 
 doctrinal and practical points, i. 442. held the 
 doctrine of the refurrection in a proper fenfe, i. 
 445. their various errors proceeded from their 
 regard to traditions, i. 445. were bulled about 
 trifles, and neglected the weightier matters of 
 the law, i. 446. made broad their phylacteries, 
 1. 448. enlarged the borders of their garments, 
 
 i. 449. 
 
I N D E X. 
 
 i. 449, &c. their unreafonable oppofition to Chnjfr, 
 
 i- 453- 
 
 Phylacteries, ufed by the Pharifees, i. 447. what 
 
 they were, and for what ufed, i. 447, 448. what 
 meant by making them broad, i. 448. 
 
 Pope of Rome, the jubile of the Jews imitated by 
 him, ii. 303, 
 
 Porters, their office about the temple, i. 284. 
 
 Prayer, a part of the fynagogue-fervice, ii. 58. what 
 hours of prayer were obferved by the Jews, 
 ii. 109, no. what hours obferved by the Ma- 
 hometans,, ii. no. 
 
 Praying or prophefying, by a woman, that paflage 
 of fcripture confidered, i. 348, 349. 
 
 Preaching to the people, and expounding the fcrip- 
 tures, one part of the fynagogue-fervice, ii. 63. 
 
 Prideaux, his opinion about the liturgies and collects 
 of the Jews, ii. 58, 59. two inferences made by 
 him for the confideration of difTenters, ii. 59, 60. 
 thefe inferences confidered, ii. 60, &c. 
 
 JPriest, the ceremony of the high-prieft's confecra- 
 tion, i. 204. clothed with pontifical garments, 
 and then anointed, i. 204, 205. whether there 
 was a prieft anointed for war, i. 206, 207. in- 
 robed w ; th eight facerdotal garments, i. 212. 
 
 Priests, what fort of officers they were among the 
 Hebrews, i. 190. to whom it belonged to execute 
 the office of a prieft, i. 198. this office allotted 
 to Aaron and his fons, i. 194, 195. the difficulty 
 of fome perfons officiating as priefts confidered, 
 i. 195. what might be the reafon of the prieft. - 
 hood being transferred from Eleazar's to Itha- 
 mar's family, i. 199, 201. their wafliing, anoint- 
 ing, and clothing confidered, i. 204, &c. facri- 
 fices at their coniecration, i. 247, &c. fome parts 
 of their office, i. 259. divided into twenty-four 
 companies ferving by rotation, i. 266, 267. four 
 of them returned from the captivity, i. 269. how 
 the priefts were maintained, i. 296. 
 
 Priests and Levites, their office and allotments, i, 
 26. 
 
 Prophets, three words by which named in fcripture, 
 i, 342. thefe names in Hebrew particularly con- 
 fidered, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 fidered, i. 342, &c. their duty and bufinefs, i, 
 346. in a proper fenfe, thofe who had a revela-» 
 tion of fecret things from God, and declared 
 them to others, i. 346. that title given to others, 
 i. 347. the reputed number of real prophets and 
 propheteffes from Abraham to Malachi, i. 349. 
 the moll effential qualification of a prophet v as 
 true piety, i. 353- the mind rauft be in a proper 
 frame for receiving the prophetic fpirit, i. 354. 
 vifions and dreams one way of divine revelation 
 to them, i. 357. the criteria by which they knew 
 their revelations came from God, i. 359, &c. 
 whether their fymbolical anions were real facls 
 or vifions, i. 364. extafies the fign of a falfe pro- 
 phet, i. 371. the import of prophets being moved 
 by the Holy Ghoft, i. 373. and of the fpirits of 
 the prophets being fubjedt to the prophets, i. 374. 
 things revealed to the prophets by voices, i. 376- 
 why their writings called " a more fure word of 
 prophefy," i. 379. their adfions, whether fymbo- 
 jical, as dreams and vifions, or real facls, i. 364, 
 369. their fchools, i. 383, 384. who called the 
 " ions of the prophets," i. 384. 
 Proselytes, two forts of them, i. 131. the privi- 
 leges of the " profelytes of righteoufnefs," i. 132. 
 the manner of their admifiion, according to the 
 rabbies, i. 139. the " profelytes of the gate," 
 their admifiion and privileges, i. 143. thofe pro- 
 lelytes did not exifr as the rabbies mention, i. 
 162. 
 Pkoseuchje, oratories or places of prayer, ii. 69. 
 the word proleucha confidered, ibid, a note of 
 Mr. Jones upon that word, ii. 71. different from 
 the iynagogues according to Mede and Prideaux, 
 ii. 72. the proof in favour of this notion not 
 very frrong, ii. 73. 
 PuRiM, the feaft of, ii. 304. inftituted by Mordecai 
 for the Jews deliverance from Hainan's confpi- 
 racy, ibid, its bad effects the fame as other hu- 
 man inftitutions, ii. 305. when and how kept, 
 ii. 305, 306. when and in wh^t king's reign this 
 • flair happened, ii. 306. 
 
 Pub- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Publicans, appointed by the Romans to gatlvef the 
 
 jewifh taxes, i. 82. three Torts of taxes, i. 93. 
 
 three forts of publican^, i. 94. the reafon of the 
 
 general hatred of them, i. 96. 
 Pythagoras, faid to have facrificed an hecatomb, 
 
 i. 464. 
 Pythagoreans, their (wearing by the number four 
 
 wrote by ten dots, i. 466. 
 Pythagoreans and Platonifts, their opinion of the 
 
 metempfychofis, i. 444. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rabbi, when that title was firft affumed, i. 407. the 
 title conferred with great ceremony, i. 409. a 
 queftion whether our Lord had that title, i. 410. 
 why he forbad his difciples to be called by that 
 title, i. 411, &c. what meant by tne titles of Rab, 
 Rabbi, and Raban, i. 413, 414. 
 
 Rabbinists and Karraites differ in feveral things, i. 
 
 435- , r . 
 
 Ram, offered at the confecration of the priefb, i. 
 247. the blood put on various parts of their bo- 
 dies, i. 248, 249. it fignified that all raaft be 
 fanciified and accepted by the blood of Chrift, 
 i. 249. 
 
 Reading the fcriptures, a part of the fynagogue fer- 
 vice, ii. 58. 
 
 Rechabites, were Kenitcs, defcended from Jethro, 
 i. 427. their vows of not drinking wine or pof- 
 fe/ling vineyards, i. 428. 
 
 Righteous and good man, thefe words explained, i. 
 
 43*- 
 
 Romans conquer Judea, and reduce it to a roman 
 province, i. 75. 
 
 s. 
 
 Sabbath, to be obferved by the profelytes as well as 
 the Jews, i. 145. 
 
 Sabbath, the different acceptations of that word, ii. 
 138, &c. proofs of its inftitution after the crea- 
 tion, ii. 139, &c. probable that the jewifh was 
 
 kept 
 
INDEX. 
 
 kept the day before the patriarchal fabbath, ii. 
 145. the institution of the jewiSh fabbath, ii. 146. 
 marked out by manna not raining on that day, 
 ibid, kept on a different day from the paradifia- 
 cal fabbath, ii. 147. a memorial of their deliver- 
 ance out of Egypt, ibid, a fign between God and 
 Ifrael, ii. 151. the law of the fabbath inforced by 
 capital punifhments, ibid, what duties belonged 
 to it, ii. 152. what the keeping of it holy im- 
 ports, ibid, what bleflings the word " remember" 
 hath a refpedr. to, ii. 152, 153. they were to ab- 
 stain from all manner of work, ii. 154. were not 
 to do or find their own pleafure, ii. 155. Self-de- 
 fence forbid on this day by fome, which occafion- 
 ed a thoufand Jews to be (lain, ii. 156. thirty- 
 nine negative precepts about things not to be done 
 on this day, ii. 157. what it is to fandtify the fab- 
 bath, ii. 158, &c. the ends of the institution part- 
 Jy political, partly religious, ii. 160. the politi- 
 cal, that fervants and beads of burden might be 
 refrefhed, ii. 161. the religious, to commemorate 
 God's work of creation, and deliverance from, 
 egyptian bondage, ii. 163. and to prepare for 
 heavenly bleSTednefs, ii. 164. was a type of the 
 heavenly reft, ibid. 
 Sabbatical year, or feventh year's reft, ii. 280. dis- 
 tinguished by feveral names, ii. 281. the peculiar 
 oblervances of that year, ii. 281. from whence 
 the computation of the year began, ii. 281, Sec. 
 at what feafon it began, ii. 283. a total ceffation 
 this year from agriculture, ii. 284. the product of 
 the ground to be enjoyed in common, ii. 287. the 
 remiilion of debts from one Ifraelite to another, 
 ii. 288. whether the hebrew fervants were re- 
 leafed in the fabbatical year, ii. 289. the public 
 reading of the law at this time, ii. 293. the rea- 
 fon on which the law was founded, partly civil, 
 partly religious, ii. 293. this year typified the Spi- 
 ritual reft Chrift will give to his people, ii. 293. 
 Sacrifices, a double ufe of them, i. 26. by whom 
 they were offered, i. 193, &c. Sacrifices at the 
 confecration of the prieSts, i. 247. 
 Sacrifices, practiSed in the firft ages of the world, 
 i. 305. the opinion of Some that facrjflccg 
 
 were 
 
INDEX. 
 
 were an human inftitution, i. 307. the meaning 
 of feme paffages of fenpture ..bout facrifices, i. 
 308. evidences that facrifices were OfiginaHy of 
 oivine institution, i. 310. but afterwards greatly 
 corrupted, both as to their iubjects and objects^ 
 i. 313. they include all the Offerings made to 
 God, i. 314. taken in a large and a ftricl {epje^ 
 ibid, were fbricHy either of hearts or birds, i. 31 5. 
 were an acknowledgment of recti vino; good 
 
 O DO 
 
 things from God, ibid, were a means of repent- 
 ance and humiliation for fin, ibid, they typified 
 the promifed facrince of atonement by the Son of 
 . , God, i. 315. the victim was fubftituted in the 
 room of the tranfgreffor, i. 316, &c. and God in 
 mercy took the victim as an expiation for the 
 offender, i. 317. what was offered in facrince was , 
 to be perfect in its kind, i. 323. diftmguifhed into 
 four kinds, ibid, the burnt-offerings were wholly 
 confumed, i. 323. fin-offerings the law about 
 them laid down in fcripture, i. 328. trefpafs-of- 
 fcrings greatly reiembled the fin-offerings, i. 332. 
 peace-offering.-, were one fort of facrifices, ?. 334. 
 public facrifices offered morning and evening, i. 
 
 338. a doubje-oirering every fabbath-day, i. 338. 
 extraordinary facrifices offered at tne public iealts, 
 ibid, were aifo offered for particular perfons, i. 
 
 339. diftinguifhed likewife into animal and ve- 
 getable, i. 339. meat-offerings and drink-offer- 
 ings offered^ i. 339, 340. the jews rarely re- 
 fufed to off~r their proper facrifices, i. 341. the 
 difficulty reconciled of being offered in other 
 places, beiides the national akar, ii. 91. 
 
 Sadducf.es, differed much from the Hharifees, i. 441, 
 442. the etymology of their name, i. 455. the 
 moil wicked of the Jews, i. 455, 457. their doc- 
 trines, i. 45^« deny the refurrection, i. 456. their 
 bad character by Jofephus, i. 457. what facred 
 books they admitted, i. 457. are laid to be the 
 richeft feci, i. 459. 
 
 Sagan, the high-pneit's deputy, i. 260. what aliedg- 
 ed for their divine inftitution, i. 264. 
 
 Sailing, formerly reckoned dangerous, after the au- 
 tumnal equinox, ii. 257. 
 
 Saluta- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Salutations, why Elifha forbid Gehazi to give a 
 falutation, ii. 131. why our Lord laid to his dif- 
 cipies " falute no man," ii. 132. 
 
 Samaritans, what they were originally, i. 460. 
 their religion, i. 460. the mutual animofity be- 
 tween them and the Jews, i. 461. 
 
 Sanhedrim, arguments alledged for its antiquity, 
 i. 39, 40. but probably only in the time of the 
 Maccabees, i. 41, 42. what methods they ufed 
 to find the time of the new moon, ii. 247. 
 
 Scaliger, his opinion of the facred books being 
 wrote in the famaritan character, ii. 336. his fe- 
 vere names to writers of a different opinion, 
 ibid. 
 
 Schools, of the prophets, and fons of the prophets, 
 i. 384, &c. fchools and academies among the 
 Jews, ii. 66. the pupils fat at their tutors feet, 
 ibid, thefe fchools different from the fynagogues, 
 ii. 67. 
 
 Scribes, two forts of them, i. 389. what the office 
 of the civil fcribes, i. 389, &c. what of the ec- 
 clefiadical fcribes, i. 392, &c. they were tte 
 preaching clergy among the Jews, i. 394. the 
 difference between their teaching and that of 
 Chrift, i. 395, 396. what meant by the phrafe, 
 " fcribes and pharifees," i. 398. were of great 
 power and authority in the ftate, i. 399. the ori- 
 gin of their office, ibid. 
 
 Septuagint, fome fay that the hebrew copies thefe 
 ancient interpreters ufed, had no points, ii. 368. 
 
 Shechinah or miraculous light, a token of the fpe- 
 cial prefence of God, ii. 29. 
 
 Shiites. and Sonnites, fectaries among the mahome- 
 tans, i. 436. 
 
 Shiloh, in Jacob's prophefy, explained, i. 78. 
 
 Shophetim and Shoterim, the diftinclion between 
 , them, i. 288. 
 
 Shuckfor.d, his opinion about Cain's mark, i. 8. his 
 hypothefis about the confufion of languages, ii. 
 328. 
 
 Simeon and Levi, a curfe denounced on them, i. 16. 
 
 Simeon, whether good old Simeon was preiident of 
 the fanhedrim, i. 408. 
 
 ■ Vol. II. F f Sin- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Sin-offerings, laws and rites about them, i. 32$. 
 on what occafions offered, ibid. 
 
 Solomon, whether guilty of idolatry, i. 55. 
 
 Sortes Homericje and " fortes Virgilianae", a fort 
 of divination, ii. 381. 
 
 Sortes sanctorum, formerly ufed, but afterwards 
 condemned, i. 382, 383. 
 
 Sprinkling of blood and oil upon the high-prieft's 
 garments, explained, i. 225. 
 
 Strangers " of the gate" among the Ifraelites, i. 143. 
 fhould not blafpheme God, and fhould keep the 
 fabbath, i. 144. thoufands of flrangers in Solo- 
 mon's time, i. 146. 
 
 SuBDEAeoNs of the church of Rome, imitating the 
 Nethenim, i. 304. 
 
 Suburbs of the cities of the Levites, the extent of 
 them, i. 289. 
 
 Sun, worfhip of it, fuppofed to be fet up by Cain) 
 
 Sykes, his efTay on facrifices confidered, i. 305, &c. 
 makes all facrifices to be federal rites, i. 315. his 
 arguments againft vicarious expiation confuted, 
 i. 317, &c. 
 
 Synagogues, ufed in two fenfcs, ii. 46. denoted 
 commonly places of public worfhip, ibid, a great 
 number of them faid to be in Jerufalem, ii. 47, 
 queftioned whether there were any before the ba- 
 bylonifh captivity, ii. 47, 48. in what manner 
 the people met after their fettlement in the land 
 of Canaan, ii. 49. what was the fynagogue of the 
 libertines, ii. 50, &c. queried how Chriff. and his 
 apoftles " taught" in the fynagogues, ii. 54. what 
 meant by " a ruler" of the fynagogue, ii. 54, 55. 
 and by " the officer" who prayed, ii. 55. the wor- 
 fhip in them was by reading the fcriptures, prayer, 
 and preaching, ii. 56, &c. the law divided into 
 fifty-four fections, ii. 56. the fynagogues ufed alio 
 for holding courts of juftice, ii. 64. that paffage 
 of fcripture of coming into the alTembly or fyna- 
 gogue in goodly apparel confidered, ii. 64, &c. 
 
 Taber. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Tabernacle, the divine prefence manifested there, 
 i. 21. minutely defcribed by Mofes, ii. 3. three 
 tabernacles before Solomon's temple, ii. 3, 4. 
 that made by Mofes, according to God's com- 
 mand, confidered, ii. 4, 5. the heathens had ta- 
 bernacles, ii. 5. a moveable fabric, ii. 7. an ex- 
 peniive building, ii. 8, 9. the particular model of 
 the tabernacle, ii. 11, — 14. the covering of it, 
 ii. 13. the infide of it, ii. 14. the court, ii. 15, 
 16. the altar of burnt-offering, ii. 17. the fire to 
 be kept conftantly burning, ii. 19. the brafen la- 
 ver, ibid, the altar of incenfe, ii. 21. the golden 
 candleftick and table of fhew-bread, ii. 22. the 
 holy of holies, and the ark, ii. 23. the form of 
 the mercy-feat and cherubim, ibid, the tabernacle 
 and its furniture typical of fpiritual bleflings, ii. 
 
 31- 
 
 Tabernacles, feaft of, the third great feftival of the 
 
 Jews, ii. 227. why fo called, ibid, called alfo 
 " the feaft of in-gathering," ibid, that properly 
 different from " the feaft of tabernacles," ii. 228, 
 229. during this feaft they were to dwell in tents 
 and booths made of branches of trees, ibid, the 
 practice of the Jews as to thofe branches, ii. 230, 
 
 231. the firft and laft day kept as fabbaths, ii. 
 
 232, 233. an extraordinary ceremony about draw- 
 ing water out of the pool of Siloam, ii. 234. va- 
 rious reafons why celebrated at this time of the 
 year, ii. 236, Sec. had a typical reference to the 
 incarnation and birth of our Saviour, ii. 239. 
 
 Talmudists, their account of the inscription on the 
 high-prieft's breaft-plate, i. 230. 
 
 Taxes, jewifh, occahonal and ftated, i. 83, &c. va- 
 rious forts levied by the Romans, i. 193. 
 
 Temple at Jerufalem more magnificent than the ta- 
 bernacle, ii. 31. one built by Solomon, and ano- 
 ther by Zerubbabel, ibid, wherein the glory of 
 the latter was greater than the former, ii. 32, 
 37. ftood on Mount Zion, ibid, its expence pro- 
 digious, ii. ^. built in the fame form with the 
 F f 2 tabernacle, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 tabernacle, ii. 31, 34. the firft temple deftroyed 
 by the king of Babylon, ii. 35. the time of its 
 landing, i^id. the fecond temple built by Zerub- 
 babel, ii. 35. much inferior to the firft, ii. 36. 
 the fecond temple wanted five remarkable things 
 ii. 37. profaned by Antiochus, and again purified 
 by Judas Maccabeus, ii. 27, 28. the temple re- 
 built by Herod, ii. 38. its great circumference, 
 ii. 40. the firft. court thereof that of the Gen- 
 tiles, ibid, then the court of the Israelites, ii. 
 41, 42. excommunicated perfons not excluded 
 from the temple, ii. 84. 
 Temple-music, when firft introduced, i. 276. what 
 
 inftruments ufed, i. 280, Sec. 
 Therapeutic, who they were, i. 469. 
 Theocracy among the Ifraelites, i. 20. inftances of 
 God's being their king, i. 22, &c. was to be 
 conlulted from time to time, i. 25. 
 Tithes, the Levites fubfiftence chiefly from them, i. 
 296, 297. why they were thus fupported, i. 300. 
 why that proportion, of a tenth, rather than any- 
 other was appointed, i. 301. 
 Trespass-offerings refembled fin-offerings, i. 332. 
 the difference, i. 332. the opinions of learned 
 men about this, i. 332, &c. 
 Trumpets, blown when the year of Jubile was pro- 
 claimed, i. 277, 278. were founded by the priefts, 
 i. 286. 
 Trumpets and new moons, that feaft kept on the 
 firft day of every month, ii. 243. the facrifices 
 prefcribed on this occafion, ii. 243, 244. new 
 moons and fabbaths, days of public worfhip, ii. 
 246. the uncertainty of fixing the new moon, 
 ii. 248. the manner wherein it is kept bv the 
 modern Jews, ii. 248. why facrifices were offered 
 at this feafon, ibid, the fin-offering then offered, 
 and remarks upon the defign of it, ii. 249. the 
 new moon in the month Tilri obferved with fo- 
 lemnity, ii. 250. the trumpets blown from morn- 
 ing to evening, ibid, the learned divided about 
 the reafon of this feftiva), ii. 251. the defigri of 
 blowing the trumpets, ii. 253. what the founding 
 of the trumpet is a memorial of, ii. 254. what 
 
 notion 
 
I N D E X. 
 
 notion the modem Jews have about this day, 
 ibid. 
 Fyrannus, who he was, and the etymology of the 
 name, ii. 68. 
 
 U. 
 
 Unleavened bread, feafr. of, followed the pafs-over, 
 and was kept (even days, ii. 209. the pafs-over 
 dittinct from this feaft, but the name of either 
 ufed for both, ii. 210. during this feaft no leaven- 
 ed bread to be eaten, or to be in their- houfes, 
 ii. 211. the penalty for eating leavened bread, ii. 
 212. the firft and laft days to be kept holy as fab- 
 baths, ii. 213. an offering of a flieaf of the rlrff.- 
 fruits to be made, ii. 214. the moral and typical 
 s • iignification of this offering, ii. 215, 216. 
 
 Urim and Thummim, various opinions about them, 
 i. 234. the fignification of thefe words, i. 237. 
 
 Vessels, for keeping the oil ufed for anointing the 
 kings, of two forts, i. 178. 
 
 Vestal virgins, fome of their cuftoms borrowed from 
 the jewifh Levites, i. 274. 
 
 Vestments, facerdotal, peculiar to the high-pneff, 
 ii. 220. provided at the expenee of the people, i. 
 240. their moral and typical fignification, i. 245, 
 . '246. 
 
 Viri ftationarii, what the jewifh doctors fay of them, 
 i. 302. 
 
 Visions, one of the ways of divine revelation to the 
 prophets, i. 357, Sec. the criteria whereby their 
 revelations were known to corne from God, . 
 359, Sec. whether feveral fymbohcal actions of 
 the prophets are an hifiory of real facts, or only 
 vjfions, i. 364, Sec. 
 
 W. 
 
 Washing, Chrift warning his difciples feet an extra- 
 ordinary cafe, ii. 133. defigned to inllruct them 
 in humility and benevolence, ii. 134. 
 
 Watches, the night divided by the Hebrews into 
 four of them, ii. 103. 
 
 Waving 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Waving the facrifice, of two kinds, 291. 
 
 Weeks, jewifh, of two forts, ii. 111. the one ordi- 
 nary, the other extraordinary, ibid, the ordinary 
 made by God himfelf from the beginning, ibid, 
 hence the feventh day has been held facred, ibid, 
 a paflage in Genefis confidered in relation to 
 weeks, ibid, time divided by Noah and Laban by 
 fevens, ii. 113. the extraordinary or prophetical 
 weeks, ii. 113. the amount of the prophetical 
 weeks of Daniel, ii. 114. 
 
 Wise-men, to whom this appellation was given, i. 
 
 3 8 7- 
 Woman, what ottering to bring after child-bearing, 
 
 i. 325. 
 Women-singers admitted into the temple-choir, i. 
 
 275, 276. 
 World, fome conclude it will laft fix thoufand years, 
 
 ii. 293. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Year, jewifh, partly lunar, partly folar, ii. 117. the 
 manner of reducing their lunar years to the folar, 
 ii. 118. the diftinction of the civil and facred 
 year, ii. 118. when each of them began, ii. 118, 
 &c. what computations of time they ufed, ii. 122. 
 a new beginning of the year appointed by God 
 •at the Ifraelites coming out of Egypt, ibid. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zadoc and Abiathar, partners in the priefthood in 
 
 David's reign, i. 199, 200. 
 Zechariah, four fafts mentioned by that prophet, 
 
 i. 312. thefe not appointed by the law of Mofes, 
 
 ibid. 
 Zerue-sabel, chofen governor of Judah, i. 67. 
 
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